m
i
THE
CELTIC MAGAZINE
Jl Jflt
DEVOTED TO THE
LITERATURE, HISTORY, ANTIQUITIES,
FOLK LORE, TRADITIONS,
AND THE
SOCIAL AND MATERIAL INTERESTS OF THE CELT
AT HOME AND ABROAD.
CONDUCTED BY
ALEXANDER MACKENZIE, F.S.A, SCOT,,
Author of " The History and Genealogies of the Clan Mackenzie" ; " The History of
the Macdonalds and Lords of the Isles"; " The History of the Camcrons" ; " The
History of the Mathesons" ; <( The Prophecies of the Brahan Seer" ; " The
Historical Tales and Legends of the Highlands"; " The History of the
Highland Clearances" ; " The Social State of the Isle of Skye in
1882-83"; &c.t &c.
VOL. X,
INVERNESS : A. & W. MACKENZIE, 474 HIGH STREET.
1885.
All Rights Reserved,
INVERNESS : PRINTED AT THE COURIER OFFICE.
DA
750
10
v.
LIBRARY
728817
UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO
CONTENTS.
PAGE
The Lovat Peerage Case.— The Editor ... ... ... ... ... 1 and 468
The Author of "Literary Notes " on the Celtic Magazine ...
The Siege of the Bass. — M. A. Rose ... ... ... ... ... 10
Sutherland Fights.— By D. Macleod, M.A.— I. Tuiteam Tarbhach ...
II. Druim-na-coub ... ... 15
III. Fiscary (1196) 122
„ IV. Leathad Riabhach (1601) ... 123
A Lost Gaelic Dictionary ... ... ... ... ... ... 16 and 56
Ireland and the Irish Land Act, from a Highland Point of View.— By A.M. ... 17 and 57
Highland Soldiers in France.— By E.S.M. ... ... ... ... 28
Queen Mary's Visit to Inverness.— H.R.M. ... ... ... ... 36
Badges of the Highland Clans ...
Eraser-Mackintosh, M.P., and the Duke of Argyll ... ... ... 42
The Munros of Milntown.— By Alexander Ross ... ... 49, 103, 151, and 230
The Rev. Father Alexander Cameron, son of Lochiel ... ... .. 65
The History of the Camerous, Literary Notes, by the Rev. W. H. Wyllie ... 66
Major John Macdonald— His Autobiography.— M. A. Rose 67, 113, 173, and 219
The Battle of Bannockburn.— By John Mackintosh ... ... ... 79
The Expedition of Police to the Isle of Skye ... ... ... ... 81
Sir W. Vernon Harcourt, M.P. on the State of the Highlands and Islands ... 93
Old Inverness.— By Hector Rose Mackenzie ... ... ... 125, 158, and 209
The Glasgow Skye Association ... ... ... ... ... ... 133
Mr Fraser-Mackintosh, M.P., on Stocking New and Enlarged Crofts ... 134
Speech by the Rev. Angus Maciver ... ... ... ... ... 138
" Punch " on Highland Land Law Reform .. ... ... ... 141
The Marquis of Lome and the Land Agitation in the Highlands ... ... 142
St Kilda, or Hirta.— By Alexander Ross, F.G.S. ... ... ... ... 147
The Homology of Economic Justice— A Review ... ... ... ... 182
Meeting of Highland Proprietors at Inverness ... ... ... ... 191
The Gaelic Society of Inverness— Annual Dinner— Speeches by Lochiel, M.P.,
Sir Kenneth Mackenaie, and others ... ... ... ... 192
Terrorism in Skye— Sheriff Ivory's Latest Folly ... ... ... ... 203
Death of Cluny Macpherson, C.B. ... ... ... ... ... 208
Landlord Resolutions at Inverness. — A.M. ... ... ... ... 228
" Nether-Lochaber," LL.D. ... ... ... ... ... ... 229
Death of Mr John A. Cameron, War Correspondent ... ... ... 238
The Estate and People of Kilmuir.— By the Rev. Jas. M. Davidson ... 240
From Illinois to the Pacific Coast ; Reminiscences by an American Highlander 243
A Scottish-American Bill of Fare ... ... ... ... ... 246
Croft v. Large Farm Rents ia Sutherlandshire. — By John Mackay, C.E. ... 247
"The Crofters' Gathei ing" ... ... ... ... ... ... 248
Death of John F. Campbell of Islay ... ... ... ... ... 249
Death of Mr Walter Carruthers of the Inverness Courier ... ... 250
Death of General Grant's Uncle ... ... ... ... ... 250
The Future of the Gaelic Language.— By John Macarthur ... 251 and 299
Early History and Inhabitants of Scotland. --By Provost Macandrew 257 and 306
Ancient Alliance between Scotland and France.— M. A. Rose ... 265, 330, and 355
Land Courts and Highland Sheriffs ... ... ... ... ... 273
The Trial of the Lewis Crofters ... ... ... ... ... .'.'. 275
Major Stewart of Tigh'n-duin on Crofters and Sheriffs ... ... ... 278
The Munros of Pittonachy. — By Alexander Ross ... ... ... 279
Lord Napier and the Duke of Argyll ... ... ... ... .")] 287
The Scottish Highlanders and the Land Laws — A Review ... ... ... 294
Capabilities of Small Tenants in the Highlands ... ... ... 305
Educational Power of Gaelic Poetry.— By Mary Mackellar ... 313
Macdonald of Skaebost on the Landlord Conference at Inverness 320
The Other Side.— By A.M 324
Sheriff Ivory's Mountain and his Mice— Trial of the Men of Glendale and Valtos 326
The Frasers of Fairfield, Inverness.— C. Fraser-Mackintosh, M.P.
" The Celtic Garland " ... ... .. ... ... 340
The Land Reform Movement in Skye. — Rev. James M. Davidson ... 341
Some Unpublished Letters of Simon Lord Lovat— 1739-1743.— By C Fraser-
Mackintosh, M.P. ... ... ... ... ... 347
Fassiefern's Foster-Brother and the Frenchman ... . ' 354
King Robert Bruce : his Footprints in the Highland?.— By Coire'n-t'-sith ... 361
iv. Contents.
PAGK
American Sympathy for the Highland Crofters ... ... ... ... 371
Wire Fencing in the Highlands.— W. J. Smith ... ... ... ... 372
John Mackay, C.E., Hereford ... ... ... ... ... ... 375
A Minister of the Old School Enforcing the Argument
An Inverness Templar of Forty Years Ago
The Crofters' Holdings (Scotland) Bill.— A.M. ... ... .... 381 and 399
Ciiaracteristio Anecdotes of the Highlanders.— Hector Rose Mackenzie 388, 427, and 481
Native Vitality of Crofter Youth
Macintyre's Gaelic Dictionary ...
'* Hunter's Illustrated Guide to Perthshire " — A Review ... ... ... 406
" A Candid and Impartial Account of the Behaviour of Simon Lord Lovat " 407 and 461
The Adventures of Donald Macleod, the Skye Centenarian. — M. A. Rose 418 and 447
A Long Island Witoh.— By Mac Iain ... ... ... ... ... 433
The Scottish Land League of America ... ... ... ... ... 435
The Inverness Burgh Guard in the 17th Century ... ... .. ... 440
Highland Judges and the Gaelic Language
A Birthday B >ok ; in Gaelic and English— A Review ... ... ... 445
" Mock Legislation for the Crofters" ... ... ... ... ... 446
Inscriptions in Rodel Churchyard ... ... ... ... ... 471
Annual Assembly of the Gaelic Society of Inverness— Full Report ... ... 472
Inverness before Railways— A Review ... ... ... ... ... 489
Highland Honours ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 494
How some Highland Students go to College
The Munros of Culcairn.— By Alex. Ross ... ... ... 495 and 559
Highland Superstition ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 506
Highland Fabrics and Dress. — By the late John M. Macpherson, Stornoway 507
Some Notes in Gaelic Bibliography — The so-called Waldensian Version of the
Lord's Prayer.— By the Rev. Donald Masson, M.A., M.D. ... ... 512
The Conflicts of the Clans ... ... ... ... ... 525 and 567
Sir Charles A. Cameron, F.R.C.S.I.— A.M. ... ... ... ... 529
Secondary E lucation for the Highlands. — John Macarthur ... ... 531
Narrow Escape of Lord Saltoun ... ... ... ... ... 539
Town Treasurer of Stirling — Primitive Book keeping ... ... ... 542
B>ot- Hill of Scone — Curious Custom ... ... ... ... ... 542
Logierait — Marriage Customs in the Olden Times ... ... ... ... 542
Unpublished Letter of Simon Lord Lovat with Notes — Rev. A. Sinclair, M. A. 544
Donald Macleod, Author of "Gloomy Memories of the Highlands." — D. M. 554
Walter Scott on Highland Evictions " ... ... ... ... ... 556
The Cummings of Acbadalew — By Mary Mackellar ... ... ... 575
Completion of our Tenth Volume ... ... ... ... ... 577
'Twixt Ben-Nevis and Glencoe — A Review ... ... ... ... 578
Books Printed in the Irish Character and Language — T. B. R. ... ... 584
Provost Macandrew on Old Inverness ... ... ... ... ... 587
POETRY.
There's nae Luck about the House — A Translation into Gaelic. —By the late
Rev. Dr Macintyre of Kilmonivaig ... ... ... ... 77
Tolquhon.— By Wra. Allan ... ... ... ... ... ... 167
Oran— Air Ealasaid Chaimbeul.—Le Mairi Nic Eclair ... ... ... 218
The Canadian Highlander.— By Chas. Mackay, LL.D.
A Birthday Greeting. — Duncan Macgregor Crerar
Oran do na Caoirich Mhora. — Le Donnachadh Siosal
Oran.— Le Mairi Nic Ealair ... ... ... ... ... ... 359
Mor, Nighean A' Ghiobarlain ... ... ... ... ... ... 377
Tuireadh air Cluainidh Mac a-phearsoin. — Le Mairi, Nighean Iain Bhain .. 417
The Old Owl of the Sron, translated by Professor Blackie ... ... ... 519
Curaha do Ruairidh, Fear Farbrainn ... ... ... ... ... 540
Glengarry— By William Allan ...
The Queen among the Cows — By Mary Mackellar ... ... ... ... 557
CORRESPONDENCE.
Locheil on the Loch-Arkaig Clearances ... ... ... ... ... 40
The Military Expedition to tbe Isle of Skye— To Sir W. V. Harcourt, M.P.,
by Alex. Mackenzie ... ... ... ... ... ... 82
Gaelic Dictionaries.— Thos. Stratton, M.D. ... ... ... ... 112
Two Strathglass Priests.— Colin Chisholm ... ... ... ... ' 146
The Origin of Certain Clan Names. — B.H.D. ... ... ... ... 180
Our Gaelic Bible.— K. Corbett ... ... ... ... ... 239
Lord Napier and the Duke of Argyll. — Camus-Mor ... ... ... 328
General Stewart's " Sketches of the Highlanders. "-Alex. Mackay ... ... 426
THE
CELTIC MAGAZINE.
CONDUCTED BY
ALEXANDER MACKENZIE, F.S.A., Scot.
No. CIX. NOVEMBER 1884. VOL. X.
THE LOVAT PEERAGE CASE.
By the EDITOR.
THIS case is now in a fair way of being launched in the Law
Courts. It promises to be very curious and interesting. Recently
a commission, granted by the Court of Session, on the motion of
the Claimant, has been taking evidence in Inverness and Beauly
from persons over seventy years of age, and, as we write, a similar
commission is doing the same thing in Wales. The London
Times, in a recent article, called forth by these facts, says that
" of all those who have sought to prove their right to a title none
presents a more wonderful story than the Claimant to the Lovat
peerage and estates. Most contests as to peerages are plain prose
compared with the singular romance which he unfolds." Having
broadly stated the claims and contentions of the Claimant, the
article proceeds — " Many strange consequences would follow from
this narrative if true. One would be that the only Lord Lovat
known to history — the master intriguer, the Mr Facing Bothways,
who out-manoeuvred himself at last, and lost his head on Tower
Hill in 1747 — was not Lord Lovat, but an impostor, and that the
rightful bearer of the title was then an obscure Welsh miner.
The Crown restored the estates to the son of the attainted rebel.
After his death there were various vicissitudes connected with the
devoltttion of the estates and the title ; and in 1854 the attainder
of the famous Simon, Lord Lovat, was removed by an Act of
Parliament. The general result of the changes is, according to
2 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
the Claimant, that both the title and estates have been handed
over to a branch of the family more remotely connected with the
true stock than the present Claimant Such are the outlines of
the story which is being investigated at the instance of the Court
of Session at Amlwch. What element of truth there is in it,
what legal objections may stand in the way of a claim which has
its root in far distant events, or how far it is in conflict with the
decision of the Committee for Privileges as to the Lovat peerage
claim, need not be discussed. But the whole story is interesting
as an illustration of the fact that long possession is not a perfect
security against the title to a great name being called in question."
Such a claim, whatever may be the ultimate result — a claim in
which a historical Highland title, valuable estates, and varied
interests are involved, must prove interesting to every Highlander,
wherever located, and the case has now reached a point at
which — considering the general character of this periodical — so
largely historical and genealogical — we shall be expected to
present the reader with its general outlines, so far as we know
them, without, of course, at the present stage, indicating any
opinion on the merits.
It is unnecessary to go back into the earlier history of the
Lovat family ; for no differences of opinion or interest arise be-
tween the parties, so far as we can trace, until the end of the
seventeenth century, though the present claim to the estates rests
on a Crown charter, granted to Hugh, fifth Lord Lovat, and his
heirs male, dated the 26th of March 1539.
The estates appear, however, to have been held by the
Frasers at least as early as 1416, when they are found in
possession of Hugh, first Lord Lovat, who was succeeded by four
Lords Hugh, in succession, the last of whom obtained charters
of confirmation from several superiors from whom he held
portions of his estates, and then, according to a prevalent custom
of the time, resigned the whole in favour of James V., on the 26th
of March 1539, receiving from the King, immediately afterwards,
the charter dated in that year, and already mentioned, by which
all the land and baronies resigned were united into a free barony,
to be thereafter called the Barony of Lovat. The destination is
" to our cousin Hugh, Lord Lovat, and the heirs male of his
body lawfully begotten or to be begotten, whom failing, to his
THE LOVAT PEERAGE CASE. 3
lawful and nearest heirs male whatsoever, bearing the arms, sur-
name, and crest of Eraser ; whom failing to his heirs whomso-
ever, in fee and heritage, and free barony for ever." Those
acquainted with the history of this family of the Erasers are aware
that on the death of Hugh, eleventh Lord Lovat, without surviv-
ing male issue, in 1696, his eldest daughter, Amelia, who had
married Alexander Mackenzie of Prestonhall, secured a decision
of the Court of Session in her favour, in the absence of any
appearance on behalf of the male heirs, whereupon she assumed
the title of Lovat. This decision was afterwards reversed in
favour of Simon Eraser of Lovat, on the 3Oth of July 1730, as
heir male, in terms of the charter of 1539. Both the Claimant
and the present possessor are agreed that the succession is to male
heirs, otherwise both would have been long ago excluded, and the
estates and titles would in 1696 have finally gone to the descend-
ants of Amelia Eraser, wife of Alexander Mackenzie of Prestonhall.
The next question which arises is, Who was the legitimate
male heir of Hugh, eleventh Lord Lovat ? Here, again, both
parties are agreed. Hugh, the ninth Lord, had issue, nine sons,
(i), Simon, who predeceased his father, at the age of nineteen,
without issue; (2), Hugh, who succeeded as tenth Baron and whose
male issue terminated in Hugh, the eleventh Lord Lovat ; (3),
THOMAS, who, born in 1631, and died in 1697-8, married Sybilla,
daughter of Macleod of Macleod, with issue, according to the
family history — six sons and several daughters. The issue of the
ninth Lord, other than the three here named, are admitted on all
hands to have died young. The third son, Thomas, in 1696, suc-
ceeded to the title and estates, on the death of his grand-nephew,
the eleventh Lord. His right to have so succeeded is fully admitted
by both the Claimant and the present possessor, and the question
in dispute arises in connection with his issue by Sybilla Macleod
of Macleod. He died in 1698, having been in possession only two
years. According to Anderson's History of the family of Lovat,
he had the following issue : —
1, Alexander [the alleged ancestor of the present Claimant]
2, Simon^ beheaded on Tower Hill in 1747.
3, Hugh ; (4), John ; (5), Thomas ; and (6), James ; all of
whom died unmarried ; (7), Isabel ; (8), Sybilla ; and six others,
who died in infancy.
4 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
The same writer, on the authority of Lovat s Memoirs,
written by Simon himself, says that " in consequence of his
father's accession to the honours of his race, Simon, the eldest
surviving son, by the decease of his brother Alexander, who died
in the 25th year of his age, took upon him the style of Master of
Lovat " during his father's lifetime. On the death of the latter,
"Alexander, eldest son of Thomas of Beaufort, had he been
alive," the same authority informs us, " would now become the
representative of the family. He predeceased his father," he con-
tinues, "some time before the year 1692. He seems to have
been a young man of a daring spirit. When Viscount Dundee
raised the standard for King James, in 1689, he was one of the
first to join him. A dispute having arisen at a funeral at Beauly,
near Inverness, he killed a man, and, dreading the effects of his
passion, fled to Wales, where he died without issue." The
authority quoted by Mr Anderson for all this is Simon, Lord
Lovat himself, who, he informs us, "speaks of but his elder
brother, Alexander, and his younger brother, John," which, he
continues, " may be attributed to the early deaths of the remain-
der." There seems to be no doubt at all that Thomas of Beaufort
had a son Alexander, and that he was the eldest son. If, as has
always been maintained by the present family and the descend-
ants of Simon of the 'Forty-five, he died before his father, without
male issue, there is an end of the contention of the present claim-
ant, who does not dispute, we believe, the legitimate succes-
sion of Simon's two sons who ruled in succession at Beaufort
Castle until his male heirs became extinct, on the death of his
third son, Colonel Archibald Campbell Eraser of Lovat (who
survived all the male issue of his marriage), in 1815. When
Thomas Alexander Eraser of Strichen, father of the present Lord,
succeeded to the Lovat estates, as the eldest son of Alexander of
Strichen, he having been served heir of provision and tailzie to
Colonel Archibald Campbell Eraser, on the 22nd of March 1816;
and he was served and retoured as heir male of Hugh, fifth Lord
>vat, on the 3rd of November 1823, and, at the same time, heir
lc of Thomas Eraser of Beaufort. He was afterwards, in 1 837,
Lord Lovat, in the peerage of the United Kingdom, and,
m 1857, the old Scottish title was restored to him by Act of
Parliament, dated the loth of July, in that year.
THE LOVAT PEERAGE CASE. 5
The legitimate male descent of the present Lord from Thomas
Fraser of Knockie and Strichen, second son of Hugh, sixth Lord
Lovat, and brother of Hugh, seventh Lord, is not, we believe,
disputed by the Claimant, whose whole contention rests on his own
claim of legitimate male descent from Alexander, eldest son of,
T-U-nas of Beaufort, and elder brother of Simon, Lord Lovat
of the 'Forty-five. If this claim can be established, it will, it is
maintained on high legal authority, exclude the right of succes-
sion of Simon and his descendants altogether, as well as that of
the present family, apart from the deed of entail executed by
Colonel Archibald Fraser ; for they are admittedly descended
from a more remote progenitor than either the Claimant's alleged
ancestor or that of Lord Simon.
There are, however, questions of law and of prescription in-
volved, in connection with that deed of entail which it may be
difficult or, perhaps, impossible to get over, even if the present
Claimant, JOHN FRASER, MOUNT PLEASANT, CARNARVON, could
establish, to the entire satisfaction of the House of Lords, his
descent from Alexander, eldest son of Thomas Fraser of Beaufort,
Lord of Lovat, and who fled to Wales about 1692, which he claims.
The traditional account of this escapade, as we have always
heard it repeated, is to the following effect: — Alexander
Fraser, younger of Lovat, turned up at a wedding in Beauly,
whether accidentally or not is not recorded. He was dressed in
the Highland garb, with, among others, the usual accompaniments
of dirk and sgian-dubh. As he entered the dancing apartment
the piper struck up the popular and well-known tune, "Tha Biodag
air MacThomais," when one of those present suggested to the
proud and hot-tempered youth, that this was done by the piper
as a personal insult to himself. The words of the tune, known
to every Gaelic-speaking Highlander, are as follows, and well
calculated to rouse the ire of the young gentleman, if, as he
thought, they were applied to him as the heir of^Mac Shimidh,
Lord of Lovat :—
Tha biodag air macTh6mais,
Tha biodag fhada, mhor, air,
Tha biodag air macTh6mais,
Ach 's math a dh' fhoghnadh sgian da.
Tha biodag anns' a chliobadaich,
Air mac a bhodaich leibidich,
Tha biodag anns' a chliobadaich
Air mac a bhodaich r6maich.
6 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Lines which may be rendered—
There's a dirk on son of T6mas,
Dirk long and big moreover,
There's a dirk on son of T6mas,
Though well a knife might serve him.
A dirk is dangling, glistening,
On son of old man pitiful,
A dirk hangs dangling, glistening,
On son of old carle hoary.
Alexander, son of Thomas of Beaufort, stung to the quick by
this supposed insult to himself and to his father, drew his dirk
and stuck it into the bag of the pipes, intending only, it is said,
to let go the wind, and stop the music ; but the bag offer-
ing no resistance, the dirk penetrated through it into the body of
the piper, whose dying groans, mixed with those of his pipes, died
together. Alexander, horrified at the fatal result of hisrashness,
fled the country, according to the Claimant, to a small village in
Wales, where he died in 1776, twenty-nine years after the execu-
tion of his brother, Simon, on Tower Hill. He arrived first in
Cardigan Bay, after which he made his way to Powys Castle, the
seat of the Earl of Powys, where he remained about six weeks,
when his lordship advised him to go to his lead mines, where
he would be underground, and completely safe from capture,
urging, at the same time, that if he were found under his Lord-
ship's protection, the lives of both would be endangered. Lord
Powys had, it is said, been Alexander's fellow-student at college,
and, like him, a supporter of the Stuarts, hence the friendship
which induced Alexander to make for Powys Castle. After
keeping in concealment for a long time, travelling from mine to
mine, in the counties of Brecon, Montgomery, Denbigh, Carnarvon,
and Anglesey, he married, in the sixty-third year of his age, as
after stated. The Claimant says that he is ready to prove, by
legal evidence, that this
ALEXANDER ERASER OF LOVAT fled to Wales, and there
married, in the Parish of Llandulas, County of Denbigh, on the
2nd of March 1738, Elizabeth Edwards, a native of that parish
with issue, four sons —
JOHN, Simon, William, and Alexander, and that the eldest
son, John, who died in 1828 at Cerigbleiddiau, in his eighty-
eighth year, married on the 3rd of October 1773, Mary Griffiths, in
the parish of Pennynydd, with surviving issue, three sons—
JOHN, Simon, and William, and that the eldest son, John,
THE LOVAT PEERAGE CASE. 7
who was baptized on the 6th of August 1780, married on the 4th
of August 1801, Ann Davies, in the Parish of Llanwenllwyfo,
and died in June 1857, leaving issue by his marriage, three sons —
JOHN, William, and David, and that the eldest son, John,
baptized in March 1803, married on the 4th of August 1824,
Elizabeth Williams, in the Parish of Llanwenllwyfo, and died in
August 1857, about two months after his father, leaving issue by
his marriage, four sons —
JOHN ERASER, the present Claimant, born on the i6th of
April 1825, William, Simon, and David.
It is contended, if this descent can be legally established, that
neither Simon of the 'Eorty-five nor any of his descendants had
ever, at any time, any legal right to the titles or to the estates,
andthat, although the latter were, in 1774, granted to General
Simon Eraser, eldest son of Lord Simon, by Act of Parliament,
a saving clause was inserted, which covers the interests of the
Claimant. This clause is in the following terms : — "Saving to all
and every person and persons, bodies politic and corporate, his,
her, and their heirs, successors, executors, and administrates,
(other than and except the King's Most Excellent Majesty, his
heirs and successors) all such estates, rights, titles, interests,
claims, and demands, of, into, and out of the lands, and premises
to be granted as aforesaid, as they, every, or any of them had
before the passing of the Act, or should or might have held or
enjoyed, in case this Act had never been made."
What effect this saving clause may now have it is impossible
to say, especially in view of the Act of restoration to Simon, Lord
Lovat, of the 'Forty-five, and of the prescription, in favour of his
descendants, which, in ordinary circumstances, would legally
follow thereon, as far as the Lovat estates are concerned. There
is also, as regards the lands of Abertarff, the possible prescription
following on the Deed of Entail by Colonel Archibald, in favour
of Thomas Alexander Eraser of Strichen, and his heirs, on the
1 5th of August 1808, though they have only succeeded a few
months ago, to be overcome. The destination in it is to
" the nearest legitimate male issue of my ancestor, Hugh, Lord
Eraser of Lovat, namely, Thomas Alexander Eraser of Strichen,
or his heirs male, whom failing to, and in favour of the per-
son who shall be then able to prove himself the chief of the
8 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Clan Eraser, by legitimate descent from Hugh, first Lord
Lovat and his heirs male; all and whole the following parts
and portions of the lands of AbertarfT," etc. This destination is
afterwards changed in favour of his grandson, the late Thomas
Frederick Eraser of Abertarff, " whom failing, to the persons
named as heirs and substitutes in the said deed of entail [first
quoted] and in the order therein mentioned." The late Abertarff
died this year [1884] without male issue, and the Court of
Session has already decided against the claim of Mr Eraser to
succeed the late proprietor in terms of the above destination. It
was previously held by the same Court that the late Abertarff
held the estates, conveyed to him by his grandfather, subject to
the limitations of an entail, and the Claimant has yet to prove his
right to succeed to any portion of the property in terms of this
entail, or at all, whatever he may succeed in doing in the House
of Lords, in which, we understand, his claim is to be presented
without delay.
His case, is in brief, (i) that he is the lawful heir of Alex-
ander, elder brother of Simon, who was attainted and beheaded
in 1747 ; (2) that, although Simon took up the estates, he did so
fraudulently in the full knowledge that his elder brother was
alive ; and (3) that the existing entail, under which the estates
are held, was made under essential error, induced by the belief
that the said Alexander died without issue, and that the family
named in the entail, and now in possession, are the representa-
tives of the ancient line of Lovat ; whereas in truth, he contends,
they are not so, he himself being the rightful representative of
the ancient line. He is advised that, if he establishes these pro-
positions, or the first two of them, he will succeed in his claim to
the estates ; and that if he proves the first proposition alone, he
will establish his right to the Peerage. Prescription may, if he
cannot prove fraud and essential error, bar his claim to the estates;
but no prescription can bar his way to the peerage, it being settled
law that a peerage is right of blood, and that jus sanguinus
nunquam prescribitur. He is also advised that if fraud is proved
the estates can be recovered as easily as the title can on his
proving the identity of the Alexander who fled to Wales with his
own ancestor, who, he says, he can prove to have been one and the
same person, and to have lived and died in Wales. The right to
THE LOVAT PEERAGE CASE. 9
the title on the part of the descendants of Alexander would not
be barred or excluded by the lapse of time or the assumption of
the title by Simon and his descendants lineal or collateral. In
the circumstances stated, the highest legal authority, one of whom
held the leading position successfully, in similar cases before
the House of Lords, declare that "the right of the present Claim-
ant to the title and all that belongs thereto is indisputable."
There are, however, a great many " ifs" in the way, and it remains
to be seen what the final outcome will be. Meanwhile the case
cannot fail to be interesting, not only to those most immediately
concerned, but also to a great many other Highlanders. We have
attempted to present it to the reader as clearly and as fairly as
possible. The various points in the case are not by any means
exhausted, and we shall probably return to it at a later stage.
THE REV. W. HOWIE WYLLIE, author of " Literary Notes" in the Glas-
gow Daily Mail, makes the following complimentary reference to our labours, in
the Greenock Telegraph. It is the more gratifying to us as we never had the
pleasure of making the personal acquaintance of the distinguished Literateur, who is
good enough to write in such flattering terms. He says : — " With this number of
the Celtic Magazine, its spirited founder and editor closes the ninth volume, and the
fact is specially worthy of note that no Celtic serial has ever lived so long as this one.
Not only is it spared to complete its ninth year ; it enters upon the tenth with the
brightest prospects and an ever-growing success. Mr Mackenzie well merits the dis-
tinction which the reading public among the Highlanders has thus conferred upon him.
He has wrought with the finest enthusiasm, and with a taste, skill, and literary dis-
crimination equal to the spirit of enlightened patriotism by which he has been animated.
From month to month through all the years that have elapsed since Mr Mackenzie
entered on his task, we have carefully noted his progress ; and there are few magazine
sets on the shelves of our library that we value more highly, or more frequently take
down for re-perusal than the sets of the Celtic Magazine We close
the number with a feeling of respect and gratitude, and with the hope that Mr Mac-
kenzie may be spared for many years to continue his excellent work on behalf of the
literature and social progress of the Highlands."
THE RHIND LECTURES IN ARCHAEOLOGY.— The subject chosen for
this year's course of Rhind Lectures in Archaeology is "Early Celtic Monumental
Inscriptions— the Ogham," and the lecturer is Sir Samuel Ferguson. The subject of
the lectures is alike important and interesting.
Mr Henry White (" Fionn "), Glasgow, is preparing for publication a new and
improved edition of his collection of Gaelic Readings, Songs and Recitations, the
"Celtic Garland," and a second part of the "Celtic Lyre," a collection of Gaelic
songs with music.
,0 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
THE SIEGE OF THE BASS.
SOME two miles from Edinburgh, in the midst of the stormy
waters of the Firth of Forth, is a small rocky island, called The
Bass, which can boast of having — during the Revolution of 1688—
held out the longest for the cause of the exiled King James II.,
of any town or fortress in Great Britain. At the commencement
of hostilities, there was a garrison of 50 men on the island, of
which Charles Maitland was governor. This gentleman held the
place against all assaults until 1690, when, his stock of ammuni-
tion being exhausted, and the provisions running short, he lost
heart and gave up the island to the Government of William III.,
who appointed Mr Fletcher of Saltoun governor. He, however,
did not long enjoy his new dignity, for four of the Jacobite
officers, who were left on the island, concerted together, got their
men to assist, and by a bold stroke took the Governor prisoner,
overpowered the soldiers, and regained possession of the island.
They then sent the Governor and the soldiers ashore to the
mainland.
This bold and successful exploit gave the greatest satisfaction
to all the Jacobites in the district, who took good care that the
little garrison should not want for either food or ammunition.
When James, in his retreat of St Germains, heard of it, he was so
pleased that he dispatched for the use of his faithful adherents a
French vessel loaded with provisions and stores, as well as two
boats, one of which was a large twelve-oared one. This latter
proved a most acceptable present, as it enabled the garrison to
fetch, under cover of night, the provisions which their friends on
shore provided for them. The Government, however, soon put a
stop to this traffic by sending some troops to guard the coast,
who, on the next occasion of the boat landing on the main-
land, attacked the crew, and took some of them prisoners, the
rest managing to escape with their boat.
Their communication with the land being thus cut off, they
had to cruise about in their large boat by night, intercepting and
seizing trading vessels ; and they became so adroit [at ;this kind
of irregular warfare that no little consternation was caused among
THE SIEGE OF THE BASS. 11
the merchants and shipowners. One of the ships thus captured
by these daring men was laden with salt, which cargo not being
of much use to them, they allowed the Edinburgh people to ran-
som at a good price. Another was a Dutch ship, which they
plundered and allowed to go on its way. They then seized a
large ship laden with wheat, which they attempted to land on the
Bass, but the wind proving contrary, the ship and their own boat
were driven ashore on the coast of Montrose, where they were
obliged, much against their will, to leave their prize and save
themselves by hiding their boat and dispersing over the country.
They soon, however, found an opportunity of meeting, and again
setting sail, and not wishing to return empty-handed, they steered
for the Island of May, where they helped themselves to several
sheep and as much coal as their boat could carry.
The boldness and dexterity exhibited by this small garrison
at length roused the Government to take more effectual measures.
Accordingly two frigates, one of sixty and the other of fifty guns,
were ordered to regularly besiege the island. For two days these
frigates fired away without doing any perceptible damage to the
little rock-bound fortress, secure in its great natural advantages,
while, on the other hand, the fire from the garrison proved most
destructive to them, several of the sailors being killed, and the
frigates so much damaged that they were obliged to give up the
attack.
Finding the island to be impregnable, the Government de-
termined to starve its occupants, so two ships of war were
stationed in the Firth to watch and prevent either egress or
ingress to the island. The inhabitants were thus reduced to
great straits, but still showed no signs of surrendering.
Their friends were constantly trying to send succour to them,
and at length a small privateer from Dunkirk, laden with rusk,
managed to run the blockade. The garrison was, however, so
reduced in numbers — many of them having been either taken
prisoners or killed during the various skirmishes — that they were
unable to hoist up the rusk from the vessel, and consequently had
to borrow ten sailors from the ship to help them. In the midst
of their work, and when only seven bags had been hoisted up,
one of the Government ships bore down on the privateer, who, to
prevent being taken, had to cut her cables and make off with all
THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
12
Q ICtlVlIiy LUC SdllV^lO *-»!! HIV-. *.->*«*»*«• ••• "-* J;j
1 • _ i_ x. ii „ ^.,^«. U n-,rt-nfv 4-t*r\ mr\rf* mniith<? tn fill.
in a
speed, leaving the sailors on the island. The garrison was
in a worse plight than ever, having ten more mouths to fill, and
only a very small addition to their store of provisions. The
Governor was therefore obliged to put each man on an allowance
of two ounces of rusk per day.
Just at this time a Jacobite gentleman of the name of
Trotter, who had been one of their best friends on the mainland,
was arrested, tried, and condemned to be hanged for aiding and
abetting them. On the day appointed for his execution, the
gibbet was erected either by accident or design at Castletown, in
view of his friends on The Bass. This so enraged them that
they determined to avenge his death if possible, so when the un-
fortunate gentleman was brought out to undergo the last penalty
of the law, amid the hootings of a large and antagonistic mob,
they suddenly fired a gun with such unerring aim that it fell right
in the midst of the crowd, killing some and wounding more.
This unlocked for attack so terrified the officials in charge of the
execution, that they hurriedly removed the prisoner and the
gibbet to a safe distance, and there the dread sentence was
carried out.
The brave little garrison was now reduced to such privations
that they determined to capitulate. Accordingly they hoisted a
flag of truce, which soon brought one of King William's officers
to the island, to whom they said they were willing to surrender
on their own terms. On learning this the Government appointed
two officers to go to The Bass, see what condition it was in, and
make the best terms they could with the garrison. These officers
were received with great state by the Governor of the small
fortress, who, anticipating some such an event, had, with great
forethought, preserved a few bottles of wine and brandy and some
fine biscuits. These refreshments were laid, with much ostentation,
before the visitors, who were assured by the Governor that the
garrison was well provided with food, and that he would only
submit on his own terms. He also caused his men to keep
marching about all the time the Government officers were on the
island, thus appearing, disappearing, and then showing themselves
again in the same places, while dummy figures, made up with
hats and cloaks hung on muskets, were placed at the windows.
The ruse succeeded ; the envoys were completely deceived as to
THE SIEGE OF THE BASS. 13
the resources of the place, and feeling satisfied that there was no
lack of men or stores, they determined, to avoid the trouble and
expense of keeping up the siege, to accede to the terms proposed
by the wily Governor, which were as follows : —
ist. That the garrison should come ashore with their swords
about them, and there should be a ship appointed by the Govern-
ment, with fresh provisions, to transport such of them as were
willing to go to Dunkirk, or Havre de Grace ; and that in a
month after the surrender, those who pleased to stay at home
might live without disturbance.
2nd. That all they had taken, or what belonged to them
after they had surprised the place, they should be allowed to dis-
pose of to the best advantage, together with their boats, and all
things pertaining to any of them.
3rd. That such of them as should incline to go abroad, might
stay in Edinburgh until the ship was ready, without molestation,
and have so much a day according to their several stations.
4th. That all who had belonged to the garrison, or had aided
or assisted it, should have the benefit of the capitulation ; and
those who were dispersed over the kingdom, should have a time to
come in ; and those who were condemned in prison, or otherwise
distressed, should be set at liberty the same day the garrison
should come ashore, without any fees or other charges whatso-
ever.
By this last clause, four of the garrison who had been taken
prisoners, and lay in prison in Edinburgh under sentence of death,
viz., Captain Alexander Hallyburton, Captain William Eraser, Mr
William Witham, and Mr William Nicolson, were set at liberty
and joined the rest of their comrades ; but what became of them
afterwards, whether they emigrated to France to share the for-
tunes of the exiled Prince they had so faithfully served, or whether
they accepted the inevitable, and settled down in peace under the
new Government, history does not say.
M. A. ROSE.
MR FRASER-MACKINTOSH AND THE DUKE OF ARGYLL.— The
important address delivered by Mr Fraser-Mackintosh to his constituents, at Inverness,
last month, and from which we quote elsewhere, has been published in pamphlet form,
with Gaelic translation. Price 2d. , by post 24d. , from the office of the Celtic Magazine.
14 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
SUTHERLAND FIGHTS.
I. TUITEAM TARBHACH.
THE " terrable conflict of Tuttim Tarwigh was foughten by the
inhabitants of Southerland and Strathnaver, against Malcolm
Macloyd, of the Lewes." It seems that Angus Mackay, of " Far
in Strathnaver" — brother-in-law of Macleod, of Lewis — had died,
leaving his wife and two sons, as well as his property of Strath-
naver, under the protection of his brother Huistean Dhu Mackay.
Shortly after Angus Mackay's death, Malcolm Macleod came
across with a select band of his retainers on a visit to his sister,
whom he understood to be ill-treated by her new protector.
While returning home in rather a fierce humour, he ravaged part
of the Strath and carried away a considerable quantity of spoil.
Huistean Dhu Mackay and his brother Neil, along with Alexander
ne-Shrem-Gorm (alias Alexander Murray of Cubin), who had
been sent to their assistance by Earl Robert of Sutherland,
followed Macleod " with all speid and overtook him at Tuttim
Tarwigh upon the merches between Rosse and Southerland."
" The feight was long, furious, cruell, and doubtfull ; great
valour was shewn on either syd, rather desperate than resolute.
At last, violent valour, weill followed with the braive and resolute
courage of the inhabitants of Southerland and Strathnaver,
wrought such effect that they recovered the goods and cattell,
killed all their enemies, together with their commander, Malcolm
Macloyd, who was called by a by-name, Gilcalm-Beg-M'Bowen.
Only one man of that pairtie escaped, being grivously wounded.
Bot how soone he had returned home into the Lewes and had
declared the wofull calamitie and destruction of his companions
he died presently ; preserved, as should seem, to report unto his
countrymen the event of that unfortunate battell. The place of
this conflict is yit unto this day called Tuttim Tarwigh, which
signifies a plentiful] fall or slaughter. After this victory Hou-
cheon Dow Macky and Neil Macky parted from Alexander
Murray, and everie one returned homeward, so many at least as
escaped out of the battell"
Sir Robert Gordon, family historian of the Earls of Suther-
SUTHERLAND FIGHTS. 15
land, from whose quaint record we have quoted, assigns no date,
but from other circumstances we may safely infer that the " ter-
rable conflict" was fought in one of the early years of the I5th
century.
II. DRUIM-NA-COUB.
ON the further shoulder of the long heather-clad ridge which lies
beyond Haco's loch, and just underneath the shadows of Ben
Laoghal's lofty peaks was fought the "cruell conflict of Druim-
na-coub in the yeir of God 1427, or as some doe write, 1429."
Burial mounds indicate the place of battle. The combatants
were mostly of the same clan. Kinsman fought against kinsman,
and that right bitterly. One man escaped from Tuiteam Tarbh-
ach, but none of the vanquished survived this field of death to
tell the tale of slaughter.
The quarrel originated in an unholy arrangement which Neil
and Morgan Mackay — sons of the Neil of Tuiteam Tarbhach —
had made with Angus Moray of Cubin — son of Alexander ne-
Shrem-Gorm. It happened that Thomas, the brother of Neil
and Morgan, had been outlawed for burning the chapel of St
Duffus at Tain, and his confiscated lands were offered by King
James to any that should either slay or capture him. Angus
Moray eagerly grasped the opportunity, and secured the assist-
ance of the two brothers by offering to them his daughters in
marriage, and promising .his co-operation in gaining for them
their cousin's property of Strathnaver, to which they pretended
a title. Thomas, being apprehended, was delivered to the King,
and executed at Inverness.
Angus Moray, in fulfilment of his promise to Neil and
Morgan, gave them his two daughters in marriage, and raising
a company of Sutherland men, he joined the brothers in their in-
vasion of Strathnaver. They reached Druim-na-coub without
opposition. Here they were met by John Aberich, the illegiti-
mate son of Angus Dhu, who led the Strathnaver men, because
the old chief was unable, on account of his health, to take the
command, and the other son was lying a prisoner in the Bass.
Aberich, in his father's name, was willing to surrender all
the lands in Strathnaver except Kintail (now in the Parish of
Tongue), but no compromise could be effected. " Wherupon ther
16 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
ensued a cruell and sharp conflict, valiantlie fought in a long
tyme with great slaughter on either syd ; Neill and Morgin trust-
ing to ther forces; John Aberich reposing his confidence in the
equitie of his cause, encouraged his men to assult their enemies
afresh, who with the lyke manhood, made stout resistance ; by
reasone whereof there ensued such a cruell feight between them,
that there remayned in the end, verie few alive on either syd.
John Aberich, seemed to have the victorie, becaus he escaped
with his lyfT, yet verie sore wounded, and mutelate by the losse of
one of his armes. His father Angus Dow Macky, being careid
thither to view the place of conflict, and searching for the corps of
his unkynd cousins, wes ther slain with an arrow, after the conflict,
by a Southerland man that wes lurking in a bush hard by. Neill
and Morgin with there father-in-law Angus Moray, wer slain ;
and as they had undertaken this interpryse upon ane evill ground,
so they perished therin accordinglie."*
It is generally believed that none of the Sutherland men
(Cattachs) ever returned. We have a tradition that one man
escaped the battle, but that while crossing the ford between
Loch-Craggie and Loch-Loyal he met the Strathnaver postman,
who, on hearing the result of the battle, slew him.
D. MACLEOD, M.A.
(To be continued.)
* In the quotations from Sir Robert Gordon's History, the original spelling is
retained. The following genealogical tree may be of service in indicating the relation-
ship of the combatants : —
Angus of Far.
Huistean Dhu
Neil.
1
1
Angus Dhu.
Rorie Gald.
1
Thomas.
!
Morgan.
1
Neil.
Neill-Bhasse.
A LOST GAELIC DICTIONARY.-A correspondent would feel obliged to
any of our readers who would favour him with particulars of a Mr Alexander Robert-
son, schoolmaster, Kirkmichael, Perthshire, who, in the early years of this century,
prepared, and announced as ready for publication, a Gaelic Dictionary Was the
:tionary, or any portion of it, published ? If so, by whom and what came of it ?
is not mentioned in Reid's Bibliothcca Scoto-Cellica, or in any other work on Gaelic
literature that has come under our querist's notice.
IRELAND AND THE IRISH LAND ACT FROM A
HIGHLAND POINT OF VIEW.
I.
IN 1 8/9 I visited the Dominion of Canada, from Cape
Breton to Lakes Simcoe, Huron, and Erie, to find out, from
personal observation and inquiry, the actual state of the High-
landers of Canada, and compare it with the condition of our
countrymen at home, throughout the various parts of the High-
lands of Scotland. Similarly anxious to have an accurate idea
of the condition of the peasantry of Ireland, I resolved last
month to pay a visit to that country.
Leaving Inverness by Mr MacBrayne's splendidly equipped
steamer, the " Gondolier," and proceeding via the Caledonian
and Crinan Canals to Glasgow, from there I crossed to
Londonderry by one of Messrs Alexander Laird & Co.'s
steamers, trading with goods and passengers to most of the
northern Irish ports, and landed next morning in that celebrated
town, the leading feature of which is its famous Wall, constructed
during the Siege of Londonderry, and which encircles all the
portion of the town then existing. On the top of this thick wall
is a wide road, in some portions of which two or three carriages
could drive abreast, but the most of Londonderry being situated
on a hill, it is, of course, impossible to drive round the wall, as it
is interspersed at various points with flights of steps. From the
higher portion a magnificent view is obtained of Loch-Foyle
and the surrounding district.
Londonderry is, perhaps, one of the most Orange and
ultra-Protestant places in Ireland, and I was surprised beyond
measure to find the large number of people amongst the in-
habitants who were in favour of the principles of the Irish Land
League, and in favour of Home Rule. Many who are decidedly
so cannot afford to express their opinions publicly, nor even to
many of their own personal friends, for fear of the consequences
in their business and social relations ; but that the feeling exists
in a very marked degree is undoubted.
B
i8 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Having made a few calls, I proceeded by rail to the West of
Ireland, along the western banks of the River Foyle, through a
beautiful, well-cultivated country, passing through the counties
of Londonderry, Tyrone, Fermanagh, Leitrim, and Sligo. On
the way, especially as I proceeded westward through the last-
mentioned two counties, I was particularly struck with the neat
outward appearance of the houses occupied by the peasantry.
Here, as in most of the places visited by me in Ireland, there
were substantially-built stone houses, with stone gables and a
chimney in each, or occasionally in the centre of the dwelling.
It was a pleasing picture, and being well-acquainted, as I am,
with almost every portion of the Scottish Highlands occupied
by the crofting classes, I was not a little surprised to see the
superiority, as far as outward appearance went, of the corre-
sponding classes in the North and North-west of Ireland. I
attributed all this, however, to the fact that I was still in a
portion of the country prosperous above the average, and that I
was only as yet on my way to the poorer districts, which, from what
I read of the poverty-stricken state of Ireland, must be much
worse than anything with which I was acquainted in my own
country. But that state of things I have not met with, as I
shall show more in detail by and bye, though I have driven over
the most of one of the largest counties in Ireland, and a county
by common consent, declared to be, taking it altogether, the
poorest county in the whole island.
The town of Sligo, at which I arrived the same afternoon, is
a beautifully situated little town on the Bay of the same name
s notorious in the history of politics as being one of the
;ent disfranchised burghs in Ireland, on account of corrupt
practices at elections, and also as being the capital of the county
represented in Parliament by Mr Sexton, the first orator of the
e party in the House of Commons.
Within two miles of Sligo is Loch-Gill, which is reached by
i boat on the river. The lake itself is about five miles in length,
by about two in breadth, surrounded by hills of no great altitude
m many parts beautifully wooded. In the lake itself there
€ upwards of twenty islands, most of them covered with trees.
aHed D p ^ * * P°int °n the n°rth side of the lake,
called Dooney Rock. A short walk from this takes us to the top
IRELAND AND THE IRISH LAND ACT. 19
of an elevated point projecting into the lake, from which a beauti-
ful picture is obtained of the whole lake and its surroundings.
The boatman, Dominick Gallagher, is an intelligent and agree-
able fellow, but I would strongly recommend parties going to
visit the lake to insist upon his taking a substantial boat, and
not to accompany him in one of those slender craft which he
naturally prefers taking, for its good rowing qualities, but which,
in the event of a breeze rising, are not safe on this loch ; and we
were told that no end of accidents have occurred upon it, though
not under the guidance of our Dominick.
The leading feature for the antiquarian in the town of Sligo
is the splendid ruin of the Abbey, founded in 1252, by Maurice
Fitz-Gerald, Lord Justice of Ireland. It was burnt in 1414, but
soon afterwards re-built. There is still an altar of carved stone,
and the choir has a beautiful Gothic window, still very perfect
The steeple is entire, and is supported by a lofty arch. There
are several vaults throughout the ruins, containing the remains
of skulls, bones, and coffins. The Abbey is still used as a Roman
Catholic burial-place. The only other sight which interested me
in Sligo was the regiments of donkeys which appeared in the
principal streets of the town, with huge loads of hay on their
backs, or rather the full length of their bodies, literally burying
them out of sight, not an inch of them being seen except a very
small portion of their heads, their legs, and the tips of their tails,
it being scarcely possible to distinguish the latter from the former.
Next day I proceeded to Ballina, a distance of thirty-seven
miles, by what is known as a " long car," in contradistinction to
the ordinary jaunting car, driven by three horses. The long car
does duty in Ireland for the public coach in this country, and
carries a large number of people, while the ordinary jaunting car
is seated only for four persons, two on each side, and the driver.
The first few miles of the drive are interesting and pleasant. A
few miles on, we pass through the village of Ballysadare, situated
at the foot of the Lurgan Hills, a prominent range. Through it
passes the Owenmore, a fine river, which falls into a pretty
bay of the sea, over a series of rocky ledges, forming a succession
of beautiful rapids. On this river there are several large mills ; and
on the west side, the ruins of the Abbey of St Fechin, overlook-
ing the rapids and the village. The drive is continued through
20 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
a somewhat interesting country, occupied mainly by small ten-
ants, with neat, stone-built, white-washed cottages, surrounded by
somewhat rugged and stony plots of land, almost in all cases
walled into small parks or enclosures. On the left is a range of
hills rising to a height of over 1000 feet above the level of the sea,
while, on the right, we have the open ocean. The latter half of the
drive from Dromore to Ballina is flat, boggy, and generally un-
attractive. For the first half of the distance I had, sitting beside
me, a lady and her daughter, whom I found most civil and com-
municative, particularly on the subject of the Irish Land Act,
and its effect upon the landowning classes in Ireland. She was
a widow, whose husband had bought two properties from the
Landed Estate Courts, and who, before he died, made provision
for three out of four sons, and his only daughter, by which they
were to receive so many thousand pounds each out of the estates,
the eldest son to succeed and to provide these portions to his
brothers and sister when they came of age. According to the
value of the property then, and the rents received, the eldest son,
the father thought, was liberally provided for, but the reductions
made by the Land Court, under the provisions of the Irish Land
Act, reduced the rents, in some cases ten, in others twenty-five,
and in some thirty per cent, proportionally reducing the value of
the estates themselves, so that by the time the younger members
the family are provided for, the eldest son will be worse off
than with nothing at all. This I found to be only a specimen of
numerous other cases throughout Ireland, in many instances fur-
ther intensified in the cases of mortgaged estates by the action
nghsh and Scotch money-lenders who now insist upon the
lortgages being paid off, or the estates forced, and sold in the
open market at whatever price can be got for them ; and there
is a general feeling among the landowning classes that an Act,
:vhich made such a state of things possible, ought, at the same time
to have provided machinery to reduce the portions of younge
members and relatives of the families affected by it, in proportfon
to the reduction made in the heritable estates under the Ac
IRELAND AND THE IRISH LAND ACT. 21
members of the family might be got to agree to a proportionate
reduction of their claims, but by the time they all come of age,
and provision has to be made for them, it will usually be found
that the oldest of them have started in life with interests of their
own, and will be found unwilling to forego their legal rights; and,
while any members of the family are under age, it is impossible,
of course, to give legal effect to what their better nature prompts
them to do.
In course of the last nine or ten miles of the journey, I was
struck, for the first time, with the peculiarity of the arable portion
of the land, and the situation of the houses among the extensive
bogs or mosses, extending on either side of the road. The bog
had been cut away in years past for peat or turf, and the por-
tions thus cleared of the boggy surface brought under cultiva-
tion. In the distance nothing could be seen of the houses except
the roofs, the walls being sunk in the mossy wilderness, but as we
approached them their whitewashed walls appeared on the lower
level. It did seem cruel that the poor people, who reclaimed
these plots in such a manner from the endless bog, should have
been rack-rented by landlords who never expended a single
farthing or an hour's labour on their reclamation, and it was
gratifying to know that, by the Irish Land Act, such appropria-
tion of the result of other people's labour was for ever made impos-
sible in Ireland, and that whatever energy is put forth, and what-
ever results may be obtained, will in future be the undisputed
and absolute property of those who make the improvements.
This feeling of security has already given rise to an active indus-
trial spirit throughout many parts of Ireland, and this will
increase year by year as the people realise that the result of their
labour will in future be secured to themselves and their descend-
ants.
It was dark before we arrived at Ballina, the capital of the
County of Mayo, beautifully situated on the Moy, about five
miles from the junction of that river with the Bay of Killala. It
has a population of over 5000, and it has several good build-
ings, including some fine shops and banks, but the streets do not
appear to be much looked after, and are generally dirty. The
tide flows up to the town, but the river is only navigable to the
quay, situated about a mile-and-a-half below, It is a favourite
22 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE
resort of anglers, who find magnificent sport in the river and the
neighbouring lakes. The town was entered by the French in
1798, driving out the Loyalists, who retreated about eight miles
into the country. They were, however, forced to leave the
town about three weeks after by General Trench, and ultimately
driven to their ships in the Bay of Killala, or drowned in cross-
ing the river. I was met on my arrival at the Post-office by a
gentleman, in whose veins runs the best blood of the High-
land chiefs, and was at once driven to his residence on the out-
skirts of the town, where I was hospitably entertained by himself
and his amiable consort.
I had previously been informed that some portions of the
County of Donegal, the district of Connemara, and County Mayo,
were the poorest portions of the country ; and that the latter
county, taking it all in all, was fairly representative of the popula-
tion of the poorest of the Irish counties — the poorest in Ireland.
I therefore thought it the most suitable for comparison with the
state of the poorest portions of our own Highlands, and first-class
means of locomotion having been placed at my disposal by my
Highland friend, in the shape of a carriage and a splendid pair of
thoroughbred horses, I determined to explore it as much as I
could during the week which I was able to devote to observation
and inquiry among the people of Mayo. I was told that I was
within a few miles of a celebrated district — that in which the flag
of the Irish National Land League was first unfurled by Michael
Davitt, and I resolved that to this place I should pay my first
visit. Accordingly, I drove some twenty miles into the country,
to within a short distance of a place called Swineford, then
crossed the country about four miles westward, driving back,
through the parish of Straide and the town of Foxford, to
Ballina. In this district was pointed out to me the house wherein
was born the notorious Sheridan, and where his mother and
brothers still reside. The place was described as a " warm " one
by the serjeant of police whom I found in charge of a newly-con-
structed police barrack at a place called Bohola. A great portion
of this district, especially on the way out to Swineford, was,
.vhere it was not boggy, rugged and stony, and had all the ap-
pearance of its being hard work to extract a livelihood from the
land; yet the houses bore an outward appearance of comfort and
IRELAND AND THE IRISH LAND ACT. 23
prosperity, out of all comparison with the corresponding classes
in the West Highlands and Islands of Scotland. One thing was
noticeable here, as, indeed, it was almost everywhere I went to,
that whatever arable land existed was mainly in possession of
the people, with an occasional large grazing or arable farm among
the smaller ones, to indicate a gradation in the holdings, and
as an object of ambition to the smaller occupants. This district,
the birthplace of Michael Davitt, the founder of the Irish Land
League, has now become interesting to the whole British people,
whether they approve or disapprove of his conduct or of the
principles which he so ably advocates, and there are incidents in
connection with his childhood which should teach a wholesome
lesson to evicting landlords throughout the United Kingdom.
Here, in the parish of Straide, he was born in the year 1846.
Four years after, the unpretentious home in which he first saw
the light, was brought down about his ears, and the whole of his
family were thrown upon the roadside to live or die, for all the
evicting landlord cared ; but, unluckily for Irish landlordism,
young Davitt did not die, and the cruelly evicted child, turned
out in the winter's snow with his parents, his brothers, and sisters,
returned to the site of his father's humble home on the 1st of
February 1880, and, from a platform erected over the ruins of
his father's homestead, he proclaimed, for the first time, the
principles of the Irish Land League, which have since pro-
duced a total revolution in the relations of landlord and tenant
in Ireland, and are destined to do so in other parts of the
kingdom at no distant date. No one, thanks to the impression
left upon Davitt's mind by cruel eviction, at the early age of
four years, can now be evicted in Ireland for any other cause
than arrears of a fair rent, judicially settled by the Irish Land
Courts. The place had for me an intense and indescribable
interest, and I must be pardoned for reproducing here the
stirring terms in which Michael Davitt first appealed to his
countrymen, standing and speaking, as if inspired, on the ruins
of his father's home. Here he eloquently exclaimed to a meet-
ing of 15,000 people, to the whole of Ireland, and to the civilised
civilised world : —
" Does not the scene of domestic devastation now spread
before this vast meeting bear testimony to the crimes with which
landlordism stands charged before God and man to-day? Can a
24 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
more eloquent denunciation of an accursed land-code be found
than what is witnessed here in this depopulated district ? In the
memory of many now listening to my words, that peaceful little
stream which meanders by the outskirts of this multitude sang
back the merry voices of happy children, and wended its way
through a once populous and prosperous village. Now, however,
the merry sounds are gone, the busy hum of hamlet life is hushed
in sad desolation, for the hands of the house-destroyers have been
here and performed their hellish work, leaving Straide but a name
to mark the place where happy homesteads once stood, and
whence an inoffensive people were driven to the four corners of
the earth by the ruthless decree of Irish landlordism. How
often, in a strange land, has my boyhood's ear drunk in the tale
of outrage and wrong and infamy perpetrated here in the name
of law, and in the interest of territorial greed : in listening to the
accounts of famine and sorrow, of deaths through landlordism, of
coffinless graves, of scenes
' On highway side, where oft was seen
The wild dog and the vulture keen,
Tug for the limbs and gnaw the face
Of some starved child of our Irish race.'
What wonder that such laws should become hateful, and, when
felt by personal experience of the tyranny and injustice, that a
life of irreconcilable enmity to them should follow, and that,
standing here on the spot where I first drew breath, in sight of a
levelled home, with memories of privation and tortures crowding
upon my mind, I should swear to devote the remainder of that
life to the destruction of what has blasted my early years, pur-
sued me with its vengeance through manhood, and leaves my
family in exile to-day, far from that Ireland which is itself
wronged, robbed, and humiliated through the agency of the same
accursed system. It is no little consolation to know, however
that we are here to-day doing battle against a doomed monopoly-
and that the power which has so long domineered over Ireland
:s people is brought to its knees at last, and on the point of
mg crushed for ever ; and, if I am standing here to-day upon a
platform erected over the ruins of my levelled home, I may yet
have the satisfaction of trampling on the ruins of Irish land-
lordism.
The next day, Tuesday, I spent in Ballina and the neigh-
bourhood. On Wednesday I proceeded on my way to the West
A few miles from Ballina, a spot was pointed out where, during
e agrarian disturbances in the county, a man was shot in the
middle of the road, from behind a hedge. Soon after this we
were skirting round the beautiful Bay of Killala, and were pointed
out the place where the French were driven across the river to
IRELAND AND THE IRISH LAND ACT. 25
their ships by the Loyalists, many of them being drowned in the
river, where, still lying on the banks, half-buried in the marshy
soil, lie some of the cannon left behind by the French in their
hurried retreat. I felt surprised that historical relics of such
a kind should be left to rust away in such a position, for it would
be very easy to mount them in a simple fashion where they could
be seen by passers-by interested in such relics, and the hint ought
to be sufficient to secure this result, and at the same time pre-
serve them from wearing away by rust.
In this neighbourhood we pass the ruins of two ancient
abbeys, those of Roserk and Moyne, the former situated on the
River Moy in a beautiful situation, surrounded with undulating
hills. Two miles north of Moyne Abbey is the town of Killala,
on the west side of the bay of the same name, possessing a round
tower, and the ruins of St Patrick's, at one time a Diocesan
Cathedral. Eighteen miles from Ballina, after passing through
a beautiful undulating country, we arrived at the village of Bally-
castle, from which we proceeded to Downpatrick Head, a suces-
sion of magnificent cliffs, well repaying a visit.
When about two-thirds of the distance from Ballycastle we
came upon a number of young cattle in an enclosure, six or eight
of which had their tails cut off at different points more or less
near the rump. This atrocity was at the time put down to the
Invincibles, and the country has to pay compensation accord-
ingly. The universal opinion, however, in the district is that the
brutal act was that of a neighbour, who had been for years on
bad terms with their owner, and with whom he was constantly in
the Law Courts. The police in the district are all of the same
opinion, though hitherto they have not been able to obtain the
necessary legal evidence, notwithstanding which the innocent
neighbours have, under the existing law, to pay the value of
the maimed cattle to their owner.
On ascending the grassy slope leading to its summit, we are
startled by coming suddenly on a great chasm in the middle of
the sloping plain, apparently caused by the surface of the hill
having fallen in. Cautiously approaching this abyss and looking
down a depth of several hundred feet, the ocean is observed seeth-
ing through a subterranean passage, which runs from one side
of the headland to the other, and through which, in calm weather,
a small boat can pass. About fifty or sixty yards from the main-
26 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
land stands what is called the Rock Pillar, which has the
appearance of having at one time been torn away from the parent
cliff. On the top of it the ruins of an ancient building are dis-
tinctly seen. As we visited the scene the sea was pretty rough,
and the whole surroundings and those precipitous cliffs had a
grand and awe-inspiring appearance.
On the slope leading up to the point there were several ruins
of ancient buildings, also sacred cairns and wells, to which
Catholic pilgrims often paid visits, and where they went through
various devotional exercises, which appeared to the uninitiated
onlooker to be meaningless and laborious. Having returned to
Ballycastle, we were provided for in the principal hotel of the
place, the outward appearance of which by no means indicated
the cosy comfort, cleanliness, and excellent provision made by its
civil hostess, for the weary traveller.
Next morning I started and visited the district near Ross-
port, being the poorest and most wretched place I had yet seen
in Ireland, and where, at a distance, nothing could be seen of the
houses but a small bit of the well-thatched roofs, apparently
jutting out of the bog, but as we approached them the turf was
found cut away for a considerable distance right round them, and
fairly good crops of potatoes and oats growing on the lower level
on which the houses, with substantially-built, white-washed stone
walls, were erected. These holdings, miserable and poor in the
extreme, were literally reclaimed from the bog, and I could not
help thinking that in the winter the houses must be covered over
by the snow. We had here to turn back over the same road for
about six miles to gain the main road to Belmullet, which was
our destination that day, and where we arrived in the evening,
after having driven through a very poor part of the county, and
being wet through, for it rained heavily and blew almost a gale
the whole day. Our splendid pair of thoroughbreds covered over
fifty miles that day, wretched as it was, and came into Belmullet
almost as fresh as when they started in the morning.
Next day we hired an ordinary Irish jaunting car, and drove
some twelve miles right on to the Atlantic, on the north side of
Achill Sound, where I went inside some of the houses, and found
the people, still living in substantially-built houses, out of all com-
parison superior to most of those in the Western Highlands and
Isles, very civil, and willing to give me any information asked for.
IRELAND AND THE IRISH LAND ACT. 27
Though the houses were outwardly what I have described, I found
some of them exceedingly wretched and dirty within. The cow,
as a rule, occupied the same room with the family, as well as the
pig — " the jintleman as pays the rint." It is no uncommon thing
to find the cow actually tied to one of the posts of the bed in
which the occupants are asleep. In this district I asked a woman
who was just putting the potatoes for the dinner on the fire, if
she ever had anything in the shape of meat during the year, when
she declared that, " Niver a bit, sorr, except a little at Christmas."
Having explored this district, known as the Mullet, I returned to
the village, and in the afternoon made an excursion of ten miles
in another direction, and through a country very much of the
same description.
In the disturbed times two or three people were shot in this
district,a landed proprietor having lost his leg,he having been shot,
while riding in his trap, at a spot pointed out to me, at the road side,
—for which he is getting compensation to the amount of £1 500;
and a farmer having been killed for taking land from which an-
other had been evicted, and for which his widow is receiving
£450 — all this money being levied on the district in the shape of
what is called the blood-tax, amounting to is. o^d. in the pound,
on every one in the district. I must admit that it struck me as
somewhat peculiar that the leg of the landlord was valued at
^"1500, while the whole farmer was only considered worth ^450
to his sorrowing widow. I naturally inquired if this tax was not
considered a great hardship by the law-abiding portion of the
people, but was informed on all hands that they never paid any
money more willingly, as things had so greatly improved in the
district since these unfortunate events occurred. We returned
again the same night to the village of Belmullet, and on the next
day, Saturday, drove through an entirely new part of the country,
a distance of forty miles, to Ballina, where I spent the Sunday
with my friends, proceeding on Monday through another portion
of the County of Mayo, the Counties of Galway, Roscommon,
Westmeath, Meath, Kildare, and Dublin, on my way to the Irish
capital.
This part of my journeyings and my conclusions generally
on the working of the Irish Land Act, and the benefits derived,
and to be derived, from it, will be dealt with in a future issue.
A. M.
2g THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
HIGHLAND SOLDIERS IN FRANCE.
WHEN, in 1690, it became apparent that the cause of the Stuart
Dynasty was doomed, a great many Highland gentlemen, the
remnant of Dundee's gallant army, went over to France, pre-
ferring to serve in a foreign country to living under, what they
considered, the rule of an usurper. They were welcomed with
avidity by the French King, who stationed them in different
towns, and paid them according to the respective ranks they had
borne at home.
For some time they served willingly, in the hope that before
long they might be needed to fight for their own king ; but after
a year or two, seeing there was no chance of this, and feeling—
whether rightly or wrongly — that they were considered a burden
on the French King, they thought it would be better to form
themselves into a regiment, and choose their own officers from
among their ranks.
They approached King James with a petition to this effect,
and assured him that they were willing to serve as private
soldiers, and to undergo any privations if they could only be
together and commanded by their own countrymen. The King
at first objected, for, while fully recognising their generosity and
loyalty, he feared that gentlemen brought up as they had been,
would never be able to put up with the disagreeableness and
hardships of the life of a private soldier. However, they were
unanimous in their desire, and at last the King gave his consent,
and appointed Colonel Thomas Brown to be their Captain,
Colonel Alexander Gordon and Colonel Andrew Scott to be
Lieutenants, and Major James Buchan as Ensign, the rest to be
merely private soldiers.
As soon as they were embodied they were ordered to take
the route to Catalonia ; but before leaving St Germains they
were reviewed by James, who made them the following speech :—
Gentlemen, — My own misfortunes are not so nigh my heart
as yours; it grieves me beyond what I can express, to see so
many brave and worthy gentlemen, who had once the prospect
of being the chief officers in my army, reduced to the station of
HIGHLAND SOLDIERS IN FRANCE. 29
private sentinels. Nothing but your loyalty, and that of a few
of my subjects in Britain, who are forced upon their allegiance
by the Prince of Orange, and who, I know, will be ready on all
occasions to serve me and my distressed family, could make me
willing to live. The sense of what all of you have done and
undergone for your loyalty hath made so deep an impression on
my heart, that if ever it please God to restore me, it is impossible
I can be forgetful of your services and sufferings. Neither can
there be any posts in the armies of my dominions, but what you
have just pretensions to. As for my son, your Prince, he is of
your own blood, a child capable of any impression, and as his
education will be from you, it is not supposable that he can
forget your merits.
At your own desires you are now going a long march, far
distant from me ; I have taken care to provide you with money,
shoes, stockings, and other necessaries. Fear God, and love one
another. Write your wants particularly to me, and depend upon
it always to find me your Parent and King.
His Majesty then asked each gentleman his name, and wrote
it in his pocket book, then taking off his hat with the grace so
characteristic of the Stuarts, bade them farewell.
They had to march a distance of some nine hundred miles
to Perpignan, in Rousillon, where they were to receive their uni-
form, and join the French army there encamped.
They began their long march in high spirits, and at every
town they passed through they were received with respect by
the inhabitants, and were billeted in the best houses. When
leaving in the morning they were generally favoured with the
presence of the ladies, who, with the ready sympathy of their
sex, pitied the condition of these gallant gentlemen, who bore
their reverse of fortune with so much equanimity and dignity of
manner.
When, however, they had got further into the country, the
people did not appear so friendly, most probably from the fact that
the French soldiers were unpopular on account of their overbear-
ing and exacting manners. To instance this feeling, once, while
crossing a brook, which had been swollen by heavy rains, four of
the company were carried down the stream, and only saved
themselves from drowning by seizing hold of some bushes, and
thus keeping their heads above water, but were unable to regain
their footing. Though there were plenty of the country people
30 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
close at hand, no one would help them, and the poor men had
to wait in this unpleasant and dangerous position until their
comrades came up to their assistance. Another time, when near
the termination of their long march, one of them being billeted on
a farmer, was set upon by the man, his wife, and servant, and
most unmercifully beaten and illused. However, on complaint
being made to the governor of Rousillon, an aide-de-camp was
immediately sent to the gentleman, to beg his pardon in the
name and on behalf of the King of France, for the ill-treatment
he had sustained, and to assure him that he should have every
satisfaction.
Within two days the farmer was arrested, branded in the
hand, and banished from France, while the whole of his furniture
was carried into the market-place and publicly burnt, as a warn-
ing to others to show proper respect to these gentlemen.
On arriving at Perpignan they were drawn up in rank before
the house of Lieutenant-General Shaseron, the governor, who re-
ceived them with great courtesy, and their appearance so affected
the ladies present that they were moved to tears, and privately
made up a purse of two hundred pistoles for them.
Here they received their uniform and arms, and these gallant
men had now, instead of carrying a half-pike, to shoulder a fire-
lock, and exchange cartouch-boxes and haversacks for the gor-
gets and sashes they formerly wore. Still they bore all the dis-
comforts of their new life with such dignified patience and manly
bearing that they won golden opinions from the French officers,
who treated them rather with the respect due to their former
position than to their present humble condition ; and a frequent
remark among the Frenchmen was that a detachment from all
the officers in the French army could not equal this company of
exiled Scots.
Now it was that they began to realise the full extent of the
sacrifice they had made to their loyalty, for their money getting
exhausted, and their pay as privates, viz., 3d. a day, with one and
a-half pounds of bread — being quite insufficient to support men
used to good living — they were obliged to sell some of their
clothes, such as their fine laced coats, embroidered waistcoats,
Holland shirts, and even their watches.
Upon this merchandise they managed to exist from Novem-
HIGHLAND SOLDIERS IN FRANCE. 31
her 1692 to May 1693, when they were ordered into camp, and
joined, to their mutual delight, by Major Rutherford's company
of refugee Scots, and Captain John Foster, with some veteran
troops of Dumbarton's regiment, and many a loyal health was
drunk to King James, and the success of his cause by these re-
united friends.
During an inspection of these three Scotch companies by
Marshall de Noailles, his Excellency desired the company of
officers to march past a second time, and was so pleased by their
martial bearing that he complimented them highly, and presented
them with a mule to carry their tents, which was a great relief to
them.
They now marched over the Pyrenees and besieged a town
called Roses situated in the valley of Lampardo, a most unhealthy
place, and where the water was so bad that it produced a great
deal of sickness among the troops; especially did the company of
Scotch officers suffer, both from the climate and want of proper
food, having little else than sardines, horse-beans, and garlic,
which diet, however agreeable to the natives, did not agree very
well with the stomachs of Scottish gentlemen.
Though weakened by privation and prostrated by fever these
brave men refused to go into hospital, preferring to do their duty,
and take their share of the hard work which was the more
arduous in consequence of there being no pioneers. Consequently
the soldiers had to cut wood, make fascines for the trenches, etc.
During the attack on the town of Roses the company of
officers who acted as grenadiers, behaved with such conspicuous
bravery that after the place surrendered the Governor asked the
French General what countrymen these grenadiers were, and said
that it was they who caused him to give up the town, for they
fired so hotly that he believed they were about to attack the
breach. The Marshal replied with a smile "tes sont mes enfans"
" They are my children," adding, " They are the King of Great
Britain's Scotch officers, who, to show their willingness to share
his miseries, have reduced themselves to the carrying of arms,
and chosen to serve under my command."
The next day when riding along the ranks, the Marshal
halted before the company of officers, and with hat in hand,
thanked them for their good services, and freely acknowledged
32 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
that it was their bravery which caused the surrender of the town,
and assured them that he should report their services to his
Sovereign.
The Marshal kept his word, and on the French King
receiving the despatches at Versailles, he immediately took
coach to St Germains, and showed them to King James, and
thanked him for the services his subjects had rendered in taking
Roses. James was much affected, and said " These gentlemen
were the flower of my British officers, and I am only sorry that
I cannot make better provision for them."
Marshal de Noailles did not confine his admiration of this
gallant corps to mere compliments, for he very kindly gave each
of them some money, two shirts, a nightcap, two cravats, and a
pair of shoes. King James also gave them an allowance of
fivepence a day to each man ; but in spite of these additional
comforts, fevers and agues still prevailed amongst them. On
hearing this, Marshal de Noailles wished them to leave the camp
and go into any garrison they chose. They, however, declared
that they would not pass a day in idleness while the King of
France, who befriended their King, had need of their services,
and that they would not leave the camp so long as a single man
of them remained alive.
About the middle of June 1693, tne army, numbering twenty-
six thousand, marched from Roses to Piscador; but the sickness
and mortality was so great that only ten thousand reached their
destination. On one occasion a sudden alarm being given, our
company of officers was the only one that presented itself promptly
and in good order, on observing which the General exclaimed,
"Se gentilhornme est toujours gentilkomme, et se montre toujours tel
dans le besoin, et dans le danger " — " gentlemen are gentlemen, and
will always show themselves such in time of need and danger."
Their sickness still continuing, King James got them removed
to another province— Alsace— thinking, as the climate there was
cold, it would better agree with his hardy Scots; but unfortunately
it only proved going from bad to worse. On 4th December 1693
they, with the other two Scotch companies, began the long and
fatiguing march from Tureilles in Rousillon to Silistad in Alsace.
The winter was unusally severe, and these unfortunate gentlemen
weer in a very unfit state for such a journey, so that when they
HIGHLAND SOLDIERS IN FRANCE. 33
arrived at Lyons their condition was indeed pitiable. Their
coats were old and thin, their shoes and stockings worn and torn,
while the extreme hardships they had undergone had reduced
them so much that they looked more like living skeletons than
anything else. Still their spirits were undaunted, and to quote
the words of a contemporary writer, " Their miseries and wants
were so many and so great, that I am ashamed to express them.
Yet no man that conversed with them, could ever accuse them of a
disloyal thought, or the least uneasiness under their misfortunes.
When they got over their bottles (which was but seldom), their
conversation was of pity and compassion for their King and
young gentleman, and how His Majesty might be restored, with-
out any prejudice to his subjects."
After three days' rest in Lyons they proceeded on their
weary march to Silistad. Their sufferings during this long
journey were extreme, the snow lay several feet deep, and the
country they passed through was so famine-stricken, that they
were very nearly starved. All they could get was a few horse-
' beans, turnips, colworts, and a little yellow seed which they
boiled in water. When they arrived at Silistad they had to
again resort to the expedient of selling from their very limited
stock of clothes to provide themselves with food, and what af-
fected them still more, they were obliged to part with treasured
articles, which they had kept to the very last, and which nothing but
the direst distress would ever compel them to part with. Thus,
one would say " This is the seal of our family, I got it from my
grandfather, and will therefore never part with it." Another
would say, " This ring I got as a keepsake from my mother, I
would rather die than sell it " ; while the rest would have rings,
snuff-boxes, buckles or dirks, all endeared to them by associ-
ations with loved ones in their far off country. Yet in a few
weeks the pangs of cold and hunger overcame these fine feelings
of sentiment, and the long treasured relics passed into the hands
of the stranger. Notwithstanding these sacrifices several of them
died during their stay at Silistad from want of proper food and
clothes. This reaching the ear of James, he sent orders for as
many of them as wished to claim their discharge from the French
service, and return to him at St Germains.
This kind offer was declined by the great majority, who were
34 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
determined not to give up ; but fourteen of the company returned,
and were very kindly received by James, who gave them their
choice, either to stay with him on an allowance, or to take a
a sum of money and return to Britain and make their peace with
the Government, and he allowed them some days to make their
choice.
One day during their stay at St Germains, the young Prince
met four of them in the park. Knowing from their dress who
they were, he beckoned them to approach him. On their
kneeling and kissing his hand, he said " He was sorry for their
misfortunes, and that he hoped to live to see his Majesty in a
condition to reward their sufferings ; as for himself, he was but a
child, and did not understand much ; but according to the rude
notions he had of government and the affairs of the world, they
were men of honour, and loyal subjects, and had by their suffer-
ings laid such obligations upon him in his childhood, that he
could never forget them." He then took out his purse, and ex-
pressing regret that the Queen, his mother, did not keep him
better supplied, he gave it, with its contents, to them, and then
got into his carriage, while they adjourned to a tavern, and ex-
pended the money in drinking the health of the young Prince
and his royal father.
When the gold was spent they began to dispute who should
have the honour of keeping the purse as a souvenir of the Prince.
The quarrel grew so fierce and the noise so great that the King
sent to inquire the cause, and on learning what it was, he sent an
officer to take away the purse; so harmony was once more re-
stored.
We must now return and follow the further adventures of
those who preferred to die at their post of duty than ask
their discharge during a time of war. While they, and the
other two Scotch companies, were in garrison at Silistad, the
Governor of that fortress was apprehensive that Prince Lewis of
Baden, who had crossed the Rhine with 80,000 men, would besiege
him, and he declared publicly that if they did, he should depend
more on the three companies of Scots than on the whole of the
rest under his command.
Silistad, however, was not attacked, and, soon after, the com-
pany of officers were ordered to Fort-Cadette on the Rhine.
HIGHLAND SOLDIERS IN FRANCE. 35
After staying there more than a year they were sent to Strasburg.
In 1697 they again made themselves conspicuous by their bravery.
The Germans under General Stirk were on one side of the
Rhine with 16,000 men, while the Marquis de Sell was on the
other with only 4000 men, among whom were the Scotch officers.
Between the two armies, in the middle of the Rhine, was an
island which both parties were anxious to get possession of.
While the French general was sending for boats to go over
to take possession of this coigne of vantage, the Germans quietly
threw over a bridge from their side, posted 500 men on the island,
and opened a most destructive fire upon the French. The Scots,
ever eager for glory, and despising danger, begged permission to
attack the Germans, who were entrenched on the island. The
Marquis replied that as soon as the boats arrived they should be
the first to attack. To this they answered they need not wait
for boats; but that they would wade across. On hearing this the
Marquis shrugged his shoulders, blessed himself, and bid them
do as they pleased.
When it was dark the company assembled quietly, unknown
to the rest of the French army, took off their shoes and stockings,
which, with their firelocks, they tied round their necks, advanced
with caution to the river, waded hand in hand in the old
Highland fashion, the water coming up to their breasts. As soon
as they got out of the depth of the river, they unslung their arms,
and made a sudden rush on the enemy, who were quite taken by
surprise, being unconscious of their approach. The attack was so
unlocked for that the Germans were seized with a panic, rushed to
their bridge, which in the confusion was broken down, and many of
them were drowned, the rest being killed by the victorious Scots.
When the Marquis de Sell heard the firing, and understood the
Germans were driven out of the island, he made the sign of the
cross on his face and breast, and declared that it was the bravest
action that he ever saw. When the boats at last arrived, the
Marquis sent word to the Scots that he would immediately send
troops and provisions. The answer he got was "that they wanted
no troops, and could not spare time to make use of provisions,
and only desired spades, shovels, and pickaxes, wherewith they
might entrench themselves."
The next day the Marquis crossed to the island, and kindly
36 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
embraced every man of the company, thanking them for the very
signal service they had rendered to him.
For six long weeks they encamped on this island, while the
Germans made every effort to regain possession; but our heroes
were too watchful, and at last the enemy had to decamp. The
island was afterwards named Isle d' Escosse, in honour of these
brave men.
After this exploit they returned to Strasburg, where they
remained for two years, when a treaty of peace was entered into,
one of the conditions made by William the Third being that this
gallant company of heroic Scots should be disbanded. This was
done, and the officers had permission to go where they pleased.
"And thus was dissolved one of the best companies that ever
marched under command, gentlemen who, in the midst of all
their pressure and obscurity never forgot they were gentlemen ;
and whom the sweet of a brave, a just, and honourable conscience,
rendered, perhaps, more happy under those sufferings, than the
most prosperous and triumphant in iniquity, since our own minds
stamp our happiness." E. S. M.
QUEEN MARY'S VISIT TO INVERNESS.
DURING the reign of the ill-fated Queen Mary, the Earl of Huntly
was the head of the Roman Catholic party in Scotland. Weak
and vacillating in character, he was mostly concerned about the
safety and increase of his vast estates. Lord James Stuart, the
Queen's natural brother, stood high in favour with his royal
sister, though of a different religion. The Queen deeply offended
Huntly by taking from him the Earldom of Moray and bestowing
it upon the Lord James, and, in revenge, he did all in his power
to foment sedition among the clans under his sway.
In 1562, the Earl of Huntly's movements in the Highlands
were so suspicious, that Mary, fearful lest by his intrigues he
should seduce the clans from their allegiance, resolved, with the
advice and approval of the newly-created Earl of Moray, to make
a journey to the North of Scotland, with the view of animating
by her presence the flagging loyalty of her subjects in that part
QUEEN MARY'S VISIT TO INVERNESS. 37
of the kingdom. Huntly, well knowing that he was an object of
the deepest hatred to Moray, who was the representative of the
Protestant cause, was much put about when he heard of the pro-
jected Royal visit, from which he augured no good result to
himself. He sent his lady to Aberdeen to meet Mary, and, if
possible, to penetrate her purpose in coming north. He also
instructed her to invite the Queen to his castle of Strathbogie,
thinking, probably, that if he once had her in his power, he might
make his own terms with her. This proffer, however, Mary,
doubtless instigated by Moray, was prudent enough to decline,
and, accompanied by her brother and several others, proceeded
towards Inverness, then, as now, the Capital of the Highlands.
In Morayshire the Royal party was met by Lord Lovat with
five hundred picked clansmen, who guarded the Queen and her
train to Inverness, where, after what one of the retinue describes
as- "a terrible journey," they arrived on the nth of September.
Upon their arrival, however, they found that the Castle,
where Mary had intended to reside, was occupied by the retainers
of the Earl of Huntly, who was hereditary keeper, under the
command of his Lieutenant-Governor, Alexander Gordon. The
garrison was immediately summoned to open the gates and admit
the Royal party, but the Governor insolently replied that, without
orders from his feudal superior, the Earl of Huntly, he would
neither open the gates to the Queen nor to anybody else. Her
force not being strong enough at the time to storm the fortress,
Mary was obliged to take up her lodgings in a house upon the
north side of Bridge Street, where she held her court for some
days.
John Gordon, laird of Findlater, and son of the Earl of
Huntly, upon learning that the Queen was at Inverness, levied a
large number of his vassals, and advanced towards the town,
with the intention of seizing her person. The Royalists were
somewhat perturbed at Findlater's approach, and, to protect
the town from assault, and the Queen from danger, a small
squadron of ships entered the river. A Royal Proclamation was
issued, calling upon the clans to gather at Inverness for the
Queen's defence, which soon had the desired effect. Lachlan
Mackintosh, chief of Clan Chattan, who was in attendance upon
Mary, " sent to Donald MacWilliam, late his tutor, to acquaint
38 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
him of the Queen's condition, and next morning the haill name
of Clan Chattan in Petty, Strathern, and Strathnairn, came to
the town in good order, and undertook the Queen's protection
till the rest of the neighbours should come." Soon afterwards,
the Munros, Mackenzies, Rosses, and others came to the assist-
ance of the Queen, who now found herself at the head of a con-
siderable force. The siege of the Castle was commenced with
great vigour, and on the third day the garrison surrendered.
The Governor was hanged over the gate by the Queen's orders,
and his head impaled upon the Castle wall. Hearing of the fall
of the Castle, and disappointed by the defection of the Mack-
intoshes of Badenoch, who were persuaded by Lachlan to remain
faithful to Mary's cause, Findlater relinquished his idea of seiz-
ing the Queen at Inverness, and retired with his forces towards
Aberdeen.
The following letter of Randolph's, giving an account of
Mary's visit to Inverness, is taken from Invernessiana : —
" At the Queen's arrival at Inverness, she purposing to have
lodged in the Castle, which pertaineth to herself, and the keeping
only to the Earl of Huntly [Lord Gordon], being Sheriff by in-
heritance, was refused there to have entry, and enforced to lodge
in the town. That night, the Castle being summoned to be ren-
dered to the Queen, answer was given by those that kept it, in
Lord Gordon's behalf, that, without his command, it should not be
delivered. The next day the country assembled to the assistance
of the Queen. The Gordons, also, made their friends come out.
We looked every hour to what shall become of the matter. We
left nothing undone that was needful, and the Gordons not find-
ing themselves so well served, and nsver amounting to above five
hundred men, sent word to those that were within, amounting
only to twelve or thirteen able men, to render the Castle, which
they did. The captain was hanged, and his head set upon the
Castle ; some others condemned to perpetual imprisonment, and
the rest received mercy. In all those garbulles, I assure your
honour I never saw the Queen merrier ; never dismayed ; nor,
never thought I that stomach to be in her, that I find. She
repented nothing but, when the lords and others at Inverness
came in the morning from the watche, that she was not a man, to
know what life it was to lye all night in the fields, or to walk
upon the causeway, with a jack and knapsack, a Glasgow buckler,
and a broadsword."
After the taking of the Castle, Mary occupied it for a few
BADGES OF THE HIGHLAND CLANS.
39
days, and then, " although informed that Huntly watched to
intercept her in the woods on the banks of the Spey, she advanced
against him, crossed the river, and returned at the head of 3000
men to Aberdeen." Lord Lovat again furnished a princely escort,
and his loyalty on the occasion of her visit drew warm expres-
sions of thanks from the grateful Queen. At Corrichie, a few
miles from Aberdeen, the Royal army encountered that of Huntly,
and a fierce battle ensued, which terminated in the death of that
misguided nobleman, and the complete rout of his forces.
The house in Bridge Street, in which Queen Mary resided,
is still in existence, and is known by her name. For a hundred
and fifty years an extensive wine trade has been carried on in one
part of the building, a business for which the commodious arched
vaults beneath render it peculiarly well adapted. These vaults
are of great age, and there is a tradition that one of them was,
at the period of Queen Mary's visit, connected with the Castle by
a subterranean passage. The exterior of the house has been
greatly modernised, and shows little trace of antiquity, but the
remains of a coat of arms on the wall facing the river and a finely
sculptured fireplace inside remain to tell of its ancient magni-
ficence when it became the temporary abode of the most beautiful
and most unfortunate of Scottish Sovereigns.
H. R. M.
BADGES OF THE HIGHLAND CLANS.
A CORRESPONDENT writes to us on this subject from Battersea: —
I find that the list of the Badges of the Highland Clans, as
given in the last number of the Celtic Magazine, varies consider-
ably from that given by Chambers in his account of the High-
lands, vol. 1 6 of his "Miscellany of Useful Tracts." The following
is his list : —
Buchanan Birch.
Cameron Oak.
Chisholm Alder.
Col quhoun Hazel .
dimming Common Tallow.
Drummond ...Holly.
Farquharson Purple Fox-glove
Ferguson Poplar.
Forbes... ...Broom.
Fraser Yew; some families
Gordon Ivy. [Strawberry.
Graham Laurel.
Grant Cranberry Heath.
Gunn Rosewort.
Lament Crab Apple.
Macallister Five Leaved Heath.
Macdonald Bell Heath.
Macdonell. . ...Mountain Heath.
40 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Macdougall Cypress.
Macfarlane Cloud-berry Bush.
Macgregor Pine.
Mackintosh Boxwood.
Mackay Bull-rush.
Mackenzie Deer Grass.
Mackinnon St John's Wort.
Maclachlan Mountain Ash.
Maclean Blackberry Heath.
Macleod Red Whortleberries.
Macnab Rose Blackberries.
Macneil Seaware.
Macrae Fir Club Moss.
Macpherson Variegated Box
wood.
Munro Eagles' Feathers.
Menzies Ash.
Murray Juniper.
Ogilvie Hawthorn.
Oliphant Great Maple.
Robertson Fern.
Rose Briar Rose.
Ross Bearberries.
Sinclair Clover.
Stewart Thistle.
Sutherland Cat's Tail Grass.
If you, or any of your correspondents, could let me know
which is most likely to be correct of the two, in the Celtic
Magazine, I should feel greatly obliged.
In the Gaelic origin of local names, are two places named
Kilvean and Torvean. If I had seen them in an English work,
I should have taken them to be in Cornwall, vean being the
Cornish for little or small, as cheel vean, little child ; Truro vean,
a place in the city of Truro. There is also a pile of rocks called
Kilmarth Tor, Tor Point, Tor Bay, etc.
LOCHIEL ON THE LOCH-ARKAIG CLEARANCES.
To THE EDITOR OF THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
SIR, — Your History of the Camerons naturally possesses greater interest for me
than for most people, and while I congratulate you on the ability, and admire the re-
search which has enabled you to add so valuable a contribution to our acquaintance
with Highland clans, I hope you will allow me to call attention to one error which
occurs in the latter portion of your work, and which, as reflecting unjustly on the
policy pursued by my father towards the small tenants on this estate, has caused me
some pain. In page 256 the following refers to my father : — "Of him Mr Mitchell
says that 'unfortunately he was equally ignorant of the habits of Lochaber and its
people' with his father, and that he 'was obliged from his ill-health to reside in Eng-
land, and the administration of his estates was entrusted to his relative, Sir Duncan
Cameron, under whom Mr Belford, a writer in Inverness, acted as factor, Sir Duncan
placing implicit confidence in his management. With a view to increasing the
rental, Mr Belford followed the then prevalent custom of removing the people and
converting the hill sides of Loch-Arkaig into sheep farms.' " I do not know who Mi-
Mitchell may be, nor what work you here refer to, but as the quotation is inserted
without note or comment, it is, of course, to be presumed that the statement is
accepted by you as accurate. If your author lived contemporaneously with the events
which are supposed to have taken place, but which he must have known never did,
his assertion is simply scandalous.
I have before me the estate rental for the year 1832, when my father succeeded,
LOCHIEL ON LOCH-ARKAIG CLEARANCES. 41
I there find the following farms, viz. :— Glen-Dessary, Monoquoich, Inverskillivoulin,
and North Achnaherrie, held by one man, and entered in the rent roll, as oc-
cupied by the heirs of Alexander Cameron. Achnanellan, Glen-Mallie, Achna-
saul, Crieff, Salachan, Muick, and Kenmore, seem to have been all in the possession
of the heirs of J. Cameron ; while Muirlagan, Caillich, Glenkingie, Coanich, West
Kenmore, and the whole of Glen-Pean, were occupied by a third tenant, John
Cameron. In 1832, therefore, so far from " the hill-sides of Loch-Arkaig being con-
verted into sheep farms," not only these hill-sides, but an immense tract of country
besides, probably upwards of 60,000 acres, were in the hands of three tenants.
The clearances of Glen-Dessary and Loch-Arkaig took place thirty years previ-
ously, when the estate was in trust, and managed by Sir Ewen Cameron, the father
of Sir Duncan, and you will see, therefore, that you have mistaken the date by a whole
generation. Of the small tenants and crofters who were removed, some went to
Canada, and their grandchildren, no doubt, figure largely among the subscribers to
your History. By others were formed the townships of Banavie and Corpach, where
their descendants are still to be found, and a few went to Achintore, a small town-
ship west of Fort-William . This was at the time when the Caledonian Canal was
being made, and presumably the idea was to enable the people to obtain constant
employment, though no doubt self-interest, on the part of the proprietor, had some
share in determining the policy pursued. The statement that my father entrusted the
management of his estate to Sir Duncan Cameron, is, to my certain knowledge,
absolutely without foundation. On parish matters the late Lochiel used to consult
equally Sir Duncan and Colonel Maclean of Ardgour, both of whom resided perman-
ently in the county, and were well acquainted with local affairs ; but he acted
entirely on his own judgment in all matters connected with the management of the
property. I am certainly not disposed to defend the management at that particular
period. Mistakes were undoubtedly made then as they are probably made now ; but
they arose from want of foresight, not from a lack of generosity, and whoever may be
the sufferer, he was certainly not to be found among the small tenants. If to pull
his people through the famine of '46—10 wipe off subsequently all the arrears on the
estate, and then to reduce his rents where he found them too high, and not to raise
them where he found them too low— if this constitutes a harsh landlord, in the
sense implied in your quotation from Mr Mitchell, then the late Lochiel justly
deserves the condemnation which the readers of your History may, I fear, be
disposed unjustly to bestow on him.
There is, however, a wider application of the lesson to be learnt from the
unintentional error into which you have fallen in connection with these clearances.
If such mistakes are possible in a history such as that of the Camerons, compiled
with care, and after reference to authentic documents, and all other available
sources of information, what may be expected from the vague testimony and loose
tradition which forms the basis of many of the accusations brought against Highland
proprietors in connection with their treatment of crofters? Does not this episode
confirm the truth embodied in the following sentence of the Report of the Royal
Commission? " Many of the allegations of oppression and suffering with which these
pages are painfully loaded, would not bear a searching analysis. Under such a
scrutiny, they would be found erroneous as to time, to place, to persons, to extent^ and
misconstrued as to intention. " The accuracy of the next sentence looked at by the
same light is equally remarkable. The Report goes on thus— " It does not follow,
however, that because these narratives are incorrect in detail, they are incorrect in
colour or in kind."
42 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
In conclusion, I am bound to admit that I am not, perhaps, as regards the para-
graph in your History free from blame myself. I might be supposed to have read the
History of the Camerons as it appeared in the Celtic Magazine, and thus have been
able to correct any error before the present volume was published. In truth I did
read most of the earlier numbers, but you know from our previous correspondence that
I had no papers in my possession which would have been of use in the production of
the work, and it appeared to me that for all practical purposes there was nothing to
be gained by reading it in parts, when, by waiting a few months, I could read it as a
whole. Besides, the mischief was already done when the particular paragraph in
question appeared in the Celtic Magazine, and I should then, as now, have required to
ask your courtesy in allowing this letter to be inserted in the next number. — I ain,
yours faithfully, DONALD CAMERON OF LOCHIEL.
ACHNACARRY, October 18, 1884.
[The work quoted above is "Reminiscences of my Life in the Highlands,'' by
the late Mr Joseph Mitchell, C.E., Inverness, the title of which is given in full on
the page of the " History of the Camerons " immediately preceding that from which
Lochiel makes the quotation of which he complains. — ED. C. M.]
ERASER-MACKINTOSH, M.P, AND THE DUKE OF
ARGYLL.
MR ERASER-MACKINTOSH, M.P., recently addressed a large
meeting of his constituents at Inverness, in which he made
pungent references regarding the management of certain estates
in the Highlands, especially that of the Island of Tiree, belonging
to the Duke of Argyll. Mr Eraser-Mackintosh quoted largely
from the evidence given before the Royal Commission by those
having an intimate acquaintance with the facts. He referred to
the manner in which he was attacked by the Duke, when, as a
Royal Commissioner, his own mouth was closed, and when he
could not reply. The conditions were now changed, and he felt
called upon, in, the public interest, to refer to the state of matters
existing on the Duke's estates in Tiree and elsewhere.
He proceeded to say that immediately after the Commissioners met in Tiree—
Lord Napier said at that meeting —
11 Assurances have been given in many places by the proprietors and factors, and
I will now ask whether there is any one present who will give an assurance with re-
gard to these people." Mr Macdiarmid-" I am local factor for his Grace the Duke
of Argyll." Lord Napier then asked-" Do you feel enabled to give an assurance to
the people here present that no one will suffer prejudice in consequence of what he
says here on this occasion ?-No, I cannot give any such assurance. I did not ask for
I was not told to give it. Lord Napier- You do not think you aro-knowing
FRASER-MACKINTOSH AND ARGYLL. 43
the disposition and character of the proprietor of the island— enabled to give such an
assurance on your own responsibility ? Mr Macdiarmid — I would say the Duke of
Argyll won't do anything against any man who will tell the truth. Lord Napier —
Are you able or not, from your knowledge of the character of the proprietor, to give
a positive assurance that no prejudice will occur to anyone on account of what is said
here to-day? Mr Macdiarmid — I am not going to say that. Lord Napier, address-
ing the witness, then said — It is not in the power of the Commission to give
you any assurance of the kind. The Commission cannot interfere between you
and your proprietor, or between you and the law. Whatever you state therefore now
will be at your own risk and on your own responsibility. But from what we know of
the character of the Duke of Argyll we cannot believe, we do not believe, that any
prejudice could occur to you on account of what you say. The Witness Macdougall
— We live in that part of Scotland where most of that suffering is taking place, and
oppression and slavery. We are poor people. We cannot give any of the statements
that we came here prepared to make unless we receive the assurance that no crofter
will be evicted from his croft, or cottar put out of his house, for telling what we have
to tell ; and that is the truth, and nothing but the truth."
Now, gentlemen, continued Mr Fraser-Mackintosh, after this the whole proceedings
of the Commission in the Island of Tiree were going to collapse, because we could not
protect the people. He then explained how a letter from the Chamberlain was afterwards
produced by the local factor, and proceeded— What is the position of the Island of Tiree
with regard to the distribution of land ? The island yields about ^4000 in rental, and
how is it divided ? Five large farms yielding about one-fourth of the rental are in the
hands of the ground-officer of the Duke of Argyll, or a brother of his, and more in
possession of a late ground-officer. That is the distribution of the land, and what do
you find in consequence? In 1883 the state of poverty in the island was so great that
public charity had to be solicited and distributed. That, you will agree with me, was
a condition of things wholly disgraceful to a man like the Duke of Argyll. I can
understand the use of, and I fully approve of, proprietors having on their lands a farm
where the best stock of all kinds and the best of everything is kept, so that it may be
a model and an example to the farmers in the neighbourhood. To that Extent pro-
prietors are entitled to have farms, to that extent possession is justifiable, but I submit
that a proprietor has no right to put his factor into farms, and so monopolise a great
part of the estate while scores of decent people are crying for land.
I make another charge, and I think it is one of the very gravest character. It
has come out that no person upon the Duke of Argyll's Highland estates paying a
rental of under ^100 a-year has a lease. They are all tenants at will. I am not
now speaking of the crofters and cottars. There is no lease given to any man upon
the estate of the Duke paying under ,£100 of rent. There is another thing ten times
worse. There are no estate regulations upon these island estates. Now, the most
miserable proprietor in the Highlands who is able to keep a factor, or whether he is
or not, has estate regulations, so that the tenants know what they are about. The
Duke's Chamberlain admitted there were no estate regulations, and it comes to this,
that all paying under ^"100 rent are tenants at will. It has been proved that many-
years ago, under a rule of the previous factor, two documents were brought round.
In respect to one of them the people were told — Sign this document, which says I will
submit myself entirely to the will of the Duke and his factor ; the other was a sum-
mons of removal — Out you go. Let me read you what the Chairman brought out
about the regulations from the Chamberlain. " Q. — I presume there were regulations?
44 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
A.— I am not aware. I don't think so. Q.— Were there any Campbell regulations ?
A. -Not so far as I am aware. I don't think so. Q.— Are we to understand there
were never any printed regulations before your time. A. —Not on this estate. Q.—
Are there ones in Tiree ? A.— There will be, I expect soon." I asked him — " There
being no printed regulations and no leases, how did the people know under what regu-
lations they stood? A.— I don't know. Q.— Probably you saw it was rather a hard-
ship that the people did not know under what rule they were? A.— I thought it de-
sirable that there ought to be regulations."
I wish now, continued Mr Fraser-Mackintosh, to give a short quotation from the
evidence as to the document which the people were obliged to sign. There was a
delegate named Macneil. He is asked this question : —
" Do you know anybody here present who actually signed that document in
which they promised to obey the factor's wishes? A. — Yes. Donald Macdonald.
(To Donald Macdonald) — Did you sign that document promising to obey whatever
the factor desired? A. —Yes. Q. — How did you know what the contents of the
paper were — was the paper read over to you aloud? A.— All we know is that the
paper was not read to us at all, but the ground officer had a lot of notices to quit in
one hand, and this paper in another, and we were told that the contents of the paper
were that we should require to obey anything that the Duke of Argyll or his factor
would ask us to do. Q. — Was it written or printed? A. -It was written. Q. —
Was Macquarrie the ground-officer? A. — Yes. Q.— Is he alive yet? > A.— Yes.
Q. — ls he here? A. — He was here ; he may be here yet. Q. — Was that in the time
of the present Duke or his predecessor ? A. — In the time of the present Duke. Q.
— Do you know of anybody who can read and who saw the paper himself and read it ?
A. — I am not aware of any who read the paper before he put his hand to it. Q. —
Was your knowledge of the contents of the paper solely derived from the statements
of the ground-officer? A. — The factor was not present upon the occasion. Our only
information regarding the paper was what the ground-officer told us at the time. Mr
Fraser-Mackintosh — Was each tenant obliged to sign a separate paper, or did several
of them sign one paper? A. — I believe it was the same paper that every crofter in
Tiree signed. Q. — Did you put your cross to it? A. — I believe I signed my name.
I can sign my name. ..... The Chairman — Did you sign it?
A. — I did not sign it myself, but everybody in the township where I lived signed it.
(To Donald Macdonald) — How did you know that the papers in the man's other
hand were summonses to quit ? A. — He told us."
I have another charge— another complaint to make— against the Duke of Argyll.
It is a question as to the rents of crofts, which is well known. In a statement handed
in by Mr James Wyllie, the chamberlain, at Glasgow, he says that what the Duke of
Argyll considers the true value of the crofts is the rent which is offered for them when
they become vacant. That rather staggered the Commissioners, and the witness was
asked —
" With respect to the rents, I see you state that the Duke considers that the
true value of these crofts is the rent which is offered for them as they become vacant ?
A.— Yes. Q. — That is actually what determines the value of the croft? A.— Yes.
Q. — Not so much per cow or so much per acre? A. — Of course I make my own
valuation besides that. Q. But the true value of the croft is what can be got for it ?
A.— Yes. Q.— lu a great part of the places we visited, both managers of estates and
others declared there was such a run upon these crofts that there were people ready to
give beyond what the true value was. You would consider that the value is not what
the true value was. You would consider that the value is not what might be called
the real value, but what could be got for it? A. — Yes, what they bring when they
become vacant. Q.— So that even the full market value can be got for a croft ? A.
—Yes. Q.— And the full market value is taken for the croft? A. --Yes, I suppose
so."
I may now give the examination of two witnesses, Donald Campbell and Donald
Maclean upon another point. It is only an illustration of many other things which have
not been so clearly brought out in other cases as here —
FRASER-MACKINTOSH AND ARGYLL. 45
" Q.— Do they get money for what they do ? [from the Tiree Sea weed Company.]
A. — No, they do not get money, and those of them who have been asking money for
the last year or so only get £2 per ton in money ; they would get at the rate of ^4 if
they took goods. Q. — But although the goods were stated to be worth ^"4, perhaps
the goods were not worth more than £2 in another shop ? A. — Perhaps not even &2.
Q. — I suppose these people do not like to be treated in that way ? A. — No, they do
not ; they are badly treated in many a way."
With regard to the Island of Tiree— and Tiree is a representative island — I de-
sire to point out that the population has very much decreased within late years. The
rental has increased enormously. A number of your economists, among them the
Duke of Argyll, are fond of quoting the opinion of Sir John Macneill, in his report at
the time of the destitution, with regard to emigration, and say it is a very good thing.
I admit that Sir John recommended emigration, But he recommended that, when
emigration took place, the places of those who went away should be given to those
who remained. This is exactly as it should be, because there is no use clearing away the
people if those who remain are to be left as before. I wish to narrate what we heard
from the doctor in Tiree, and he is a man of considerable position ; a man whose
sympathies are with the people, but who would not give an opinion unless he were
very clear upon the point. Well, what does Dr Buchanan say ? I asked —
"Are you in favour of large properties with 'large populations, when the pro-
prietor does not reside amongst his people? A. — No. Q. — How often has the
Duke of Argyll been in Tiree? A.— Lately, I think, he has been here every
August. Q. — Within the last four or five years, how long does he stay? A. — A day,
or, perhaps, two days. Q — Does he go about speaking to the people? A. — He
does. Q. — Can you trace any benefit in the position of the people by his appear-
ances here? A. — No, I see no change from his coming and going. Q. — What is
the character of the people of Tiree generally ; is it a place where crime is com-
paratively unknown ? A. — Crime is unknown; the people are quiet and peaceable.
Q. — Do you yourself find satisfaction in going out and in among them? A. — I do ;
1 never get an uncivil word. Q. — Was not the idea that must have been prevailing in
the mind of Sir John Macneill, or those he consulted, when suggesting that the
population should be reduced, that the reduced population should have the full
benefit of the Island of Tiree ? A. —That would be the sense of it. Q. — Can you
instance any case within your own recollection, or have you heard of any lands being
added to the crofter class? A. — No. Q. — So then, any pretence of saying that emigra-
tion is good for the country would be of no value unless it benefits those who remain
behind? A. — No ; certainly not. Q. — Supposing, for instance, that farm was to be
added to large farm in the Island of Tiree as people went away, you might reduce
the population to twenty people? A.— You might."
Now, gentlemen, in the Island of Tiree at this moment the great bulk of the
people are under no law whatever, but under the entire power and will of the Duke.
Then the land in this island is not properly distributed ; what is possessed by crofters
is rack-rented, and many of the people, in 1883, had to submit to the stigma of re-
ceiving public charity, a state of matters which the Duke of Argyll ought to be ashamed
of. There is at present in that island a most unequal and unfair distribution of the
land ; and it cannot and should not longer prevail.
I will say one word in passing in regard to the Ross of Mull. Whenever a man
dies, even although the son may be nearly twenty-one years of age, the widow is
sure to go out. In the case of poor Widow Macphail, and although she had a son
sixteen or seventeen years of age, she was put out much against her will, and her
holding given to some official or parochial officer ; and so strong was the feeling of
fear felt that she could not get any one to write a letter in her favour. At last one
decent man (with whom I shook hands) was got to write a letter to the Duke of
Argyll, and, to conceal the authorship, it was written in imitation of print. In
46 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Ardtun in the Ross of Mull there was extreme poverty. The population in 1841
of the Duke's estate of the Ross of Mull was 4113, and in 1881 it was reduced
to 1990, less than one-half, whereas, at the same time, the rental increased
enormously. Nothing can be a greater curse to the country than to find the popu-
lation of any part of the country rapidly decreasing, while in the same period the
rental rises enormously. I have said that money was spent, public charity was dis-
tributed, in the early part of 1883 m the Duke of Argyll's island estates. There is one
thing I must refer to in connection with this fact. The amount of money so distri-
buted was not very large. I admit that ; but I also say it was a contemptible sum for
the Duke of Argyll to have permitted to be taken. The money was spread over a
very large number of people, so that the poverty existing over the country was un-
doubted. That was the deplorable state of matters revealed to us in our investigations.
And no man, far less a man in the position of the Duke of Argyll — no man even in a
much humbler position— should have permitted public charity to be distributed among
the people upon his estate. It shows the absence of a proper and fair administration,
and I think it is a state of matters which will no longer be permitted by the country.
Why is it necessary for me to make reference to individuals ? Because if you state
generalities, people may say there is nothing in them. Therefore it is necessary to
give specific instances.
I am obliged to come to the county of Inverness and make a few references to
another case. I wish to draw attention to the matter because unfortunately our
evidence is so long and it is so expensive to purchase that everybody cannot get at it.
And unless the matter is placed before the people, iterated and reiterated, the danger
is that these intolerable grievances may be allowed to sleep. I refer to the case of
South Uist and Barra, and I must again state that I have no personal feeling with
regard to individuals. With regard to South Uist, her ladyship, Lady Cathcart, has
been good enough to send away a number of people, giving them £100 and so on,
taking their obligations, however, for repayment, it is said. I asked the factor— Will
you give them £ 100 in order to enable them to make a living at home ? He said— No,
no. But the giving away of this money in this way is only a thing that can be done
by a millionaire, can only have an infinitesimal effect, and be hurtful to others. But
is it necessary to send away people from South Uist ? On this you will observe that
I dissented from my colleagues, and said that no necessity for emigration existed,
and I did so because I was not satisfied that a proper distribution of the land had occurred.
The best and greatest part of South Uist, gentlemen, is divided into eleven large farms,
three of which— viz. , Kilbride, South Loch-Boisdale, and Bornish, are in the hands of
three brothers named Ferguson, all very respectable people, and Gerinish is occupied
by Mrs Macdonald. I come to the farm of Milton, and I find that the tenant, Mac-
lean, is married to a sister of the wife of the factor, Mr Ronald Macdonald. In the
next, Drimsdale, the tenant, the parish minister, is married to a sister of the above
Maclean ; and on the sixth, Nunton, the tenant is married to a sister of the said Mac-
lean. There was a farm called Drumore, which formerly was in the possession of a
gentleman named Taylor, whose wife was a sister of Mrs Maclean, but it is said Mi-
Taylor gave offence, and he was obliged to quit. Another important farm, which was
residence of Macdonald of Clanranald-the farm of Ormiclate-is in the hands of
Ronald Macdonald, the factor, who lives in Aberdeenshire. Creogarry and Dru-
more are in the hands of the proprietor. It is perfectly absurd to go and turn out
e poor people without re-allocation, without doing any good to those that re-
main. These people are Roman Catholics. Now, let me say that these Roman
FRASER-MACKINTOSH AND ARGYLL. 47
Catholics, belonging to the ancient faith — I have known them inLochaber — are people
for whom I have the highest respect. A more loyal and peaceful people than the old
Catholics in the Highlands do not exist over the whole breadth of Scotland. What
about the emigrants sent away? What has been done for the Roman Catholic
emigrants sent to Manitoba? The Roman Catholic Bishop of the North-West had
not a single Gaelic-speaking priest to spare. At one time there was a talk about Mr
Mackintosh's going out among them, but circumstances prevented, and for him a con-
tribution of £20 was suggested on the part of the proprietrix. And that is the whole
provision made for these Roman Catholic emigrants, sent away to the wildest parts of
North America. This is a matter which should be sharply and severely looked after.
Now, did time permit, I could say a good deal about other places which we
visited. We found many deplorable cases in Skye and in South Harris. After our
meeting at Obe, Lord Napier and I drove through the southern part of the island.
Hardly a house did we see, but we saw beautiful land about Luskintyre, Scaristavore,
etc., at one time occupied by a flourishing people. We had no time, unfortunately,
to go and see that interesting place Rodel, which is so much associated with the
name of one of the most noted of the Macleod family. But let me read one extract
with regard to Rodel, which is, I think, enough to bring the tears to the eyes of any
one, and particularly when they are made to you by people who were themselves actors.
The island belongs to the family of Dunmore ; but they are not connected with the
more serious evictions which have taken place. The island belonged at the time to
the Macleods, not the family of Macleod of Macleod. The witness, John Mac-
diarmid, an old man of 88, said —
"I will tell you how Rodel was cleared. There were 150 hearths in Rodel.
Forty of these paid rent. When young Macleod came home with his newly-married
wife to Rodel, he went away to show his wife the place, and twenty of the women of
Rodel came and met them and danced a reel before them, so glad were they to see
them. By the time the year was out — twelve months from that day — these twenty
women were weeping and wailing, their houses unroofed and their fires quenched by
order of the estate. I could not say who was to blame, but before the year was out
the 150 fires were quenched. Some of the more capable of these tenants were sent to
Bernera, and others were crowded into the bays on the east side of Harris, small
places that kept three families in comfort, where now there were eight. Some of the
cottars that were among these 150 were for a whole twelvemonth in the sheilings be-
fore they were able to provide themselves with permanent residences. Others of them
got, through the favour of Mrs Campbell of Strond, the site of a house upon the sea-
shore, upon places reclaimed by themselves." That is a pitiable story.
And now, with regard to myself. I have been in Parliament now for ten full
years, nearly eleven years, and I have seen a good deal of the outs and ins of the
work. In going to Parliament I had no personal object to serve, and I have no
personal object to serve now. I say this honestly. I do not think that any member
should serve for an unconscionable length of time, as constituencies have a right to
change, and get the services of others who are willing to act ; but upon this occasion,
and mainly on account of the state of the land laws, and believing that I may be of
some use with regard to the settlement of the question which is coming before the
country, I do intend to claim your suffrages in the future. Now, gentlemen, I want
to say this one thing— the question of the future, with the increased representation,
lies in your own hands, and I hold this, and I say this, without regard to individuals,
that whenever the franchise is reduced you must in the whole Highlands, beginning
48 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
with Orkney and Shetland, down to Dumbarton, you must send to Parlia-
ment men who will make this the main point, and you must declare you will
have no others to represent you— and if you do so, you must rest assured that
there will be a speedy solution of the question. There is a deal of agitation and a
deal of longing and waiting on the part of the honest people in various parts of the
Highlands and Islands. Some of you, gentlemen, may regard me as extreme in
this matter, and others may regard my friend the Dean of Guild as extreme,
but I tell you that there are other men with far more extreme views than either
of us going about and expressing them; and if our moderate demands are not
conceded, then more extreme views will become more and more prominent. Mr
Gladstone has stated in his speech in Edinburgh that the report of the Crofter Com-
mission was a most valuable one, and would receive the earnest attention of the
Government as soon as possible. It is for the representatives of the Highland people
to press that upon the Prime Minister, and not to allow it to fall through ; and I say
for my own part, so far as I can, the Prime Minister will be made to stick to it.
Dr Mackenzie, in moving a vote of confidence in the hon. member, said — Mr
Eraser- Mackintosh has shown us this evening that he is well qualified to be the mem-
ber for the Highlands. I think that no one with a heart in his bosom could listen to
the tale — the harrowing tale — which he has told us this evening without condemning
in the strongest terms the system which has worked such havoc among our people.
I, myself, in my professional capacity, often come across crofters who had been
evicted from the fertile straths and glens, and have come into the town to spend the
remains — the miserable remains — of their existence in an humble garret. I think
that Inverness should take a special interest in this question, for by this question In-
verness will more or less stand or fall. Inverness is not a manufacturing town. We
have no manufacturing industries — we most depend more or less on the country sur-
rounding us, and we cannot see that country deprived of its resources, for if it is, what
will become of our shopkeepers, what will become of our tradesmen -yes, gentlemen,
what will become of our professional men, for there will be no people to attend to ?
What has been the cause of the falling off in Cromarty, Invergordon, Dornoch, and
other northern towns? Simply that the surrounding country had been depopulated,
and one or two large farms have taken the place of a large number of small tenants.
These people who are evicted to make room for these large farmers who may or may
not patronise us— these people, I say, are obliged to come into these towns, and what
is the consequence ? They become paupers, and we, the inhabitants of Inverness,
have to pay poor-rates, while the proprietors who evicted them are receiving £i an
acre of rent and more for the land which those people cultivated and brought to its
present fertile state. That is a preposterous state of things, which cannot be
allowed to continue. Mr Fraser-Mackintosh has told us this evening how he has
taken up this question as a member of the Crofter Commission, and he has also told
us his views on the franchise question, and with regard to the latter, I can only say
that when the crofters get their votes they will show themselves that they will only
return to Parliament people who will help Mr Fraser-Mackintosh to bring on and
carry a good Land Bill.
THE STORNOWAY CROFTER DEMONSTRATION.-The great Demon-
stration held in Stornoway on the i6th of October last, and its lessons, will be dealt
with in our next issue, as well as the partisan— the poisoned— sources of the false in-
formation supplied by the whole of the Scottish press regarding it. The manner in
which the press is supplied with this class of news from the North will be fully exposed.
THE
CELTIC MAGAZINE.
CONDUCTED BY
ALEXANDER MACKENZIE, F.S.A., Scot.
No. CX. DECEMBER 1884. VOL. X.
THE MUNROS OF MILNTOWN.
BY ALEXANDER Ross.
THE family of Milntown and a few of its cadets spelt their name
at different periods, and often indiscriminately, Mvnroand Munro.
The latter is the form adopted in this and the following chapters,
as being, on the whole, nearer the general pronunciation, and that
which has been used by the Chiefs of the Clan for the last two
centuries.
The founder of the family of Milntown, in or about the year
1465, was John, son of Hugh Munro, twelfth Baron of Fowlis, by
his second marriage 'with Lady Margaret Sutherland, daughter
of Nicolas, eighth Earl of Sutherland, grand-daughter of William,
fifth Earl of Sutherland, and of his wife, the Princess Margaret,
eldest daughter of the second marriage of King Robert the Bruce.
John Munro was called the Tutor of Fowlis, on account of
his having been for^many years guardian of his nephew, John,
the young Baron of Fowlis, whose father, George, and grand-
father, Hugh, were killed at the battle of Bealach-na-Broige, in
1452. He is recorded as having " purchased the ward of the lands
of Fowlis, in favor of his nevvy, the sone of his deid brother
George Munroe."*
In a manuscript History of the Munros, written apparently
about the year 1712, John Munro is described as a "bold, forward,
* History of the Earldom of Sutherland.
D
5o THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
daring gentleman, esteemed by his sovereign, and loved by his
friends." It was he who fought the Battle of Clachnaharry, near
Inverness, with the Mackintoshes.
The following is the account of this sanguinary conflict given
by Sir Robert Gordon in his History of the Earldom of Suther-
land:—"]^ Monroe, tutor of Foulls, travelling homeward on his
journey from the South of Scotland towards Rosse, did repose
himself by the way in Strathardale, between Sanct Johnstoun
(Perth) and Athole, wher he fell at variance with the inhabitants
of that countrey, who had abused him. Being returned home to
Rosse, he gathered together his whole kinsmen and followers, and
declared into them how he had been used, craveing withall their
aid to revenge himself of that injurie ; unto the which motion
they hearkned willinglie, and yeelded to assist him to the utter-
most of their abilities. Whereupon he singled out thrie hundred
and fyftie of the best and ablest men among them, and went with
these to Strathardaill, which he wasted and spoilled, killed some
of the people, and careid away their cattell. In his return home,
as he wes passing by the ile of Moy with the prey, Mackintosh
(cheftan of the Clanchattan) sent to him to crave a pairt of the
spoile, being persuaded thereto by some evill disposed persons
about him, and challenging the same as due unto him by custome.
John Monroe, in curtesie, offered into Mackintosh a reasonable
portion, which he, thorow evill councell, refused to accept, and
wold have no less than the half of the whole booty ; whereunto
John Monroe wold not hearken nor yield, bot goeth on his in-
tended journie homeward. Mackintosh conveens his forces with
all dilligence, and followes John Monroe, whom he overtook at
Clagh-ne-Hayre, besyd Inverness, hard by the ferrie of Kessak.
John perceaving Mackintosh and his companie following them
hard at hand, he sent fyftie of his men home to Ferrindonald with
the spoile, and incouraged the rest of his followers to fight : so
ther ensued a cruell conflict, wherein Mackintosh was slain, with
the most part of his companie ; divers of the Monroes were also
ther slain. John Monroe wes left as deid in the field, and wes
taken up by the Lord Lovat his predicessor, who careid him to
his hous, wher he was cured of his wounds ; and wes from thence
foorth called John Bacelawigh, becaus he wes mutilat of one of
his hands all the rest of his dayes. From this John Bacelawigh
THE MUNROS OF MILLTOWN. 51
Monroe of the familie of Milntown Monroe descended." The
date assigned by Sir Robert for this conflict is 1333.
In a manuscript account of the "Conflicts in Scotland" there
is a report of this clan battle of Clachnaharry, which in all import-
ant particulars, mainly agrees with the above, except in the date,
1341, which can hardly be accurate; neither can the year 1333;
but that of 1454, given by Shaw, is more likely to be correct.
At page 219 of his "Province of Morayshire," he says — "A
shameful and bloody conflict happened betwixt the Mackin-
toshes and Munroes in the year 1454. The occasion was this
—John Munroe, tutor of Fowles, in his return from Edinburgh,
rested upon a meadow in Strathardale, and both he and his
servants falling asleep, the peevish owner of the meadow cut off
the tails of his horses. This he resented as the Turks would
resent the cutting off their horses' tails, which they reckon a
grevious insult. He returned soon with three hundred and fifty
men, spoiled Strathardale, and drove away their cattle ; in pass-
ing the Loch of Moy in Strathern he was observed. Mackintosh,
then residing in the Island of Moy, sent to ask a Stike Raide, or
Stick Criech, that is, a Road Collop ; a custom among the High-
landers, that when a party drove away spoil through a gentle-
man's land they should give him part of the spoil. Munroe
offered what he thought reasonable, but more was demanded ;
Mackintosh, irritated by some provoking words, given to his
messenger, convocated a body of men, pursued the Munroes,
and at Clachnaharie, near Inverness, they fought desperately.
Many were killed on each side, among whom was the Laird of
Mackintosh ; John Munroe was wounded and laimed, and was
after called John Bacilach. The Munroes had great advantage
of ground by lurking among the rocks ; whilst the Mackintoshes
were exposed to their arrows. How rude and barbarous was the
spirit of men in those days ? and upon what trifling, nay shame-
ful, provocations did they butcher one another."
There is another narration of this fight, given in the " His-
torical Account of the Family of Frisel or Eraser," pages 54-5,
on the authority of MSS. of Frasers in the Advocates' Library,
Edinburgh (p. 1 14), as follows : —
"On the 2/th of June 1378, the Munroes, a distinguished tribe
in Ross, returning from an inroad they had made in the south of
52 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Scotland, passed by Moyhall, the seat of Mackintosh, leader of
the Clan Chattan. A share of the booty, or road-collop, payable
to a chief for traversing his domains, was demanded and acceded
to ; but Mackintosh's avaricious coveting the whole, his proposal
met with contempt. Mackintosh summoned his vassals to extort
compliance. The Munroes pursuing their journey, forded the
River Ness a little above the Island, and dispatched the cattle
they had plundered across the hill of Kinmylies, to Lovat's pro-
vince. Their enemies came up with them at the point of Clag-
nahayre, and immediately joined battle. The conflict was such
as might have been expected from men excited to revenge by a
long and inveterate enmity. Quarter was neither sought nor
granted. After an obstinate struggle, Mackintosh was killed.
The survivors of his band retraced their steps to their own
country. John Munro, tutor of Foulis, was left for dead upon
the field ; from the loss of his arm he ever after acquired the
name of John Back-Lawighe. The Munroes were not long in
retaliating. Having collected a sufficient force, they marched in
the dead of night for the Isle of Moy, where the Chief of the
Mackintoshes resided. By the aid of some planks which they
had carried with them, and now put together, they crossed to the
Isle, and glutted their thirst for revenge by murder or captivity of
all the inmates."
There are other notices of this fight — in Pennants " First
Tour" in Scotland in 1769, as also in Anderson's "Scottish
Nation," vol. iii., page 214, and in Brown's "History of the
Highlands," vol. i., page 151, which vary very little from those
above given. The following account, which was written by Mack-
intosh of Kinrara, about two hundred years after the event, bears
every mark of being an unbiassed statement ; he moreover treats
of the encounter as one he deplores. It will be seen that, though
not generally known, the principal actors were not only reconciled,
but became brothers-in-law : —
" In 1454 a sudden and unexpected contest sprung up be-
tween Malcolm Mackintosh, commonly called Gilliecallum Oig,
Mac-Mic-Gilliecallum Beg, grandson of the afore-mentioned
Mackintosh (of Mackintosh), and John Monro, tutor of Fowlis.
A very keen contest followed. The origin of it was this :— John
Munro was second son of Hugh Munro of Fowlis, and acted tutor
THE MUNROS OF MILNTOWN. 53
to John Munro, his nephew, by his brother, George Munro of
Fowlis. Returning from a tour to the South for despatching his
pupil's business, a dissension took place between him and the in-
habitants of Strathardale. He was contemptuously treated and
loaded with great abuse. Intent upon revenge he comes home,
informing his friends and relations of the injury he has sustained,
and implores their assistance. At the head of two hundred chosen
men he advances with all possible speed, and before his approach
is observed enters Strathardale, ravages the country, and carries
off the herds of cattle. At the River Findhorn, on his return, the
afore-mentioned Malcolm Oig meets him by accident, and under-
standing the matter, is urged by the young men that follow him
to demand a part of the plunder. John offers him twenty-four
cows and a bull, which Malcolm Oig proudly and rashly rejects,
insisting on no less than one-third part. John treats his demand
with scorn, and proceeds on his way, determined to give none.
Malcolm Oig incensed, instantly communicates this to his friends,
and immediately commands the inhabitants of Petty and Loch-
ardil to follow John and obstruct his passage until he, with the men
of Strathnairn, shall have come up. His commands are obeyed.
They pursue John beyond the water of Ness, and overtake him
at a place called Clachnaharry. He (John), sends off forty men
with the booty, and encourages the rest to fight. A fierce con-
flict ensues. A few fell on each side. John, almost slain, is left
among the dead, but Lord Lovat upon better information takes
care of his recovery. John was afterwards called ' Baichlich/
i.e. maimed, because he lost his hand in that engagement From
him descended the family of Milntown. Malcolm Oig was not
present in that battle, which arose from his temerity, for the con-
flict took place before he came up. " The same Malcolm Oig
afterwards married Janet Munro, sister of John."
The chief difficulty remaining is to fix the correct date of
the event, as there are so many discrepancies in the different
historians, although they all agree in the main facts — the years
1333, 1341 (in Lawrie's " Scots Wars," page 116), 1378, and 1454,
being variously stated by them. Sir Robert Gordon was not
over-exact in giving dates to the events which he describes, and
the year (1333) given by him may be at once discarded; and,
for many reasons, that of 2/th June 1378, assigned to it in the
54 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE
"MS. History of the Erasers," though the only one stating the
month, can hardly be accepted as decisive. I am inclined to
accept the year 1454 as the actual date of the battle of Clachna-
harry. No chief of the Clan Mackintosh, from Angus, who
fought at Bannockburn, and died in 1346, aged 77, down to Mal-
colm Beg— noticed above— who died in 1457 at the age of 90, is
recorded by any writer of their history as having been so killed ;
yet all the historians above quoted— except Mackintosh of Kin-
rara_agree in saying that the Chief of the Mackintoshes was
slain at Clachnaharry, a circumstance which is quite unaccount-
able, and I leave it as a crux in chronology.
The sobriquet given to John Munro should be spelt " Bac-
lamhach." "Bac-lamh" is a manacle or handcuff; "Bac-lamhach"
means disabled in the hand. " Coitach " should be spelt
" Ciotach." " Coit" signifies a "coble" or " coracle." " Ciotach "
is the proper word for " lefthand." Both words were evidently
applied to John Munro " Bac-lamhach," because he was lame-
handed. " Ciotach " because he became so expert in the use of
the left hand as to make both terms equally applicable — " Ian
Bac-lamhach," "John Lamehand;" "Ian Ciotach," "John Left-
hand."
Clach-na-Faire^ or as it is now spelt, Clachnaharry, literally
means, in Gaelic, " the stone of watching." This stone was
placed by the authorities of Inverness in a conspicuous position,
with men on the watch, from early morning to nightfall, to give
an alarm of any threatened raid from Ross ; the view from the
place being so commanding as to enable them to see any hostile
approach, whether by crossing Kessock Ferry, or coming round
by the head of the Beauly Firth. A commemorative monument
was, several years ago, erected by the late Hugh Robert Duff of
Muirtown, on a site amid the rocks where the conflict took place.
John Munro I. of Milntown, married late in life, and left, at
least, two sons —
1. Andrew M6r, his successor, and
2. John of Kilmorack, who married a daughter of Henry
Urquhart of Davidston, in the parish of Cromarty, by whom he
had, among others, a son,
Donald, who married Jane, daughter of William M'Vorchie
that is, William, son of Murdoch— by whom he had two sons—
THE MUNROS OF MILNTOWN. 55
(1) Thomas, and
(2) Alexander, who migrated to Lochbroom, where he mar-
ried, and had a son, John, who entered the Church, and in 1569
was presented to the vicarage of his native parish by King James
VI. He died in 1573, and in that year James presented Angus
Macneil Mackenzie to the vicarage.
Thomas, III. of Kilmorack, married Jean, daughter of Hugh
Ross of Millderg, by whom he had a son, Andrew. He had also
a natural son, named Donald.
Andrew married Anne, daughter of Angus M'Vorchie of
Inveran, by whom he had two sons —
(i) John, and (2) Alexander.
John married Isabella, daughter of Donald Munro of Miln-
town of Alness, by whom he had, among others —
(i) Robert, and (2) Donald.
Robert married Christian, daughter of Donald Brown of
Acharn, in the parish of Alness, by whom he had two sons —
(1) Donald, and
(2) Hector, who entered the army, and fought at the battle
of Worcester, where he was taken prisoner, and banished to the
Barbadoes. I have not succeeded in tracing further the descent
of this branch.
John Munro, I. of Milntown, died about the year 1475, and
was succeeded by his eldest son —
II. Andrew, who is stated to have been " a bold, austere,
and gallant gentleman, esteemed by his friends, and a terror to
his enemies." It was he who built the Castle of Milntown ;
and in connection with its erection Sir Robert Gordon makes
the following observation, on page 146 of his Earldom of
Sutherland: —
" About the year A.D. 1 500, the Monroes of Milntown began
to build the castell of Milntoun. Their next neighbours, the
Rosses of Balnagown, endevoard to stop and hinder them from
the building of the castell. But Earl John of Sutherland went
himselff in persone to defend them against Balnagowan, his brag-
ings. Thea returning home into Sutherland, he did leave a com-
panie of men at Milntown, for their defence against the Rosses,
untill the most pairt of that castell was finished ; which kyndness
the Monroes of Milntoun doe acknowledge unto this day."
56 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
The Laird, or Chief of Balnagown at that period, was Sir
David Ross, Knight, who played a conspicuous part in the
history of Ross-shire, of which he was for several years sheriff.
It is a remarkable fact that a lineal descendant— Lord Tarbat-
of that John, Earl of Sutherland, who assisted the Munros in
their contentions with the Rosses of Balnagown and their allies,
will at some future period, inherit the very place that his ancestor
defended, now called New Tarbat, formerly Milntown, the vaults
of which now only remain at the back-ground of the modern
mansion-house of New Tarbat, built by the late Lord Macleod,
who died in 1789, and great-great-grandfather of the present
Duchess of Sutherland, mother of Lord Tarbat.
According to an entry in the " Kalendar of Fearn," the old
castle of Milntown was burnt down accidentally by the nest of
a jackdaw, which had been built in some part of the house,
taking fire. The entry in the Register quaintly records that on
"the 19 of May 1642, the hous of Milntown was burnt negli-
gentlie be ane keai's nest."
Andrew married and left one son, Andrew, on account of
his low statue, called Andrew " Beg."
Andrew M6r of Milntown, died in 1501, and was succeeded
by his only son.
(To be continued.)
THE LOST GAELIC DICTIONARY.— As a partial reply to your query
last month regarding a Gaelic Dictionary prepared early in the present century by
Mr Alexander Robertson, Kirkmichael, Perthshire, permit me to quote a short ex-
tract from Ramsay's " History of the Highland and Agricultural Society." It is as
follows, and will be found at page 136 of that work : — " On 27th June 1806, there was
voted a sum of ^"30 to Alexander Robertson, schoolmaster, Kirkmichael, Perthshire,
for the manuscript of a Gaelic Dictionary, proposed to be published by him, but
which the Society had obtained from him as an aid to one on a more extensive scale,
it had in view to publish." I understand some portion of Robertson's Dictionary was
actually published. It would be well worth while for some energetic Celt, say
Professor Mackinnon, to examine the minutes and other archives of the Highland
Society about the date referred to, in order to discover how much of the credit of
laying the foundation of the Highland Society's great Dictionary was due to the
humble schoolmaster of Kirkmichael. If his Dictionary was prepared as early as
the year 1806, he must have been the first of our Gaelic lexicographers, with the
exception of Shaw whose Dictionary was published in the year 1778. Probably
something of the history of the man might be gathered from the Session Records, or
from some old inhabitants of the parish of Kirkmichael. It seems rather ungenerous
in the compilers of the Highland Society's Dictionary not to have acknowledged the
assistance derived from Robertson's manuscript, for which the Society voted ^"30.
I can hardly conceive that this sum in any sense adequately represented the value of
the labour required at that early time to compile a Dictionary of the Gaelic lan-
guage of the thorough character described in the prospectus announcing the pro-
jected publication of Robertson's Dictionary. I, B. O.
57
IRELAND AND THE IRISH LAND ACT, FROM A
HIGHLAND POINT OF VIEW.
II.
LAST month I parted with the reader at the town of Ballina, and
promised, in another article, to take him along with me through
several other counties in Ireland. Before leaving the West,
however, it may be appropriate to make a few general remarks
on matters which came under my observation, while in County
Mayo.
The island of Achill, in this county, has a population of
over five thousand people, very poor ; and their holdings hitherto
were highly rented. The very week that I was in the district,
the Sub-Commission for County Mayo was hearing cases and
inspecting holdings in the island, and decisions were given in
about forty cases, the reductions in rent being on Lord Cavan's
property 45 per cent, on the Home Mission estates 36^ per
cent, and in a test case from Captain Pike's property, the extra-
ordinary reduction of 54 per cent was made. Nearly the whole
able-bodied male population of this island migrate to England
during the harvest each year, leaving their wives and families to
attend to their holdings at home. From this source they usually
take home at the end of the season from £8 to £10, which en-
able them to live through the winter, and, hitherto, to pay the
exorbitant rents charged, as in most other places in Ireland, on
the results of their own labour in reclaiming the land from the
boggy and mountainous wastes.
I found in almost all the places which I had visited in the
West that, though the people grew corn — oats and barley — they
nearly all lived on potatoes and Indian meal, and that they sold
the oats and barley generally for the manufacture of Irish
whisky. I was informed that there was not much difference in
the price of oat and Indian meal, and that the principal reason
that the oats and barley were disposed of was that there were
not now — nor, indeed, since the famine years — any mills in the
remote parts of the county in which the oats and barley could
be ground. This appears to me, as an outsider, a question
58 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
which demands the attention of the leaders of the people in Ire-
land, for the sustaining power of Indian meal is not for a moment
to be compared with that of oat and barley meal, to say nothing
of its unpalatable qualities. The oats and barley are sold early
in the season to pay the rent to the landlord, and to meet the
indebtedness to the local merchant, who supplies the Indian
meal on credit at a large profit, thus securing the profit on both
the oats and the Indian meal, necessarily lost to the poor tenants,
who are obliged to fall in with this objectionable custom.
I was quite surprised to find the people speaking in such a
friendly spirit of the members of the Royal Irish Constabulary,
though, in not a few cases, they had to come into direct contact
with the inhabitants, shooting some of them down, and wounding
them with their sword-bayonets. I had unusual facilities for see-
ing these men during my visit to Ireland, and I am not at all
surprised that they should be considered the finest body of men
in Europe. They are all recruited from among the people, and,
as I said, on very friendly terms with them. Notwithstanding
this, and, though their feelings of kindred towards their friends
must have been strong, there is not a single instance, during the
whole of the Irish land agitation, in which a member of the
force failed to do his duty.
Between Ballina and Dublin I passed through the counties
of Galway, Roscommon, Westmeath, Meath, Kildare, and Dublin.
Between Ballina and Westford Junction the country is thickly
populated and very rugged. At several stations on the way I
noticed large crowds of country people apparently seeing away
some friends. As the train started, in each case the most extra-
ordinary howling— weeping and wailing aloud— by men and
women, young and old, to all appearance of the most heart-
rending character, was indulged in by crowds varying from
twenty to fifty people. At first I thought that some apprehen-
sions had been made by the police for crimes of a serious nature,
and that the offenders were being taken away to prison, but, on
making inquiry, I discovered that it was nothing more serious
than a few people who were going to America by one of the
Atlantic liners starting from Kingstown on the following morn-
ing. My informant, a native, well acquainted with the district,
told me that, notwithstanding the apparent heart-rending scenes
IRELAND AND THE IRISH LAND ACT. 59
which I had just witnessed, most of these people, before they
were fifty yards away from the station, would be laughing and
jumping in the most light-hearted manner, and as if nothing
extraordinary had taken place.
Two Catholic priests accompanied me in the same carriage
a considerable part of the journey to Dublin, and from them I
learned that the priests, almost without exception, supported the
Irish Land League, and that most of them had long done so,
except in their issue of the "No-Rent" manifesto, which was
condemned on all hands as immoral. It was, however, well
known in Ireland, they told me, that Mr Parnell, who was
at the time in prison, never signed it, and that he highly dis-
approved of its having been issued, both in principle and policy,
though, for the sake of his friends outside, who adhibited his
name in his absence, he never made much of his objections in
public. One Catholic bishop, a Dr Gilooly, I think, opposed the
League, and had commanded his clergy to discountenance it.
They could not oppose him publicly, as this would be an overt
act of disobedience, but his orders were otherwise ignored, and
the people were allowed to know that the bishop was in a
minority of one, not only among the Episcopate, but also among
the clergy of his own diocese. Two of his priests were my in-
formants, and what they said I had fully corroborated to me
afterwards by others of this bishop's clergy in my hotel in Dub-
lin, where I met several of them, no fewer than twelve reverend
fathers dining at the same table with me.
I was anxious to know the views held in clerical circles of
the interference of His Holiness the Pope in the matter of the
Parnell testimonial, and was informed that he had been misin-
formed by Mr Errington and other emissaries of the British
Government. The clergy of Ireland knew this, and knew further
that when His Holiness came to know the facts he would change
his mind. He was not in this case acting ex cathedra^ but deal-
ing with a temporal matter in which the clergy or people were
not bound to obey him, and they simply declined to do so, sub-
scribing more liberally than ever to the Parnell fund. His
Holiness had, however, recently sent for three of the leading
men in the Church in Ireland, and these — all sympathisers with
the people — were preparing to leave for Rome when I was in
6o THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Dublin, and everybody believed that the Pope would not again,
after consulting them, say or do anything against the Irish Land
League or its supporters in the Church or out of it.
My main object in visiting Ireland was to discover the effect
of the Irish Land Act, and how it was appreciated by the
people themselves as well as the actual state of the peasantry-
their mode of life and surroundings, their means of existence,
and the state of their habitations— as compared with our own
Highland crofters— the corresponding peasantry of the North of
Scotland. Having made very general inquiry in Mayo, one of
the poorest counties in Ireland, from all sections of the people,
including several gentlemen holding high and official positions, I
am bound to say that, excluding landowners and land agents—
the latter synonymous with our factors— the universal feeling is
that
THE IRISH LAND ACT
has been a great boon to the country, and will ultimately prove
an incalculable blessing to the Irish nation, not excepting the
landed interest itself. Even Irish Nationalists and the most
extreme Home Rulers admit this to a great extent when ques-
tioned directly on the subject, though it is manifestly against
their interests and objects to do so. No one in Ireland can now
be evicted so long as he pays his rent, and every yearly tenant
is entitled to the full benefit of any improvements he or she
may make on the land. These facts seemed so strange to the
people, who had hitherto bean at the absolute mercy of the land-
lords— just as our own Highland crofters are at the present
moment — that it took some time before they could actually
realise their changed condition ; but they have now commenced
in real earnest to improve their holdings, and, in a few cases,
their dwellings, and the general belief among the better-to-do
classes — official and non-official — is that in a few years a social
revolution — a complete change for the better — in the condition
and habits of the people will be the result ; and that the Irishman,
as soon as he can realise his improved prospects and his personal
interests in the peace and prosperity of his country, will become
a good, loyal, and even, in the true sense of the word, a conserva-
tive subject of the British Crown. It is of course difficult for the
proprietors, who had their rents reduced under the Act from 10
IRELAND AND THE IRISH LAND ACT. 61
to 60 per cent, to look with satisfaction even upon such a happy
consummation as this; but outside landlord circles this is be-
lieved, and looked forward to as a certainty, by all sections of
society and by politicians of every creed, except those of the
most extreme opinions on both sides — those who in fact do not
wish to see this happy state of things realised.
The great objections to the Land Act from the Irish point
of view are that all lands held under lease are excluded from its
operation, and that a great many of the valuators appointed
under the Act are men without any knowledge whatever
of agriculture, who owe their position entirely to political or
other powerful influences. It is impossible that men of this
class can avoid falling into serious errors in their valuations, the
result in many cases being a mere lottery. Whatever may be
said of the exclusion of lands held under lease from the operation
of the Act, it is impossible to deny that the objection to such
inexperienced valuators is well-founded and should be at once
removed.
It may be naturally asked how it is that the Irish tenants
are not satisfied with what they have already secured, and how
it is that they do not show the most unbounded gratitude to the
Government that has conferred such undoubted benefits upon
them. To answer the first question, even if I could, would
occupy much more space than is at present at my disposal ; and
the almost universal answer to the second question, when put by
me, was — " Begorra, sir, the devil thank them ; they could not
help theirselves." While fully admitting that Mr Gladstone was
the only British statesman who ever attempted seriously to do
justice to the claims of the Irish people, and that he would
further benefit them if he could, they are fully convinced that
had it not been for the Irish land agitation no Irish Land Act
would have been passed even yet by the British Parliament.
They also admit having felt at one time grateful to Mr Glad-
stone, but his imprisonment of the Irish leaders has more than
counterbalanced in the minds of the people all his previous
efforts for the race. Their gratitude and thanks are now
virtually to two men, and to these two men alone, namely,
CHARLES STEWART PARNELL AND MICHAEL DAVITT,
in the former of whom, whatever may be said to the contrary,
62 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
they have the most unbounded confidence, and to whom they
look up to as their Deliverer. Had it not been for Parnell and
the Parnellites scarcely anyone in Ireland believes that the
British Government would ever have done anything; hence
their great confidence in him and their all but unanimous deter-
mination to act up to his instructions or those of his lieutenants
who are known to be in his confidence. This is fully admitted
by his influential and active opponents, and by the leading
officials of the various districts that I have visited. Even in
Londonderry one meets with any number of Parnellites, and
there are thousands even there who sympathise with him and
with the Land League and its objects, but who, for various
reasons, cannot afford publicly to admit it.
All through Ireland, it is quite understood that Parnell and
Davitt are simply running tandem in their mode of action, and
that there is the most complete understanding between them,
though people on this side are led to believe that they are some-
times pulling against each other. Davitt is undoubtedly the most
popular man personally in Ireland, but Parnell is considered, and
has proved himself, the steadiest and most trustworthy of the
pair in the political shafts, while Davitt is the most dashing and
suitable for the more advanced position. Parnell is the able,
shrewd politician, and fully trusted as such, while Davitt is looked
upon and loved as the honest, self-sacrificing patriot, who has
very severely suffered for his loyalty to his native land. Whether
we like them or not, these are the actual facts, and British poli-
ticians must take them into account in dealing with the Irish
people.
To satisfy myself fully before expressing an opinion on these
questions, I travelled in County Mayo alone, some 250 miles, by
private conveyance, not more than 25 of which were over the
same ground. I have consulted men in every position, from the
highest to the lowest in the county ; and I may say, in a sentence,
that what I have written is based on the all but unanimous testi-
mony of these people. Even the tradespeople, some of whom
say that they have in some degree suffered from the agitation,
fully sympathise with it, and will support the leaders with their
money and their votes ; for they quite see and say that the agita-
tion and the Land Act have benefited the country to an incal-
IRELAND AND THE IRISH LAND ACT. 63
culable extent, and that the whole trade of Ireland must ulti-
mately benefit by the general prosperity which will now soon
follow, as they all expect and believe.
No king ever received the homage of a nation as Mr
Parnell received that of the Irish people ; and those who say that
his influence is on the wane may be safely put down as those
whose "wish is father to the thought." Whenever a general
election takes place, it matters not upon what franchise — the
present or an extended one — the almost universal opinion is
that, with the exception of some dozen seats, the Irish people
will return the nominees of Mr Parnell from one end of Ireland
to the other. And this is not merely the opinion of his friends,
but of his most inveterate opponents — I might say his inveterate
enemies — for he is most sincerely hated, and no wonder, by the
landed classes, most of whom are, in the meantime at anyrate,
almost ruined — many of them really so.
THE CONDITION OF THE IRISH PEASANTRY.
I have always been led to believe that the small tenants of
Ireland were in a far worse position than the corresponding class
in the North of Scotland — the Highland crofters. If it had been
possible for me to have had any conceit on this question, know-
ing, as I did so well, the miserable — the almost unspeakably
miserable — condition of my own crofting countrymen, it would
have been completely knocked out of me by my present visit to
what is universally admitted to be one of the very poorest dis-
tricts in Ireland. I do not feel quite prepared to express a
decided opinion as to the comparative means of subsistence of
the two peoples — the quality and quantity of the food they
consume — but as to the superior outward appearance and sub-
stantial nature of the dwellings of the Irish peasants over those
of my Highland countrymen there is no question at all. Indeed,
there can be no comparison.
I always had the idea that an Irish cabin was nothing but a
mud or turf hut, and since I landed in the country I was always
expecting to meet with such, but I have not seen one, though I
have touched the Atlantic on the West Coast of Mayo, and gone
through the poorest part of the poorest county, taking it all over,
in the whole of Ireland. On the contrary, the people have sub-
64 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE,
stantially-built stone houses with stone gables, and chimneys at
both ends or in the middle of the houses, in most cases with
white-washed walls and straw-thatched roofs, done in the best,
and, in some cases, in an artistic manner. The Irish cabin of
my imagination does not really exist, and the actual dwelling
of the Irish peasant in the very poorest localities is not to be
compared for a moment with that of the Highland crofter in the
West Highlands and Islands — in South Uist, Barra, and portions
of Skye, and the greater portion of the Lewis. The mere com-
parison brings the blush to my cheek.
If only a few of our Highland proprietors could be induced
to visit Ireland as I have done, they would return home
thoroughly ashamed of the system which admits of the present
state of things — the wretched hovels in which many of our coun-
trymen in the Highlands have to live. The fact is, that, even
before the Irish people got their Land Act, they were, to all ap-
pearance, better off in every respect than the Highland peasantry.
Evictions on the scale and in the manner in which they were
carried out with us were quite unknown in Ireland ; and, from
all I can learn, the Irish landlord generally was a far superior being
to his Highland prototype.
DUBLIN.
His Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge arrived in
Dublin the same night as I did. Next morning, he, accompanied
by the Lord-Lieutenant, the Commander-in-Chief in Ireland, and
the military staff, with Lady Spencer and her friends, inspected
the garrison ; and it was remarked by many, with much regret,
that not a single cheer greeted him as he came on the field in
the Phoenix Park; nor was there a single flag in the whole City
of Dublin, except two or three shown on the military barracks
and military hospital. He was respectfully spoken of, but it
appears to have been tacitly agreed to thus express by silence
the feeling of the people against the Lord-Lieutenant and his
military government of Ireland, supposed by outsiders to be
governed, as we are, on purely Constitutional principles, though,
beyond defending the acts of the Castle officials, I was told that
the Lord-Lieutenant had in reality as much or as little to do
with the actual government of Ireland as her Majesty the Queen
had to do with the actual realities of the government of the
THE REV. ALEXANDER CAMERON. 65
United Kingdom ; and that British rule in Ireland could not be
maintained for twenty-four hours without the rifle and bayonet.
Having driven round the Phoenix Park and the principal
streets and squares of this splendid city, and having seen its
public buildings, and some of its public men, I crossed to Holy-
head by the day steamer on my way to Liverpool and Glasgow,
at both of which places I spent at least a day. I in due course
found my way to the Highland Capital after a three weeks' trip,
one of the most enjoyable and instructive in various ways that I
ever spent, and one which I would not have missed, with my
present experience, for a very substantial reward. It is a great
pity, both for the Irish and for us, that more of our people do
not visit that beautiful country — a country, notwithstanding the
deplorable acts that have occurred among themselves, in which
one is as safe travelling as in any part of England or Scotland.
A. M.
THE REV. FATHER ALEXANDER CAMERON-
SON OF LOCHIEL.
THE following extract from the Dingwall Presbytery Records,
vol. 3, p. 411-2, refers to the son of John Cameron XVIII. , of
Lochiel, mentioned at page 2 14 of Mackenzie's "History of the
Camerons," recently published.
AT DINGWALL, 27th April 1743.
The Presbytery do appoint their Commissioners to the ensuing General Assembly,
to lay before the said Assembly the following brief representation respecting the state
and growth of popery in their bounds, particularly that the Presbytery do find, besides
Mr John Farquarson, a Jesuite Priest, who, for several years, resided and traffick'd in
the Chisolm's country as a Foppish Missionary, that there is one, Alex. Cameron,
brother to the present Laird of Locheale, who hath lately settled in the part of Strath-
glass that pertains to the Lord Lovet, and is employed as a Poppish Missionary in
that neighbourhood and Glenstrathfarrar, and trafficks with great success ; and that he
hath great advantage by his connexion with the inhabitants of Lochaber, which gives
the people of these corners, wherein he is employed, occasion to suppose that it is in
his power to protect them and their cattle from the invasions of the people of that
country, or to avenge himself upon them by their means, by which the few Protestants
that are there are much discouraged, and kept in perpetual terror ; that severall argu-
ments and methods are said to be used by him that would more become a country
where Popery had the advantage of law in its favours than places that are under a
Protestant Government, by all which means the Presbytery do find that a greater num-
ber have been perverted to Popery in those parts within these few months than thirty
years before. The Presbytery do instruct their Commissioners to urge the Assembly
to take the matters above mentioned to their serious and reasonable consideration, and
E
66 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
endeavour to procure the Assembly's particular recommendation to the Committee for
Reformation of the Highlands to take a special care for providing these corners, not
only with a well qualified preacher, such as is there presently employed, but also witl,
a catechist and schoolmaster, and that the Assembly give proper order for executing
the laws against the saids Mrs John Farquharson and Alexander Cameron, and that
the Assembly use their interests with the superiors and heritors of the parishes of
Killtarlatie and Kilmorack, to protect the Protestant religion in their bounds, and
discourage, by all reasonable and likely means, the Roman Catholic religion.
N B.— The foresaid Mr Alexander Cameron is said to have been for some time
an officer in the French Army, to have been thereafter one of the Bed Chamber to the
Pretender at Rome, and afterwards to have gone to a monastery, in consequence of
which he was sometime ago entered into Popish orders, and sent home for the service
above represented.
THE HISTORY OF THE CAMERONS.— "Having in previous years produced
histories of the Mackenzies, the Macdonalds, and the Mathesons, Mr Alexander Mac-
kenzie, F.S.A. Scot., the editor of the Celtic Magazine, now favours us with a fourth
massive volume of nearly five hundred pages, giving a 'History of the Camerons, with
Genealogies of the Principal Families of the Name' (Inverness: A. & W. Mackenzie).
The record is remarkable for its completeness, especially when we take into account
the difficulties that had to be overcome in the execution of the herculean task— a task
made all the laborious by the fact that very little help could be afforded even by the
heads of the leading families of the clan, however willing they may have been to give
it. One peculiarly attractive feature of the noble volume is the very full and vivid
account that is given of the career of General Sir Allan Cameron of Erracht, K.C.B.,
and equal justice is rendered to another illustrious soldier of the clan, Colonel John
Cameron of Fassiefern. It is deeply interesting to trace the story of the numerous
branches of the ancient house, many of whose members have distinguished themselves in
every walk of life, not only in the land of their nativity, but also in England and in the
colonies. This is illustrated in a conspicuous degree in the section of the work devoted to
the Camerons of Cuilchenna, a branch of the family of Callart. These have included
a remarkable number of distinguished men. One of the number is the military veteran
Sir Duncan Alexander Cameron, K.C.B., now colonel of the Black Watch, who ser-
ved through the Crimean campaign, commanding the 42nd at the battle of the Alma
and the Highland Brigade at Balaclava. He was appointed President of the Council
of Education in 1857, was Commander-in-Chief in Scotland in 1860, for several years
acted in a similar capacity in the Australian colonies, and in 1865 was appointed
Governor of the Royal Military College at Sandhurst. ' There are many prominent
men now living,' says our author, ' belonging to this renowned and historic clan, such
as Commander Verney Cameron, R.N., the famous African explorer; Dr Charles A.
Cameron, the eminent analyst of Dublin, F.R.C.S.I.; Dr Charles Cameron, M.P.
for Glasgow, and many others, who have added in our own time to the historic fame
of the Cameron clan.' Mr Mackenzie, who, like every honest workman, is most care-
ful to own even the very slightest obligations to others, makes special mention in his
modest preface of the help he has received from Dr Archibald Clerk, of Kilmallie, and
Mrs Mary Mackellar, the well-known Gaelic poetess, who is an accomplished genealo-
gist as well as a bard. There is an excellent index, which we note with the greater
pleasure on account of its being the handiwork of the author's son, Mr Hector Rose
Mackenzie, a youth who, as the father mentions with pardonable paternal pride, has
already shown a very considerable and intelligent interest in the history, traditions,
and folk-lore of the Highlands." — Literary Notes in the Daily Mail, by the Rev. W,
H. Wyllie.
MAJOR JOHN MACDONALD,
SELECTIONS FROM HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY.
I.
FOR some time we had in our possession an old manuscript, the
ink of which is so faded, and the paper so yellow and worn,
that it is with no little difficulty we are able to decipher it.
It is the autobiography, in his own handwriting, of a Highland
soldier, John Macdonald, who rose from the ranks to be a major
in the army. The various incidents of his career, and the numer-
ous adventures he met with are so interesting, that we make no
apology for making the following selections. He accompanied
his regiment to Flanders, fought under George the Second at the
battle of Dettingen, and had his full share of the hardships of that
memorable campaign ; was at the battle of Fontenoy, where he
received three wounds ; was ordered home with his regiment to
quell the Rising in Scotland in 1745 ; but on arriving at Stafford
information came of Prince Charles's retreat from Derby, when
Macdonald's regiment was again ordered for foreign service. He
was engaged at the battle of Prague, and, after peace was con-
cluded, served in Gibraltar ; then returned home on recruiting
service. In 1759 he secured a commission as Ensign in a regi-
ment raised by the Earl of Sutherland. In January 1763 he
obtained a Lieutenancy in the regular army; but in March of the
same year his regiment was reduced, and he again retired to
Sutherland and took to farming. When the American War of
Independence broke out, he again joined the army, although then
in his 56th year, and took with him his son, aged only fifteen, to
serve as a volunteer. He was appointed to the 42nd Highlanders,
and served all through the war with distinction. At length, after
serving for forty-three years, and attaining to the rank of Major,
he settled down in his native county to spend the remainder of
his days in peace.
The first few pages have altogether disappeared, but we gather
from a pedigree at the end of the manuscript, that John Macdonald
came of a respectable family in Sutherlandshire. In August 1739,
68 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
we find him-a young lad-in company with a cousin, William
Macdonald, engaged in driving some cattle to Mombuy, to de-
liver them to a dealer who had previously bought them. Aft.
fulfilling their task, the two lads, being tired and hungry, went
to the inn at Balchragan to obtain some refreshment,
ing they found the inn full of soldiers— a recruiting party of the
32nd, or Colonel Deseurey's Regiment of Foot, under the com-
mand of Lieutenant John Munro. In the servant of this gentle-
man the lads recognised a distant relation, so that they were soon
quite at home. The sergeant of the party, seeing two such likely
lads, wished to enlist them, but this John Macdonald at least
had no intention of doing. How he was at last entrapped, we
will leave himself to tell in his own words.—
" Meantime (as I found afterwards) William hinted to his
friend that he would list if I could be got to go with him. But
they found this could never be brought about by fair means,
therefore fell on the only scheme that could favour their pur-
pose, viz., using the bottle freely, and I became so intoxicated
that I did not recollect my crossing the water ; but when I came
to my senses I found myself in the inn at Culrain surrounded by
military men and uniforms. I got up much disordered in body
and worse in mind, went to a stream to wash, and taking out my
pocket-handkerchief to dry my hands and face, half-a-crown
dropped out of it. Though there were many to spy how I would
behave, none were then very near me but my cousin William.
I expressed my surprise at seeing the half-crown there, as I did
not keep my money so loose in those days, when he immediately
told me that was the money I got from the Captain. I then,
with great concern, asked him whether it was given, or put in my
pocket. He said I might remember that I took it cheerfully to
serve his Majesty. I asked him then if he would say so before a
Justice of Peace, and was answered, to be sure he would. My
next question was — Are you listed, too ? and was answered in
the affirmative. Then musing a little, it occurred to me that since
he was against me, I had now no evidence on my side, and, there-
fore, had better submit to my hard fate, than provoke (to no
purpose but torment and ill usage to myself) those who had me
entirely in their power, and had a colour of law on their side, and
then I went with him to the company with as much spirits as
one in the utmost despair could feign. But my cousin William
did not escape the drunken farce, having fallen and hurted his
knee so much that he could go no further than Kincarden. This
was another mortifying circumstance to poor despairing me ; but
I saw no remedy. I then went quietly with the party to the
MAJOR JOHN MACDONALD. 69
house of Newmore, where we found one of the most cheerful
landlords in the universe at the door with a magnum of brandy,
and drank to the poor penitent to whom he handed the first
bumper, though there were two sergeants and eighteen good re-
cruits present. We were then conducted to the dining-room,
where we got a most sumptuous supper, with plenty of strong ale
and punch, which went merrily round, every one drinking to poor
miserable me ; but all entreaty was in vain, having formed a
steady resolution to keep in my senses for the future.
" At bedtime I was shown with the most alert serjeant to
one of the best beds. In the morning the Captain's principal
servant came in with the brandy bottle, took a bumper, and be-
gan with pilgarlic to put it round. But I was the only person in
the company that did not turn up the bottom of the glass.
" After a good breakfast we were paraded to march to Inver-
ness, when I stepped out of the rank, and telling the Captain if
he meant I should be a soldier, I hoped he would not take every
advantage of my folly, and put me off with half-a-crown listing
money, to which he answered — my good lad, the serjeant will
give you a guinea and half-a-crown, when you arrive at Inver-
ness. Thus their suspicions continued, but we got to Inverness
that evening, and we were led to a canteen kept by Serjeant
M'Bride, and everyone but myself drank heartily till the garrison
regulations made it necessary to retire to the barracks."
Thus, through an act of folly, the life of John Macdonald
was completely changed. Instead of the quiet uneventful exist-
ence he had hitherto led, he had at once launched upon a career
of adventure, danger, and excitement. In place of the modest
well-conducted companions of his youth, he was now thrown into
daily association with some of the roughest and most unscrupu-
lous men, even of that profligate age. No wonder that our young,
piously-brought-up Highlander should have been horrified on his
first experience of the amenities of a barrack room. This is his
description of his first night in the Castle of Inverness —
" Hitherto, I had seen nothing of the army, but what was
tolerable, and rather decent. But, behold ! I was shown to a
room where there were four soldiers three-fourths drunk, playing
at cards, cursing, swearing, d ing one another, the cards, their
own limbs, eyes, and joints. Then, indeed, had there been open
doors, I certainly would have taken to my heels, but that benefit
was denied, the Castle gates being locked. I lay down, but could
not sleep for the noise these wretches made, and the dread of the
barracks sinking with them. At last I slumbered, but was soon
wakened by a dreadful weight coming thump across me. I
70 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
started up, and found this to be one of my room-mates, knocked
atop of me by another who fell out with him at the cards, the
other two being seconds to see fair play. It is easier to conceive
than describe the figure I made, standing in my shirt against the
wall like a statue, meantime one of the seconds taking notice of
me, desired me to lie down, as he would take care they should
keep the middle of the floor and molest me no more. He was
as good as his word, and the battle was soon over, as well as my
rest for that night. This was a sample of my future companions."
At the time young Macdonald joined the army Highlanders
were looked upon with great suspicion on account of their known
loyalty to the exiled Stuarts. Jacobitism was a part of their
creed, which, born with them, grew with their growth, and
though it received a check in the failure of the Rising of 1715, it
smouldered until it again burst forth in a flame in 1745. In con-
sequence of this veiled antipathy to the Government, Highlanders
who joined the army were treated more like conquered rebels
than comrades of their fellow soldiers. This unfair treatment so
irritated our high-spirited Highlander that he determined to
desert. We shall give his own quaint description —
" But every one had tolerable quarters but the poor High-
landers, treating the Serjeants and corporals was not sufficient to
save them from being insulted and abused. The worst and
most ignominious names was the common manner of addressing
them, such as Highland savages, negroes, yahoos, &c, from the
Adjutant to the meanest and most blackguard drummer, this was
the usage in that regiment at that time ; but glory to Him that
spared me to see decency and sobriety prevail in that worthy
corps, and the highest esteem for my countrymen all over the
known world. Next summer we removed to Fort-William, and
my cousin fell ill, and I was so fretted with bad usage for the
very cause (my country) which should have created esteem, that
I consented with James Gunn (alias Piper) from the parish of
Golspie to desert. But finding our finances rather low, we put off
our design to a day appointed ; before that day, Gunn fell ill, and
though my treatment did not mend, I began seriously to reflect
on desertion as a bad change, as my case then must be similar to
the old gentlemen who was frightened at the rustling of the
leaves on the trees. Soon after this I was placed in another mess
where I was more comfortable. The corporal of my mess was a
man of knowledge and humanity. He was a great reader, and
sat many hours to hear me read books of his own procuring, after-
wards making me understand what I read. He valued me for
MAJOR JOHN MACDONALD. 71
my inclination to learning, and resolution to sobriety, though he
could not keep from drink himself, except by what the soldiers
called 'bagging,' that is, swearing not to drink for so long a time.
His name was Edward Holloway, born in Dublin ; and had it
not been for that failing, he might be an honour to any country.
I should have observed that my friend Holloway chose me and
my countrymen his room mates, and one Hamilton, a country-
man of his own, who was reputed a great boxer. Poor old Ned
having drank too long and hard in September, 'bagged' till
Christmas-Day, when we insisted on enjoying ourselves with
him in our barrack-room, and went by turns for drink. After
some had got merry, it fell to my turn to fetch more ; when I
came back I found a Munro from the parish of Creich, a room
mate, at this room door, bleeding at the mouth and nose, and I
asking him how that happened, was answered that Hamilton had
fallen on him without any provocation. I then asked Hamilton
how he came to abuse the poor fellow so. This was answered,
with an oath, that he would use every Highland negro in the
house in the same manner. I told them it was my turn to begin.
The word was strip ; there was no alternative but that, or suffer-
ing a continued abuse which had exhausted my patience to such
a degree that death appeared preferable to living in such slavery;
therefore, without the least hesitation, I began to cast off. Mean-
time comes in another corporal who was hunting for drink, and
seeing us in this posture, put on a countenance of authority,
ordering us both to the guard-house as prisoners, at the same
time whispering to me in friendship that I had better not venture
the battle, as Hamilton was such an expert boxer that he would
certainly beat me. I answered, with thanks, that I found myself
so often abused by some that had not half my strength that I
must perforce practise that art, and though he might confine us
for a time, how soon released, I would try what this braggart
could do ; and, indeed, he was at that instant boasting, threaten-
ing, and alleging that I was making interest with the corporal
not to allow us fight. The corporal being irritated at this im-
pudent falsehood, told him that he would not only allow the
battle, but stand by to see fair play. This permission put us
both in buff in a moment, and falling on, I found my antagonist
very alert, but mostly to little purpose, as I had him flat to the
ground whenever I hit him. Few hits did the business : being
once down, and stunned, he was ordered, but would not get up,
and he was then declared beaten, which he owned ; but after-
wards he swore if he had room enough I would find beating him
harder work, for all my extraordinary strength. This was my
first engagement of this kind, and I found it the first step to
make the blackguards keep their distance, and to some respect
among my comrades ; and being now grown to such a size that
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such as knew me to have any degree of courage did not choose
to provoke me to a quarrel."
Having thus asserted himself, Macdonald soon found his
life more bearable. He began to take an interest and pride in his
profession, and his sobriety, and general good conduct recom-
mended him to the favour of his officers. Another circumstance
occurred at this time which raised his thoughts from the hard-
ships of his present condition, and buoyed him up with visions of
future happiness. Our hero fell in love, but in describing such a
momentous affair we must again use his own words.—
" A namesake and relation of Macdonald of Keppoch lived
in Maryburgh [Fort- William]. I frequented his house, and there
met with a niece of his, lately come from the house of Glengarry
where she had been from her childhood, her father dying when
she was young, and being a relation and a great favourite of the
Laird's, she was brought up with his children until this term, when
she left that family with a very prudent character. On meeting
her so often at her uncle's, I could not suppress an impulse very
natural at my time of life at the sight of perfect innocence, and no
small degree of beauty ; but however strong my inclination,
reason suggested that should I succeed to my wishes (which I
then had no ground to expect), I must bring hardships on my-
self, and misery on the only person in the world whose happi-
ness I wished most ; and therefore, except what was altogether
unintelligent to my innocent favourite, I made no attempt to
explain myself at this time."
In June 1741, his regiment was ordered to Edinburgh, when
Colonel Husk succeeded to the command. This worthy man
made many alterations and improvements, and among other
things, he showed attention to the Highlanders, and put a stop
to the abuse and brutality with which they were formerly
treated. Here, too, Macdonald had the good fortune of again
meeting with his lady love. —
" My dear Janet had an aunt at Edinburgh, who hearing of
her good qualities, and of her leaving the family of Glengarry,
sent for her, and she was not long in town till I found her out.
And now the struggle between reason and inclination became
high ; but it was decided by predestination, and I became
possessor of her, that was more calculated for to ride in a coach
than to carry a knapsack, and I had leisure to reflect for many
years that I should have listened to the voice which would have
MAJOR JOHN MACDONALD. 73
prevented the many hardships she underwent, and my sufferings
on account of a tender delicate person whom I esteemed above
the rest of the world."
After his marriage, Macdonald had a few months of almost
perfect happiness, which was only too soon disturbed by his
regiment being ordered for foreign service. His wife having
obtained permission to follow him, they left Edinburgh for
London in 1742. His description of the state of the army, and
his own sufferings is so graphic that we give it in extenso. —
"After we reached London we were reviewed by King
George the Second, embarked, and landing in a few days at
Ostend, lay that winter in Bruges, in the course of which I
suffered much by fevers and agues, particularly five weeks in the
Town Hospital, where my wife was only allowed to see me from
eight to nine in the morning. Early in the spring of 1743, the
army, under the command of the Earl of Stairs, marched for
Germany, and now began the misery of a married man. Cheer-
fully did I carry my wife's clothes with my own, and happy was
I when she could keep up with the regiment ; but it happened
often otherwise.
" On this route we marched through Ghent, Brussels, and
Aix-la-Chappell, and after crossing the Rhine, we encamped near
Frankfort, then crossing the river on the 29th of May, took up
ground on which we expected to fight a pitched battle with the
French the next day. But they avoided it, and made full speed
for the bridge at Aschaffenburg. This pass being of great con-
sequence, Lord Stairs ordered a brigade with the utmost expedi-
tion to it, and they had only taken possession, when the enemy
appeared in sight. Our people having no baggage or provisions,
how soon the necessary guard were posted those off duty went
to the adjacent houses and villages, and, without the least cere-
mony, took what they thought proper. The second day after,
King George as well as the rest of the army came up, having
pitched no tents for three days. The army had no provisions,
nor was any furnished in these days but bread, for which the
men paid out of the three shillings a-week ; as to blankets or
anything of the nature of donations they were terms entirely
unknown, on the contrary, the waistcoats for next year was
made out of the rags of last year's coats, the skirts of which
were unaccountably long in order to cover the body when the
man lay in his tent, with his feet in the coat sleeves.
"At this time the enemy took three days bread of ours
coming up the River Maine from Frankfort. Now the whole army
was in the utmost want of provisions, except the most desperate
74 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE
villains who would plunder at any rate ; but now had an excuse
for such disorders, these began, and the country people fled with
their effects, so that the army was on the brink of ruin, in so far
that the best men, to save their lives, were obliged to venture
forth at the risk of being hanged. A village near the King's
quarters suffered the most, and there was a guard ordered to
protect it, amongst these I made one. How soon the marauders
found we were come, they made off leaving some of their prey in
the hurry. Next morning with other things there was found a
large sow, dead, which the inhabitants gave to the guard, one of
the Scotch Fusiliers, a butcher, cut it up and boiled it, hair and
all, in a copper kettle. One of the 33rd Regiment and myself
being sentries during this operation had liked to be too late, the
pork being all gone before we were relieved, except one pieec
which the butchering cook had called his own, swearing none
else should taste of it. Meantime I laid hold of him and desired
the man of the 33rd fish out the pork with his bayonet, which
being complied with, and I recommending the cook in a proper
manner to keep his distance, I followed my brother soldier and
divided the welcome morsel, which few beggars in the world
would look at without disgust. However, how soon I got it, my
anxiety was to share it with my wife, so off I started, and getting
leave from the officer of the guard, went immediately to camp
with the half, and left it with her and another woman, the only
persons in that tent. The second day after, being relieved from
guard, I found no victuals at home, nor did I bring any. My wife
was big with her first child, the husband of the other woman be-
ing on guard could not relieve her, thus I saw four lives at stake,
without the least remedy but my venturing my own at the
greatest risk of death or severe punishment, there being general
orders to call the roll of companies four times a day, and confine
any absent, in order to be punished with rigour. The Quarter-
master and rear guard had strict orders to make prisoners all
with whom they found the least plunder. The Provost-Marshal
had his warrant to hang to the next tree, any found out of the
limits of the camp. What a shocking situation ! none of us
having hardly broke our fast that day, nor the least appearance
of any provision for the next, thus death appeared to me in
different shapes, but the dread of losing my wife prompted me to
venture for the sake of provision, rather than lose a life for want
of it, and, according, I, with fourteen other men, passed the rear
guard one by one in the dusk of that evening, and away to the
country, through several villages, but could not find anything
.hus we went on farther from camp till twelve o'clock
next day, when the men found some good wine, a little flour,
and some shelled walnuts ; and I found a live goose Now the
MAJOR JOHN MACDONALD. 75
consequences of absence beginning to frighten me, I went fre-
quently to the wine bibbers, begging they would return, as to be
sure, the longer absent, the greater the crime ; but to no purpose,
none could be prevailed upon but one man, and a boy, a
drummer, with whom I turned my face to the camp. But what
a dreadful prospect ! The Provost on the road with his guard
and instrument, the camp surrounded with sentries, and if by
any chance I got past all the dangers, I could not escape whip-
ping ; being absent from three roll calls. But behold ! the
extraordinary care of providence, I getting past the greater
danger to the rear of the camp, sent the drummer for the
women, they smuggled the goose, &c., under their petticoats to
the tent, and to complete my happiness, assured me that I had
not been missed, as there had not been an officer, serjeant, or
corporal off duty that day to call the roll of my company. But
though I escaped so lucky that time, I never tried my fortune in
that way after, and hope that I am excusable before God and the
world, for what nothing but the extreme of want could make me
guilty of. My wife soon uncased the goose, and only dressed the
half, and when that was done my wife observed that Willie
Angus and Donald Macdonald were lying sick in one of the
tents, and, perhaps, starving for want of food. I could not help
smiling at such an unseasonable design of charity; but would not
check such a good disposition, therefore cutting what was ready
in two, allowed her to indulge her kind intention, certain that no
commission could make her happier. She found them so ill that
they had a whole loaf of the last bread they had received, which
being instantly cut, she returned with the most part of it, and
such joy, as always accompanies good actions, and, indeed, the
bread she brought was worth more than the half of the goose."
Soon after this painful episode, the army received supplies,
and our hero was never again reduced to similar extremities. His
intelligence and steadiness brought him under the notice of the
Major of his regiment, with whom he soon became a great
favourite. An incident now occurred which brought him great
applause, but we must allow himself to tell it. —
" One day I was ordered on command under the Earl of
Rothes; his lordship detached my Major with a party to the vil-
lage of Dettingen. The Major halted, and having reconoitred the
ground about his post, ordered eleven sentries to be planted, but
on going to a rising ground beyond his sentries, he observed the
enemy's cavalry fording the River Maine, and forming. Return-
ing quickly to his party, the Major called for the next man to go
sentry. Twelve being my number, I followed him till he stopped
on the height, at an apple tree. He then looking steadfastly at
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me, asked several questions respecting my knowledge of service^
to which I made such answers as induced him to give me orders
to be attentive to the motions of the enemy, particularly if they
moved towards me, and that I judged his party sufficient to
engage them, I should keep my post and fire at them at a con-
siderable distance, and he would take this as a sign to advance
with his party ; but if I judged them too many, I was to quit my
post without firing, join, and report what I had seen. He then
desired me to repeat my orders, which being done to his satis-
faction, he told me that though I was young he had confidence
in my conduct, on which the safety or ruin of his party much
depended.
The enemy having increased to three considerable bodies,
moved towards where I stood. I was at no loss how to act agree-
able to my orders ; but being at a distance, I did not think proper
to leave my post too soon, as they might halt, or take another
course, and not disturb me or my party. But they continued the
same road, regular and slow. All of a sudden three Hussars
sprung from the party next me, and one of them made full
speed to where I stood. I attempted making for my party, but
before I got any distance, looking behind, and being frightened
at the appearance of such a desperado, I thought my only method
to escape being cut to pieces was to go back to the tree. There
we met, and I must admit to my shame that what should have
been done in an instant, took up some time, but it ended in a
puff of applause which I was not conscious of meriting. However,
the story went so high as the general officers, and a few days
after, General Husk called on Major Stone, desiring to see the
man of his company who behaved so well on his post when the
French Hussar attacked him. When I appeared, the General
said,^ Major, is this your great favourite, why don't you do better
for him ?' The Major answered tartly, ' I would long before now
had I been his Colonel.' Husk, smiling, said to me, ' My lad,
continue your good behaviour, and I give you your Colonel's
word that you shall be down for the first opportunity that offers
in my regiment.' This was flattering, but proved to be only the
beginning of many disappointments, for in the very next action
General Husk was so severely wounded that he had to give up
his command. The new Colonel knew nothing of me, and so I
remained the Major's favourite still."
(To be continued.)
SUPPLEMENT.— We again give four pages extra this month,
to enable us to give Sir William Harcourt's speech, in the House
of Commons, on the Crofter Question.
77
THERE'S NAE LUCK ABOUT THE HOUSE.
A Translation into Gaelic. By the late Rev. Dr MACINTYRE
of Kilmonivaig.
DEAR MR EDITOR, — In looking over some old papers a few
days ago, I came on the enclosed translation into Gaelic verse of
the well-known and popular song, " There's nae luck about the
house," the authorship of which is doubtful, although the pre-
ponderance of evidence is in favour of a Jean Adams, school-
mistress in Greenock, early in the last century. The translation,
as you will observe, is by my dear friend, the late Rev. Dr Mac-
intyre, of the parish of Kilmonivaig — one of the most accom-
plished men of his time, and one of the best men I have ever
known. The translation is so good, and so easily singable to its
proper air, that I am very sure many will be glad to see it in the
pages of your well-conducted and successful magazine.
Yours very faithfully,
NETHER-LOCHABER.
"THERE'S NAE LUCK ABOUT THE HOUSE."
"CHA'N EIL TLACHD SAM BITH MU'N TIGH."
AIR FONN.
Cha'n 'eil tlachd sam bith mu'n tigh,
Cha'n 'eil tlachd no sealbh ;
Gean no gaire cha bhith 'stigh
'Us fear mo thigh' air falbh.
'S am bheil cinnt gur fior an sg&il,
Gu'm bheil e fallain, slkn?
Bhur cuibhle tilgibh 'uaibh gu grad,
Cha'n am gu sniomh an t-snkth.
Cha'n 'eil, &c.
Cha'n am gu gniomh no obair so,
'Us Cailein dluth air Ikimh ;
A nuas mo bhreacan — 's th&d do'n phort.
'G a fhaicinn 'tigh 'n gu traigh.
Cha'n 'eil, &c.
Squab dhomh taobh an teallaich glan ;
'Phoit shomalta cuir air :
A ch6ta domhnach do dh' Iain beag,
'S a frogan sr6il do Cheit.
Cha'n 'eil, &c.
Am brog biodh dubh mar airneagaibh
An stocaidh ban mar shneachd ;
Gach aon ni' thoileachadh mo chiall,
'S e 'm faicinn briadh' a thlachd.
Cha'n 'eil, &c,
;8 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Tha dk chirc reamhoir anns a' chrb,
A hhiadhadh mios us corr ;
'Gfad shniomh am muineal >s cuir air d6igh,
Gu cuirm dha 's blasta s6gh.
Cha'n 'eil, &c.
S cuirmich b6rd gu h-eireachdail,
Le h-oilein, 'us le dealbh,
>Chur furan-faillt' air fear mo ghrkidh,
A bhk cho fad' air falbh.
Cha'n 'eil, &c.
Fair 'an so mo bhoineid dhomh,
Mo ragha guin de'n t-slod, ^
S do bhean a' Bhailli 'n mms mi,
Mu Chailein 'thigh'n gu tir.
Cha'n 'eil, &c.
Mo bhrbgan biorach cuiream orm,
Mo stocnais fiamh-ghorm-fann ;
A los gu'n toilich fear mo ghaoil,
'Sheas fior 'na ghaol gun fheall.
Cha'n 'eil, &c.
Gur binn a ghuth, 's gur min a ghldir,
Mar kileadh 'anail caoin,
Tha fuaim a chas, 's e tigh'n a steach,
Mar ian-cheol ait nan craobh.
Cha'n 'eil, &c.
Gach feud-ghaoth f huaraidh gheamhraideil,
Mo chridh' trom a chrkidh,
Air s^ideadh seach, 's e tear'nt' a'm ghlaic,
'S cha dealaich,~ach am bas.
Cha'n 'eil, &c.
Ach 'de 'chuir "dealachadh" a' m' cheann,
'S maith 'dh 'fheudt' gur fad e n c&n !
An t-am ri teachd cha'n fhac' aon neach,
An t-am 'tha lath'ir 's lemn fem.
Cha'n 'eil, &c.
Biodh Cailein slan, 's Ikn-thoilicht 'mi ;
Cha'n iarr mi 'n cbrr gu brath,
'S ma bhi 's mi beo air son a leas,
Gur sona mis' thair chkch.
Cha'n 'ell, &c.
An 6 gu'n cluinn mi 'ghuth a ris !
Gu'm faic mi 'ghnilis gu'n smal !
'S ann 'tha tuaineul inntinn' orm,
'S mi 'n impis dol a ghal !
Cha'n 'eil, &c.
'S cha'n 'eil tlachd sam bith mu'n tigh,
Cha'n 'eil tlachd no sealbh ;
Gean no gkire cha bhith 'stigh,
'Us fear mo thigh' air falbh.
Mknas Chillmonlbhaig,
Latha Seann Nolaig, 1863.
79
THE BATTLE OF BANNOCKBURN.
BY JOHN MACKINTOSH.
IT was on Monday, the 24th June, and now the mighty hosts
of England began to move forward to the attack. A dense
mass of warriors, noble knights in full armour mounted upon fleet
and powerful chargers, and an immense body of archers advanc-
ing to take up their positions. Led on by the king surrounded
with all his regal emblems of pomp and dazzling splendour, loll-
ing in his power and rejoicing in his might, feasting his royal
eyes with the prospect of a great victory ; full of spirit and glow-
ing with courage, their many banners proudly waving in the air,
towering in their strength, the vast array approached the Scottish
position.
The English vanguard, consisting of archers and lancers,
was led by the Earls of Hereford and Gloucester. The lancers
charged at full gallop on the right wing of the Scots, commanded
by Edward Bruce, but the Scottish spearmen firmly withstood
the impetuous onset of the enemy. When the lines met, the
rearing and rattling of the English cavalry was terrific, and many
good knights bit the dust ; some were pitched from their saddles
and slain, others trampled to death by their own horses, rendered
furious with wounds. The Earl of Moray, seeing the right at-
tacked, at once brought up the centre to face the main body of
the enemy, whom he encountered with remarkable effect, even
gaining ground though far outnumbered. For a moment his
division appeared to be engulphed amid the seething multitude
of the English. The left then rapidly advanced under the com-
mand of Sir James Douglas, and Walter the Steward of Scotland,
keeping a small space to the left of the centre. The whole Scot-
tish line now wrestled in a hand-to-hand combat with the enemy.
The battle raged with the utmost fury. The English cavalry
attempted, by desperate charges many times repeated, to break
through the Scottish spearmen, but in vain. At this all-import-
ant hour, they thought on the home of their fathers, their own
native hearths, mothers, wives, sons, and daughters, with all the
sweet associations entwined around them ; remembering, too, the
80 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
many grinding injuries, galling outrages, stinging insults, cruel
and unmitigated suffering inflicted upon them during long years
of dire oppression ; the soul of Scotland for once was in its place,
bristling in its circle and boiling at its core, mustering all its
power for one concentrated dash at the face of the enemy ; they
repelled every attack with steady valour, and slew heaps upon
heaps of their assailants.
The English bowmen supported the cavalry charges, and
galled the ranks of the Scottish spearmen ; but Bruce had fore-
seen this, and, at the proper moment, Sir Robert Keith with 500
men-at-arms moved round the Milton Bog and charged the left
flank of the archers. This movement succeeded. The English
bowmen were not prepared to defend themselves at close quarters,
and they were instantly overthrown and scattered in all directions;
and were so thoroughly cowed that nothing could induce them to
return to their posts.
The battle, however, continued to rage with unabated fury,
but with disadvantage to the English. Bruce, seeing the enemy
flagging and his own men still fighting vigorously, encouraged
his leaders to strive on, assuring them that the victory would
soon be won. He then brought up the reserve, and all the four
divisions of his army were engaged. The English, however, stood
their ground bravely, making many but unavailing efforts to
break through the front of the spearmen, and at every successive
charge losing more men and horses, and falling into greater con-
fusion. It was then the burly noise was heard afar, the clashing
and crashing of armour, the flight of arrows whisking through
the air, the commingled whooping and shouting of the war cries,
horses masterless, madly running hither and thither, careering in
their frenzy, heedless of friend or foe ; the ground streaming with
blood, and strewn with shreds of armour, broken spears, arrows,
and pennons, rich scarfs and armorial bearings, torn and soiled,
with blood and clay, and, withal, the agonising moans and groans
of the wounded and dying.
The Scots continued to gain ground, and pressed with re-
animating energy upon the confused and already tottering mass
of the enemy, rending the air with shouts of " On them, on them,
they fall." At a critical moment the camp followers came upon
the Gillies Hill, behind the Scottish line of battle. They had
THE BATTLE OF BANNOCKBURN. 81
fastened sheets on poles, and appeared like a new army approach-
ing. This increased the dismay amid the ranks of the enemy,
now wearied and disheartened by the fierceness of the contest,
and they gave way slowly along the whole line. The eagle-eyed
Robert Bruce at once perceived this, instantly put himself at the
head of the reserve, and, raising his war-cry, pressed with re-
doubled and unbearable fury on the falling ranks of the enemy.
This onset, well seconded by the other divisions of the army,
decided the fate of the day. The English broke into disjointed
squadrons, and began to quit the field. In spite of all the efforts
and appealing entreaty of their leaders to rally them and restore
order, they dispersed and fled headlong in all directions. King
Edward stood gazing intently upon the scene around him, and
remained on the fatal field till all was lost ; when he at last left
it in utter bewilderment. The struggle is over, the enemy in
flight, and the victory complete. Ah ! for the heroes who bravely
beat, and bled, and fell, on Bannockburn. Glory to the memory
of Robert Bruce, peace to the ashes of one among the greatest of
the mighty dead ; who skilfully planned, as nobly led, who fought
and won the field of Bannockburn. While Scotia's mountains
rear their peaks, her rivers ripple to the sea, while Scotsmen's
blood runs warm, and human sympathies endure, the nation's
heart will throb over the remembrance of Bannockburn. — History
of Civilisation in Scotland.
THE HOMOLOGY OF ECONOMIC JUSTICE.— We have received a remark-
ably bold and able work, under this title, being " An Essay by an East India Merchant,
showing that Political Economy is Sophistry, and Landlordism Usurpation and
Illegally." The author attacks the political economists, more or less, all round, in a
robust and masterly manner. We shall deal with the work at length in an early issue.
THE EXPEDITION OF POLICE TO THE ISLE OF-SKYE.— As we go
to press we learn that the police sent to Skye are not armed, but that the revolvers
and the ammunition by which the people of Skye were to be shot down, are lying at
present quite harmlessly in the Castle of Inverness. We also learn that the Police
Committee of the County, which was hitherto supposed to have regulated all the pro-
ceedings, was never called together, and in point of fact never had a meeting on this
question, but that the whole thing was arranged by the sub-committee, composed of
three or four individuals !
DR GEORGE MACKAY is a keen Conservative in ecclesiastical matters, and
has said a good many strong things in his day, but his warmth of heart, genuine kindli-
ness, and extraordinary vitality make him the pride of all parties alike in the High-
lands.— Christian Leader,
F
82 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
THE MILITARY EXPEDITION TO THE ISLE
OF SKYE.
GRAVE DISCLOSURES RESPECTING THE SOURCES OF NEWSPAPER
INTELLIGENCE FROM THE HIGHLANDS.
THE following letter, on the recent Military Expedition to the
Isle of Skye and the sources of misleading newspaper intelligence
from the Highlands, was addressed to the Home Secretary, by
Alexander Mackenzie, editor of the Celtic Magazine on the date
which it bears —
" Celtic Magazine" Office, 25 High Street,
Inverness, November 18, 1884.
To the Right Honourable
SIR WILLIAM VERNON HARCOURT, M.P.,
Her Majesty's Secretary of State for the Home
Department.
SIR, — Your sympathetic speech, delivered in the House of
Commons on the evening of Friday, the I4th inst, on the Crofter
Question and Land Law Reform in the Highlands generally,
induces me to address you on a few points intimately connected
with, and having a most important bearing on, the conduct of the
people of the Western Isles, and, I fear, largely responsible for
the blundering conduct of the authorities in sending a force of
armed police and military to the Isle of Skye. It is impossible
that one who has on repeated occasions shown so much
sympathy with the people of the Western Isles and their legiti-
mate aspirations could have been guilty of insulting them in the
manner which you have done, in your official position, by
sending a military force and armed policemen amongst them,
unless you had been grossly misled as to the facts. That you
were so misled through interested parties can be easily shown.
The offence on the part of the people of Kilmuir on which
you lay most stress, in the portion of your speech wherein you
defend sending armed police and military to that district, is
that "at a meeting of the crofters three individuals" (whose
names you say you abstain from mentioning, but who are well
THE MILITARY EXPEDITION TO SKYE. 83
known) " were to be forcibly carried to the meeting to demand
explanations of their conduct." Indeed, you declare in reference
to this alleged offence that you " think there is no man in this
House [the House of Commons] who will justify such a proceeding
as that ; whereupon the Police Commissioners thought it neces-
sary to strengthen the police force in Skye." This, then, was the
immediate cause of the extra police force having been sent into
the district by the Police authorities of the County of Inverness;
and that although two of the three men said to have been
threatened addressed letters to the leading newspapers, declar-
ing that there was not a word of truth in the charges made
against the people, and that no such threats were ever made. The
following are the letters. They appeared in the Inverness Courier
and in other newspapers, on the 6th of November, as follows : —
Uig Hotel, Skye, 4th November 1884.
Sir, — In your Tuesday's issue you quote from the Scotsman a paragraph regarding
crofters' disturbance in Uig, in which it is stated that I have been summoned to attend
a Land League meeting held here on Friday last, to give an account of certain state-
ments made before the Crofters' Commission. The paragraph further states that
orders have been given to certain crofters to get sledges to take myself and a Mr
Macleod to the meeting.
There is not the slightest tritth in either of these statements ; they are simply the
outcome of the imagination of some person in the district, who does not appear to have
any special regard for the disaffected crofters. — I remain, yours, &c.,
JAMES URQUHART.
Tower, Uig, 4th November 1884.
Sir, — Referring to the meeting held at Uig on the I7th ult., I beg to state that I
was at home all day and did not see any person coming to the Tower that day ;
further, that they did not move from the place of meeting until they separated. —
Yours, &c., JOHN MACKENZIE.
It is said that these estate officials have sent very different
reports to the Police authorities, but it may be safely assumed
that people who could write two directly contradictory state-
ments, if they have done so, do not belong to a class of wit-
nesses, to say the least, to which a jury would pay much deference
in any attempt to secure a conviction against the people charged
with the offence; and the authorities, in the opinion of most reason-
able men, ought to have hesitated, knowing the circumstances of
the inhabitants of Kilmuir, before they ordered a force of police —
some in plain clothes — to the district to further irritate them. I
shall not go the length of some and say that the authorities sent
84 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
this force with the view of having them deforced, and afterwards
being able to prove that offence against the people ; but I will
say that they could not possibly have taken better means for
getting the people into trouble, whether they intended it or not.
The probability is that if the police had all been in uniform, they
would have been allowed to proceed on their way unmolested ;
but the people naturally enough thought that, some being in plain
clothes, they had among them sheriff-officers to serve notices of
removal. I do not for a moment excuse or in any way defend
the conduct of the crofters in this case, but I have no hesitation in
saying that the police ought never to have been sent at all ; and
the authorities having blundered themselves in sending them,
should have shown more consideration for the people than to
have obliged you, as Secretary of State, to grant a mili-
tary force to cover their own original blundering in sending the
police to protect men from the effects of threats, which, accord-
ing to the men alleged to have been threatened, were never
made.
You next proceed to say that the information which
reached you was "that there was a special animosity there
against the police," and that, to your 'mind, was "a very
grave symptom, indeed." I am afraid that you were not
properly informed as to the cause why such a feeling existed,
especially in Kilmuir. The whole people of Skye have a bitter
recollection of how the men of the Braes had been bruised and
maimed by the batons of the police two years ago, though it was
afterwards admitted, on all hands, that the people's claim was
just, and that the landlord was wrong, and finally gave way. But
they had a special reason of their own, in Kilmuir, to dislike
the police, and I now proceed to explain it, feeling sure that it
was not placed before you when the demand was made upon
you by the Police Committee for an armed force of police and
military, although their head official had a full knowledge of the
facts which I shall now relate.
When the Royal Commission visited Kilmuir, some very
damaging statements were made by some of the crofters respect-
ing Major Eraser's management of the estate, and in reference to
his local officials. Some time after this, a petition was prepared
by some of the officials in the district, which the Sergeant of
THE MILITARY EXPEDITION TO SKYE. 85
Police — John Mackenzie, now local ground-officer for the pro-
prietor— hawked among the people for signature, telling them,
they allege, that it was a petition to Major Eraser asking him
to construct a pier in the Bay of Uig, and to make other im-
provements on the property ; whereas it was found, when the
petition was presented to some of the people who could read, that
they were asked to sign a document in which they were actually
made to declare the falsehood of the evidence which they had
themselves presented to the Royal Commission. Not a few of
them had already signed the document in the most perfect good
faith, when the plot was discovered. A very intelligent man in
the district then wrote to me detailing the facts, and saying that
the petition, on its contents becoming known, had been hurriedly
withdrawn. I at once forwarded the letter to one of the Royal
Commissioners, then in Edinburgh, in case the petition might
find its way there, and I, at the same time, reported the whole
matter to Mr Alexander Machardy, Chief-Constable for the county,
who at once inquired fully into the matter, with the result that
Sergeant John Mackenzie was removed from Kilmuir to the
head office at Inverness, pending an opening for him in some
other part of the county ; for I urged that he should not be
altogether dismissed, as I had no doubt that what had occurred
would be a lesson to him in future. The next thing I heard of
Mackenzie was that Major Eraser, with more generosity than
prudence, as I thought, appointed him ground-officer at Kilmuir,
among the very people whom he had already so much ex-
asperated, and in the place from which he had been very properly
removed by his superior officer.
Sergeant Mackenzie was also, while doing duty as a police
officer, acting as correspondent at Kilmuir for several of the Scot-
tish newspapers, and it is said, on pretty good authority, that he
has been acting in the same capacity since he returned to the
district as an estate official, and that he is really responsible for
the information in the press, to which you referred in your speech,
and which has led, or rather misled, the County Police authorities
into their present unfortunate position. Is it to be wondered at,
that, in these circumstances, a " special animosity" should exist
against the police in the district of Kilmuir? There are other
police officers throughout the Highlands who act as newspaper
86 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
correspondents, a practice on the part of such public servants
which ought not to be tolerated. I could point to more than one
in the Western Isles, and unless newspaper reporting by the po
be at once put a stop to, I may feel bound, as a matter of public
duty to publish their names. An effectual means of stopping the
practice would be to refuse the Government Grant in all cases
where it can be shown that an officer of police is guilty of such
conduct, for it has been the cause of much mischief in the High-
lands. It is well known that certain newspapers will only accept
news which is favourable to the proprietors and antagonistic to
the people, thus making the temptation to mislead much stronger
in the case of a poorly-paid officer, who can very easily find use
for the additional income which the practice brings to him.
Referring to the alleged disturbances in Skye, you laid so
much stress upon the reports in the newspapers that I must take
the liberty of enlightening you still further as to the nature and
source of most of the reports which emanate from the Highlands,
and especially those from the Western Isles. In reference to these
disturbances you declare that "to anybody who has read the
reports in the public press " you " should have thought it was
almost unnecessary to offer any evidence on that subject," and, so
far as I can see, you did not offer any, except what has been con-
tradicted, as I have already shown, by two of the men who,
according to these newspaper reports, were threatened with
violence.
I must confess that a statement like this, as to what ought to
be considered sufficient evidence to justify so unprecedented a
proceeding as sending an armed force to the Isle of Skye, seems
to me a most extraordinary one to come from her Majesty's
Principal Secretary of State, and a distinguished lawyer to boot.
To most minds it will, on the contrary, I believe, appear very
insufficient indeed, especially when they find you declaring a
little further on, while dealing with the grievances of the people,
that " there has been a great amount of sensational reports " on
that subject ; and saying that, " of course there is a habit of
picking up every flying rumour, whether it is well founded or not,
and then it gets into print — and people have a habit of believing
that everything that gets into print is the truth — and the result
is that a great many unfounded statements receive a credit that
THE MILITARY EXPEDITION TO SKYE. 87
they do not deserve." When the disclosures which I have
already made, and those that are to follow, on the same subject,
are considered, I think it will be difficult to convince unbiassed
people of the accuracy in all cases of newspaper reports in favour
of landlords, when, according to you, they are so utterly un-
trustworthy when they refer to the grievances of the people. My
experience has been of a very different character. The patronage
of landlords and officialism is of great value to newspapers, while
nothing is to be got out of the poor crofters, who, in their present
depressed condition, can scarcely afford to pay for a penny paper,
much less to patronise it with printing and advertisements.
There are a few who are patriotic enough to put up with the loss
of patronage and other favours, rather than support oppression
and misrepresent the facts, but they are unfortunately in a very
small minority in the Highlands ; and the Southern papers get
their information from partisan local sources or from members of
the staff of newspapers who are antagonistic to the people, and
who only repeat for these and for the Press Associations what
comes to them from these partisan country correspondents.
Recently, on the i6th of October, a great demonstration of
crofters and their friends was held in Stornoway, attended by
about six thousand people, in which I took an humble part. The
grossest untruths regarding that meeting appeared in almost all
the papers in the country. It was held in the afternoon, in an
open Square in the middle of the town, as open and exposed as
the Thames Embankment, yet the Scotsman coolly informed his
readers a few days after, with a lot of other absurd falsehoods,
that reporters were excluded from the meeting, notwithstanding
the impossibility of excluding them, even if desired, and that his
own local representative stood within a few yards of the plat-
form and of the speakers all the time.
The morning after the meeting an identical report, and a
scandalously misleading one, appeared in at least five of our lead-
ing Scottish newspapers. In all these a false idea of the meeting
and of all the speeches was conveyed to the public. The Reverend
Chairman, myself, and some of the other speakers, were charged
by name, by this pluralist reporter, with inciting the people to
violence and breaches of the law. The truth was deliberately
suppressed, and the public were imposed upon. But the mischief
33 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
did not end there. If the advice which we gave there, as well as
elsewhere, had been truthfully reported, the people of Kilmuir
and of the whole of Skye would have seen that men in whom they
trusted had strongly urged everyone engaged in the agitation not
on any account to break the law. I, myself, strongly impressed
upon the meeting the folly of those who took possession of what
did not legally belong to them ; that such conduct could not be
defended; that it was indefensible; that it was bad even in policy,
apart from higher considerations ; and that we in the South should
not defend them if they got into trouble ; but, on the contrary,
would withdraw our sympathies and support if they did not con-
duct all their proceedings in a strictly legal manner. I have no
right to complain that this was not reported, but I have a right to
object to the very reverse of what I said being sent broadcast
all over the country in these reports. Had the actual facts, or the
correct purport of what had been said been reported, the people
in Skye and elsewhere would probably have acted on the advice
given ; but bad counsel, which was not given, was circulated all
over the country ; and what can be more natural than that the
people should have thought themselves safe in following it ?
In proposing a vote of thanks to the Chairman at the end
of the impressive and orderly proceedings, I strongly urged upon
the men to go straight home from the meeting, as if they were
going away from a Communion gathering, and expressed the hope
that we should be able to tell their friends in the South that not a
single police case would be recorded in Stornoway next morning.
Immediately on my descending from the platform, Inspector
Gordon, the head police official in the Lewis, who was present all
the time at the meeting, came up to me and warmly thanked me
for the good advice which I had given, saying that he was quite
sure the people would act upon it ; and that I relieved him of a
great and serious responsibility. The result was that not a
single police case was recorded in the whole Island next morn-
ing ; that, although thousands of these men returned home in
their fishing boats, not a single accident occurred. No offence
of any kind was committed by the people going from or coming
to the great demonstration, though many of them trudged on foot
from twenty to forty-two miles each way to attend the meeting ;
but not a hint of all this in the newspapers, except in the Oban
THE MILITARY EXPEDITION TO SKYE. 89
Times, and in the Invergordon Times. Nothing, according to the
other reports, was used by the speakers but strong language, in-
citing the people to breaches of the law.
The Chairman handed me the manuscript of his speech on
the platform, immediately after it was delivered ; it is ap-
pended, and will speak for itself.* He delivered a close Gaelic
translation of the English manuscript which was quite well
understood by the local reporters, and they can, therefore,
plead no legitimate excuse for misrepresenting the purport of it.
I beg respectfully to refer you to Inspector Gordon for the
accuracy of my statements, as to the advice tendered to the people,
and his action thereupon, as above stated.
To protect men in responsible positions, and the public at
large from being in future misled by the reports in the press in
connection with the land agitation in the Highlands, I must
further inform you of the manner in which news from the North
is usually supplied, not only to the Scottish papers, but also,
through the Press Association and the Central News agencies, to
the English papers, and, through them, all over the world. One
man, say in Stornoway, reports for nearly all the papers in the
country — North and South. If this man has a bias on the subject
to which his report refers, his correspondence is also biassed in
all the papers for which he acts. His communications, in most
cases, when they reach Inverness, Edinburgh, Glasgow, Aber-
deen, or Dundee, are re-cast, condensed, and re-transmitted to
the Press Association and Central News agencies, which in turn
re-transmit the same news, coming from the one original source,
over the world. In cases within my own knowledge, these two
News Agencies are represented in the same newspaper office,
sometimes by the same person, who has to write his reports for
the separate Associations differently, to avoid his being detected
acting for both. The public are thus wofully misled, thinking all
the time that each newspaper and each Association has an in-
dependent report of its own ; while, in point of fact, one indivi-
dual, in an out-of-the-way country place — nearly always biassed
and governed by local considerations — often ignorant or stupid—
* Though the Rev. Angus Maciver's speech was appended to this letter as sent to
the Home Secretary, we are obliged, for want of space, to delay its publication in the
Celtic Magazine until our next issue.
9o THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
is responsible for, and practically supplies the whole press of the
United Kingdom with all its news. A few years ago I was forced
in the public interest to name one of these gentlemen, and the
papers he acted for, in the Celtic Magazine, and he has ever since
ceased from troubling. He was all at once thrown over by his
numerous patrons, who could not afford to accept his services
after the exposure. Failing an early change, I shall feel called
upon soon to repeat the process, and show the public and the
newspapers themselves how completely they are, in most cases,
sold in the matter of North and West Highland news.
If a newspaper correspondent of this class finds that, as a
rule, any facts he may send, favourable to the people, are never
used, or are reduced to a paragraph of two or three lines, but that,
if, on the contrary, he sends a report which tells against the people,
and is favourable to the landlords, it appears in full in a promi-
nent position, he very soon learns to send on the kind of news
which his paper wants, not always caring whether it be true or
false, so long as he gets a liberal return for his work.
Perhaps the most striking fact that presents itself to the
thoughtful observer of the action of Government in connec-
tion with the land agitation in the Highlands, is that no fault
has hitherto been found, and that neither police nor military
has been dispatched to suppress the agitation by the same
people, in favour of the Government Franchise Bill, and against
the House of Lords for refusing to pass it last session ! If agita-
tion is not only legitimate but commendable in the latter case,
most people will fail to understand how it can be so illegitimate
and bad in the former case, as you and others would have the
public believe. Depend upon it that if the non-representative, self-
elected, Commissioners of Supply of the County of Inverness
believed that the Government would grant them the necessary
force, they would suppress the one agitation as readily as the
other ; for there is nothing that the landlords — Liberal or Tory-
fear more than the granting of electoral privileges to the people,
by which their own political doom shall be very soon after and
for ever sealed.
Is it, however, not an unfortunate fact that all Governments
offer a high premium on agitation ? The public are taught by
bitter experience that no measure of any importance can be
carried through Parliament unless the Government of the day is
THE MILITARY EXPEDITION TO SKYE. 91
in a position to point to a great agitation, and often to breaches
of the law. This was the case in 1832, in 1867, and more
recently in the case of Ireland. Without agitation experience
shows that justice shall never be done to the righteous claims of
the people in this great and free liberty-loving country of ours !
This is a lamentable fact, and one that should be kept in mind
when the authorities take to punishing the people for political or
semi-political offences ; and especially in a case like that at pre-
sent in the Isle of Skye, where, by the unanimous testimony of
the Royal Commission, and according to your own admissions
on Friday last in the House of Commons, the people are
oppressed with terrible — almost unbearable — grievances in con-
nection with the land on which, under present conditions, they
can scarcely exist.
To have proposed to send a horde of ill-trained policemen with
loaded revolvers, probably with instructions not to use them ex-
cept in certain emergencies, among such a fine, moral, well-behaved,
race as the people of Skye, was a most cowardly and brutal
thing, and whoever may have been the author of the suggestion
deserves and ought to receive the execration and contempt of all
right-thinking people. If it were necessary to send an armed
force at all, the military should have been sent at once. They
would not be likely to fire upon the people in an ignorant
panic, as the police would be almost certain to do, before there
was any occasion for extreme measures; and the people would
respect the military and keep the peace. It would be an insult to
the whole Highlands to have sent a force of this character upon
such worthless evidence, as was adduced by yourself in the House
of Commons on Friday.
As a Land Reformer I must, however, admit that I am
delighted that the landlord-Commissioners of Supply of the
County of Inverness, and the Government on their representa-
tion, have, in their own interest, been foolish enough to have an
armed force sent to the Isle of Skye ; for now it will be impos-
sible any longer to delay a very drastic change in the Land Laws
and a large curtailment of the powers at present possessed by
non-elective bodies like the Commissioners of Supply and the
Police Committee for the County. Laws that require an armed
police and military force to maintain them cannot long endure,
and they are already, thanks to the authorities of this county,
92 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
finally doomed in the Highlands. Indeed, unless a change in
that respect takes place on a very early date, it will become im-
possible for moderate men to control the present Land Reform
movement, and the people will follow and accept the leadership
of the Land Restoration League. For this, as for the rest, the
stubborn, unbending landlords of the Highlands shall have them-
selves wholly to blame.
To show how the feeling on this question is growing, and
how determined the people are to obtain redress of their griev-
ances, I may state that it was with difficulty that we prevented the
people of the Lewis, on the i6th of October, from proposing and
carrying a resolution against any more of their men joining the
Naval Reserve or Militia — of whom there are now in that Island
alone a body of two thousand, composed of the finest and moat
stalwart men under the British Crown — until such changes were
made in the laws as would enable them to live securely and com-
fortably in their native land. If a change does not take place soon,
I am quite certain that it will, at no distant date, be resolved that
no recruits will join either service, not only in Lewis but in any
part of the Western Isles ; and who, in the circumstances, can
blame them ?
From the Reports from Skye in this morning's papers the
authorities appear to be using the force at their disposal with
great discretion. Therefore, I shall not at present — nor until the
final outcome of the expedition is ascertained — deal further with
the subject. I may, however, have to do so hereafter in a second
communication, in which I may at the same time trouble you
with some remarks on the proposed remedies for the now univer-
sally admitted grievances of the Highland people, and the best
manner of applying them. Meanwhile,
I am, sir,
Your most obedient servant,
ALEXANDER MACKENZIE.
[To the foregoing letter Sir William Harcourt sent a holo-
graph reply, dated the 2ist of November, from Whitehall,
thanking the writer, indicating opinions and expressing hopes of
a most appreciative and satisfactory character ; but Sir William's
letter being marked as a "Private" communication cannot, of
course, be published. — A. M.]
93
SIR WILLIAM VERNON HARCOURT, M.P.,
ON THE PRESENT STATE OF THE HIGHLANDS
AND ISLANDS.
ON Friday, the I4th of November, Mr D. H. Macfarlane, M.P.,
moved, Mr Charles Fraser-Mackintosh, M.P., seconded, and it was
unanimously agreed to in the House of Commons : —
"That in the opinion of this House it is the duty of her
Majesty's Government to give effect to the recommendations of
the Royal Commission upon the condition of the crofters and
cottars in the Highlands and Islands of Scotland, or to apply
such other remedies as they deem advisable; and that this House
concurs in the opinion expressed by the Royal Commission at
page no of its report that 'The mere vindication of authority
and repression of resistance would not establish the relations of
mutual confidence between landlord and tenant, in the absence of
which the country would not be truly at peace, and all our in-
quiries and counsels would be expended in vain.' "
The debate, which lasted for seven hours, was, on the whole,
creditable to those who took part in it, and to the House of Com-
mons itself. Some excellent speeches were made, especially by
Mr Fraser-Mackintosh, Lochiel, Mr Macfarlane, Mr Jesse Collings,
Mr Picton, and one or two other English members. The speech
of the evening, however, was that delivered by Sir William Har-
court, whose duty as Home Secretary it will be to introduce a
Land Bill for the Highlands, and who is personally responsible
for having sent a strong military force to the Isle of Skye, on its
way thither at the very time when he was in the act of delivering
his remarkable speech — a speech which cannot fail to carry con-
sternation to the minds of certain landed proprietors in the High-
lands. It is altogether such a speech, so true in many respects as
to the character of the Highland people, and showing on the
whole such a correct conception of the actual state of things at
the time existing in Skye and in the Western Highlands and
Isles, that we deem it well worthy of preservation in the Celtic
Magazine. Immediately after the seconder of the motion sat
down, Sir William Harcourt said : —
I have no doubt that many members of this House wish to express their opinion
94 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
on this subject. At the same time I have no doubt it may be convenient that at an
early period I should make the observations on behalf of the Government that I have
to make on the motion of the hon. member. I have no ground to complain in any-
way of the speeches that have been made by the mover and seconder of this motion,
or of the spirit and terms of the motion itself, in which I generally concur. (Hear,
hear. ) There is only one thing that I would desire to explain with reference to what
the hon. member who made this motion has said of the expression I used, that the
violations of the law [in Skye] had no justification or extenuation. Perhaps I should
have been more accurate if I had confined myself to the first word. I said they
had no justification ; the word extenuation was a word of more doubtful meaning.
(Hear, hear. ) With reference to the whole of this question, all that I can say is that
I stand in a different position with reference to it than either of the hon. members who
have addressed the House. With the official responsibility that I have in this matter,
hon. members in the House will feel that I am not free to say all that I think, because
I must exercise a certain amount of reserve. But I think I am not acting inconsistently
with my duty in this matter in saying, what is known to the hon. member who made
this motion, that the persons on whose behalf he speaks have long had my deep per-
sonal sympathy. (Cheers.)
SENDING A MILITARY FORCE TO SKYE.
I know these West Highlands well. I doubt whether there is anybody in this House
who knows Skye better than I do. I have spent my leisure time for nearly twenty
years mostly upon its shores and its bays, and all I can say is that I have a deep sym-
pathy and regard — I might almost use stronger terms — for the people who inhabit
them. (Hear, hear.) They are a people distinguished remarkably, as I think I once
observed before at Glasgow, by a mildness of character which seems to belong to the
climate in which they live. They have a high-bred courtesy in their demeanour ; they
have a kindliness towards all who have dealings with them that is singularly attractive.
I, for one, therefore, approach this question certainly not in any spirit of harshness or
of rigour. All I can say is that, though there are painful duties connected frequently
with the office which I hold, I have never exercised a duty which I considered incum-
bent upon me with more personal regret than when I felt myself under the obligation
to send a force to support the local authority in that part of the country. (Hear, hear.)
The hon. member who has just sat down [Mr Eraser-Mackintosh] — though I do not
think the hon. member who made the motion took that view of the subject — seemed
to question whether there had been any disturbance in Skye at all, and whether there
was any occasion for the interference of the Government. To anybody who has read
the reports in the public press, I should have thought it was almost unnecessary to
offer any evidence on that subject. What took place was this : — A certain condition
of things existed in Skye in which individuals were menaced in the pursuits of ordinary
life— a condition of things with which in recent times we have been too familiar. I
won't go into many of the details of petty outrages which had taken place. The hon.
member who has just spoken referred to a case which led to a small force of police
being sent to Skye, where it was intimated at a meeting of the crofters that three
individuals — I abstain from mentioning names — were to be forcibly carried to the
meeting to demand explanations of their conduct* — I think there is no man in this
House who will justify such a proceeding as that ; whereupon the Police Commis-
sioners thought it necessary to strengthen the police force in Skye. That is a thing
* It is shown elsewhere that this charge was absolutely untrue, but it has served
the purpose for which it was manufactured.— ED. C. M,
STATE OF THE HIGHLANDS AND ISLANDS. 95
entirely within the competence of such an authority. The extra police— I think there
are six men — were sent to give protection to the people in Skye. As soon as they
arrived, a large number of people used certainly very violent proceedings, turned them
back, and said they would not allow them to come into the country. Now, I think
there is no man who will not admit that that is a condition of things which it is im-
possible to tolerate. Well, the information that reached us was that there was a
special animosity there against the police. That, to my mind, is a very grave symptom
indeed. It is a symptom which deserves, I venture to say, the attention of all classes
of the community, and of the proprietors quite as much as any other class ; because
I am the first to state and to feel that the employment of the naval or military forces
of the Crown in keeping peace in this country, or in any way aiding the civil authority,
is in itself an immense evil. (Cheers.) It is one to which I am most reluctant to
resort, and never would do so unless I was convinced that it was absolutely necessary.
The preservation of peace, and the exercise of the civil authority, ought to be carried
out by the civil force, which is the police ; and happily in this country, although cases
do occasionally occur where the police, not being sufficient, military support has to be
given to the police, I take it to be a maxim, subject to very few exceptions, that the
military and naval forces ought never, if it can possibly be avoided, to be used for that
purpose. And, accordingly, when a few years ago there were disturbances in Skye,
and I was pressed by the local authorities to send military there, I told them of my
reluctance, and declined. I arn speaking in the presence of my hon. friend, if he
will allow me to call him so, the member for Inverness-shire (Lochiel), whose counsel
I naturally sought upon a question of that character, and he agreed with me that that
ought to be postponed to the latest possible moment. Accordingly, the military were
not sent to Skye two years ago. I confess it was with the greatest reluctance that I
came to the conviction that if this were left to the police alone there would be such a
powerful and violent resistance as would lead to a very dangerous breach of the peace,
and I believe that is the opinion of every man aquainted with that district of Scotland.
Well, under these circumstances I came to the conclusion that, upon such an occasion
as that, to exhibit weakness was no kindness to the people of Skye, and thinking it
necessary that order should be preserved, it was essential that it should be preserved
in a manner that did not invite or admit of conflict ; and I think that was at once a
humane and prudent view to take of the case. Now, at the same time that I speak of
what occurred in 1882, the Government showed that they were not insensible to the
consideration that there were grievances to be redressed, and that there were inquiries
to be made. I can assure my hon. friend who has last spoken, that when I, on behalf
of the Government, appointed the Commission, of which he was so valuable a mem-
ber, it was with the fullest intention that the Commission should bear practical fruit.
(Hear, hear.) Therefore, we acted in that respect with a spirit that, while the law
ought to be sustained, at the same time every grievance that could be demonstrated
ought also to be redressed. Well, now, sir, there has been a good deal of exaggera-
tion, I think, about this state of things. There has been a great amount of sensational
reports. I received a telegram only yesterday, which, although it was not very com-
plimentary to me, and was very strongly on the side of the crofters, I thought con-
tained a great deal of good sense. It said, "If it were not for the agitators and the
newspaper reporters, we should get on very well." (Cheers.) Of course, there is a
habit of picking up every flying rumour, whether it is well founded or not, and then
it gets into print— and people have a habit of believing that everything that gets into
print is truth - and the result is, that a great many unfounded statements receive a
96 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
credit that they do not deserve. (Hear, hear.) But I think there is no doubt— and
the House will take this from me without my going into great detail— that there is a
very serious condition of things existing in Skye and the West Highlands generally—
(Hear, hear) -and I do not think it will be in the least disputed by the hon. member
who has made this motion. Now, I say alone this hostility towards the police, this
determination not to show to them that obedience and that respect for law and order
which is common in other parts of England and Scotland, is in itself a very serious
symptom. When it comes to this, that in some parts of Skye and the Highlands the
police have to be sent to execute the ordinary processes of the law, that is in itself a
very serious condition of things, At the same time, I say it is very necessary that all
classes of the community— and I include in that the Police Committee of the county of
Inverness -must understand that the Government cannot undertake to aid the police
permanently by military force. And a state of things must be established in which the
police shall be able to maintain the public peace, and execute justice within their own
territory. The Government make it clearly understood that in giving this support to
the police, it is as a subsidiary force, and not as a principal force, in the execution of
the law. In my opinion, nothing can be greater proof that there is something which
requires a remedy, than when you are obliged to employ a military force. Now, I
join with the hon. member who has made this motion, in the hope and the belief that
there will be no conflict in Skye. There is one phrase which I am sure the hon.
member dropped in the heat of the moment, and which he would not wish deliberately
to repeat— that the local authorities or anybody else desire to provoke a conflict. I
believe that is a statement which is without foundation. If it were true, it would be
a most serious state of matters. I believe nobody desires to provoke a conflict ; but
there are persons who have rendered, in my opinion, great services in preventing a
conflict, whose influence I ought to acknowledge, and that is men who, from their pro-
fession, were bound to exercise such a duty. —
THE MINISTERS OF RELIGION IN SKYE.
(Cheers.) In a meeting which took place, and which is reported in the Scotsman of
yesterday, I find, first of all, the Rev. Mr Macdonald, a Free Church minister from
Inverness, exercised his influence most beneficially in advising the people to abstain
from any breach of the peace. I find also the gentleman to whom the hon. member
for Carlow (Mr Macfarlane) has referred— the Rev. Mr Macphail, of the Free Church
of Kilmuir— used his influence in a speech which he made on that occasion ; and I
have also read a speech by the Rev. Mr Davidson, of the Established Church at
Stenscholl, one of the disturbed districts, and I have a telegram from him to say that
he was satisfied that the people would be tranquil. I will ask leave to read the obser-
vations which he made, for they are short, and I think they highly deserve attention.
" He stated that prior to his being settled at Stenscholl, two and a-half years ago,
there was not a single man in Skye who was more opposed to the Land League, and
for months after entering on his duties as minister of the district he had but little belief
in the crofters' grievances. He soon, however, began to see that the state of matters
existing in that parish was such that he could not but sympathise with the people
Cheers.) He could not consistently ask the people to stop their agitation to secure a
remedy for their grievances ; but he solemnly impressed upon them the danger of
Bering resistance to the police, and bringing themselves under the correction of the
e had been present at some of their meetings, and he could honestly say that
the speeches were moderate, and that the business was conducted in the most orderly
way. He was fully acquainted with the men who were considered leaders of the
STATE OF THE HIGHLANDS AND ISLANDS. 97
movement, and he could say that they were among the most respectable men on the
Kilmuir estate."
I think that statement is a most weighty one, and one which is extremely worthy of
the attention of
THE PROPRIETOR OF KILMUIR.
And, sir, that spirit of conciliation having been shown on the part of the ministers of
religion, who have sought by their influence to allay the spirit of excitement and to
prevent a conflict, I confess it was with very deep regret that I received this
morning a paper which was forwarded to me- the Nairnshire Telegraph — reporting a
speech of Major Fraser, which is couched in an extremely different spirit. He says
repressive measures will require to be used, and he did not know that another week
would elapse before these would be used, and he hoped, when justice was done, all
dissensions would pass away. (Ironical cheers.) I also hope, when justice is done,
dissensions will pass away ; but I hope that Major Fraser puts the same construction
on justice that I do in these matters. (Hear, hear.)
THE MILITARY AND THE NOTICES OF REMOVAL.
I wish, at the same time, to have it clearly understood that this force which is sent to
support the police, is sent for the preservation of the public peace, and that if that
support so given to the police were to be used for the purpose of oppressive measures,
which would not and could not otherwise be employed, to use it as a cloak or a shield
for such a purpose would be a gross abuse of that support. (Cheers.) It is not in-
tended to cover these notices of removal of which we have heard — (Cheers) — things
which, I think, are deeply to be regretted — notices of removal which are served, not
for the purpose of being enforced, but for the purpose of keeping up a condition — I
don't know whether I should call it "suspension," or whatever term I should
employ. These notices of removal seem to me to be a source of irritation which is
not to be justified at all. That there exists in these districts extreme poverty, in some
parts borne for many years with extraordinary patience, I think everybody who is
acquainted with those districts must be aware.
EMIGRATION.
There is one subject to which the hon. member for Carlow referred in some of the
evidence that he read, in which I very much agree with him. Some people say, " Oh,
the remedy for this is emigration." Well, sir, in my opinion emigration is a very
poor remedy indeed. (Irish cheers.) I have myself no sympathy with a policy which
improves a country by getting rid of its people. To my mind that is the policy of
despair. It is like the old medical treatment of Sangrado, who cured all diseases by
blood-letting ; but, after all, blood is the life of the body, and the people are the life
of the country. I, at all events, do not accept the policy of making a solitude and call-
ing it political economy. (Hear, hear.) No doubt the Scottish are people who have
shown great qualities for emigration. A great part of the Empire of Britain, which
covers every sea, is due to their intelligence and to their energy. (Hear, hear.) Under
Lord Chatham they played a great part in the conquest of Canada, and they still, by
their industry, support and extend the greatness of that colony. The history of Scots-
men in India is famous, and in New Zealand also, there is a Scottish colony of great
prosperity and eminence. But that is, or ought to be, in my opinion, a voluntary
emigration. I am entirely against pressing people out of their own country, and, least
of all, such people as the West Highlanders. These people are remarkable, and I
know them well for their passionate attachment to the soil upon which they live.
G
98 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE
(Hear, hear.) I have myself always thought that those beautiful lines in which one of
the greatest masters of human nature— Goldsmith— described the history of the Swiss
peasant were »ingularly applicable to the Highlanders of the West. I may be per-
mitted to remind the House of those few lines —
Dear is the shed to which his soul conforms,
And dear the hill which lifts him to the storms ;
And as a child, when scaring sounds molest,
Clings close and closer to his mother's breast,
So the loud torrent and the whirlwind's roar
But bind him to his native mountains more.
(Cheers. ) I believe that a policy which is founded upon tearing these men from their
soil is not the remedial policy which is the best to be applied in these cases. I believe
that you ought to find means for these people, so attached to their country, to live in
their own country. (Hear, hear. ) But that is a very difficult problem. It will be asked
how ? Well, there were times when they did live in the country in comparative happi-
ness and prosperity, and, therefore, the problem is not insoluble in itself.
Sir H. Maxwell— Kelp.
Sir W. Harcourt— Well, there was not a great deal of kelp in the inland High-
lands of Scotland — (laughter)— and yet there were a great many people who lived there
I think the hon. member for Wigtownshire will have to study the history of the
Highlands "a little more closely before he comes to the conclusion that kelp is the
solution of the problem. (Laughter.)
RECOMMENDATIONS OF THE ROYAL COMMISSION CRITICISED.
The Royal Commission has collected a great deal of valuable materials, and it has
made some important suggestions ; but one great difficulty in dealing with this question
is, that I do not find that all the suggestions, or even the most important, of the Royal
Commission have met with general acceptance from any quarter, or even from the
friends of the crofters themselves. This is a very ingenious project of the creation of
the communal system, but in all the discussions that I have heard since that project
was announced by the Commission, I find extremely little approbation. Even in
the resolutions of the Land League itself it has been faintly alluded to. All the
proposals that I have seen accredited by the friends of the crofters have been in
the direction of the Irish Land Act, not in the direction of that particular
recommendation— extremely ingenious, but more theoretical than practical. When it is
asked in some quarters, that the principles of the Irish Land Act should be applied to
the Weit Highlands, I have to observe that the condition of the West Highlands, as
I understand them, and the evils that exist there, are not of precisely the same
character as those which were dealt with by the Irish Land Act in Ireland. There is
not the same competition for land. I will speak directly about the question of there
not being land enough. There is not in the West Highlands of Scotland that same
competition of tenant against tenant which had led in many cases to great over-renting
in Ireland. I do not say that there are not cases of over-renting in the West High-
lands, but that is certainly not the grievance which has been alleged ; nor, according to
my knowledge of the matter, is there the same prevalence of eviction that took place
in Ireland, and, therefore, the evils in the Highlands are not the evils of over-renting
nor eviction which took place in Ireland. And, therefore, if the evil is not the same,
it would not appear that the remedy would be identical. What is complained of, and
what was complained of by the hon. member in his motion, was that they want more
land. Well, in a certain sense, I suppose everybody wants more land if he could get
t. (Hear, hear.) I have no land, and I suppose many people in that position would
STATE OF THE HIGHLANDS AND ISLANDS. 99
desire to have it ; but that is not the sense, no doubt, in which the hon. member uses
it. I confess that when you come to such a question as that, the evils and the diffi-
culties, and even if those were superable, the danger of compulsory legislation upon
such a question appears to me to be extremely great. They may be necessary, but
nobody can doubt that they are an evil in themselves, and therefore upon this point I
would venture to take this opportunity of making a very serious and earnest
APPEAL TO THE PROPRIETORS
Of the West Highlands themselves. (Hear, hear.) They have very great facilities for
dealing with this question. I speak in the presence of my hon. friend the member
for Inverness-shire (Lochiel), whose speech made last June I am sure very strongly
impressed the House. (Hear, hear.) And no difference of political opinion upon
other questions would prevent me acknowledging the great benefit that I have derived
from my hon. friend in all these difficult questions as they have arisen. The number
of proprietors in these districts is extremely small. (Hear, hear.) That in itself — I
should call it a great evil — does offer great facilities of coming to some understanding
as to what would be the best to be done in these circumstances. I think in the Outer
Islands, in the Long Island, I doubt whether there are six separate proprietors alto-
gether. When you come to Skye the number is very few of proprietors of any magni-
tude at all. When you come even to the mainland the number is not considerable.
Certainly there are no people who have more reason to desire to see this question
settled than the proprietors of the West Highlands. , (Hear, hear.) It is certainly not
their interest to raise a great land question in Scotland ; and there are great reasons,
it seems to me, also, why they should be prepared to make — I won't say great sacrifices,
but moderate sacrifices to settle this question. First of all, there is a very remarkable
feature in the history of the land in the West Highlands. There has been in it
A SUDDEN GROWTH OF RENTAL
Which has never been equalled anywhere else, I should think, within the course of the
last century, and even still more of the last half century. If you think of what the
Highlands were long before the introduction of sheep farming, you will find that estates
which were worth hundreds are now worth thousands. In those times, and not so
very long ago— almost within the memory of living man — those great tracts of hill
yielded no profit at all to the proprietor. Lord Malmesbury, in his Memoirs recently
published, states that in his own recollection any man could go and shoot where he
liked without paying anything, or almost anything at all. But before the question of
shooting arose, there was the question of grazing, and I do not think it would be un-
true to say that a hundred years ago in the West Highlands all those people who are
now crofters, and were, in fact, the population of the country, had practically
their grazing upon the land, just for the same reason that in Lord Malmes-
bury's recollection a man could shoot because it was not worth anybody's while
to prevent it. The chief of the clan or the proprietor did not object to his clans-
man turning his black cattle on to the hill ; on the contrary it was an advantage to the
proprietor, who got something from him. But then what happened ? No doubt it
was a rude state of life. We read an account of it— perhaps the most accurate account
— an account to which Scott gave an air of romance in " Waverley "— in "The
History of the Highlands." It there appears that the chief or proprietor and the
clansmen lived together, certainly in a rude state, but in a state of comparative com-
fort. Then came the great and sudden growth of the wealth of the Highlands by the
introduction of sheep farming. I do not complain of sheep farming. The Duke
of Argyll, in an article in the National Review, has gone a considerable length
into that, for the purpose of showing that it is of a great economical advantage.
Well, so far as it gave an immense increase to rent. Men who had hundreds
I00 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
before found themselves in possession of thousands a year of rent. I am afraid
that within the last year or two that account is more unfavourable than i
was. That undoubtedly was the history of the transformation. What happened after
that ? After the sheep farm gave an enormous increase to the rent of the proprietor—
an increase without any expenditure on his part-there was possibly never a better
instance of the unearned increment except that which I am going to mention. I go
on to the next great windfall to the Highland proprietor. Then came the grouse
shooting rent, which was often, I believe, equal to the sheep farming rent ; therefore,
the proprietor found himself in possession of land which rose within a generation from
being worth nothing at all to an enormously increased and valuable rental. In more
recent years, in my own recollection, there was found a still more valuable thing than
the sheep farm and the game rent, and that was the deer forest, over a great part of
the county of Ross and a considerable part of the county of Inverness, in the place of
both the sheep rent and the game rent. Well, what was the result of that? The
result was that the grazing of these people disappeared. (Hear, hear.) The Duke of
Argyll, in his article in the National Review, says that it was not only the high hills
that were necessary for the sheep, but also the low hills, in order that the sheep might
have their wintering. But then what became of the black cattle of the crofter and the
tenant ?
A CONTRAST.
There was not that softening influence which, happily, in England softened the harsh
outline of proprietary rights. Recollect what happened in this country. There was a
population even more humble in its condition, more subject in its lot, than the crofter
of the West Highlands, and that was the old villein of soccage in England ; and what
happened to him. He had rights of usage of this character, rights which certainly in
their origin were not distinguishable in law, rights which were never enacted by any
statute, but which were consecrated, and crystallised, and secured to him by the spirit
of the common law of England. ( Hear, hear. ) What happened to them was described
by the great common lawyer, Sir Edward Coke, who said that " in Saxon and Norman
times these copyholders were subiect to their lords' will, but now they stood upon a
sure ground, and waited not their lords' displeasure." (Hear, hear.) That is a curious
and very interesting chapter of law. It is one of those fortunate circumstances which
have gone to create the safety of the social system of England. In modern times we
have had another example of the operations of the law sustained by the action of Par-
liament. It was a work and a policy that was mainly conducted by the man whose
loss we have had occasion to deplore — by Mr Fawcett. The work which he began,
and which I and many others did our best to aid him in — in the prevention of the
inclosure of commons— was a highly useful work. It prevented the absorption in single
hands of all the common ty lands, which would have placed the mass of the popula-
tion under disadvantage, and which was sure to have created discontent.
REMEDIES RECOMMENDED.
Now, I say that all these considerations seem to me to point to a remedy which I can-
not help thinking that the patient might administer unto himself to a great degree.
Now, just consider what would have happened if, when these large tracts of land were
being turned into sheep farms or into deer forests, yielding, as they did, enormous incre-
ment of rent, there had been a more moderate use of these powers— if, while thousands of
acres were taken for these purposes, a few hundreds had everywhere been reserved for
the small population of these Highland glens— why, it would not have destroyed the
system of sheep farming at all. It would have been perfectly possible to have kept a
STATE OF THE HIGHLANDS AND ISLANDS. 101
moderate area which would have been sufficient for this population. They never
could have covered the whole of these hills. That, it seems to me, is a thing which
might very reasonably and well have been done. We have heard in this debate, and
evidence has been led, of townships losing the hills which they had before. Why
should townships lose the hills ? I have never heard of them having refused to pay
rent except under the influence — I was almost going to say of pardonable excitement.
But why, if a reasonable rent and a fair rent be offered them, should not these people
have a fair accommodation which might make to them the difference between penury
and comparative ease ? What has become of the crofters' black cattle ? There is no
doubt that they can look back to a time, of which they remember themselves, or of
which they certainly had a tradition from their fathers, when they had this land, on
which they had black cattle, and which having lost, they have been confined to that
little spot in the strath which, when potato disease comes or a bad season, is totally
unable to sustain their existence. Well, is there not room in this matter for a very
reasonable settlement ? I appeal to my hon. friend (Lochiel) who knows this matter
very much better than I do, considering how few hands this land is in, how reasonable
might be the settlement of a question like this, and considering in each locality
whether it would not be possible to apportion to these people a single hill in their
immediate neighbourhood, which might deduct say &2O, ,£30, or £$o from a great
sheep farm rent. Is not a settlement of the question like this worth making if it
could be done? (Hear, hear.) There is no doubt whatever — from the reason that I
have already stated — there have not been those modifications, those temperamcnta, as
it is called by the lawyers, of the naked right of proprietorship in Scotland, which
arose under the common law in England. It is because civilisation in Scotland in
earlier times was ruder. (Oh, oh, and laughter.) I am ready to acknowledge how
much more rapid, comparatively, the advance has been, and I thought the contrast
would be agreeable. (Laughter.) But from some cause or another the question of the
bare proprietorship of land in Scotland, in a more raw and more harsh form in its legal
aspect, certainly, is presented more than it is in England. (Hear, hear.) I believe this
to be a correct statement. (Hear, hear.) Well, then, I have endeavoured to indicate
that there are methods by which these people and the Government, in the task which is
justly imposed upon them, may be greatly aided by a wise and prudent generosity on
the part of the landlords themselves. There are immense difficulties in compulsory
legislation, although I don't say it may not be necessary. The real truth is, that in all
these cases the innocent bear the burden of those who are most to blame. (Hear,
hear.) A single landlord who exercises his right unfairly and harshly brings discredit
and injustice upon many who deserve no blame at all. (Cheers.) That I believe to
be the case, to a great extent, in the West Highlands of Scotland. I believe it would
be very unfair and very unjust to say that the landlords in the West Highlands are
unjust to their tenants. That there have been instances in which things have
been done that could not be approved I am not here to deny ; but I believe
at this moment that by far the best, by far the wisest thing that could be done,
would be that the landlords, who are few in number, and have, therefore, greater
facility for acting together, should take into consideration what can, and what ought
to be done, to heal a sore which, I am sure, they must feet as desirous as anyone to
close ; for it is their interest, above all, that it should be closed— (hear, hear) — and
that the Government, co-operating with them in so much of it as requires legislation,
may form some scheme which will remove the discontent that everyone must deplore.
(Cheers.) I only make these suggestions because I am quite sure if they were acted
upon they would be a very useful contribution. (Hear, hear.)
102
THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
RESPONSIBILITY OF THE GOVERNMENT.
However, that may or may not be the case ; but in answer to the appeal which has
been made to me by the hon. member who has made this motion (Mr Macfarlane), I
desire most distinctly to state that the Government are fully conscious of the respon-
sibility that belongs to them -the responsibility of endeavouring to find some adequate
remedy for the state of things which is disclosed in thejreport of the Royal .Commis-
sioners. (Hear, hear.) They have always accepted that responsibility. They ap-
pointed the Royal Commission to aid them in discharging the responsibility, and it is
their intention to discharge it. Now, I understand the object of the hon. member for
Carlow to be to appeal to me to give an assurance that this question was intended to
be seriously taken in hand, and that at an early period. He spoke of a date. Of
course, he did not mean a particular day or^month, but I have an answer to that
appeal. I have to say that it was not necessary for these unhappy occurrences in Skye
to have taken place to have satisfied the Government of the necessity of at once deal-
ing with it, and if the House will accept from me— for I hope I have~spokon in no
unfriendly spirit of the subjects of discussion —in no unfair spirit either towards the
crofters or the proprietors — if the House will accept from me the assurance that I
have given of the responsibility which the Government feel and which ^they are pre-
pared to discharge — I hope that under these circumstances the hon. member will not
feel it necessary to press his motion, which, I believe, only states a proposition that
everybody accepts. (Cheers.)
Mr Preston Bruce, who feared that Sir William Harcourt's speech would be read
and received by some as amounting to nothing more than an appeal to the charity of
the landlords, while it held out no promise of legislation, said that he understood the
right hon. gentleman's appeal to the landlords was to come forward to assist the
Government especially in reference to that matter, but he did not by any means under-
stand the right hon. gentleman to say that the Government did_not intend to deal,
and to deal speedily, with other parts of this question — such parts, for instance, as the
conferring of additional security of tenure in regard to their existing holdings, and also
in regard to securing them from further encroachment^on^the lands which they held
for the purpose of common pasturages. There were many other parts of the question
referred to in the report of the Commission which he hoped the" Government might
see their way to deal with, and to deal with speedily. It certainly was his under-
standing of the right hon. gentleman's speech that these ^subjects would be dealt with
next year, and he by no means desired the impression to go abroad that the Govern-
ment mean to do nothing but merely to appeal to the landlords. >](Hear, hear.) !u
Sir W. Harcourt replied— By the indulgence of the House I may say a word. I
think I may accept the interpretation put upon my words by the hon. member, and I
had no idea that any other interpretation could have been placed upon my words. I
certainly did appeal to the landlords of Scotland for two purposes. I thought they
might be of great service immediately by removing some of the causes of grievances
that exist. I appealed to them, also, that by concert they might be able very much
to assist the Government with reference to future legislation, but I added that the
Government accepted themselves, independently altogether of any action of the land-
lords, the responsibility of dealing with this question. These were the words with
which I concluded my speech, and I also stated quite distinctly that the Government
did accept the responsibility of dealing with legislation upon the subject at the earliest
possible time when they were able to do so. (Hear, hear.)
The motion was accepted by the Government, and adopted unanimously by the
House of Commons.
THE
CELTIC MAGAZINE.
CONDUCTED BY
ALEXANDER MACKENZIE, F.S.A., Scot.
No. CXI. JANUARY 1885. VOL. X.
THE MUNROS OF MILNTOWN.
BY ALEXANDER Ross.
II.
III. ANDREW BEG MUNRO, who is said to have been of a
very ferocious disposition, on which account he was called the
" Black Baron ;" but being hereditary Bailie, or Maor of Ross,
during a part of Queen Mary's reign, he had no doubt to exer-
cise great severity in the then lawless state of the country.
In 1512 King James IV. granted to Andrew Beg "the croft,
called the markland of Tulloch" (Tullich) for the yearly pay-
ment of one pound of wax, payable at Midsummer within the
Chapel of Delny.* The value of a pound of wax at that time,
according to the Books of Exchequer, was ten shillings Scots, or
tenpence sterling. The Chapel of Delny, which was dedicated
to the Virgin Mary, stood in the old burying-ground, between
the present farm-house of Delny and the county road behind it,
till near the end of the last century, when James Munro, the
farmer of Delny, demolished the old building and used the stones
in the erection of his farm premises, and the mortar in improving
his land ; and ploughed up the burying-ground with the intention
of adding it to the contiguous field. The late Rev. John Mathe-
son, parish minister of Kilmuir-Easter, and grandfather of Bailie
Matheson, Tain, on hearing of this species of vandalism and
* Origincs Parochiahs Scotia^ vol. ii. p. 460.
H
io4 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
sacrilege, visited the spot, and found it all covered with the bones
of the dead, which had been turned up with the plough. He
represented to Munro the indelicacy of his conduct, persuaded him
to collect the relics, and deposit them again in the earth. This the
farmer duly performed, and this neglected spot, where, perhaps,
was laid —
" Some heart once pregnant with celestial fire ;
Hands that the rod of empire might have swayed,
Or waked to ecstasy the living lyre " —
was afterwards enclosed and laid out with grass.
A short distance to the north of the site of the Chapel stood
the priest's house, and the spot is on that account called Cnoc-an-
t-Sagairt (the hill of the priest), Priesthill. In the beginning of
the last century, the remains of a cross stood on the hill at the
extremity of the hamlet. Thither all the people belonging to
the Barony or Maordom of Delny, which comprehended a great
part of the County of Ross, resorted once a year to pay homage
to their superior. Here, also, the barons held their criminal
courts. In ancient times the right of pit and gallows — furca et
fossa — was the true mark of a true baron, who had jurisdiction
in life and limb — curia vitce et membrorum. It was not the
peculiar taste of our barbarous ancestors : all feudal lords through
feudal Europe were equally fond and proud of the right of exe-
cuting those whom they had first convicted and sentenced to
death. The French had the phrase avec haute et basse justice,
which meant nothing more than the " right of pit and gallows."
The gallow-hill is still an object of interest, and human bones
have been frequently found in its vicinity. The gallow-hill of
the Barony of Milntown is situated on the march between Miln-
town and Balnagown, near Logie Free Church Manse ; and the
drowning-pool is adjacent to the Manse. Here, in 1864, while
excavations were being made in connection with the construction
of the railway, a number of human bones were found, the remains,
no doubt, of the poor wretches who died at the hands of "Black"
Andrew Munro. The " pit " was for the female criminal ; for
women sentenced to death were, for the most part, drowned.
The " gallows " was for the male defaulters, who were invariably
hanged. There is a hill within a mile of Delny called Cnoc-na-
Croich, or the "hill of the gallows"; and on the summit of this
THE MUNROS OF MILNTOWN. 105
hill was a circular pool of water, many fathoms deep, called Poll-
a-bhathaidh (the pool of drowning). Here the barons of Delny
drowned and hanged their victims. It is not known when the
last execution took place here ; but a man who died about the
year 1750, in Logic, witnessed the last execution which took
place at the Milntown " drowning pool," that of a woman for
child-murder.*
In the year 1512, James IV. granted also to Andrew
Munro " the lands of Myltoun of Meath with the mill, the office
of Chief Mair of the Earldom of Ross, which lands of Myltoun,
with the mill and mairdom, had been granted to Andrew and
one heir by a letter under the Privy Seal, the grantee paying
eight chalders, four bolls of victual, half bear, half meal, of the
lesser measure of the Earldom, and to augment the rental by
eight bolls. "t The Chief Maors or Maormars, were the greatest
officers of great districts, and it is to them, and not to the Thanes,
that Shakespeare, in " Macbeth," should have made young
Malcolm address his speech — " Henceforth be Earls !" The
office of Chief Maor of the Earldom of Ross was a very ancient
one, and several of the fees and perquisites belonging to it were
peculiar. In 1591 a decreet of the Lords of Council and Session
was obtained by Andrew Munro, V. of Milntown, then principal
Maor, or Maor of fee of the Earldom, against Andrew Dingwall
and the feuars, farmers, and possessors of the Earldom of Ross,
for his fees of the office, to wit 405. 8d. for the ordinary fee of the
said Earldom yearly, and for every sack of corn brought to the
shore to be shipped, "ane gopin of corn," estimated at a half-
penny a lippy, and out of every chalder of victuals delivered
thereat to the Maor, two pecks, etc. The collection of the Maor's
fees seems to have caused some trouble, and the law had to be
occasionally invoked to enforce payment.
Besides Milntown, Andrew Beg acquired by grants and
purchase large possessions in many parts of Ross-shire, namely,
Delny, Newmore, in the parish of Rosskeen ; Contullich and
Kildermorie, in the parish of Alness ; Dochcarty, in the parish of
Dingwall ; Allan, in the parish of Fearn ; and Culnaha, in the
parish of Nigg ; and was, on that account, and the fierceness of his
*Old Stat. Acct., vol. iy. p. 378.
t Reg. Mag. Sig., lib. xviii. No. 74, and Reg. Sec. Sig., vol. iv. fol. 195.
io6 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE
temper, called by the natives in the vernacular « Andra Dubh
nan seachd Caisteal" (that is, "Black Andrew of the seven
Castles "), having a castle on each of his properties.
In the present day much interest is excited in catching
occasional glimpses of the ancient state of society through the
chance vistas of tradition. These glimpses serve to show us, in
the expressive language of Scripture, " the rock whence we were
hewn, and the hole whence we were dug." They serve, too, as
Hugh Miller remarks, to dissipate those dreamy imaginings of
the good and happiness of the past in which it seems to be an
instinct of our nature to indulge ; and enables us to correct the
exaggerated estimates of that school of philosophy, which sees
most to admire in society the farther it recedes from civilisation.
The following is one of those chance glimpses, preserved by
Hugh Miller. It is, however, obviously at variance with strict
chronology ; and the facts stated apparently apply to some other
individual, and not to Andrew Munro III. of Milntown, as he
died before Sir George Munro of Newmore was born, who is
evidently the " Munro of Newmore" referred to. There was no
" Munro of Newmore," contemporary with Black Andrew of
Milntown, who was laird of Newmore himself; neither was
Andrew Munro the last baron of Newtarbat (Milntown). Hugh
Miller records : — "That an old man who died in 1829 told him,
that when a boy he was sent to the Manse of Resolis to bring
back the horse of an elderly gentleman, a retired officer, who had
gone to visit the Rev. Hector Macphail, minister of the parish,
with the intention of remaining with him a few days. The officer
was a silver-headed, erect old man, who had served as an Ensign at
the battle of Blenheim, and who, when he had retired on half-pay,
about forty years after, was still a poor Lieutenant. His riding
days were well nigh over ; and the boy overtook him long ere he
had reached the manse, and just as he was joined by William
Forsyth, merchant, Cromarty, who had come riding up by a cross-
road, and then slackened bridle to keep the officer company.
The old man spoke much of the allied armies under Marlborough.
By far the strongest man in them, he said, was a gentleman from
Ross-shire — Munro of Newmore. He had seen him raise a piece
of ordnance to his breast, which Mackenzie of Fairburn had
succeeded in raising to his knee, but which no other man, among
,
THE MUNROS OF MILNTOWN. 107
more than eighty thousand, could lift from off the ground. New-
more was considerably advanced in life at the time. He was a
singularly daring, as well as an immensely powerful man, and
had signalised himself in early life in the feuds of his native dis-
trict. Some of his lands bordered on those of Black Andrew
Munro, the last baron of Newtarbat, one of the most detestable
wretches that ever abused the power of the pit and gallows. But,
as at least their nominal politics were the same, and as the baron,
though by far the less powerful man, was in, perhaps, a corre-
sponding degree the more powerful proprietor, they had never
come to an open rupture."
Newmore, on account of his venturing at times to screen some
of the baron's vassals from his fury, by occasionally taking part
against him in the quarrel of some of the petty landholders,
whom the tyrant never missed an opportunity to oppress, was,
by no means, one of his favourites. All the labour of the baron's
demesnes was, of course, performed by his vassals as part of
their proper service. A late wet harvest came on, and they were
employed in cutting down his crops, when their own lay rotting
on the ground. It is natural that in such circumstances they
should have laboured unwillingly. All their dread of the baron,
who remained among them in the fields, indulging in every
caprice of fierce and cruel temper, aggravated by irresponsible
power, proved scarcely sufficient to keep them at work ; and to
inspire them with greater terror, an elderly female, who had been
engaged during the night in reaping a little field of her own, and
had come somewhat late in the morning, was actually stripped
naked by the savage, and sent home again. In the evening he
was visited by Munro of Newmore, who came, accompanied by
only a single servant, to expostulate with him on an act so atro-
cious and disgraceful. He was welcomed with a show of hospi-
tality ; the baron heard him patiently, and called for wine ; they
sat down and drank together. It was only a few weeks before,
however, that one of the neighbouring lairds, who had been
treated with a similar show of kindness by the baron, had been
stripped half-naked at his table, when in a state of intoxication,
and sent home with his legs tied under his horse's belly. New-
more, therefore, kept warily on his guard ; he had left his horse
ready saddled at the gate, and drank no more than he could
io8 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
master, which was quite as much, however, as would have over-
come most men. One after one of the baron's retainers began
to drop into the room, each on a separate pretence, and as the
fifth entered, Newmore, who had seemed as if yielding to the in-
fluence of the liquor, affected to fall asleep. The retainers came
clustering round him. Two seized him by the arms, and two
more essayed to fasten him to the chair ; when up he sprang,
dashed his four assailants from him, as if they had been boys of
ten summers, and raising the fifth from the floor, hurled him
headlong against the baron, who fell prostrate before the weight
and momentum of so unusual a missile. In a minute after,
Newmore had reached the gate, and, mounting his horse, rode
away. The baron died during the night, a victim to apoplexy,
induced, it is said, by the fierce and vindictive passions awakened
on this occasion ; and a Gaelic proverb, still current in Ross-shire,
shows with what feelings his poor vassals must have regarded
the event. Even to the present day, a Highlander will remark,
when overborne by oppression, that " the same God still lives who
killed Black Andrew Munro of Newtarbat."
The above events are said to have taken place in Black
Andrew's Castle at Delny. He resided .occasionally at his
Castle of Contullich ; and tradition states that the people of
Boath, in passing up or down, had to perform the most abject
obeisance to him, by taking off their hats and throwing them-
selves on the ground ; and woe-betide the man (or woman) who
forgot or refused to do so, for a shot from Andrew's big gun
would bring him to his senses, or render him incapable of ever
regaining that stage.
The following story in connection witji Andrew's residence
at Contullich I had some years ago from a Seanachie, who is
now no more : —
The Rothach Dubh, he said, was an exceedingly fierce and
cruel man, and ruled over his numerous estates with unlimited
despotism, none daring to " make him afraid." For some reason
or other he had conceived an inveterate hatred towards a num-
ber of his tenants or vassals in Garvary, and he resolved " to
remove" them. The poor people having been informed of
Andrew's feelings and intentions towards them, were accordingly
on the watch for him. There were eight families in all in the
THE MUNROS OF MILNTOWN. 109
locality, and the system they adopted to defend themselves was
this — The eight heads of the families watched together, one
night in one house, next night in another, and so on. One
exceptionally boisterous night of rain, sleet, and snow, they
considered it unnecessary to be so watchful, erroneously believing
that the Rothach Dubh would not trouble them on such a night.
They were all, however, as usual, assembled in one house ; but
reckoned without their host. That same night Black Andrew
ordered one of his servants to get two wisps of straw and make
ready for a midnight ride to Garvary to attack and kill the
people there. His servant remonstrated with him on the mad-
ness and recklessness of venturing out on such a stormy night,
and on the atrocious character of the object of his journey ; but
his master was inexorable, and they set out on their diabolical
mission. All the men, as already stated, were convened in one
house. The Rothach Dubh, on arriving at the place, made for
that house, being guided by the light shining through the win-
dow. Going up to this window, he listened to hear and deter-
mine who were inside. He overheard one of the men ask
another in Gaelic "to look out and see what the night was
doing." He did so, without noticing the Rothach Dubh, and on
his return informed his friends that the night was most unusually
fierce and boisterous, adding in Gaelic, "Weel, I know one
thing, and that is, that Black Andrew Munro of Contullich wont
attempt to come out on such a night, should he be the Devil
himself." Black Andrew, who was still at the window, heard
the man's observations, and gnashed his teeth. The unwary
men on hearing what their friend said, and believing it, were
completely thrown off their guard. When they had got all
seated round the fire, the Rothach Dubh rushed in upon them
with his drawn sword and killed them all, ere they had time to
recover from their consternation, or to defend themselves. This
story is firmly believed by the natives of the heights of Alness
parish to this day.
Black Andrew married Euphemine, or Euphemia, daughter
of James Dunbar, Laird of Tarbat, in Easter Ross, son of Sir
James Dunbar of Westfield, in Moray.
On the 25th of January 1485, the Lords of Council ordained
that James Dunbar of Tarbat should pay to Elizabeth, Countess
i io THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
of Ross, the sum of 100 merks out of the mails (rents in money)
of her lands in Tarbat and others, due at the term of Whitsunday
last. They further ordained that the consideration of a claim
made by the Countess against James Dunbar for 13 chalders of
victuals and 100 merks received on her behalf from George,
II. Earl of Huntly, should be deferred till the 24th of March, and
that the Earl should be summoned to appear for his interest.
The Lords of Council deferred till the same date an action raised
by James Dunbar against the Countess for payment of £40 of
fee, which he alleged remained due by her for five years, and for
fulfilment of a condition under which he asserted he held her
lands, that the dues should be diminished when the lands were
waste.* On the 2ist of January 1489, the Lords Auditors
ordained that James Dunbar should pay to the Countess of Ross
the sum of 736 merks Scots, due by him for the mails of the
lands in Ross-shire which he held of her in lease, as proved by a
bond under his seal and superscription ; that his lease should be
declared null and void, because he had failed to pay his dues at
the terms contained in his bond, and that his lands and goods
should be distrained for payment. James was summoned in the
case, but failed to appear.f He seems, however, to have held the
lands still, for on the 26th of February of the following year the
Lords of Council ordained him to pay to the Countess 200 merks
Scots as the dues of the said lands from Martinmas preceding,
as shown by his bond^ On the 9th of December 1494, the
Countess of Ross brought another action against James Dunbar
for wrongfully withholding from her £42 " with the mare of the
Witsonday terme " of her lands in Ross, and eighty head of oxen
and cows, and for wrongfully occupying her lands of Dolgny
(PDelny) and Easter Tarbat, with the rest of her lands in Ross-
shire ; in which case the Lords Auditors, in presence of the
parties, judged that James Dunbar did wrong ; that he should
cease to occupy the lands ; that he should deliver to the Countess
the dues and cattle in question, in so far as she could prove her
case before Sir William Munro, XII. Baron of Fowlis ; that Sir
* Acta Dom. Cone., p. 100.
t Acta Auditorum, p. 122.
$ Acta Pom. Cone., p. 126,
THE MUNROS OF MILNTOWN. in
William should be empowered to hear the case, and, if it was
proved, to distrain accordingly ; and that the lands should for-
with be "red" to the Countess.*
By Miss Dunbar, Andrew Munro had issue, besides daugh-
ters, and an illegitimate son named Thorns, three sons —
1. George, his heir and successor.
2. William, I. of Allan, from whom David Munro, the
present popular laird of Allan, is lineally descended.
3. Andrew, to whom his father bequeathed the estate of
Culnald, or Culnaha, in the parish of Nigg. He was twice
married. His first wife was Ellen, daughter of John Sutherland
of Insh, by whom he had one son. (i) David, his successor. By
his second wife, Anne, daughter of Hugh Ross of Achnacloich,
in the parish of Rosskeen, he had two sons — (2) George of
Knocksworth, who married, and had three sons and one daugh-
ter— George, Robert, Hugh, and Anne. He died on the 23rd of
August 1640, and was succeeded by his eldest son, George, Com-
missary of Caithness, who married a daughter of Robert Sinclair
of Gillhills, by whom he had two sons, George and Robert, of
whom nothing is recorded. (3) Hugh, who apparently died
unmarried.
Andrew of Culnald was succeeded by his eldest son, David,
as second laird of Culnaha and Delny. He married his cousin,
Janet, eldest daughter of Andrew Munro, V. of Milntown, by
whom he had one son, Andrew.
David Munro second of Culnaha and Delny, died on the
1 2th of November 1596, and his relict married, as his second
wife, Hector Munro, XVIII. Baron of Fowlis, without issue.
He was succeeded as third of Culnaha and Delny by his only
son, Andrew, who married a daughter of James Sinclair of
Hemmington, by whom he had one son and two daughters — (i)
John of Delny, his heir. (2) Janet, who married Duncan Grant
of Lentran. (3) A daughter, whose name is not recorded.
Andrew was succeeded as fourth of Culnaha and Delny by his
only son, John, who entered the army as a Major, and subse-
quently attained the rank of a Lieutenant-general. He was killed
at the battle of Worcester in 1651, "dying unmarried, and
without issue."
* Acta. Auditorum, pp. 192-3.
il2 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Andrew Beg Munro, III. of Milntown, died at Milntown
Castle, "in great extravagance and profusion," before 1541, and
was buried in the east end of the Church of Kilmuir-Easter, near
the Meikle Allan Burying-Ground.* He was succeeded by his
eldest son.
(To be continued.)
GAELIC DICTIONARIES.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
SIR,— The next time that Reid's Bibliotheca Scoto-Ctltica is printed, there are
three Gaelic Dictionaries to be added to the list.
1. A Dictionary of the Ancient Language of Scotland, by Robert Allan, Sur-
geon, Edinburgh, 1804. Quarto. This is mentioned in a book I have before me,
A Biographical Dictionary of Living Authors. London, 1816. Printed by Henry
Colburn. Formerly in Blackwood's Magazine, the Edinburgh Review, and the
Quarterly Review, they used in the body of the work to give a list of new publica-
tions : in one of these I saw Allan's work mentioned. Part First had appeared : the
price, I think, was four shillings (this gives some idea of the size of the part. ) Per-
haps the encouragement given was slight, and no more parts came out. I have not
seen Allan's work.
2. Mackeachern's Pocket Gaelic Dictionary. Perth. About 1870 I saw this in
a Glasgow catalogue of second-hand books. I have not seen it.
3. Mackintyre's Gaelic Dictionary. In his Gaelic Etymology this is mentioned
by Dr Charles Mackay. I have not seen Mackintyre.
About 1870 it was said that there was to be published a second edition of Reid ;
to be edited by Mr Mackinnon, now Professor of Celtic in Edinburgh University. As
Reid was published in 1832, many additions have to be made to his praiseworthy
work. Some time ago I tried, without success, to find some particulars of the life of
John Reid. Let me add here that I never heard of Robertson's Dictionary referred
to in the Novemoer number of the Celtic Magazine.
THOMAS STRATTON, M.D.
DEVONPORT, DEVON.
[In the article "Dictionary" in the "Encyclopaedia Britannica," new edition,
the Gaelic Dictionary by Allan is enumerated. We have no knowledge of Mackin-
tyre's Dictionary. — ED. C. M.]
* I am indebted to the Rev. Gustavus Aird, Creich, for the information anent
Black Andrew's place of interment.
MAJOR JOHN MACDONALD.
SELECTIONS FROM HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY.
II.
ON the 1 6th of June 1743 was fought the battle of Dettingen,
which George the 2nd gained over the French under the com-
mand of Marshall Noailles. No little surprise was expressed at
the time, as well as by historians since, that the Earl of Stair
should not have pursued the French to more advantage after the
battle. Macdonald explains why this was not done. He says —
" Before the action began, we were ordered to quit our knap-
sacks. Mine was large enough, but it never encumbered me
afterwards ; though I, as well as a man of each sentry were sent
in the evening to look after them. The loss of my own things I
did not regret so much as the wife's; even the baby's clouts were
gone. However, I got some beef and bread among the slain
French, and a bundle of good straw, which saved her life that
night ; for a deluge of rain fell, and the tents of our company did
not arrive till next morning. That day we marched to Hanau,
where General Clayton was buried. This great officer, with
Captain Campbell, were both killed by a cannon ball, just when
the latter was delivering the Earl of Stair's orders to pursue the
flying enemy, who got off rather too well, before his lordship
could know why his orders were not obeyed. Those who impute
the escape of the French to any other cause, had better consider
this as at least a more reasonable account ; nor can any other
be presumable."
The army lay at Hanau for six weeks, during which time
Macdonald's first child was born, and, his wife not regaining her
health for a time, he was obliged to try his hand at shopkeeping,
on a small scale, in order to support her and the child —
" The regiment was again quartered for the winter at Bruges,
and I found that the care of the child would employ the mother,
and that both must be supported by my industry. Therefore,
joining with another married man, I took a house, where our
wives sold ale, and my comrade and I took bread from a baker
at a small discount, and sold it at the different barracks as well
as at home. Thus, by dint of industry, the little family was de-
cently supported, and a small matter saved for the evil day."
In this manner Macdonald and his wife passed the winter in
ii4 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
comfort, but when spring came the regiment was again on the
march, and the soldier's troubles began. We select the following
amusing account of the trials of a married private on the march —
" In the spring of 1744, the army, under the command of
Marshal Wade, marched for Lisle. My poor wife having the
fever and ague most of that campaign, obliged me often to carry
the baggage, child, and all. One day in particular, we having
pitched near Tournay, and in the evening having struck the
tents when she was in the hot fit, I packed all on my back, slung
the firelock, took the child in my arms, and marched with the
company on the great road to Lisle. A little after it turned
dark there was an order from the front to keep profound silence
in the ranks. Meantime, my child, I suppose, being hungry and
dry, began to roar, and the more I hushed it, the worse it cried,
knowing that I was not the mother. The Captain of the division,
knowing my situation, ordered me to stop till the mother came
up, which I did, until I was challenged by the Captain of the
next division, to whom I said that Captain Roper had ordered
me to wait until I could find the mother to silence the child.
He then swore at me for a cowardly scoundrel that wanted to
skulk behind for fear, in consequence of the late order from the
front. I, in great anguish of mind, answered that, by God I
would not go behind a tree if all the French Army were within
pistol shot of me. He, understanding the allusion, made towards
me in a great rage with his spontoon, swearing he would run it
through me if I did not go quickly to my rank, and he was
quickly obeyed. Meanwhile a narrow defile in the front made a
halt, and before we moved on again, the mother came up, and
calm succeeded. The next morning the army encamped in a
spacious field before Lisle. The day after, a detachment going
to a place called Lenoy, the French lay in ambush for them, and
the first man killed was my friend, the Captain, who would run
his spontoon into me. I own he died with my consent, though
I utterly detest what might have been imputed had I been
there."
While the army remained at Lisle, Macdonald again started
a small beer-shop ; but was not so fortunate as he had been at
Bruges. By some means, not very clearly stated, their small
store of money was either lost or stolen, and they were reduced
to a few pence. How they bore this mishap, and how a com-
rade kindly helped them in their extremity, must be given in
his own words —
" One day on my returning home I found two soldiers drink-
MAJOR JOHN MACDONALD. 115
ing a mug of beer. When they had done, they gave my wife a
small piece of silver to change. She, feeling her pocket, missed
her purse; then, in a somewhat violent manner, asked me if I had
it. I answered calmly in the negative. My manner of answering,
as she thought, gave her reason to think that I had it, and she
became very urgent to get it ; but I rinding the matter too
serious, took the piece of silver from the men, went out, and got
them their change, when they went away, when my wife
pressing to get the purse from me, I asked her what she would
do if she never saw it again. I was answered, * go mad? I was
now puzzled how to behave ; but said if I had it, she need not be
disturbed, and if it was never seen again, she must look on it as a
trifling misfortune to such young people as us, who had already
lived many happy days together on very little money, and might
soon retrieve such a loss, and hoped she would not show a ridicul-
ous weakness for what might be called nothing compared with
many other disasters. Then having a little more command over
herself, I soothed her a good deal ; though the loss affected my-
self to a high degree, and staggered my prudent resolutions for
some time. Our stock of money was now reduced to one half-
penny, which I happened to have in my pocket, and the three-
pence the soldiers had just paid for the beer. We had also the
barrel near full of beer. But, as it often happens, one misfortune
follows another. Late that evening our regiment got orders to
march early next morning. Having but an indifferent night's
rest, I was up early, and called on an acquaintance of the Welsh
Fusiliers and told him to make his own use of the beer, as I had
rather give it to a friend than leave it on the ground. He got
up quickly, and instead of making a property of it, took it to the
rear of our regiment then in ranks, and selling it a penny a quart
cheaper than ordinary, before I moved off the ground, he brought
me nine shillings and elevenpence which he had made of it. I can
give no idea of my happiness in getting this timely relief, but will
only say, that it enabled me to send my wife and child to Ghent,
where they got a comfortable room. The weather turned out so
bad, that had they been with me in camp, they must have suffered
greatly, if not perished outright."
For the third time Macdonald's regiment was quartered at
Bruges for the winter, and he resumed his shop-keeping. Besides
selling beer and bread, he bought soldiers' old coats and other
things, by which he could turn an honest penny. As there were
several vacancies for non-commissioned officers at this time,
Macdonald hoped to be promoted ; but was again disappointed
by General Skelton issuing a public order to the effect that
neither Scotch nor Irish should be promoted to these vacancies
ii6 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
as long as there was an Englishman in the Company who was fit
for the duty. In April 1745 the army left Bruges to march,
under the command of the Duke of Cumberland, to the relief of
Tournay, then besieged by the French. Before leaving the
town, Macdonald hired a room of his brewer, in which he stored
his stock-in-trade of second-hand clothing, as well as his wife's
best things. For the account of the subsequent battle, where he
was severely wounded, we shall again give his own graphic
description —
"On the morning of the ist of May 1745 we attacked the
enemy in their works. Our regiment was broken and made up
thrice. On going the first time, my right hand man, not liking
the work, fell behind me, and sometimes hung on my haversack,
where I had a little bread. I told him often to keep his rank or
I would knock him down. This I did at last, and I saw no more
of him during the action. There were fourteen in the front rank
of platoons, going to the field, but on coming out, only another
and myself; and I had three wounds. Yet, notwithstanding
this, when the Earl of Crawford called a platoon of volunteers
from the 32nd regiment to cover his troop of Life Guards, I was
one of nineteen rank and file that turned out with Lieutenant
Clark. His lordship having the honour of being last on the field,
soon after sent an order to Lieutenant Clark to take his platoon
off. While waiting for orders to rejoin our regiment, we, all being
tired, sat down, and for the first time I began to examine my
wounds, particularly one in my right thigh, where a ball had
lodged, which troubled me very much. The Lieutenant, looking
at me with surprise, asked how I could turn out a volunteer in
such a condition, or even keep the field so long? I answered
that I had no broken bones. When we received orders to join
our corps I was so stiff that I had to hang on to a comrade until
we came to the ground of our last encampment. Here orders
were given to march directly, and the wounded were to be sent
to the Duke's quarters ; that being made a temporary hospital.
My good friend, the Major, ordered me there, but I answered that
I would rather go with my company. He said he knew my spirit
was good, but that instead of being able to keep up with the rest
I should be obliged to lie on the road, and, perhaps, before morn-
ing be cut to pieces by the French Hussars. Still I insisted on
going with the company; then, in the old style, cursing my High-
land blood, he ordered me to my rank. There I found the man
I knocked down in the morning, and on my making objection to
his being so near me, the Major, swearing vengeance against him
as a cowardly scoundrel, took him to the colours to be under his
MAJOR JOHN MACDONALD. 117
own eye in case of an engagement ; and that was the last I saw
of Luke Beady, who deserted to the French the next morning.
At dusk the army moved not only slow, but halting often, and
as often I sat or lay down. At last I stopped altogether under a
tree, and, overcome by fatigue, slept, though often disturbed by
my wife, who, remembering what the Major had said about the
French Hussars, wished me to move on. But all to no purpose,
I neither could nor would stir until fair daylight, when the tracks
of the army were easy seen, but nothing else. So I followed,
hirpling on the road, till, the call of hunger being imperative, I
detached the wife to a village at a little distance to get something
to eat. A little while after, two men of the 42nd, who were left
behind to bury a sergeant, came up, and they, knowing me, ex-
pressed their concern for my condition. I asked them if they
could give me anything to eat. They answered no, but that they
would try the neighbouring houses. They soon brought some
eggs, milk, and beer. There I sat in the middle of the road until
my wife arrived with bread, and then who dined better than my
little family and I ? Indeed, the child made such signs of joy at
the sight of the eggs and milk as would divert me, had 1 lost a
limb. After a while I again jogged on, and came up to the regi-
ment, just as the Major was collecting the return of killed and
wounded. How soon he saw me he mended his pace to meet me,
and, in the most familiar manner, enquired how I did, adding
that my folly proved lucky, as the Hospital was taken by the
French and all stripped, but for all that I should have obeyed his
orders, not only as his being my superior as an officer, but in ex-
perience ; and that I should distinguish myself by bravery, but
never by madness, which he must call my following the army in
my present condition. He then called the Surgeon to dress my
wounds and extract the ball, which made me so uneasy. When
it was taken out it seemed as if it had been too large for the piece
from which it had been fired ; therefore it was beat to eight
square, which made it very ragged, and as long as the first two
joints of my little finger. Being now well attended, I was soon
cured, although a wound on my right shoulder made that arm
weaker ever since."
Though Macdonald appears to have been a very steady
man, and a good soldier, there always seemed to be some
obstacle to his obtaining the promotion which he undoubtedly
deserved. He made sure of gaining a step after being wounded,
but was again disappointed ; for his friend, the Major, having
quarrelled with his Colonel, sold out, and retired from the ser-
vice. He explains how he was passed over thus —
" Next morning I was ordered to the Grenadiers, having
ii8 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
now no Major to keep me out of them, nor was there an officer
in that company that had the least knowledge of me. Mean-
while, Colonel Skelton got the I2th Regiment, and Colonel
Wm. Douglas, the 32nd. A few days after, when I was away
for forage, Colonel Douglas filled up all the vacancies for ser-
geants and corporals, without the least knowledge that such a
man as me existed. A little time after, the enemy took Bruges,
with my poor store, and many more valuables. Thus my poor
family was a third time stripped of their little all. In the latter
end of this season, the Rebellion being hot in Scotland, the foot
regiments were all ordered home. Our regiment landed at
Gravesend, marched for Dover, and soon marched back to Dept-
ford, where we received orders to march North. Meantime,
Macdowall of Garthland, Captain of Grenadiers, sent for me, and
asked me, rather as a favour to take notice of his own and the
company baggage on this march, as he was afraid that some of it
might get lost through the neglect and drunkeness of the men in
charge. I readily agreed, and this route was continued to Staf-
ford, where we halted on St Andrew's Day."
Captain Macdowall was so well pleased with our hero, that
thinking to do him a kindness, he offered him the place of batman,
that is, to take care of and groom his riding horses, for which
he would get extra pay, and be exempted from his ordinary
duty. But the Highland blood of Macdonald could not bear
the idea. He could be a soldier, but not a groorii, so with many
excuses he declined the offer. News arriving of the retreat of
Prince Charles from Derby, Macdonald's regiment received orders
to march to Croydon, he seeing after the baggage all the time.
On giving up his charge to Captain Macdowall, the following con-
versation took place —
" I waited on my Captain with an inventory of the charge,
and the key of the store-room, telling him all was safe, and that
I thought nothing now hindered my returning to my ordinary
duty. He asked me if keeping the key, and looking at the
things now and then would interfere with my duty. I answered,
not at all. He then told me Corporal Hart had deserted to the
French, and asked if I would do that duty. I answered I would,
if he thought proper. The Lieutenant-Colonel being present,
said, 'Ay, Macdonald, you'll do Corporal's duty, though you
did not choose to be batman.' This made me ask my Captain's
pardon, I imagining him angry at me for refusing that office ; but
the Colonel observed there was no occasion for apology as the
Captain was rather well pleased than otherwise to find such a
spirit under such difficulties. Then commencing Lance-Corporal
MAJOR JOHN MACDONALD. 119
on the 2nd January 1746. Some time in February there was a
Corporal's rank vacant, but a dispute arising between the Major
and Grenadier Captain, both candidates were disappointed ; I
mean myself and another man, who was the Major's favourite.
In July following the regiment went abroad again, and soon after
I was really made Corporal, and Captain MacdowalFs attachment
to me increased daily. This year we fought the battle of Prague.
The troops were ordered under arms an hour before daybreak.
After this our regiment got Bromell for winter quarters, and my
Captain going on recruiting service took me with him. When
we arrived at Edinburgh there were orders from the War Office
to enlist neither Scots nor Irish."
Mrs Macdonald being in delicate health, and tired of follow-
ing the army, it was decided that she should go and live in
Sutherlandshire, where their second child — a boy — was born.
Mrs Macdonald, by her own industry, was able to support herself
and children for over five years, during which time this attached
couple never had an opportunity of meeting, which was a
great trial to them both. Their boy died at the age of five years
without his father ever having seen him. We will detail his
further adventures in his own words. —
" I was ordered to Lieutenant George Farquhar at Leeds,
who seemed very well pleased with my first trial on that duty.
In April 1747 we joined the regiment at Bromell with the re-
cruits, and soon after marched to camp, and fought the battle
of Val, where a small ball broke the butt end of my firelock,
when I had it at recover, ready to present. Had I had it in any
other position, that ball must have gone through me. The latter
end of this year our regiment was ordered home, and at first to
winter at Kent, but after being as far as Gravesend, was ordered
for Newcastle-on-Tyne. On this voyage I had several fevers,
and nothing to drink but bad water, nor to eat but rusk (a sort
of bread used by the Dutch Navy. It's something like sawdust,
baked to look like biscuit.) The sergeants being allowed Eng-
lish biscuit, one 'of my comrades pleaded hard to get some for
me to boil in water, but to no purpose. By-the-bye, the princi-
pal or Pay-Sergeant was a Mackenzie from Lochbroom, a man
very capable of that office, had he kept his inferiors at proper
distance ; but I observing to him often the evil consequences of
such freedom, became a troublesome monitor, and, as is often the
case, became the object of his ill-will, as appears by his cruelty
in refusing me the biscuit. When we came to Newcastle, I was
ordered to the Hospital, and, a little time afterwards, despaired
of by the doctors ; but by the will of Providence I recovered ;
I
120 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE
but in a great measure lost the use of my right arm, which was
imputed to a wound I had in that shoulder at Fontenoy, and
lying on that side on shipboard when the fever was so violent.
Being thus rendered useless for service, my discharge was made
out. When my Captain came from Scotland, and enquiring the
state of his Corporal from the surgeon, and being told I was to be
discharged, he went immediately to the Colonel, and desired
leave to keep me for a season, even if it were at his own expense,
to see if my arm would recover, and I mended so slow that I
could not expect to be continued in the service, when a reduction
of so many out of every regiment in the whole army was un-
avoidable." On the ist of April 1748, the regiment embarked at
Shields for the Netherlands, and settling a little at Ostend, we were
clothed, at the delivery of which the Captain ordered me to
assist the sergeants, so that nothing would be lost ; but in this
my services were considered by them as officiousness, and
Mackenzie asked me what business I had there, and his comrade
and great crony, one Sergeant Clark, ordered me to get out, with
which I complied, and, with tears in my eyes, observed to these
gentry, that impunity for such rude address was, to their own
knowledge, owing entirely to my misfortune. During this cam-
paign peace was concluded; thus kind Providence madethis worthy
man the instrument to prevent my falling on the smallest allow-
ance under the Crown, and we were ordered home. Meantime
the regiment landed at Harwich, and, I being an invalid, was
ordered with sick and baggage by water to London, and from
thence to Reading in Berkshire, which took so much time that
before my arrival, my Captain was gone for Scotland, before I
joined, and my friend, Dr Mackenzie told me, the last orders he
had from Captain Macdowall was that I should urge nothing
respecting a discharge until his return. The regiment being
ordered for Gibraltar, he joined in May 1749, and questioning
me whether I would follow the company, or choose my discharge,
and I declaring for the latter, he took pains to convince me of
the difficulty of my getting a pension, notwithstanding of my
just pretensions, there being already such multitudes on that list,
that a man of my fresh appearance, and with whole limbs had
but a bad chance ; at the same time, giving me rather to under-
stand that it would be agreeable to him to have me Sergeant in
his company, which duty I might accomplish, notwithstanding my
present infirmity. I then gratefully acknowledged his goodness
all along, submitting for the future to whatever he thought
proper, and, accordingly, went to Gibraltar, where my arm re-
covered amazingly, though never thoroughly. Soon after our
settling in that Fortress a deficiency in paying the company
coming above board, Mackenzie was broke, and I got his halbert.
MAJOR JOHN MACDONALD. 121
I should have observed that Clark had suffered the same fate in
1748 at Ness-le-roy Camp. It may seem now in my power to
return favours in kind ; but so far from that, I assure, on my
honour, that I studied to make these two men happy in their re-
duced condition. Nor did I ever think of the injuries they had
done me but with the utmost disdain of revenge. The Captain
called a still more capable Sergeant to pay his company, but that
man, in a fortnight, forfeited his trust, and I was called to receive
the company's money, and, can it be believed, refused it, forsooth,
because my benefactor, contrary to his former custom, would not
give me a stated weekly allowance. He then told me that he
would find a man to pay his company ; and, like an ungrateful
wretch, I left my friend and his money."
Soon after this an officer of the regiment, Lieutenant Bar-
row, being ordered home on recruiting service, sent for Macdonald
and offered to take him with him. Macdonald did not care
about going, and made several excuses, which the officer ad-
mitted to be reasonable, at the same time hinting to him, that as
he had lately disobliged his Captain by refusing to be Pay-
Sergeant without extra allowance, he thought it advisable for
him to keep out of his way for a while. Macdonald at once saw
the wisdom of this, and thanking the Lieutenant for the hint,
cheerfully agreed to go. He got on very well with Lieutenant
Barrow, and when the latter sold his commission to a Lieutenant
Hilmar, Macdonald became a favourite with him also. In April
1751, this officer returned to Gibraltar with the recruits, and
left Sergeant Macdonald behind in London to continue recruiting,
in which he was so successful as to enlist 26 men in three months,
with whom he returned to Gibraltar. He was anxious to know
with what feelings Captain Macdowall now regarded him ; but
his anxiety was soon at rest. He thus describes their meeting —
" To my unspeakable comfort he declared his good pleasure
at seeing me so hearty, and in the greatest good humour said,
that I must pay his company, and he would give as high a
weekly allowance as any Pay-Sergeant in the garrison had. I
begged him for God's sake to say nothing of allowances, but
command me to do what he thought proper, as I had none but
repentant days and nights since I committed that ungrateful
blunder. But for the future I was fully resolved to act so as to
make him forget my folly. I immediately got the company's
books, and proved so much to his satisfaction that he laid him-
self out to do better for me. In June 1753, we were relieved,
122 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
landed at Portsmouth, and marched for Perth. Here I met
with my wife, in the deepest concern for her fine boy ; nor was
my own less, though I affected cheerfulness on her account. In
1754, the Captain, with the Grenadiers, and a detachment from
the regiment, was ordered to Braemar Castle. From thence I
was always sent to Perth for officers' and men's subsistence,
sometimes to the amount of £500. The officers observing to
him that his trust was too much for me in my rank, his answer
was, That it was all his while in my custody, and that he should
be allowed to judge who to trust with his money; nor was he
apprehensive, let the sum be never so great."
(To be continued.)
SUTHERLAND FIGHTS.
II
III. FlSCARY (1196.)
ALTHOUGH historians have failed to give us any definite infor-
mation regarding this fight, yet with the aid of topography and
tradition we may be enabled to throw some little light upon it.
On the coast of Sutherland the Norsemen and the Celts for
many years waged continuous war. In almost every instance
the Sagas claim the victory for the Norsemen ; but in this parti-
cular battle we have conclusive evidence of their defeat. If
battlefields have Norse names, we may infer a Norse victory,
but if Celtic, we may infer a Norse defeat ; for it is evident that
the victors would have the privilege of settling upon and naming
the ground.
At the head of far-famed Strathnaver stands Ben-Harold.
From its base rises Ault-Harold (Harold's Burn), which has
given its name to and flows past Altnaharra, the cherished
resort of keen Waltonians, and one of the most beautiful of the
many beautiful spots in Sutherlandshire. Further down the
Strath is Dalharold (Harold's Dale). Here tradition has it that
a great fight was fought, and in the many grave mounds or
tumuli with which the Strath, from Ben-Harold downwards, is
SUTHERLAND FIGHTS. 123
dotted, we have our tradition sufficiently confirmed. Had the
victory been Norse, according to our rule, the dal would have
been suffixed, and the name would have appeared as Harold's-
daL The grave mounds indicate the retreat of the Norsemen,
and guided thereby we find the scene of battle shifted to Fis-
cary, a place about two miles distant from the foot of the Strath,
and on the way to Castle Borve, which was probably one of the
Norse strongholds. At this point the Norsemen made their last
stand, and they must have fought hard ; for the very numerous
mounds and the massive cairns are evidence of tremendous
slaughter, and one might almost say, of the utter extinction of
the invading army.
On turning to history we have on record that when William
the Lion reigned over Celtic Scotland the turbulent Norsemen
gave him considerable annoyance. The Lion King having
gathered his clans together, sent a strong force against Harold
Earl of Caithness, and Torphin, his son. It is not stated where
the combatants met, but from the names and circumstances men-
tioned above we are led to believe Strathnaver to be the locale of
the battle. The Norsemen suffered a severe defeat. Harold was
captured, and Torphin, his son, had to be delivered up as an
hostage. William afterwards gave up to Harold the northern
part of Caithness, but the southern portion, now the county of
Sutherland, he gave to Hugh Freskyn, the progenitor of the
Earls of Sutherland.
It is popularly believed that a stone in the church-yard of
Farr, one of the finest of antique monuments in the North, with
curious sculpturing, and rather difficult to decipher, was erected
in memory of some chiefs slain in this battle.
IV. LEATHAD RIABHACH.
(1601).
THE Earl of Caithness had long threatened to invade the wilder
regions of Sutherland, and had boastfully intimated his intention
to hunt in the moors of Durness — that "delectable hunting
ground." Taking advantage of the Earl of Sutherland's absence
on the Continent, he made preparations to carry out his threat.
The chieftains having received information of the intended inroad,
determined on resistance, and by the timely return of their chief
I24 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
—the Earl— from the Continent, they were enabled to collect a
sufficient number of clansmen to repel the invader. Of the clans
there gathered— the Mackays from Strathnaver, the Macleods
from Assynt, the Munros, and the Sutherlands.
The Earl of Caithness advanced into Sutherland, as far as
Leathad Riabhach in the Ben Griam, where the Earl of Suther-
land met him with his forces. " The two hosts were encamped
within thrie mylls one of another besyd the hill of Bengrime,
readie to encounter the nixt morning; which no sooner appeared
than the Sutherland men prepared themselves for battel."
The Earl of Caithness having now ascertained the strength
of the opposing army, began to doubt his prospect of success,
and his courage rapidly disappeared. " Finding that his hazard
was greater than his hope, and that his assured losses by overthrow
would farr surmount his doubtfull victorie, he preferred the care
to preserve himself and his, before the desire to encounter, and
so had very tymely that morning, withal expedition, retired him-
self homeward." When the attack seemed imminent, the Caith-
ness men fled in disorder; " leaving ther stuff and cariage, they
went away by break of day in a fearfull confusion, fleying and
hurling together in such headlong hast, that everie one increased
the fear of his fellow companion."
A cairn (Carn-teichidh), which is still visible, was erected
by the Sutherland men in memory of the flight.
"Being saflie arrived within his own bounds" the Earl of
Caithness offered to permit the Earl of Sutherland to advance
equally far without resistance into Caithness. As no advantage
could be derived from the proposal, his offer was not accepted.
After gentlemen from each side saw the armies dissolved, the
Caithness msn, as the somewhat clannish historian records with
evident relish, " retired to their homes, right glaid in their hearts
to have escaped beyond their expectation."
D. MACLEOD, M.A.
BOOKS ON CELTIC LITERATURE, HISTORY, AND OTHER HIGH-
LAND SUBJECTS. — The attention of the reader is respectfully directed to a list
of books— many of them curious and rare— on the History, Literature, Traditions,
and other Highland subjects, given at the end of this number.
125
OLD INVERNESS.
I.
THOUGH two or three books have been written by competent
authors upon the earlier history of the Burgh of Inverness, these
works are now mostly out of print, and not accessible to the general
public, and it is believed that a few of the leading facts and tra-
ditions connected with the Highland Capital will prove inter-
esting to Highlanders at home and abroad.
Inverness, the Capital of the Highlands, was even in ancient
times a place of some importance. Of its origin nothing auth-
entic is known, and like most other places in the same position,
very fanciful conjectures have been made by antiquarians regard-
ing its early history. Some even go so far as to state that it was
in existence before the birth of Christ, an assertion which was
probably founded upon the statement in Burns' Chronology that
" Evenus was a good king ; he made Inverness and Inverlochy
market towns sixty years before Christ." Boethius and Buch-
anan concur in this view, but the evidence is too slender to
obtain general credence. There is no doubt, however, that Inver-
ness is a very ancient town, and that it existed in the Druidical
and hill-fort period, the remains at Clava, Craig-Phadraig, and
other places in the neighbourhood apparently pointing to that
conclusion. The camp at Bona is said to have been formed by
the Romans in the year 140 A.D., about the time of the building
of Antonine's Wall, at which period the town is stated to have
been in the hands of the invaders. Towards the end of the 6th
century, Inverness was the capital of the Pictish kingdom, and in
565 St Columba and some of his followers visited it, and were
successful in converting to Christianity, Brude II., king of the
Picts, who then had his headquarters in the town. We are told, on
the authority of Historians of Scotland \ that "Brude in his pride
had shut the gates against the holy man, but the saint, by the
sign of the cross and knocking at it, caused it to fly open of its
own accord. Columba and his companions then entered ; the
king with those around him advanced and met them, and received
the saint with due respect, and ever after King Brude honoured
126 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
him." The saint is said to have performed several wonderful
miracles in Inverness, in the way of casting out evil spirits, de-
feating the king's seers and wise men, and other Christian deeds
of the kind.
In 843 the Pictish and Scottish kingdoms were united
under the rule of Kenneth Macalpin, and Inverness then lost
the distinction of being a capital. For the next two centuries
little is known about its history, until, in 1039, it is supposed to
have been the scene of King Duncan's murder by Macbeth. It
contests this distinction, however, with the town of Elgin, and
there is little likelihood of the much-vexed point being ever
definitely settled. Macbeth's castle is supposed, by those who
hold to the Inverness theory, to have stood upon the Crown, and
a circular plot of ground, railed in and planted with trees, behind
Victoria Terrace, is pointed out as its site. However this may
be, Bellenden, the translator of Boethius, writes as follows : —
" Makbeth, be persuasion of his wife, gaderit his freindis, to ane
counsall at Innernes, quhare King Duncane happinit to be for
the time. And because he fand sufficient oportunite, be support
of Banquho and otheris his freindis, he slew King Duncane, the
VII yeir of his regne." Shakespeare, in his great tragedy of
Macbeth, follows this version. In 1056 Malcolm Canmore, in
revenge of his father's murder, utterly destroyed the building in
which it is said to have occurred, and raised another castle of his
own, overlooking the river, on the west end of the present Castle
Hill. After this date, the town gradually clustered round the
new castle, seeking that protection which the ruins of Macbeth's
stronghold no longer afforded. In the I2th century, during the
reign of David I., Inverness was raised to the dignity of a Royal
Burgh, and became the headquarters of the High Sheriff, whose
jurisdiction included all the country north of the Grampians.
About this time, a legislative document describes the town as
" Loca capitalia per totum regnum" one of the capital places of
the whole kingdom. In 1161 Shaw, second son of Duncan,
fifth Earl of Fife, for his assistance to Malcolm IV. in quelling
a revolt in Moray, was made hereditary governor of the Castle
of Inverness, with the name of " Mac-an-Toiseach," meaning
" Son of the Thane." In 1 196 the town was visited by William
the Lion, who granted four different charters to it during
OLD INVERNESS. 127
his reign. These documents ratified that of David I., with the
addition of several new privileges, and the latest of them or-
dained "a weekly market to be held in the burgh in all time
coming." The charter provided this market to be held on " the
Sabbath Day in every week." Two more charters were granted
by Alexander II. in 1217 and 1237, one of which made over the
lands of Merkinch to the town. In 1233 the same monarch
endowed a monastery of Greyfriars in the town. The lands of
the monks, at the Reformation, were turned into the minister's
glebe, and the site of the church into a grave-yard. The sole
remnant of the monastery now remaining upon the spot is a
fragment of a pillar still standing in the midst of the graves. In
1229 the town was burnt, and the neighbouring Crown lands
ravaged by a freebooter named Gillespick MacScourlane, who
afterwards paid the penalty of his evil deeds with his life and
those of his two sons.
In the 1 5th century Inverness became the seat of a most
important industry, that of shipbuilding. It is stated in Tytler's
History of Scotland that, in 1249, a powerful French baron,
Hugh de Chastillion, Earl of St Paul, when about to accom-
pany Louis the IX. to the Crusades, caused a ship to be built
at Inverness for his use. Apparently, even then, the fame of the
town as a shipbuilding centre had extended to the Continent.
In 1280 a ship was built at Inverness for a French Count
who had been shipwrecked in the Orkneys. During the minority
of one of the Mackintosh's successors, the Cummings of Badenoch
appropriated the office of keeper of Inverness Castle, and suc-
ceeded in retaining it until 1303, when it was taken by Edward
I. of England. At that time Bruce was in the Hebrides,
but on hearing of the fall of his stronghold, he gathered his
men, and in a short time retook the fortress. In 1325 that
monarch " directed a precept to the Sheriff of Inverness to do
full and speedy justice at the suit of the burgesses of Inverness
against all invading their privileges, by buying or selling in pre-
judice of them, and of the liberties of the burgh." The SherifT-
dom of Inverness was from time to time curtailed, however, until
its jurisdiction became limited almost entirely to its own shire;
but that did not happen until a much later period. In 1369,
David II. granted a charter which gave the town a right to the
128 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
lands of Drakies, and to the burgh tolls and petty customs. A
considerable portion of the inhabitants then consisted of Flemish
merchants, who had settled in the town, and exported large quanti-
ties of skins, furs, salmon, herring, and malt, in exchange for wine
and other commodities.
Some idea of the unsatisfactory state of society at this
time may be gleaned from the fact that from 1306 to the Union,
the town was almost constantly at war with the neighbouring
clans — indeed, it was destroyed by fire no fewer than three
different times. In 1400, Donald, Lord of the Isles, surrounded
Inverness with a large body of men, and threatened to burn the
town unless he was instantly paid a heavy ransom. The Provost,
a Mr Junor, affected to agree to Donald's terms, and, as a part of
the ransom, sent him a large quantity of spirits. The army
were very soon tipsy to a man, and then the Provost, sallying
forth at the head of the citizens, boldly attacked the enemy, and
utterly routed them at North Kessock. Donald himself man-
aged to escape, and took ample vengeance upon the town ten
years afterwards, when he almost annihilated it by fire. After
this event, James I. gave orders for strengthening the Castle,
with the view of preventing such a catastrophe again, and at
the same time the Chief of Clan Chattan was reinstated as
governor.
So unsettled was the country, that in 1427 King James and
his Parliament made a journey to the North, and held a great
Justice-aire in the Castle of Inverness, for the trial of all the
chiefs and others who had been engaged in the many robberies
and murders which disgraced the period. The result was that
several of the most desperate characters paid the penalty of their
evil deeds with their lives, and Alexander, third Lord of the
Isles, was imprisoned for a year. The latter, soon after being
liberated, levied 10,000 men, and, following in his predecessor's
footsteps, burnt Inverness a second time, and besieged the Castle,
which withstood all his attempts. He was soon afterwards
taken prisoner by the Royal Army, and imprisoned in Tantallon
Castle. His son, John, succeeded in taking the Castle of Inver-
ness by stratagem in 1455, and again the unfortunate capital
suffered the extremities of fire and sword. In 1464 it was
honoured by a visit from James III., who stayed in the Castle
OLD INVERNESS. 129
for a while, and granted a new Charter of Confirmation. In
1499 James IV. stayed a short time in the town, and attended
service in a little chapel which stood on the Green of Muirtown,
and which was ever afterwards known as the King's Chapel.
The site of the chapel, and a small grave-yard attached, is now
entirely built over. In 1 509 the Earl of Huntly was appointed
Hereditary Sheriff of the County of Inverness, and keeper of the
Castle. We are told in Mackenzie's History of the Macdonalds^
that " power was given him to add to the fortifications ; and he
was at the same time bound, at his own expense, to build upon
the Castle Hill of Inverness, a hall of stone and lime upon
vaults. This hall was to be 100 feet in length, 30 feet in breadth,
and the same in height ; it was to have a slated roof, and to it
were to be attached a kitchen and chapel of proper size." The
Regent Moray usurped these offices for a short time, but the
rightful holder soon regained them. In 1629, however, Huntly
resigned the posts for a solatium of £2500. Sir Robert Gordon
was then granted the appointment for life. In 1522, as appears
from a document of that date quoted in Invernessiana, the town
of Inverness possessed a Cucking-stool, which was a chair in
which scolds and suspected witches were bound, and then ducked
in the river.
In 1538 the first Protestant minister of Inverness was ap-
pointed. In the course of another century, the population had
increased to such an extent that two ministers were required, and,
in 1706, a third was found necessary. In 1555, Mary of Guise
" held several courts in the Castle, for the trial and punishment of
caterans and political offenders," and the Earl of Caithness was
imprisoned in the Castle dungeon. The beautitul and unfortunate
Mary, Queen of Scots, visited the town in 1562, and, although
refused admittance to the Castle, she gathered her forces, took
the fortress, and hanged Alexander Gordon, the deputy-governor.
The house where Queen Mary resided, at the foot of Bridge
Street, is well known, and there has long been a tradition that
there exists a subterranean passage between that house and the
site of the Old Castle. In 1574, Hugh, Lord Lovat, was Sheriff
Principal of Inverness, and constable of the Castle. In Ander-
son's History of the Frasers it is stated that his lordship was a
great promoter of manly sports, and an expert bowman. It was a
1 30 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
general custom in those days for all the nobility to meet at stated
periods, for the purpose of tilting, fencing, riding the great horse,
and the like exercises. At one of these rencounters in the Chapel-
yard of Inverness, Lord Lovat dismounted the Laird of Grant
and the Sheriff of Moray. This, with some taunt which fol-
lowed, so irritated these gentlemen as to occasion sharp words,
when Lovat- said, that as he had given them a specimen of his
tilting, he would now try the mettle of their riding. Dashing
the rowels into his steed, he rode through the river, and made
straight for the hill of Clachnaharry, bidding them keep a pace ;
here he leaped his horse over the ledge of the rock, and dared
his pursuers to follow. But they, terrified with the appearance
of the place, judged it wisest to desist. The impression, says
our author, made by his horse's shoes below, was visible for up-
wards of sixty years after, as it was kept clean by a man who
had an annual pension for preserving it.
In 1589 the first Town Law- Agent was appointed by the
Magistrates of Inverness. In that year, Master Oliver Coult
was elected to the office, with an annual salary of six pounds
Scots. James VI. granted two charters to the town, the later
of which, in 1591, is known as the Great or Golden Charter,
confirming all the former charters, with the addition of many
new privileges. From 1591 to 1688 Inverness seems to have been
in a prosperous state, exporting great quantities of meal and
malt, and also supplying the whole of the North. In 1640 a
Morayshire woman started a school in the town, which appears
to have offended the Magistrates so much, as being in opposition
to the parish schoolmaster, that they passed a resolution that
"Margaret Cowie should not be allowed to teach beyond the Pro-
verbs!" In 1644 the Castle was repaired and garrisoned by the
Covenanters, under Sir James Eraser of Brea, who surrounded the
town with a ditch, cut down a number of beautiful trees in the
Grey Friars' and Chapel Yards, and erected a strong gate at the
top of Castle Street. In the following year it was besieged by
Montrose, but without success. Five years later it was taken by
Mackenzie of Pluscardine and Urquhart of Cromarty, who de-
stroyed a great part of it, which was not again restored until
1718. In 1652 Inverness was occupied by Cromwell, on behalf
of the Commonwealth, and in the following year he commenced the
OLD INVERNESS. 131
erection of a fort at the mouth of the Ness, which occupied five
years in building. The following description of this fortress is
taken from Anderson's History of the Erasers : —
It was a regular pentagon, surrounded at full tide with water sufficient to float
a small bark. The breastwork was three stories high, all of hewn stone, and lined
with brick inside. The sallee port lay towards the town. The principal gate was to
the North, where was a strong draw-bridge of oak, and a stately structure over it,
with this motto, ' ' Togam twntur arma.1' From this bridge the Citadel was approached
by a wide vault 70 feet long, with seats on each side. In the centre of the fort, stood
a large square building, three stories high. The lower storey contained the
granary and magazine. In the highest, was a church, well finished, within a pavilion
roof, surmounted by a steeple with a clock and four bells ; at the south east, stood a
long building, four stories high, called the English building, because built by English
masons, and opposite to it a similar one, erected by Scottish architects. On the north-
east and north-west were the ammunition houses, artificers' lodgings, stables, brew-
houses, and a tavern. A conduit under ground, with iron gates at each end, extended
from one side to the other, and carried off the filth of the Citadel. The accommoda-
tion altogether would lodge loco men. England supplied the oak planks and beams;
the fir was bought from Eraser of Struie, who received 30,000 merks as purchase
money. Recourse had been had to the monasteries of Kinloss and Beauly, the
Bishop's Castle of Chanonry, the Greyfriars' Church and St Mary's Chapel at Inver-
ness, for the stone work, and in addition thereto, materials were taken from the
Redcastle quarries. Such a variety of stores did the garrison bring with them, and so
profuse were they, that a Scots pint of claret sold for a shilling, and cloth was
bought as cheap as in England. The whole expense of the Citadel was ^80,000
sterling.
In 1662, by request of the Highland chiefs, this great fortress
was demolished, but the brief stay of the English soldiery had a
permanent effect upon the language and customs of the inhabit-
ants of Inverness. The curious little clock-tower, with its clock,
still standing at the Citadel, is said to have been erected in
Cromwell's time.
In the History of the Macdonalds, there is an account of a
serious conflict which took place in Inverness in 1665 between
the townspeople, the Macdonalds of Glengarry, and the Town
Guards, the result of which was that the two first parties went to
law, and, in the end, the town was ordered by the Privy Council
to pay Glengarry £4800 Scots damages, besides medical fees.
The quarrel commenced at the horse market, which was held on
the hill south of the Castle. Some women were selling cheese at
the top of the hill, and a townsman, named Finlay Dubh, lifted a
cheese in his hand, and inquired the price. On being told, he
accidentally or wilfully let the cheese roll down the hill into the
I32 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
river. The owner of the kebbock insisted on payment ; Finlay
gave her an insolent reply. Somebody at hand sided with the
woman, and, seizing the offender, pulled off his bonnet in pledge
for the price of the cheese. A kinsman of Finlay's challenged this
man, and from words they soon came to blows. The whole market
took up the quarrel, and the fight became general. The Guards
were called out, swords drawn, and guns fired. Provost Cuthbert
donned a steel head-piece, and with sword and buckler went into
the fight. The alarm bell was rung ; two men were killed and
several wounded by the shots fired by the Guards. At length
quiet was restored ; the Provost defended the action of the Guards
in firing. The two dead men were found to be Macdonalds.
That clan considered themselves insulted, and vowed revenge. At
length they agreed to make peace on certain stipulated condi-
tions, but these were so humiliating that the town refused to treat
on such terms, and the matter was at last submitted to the Privy
Council, with the before-mentioned result.
In 1662 the Magistrates held a great horse-race on the plain
round Tomnahurich. The prizes were a silver cup and a saddle.
Hugh, roth Lord Lovat, the Lairds of Grant and Kilravock, and
an officer from Fort- William, contested the first race, Lovat com-
iner in first. The next race was won by a Bailie of the town. On
O w
28th September 1664, the old wooden bridge gave way, the event
being thus described by a contemporary writer : — " The great .old
wooden bridge of Inverness was repairing, and by the inadvert-
ency of a carpenter cutting a beam that lay betwixt two couples,
the bridge tending that way, ten of the old couples fell flat on the
river, with about 'two hundred persons — men, women, and child-
ren— on it. Four of the townsmen broke legs and thighs ; some
sixteen had their heads, arms, and thighs bruised; all the children
safe without a scart — a signal providence and a dreadful sight at
10 forenoon." In 1685, according to Mr Maclean, the Inverness
" Nonogenarian," a substantial stone bridge, of seven arches, was
erected, partly at the expense of the town, and partly by means
of subscriptions. Macleod of Macleod, Lord Lovat, and other
lairds contributed handsomely, and on that account their clans
were afterwards allowed to pass over the bridge without paying
toll. Some years after, however, Lord Lovat gave up his privilege
to the town for a consideration, and the Frasers had afterwards
OLD INVERNESS. 133
to pay. Macleod of Macleod's coat-of-arms was placed over the
gateway of the bridge in special acknowledgment of his subscrip-
tion towards its erection.
Some of the inhabitants of the town hit upon a novel
expedient for getting relieved of the toll. On Sunday, as the
people were coming from church, they and their minister were
shocked to see a number of people playing shinty on the Green
of Muirtown. On being remonstrated with, the Sabbath-breakers
alleged that they could not pay the toll for crossing the bridge,
and were therefore unable to go to church, and that they had
nothing else to do but to amuse themselves. The worthy minis-
ter applied to the Magistrates, with the result, that no toll was
thereafter exacted on Sundays. Between the second and third
arches of the bridge was a miserable dungeon, about twelve feet
square, in which prisoners were confined. It was entered by a
flight of stairs, leading from a trap-door in the roadway, to a door
of massive iron bars. The only other opening was a grated win-
dow looking towards the west. In this dismal hole, a poor unfor-
tunate man was imprisoned about 1715, who, it is said, was finally
devoured by rats, but this is questionable. The wretched man
used in winter to cry out, " Casan fuara, casan fuara," cold feet,
cold feet. For many years a toll of a bodle, or the sixth part of
a penny, for each foot passenger with goods, a penny for a loaded
horse, etc., was levied on the bridge on those who had not the
privileges of the burgh. Many of those who came to the markets
were unable to pay this toll, and in summer and autumn it was a
common sight to see bands of men and women sitting on the west
bank of the river, just opposite where the West Church is now,
waiting until the stace of the tide enabled them to ford the
stream. H. R. M.
(To be continued.)
THE GLASGOW SKYE ASSOCIATION.— The Eighteenth Annual Meeting
of the Natives of the Isle of Skye, and their friends, residing in Glasgow, was held
there in the Queen's Rooms, on Friday, the 5th of December — Reginald Macleod,
second son of Macleod of Macleod, in the chair. Addresses were delivered by the
Chairman, the Rev. Dr Donald Macleod, and Alexander Mackenzie of the Celtic
Magazine — the latter in Gaelic. A very attractive musical programme, Gaelic and
English, having been gone through, a grand assembly concluded one of the most
successful meetings ever held under the auspices of the Association. The Gaelic
singing was particularly good,
134 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
WHERE TO GET MONEY FOR THE
STOCKING OF NEW AND ENLARGED CROFTS.
BY CHARLES FRASER-MACKINTOSH, M.P.
THE CROFTER QUESTION has lately made great advance, for on
1 4th November last, friends pressed a motion which Government
accepted, and there is recorded in the journals of the House
of Commons these significant words — " Resolved, That in the
opinion of this House, it is the duty of her Majesty's Govern-
ment to give effect to the recommendations of the Royal Com-
mission upon the condition of the crofters and cottars in the
Highlands and Islands of Scotland, or to apply such other
remedies as they deem advisable, and that this House concurs in
the opinion expressed by the Royal Commission at page no of
its report, ' that the mere vindication of authority, and repression
of resistance, would not establish the relations of mutual con-
fidence between landlord and tenant, in the absence of which the
country would not be truly at peace, and all our inquiries and
counsels would be expended in vain.' "
Legislation is now certain, and though the Home Secretary
desiderated voluntary action, and fair landlords, like Lochiel, may
be willing to make concessions even to their loss, it is idle to look
for satisfactory remedies in this form, particularly if views, such
as those promulgated by the Marquis of Lome, in the December
number of the Contemporary Review, are to be considered as
those of the landlord class generally.
The opponents of the crofters having been driven back,
chiefly by the report and evidence of the Royal Commissioners,
from the position first taken up, and so long and strenuously
defended by them, viz. — that there was no cause or necessity for
amelioration — have now taken up a second line of defence.
Granted, they say, that the crofters' position should be improved,
how is this to be done ? From whence is the money to come ?
It may be taken for certain that this line of argument will be
defended with equal obstinacy, and supported by as many doubts
and misrepresentations as the former.
STOCKING OF CROFTS. 135
To answer such queries is the object of this paper, and
while in one sense it is premature to discuss what ought to follow
on a position not yet legally assured, it is not so in another sense,
were it merely to satisfy fossil Whigs of the member for Bedford
type, who, in the debate on I4th November, specially challenged
the writer on the point ; also a cynical individual, signing him-
self " C," who wrote to the Times on this subject, making
invidious references by name.
Let us suppose the Legislature has sanctioned what the
crofters desire — more land, fair rent fixed by a Land Court, secur-
ity of tenure against eviction at any time, except for non-payment
of rent, and option of purchase, all which must be very clearly
stipulated, and nothing short of which should be listened to, then
the question of stocking naturally and legitimately comes up.
Now, it may at once be said, that any attempt to saddle crofters,
with valuations of existing stocks, under the present iniquitous
system of arbitration, cannot be permitted. The crofter must
be allowed to purchase what stock he needs in the best and
cheapest market.
Those who read the evidence laid before the Commissioners
must be struck with the pathetic manner in which the crofters
themselves dealt with the subject. The burden of the story was
generally this, that they were now so reduced, so low, by hard
times, high rents, etc., that they could not at once stock larger
holdings ; but many said they could get on in a short time,
while others said they looked for Government aid. All sturdily,
and manfully, declined gifts ; no, they would repay what might
be advanced to them with moderate interest. Cash alone is not
the only desideratum. The writer brought out in many cases
that a man's labour stood for his capital, and that a strong
active young man, able and willing to work, might be said to
be really possessed of as much capital as say a widow with £100,
burdened with a young family.
We now indicate some of the sources from which the
money for stocking and other purposes may be reasonably
looked for. —
I. From Deposits in the Savings and other Banks in the High-
lands.— To those familiar with these banks, it is well known that
much of their permanent deposits comes from the crofter class, and
K
136 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
from single women connected with them. These monies are at
.present diverted from their legitimate channels, in the case of the
Highland Bank, to other objects within its local range of opera-
tions ; in the case of the others, to objects outside the districts,
and too often outside Scotland, and in the case of the Savings'
Banks entirely furth of the Kingdom. These depositors do not
lend their savings and earnings now among their own class,
because they know well that if devoted to improving the
crofts, houses, or stocks, it simply means ultimate but certain
confiscation by the landowners. But if these people saw
that they could lend safely to their friends, it is inconceivable
that they would not do so, when it would be to their own
advantage, to the certain increase of the prosperity of the
tiller of the soil, and to the permanent wealth of the country.
There is no bank, it has been said, equal to, or so safe as land,
but the land must be unfettered, free from increment confiscation,
and where in any way practicable the tiller should be owner.
Sites for building houses, and for garden and potato ground for
fishing communities, cottars, and labourers, would be eagerly
taken up and paid for by these bank depositors, if suitable and
convenient land could be had. At present there is a perverse
locking up of land in the Highlands and Islands, and the most
grudging system of dealing with any permanent right. The now
almost extinct system of Entail proved so derogatory to im-
provement, that nearly a century ago, it was modified to the ex-
tent of permitting ninety-nine years' building leases. Yet, the
late proprietor of North Harris, a banker, and presumably of
liberal education, actually introduced a rule of thirty-eight years'
building leases, on an estate held in fee-simple, and in that parl
of it which ought to be a flourishing and progressive locality,
viz., East Loch Tarbert. It is difficult to fix on the amount
which would become available from this source, but it is mode-
ately estimated at .£250,000.
II. A considerable increase might be looked for under the new
state of things in the way of direct contribiitions by relatives in
domestic sermce, or other employments at a distance. — At present
there is a good deal sent home, but it is done as a matter of neces-
sity to help to pay the rent, to prevent eviction, or to pay for food
and clothing, to prevent starvation, Nothing is sent for perman-
STOCKING OF CROFTS. 137
ent improvement of the croft, or houses, for the reason before
mentioned — that confiscation ever stands in the path, a spectre
deterrent and fatal — and thus no lasting benefit accrues to the
people. But if it were certain that the home were permanent,
then surely money would be sent cheerfully and in larger volume,
not only from those in service and employment in this country, but
also from abroad, to meliorate the croft and make it self-support-
ing ; to rebuild the houses, add to the fences, and improve the
stock. Persons so lending would know that their money was
well applied, and when they revisited the home of their childhood,
they would find it lasting and secure, with surroundings of which
they had no cause to be ashamed. The sums from these sources
would be of very considerable annual amount.
III. From Private Benefactors. — Much sympathy is expressed
in various influential quarters with the crofters, and in our rich
country it is not at all too much to expect that hundreds will be
found ready to advance the £50 or £100 necessary, being first
satisfied that the person to receive the advance is entitled to con-
fidence, and that his subject may, with diligence, enable him to
wipe off his debt within the time bargained. An appeal in this
form could hereafter be made, and it will be, indeed, disappoint-
ing if not handsomely responded to. The backing up of one
deserving crofter would be no great burden to a person of
ordinary means, and it would be heavily to his or her credit
here and hereafter.
IV. Through Guaranteeing or Lending Companies to be
formed for the purpose. — The worthy Provost of Inverness some
time ago proposed a scheme to help the crofters in stocking and
purchasing lands, but it was extinguished on its appearance by
an excellent man, who has done well in his day and generation
for the Highlands, but, alas, from the unhappy views prevalent
in his youth, abhors Gaelic, and does not look with favour on
the crofting system. But, undaunted, the Provost has lately
revived his scheme, and we wish it all success. The objects may
be briefly stated to consist of lending cheaply to small owners
and tenants, and guaranteeing advances by capitalists willing to
lend. Provision for affecting stock with a lien, for certain pur-
poses, must be enacted, which would materially help crofters,
138 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
and increase the work of such companies. Costs of transfers,
bonds, searches, stamps, etc., must be reduced to a minimum, and
if so, such companies might do a safe, remunerative, and patriotic
business.
V. Government Loans. — We place these last, and after exhaust-
ing private sources. There is no reason to startle at the suggestion.
Municipalities, wealthy beyond computation, as compared with
crofters, get these loans, and there is no breach of principle in
widening the allocation. Government aid could best be given,
perhaps, through the agency of companies, as in No. 4. We
do not indicate how it ought to be done, but do say that a
million in this way advanced would do immense good ; it would
be spent in permanent and returning improvements, and not lost
or thrown away in costly and useless wars, such as even the
present Government, pledged to peace, find themselves engaged in.
For these and other causes which might be adduced, no fear
need be entertained that money can be got for purchasing, stock-
ing, and for improving crofts and houses. It must be kept in
view that these schemes deal with, and include the poorer class of
cottars, labourers, and squatters, whose condition is worse than
that of the crofters. Two things should not be lost sight of, viz.,
that these benefits are intended for the industrious and well
behaved only, who will have much to do in the form of personal
labour and exertion — not for loafers, idlers, and men of unsteady
and vicious habits; and that neither during life nor at death,
shall the croft be divisible, if under a certain fixed annual value
to be settled by Parliament.
C. F. M.
SPEECH BY THE REV. ANGUS MACIVER.
The following is the speech delivered by the Chairman— The
Rev. Angus Maciver, minister of the Established Church, Uig,
Lewis — at the Crofter Demonstration held in Stornoway on the
1 6th of October last, and referred to in our last issue at page 89.
It seems harmless enough. He said —
I have to thank you for the great honour you have conferred upon me by asking me
to preside over this great meeting, and for giving me this opportunity of once more publicly
expressing some views in connection with the important matters which are agitating the
Highlands at present, and our own Island in particular. I fully realise
SPEECH BY THE REV. ANGUS MACIVER. 139
THE GRAVITY OF THE SITUATION
And the responsibility resting on every one residing in these parts of Her
Majesty's dominions. No one need think that he can now escape taking some share
of that responsibility, whatever share he may choose to take, whether of a more
public or private character. It would be well for all that they should immediately
realise this fact and act accordingly. As to the political aspect of the great question
now before the country at large, I mean the extension of the franchise, I do -not mean
to occupy much of your time. I agree with the view which is common and which is
agreed upon by the two great parties in the state, viz. — That the franchise should be
extended to the people, that they should have the power of voting for members of
Parliament. As to how this is to be arranged and carried out it is not for me to say.
The country at large, through its representatives in Parliament, will have to decide that
question. I trust, however, that the decision of that question will be arrived at with-
out disturbing any of our old and time-honoured institutions, which, in the past, have
stood many a shock, and which for many centuries have shed lustre and glory on our
country. When the din and heat of parties will have subsided, we expect to apply
the language of Scripture to our venerable institutions, "To walk about them and go
round them, telling the towers thereof, marking our bulwarks, considering our palaces,
that we may tell it to the generation following. For God is our God for ever and ever."
That this may be true with respect to all the great institutions of our country in the
future as in the past, whatever changes they may have to undergo, so as to adapt them
to the particular requirements of our time, is, I am sure, the sincere desire and prayer
of all present. We have no desire or wish to have them removed. As there are,
however, men beside me on the platform who are more competent to deal with those
questions, I do not wish to say more about them. I simply wish to touch upon two
other points. The first is that which goes now under the name of
THE CROFTER QUESTION.
It has now assumed such dimensions that it must be faced and settled, and
with as little delay as possible. It looks as if it would soon be in a com-
plicated state. The agitation and irritation will extend more and more unless
something is done by Parliament in the matter. This is now so patent to all
who can think that almost every one takes it for granted. To my mind there
are very valid reasons both on the part of the crofters and of the country at
large, why the question should be dealt with. The crofters are by far too confined
in their holdings, and have had in the past very little encouragement given them to
improve their circumstances. If anything like justice is to be done to them, the pre-
sent Land Laws must be changed— more land granted to them, as well as security of
tenure Large farms and deer forests must be broken up and the people supplied with
what of these will enable them to live with some comfort. No one with half an eye
in his head will deny the necessity of something like this being done. The crofters
have suffered too much in the past for the gratification and indulgence of others, and
they ought now to be indulged a little themselves and to secure their liberty; and I hope
}he time is near at hand when this will be their happy lot. I beg to say for my native
island, that there is no use, with its present population, to speak foolishly, as some
have done, of graduating farms, or of large and small farms ; but if the people are to
be extricated from their present depressed and dangerous state, they must get all the
lands therein divided into crofts, with the moorlands, on easy and equitable terms.
My firm conviction is that nothing less will make the crofters of this island com-
fortable. Other parts of the Highlands may afford those graduating farms, but not
140 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
this poor populous island of ours. In any case the people should get of the land a suffi-
ciency to make them comfortable, as far as it can do so, and the surplus population
who are in quest of land should go where there is plenty of it to be had. I
hold these views very strongly and decidedly, and would do all in my power to
have them realised in fact. The other point to which I want to direct your atten-
tion for two or three minutes, is
THE COUNTER DEMONSTRATION
held here a fortnight ago, by members of the Association which has its head-quarters
in Edinburgh. They called it a demonstration, but it seems to have been only the
shadow of one. They should come here and see what a demonstration is, that they
may remember in future to call things by their proper names. We are well aware
what they had in view for some time past who made that attempt at a demonstration.
They want to show themselves as the men and guides of the people here ; but unfor-
tunately for them the people don't listen to them ; and they will more and more stop
their ears against them, especially when they find out what they have in view. The
sum and substance of it is this, that the Stornoway gentlemen want to show the Lews
people that they are not to" do anything without consulting them as to what they are
to do, and how they are to do it. We in the country beg very respectfully, but very
firmly, to decline their leadership and dictation. In future, I have no doubt, you
will mark their movements and steer clear of them.
THE RIVAL ASSOCIATIONS.
Attach yourselves to the Highland Land Law Reform Association in London of
which there are branches in this town, in Uig, and in other parishes through the island.
The Association in Edinburgh to which they want you to attach yourselves has a very
different object in view from the one in London. The Edinburgh Association asks for
something, but it may be next to nothing, it is so meagre and compromising. What
you want is the land and all the land on equitable terms, and that you may live with
some ease and comfort. These are the broad, clear grounds, on which the London
Association stands, and you are on that account fairly bound to support it. Many, if
not the majority, of those of the Edinburgh Association have in view the Disestablish-
ment of the Church of Scotland, and to deprive you of the patrimony which is yours
by right, and to put it into the pockets of the landlords, or some such purpose. They
managed, at any rate, to put the endowments of the schools into their pockets. I trust
my countrymen will never be so foolish as to consent to such a transaction as that.
Although the most of you don't avail yourselves at present of the benefits of
these endowments, the day may be at hand when you will do so willingly. Ii
the mean time, at any rate, the present Establishment is no burden uj
you. It costs you nothing. In proof of my contention, that this is one main cans
for the existence of the Edinburgh Association, Who were the most of those who
took part in the meeting here a fortnight ago? You will find Dr Rainy, Edinburgh.
Mr Lee, of Nairn, and others of similar views — men who have been for years running
counter to your most cherished views, and who have at heart especially to sever the
Church from the State, and to bring you ultimately completely under their power
They are using every effort to bring about this end. I trust my countrymen will not
allow themselves to be misled by such men, and that you will keep firm hold
what you have got, and if there be things needing to be rectified in connection with
Church and State, ask and ask again, until your petitions are granted. Raise your
voices to this effect. Don't imagine that I am pleading with you to come to the
Church of Scotland. That is a matter you have to choose deliberately for yourselves.
SPEECH BY THE REV. ANGUS MACIVER. 141
You will get plenty to dissuade you against such a step. I won't condescend to re-
taliate on those who do so, whenever they find opportunity. I have too much
respect for your freedom and liberty to treat you in any such way. They should feel
perfectly at ease now that you are almost all with them. What I ask you is to pre-
serve the endowments, and not to allow any set of men to deprive you of them ; for if
you do so, you are doing an irreparable injury to the cause of God in the land. You
would need more endowments than you have. I strongly and earnestly warn you
against those men who are quietly but surely misleading you. I have no other object
in view than your highest good, both for this life and that which is to come. No one
in this island can in fairness say that I have not taken a deep interest in the temporal
well-being of the people of my native island, and I feel equally interested in their
spiritual well-being. And when I have the opportuntiy I must speak plainly to you.
I feel confident that you will accept of my statements in that light, and that you wil
put no other construction upon them.
"PUNCH" ON HIGHLAND LAND LAW REFORM,— To the simple un-
official mind it would seem that the case of the " crofters and cottars in the Highlands
and Islands of Scotland " is about ripe for settlement. But as Miss Carolina Wilhel-
nnna Amelia Skeggs observed, " there is a form in these things — there is a form." To
examine an alleged grievance carefully, and deal witft it equitably and promptly, may
commend itself to the ordinary, but not to the official or Skeggsian judgment. The
" form " must be observed. And what is the "form?" Well, it is usually so complex
and prolix as to be difficult of full analysis. But given a grievance— like that of the
Irish tenants any time within the last century, or the Scotch crofters now — there are
heaps of things to be done before it can be righted. In the first place it must be
ignored altogether until its assertion becomes too palpable to overlook. Then it must
be pooh-poohed. When it enlists public sympathy as well as attracts public notice, it
must be " inquired into " — by the long drawn process of a Commission, for choice.
Whilst the Commission is sitting — or standing, or travelling, or whatever it chooses to
do — things of course must be kept in "abeyance, inopportune inquiry snubbed, friendly
urgency denounced, protest protested against, any impatient action on the part of the
sufferers sharply put down, in the interest of "law and order." The Commission
takes its time— all Commissions do. Ultimately, however, it issues its "Report."
And there matters stop, until the sufferers, or their advocates, make another stir. If
that stir is mild, it is not noticed; if it is vigorous, it is denounced as violent ; if it is
violent, the Law is down upon it, unless — well, unless it is very, very violent, largely
and formidably so, and then the fire begins to burn the stick, the stick begins to beat
the dog, the dog to bite the pig, the pig to get over the stile, and the Old Woman gets
home, or, in other words, the grievances get redressed. This — very briefly sum-
marised indeed — is the official Skeggsian " form." It is open to some objection, such
as waste of time, prolongation of suffering, provocation of crime, engendering of
hatred, killing of gratitude in the bud, and final compulsory pushing off reform till it
savours of revolution, redress until it shows like surrender. Without prejudging the
case of these poor Crofters, it is too much to hope that, in dealing with it, the Skegg-
sian "form," of which we have already had so many disastrous and expensive ex-
amples, will not be adopted ! — Punch.
142 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
THE MARQUIS OF LORNE AND THE LAND
AGITATION IN THE HIGHLANDS.
WHETHER the Duke of Argyll's published references to the Land
Question in the Highlands carry conviction to the minds of his
readers, or whatever opinions may be held among the well-
informed as to the nett results on his own estates of the more or
less rigorous application of the principles of political economy
according to his Grace, all must be impressed with a sense of his
scholarship, his wide knowledge of the subject, and the ability
with which he presents his case. If the article on " Highland
Land Agitation" in the Contemporary Review for December
is to be taken as a criterion, we are afraid the Marquis of
Lome is likely to do little to uphold the literary character which
his father has so successfully established for himself. The article
in question is one tissue of pert puerilities, very deficient in good
taste, and betraying lamentable ignorance of the present position
and tendencies of events in the Highlands.
That the future MacCailean Mor should interest himself in
the condition of the Highland people is most befitting, but we
fear the spirit in which his Lordship approaches the subject is not
one which will either conduce to his own proper understanding
of it, or tend to excite in the minds of his countrymen very
exalted notions of his present fitness to undertake the responsi-
bilities attaching to his ancestral estates.
At the very outset he misstates the character of the Land
Acts which were passed for Ireland in the years 1870 and 1881,
describing the former as a measure of "charitable protection,"
and the latter as an "Act making all Irish cultivators part-
owners of their farms." Honest Irish reformers, and the chiefs
of the Liberal Government who passed those Acts, described
them both as instalments of justice, not mere charitable doles,
and as to some extent recognising not exactly " ownership in the
farms," but a right of property in the improvements effected in
their holdings by the ill-requited toils of the struggling and
starving peasantry. Until his Lordship is prepared to acknow-
ledge similar justice in the claims of his countrymen in the
MARQUIS OF LORNE AND LAND AGITATION. 143
Highlands, and their property in their own improvements, as well
as their natural right of settlement on their native soil so long as
they fulfil the duties of their position, his contributions to the solu-
tion of the Highland difficulty will only be effective to that end in
a sense very different to that which his Lordship intended. Nero
was fiddling when Rome was in flames, and the Marquis of Lome
is trifling when the Highland people are clamouring in a very
significant, and, we believe, effective manner for the redress of
their grievances, and when the artillery of the Restoration of the
Rights of the people is being forced up to the gates of land-
lord citadels. Such lispings as this article are no better than so
many cobwebs spread over the cannon's mouth in the vain hope
of obstructing the deadly shot Let us quote a few of his
Lordship's choicest flippancies. He finds special delight in
making sport of the Royal Commission, and its warm-hearted,
fair, and able Chairman, whose recommendation of a compulsory
division of large farms the Marquis adduces as " a curious
instance of the sympathy in predatory instinct between the
Borderer and the Highlander," and which, he says, " has already
produced lawlessness in the Islanders in certain districts." A
little further on his Lordship repeats a similar sneer at Lord
Napier in the following terms : —
"We may, I believe, be excused the consideration of the
predatory recommendation of the compulsory taking of other
men's land for the enlargement of crofts. This out-Herods any-
thing ever proposed in Indian or Irish legislation, and the majority
of any legislature may be trusted to suppose that a long course
of sea-sickness had made the estimable and amiable chief of the
Commission giddy when he penned it"
At page 83, we are informed that —
" A hundred years ago, war and small-pox, and other causes,
made the Highland population a comparatively scanty one. . .
There are careful returns of many estates showing that a century
ago the number of people was not nearly so large as it now is on
properties such as those of Sir Kenneth Mackenzie, the Duke of
Sutherland, Lord Macdonald, Macleod of Macleod, and the Duke
of Argyll."
We do not know on what authority Lord Lome makes this
statement, but, taking his own County of Argyle as a test, we
are disposed to question its accuracy. In the period between
144 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
1790 and 1798, according to the figures supplied in the Old
" Statistical Account," the total population of Argyleshire was
76,101, while, notwithstanding that the town population of the
county has more than doubled even during the past fifty years —
from about 12,000 in 1831 to 30,387 according to the census of
1 88 1 — the population of Argyleshire at the census of 1881 was only
80,761. To go more into detail, at the time stated above — 1790-
98 — the population of the Islands of Coll and Tyree was 3457 ;
it is now 3376. The County of Sutherland at the first-named date
had a population of 22,961, against 22,376 at the time of the last
census. These figures should prove interesting to his Lordship.
Referring to evictions, he finds that " the Commissioners
who lately took all evidence, with scarcely any sifting of the
same, came across no cases of eviction carried out for the pur-
pose of 'land clearance for sport' " The Report of the Commis-
sion mentions one case; we could mention others, and have no
doubt his Lordship could also furnish a few. He will find
plenty instances of clearances to make room for sheep farms, and
these are fast being turned into deer forests.
Here are one or two more of Lord Lome's puerile deliver-
ances on this important question. —
" The furnishing of men for the service of the State is good
but the argument may be over-driven. City slums, and the
poorest Irish, have furnished most soldiers ; but none agree that
slums should be kept, and Irish poverty encouraged, that the
army ranks may be filled."
" There is no sufficient ground for taking the ownership from
the present proprietors, for they have, according to the evidence
given by the people, not used their powers unjustly''
Lord Lome says again —
" Lord Napier appears to have such a horror of Irish land
legislation that he has endeavoured to steer clear of anything like
it." And yet the Commission is elsewhere charged by his Lord-
ship with claiming legal sanction for one of the leading principles
of the last Irish Land Acts, namely, fixity of tenure, as well as
with compulsory division of large holdings. Here are the words —
"This has led him (Lord Napier) to try to make a special
case of the Highlander by an attempt to revive the ' township' or
village community He might as well propose that
MARQUIS OF LORNE AND LAND AGITATION. 145
all the people who still profess the old Highland second sight
should receive pensions at the hand of the State, or that excep-
tional privileges should be conferred on all who can be proved to
have had belief in the Evil Eye It will not do to let
men call themselves a crowded community, and get enlargements
at the expense of a thrifty and hard working farmer who happens
to be nearest to them."
It is interesting to contrast with these inanities of the
Marquis the large-hearted and manly speech delivered by
Lochiel in the House of Commons on the I4th of November,
in connection with Mr Macfarlane's motion calling upon the
Government to take action without delay in the interests of the
Highland crofters. The Marquis of Lome and Lochiel, in their
social relation to the question, may be regarded as in almost
identical positions, yet the former seems to have nothing to pre-
sent more pertinent to the subject than this article, which, did it
not bear the signature of the Marquis of Lome, an ex-Governor
General of Canada, and the heir-apparent to the Dukedom of
Argyll, would have been refused insertion by any publication of
literary reputation in the kingdom. Apart even from its inanity
as the result of the cogitations and inquiries of a would-be states-
man, its very grammar is something to wonder at. In one sentence
the Marquis writes of the Commission which "has been ap-
pointed," and has gone the round," and of " the report they have
issued." In another sentence there is a similar departure from
the canons of Lindley Murray, when we are exhorted not to be
afraid in "doing what we can for the Highlanders to spread
the benefit he may receive, and do not suppose, because Lord
Napier has sometimes found something like the Russian 'mir' to
exist with them, that this constitutes them privileged beings," etc.
Much worse, however, is the non possumus attitude which his
Lordship takes up in relation to the chief recommendations of the
Royal Commission ; and it is here that the utterances of Lochiel —
himself an extensive Highland landlord — shine in conspicuous
contrast. He is quite prepared, notwithstanding that he expressed
very strong dissent from the principal recommendations of the
Commission, to " do all in his power to assist the Government in
passing a measure even though its provisions should run counter
to what he thought expedient," and he expresses the hope,
though it might involve " some sacrifice on the part of the land-
146 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
lords, a solution might be arrived at which would confer benefit
upon and bring contentment to the crofters, would satisfy their
sympathisers, and would promote the welfare of the whole country."
If the landlords of the Highlands would only approach the
question in this spirit, we would not despair of very soon seeing a
measure passed, and other steps taken supplementary to mere
legislation, which would restore peace and comparative prosperity
among the Highland peasantry.
TWO STRATHGLASS PRIESTS.
To THE EDITOR OF THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
SIR, — I am much pleased to find in the Celtic Magazine for this month an extract in
reference to Father Alexander Cameron of Lochiel and the Rev. John Farquharson,
Priests in Strathglass, from the Dingwall Presbytery records, dated 27th April 1743.
As the readers of your Magazine are already familiar with the contents of this curious
extract, I need not repeat them. Suffice it to say that they do not breathe much
charity towards my co-religionists and fellow-countrymen in Strathglass. But narrow-
minded as the aim, scope, and tendency of the Dingwall extract unquestionably is,
let me repeat that I feel obliged to the party who brought it to light. Independently
of the flood of light it throws on old clerical proceedings at Dingwall, it enables one
to trace the persecution of the two Priests, named in the extracts alluded to, clearly to
its fountain head.
Briefly stated, it was thus : — The Rev. Alexander Cameron was apprehended, and
sent off to a penal settlement, but was taken seriously ill, on the passage, and died in
the hulks below London. The Rev. John Farquharson .was apprehended twice ; on
both occasions he was sent out of Strathglass. The last time he was transported to
Hanover. For a full account of these cases see Celtic Magazine, vol. vii., pp. 141-146.
Here, I may add, on the authority of Bishop John Chisholm's letter to Sir John
Sinclair, during the Ossianic controversy, that the Rev. John Farquharson was a
Priest in Strathglass for the long space of thirty years. We know that he left Strath-
glass in obedience to the dignitaries of his order, when they selected him as Prefect of
Studies for the Catholic College of Douay. The following is a slip which I have cut
out of the Inverness Courier^ 8th January 1884. It may well pass as a companion
picture to the Dingwall extract : —
"In 1704 the General Assembly appointed Presbyteries to send in lists to the
Clerks of her Majesty's Privy Council of all Papists within their bounds, the lists to
contain the names and designations of the persons who entertain the Papists, and the
names of the places where they are entertained, and so forth. In response to this,
reports were sent in from a considerable number of Presbyteries, which, according to
Dr Cunningham, who refers to the matter, brought out the fact that, while in some
districts of the country Popery had been clean blotted out ; in others, more remote
from central influences, it remained almost entire. In the county of Selkirk there
was not one Papist. In Athole there was only one and he a blind fiddler. But in
South Uist and Barra, out of seventeen hundred examinable persons, only about
seventeen were Protestants. In the islands of Canna, Rum, and Muck, out of five
hundred examinable persons, only forty were Protestants. In Knoydart and Morar,
out of seven hundred, all were Popish but four. In Arisaig, Moydart, and Glengarry,
there was a population of fifteen hundred, and all were Papists but one man. In
these districts there was no distinction between Saturday and Sabbath : the thick
darkness of a state not much above heathenism was unbroken."
If I were a native of any of the above-mentioned islands or districts, alleged to
have been without any "distinction between Saturday and Sabbath," I would endeavour
to ascertain whether the statement was founded on facts, or was the mere outcome
of a fertile imagination.— I am, &c., COLIN CHISHOLM.
Inverness, December 10, 1884.
ST KILDA OR HIRTA.
AT the December monthly meeting of the Inverness Scien-
tific Society and Field Club, Mr Alexander Ross, Architect,
F.G.S., read an interesting paper descriptive of a recent visit
to St Kilda. Mr Ross dealt more at length with the geological
aspect of the island than with the history or social condition of
its people ; but the following notes on the latter will, we think,
prove interesting to the readers of the Celtic Magazine : —
On our arrival in the bay we observed a slight commotion
amongst the people, and one or two neighbours evidently began
to talk over our appearance in the bay. Some began to move along
the main thoroughfare, or High Street as it is called, which passes
along the fronts of the houses, and by the time they reached the
north end of the village, nearest the landing place, the procession,
increased by the minister and schoolmaster, amounted to some
1 8 or 20 people. They immediately ran out a boat, and four men
came off to us. They seemed active, healthy fellows, and shook
hands with us all.
Till the time of Captain Otter the dwelling-houses seemed
to have been entirely constructed of stone, with thatched roofs.
On the occasion of one of his visits a storm arose, when he had
to put to sea. He returned after some three days, and found
the houses unroofed. He immediately steamed away to the
mainland, and got subscriptions for iron and zinc roofs, which re-
main till this day an eyesore and a disfigurement to the island.
Mr Mackenzie, Fort- William, whose father was minister, told me
of the first proposal for improved houses, from the stone roof and
wall beds to modern life, was made in the year 1830, at the in-
stigation of Sir Thomas Dick Lauder. On that occasion, Sir
Thomas offered a premium for each man who would build a
house with chimneys and other improvements, and entrusted the
Rev. Mr Mackenzie with the money to pay the man who should
move first. Mr Mackenzie found the money of little use, and
not coveted, and he resolved to try tobacco. At that time the
total currency of the island was only 173. 6d., so that money was
of little value. He offered the first man who should lay in founda-
tions one pound of tobacco, and so a beginning was made. One
man built a house, and won the prize ; next year three more be-
gan, and the premium had to be reduced to a J^ of a Ib.
The original houses, of which only one specimen, I believe,
148 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE
now remains, were built of stone throughout, and the beds were
mere recesses in the walls, almost level with the floor. The cattle
lodged in the same apartment
The houses were only cleaned out once a year, and the result
was that the accumulation of straw and turf so raised the floors
that the people had to roll down into their beds or sleeping
berths. In the new houses there were to be a but and a ben
and a closet, and the cattle were to be put outside. Since these
times the people have learned the value of money, and to enjoy
much of the luxuries of civilised life. Indeed, they run a great
risk of being spoiled by the visitors who go there in considerable
numbers annually.
I may here give one or two anecdotes of the older times, for,
though banished out into mid-ocean and away from the busy
throng of business, yet they have their social and economic
troubles, and caste and set prevails as elsewhere, and lovers quarrel
too. During the time that Mr Mackenzie was minister — 1830 to
1840 — there was only one breach of promise case, and it was
tried in open court, at the end of the church, before the ministers
and elders. The lady proved her case against the truant, and he
was fined, and ordered to pay, not a ;£ioo, but a 100 full-grown
fulmars, 50 googs (or young solan geese), and a hair rope, as a
solatium and a tocher in the next matrimonial venture. This
latter article was by far the most important part of the fine, as
the hair rope was necessary for carrying on the bird-catching, etc.,
and gave great importance to its possessor. By the frequent
visits of tourists and yachtsmen, and the liberal gifts of wine, and
clothes of the latest fashion, the St Kildean has ceased to be the
simple unsophisticated mortal he was 30 years ago, and though
by no means spoiled nor importunate in his demands, he is, I
believe, degenerating like some other of the Highlanders, and is
not ashamed to accept any gift, if not to beg them. I fancy the
St Kildean by this time is a better judge of port wine than the
following story would indicate : — On one occasion, during the
time of Mr Mackenzie above referred to, a cask of curious stuff
came ashore on the west side, and after careful assaye and trial
it was pronounced good stuff. The report spread, and amongst
others, the minister went to see the stuff. He found the cask
half empty, and, on enquiring, ascertained that the people had
filled the skins and intestines of the fulmars with it, and hung
them up to the roofs of the houses, and that they were using
what turned out to be very good port wine with their porridge,
instead of milk. What flavour the fulmar gave it is not recorded.
But I don't believe the native of to-day would make such a
mistake.
Another anecdote illustrates the simplicity of the islander: —
ST KILDA OR HIRTA. 149
Mr Mackenzie had been lecturing to the people on geography,
and trying to make them understand that there were other people
than those of St Kilda in the world, and they were much in-
terested in his account of the South Sea Islanders. Shortly after,
a number of shipwrecked seamen found their way into a cave
on the west side, and being discovered by the natives, they were
hailed in English and Gaelic, and getting no response, they were
reported as being an entirely new race, and probably a party of
South Sea Islanders. The Minister hailed them in German and
French without results, till his Latin, "Ini Genti," brought out. the
response " Hispania." These men were cared for, and lived five
months on the island.
The schoolmaster told me how difficult it was for him to
make the children realise what a tree was, and, by means of draw-
ings, he tried to let them know that there was variety amongst
the trees, and held up a drawing in the hope of it being identi-
fied. After a time the class came to the conclusion that it
was the " Tree of Knowledge of Good and Evil." There is
no tree or bush on the island, nettles being, perhaps, the highest
form of vegetation growing on it. They never whistle, and their
only instrument is the Jews harp.
The inhabitants are strict observers of the Sabbath, and will
not even carry their milk home on that day, but leave it in the
ground over Sunday, taking it home on Monday.
In a small glen there is a sacred well, Tober-nam-buadh ; it is
said to have many virtues, and in former times the people drank
its water, and placed offerings into it. This glen is dotted over
with little stone huts or claitans, and is beautifully green with
short sweet grass. In this glen there is the remains " of a
curious dome-shaped building, nine feet diameter, with three
beds in it. It was said to have been occupied by an Amazon,
who used to hunt all the way to Harris before St Kilda was an
island. Externally, it resembles a little green hill."
I shall now briefly notice the people. Though the island is
mentioned by Boethius and Buchanan, the first account is that of
Dean Munro of the Isles, who visited and described the Western
Isles in 1594. His description is, however, short, and contains
no very interesting fact. He says u Macleod of Herray, or his
steward, arrived in a boat there at midsummer, with some chap-
laine to baptize their bairnes, and if they want a chaplain they
baptize them themselves;" and further, that " the inhabitants are a
simple and poor people, scarce learnt in any religion;" and, he says,
" the steward receives their duties in miell and reistit mutton,
wyld fowles reistit, and selchis."
The next to notice the island is Martin, who visited it in
1697, and from then till now various writers have described it,
and have given the statistics of the population. —
150 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Thus Martin, in 1697, gives 27 families — total, 180
„ Macaulay, in 1758, 27 „ „
This difference is accounted for by a disease which in 1724 swept
away more than half the inhabitants. It was supposed to have
been small-pox.
The population continued low till 1799, when it is set down
at 100. In 1822, according to Macdonald, the population was
108. In 1851, according to the Government Census, the num-
ber was no. Since then it has diminished to 76 in 1877.
There were 19 families at this latter date.
This diminution was caused by emigration in 1856, when 36
of the inhabitants went to Australia. Most of them, however, died,
and in 1861 only about 13 survived. They were then doing well.
The present inhabitants are good-looking, healthy, and in-
telligent, and the children are active and healthy. I had the
pleasure of seeing them at their lessons in school, and out of the
number attending, there were eight boys and nine girls. The
names of the people are : —
Gillies, of which there were 27 in 1871.
Macdonald „ „ 16 „
Ferguson „ „ 10
Mackinnon „ „ 8 „
Macqueen „ „ 8 „
And Mackay, minister and
registrar 2 „
Total— 71
In former years there were Macleods and Morrisons, but these
have apparently died out. It is curious that the island has been
in possession of the Macleods for 300 years, and that there is
now none of that name now on the island.
The expression and general character of the people reminded
me of Shetlanders or Scandinavian much more than the Celtic
Highlanders. They had a rather long aquiline and pensive cast
of feature, with well marked eyebrows. They are well made, and
about middle size ; the men being more graceful in their move-
ments than the women, besides being more stylish in their dres
The women's dress struck me as being clumsy and ill made.
This may be accounted for by the fact that the men do the sew-
ing, and make the ladies' dresses, in addition to their own shoes
and clothing. The personal ornaments seemed few, I mean of
native manufacture, but they hammer out pennies and half-pennies
into brooches and pins. Beyond these I saw little ornament other
than common wooden Birmingham goods. Of curiosities there
were few.
THE
CELTIC MAGAZINE.
CONDUCTED BY
ALEXANDER MACKENZIE, F.S.A., Scot.
No. CXII. FEBRUARY 1885. VOL. X.
THE MUNROS OF MILNTOWN.
BY ALEXANDER Ross.
III.
IV. GEORGE MUNRO OF MILNTOWN AND DOCHCARTY, to
whom Thomas Dingwall of Kildun, by deed, dated at Inveran,
2Oth April 1541, sold his half of the lands of Ferncosky in
Brachat, parish of Creich ; and on the 22nd of June following
James V. granted to George Munro a crown charter of the same.
In 1542 James V. granted to George a crown charter of a fourth
of the lands of Easter Aird, in the parish of Tarbat, called the
Intown of Tarbat, and sold to him by his cousin, James Dunbar
of Tarbat. In 1 543 John Bisset, Chaplain of Newmore in the
College Church of St Duthus in Tain, with the consent of Queen
Mary, the Earl of Arran, and Robert Cairncross, Bishop of Ross,
granted to George Munro the kirklands of the Chaplainry,
namely, the lands of Newmore, with the alehouse, Inchendown,
Badachonacher, Rhicorrach, and Strathrory, " which the tenants
used to have for the annual rent of 7 merks Scots, 403. grassum,
30 bolls victual, 4 muttons, 4 dozen poultry, 4 marts, and 12
capons — the grantee paying accordingly, the victual to be half
oatmeal, half bear by Leith measure."* In 1552 Queen Mary
granted to George Munro and Janet Fraser, his wife, a crown
charter of the lands of Easter Aird and others in Ross-shire,
* Reg. Sec. Sig. Vol. xvii., folio 14-15.
I52 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
sold to George in 1 542 by James Dunbar, to whom she, at the
same time, granted the right of reversion. On the 4th of March
1544, Mary granted to Thomas Dingvvall the dues of the half
lands of Ferncosky since his redemption of the same from
George Munro ; and on the 5th of March she granted to Thomas
a letter of regress of the same lands, sold by him to George
Munro in 1541. In the year 1559 Sir Robert Melville, Chaplain
of Tarlogie, granted to George Munro and his third son, Donald,
and his heirs male, with remainder to George's male heirs, and
to the eldest of his female heirs, the lands of Tarlogie, for the
yearly payment to the Chaplain of 29 merks, 45. 6d., with two
dozen capons, 2s. iod., in augmentation of the rental: Queen
Mary confirmed the grant in the same year.
George Munro appears first on record in 1541 as "George
Munro of Davochgartie." Between 1561 and 1566 he was feuar
of Tarlogie. In 1553 he sold part of the estate of Dochcarty to
Duncan Bain of Tulloch, to whom Queen Mary in the same
year granted a crown charter of the same, and a letter of rever-
sion to George. In 1555 he (George) sold the fourth part of the
lands of Dochcarty to Donald Mac-Ian-Roy, who in 1556 received
a crown charter for the same from Queen Mary.
In 1561 Queen Mary appointed George Munro bailie and
chamberlain of her lands and lordships of Ross and Ardmeanach,
the appointment to continue during her pleasure; and in 1567
she exempted him for life, on account of his age, from all service
as a soldier, from sitting on assizes, and from appearing as a
witness in any court. His appointment of bailie and chamberlain
was renewed in 1568 by James VI., to continue during the
pleasure of James and his Regent. In the same year (1568)
George sold to Donald Mac-Ian-Roy the half of the east quarter
of the lands of Dochcarty, namely, an oxgang, then occupied by
Murdoch Macdonald and William Mackay, and an oxgang of the
west quarter of the same lands, then occupied by Patrick Mac-
donald Roy. James in the same year granted to Donald and his
heirs a crown charter of the same lands, and to George a letter
of reversion.* Dochcarty is in the parish of Dingwall.
George Munro was a member of an inquest held at Inver-
ness, on the 1 5th of October 1563, when John Campbell of Caw-
* Orig. Par. Scot., vol. ii., pp. 493-4.
THE MUNROS OF MILNTOWN. 153
dor was served heir to his father in the Barony of Strathnairn,
before the Sheriff-Principal, James, Earl of Moray. In 1565
George Munro held the Castle of Inverness for the Earl of Moray,
and the King and Queen issued the following order requesting
him to deliver up the fortress : —
"At Edinburgh, 22nd September, A.D. 1565. — The King
and Queen's Majesties, for certain occasions moving them, ordain
an officer of arms to pass, and in their Highnesses' name and
authority, command and charge George Munro of Davochcarty,
and Andrew Munro, his son, and all others, havers and with-
holders of the Castle of Inverness, to deliver the same to Hugh
Rose of Kilravock, whom their Majesties have recommended to
receive the same within six hours next after they be charged
thereto, under pain of treason.
" MARIE R., HENRY R."
Among the documents in the charter chest of Innes is a
charter by Sir Alexander Innes of Plaids and Cadboll "to George
Munroe of Dawachcartie, of the lands of Petkandie and Glak-
tamalenye in Ross," granted at Elgin on the i$th November
1573, and confirmed by Sir William Douglas, Chaplain of St
Lawrence, and Thomas Brabener, Chaplain of St Mary Mag-
dalene, in the Cathedral Church of Moray, " superiors of the said
lands." George possessed considerable literary attainments, and
wrote a life of Farquhar Mackintosh, X. of Mackintosh.
George Munro IV. of Milntown, married Janet, daughter of
Hugh Fraser of Phopachy, by whom he had three sons and three
daughters : —
1. Andrew, his heir.
2. Donald, who received from his father the estate of Tar-
logie. He married twice, his first wife being Christian, daughter
of Donald Ross of Nonikiln, by whom he had two sons: — (i)
George, his successor, and (2) Hugh, to whom in 1580, James V.
granted, for seven years, for his maintenance at school, the Chap-
lainry of Tarlogie, "not exceeding £20 yearly; and in 1586 James
renewed the grant."* He married Catherine, daughter of John
Ross of Ballochskead, by whom he had two sons, John and
Donald, both of whom settled in Sutherlandshire, where they
married and had issue of whom there is no record. By his second
wife — whose name is not recorded — Donald of Tarlogie had one
* Orig. Par. Scot., vol. ii., p. 423.
154 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
son, David, who studied for the church at St Andrew's Univer-
sity, where he obtained his M.A. degree on the 2istof July 1621.
Having been duly licenced, he was appointed minister of Tarbat
in 1628, and translated to the parish of Kiltearn, prior to 8th
February 1630. He was a member of the General Assembly of
1638, and also of that of 1639. He was deposed in 1648 by the
Presbytery of Dingwall — for what cause it is not known — and his
deposition was approved of by the Assembly in July 1649. He
married Florence, daughter of Andrew Munro, I. of Daan, by
whom he had four sons and several daughters — (i) Donald, (2)
Robert, (3) John, (4) Hugh, a Writer to the Signet in Edinburgh.
They all died unmarried. The names of the Rev. David Munro's
daughters have not .been recorded.
Donald Munro, I. of Tarlogie, was succeeded by his eldest
son, II. George, to whom in 1574 James VI. granted for seven
years, "for his education at school," the Chaplain ry of Tar-
logie, and which was subsequently granted to his brother, "vacant
by the demission of Master George Munro (his uncle), who was
promoted to the Chancellary of Ross."* He married Isabel,
daughter of William Innes of Calrossie, by whom he had two sons
and one daughter: — (i) Donald, his heir.' (2) Gordon, who be-
came a writer. He married Catherine Hunter, without issue, and
died at Chanonry in 1650. (3) Jane, who married Hector Munro
of Nonikiln, with issue. III. Donald Munro succeeded as third
of Tarlogie. He studied for the legal profession, was for several
years practising in Edinburgh as a writer, and died, apparently
unmarried, there. He was in 1628 served heir-portioner, together
with his aunts, Beatrix, Margaret, and Agnes Innes, to his
maternal grandfather, William Innes, in the lands of Kinrive and
Strathrory, in the parish of Kilmuir-Easter.-f- He appears to
have sold the estate of Tarlogie to David Ross of Balnagown, as
it was in the possession of that family before the middle of the
seventeenth century.
* Orig. Par. Scot., vol. ii., p. 423.
t William Innes was son of Walter Innes of Inverbreakie, in the parish of Ross-
keen, son of Sir Robert Innes of Invermarkie, in Moray. Walter obtained by grant
from Queen Mary the lands of Kinrive and Strathrory. His wife was Margaret,
eldest daughter of Lachlan Mackintosh, X. of Mackintosh, and that of his son,
William, was Catherine, sixth daughter of Kenneth Mackenzie, X. of Kintail. She
received a charter of certain lands on her marriage on iQth January 1556. In sheet
I. of Sir James D. Mackenzie of Findon's Genealogies of the Mackenzies, she is
stated to have been the wife of Walter, but the Reg. Sec. Sig. makes her William's wife.
THE MUNROS OF MILNTOWN. 155
3. George, Chancellor of Ross, and from whom are de-
scended the Munros of Achenbowie, Argaty, Edmondsham, and
others, all of whom shall be given in their order.
4. Janet, who married John Murray of Pulrossie, to whom
she bore, among others, two sons — (i) George, and (2) John. In
J579> °r previously, John Murray granted to "his wife, Janet
Munro, the daughter of the deceased George Munro of Dau-
charty, and in heritage to the heirs got between them, with re-
version to John himself and his heirs, the lands of Pulrossie and
the lands of Floid, lying in the Earldom of Sutherland and
Sheriffdom of Inverness. In 1579 James VI. confirmed the
grant. John Murray died in 1599, when his son George was
served his heir in the lands of Spiningdale, with the mill, Achany,
Floid, and Pulrossie, " in the lordship of Sutherland, of the old
extent of £14. 135. 4d."* George Murray appears on record in
1613 "as having, or pretending to have, a right to the lands of
Farr ; and on the 4th of June 1616 he was a member of the
Assize which served John, XVIII. Earl of Sutherland, heir to his
father, John.
5. Margaret, who married Hugh Fraser of Culbokie before
1563, for in that year Queen Mary granted to "Hugh Fraser
and Margaret Munro, his wife, the western half of Easter Cul-
bokie, and eastern half of Wester Culbokie, with the houses and
gardens made and to be made near the shore, in the place called
Querrell, in the Lordship of Ardmanach, resigned by Hugh."f
Hugh Fraser was one of the gentlemen who sat at the inquest
held at Inverness on I5th October 1563, when John Campbell of
Cawdor was served heir in the Barony of Strathnairn. He ap-
pears on record in 1581, when James VI. granted to him and his
heirs male the mill of Culbokie, etc.
6. Anne, who married Hugh _Ross of Achnacloich, in the
parish of Rosskeen, with issue. ,
George had also an illegitimate son named John, I. of Pit-
tonachy (now Rosehaugh), and ancestor of the Munros of Novar,
of which family R. C. Munro-Ferguson of Novar, M.P. for Ross-
shire, is the present representative.
George Munro, IV. of Milntown, died on the ist of Novem-
*Orig. Par. Scot., Vol. ii., pp. 187-8.
t Orig. Par. Scot., vol. ii. p. 550.
156 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
ber 1576 at Milntown Castle, and was buried in Kilmuir-Easter
Church-yard. He was succeeded by his eldest son,
V. ANDREW MUNRO OF MILNTOWN AND DOCHCARTY,
who embraced the Protestant religion, and became a rigid
Presbyterian. His father apparently, some time before his
decease, gave him possession of Newmore, for, anterior to that
event, he is frequently mentioned as " Andrew Munro of New-
more."
In 1568, James VI. granted to "Andrew Munro of New-
more," the son and heir-apparent of George Munro of Dochcarty,
and to Catherine Urquhart, his wife, and to their male heirs, the
town and lands of Castletown, with the fishing, croft, and its
pertinents; the town and lands of Belmaduthy; the town and
lands of Suddie, with the brewhouse (bruerium), croft, and mill ;
the town and lands of Achterflow, with all the pendicles and
pertinents of these towns and lands lying in the Earldom of
Ross, Lordship of Ardmanoch, and Sheriffdom of Inverness,
belonging in heritage to David Chalmers, formerly Chancellor
of Ross, held by him of the King, and forfeited on account of
treason and lese-majesty — united in unam integrant et liber am
particulam et partem terre consolidate vocatam vulgo Casteltown;
the grantee paying yearly the old fermes, victual, grassum, and
dues, namely: — For Castletown, £1 1. IDS. 6d. in money, I chal-
der 4 bolls of bear, 4 bolls of oats, i mart, I mutton, with the
bondages (bondagia), or £i in lieu of them, 4 dozen poultry, and
1 1 hens, commonly called " reek hens " ; for the croft commonly
called Castletown croft, 195. 8d, and I boll of bear ; for Belma-
duthy, £10. 1 6s. in money, I chalder and I boll of bear, I mart,
I mutton, and 4 dozen poultry, with the usual bondages of the
same, or in lieu of them £i ; for Suddie, 133. 4d., I chalder, 5
bolls and I firlot of bear, I mart, I mutton, and 4 dozen poultry,
with the bondages, or £1 ; for the brew-house of Suddie and its
croft, £i. I2s.; for the mill of Suddie, 18 bolls of victuals, half
meal, half bear, with i boll 2 pecks for " the charity," and 8
capons ; for Achterflow, £15. 43. 9^d. Scots, 2 chalders bear, 8
bolls oats, 2 marts, 2 muttons, with the bondages, or £2, 8 dozen
poultry, and 14 reek hens, with £i. 6s. Sd. Scots in augmentation
of the rental.*
*Reg. Sec. Sig., Vol. xxxviii , folios 16, 109, and no,
THE MUNROS OF MILNTOWN. 157
The " treason and lese-majesty " committed by David
Chalmers, and for which he was denounced a rebel and put to
the horn, besides having all his lands and goods forfeited, was his
not finding surety to appear and answer for the slaughter of
James Balvany in Preston, and other persons slain at the battle
of Langside. Among the other lands so forfeited and granted
to Andrew Munro by James VI. , in 1568, were the escheat of the
grant of Meikle Tarrel, which the same monarch confirmed in
1571 ; and the lands of Easter Airds, in the parish of Tarbat, also
confirmed in 1571.
In 1569 King James granted to Andrew Munro the escheat
of all the goods upon the quarter lands of Meikle Allan, with the
crops of that year, which was forfeited by John Leslie, Bishop of
Ross, for treason and lese-majesty. In the same year James
granted to him the escheat of all the goods, cattle, and corn upon
the piece of land called " Bishop's Shed," in the Chanonry of
Ross, which belonged formerly to Bishop Leslie, " of this instant
crop and yeir of God 1569 yeiris, and sawin to his behoof," and
which were forfeited by Leslie for treason and lese-majesty. The
treason committed by Bishop Leslie was his being engaged in
the attempt to get Queen Mary married to the Duke of Norfolk.
He was imprisoned in the Tower in May 1571, where he remained
till January 1574. It should have been noticed, however, that he
was banished from Scotland in 1568 "for certane crymes of
treasonn and lesemaiestie committit be him," and it was while in
exile in England he engaged in the projected marriage of the
Duke of Norfolk with Queen Mary, then a prisoner in the hands
of Elizabeth, Queen of England.
By a deed dated at Stirling, roth February, and at the
Chanonry of Ross, 28th February 1571, George Munro, Preben-
dary and Chaplain of Newmore, in the Collegiate Church of St
Duthus in Tain, with the consent of James VI., the Regent,
Matthew, Earl of Lennox, Kintigern Monypenny, Dean and
Vicar-General of Ross, Thomas Ross, Abbot of Fearn, and Pro-
vost of the Church of Tain, and the Prebendaries of that Church,
for the augmentation of his rental by the sum of six merks Scots,
granted to Andrew Munro, the son and heir apparent of George
Munro of Dochcarty, and his male heirs, with remainder to his
heirs whatsomever, bearing the surname and arms of Munro, the
158 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
churchlands of the Chaplainry — namely, the lands of Newmore,
with the alehouse ; the lands of Inchendown, with the mill, and
Strath of the same ; the lands of Badachonacher, Coilmore, Rhi-
cullen, Rawnvick, Newmore, with the "Straythis of Aldnafrank-
ach, Aldnaquheriloch, and Rewthlasnabaa, in Strathrory, in the
Earldom of Ross and Sheriffdome of Inverness," which were
formerly held by the same George, and resigned by him on
account that owing to the dearness of the lands, he had reaped no
profit from them, but had sustained loss by the payment of the
dues, and because the whole yearly revenue of the lands amounted
only to the sum of £30 Scots, to be held by Andrew Munro for
the yearly payment of 7 merks Scots in name of feuferm, £2
grassum, 30 bolls victual, or 8s. 4d. Scots for each boll, 4 muttons,
or 35. 4d. Scots for each ; 12 capons, or 6s. ; 4 dozen poultry, or
I2s.; together with the sum of ^4 Scots for heirages, carriages,
bondages, and every other burden, and for the augmentation of
the rental beyond what the lands ever before yielded, amounting
in all in money to the sum of £30. 143. 8d. Scots for feuferm and
customs.*
Andrew Munro of Milntown was a member of the Assize, held
at Golspie in 1591, to serve Alexander, XV. Earl of Sutherland,
heir to his great-grandfather, Adam, XIII. Earl, who died in 1538,
and to his great-grandmother, Elizabeth, Countess of Sutherland,
who died in I53r;.
(To be continued.)
OLD INVERNESS.
II.
THE Invernessians were strong Episcopalians, and continued
faithful to that form of worship long after the Revolution, in 1688.
So strong was their attachment to it, that, in 1691, when the first
Presbyterian minister was to be inducted, the Magistrates would
not allow him to enter the church, but actually employed armed
men to prevent his entrance, and he was only at length able to
install himself by the assistance of a regiment of soldiers, sent by
* Res;. Sec. Sig., vol. xxxix., folios 69-71, and Orig. Par. Scot., p. 420.
OLD INVERNESS. 159
the Government for the purpose. About this time, and until
1746, the malt trade of the town began to decrease, in consequence
of the duties imposed on corn, and the town itself was rapidly
falling into decay. In the beginning of the i/th century, the
ground behind Church Street and Academy Street was nearly
covered with malt kilns, but after the Revolution these gradually
became a mass of ruins.
A curious instance of the common belief in witchcraft
occurred in 1601, when nine members of the Town Council were
ordered to meet the minister, to examine the Session Register,
for delations given in against witches, to take information of
suspected persons, to meet in the clerk's chamber, and to make
their adjournment. In 1675 the old quay at Portland Place was
built, and the new one in 1738. It is a fact that until far on in
last century, fishing boats sailed up on the east side of the
Maggot to the foot of Chapel Street, thus making the Maggot
almost an island. In 1698 the Town Council resolved to procure
" two able shoemakers to come from the south." The first regular
service of letters between Edinburgh and Inverness was esta-
blished in 1669, when letters were carried by foot-runners once a
week, wind and weather permitting ; but some years later an
enterprising carrier advertised that his waggon would leave the
Grassmarket for Inverness every Tuesday, God willing, and on
Wednesday whether or" no! The first coach ever seen in Inver-
ness was one belonging to the Earl of Seaforth, in 1715, and it
caused great astonishment to the inhabitants, who made low
bows to the driver, thinking he must be the principal personage.
There is a letter given in The Culloden Papers, which is
a good example of the small respect the Magistrates of Inverness
had for the House of Hanover in 1714. The scene occurred at
the proclamation of George I.—
" The Shirriff-Depute and his Clerk came to the Cross when all the honest
people in the town were at church att the weekly sermon. The Shirriff caused his
Clerk read the proclamation, and one of his officers repeated the words after him.
Some of the Magistrates were present mocking the Shirriff; and when the Clerk
ended the reading, and cryed God save the King, the magistrates, and some they had
present for that purpose, cryed, God damne them and their King. When the
Whiggs came from church, and heard the news, they came to the magistrates and ex-
postulate with them, for not having the usual solemnity on this occasion. Att which
the magistrates were much offended, and bid some of them goe hang themselves ;
but, notwithstanding of this, the Whiggs, in the afternoon, put on their boonfyres,
160 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
illuminate their windows, caused ring the bells, in spight of what the magistrates
could doe to the contrary, and were solemnising the occasion with all possible joy,
till about nyne at night, that the magistrates thought fitt to stirre up a mob and rabble
them, by breaking their windows, scatering their boonfires, and allmost burning
their houses ; and further, when young Castlehill and some others went to complain
of this abuse to the magistrates, they thought fitting, by way of redress, to send him
to prison. And as (if) this were not enough, they themselves went with some of the
custom-house officers, such as collector and surveyors, and drunk avowedly King
James's health ; and, as some say, confusion to King George and all his adherents.
This is a true coppy of ye account given ye Regents.
(Signed) "ROBERT MUNRO."
Burt, who wrote in the early part of the i8th century, gives
a very minute description of Inverness at that period. The
town was then chiefly formed of four streets, three of which
centred at the cross, and the other was rather irregular. These
were, doubtless, Kirk Street, now Church Street, Bridge Street,
High Street, including East or Petty Street, and Castle Street,
anciently called Domesdale Street. The Castle was built of
unhewn stone, and consisted of twelve apartments for officers'
lodgings, offices, and a gallery. From the bridge, seals were
often seen pursuing the salmon ; they were sometimes within
fifty yards of the onlookers. The town hall was a plain building
of rubble, and, to use Burt's own words, " there is one room in
it, where the Magistrates meet upon the Town business, which
would be tolerably handsome, but the walls are rough, not white-
washed, or so much as plastered ; and ho furniture in it but a
table, some bad chairs, and altogether immoderately dirty."
The market cross was the business centre of the town, and was
surrounded by the merchants and others, who were continually
being disturbed and separated from each oth'er by the passage
of horses and carts. Opposite the cross was the coffee-house.
The room appeared, according to Burt, as if it had never been
cleaned since the building of the house, and in winter the peat
fire might have been covered with one's hands. The houses
were mostly built with their backs or gables to the street,
separated from one another by little closes and court-yards,
whence the inhabited portion was reached by a turnpike or
square stair. The ground floor was generally used as] a shop,
and had a door towards the street, but no connection with any
other part of the building. The houses were usually low, so as
to present less resistance to the wind which rushed down the
OLD INVERNESS. 161
glen in winter, and were all built of rubble, i.e., stones of different
shapes and sizes, compacted together, and harled over with
mortar. Window sashes and slated roofs were unknown in the
town before the Union, and in Burt's time the ceilings were
seldom plastered ; the bare planks serving for the ceiling of the
lower and the floor of the upper room. The partitions were
similar, and when the planks shrunk, the occupants of one room
could both see and hear what was going on in the next.
The foregoing applies principally to the better class houses in
town. The middle sort had generally a closed, wooden staircase
in front, with small, round, or oval holes, just big enough for a
man's head to pass through, bored in the roof. When anything
extraordinary occurred -in the street, out popped a number of
heads from these holes, producing the curious effect of a lot of
people in the pillory. The low part of the town was made up
of dirty wretched hovels, faced and covered with turf, and having
an inverted tub or basket with the end knocked out for a
chimney. The streets of the town were usually very dirty.
Burt relates an amusing anecdote in this connection. He says,
" I asked the Magistrates one day, when the dirt was almost
above one's shoes, why they suffered the town to be so exces-
sively dirty, and did not employ people to cleanse the street ?
The answer was " It will not be long before we have a shower."
The same writer also states that at that time, beef and mutton
sold in Inverness for about one penny per pound, salmon for
twopence, which was thought exorbitant, the former price per
pound being one penny; fowls, twopence or twopence halfpenny
each, and partridges one penny. The Invernessians of that
day were a canny race, as appears from the followiug extract
from Burt, who gives the story as " a notable instance of pre-
caution :" — " This is to buy everything that goes to the making
of a suit of clothes, even to the staytape and thread ; and
when they are to be delivered out, they are, all together, weighed
before the tailor's face. And when he brings home the suit,
it is again put into the scale with the shreds of every sort, and
it is expected the whole shall answer to the original weight."
It used to.be the custom in Burt's time for the Magistrates
to take the Lords of Justiciary, when visiting Inverness on
Circuit, to the Islands, where they were feasted with fresh
162 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
salmon, taken out of the cruives and boiled immediately on
the spot. He was told that " there was formerly a fine planted
Avenue from the town to this Island ; but one of the Magistrates,
in his solitary walk, being shot by a Highlander from behind the
trees, upon some clan quarrel, they were soon after cut down."
In 1740 the Magistrates advertised for (>a saddler to come and
settle in the town." In 1746 the Castle of Inverness was besieged
and taken by the army of Prince Charles, who blew it up before
leaving, in order to make it untenable by the Government troops.
It is said that the fuse which fired the train was rather long of
taking effect, and that the engineer approached to see what was
the matter with it, when the powder suddenly exploded, blowing
him and the fragments of the Castle into space together. His
body was blown right across the river, by the force of the explo-
sion, and fell upon the Green of Muirtown. It is said that a little
dog belonging to him was also blown over along with its master,
and alighted on the same spot unhurt !
The night before the Battle of Culloden, Prince Charles
slept in the town-house of Lady Drummuir, in Church Street.
While in Inverness, he completely charmed the inhabitants,
especially the fairer portion, by his amiable and gracious bear-
ing. After the blighting of the Stuart cause next day, the
" Royal Butcher " occupied the same house, and slept in the
same bed which had contained Prince Charles the night before.
The high-spirited Lady Drummuir, on being told by Cumber-
land that he intended lodging in the house, replied, with true
Highland warmth, "Very well, your cousin slept in that bed
last night, and you can sleep in it to-night." The house enjoyed
the distinction of being the only one in Inverness at the time
which had a reception room without a bed in it ! The English
officers held their mess in the old Commercial Hotel, then called
the Horns, which stood beside the old Town Hall, and was
demolished with that building three or four years ago. On the
Provost, a gentleman named Hossack, going to the Horns a day
or two after the battle, to expostulate with Cumberland about
the treatment of some of the ill-fated prisoners, the unfeeling
general ordered him, with an oath, to be kicked down stairs, a com-
mand which was promptly executed by the officious subordinates
who received it,
OLD INVERNESS. 163
The day after the Battle of Culloden, an incident occurred
in Inverness which very nearly caused a serious breach in the
Royal army. It was reported to Cumberland that a Highlander,
named Murdoch Macrae, had been employed as a spy by Prince
Charles. The victorious general, insatiable in his greed for
blood, immediately ordered the poor man to be hung upon an
apple tree which stood upon the Exchange, overshadowing
Clachnacudain. This inhuman order was carried out to the
letter, and not content with the poor wretch's death, the English
soldiery kept piercing his lifeless body with their bayonets, and
shouting, " Hack the Highland rascal into inches : his country-
men are all rebellious traitors like himself." These expressions
fired the Highland blood of some of the Argyleshire Campbells,
who, although in the Royal ranks, could not submit to be
gratuitously insulted, and, accordingly, were about to fight the
English soldiers. They were speedily joined by nearly all the
Scotch regiments in the army, and as the English soldiery came
to the aid of their countrymen, a bloody struggle was imminent,
and such a result was only prevented by the exertions of Cumber-
land himself, who arrived on the scene just as the hostile parties
were coming to close quarters. It is said that from that day the
apple tree ceased to bear fruit, and gradually withered away.
In this connection, " Nonagenarian " tells a curious anecdote
of the Rev. Mr Thompson, who was minister of Kirkhill in 1746.
On the 1 2th of April, in that year, a serjeant of the Prince's
army went to the manse, and ordered the minister to pray for
Prince Charles next Sunday, as the lawful King of Great Bri-
tain and Ireland. Mr Thompson, who was a staunch partisan
of the Government, replied, " I will pray for him and you as
fellow-sinners, but I will not pray for him as my Sovereign."
The serjeant drew his sword in a fury, and threatened to run
the minister through, unless he would do as he asked him,
upon which the undaunted divine said, "You may run me
through if you please ; my Master has suffered much more for
me." This somewhat quieted the irate serjeant, who said that if
he would not pray for the Prince next Sunday, they would
make a stable of his church. "Well, well," replied Mr Thomp-
son, "you may make a stable of it next Sabbath, but the
following one it will be the temple of the living God, who will
1 64 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
then be worshipped there without molestation." Next Sunday,
accordingly, being the I4th of April, the church was occupied by
the horses of the Highlanders, as the serjcant had threatened. On
the following Tuesday, the Battle of Culloden was fought, and
on Sunday, the 2ist of April, the pulpit was again occupied by
the minister, who conducted the ordinary services as usual.
The settlement of this gentleman in his parish in 1722, was a
most difficult task, and cannot be better described than in
" Nonagenarian's " own words : —
" The populace turned out en masse, the women under the
leadership of Muckle Kate Macphail, a person of masculine
stature, being particularly active. Having rilled the creels they
carried on their backs with stones, they commenced such an
attack upon Mr Thompson, that he precipitately retreated to
Inverness, closely followed by his persecutors, who kept up a
brisk running fire at him with stones from the church till he
reached King Street, near the Central School, a distance of
about eight miles. His appearance, on passing the Green of
Muirtown, was painfully ludicrous in the extreme. Mr Thomp-
son was a remarkably little man ; under his arm he carried what
was then termed a brown polonie, or greatcoat, a huge wig
reached half down his back, while his .broad skirted and long
flapped coat sorely oppressed and encumbered him, as, with his
cocked hat in one hand, and perspiring at every pore, he trotted
on ; a stone or two from his enraged pursuers, under their
generalissimo, Muckle Kate, ever and anon counselling him to
quicken his pace. The very children accompanied their mothers
and supplied ammunition for their creels, by picking up stones
and putting them into them. Such an exhibition attracted
numerous females to the doors of their cottages at the Green of
Muirtown, to whom he said as he ran by, ' Oh, women, is not
this hard ?' His brother being master gunner at the Castle, and
expecting the reverend gentleman would have to make a quick
retreat from Kirkhill, was looking from the Castle Hill in that
direction, and seeing his brother hard pressed by the foe, he sent
a few soldiers out to cover and make good his retreat ; and, at
sight of an t-arm dearg, or the 'red sodgers/ Muckle Kate and her
' irregulars ' in turn * faced about ' in double-quick time. A whole
year elapsed before Mr Thompson attempted again to appear at
the church of Kirkhill. In the meantime, the feelings of the
parishioners were softened down, and being an excellent man,
and as ' a continual dropping wears the rock/ so in process of
time the parishioners of Kirkhill became quite reconciled to his
ministrations, Muckle Kate, among others of her allies, being
indebted in after life to him for assistance."
OLD INVERNESS. 165
By Cumberland's orders, the streets of Inverness were
cleaned at the public expense for the first time, in 1746. Before
that year the sea frequently came up close to the town, and the
lands between the sea and the town were described in certain
contemporary documents as having been " a salt marsh." The
Lochgorm, or " Blue Loch," was partly formed by the salt water,
and partly by ineffective drainage. For many years there existed
along the upper and middle part of Academy Street, a large
ditch, called the Fossee or Foul Pool, from the accumulation of
refuse and garbage with which it was filled. Mr Alex. Ross,
architect, in a paper read before the Inverness Field Club two or
three years ago, gives some valuable information regarding the
old town. He mentions that Inverness at one time had five
gates, the East Gate at Petty Street, the Scatt Gate at the east
end of Rose Street, the gate erected at the top of Castle Street by
the Covenanters in 1644, and the Kaner and Rice or Ryke Gates
on the west side of the river. Mr Ross takes the Scatt Gate to have
reference to the Norwegian word scattt meaning a land tax, but Mr
Fraser-Mackintosh holds it to mean the Herring Gate, from the
number of that fish which were at one time caught in the Firth and
brought into the town through this port. The Rice or Ryke Gate
probably referred to the tax on fuel, and the Kaner Gate to that
on poultry.
Hats were almost unknown in Inverness, until Lord Pre-
sident Forbes generously presented one to each member of the
Town Council. Previous to that, the only gentlemen in town
who wore hats were the Sheriff, the Provost, and the minister of
the first charge. The Councillors greatly prized their hats, and
wore them only on Sundays and Council days, when their ap-
pearance caused quite a great sensation among the town's folk.
The first tradesman of Inverness who wore his hat daily was
Deacon Young of the weavers, and his appearance in the streets
caused crowds of people to follow him about. The audible and
not over-complimentary remarks which some of the younger per-
sons indulged in on these occasions caused great annoyance to
the poor deacon, who would turn round and testily exclaim,
" What do you see about me, sirs ? Am I not a mortal man like
yourselves?" This was about 1760, and in the same year the
first umbrella made its appearance in Inverness, being carried in
the Shoemakers' Procession on St Crispin's day.
1 66 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
At this period all public executions took place at Campfield,
then called the Gallovvs-muir. While Cumberland's army occu-
pied Inverness, a soldier named Shearfield murdered his wife,
with circumstances of extreme atrocity, in the Castle Wynd. He
was tried and sentenced to be hanged. A few days after the
execution, while his body was yet hanging, a Highlandman, from
the country, tried to pull off Shearfield's shoes, but failing in that,
he actually cut off the feet at the ancles, and decamped with both
feet and shoes. " Mac Ian Ruaidh," a noted Black Isle cateran,
was executed at Campfield. " Nonagenarian" relates an amusing
anecdote in connection with his execution. A few days after
the sentence had been carried out, a young man named Rose, a
son of one of the Bailies of the town, with a few other kindred
spirits, went during the night to the gibbet and took down the
freebooter's body. Bearing some ill-will to the Provost, they
carried the corpse to his door, and laid it there. It was discovered
in the morning, and the matter taken before the Town Council.
Somehow it became known that young Rose had the principal
part in the prank, and the Provost only refrained from taking
legal proceedings against him on his father promising to take it
well out of him with a stout stick when he was in bed. The
Bailie's wife, however, gave her son timely notice of what was in
store for him, and the wily youth accordingly ensconced himself
beneath the bedstead, having placed a good sized log of wood
beneath the blankets, and arranged it to resemble his own body
as near as possible. The Bailie on coming home took a good
jorum of ale to steady his nerves, and going up to his son's bed-
room with a stout staff in his hand, he commenced to belabour
what he took to be his son's body in a most vigorous manner.
The culprit, safely concealed beneath, emitted the most dismal
groans, and these at last ceased altogether. This sudden cessa-
tion rather frightened the Bailie, who began to think he had
gone too far, and descending the stairs in haste, he said to his
wife, " Woman, I fear yon foolish lad is no more." His fears
were not ended until Mrs Rose went up stairs to see her son,
and, on coming down, assured the remorseful parent that the
lad was not seriously injured.
H. R. M.
(To be continued.)
T O L Q U H O N.*
To ROBT. GARDEN, ESQ., NORTH YTHSIE, TARVES.
'Tis the Castle of Tolquhon,
Silent, ruined, ghostly, lone ;
Riven towers and crumbling walls.
Mouldy chambers, slimy halls,
Reft of windows, reft of doors,
Saplings growing on the floors,
Saplings on the toppling edges,
Saplings on the buttressed ledges ;
Weeds within and weeds without,
Weeds are everywhere about ;
While the rooks rejoicing caw
The inexorable law —
That Decay is lord of all,
Be it palace, hut, or hall ;
'Bove the gate quaint heraldries,
Carved by Art's rude devotees,
Here a warrior fierce and grim,
There a knight devoid of limb,
While a stone bereft of charms
Bears the owner's coat of arms,
And another, placed for fame,
Tells in language old his name, —
WThere the garden once had been,
Nettles rank are only seen,
Ne'er a pathway, ne'er a flower,
Points now to " my ladye's " bower,
But the rugged, ancient trees
Sigh and sway to every breeze,
As they did in times of old,
When fair dames and barons bold
Played and sang or danced and walked,
Or of future pleasures talked
In the hey-day of their being,
Love and hope their only seeing ;
Now the eye the lakelet scans,
Once the home of snow-white swans,
All o'ergrown with slimy weeds,
* Tolquhon (pronounced To-hon) lies about a couple of miles from the village of
Tarves, in Aberdeenshire. It was once the seat of the Forbeses of Tolquhon, a branch
of the great Clan Forbes. Sir Alexander Forbes of Tolquhon was one of the three fight-
ing colonels in the Scots army of Charles the Second, and is said to have rendered
important services at the Battle of Worcester, in 1651. The ruins are in a remarkably
good state of preservation, and present the appearance of once having been a place of
great beauty and strength.
M
1 68 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE
Intertwined with spiry reeds,
Which upon its bosom spread
As a covering of the dead. —
This the ruins of Tolquhon,
All of life and beauty gone.
What of those who lived and died
When the place was in its pride ?
When it rang with mirth and glee
Or high-sounding revelry,
When fair maidens skipped and danced
Or with lovers gaily pranced ;
Where the barons ? Where the dames ?
What their story ? What their names ?
Answer me ye crumbling stones,
Tell me even where their bones ?
But the drooping grasses wave,
Answering — The grave ! The grave !
All to nothingness consigned,
Leaving nothingness behind.
Yet in Fancy's sportive train
Men and women live again ;
Here of old the armed knight
Proud of his ancestral might,
O'er the courtyard clanking strides,
And to battle forthward rides,
Followed by a warrior band,
Spear or sword in every hand ;
Ere his home is lost to view,
See ! he waves his last adieu !
While upon the tower high
Stands his dame with anxious eye,
Weeping as the cavalcade
Disappears by Ythsie's glade ;
Then, in sorrow and despair,
Softly falls her anguished prayer :
" Lord of All ! in Heaven above,
Send him back to home and love ! "
And her lovely daughter then
Clasps her hands, and sighs Amen !
Now night's sombre shadows fall,
All is silent in the hall,
All is hushed in Haddo woods
And the Ythan solitudes,
Save some distant watch-dog's howl,
Or a staghound's angry growl,
Or a night-bird's eerie cry
Rising far and fitfully.
Is the gate securely barred ?
TOLQUHON. 169
Is the warder keeping guard ?
Ah ! a traitor's watch he keeps ,
See ! the scullion soundly sleeps,
While a wild, barbarian band,
From the western mountain land,
Comes to harry keep and tower
In the silent midnight hour.
Hark ! a thundering at the gate,
Warder, wake ! It is too late ;
•Loud their blows and savage cries,
Louder yet their yells arise,
See ! the iron bolts are bending,
See ! the oaken timbers rending,
While, above the outward din,
Helpless women shriek within.
Where the arms to help them now ?
Where the men with spear and bow ?
Where Fair Haddo's Fighting Knight ?*
Where his Methlic men of might ?
Where his sturdy Tarves yeomen,
And Formartine's dauntless bowmen ?
All to battle forth have gone,
Fighting for King Charles' throne,
None, alas ! are nigh at hand,
To repel the plundering band ;
None, alas ! are nigh to save,
Rank and Beauty from the grave ;
Now the rude and kilted horde,
Armed with thirsty dirk and sword,
Burst the gate with mighty push
And across the courtyard rush,
While a swift-descending blow,
Lays the faithless warder low ;
Then concentred is their powers,
'Gainst the door between the towers,
Soon the bolts and hinges yield,
To the battering beam they wield,
O'er the fragments rushing in,
Then the murderous scenes begin ;
Vain, Oh ! vain, the women cry,
* The knight alluded to here was the daring and chivalrous warrior, Sir John
Gordon of Haddo, ancestor of the present Lord Aberdeen. He was second in com-
mand to the Marquis of Huntly in the forces raised against the Covenanters. In the
Battle of Turriff — known as " The Trot o' Turrie "— he behaved with great courage.
Inspired by his ardour, the Gordons were victorious in this fight, which was distin-
guished as being the first occasion on which blood was shed in the civil wars. He
was captured by the Marquis of Argyll, then in command of the forces appointed to
quell the insurrection, and sent to Edinburgh, where he was imprisoned in a portion
of the Cathedral of St Giles ; in consequence of this it was called "Haddo's Hole."
He was afterwards beheaded at the Cross of Edinburgh.
1 70 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Night's dark echoes give reply,
Vain they hide in nook and room,
To escape their nearing doom ;
Soon the weak, affrighted maids,
Fall beneath the ruthless blades,
And the blood from bosoms fair,
Trickles down each stony stair,
While the loud, convulsive breath,
Truly tells the grasp of death ;
Calm amid the scene of slaughter,
Stands the lady and her daughter,
By despair and frenzy filled,
By o'erpowering horror stilled,
Like the ghosts of those who lay
Bleeding wrecks of lifeless clay j
What avails their garb of night,
Or their faces yet more white ?
What avails their fearful eyes
Or their silent agonies ?
Naught ! Oh, naught ! The reeking dirk
Soon completes the awful work ;
By their torches' lurid glare
Hall and room are pillaged bare,
Store and stable, chest and bed,
Everything is plundered,
Death and ruin now elate,
And Tolquhon made desolate.
Then the spoil-encumbered horde
Seek the paths for Ury's Ford,
O'er the valley, o'er the lea,
Past high -towering Benachie.
Ere the sun is westward lost
Don's far fords they safely crossed,
And when rose the evening star,
Reached the wilds of Lochnagar.
Home from Worcester's fatal day,*
Wounded in that fateful fray,
Came the knight to his domain
With the remnant of his train,
Gloomy and dejected now,
Ne'er a laurel on his brow ;
In a summer evening's hours,
Slowly passing Uclny's towers,
Steed aweary, rider ill,
"' Sir Alexander Forbes of Tolquhon with his troopers rendered signal service on
that day. The Scots army was totally overthro\vn, upwards of fourteen thousand
being killed. Cromwell styles it— "As stiff a contest as ever I have seen." The
battle was fought on the 3rd September 1651— the anniversary of that at Dunbar in
the previous year, where Cromwell routed the Scots under Lesley.
TOLQUHON. 171
Trudged across the wooded hill,
While beyond Tolquhon appeared
And his drooping heart was cheered ;
Thoughts of welcome in his breast,
Thoughts of coming peace and rest,
Pleasures old and dearly sweet
Surely his return would greet.
As he passed some children by,
Oft he fell a-wondering why
Every little eye seemed sad,
And no smile their faces had.
Women at each cottage dcor
Seemed as they ne'er seemed before,
Silently they on him gazed,
But nor voice nor shout was raised ;
Suddenly, forebodings dire
Filled him with suspicion's fire ;
Heedless though his wound should bleed,
Eagerly he spurred his steed ;
O'er the ground he forward flew,
As if home again he knew ;
Through the wood, and by the lake,
Onward for his master's sake,
Halting not till at the gate
Lying in its shivered state ;
From his horse he quickly leapt,
Then across the court-yard stept.
All was hushed, no loving voice
Bade his sinking soul rejoice ;
Like a nest of beauty shorn,
All lay scattered, wrecked, and torn ;
In the chambers, in the hall,
Stains of blood on every wall,
Stains of blood on every floor,
Stains of blood on every door,
Through each room he madly sped,
Crying loudly for the dead ;
Crying ! crying ! none replied,
Death alone an answer sighed.
Faint and bleeding from his wound,
On the narrow stair he swooned ;
Gasping, reeling, down he fell,
Stricken by the fearful spell,
Dying on night's turning tide,
Where his wife and daughter died ;
Ere the blushing break of day,
Cold and stiff the warrior lay,
At the door his faithful horse,
Stood beside his silent corse,
i72 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Wondering why his master slept,
Neighing as his watch he kept,
Till some toiling passers by,
Heard and wondered at the cry,
And though filled with ghostly fear,
Cautiously they ventured near ;
Then Tolquhon's dead knight was found,
Lifeless on the stony ground.
In the little church-yard green,
Which on Tarves' hill is seen,
There they laid him down to rest,
'Mid the dust he loved the best.
Fancy's pictures now have fled,
Lo ! the sun has westward sped,
Gloaming's deepening shadows fall,
Over tower and crumbling wall,
Through the hoary, ancient trees,
Sadly moans the evening breeze,
Sweetly in the leafy dells
Birds pour forth their day farewells,
While the young moon gleams afar
Like a golden scimitar ;
From the ruins now I part
With a melancholy heart,
And within the farm-house nigh*
Think on olden chivalry,
And the days when sturt and strife
Served to make a noble life ;
Strange ! the farmer's daughter there,
To the stranger will declare —
That she oft has seen at night
Beings three, arrayed in white,
Slowly gliding thro' the grounds,
Making not the faintest sounds
Till they pass the courtyard o'er,
When they vanish thro' the door ;
Then one long, unearthly moan
Breaks the silence of Tolquhon.
Sunderland. WM. ALLAN.
MR CHARLES FRASER-MACKINTOSH, M.P. for the Inverness District of Burghs,
has declared his intention of contesting the County of Inverness at the next General
Election.
* The farm adjoining Tolquhon is in possession of my friend, R. Garden, Esq.
At his invitation I spent a couple of days in exploring the country around — Haddo
House with its beautiful surroundings ; Methlic and the lovely Vale of Ythan ; the
Braes o' Gight with the castle perched on the cliff, once the home of Byron's mother ;
the bonnie toon o' Tarves pleasantly situated on a hill ; and the ruins of Tolquhon —
the latter affording food for reflection and rhyme.
173
MAJOR JOHN MACDONALD.
SELECTIONS FROM HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY.
III.
THE Sergeant was now to appear in a new role — that of thief-
catcher. The famous David Gauld was in the midst of his daring
career in Braemar, and the authorities finding the civil power
unable to cope with him, applied for military assistance ; but
Macdonald must be allowed to relate his adventures himself.
"In February 1755, the Captain had a warrant from the
Lord Justice-Clerk to apprehend David Gauld, alias Auchlonie,
reputed a notorious thief and robber in the neighbourhood, sent
for me, and after reading the warrant, said, Macdonald, you must
take this man. I made no difficulty, if there was a trusty guide
to direct, as I did not know him, nor where he lived, though I
had heard of such a man as being a favourite with the Mackenzies
of Dalmore. The Captain observing this to be the first thing of
the kind that came his way, he would not for any consideration
but the fellow should be apprehended without giving his Lord-
ship any further trouble. Therefore he trusted to my sagacity to
supply the want of a guide, being pointed out in the warrant, and
my vigilance in executing it, for which service I might depend on
his remembering me in due time. Next morning having got a
pass, fowling-piece, powder, and shot, I set out under pretence of
shooting white hares for the skins' sake. Thus I continued,
stretching from glen to glen, seven days, in the worst weather of
all that year, and as wild a country as can well be conceived. I
returned home, and finding the Captain rather impatient, set off
again next morning ; but the weather being tempestuous took a
grenadier with me, who was a good marksman, still keeping up the
farce of shooting white hares. The second day after, I wrote to
the Captain for a Corporal and five picked men, who joined me
at nine o'clock that evening at Mr Stewart's, a little above Aber-
geldie. I was now obliged to form a story of three men having
deserted from Corpach, in order to engage the party to pursue
them instantly, which being agreed to cheerfully, the difficulty of
a guide through eight miles of dreadful mountains was removed
by Mr Stewart allowing me hire his servant lad to Spittall in
Glenmuick, where I alleged the deserters would be probably found
that night. Accordingly we set out; the guide was seldom called
to the front, as we found that post fit for men only, the snow
being so deep, and the heath so high, that it took every step
174 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
to the fork ; but to make short, we invested the house of Spittall,
belonging to Mr Lewis Mackenzie, took the prisoner, and arrived
at Braemar Castle next evening, where I found my Captain not
only well pleased, but much diverted at the farce of white hares,
which I was obliged to diversify in order to obtain the intelligence
necessary for rinding the thief, as I durst not communicate my
real design to any person lest it transpired, and he leave the
country or conceal himself. On the 1st of April 1755, the grena-
diers being relieved, marched for Aberdeen, and I had charge
of David Gauld, till I delivered him there to the gaol."
Captain Macdowall having got leave of absence, the Com-
pany was left in charge of the Lieutenant, with whom Macdonald
could not get on very well, and he became unpopular with his
comrades, and, insisting on maintaining his authority, he was the
means of a court-martial being held on one of his companions.
" The regiment being reviewed, my Captain got leave of
absence, and ordered the paymaster to give me the Company's
money as I called for it. This brought on me the displeasure of
the Lieutenant who commanded it. Indeed, my patience was so
much exercised by that gentleman, that I begged he would give
the halbert to whom he pleased, and allow me peacefully serve
as a private. This happened at Banff where the Company then
quartered. My officer making no secret of his displeasure, the
most licentious of the men availing themselves of the officers'
countenance took unusual freedom with me. This is always the
case when they find an inferior in disgrace with a superior, but I
was determined to be sergeant altogether or not at all, therefore
maintaining dignity with proper spirit, I was forced to bring
more to punishment than could have happened had my authority
been supported as it ought. Partly from the same cause pro-
ceeded the last national quarrel I had in this respectable corps,
which I beg leave to mention here as the proper place, viz., being
sergeant of the guard, a public-house keeper complained that one
of the grenadiers came drunk to his house and was abusing him
and his family very ill. I went with the man, turned out the
grenadier, ordered him to his quarters, threatening to confine him
if he went anywhere else, or committed any more disorder. I
hardly got to the guard when the publican came again begging
my protection, as the grenadier had returned and was beating
his people, and breaking everything he could come at. I
brought him instantly to the guard ; there he exclaimed in an
audible voice what a hardship, and how ridiculous to hear tell,
that a true-born Englishman should be beat, kicked, and im-
prisoned by the worst of Scots rebels, a Highland savage. This
might have been borne if he had not made such a noise, with
MAJOR JOHN MACDONALD. 175
repetitions of such approbrious language as brought a mob about
the guard-house. I then ordered him to the black hole under the
guard-room. He then extending his voice, I had no alternative
but to gag him, which had the designed effect of silence. Next
morning I found him sulky and determined to complain of ill-
usage, but instead of giving that opportunity, I left him in the
guard-house with a stout crime. This produced a court-martial,
of which the majority were Englishmen. I prosecuted him, and
he pleaded that I beat and kicked him to the guard-house and
put him in the black hole, and there gagged and maltreated him
in the most cruel manner, besides saying in an imperious tone
that he would find me as capable of commanding that guard as
any English sergeant in the regiment. This was his great gun,
and I owned to have said so when highly provoked by his inces-
sant clamour against me and my country, and as to ill-usage, I
hoped the Court would allow my being forced to it, or shamefully
abandon the command of my guard. The Court told him
jocularly that I seemed to prove the assertion, and ordered him
five hundred lashes, of which the commanding-officer so far ap-
proved that he ordered them to be well laid on. He could stand
no more than three hundred at the first bout, and I begged off
the other two hundred. This extinguished national reflection
with respect to me, and confirmed my authority with the men ;
but possessing their money kept me still in hot water. In
October the Company marched to Peterhead, and I was called by
my Captain to Aberdeen to settle with him, as he had further
leave of absence. When I came there I found orders for the
regiment to march to the West Highland forts, and my com-
mander at Peterhead was appointed Captain-Lieutenant. I
brought this news home, and he was pleased to compliment me
on my address and good management of the Company, promising
future friendship, in which I found him very sincere."
Sergeant Macdonald now got a furlough, which he had well
earned, and he visited his friends and relations in Sutherland-
shire.
" From Fort-William I got a furlough in February 1756, and
had a sincere welcome at my dear uncle's, Mr Hugh, where Mrs
Sutherland and my young cousins made me extremely happy,
whenever I appeared in that most hospitable house, from visiting
my other friends and relations, among whom I went to see
Alexander Macdonald, alias M'Tormaid, with whom I had left
my effects when I engaged in the army. This poor man observed,
justly, that he was frail in person and substance from what I had
seen him, and if I brought him to account, as was alleged, he and
his family would be reduced to begging. I desired him meet me
i;6 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
at the minister's two days after, with all papers relative to my
affairs. He met accordingly, and all papers on both sides being
put into Mr Sutherland's hands, I asked Macdonald if he would
choose them to be burnt, as I freely forgave all claims for what
passed. This was readily agreed to, and the poor man went home
thankful, with comfortable news to his family. I beg leave to
observe, that when on half-pay I gave this man a trifle yearly to
support him ; but he himself was the only person of his family
worthy of such attention. They had sufficient to answer his
funeral expenses, but they threw that on me because I ordered it
to be decent."
The Sergeant now became ambitious, and anxious to ob-
tain a commission. What steps he took to secure this, and
with what success, we will allow himself to tell.
"Next summer, 1756, the Grenadiers marched to Inverness,
and Macdowall being promoted, Captain Masline got that com-
pany. Though I did not depend on my interest with him, I was
obliged to try his goodwill soon. In September I had a letter
from my uncle, Mr Hugh, with one enclosed for the Earl of
Sutherland. My own informed me that he had spoken to his
lordship in my favour, and his lordship would be at Cradlehall
next night, and desired to see me with a character from my
officers in writing. My principal friend Macdowall being absent,
I went directly to Captain Masline and gave him my uncle's
letter. After reading it, he asked me what I would have him do.
I told him that, next to Major Macdowall, he knew my behaviour
the best of any officer in the regiment, therefore begged he would
do what he thought proper, as he was a very good judge whether
I merited a favourable recommendation or not, and begged him
to be determined as I had no time to lose in waiting on his lord-
ship, or dropping the cause altogether. He said that his opinion
of me was such as made him assure me once for all that nothing
in his power should be wanting to forward my interest, and
therefore if I thought his application to Colonel Leighton better
than my own he would wait on him immediately, which being
done, and the Colonel pleading no personal acquaintance with
me, the Captain got a furlough from him, with which, and the
following certificate, I waited on his lordship and had a humane
reception, with promise of his future patronage : — ' This certificate
in favour of Sergeant Macdonald, of Colonel Leighton's regiment,
at his friend's desire and his own, is most cheerfully signed by
his present Captain, who has been for over sixteen years an eye
witness of his sobriety, courage, and honesty. He has been
seventeen years in the regiment, and behaved to the satisfaction
of his officers at the four battles during the last war, was twice
MAJOR JOHN MACDONALD. 177
wounded at that of Fontenoy, and notwithstanding turned out
volunteer, when the late Lord Crawford called for a platoon to
cover the retreat of his troop of Life Guards. As this is due to
his behaviour, it is wished it may prove beneficial to his interest.
A true copy. (Signed), John Masline, Captain, 32nd Regiment.'
With this I waited on his lordship, and had a promise of his
future patronage. The latter end of this season I was ordered to
recruit in the North with Captain (now Colonel) Ross. Here I
had not only the good fortune to please the Captain but became
such a favourite with his father, David Ross of Inverchasly, that
he interceded with the Hon. Captain Mackay of Skibo, then a
member of Parliament, to get me a commission. Mr Mackay
said that being so long in the army, from whence my pretensions
sprung, my own officers should recommend me, and if that was
warm, there remained little difficulty in getting me a commission."
But Macdonald did not succeed in getting a commission
until three years afterwards, and then only got an Ensigncy in a
regiment of volunteers raised by the Earl of Sutherland. He,
however, never lost heart, and promotion came, slow but sure, at
last.
" Inverchasly took it for granted that if I got a sufficient char-
acter from my own officers, he and another gentleman in the
neighbourhood would prevail with the member to get me ad-
vanced. Had they been equally keen, that might have hap-
pened. Next year Colonel Webb sent me word to recruit at my
own hand, that is, without a superior. I waited on Inverchasly,
and he, in great earnest, insisting on my getting the recommend-
ation mentioned by Mr Mackay, I wrote to Major Macdowall
that a friend had interceded with Mr Mackay to recommend me
for a commission, that Mr Mackay said a character from my
officers was requisite, therefore begged he would be pleased to
give me such as he thought proper, which would determine me
to drop such ideas altogether or pursue it with all the interest I
could make. In course of post I received three letters from the
Major. One for myself, concerning that for Mr Mackay, which
was closed, as being an acquaintance. This might look like a
favourable circumstance, although it produced nothing. The
other letter was open, and I was to close and direct it, and it was
composed in the following words : —
" INVERNESS, I9th October 1757. — SIR, — I have a letter from
Sergeant Macdonald, who writes me that you have applied to Mr
Mackay to recommend him for a commission. I had an oppor-
tunity to know him all the last war; he always behaved well. As
he was long my Sergeant when I had the Grenadiers, made me
178 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
know him better than the rest of the officers. I wrote Mr Mackay
in his favour, and hope he will recommend him, as in my opinion
he is a very good man, knows his duty well, and a very proper
man to be advanced ; and what is done for him will greatly
oblige, Sir, yours, &c. (Signed), William Macdowall."
"Without closing or directing it, I went to Inverchasly. He
approved much of my confidence in him, and desired me close and
direct it for the other gentleman, whose good offices I depended
much on. This is done, and I gave him likewise Mr Mackay's,
but never had a direct answer.
"In 1758, Macdowall purchased the Lieutenant-Colonelcy,
and Seton the Majority. They were my friends, and with Cap-
tain Masline did all in their power to get me advanced, but
nothing took place till 1759, when the Earl of Sutherland got
the raising of a battalion to serve in Britain during the war. The
commissions had no exceptions in them, but by a previous agree-
ment the officers had no title to half-pay or any other reward for
their services. His Lordship promised me a lieutenancy in this
corps, but at filling up the commissions the Duke of Argyle
would allow me no more than an ensigncy, which my friends of
the 32nd advised me to accept, as his Lordship gave reason to
believe that he meant to get me into an established corps when
his own was reduced. In consequence of this ensigncy, I ap-
peared at Dornoch in kilt on the 3Oth November 1759, after being
twenty years and three months in breeches, long cloak, and
spatterdashes, etc., and no man in that corps used the native
dress more than I did, notwithstanding my being early and late
teaching the men, while drilling was necessary, but the trouble
was uncommonly short, the men as well as officers striving who
should exercise or perform any part of duty best, by which they
soon became, not only an honour to their teacher, but to discip-
line itself. And I was exceedingly happy with them, and so far
in his Lordship's favour, that he made strong application with
the Secretary of War for my removal to an established corps.
In May 1762 he joined at Aberdeen, and acquainted me that Mr
Townshend, the Secretary, had assured him of a lieutenancy for
me in a few weeks. The regiment marched to Edinburgh and
made an excellent review.
" In August his Lordship went North. All parties seemed
now tired of the war, and I longing for a bit of sure bread wrote
to his Lordship for leave to go to London, which I got in course,
with a letter to the Secretary, and went with the Hon. Captain
Perigrine Early, in the Dispatch Sloop of War, to Sheerness,
from thence to Gravesend, and dressing myself in my Highland
regimentals waited on Colonel Barre at Chatham. The Colonel
did not choose to intercede for me, and seemed certain of my
MAJOR JOHN MACDONALD. 179
being disappointed. However, as he was well acquainted with
the ceremonies of that department his hints were of great use
to me, in course of the eleven weeks that I attended the Secretary
at the office as constant as his shadow, and I managed matters so
with his attendants that I never missed audience at his levee. In
short he was so tired of me that he began to think seriously of
giving me something in order to be rid of my trouble. I always
appeared in my full Highland dress — that is a bonnet with a
large bunch of feathers, great kilt, broadsword, pistol, dirk, large
badger skin purse, and a pair of locks as big as besoms, with an
amazing strut, to set the whole off in the most marvellous manner,
and though this was in a great measure forced work, I found my
account in it ; but 'tis too tedious to explain how.
" The guns fired in the Park at one o'clock in the morning
for the preliminaries of peace being signed, this could not add to
my diligence, but it augumented my concern. I attended at the
War Office as usual, and the Secretary's patience being worn
out, ordered his first clerk to set me down Ensign to Major
Johnson's corps, or the loist. I paraded his promise to the Earl
of Sutherland of a lieutenancy ; he in seeming friendship desired
me take this in the meantime, and when a lieutenancy appeared
vacant I should have it, perhaps to-morrow or next day. I
answered that there were two vacant in that same corps ; he
observed that I was very intelligent, but that these two were pro-
mised. I found him now so far disposed to be rid of me that I
had no doubt of getting the ensigncy, therefore with a little
unusual freedom told him that the army looking on the Secre-
tary of War as their common father, expected that he looking on
them as his family would reward merit and long services liberally;
instead of this old servants were glad to get anything, when
every youth who had never served an hour, but had a friend in
favour with the man in office, could get what commission they
pleased, that I did not doubt but these lieutenancies would be
disposed of in this manner, and therefore hoped he would pardon
my disclosing my indignation at being put off with the lowest
pittance given to any officer under his Majesty after twenty-four
years constant service, a broken constitution, and a body hacked
with wounds. He then, as if surprised, asked if I had been in
any other than the present Sutherland regiment. I answered
that I was upwards of twenty years in the 32nd in the whole of
the last war, and in all the battles, and often wounded, which I
could prove by general officers then in town. He then expressed
his concern that he had not known this sooner. I observed that
the Earl could not miss informing him of my services, as it was
his Lordship's only argument for demanding such a commission
for me. He then, with great grace said that he had no notion of
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putting an old servant off with a trifle, and calling to the clerk
ordered him to set me down Lieutenant to the loist. This pro-
duced my best bows, scrapes, and acknowledgments of his good-
ness. Still, if I had not been attentive I have occasion to believe
that I had got nothing. At least, this is certain, that the second
day after stalking about the War Office, and going into a particu-
lar room, the same clerk who set me down as a lieutenant asked
what I expected, and when I answered a lieutenancy, he said,
" In Crawford's ?" I replied, no, sir; Mr Townshend ordered you
to set me down to Johnson's. This ignorance, whether pretended
or not, made me uneasy, and still troublesome, till I found my
name notified. Then your humble servant was an officer ; and
here I beg leave to confute, what was firmly alleged by a gentle-
man, and afterwards repeated and believed by many, that I had
drawn my dirk on the Secretary in the levee room, and pent him
up in a corner till I forced him to promise me a lieutenancy.
Was I capable of such a desperate action, it would appear unneces-
sary at this time, having a memorial prepared, and one of the
Lords-in-Waiting engaged to deliver it to his Majesty, in case my
success at the War Office did not answer my expectations. Mean-
time, my commission being expected, I joined the loist at Perth
in January 1763, and on the 3Oth of March following was re-
duced with that corps. I went home to my native country, but
was too late to get a farm that year. My uncle, Mr Hugh, and
Mrs Sutherland insisted on my living with them at least until
their sons came home — both being in the Queen's Highland
Regiment in Ireland, which being likewise reduced, they soon
arrived, and I was not allowed to think of quitting the family till
I got a place of my own. There I lived with my family fifteen
months, I may well say the happiest of my life, being esteemed
as the eldest son or brother, and my wife as the only daughter
or sister, by one of the most decent and sensible women existing,
and three near relations of consummate sense and liberal educa-
tion.
(To be continued.)
THE ORIGIN OF CERTAIN CLAN NAMES.
To THE EDITOR OF THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
SIR, — In Cough's "Camden" (London, 1806) it is stated that in the parish of
Duthil, in Strathspey, "there is a small grove of trees held in such veneration that
nobody will cut a branch out of it."
This wood was undoubtedly sacred to Grian, from whom not only the Grampians
derived their name, anciently Granzebene (Grian's hills), but also the Clan Grant,
although there are still some who consider the laltei a Norman name.
THE ORIGIN OF CERTAIN CLAN NAMES. 181
Can any of your readers inform me whether that wood is still held in such
respect ?
The Erasers have also been supposed to be of Norman origin ; and a few years
ago a foolish member of the clan in Lower Canada added " Berri " to his name —
"Fraser de Berri" — as if the name of Fraser could be improved by any foreign
addition; besides which, the fable of the arms having been granted in 916 by the King
of France to a noble named Berri is absurd, as arms were not worn until long after that
date; and when the Frasers adopted their arms they undoubtedly chose punning
arms, which was done even by kings, as witness the arms of Spain : castles and lions
for Castile and Leon, and a pomegranate for Granada.
Neither are they descended from the Frezeans, or Frezels de la Frezeliere. Bur-
ton was in error in throwing discredit upon the antiquity of this family, for Moreri
shows there were Chevaliers Frezel in 1030, and both the Marquis Frezeldeler Fre-
zeliere and Simon Lord Lovat, the last of the martyrs, undoubtedly believed in their
common origin, for the Scotch name is written Frisel and Freshele, as well as Fraser,
in Ragman Roll (1292-1297), one of them being then Lord Chancellor, and another
Grand Chamberlain and brother-in-law of King Robert Bruce. But probably neither
the Marquis nor Lovat understood old French, or Romance, in which language
"fraysse" signifies not a strawberry, but an "ash tree," and the Marquis's title was
Ash of the Place of Ash Trees, or Ash of the Ash Wood ; and I believe Logan was
right in calling the Clan Friosal the Frith Siol or Forest Clan, for although it may be
said this could hardly be a distinctive name, as the country was then well-wooded,
still there may have been a particular wood or forest, separated perhaps by barren
moors, or even cultivated lands, from the surrounding country.
It was a strange fancy of the Senachies to endeavour to find foreign origins for
the principal old Scottish families, as if it were not nobler far to be Scotsmen
ab origine.
Perhaps no families in Europe are older than the Clann Diarmaid O'Duine or
Campbells, who were petty kings or lords of Argyle in A.D. 420, and may have ar-
rived there as early as 258, and who were, I believe, descended from a Druid priest
who adopted the name of the god he served, as was the custom not only of the
British Druids but also of the priests of Egypt and Delphi.
Diarmaid was another form of Grian, the Celtic Apollo, or Grannus, as he was
called by the Romans, on the altar to Apollo Granno discovered at Musselburgh.
From time immemorial the race of Diarmaid have been known also as O'Duine
and Campbell, and as a leader of the Gauls B.C. 279, bore the latter name (Cam-
baules), is it very wild to suggest that he may have been of the same family? The
relations between Britain and the Continent in those days must have been more inti-
mate than we have any idea of, for Csesar tells us (B.C. 56) that the Gauls were ac-
customed to send their children to England for their education.
The name Cambel, without a de, showing that it was not a local name, appears
in a charter of the year 1266, but Ossian, who was living one thousand years before
(A.D. 286), says — " I have seen dermit doone," and why may not the third name be
as old as the two others, and if so, the Cambauls may have been a family five hundred
years old even in Ossian's time, and yet the Senachies bring them down to about the
eleventh century, and call them de Campo Bellas !
Toronto. B. H. D.
182 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
THE HOMOLOGY OF ECONOMIC JbSTICE: An Essay by an East India
Merchant, showing that Political Economy is Sophistry, and Landlordism
Usurpation and Illegality. London : Kegan Paul, Trench, & Co. 1884.
A LATE eminent economist is reported to have said that it would
be a long time before the last word had been written on the sub-
ject of political economy. Like the science of language it par-
takes of a two-fold character, due to its relations to mental
phenomena on the one side, and to physical or material pheno-
mena on the other. Such questions as these have recently been
put — Can it ever become a science with unimpeachable conclu-
sions ? Are its leading principles so fixed, and outside the region
of discussion, that a man may feel, in studying it, that he is
treading on firm ground ? To the latter question the late Pro-
fessor Jevons, whose fresh and independent treatment of the
science has as yet had bare recognition, gave a negative reply in his
trenchant attacks oh some of the economic doctrines of the school
of Ricardo and Mill. The work now under review is a successful
attempt towards clearing the science of many misconceptions and
ambiguities that have been traditionally received as sound doc-
trine, because maintained by the authorities in economics. The
author, while subjecting these views to a rigorous analysis, has
gone to an earlier authority, " the incomparable Aristotle" (as,
with a disciple's fondness, he calls him), whose sway over the
world of mind is perhaps without parallel in the history of the
world, and i.s apt to be somewhat ignored, in the hey-day of
modern scientific swagger. Nor does the author undervalue the
economic contributions of David Hume, who, take him all in all,
is our greatest Scotch philosopher, and whose language in his
Essay on Commerce, on the dependence of a state for its
greatness and happiness on the operations of Commerce, might
be said to give the key-note to the " Homology." The work
is evidently the outcome of long and deep reflection after a
close study of the greatest works bearing on the subject and the
related sciences. A mere enumeration of the names of authors,
quoted and referred to, from Newton to Buckle, from Montesquieu
to Bastiat, and from Locke to Stuart Mill, to mention no others,
THE HOMOLOGY OF ECONOMIC JUSTICE. 183
would establish the eclectic character of the work, which empha-
tically declines to range itself under any particular school of
economics.
The title of the work is somewhat startling ; but it is well
calculated to attract attention to its subject matter, which is, just
now, of urgent importance. " Homology" is a term of mathe-
matical reference, and denotes a closer and stricter mode of rela-
tion (viz. — that of ratio and proportion), than is involved in the
allied term of analogy. "The sophistry of Political Economy"
must, of course, be held to relate to the hitherto received opinions,
and does not imply that a Political Economy on a rational basis
is unattainable. "The illegality of Landlordism" is an expres-
sion, no doubt, used from the point of view of Divine law, since
the system is, as a matter of fact, legalised in nearly all existing
cefosmunities, from the side of human law.
It is here proposed to give an analysis of the work, showing
occasionally the points on which the author differs from the
hitherto accepted authorities, and where he agrees with the con-
clusions of other independent investigators, leaving many parts
of the subject on which the whole elucidation is due to himself.
A very logical and convenient arrangement divides the treatise
into four parts — I. Considerations on Land Nationalisation ; II.
Discussion of the Errors of Political Economists; III. What is
Political Economy ? and IV. on " Unproductive Labourers." At
first sight it may appear that the subject of the third chapter
should have been taken up first ; but the order of treatment is
justified on the ground of the propriety of clearing out of the
way those incumbrances with which successive economists have
improperly loadecj the science, previous to undertaking the
arduous task of determining the proper province of the science
itself — a matter on which many conflicting opinions have prevailed.
The main object of the Essay appears to be two-fold, com-
prising (i) a solution of the question as to the abolition of land-
lordism ; and (2) a statement of the proper objects and scope of
political economy, with an exposure of the errors prevalent
among the orthodox and university-taught economists, especially
as to (a) the attribution of an economical value to the powers of
nature, and (ft) the supposition that rent is a necessary attribute
of land.
N
1 84 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
The first chapter sets forth the design of the author in seek-
ing for a higher sanction to the principles he maintains than are
to be found in the works of the professed economists. Applying
to the Land Question, in its most comprehensive sense, the prin-
ciple of freedom and the moral law, to the violation of which
nearly all human evils are traceable, an inquiry is instituted in
order to discover whether there is not some " fundamental law "
in the economy of nature intended for the regulation of land. It
is observed that the variety of, and discordances in, the land-laws
of the various countries of the world zxz prima facie evidence that
there has either been an insurmountable difficulty in ascertaining
what is the just and reasonable way of dealing with land, which
might be, and ought to be applied everywhere, or that some
antagonistic elements in human nature, through perverse develop-
ment, have thwarted the Divine intention in regard to the land.
A protest is entered that human society ought not to be regarded
(as it is by the economists), as a mere congeries of beings bound
together only by physical relations. The moral element — the
distinctive glory of man — must have its full weight in any well-
considered view of the functions of a community. There now
emerges what the Germans would call the ground-idea of the
work, that economical phenomena rest on a moral basis, and are
not simply the outcome of material forces, as the economists would
make men believe. The author maintains, with great force and
earnestness, that no true economic conclusion can be reached while
a large part of man's nature is deliberately kept out of sight, being
a virtual exclusion from the field of social economics, of the senti-
ments and impulses that have to do with justice, virtue, and happi-
ness, which Aristotle rightly declared to be " the ultimate end of
human action." After a pertinent criticism of the expression,
"Nationalisation of the Land," which is shown to be an illogical
combination, the proposals of Dr A. R. Wallace and Mr Henry
George are passed under review, most attention being given to
the former. Dr Wallace's gigantic scheme for the valuation of
all the ground in the kingdom, including every site and all min-
ing property, is characterised as " a violent and vexatious inter-
ference with vested rights of the most intricate and extensive
nature," although, on certainly a comparatively small scale, this
has been done, under legislative enactment, in the case of land re-
THE HOMOLOGY OF ECONOMIC JUSTICE. 185
quired for railways and other public purposes. His proposal to
grant terminable annuities, as compensation to present landlords,
is also condemned, as not giving a fair equivalent to bona-fide
possessors, whose unborn posterity have rights, to ignore which
would conflict with our sense of justice. The author approves of
Dr Wallace's condemnation of the landlord and tenant system;
and he recommends the issue of an edict declaring that " after
seven years, or at the expiry of all existing leases, it shall be un-
lawful for all owners of lands, mines, lakes, and rivers to lend
them out on rent; but that they shall be free to work them as in-
dustries, and to appropriate to the utmost of their power for their
own good and for the good of society, or to sell and bequeath at
pleasure in such occupying ownership." Landlords would thus
have to sell all the land which they could not work on their own
account. To this proposal, two objections, which might be
guarded against, might be urged — (i) That it would, it is feared,
lead to an enormous extension of the land-steward system,
farmers becoming salaried land-stewards and dismissable at
pleasure ; and (2) that many nice questions for the tribunals
would arise on the discordant objects embraced in the instruct-
tion to proprietors to work the lands, &c., for their own good
and for the good of society — two distinct interests which might
be expected to clash. In the next edition of the work, the mode
of meeting these objections should be indicated. In passing, a
hit is scored against Mr George's proposal of State-ownership of
all land in these words : — " Landlordism of every kind is incon-
sistent with perfect freedom," since landlordism by the individual
is bad ; by the Church, worse ; and by the State, worst of all,
as being dangerous to public liberty, encouraging loose financial
control, and outside the safe limits of governmental functions.
The performance of these functions should be paid for by taxa-
tion drawn from the land. It is remarked that rent-exaction or
increase is practically giving what should be taxing power
lodged only in the State into the hands of the landlords, for what ?
— not for protection, as given in exchange by the State, but for
the simple gratification of the landlord's appetite for reaping the
benefit of the tenant's improvements. The author goes on to
show that too little stress has been laid on the emancipation of
industry which would follow the abolition of landlordism, and too
1 86 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE
much weight has been given to the mere reduction of taxation that
would result. The first part of the work closes with a criticism of
the late Professor Fawcett's recent chapter on " Land Nation-
alisation," which attains a seeming triumph in argument by con-
founding the proposals of Wallace with those of George, the
latter of whom overlooks the fact that the evil of the present
system consists chiefly in lending and hiring land.
The second chapter is devoted to the exposures of " Current
Fallacies and Sophisms." The Labour Fund Theory is rejected
in favour of Mr George's most original and valuable contribution
to political economy, the doctrine that labour is always antecedent
to capital — both being really instruments of exchange, and not
funds at all. Proceeding to inquire as to the cause of Rent, opposi-
tion is made to Ricardo's theory, which is thus formulated by
Mill. " Rent is the difference between the return made to the
more productive portions, and that which is made to the
least productive portions of capital employed upon the land."
The author observes that rent is not the cause, but is the effect
of price, and then enunciates a wide-reaching economic law that
escaped the keen vision of Adam Smith. " Agricultural land in
the vicinity of populous places is more valuable than at greater
distances, but not on account of any supposed inherent value.
The value diminishes outward, as the squares of the distances in-
crease." In this connection, it is worth noting as a coincidence,
that this very principle of the retarding influence of increasing
distance from the centre was, a few months ago, applied by Mr
Gladstone, in speaking of the need for a proportionally larger
Parliamentary representation for places distant from London, as
compared with that due to places in closer proximity to that city.
The author's application of this principle to political economy is
one of the singular merits of his work. Striking confirmation of
the working of the principle is found in a circular issued lately
by the Scottish Chamber of Agriculture, showing that prices of
produce are 33 per cent, less than they were ten years ago,
mainly attributed to the cheapness with which American produce
is conveyed to our great centres, New York being now, for cheap-
ness of transit, as near to London as Lancashire is. The con-
cluding words of this section, as describing another distinctive
feature of the author's system, may be quoted. " Rent is a dis-
THE HOMOLOGY OF ECONOMIC JUSTICE. 187
tinct proportional designed for the revenue of the State, which is
in ratio with wages and profits, and also with price, although the
effect of price."
Adam Smith's inconsistency is next pointed out, in so far as
he first states that labour is the foundation and measure of value*
and then attributes some virtue to the soil in the production of
rent, while he admits that rent is the effect of price. Even in the
century preceding Smith's time, Locke wrote in his Essay on
Civil Government — " Labour is the constituent principle of value."
The author next discusses the question whether price is de-
pendent on wages and profits, to which it is answered that wages
and profits depend on price, which, in its turn, "depends upon the
abundance or scarcity of any commodity in proportion to the
consumption or demand for it, and not on ' cost of production.' "
This is illustrated by the experience of miners, fishermen, farmers*
&c., who, cceteris paribus, obtain smaller prices when their pro-
duce is more abundant, and larger prices when the supply is
short, although the " cost of production " to all engaged in these
industries may not have varied. Professor Fawcett's contention
that " rent forms no part of the cost of production " is subjected
to a severe handling, and his argument is shown to be a mere in-
genious evasion of the point at issue ; while Mill's analysis of
" the cost of labour " into the " three variables " appears vitiated
by the fallacy of confounding; wages as " affecting the condition
of the labourer with wages as affecting the profits of the capital-
ist." Mr Mill is also convicted of error in his assertion that
profits depend on the efficiency of labour ; for profits are lowest
in England where labour is the most efficient in the world ; while
in India, where labour is very inefficient, profits are double.
Coming to the topics of interest and capital, Mill is again subjected
to a searching criticism, his definition of capital being dismissed
as not answering to the facts, since he maintains that capital, in
the course of use, is consumed, the truth being that it is only
what capital, as an instrument, produces, that is consumed, e.g., in
the fisheries, not the fishing-boat and nets, but the fish are con-
sumed. While on this topic the author pays a compliment to
Mr George for his definition of capital, as " labour incorporated
with materiality." Towards the close of this chapter a vigorous
attack is made on the population theory of Malthus, as endorsed
i88 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
by Mill, both of whom are confronted with the notorious fact that
the most densely peopled countries are the richest, answering to
the wise words of Paley, that " the decay of population is the
greatest evil that a State can suffer." This part of the work con-
cludes with the statement that " it is the force of labour and
capital alone that creates wealth," in opposition to the orthodox
addition of land to these two factors. An obvious commentary
on this whole chapter, may be added from Hobbes — " Words are
the counters of wise men, but the money of fools." That this
latter epithet may not appear on the sole authority of the re-
viewer, it may be stated that Professor Jevons freely adopted it
when he wrote that " Our English economists have lived in a
fool's paradise."
The third chapter is set apart for the discussion of the ques-
tion— " What is political economy ?" After adverting to Mill's
admission that he was unable to give an adequate definition of
the science, the author goes back to Aristotle, who based his
political and economical science on morals, and introduced the
doctrine of proportionals, which agrees with the latest generalisa-
tions of economic science. The author exhibits several illustra-
tions of the working out of the doctrine which he has extended
to many of the modern problems of the science. He thus shows
the homologous relations of profits and wages, each expressed in
four terms, the fourth being as to profits, depreciation of capital,
and as to wages, provision for old age, &c. This fourth term is
the author's own contribution, and supplies an unnoticed defect
in the economist's account of the ingredients of profit. The
following is an example of the economic proportionals : —
Labour^ capital; wages, profits. The components of wages,
profits, and price are shown in homologous relation by diagrams
from Euclid. His observation in the series which includes
rent, is that rent is really wages ; but that at present it is
the wages of idleness, and is a " transgression of the fundamental
law of labour," since it should be devoted to the payment of the
expenses of Government. This leads to the subject of taxation.
Referring to Adam Smith's well-known canons, it is remarked
that Professor Fawcett notices only the one regarding the duty
of every person contributing to the support of the State according
to his means. Paley, in a less advanced political society, had
THE HOMOLOGY OF ECONOMIC JUSTICE. 189
more liberal ideas, for he said that the heaviest part of the
burden of taxation should be borne by those who acquire wealth
without industry, or who live in idleness. But the real
state of matters now is that the Customs and Excise, which
yield nearly two-thirds of the revenue of this country, press most
severely on the working classes, whose only means is their
labouring power. Adam Smith proposed that a part of the
rents should be taken from landlords for the support of the
State. The French economist, Quesnay, in his " Physiocratie,"
published in 1768, declared that all taxes should fall upon the
land — the same view as propounded in the Homology. A word
of criticism may be interposed here. At page 134, certain
figures, 100, 80, &c., are selected for convenience, in order to
illustrate the working of proportionals. These same figures,
originally used for purposes of illustration, are transferred to
page 147, where they are given as an actual quantitative state-
ment of the problem on the proportion of taxes paid out of the
produce of industry. The author thus infers that taxes amount
to 25 per cent cut out of that produce. The proportion may be
actually greater or less, but it cannot be ascertained by assuming
100 as a standard for price and 25 as that for rent. A slight
verbal alteration would, however, bring these statements into
agreement with fact. It is next urged that rent instead of being
a substitute for taxation goes to the support " of an idle and
prodigal class," " who are unconsciously 'the cause of much wrong.'
The " Law Universal " is the title of the next section. Man is a
microcosm in whom all the laws of the universe find illustration
or are in operation within and upon him. Such considerations
lead the author to apply the definitions, &c., of Newton's Prin-
cipia to economic forces. The natural philosopher's elucidation
of centripetal force and the three-fold nature of its quantity is,
with great acuteness, applied to the doctrine of rent increasing-
according to proximity to centres of population and commerce.
Intellect is, in economics, the efficacious power at work among
masses of men, answering to Newton's cause, which propagates
force from the centre through the regions of space all round it.
It has been said that it is the function of the philosopher to
detect analogies and resemblances where hitherto they have not
been observed : the author has abundantly vindicated his right
to challenge the reasonings of previous writers by his exhibition
ipo THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
of the identity of physical and economic relations, expressed in
proportional and geometrical forms, which would seem to be the
full measure of precision attainable in economic science. In the
course of making definitions, utility is defined as extending to
objects of other than a material nature, such as teaching, govern-
ing, &c. All legitimate labour is usefully employed, so that
utility is the result of all labour properly directed. This definition
is held to cut at the root of the arguments used for bolstering up
an idle landlord class; for "no provision has. been made, in the
scheme of Providence, for the idler," which the author shows by
a mathematical formula, in which the terms " mankind " and
" utility " are found to be co-extensive. The deduction follows
that men are in every sense " fellow-workers with God."
The fourth and last chapter " Of Unproductive Labourers" is
mainly occupied with the landlord class and their servants, and
surplus military men. It also includes some just criticisms of
the expressions "unearned increment," and "natural monopoly."
The author's sense of humour appears in a note on the practice
of economists forming a Mutual Admiration Society, and clawing
one another, each calling the other "illustrious ;" and in his repro-
duction of the scene in which General Burroughs was interro-
gated by the Chairman of the Crofters' Commission, to which is
added a very appropriate short quotation from John Locke, in
answer to the General Landlordism is finally declared " a cunning
device for practising robbery," which would be checkmated by
prohibiting landlords from letting their land, which should only
be held in occupying freehold. " It ought to be a law of all
nations — * Thou shalt not lend land nor charge usury on the
gratuitous gifts of God for the oppression of thy brother.'"
There follows a discussion on the immoral character of European
National Debts, the interest of which should be paid by the
landlords, whose ancestors contracted the debts, and who
now hold the securities. By specially taxing ground-rents,
mining royalties, and land reserved for sport, he estimates that
the National Debt might be liquidated in forty years. He also
makes proposals for the establishment of National Land Funds
for the purpose of enabling the Government to advance money at
low interest, by way of mortgage on land. The work concludes
with a plea for agriculture, to be specially cared for by the State,
since the land, by means " of trade and commerce, yields the
THE HOMOLOGY OF ECONOMIC JUSTICE. 191
revenue of the State," in excess of wages and profits ; and the
benefits conferred on a nation by commerce are illustrated by a
beautiful Eastern allegory.
The work, which is of comparatively small compass, contains
matter which might have been expanded into a large volume.
The author's intimate familiarity with all the workings of the
commercial world, gives peculiar value to his observations on
trade and commerce. He has command of a style at once clear,
forcible, and elegant ; and he possesses the rare power of relieving
the close attention required for his arguments by apt quotations
from the poets, and by convincing references to Scripture on the
ethical aspects of his subject. Indeed, a spirit of earnestness and
philanthropy animates the volume throughout, producing a brac-
ing effect on the reader's mind. While the work is sure to excite
the opposition of those who are hopelessly committed to the
current doctrines of political economy, every one who professes
to keep abreast of the progress of economic science, or of the
various proposals for a radical reform of our land system, will
find it necessary to adjust his views on consideration of the argu-
ments in the Homology.
MEETING OF HIGHLAND PROPRIETORS AT INVERNESS.
The following resolutions, to which we shall refer at length by-and-bye, were
passed unanimously at this meeting : —
I. "That this meeting, composed of proprietors in the Counties of Caithness,
Sutherland, Ross and Cromarty, Inverness, and Argyll, having in view certain com-
plaints as to the insufficiency of holdings on the part of crofters, which were recently
laid before the Royal Commission appointed to inquire into the condition of the
crofters and cottars of the Highlands and Islands, and the recent appeal made to
Highland proprietors by the Home Secretary in his place in the House of Commons,
resolves severally to offer to crofters an undertaking to increase the size of their hold-
ings as suitable opportunities offer, and where the crofters are in a position profitably
to occupy and stock the same."
II. "That this meeting further resolves to offer the crofters — (i) To such as are
not in arrears of rent, leases of 19 to 30 years, as may be arranged ; (2) Revised rents ;
(3) Compensation for permanent improvements, regulated by a scale adapted to the
nature and value of such improvements, and the duration of leases."
III. " That while this meeting of landowners has by the foregoing resolutions
recognised the propriety of complying as far as possible with the reasonable wishes of
their crofters, it would respectfully remind her Majesty's Government of certain other
recommendations of the Royal Commission which can only be dealt with by them,
especially those which relate to the development of the fishing industry, to the ex-
cessive burdens thrown upon ratepayers under the Education Act of 1872 ; and to the
granting of assistance to those who may be anxious to emigrate. It desires therefore
to express an earnest hope that these recommendations of the Royal Commission may
receive the attention of her Majesty's Government."
192 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
THE GAELIC SOCIETY OF INVERNESS.
IMPORTANT SPEECHES BY LOCHIEL, M.P., SIR KENNETH
MACKENZIE AND OTHERS.
On Tuesday evening, the I3th of January, the thirteenth annual dinner of the
Gaelic Society of Inverness was held in the Station Hotel. The attendance was the
largest ever seen at the dinner of the Society. Lochiel, M.P., Chief of the Society,
presided, and was supported on the right by Sir Kenneth Mackenzie of Gairloch,
Bart., Provost Macandrew, Rev. Dr Joass, Golspie, and Bailie Ross; and on the left
by Mr Reginald Macleod of Macleod, Mr Lachlan Macdonald of Skaebost, and the
Rev. A C. Macdonald. The croupiers were Mr Allan R. Mackenzie, yr. of Kintail,
and Mr Munro-Ferguson of Novar, M.P. Among the general company were — Major
Grant, of Macdougall & Co.; Treasurer Jonathan Ross; Mr Gumming, Allanfearn;
Dr F. M. Mackenzie ; Dr Macnee ; Mr Wm. Mackay, solicitor; Bailie Mackay ; Mr
Machardy, chief-constable ; Dr Ailken ; Professor Heddle, St Andrews ; Mr Mac-
gillivray, solicitor; Mr Macfarlane, Caledonian Hotel; Mr E. H. Macmillan, Cale-
donian Bank ; Mr Maclean, factor for Ardross ; Mr Home, of H.M. Survey ; Mr T.
G. Henderson, Highland Club Buildings ; Mr John Mackenzie, Greig Street ; Mi-
Alex. Fraser, Balloch ; Mr H. Macdonald, Ballifeary; Dr Chapman ; Mr Mackintosh,
Bank of Scotland ; Captain Munro of Fowlis ; Mr Chas. Macdonald, Knocknageal ;
Mr Macbean, jeweller; Mr Alex. Maclennan, painter; Mr Macritchie, chemist; Mr
Melven, bookseller ; Councillor D. Munro ; Mr Morrison, teacher, Dingwall ; Mr
Ellison (Morel Brothers) ; Mr Begg, coal merchant ; Mr J. Mackay, solicitor ; Mr
James Barron, Ness Bank ; Mr Macdonald, Druidaig ; Mr D. Campbell, Ballifeary ;
Councillor W. G. Stuart ; Mr William Durie, H.M. Customs ; Mr John Mac-
donald, Superintendent of Police ; Bailie Macbean ; Mr James Fraser, Mauld ; Mr
Couper, Huntly Street; Captain Beamount, R.N.; Mr R. Fraser, contractor; Mr
John Davidson, Inglis Street; Mr W. Gunn, draper; Mr G. J. Campbell, solicitor ;
Mr John Macdonald, Exchange ; Mr Smart, drawing-master ; Mr Duncan Mactavish,
High Street ; Mr John Cran, Kirkton ; Mr Hector Rose Mackenzie, Park House ;
Mr Colin Chisholm, Namur Cottage; Mr Andrew Macritchie, solicitor; Mr Macraild,
messenger-at-arms ; Mr Alex. Macbain, Raining's School ; Rev. A. C. Sutherland,
Strathbraan ; Councillor Mackenzie, Silverwells ; Mr John Fraser, Mauld ; Rev. Mr
Fraser, Erchless ; Mr Alex. Mackenzie, of the Celtic Magazine ; Mr P'rank Grant,
solicitor; Mr J. B. Innes, Church Street; Mr John Forsyth, wine merchant; Mr
Bethune. Seafield ; Mr Duncan Macdonald, Union Street; Councillor James Macbean;
Mr John Simpson, Highland Railway ; Mr Fraser Campbell, draper ; Mr Roberts,
C.E., Kingussie; Mr Alex. Fraser, jun., Commercial Bank Buildings; Mr Munro,
insurance agent ; Mr Maclennan, factor, South Uist ; Mr John Whyte, librarian ; Mr
Cameron, the Castle ; Mr Fraser, Ballifeary ; Mr A. Mactavish, of Messrs Mactavish
and Mackintosh ; Mr D. Macrae, teacher, Alness ; Mr D. Fraser, solicitor ; Mr Mac-
gregor, do.; Mr Gil landers, grocer ; Mr Macpherson, manager, Victoria Hotel; Mr
D. Macpherson, coal merchant ; Mr George Hamilton, of Hamilton & Co. ; Mr Wm.
Bain, of the Scotsman ; Mr Wm. Mackenzie, of the Aberdeen Free Press ; Mr D. K.
Clark, of the Inverness Courier ; Messrs D. Nairne, and Alexander Ross, of the
Chronicle ; Mr Mackenzie, of the Moray shire News.
The Secretary intimated apologies from the following gentlemen :— Mr Baillie of
Dochfour ; Mr Charles Fraser- Mackintosh, M.P. ; Mr J. P. Grant, yr. of Rothie-
murchus ; Rev. A. Bisset, Stratherrick ; Professor Mackinnon, Edinburgh ; Mr A.
Mackintosh-Shaw, London ; Mr H. Morrison, Brechin ; Colonel Macpherson of
Glentruim ; ex-Bailie Macdonald, Aberdeen; Mr Angus Mackintosh of Holme; Mr
Alex. Macpherson, Kingussie; Mr D. Menzies, Blairich; Bailie Stewart, Dingwall;
Mr P. Burgess, Drumnadrochit ; Rev. J. Macpherson, Lairg ; Mr Macrae, Ardin-
toul ; Mr D. Cameron, late of Clunes, Nairn ; Dr Stratton, Devonport ; Mr Charles
Innes, Inverness; Mr A. Burgess, Gairloch; Mr Simon Chisholm, do.; Rev. R.
Morison, Kintail ; Mr Duncan Maclachlan, publisher, Edinburgh ; Mr D. R. Ross,
Glen-Urquhart ; Mr Osgood H. Mackenzie, of Inverewe ; Mr John Mackay of Ben
Reay ; and Mr Charles Fergusson, Cally, Kirkcudbright.
THE GAELIC SOCIETY OF INVERNESS. 193
Lochiel, who was received with loud and continued cheering, having proposed
the loyal toasts in choice and patriotic terms, as also " The Army, Navy, and Auxiliary
Forces," for which Novar, M.P., Captain Beaumont, R.N., Captain Munro of Fowlis,
and Colonel Macandrew replied, proposed " Success to the Gaelic Society of Inver-
ness." Having referred in affecting terms to the recent lamented death of Cluny
Macpherson, C.B., who, he said, would be mourned by the whole Highland people,
and having stated he (Cluny) was the first Highland proprietor who joined the Gaelic
Society, he adverted to the objects of the Society ; its non-political and non-
sectarian character ; the good it has already done ; was doing ; and was expected
to do in the future. Lochiel then proceeded —
This Society has one peculiarity ; it has never attempted — and maybe it has
had some temptation— to take any part in political or religious controversy. (Hear,
hear, and cheers.) If I on the present occasion depart to a certain extent from that
practice, I feel, first of all, that the subject is only a semi-political one, and, next,
that in the critical state of the times in the Highlands, not only is it not necessary that
I should offer an apology for so doing, but I am rather inclined to think that if I
abstain from alluding to the question of the crofters of the Highlands you will expect
some apology from me for so doing. (Cheers.) Having then pointed out that the
agitation has been a short one, and how it has received more prominent notice through the
appointment of the Royal Commission, he continued — But after the report of that
Commission was issued, then I think we may say the troubles only began, because
then the remedy had to be found. Now, gentlemen, what I want to take for my text
to-night is this, "That the question is now ripe for settlement." I do not think that
there is anyone who will deny that proposition. (Cheers.) But I am afraid there are
some people who would appear to deny that this question is ripe for settlement, and I
will tell you why. I have noticed — and I read everything in the papers connected
with this subject — that at many of the meetings which have been held by what are
called, and what I believe really are, the leaders of the crofters, the speeches there
delivered have undoubtedly been of a more violent character than they were before the
appointment of the Royal Commission. You would think from reading some of these
speeches that there had been no agitation in the Highlands at all, that there had been
no Royal Commission, that no debates had taken place in Parliament, that apathy
reigned throughout the Highlands, and that the people wanted rousing from it.
(Cheers.) I have read those speeches by the leaders of the crofters, and I cannot hide
from myself that whether they may be called violent or not, the effect of them now
must be not to accelerate, but to retard legislation ; and I consider that legisla-
tion is the one thing that we want, and it is the one thing that ought to come soon.
(Cheers.) I propose to-night to show you how this is the case. For any satisfactory
solution of the crofter question there must, in my opinion, be three parties. You must
have, as I have just mentioned, the Government and Parliament as one, and the first
party ; you must have the co-operation of the proprietors on the other part, for without
that the great demand of the crofters —namely, that of extending their holdings —
would, I fear, be very difficult to attain ; and, third, you must have the sanction and
the approbation of the crofters themselves, either expressed by themselves or through
their recognised leaders. (Cheers.) Now, gentlemen, the Government are ready.
(Cheers.) The Home Secretary has already declared that the Government are ready
and willing to legislate. The proprietors, as the second partv, as you may have seen
by the newspapers, have determined that they will make an attempt. It may succeed.
I pray from the bottom of my heart that it may succeed. It may succeed, as I have
said, or it may fail ; but at anyrate the proprietors will make an attempt — an honest
attempt — to meet the complaints of their crofting tenants, to strengthen the hands of
the Government, and, if possible, to bring about some satisfactory legislation on this
grave and important question. (Loud cheers.) I want to ask you now this question:
Have the leaders of the crofters shown any disposition as yet to meet the question ?
Have they shown that in their opinion the question is ripe for solution ? Have
they made any suggestion or any offer as to the mode in which the question may be
settled? Well, 1 know that we can hardly take up a newspaper without reading
over and over again what they say the crofters want, but I have never seen any
indication on the part of the leaders of the crofters as to how the want can be met.
On the contrary, many of these leaders seem to be at issue amongst themselves, and
in some cases, I think, they recommend courses which, in my humble opinion, are
absolutely fatal to the crofters themselves. I propose to refer to three points to
194 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
which I wish to direct your special attention, and I wish to explain what I mean by
the fatal courses which I think some of those people are taking. Now, there was a
meeting of the Highland Land Law Reform Association of London a short time ago ;
and in reading a report of the speeches delivered in the meeting, I find that Mr
Duncan Cameron, who, I believe, is a candidate for the representation of this county,
made use of the following expressions : -" Some landlords were willing to give land
on condition that the Government would grant loans to the crofters to buy cattle.
That was a matter for the taxpayers to consider, and it seemed very impudent on the
part of the men who had impoverished the crofters." Gentlemen, that comes from
Mr Duncan Cameron. I don't wish to say a word against Mr Duncan Cameron, and
on this occasion less than any, because in meetings of this kind one does not
wish to say anything against one's own kinsman — (Laughter) — but I think that Mr
Duncan Cameron is a gentleman who requires some experience, and a little more
knowledge of the crofters than he seems to possess, and I think that when he has
completed his canvass in Skye, and in the other islands, he will find that the rejection
of a proposal that the crofters should receive some State aid, which was recommended
by Lord Napier, and by the whole of the Royal Commission, will find scant favour
or support at the hands of his may-be future constituents. (Cheers.) But it is not so
much what Mr Cameron said himself that attention may be directed to, as the recep-
tion which his utterances met with in the meeting at which he spoke, and by the
gentlemen who composed the meeting. That remark of Mr Cameron's was met with
applause. Now, how was the meeting composed, and what did his sentiments mean?
The meeting, I find, was composed of the recognised leaders of the crofters — those
who belong to the Highland Land Law Reform Association. There were present Dr
Cameron, M.P. , Mr Macfarlane, M.P., Mr Fraser-Mackintosh, M.P. , and Mr
Macpherson of Glendale. (A laugh.) Not one word of protest was uttered against
what Mr Cameron had said by any of these gentlemen or the subsequent speakers.
Now, what did it mean? It meant that the crofters were to be left to their own
resources in stocking additional land, for fear that the landlords would be the
gainers. It meant, if it meant anything, that no relief was to be given to the
education rates which pressed so hardly upon the crofters, and that because thereby
the landlords' pockets might be relieved. This is really what the sentiments I
have quoted mean. But not only so ; if the loans are to be made by the State, how
can Mr Cameron, and how can those members of the Highland Land Law Reform
Association who applauded him — how can they approve of a far more difficult matter —
namely, the spending of the unproductive money of the State in creating or improving
harbours and piers for the development of the fisheries? Those State loans for the
crofter population of the Highlands and Islands are subjects which we find it very hard
to fight for. In urging that these matters should receive consideration, we have to
fight the arguments of stern political economists, and their arguments are hard to
answer ; and while we have to fight against tho^e arguments, it is surely hard that we
should have to fight also against weapons forged in the armoury of our so-called
friends. (Cheers. ) You must remember that this Association is the one, of all others,
to which the crofters are invited to contribute their shillings, and of which they are
invited to become members ; and if these sentiments — the sentiments I have quoted —
express the true feelings of the crofters, then I say that there is very little hope that they
will be raised from their position, tnat poverty which they are now in, or that they will
in any way be raised to the condition which we all here would wish to see them occupy-
ing. (Loud chetrs.) There is another point on which I think a mistake has been
made, and it is in regard to a bill proposed to be introduced by Dr Cameron, called
the Suspensory Bill. It is, I confess, difficult to understand why a bill should have
been introduced into Parliament intended to suspend evictions except for the non-pay-
ment of rent, when, so far as I can judge -and I have read every newspaper — there
are no evictions pending at all, from one end of the Highlands to the other, except
those the summonses in which have been served for non-payment of rent, and which,
accordingly, are excepted by the Suspensory Bill to which I have referred. But Mr
Macfarlane the other day let the cat out of the bag, for he made a speech at Paisley in
which he said that the real object of this bill was to endeavour to put off the time when
remedial legislation for the crofters should be introduced. I happened to notice — and
I mention it in connection with this statement of Mr Macfarlane's — a letter from the
London correspondent of the Glasgoiv Mail, in which he very inaccurately describes a
meeting of Tory lairds, of which my friend Novar was one — (Laughter) — and if he
THE GAELIC SOCIETY OF INVERNESS. 195
meant the word Tory as a reproach, I did not feel it myself as such — I happened, I
said, to see a letter in which a correspondent describes this London meeting of High-
land-proprietors as one intended to hurry — to hustle, if I may say so — through legisla-
tion for the crofters, for fear that the Tory lairds, by postponement of such legislation,
should get something worse than they would get now. Gentlemen, that correspondent's
account is an absolutely inaccurate description of what took place. (Cheers.) In
the first place, the meeting to which this correspondent refers was not summoned by
Mr Balfour, as .he says. It was summoned by myself. A preliminary meeting was
held at Mr Balfour's residence, but the real meeting was held at the Home Office ;
and not one word was spoken by any of the lairds, Whig or Tory, except for the object,
except for the sole endeavour of getting our brother proprietors to co-operate with us
in doing something that might satisfy our crofter tenants. (Cheers.) We never had
the faintest intention, we never uttered a word, of premature legislation for any fear
such as that which was indicated in the letter of this correspondent. (Renewed
cheers.) Well, gentlemen, I myself think that there are very strong objections to
postponing legislation, but certainly not those which are suggested by Mr Macfarlane,
or by the person to whom I have just alluded. Is there, I ask, anyone in this
room who thinks that it is a good thing to postpone legislation that we are all
ripe for? (Cheers.) Is there any one who thinks that it is a good thing to leave the
Highlands in the present state of agitation ? Is there anyone here who thinks it is a
good thing to still further embitter the feeling that exists in many parts of the country;
that it is wise to give room for further provocations, for more marines and gunboats,
for more newspaper correspondents and sensational accounts of interviews with all
sorts "of people, to keep alive that spirit which, if it is allowed to go on, must embitter
the feelings of the people, and render more and more difficult the task which is before
us — the great task of improving the condition of the mass of the Highland people —
(Cheers) — is it, I again ask, wise to leave all these poor people in such a state that
they cannot follow their ordinary vocations— in such a state that they cannot fail to get
worse and worse— to encourage them, instead of attending to their ordinary vocations,
to wander about on the hills blowing horns — (Laughter) — and doing other such like
actions — (Laughter) -and to keep up in this fashion agitation which four or five years
ago they would not have thought of entering upon ? (Cheers.) Is it wise to allow all
that to go on without once making an attempt to bring about a settlement of the great
question as speedily as possible? (Cheers.) But there is yet a stronger objection to
any delay in legislation. Do you think, gentlemen, that the Government are very
anxious to find in those days money — the money of the British taxpayer— to build
harbours or to stock lands in the Highlands ? No, they will be only too glad to catch
at any straw that they may see in order to avoid this novel proposition, and if, then,
the Government saw that the leaders, the recognised leaders of the crofters are hold-
ing out the right hand of fellowship to the stern and practical political economists who
will certainly oppose the proposed grants, will not the Government turn to us — the
few of us who are not stern political economists, but who wish to do what is right
and reasonable by the people of the Highlands — and refuse that aid ? The people of
the Highlands, who have had to suffer the high rates under the Education Act, and
who are at present living on lands which will not support them— people also who are
very poor — are surely entitled to some degree of State aid ; entitled, I say, not to
eleemosynary aid, but as a matter of justice — aid not as gifts but as loans, aid to enable
them to earn a livelihood. (Cheers.) Since, then, this is the case, how are we to
fight their battle if the Government, the political economists, and the Radicals
endeavour to stave off all legislation or to divide us on this question ? (Cheers.) And
so it is with the other question. Do you suppose that a Government will undertake
the decision of a difficult and delicate question such as this — one which they would will-
ingly shirk— if they saw an opportunity of avoiding it ? Is there not in all this the risk
that if legislation do not take place now, a measure, such as we all desire may be deferred
till it is too late. The third point on which I think a mistake has been made is one which
I am happy to say has not been made by the bulk of the leaders of the crofters. I
allude to the recommendation to pay no rent. I am glad to see that my friend over
there, Mr Mackenzie of the Celtic Magazine, who certainly is an enthusiastic crofter's
friend, who goes a great deal further than I go— I am glad to see that while he was
strongly advocating the crofters' cause, he took the opportunity lately of denouncing this
most fatal policy. (Applause.) Now, I am not standing here, gentlemen, to lecture the
crofters. I am not to say here, therefore, that the policy of no-rent ia a dishonest policy.
I96 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Others may say so, but I have no right or wish to say so. But what I do say is that it
is a fatal policy for the crofters themselves I say, and I suppose every one here will
admit, that a crofter who is able to pay his rent, who has his money in his pocket and
refuses to pay his rent, such a man is not very likely to go to the bank with his money,
and keep his money in the bank until legislation shall have taken place. (Hear,
hear.) He is certain to spend that money, and the money will be gone when the
next term comes round. He will then find himself in the position of having two
years' rent to pay, and only the amount of one year's rent to pay it with. (Hear,
hear. ) If such a man imagines for a moment that the millstone of debt which has
thus accumulated, and is hanging round his neck, is to be recovered by any such Act
as was passed in the case of Ireland, I fear he will be deceived. The Irish Arrears
Act was passed for a population steeped in poverty, whose arrears were of slow
growth, and were not created by any sudden impulse. In the case of the Highland
crofters Parliament will consider, and will consider carefully, before any such Act is
passed for them. (Hear, hear.) Whence arose, Parliament will ask, this non-pay-
ment of rent ? And if they find that in some districts of Skye, for instance, people
equally poor, equally in difficulties, paid their rents up to the last shilling, while
people in other districts, similarly situated, have ceased to pay, I fear that the crofter
who depends upon an Arrears Act will find that he is depending upon a broken reed.
Now these, gentlemen, are the three points upon which I think the leaders of the
crofters are making grave and serious mistakes. I earnestly hope that, before long,
the crofters themselves will have discovered through other influences, what is best for
them to do. (Applause.) I have done what lies in my power, and I will still
endeavour to do what I can, and use any influence I may possess, where it can be
best exercised. (Applause.) But you. gentlemen, members of this Gaelic Society of
Inverness, have, so far as the crofters are concerned, far greater influence with them
than I can pretend to have. Many of you are known, some of you are well known as
warm well-wishers of the crofters ; you have shown both by your acts and by your
words how deeply you sympathise with their misfortunes, and how anxious and ready
you are to relieve them, and to do what you can to improve their condition. Is it too
much to ask the members of this Gaelic Society of Inverness that they will endeavour
to the best of their ability to explain to these people how they can best find a solution
for their difficulties, and especially how they can learn to distinguish between their
true friends and their false friends ? I should like to look upon this Gaelic Society,
not so much in the light of an association, as in the light of a brotherhood. (Ap-
plause.) Why should we not be a sort of freemasonry of Highlanders, in which each
member has pledged himself to do his best to aid his brother in difficulties ? — (Ap-
plause) - and in pledging this toast, I would ask each and all, as you raise your
glasses to your lips, to come to the resolution, each within the sphere of his
influence, and within the compass of his ability, to exert himself to the utmost
to rescue his brethren from the influences of evil counsellors — (Applause) — and also to
assist in removing the grievances under which they have so long suffered. (Applause.)
Mr Fraser, Mauld, in a neat speech, proposed " The Members of Parliament
for the North" to which
Mr Munro-Ferguson of Novar, M.P., responded in a happy vein, humourously
stating that the Highland representatives were a very contented body of men, be-
cause at a time when so many- almost every body — now including factors — were demand-
ing security of tenure and compensation, they submitted to summary eviction without
even so much as receiving notice to quit. He would not allude to the question upon
which Lochiel had dwelt so ably that evening, but he might say one word in support of
his remarks as to the endeavours of certain Highland proprietors to do what they could
in the way of obtaining beneficial legislation for their crofters. In fact, for the last
twenty-four hours he (Novar) had spoken about nothing else with various proprietors,
and to show how closely they had adhered to business, he had not heard the word
" Emigration" once mentioned in the whole course of their discussions. (Applause.)
The Highland representatives in Parliament, whatever views they might entertain
individually upon the question, would, he thought, leave no stone unturned to promote
in this matter the welfare of their Highland constituencies. (Applause.)
Mr D. Campbell, of the Chronicle, proposed "The Language and Literature of
the Gael," coupled with the name of Rev. A. C. Sutherland, one of their best students
of Gaelic subjects, whose merits, he was glad to say, for Mr Sutherland's sake, and he
regretted to say for themselves, were recognised by a distant colony, to which, per-
THE GAELIC SOCIETY OF INVERNESS. 197
haps, he might migrate ; and with the name of Mr A. Mackenzie, who bulked so
largely amongst them as to need no introduction. (Cheers.) What did the Society do
for promoting the " Language and the Literature of the Gael ?" Something more, no
doubt, than the kindred societies in the South, which bottled up their enthusiasm for a
periodical champagne or soda water demonstration, but much less than they could.
He felt pleased now that their language was not a dead body ready for philological dis-
section, but the living medium of living thoughts. What had that and kindred societies
done for Gaelic literature ? Very little. The cost of a few dinners and demonstrations
would have given the Gaelic speaking people their own elevating and grand ballads,
which were holier than the pernicious teaching, subversive of morals and society,
which were being taught to them now in another language by outsiders. In Inverness
large numbers, both young and old, spoke Gaelic and clung to it with affection, but in
Inverness it was only taught in Raining's School. Was that right? He hoped that
this and the kindred societies would take this question up. (Applause.)
Rev. A. C. Sutherland, in his reply, said there were some things in the Chair-
man's speech which, in his opinion, required modification, but, on the whole, he was
pleased with its tone. There were two things he wished for Highland proprietors —
more Gaelic and more money. (Laughter and applause.) It was remarkable the
changes time brought about. Fifteen or twenty years ago, they would have been
laughed at had they talked so much about Gaelic and crofters as they had done that
evening. When Burns had the honour of dining with Lord Glencairn, his gratification
found vent in the words, "Up higher yet, my bonnet," but now-a-days if every
crofter did not dine with a lord, they met these distinguished beings often enough, and
yet they did not seem to be either very elated or very contented. (Laughter.)
Mr Alexander Mackenzie, Editor of the Celtic Magazine, also replied, and in the
course of his remarks said — While I differ in many respects from the remarks made by
Lochiel this evening, the speech just delivered by him is perhaps the most import-
ant yet delivered in connection with the Land Question in the Highlands at any of our
meetings — (Hear, hear) — and when looked at in connection with the meeting of pro-
prietors called for to-morrow to consider the relationship of landlord and tenant in the
Highlands, I rather think it will prove a turning-point in the history of the Highlands.
(Cheers.) The other day a gentleman, who had been on intimate terms with O'Con-
nell, told me that whenever that great orator found the newspapers omitting to abuse him
the next morning after the delivery of a speech on the condition of his country, he always
felt that he had done something wrong, and failed seriously in his duty. (Loud laugh-
ter.) I must confess that I felt somewhat similarly when I found Lochiel referring to
myself in such complimentary terms as he did on this occasion. (Renewed laughter.)
But having mentioned my name as he did, and in such a connection, I am obliged to
refer briefly to his remarks. (Cheers.) I am not, however, going to talk politics, for
it is only big guns — (Laughter) - who are allowed to do that here, and I am not a big
gun. ("Oh ! oh !" and renewed laughter.) I am not surprised that Lochiel should
make the reference he did to my opinion on the recently developed No- Rent policy in
the Western Isles. That declaration is only one specimen of the good sense that I
usually talk on this subject — (Laughter) — although I do not always get reported when
I speak words of wisdom as he does. (Laughter.) I will, however, by-and-bye —
(Renewed laughter) — but now that he has referred to it you will perhaps allow me to
emphasise what I stated on that occasion, and say that the declaration of a No-Rent
movement is in my opinion a great blunder on the part of the people. (Applause.)
And I confess that Lochiel has made a good hit, from his point of view, in his reference
to that subject and in relation to the Suspensory Bill to be introduced next session in
the House of Commons. (Hear, hear.) Those who refuse to pay rent are only
placing themselves in a position to call for eviction, and in the opinion of many, to some
.extent justifying it, even if the bill passed into law ; and it appears to me that those
who encourage them by appearing to sympathise with that movement, by hesitating to
condemn it, are encouraging the crofters to place themselves in a false and dangerous
position. (Hear, hear. ) No doubt many of them are quite unable at present to pay
their rents, but they should say so, and when they cannot pay the whole, they should
offer landlords a part, while they also gave a share to the merchant who has been keep-
ing themselves and their families alive, and, if the landlord refuses to take what he
can get in these circumstances, let him just go without. (Laughter and cheers.) The
speech of Mr Duncan Cameron, Oban, so severely criticised by Lochiel, may have con-
tained bad advice, but it was only the speech of a young man of limited knowledge
i9S THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
and experience. (Hear, hear.) If he had my experience of the people — born and
brought up as I was on a small croft — he would never have made such a foolish and
short-sighted speech. (Hear, hear.) The people must get advances from Government
on such security as they shall under new laws be able to offer. (Cheers.) Permit me
also to say that I am decidedly against the plausible theory of Nationalisation of the
Land so far as it would affect the Highlanders. ( Hear, hear. ) For the crofters, it would
be simply jumping out of the frying pan into the fire. Bad as many of the present land-
lords are, Government would be infinitely worse; for those who have any dealings
with Government officials in connection with the payment of taxes find that they
are the most hard-hearted and exacting class one can have any dealings with ;
and were the Highlanders to prefer the Government to their present proprietors,
subject to a reformed system of land tenure, they would prove themselves the
greatest fools in the world. (Hear, hear.) I would strongly urge upon them
rather to insist upon getting security of tenure and full rights to their own improve-
ments on the land, and then it will be time enough to consider the question of land
nationalisation, which is, no doubt, a very attractive theory to those who have now no
connection with land, but one which would prove suicidal to the Highland crofters
— (Cheers) — in whom we are more especially interested. I was not a little amused by
Novar's reference to the probable eviction of some of our Northern Members of Parlia-
ment on an early date. (Laughter. ) I think I may say for him that when any attempt
is made to remove him from his position, that he will make a very good fight to keep
it— (Cheers)— but if any one suggested that the crofters should act in a similar manner
against their evictors, I rather lear that neither Novar nor his friends would support
them in their efforts. (Laughter.) It was complained by Lochiel that the leaders
of the crofter agitation had never yet indicated the remedies they required from the
Government or the proprietors. When we commenced this agitation a few years ago,
not a single proprietor in the Highlands or elsewhere, and scarcely a newspaper in the
country, would admit that any grievances existed which required remedies — (Hear,
hear) — but Lochiel has to-night admitted the existence of these grievances to the full,
not only for himself, but for all the Highland proprietors with whom he has been in
such close communication for the last few days on the subject. In these circum-
stances, it appears to me that the proprietors who are now confessedly responsible —
(Hear, hear)— for what they themselves admit to be grievous wrongs, should make the
first advance by declaring what amends they propose to make for the past — (Cheers) —
and I do trust that Lochiel will be able to imbue his brother proprietors, at the im-
portant meeting which takes place to-morrow, with his own spirit and opinions. (Ap-
plause.) The proprietors of the North have not yet made one single step in that
direction — (Hear, hear) — and until they do, the crofters or their representatives cannot
fairly be expected to state their demands more distinctly than they have already dene
— (Hear, hear) — but so soon as we hear what he and his landlord friends propose to
do, depend upon it we shall not be behind — (Cheers)- at least I speak for myself, though
I am not a leader — (Oh, and laughter)— in declaring whether we think the people
should be satisfied with what is offered to them or not. And if we think they
ought not, we shall not fail to state, in unmistakeable terms, what we consider
necessary in their interests. (Cheers.) It is a sign of the times that we should
now be asked ; for a year or two ago we were not only not listened to, but
laughed at. (Hear, hear.) Now, a few words on what I had alone intended
to be the subject of my remarks this evening. Mr Campbell expressed himself
to the effect that little was being done in the Celtic field. When I first proposed, at
a meeting of the Inverness Literary Institute in November 1870, that a Gaelic Society
should be formed in the Capital of the Highlands, no one could anticipate that
considerably over one hundred volumes, many of them extensive and valuable,
should be published by the members of such a Gaelic Society and their friends
throughout the country on Celtic Literature and Highland history in fourteen
years. (Applause.) You will probably be surprised to hear that a sum of over
;£6ooo passed through my own hands within the last few years in connection with
this subject in a small town like Inverness— (Cheers) — and that no less than ^2400
was paid by me for printing alone in the same short period, while I have received
the sum of ^2500 as the result of works actually written by myself. (Loud applause.)
Mr Campbell himself is doing good work in connection with this subject in the columns
of the Chronicle— (Hear, hear)— in which we have two or three columns of excellent
Celtic matter every week, and, diametrically opposed as I am to the political principles
THE GAELIC SOCIETY OF INVERNESS. 199
of that paper, Mr Campbell compels me to read it by the excellence of his own
contributions to it in connection with Celtic literature. (Cheers.) I have there-
fore no sympathy with him and others when they say that no real work is being done
in this field. (Blear, hear.) I now beg to thank you for the manner in which you
have received these rambling remarks — remarks which I had not the slightest intention
of making when I entered the room— and for connecting my name with this toast.
(Loud cheers.)
Sir Kenneth Mackenzie, who was warmly received, proposed "Highland Educa-
tion," and after a few preliminary remarks, said — Since you met here last year two
official reports on Highland Education have been issued. Of the first of these, for
which your Chairman and I must take a share of responsibility — (Applause) — I need
only say whatever its merits or defects, it has served its purpose in directing the at-
tention of the Scotch Education Department to the circumstances under which educa-
tion in the Highlands has to be conducted, and in eliciting within the last few weeks
the report by Dr Craik, one of the Department's most trusted officers. (Applause.)
I have no doubt that that .report has been carefully read by all of you who are inter-
ested in the education question, and I think it will be admitted by most who have
done so that while there are passages here and there to which we might take excep-
tion (such as that, for instance, where " the varieties of dialect " in Gaelic are cata-
logued among the difficulties in the way of teaching it) it is, in the main, a fair and
able, and in its conclusion a very satisfactory report. As regards the use of Gaelic in
schools, it recommends just what this Society has always contended for, viz., that in
Gaelic-speaking districts the teacher should have the power of interpreting to his
pupil the lessons they learn in English, and that Gaelic literary knowledge should be
paid for as a specific subject. (Applause.) Dr Craik further makes a proposal for in-
creasing the supply of Gaelic-speaking teachers ; but, with the weakness of a man of
office for a system, he declines to recommend provisions for attracting these teachers
to Highland schools, because such attraction would have to consist in personal pay-
ments, and not in that payment fof results to which the Education Department has
pinned its faith. I myself share that faith, but every rule has its exception. There
is no use in spending money in educating Gaelic teachers if they are to be employed
in England. (Applause.) I think that all the schools where the School Boards and
H.M. Inspectors consider a knowledge of Gaelic desirable in the teacher, should be
scheduled, and a Gaelic-speaking teacher employed in one of them should be entitled
to a personal payment of &io or £12 a-year. (Applause.) In reference to the use of
Gaelic in Schools, this seems to me to be almost the only point left for this Society to
press, unless it be that Gaelic-speaking Inspectors should have to do with the scheduled
schools. The question of secondary education is of immense importance for the High-
lands, and it is dealt with very sensibly by Dr Craik. He points out how, in the
present state of communications, it is almost as easy, if a child in the Islands has to be
boarded away from home, to send it to Inverness or Glasgow, as to Stornoway or
Portree, and instead, therefore, of proposing to establish a few secondary schools
at wide intervals, he suggests the grading of schools under each School Board.
A higher salary being given to the principal teacher at a central school, with
some more assistance for elementary work, there would be in each parish an
accomplished teacher with time at his disposal to teach the higher branches. I
may mention that in the parish of Ferrintosh we have to some extent adopted
this system, and its merits do not seem to be appreciated by the people. For
my own part, I am strongly in favour of Dr Craik's plan for facilitating secondary
education — a plan which, after all, is but a development of our old Scottish Parochial
system. One of the points on which the Royal Commission dwelt most strongly was
the burden imposed by the education rate, especially in the islands. That burden
was so extraordinary that extraordinary measures seemed required to meet it. The
information we received, however, does not seem always to have been understood cor-
rectly by us, and Dr Craik makes out that the high education rate in the Lewis is due
very much to the non-attendance of the children at school, and to their failure to earn
the grant which might be gained under the existing Code. With a reasonably good
attendance, he held that the average education rate of the Lewis might be reduced
from 2s. 2id. to gd. in the £. Now, I confess, I should have doubted the accuracy
of this computation were it not that in the evidence taken before the Royal Commis-
sioners at Barvas (where the school rate was at one time as high as 6s. 8d., and at the
time in question was 35. 8d. in the £}, the Rev. Mr Strachan stated that he had made
O
200 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
minute calculations in connection with this point, and had found that there (in the most
heavily burdened parish in Scotland) a good attendance would secure a grant which,
supplemented by that under Lochiel's 7s. 6d. clause, would leave the rate at about
is. in the £— a heavy, but not an intolerable burden. Whether these calculations
are absolutely correct or not, they bring before us, in an emphatic way, the irregularity
of school attendance in the west. It is the bane of the teachers there, and it is the
greatest hindrance to the progress of education. It must, indeed, be admitted that
there are excuses, more valid than can be offered elsewhere, for irregularity of attend-
ance in the Lewis and the other islands and coasts of the north-west of Scotland.
(Hear, hear.) The weather is often rude and boisterous, and the schools are fre-
quently not connected by roads with the surrounding townships. But these are not
new difficulties. The schools are more numerous and more accessible than they were
when I was young, and the children are certainly better clad, and, I believe, better
fed, and therefore fully as well able to resist the weather ; and in the days I speak of,
greater difficulties than beset school attendance now were overcome by those who had
ambition and energy, and whose parents saw the value of education. Unfortunately,
it is just where education is most required that it is least valued, and there it is most
difficult to inspire parents with any hearty desire for the education of their children.
If not actually opposed to it, they are careless about it, and indifferent to it ; and
while this state of feeling prevails among them, little faith need be placed in the
power of any compulsory system to improve school attendance in the Lewis, or any-
where else. (Hear, hear.) This feeling of indifference has to be met and combated
and overcome ; and here there is a grand field for the efforts of all who have the op-
portunity of exerting themselves in it. The objects with which this Society was
founded included "The furtherance of the social and material interests of the Gaelic
people." I know of no way in which this can be more effectually done than by seeing
that the children get good schooling. (Applause.) I trust that they are in a fail-
way of getting this, but in pledging the cause of Highland education, as we are about
to do, we must regard the pledge as no mere idle one, but as entailing action, when
required, on us all. It is in that spirit that I offer you the toast, and beg of you to
join heartily in drinking Success to Highland Education. (Loud cheers.)
Mr Alex. Macbain, M.A., Rector of Raining's School, in responding, cordially
concurred with Sir Kenneth's praises of Dr Craik's report. The pupil-teacher system
would wed the Highland people to the Education Act, for it would open a source
of enployment for their sons and daughters. The idea of giving a personal grant to
Gaelic-speaking teachers was an excellent one. He thought the building debt should
be cancelled, and the Lochiel clause raised 2s. 6d., while the benefits of the change
must not be restricted to the insular parts of the Highlands. (Applause.)
Mr William Morrison, M.A., Dingwall Academy, whose name was also associated
with the toast, said that he anticipated from the prominence the subject of Highland
education has received at this crisis in the history of the North, that their legislators
would give effect to the recommendations of men who had made that subject one of
careful and intelligent study, and so would hasten the operation of an agency which,
of all human means, was most calculated to promote the best interests of a noble
people. (Cheers.)
Mr Allan R. Mackenzie, younger of Kintail, in proposing "The Commercial and
Agricultural Interests of the Highlands," said that he for one was convinced, from his
experience of farmers, that it was the smaller occupiers of land who could and who did pay
their rents with greater ease than their larger neighbours, and he was certain that it would
be a great advantage to the country if there were more of these small farms. (Cheers.)
Provost Macandrew, in reply, referred briefly to the recent proceedings in Skye,
and expressed the hope that everyone who had any influence with the crofters would
endeavour to persuade them that nothing would be done for them, and that they would
lose the sympathy of every right-minded person, so long as they acted in open defiance
of the law. They were all accustomed to be proud of the Highlanders. When they
defied the law for the sake of an idea of the restoration of a Prince, and came out like
men to fight against great odds, their conduct and loyalty evoked admiration ; but
when the descendants of these chivalrous people turned out in hundreds to beat a poor,
defenceless sheriff officer, who could offer no resistance, he actually felt ashamed of
his fellow-countrymen. He was also ashamed to find that at some meetings held in
Edinburgh and London, these things were made light of, and hoped the voice of the
Gaelic Society would go forth strongly reprobating such actions. (Applause.)
THE GAELIC SOCIETY OF INVERNESS. 201
Dr F. M. Mackenzie, in proposing the toast of "Kindred Societies," said it
would be interesting to know how it was that such a small community as the High-
landers of Scotland, living in such a rugged country, had produced so many societies
all over the world. (Applause.) He thought there were at least two things which
conduced to that state of matters — very strong love of country and the patriotism of
Highlanders, as well as their very strong love of migrating all over the world.
Bailie Alex. Ross responded in suitable terms.
Mr Colin Chisholm proposed "The Non-Resident Members." Speaking for the
most part in Gaelic, and having expatiated on their attachment to the old country, he
called them the backbone of the Gaelic Society. In a few pointed sentences he took
occasion to deplore that the greater part of the Highland proprietors were unable to
speak to their tenants in the language best calculated to touch their hearts. (Hear
hear.) If they were only able to speak Gaelic, in his opinion there would be no
grievances to complain of between proprietors and crofters. (Cheers.) Strange as
this might appear, during the inquiry by the Royal Commission there were very few
complaints brought against landlords who were able to speak to their people in their
own language. (Cheers.) He was happy to hear from Lochiel that a move was
about to take place among the proprietors with the view of bettering the condition of
their crofters and cottars. This ought to have been done long ago. (Hear, hear.)
We all knew that the proprietors, their fathers, and predecessors were altogether in-
strumental, though often out of sight behind their factors or law agents, in depopu-
lating the Highlands, and turning the country into the barren, cheerless, and
inhospitable deserts that they now were. (Applause.)
Mr Lachlan Macdonald of Skaebost, in acknowledging the toast, said Mr Alex-
ander Mackenzie, of the Celtic Magazine, at an earlier part of the meeting, had asked
proprietors to say what they were going to do. He was not going to disclose what
the proprietors intended doing, but if he interpreted the sentiment he had heard ex-
pressed within the last few days by many influential proprietors, he ventured to
prophesy that on Wednesday peace would be restored to the Highlands — (Cheers) —
and that the members of the Land Law Reform Association might henceforth turn
their attention to some other occupation. (Cheers.) Alluding to the remarks of
Provost Macandrew as to the conduct of the people of Skye in turning back the sheriff-
officers, he said, while he did not entirely uphold the people, he could not condemn
them. He thought it was most injudicious to send these sheriff-officers in the way they
were sent — (Hear, hear) — because the very presence of a sheriff-officer imbued in the
minds of these poor people the thought that some of their ancestors had been driven
from their home by those the officers represented. (Hear, hear, and cheers.)
Mr Reginald Macleod, whose name was also coupled with the toast, said it had
been stated that they ought not to go a-begging to the Home Secretary or Parliament
for money for crofters in the Highlands. Mr Macleod detested as much as anyone the
system of begging on behalf of the crofters, but he thought that when they went to
Parliament and said to them that the landlords of the Highlands were ready to do all
that they possibly could for their people in the way of giving more land, provided
Government would do as they had done in other places — grant money for the making
of breakwaters or harbours, and thus enable them to make use of these, he thought
this was not begging, but making a legitimate appeal for assistance for people who were
in a peculiar state of distress and difficulty. (Applause.)
Mr Barron, Ness Bank, gave "The Provost and Magistrates," and the toast was
responded to by Bailie Macbean.
Mr William Mackay proposed "The Clergy of all Denominations," and in the
course of his remarks, said that it would be unpardonable were the Gaelic Society to
ignore a profession which nourished such workers in the Celtic field as the Dean of
Lismore, the Rev. Robert Kirke, the Rev. A. Pope, the Stewarts, Dr Irvine, Dr
John Smith, Dr Macpherson of Sleat, and Dr Norman Macleod the elder — not to
mention the eminent Celtic scholars who at the present moment flourish within the
sacred pale. (Applause.) The Highland clergy of the past did good too often in
spite of the greatest discouragements, and when we considered the difficulties they had
to contend with, and the discomforts they had to endure, we could not but marvel at
the great work done by them among the people, and the zeal and success with which
many of them kept themselves abreast of their times in literature and general culture.
(Applause.) For instance, in 1649, the Rev. Farquhar Macrae of Kintail — a power-
ful preacher, whom Bishop Maxwell pronounced " a man of great gifts, but unfortu-
202 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
nately lost in the Highlands" — had neither manse nor glebe ; his church was a mere
hovel, with holes through the thatched roof, and without glass in the windows; and
it was adorned with neither pulpit nor desks, with neither stool of repentence nor
sackcloth to cover the penitent. Notwithstanding these drawbacks the worthy pastor
earnestly served the parish for 44 years; and he not only passed rich on £8. 6s. 8d
a.year — (Laughter)— and a free farm, worth ^25 a year, but he was able to give a
good education to a large family, two of whom adopted his own profession. The
churches in which these clergy of the past preached must have been horrible places.
In 1684 the minister of Boleskine complained "that all persons of all ranks indiffer-
ently buried their dead within his church, not only his own parishioners but some
others of the neighbouring parishes, so that several coffins were hardly under ground ;"
and as late as 1758 the Rev. Aulay Macaulay, great grandfather of Lord Macaulay,
was at his own request buried within his church in Harris, and so near the surface was
the body placed that, twenty years later, the sexton's besom came in contact with the
head and sent it spinning over the earthen floor. (Laughter.)
The Rev. A. C. Macdonald replied. Considering the present disturbed state of
the country, there never was a time, he said, when it was more necessary that the
press and the pulpit should exercise a healthful influence upon the public mind. He
regretted the attitude taken up by certain clergymen in this country -an attitude far
from Christian, if not altogether inconsistent — (" Oh, oh") — with their vocation. It
was lamentable to see gentlemen, whether lay or cleric, stooping to be wild agitators
in the present disturbed state of the country, when the great difficulty the nation ex-
perienced was to suppress agitation — (" Oh ") — and to keep it within proper limits. He
fully admitted the necessity of agitation for reform, when carried on constitutionally, but
it was a most cruel thing on the part of ministers connected with powerful churches to
encourage the people to an agitation which, in the absence of proper guidance, was
sure to resolve itself into lawlessness and disorder — and this cruelty was enhanced
by the fact that when the people carried their agitation beyond legitimate bounds they
were abandoned by those who incited them to that extreme, and left to battle with
and get out of their difficulties the best way they could. (*' Oh, oh.") He felt the
deepest interest in, and sympathy for, these people, and his only fear was that they
should alienate themselves from the sympathy of all right minded men. This must
be the result if they took up an untenable position and continued to accept the guid-
ance of outside agitators of the wildest revolutionary and socialistic type — (Uproar)
— whose object was to destroy all existing institutions, both civil and sacred, and con-
stitute themselves leaders and rulers — men who had no real sympathy with the people,
and would not lift their little finger to help or relieve them. (Cries of " Bosh,"
" Undiluted bosh," and other signs of disapproval, among which the reverend
gentleman resumed his seat. )
Mr E. H. Macmillan, Manager of the Caledonian Bank, in proposing "The
Health of the Chairman," said that Lochiel, as they all knew, worthily followed the
traditions of his house. (Applause.) In the scroll of fame few names were more
frequently and more honourably inscribed than that of Cameron, and although
Lochiel had not been called on to lead his clansmen amid the turmoil of battle, he had
the satisfaction of knowing that peace has its victories, no less renowned than war —
(Applause) — and that he enjoyed the reputation of being a kind and considerate land-
lord to his tenantry, not by occupancy merely, but by the bonds of Chiefship — (Hear,
hear, and applause) — and that to an extent of which few Highland estates could boast.
(Applause.) If anything was wanting to enhance their admiration of Lochiel's atti-
tude in this most difficult crisis, it had been supplied by the speech to which they had
been privileged to listen that evening. (Loud applause. )
The Chairman, having replied, proposed "The Health of the Secretary," who
duly responded, when Mr G. J. Campbell gave the toast of "The Croupiers,"
and both these gentlemen replied.
During the evening several songs were sung, and Pipe-Major Mackenzie, 3rd
Battalion Seaforth Highlanders, contributed very much to the evening's enjoyment by
admirable selections on the bag-pipes.
PROFESSOR BLACKIE'S " THE SCOTTISH HIGHLANDERS AND THE LAND LAWS'
received. It will be noticed at length in an early issue.
THE
CELTIC MAGAZINE.
CONDUCTED BY
ALEXANDER MACKENZIE, F.S.A., Scot.
No. CXIII. MARCH 1885. VOL. X.
TERRORISM IN SKYR
SHERIFF IVORY'S LATEST FOLLY.
GLENDALE in the west of Skye, and Valtos in the north of the
same Island, have again been honoured with special police and
military expeditions, headed by the Sheriff of the County of
Inverness — Mr William Ivory. Judging from what has taken
place within the past few months, that gentleman would appear
to be very fond of figuring at the head of military expeditions in
the County which has the misfortune to be subject to his juris-
diction. For a long time the Home Secretary wisely refused to
sanction the employment of an armed force in the Island of
Skye, but latterly the representations of the Police Sub-Com-
mittee of the County of Inverness (a body which consists of
three or four individuals, one of them being Mr William
Ivory), induced Sir William Harcourt to sanction the employ-
ment of a force of marines in aid of the police of Skye ; and now
it seems as if this force could not be too frequently used to
gratify what seems to be the vanity of the Sheriff of the
County. Why that gentleman should insist on insulting the
people under his jurisdiction, and holding the County of Inver-
ness, or detached parts of it, up to the world as lawless and dis-
orderly, unless it be from a diseased craving after notoriety and
sham importance, it is impossible to say. It is, however, be-
coming a serious question for the public, and a particularly
p
204 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
serious one for the ratepayers of the County of Inverness, who
are being put to thousands of pounds of absolutely unnecessary
expense to gratify the ever-changing whims of this eccentric
judicial officer.
This latest expedition to Skye is, if possible, even more un-
necessary than the one which preceded it. To take the case of
Valtos first. The crime with which the Valtos men are said to
be charged, is that of preventing a sheriff-officer executing his
duty in the month of December last. If this charge is well-
founded, it is no doubt a serious one; but, in other parts of the
County persons charged with the crime of deforcement are
apprehended and brought to trial in the same way as persons
charged with other offences A police constable is sent to
apprehend them, and they are brought before a judge, tried, arjd
sentenced, without any unnecessary fuss. Why was this not
done in Valtos? Police officers were stationed there in Decem-
ber last, and have been stationed there since, and nobody has
ever heard that the ordinary police of the district were in any
way interfered with in the performance of their duties. It is
only when the landlords, at whose hands the people have suffered
enough already, persist in insulting them by thrusting among
them an additional and unnecessary force of police, that even the
police are interfered with. But if something more than a mere
police force was required to vindicate the law in Valtos, there
has been a force of marines stationed at Staffin, in the immediate
neighbourhood of Valtos, ever since the offence charged was
committed, and for some time before it. The services of these
men have never been required in any more serious duty than
mounting sentry over the house where they are quartered ; but
if the police of the district were unable to cope with the crime
of the district, it was surely very obvious that the marines, al-
ready on the spot, might be used to protect and assist them.
This was far too simple a method, however, of dealing with
an offence committed by crofters in the Isle of Skye. To
dispose of the offence in this way would never sufficiently call
the attention of the country to the fact that Skye was lawless
and dangerous. A military expedition was therefore sent with
a special and strong force of police to arrest the six men who
were wanted by the authorities.
TERRORISM IN SKYE. 205
The case of Glendale is, in a manner, worse. A finer body
of men than the Glendale people does not exist in the Island of
Skye. In December last, a sheriff-officer, named Grant, from In-'
verness, went to Glendale to serve summonses. Grant himself,
the people say, would have been permitted to go on his way un-
molested, but he had the misfortune to have with him as a con-
current, a man belonging to the district, who had given the people
some cause of offence, and whom they have had, they say, just
cause to dislike for many years past Mr Grant was also accom-
panied by a big and savage-looking dog, which, in no way, tended
to conciliate the people among whom he went, on an unpopular er-
rand— a people who were already irritated by the presence among
them of a garrison of marines, and a force of police. In course of
his journey through the Glen, the story of the people is, that Mr
Grant got into a verbal altercation with some boys ; this led to
the gathering of a crowd, which, formed of an excited people —
with what they believed just cause of resentment against his
companion — apparently frightened Mr Grant and he left the glen.
What amount of violence, if any, was used to him and his com-
panion, it is impossible to say until the trial brings it to light.
Mr Grant's story and that of the people are entirely at variance
on this subject. If Mr Grant's story is true, a criminal offence
was committed, and if a criminal offence had been committed,
the criminals were liable to arrest. There was a force of police
and military in the glen who might have made the necessary
arrest, but this method was not attempted. A still simpler
method, it is no secret, was suggested, both to the Lord Advocate
and to Sheriff Ivory, by the authorities in Portree, namely, that
a single police officer should be sent to arrest the people charged,
and to bring them to Portree, and it was stated, by the authori-
ties at Portree, who have, and have had, the best opportunities
for knowing the temper of the people they have to deal with,
that all the arrests could have been made by a single police officer,
though not by a larger number. This would, however, be letting
the people of Glendale off far too easily, and it would besides be
losing Mr Sheriff Ivory an opportunity, which might not recur
again, for marching through Skye at the head of a force of
marines — an amusement which he seems to enjoy.
None of the ordinary methods of enforcing the law having
206 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
commended themselves to its administrators, the people of Glen-
dale themselves came forward to prevent the country being
misled as to their character and disposition. At a meeting held
at Glendale the day before the expedition landed at Colbost
Bay, and when it was believed by the people that the expedition
was still some days off, Messrs Alexander Mackenzie and Kenneth
Macdonald, who were present at the meeting, were asked to
inform the Home Secretary that the expedition was unneces-
sary, that no attempt had been made to carry out the ordinary
course of law, and that any persons wanted by the authorities, pro-
vided their names were made known, would go at once to Portree
or Inverness, and give themselves up. That night a telegram was
sent to the Home Secretary, intimating the opinion and resolu-
tion of the people, and undertaking that the alleged offenders
would give themselves up. The telegram was repeated to the
Sheriff Clerk of the County for the information of the Sheriff,
and also to Mr Eraser-Mackintosh, M.P., in order that he might
communicate with the Home Secretary on the subject. Within
a few hours after these telegrams were sent away from Dun-
vegan, the " Lochiel," with a body of police on board, (the troop-
ship " Assistance " with a force of marines having preceeded her),
steamed into Loch-Dunvegan, and early on the following morn-
ing the expedition landed, and arrested six men and boys. On
the same day Messrs Mackenzie and Macdonald wrote the follow-
ing letter to the Home Secretary, confirming their telegram: —
" PORTREE HOTEL, SKYE, 29th January 1885.
" The Right Honourable Sir William Vernon Harcourt, Secretary
of State for the Home Department, Whitehall, London, S. W.
" SIR, — We had occasion to be in Glendale yesterday in
connection with the Parliamentary representation of the County
of Inverness, when a very large meeting of the people of the
district united in asking us to communicate with you on the sub-
ject of a proposed police and military expedition to Glendale,
having for its object the arrest of certain persons charged, it is
understood, with the crime of deforcement. The people stated
that there was no necessity for an expedition to arrest any of
their number, because any of them who were wanted by the
authorities would, if their names were communicated, go to Port-
ree or to Inverness, and surrender themselves there. We accord-
ingly, on our arrival in Dunvegan last night, sent you a telegram
TERRORISM IX SKYE. 20;
in the following terms : — ' From Alexander Mackenzie, editor of
the Celtic Magazine, and Kenneth Macdonald, solicitor, Inverness,
Dunvegan, to the Right Hon. Sir William Vernon Harcourt, Home
Office, Whitehall, London. The people of Glendale have been
informed that a police and military expedition is in preparation
to arrest some of their number on a criminal charge. We were
authorised, at a large public meeting held in Glendale to-day, to
say to you and the criminal authorities — ist, That none of the
people have been asked to give themselves up; and, 2nd, That if
the criminal authorities name the persons wanted, they will go
voluntarily to Portree or Inverness and give themselves up.
We undertake this on their behalf. No expedition is there-
fore necessary, and to send one would cause needless irrita-
tion.' We also telegraphed to the Sheriff-Clerk of the County
repeating the telegram for the information of the Sheriff. It
was too late last night to write you from Dunvegan confirm-
ing the telegram, and this letter follows by the first possible
mail for London. Since we telegraphed you, however, we have
learned that early next morning, within about twelve hours of
the transmission of our telegram, a force of marines and police
landed in Glendale, and arrested six persons, all of whom, we
believe, were parties to the resolutions transmitted to you last
night. In the circumstances, it is almost needless to do more
than confirm our telegram. We may add, however, that we are
satisfied that had a single police constable been sent to Glendale,
he could have arrested everyone of the persons in the district
required by the authorities, and brought them to Portree. It
seems, therefore, a pity that it should have been thought neces-
sary to send such an expedition against a peaceable and well-
disposed community; and they themselves complain, with appar-
ent justice, that an exceptional method has been adopted for
enforcing the law amongst them, without any attempt being
made to enforce it in the ordinary way. — We are, sir, your most
obedient servants,
(Signed) UA. MACKENZIE.
" KENNETH MACDONALD."
Of course, as things turned out, the telegram was too late
to stop the expedition, but it was not too late to show that the
expedition was unnecessary and foolish.
The dignity of the law in the largest county in Scotland is
in danger of being sacriaced, by such proceedings as we have
criticised, to the vanity and the supposed dignity of the chief
judicial officer of the county, and the public interest requires
that in such circumstances we should not make use of uncertain
language or honeyed phrases.
208
THE CELTIC MAGAZINE
The County of Inverness, so long as its affairs are managed
by a close conclave of lawyers, landlords, and factors, may submit to
the payment of the cost of periodical excursions by Mr Sheriff
Ivory and his " tail," in specially hired steamboats on the West
Coast; but the amusement is a dangerous as well as an expensive
one, and those who are responsible for this second excursion of the
chief judicial officer of the County of Inverness to the Island of
Skye, may, and probably will, find ere long that, of all possible
methods of pacifying Skye, the attempt to accomplish this by
terrorism is the most suicidal.
DEATH OF CLUNY MACPHERSON, C.B.
WE regret to have to record the death of Colonel Cluny Mac-
pherson, C.B., in his 8ist year, on the I ith of January last. He
was universally allowed, taking him altogether, to be the most
popular Highland chief, and deservedly so, of his time. He
succeeded to the property in 1817, and, at his death, was longer
in possession of his estates than any of his contemporary chiefs in
the Highlands. A biographical sketch of him appeared in No.
XXX., Vol. IV., of the Celtic Magazine, and it is therefore unne-
cessary to give any lengthened notice of him here. It may, how-
ever, be safely stated that in his person disappeared "The Last of
the Chiefs," in the sense in which that designation has been ap-
plied and understood in Highland clan history ; for the commer-
cial system, and the doctrines of so-called political economy, have
turned the great majority of our so-called Highland chiefs into
mere land merchants. His funeral, which was a truly Highland
one, was attended by nearly all the proprietors and representative
men in the North, and the Highland Capital, of which Cluny was
a Burgess, was represented by the Provost, Magistrates, and Town
Council in their official capacity.
The second part of " The Celtic Lyre," a neat and interest-
ing collection of Highland music and songs, compiled by "Fionn"
(Mr Henry Whyte, Glasgow) has just been issued. The pub-
lishers are Messrs Maclachlan & Stewart.
OLD INVERNESS.
III.
THE erection of the present High Church, which took two years to
build, was commenced in 1770. During the excavations made prior
to its erection, the workmen came upon a strange find. Upon
opening an old tomb, which was discovered upon the site,
a female arm, with flesh and nails entire, and covered from the
second joint of the fingers to the elbow with a white glove, was
found among a heap of rubbish. The relic was an object of much
speculation among the town's people, who assigned various
reasons for its strange preservation, but the mystery was never
satisfactorily cleared up.
The High Church bell-ringer, Lody Ross, was a very eccen-
tric character, and particularly fond of his glass, when he got it
for nothing. He used to rise pretty early in the morning and
parade the town, on the lookout for some friend to stand treat.
Several humorously inclined people used to take advantage of
his failing for liquor, and on his coming out of a public-house,
one of them would say to him, " Well, Lody, did you get your
morning to-day." The reply was invariably, "Time enough, time
enough ; we got and we'll get, we got and we'll get." Upon this
Lody would be treated to a glass, and, on his coming out, the same
dialogue would take place with somebody else, and with the same
result. In the course of two or three hours the drouthy bell-
ringer would be in a maudlin condition, requiring to be helped
home. He had two manifestations of a supernatural kind dur-
ing his lifetime. The first occurred one night when going to
ring the ten o'clock bell. On entering the steeple of the High
Church he distinctly heard a voice, accompanied by music, sing-
ing the 1 9th verse of the i i8th Psalm :—
" O set ye open unto me
The gates of righteousness;
Then will I enter into them,
And I the Lord will bless."
Finding the church to be empty, and being aware that the
minister, the Rev. Mr Mackenzie, was unwell, Lody quickly
repaired to that gentleman's house in Bridge Street, when he
found that he was just on the point of death.
210 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
The next occurrence of this kind had a serious effect upon
the bell-ringer himself. On a dark winter morning, when
performing his customary duty in the steeple, some practical
jokers concealed themselves behind a tombstone, and on his com-
ing out, one of them said in a solemn sepulchral voice, " Lody
Ross, that rings the bell, prepare for death ! " These words put
him in the greatest terror, and he took to his heels at once.
Rushing into his house, he jumped into bed, and covered his
head with the clothes, firmly believing that the ghost was pursu-
ing him; and the unfeeling joke had such an effect upon his mind
that he died soon after, although assured by his friends of its
harmless intention.
Allusion has already been made to the belief in witch-
craft in Inverness. A few years prior to 1745, two sisters,
upon whom the suspicion of dabbling in the black art had fallen,
were tortured and burnt to death on Barn Hill. These poor
women, one of whom was known as the " Creibh Mhor," lived
in a bothy at Millburn. One day, it is said, some children who
were playing by the side of the burn noticed a little clay figure,
stuck all over with pins, among the pebbles in the bed of the
stream. The children took the figure out of the water, and one
of them, a grandchild of the " Creibh Mhor," remarked that she
had often seen her granny make such things. This remark, and
the circumstance of the effigy being found, got abroad, and were
thought sufficient grounds for the apprehension of the " Creibh
Mhor" on a charge of witchcraft. The application of torture
failed to extract any confession from the unfortunate woman,
but her sister was not of so strong a mould, and, to get relief
from her torments, the latter declared that both she and the
" Creibh Mhor" were guilty of what was charged against them,
and that the figure was meant to represent Cuthbert of Castle
Hill. The two women were at once sentenced to death, and a
stake erected upon Barn Hill. The "Creibh Mhor" was the
first to suffer, her sister being compelled to witness the appalling
spectacle before being burnt herself. The last words of " Creibh
Mhor's " sister were, " Well, well ; if I thought it would have
come to this, there would have been many who wore scarlet
cloaks here to-day ! All I now say is, that a Cuthbert never
will comb a grey hair at Drakies, and as for you, Bailie David,
all I can say is, that you will never sell another article from your
OLD INVERNESS. 211
shop." If we believe tradition, these prophecies were literally
fulfilled.
In 1763, there was but one baker in the town, and he was
sent to Edinburgh at the public expense to improve in his trade.
A white and coloured thread factory was established in Invei-
ness in 1783, which at one time gave employment to a thousand
men, women, and children ; but it was discontinued in 1813, and
the buildings, in Albert Place, converted into dwelling-houses.
There was also a hemp factory, at Cromwell's Fort, which em-
ployed a thousand workers. The first chaise kept for hire in the
town made its appearance about 1760, being the property of Mr
Duncan Robertson, farmer, Beauly. His stable was in an old
barn behind the West Church, called Sabhal Daraich, or the
oak barn, which was said to have been erected by the fairies of
Tomnahurich in one night.
In 1779, at the time of the Circuit Court, the Judge, Lord
Gardenstone, lodged in a house which stood upon the site of the
present Northern Meeting Rooms. During the night the house
took fire, and the Judge was in imminent peril, when the cook
burst into his chamber, rolled the majesty of the law in the bed-
clothes, and bore him safely into the street, at the risk of her
own life, for which she was afterwards pensioned for life. All
his Lordship's clothes were destroyed, and as the fire happened
on a Saturday night, a tailor had to be employed all Sunday to
make new ones.
The old Tol booth in Bridge Street was demolished about
1791. It consisted only of two small cells for criminals, and one
miserable room for civil debtors, none of these apartments being
over thirteen feet square. At times as many as thirty prisoners
were confined in these cells at once. In Burt's time most of the
prisoners confined in the building managed to escape, not so
much, he thinks, from the weakness of the prison, as by the con-
nivance of the keepers and the influence of clanship. The fol-
lowing is from an account of the escape of Roderick Mackay,
who was imprisoned in the Old Tolbooth many years ago for
smuggling, given by the Editor of the Celtic Magazine, in the
second of his Canadian articles, which appeared in Volume v. of
this periodical : — " His free-born spirit naturally chafed under
such indignities and restraints, especially in such a good cause as
212 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
the hero considered himself engaged in, protecting his own pro-
perty, and he at once set about concocting means of exit. He soon
ingratiated himself with his gaoler, and one day managed to
send him out for a supply of ale and whisky, such things being
freely admitted into such places in the good old days — and the
gaoler could take his glass, too, from all accounts. The latter
returning with the ale in one hand and the whisky in the other,
Rory discovered his opportunity, slipped out smartly behind him,
closing the door after him, locking it outside, at the same time
carrying off the key, which is still preserved by his descendants
in Pictou," to which place he escaped. The prison appears
to have been in a most filthy condition, for it is recorded
that in 1709 the Town-Clerk " paid an officer 45. 6d. Scots to
buy a cart of peats to be burnt in the Tolbooth to remove the
bad scent," and in 1737 the Magistrates ordered the purchase of
' an iron spade to be given to the hangman for cleansing the
Tolbooth."
The Royal Academy was opened in 1792, and in the same
year the present Gaelic Church was built. The old one was
built in 1649, and after the battle of Culloden was converted into
an hospital and prison for the followers of Prince Charles. The
Gaelic Church congregation were strongly opposed to the intro-
duction of the Geneva pulpit gown, and an amusing scene oc-
curred one Sunday when the minister, Mr Watson, entered the
pulpit wearing one. No sooner did the congregation observe the
innovation than they rushed pell-mell from their pews with one
accord, shouting " Popery ! Popery !" and in a wonderfully short
time the astonished pastor and his precentor were the only
inmates of the building. The pulpit and desk in this church are
marvels of the carver's art, and are said to have been the work of
a herd-boy at Culloden, and to have all been carved with one
knife and put together with one pin.
In the month of March 1801, the peaceful inhabitants of In-
verness were startled by a terrific explosion, which shook the
town like an earthquake. The accident occurred in this way.
A number of casks of gunpowder were stored in the upper flat
of a building in Baron Taylor's Lane, the lower part of the house
being occupied by a candle-maker's. One day, this man went
out on some errand, leaving a pot of liquid tallow upon the fire
OLD INVERNESS. 213
During his absence the pot boiled over, and in a few moments
the room was a mass of flames. The careless manufacturer
returned too late to do anything to arrest the progress of the fire,
and, anticipating the consequences to the gunpowder above, he
ran away as hard as he could, never halting until he reached
Culloden, three miles east of the town. The flames had by this
time reached the gunpowder, and a fearful explosion took place,
destroying a great amount of property, killing four people on the
spot, and injuring many more. The report having been heard by
the fugitive candle-maker at Culloden, had the effect of making
him run faster than ever. He stopped for a few hours at a small
village east of Elgin, but took the road at midnight for Aberdeen,
thence left the country altogether, and was never again heard of.
The palladium of Inverness is Clachnacudain, a large stone
which, from time immemorial, lay in front of the Exchange. On
the erection of the Forbes Fountain, two or three years ago, the
stone was placed beneath it, where it now remains. Its name
signifies Stone of the Tubs, from the fact that, in days gone by,
the women returning from the river with their water-tubs, used
to rest them upon this stone. It gradually became the centre
round which the inhabitants of the town used to congregate for
conversation, and they regarded it with great veneration. Young
men, on leaving the town for other places, were in the habit of
chipping off bits of the stone and carrying them away as me-
mentoes. " Nonogenarian " relates that a gentleman from India
once visited Inverness, and while there enquired if there was such
a place as " Clachnacudain." To his great astonishment, a stone
was pointed out to him as the place he asked about. " Is it this
stone that they call Clachnacudain?" he exclaimed ; " Well, it has
cost me many a bottle of wine to drink to Clachnacudain, but
little did 1 think it was only this stone that gave rise to a toast
of such evident interest and endearing associations !" Many years
ago a man of great strength called Jock of the Maggot, lifted
Clachnacudain in his arms, and carried it from its place on the
Exchange to the top of the Old Tolbooth stairs. He was unable,
however, to carry it back, when another townsman, named Mac-
lean, volunteered to do so, and was successful. In August 1837,
the Magistrates caused the stone to be sunk to the level of the
pavement on the Exchange. This occasioned great indignation
214 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
among a considerable section of the inhabitants, and a handbill
was issued, calling upon every true " Clachnacudain Boy " to
assemble on a certain day, and, unless the stone were by that
time raised to its former position, to raise it themselves in defi-
ance of the authorities, and relay it with masonic honours. The
Magistrates, however, seeing that the current of popular feeling was
against them, wisely gave way, and before the appointed day the
" Clach " was reinstated amidst the cheers of a large crowd of
enthusiastic on-lookers. A lady of Inverness, Mrs Campbell,
composed a song about it, which was very popular for a time.
When a native was leaving the town, he would give a farewell
party to his friends, who in the small hours of the morning would
all proceed to Clachnacudain and dance round it, singing this
song, some of the verses of which ran as follows : —
" Around the stone we'll dance and sing,
And round the stone we'll go !
We'll see the Clachnacudain boys
Dance round it in a row.
" I am a Clachnacudain man,
And very near it born ;
I admire it as a diamond stone,
Though a pebble without form.
''Around, &c.
" If any one pollutes the stone,
Of high or low degree,
A galley slave in Africa,
We'll have him for to be.
"Around, &c.
" Here's a health to King and Queen,
And Royal Family ;
To the Magistrates of Inverness,
And to its Ministry !
" Around, &c.
The cutting of the Caledonian Canal was commenced in
1803, but owing to the immense obstacles to be overcome the
work was not completed until 1822, the total cost amounting to
over one million sterling. The Northern Infirmary was opened
in 1803. In 1807 the first Inverness newspaper was started,
under the name of the Inverness Journal ; the Courier follow-
ing ten years later. From the former paper of I2th April
1816, we learn that in 1812 the Magistrates were informed that
a gang of thieves and coiners was on its way from Aberdeen to
OLD INVERNESS. 215
Inverness, and, as a precaution, all the publicans, licensed and
unlicensed, in the burgh were ordered to appear before the
Magistrates. One hundred and twenty- eight presented themselves,
but as all the unlicensed publicans were liable to prosecution,
it is probable that many of them evaded the order. Taking the
approximate number of these to be thirty-two, as the Journal
suggests, the total number of publicans in the town would be one
hundred and sixty, a number which, considering that the popu-
lation at that time was only 10,757, would horrify our teetotal
friends of the present day, who complain that the present num-
ber— about one-half — is far too many.
The office of public executioner in Inverness was generally
held by some criminal, who accepted it on condition that he
would not be punished for the offence charged against him. We
lately came across a document, dated the 22nd of April 1733, and
endorsed on the back — " Enactment anent Thomas Robertson
to be hangman," which is a good specimen of the form of bond
entered into by these functionaries on their entry to their
duties. This Thomas Robertson was charged with breaking
into a merchant's cellar in town and stealing a quantity
of goods therefrom, but as the town was at the time in
want of a hangman, the prosecutor consented to forego crim-
inal proceedings if Robertson would accept the vacant office.
The document, after narrating these particulars, proceeds : —
" Therefore I hereby become bound and enacted in the Bor-
row Court books of Inverness that I shall, from and after
the date hereof, and during all the days of my life, execute the
office of executioner or hangman of the said burgh, in all the
parts and branches thereof ; I being entitled by the good town
to the fees, dues, and emoluments of the said office used and wont ;
and, in case of my withdrawing at any time from the said office
or the execution of any part thereof, I hereby submit myself to
the punishment due by law to the said crime of theft, which
crime I hereby confess and acknowledge. In witness Qrof," etc.
On the 2Oth April 1812 a meeting of Town Council was
held for the appointment of a hangman. The minute of that
meeting stands in the Record as follows : —
" That day the Magistrates and Council nominated and ap-
pointed Donald Ross common executioner for the Burgh of In-
216 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE
verness, in place of the deceast, William Taylor, with the whole
powers and privileges belonging to the said office, and that
during the pleasure of the Magistrates and Council ; they agreed
to augment the salary to the executioner, or wages, to sixteen
pounds sterling yearly, to be paid quarterly by the Town
Treasurer at the expiry of each quarter ; and, having taken a
view of the perquisites and emoluments of the office of hangman
or executioner, they appointed and ordained the following to be
given him : — (i) A house, with bed and bedding, and other
necessary utensils ; (2) That he shall be entitled to the number
of thirty-six peats weekly from the tacksman of the Petty Cus-
toms ; (3) a bushel of coals out of every cargo of English coals
imported to this place ; (4) a piece as large as he can carry from
on shipboard out of every cargo of Scotch coals ; (5) a peck of
meal out of every hundred bolls landed at the shore ; (6) one
fish from every creel or basket brought to the market for sale ;
(7) one penny for every sack of meal sold at the meal-house or
market of the burgh. And the above wages and perquisites to
be given him besides the ordinary allowance for executing the
different sentences. That he shall be provided with a suit of
clothes, two shirts, two pair stockings, a hat, and two pair of
shoes annually."
Besides the above he was paid £ 5 for every execution carried
out by him ; and he also levied Christmas boxes upon the inhabi-
tants, so that he was very comfortably off.
The individual who became the recipient of all these perquisites
was a native of the Aird, and had been convicted before the
High Court of Justiciary for sheep-stealing, and sentenced to
transportation for life.
On one occasion the then hangman, William Taylor, went to
Elgin to execute a serjeant for wife murder, but on his way home
he was waylaid and stoned to death by a mob, when the Magis-
trates of Inverness offered the situation to Donald Ross, promising
to give a remission of hi* sentence if he would accept. He, how-
ever, declined the offer until the last day he was to spend in his
native land, when he accepted, and obtained his liberation. He
retained the office until 1834, when the town dispensed with
his services. By that time Donald had over .£700 in bank, as
the fruits of his profession, but he lost nearly all through the failure
of the bank, and ultimately died a pauper.
Within the last sixty years the town has greatly improved.
Gas was introduced in 1826, and three years afterwards the old
OLD INVERNESS. 217
water works were erected. The streets were causewayed and
paved, in 1831, at a cost of over ;£6ooo. In the following1 year
the town was visited by cholera, and the Dispensary was insti-
tuted. In 1834 cholera again appeared, and between that year
and the next the County Buildings were erected on the Castle
Hill. The Roman Catholic Chapel was built in 1836, and
towards the end of the same year the Inverness Herald appeared.
This paper was afterwards called the Northern Herald, but it
stopped in 1846. The West Church was erected in 1840, and
the Post-office in 1843. The jail was built in 1846, and the
Cathedral in 1 866. The old stone bridge was carried away by the
flood of 1849, after which the present handsome structure-
suspension Bridge — was erected in its place.
" Old Inverness" may now be said to have almost disap-
peared. Every year sees the destruction of some relic of
antiquity, and ere long the few remaining links between the past
and the present will have given place to modern erections. One
of the most venerable buildings now in existence in the town is
Dunbar's Hospital, better known as the Old Academy, which
stands on the east side of Church Street, at the corner of School
Lane. This building is said to have been formed out of the
materials of Cromwell's Fort, and was bequeathed to the town
by Provost Alexander Dunbar, in 1668. For many years prior
to the opening of the Royal Academy, it was used as a Grammar
School. It afterwards served for a library, female school, and
other purposes. When the cholera visited Inverness it was used
as an hospital for the victims of that terrible disease. The build-
ing is still in fair preservation, and cannot fail to strike the eye
of the passer-by. The exterior is adorned with inscriptions and
dates. The only other antiquarian remains in Inverness are the
old Cross, Clachnacudain, an old gate-way in Castle Street,
Queen Mary's House, and some old tombs in the High Church,
Greyfriar's-, and Chapel Yard bury ing-grounds. It is to be hoped
that these historic and interesting relics of the past will be pre-
served for many years to come, and that no Vandal touch will
disturb them in their old age.
HECTOR ROSE MACKENZIE.
218 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
O R A N
AIR EALASAID CHAIMBEUL
LE MAIRI NICEALAIR.
A ribhinn 6g is boidhche snuadh,
Mar r6s am bruaich 's a mhaduinn dhriuchd,
Is t'anail chaoin mar ghaoth a Mhaigh,
A' seideadh thar nam blalthean iir.
Gur dualach boidheach do dhonn-fhalt,
Na luban cas mu d' cheann a sniomh,
S do mhuineal tha cho bian-gheal aillt,
Ri eala bhan is statail triall.
Do shuilean mar lainnir nan s&id,
No drillse ghloin nan reultan s6imh,
'An guirmead, an tlaths, 'us an aoidh
Tha iad mar aghaidh chaomh nan neamh.
Do bhilean mar shirist nan craobh,
'Arn milsead, an caoinead, 's an liomh,
'S do bhriathran tha cho s&mh a rflin,
Ri osag chiuin na gaoithe 'n iar.
Mar thorman alltain bhig a ruith
'S an t-sainhradh theth 'am beinn an fhraoich,
Tha leadan aigh do mhanrainn ghrinn,
A' sileadh binri 'o d' bhilean gaoil.
O ainnir 6g nam mile buadh,
Gur binn learn 'bhi ga d' luaidh 's an d&n ;
Is osag mi a bhean do 'n fhlur,
'S bheirinn a chubhraidheachd gu each.
Dh'innsinn mu uaisle na send,
Mu ghrinneas a b6us, 'us a gniomh,
A cdmhradh mar smedrach an coill,
'S acridhe farsuing, caoimhneil, fial.
O ribhinn 6g nam mile buadh.
Ainglean ga d' chuartachadh gach v6
Ga d' chumail mar lili geal ur,
Ri soills' fo'n driuchd 's a mhaduinn ch&t
Is ged a thuiteadh neoil mu d' che"um,
Cumsa do reis mar a ghrian,
No ghealach chiuin an ciabh na h'oidhch,
Nach cuir an aois air chall 'na triall.
Biodh beannachd nam bochd air do cheann,
Is biodh urnaigh na 'm fann mu d' ch£um,
An subhailc na d' bhean uasal ard,
Is tu na d' bhan-righinn ann am btfus,
219
MAJOR JOHN MACDONALD.
SELECTIONS FROM HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY.
IN 1764 our hero took a seventeen years' lease of some land in
Moy, and settled down, as he thought, to end his days in the
peaceful occupation of a farmer. The Earl of Sutherland still
continued his patronage towards him, and the county gentlemen
treated him with great courtesy and respect. He thus describes
his position, in a few words —
" While my noble friend lived, I was not only too happy in
his favour, but found myself as easy with every gentleman of
the county as if I had been their college companion, and when
to my great grief I lost him, I did not feel their esteem abate in
the least ; but rather increase. This will appear evident from
their calling me to their general meetings on different occasions,
and particularly my being called to the Council of our Royal
Burgh every second year, and I was included in the Commission
of the Peace, and acted accordingly."
Macdonald was, however, destined to go through further
adventures. The American War broke out, and in 1775 an inti-
mation appeared from the War Office, to the effect that officers
who had been reduced with their corps when peace was concluded,
and who were willing to serve again in the same rank they for-
merly held, should send in their names at once to the Secretary of
War. Macdonald pricked his ears at this notice, like an old
war horse that smelled the battle from afar. He had also another
reason for wishing to again take up a military life, besides his
mere fondness for the profession. His son was now a strong
promising lad of fifteen, who inherited his father's martial spirit ;
and Macdonald wished to get him into the service, although he
was not able to purchase a commission for him. He says —
" I looked upon this as a decent call that merited an answer
from every one in these circumstances, and without hesitation
wrote that though I was then in my 56th year of age, and 36th
year of service, still as stout and hearty as could be expected at
such a time of life, I was as willing as ever to serve my King and
country, though I could not expect to be better settled after a
few years service than I was at present. From all this, I little
expected to be called ; but, behold ! I am appointed to the 42nd
or Royal Highland Regiment."
Q
220 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Taking his son along with him, he went to Fort-George, where
a detachment of the 42nd was then stationed, under the command
of Major Murray. By this officer he was sent with some recruits
to join the regiment at Glasgow. Lord John Murray, who was
in command, enrolled young Macdonald as a volunteer in the
same company as his father. Their reception is thus described —
" I became rather a favourite with his lordship ; but I had
better be so with Colonel Stirling, who was to go with and com-
mand the corps; but I soon became well with Major Murray, who
applied to have me in his company to take care and charge of
the men and their money. My noble friend the Earl of Eglinton,
being then in town, received me with his usual humanity, and
spoke to Colonel Stirling in my favour ; but the Colonel seemed
cool, perhaps naturally judging that an old man and a boy were
rather likely to be a burden than a credit to that distinguished
corps. And though he did the highest justice to every individual
in the regiment, I could not reckon myself a favourite with him
until the reduction of Fort Washington. By that time he found
the boy act the man on every occasion, and that the old man
acted his part as well as any subaltern in the regiment."
The 42nd embarked at Greenock on the I2th of April 1776,
and landed on Staten Island on the 4th of July, thus taking
nearly three months on a voyage which is now accomplished
in less than 10 days. The exploits of the gallant 42nd have
been so frequently and fully told that it is unnecessary here to
dwell on Macdonald's individual share of the campaign. His
son, although but a boy, bore himself bravely during his first
engagement, as shown by the following reference : —
" The enemy finding us thus give way, came on furiously,
and I had hot work. This was the first opportunity I had of
seeing my son fairly engaged, and I will be allowed to say that
it gave me pleasure to see him active and cool; but with only one
company there was no keeping of that ground, therefore we
retreated in good order. In this engagement I had a ball
through the cuff of my coat, which made a trifling contusion.
We had two Captains wounded slightly, and Ensign Mackenzie
mortally. In consequence of his vacancy I was advise^ to
memorial the Commander- in-Chief, in order to push for my son."
Macdonald did not succeed at this time in getting a commis-
sion for his boy, although he took a great deal of trouble in
waiting on different officers ; but they all considered the lad too
young to recommend. General Pigot received the father kindly
MAJOR JOHN MACDONALD. 221
and told him not to be in too great a hurry to push his son, but
by exerting himself to do his duty, and encouraging his son to
do the same, gain the favour of their Colonel, and no doubt he
would provide for them. Macdonald followed this good advice,
and soon had the pleasure of hearing Colonel Stirling speak well
of the lad. It was during the attack on Fort Washington that
the following occurred : —
" Whether my son landed before or after me, it is certain
that we lost each other in scrambling up the rocks, and knew
nothing of each other's fate till the evening, when it will be
allowed, when hot firing ceased, natural concern took place
After mounting the hill, and firing ceased, to capitulate, our party
sat down under trees to rest. I soon observed to Colonel Mac-
pherson [Cluny] that we had better look for our Regiment. He
answered, as there seemed nothing to be done, we were as well there
for the present. I replied, My dear Duncan, you have no son
on this Island this day. Very just, says he, let us move, and we
soon found the corps, when Colonel Stirling shook hands with me,
and thanked me for my activity in dispersing the rebels at
Morris' House, adding, Your son has been with me through all
this day's danger to yourself, and trust him to me in the future."
His age did not prevent the gallant old soldier from taking
his share in the hard work of the campaign, as shown by the
following extract. At this time the 42nd was at Princetown —
" Here it happened my turn to go with the baggage of the
army to Brunswick. The weather was very bad, with snow, frost,
and sleet alternately. The road was still worse in returning with
ammunition and prisoners, and the baggage horses being very ill-
shod, and as ill-fed, it was the fourth day before we got back to
Princetown, though constantly on duty. Here, finding the 42nd
with the bulk of the army had marched towards Trenton,! followed,
and late at night found them near that place, and I had a little
rest on a wisp of rotten hay. Next morning the army followed
the rebels to Princetown ; but proved too late to save the i/th
from a severe handling from a large body of them on their v/ay
to the Blue Mountains. But Lord Cornwallis, dreading the
danger of Brunswick ; where so much valuable stores lay, marched
with all expedition to save that place, from whence the 42nd was
detached to Piscataqua, and arrived there on the evening of the
3rd January 1777; and I have given the reader all this trouble to
tell him that then I finished my eighty-two miles march with
only one bad night's rest."
On another occasion he became separated from the regiment
for a while, when the Colonel sent a party to look for him —
222 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
" On the loth of May the rebels made a formidable attack
on our picquet in front, and took the officer and sergeant
prisoners, after killing or wounding most of the men. When I
came up with Major Murray's company I released them, and
took a wounded officer with thirteen rebels prisoners. Our
people were so enraged at their continual harassing that post,
and in particular at this last attempt, that I, finding them in hu-
mour to bayonet the prisoners, took some time to put them in dis-
creet hands, with positive orders not to hurt them. By this little
delay I missed the regiment, which halted at a proper distance.
I followed a firing, which I found to be a few mad fellows of ours,
and a company of Light Infantry, that had joined them and fol-
lowed the chase too far, and to no good purpose. When I came
up with them, I used all arguments that would occur to me to
make them return to the regiment, but all in vain, until they ap-
proached an encampment of the enemy where onlya tent wasstand-
ing, and saw them forming behind their encampment. I then told
them in a very serious manner that cannon would soon appear,
and hoped they would give up such folly as must endanger their
liberty, if not their lives ; thus I at last got the better of their
impetuosity, and retired a little. At that instant my son joined
me, with a sergeant and fifteen men. It seems Colonel Stirling,
missing me, asked the lad where I was, the latter answering that he
left me giving charge of prisoners to Corporal Paul Macpherson,
and that he believed that I was forward. The Colonel ordered
him to take a party and find me, and directed I should declare
his displeasure to these men for venturing so far from the regi-
ment, and, at their peril, to return immediately. In this place,
gratitude leads me to say that Major Murray's company of the
42nd was the most alert, most decent, and best principled soldiers I
ever had the honour to command or be connected with."
Our veteran was now stricken down with fever, and un-
able to follow the regiment. —
" When the army, after going by Chesapeak Bay, landed at
the head of the Elk, I was in a high fever, and left on board an
Hospital Ship, and relapsed often, which brought me very low.
Still on coming up the Delaware I landed with the first convales-
cents at Wilmington. Here I found my friends of the 7ist,
and Major Macdonald of that corps being ordered from the con-
valescents into a Battalion, choose to have me Adjutant to that
corps. I then commenced in that duty."
Some little time after, on reaching Philadelphia, officers and
men were ordered to join their respective corps, and Macdonald
had the pleasure of meeting his son, and hearing how he got on
during his absence. —
MAJOR JOHN MACDONALD. 223
" Now, my son gave me a long detail of the kindness and
attention of all the officers to him in my absence, in particular
that, when Colonel Stirling found I had been left behind, he
called him out of the rank of privates where he always stood,
telling him he was sorry he had been so long in that rank, and
he would take care he should appear no more in it, ordering him
at that same time to command half the company on a ma/ch or
action, that is, to act as subaltern in the company till his father
joined, or his being otherwise appointed. This was very flatter-
ing to a lad of seventeen, and two years service ; but this was
not all. After the battle of Brandy Wine, the Colonel gave him a
copy of a memorial addressed to General Stowe, setting forth his
own short, and my long, services, desiring him to transcribe and
sign a fair copy of it, which the Colonel presented in order to
procure a commission in some other regiment, as there was no
vacancy in the 42nd. This was done, and a favourable answer
received. Soon after, Major Murray being appointed Lieut-
Colonel to the 27th, and the General being pleased to give the
commissions in succession in the 42nd, my son got the Ensigncy,
date 5^h October 1777. Thus one of my grand points being
obtained, there remained only to realise a penny for my Lieuten-
ancy, and retire after serving upwards of thirty-eight years, and
at the age of fifty-eight."
While the Lieutenant was deliberating how he could retire
with a good grace in time of war, and at the same time get the
money for his commission, which was a great object to him,
fortune favoured him with one of those rare opportunities which
sometimes occur. It was found necessary to raise Provincial
troops to assist the regular army, and just at this time the order
came to raise a battalion in Maryland. There was no lack of
volunteers, but there was a difficulty in getting officers, for the men
of position and influence in the district who had been appointed,
were as a rule quite ignorant of military duty. Lieutenant
Macdonald had got acquainted with several gentlemen of posi-
tion, and one of these, a Mr Chalmers, got the commission of
Lieutenant-Colonel of the newly raised battalion. Not being a
military man himself, he was anxious to procure those who were,
for his officers, and offered our friend a Commission as his
Major, if he could arrange to leave his present post. Here was
the very opportunity Macdonald wished for. He immediately
laid his case before Colonel Stirling, who cheerfully promised to
do all in his power to assist him. How he succeeded we will
leave himself to tell . —
224
THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
" He (Colonel Stirling) wrote strongly in my favour, recom-
mending me to the General as well qualified for the intended
office, and meriting the indulgence of settling my present office.
But instead of giving me the trouble of delivering this letter, he
put it in his pocket, went to Head- Quarters, sent it in to the
General, and soon followed in person, and, without doubt, con-
firmed what might be alleged in his letter. The General graci-
ously owning himself no stranger to my character, matters were
then and there settled, and next day, the loth of November,
Ensign John Spence was appointed Lieutenant in the 42nd
Regiment, vice Lieutenant John Macdonald, who retired. That
same day orders contained the following : — Lieutenant John
Macdonald appointed Major to the First Battalion of the Mary-
land Loyalists. Mr Spence gave me bills immediately for the
Lieutenancy And General Howe having com-
plimented the Colonel on getting such a man to be his Major, I
joined immediately, and the corps was soon recruited to 335
privates and 42 non-commissioned officers, the establishment
being only 448 of both, and I had very flattering compliments
from Generals Grey and Paterson, and several other officers of
experience, for their appearance and alertness in going through
their exercises and different manoeuvres. By the latter end of
April, I was vain of the figure they made."
A few months, however, changed the aspect of affairs. The
British troops lost ground, and as a consequence their prestige;
Republicanism gained strength, until even the Provincial troops
became infected with it, and deserted daily in large parties, to
join their countrymen in their struggle for liberty. This state of
affairs necessitated the amalgamation of three Provincial regi-
ments into one, viz., the Maryland Loyalist, the Pennsylvania,
and the Waldeck Regiments. This combined corps was ordered
to Jamaica. On the voyage, it came to the ears of the Major
that in case of an American vessel coming in sight, that the
men were determined to mutiny and join the Americans. This
caused him great anxiety. We will give his own version. —
"This made me lay at night with a loaded blunderbuss
under my head, all the rest of the voyage. After being a month
at Jamaica, on the i6th January 1779, we arrived in the Bay of
Pensacola ; but the men having the smallpox among them, were
ordered to the Red Cliffs, ten miles distance from the town.
Here it might be naturally supposed that all apprehensions of
mutiny or desertion was at an end, as there were no enemy in
arms within five hundred miles of us ; but, behold ! on the I4th
MAJOR JOHN MACDONALD. 225
of March, a sergeant with sixteen men deserted in a body, with
their arms, and more ammunition than their ordinary comple-
ment. At this time Colonel Chalmers got leave of absence for
New York, and I being informed that a more formidable
desertion was designed, took all the ammunition from the men,
lodged it in a store, and ordered the Quarter-master to lay there
with it, and I visited it myself at all hours of the night. Indeed,
self-preservation kept me on the watch, as if once they got
masters of that store to pursue their design, I could not expect
that they would be very ceremonious with me."
Thus, by his prompt action, the Major prevented any further
attempts at mutiny. He, however, did not feel himself at all com-
fortable in his new position. The men were discontented, and the
officers were incapable, and spent their time in quarrelling among
themselves, so that to support his authority he had to be pretty
severe with them. A Court-Martial was held, and three officers,
a captain, a lieutenant, and an ensign, were dismissed the
service. With all this, he seems to have had the entire confi-
dence of his superior officers, as is shown by the following
extract : —
" Meantime a Spanish invasion being apprehended, the
General joined the Pennsylvania and Maryland Battalions into
one corps, under the command of Colonel Allan. That Colonel
getting leave of absence a few weeks before the siege, the com-
mand of the battalion fell to me, and in a great measure that of
the British tioops too, as there was no other Field Officer of
either line in the place. The only other Field Officer was the
Lieutenant-Colonel of the Waldecks, but except as Field Officer
of the day, he did not interfere with British or Provincial troops,
and for good reasons the General never employed him or his
troops out of the works."
This additional responsiblity made him so anxious that for
weeks he never retired to rest at night, for fear of a surprise.
This naturally told on a man of his age ; but could not subdue his
spirit, or his determination to do his duty. He thus describes
his situation at this time. —
" Thus being extremely fatigued, besides other disorders,
raised a swelling on the side of my head, which was blistered in
the evening of the 3rd of May. That night I had the rounds,
and my head running. Next morning in course of duty I was
obliged to attend General Campbell with my report. He ex-
pressed great concern at seeing me in that condition, as he
226 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
meant a sally at twelve o'clock that day, the fourth (the sixth in
the newspapers is a mistake), and he did not know who else to
appoint to that command. I told him to be under no apprehen-
sion but I would do my duty while I had whole bones, nor
would I yield a command of that nature to any man alive, and
begged he would give myself the necessary instructions, and not
puzzle me afterwards with messages by aide-de-camps, which I
had found on other occasions contradictory and ambiguous."
The Major succeeded so well in this attempt, that his name
was mentioned with honour in the General's report.
Soon after, Articles of Capitulation were agreed upon,
on very favourable terms, and the Major became, with the rest
of his comrades, a prisoner of war, and was sent to New York.
He now determined to leave the army and return home. —
"At this time, I had the confirmation of bad news from
home. My trustee having become insolvent, my affairs mis-
managed, my wife and daughter distressed, while my effects were
a wreck in the hands of those who never dreamed I should
appear to bring them to any account. The conclusions are
obvious. At this time I considered that having passed my grand
climacteric, there was no depending on a constitution, always at
severe trial from my twelfth year. My last service was finished
decently. In any future service I might fail of ability. I hope
the judicious reader will, from what has been said, see good
reason for my sacrificing my commission, to escape with the
little life left to my family and friends. This was effected by
landing at Portsmouth, 2Oth January 1782 — a few days in Lon-
don— then to Edinburgh by land. Engaged Drumuachter in
the memorable storm in March of that year ; arrived at Moy, 6th
April, in tolerable health, though I was obliged to march on foot
all the way from Dunkeld.
" Thus at the end of forty-three years I quitted a service to
which Providence, contrary to my own inclination, directed me,
after such a variety of hardships as few constitutions could bear.
In balancing *he general usage I met with in the army, I find
it most favourable, as I had not many friends, nor remarkable
talents that could recommend me to much notice. Perseverance,
honesty, and sobriety I take credit for ; but who can say that
merit is neglected, or finds no reward in the army, when such
slender parts as mine could make a Major.
" I now rest well pleased with my success in the world, and
in general with my own conduct, even where my designs failed
most. Remembering that they were always fair and prudent at
the time ; but that no human sagacity can guard against future
events."
MAJOk JOHN MACDONALD. 22?
And thus we leave the gallant old warrior enjoying the repose
he had so hardly earned, but we confess we should have liked to
have learned something of the after career of his son, who,
no doubt, if his life was spared, rose in his profession.
At the end of the manuscript, from which the foregoing selec-
tions have been taken, is the following pedigree of the writer : —
" John, son of
Angus, son of
William, son of A ,, , -0^1
Norman, son of ^A11 born in Sutherland.
Murdoch, son of
Donald, son of
John (who came to Sutherland from Dingwall), son of
Clerk or Clerach.
" Clerach or Clerk, Manach or Monk of the Monastery of
Beauly.
" This monk (as it is handed down) of Beauly was a Mac-
donald, and his son being Clerk to the town of Dingwall was com-
monly called Clerach, from his office, by which his son John
was sometimes called Mac-a-Chlerich and Mac-a-Mhannich, at
which he seemed always offended, not chosing to be run out of
his proper surname ; but, as is commonly the case, the more he
resented it, the more the joke prevailed, and ended in his killing a
youth who had perhaps followed it too far. But probably having
greater interest with the then Macdonald, Earl of Ross, John
thought it prudent to make his escape, and settled in Braegrudy,
in the parish of Rogart. Thus I am positive that in a lineal de-
scent no more than the above five were born there before myself.
And our burying-place being in the outskirts of the church-yard
show our being late comers ; whereas Murrays, Mackays,
Sutherlands, and Douglases are centrical, and near the church
wall. And in my early days our people went by the appellation
of Sliochd a Mhannich, commonly, which offended them very
much, they knowing nothing of a Monk but judging that it
meant only a capon. The repetition backwards is —
" Ian Mac Inish vie Uilliam vie Hormaid vie Mhurchie vie
Dhoill vie Ian vie a Chlerich vie a Mhannich."
Any information respecting the descendants of Major Mac-
donald, would, no doubt, prove interesting to the reader, and we
shall be glad to receive such. M. A. ROSE.
228
LANDLORD RESOLUTIONS AT INVERNESS.
LAST month we were not able to do more than give the resolutions
passed at the meeting of Highland landed proprietors held in
Inverness on the I4th of January last. Indeed the more we
consider these resolutions, the more we are impressed with their
worthlessness, except in so far as they may be held to be a con-
fession that something must be done, or the days of landlordism,
on its present footing, are already numbered. No sensible person,
however, in the least acquainted with the ideas, past conduct, and
the oblivious short-sightedness hitherto exhibited by landlords
generally, and more especially Highland landlords, could expect
any reasonable concessions from a meeting composed as the In-
verness meeting was composed. Any one taking the trouble
to look over the names of those present will see at a glance that
about two-thirds of the number were Commissioners and factors,
and that only a small minority of the proprietors themselves
graced the meeting by their presence. Commissioners and factors
must necessarily be hampered, and less likely to be influenced
by the arguments of the more sensible of the landlords present
in person, than would those more immediately concerned — the
landlords themselves — had they been at the meeting to hear the
weighty reasons urged by a few of the wiser of their own class,
in favour of such concessions as would allay the present agitation
for Land Law Reform. The resolutions are at least two years
too late. Voluntary concessions will not do at this time of day,
and the action of the landlords at Inverness will serve no good
purpose, except in so far as any successful opposition on their
part against compulsory enactments in the House of Commons
or elsewhere, is now impossible. They have made a wonderful
confession of their past transgressions, at the meeting ; and though
forced out of them by the hard conditions and circumstances
of the times, it cannot now be recalled, and the better sort must
in future lend their aid to the Government and to Parliament in
passing a measure of Land Law Reform, which will compel those
among themselves who bring odium on their class, and endanger
their interests, to do what they will never voluntarily agree to do,
or if they did, never carry it out in practice. Mr Macdonald
LANDLORD RESOLUTIONS AT INVERNESS. 22$
of Skaebost, replying to the present writer, thinking his brother
Highland proprietors were as wise and far-seeing as himself,
declared, at the recent Annual Dinner of the Gaelic Society of
Inverness, the evening before the landlord meeting, that he was not
going to disclose what the proprietors were going to do next
morning, but " if he interpreted the sentiment he had heard
expressed within the last few days by many influential proprietors,
he ventured to prophesy that on Wednesday peace would be
restored to the Highlands, and that the members of the Highland
Land Law Association might henceforth turn their attention to
some other occupation." How terribly disappointed he must
have felt when he saw the mouse which the mountain brought
forth on the following day, can only be surmised. He did not
know his men. Their sentiments, when pitted against what they
thought their personal interests, went to the wall.
Those who think that mere tinkering will now suffice, are
living in a fool's paradise. We know that the wisest among the
proprietors themselves are satisfied that if once the question of
Land Law Reform for the Highlands is opened up, it must be
dealt with in such a manner as will close it for a generation. We
have no hesitation in saying that nothing short of the principal
clauses of the Irish Land Act, with additional provisions for the
compulsory re-settlement of the people on the best portions of
their native land, from which they have, in the past, been so
harshly removed, will have this effect. Holding this opinion, as
we very firmly do, it would be a waste of space to discuss the
Inverness resolutions, beyond pointing out that they present the
Highland proprietors on their knees, confessing their sins, and
in this way effectually discounting any possible opposition on
their part to such legislative changes as will make the Highland
people quite independent of the landlordism of the future.
A. M.
"NETHER-LOCHABER," LL.D.— A well-deserved honour has been con-
ferred on the Rev. Alexander Stewart, F.S.A. Scot., Minister of Ballachulish, by his
Alma Ma/er, the University of St Andrews last month, by making him an LL.D.
Mr Stewart is so well known to the readers of the Celtic Magazine by his valued con-
tributions, as well as by a Biographical Sketch of our distinguished and long-standing
friend, which we published a few years ago, that it is quite unnecessary to say more
just now than to record this well-earned and crowning honour. Our only difficulty is,
whether we are to call him in future Dr " Nether-Lochaber," or I)r Stewart. It
will be hard for us to give up the honoured and familiar title of " Nether-Lochaber."
230
THE MUNROS OF MILNTOWN.
BY ALEXANDER Ross. t
IV.
ANDREW MUNRO was Captain of the Castles of Inverness and
Chanonry, and Chamberlain of the Earldom of Ross. About
the year 1 567, John Leslie, Bishop of Ross, who had been secre-
tary to Queen Mary, dreading the effect of public feeling against
Popery in the North, and against himself personally, made over
to his cousin, John Leslie of Balquhain, his rights and titles to
the Castle and Castle lands of Chanonry, to divert them of the
character of Church property, and so save them to his family ;
but notwithstanding this grant, the " Good Regent " Murray
gave the custody of the Castle to Andrew Munro of Milntown,
and promised Leslie some of the lands of the Barony of Fintry,
in Buchan, as an equivalent ; but the Regent was assassinated
before this arrangement was completed — before Andrew Munro
obtained titles to the Castle and Castle lands. Yet he obtained
permission from the Earl of Lennox, during his regency, and
afterwards from his successor, the Earl of Mar, to take possession
of the Castle.
Colin Mackenzie, XL Chief of Kintail, and his clansmen
were extremely jealous of the Munros occupying the stronghold;
and being desirous to obtain possession of the Castle themselves,
they purchased Leslie's right, by virtue of which they demanded
delivery of the fortress. This demand Andrew Munro at once
refused. Kintail in consequence raised his vassals, and being
joined by a detachment of the Mackintoshes,* garrisoned the
* In the year 1573, Lachlan Mor, Laird of Mackintosh, favouring Kintail, his
brother-in-law, required all the people of Strathnairn to join him against the Munroes.
Colin, Lord of Lome, had, at the time, the administration of that Lordship as the
jointure lands of his wife, the Countess Dowager Murray, and he wrote to Hugh Rose
of Kilravock : — True Friend, after my most hearty commendation, for as much as it is
reported to me that Mackintosh has charged all my tenants west of the water of Nairn
to pass forward with him to Ross to enter into this troublous action with Mackenrie
against the Laird of Fowlis, and because I will not that any of mine enter presently
this matter whose service appertains to me, I thought good to advertise you of my
mind thereon, in respect ye are tenants of mine and have borne the charge of Bailliary
THE MUNROS OF MILNTOWN. 231
steeple of the Cathedral, and laid siege to Irving's Tower and the
Palace. The Munros held out for three years; but one day the
garrison getting short of provisions, they attempted a sortie to
the Ness of Fortrose, where there was a salmon stell, the con-
tents of which they endeavoured to secure. They were, however,
immediately discovered, and quickly followed by the Mackenzies,
who fell upon them in a most savage manner. Weak and starv-
ing as they were, they fought with that bravery which was always
so characteristic of the Munros; but after a desperate and un-
equal struggle, they were overpowered by the overwhelming
number of the Mackenzies, and twenty-six of their number killed,
among them being their commander, John Munro. The Mac-
kenzies had two men killed and several wounded. The defenders
of the Castle -immediately capitulated, and it was taken posses-
sion of by the Mackenzies.
Sir Robert Gordon says that the Munros " defended and
keipt the Castle for the space of thrie yeirs, with great slaughter
on either syd, vntill it was delyvered to the Clancheinzie, by the
Act of pacification. And this wes the ground and begining of
the feud and hartburning, which, to this day, remaynes betwein
the Clanchenzie and Mumois."*f*
Andrew Munro, V. of Milntown, married Catherine, daughter
of Thomas Urquhart, VI. of Cromarty, by whom he had three
sons and nine daughters —
1. George, his successor.
2. Andrew of Kincraig, who married " ane Mrs Gray," by
whom he had two sons — (i) Andrew, his successor. (2) William,
who entered the army, and rose to the rank of Lieutenant-
Colonel in a Regiment of Foot, under the Elector of Brander-
of Strathnarne in times past ; wherefore I will desire you to make my will known to my
tenants at Strathnarne within your Bailliary that none of them take upon hand to rise
at this present with Mackintosh to pass to Ross, or at any time hereafter without my
special command and goodwill obtained on such pains as any of them may incur there-
through, certifying them and ilk one of them, and they do in the contrary hereof, I
will by all means crave the same at their hands as occasion may serve. And this it
will please you to make known to them, that none of them pretend any excuse through
ignorance hereof; and this for the present, not doubting but ye will do the same ;
I commit you to God ; from Darnaway, the 28th of June 1573 — The Family of Rose
of Kilravock, p. 263.
t Earldom of Sutherland, p. 155.
232 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
burg. He married a Mrs Bruce, and acquired an estate in
Germany, where he resided till his death. By Mrs Bruce he
had issue, both sons and daughters, who settled in Branderburg,
and other parts of Germany, and some of their descendants were
living there in 1734. Andrew succeeded his father in Kincraig.
He married Margaret, daughter of Sir Robert Innes, XXIII. of
Innes, and relict of George Munro, VII. of Milntown, by whom
he had no issue. He left, however, two illegitimate children, a
son George, born in Edinburgh, and a daughter Janet, who
married a burgess of Tain. Andrew I. of Kincraig had also a
natural son, John, " burgess of Eainburgh," who bought the estate
of Culcraigie, in the parish of Alness.
3. John, I. of Fearn, who was twice married. His first wife
was Christian Urquhart, by whom he had three sons and one
daughter — (i) John, his successor. (2) Andrew. (3) George,
who married Mary, sister to Major-General Scot, by whom he
had one son, John, who was "cast away" at sea in 1639, in com-
pany of John Munro, younger of Obsdale, on their way to Ger-
many, to enter the Swedish service. (4) Christian, who married
Malcolm, third son of Lachlan Mackintosh, XII. of Mackintosh,
with issue. John of Fearn's second wife was Isabel, fourth daughter
of George Ross, XII. of Balnagown, without issue. He was suc-
ceeded by his eldest son John, who married Janet, daughter of
Thomas MacCulloch of Fearn, by whom he had two sons — (i)
John of Logic. (2) Andrew, who entered the army, and went with
Robert Munro, Baron of Fowlis to the German wars. He was
executed at Stettin for maltreating a surgeon there within his own
house during the night, " contrary to his Majestie's Articles and
discippline of warre." Colonel Robert Munro of Obsdale, in his
" Expedition," states that there was " much solicitation" made
for Robert's life by the " Duchesse of Pomereu and sundry
noble Ladies, but all in vaine, yet to be lamented, since divers
times before he had given proofe of his valour, especially at the
siege of Frailesound in his Majestie's service of Denmarke, where
he was made lame of his left arme, who, being young, was well
bred by his parents at home, and abroad in France, though it
was his misfortune to have suffered an exemplary death, for
such an oversight committed through sudden passion, being
Summum jus, in respect that the party had forgiven the fault,
THE MUNROS OF MILNTOWN. 233
but the Governor, being a churlish Swede, would not remit the
satisfaction due to his Majesty and justice."*
John Munro, II. of Fearn, was succeeded by his eldest son,
John, who is designated "of Logic," in a MS. history of the
Munros, in the possession of Stuart C. Munro, of Teaninich.
John who was a Quartermaster in the army, married Margaret,
daughter of the Rev. David Ross, minister of Logie-Easter, from
1638 to 1644, and had by her, among others, a son, Andrew, who
succeeded him. Andrew married Christina, daughter of Hugh
Munro, II. of Culrain, by whom he had six sons — (i) George,
(2) John, (3) Andrew, (4) David, (5) Robert, (6) James. George,
Robert, and James entered the army, and were dead in 1734,
leaving, apparently, no issue. David became a carpenter, and
John learned another trade. I have not succeeded in tracing
whether John, David, and Andrew left issue.
4. Janet, who was married to David Munro, II. of Culnald.
with issue, one son, Andrew. After David's death she married
Hector Munro, XVIII. Baron of Fowlis, to whom she bore no
issue.
5. Catherine, who married George Munro, I. of Obsdale,
third son of Robert Munro, XV. Baron of Fowlis, to whom she
had two sons — (i) Colonel John, who succeeded his father; (2)
Major-General Robert, a distinguished military officer, and author
of "Munro: His Expedition."
6. Elizabeth, who married Hay of Kinardie..
7. Christian, who died unmarried.
8. Euphemme, who married Hugh Munro, IV. of Balconie,
with issue, five sons and one daughter.
9. Margaret, who married Robert Gordon of Bodlan.
10. Anne, who married Hugh Ross of Priesthill.
11. Ellen, who was twice married. Her first husband was
Donald Ross of Balmuchie ; and her second, John Munro, minis-
ter of Tain, and Sub-Dean of Ross, third son of Hugh Munro, I.
of Assynt.
12. Isabella, who was also twice married. Her first husband
was James Innes of Calrossie. Her second husband, whom she
married after 25th July 1614, was Walter Ross, II. of Invercarron.
She bore to him, among others — (i) William, who succeeded
* Munro, His Expedition, part TL, page 47.
234 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
his father, and, on the 3<Dth of December 1661, grants a charter of
Invercarron to his eldest son and heir, Walter, and to Walter's
spouse, Margaret Gray, relict of George Murray of Pulrossie ;
(2) Janet, who, before I2th August 1664, married Kenneth Mac-
kenzie, I. of Scatwell ; (3) Christian, who is said to have married
Hugh Macleod of Cambuscurry, in the parish of Edderton, an-
cestor of Robert B. A. Macleod, of Cadboll, Invergordon Castle.
Andrew Munro, V. of Milntown, died about 1593, and was
succeeded by his eldest son,
VI. — George, who in 1 598 is designated " George Munro of
Meikle Tarrel." In that year he became bound " to releve and
skaithles keip Elizabeth Rose, the relicit of unquhile (deceased)
Walter Urquhart, Shiref of Cromertie, and William Gordoun of
Bredland, now hir spous, William Rose of Kilrawak, tutor tista-
mentare to Alex. Urquhart, sone lauchfull to the said unquhile
Walter, and the said Alex, self and his aires — at the hands of
Donald Ros, Magnus Feme, and Finlay Manson, cessioneris and
assignais constitut be unquhile Alexander Feme, portioner of
Pitcalyean, to the letters of reversion and redemption following
thereupon made by the said unquhile Walter and the said Alex-
ander, to the said unquhile Alexander Feme and his assignais
for redemption of the easter half davoch lands of Pitcalyean with
the pertinentis, and of all redemption and renunciation made
thereupon by them to Andrew Munro, sone and air to unquhile
David Munro of Culnald, and to his tutour testementare for their
entres, and that at the handis of the saidis foure assaignais and
their aires : Be their presentis, subscribuit with our hand at Kil-
rawak the twenty day of August, the yeir of God 1 598, beffoir
their witness, David Rose of Holme, William Ros, Walter Ros,
and John Munro, notar public."*
George Munro was principal tacksman of the Chantry of
Ross. On the i8th of July 1618, the Commissioners of the
Bishopric of Ross provided a stipend of 620 merks for the
minister of Kilmorack, payable, 465 merks, out of the parsonage
or rectorial tithes, by George Munro of Tarrell, principal tacks-
man of the Chantry of Ross, and, 155 merks, by the tacksman
of the vicarage teinds ; and the lease was prorogated as compen-
sation for the charge.
* Kilravock Papers^ pp. 287-8, and Priory of Beauty, p. 251.
THE MUNROS OF MILNTOWN. 235
In 1584 James VI. confirmed a charter, granted by Alex-
ander Home, Canon of the Church of Ross, with consent of the
Dean and Chapter, to George Munro in heritage, " the church-
lands of his prebend called Killecreist, with the parsonage tithes
included, lying in the Earldom of Ross and Sheriffdom of Inver-
ness, and also the prebendary's manse with its pertinents lying as
above.*
George Munro was twice married. His first wife was Mariot,
daughter and heiress of John M'Culloch of Meikle Tarrel. She
was served heir to her father in the estate of Meikle Tarrel in
1577, together with the revenue of £2. los. from Easter Airds.
In 1 578 James VI. granted to her, and her " future spouse, George
Munro, the son and heir-apparent of Andrew Munro of Newmore,"
the lands of Meikle Tarrel, which formerly belonged to Mariot
in heritage, and which she had resigned with the consent of her
curators, Robert Munro, Baron of Fowlis ; James Dunbar of
Tarbat ; George Dunbar, of Avoch ; and George Munro, Chan-
cellor of Ross — to be held of the Crown for the service formerly
due.f
By Mariot M'Culloch, George Munro had four sons and one
daughter —
1. George, his heir.
2. John ; 3, William ; 4, David, all of whom went to the
German wars with Robert Munro, Baron of Fowlis, "whence
they returned not, dying going there."
5. Margaret, who married David Dunbar of Dunphail, she
being his second wife.
George Munro's second wife was Margaret, daughter of
David Dunbar, Dean of Moray, fourth son of Sir Alexander
Dunbar of Westfield, who was the fifth son of James, V. Earl of
Moray. By Miss Dunbar he had two sons and four daughters —
6. Hector ; 7, John, " of whom there is no account to be
given of, their being soldiers, and killed in battle."
8. Janet, who married Hugh Munro of Achnagart, with issue.
9. Helen, who married John Fraser of Inchbreck, with issue.
10. Catherine, who married Alexander Baillie of Dunean, to
whom she had, among others, William, VIII. of Dunean ; David,
*Keg. Sec. Sig., Vol. 1L, folio 90.
t Reg. Sec. Sig., Vol. xlv., Folio 68.
236 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
I. of Dochfour ; and Catherine, who married one of the younger
sons of Hugh Fraser of Culbokie.
II. Isabella, who married Walter Leslie of Elgin, with issue.
George Munro built the tower and belfry of the present
Established Church of Kilmuir-Easter, on the top of which is an
eagle, the Munros armorial crest, and the monogram, G.M.—
George Munro. It bears the date 1616, with the word " biggit"
The Munros' aisle in the same church is a building of some
architectural taste.
George died at Boggs on the 6th of May 1623, and was
succeeded by his eldest son,
VII. George Munro, VII. of Milntown who was in 1623
served heir to his father in a fourth of the lands and town of
Meikle Allan, containing two oxgangs of the extent of 135. 4d.
and a fourth of the alehouse of the extent of 35. 4d. He was in
the same year served his father's heir in the lands of Milntown,
" with the mills and office of chief mair of the earldom of Ross,
of the extent of 8 ch alders, 4 bolls of victual ; a croft named the
Markland of Tullich, of the extent of one pound of wax ; and
the lands and town of Meikle Meddat, of the extent of6chalders
of bear and oatmeal, and other dues, its alehouse with toft and
croft, of the extent of 133. 4d., and its other alehouse, without
toft and croft, of the extent of 6s. 8d. — in the Barony of Delnie,
earldom of Ross, and sherififdom of Inverness." *
He married Margaret, daughter of Sir Robert Innes, XVI.
Laird of Inncs, by his wife, Elizabeth, daughter of Lord Elphin-
stone, Lord High Treasurer of Scotland, by whom he had one
son and one daughter —
1. Andrew, his heir, and
2. Margaret, who married Captain Alexander Forester of
Corstorphine, near Edinburgh, with issue.
George had also an illegitimate son, named Hugh, who
married Jane, daughter of Robert Dunbar of Dunphail, and had
issue.
George Munro, VII. of Milntown, died in 1630, and was suc-
ceded by his only son,
VIII. Andrew Munro, who was the last of his family who held
the estate of Milntown. He succeeded in his eleventh year. His
maternal uncle, Sir John Innes, never permitted him to possess
* Retours.
THE MUNROS OF MILNTOWN. 237
the property or inhabit the Castle of Milntown, as he had, im-
mediately after the death of Andrew's father, taken possession
of the same by virtue of " an appraising and other diligences" —
Sir John holding wadsets over the lands and estates of Milntown
which he sold in 1656 to Sir George Mackenzie of Tarbat.
Andrew Munro served as a Captain under his kinsman, Sir
George Munro I., of Newmore, in Ireland, in the Royal Army,
during the rebellion there. He was in 1644 ordered to Scotland
with his men, and took a distinguished part in the battle of Kil-
syth, fought in 1645, where he fell fighting bravely at the head of
his company, in the twenty-sixth year of his age. His friends
and relations had great hopes of his being able to redeem the
debts, contracted by his father, and his death was a severe
blow to the Milntown family. He died unmarried, and with-
out issue, when the family of Milntown, in the main line, be-
came extinct.
Sir George Mackenzie of Tarbat, after purchasing the castle
and estate of Milntown, changed the name to Tarbat, after his
own title, he being a Lord of Session under the title of Lord
Tarbat. He was afterwards created a Viscount. The peasantry
to this day call the place " New Tarbat," and in the vernacular,
Baile-Mhuillinn Andrea. Adjoining the site of the old castle of
Milntown is a high mound, near the river, where the pipers played
the bagpipes. The only remains of the old castle still extant are
the door of the vault, and the high terraces near the place where
it stood. In the year 1728 Viscount Tarbat — afterwards Earl of
Cromarty — contracted with masons to " throw down Munro's old
work," and clear the foundation, and build a new house. Some
of the oldest inhabitants of the village of Milntown remember
hearing their parents, who assisted in razing Milntown Castle, say
that the hall was so large " that the music of fiddles at one end
could not be heard at the other." The castle is said to have been
the most elegant and highly finished house in the north, and
adorned with turrets. It stood near the site of the present
mansion. In the grounds near the old building were many
large trees. One large beech was called " Queen Mary's tree,"
and was supposed to have been planted by that queen during
her stay at Beauly Priory. It was more than 100 feet high, and
required a whole week to cut it down. No force was able to
remove it, and it was in consequence buried where it lay.
DEATH OF MR JOHN A. CAMERON, WAR
CORRESPONDENT.
IT is with great regret that we record the early and untimely
death of a typical and distinguished Highlander. Mr John A.
Cameron, for several years well known to the world as the war
correspondent of the Standard newspaper, had in his veins the
best blood of the Clan Cameron. He was educated in Inverness,
but although born a soldier, he was born after the time when the
Highlands were the nursery of soldiers and the capabilities of
race and individuals which formed a man to be a leader com-
manded a commission. He commenced his active life in the
service of the Caledonian Bank, and had to be content to gratify
those stirrings in his blood which impelled him to a military career
by serving in the first Company of Inverness-shire Highland
Rifle Volunteers. He afterwards went to India and engaged in
mercantile pursuits, and was in business in Central India when
the Afghan War broke out in 1878. The young Highlander
smelt the battle from afar; Evan's, Donald's fame rang in the young
clansman's ears, and, like David of old, if he could not join in the
battle he would go and see it. He obtained an appointment as
correspondent of the Bombay Gazette^ and so rapidly did he
establish a reputation that in the following year he was employed
by the Standard, on the staff of which paper he continued till
his death. From this time Mr Cameron may be said to
have lived his life in camp, and probably no soldier now
alive has seen so much fighting as it fell to his lot to witness.
From Afghanistan he went to South Africa, and was present,
and taken prisoner, at the fatal fight on Majuba Hill. He saw
the bombardment of Alexandria and the battle of Tel-el-Kebir.
He witnessed the operations of the French in Madagascar. He
was with the French in the swamps of Tonquin ; and finally he
accompanied the expedition of Sir Garnet Wolseley to the
Soudan, and met his death in that fatal post where General
Stewart halted his column for a temporary rest, and where we
venture to say the courage and the discipline of soldiers were
tried as they never were tried before. Throughout his career Mr
DEATH OF MR JOHN A. CAMERON. 239
Cameron displayed all the best qualities of a Highlander. What
pluck, daring, and endurance could accomplish he did. What
his eye saw he was apt to describe in glowing language, which
created the scene again for his readers. And withal he was
so modest and unassuming that his own personality was never
obtruded. He did feats of which possessors of the Victoria Cross
might be proud, but these were never heard of from his own lips
or his own pen. In these columns it would be unpardonable
that we should forget to tell that to the last Mr Cameron was a
true Highlander, and in deep sympathy with the land of his birth
and its people. In 1882 he was for some months in this neigh-
bourhood, and in the Isle of Skye the week after the Battle of
the Braes, where he devoted his time to an examination of the con-
dition of the crofters, which was then engaging public attention,
and was the author of several valuable papers on the subject,
full of true sympathy with the people, of whom he was one, and
with the race from which he sprung.
Sic transit. Stricken in hot fight, in the full vigour of
youth, the gallant son of the mountain now sleeps his last sleep
in the desert sands of Africa. To us it is left but to drop a
sympathetic tear, to record this all too imperfect tribute to his
memory, and to hope that his life of duty, gallantly done, will
not be lost.
OUR GAELIC BIBLE.
To THE EDITOR OF THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
SIR, — In casually perusing the Celtic Magazine for April 1879, in an article under
the above heading, by the Rev. Donald Masson, M.A., M.D., at page 216, it is stated
that in 1758, the " Mother's Catechism " was translated into Gaelic. On looking over
the Gaelic New Testament, published by John Orr, bookseller, Glasgow, in 1754, I
find the following advertisement in which the " Mother's Catechism " is mentioned : —
"Leabhair ghaoidhealach, clodh-bhuailte, agus r'an reic le loin Orr, Leabhair
reiceadoir ann Glas-gho. Eadhon, An tiomna nuadh ; Leabhair nan Sailm ; Gnath-
fhocail Sholaimh ; Leabhar ceisd na Mathar, Leabhar aithearr nan Ceisd ; Laoidh
Mhic Ealair ; Laoidh eile, araon am beurla san Gaoidheilg. Agus cuid do ranntaibh,
agus orain ; agus pailteas do leabhraibh beurla air Saor-chunnradh.
" Toir Fainear, gu bheill run aige an Sein-tiomna gu huilidh a chlodh-bhualadh
ma chuireas claoine a stcach air a shon gun mhoill. Agus leabhar Searmoin, dan
goirear Gairm an De mhoir don tsluagh neimh iompoichte," &c.
From the above it would appear that " Baxter's Call " in Gaelic, which Dr
Masson states was printed in 1748, \vas not then proceeded with, although the Irish
gentleman mentioned gave in that year a donation for the translation and printing of
it.— Yours, &c., K. CORBETT.
Beauty, 27th January 1885.
240 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
THE ESTATE AND PEOPLE OF KILMUIR.
BY THE REV. JAMES M. DAVIDSON.
WHEN Donald Gorm, Lord of the Isles, was lying on his death-
bed in Edinburgh, local tradition says that his spirit visited the
Castle of Duntulm, then the residence of the Lords of the Isles
and left the following message for his son and heir, Donald Gorm
Og:-
" Tell Donald Gorm Og to stand up for the right against
might, to be generous to the multitude, to have a charitable hand
stretched out to the poor."
Never did a Highland chieftain give more apposite advice
to his heir than that contained in Donald Gorm's message to his
son, and yet, if there be truth in the cry at the present day of
the people who inhabit the country surrounding the old crumb-
ling Castle of Duntulm, does not that cry proclaim to the world
that Donald Gorm's heirs have not always attended to their old
chiefs dying message — that might has trampled over right — that
the multitude have been neglected, and that the poor have often
cried in vain.
Be this as it may, there is no lack of those who allege " that
a sense of intolerable wrong" on the part of the crofters has
given rise to the wail that has brought during the last month
such a trampling throng of military, police, and newspaper men
to our drowsy island.
That the Highland agitation, as yet in its infancy, should
first attract attention in Skye and the other north-west islands
need not surprise any one. The origin of the present state of
matters dates as far back as the abolition of the feudal authority
in 1745. During all this time society in Skye may be said to
have been divided into two distinct classes. On the one hand we
have the landlords, tacksmen — the latter themselves often men of
gentle blood — and the clergy. On the other the great mass of
crofters and cottars comprising nearly nine-tenths of the entire
population. Note that there is no middle class in Skye — that
the gulf between the Patrician and the Plebeian has all along been
a dangerously wide one,
THE ESTATE AND PEOPLE OF KILMUIR. 241
About 70 years ago the Highland chief fancied that if the
clansmen were away, and sheep in their place, that his old
estate would become a sort of El-Dorado. The clansmen in a
great measure had to go away. In Australia, New Zealand, and
all through the New World, many of the descendants of the
vanished clansmen live and prosper. Not so the old race of evicting
landlords. Their story for the most part is a sad one. All over
the Highlands the great bulk of them have disappeared. The
stranger owns their old home.
The Highland chieftain began by evicting the clansmen,
and the probability is that he will end by evicting himself.
With reference to Skye, the landlords, as a rule, were not
wealthy, and gradually became absentees. The great object
with their factor was to get as much money as possible for the
absent lairds. The large farms which at the time were a paying
concern, grew larger, and in proportion the crofter area dimin-
ished. In such circumstances it is not surprising that the
crofters began to look upon landlord, factor, and tacksmen, as a
combination that might one day root them out altogether. This
feeling of distrust and sense of wrong on the part of one class
towards another had long been growing; it needed but a spark to
set the heather on fire. That spark was applied when, four years
ago, the tenants of the township of Valtos, refused any longer to
pay what they considered an exorbitant rent. Since then the
conflagration has made the round of the island — Braes, Glendale,
and again Kilmuir following in succession.
There is no part of Great Britain, that has engaged public
attention more keenly, nor called forth public sympathy more
widely, for the last two months, than Skye. Startling rumours
found their way to the newspapers, which made people believe
that the usual peaceable subjects were in actual rebellion, setting
law and order at defiance. To one living among them, acquainted
with their simple and inoffensive mode of life, it appeared strange
that all these exaggerated statements were so readily believed
by the authorities. That there was, and is, discontent among
them, cannot be denied. Were they not more than ordinarily
patient and peaceful this discontent would long ere now have
assumed larger proportions. They are quiet and inobtrusive in
heir habits, respectful to superiors, notwithstanding the hard
242 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
treatment they have from time to time received at their hands.
As a class they are honest, sober, and industrious, much devoted
to their native soil, willing, as far as they can, to give every man
his due. When they fail in this, no one feels it more than they
do, and they would deny themselves some of the necessaries of
life in order to attain it. Instances of this came under my
observation.
Some newspaper correspondents have remarked that the
people on the Kilmuir estate appeared to be worse fed and clad
than those seen anywhere else in Skye. They are as sober and
industrious as any of the others : why, then, are they unable to
feed and clothe themselves, as well as those on the other estates?
The first thing that struck my attention when I came to
reside in this parish, three years ago, was the moral cowardice of
the people. It was of such a character that it surprised me. Why
should a people, in the main upright in their character, be living
in such constant dread of their superiors ? WThy could they not
put their foot on their native heath without the fear of man ? It
is a well-known fact that threats were indulged in, which led to a
continual fear of having these threats put into execution. Many
instances of high-handed measures were so fresh on their mem-
ories, that a fear of their repetition had a demoralising effect. To
the Skye crofter, so passionately fond of his native soil, the reign
of eviction was the reign of terror. This is the good old way to
which the crofters were advised to return. It need not surprise
any one that the advice was sullenly answered in the negative,
notwithstanding the high authority from which it came. Some
of their best qualities were, in a measure, crushed by such a
system of government. Any one who showed an independent
spirit, or was known to take an interest in public matters, was
marked, and if he persevered in such conduct he might have had
to leave the district.
Since the visit of the Royal Commissioners the people of
this parish have changed considerably. On that occasion some
of the delegates were afraid to enter minutely into their griev-
ances for fear of displeasing the estate officials. Had this not
been so, much of the evidence would have been stronger than it
is. Once their grievances were partly disclosed they gained a fair
amount of sympathy from the public. Newspapers were widely
read, and the land question was debated in every household,
THE ESTATE AND PEOPLE OF KILMUIR. 243
The meetings of the Highland Land Law Reform Associa-
tion had all the effect of a debating or mutual improvement
society. The crofters began to think for themselves, and the
periodical meetings of the Association afforded them an oppor-
tunity of expressing their views. This some of them do with
creditable fluency. It may be noted that not a few came to these
gatherings with their speeches written. Such meetings were a
novelty, very popular, and always well attended.
If Skye landlords had taken a greater interest in the educa-
tion of the people during the last twenty years, had trusted less
to officials, and shown a more kindly feeling towards the welfare
of their tenants, the present police and military invasion would
not have been ^required.
One cannot help admiring one trait in the character of the
people; it goes far to palliate other failings. Young men and
young women serving in the South send home their wages to
pay a rack rent that their parents may retain their holdings.
Despite the many hardships the people have to endure, the
family feeling is tender and in every way exemplary.
The treatment of the poor was generally harsh. Several
appeals had recently to be made to the Board of Supervision ;
these were on the whole successful. Till lately the management
of parochial affairs was almost entirely in the hands of the
estate officials, but in September last the crofters woke up, and
elected three of their number to represent them on that Board.
Would they have done it ten years ago ?
Reference will be made to more recent events in Skye in a
future number.
FROM ILLINOIS TO THE PACIFIC COAST:
REMINISCENSES BY AN AMERICAN HIGHLANDER.
WE extract the following from a letter recently received from
Mr William Fraser, Elgin, Illinois, U.S.A., being reminiscences
of a recent journey by him across the Prairie to the Pacific
Coast. They will prove most interesting to many of our readers.
Mr Fraser is a native of the county of Inverness, where many of
his relations still reside : —
"I met a number of Frasers and Mackenzies in the various locations that I
visited on the Pacific Coast, I first landed in California, where I have a brother who
244 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
has been a resident of that country for the last 30 years. His home is at Woodland,
20 miles north of Satramento. I there met a farmer of the name of Mackenzie, from
Pictou, but not a Gaelic man. One of the principal physicians in the place is a Dr
Ross, from Lower Canada. His father came from Ross. In San PVancisco I met
another Mackenzie, a broker from Beauly, who is doing a good business. His office
being opposite the hotel where I lodged, I went in and asked him in Gaelic, ' An e
thusa ogha Alastar Mhic Ian, a bha a'm Milifiach.' ' Is mi mata ; be mo mhathair is
do shean-mhathair cloinn an dapheathar.' Another Mackenzie, who is doing a good
work there is the Rev. Robert, who was once pastor of our church in Elgin. He is a
native of Cromarty. He resigned his charge in San Francisco, and accepted a call in
Pittsburgh, on account of his wife's health, where he received a salary of 5000 dollars
a year. He was very much respected in San Francisco, not only in his own congrega-
tion, but by a large class of people outside. Hugh Fraser, who also lives there, was
visiting his parents in Canada, so I did not see him. His father was a teacher in
Tigh-an-uilt when I left the country. From San Francisco I took steamer to Portland,
where I met several Scotsmen, both Lowland and Highland. One of the principal
wholesale merchants, Mr Donald Macleay, is from Ceann-Lochluichart. After I left
the place I heard that his partner, Mr Corbett, was from Beauly. I met another
Mackenzie there, who is keeping a Grocery. He is either from Gairloch or Loch-
carron. As I was passing by, on one of the principal streets, I observed a sign, ' Dr
E. S. Fraser.' I went in and asked the Doctor if he was Scotch; he said 'No/
but that his father was, and came from Inverness. I then asked where was he born ;
he said in Michigan. I then asked, Was not your father's name Peter ? He replied,
' Yes.' And you had an uncle Alexander, once a lawyer in Detroit. He said ' Yes.'
I then informed him of a number of relations in Scotland that he never heard of. His
grandfather, Alastair Mor, occupied once the farm of Drumriach on the Reelick side,
and his father emigrated to America as far back as I can remember. When coming
to the western country forty years ago, I called on his uncle, the lawyer, at Detroit.
He was married to a Frenchwoman, and was reputed to be very wealthy. The
Doctor stated that he left 200,000 dollars at his death ; his family all predeceased him.
The lawyer's sister was married to Mr Davidson, who was miller at Culcabock when
I left Scotland, 50 years ago. Dr Fraser informed me that his uncle left his property
to two nieces in Inverness, and I believe he said they were the miller's daughters. I
visited a nephew in Salem, 50 miles south of Portland, who is secretary to the State
Board of Education in the Land Department of Oregon. He owns a mill there,
which he rented to one Donald Macdonald, a native of Strathpeffer, whose wife is
from Brahan. I passed a very pleasant evening with them, with Gaelic git leor. I
was the first who told them of Dr Kennedy's lamented death. I met another Canadian
Scotsman there, John A. Macdonald, a marble-cutter. He was obliged to know
Gaelic, as his mother was from the Lews and never knew English.
I stayed some weeks with friends in Eugene City, 120 miles south of Portland.
While there, I was informed that there was a man living in the place who conducted
family worship in Gaelic. I was soon introduced to him, and carried on a conver-
sation in my native tongue for a couple of hours, more than I had done for twenty
years before. His name is Simpson, from Inveraray ; and he has been out but two
years. His son is a Methodist preacher in the place, and is a thorough English
scholar. There was another Highlander living there at the time, compiling a history
of Lane County — J. Munro Fraser, of the Munros of Poyntzfield. His uncle, Andrew
Fraser, was once Sheriff at Fort-William. He informed me that he was 15 years in
China, and was interpreter to General Gordon. I went up to Victoria, and met an-
other countryman there, Dr William Fraser Tolmie, a native of Ardersier, who was
fifty years in the country, in the employment of the Hudson's Bay Company. In my
wanderings on my way home I visited Salt Lake City, and spent a day or two among
the Latter Day Saints. Not being acquainted with any one, I strolled through the streets,
and asked the first man I met if there were any Scotsmen among the Mormons. He
replied that he was a Scotsman and a Mormon ; that his name was Grant ; that he was
born at Carr-Bridge, and received his education in Inverness. I met with several
others, both Lowland and Highland, who embraced that strange system. They were
all ready to argue the question with me, and nail it with Scripture. I denounced their
system, and expressed my astonishment that any person brought up in Presbyterian
Scotland, and taught the Chief End of Man, would ever turn a Mormon.
245
THE CANADIAN HIGHLANDER.
BY CHARLES MACKAY, LL.D.
Thanks to my sires, I'm Highland born,
And trod the moorland and the heather,
Since childhood and this soul of mine
First came into the world together !
I've " paidled " barefoot in the burn,
Roamed on the hraes to pu' the gowan,
Or clomb the granite cliffs to pluck
The scarlet berries off the rowan.
And when the winds blew loud and shrill
I've scaled the heavenward summits hoary,
Of grey Ben-Nevis or his peers
In all their solitary glory, —
And with the enraptured eyes of youth
Have seen half Scotland spread before me,
And proudly thought with flashing eyes
How noble was the land that bore me.
Alas ! that land denied me bread,
Land of my sires in bygone ages,
Land of the Wallace and the Bruce,
And countless heroes, bards, and sages.
It had no place for me and mine,
No elbow-room to stand alive in,
Nor rood of kindly mother earth
For honest industry to thrive in.
'Twas parcell'd out in wide domains,
By cruel law's resistless fiat,
So that the sacred herds of deer
Might roam the wilderness in quiet,
Untroubled by the foot of man
On mountain side, or sheltering corrie,
Lest sport should fail, and selfish wealth
Be disappointed of its quarry.
The lords of acres deemed the clans
Were aliens at the best, or foemen,
And that the grouse, the sheep, the beeves
Were worthier animals than yeomen ;
And held that men might live or die
Where'er their fate or fancy led them,
Except among the Highland hills
Where noble mothers bore and bred them.
In agony of silent tears,
The partner of my soul beside me,
I crossed the seas to find a home
That Scotland cruelly denied me,
246 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
And found it on Canadian soil,
Where man is man in Life's brave battle,
And not, as in my native glens,
Of less importance than the cattle.
And love with steadfast faith in God,
Strong with the strength I gained in sorrow,
I've looked the future in the face,
Nor feared the hardships of the morrow ;
Assured that if I strove aright
Good end would follow brave beginning,
And that the bread, if not the gold,
Would never fail me in the winning.
And every day as years roll on
And touch my brow with age's ringer,
I learn to cherish more and more
The land where love delights to linger.
In thought by day, and dreams by night,
Fond memory recalls, and blesses
Its heathery braes, its mountain peaks,
Its straths and glens and wildernesses.
And Hope revives at memory's touch,
That Scotland, crushed and landlord-ridden,
May yet find room for all her sons,
Nor treat the humblest as unbidden, —
Room for the brave, the staunch, the true,
As in the days of olden story,
When men outvalued grouse and deer,
And lived their lives ;— their country's glory.
New York Scotsman of January roth 1885.
A SCOTTISH-AMERICAN BILL OF FARE.— We extract the following
unique and intensely Scottish bill of fare from the San Francisco Chronicle, of January
1st. The viands enumerated there were discussed, with an accompanying programme
of songs, on the preceding evening by the San Francisco Scottish Thistle Club : —
60«/j-Cock-a-leekie. Kail Broth. Hotch Potch. Tattie Soup.
Shell Fish— Buckies. Mussels. Cockles. Partans.
Fish — Finnan Haddies. Caller Haddies. Speldrins. Saut Herrin. Kippered
Salmon. Glasco' Magistrates. Tak' a dram.
Boiled — Hoch o' Stirk. Doup o' Mutton. Peet Reekit Braxie Ham. A wee
Grumphie an' Neeps.
Roasts— Bubbly Jock stuffed wi' Ingins. Jigots. Paitricks. Pheasants wi'
Blaeberry Sauce. Another Dram to Sloken.
Cold Dishes — Skakie Tremmlie. Pee-weep Pies. Whaup and Doo Tarts.
Entrees- Royal Scotch Haggis — " Great Chieftain o' the Puddin' Race."
Thairms, Pies and Porter. Parritch and Milk. Pease Brose and Butter. Howtowdies
wi' Drappit Eggs. Crowdies. Sowans. Sour-dook. Tatties an' Dip. Singet
Sheep's Head.
Vegetables — Curly Kail. Bil'd Ingins. Neeps. Leeks. Brislet Tatties and
Carrots. Chappit Tatties. Shives.
Dessert — Roily- Polly. Grozet Tarts. Shorties and Sweeties. Cookies. Ginger-
bread. Bawbee Baps. Parlies. Aitmeal Bannocks. Tattie Bannocks. Currant
Loaf. Arnots. Sweeties. Athol Brose. Usquebah (Royal Blend). Tippeny Yill.
Treacle Peerie. A Drap o' Screech. Mulled Porter. Kebbuck.
CROFT V. LARGE FARM RENTS IN
SUTHERLANDSHIRE.
MR JOHN MACKAY, C.E., Hereford, criticising a statement recently
published by Sir Arnold Kemball, Commissioner for the Duke
of Sutherland, writes, under date of 2nd February : —
"I see there is a great disagreement between contending parties as to the relative
rents paid by large farmers and crofters for the areas of land occupied by each of them.
Sir Arnold maintains, by published tables, that the large farmers pay very much more
for their areas of arable and hill pasture than the crofters do for their areas. The
crofters assert that the very contrary is the fact. From the sequel it will appear that
the crofters are perfectly correct. We all know that it is not very agreeable to land-
lords or to estate agents to admit that crofters can have attained to so much intelli-
gence, and become possessed of so much information, as to dispute the accuracy of
carefully prepared statements and tabulated returns. We know, too, that statements
can be so prepared that, while not inaccurate in themselves, they can be so framed as
to mislead the general public in a way that they can make nothing of them, nor derive
any clear insight from them of the matter in dispute. Nevertheless, we have in them
facts which, when analysed and collated with other information at hand, may give a
very approximate, if not a strictly accurate, view of the point in question. This con-
troversy regarding comparative rents per acre of holdings by large farmers and crofters
in Sutherland, first turned up at the sitting of the Royal Commission in the parish of
Farr, at which it was asserted, and with truth, that the crofters for their area paid
rents equal to 2od. an acre for very inferior land, arable and hill pasture, while
the sheep farmers only paid 8d. an acre for theirs, and were remissions of rent
taken into consideration, remissions enforced and granted, the difference would
be greater still. At a subsequent sitting in Helmsdale for the parishes of Kildonan
and Loth, a delegate maintained, and proved beyond dispute, that the crofters there
paid 35. 3d. an acre for their areas, while the large farmers for their areas paid only
7cl. an acre. In the sitting in Golspie for the parishes of Clyne, Golspie, Rogart, and
Lairg, it was asserted on behalf of the Rogart crofters that they paid is. io4d. an acre,
while the large farmers in that parish only paid rod. an acre of area. The whole of
the crofters at these three sittings further contended that they paid these large differ
ences upon lands they themselves reclaimed from waste, without any aid, and their
rents periodically raised, while those of the large farmers were diminished. Lord
Napier, as he well might, was much surprised, doubted the statements made, and
asked the estate officials for contradiction. The only contradiction vouchsafed was that
crofters were not charged for hill pasture — an assertion amply refuted afterwards at
the last sitting of the Commission in Edinburgh.
"To set this controversy in a clearer light is the object of my addressing you;
and I solicit you to give the following few facts and figures a space in your valuable
columns.
"The only materials I have at hand, and upon which I rely, are the Royal Com-
mission Report and Evidence, Stafford House Returns appended to the Report,
County Valuation Roll for 1883, and the large Ordnance Survey of the county. The
248 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
latter gives the total area of the parish of Rogart in round figures to be 67,000 acres.
The Stafford House returns, page 288, appendix A to the Report, give the area, arable,
improvable, and hill pasture, in the occupation of the crofters as 9892 acres, or say,
10,000 acres, which leaves 57,ooo acres as the area occupied by the large farmers and
a small park kept in hand by the estate, and let separately for grazing at so much
a-head to the small tenantry in addition to their ordinary rents. By the same returns
the rent paid by the small tenants or crofters for these 10,000 acres is ^"1189. 8s. 6d.
— equal to 2s. 4d. an acre. By the County Valuation Roll for 1883, we find the rent
paid by the large farmers for the 57,000 as above to be ^2370, or only lod. an acre
nearly ; and if it is further borne in mind that the large farmers exacted, and really
obtained, a large remission of their rents, while the crofters were refused if they did
demand a reduction, the comparative difference will be still greater.
"It appears to me that these figures are incontestable. They go to prove that
the Rogart crofters have had substantial facts before them, and that their statements
are highly deserving of credit when analysed and placed in contradistinction to those
of estate officials and estate returns. Such analyses as these are highly valuable to the
general public, to form an opinion upon the merits of this controversy, for hitherto
the general use has been that crofters paid much less and sheep farmers much more
for their aggregate areas. Hence that crofters were ever a burden upon estates, were
a non-improving class of tenantry, that landlords would have been better — very much
better — without them, that the State could obtain soldiers from town and city, and
that by the extirpation of a noble peasantry, landlords and large farmers would be in
Arcadia, and the State could take care of itself."
"THE CROFTERS' GATHERING."— We have been favoured with a copy
of a very effective cartoon bearing; the above title, by Mr W. L. Bogle, who did such
good artistic work for the Graphic and the Pictorial World on the occasion of the
first military and police expedition to the Isle of Skye. The dominant idea represented
in Mr Bogle's cartoon is true to fact, namely, that the movement among the crofters of
the Highlands is one in which simple " Justice " and not " Socialism " is the aim. In
the foreground a strong-lunged Celt is blowing a horn, and the main subject represents
the result in the shape of an enthusiastic gathering of crofters, who are seen climbing
a hill on the top of which two stalwart fellows, one of them wearing a broad Tarn o'
Shanter bonnet, are striving to raise and maintain a standard on which is conspicuously
displayed the single word "Justice." The adverse winds are almost more than a
match for the two supporters of the flag, who seem most determined that it shall not
go down if they can prevent it. In the right foreground is seen approaching a
man, evidently meant for Mr Henry George, bearing aslant his shoulder the star-
spangled American banner, on which is inscribed the word " Socialism." His pro-
gress, however, is not to be an easy or a popular one, for he is stoutly confronted by
an aged drover-looking Highlander, grasping a stout cudgel in rather a threatening
manner. In his expression of countenance may be read anything but a warm
welcome to the "Apostle" of Land Nationalisation. The conception and execution of
the cartoon are really excellent, and reflect the highest credit on'Mr Bogle, in whom we
are glad to recognise a young and rising Highland artist — one quite able to take up the
mantle of the accomplished Ralston. Accompanying the cartoon is a very good
parody of "The Macgregor's Gathering," with the refrain changed into —
" The crofters, despite them,
Shall flourish for ever."
249
DEATH OF JOHN F. CAMPBELL OF ISLAY.
WE regret to record the death of Mr J. F. Campbell of Islay, a gentleman well known
throughout the Highlands as a distinguished Celtic scholar. He died at Cannes,
where he was spending the winter, on Tuesday, the I7th February, at the age of sixty-
three. The deceased was the only son of the late Mr Walter F. Campbell of Islay,
M. P. , by his first wife, Lady Ellinor Charteris, eldest daughter of the seventh Earl
of Wemyss. He was born in Edinburgh on the 29th of December 1821, and
educated at Eton and Edinburgh, and in 1851 was called to the bar of the Inner
Temple, but never practised. In 1854 he was appointed private secretary to the
Duke of Argyll when Lord Privy Seal. In the following year he was appointed
assistant secretary to the General Board of Health, and subsequently held, in 1856,
the secretaryship of the Mines Commission, and, in 1859, that of the Commission on
Lighthouses. Possessed of literary tastes, and deeply interested in the manners and
customs of the Highlands, and the legendary lore of the people, Mr Campbell devoted
much attention to the study of Celtic folk-lore. He took an active part in the Ossianic
controversy, and between 1860 and 1862 published his Popular Tales of the High-
lands, in four volumes. In 1872 he published the first volume of a work entitled
"Leabhar Na Feinne : Heroic Gaelic Ballads." He was also the author of two
volumes entitled "Frost and Fire: Footmarks and Chips," in which scientific observa-
tions and sketches of travel were pleasantly recorded. Several other works also came
from his pen, including a series of letters describing a trip round the world. In 1861
he was appointed a Gentleman Usher of the Privy Chamber, and in 1874 ner Majesty
appointed him one of the Grooms-in- Waiting, which office he resigned in 1880. Be-
sides many earlier European and much Alpine climbing, Mr Campbell travelled, for
purposes of research and observation, in 1857 in Norway, in 1861 in Iceland, in 1864
in America, in 1855 in Northern Scandinavia. In 1873-4 he made a journey by
Norway to Archangel, and thence through Russia to the Caucasus, returning by Con-
stantinople and the south of Europe. He made a voyage round the world, visiting
Japan, China, Java, and Ceylon, in 1874-5, and m 1876-7 he visited India. In 1878 he
resided in Egypt, and during that year made a short journey to Syria and Palestine.
He again visited Egypt in 1880 I. His works, a list of which is annexed, show the
extent of his observations and thought on Ethnological, Geological, and Physical
subjects. His Heliometer, mentioned with special distinction by Professor Balfour
Stewart at the meeting of the British Association in 1883, is in constant use at Green-
wich, and other scientific instruments invented or adapted by him, are in use at the
Ben Nevis Observatory. For the last twenty years Mr Campbell has been well known
to a large circle of Londoners. At Niddry Lodge were to be always found many of
the most celebrated men of the day. Mr Campbell was a brother-in-law to Lord
Granville, to Sir Kenneth S. Mackenzie of Gairloch, Bart., to Mr Henry Wyndham
West, Q.C., Recorder of Manchester, and M.P. for Ipswich, and to the late Mr
Bromley-Davenport. His chief published works are — " Popular Tales of the West
Highlands," 4 vols., 1860-62. "Life in Normandy," his father's notes, edited, 2
vols., 1863. "A Short American Tramp, 1864," I vol., 1865. "Frost and Fire," 2
vols., 1865. "Gold Diggings in Sutherland," 1867. "Leabhar na Feinne," Gaelic
texts, I vol. folio, 1872. " Glaciation of Ireland, quarto, Jour. Geol. Soc., 1873.
"My Circular Notes, 2 vols, 1876. "Glacial Periods," I vol., 1883; and many
pamphlets on various subjects,
250 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
A friend " who knew him well and loved him" writes —
"Wherever the Gaelic tongue is spoken, and wherever sturdy independence of
thought, associated with geniality of temperament and manliness of character is highly
esteemed, the death of John Campbell of Islay will be sincerely deplored. Devotedly
attached to the land of his birth, and a keen student of its poetic traditions, he has
enriched the literature of the country with a work which is likely to take a permanent
place in the esteem of his fellow-countryman. The " Popular Tales of the West
Highlands" must always have an enduring interest for every true lover of the region to
which that excellent work relates, and can never fail to excite the patriotic fervour of
every Highlander. Mr Campbell's life was devoted to the accumulation of the Folk
Lore which reflects so accurately the sympathies, habits, and instincts of a people, and
his labours were labours of love. This abiding memorial will be found in the hearts of
those whom his writings have so much delighted, and a large circle of mourning
friends have the melancholy satisfaction of feeling that their grief is shared by numbers
who had not attained to the privilege of his personal friendship.
DEATH OF MR WALTER CARRUTHERS OF THE " INVERNESS
COURIER."— We regret to announce the death of Mr Walter Carruthers of the
Inverness Courier, who died at Gordonville on Friday, 2 1st February. Born in May
1829, Mr Carruthers had nearly completed his fifty-sixth year. He was educated at
the Inverness Royal Academy and at Edinburgh University, finishing his course at
Bonn, in Rhenish Prussia. During his residence abroad he acquired a good know-
ledge of French and German, and was well read in the literature of both countries.
His first connection with the press was as Parliamentary reporter for the Morning
Chronicle^ then a leading organ of public opinion in England. In 1853 he joined his
father, the late Dr Carruthers, on the staff of the Courier^ becoming a few years later
a partner and chief coadjutor in the business. He was one of the first to suggest
Tomnahurich as the best site in the neighbourhood of Inverness for a public cemetery,
and, along with Provost Macandrew, he was for a time secretary to the Cemetery
Company. The handsome monument erected in Skye to the memory of Flora Mac-
donald was another work which Mr Carruthers assisted to accomplish. He married
in 1856 the eldest daughter of the late Provost Ferguson, Inverness, who, with a
large family, survives him.
DEATH OF GENERAL GRANT'S UNCLE.— Mr Roswell Grant, uncle of
General Grant, has just died at Charleston, Virginia. Born in the year 1800, he was
the last of a family of eight children, all of whom lived to an advanced age. During
the Civil War deceased sympathised with the South, but he predicted that she would
not succeed, because Ulysses, his nephew, was "on the other side, and understood
his business." Mr Grant had voted for 17 Presidents, all of whom were elected.
"THE SCOTTISH HIGHLANDER."— We are glad to intimate that the
encouragement already received justifies the publishers of the Celtic Magazine, Messrs
A. & W. Mackenzie, Inverness, in starting their proposed Highland newspaper, under
the above title, in May or June next. Arrangements are in course of being made for
securing suitable premises, and for the early publication of the paper. Meanwhile
subscribers names and advertisements may be addressed to the Publishers, at 25 High
Street, Inverness. The paper will be edited by Mr Alexander Mackenzie, F.S.A.
Scot., editor of the Celtic Magazine.
THE
CELTIC MAGAZINE.
CONDUCTED BY
ALEXANDER MACKENZIE, F.S.A.. Scot.
No. CXIV. APRIL 1885. VOL. X.
THE FUTURE OF THE GAELIC LANGUAGE.
I.
AN enthusiastic Hebridean bard, in chanting the praises of his
own native isle, speaks of it as a place
" Where Gaelic was spoken for ages gone by,
And there it will live till the ocean runs dry."
We may leave to antiquarians the consideration of the retro-
spective portion of this statement For us, as for all Highlanders,
the practical pressing question of the hour is that involved in the
prophetic utterance expressed in the latter line of the couplet.
Is the Gaelic language doomed to die ? This is a problem upon
which the majority of Scottish Celts feel very keenly, some so
keenly that they are unable to approach it with the calm-
ness requisite for its consideration. That such an attitude should
be assumed towards it is of course most natural. A man can-
not be expected to deal coolly and collectedly with a question
which he regards as seriously affecting the keenest sympathies
and most deeply rooted convictions of his life, more especially if that
man be endowed with all the passion and emotion of the Scottish
Highlander. The patriotic bias may have seriously affected the in-
tellectual equilibrium of those Celts who turn away in anger and
contempt from the question stated above ; but we cannot blame
them. It is refreshing in these times to come across men who
can really be enthusiastic about anything. When that enthusiasm
252 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
takes the form of patriotism, even though it be to some extent
blind patriotism, we are at once ready to admire it.
It is, however, most desirable that the Gaelic question should
be fairly and distinctly faced. Nothing can be gained, while
much may be lost, by refusing to discuss it.
The language and literature of the Celt have of late years
been receiving a good deal more attention than they have been
accustomed to. The study of the science of language has
brought out the value of the Keltic dialects. For the accomplished
philologist now some knowledge of them is a sine qua non
The institution of a Celtic Chair in the University of Edinburgh,
which we owe mainly to the large heart of Professor Blackie, has
been the crowning triumph of those who have the interests of
Celtic and of Gaelic at heart. Not only has the enthusiasm
evoked called out the friends of Gaelic, but its enemies have not
lost the opportunity of letting their influence be felt. Have we
not been hearing from all quarters, more especially from quarters
hitherto regarded as hostile to Celtic interests, that one great
factor, if not the great factor, that has militated against the pros-
perity of the Highlander has been his language ; that until Gaelic
has been eradicated the poverty and distress so widely prevalent
in the Highlands to-day can never be remedied or removed ?
Some even go so far as to say that the cure for the present
social ills that harass the North of Scotland is nothing more or
less than the complete extinction of Gaelic ; while many agree in
unhesitatingly foretelling such extinction at no distant date.
What have we got to say to those who put forward such
propositions ? With very many of them we at once refuse to
enter into discussion, for, as in many cases, their knowledge
both of Gaelic and of the Highlands amounts to a minus
quantity, their statements can have no weight with those
who have guaged their pretensions. But there are some men
who honestly and sincerely believe that the extinction of Gaelic
is not only desirable but necessary for the welfare of the High-
lands. The views of such we are ready to hear calmly and
courteously.
The issues involved in the whole question may, perhaps,
best be brought out by considering in detail two separate aspects
of it : Is the extinction of Gaelic desirable ? Is it probable ?
THE FUTURE OF THE GAELIC LANGUAGE. 253
In the first place, then, is the extinction of Gaelic desirable?
An affirmative answer to the question rests upon the assumption
that, under certain circumstances, it is for the interests of a
people that they should cease to employ the language to which
they have been ever accustomed, and adopt one more calculated
to promote their prosperity. The argument is a purely com-
mercial one, but should not be disregarded on that account. We
must have bread to eat, and with many Highlanders to-day the
all important problem which their poverty has forced upon them
is : Whence that indispensable may be had ? Would the High-
lander make more money if he spoke only English ?
We, of course, have nothing to say to those who seem to
imagine that a knowledge of English is an infallible passport to
prosperity. When poverty has given place to comfort among
the entire English-speaking peoples, we may then, perhaps,
look at it in this way. Yet there are those who go about the
world proclaiming with all the wearisomeness of men with a fad
that Gaelic is at the root of the present distress in the Highlands,
men who would almost go the length of requesting Parliament
to pass a bill for its extinction — a measure which a certain class
would much prefer to a Land Act. We trust there are few
who have been so intellectually blinded as to cherish such a
delusion. It goes without saying then, that whether or not Gaelic
be a cause of Highland poverty, it is not the main cause.
But is it a cause ? What do those who are so anxious for
its overthrow tell us ? They tell us that the Celt is continually
hampered in his efforts to obtain employment by his ignorance
of English ; that while at home this ignorance renders him com-
paratively unfit for the service of the wealthy Southerner who has
never become conversant with the tongue of the Gael, or of the
pseudo-Celt who, though bred amid Highland hills, has never had
the inclination or the brains to master his mother tongue, both
of whom have to get their employees from the South. His ignor-
ance of English is still more inconvenient and harrassing to the
Celt when working or seeking work at the herring fishing on
the East Coast or amid the yards and factories of the South.
It is ignorance of English, not knowledge of Gaelic, that has
done all this. We at once admit that, for any British subject,
not to be able to speak the tongue of the great majority of the
254 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
British people is a serious misfortune. We also admit that the Celt
has suffered many discomforts and losses through his ignorance
of it ; and we desire for a hundred reasons that the Highlanders,
as many of them have done and are doing, should become
acquainted with it as soon as possible ; but we deny— deny most
emphatically — that any man, Celt or Saxon, ever lost a single
penny through knowing Gaelic. To the Highlanders, one and
all, we would say : By all means learn English, but cling with
the tenacity of your race to your mother tongue.
Can this be done? Is it riot in the nature of things im-
possible to maintain the duality of speech such an arrangement
would entail? Can a people have two languages? Of course
our questions will be answered off-hand by many in a decided
negative ; but we venture to think they merit somewhat gentler
treatment. It is not suggested that the Celt should make a rigid
division of his time into two equal portions, allotting one period
to English, the other to Gaelic ; that upon the one leg he is to
wear the Garb of Old Gaul, and upon the other, the latest in
pants; but what we do mean is this, that, seeing that the
Highlander finds a knowledge of English frequently advantageous
and necessary for success in life, he should, in all cases, do
his best to acquire it sufficiently well to carry himself safely
through the world; but that in so doing he should, so far from
taking pains to rid himself of his Gaelic, treasure it religiously
as a priceless heritage. That this can be done every High-
lander who speaks both English and Gaelic is a standing
witness.
Suppose it admitted, and in the face of such numerous ex-
amples it cannot be denied, that it is possible to know both
English and Gaelic, the question that then arises is : Is it worth
a man's while to preserve his knowledge of both ? We do not
now refer to the scholar, who includes Gaelic among his linguistic
studies, as he does Greek and Latin. Its value to him is ap-
parent. We look at the question from the standpoint of the
average Celt, whose main object in life is to earn his bread, and
from that standpoint we assert that it is worth while. There can
be no doubt that as long as the Gaelic-speaking area is anything
like what it is at present, a knowledge of it must be valuable, even
from a pecuniary point of view. Traders of various kinds cannot
THE FUTURE OF THE GAELIC LANGUAGE. 255
conduct business in the Highlands profitably and satisfactorily
without knowing it. For clergymen it is, of course, indispensable.
For lawyers it is equally indispensable, more especially for those
who discharge the duties of judges — a fact which we trust the
present bungling of the Sheriff of Stornoway will enable those in
authority to realise. To set medical practitioners, who do not know
Gaelic, at large in any part of the Highlands, is to endanger the
lives, not to speak of the health, of those who have to submit to
their treatment. For the candidates for the political suffrages of
the Highlanders, more especially in view of the enlarged elector-
ate, Gaelic is a priceless boon. It is the most effective instru-
ment for reaching the Highland heart.
But there are higher reasons why Gaelic should be preserved.
The benefits that accrue from it, though they are to some extent,
as we have shown, pecuniary, are mainly intellectual and moral.
No one ever lost money because he knew Gaelic, but thousands
have through it been put in possession of treasures much more
valuable than gold or silver. If ever a race recognised the never-
dying truth of the old, yet ever new, maxim, "Man cannot live by
bread alone," the Scottish Highlanders have, and we trust that the
spirit which has inspired them through all their glorious past in-
spires them still.
Why is the preservation of Gaelic desirable ? What does
the death of a language indicate and entail ? It indicates com-
plete moral degeneracy on the part of the people whose heritage
that language was. Why have the old languages of Greece and
Rome perished ? Was it on account of their unfitness to give
expression to the thoughts and aspirations of the Greek and
Roman peoples ? History tells another tale. It was because the
Greeks and the Romans had become enfeebled, degenerated, had
lost their national vitality. It was because all the heroisms of
their histories had become to them valueless and meaningless.
The historians and the linguists of a future time, should the
Gaelic language have been consigned to the lumber room of
things that were — sed Dii avertant omen — will have to trace out
the development of similar causes in connection with the Scottish
Highlanders. The loss of Gaelic means far more than the sub-
stitution of one form of speech for another. It means the ob-
literation of a thousand stirring memories, a thousand ennobling
256 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
associations. The death of Gaelic will cause a gap in the intel-
lectual and moral continuity of Highland history which can never
be bridged over. It will efface the individuality of the Celtic race.
Gaelic is the strongest link in the chain that binds the High-
lander to the past. What that past is to him he alone who
understands Highland character can appreciate. With it are
bound up influences, which have all along been moulding that
character — influences which have made it what it is. Gaelic
literature, all the prose and poetry handed down to us from
the past, whether by written page or oral tradition, will cease to
be the living force which it is to-day. Those songs which for cen-
turies have been borne on the winds over the glens and the straths
of the North will become the sole property of the philologist
and antiquarian. "The stirring memories of a thousand years"
will no longer nerve the Celt to devotion or heroism. Soon the
other distinctive features of Celtic life and character will follow
the language with which they are so closely bound up. Once
Gaelic has gone, the way will be clear for the extermination of
everything else of which, as Highlanders, we have been ever
proud. Can any lover of the Highlands, or even any well-wisher
of his country, contemplate such a crisis with equanimity. To
some, no doubt, such considerations may seem valueless, senti-
mental ; but many of the forces which the vulgar utilitarian
enrols under the category of sentiment are those which go to the
making of a people. There can be no more ennobling element
in national character than the memory of a glorious past. To-
day, when the shadow that for long has shed such a deep gloom
over the Highland people seems at last about to be removed, the
clans should once again be marshalled, and the word should go
forth that the fight now is for no less a cause than those for which
the Celt has shed his blood in many a battlefield ; it is for the
language which he learned at his mother's knee, and not only for
that, but for all the higher verities which have ever made Celtic
life much more than a mere clumsy struggle for gain, verities
which have clothed that life with a simplicity and grandeur which
have made it a mighty moral force in the world.
JOHN MACARTHUR.
(To be continued.)
257
EARLY HISTORY AND INHABITANTS OF
SCOTLAND.
BY PROVOST MACANDREW.
IT was during their war with the Brigantes, the nation or tribe
which inhabited the North of England from sea to sea, and pro-
bably extended as far as the Firths of Forth and Clyde, and
about the year 69 of our era, that the Romans first heard of the
people who inhabited the country north of these Firths. They
then became known to the Romans under the name of Cale-
donians, or, as they called them, Caledonian Britons, and their
country the Romans called the Caledonian Forest. The account
which the Romans then received of their political and social
condition, or perhaps to speak more correctly, which the Roman
writers gave of it, was that they knew nothing of the cultivation
of the ground, that they lived on fish and milk, that they were
governed by one king, who was not allowed to possess any pro-
perty lest it should lead him to avarice and injustice, or to have
a wife lest a legitimate family should provoke to ambition. It
is singular that this describes a state of society exactly similar to
that which Julius Caesar had heard of as existing among the
tribes in the interior of Great Britain -with whom he did not
come in contact, but of which we hear nothing when the Romans
did come in contact with these tribes. It was about twelve
years later that the Romans actually came in contact with
the inhabitants of Caledonia, and that the actual authentic
history of the country and people begins. In the year
78 Julius Agricola arrived in Britain as Governor of the
Roman Province, under the Emperor Domitian. At that time
the limits of the Province seem to have nearly coincided with
the present boundary of the Kingdom of Scotland ; the first
work of Agricola was the suppression of a revolt by the Bri-
gantes, and after he had succeeded in that, and reduced the
country to order, he formed the idea of extending the empire
northwards, and of conquering Caledonia. The campaigns of
Agricola are detailed in his life, written by his son-in-law, the
great Roman historian Tacitus, who presumably derived his
258 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
information from Agricola himself, but it is not easy for us now,
even with this assistance, to trace the route of Agricola. Burton
supposes that he proceeded by the east coast, while Skene sup-
poses that he crossed the Solway, and that his first campaign
was in Dumfriesshire, where there are many remains of Roman
encampments. Certain it is, that in his second campaign, in the
third year of his governorship, Tacitus tells us that he reached
a river which he calls, or until recently was supposed to call,
the " Tavaus," and which is generally supposed to mean the
Tay. The difficulty in believing that the river thus mentioned
was the Tay arises from the fact that it is not till his sixth sum-
mer that Agricola is described as crossing the Firth of Forth
and encountering the natives there. Perhaps Skene's theory
is as good and as probable as any other, and it is that in his
third year Agricola crossed from the Solway to the Clyde and
Forth, crossing the latter river at Stirling, and that he then
penetrated to the Tay, establishing outposts in that region, and
returning with his army behind the Isthmus stretching between
the Firths of Clyde and Forth, along which he erected a line of
forts with the intention of establishing there the boundary of the
empire ; that he afterwards crossed the Firth of Forth, and led
his army by a different route through Fife to the posts which he
had established, encountering there the new nations whom Taci-
tus mentions. Certain it is, however, that during his sixth and
seventh years Agricola led a great army to the Tay, and that
Tacitus says nothing to indicate that this was not the river of
the same name as the one which he mentions as having been
reached in the third year. The second advance to the Tay seems
to have roused the inhabitants, who united in common defence
under a leader whom Tacitus calls Galgacus, and that, at a place
which Tacitus calls Mons Grampius — and which, although it has
been questioned, there seems no reason to doubt was one of the
spurs of the great range of mountains now called Grampians —
a great battle was fought. According to Tacitus, the battle
ended in a great victory for the Romans, and there seems no
reason to doubt that they remained masters of the field, but
the battle seems to have satisfied Agricola not only that
farther advance was impossible, but that retreat was advis-
able, and he accordingly retired with his legion within
HISTORY AND INHABITANTS OF SCOTLAND 259
line of posts established between the northern firths, and soon
after he was recalled to Rome. The Roman fleet which accom-
panied the army, and which was in sight of the battle, was
ordered to sail northward, and it did actually sail round the
northern coast and circumnavigated the island, thus first authen-
tically establishing the fact that Britain was an island. The
exact site of the battle has been much disputed, the advocates for
each locality contending with as much ardour and probability
for his particular place as the Antiquary did for the Kaim of
Kinprunes, which, if no Edie Ochiltree had been at hand to
convict him of error, he would probably have always remained
convinced was the true site. It is, perhaps, not possible now to
fix where the battle really was fought, but that a great series of
Roman campaigns was carried on in the country surrounding
Perth is evidenced not alone by the history of Tacitus, but by
the numerous remains of great Roman encampments which are
there to be seen to this day.
It is of more interest for us to consider what account Tacitus
gives us of the people with whom his relative came into such
close contact He tells us that these people were large of limb,
and red haired ; that they fought with swords and shields, and
in chariots ; that they did not cultivate the land, and had no
mines or commerce. He says that their appearance might indi-
cate a German origin ; but he says also that it was doubtful
whether they were the original inhabitants, or had immigrated
into the country, and he gives his own opinion that in common
with the other inhabitants of Britain they had come from Gaul ;
and he indicates no material difference of language between them
and the other Britains. He says nothing of the habit of painting
or tattooing their bodies, or of their having their women in
common ; and from the speech to his army, which he puts into
the mouth of Galgacus, we learn that they looked with jealousy
on the honour of their wives and sisters, that they considered
themselves as one nation, as the most noble of their race, as the
last of the Britains who had maintained their freedom. From
the geographer, Ptolemy, who is supposed to have obtained his
account of Britain from persons who accompanied the army and
the fleet of Tacitus, we learn that in Caledonia there were several
towns, and that the nation was divided into a number of tribes.
260 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
From the retirement of Agricola we hear nothing of Cale-
donia or its inhabitants for 36 years. In the year 120 the
Emperor Hadrian visited Britain in person for the purpose of
suppressing an insurrection, and he then fixed the boundaries of
the Empire at a line drawn from the Solway Firth at Carlisle to
the Tyne, and along this he erected a wall, most probably the
great stone wall, the remains of which exist till this day. This
step on his part would seem to indicate that the conquest of
Agricola up to the Firths of Clyde and Forth was not enduring.
The next mention we have of these Caledonians is in the reign
of Antonius, when the independent portion of the Brigantes who
lived beyond the wall of Hadrian broke into and ravaged the
Northern Province, and in 139 General Lollius Urbicus was
sent to Britain to subdue them. He overcame them, and again
extended the boundary of the Empire to the Firths of Clyde and
Forth, and along this boundary erected an earthen wall or rampart,
the remains of which still remain, and may be seen by railway
travellers at Polmont Junction, where the railway passes through
it. From the time of Antonius, until the time of the Emperor
Severus, we have several notices of the Caledonians, showing that
they were constantly making attempts to thrust back the Romans,
or to penetrate into the Roman Province, and that it taxed the
whole strength of the Provincial Governors to keep them at bay,
but we may infer that during this time the wall or rampart of
Antonine was maintained as the boundary of the Province.
During this time, too, we hear of the inhabitants nearest the wall
under the name of Meatae, and of the Caledonians as dwelling
beyond them, but whether these names indicate any new political
combinations among them, it is impossible to say. About the
year 208, the Emperor Severus came to Britain and resolved to
repeat the attempt of Agricola to conquer the Caledonians. He
fought no great battle, but he is believed to have penetrated with
his army along the East Coast to the Moray Firth, the final limit
of his expedition being, as some believed, Bona, at the outlet of
Loch-Ness ; and part of his army at least returned through the
Grampians. There are Roman remains at Pitmain, near King-
ussie ; and an antiquary has recently satisfied himself that the
old arch spanning the Dulnan, close to Carr-Bridge, was built by
him. The arch is very like one of General Wade's, but as his
HISTORY AND INHABITANTS OF SCOTLAND. 261
road crossed the Dalnan, about two miles higher up, where his
bridge remains, it is not easy to see why he should have built
another bridge at this point. Severus seems to have satisfied
himself like Agricola that the conquest of the northern people
was beyond his power, and he made no attempt to hold any part
of the country through which he passed. He is said to have
obtained by treaty a cession of territory, and to have built a wall
of stone at the boundary which he fixed for the Roman Province.
Whether his work consisted in facing with stone the earthen ram-
part of Lollius Urbicus, and adding a ditch in front of it, or
whether it was he who really built the great stone wall between
the Solway and Tyne, is a point about which different opinions
have been expressed from the time of the Venerable Bede to
this. Certain it is that while numerous sculptures have been
found in the wall from Solway to Tyne connecting it with
Hadrian, none have been found connecting it with Severus, and
that the withdrawing of the boundary of the Empire is incon-
sistant with the statement, that Severus had obtained a grant of
territory by treaty. On the other hand, there does not appear to
be any evidence that there was a stone wall between Clyde and
Forth. Those who wish to see this question critically examined
may consult Father Innes's essay.
The historians of Severus, while giving us the names of the
Meatae and the Caledonii as separate nations or tribes, speak of
them as one people, and make no distinctions as to their language
and social condition, and they tell us that their arms were still a
sword and shield, but to these they add a short spear with a
brazen knob at the end of the shaft, which they shook to terrify
their enemies, and a dagger ; that they used chariots in war, as
in the time of Tacitus, and they now add that they had com-
munity of women, and reared the children as the joint-offspring
of the community. The historian Herodian, who wrote about
the year 240, adds this, " They mark their bodies with various
pictures of all manner of animals, and therefore they clothe not
themselves lest they should hide the painted outside of their
bodies." These are two statements to which I will afterwards
return.
From this time forward we have various notices of war
between the Caledonians and the Romans and Provincial Bri-
262 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
tains, all showing that the tribes in the North were pressing on
the Roman Province, and that the defence became more and
more difficult Sometimes the frontier was withdrawn to the
southern, sometimes it was pushed forward again to the northern,
wall. In 294 Carusius, a Roman General, but apparently a
Britain by birth, usurped independent authority in Britain, and
for ten years under him and his successor, Allectus, the Province
was independent of Rome, and appears to have been at peace
with its northern neighbours, but on the resumption of the
authority of Rome, the war again commenced, and the northern
inhabitants now appear under the name of Picts, a name by
which they continued to be known for upwards of 600 years. In
the year 360, a new people, the Scots, are noticed as joining with
the Picts in the attacks on the Roman Empire, and they are
represented as coming from lerne or Ireland. There is mention
also of a third people, which is somewhat confusing, viz., the
Attacoti, who are supposed by some to have been a division of
the Scots resident in Britain, but as they appear to have been
enrolled in considerable numbers in the Roman army, the great
probability is that they were a portion of the people who in-
habited the country between the two walls under a new name.
However this may be, they soon disappear, and for a long time,
and until the final disappearance of the Romans, we hear only of
the Picts and Scots as attacking the Roman Province from the
North, while from the time of Carusius downwards, there are
notices of the Franks and the Saxons, as also attacking the Pro-
vince from the sea. After twice withdrawing from Britain, and
returning again, the Roman Legions finally withdrew in or about
the year 410, and the Province of Britain ceased to be a part of
the Roman Empire. The British historian, Gildas, tells us that
the Picts then seized the country up to the southern wall, and
having crossed it, were resisted by the Provincial Britains under
a leader called Vortegern, who is said to have invited the
Saxons to enter and settle in the country to assist him against
the Picts and Scots, and that this led to the conquest of
Southern Britain by the Saxons.
From this time and for 1 50 years we have no authentic con-
temporary account of the inhabitants of the northern portion of
Britain, and the first account we get is what is to be gleaned from
HISTORY AND INHABITANTS OF SCOTLAND. 263
the lives of St Columba. It is to be borne in mind that the
Roman Province of Britain had, along with the rest of the Roman
Empire, embraced the Christian faith under the Emperor Con-
stantine about a century before the final withdrawal of the
Romans ; but Ireland and the country inhabited by the Picts re-
mained Pagan. It is said by Bede that St Ninian, about the
year 397, converted the Southern Picts up to the mountain
region of the Grampians ; but the Church which St Ninian
founded, and the headquarters of his mission, was at Whitehern,
in Galloway, and the Southern Picts whom he converted were,
I think, only those of Galloway, to whom I shall afterwards
allude. The inhabitants of Ireland were converted about the
same time, and there seems no reason tG doubt that the conver-
sion was effected by St Patrick, who was of British birth, had
been carried off and enslaved by the Scots in one of their attacks
on Britain, and having made his escape, and been ordained a priest,
returned to Ireland as a missionary. About the year 560 St
Columba, a priest of the Irish Church, descended of the royal line
of the Hy Neils, and who had already acquired great fame and
founded many monasteries in Ireland, arrived in lona, where he
founded a monastery, with the intention of converting the Picts,
who were then heathens. Here he laboured for 34 years, making
many journeys into the country of the Picts, and converting them
to Christianity, founding many churches and monasteries. About
100 years after his death, Adamnan, the Abbot of lona, the suc-
cessor of St Columba and his relation, wrote his life, founded, as
he tells us, " either on written authorities anterior to my own
times, or on what I have myself heard from some learned and
faithful ancients unhesitatingly attesting facts, the truth of which
they had themselves diligently inquired into." The object of
Adamnan was not to write history, but to attest the sanctity and
power of his predecessor. He divides the book into three parts.
In the first he gives us the Prophesies of the saint ; in the second,
his Miracles; and in the third, the apparition of angels and the
manifestations of the brightness of heaven to him. How the
belief in the miraculous power of the early saints grew up among
their contemporaries and persons in immediate and close inter-
course with them, as it undoubtedly did, it is difficult to say, but
in reading through this life of St Columba one cannot help wishing
264 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
that the writer, instead of recording all this rubbish of miracles
and prophesies and apparitions, had confined himself to a simple
narrative of the saint's life. If he had done so we should have
had one of the most invaluable contributions to the early history
of our country. As it is, however, we have incidentally many
valuable notices of cotemporary events, and of the social and
political condition of the country, and from these and from the
later chronicles which they illustrate and confirm, we can form a
correct picture of what the condition of our country then was.
(To be continued.)
"INVERNESS BEFORE RAILWAYS."— There is passing through the press
a small book, under this title, by Miss Isabel Anderson, daughter of the late Mr Peter
Anderson, solicitor, Inverness, one of the authors of the well-known work, Anderson's
Guide to the Highlands. Capitally written and racy sketches are given of the man-
ners and customs of Inverness before the opening of the Highland Railway, as con-
trasted with those of the present day ; and excellent descriptions are given of a number
of the " characters " for which Inverness was noted at that time. The book is to be
published on an early date by Messrs A. £ W. Mackenzie, publishers of the Celtic
Magazine, Inverness, to whom orders may be sent.
"STEWART'S SKETCHES OF THE HIGHLANDERS."— Messrs A. £ W.
Mackenzie have in the press, and will soon publish, General Stewart of Garth's famous
Sketches of the Highlanders, without the portion of the work which deals with the
history of the Highland Regiments. The book has long been so very scarce and ex-
pensive as to be almost entirely out of the reach of the general reading public. It is
admitted on all hands to have been the best work ever written on the Highlands, and
it is felt by the leading friends of the Highland people that such a book should at a
time like this be issued at a price which will secure for it a wide and very general
circulation. This part of the original work is quite complete in itself; but it is intended
afterwards to publish the other portions of it, the Highland Regiments, bringing down
the history of the Highland regiments to the present day.
"THE SCOTTISH HIGHLANDER."— The Glasgow Daily Mail, of 5th
March, noticing the Celtic Magazine, says — " We are glad to see that Mr Mackenzie,
who has done so much good work for his countrymen in this monthly for many years
past, has received encouragement to go on with his new project of a weekly paper,
and the Scottish Highlander may accordingly be looked for in May or June. If past
service counts for anything, it ought to receive a very hearty welcome from the Celtic
race, both at home and abroad."
THE REV. ALEXANDER STEWART, LL.D., NETHER-LOCHABER,
has in the press another volume of Selections from his writings, under the appropriate
title of " 'Twixt Ben Nevis and Glencoe." The work will be uniform with his pre-
vious publication of " Nether- Lochaber," and will, no doubt, prove equally attractive
and successful,
265
ANCIENT ALLIANCE BETWEEN SCOTLAND
AND FRANCE.
I.
SCOTLAND and France were for many centuries firm friends and
close allies, and the intercourse between them was constant and
important. These bonds of friendship were ratified and increased
by numerous treaties of alliance ; contracts of marriage between
the Royal Houses of France and Scotland ; privileges and exemp-
tions in favour of Scottish merchants ;' honours and dignities
conferred on distinguished Scots ; and last, but not least, the
formation of the famous Scots Guards to protect and defend the
person of the French King.
Some of the older historians have stated that this friendly
alliance existed between the two nations as far back as the reign
of Charlemagne, and in 1579 David Chambers, one of the
Lords of Council and Session in Edinburgh, published a history,
dedicated to Henry III. of France, in which he quotes treaties
of alliance between Philip I. of France and Malcolm III. of
Scotland ; between Louis VII. and Malcolm IV.; between
Philip II. and Alexander II.; and between St Louis and Alex-
ander III., all of which he stated were taken from ancient Scot-
tish historians no longer to be found. However this may be, there
is no doubt that the alliance was of a very ancient date, for
Eginhardus, who was Secretary to Charlemagne, gives an account
of the assistance the Scots gave to that King in his wars, and the
origin of the alliance is stated by Buchanan, Lesley, David
Chambers, and others to have been, that, during the reign of
Charlemagne, the English Saxons had invaded France and plun-
dered the sea coast, while the King was absent in Palestine
fighting the Saracens. In his extremity Charlemagne applied for
help to the Scots, who, by their proximity and animosity to Eng-
land, were the most suitable to make a diversion, and draw the
enemy from his shores.
Achaius, the King of Scotland, glad to secure the friend-
ship of such a powerful and near neighbour, cheerfully responded
to Charlemagne's application, and a perpetual alliance was entered
266 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE,
into between the two nations. Some time after this Charlemagne
was engaged in a war with Italy, and Achaius sent his brother
William with four thousand men to help his ally. The historian
Conaeus, who lived a long time in Italy, says that many of these
Scots settled there, and founded several families, such as the
Barones, the Mariscottie in Bononia and Siena, and the Scoti in
Placentia and Mantua. This statement seems to be verified by
the fact that Sausovino and other genealogists state that all these
families began in the reign of Charlemagne.
Some writers say that as a memorial of this alliance the
crown of Scotland, which before consisted only of a plain circle
of gold, had now another circle of fleur de lis added to it. This
statement has been contradicted by other historians. Mabillon
says that no French king used the fleur de lis on his crown
before Philip L, and the same writer denies the statement that
on account of this league the arms of Scotland, as used on seals,
were inclosed in a double tressure, flowered with fleurs de lis.
He says that Philip the August, who died about 1223, was the
first who had one fleur de lis in his counter seal : Louis VIII.
and IX. used seals with sometimes one fleur de lis, and some-
times several on them ; this custom continued until the time of
Charles V., who finally reduced the number of fleur de lis to
three. Besides, according to the learned antiquary, Mr Ander-
son, in his " Independency of Scotland," the Scottish kings did
not use their arms on their seals until a long time after this
period.
Whatever weight may be laid on the evidence regarding
these first treaties, it is unquestionable that, beginning at the
reign of Philip the Fair, there runs an uninterrupted series of
alliances between the Kings of France and Scotland, down to
the time of Henry IV. of France and James VI. of Scotland.
The following is a list of the names of the sovereigns, and
the dates of the <iififerent treaties : —
Treaty of Alliance between Philip the Fair, King of France, and John Baliol,
King of Scotland, concluded at Paris, the 23rd of October 1295.
Treaty of Alliance between Charles IV. , surnamed the Fair, King of France, and
and Robert L, King of Scotland, concluded in 1326.
Renewal of the Treaty of Alliance of France and Scotland, between Charles
Dauphin of France (King John, his father, being prisoner in England), and David II.,
King of Scotland, at Paris, June 29th, 1359.
ALLIANCE BETWEEN SCOTLAND & FRANCE. 267
Renewal of the said Alliance between the Kings, Charles V. of France and
Robert II. of Scotland, at Vincennes, June 3rd, 1371.
Renewal of the said Alliance between Charles VI., King of France, and Robert
III., King of Scotland, March 3rd, 1390.
Renewal of the said Alliance between the said Charles VI., King of France, and
Robert, Duke of Albany, Regent of Scotland during the captivity of King James I.,
in 1407.
Renewal of the said Alliance between Charles VII., King of France, and Mur-
doch, Duke of Albany, Regent of Scotland, in 1423.
Renewal of the said Alliance between Charles VII., King of France, and James
I., King of Scotland, in 1428.
Renewal of the said Alliance between the said Charles VII., King of France, and
James II., King of Scotland, in 1448.
Renewal of the said Alliance between Charles VIII., King of France, and James
IV., King of Scotland, in 1491.
Renewal of the said Alliance between Louis XII., King of France, and the same
James IV., King of Scotland, in 1512.
Renewal of the said Alliance between Francis I., King of France, and Mary,
Queen of Scotland, in 1543. This same Alliance was again renewed between Henry
II., King of France, and Mary, Queen of Scotland, and between the succeeding Kings.
The chief article in these alliances was to provide assistance
to each other in their frequent wars with their mutual enemy,
England. The following is an extract from one of these treaties.
It would be tedious to quote it in full : —
"We have made alliance in manner following, to wit, that we, our heirs, our
successors, Kings of France, our kingdom, and our whole community, are bound and
obliged to the said King of Scotland, his heirs, his successors, Kings of Scotland, his
kingdom, and his whole community, in good faith, as loyal allies, whenever they shall
have occasion for aid or advice in time of peace or war, against the King of England
and his subjects : that we shall aid and advise them, whereinsoever we honestly can as
loyal allies ; and if we, our heirs, our successors, Kings of France, our kingdom, or our
community, shall make peace or truce with the King of England, his heirs, Kings of
England, or his subjects, that the King of Scotland, his heirs, his successors, Kings of
Scotland, his kingdom, and his community, shall be excepted ; so that such peace or
truce shall be null, whensoever war is waged between the aforesaid Kings of Scotland
and of England."
The Kings of Scotland promised to support the Kings of
France in their extremity, and nobly did they fulfil their part of
the treaty. Thousands of the bravest and best blood of Scotland
cheerfully gave their lives to aid their French ally, and dearly
they sometimes paid for their friendship. Take, for instance,
when, in 1 346, the English were attacking the French, and had
just gained the victory of Cressy, David II. of Scotland, in order
to divert the attention of the English from France, made a de-
scent into England, where, after ravaging nearly all the northern
T
268 - THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
counties, he was defeated and taken prisoner, and after lingering
ten weary years in captivity, only secured his liberty by paying
a heavy ransom. Again, in 1420, when the English were masters
of nearly all France, and their King, Henry VI., was crowned
King in Paris, Robert, Duke of Albany, Regent of Scotland,
sent his own son, John, Earl of Buchan, with many more of the
nobility of Scotland, at the head of a large army, who did good
service against the English in France. Again, in 1422, the Earl
of Douglas, at the head of a new reinforcement of five thousand
Scots, went to the aid of Charles VII. »Two years after, in 1424.
still fresh troops, under the command of a famous captain of that
time, named Robert Petilloch or Pattulloch, went to help the
same king. Again, only four years had elapsed when the French
King was begging once more for aid from his staunch allies, who
readily responded, and passed again into France with fresh troops.
In 1507, James IV. of Scotland, seeing his friend the King
of France engaged in a war with Italy, did not wait to be asked
for his assistance, but nobly offered to go to the succour of the
French King in person with an army of twenty thousand men.
And this same chivalrous James, when the French were attacked
by the English, in addition to their continental enemies, at once
made a descent into England with the flower of his nobility and
of his army, although the English King, Henry VIII., was his
brother-in-law. And dearly, indeed, did Scotland pay then for
her fealty to her French ally ; for the English, hastily recalling
some of their troops from France, moved to repel this more
dangerous enemy, and the result is summed up in one fatal word,
" Flodden."
" Tradition, legend, tune, and song,
Shall many an age that wail prolong :
Still from the sire the son shall hear
Of the stern strife and carnage drear
Of Flodden's fatal field,
Where shivered was fair Scotland's spear,
And broken was her shield !"
Nor were these valuable services unacknowledged by the
French, for in the different letters-patent granted from time to
time in favour of the Scots in France, their bravery and loyalty
is done full justice to by the French Kings.
Although, from motives of policy, the Royal House of
ALLIANCE BETWEEN SCOTLAND & FRANCE. 269
Scotland occasionally intermarried with that of England, such
marriages were never so popular as those with the French Court,
and this preference often increased the ill-feeling between Eng-
land and Scotland. For instance, the preference shown to
'France over England in the choice of a husband for the young
and beautiful Mary Queen of Scots involved Scotland in trouble
and war for twenty years, and cost Mary her life.
The following are the contracts of marriage between the
Royal Houses of France and Scotland, which served still further
to draw the two nations to each other, and cement their friend-
ship : —
Contract of Marriage between Edward Baliol, son and heir to John, King of
Scotland, and Joan, daughter to Charles de Valois, brother of King Philip the Fair, in
1235-
Contract of Marriage between Lewis, Dauphin of France, afterwards Lewis XL,
and Margaret, daughter of James I., King of Scotland, in 1436.
Contract of Marriage between James V., King of Scotland, and Magdalen,
daughter to King Francis I., in 1536.
Contract of Marriage between Francis, Dauphin, afterwards Francis II., King of
France, and Mary, Queen Heiress of Scotland, in 1558.
Several of the highest families in Scotland devoted them-
selves altogether to the French service, and rose high in favour
and influence. Take for instance the following : — John Stewart
of Darnly was Constable of the Scots in France, and rose so much
in the French King's favour that in 1424 he made him Lord of
Aubigny, afterwards giving him the county of Dreux, and mak-
ing him a Marshal of France. His descendants, John, Robert,
Bernard or Berald, and others, continued high in favour, and
served their adopted country well and faithfully, under Charles
VIII., Louis XII. , and following sovereigns, in the wars of Italy,
where they particularly distinguished themselves at the battle of
Fornova, as well as in the Kingdom of Naples; and in 1495 the
then lord was made Governor of Calabria by Charles VIII.
These Lords of Aubigny were the hereditary Captains of the Scots'
Guards. This gallant family founded the Dukedom of Lennox,
but the title of Lords of Aubigny was kept up until the extinc-
tion of the family.
In 1422, John Stewart, Earl of Buchan, was made Constable
of France, after the battle of Bauge, by King Charles VII., and
lost his life in his service at the battle of Verneuill. In 1423,
2/o THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Archibald, Earl of Douglas, was created Duke of Touraine by
the same king, and sacrificed his life in the same battle. In 1428,
Charles VII. gave to King James I. of Scotland the county of
Xaintonge and Rochfort in peerage. About the same time this
King made the Laird of Monypenny his Chamberlain, and gave
him the Lordship of Concressant In 1524, John Stewart, Duke
of Albany, had a seat in the Parliament of Paris, by command of
Francis I. He was also appointed Viceroy of Naples, General of
the Galleys of France, and Governor of the Bourbonese, of
Auvergne, and of other provinces. In 1 548, King Henry I. gave
the Duchy of Chatelherault to James Hamilton, Earl of Arran,
Regent of Scotland, and presented him with the collar of his order,
which decoration was also sent to the Earls of Huntly, Argyll,
and Angus.
While Scotsmen in France were thus placed high on the roll
of fame as soldiers and politicians, the scholars and churchmen
were not overlooked, for we find that Andrew Foreman was Arch-
bishop of Bourges, David Bethune, Bishop of Mirepoix, David
Panter or Panton, and after him James Bethune, Bishop of Glas-
gow, were successively abbots of L'Absie. Besides these high
dignities, there were a whole host of Scots as priors, canons,
curates, and other positions in the service of the Church in
France. In 1 586, the cure of St C6me, at Paris, was conferred by
the University upon one John Hamilton. This election was dis-
puted by a French ecclesiastic, who wished to secure the place
for himself, as being illegal, through Hamilton being a Scotsman
and an alien. The case was tried, and Hamilton's cause defended
by a Mr Servien, an able advocate, who proved by the letters-
patent granted in favour of the Scots that any of that nation
living in France enjoyed equal privileges with the natives, and
were eligible to hold any office, secular or spiritual. The decision
was accordingly given in Hamilton's favour.
In the University of Paris, Scotsmen held an important place.
The records show there have been no less than thirty of them
who at different times held the high position of Rector of the
University of Paris, and this, too, at a time when the office was
of far more importance, both in Church and State, than it after-
wards became.
The first letters of naturalisation to the Scots were granted
ALLIANCE BETWEEN SCOTLAND & FRANCE. 271
by Louis XII., at the instance of Andrew Foreman, Bishop of
Moray, in Scotland, and Archbishop of Bourges in France. They
were given at Amiens in the month of September 1513. In 1 547,
Henry II. granted letters of naturalisation to the Scots Guards
in particular, given at Fountainebleau in November, and at the
Exchequer Chamber on the I2th of February 1548. This same
king, Henry II., granted new letters-patent of naturalisation for
all Scotsmen, at the instance of James Bethune, archbishop of
Glasgow, and other deputies of the States of Scotland, for the
marriage of Queen Mary and the Dauphin. These letters were
given at Villiers-Couterets, in June 1558, registered, with some
modifications, in the Parliament of Paris July the nth, at the
Exchequer-Chamber on the I3th of July, and in the Grand
Council on the ipth of the same month. The charter was also
printed in the Scots Acts of Parliament King Henry IV. con-
firmed the right of naturalisation to all Scots by letters-patent,
given at Fountainebleau in March 1599, registered in the Parlia-
ment of Paris, with some modifications, on the 3ist of July in the
same year. In 1612 the same privileges were confirmed to the
Scots by Louis XIII. in his letters-patent, given at Paris in
October of that year, registered in Parliament, with some modifi-
cations, on 5th December, and in the Treasury-books on the 2Oth
of the same month. And again, on the I9th of September 1646,
Louis XIV., by an Act passed by the Council of State, confirmed
all the ancient privileges of the Scots, and discharged them of the
taxes imposed upon foreigners.
It would take up too much space to quote these letters-
patent in full, but the following extracts will give an idea of
their scope and aim : —
" Lewis, by the grace of God, King of France, be it known to all present and
to come, that as, in all time and antiquity, between the Kings of France and Scotland,
and the princes and subjects of the two kingdoms, a most strict friendship, con-
federacy, and perpetual alliance, have subsisted And forasmuch as our
beloved and trusty counsellor, the Archbishop of Bourges, Bishop of Moray, now
ambassador with us, from our most dear and most beloved brother, cousin, and ally the
King of Scotland still reigning, and our beloved and trusty counsellor and Chamberlain,
Sir Robert Stewart, Lord of Aubigny, Captain of our Scottish Guard, and of the hun
dred lances of our said ancient ordinances of the said nation, have remonstrated to us
how much it hath been always desired, that the Scots, when called to our said king-
dom of France, and our subjects who might go to live in that of Scotland, ....
should be enabled to testate and dispose of their effects to their respective heirs.
272 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Whereby we, the aforesaid things considered, .... do will, declare,
ordain, and please, from our own knowledge, proper motion, special grace, full
power and royal authority, that henceforth, perpetually, and for ever, all those of the
said kingdom of Scotland, who shall reside, or shall come to reside, ....
shall be capable of acquiring therein all estates, seignories and possessions which they
may lawfully acquire ; and of them together with these which they may have already
acquired to testate and dispose, by testament and order of latter- will, living donation,
or otherwise, at their will and pleasure ; and that their wives and children, if they
have any, or other their heirs, in what place-soever they be residing, whether in our
kingdom or elsewhere may, by testament or otherwise, take and inherit their estates
and succession, as if they were natives of our said kingdom : and to those of the said
nation, disposed to the church, shall be open all benefices and dignities, secular or
regular, with which they may be justly and canonically invested, by titles, collations,
or provisions."
Henry II. confirmed these privileges by letters-patent, in
1558, just after the marriage of Queen Mary of Scots to his son.
The following is an extract : —
" Henry, by the grace of God, King of France, unto all present and to come,
greeting. Whereas, since the marriage between our most dear and most beloved son
the King Dauphin, and our most dear and most beloved daughter the Queen of Scot-
land, Dauphiness, his consort, the deputies of the states of the said kingdom have,
taken to our said son the oath of fidelity .... in virtue whereof, being subjects
of both kingdoms by the union of the houses of France and Scotland, so closely con-
nected that we esteem them as one and the same, and desire, for this cause, the better
to establish, entertain, and invigorate this friendship between our said subjects, and
those of the said kingdom of Scotland, and to give the said inhabitants of the latter
kingdom the more opportunity of visiting their King and Queen, when they shall be on
this side, of residing near them, attending and serving them : be it known that we,
these things considered, and for several other great and reasonable causes thereunto us
moving, have to all the inhabitants of the said kingdom of Scotland, permitted,
granted, and vouchsafed, and do, by these presents, permit, grant, and vouchsafe, that
they may at their ease, as oft as to them shall seem good, come, inhabit, and abide in
this our kingdom, and therein accept, hold, and possess all and every the benefices,
dignities, and offices ecclesiastical, with which they may be justly and canonically
invested by due title, and thereof to take and seize possession and enjoyment, and to
reap and receive the fruits, profits, and revenues, unto what sum soever they do or may
amount : and, moreover, to acquire in this kingdom, country, lands, and seignories in
our allegiance, and that their heirs may be able to succeed to them, to take and
seize possession and enjoyment of their said estates, just as if they would and might
do if they were originally natives of our said kingdom and country, without our
Solicitor-General, or other our officers, having power henceforth to claim the estates
as acquired to us by right of escheat, or the subjects of the said kingdom of Scotland,
being in the enjoyment of those estates, brought to any molestation or trouble."
This paper having extended farther than we anticipated, the
account of the privileges granted to Scottish merchants in France,
and of the formation and constitution of the Garde Eccossais,
must be left over for the next issue. M. A. ROSE.
(To be continued.)
273
LAND COURTS AND HIGHLAND SHERIFFS.
MR Gladstone has announced that his Government intends to
introduce a Land Bill for Scotland during the present session of
Parliament, and it is stated that the provisions of the bill will be
on the lines of the Irish Land Acts, with an addition providing
for the acquirement by the people of extended holdings from the
large tracts of land now under sheep or deer. So far, we can have
no objection to the Government proposals, but it is said further
that the Land Court to be formed to carry out the provisions
of the new law is to consist of the Sheriff-Substitute of the
county or district, and two others. To a Land Court so com-
posed we strongly object. No Land Court intended to settle
the rights and claims of crofters can be satisfactory so long as an
essential part of it consists of the Sheriff-Substitute. It may be
asked why, seeing that the Sheriff is only one of three, we should
object to a Land Court of which he forms a part. The answer
is that a Court, which must of necessity contain an individual
in whom suitors cannot possibly have confidence, can never
be satisfactory.
There are, doubtless, many good and able men among
the Sheriff- Substitutes of Scotland — men who can be de-
pended upon to deal fairly, and to dispense even-handed jus-
tice in spite of social ties, and so-called social claims — men
who (like Sheriff Blair of Inverness) command public respect
and esteem by fearlessly doing their duty as judges, irre-
spective of the effect the performance of that duty may have
in exposing official blundering. The land difficulty, however,
exists principally in the north-west Highlands ; in that part of
the country the Land Court will have its principal work to do,
and there such men as we have just described rarely hold the
office of Sheriff-Substitute. A London cabman once said to a
complaining fare, that Derby winners were not to be got for
sixpence a mile ; and it would be unreasonable to expect the
choice of the legal profession for the miserable £500 to ^800
a-year paid to our Sheriff-Substitutes, but much better material
could be got for the money than what we now have.
274 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Advocates of three years' standing, or local practitioners
of the same experience, are eligible for the office of Sheriff-Sub-
stitute, but in practice the office is, in nineteen cases out of twenty,
filled up from the former class. Advocates who have walked the
floors of the Parliament House, sometimes for ten or twenty years,
without ever holding a brief, or once opening their mouth in a
court of justice — who never knew much law, and have long ago
forgotten all they ever did know — are, because they belong to a
Trades Union of which the dispenser of Scotch legal patron-
age, the Lord Advocate for the time, is a member, pitch-
forked into important public offices, and made pensioners
upon the public bounty untier the pretence that they are
performing important public duties. If this were all, it would
be bad enough ; but the effect of placing in positions of power
and trust men whose only qualification is that they are paupers
upon the bounty of their Trade Guild, and who are utterly
unfit — by the want both of the necessary professional ex-
perience and training, and of that small modicum of common
sense with which a country judge may manage to get through
the world comfortably — to dispense justice, is deplorable in
the extreme. The district in which such a man dispenses justice,
or what passes for such, soon loses confidence in him, and, in
doing so, loses confidence in the administration of justice in the
country. When this feeling takes possession of a community,
acts of what are called lawlessness appear to the people their only
method of asserting their rights ; and, when a community once
starts on a course of lawless conduct, there is no saying where it
may stop. It is in this way we account for a great deal of the
lawlessness in the Highlands.
Until the other day, when Mr Sheriff Black of Stornoway
had the goodness to enlighten the public with a statement of
his feelings towards the crofters of the Lewis, and to make a
general exhibition of his unfitness for the judicial office he holds,
people who took an interest in the people of the Lewis were at a
loss to understand the methods alleged to have been adopted by
them for asserting their rights. But who would now expect a
Lewis crofter to go to Sheriff Black for justice or for fair play? And
so it is in other districts of the Highlands. The principal judicial
offices are held by men who, until they were made judges, never
LAND COURTS AND HIGHLAND SHERIFFS. 275
earned a penny by their profession, and who, but for their ap-
pointment, never would have earned a penny by it; men who are
entirely out of sympathy with the people around them, and who
neither know, nor desire to know, the language of the country.
All this could be remedied, or, at least, a great deal of it
could, were local practitioners of good standing and experience
appointed to the office of Sheriff-Substitute ; but we are dealing
with things as they are, and, so long as such men as we have
described hold the office of Sheriff-Substitute, no Land Court
of which they form part can command the confidence of the
people for whom the Land Court is to be formed. No Land
Court, for instance, would command confidence in the Lews
if Sheriff Black formed one of its members ; and, although
the other judges in the north-west Highlands have not en-
lightened the public so much as Sheriff Black has done, it is
notorious that it is not in the Lewis alone that there is a most
profound and lamentable distrust among the poorer part of the
population in the administration of justice. While we do not,
therefore, contend that no Sheriff-Substitute should form part
of the Land Court, we do say, and, we hope, to some purpose,
that to make certain Sheriffs or the Sheriff- Substitutes of each
district in the Highlands an essential part of the Land Court
of their district under the new Act would be to fore-ordain the
Court to utter failure.
THE TRIAL OF THE LEWIS CROFTERS.
WE take the following succinct account of the facts in connection
with the recent trial of the Lewis crofters from the Edinburgh
Daily Review of the 9th of March. They deserve to be placed on
record in a permanent form : —
The proceedings at the recent trial of the Valtos crofters before the Sheriff-Sub-
stitute at Stornoway afford a striking illustration of the mode in which justice is
administered in the Hebrides. We shall not discuss the legal merits of the case, as
these, it is understood, have been submitted to the superior courts of law, but it may
be useful and interesting to state the facts as they occurred.
The trial commenced on the i8th of February last. Eight crofters, along with
Duncan Graham, Lady Matheson's gamekeeper, were placed at the bar. They had
not the privilege of jury trial, and a motion that they should be tried separately was
refused. They were tried in a batch, the Sheriff being both judge and jury. The
276 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
prosecutor was Mr William Ross, Procurator-Fiscal for the Lewis district, who also
carries on business as a solicitor in Stornoway, and is the local agent of Lady Mathe-
son. The crimes charged against the men were " deforcing and obstructing an officer
of the law or his assistant; also, assault to the injury of the person, and breach of the
peace." The complaint or indictment upon which they were tried set forth that
George Nicolson, messenger-at-arms, and Donald Macdonald, ground officer, as his
concurrent, were employed to serve against certain persons residing in the parish of
Dig, a summons from the Court of Session, which was issued at Edinburgh on 2Qth
November 1884, and that for the purpose of serving this summons they proceeded to
the township of Valtos, in the said parish, on the 8th day of November 1884. The
particulars of the alleged deforcement and obstruction, and assault and breach of the
peace, are then set forth, all of which are stated to have occurred on or about the 8th
day of November.
The first thing that strikes an ordinary mind here is the amazing carelessness dis-
played in the preparation of this indictment. If it were not plainly written in the
document it would be incredible that a public officer, occupying such a responsible
position as that of Procurator-Fiscal, should have framed and signed an indictment
setting forth that men were employed on 8th November to serve a summons which was
not in existence till three weeks later; and that these two dates, so self-contradictory,
should appear on the same page and within a few lines of each other. But that is not
all. This complaint or indictment was presented to the Sheriff on 6th February, and
he then made an order of service, and fixed the trial for the i8th of that month. It
might reasonably be supposed that in a matter of that kind it was the duty of the
Sheriff to read the complaint when it was first presented to him. But even if he did
not, it seems impossible that he should have commenced to try the men without read-
ing the complaint which set forth the crimes of which they were accused. And if he
did read it, what conceivable explanation can be given of his proceeding to try men
upon a charge which, on the face of it, was self-contradictory and absurd ? It looks
as if in the Hebrides it is not considered necessary to deal with crofters as if they were
human beings.'
The procedure at the trial seems to have been quite in harmony with that which
preceded it, and, if possible, still more extraordinary. The first witness called for the
prosecution was George Nicolson, the messenger-at-arms, who was alleged to have
been deforced and assaulted. He had no hesitation in swearing, in answer to the
Fiscal, that he arrived in Stornoway on the 4th or 5th of November for the purpose
of serving this summons, which he had then in his pocket, although it did not come
into existence till three weeks after that date. He went on to swear that he pro-
ceeded to Valtos on 8th of November, and to give minute details as to the way in
which he had been deforced and assaulted on that particular date. Donald Macdon-
ald, the ground officer, was next examined, and as the report of his evidence shows,
he was particular, not only as to the day, but the hour. He swore that he and Nicol-
son arrived at Valtos " about twelve o'clock on the 8th of November," and then went
on to give the details of what occurred on that day. It is scarcely possible to suppose
that these men intended to perjure themselves, but surely the messenger-at-arms who
swore that he was deforced and assaulted ought at least to have known whether it was
in the month of November or December that he went to Stornoway. It looks exceed-
ingly like as if some one had told him and his concurrent what they were expected to
swear, and that they had, without thinking much about it, sworn accordingly.
The evidence of the other witnesses examined for the prosecution was in harmony
with that of the two leading witnesses, although they do not seem to have been par-
THE TRIAL OF THE LEWIS CROFTERS. 277
ticularly questioned in regard to the date. The trial was not concluded on the i8th,
and was continued to the next day, Thursday. Further evidence for the prosecution
was led, and the evidence for the defence commenced. Duncan Graham, the game-
keeper, was separately represented, and the evidence for him was first led. After that
the solicitor for the crofters commenced the examination of the witnesses for their de-
fence. Up till this stage of the case the Fiscal, the Judge, the witnesses, and appar-
ently every one else, had proceeded on the footing that the alleged riot occurred on
the 8th of November. But after the first witness for the crofters had been examined
their solicitor seems to have pointed out to the Judge that as the summons which the
messenger was serving did not exist till 29th November, it was scarcely possible that
the deforcement and assault could have occurred three weeks earlier. So far as can
be gathered from the report of the proceedings the Procurator-Fiscal appears to have
treated the matter very lightly, and argued that the date was all right, because the
words "on or about 8th November" were quite sufficient to cover "the date in
December."
It may, no doubt, be urged in extenuation of this view of the matter, that the
parties at the bar were Uig crofters — a very troublesome set of people — and that any-
thing is good enough for a crofter. The Fiscal's argument, however, did not satisfy
the Sheriff, and after some discussion he appears to have suggested that the date in the
indictment might be altered. The solicitor for the crofters objected to that, and main-
tained that the blunder was fatal to the trial. Ultimately the case was adjourned till
next day in order " the Sheriff might have an opportunity of looking into the authori-
ties on the point." When the court resumed next morning the Sheriff did not explain
what the authorities were which he had consulted over night, but he is reported to have
stated that "he thought it would be monstrous and unreasonable that this case should
be deserted pro loco et tempore, the effect of which would be that the Procurator-Fiscal
would be compelled to begin the trial again!"
We do not profess to be able to criticise the Sheriff's law, but as matter of common
sense it seems extraordinary to say that after the men had been put upon their trial,
the evidence for the prosecution completed, and the evidence for the defence com-
menced, the Fiscal could desert the diet — that is, postpone the trial — and then get up
fresh evidence and try the men over again. We are strongly inclined to think that the
law which the Sheriff believes in exists only in the Lewis, arid is applicable solely to
crofters, and, to use the Sheriff's own words, that it would be "monstrous and un-
reasonable" to apply such law to any other class of people. However that may be,
the result was that after some further discussion, and an altercation with the solicitor
for the panels, in which the Sheriff seems to have had rather the worst of it, he allowed
the indictment to be amended by striking out the word " November" and inserting
" December," so that as thus amended it set forth that the alleged offences had been
committed on 8th December. It will be kept in view that the Sheriff made this alter-
ation in spite of the objections and remonstrances of the solicitor for the crofters. The
indictment having been thus amended, as the Sheriff termed it, the trial proceeded.
Further evidence was adduced for the defence, the proof was closed, and the case was
adjourned till Saturday, 2 1st February, in order to hear the agents and pronounce
judgment.
Several extraordinary scenes occurred in the course of the trial. The Sheriff
found five of the crofters guilty of deforcing and obstructing the officer as charged, and
four of them guilty also of assault, two of them guilty of assault only. One was
acquitted, and Lady Matheson's gamekeeper was found guilty of assault. He
sentenced the men thus found guilty to various periods of imprisonment, the
278 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
longest being fifty days, and the shortest seven days. This result was arrived
at, and these sentences determined, without any additional evidence having been
adduced as to the date on which the alleged offences were committed. The
Sheriff altered the date in the indictment, but he could not alter the date to
which the witnesses had sworn. That date was the 8th of November. But in
the face of all this, and without any explanation of the grounds upon which he ar-
rived at such an extraordinary result, the Sheriff found the men guilty of having com-
mitted these offences on the 8th of December. We do not deal with the legal merits of
such a sentence, nor the consequences which may come to those who are responsible
for it and the imprisonment which followed. But what we desire to call attention to
is the effect upon the community of such a mode of administering justice. The crofters
are accused of violating the law and acting illegally. But what of the Procurator-
Fiscal and the Sheriff?
Even the Scotsman, who usually upholds the representatives
of the law, whether they are right or wrong, is obliged to say in
its issue of loth March : —
"As to the men who were tried at Stornoway, it may be said that there was in-
excusable carelessness on the part of the Crown authorities who prepared the formal
charge against them, and there was great want of discretion on the part of the Sheriff-
Substitute who tried the cases."
The Agent of the Crofters presented a Bill of Suspension to
the Court of Justiciary, in which grave charges were made
against the Sheriff for his conduct at the trial, and Lord Mac-
laren granted an immediate order for their liberation, on their
giving their personal bonds to return to prison to complete their
sentence, in the improbable event of the Bill of Suspension
being ultimately refused.
MAJOR STEWART OF TIGH'N-DUIN ON
CROFTERS AND SHERIFFS.
AT the fifth annual social meeting of the Perth Gaelic Society, recently held, Major
Stewart of Tigh'n-duin, who occupied the chair, speaking of the report of the Crofters'
Commission, said that the report recently issued showed that the society was right,
and that the crofters' grievances were bitter. The question now for consideration was,
how were these grievances to be redressed ? Two of three things were certain. One
of these was that they must have a higher class of local judges or sheriffs than they had
at present in the counties. Amongst these sheriffs there were many admirable and
excellent men, but there were others who really were briefless advocates who had
failed in their profession ; and for the peace and safety of the kingdom it was right
that they should have men of the very first order. The next question for them was,
how were they to conserve the grand old Celtic race ? Were they not worth being pre-
served ? Why should they be driven out of their own country if there was plenty of
land in it to sustain them ? He believed that even the evictors now acknowledged
that very large farms were a failure, and that smaller farms were better.
279
THE MUNROS OF PITTONACHY.
BY ALEXANDER Ross.
I.
THE first of the Munros of Pittonachy, now called Rosehaugh,
was
I. JOHN MUNRO, natural son of George Munro, IV. of Miln-
town. He married Margaret, daughter of John Mor Munro, II.
of Balconie, by whom he had, besides daughters, six sons : —
1. John, his successor.
2. Andrew, I. of Novar.
3. Hector, I. of Findon, who was twice married. His first
wife was Ann, daughter of Hector Munro, I. of Milntown of
Katewell, by whom he had three sons : — (i) Neil, his successor.
(2) John, Portioner of Swordale, who was twice married. His
first wife was Isabella, daughter of Donald Macleay of Alness,
by whom he had one son, Donald, who went with Lieutenant-
Colonel Alex. Munro, fifth son of John Munro, II. of Obsdale, to
France, where he was killed. John's second wife was Isabella,
daughter of William Mackenzie, I. of Belmaduthy (by his wife
Mary, daughter of John Cuthbert of Draikies), by whom he had
three daughters, whose names are not recorded. (3) Andrew,
Portioner of Limlair, who married Isabella, daughter of Hugh
Ross " Buie," by whom he had, besides several daughters, four
sons : — (i) John, who married and had two sons — Robert and
John, who entered the army and rose to the rank of Major. On
retiring from the army, he took up his residence at Invergordon,
and was alive in 1734. (2) Hugh, who married Margaret Guthrie,
by whom he had a son, Andrew, and two daughters, Constance
and Lucy. (3) Robert. (4) George. Hector Munro, I. of Fin-
don's second wife was Jane, daughter of Thomas Urquhart of
Kinbeachie, by whom he had one son and two daughters : —
Robert, who married Isabella, daughter of the Rev. John Munro,
minister of Alness (1649-1662), by whom he had two sons and
one daughter — (a) John, who studied for the church at the Uni-
versity of Aberdeen, and was admitted minister of Halkirk prior
to 2nd August 1706. He died on the i8th of April 1743. He
28o THE CELTIC MAGAZINE
married Anne, daughter of Alexander Gunn of Braemore in Caith-
ness, by whom he had, among others, Sir George Munro, I. of
Poyntzfield ; (b) William, who married Mary, daughter of Sir
George Sinclair of Clythe, with issue ; (c) Margaret, who married
the Rev. David Munro, minister of Reay, with issue, (f) Anne,
who married Hector Munro, IV. of Pitfour, with issue — one son,
George. (6) Jane, who died unmarried. (II.) Neil, Second of
Findon, married Janet, daughter of John Roy Mackenzie, IV. of
Gairloch, and relict of George Cuthbert of Castle Hill (marriage
contract dated 29th June 1611.) Her marriage contract with
Neil Munro is still preserved in the Gairloch Charter Chest, and
is dated 5th February 1627. By Gairloch's daughter, Neil Munro
had two sons and one daughter: — (i).Hugh, his successor; (2)
Hector ; (3) Isabel, who married George Munro, III. of Novar,
with issue. (III.) Hugh, third of Findon, married Janet, daugh-
ter of Colonel John Munro, I. of Limlair, by whom he had four
sons and four daughters : — (i) Neil, his successor ; (2) John ; (3)
David ; (4) George ; (5) Isabel ; (6) Catherine ; (7) Ann ; (8)
Florence. Hugh Munro, III. of Findon, was succeeded by his
eldest son, (IV.) Neil Munro, who is designated " Neil of
Swordale." He married Janet, daughter of Gilbert Macbean,
of Inverness, and had by her three sons — (i) Hugh, his successor ;
(2) George; (3) Andrew. (V.) Hugh, fifth of Swordale, succeeded
his father in the estate of Swordale. He possessed also the lands
of Ceanlochglas, Balnacoul, Balnagal, etc., for which he paid in
1695, as Bishop's rents, the sum of £26. 2s. 6d. Scots. He
married, and had at least one daughter, Isabella, who married
Kenneth, son of John Mackenzie, II. of Davochcairn, to whom
she bore no issue. The marriage contract is dated 1684.
4. David, fourth son of John Munro, I. of Pittonachy, became
a doctor of medicine. He married a Miss Lumsden, by whom he
had four sons and several daughters: — (i) Donald, Regent of
Glasgow University ; (2) David, a merchant in Glasgow ; (3)
Andrew, who followed his father's profession, and practised
medicine for several years in Glasgow, where he died unmarried ;
(4) George, who studied for the law, and became Sheriff of Caith-
ness. He married Margaret, daughter of Sinclair of Scrabster,
by whom he had, among others, a son George. The names of
Dr David Munro's daughters are not recorded,
THE MUNROS OF MILNTOWN. 281
5. George, who died unmarried.
6. Neil, " Portioner of Swordale," who married, and left a
numerous issue.
7. Euphemia, who married George Munro, II. of Katewell,
with issue. She was his second wife.
The names of the other daughters of John Munro, I. of
Pittonachy, have not been recorded.
He was succeeded by his eldest son,
II. JOHN MUNRO OF PITTONACHY, who married Catherine,
daughter of Alexander Ross of Cuilich (from whom descended
the Rosses of Tolly and Achnacloich), by whom he had five
sons : —
i., Hugh, his successor.
2. Alexander, who studied for the ministry at St Andrews,
of which University he was for some years Regent. He was
appointed minister of Golspie previous to 1638, and was a
member of the General Assembly of that year — 2ist November.
He was translated to Dornoch prior to I2th August 1639, as on
that date he was member of Assembly as minister of Dornoch.
He received a gift of 300 merks yearly from Charles I., on the
1 2th of November 1641, and was a member of the Commission
of Assembly for that year. King Charles also gave him a grant
of 800 merks, or 8 chalders of victual, in augmentation of his
stipend, on condition of his giving 300 merks yearly for
"upholding the church," and 200 merks to the master of the
Grammar School. The grant was ratified by Parliament on the
1 7th of November of the same year.* He was deposed by the
Presbytery in 1648, and the sentence of deposition was approved
by the General Assembly in July of the following year. He
married a daughter of Alexander Ross of Balblair, but left no
issue.
3. John, who also became a churchman, and studied at the
University of St Andrews, where he obtained his M.A. degree in
1619. He was admitted minister of the Parish of Reay in 1623,
but was deposed in 1649 along with all the other members of the
Presbytery of Caithness, except one — the Rev. William Smith,
minister of Bower/f- " for their complyance with James Grahame,
* Scottish Acts of Parliament, vol. v., pp. 599-600.
t When the Marquis of Montrose was on his march through Caithness he pub-
lished a declaration, wherein he endeavoured to clear himself from the aspersion of
282 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
excommunicate in his rebellion, and shedding the blood of the
countrie."
The Presbytery Records of Caithness contain the following
minute relative to the matter :— " THURSO, 5th October 1654.— It
wes thoght convenient that yr suld be more frequent meetings
both of ministers and preachers for consulting about ye affears of
ye gospel within ye several congregations, till the Lord by his
Providence suld offer occasion for there further capacitating to a
more authoritative acting as a Prebrie (the members of the former
standing Prebrie being all deposed by the grail [General] As-
semblie of this kirk for yr complyance wt James Grahame, excom-
municate in his rebellio, and shedding the blood of the countrie.}
' It is therefor appointed that ye next meeting hold at Thurso, the
r,th of Der. next, and so after prayer dissolved the meeting."
The words in italics have been deleted, apparently soon after the
Restoration, but they can still be read.
John Munro petitioned the Synod on the 6th of August
1656 " to get his mouth opened that he might assist his son in
preaching." He was accordingly restored to his charge, and
died a few years after. He married a Miss Anderson, by
whom he had, among others, a son, David, who succeeded him,
studied at St Andrew's University, and was appointed col-
league and successor to his father; being admitted prior to 6lh
August 1656. David married Margaret, daughter of Robert
Munro (fourth son of Hector Munro, I. of Findon), and had by
her a son and daughter — John, his successor, and Elizabeth,
any sinster ends ; that his intention was only against some particular persons ; that he
intended nothing against the generality of the kingdom ; and exhorted his fellow-sub-
jects to free themselves from the tyranny of those who for the present ruled the State ;
and from the oppression of the Ministry. He presented certain articles consistent
with this declaration to the heritors, ministers, and others in Caithness, which he
persuaded them to subscribe, except the Rev. William Smith, above mentioned, who
refused to do so, notwithstanding many flatteries and threats. Montrose brought him
to Thurso, and ordered him to be towed to a boat at the harbour, and dragged
through the sea to Scrabster, a distance of two miles, and laid there in irons on board
a ship, where he lay until news came that the Marquis was defeated at the battle of
Craigcaoineadhan, or Kerbester, in the parish of Kincardine. He was then liberated,
and he returned to his charge. After the Restoration this pious and faithful minister was
ejected. He retired to Thurso, where he resided in great comfort, though low in cir-
cumstances, till his death. A friend having called upon him, and finding things of
humble appearance in his dwelling, remarked to Mr Smith — " If God had regarded
riches there would have been greater plenty in this house."
THE MUNROS OF MILNTOWN. 283
who married James Mackay of Borgy, to whom she bore an
only daughter, Margaret, heiress of Borgy, who married Captain
James, eldest son of John Mackay, I. of Kirtomy, with issue.
The marriage contract is dated 8th December 1724. The Rev.
David Munro died circa 1693, an<^ was buried in the aisle, Reay
Church-yard, where he had previously, in 1691, erected a tablet
with an inscription, now partly obliterated. The following is a
copy of it, as far as it is now traceable, kindly sent me by the Rev.
Donald Munro, F.C. minister, Shebster, Reay. Mr Munro writes
— " The tablet is of freestone, about two feet long and twenty
inches broad, and is built into the wall. The letters are all in raised
capitals — bass-relief — and many of them are much obliterated by
violence and weather, as there is no roof over the aisle. There is
not much information given. The date, 1691, is very distinct
and entire; so are the D.M.:M.M. The TIME, imperfect;
DEUM, perfect The last sentence, namely, 'This ile belongs
to Mr David Munro and Margaret Munro/ is quite legible. The
other words cannot be deciphered. One of them ends in RTH,
and possibly the words obliterated may have been 'earth to
earth,' or words to that effect. Mr Munro's hypothesis is evid-
ently correct ; and the effaced words between RTH and THIS
were probably DUST TO DUST. M no doubt is the remains
of IN MEMORIAM ; D.M. is for David Munro ; M.M. for
Margeret Munro ; TIME DEUM signifies fear, or worship God.
The Rev. David Munro was succeeded by his son, John, who
studied at the University of Aberdeen, where he took his M.A. on
the 3rd of July 1679. It is stated that he intruded into the Parish
of Reay in that year, but was received into communion by the
Edinburgh Committee prior to 6th June 1704, and was duly
admitted to Reay in the course of that year. He died in July
1722, aged about 63 years, and was interred in his family bury-
ing-ground in the aisle of Reay Church-yard. He married, and
had at least two sons — John, who was served heir to his father
on the 4th of December 1751, and David, designated of Craig-
ston, who married in 1734, but of whom I have been unable
to discover anything further.
4. David, fourth son of John Munro, II. of Pittonachy, also
entered the church, and was admitted minister of the Parish of
Latheron about the year 1630. He was deposed in 1649 for
284 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
subscribing Montrose's "articles," and his successor, Alexander
Clark, afterwards minister of Inverness, was admitted prior to
1652. On the 2 1st of October 1652, he petitioned the Synod to
recommend him to some parish in the diocese of Caithness, and
he was apparently admitted to Lairg. before 7th May 1663. He
died before /th October 1668. He married a Miss Sutherland,
by whom he had, among others, a son, John, who married and
left issue.
5. Hector of Nonikiln, in the Parish of Rosskeen, fifth
son of John Munro of Pittonachy, married Jane, daughter of
George Munro, II. of Tarlogie, by whom he had a son, John, of
Nonikiln and Tearivar, who, in 1695, with Walter Ross, Provost
of Tain, paid for Bishop's rents for " the land of Nonikiln, the
sum of £11. 33. lod. He subsequently obtained by purchase
the lands of Tearivar in the Parish of Kiltearn. He was an elder
in the parish church of Kiltearn, and took a deep interest in the
promotion of religious principles in the parish. He was also a
sincere friend of the " poor, fearing the Lord," and at his death
left 500 merks to be distributed amongst them. The following
is " ane double of the bond " as it appears in the Kiltearn Session
Records : —
I, John Munro of Tearivar, be thir pnts (these presents), do mortifie, allocate, and
sequestrat of my own proper mean and substance, the soum of 500 merks Scots money,
to be distributed and divided amongst the poor fearing the Lord, within the pariochen of
Kiltern, and do hereby enjoin and require Mr William Stuart, minir. of Kiltern, and
the elders of the Session theirof with him to make just, reall dstribution and division of
the said 500 merks money amongst the poor fearing the Lord, within the pariochen
of Kiltern, at the said minir. and elders, their discretion and judgement qnever the
samen, be recoverable from my aires and successors in effectual payment. And to that
effect I bind and obleige me, my aires and successors, to me in my lands and estate to
concent, pay, and deliver the said soum of 500 merks to the said Mr William Stuart
and elders of Kiltern, to be distributed to the poor above specified, betwixt the date
heirof, and the last end of the first year next, and immediately after my decease ; but
longer delay with the soum of 100 merks money, of liquidat expence in caice of failzie
(failure), together also with the ordinar @ rent (annual rent- interest) of the said prinle.
(principal) soum dureing the not payment theirof after the said yeir is expired, posterior
to my decease as saidis ; and for the more security I am content thir prts. be regrat
in any books competent, to have the strength of ane decreit that Irs. (letters) of horn-
ing may be directed theirupon on ten days charge and others necessar, and theirto
constitutes. . . . My prors. (procurators). In witness yrof, I have subt. thir
prts. (written be Hugh Munro in Wester Glens) at Tearivar, the i6th day of Deer.
1704 years, befor thir witnesses — Andrew Munro at the Bridge End of Culcairn, and
the said Hugh Munro, writer heirof.
ANDREW MUNRO, Witness. Sic Subscribitur. JOHN MUNRO.
HUGH MUNRO, Witness."
THE MUNROS OF MILNTOWN. 285
The minute adds that Captain George Munro of Culcairn,
John Munro's son-in-law, deferred giving in a " list of those poor
fearing the Lord, so as he may distribute to them the 500 merks
left them be the deceast John Munro of Tearivar, by virtue of
ane letter directed to him from the said John," the tenor of which
letter follows : —
" Sir, — By all probability my time is but short in this world, and withall what I have
recommended to you in my last letter I desire this of you, and commits this also to your
care, as a duty in the sight of God, to see these bonds I have given you for pious uses
payed, and retain discharges for thyself from the persones in whose names the bonds
are granted, to witt — Mr William Stuart ane bond of 500 merks, to Gilbert Pope ane
bond of 400 merks, to Christian Sutherland ane bond of 100 merks ; in all 1000
merks. If the Lord hade spared myself, and seeing it is like I will not see it done, I
lay it on you as a duty before the Lord to do it after my decease, and it shall be a
kindness and easing of my minde your undertaking a faithful discharge of this duty.
I hope (it) will be acceptable to God ; and this shall be your warrand from — Dear Sir,
Your affectionat Cousen, JOHN MUNRO.
May 9, 1705.
The Session, considering the same, thought it their duty to
adhere to Tearivar's bond granted to them.
They appointed a committee of their number to meet and
consider as to the most judicious method to be adopted re-
lative to the investment of Tearivar's bond ; and at a meeting of
session held on i8th December 1706, they gave in the following
report : —
"The Committee having considered the tenor of Tearivar's bond of mortification,
distribution, and division of the soum of 500 merks Scots money amongst the poor
fearing the Lord, within the pariochen of Kiltern, at the minir. and elders their dis-
cretion and judgement qnever the samen shall be recoverable: It is our opinion that
there may be as much money given of the said 500 merks as may buy a mortcloath, to
the effect that the benifitt and profitt thereof may redound to the said poor, and what
remains at over the price of the mortcloath may be immediately distributed to the said
poor, according as Mr William Stuart, minir., and said elders shall think fitt."
The Session unanimously approved of the committee's sug-
gestion, and appointed another committee — consisting of the
Rev. Wm. Stewart, Sir Robert Munro of Fowlis ; Hector Munro
of Drummond ; Captain Andrew Munro of Westerton ; John
Bethune of Culnaskea ; and Gilbert Robertson in Balconie — to
make out a list of the poor " as are to get six scor and ten merks
condescended on in Session :" Mr Stuart to draw on Captain
George Munro of Culcairn for the said amount A mortcloth
286 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
was subsequently obtained from Holland, at a cost of £16 stg.,
and the dues derived therefrom were periodically divided among
the poor.
John Munro of Tearivar, married Janet, daughter of Robert
Munro, II. of Milntown of Katewell, and by her had four
daughters: — (i), Christian, who married Captain George Munro
I. of Culcairn, with issue, four sons and six daughters. (2), Jean,
who married Kenneth, second son of John Munro, III. of Inveran,
to whom she bore a son, John, and a daughter, Lilias, who mar-
ried Hector Gray, in Sutherland. The names of Tearivar's other
two daughters have not been recorded. This John Munro died
before nth June 1705, as shown by the following extract of that
date from the Kiltearn Session Records : — "John Munro of
Tearivar having left the soum of 500 merks for erecting ane isle
for his burial place and likewise for enlarging of the kirk, the
Session do unanimously allow to breakdown ane piece of the wall
of the kirk towards the north opposit to the pulpit whereby ane
penn may be made."
John Munro, II. of Pittonachy, was succeeded by his eldest
son,
III. HUGH MUNRO, who is designated "of Achnagart."
He married Janet, eldest daughter of George Munro, VI. of Miln-
town, by whom he had four sons —
1. John, his heir, who entered the army, where he attained
the rank of Captain. He died unmarried.
2. George; 3. Hugh, both of whom died without succession.
4. Robert, who succeeded his father as
IV. ROBERT MUNRO of Achnagart who married a daughter
of John Ross of Little Tarrel, by whom he had several sons and
daughters, whose names have not been recorded. One of his
daughters married William, youngest son of John Munro, I. of
Achany, with issue.
"THE SCOTTISH HIGHLANDER."— Contracts have just been entered
into for the erection of new buildings in High Street, Inverness, specially adapted for
printing and publishing the Scottish Highlander and the Celtic Magazine, and for a
general printing and publishing business. The Scottish Highlander will be published
EVERY FRIDAY AFTERNOON at ONE PENNY, and will consist of sixteen folio pages.
The premises are to be completed by the middle of June.
28;
LORD NAPIER AND THE DUKE OF ARGYLL.
WHATEVER may be the character or the future results of pro-
spective legislation on the Highland crofter question, one sure
thing is that the subject has been pretty freely canvassed alike in
the press, and by those more immediately concerned. There has
been a great deal of literature, controversy, and counsel applied
to the formation of public opinion ; and out of this mass it is
hoped that our statesmen will, on an early day, bring order and
blessing.
Among the most important contributions to the proper
understanding of the question, and one which will naturally have
great weight in giving complexion to any legislative attempts
which may be made to deal with the now universally admitted
evil, is the Report of the Crofters' Commission, to the discussion
of which considerable space has already been devoted in these
pages. That a document making such sweeping recommenda-
tions, based on a careful scrutiny of the case, and trenching so
much on the vested interests of so many who are high in power
and influence should be itself subjected to very searching criticism
is what might of course be expected. Among those who animad-
verted upon it from the point of view of the rigid political
economist is the Duke of Argyll, and the result of his inquiries is
given in an article in the Nineteenth Century for November, en-
titled "A Corrected Picture of the Highlands." In this article
the Commission and its Report are submitted to review by his
Grace, and, in his own estimation, they emerge from the ordeal
sadly damaged and discredited. However, " He that is first in
his own cause seemeth just, but his neighbour cometh and
searcheth him." In the March number of the same periodical a
defence of the Commission is appropriately given by the estim-
able nobleman who presided over its sittings.
The articles of the Duke of Argyll and Lord Napier are
characteristic of their respective authors. His Grace is the cold,
calculating — we had almost said grasping — man of the world,
applying in all their inexorable nakedness the principles which
underlie the science of political economy. Lord Napier again,
288 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
no less a political economist than the Duke, leans more to the
Ruskin type, and rejects, as contrary to his high sense of justice,
and his generosity of character, the idea that " an advantageous
code of social action may be determined irrespectively of the
influence of social affection."
After a few preliminary remarks as to the Duke's mistaken
conception of the purpose and intention of the Crofters' Com-
mission, Lord Napier goes on to deal more in detail with the
strictures and direct charges brought against the Report. This
he does very gently but firmly.
First as regards the Duke's observation that Clearances and
consolidation have been developed more extensively and relent-
lessly in the southern than in the northern provinces. In this
connection his Grace thought he had found in Lord Napier's
own neighbourhood, nay, even on his Lordship's estate, evidences
of depopulation more alarming than those even of Bracadale,
in Skye. His Lordship acknowledges the correctness of some
of the Duke's positions in their general outline, but indicates
very serious errors of detail which render the intended compari-
son between South and North quite inadmissible. While ad-
mitting with evident regret the social change which has taken
place in the classic Border districts, his Lordship points out that
these have not been brought about by any such wholesale methods
as awaken such gloomy memories in the Highlands of Scotland.
" What evictions, what migrations there were then, no man
can tell. There may have been much suffering, but the people
passed away unnoticed and unmourned. The process of extinc-
tion was very gradual. In the whole circle of Border poetry, as
far as I am aware, there is no dirge for a departing race ; no plain-
tive strain ascends from the Teviot or the Tweed, which repeats
the sentiment of * Lochaber no More.' "
But the case of Ettrick adduced by the Duke as itself one
in which a great diminution of population has taken place, fails
miserably. True, the population in 1831, appears to have been
530, and in 1881 only 397. This, Lord Napier points out is not
actually the case. " The Duke," he says, " has been misled.
Here it is not the population, but the parish which has been
halved. Subsequent to the census of 1851, Yarrow was sub-
divided. A new parish called Kirkhope, was taken out of it, and
the alteration is recorded in the Census Report of 1861,"
LORD NAPIER & THE DUKE OF ARGYLL. 289
Lord Napier pursues the Duke still further, and shows that
the comparison sought to be established between Ettrick and
Inveraray is not fair in other respects. They are two localities
which both Nature and history have rendered dissimilar. Ettrick
is an inland valley. The land is high, and little of it cultivable.
Inveraray, on the other hand, " rises from the shores of a
sheltered salt-water loch, with many gradations and varieties of
level to a high elevation." The land is adapted for small hold-
ings ; extensive and lucrative herring fisheries are within con-
venient reach ; there is the employment incident to resident pro-
prietorship— " Still the people of Inveraray go away. Landward
Parish — Population 1851, 1650; population 1881, 760. Dimi-
nution in thirty years, 29 per cent, far more than in Ettrick and
Yarrow."
Admitting that both depopulation and consolidation pre-
vailed in a greater or less degree throughout the Lowlands, his
Lordship maintains that the present circumstances and future
prospects of the North and South divisions of the country are
distinct and different. —
" The question of restitution is dead in the Lowlands, but
is living in the Highlands. In the Lowlands, natural causes or
arbitrary wills have done their work. ... In the Highlands
and Islands, or at. least in those parts of them where the crofters'
question is a burning question, the two factors in the quarrel stand
face to face ; on the one side is the vacant land, on the other side
the craving multitude. The social question is still unsolved, and
the cry goes up that it may be solved by restoring the people to
their former seats." Lord Napier " would not advocate the re-
newal of crofters' cultivation where there are no comminuted
holdings, or over-crowded townships side by side with vacant
pastoral farms, and where the land has been laid out with great
expenditure in broad agricultural areas, with all the furniture and
equipments suitable to a scientific farming system : but on the
other hand it would surely be a grievous error for proprietors to
surrender themselves and the great human and national interests
committed to their charge to the undirected action of so-called
natural agencies or tendencies. ... In many parts of Scot-
land much might be done towards the reinstatement of the rural
population by the gradual and prudent subdivision of farming
areas, and by the prohibition of non-residency in the farming
class."
Dealing next with three points on which the Duke has laid
290 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
peculiar weight, viz.— (i) The social quality or position of the
crofter ; (2) the nature of the crofters' evidence ; and (3) the want
of vigour or decision in the recommendations of the Report of
the Commission ; Lord Napier maintains that the crofters are
tenants ; the Duke regards them as labourers. The crofter, says
Lord Napier, is descended from a tenant ; he issues from the sub-
tenants' holding under the old tacksmen, not only so, but even in
his diminished state he retains many traces of his earlier con-
dition which distinguish him from a labourer. " He clings to the
traditions of the state from which he has been half removed. He
considers himself to be an occupier of land, and from that be-
lief he will not lightly depart." This last feature of his character,
he says, is recognised by the recent Convention of Highland
Proprietors at Inverness, when they contemplate the granting of
leases and enlarged holdings to the crofter.
On the question of the crofters' evidence, Lord Napier ex-
presses his surprise at the sweeping condemnations of the Duke.
He admits that some of the evidence bore traces of contrivance,
passion, and vindictiveness, errors of memory and interpretation,
and must in some instances be received with reservation. But
he accepts the crofter witnesses as not uncandid or malicious.
" I retain," he says, "a vivid recollection of the mental posture
in which many an 'Angus' or 'Donald' was summoned to the
bar. He would come up with a ' dour' aspect, sullen and on his
guard, usually furnished with some written tale, in which his fellow-
labourers had deposited with insufficient scrutiny and excusable
resentment the story of their ancient or recent wrongs. But when
the lesson was discharged, and Angus or Donald found himself
comfortably seated in his familiar kirk, under the eyes of his
minister, and neighbours, in the presence of six gentlemen, all but
one of his own race, some speaking his own language, some bear-
ing names known to every Highlander, all earnestly desirous to
place themselves in contact with his inner thoughts and actual
condition, it was pleasant to observe how soon the armour of
suspicion would melt away ; his rugged visage would relax
into good humour, and he would respond to his interrogator
with shrewdness, sincerity, courtesy, and a picturesque anima-
tion imperfectly rendered in transmission from the Gaelic to
the Saxon tongue. These features were indeed most con-
spicuous in the demeanour of the older people, but they were
not deficient in the young. Meanwhile the utterances of the
witnesses were reflected with intelligent and intense but silent
sympathy in the countenances of the auditory. You felt that a
LORD NAPIER & THE DUKE OF ARGYLL. 291
faithful portrait of the people was being painted by themselves.
Had the Duke of Argyll taken a personal part in these conferences
between the Commissioners and the peasantry, had he witnessed
the shifting physiognomy, the humours and the pathos of the
humble drama, and felt this 'touch of nature' with a genuine
form of humanity, however clouded by the passions of the hour,
he would have written with less intolerance and scorn of the
crofters' evidence. And when we reflect that these remote and
often illiterate men were contending for the first time on a public
scene for all that is deepest and dearest to them in life, how
slender do their offences against morality, reason, and good taste,
appear when set beside the stratagems and mendacities of a
party demonstration at Birmingham, or the revengeful diatribes
of many a debate in the House of Commons !"
Lord Napier next rebuts the charge of indefiniteness made
against the recommendations of the Commission, dealing more
in detail with the part devoted to the question of reviving the
Highland township. Viewing the apparent impossibility of com-
pulsorily expanding individual holdings, either by emigration or
migration, Lord Napier found that the Commissioners were shut
up to the expedient of expanding and extending the township
system, and enlarging the common pasture.
Against the township suggestion various objections had been
urged, and these Lord Napier next sets himself to dispose of.
The first is that the power of compulsory expansion of the town-
ship would be destruction to other kinds of property. The
recommendation of the Commission has, he says, not left that
out of view, and it suggests " provisions to protect the farming
areas against excessive reduction."
The next objection " that the claiming of township improve-
ments would be oppressive to the proprietor he does not agree to.
These demands are no more than the individual large farmer is
in the habit of constantly making.—
" Although in the case of the township the proprietor is con-
strained to perform certain duties, they are moderate and equit-
able, and he is constrained to do nothing unless his people help
him. It is idle to speak of the Highland crofters as free agents,
competent to shape their own fortunes, uncounselled and unaided.
The farmer is often a free agent, a capitalist, a stranger, who
brings his money, his intelligence, and his labour voluntarily to
a selected market ; the crofter is as much the accident of nature
and of time as the heath and rocks upon his mountain, or as the
seaweed that drifts upon his shore. The man who inherits a
292 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Highland estate inherits the people and the obligations attached
to them ; the man who purchases a Highland estate purchases
the people, subject to like conditions. Should the claim of the
township to exact improvements be admitted, the danger is not
that the proprietor would be compelled to do too much, but that
he would not be asked to do enough."
It is next objected that the township stereotypes a bad form
of tenure. In the very peculiar conditions of land and people in
parts of the Highlands, his Lordship does not believe " that the
use of wild mountain areas as common pasture is a bad tenure."
The soil is poor, and to divide it by fences impracticable. " If
the occupiers are to have any pasture it must be common hill
pasture, and if they are to have no pasture they must cease to
exist as occupiers of land."
The last objection to the Township recommendation of the
Commission is one urged in these pages on a former occasion.
It is that the recognition of the township gives no security to the
individual occupier. We give his Lordship's answer to our criticism
in his own words, premising that it does not meet the objec-
tion, and that if some method is not devised to conserve the in-
dividual rights of the members of the township, matters will
inevitably lapse into their old condition, and the last end will be
worse than the first. Lord Napier says : —
" This objection is logically valid, and it opens a large ques-
tion. Is it or is it not expedient in the interest of the crofters
and of the country at large to give an absolute unconditional
fixity of tenure to all the small occupiers of land in their present
holdings ? For my part I cannot think that it is. I believe that
such a measure would have many fatal results. It would fix the
people to the soil, discourage enterprise, industry, emigration,
migration, and the consolidation of small holdings, facilitate sub-
division and squatting, and deprive the proprietor of the exercise
of all authority and of many incentives to beneficence. Uncon-
ditional fixity of tenure could hardly be granted without official
rents and the faculty of selling the improvements and goodwill of
the tenancy in the open market, innovations which would aggra-
vate the evils enumerated above. Under these impressions the
Commissioners have recommended security of tenure in a modi-
fied form, which has an ancient statutory sanction, and which is
conformable to the custom of the country, in the shape of an
* improving lease,' under which competent occupiers would have
a right to claim the tenure of the holding for thirty years at a
valuation-rent, with obligations to improve, and with compensa-
LORD NAPIER & THE DUKE OF ARGYLL. 293
tion for improvements. If, however, the contingency of the clear-
ance of the township must be contemplated by legislation, it
might be practically prevented by prohibiting the creation of ten-
ancies in townships above a specified annual value."
Lord Napier, after making an earnest appeal to the Duke to
extend his support to the cause, rather than to act as he is doing
on the side of its assailants, concludes as follows :—
" To the suggestions of the Secretary of State for the Home
Department, and to the mediation of Lochiel, we owe it that a
meeting has been held of landowners in the North of Scotland
for the purpose of promoting a friendly adjustment of the claims
of the crofters. In this movement the Duke of Argyll has been,
it is reported, an influential adviser, though he did not take part
in the discussions at Inverness. It is, perhaps, better so, for he
reserves a greater liberty of subsequent Parliamentary action.
The concerted resolutions of the Highland proprietors are con-
ceived in a generous spirit, and they are all consistent with true
policy and the wishes of the people. In my judgment they are
defective in the following respects : they contain no absolute
security for the preservation of the existing crofting areas, no
provisions for township improvements, no restriction on the
future formation of deer forests, and no suggestions for the
embodiment of the conclusions adopted in a statutory form.
Nevertheless, an overture has been made which is honourable to
its authors, and which in other hands may become productive of
beneficial results. A larger measure of concession could not,
perhaps, have been secured in connection with unanimous
assent."
A BIRTHDAY GREETING,
INSCRIBED, WITH SINCERE REGARD, TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE THE EARL OF
BREADALBANE, ON HIS BIRTHDAY, APRIL 9, 1884.
Beloved Breadalbane ! greetings waft I thee,
On this thy dear, thine honoured natal day ;
That Heaven long spare thee, earnestly I pray
Full many, many glad returns to see.
Thy rule is wise o'er vast domains and wide,
Rife in good actions for thy people's weal ;
Each duty shared by helpmate kind and leal,
Whose work and walk are ever at thy side.
Rule wisely on, for noble is the race
O'er whom your governance holds loving sway ;
Yours their deep gratitude for acts of grace,
Their warmest blessings crown you every day !
How rich, how sweet, and joyous the reward,
Your people's love and their sincere regard !
NEW YORK, DUNCAN MACGREGOR CRERAR,
294 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
THE SCOTTISH HIGHLANDERS AND THE LAND LA WS : An Historico-
Economical Enquiry ) by John Stuart Blackie, F.R.S.E., etc. London: Chapman
and Hall. 1885.
To the honoured names of Sir Walter Scott and Dr Norman
Macleod, who have so nobly created a world-wide interest in our
Highlands and Highlanders, it would be but justice to add the
name of Professor Blackie, whose present work, more perhaps,
than any of its predecessors from his pen, on Celtic subjects, will
win sympathy for the people whose cause we have at heart, and
will convince our fellow-countrymen by its presentation of simple
but startling facts, and of well-weighed conclusions, that legisla-
tion, by way of removing the evils still existing, has been too
long delayed. The work had been published only a few days
when Mr Chamberlain, in one of his outspoken addresses on the
land system, quoted its prominent reference to the words of
Theodore Parker : " England is the paradise of the rich, the pur-
gatory of the wise, and the hell of the poor." Its dedication to
Mr John Bright, " the stout assertor of popular rights," strikes
a key-note which marks the versatile Professor's political progress,
and which is kept up without wavering all through the work.
About four-fifths of its bulk, he tells us, had been written prior
to the appointment of the Crofter Royal Commission ; so that
his facts and inferences are the fruits of many seasons' wander-
ings in our glens, and much intercourse with the Highland people,
supported by an extensive study of the literature bearing upon
his subject, which he does not unduly exalt when he says : " We
owe not the least part of our national glory and European pres-
tige to the Celts of the Scottish Highlands."
The book is divided into three sections, " The Scottish High-
landers," "The Land Laws," and "The Crofters' Commission." The
author's comments on the Report of that body have necessitated
the treatment of the same topics at different parts of the work ;
but this is done in so skilful a manner as to avoid all tedious repet-
ition. Proceeding historically, a view is first given of the people
as they grew up in their natural state before extraneous influ-
ences interfered with their spontaneous growth, and this is fol-
lowed by a narrative of the steps taken, during the period since
"the brilliant blunder of the '45," to obliterate the separate char-
acter of the Highlanders, and to merge them in the general com-
HIGHLANDERS AND THE LAND LAWS. 295
munity. The clan system is finely characterised as founded
on " the union of authority and love " — a harmony which was
rudely destroyed when the chiefs seized the clan domains to their
own selfish use, under the transparent subterfuge of acquisi-
tion by virtue of Royal charter. In a note Professor Blackie
shows up, with crushing logic, the vacillation of the Commis-
sioners' Report in that part where they affect to deal judicially
with the question of the original tenure of land by the whole clan,
whose rights were simply held in trust by the chief. All the
well-known qualities which have combined to form the High-
lander of history and of our own time are next enumerated, special
stress being laid on the peoples' respect for authority and obedience
to their natural leaders — a feature in their character of which un-
due advantage has been taken, and the healthy re-action from
which is now being experienced. There is something grim in the
author's plea for clan feuds, that they were a " ready method of
thinning a superfluous population." Adverting to the charge of
indolence as a Highland quality, there is shown to be no ground
for it in the character of the people, except so far as seclusion
from the world of competition induces a lack of energy. " Why
should everybody everywhere live in a continual fret and fever
of overstrained nerves?" When placed in circumstances where
exertion shows palpable results, the Celt keeps well abreast of
his neighbours. The consequences arising from the construction
of military roads and forts, the passing of the Disarming Act
of 1746, and the abolition of heritable jurisdictions, are shown
to have been, a disgusted people, and the conversion of the
chiefs into a company of land merchants, who looked upon
the people as chattels to be sold with the land, or to be
removed at pleasure. Hence occurred the Glen-Dessary and
other Clearances, the details of which the author extracts from
the earlier issues of this Magazine, and from " The Highland
Clearances," which point his denunciations of the " most un-
grateful treatment of a people, the sweat of whose brow had
redeemed the soil from barrenness, and whose blood had been
freely poured out for Britain's honour in many a battlefield of
historic renown." If the writer of an article on " The High-
landers and their Landlords," which appeared in the number of
the "Quarterly Review" for January, had read Professor Blackie's
book, or any of the works above-mentioned, he could not have
296 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE
had the assurance to write as to the Clearances — " if suffering
was caused in excess of what was inevitable, the fault is to be
attributed, not to the landlords, but to the character of the period."
The apologists for the landlords are put to sorry shifts when
they are fain to attribute the atrocities of the Strathnaver and
the Knoydart Clearances, not to those by whose commands they
were carried out, but to " the character of the period " which pro-
duced the emancipation of the slaves and the relief of the oppressed
elsewhere to an extent not previously paralleled. The evicted
people, thus betrayed a second time by their hereditary leaders,
had no hopes but in the accidental personal goodness of some of
their superiors, in the paternal care of a government of landlords,
and in the chapter of accidents. They had certainly little to
hope for from those to whom " an increase of population is the
greatest evil, and an increase of rent the greatest good." The
very miseries suffered by poor people during the Potato Famine
of 1846 were made the pretext, by selfish landlords, for turning
many families out of their homes. Professor Blackie maintains
that many measures, which, at first sight, seem to carry unalloyed
benefits, really operated against true Highland interests. Such
were the Poor Law Act of 1845, the Education Act of 1872,
the migration to large towns, and the Disruption of the Church.
The ideal which is sketched of a characteristically Highland
education, for its suggestiveness and practical bearing, is far
more deserving of the consideration of the authorities than the
unsympathetic reports of official doctrinaires.
The second and third sections of the work are so intimately
connected that they may be conveniently considered together.
When the king, as representing the nation, gave grants of land,
the landlords " were made to feel and to act on the principle that
ownership in land exists for the sake of the people ; not the
people for the sake of the ownership." A valuable philosophical
analysis, drawn out in regular procession of mutually dependent
propositions, is given of the relations between men, as members
of a community, and the destination of land, of which the con-
clusion is that the land, " as the common gift of God to all the
human family," should either be cultivated by the holder himself,
or used by him in the way most conducive to the necessities of
the community. " Freedom of contract," which the narrow school
of economists, pure and simple, put forward as a panacea for the
HIGHLANDERS AND THE LAND LAWS. 297
settlement of the land question, to the landlords' mind, is described
as " a name to juggle fools and justify knaves." Coming to the
consideration of recent events, the cases of the crofters of Bernera,
the Braes, and Glendale, are detailed as leading to the appoint-
ment of the Crofters' Commission, whose Report is generously
described as a " summation of economic counsel, by a body of men
distinguished alike for kindly humanity, practical intelligence, and
fine discrimination;" but a little further on a more judicious and
critical estimate is formed when it is said that the Report " is not
altogether free from the prejudices that party views and personal
interests are so apt to engender."
Extracts are given from it under various heads, supple-
mented by some portions of the statement of Mr John Barclay,
Rev. J. M. Davidson, and others, so as to neutralise the evident
compromise between conflicting views seen in the composition of
the Report. Professor Blackie has, with sure insight, concurred
with other authorities on the Crofter question, in detecting the
" marked tenderness," as he calls it, with which the Commis-
sioners deal with the deer forests. Indeed, their timidity in
approaching this, the very crux of their inquiry, is the most seri-
ous blemish on the admirable work they have done, as was first
pointed out in detail in our " Analysis of the Report," where their
finding on this head is characterised as " curious, inexplicable,
and most inequitable" (page 68). While existing legal rights
"in these food-wasting forests are to be preserved, further
afforesting in the future is to be prevented. A legal right derives
its entire sanction from the legislature which constituted it, and
which has equal power to modify it, or even extinguish it, if it
should appear to be for the public good to so deal with legal
rights. No legislation would be possible if existing legal rights
were never to be disturbed. The Commissioners' recommenda-
tions remind one of the sentence of the justice who said — " Not
guilty, but don't do it again." The complete character of the
extermination of a thriving tenantry is brought out in the
evidence of Mr Colin Chisholm as to Glencannich, and other
places in Strathglass.
Professor Blackie gives a pretty full enumeration of the re-
medial measures proposed by the Commission; but, with respect to
the alleviation of the lot of the fishing crews, while mentioning the
proposals as to piers and harbours, he omits an important recom-
298 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
mendation that Government should advance money, under safe-
guards, for the purchase of boats of larger size, and of a safer
build, than those in which their poverty still compels them to run
great risks in stormy weather. This matter assumed a very pain-
ful interest last month, when so many fishermen's lives were lost
by the swamping of several boats on the coasts of Skye arid Lewis.
The author ably criticises the " dissents " from the Report by
Lochiel and Sir Kenneth Mackenzie. It had already been
pointed out in our " Analysis " that these gentlemen proposed
that money should be obtained from the Public Works Loan
Commissioners to build houses, drain land, etc., for small farmers ;
while the landlords had for many years possessed the power of
getting advances for such work for that class of tenant, but had
remained indifferent to it. Professor Blackie shows that Sir
Kenneth's reasoning virtually means the extinction of the crofter
class ; those of them without stock would, on his proposal, be re-
duced to be mere labourers for wages, and they would have to go
to the towns for employment. He cannot agree with him here, nor
" In his refusal to deal with the case of the Highland crofters as an exceptional
case. Had it not been an exceptional case, and that in very well-marked lines, there
would have been no occasion for a special Commission, and no Report in its every
page accentuating so strongly the special grounds of the complaint which called for
the Commission. The case of the Highlands is in fact economically the case of Ire-
land over again, with certain local variations, and the important difference, that
whereas in the Hibernian isle congestion was the only evil dealt with, in the Cale-
donian glens the complex action of congestion in one part and depletion in another,
indicates to the skill of the State physician a double and more difficult treatment. .
That the economic condition of the Highlands and Islands, therefore, is a
matter which loudly cries for exceptional legislation I hold to be indubitable.
While the author does not admit the force of the objections
put forward in the " Dissents " to the Township proposals of the
Report," he considers it would be a more workable arrangement
to constitute a Land Court to settle matters between landlords
and tenants, and to see that the weaker party be not oppressed.
In commending this work to the attention of our readers, it
is quite unnecessary to allude to its graces of style, and the wide
field of research which Professor Blackie knows how to utilise
for the illustration of his subject and the enforcement of his
arguments. His pages sparkle with epigrams and felicitous
phrases, some of which have been quoted. Every true High-
lander, and every friend of the Highlands, will regard this work
as one of the greatest of the many great services which the
author has rendered to the Highland people.
THE
CELTIC MAGAZINE.
CONDUCTED BY
ALEXANDER MACKENZIE, F.S.A.. Scot.
No. CXV. MAY 1885. VOL. X.
THE FUTURE OF THE GAELIC LANGUAGE.
II.
IN our last paper we endeavoured to show how undesirable it is
in the highest interest of the Highlanders that Gaelic should
cease to be a recognised vehicle of speech among them. We shall
now go on to consider the second question raised : Is the extinc-
tion of Gaelic probable ?
However essential we may regard the language to the full
and harmonious development of the Celt, we cannot but feel
that there are destructive forces at work, which, if unchecked,
will eventually bring about its death. We can gain nothing by
minimising the forces of the enemy. Let us endeavour as ac-
curately as possible to estimate its strength. Having done so,
we shall be able more correctly to calculate our own chances of
success.
This is a money-making age. The dollar is almighty. The
lust for gold has taken such a hold of the men and women
of the nineteenth century, that they are ready to fling aside
as worthless everything that does not represent an ascertained
amount of current coin. This miserly spirit is as rampant
in Britain as in any part of the world. The Celts are not a
miserly race ; but the influences brought to bear on them from
without, combined with their own extreme poverty, necessitate on
their part very considerable moral strength to resist the insidious
v
300 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE. .
temptation put in their way. True it is, as pointed out last
month, that Gaelic is still of some commercial value, while a
knowledge of it cannot possibly be the means of the very
slightest pecuniary loss; yet all this is lost sight of in view of the
great fact that English is the accredited language of the British
people, probably destined at some time to be the language of the
world. The Celt is frequently disposed to associate it with his
dreams of future prosperity. He is apt to regard it as the golden
key by which all the portals that are at present barred against
him can be opened wide. Unwilling as he naturally is to discard
this precious heritage of his race, he feels that, if the prevailing
opinion regarding the worthlessness of Gaelic in the great battle
of life be correct, he must make up his mind to bid it a sad fare-
well. These, though to some extent prevalent, are certainly not
the sentiments of the whole Highland people. Far from it.
Those who think so are but a small section who have been
miserably gulled by people whose contempt for everything Celtic
is bred of ignorance and blind dislike.
Since Culloden, the barriers which have separated the High-
lands from the Lowlands have been continuously disappearing.
We certainly do not regret that a brotherhood has been estab-
lished between Celt and Saxon. Through it the former has
gained a good deal, though he has also suffered much. We do
not regret that in their commingling the rough jagged edges on
the characters of the two races have been partly rubbed off.
What we do lament is that the Celtic spirit should have to some
extent been dominated by the Saxon ; that the Celtic fire does
not seem to burn so brightly now, as it did before the Lowlander
began to find a home north of the Grampians. In the face,
however, of so many brilliant examples of the contrary, especi-
ally on Britain's battlefields, we cannot believe that that fire
has been quenched, and we are confident that it needs but
some slight fanning to set it brightly flaming again.
One result of the contact between Celt and Saxon has
been in some measure to affect the vitality of the Gaelic lan-
guage. Amid rugged Highland fastnesses, which before but re-
echoed to the rich wild notes of the mountain tongue, have been
heard the silvery accents of England. The old Highland chief-
tain, whose main glory it was that he was a Highlander, and
THE FUTURE OF THE GAELIC LANGUAGE. 301
could acquit himself as one, has now almost disappeared. He
has been replaced by the Southern capitalist, for whom the
atmosphere of London or Birmingham is more congenial than
the fresh breezes that play around the Highland bens. The
duties of land-ownership he devolves upon men as anti-Celtic in
their temperament as he is himself, and when he does choose a
Highland factor, the individual of whom choice is made is
generally a miserable specimen of the race. Should the alien
laird even condescend to visit his Scottish estate, he takes the
utmost pains to show his contempt for his tenants, and for
every thing that they hold dear. Their language is to him
mere gibberish. Their habits and customs he abhors. The
servants put on, if possible, more airs than their master. When
his livened young men or dainty maids see a native coming along
the road, they slink over to the other side to avoid him. Should
he address them a hearty Gaelic salutation, they stare rudely and
vacantly in his face. True, their own English is not of the best,
and their treatment of the letter h is not strictly in accordance
with the principles of orthography, but yet they are in blissful
ignorance of the fact.
Things are not much better when our pseudo-chief is away.
The official who then rules the roost, if he does know Gaelic,
uses it only when he cannot get on without it, and his retainers
and subordinates are very frequently even more ignorant and
contemptuous than he is himself. The evils which have befallen
the Highlands through the large farming system have been fre-
quently and forcibly pointed out. Not only is the system in
itself an evil, but it has been the means of introducing to the
North many men without a spark of sympathy for those with
whom they are brought into contact there. The mind of the
average low-country farmer hardly ever rises above considera-
tions bearing on crops and markets. The men he employs he
regards as so many machines at work to stock his coffers. He
looks upon their language as an intolerable nuisance, and if they
are unable to understand his very questionable English, he sets
them down as dolts and abuses them accordingly.
Every season the more beautiful parts of the Highlands are
visited by bands of tourists from all parts of the world. Deer-
stalking, grouse-shooting, and fishing attract to the North each
302 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
year an increasing number of the votaries of sport. With what-
ever languages all these pleasure-hunters may be acquainted,
they are almost morally certain not to know Gaelic. The
natives are brought into frequent contact with them as employes,
and otherwise. Such intercourse is ever apt to heighten in their
unsophisticated minds the suspicions secretly entertained pre-
viously as to the uselessness of a knowledge of Gaelic. The
driver, the gillie, the message boy, the maid-servant, all devote
themselves energetically to the study of English. To acquire it
is their main object in life.
The disadvantageous circumstances which surround the
Highlander, especially the young Highlander, compel him for a
time to quit his home for the centres of business life, to eke out
by labour there an addition to his scanty income. His visits to
the South benefit him in several respects, but in others they are
demoralising. In order to make any headway he has to lay aside
to a large extent his Gaelic, and adopt an uncouth ungrammatical
dialect, which he thinks is English. Evil influences brought to
bear on him may tempt him to conceal his Celtic origin. He
denies all knowledge of his mother tongue, though his every word
betrays the falseness of the position he assumes. He becomes
an apostate Highlander, and like all apostates deserves to be held
up to the contempt and scorn of his fellow-countrymen and the
world. We trust there are few in whose veins Celtic blood runs,
who have sunk so low ; but the facts that are forced upon us
compel us to admit that the degenerate Highlander does exist.
There are many, however, who, though they do not deserve
to be enrolled in the same inglorious category, have yet been un-
able wholly to resist the anti-patriotic influences by which they
have been surrounded. First, unconsciously, and then unwill-
ingly, is the idea forced upon them, that Gaelic is neither valuable,
not even respectable. They persevere in the use of the mongrel dia-
lect they have acquired which, when they get home, they air as
much as possible. In it they converse with all except those who
are utterly unable to understand it. They have learned Gaelic
in their childhood. It is the only language they really know,
and they of course never forget it ; but their whole influence is
lent to the fallacy that English is the main thing for a man who
wishes to make his way in the world. They discourage their
THE FUTURE OF THE GAELIC LANGUAGE. 303
children in talking Gaelic. It would be amusing if it were not
so offensive to hear a brawny Celt of twenty-six or thereabouts,
glibly addressing his child in the dialect he has picked up in the
dock-yards of Glasgow, fondly imagining that he is accustoming
him or her to the greatest language in the world.
Unfortunately for the last eight or ten years there has been
brought to bear on the boy and girl Highlander an anti-Celtic
influence which is, perhaps, more insidious than any we have
mentioned. When the Scottish Education Act came into force
in the Highlands, it very materially altered the old arrangements.
Innumerable blessings through its instrumentality were prophe-
sied for the Highland people. In a measure these expectations
have been realised. A very much larger per centage of the
Highland youth are trained to read, write, and count than ever
enjoyed these advantages before. The schoolmaster of the
modern type is abroad, self-consciously imagining that he is
working a mighty social revolution among those with whom his
lot has been cast. It is certainly not our object to depreciate the
powers or derogate from the dignity of the modern schoolmaster.
We are not so foolhardy as to ruffle his feathers ; but that the
system which he is but the humble instrument in carrying out
has been detrimental to the highest interests of the Highlanders —
has fostered the anti-patriotic bias to a degree, we assert ; and we
are prepared to maintain that that system will, if not considerably
modified, in course of time inevitably result in the extinction of
every Celtic sympathy in the breasts of those brought up under
it. The teaching of Gaelic is forbidden in the schools. All
methods of the average teacher are based on the assumption that
its extinction is necessary for a knowledge of English. He for-
bids it in the school : some even go so far as to thrash any of
their scholars who may be convicted of conversing in it on the
playground, or anywhere in the neighbourhood of the school
buildings. The pupils are taught to regard it as an effectual
barrier to their prosperity, a barrier to be surmounted as soon as
possible. School inspectors discourage the employment of it as
a means of communication with those who understand little or
no English, although such a method of instruction is both sanc-
tioned and enjoined in the Code. They ignore its existence in
every possible way.
304 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
These are the enemies with which the friends of Gaelic,
and the friends of the Highlands, have to contend. Forces
strong and subtle are ranged against us. In the face of such
odds is not surrender both discreet and incumbent? Are we not
fighting a losing battle ? Such is the counsel of the enemy. On
that ground alone we are disposed to view it with suspicion ; but
when we review our own forces, we are at once convinced how
cowardly it would be for us to adopt such a policy, to desert the
time-honoured standard round which our fathers have fought so
bravely. More especially dishonourable for us would it be to
desert our flag at a crisis such as this, when there are signs dis-
cernible that victory, signal victory, may soon reward our efforts.
There are two events looming in the near future which will
effectively modify the circumstances which are at present telling
against us. The more important of these is a reform in the land
laws. Among the many inestimable advantages which will
accrue from such a change, the preservation of Gaelic is one. We
have already shown how many of the circumstances which obtain
under the present system are detrimental to it in the extreme.
Many of these will be removed. The foppish absentee landlord
will no longer wield the power he at present possesses. His
factor will become the nonentity he deserves to be. Their
retainers will be treated according to their deserts, and coldly
disregarded, whenever they arrogate to themselves a dignity
which, neither their position nor their brains entitle them to.
The Celt will be able to make a living at home, and when, out of
his own free will, he temporarily or permanently leaves that
home, he will carry with him a rooted love of it, which will enable
him easily to resist temptations to sever himself from the hal-
lowed memories that cluster round it. To-day, too many of our
Highlanders are forced to regard their home life as their sternest,
bitterest experience. Then their Highland life and everything
connected with it will be fraught with peaceful, ennobling associa-
tions.
From another source also is deliverance at hand. The
country has had more than twelve years' experience of the pre-
vailing system of education. In the course of these years so
many imperfections in it have been brought to light that we are
assured that drastic educational reforms are at hand. Gaelic, we
THE FUTURE OF THE GAELIC LANGUAGE. 305
are confident — and our confidence is based to some extent on
almost an express pledge from Mr Mundella — will then receive
the attention it merits, and due provision will be made for instruc-
tion in it in all our Highland schools.
Upon remedies such as these are our hopes for the Gaelic
language based. The extinction of Gaelic, though it may be
possible, is certainly not probable. There are many of us who
have long dreamed of a better day for the Highland people.
After all the gloom and sorrow of the night, that dream seems
now about to be realised. Faint streaks of dawn are already
visible above the horizon. Those who for long, in the face of
misrepresentation and obloquy, have toiled and suffered in the
Highland cause, though often worsted in the fight, may now rest
in the assurance that the day is not far distant when their efforts
shall be crowned with success. They can foresee a time when
the beautiful glens and straths of the North, which have so long
lain desolate, shall once again be peopled by a happy, prosperous
peasantry, tilling the soil that their forefathers tilled, and speak-
ing in accents contented and hopeful the tongue that their fore-
fathers spoke. JOHN MACARTHUR.
CAPABILITIES OF SMALL TENANTS IN THE HIGHLANDS.— "The
following are instances of the capability of small tenants in the Highlands, and of the
improvement of lands and rents effected by far other means than the burning decrees.
The tenant of a friend of mine, when he first took his farm, paid a rent of ^8. xos.
This rent has been gradually augmented, since the year 1781, to £85, and this
without lease or encouragement from the landlord, who, by the industry and improve-
ments of his tenant, has received an increase of more than 1000 per cent, in less than
forty years. On another estate, nineteen small tenants paid, in the year 1784, a joint
rent of £$7. This has been raised by degrees, without a shilling given in assistance
for improvements, which have been considerable, to ^371. The number of acres
is 145, which are situated in a high district, and with no pasture for sheep. These
are not insulated facts. I could produce many to show that industry, with abstemious
and contented habits, more than compensates for the increased consumption of pro-
duce by so many occupants ; and that by judicious management, the peasantry of the
Highlands, although they may be numerous in proportion to the quantity of fertile land,
contribute to secure the permanent welfare both of the landholder and of the country.
What men can pay better rents than those who live nine months in the year on
potatoes and milk, on bread only when potatoes fail, and on butcher meat seldom or
never? Who are better calculated to make good soldiers, than men trained up to
such habits, and contented with such moderate comforts? And who are likely to
make more loyal and happy subjects, contented with their lot, and true to their king
king, and to their immediate superiors." — Stewarts Sketches of the Highlanders now in
the press.
306 ±HE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
EARLY HISTORY AND INHABITANTS OF
SCOTLAND.
BY PROVOST MACANDREW.
II.
WE learn, then, that at the time of Columba's arrival in lona,
there was, and had for some time been, established in the West
of Scotland, and extending from the Mull of Cantyre on the
south to Loch-Linnhe in the north, and bounded on the west by
the chain of mountains which separate the counties of Perth and
Argyle, and which Adamnan calls the Dorsum Brittanae or back
bone of Britain, a kingdom inhabited, or at all events ruled by,
Scots from Ireland, and called Dalriada. The valley of the
Clyde, Teviotdale, and the county of Cumberland constituted the
British Kingdom of Strathclyde, the capital of which was at
Dunbretan, the Dune or fort of the Britons, now Dumbarton, the
rest of Scotland north of the Firth, and including the Orkney
Islands, was held by the Picts. The Lothians appear to have
been inhabited by a mixed race of Picts and Saxons, and the
county of Galloway was inhabited by a separate tribe of Picts.
Whether the Picts were divided into two kingdoms, each with a
ruler of its own, is a question which, so far as I can see, should
be answered in the negative. There is no hint of two kingdoms
in the chronicles and lists of kings which have come down to us,
and I think the truth is that the land inhabited by the Picts, ex-
clusive of Galloway, formed one kingdom, and that the king had
his residence sometimes in the northern portion of the kingdom
and sometimes in the southern. In Adamnan there is certainly
no hint of two kingdoms. It was to the people of this kingdom
that St Columba directed his missionary efforts, and we learn
that he went to the Court of Brude, near the River Ness, and
having miraculously caused the gates of Brude's fort or castle to
open to him, he was received by the king who soon was converted
by him, and the Columban Church rapidly spread over the king-
dom of the Picts, which became nominally at least Christian.
It may be interesting to pause for a moment to glance at the
HISTORY AND INHABITANTS OF SCOTLAND 307
question where this fort or tower of King Brude was. Three
sites are claimed — Craig-Phadraig, with the vitrified remains, on
which we are familiar ; Tor Vean, where there are undoubted re-
mains of a fortification, and where at the time of the making of the
Caledonian Canal a massive silver chain, now in the Antiquarian
Museum in Edinburgh, was discovered, and the Crown or Auld
Castle Hill of Inverness, where, at the point where Victoria Terrace
now stands, there are remains of extensive buildings, and where the
Castle and Town of Inverness at one time undoubtedly stood. In
the various notices of St Columba's journeys to and from Inverness,
there is nothing to indicate the site or even the side of the river
on which it stood. The builders of the vitrified forts have not
yet been identified with any certainty, and it seems generally to
be supposed that they are much older than the time of Brude.
Skene, without giving any sufficient reasons,has fixed on Tor Vean,
and Dr Aitken, who has paid much attention to the topography
of the district, has arrived on independent grounds at the same
conclusion. I confess that I myself incline to give the preference
to the Auld Castle Hill. First, because, although we do not
know that there was a town of Inverness in Brude's time, it is
extremely probable that there was, for the reason that it is not
likely that a powerful king like Brude, ruling from the Orkneys
to the Clyde and Forth, would have his residence in a detached
hill fort, which both Craig-Phadraig and Tor Vean must have
been ; second, because the earliest town of which we have a record
was clustered round the old castle on the Crown, and there is
every probability that a town did exist there from the earliest
times ; and third, because all the earliest ecclesiastical founda-
tions were on this side of the river. We have no record of any
Columban foundation in Inverness, but it is extremely improbable
that Columba did not follow here what was his practice else-
where, viz., on the conversion of a King or Chief to get a grant of
land and found a monastery. And we know that when the Roman
Catholic Church superseded the old Columban Church, the ancient
foundations were very generally converted into abodes of some
of the regular monastic order.
To resume our narrative, however. We have more or less
authentic records of the Pictish and Scottish kingdom from
Adamnan's time. The Picts continued to maintain themselves,
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sometimes at war with the Saxons, and sometimes extending their
boundaries to the Tweed, and sometimes driven back to the
northern friths, frequently at war with their neighbours the
Scots, and latterly at war with the Norwegians, who not long after
Adamnan's time seem to have taken possession of the Orkneys.
About 717 Nectan, the King of the Picts, conformed to Rome,
and expelled the Columban clergy from his kingdom, and about
750 Angus, King of the Picts, appears to have suppressed the
Scottish kingdom of Dalriada ; and although for 100 years from
this time the annals are confused, it would appear that Dalriada
was a province of the Pictish kingdom. About 830 a dispute
arose about the succession to the Pictish throne, and one of the
claimants was Alpin, a Scot by paternal descent, and described
by some of the chroniclers as King of Dalriada. He was un-
successful, but a few years afterwards, Kenneth, his son, emerging
apparently from Galloway at the head of a body of Scots, first
established himself as King of Dalriada, and afterwards having
overthrown the Picts in a great battle, established himself as
King of the Picts, and permanently united the kingdoms of the
Picts and the Scots into one. The pedigree of Alpin and Ken-
neth is not well ascertained, but there seems no doubt that on
the paternal sicfe they were of the royal line of the Scottish
Kings of Dalriada, while it seems equally clear that through his
mother, and according to the Pictish law of succession, Alpin had
a claim to the Pictish throne, and was supported in his claim by
a large portion of the Pictish people. It would appear, too, that
there was an ecclesiastical element in the revolution which placed
Kenneth on the Pictish throne, for with his accession the Colum-
ban Church was restored, and continued to be the Church of the
kingdom until the time of Malcolm Canmore.
With the reign of Kenneth Macalpin, the real authentic
history of the country begins, and the succession to the Crown
continues in his line to this day. He himself was called King of
the Picts, but very soon after his time the united kingdom came
to be called the Kingdom of Albyn, and continued to be so
called until the reign of Malcolm the Second, who reigned from
1005 to 1034, when it came to be called the Kingdom of Scot-
land, a name which had previously been applied to Ireland.
As I have said, from this time we have authentic history,
HISTORY AND INHABITANTS OF SCOTLAND. 309
We start therefore with a Pictish kingdom extending over all
Scotland north of the Forth, and with a king having claims to
the Crown, as also to the Crown of the ancient Scottish kingdom
of Dalriada, establishing his claims to both by the aid of a small
body of Scots. From this time we have no record of any great
emigration or movement of population. As the Scottish race
became predominant, there would no doubt be an emigration
from Ireland, and a settlement in Scotland of many Scots.
Afterwards, in the time of Malcolm Canmore and his sons, there
was undoubtedly a settlement of Saxon emigrants from England,
and there are records of many grants of land to them, and sub-
sequently, many Normans came into Scotland and took leading
parts, as they did all over Europe ; but the main body of the
people must have continued to be of Pictish blood, and must
continue to be so still. In the time of Kenneth's successors, the
Scots and the Picts were rapidly amalgamating into one people,
and the Scottish form of the common language prevailed. With
Malcolm Canmore the Saxon language became the language of
the Court, and the Gaelic gradually receded, as it is still doing;
but in the time of King David the First, we learn from the Book
of Deer, that the Gaelic was then the common language of Aber-
deenshire, and that the people and organisation of that district
were still Celtic. I think we may safely conclude, therefore, and
this is the point of my narrative, that with a considerable cross
of Scots from Ireland, a considerable cross of Saxons, parti-
cularly in the southern parts, a cross of British in the south-
west, arising from the acquisition of a portion of the Strath-
clyde kingdom in 945, although it had been for some time held
by the Saxons, a slight cross of Norman in the upper classes,
and of Norwegian in Caithness and the Western Isles, the main
blood of the Scottish people is Pictish.
This being so, it is of interest to enquire who the Picts were,
and why they were so called.
We have seen that Tacitus says that from their appearance
they might have been of German origin, but concludes that they
probably came from Gaul, as he holds the rest of the Britons
did, and neither he nor any Roman writer mentions any distinc-
tion in language between them and the other Britons. The
question has been very keenly contested, whether the Picts were
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Celts or Teutons? Their own tradition is that they came from
Scythia, that is northern Europe, and we know now that they
were preceded in this country by an older race. The argument
from the appearance of the people goes for nothing, because there
were no marked physical distinctions between the Celt and the
Teuton. The argument from language has been rendered im-
mortal by the famous discussion between the Antiquary and Sir
Arthur Wardour, as to the one word of the Pictish language
said to be the only remnant of it. There are, however, a great
many words of the Pictish language which still remain, and they
certainly do not tend to show that it was Teutonic. The con-
clusion which Skene draws from an examination of these words is
that the language was a Gaelic dialect, but approximating some-
what to the Cornish variety of the British. Much stress has been
laid on two passages in the life of St Columba, where it is men-
tioned that in communicating with Picts he used an inter-
preter ; and on a passage in Bede where it is stated that
in Bede's time the Gospel in Britain was preached in four
languages, two of these being Scottish and Pictish, as showing
that the Scottish and the Pictish languages were different. But
it has been well pointed out that there is nothing in these passages
inconsistent with the speech of these people, being only different
dialects of the same language. In the cases where an interpreter
is mentioned by Adamnan, Columba was explaining the Christian
doctrine, in the one case to an old man in Skye, said to have
been the Chief of the Geona Cohort ; and in the other case to a
peasant. Now, it might very well be that there was no more
difference between the language of St Columba and these persons,
than there is between the language of an Irishman and a Scot-
tish Highlander of the present day. In both cases the interpre-
ter seems to have been found on the spot, In the case of
Bede the statement implies no more than what might be
implied by saying in the present day that the Bible is read in
German and Dutch, or in Swedish and Norwegian. The broad
fact remains that as a rule Columba seems to have had no diffi-
culty in communicating with King Brude and the people about
his Court; that we find no hint of any difference of social organ-
isation between the Picts and the Scots, and that the two peoples^
as soon as they were united under a common ruler, rapidly
HISTORY AND INHABITANTS OF SCOTLAND 311
amalgamated and assumed a common language. The conclusion
which one is led to is that the Picts and the Scots were two
branches of the same Celtic race, the one entering Scotland from
the North Sea, the other entering Ireland from the south, and
that when they came in contact there was no essential difference
between them in physical characterestic, in social or political organ-
isation, or in language. There is one peculiarity about the Picts,
however, which must be noticed. In the royal family, at least, the
law of succession was peculiar. In the whole line of kings given
in the chronicles, there is no instance of a son succeeding a father;
brothers succeeded each other, but failing brothers, the sons of
sisters were preferred, and the husbands of their sisters were very
often foreigners. In one case, the son of the King of Northumbria
married a royal Pictish lady, and his son succeeded to the throne ;
and we have seen that Alpin, the father of Kenneth, of Scottish de-
scent by his father, claimed the Pictish throne through his mother.
This law of succession was different from that which prevailed
among the Scots. Among the latter, the succession was in the
male line, according to the law of tanistry : that is, the eldest male
succeeded, brothers being preferred to sons. Our townsman, the
late Mr Maclennan, examined this subject in his learned book
on primitive marriage, and drew the conclusion that the Picts
were an ex-ogamous tribe: that is, a tribe where the women
always chose their husbands from stranger tribes. There is an
Irish legend bearing on this, which is curious. It is, that the
Picts first arrived in ships in Ireland, after the Scots had settled
there, and asked to be allowed to dwell among them ; that the
Irish refused to allow them, but pointed to Scotland, then un-
occupied, and advised them to go there and occupy the land,
and, as they had no women with them, gave them Scottish wives
on condition that the succession should be through females. The
legend was probably invented to account for this peculiarity; for
the Picts were certainly settled in Scotland and the North of
Ireland before the Scots arrived in Ireland ; and by some it has
been supposed that the legend was invented to account for the
adoption of the Scottish language by the Picts. This rule of
succession may have been the origin of the statements of the
Roman Historians about the community of women.
The question as to how the people got the name of Picts is
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one the discussion of which is perhaps more curious than profitable,
but it is interesting. In the Gaelic language the people called
themselves Cruithne, and in their chronicles their first king, and
the eponymous or name of the father of the race, is said to have
been Cruithne, son of Kinne. Cruth is a Gaelic word I believe
still in use, and means strictly a figure or image. The generally
received opinion is that the people of North Britain were called
Picts by the Romans, because they painted themselves. Caesar
tells us of all the Britons that they painted themselves with
woad or blue paint, to make themselves look terrible to their
enemies. We have seen that the Picts were first so-called by
the Romans about the beginning of the fourth century, and
Father Innes ingeniously argues that by this time the other
Britons who had now been under Roman influence for two cen-
turies and a-half, had given up the habit ; that the Northern
Britons retained it, and that the Romans, noticing the distinc-
tion, called them Picts or painted men, the Latin word picti
meaning painted. I venture to doubt whether this is a true
account of the origin of the name. We have seen that Tacitus
takes no notice of the custom of painting among the Britons,
either of the north or south, and he does notice it as existing
among some of the German tribes. So far as I have been
able to discover, the only mention of anything of the kind in
any Roman writer after Caesar, is the passage which I gave
from Herodian, the historian of Severus, that they marked
their bodies with the representation of animals, and went
naked, so as that these pictures or representations might
not be hidden. This statement is repeated, no doubt, by
poets and orators, but so far as I can find, this is the only
historical statement, and one portion of it at least cannot
be true, viz., that the people living in this country, the climate of
which must then have been more severe than it is now, wore no
clothes. Moreover, when we get authentically acquainted with
our ancestors, we find no trace or relic of such a custom any more
than we do of the custom of having their women in common.
When we think of it, too, and recollect that the Romans never
conquered the Picts, and had little intercourse with them, and
that the Roman language left no mark of its influence among
them, it is in the highest degree improbable that a people under
EDUCATIONAL POWER OF GAELIC POETRY. 313
the circumstances should call themselves by a nickname given to
them by a hostile nation in a foreign tongue, and should translate
the nickname into their own language, and become known by it
among their neighbours, and should invent an eponymous to
account for it. My theory is rather that the Roman name was a
translation into Latin of the name which the people called them-
selves, Cruithne, not a very accurate translation, perhaps, as the
Gaelic root means rather form than colour, and that the story of
the painting was invented by the historian to account for the
name. Why the people called themselves Cruithne or figured
people it is difficult to say. It was very probably from some
personal peculiarity of their first king, or perhaps a suggestion
which I offer with some diffidence, because they wore tartan.
EDUCATIONAL POWER OF GAELIC POETRY.*
BY MARY MACKELLAR.
WHEN a stranger visits the Highlands for the first time, he must
be to some extent forgiven for concluding that the shaggy and
rudely-clad natives are ignorant and miserable. He sees a people
dwelling too often in smoky huts that are dingy and comfortless,
and living on a diet so plain as to seem to the educated palate
near akin to starvation. Then he considers their language a
jargon that keeps him from any spirit contact with the speaker
thereof ; and, worse than all, he has probably read the remarks
of some travelled Cockney who took a run through some district
of the Highlands, and considered himself so well informed as to
air his knowledge, or rather his ignorance, of the people and their
habits in the pages of some periodical, or in the columns of a news-
paper. All who read these come, as a matter of course, in contact
with our people with preconceived ideas ; and we all know that
preconceived, ideas set a traveller at a very serious disadvantage.
I, at least, found it so on my first visit to London. I was very
much disappointed to find that, though the Royal Augusta wore
an imperial crown, and was clothed in purple, she had naked feet
that were anything but clean, and the hems of her robes were
* Paper recently read before Gaelic Society of Inverness,
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torn and muddy. I had expected a glorious vision of glittering
grandeur, and upon asking myself concerning the foundation of
such an expectation, I found it was no deeper than my first
nursery rhyme. —
" Give me a pin, to stick in my thumb,
To carry my lady to London toon —
London toon's a beautiful place,
Covered all with gold lace."
Perhaps the sneers of the travelled Cockney given in the pages
of some newspaper had also affected me, and deepened my im-
pression, that poverty and comfortless homes were evils unheard
of in the great centre of civilisation, and that the favoured deni-
zens of that land of light and sunshine saw filth, squalor, and
poverty for the first time in our Highland glens. Going to Lon-
don with such preconceived ideas, I got a shock when I found
that the travelled Cockney had been drawing an impossible
parallel between his own home and the cots of our peasantry.
For, verily, our people on strath, glen, or mountain side lead
beautiful, poetic lives, when compared with the dwellers in the
slums and alleys of London. They may have lowly cots, and
have many privations and hardships, but they have also many
blessings, and much to give zest to life. They are, verily, like
the strong, finely flavoured, brightly blooming heather on the
hills ; and those dwellers in the slums like the sickly plants they
attempt to grow in their windows, without sunshine, and in a
poisoned atmosphere. The Highlander has all day long the
fresh air of heaven, the fragrance of the flowers, the ozone of the
sea, and the oure sunshine — all of them unbought gifts showered
freely from the Great Father, who made the country, and whose
choicest blessings belong to those of His children who are reared
in His own immediate presence and in His temples not made by
human hands. These temples have the mountains for their walls,
and the blue sky for their dome ; and they are carpeted by
flowers of a thousand hues, and the voices of the winds are like
diapasons called forth from a mighty organ played by His own
Almighty hand, and the little birds are choristers singing in uni-
son ; and surely such a choir should have a more civilising effect
than the penny-gathering organ-grinder of the city, even if he
EDUCATIONAL POWER OF GAELIC POETRY. 315
has the addition of a grinning monkey who is a very adept in
gymnastics
The southern traveller who stays long enough in our moun-
tain land to learn to know our people will be astonished to find
how they have been misrepresented. He will find modest and
beautiful maidens, and brave true-hearted men who would de-
light with kindly souls and willing hands to serve him in his
hour of need. He will find faithfulness among servants, courtesy
and politeness among all classes. Not only so, but he will find a
people who are educated even in the face of an entire ignorance
of the three R's. All ideas of education are not necessarily con-
fined to a knowledge of letters. Good stout old Earl Douglas
was a perfect gentleman, I am sure, although he could thank St
Dunstan that no son of his, save Gawain, could ever pen a line; and
so, many a gallant Highlander, notwithstanding his ignorance of
letters and even of the English language, which is considered the
high road to all culture, is an educated, well-informed man, full
of high and noble thoughts, and having a very mine of know-
ledge. For this the Highlander has been greatly indebted to an
institution which mistaken, though, perhaps, well-meaning men
have wrested from him — the Ceilidh. There the young mind,
thirsting to drink from the fountains of knowledge, got it night
by night orally, as our students in our Universities get it from
their Professors : only these, instead of taking notes on paper have
every word graven on the tablets of the soul. There the youth
heard a store of legends that no Arabian Nights could excel; there
he heard the proverbs of his country fraught with philosophy and
profoundest wisdom. He heard the battles of his country retold,
and learned to think of the hero as the great pattern to be
imitated, and of the coward as the most despicable being in crea-
tion. To have had anyone of his kith and kin obliged to stand at
the church, taking his tongue between his fingers and saying, " Sid
am bleidire a theich" would be worse than death. The stories
told at the Ceilidh were full of love and romance, but they
always had a good moral, and the genius of the language in which
they were told was of so lofty a kind that the unlettered could
talk it in all its nervous eloquence and intensity, as well as in all
its pathos and power, without the artificial aids of grammar or
etymological manual. The young men or women at the Ceilidh
w
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drank in their mother tongue as they had drank their mother's
milk, pure and unadulterated from their mother's breast. The
young man would go away from the Ceilidh elevated by the
knowledge he had acquired there. He knew he was not a stray
atom in creation. He had listened to the tales told of his clan,
and felt that the halo encircling their brows reflected a glory upon
him. His heart swelled with pride, and the greatness of the
heroes of his race would have to be transmitted by him un-
clouded to his children. There was thus an obligation laid upon
him, and he dared not do anything to bring shame to the proud
race from whom he sprang. He could not even with impunity
marry the girl he loved if she were of a race whose deeds would
disgrace his children.
But though proverb, tradition, and story served to educate
the young Highlander at this wonderful institution of the Ceilidh
(at which the dance also had no mean place), the great source of
knowledge and of culture was in the poetry of the country ; and
if it is a sign of superior culture in the homes of rank and fashion
to be able to quote the poets, it must necessarily be so also in our
lowly Highland cots. I, who know the poets of both languages
intimately, know of nothing as a teaching element loftier than
the sentiments of our good old Gaelic bards. I pass by Ossian,
whose poems are so well known in the different languages of
Europe. Not to enter the controversy of whether they are really
Ossian's or James Macpherson's, they are in either case Highland ;
and if their sentiments are considered too lofty for the minds of a
primitive race like our Highlanders, we will pass them over
to pick up and admire a gem whose right to be considered a
pearl of the Highland shores has never been questioned — that
is "The Desire of the aged Bard." Let any one read that
poem as it has been translated by Mrs Grant of Laggan, and
say if there is anything purer, sweeter, or better in any of
the poems of the last three Laureates. The beautiful poetic
emblems are delicately handled, and the sympathy with nature
is of a highly refined character. The old man rejoices in the
visions of love and romance to which his eyes are closed for
ever. He is glad to know that the flowers he loved are growing
about his place of rest by the side of the whimpling brook, and
no sweeter music can thrill his soul than the songs that he
EDUCATIONAL POWER OF GAELIC POETRY. 317
poetically calls " The little children of the bushes," and his high-
souled memory of the days when he rejoiced in the cry, " The
stag has fallen." There is no cowardly fear of death. He is
sorry to leave the mountains he loves, but he knows his trembling
hand can no longer awaken the harp. He knows his winter is
everlasting, and he is willing to go to join his brother bards in
their residence on Ardven. We are sorry that we have no other
poem of this grand old man's, but it is a high compliment to the
tastes of the people that even this poem of his has come down to
posterity — orally handed down " under the feet of the years " by
an appreciative people. Next in antiquity, although generations
have elapsed between, comes " The Comkackag" not so full of
the poetry of romance as the other, not so fraught with eloquent
words and lofty thought, but yet full of sound sense and of his-
torical and genealogical lore. This old Macdonald has a ring of
manliness in his song that breathes of the free, wild hunter who
killed so many wolves in his day, and who grudged the laying
down of his bow and arrow at the feet of hirpling, stumbling, old
age. The soul was young though the body was aged, and we
are sorry that we have not a few more of the outpourings of so
grand a spirit. This is, perhaps, the only song in which we find
a bard utterly despising the creatures of the ocean, from the
shell-fish on the sea-shore to the deep-breathing whale that
splashes among the billows. This, however, is merely by the
way. Down through the years the bards gave voice to the
ennobling thoughts God gave them, and thus became the teachers
of the people. What is loftier or more ennobling for a young
man bent on wedlock than Duncan Ban Maclntyre's song to
Mairi, his wife? His admiration of her beauty and purity, his
determination never to make her heart palpitate the quicker for
any irritating words of his, and to protect her and provide for her
in all circumstances, are beautifully expressed ; and every one
who hears that pure and sweet song must be all the better for it.
Truth and faithfulness in love, and the hatred of everything mer-
cenary in connection with marriage, are universal characteristics
of our Gaelic songs.
" Ged a tha mi gann do st6ras,
Gheibh sinn bho Ih, gu Ih, na dh'fhoghnas ;
'S ciod e tuilleadh th'aig Righ Se6ras,
Ged is rmV a Rioghachdan J"
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seemed to represent the general feeling of the bards in regard to
conjugal happiness. We need not say how much they have
added to the military ardour of their countrymen by their praise
of great and heroic actions, and their utter detestation of every-
thing akin to cowardice and unmanliness. Not to go further
back than Mackinnon, we may know the effect such thrilling
battles as he has described would have upon all who listened to
the stirring words. Blar na Hblaind and Blar na h-Eipheit speak
of the rival soldier's high and lofty spirit, and although the bard
was wounded almost unto death, he only refers to it in passing.
It is of the noble daring of his officers, and the lofty courage and
great deeds of his brother soldiers, of which he speaks so caress-
ingly and so full of sympathy. —
" C'uim nach toisichinn sa' champa,
Far an d'fhag mi claim mo ghaoil ;
Thog sinn tighean samhruidh ann,
De dhuilleach 's mheang nan craobh."
I know many of the old people of Lochaber who can repeat
every word of these songs, but the Ceilidh has now vanished into
a thing of the past, and the songs so full of profound wisdom and
high teaching have been frowned upon as sinful ; and, therefore,
the young of the present day, with all their knowledge of the
three R's, are less educated than their ancestors were.
Not only could the Highlanders sing the songs of their
country, so full of sublime and noble thoughts, but they also
could tell the names of the authors. They could give the right
melody, and tell the story attached to each song, and the circum-
stances in which it was composed ; and many a tear was shed
and many a pang of sorrow experienced over the sufferings of
those whose tale was told in such pathetic language, wedded
often to the weirdest and sweetest of melodies. Of such tales
was the one attached to the song —
"A Mhic-Neachdan an Duin,
Bho thur nam baideal."
when Macnaughton of Dundarave fled to Ireland with his wife's
sister, one of the Campbells of Ardkinglass — and the poor
deserted wife's cry of pain echoes down to us through the ages.
Then there was the unhappy wife whose sister tied her hair to a
stake on the seashore, where she was drowned —
EDUCATIONAL POWER OF GAELIC POETRY. 319
" Gheibh iad mise, hug 6 ,
Anns an lathaich, hi ri ho ro,
Mo chuailean donn, hug 5,
Mu stop fekrna, hi ri ho ro."
Such treachery was always execrated in the Gaelic songs, and the
sympathies won to all that was. pure and noble, and as each of
such stories had in them the power and interest of a great novel,
the mind filled with them could be neither vacant nor uncul-
tured. Love, faith, hospitality, bravery, energy, and mercy were
praised in these songs, and every form of tyranny and wrong,
cowardice, treachery, or meanness, was treated with the " hate
of hate and the scorn of scorn." The description of scenery
in some of the Gaelic songs is always beautiful. We cannot
imagine any one further from the unappreciative Peter Bell —
to whom a primrose was just a yellow primrose and nothing
more — than a Highlander who could delight in the minutest
details of Duncan Ban's Coire-Cheathaich, or some of Mac-
Mhaighstir Alastair's descriptive pieces. We regret very much
that this cultivating influence has been wrested from the people,
but we hope that even yet, amidst this modern revival of Celticism,
our Gaelic bards will meet with renewed appreciation, and that
no minister or elder will dare to wrest from the people the songs
that were sung by those whom God had gifted specially to make
the world wiser and better. God, who gave the proud flash of the
eye to the eagle, who gave his gay feathers to the peacock, the
thrilling song to the lark, and even his spots to the tiger, rejoices
in beauty ; and, verily, if His eye rejoices in loveliness of the out-
ward form— in the red of the rose, and in the scarlet of the poppy
—He must also rejoice in the beautiful thoughts that make the
soul blossom in freshness like a well-watered garden ; and people
might as well turn the garden into a desert as wrest, by fanatic
and ignorant hands, from the hearts of men the loveliness and
gladness of which God made them full ; which made them tender
and sympathetic, and filled their souls with a chivalrous love for
heroic deeds that made them emulate the bravery of former
generations, and made them patriotic and virtuous.
THE QUEEN'S BOOK IN GAELIC.— We understand that Mrs Mary Mac-
kellar has completed her translation of the Queen's "More Leaves from the Journal
of Our Life in the Highlands/' and that the book will be issued on an early day.
320 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
MACDONALD OF SKAEBOST ON THE LANDLORD
CONFERENCE AT INVERNESS.
YOUR article in the March number of the Celtic Magazine on
the Landlords' Resolutions at Inverness, demands a few lines from
me, as you make mention of my name in connection with them.
In the first place, I must thank you for the too complimen-
tary terms in which you refer to myself personally; and in the
second place, let me make a few brief remarks regarding the said
Resolutions.
When I replied to your speech at the Gaelic Society dinner,
I expected and looked for peace, because the proprietors had
arranged to meet and discuss the Crofter Question. Up to this
time they had taken no joint steps to meet the difficulty.
The proprietors were the parties encroached upon, and they
were those who had it in their power to make concessions to the
crofters, and from whom concessions were demanded.
I am one of those who always sympathised with the crofters,
and I thought certain concessions should be made by the pro-
prietors ; and though those agreed upon at the Inverness meet-
ing did not go so far as personally I would have liked to
see them go, yet certain concessions were made, and great con-
cessions, too, and such as I hoped would have induced the leaders
of the crofters to come forward and meet the landlords half way,
when no doubt satisfactory details would have been arrived at for
the crofters.
The landlords met, and of their own free will agreed to make
certain concessions, without calling on the crofters to make any
sacrifice in return; but instead of those concessions on the part of
the proprietors being received by the crofters in the spirit in which
they were conceded by the proprietors, to my great disappoint-
ment, and no doubt to the disappointment of many other friends
of the crofters, they have remained silent, or allowed their leaders
openly to insist on rejecting all concessions coming from the pro-
prietors, thus giving a victory to the crofters' opponents, who from
thefirst declared therewasnot the slightest use in our havingameet-
ing or in attempting to make any concessions, on the grounds that
THE INVERNESS LANDLORD CONFERENCE. 321
crofters were not amenable to reason, and that nothing the pro-
prietors could do would satisfy them. This action on the part
of the crofters has also given a victory to the Land Law Re-
formers who are in bitter hostility to the endeavours of the pro-
prietors to arrive at a peaceful solution of the question ; so our
good intentions were thwarted and our motives misconstrued. The
meeting of the proprietors was attributed to fear, when the truth
is that neither fear, nor perhaps spontaneous generosity, called the
proprietors together ; but on the other hand, a desire to take into
consideration any demands of the crofters that might be con-
sidered reasonable or practicable, in order to satisfy those demands
if possible.
Now, instead of taking this view of the Inverness meeting,
and giving credit for, at least, honourable intentions, it is to be
regretted that a picture is drawn representing the proprietors
down on their knees, confessing their sins !
The following sentiments from the article referred to are
worthy of consideration. " Those who think that mere tinker-
ing will now suffice are living in a fool's paradise. We know
that the vvisest among the proprietors themselves are satisfied,
that if once the question of Land Law Reform is opened up, it
must be dealt with in such a manner as will close it for a genera-
tion. We have no hesitation in saying that nothing short of the
principal clauses of the Irish Land Act, with additional provision
for the compulsory re-settlement of the people on the best portions
of their native land, from which they have, in the past, been so
harshly removed will have this effect. Holding this opinion, as we
firmly do, it would be waste of space to discuss the Inverness resolu-
tions." Here we have an open declaration of war against even
an attempt at a settlement by any improvement in the condition
of the crofters on their present lines, or by anything like voluntary
concessions on the part of the landlords ; in fact, nothing short of
drastic compulsory enactments would satisfy such demands —
enactments which could only be carried out at the cost of a re-
volution, and the undermining of one of the most sacred obliga-
tions of a civilised government, the security of property.
Revolutions are only considered justifiable when successful;
a nd is there really any probability of such a change coming over
the feeling of this country as would justify the Land Law
322 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Reformers in holding out such prospects to the crofters ; for who
can believe that the tax-payers of this country, will suddenly
become so lavish as to agree to raise the social position of any
one class of the community, shoulder high, above that of the
large majority of the inhabitants of the land, and that, too, at the
expense of the other tax-payers.
No one blames the crofters for desiring and insisting on
having their position improved, but they are to be blamed for
their unmatched faith in promises that cannot be realised.
The Land Law Reformers called for a Royal Commission,
which they got, and which it was popularly supposed would
divide the land among the people, but no sooner had the Com-
mission issued its report than its recommendations were declared
insufficient, and a general redistribution of the land is demanded;
but as it is not likely they will succeed in getting this done, would
it not be more advantageous, so far as the crofters' interests are
concerned, that the matter should be amicably settled by them-
selves and the proprietors, which might have been done, partly on
the basis of the Inverness Resolutions, and partly on the sugges-
tions so admirably sketched by Lochiel, in his able remarks dis-
senting from the conclusions of some of the other Royal Com-
missioners.
Public money no doubt would be required, and the question
here would be : Who would be most likely to get it ? Public
money might be given on the security of the proprietors, but
without such security it is doubtful if any Government would
advance money to crofters, provided always they are not made
as you suggest they must be made, " independent of the land-
lordism of the future;" which means making proprietors of them,
by giving them money to purchase the land, or by confiscating
the property of the present proprietors, either of which would de-
pend on the liberality of the tax-payer, or on the sense of justice
of our countrymen ; but were I a crofter, I think I would pre-
fer settling for a certainty to putting my trust in the law of confis-
cation, or my confidence in the liberality of an Act of Parlia-
ment.
The large sheep farm system, if not breaking down, is cer-
tainly not so profitable as it used to be, and what better oppor-
tunity could those who desire to see this system abolished, and
THE INVERNESS LANDLORD CONFERENCE. 323
the country studded with small farms, have for carrying out the
change than the present, if the leaders of the crofters would
only direct their attention to this practical aspect of the ques-
tion, instead of feeding them on delirious dreams, as they are
doing.
For my own part 1 think the question might have been
settled most satisfactorily, had the crofters only come forward and
shown a desire to settle, and pay their rents, instead of frighten-
ing proprietors by the foolish no-rent policy adopted by so
many of them ; and from the good feeling expressed by pro-
prietors, if crofters had come forward at the time and petitioned
for a restoration, at a fair valuation, of all lands held now by
sheep farmers, but which formerly belonged to the crofter town-
ships, I have no doubt but the proprietors would have been
willing to have met their wishes, and most probably the large
sheep farmers who now hold leases of such lands would have
acquiesced, as those gentlemen are 'as anxious as the proprietors
to see this miserable dispute settled.
Such an arrangement as I have mentioned would at once
have put crofters in the position their ancestors occupied in the
good old days, and have given the proprietors time to look about
them, and arrange for the very large sheep farms being gradually
converted into smaller farms for the benefit of the most prosper-
ous of the crofters.
Land Law Reformers might consider this a tame method of
settling the matter, and so it would, compared with confiscation !
but such were the ideas in my mind, when I said, " I ventured to
prophecy that on Wednesday peace would be restored to the
Highlands."
I hoped the good feeling that once existed between proprie-
tor and crofter should not be for ever severed, which I am sorry
to think seems now likely to be the case ; but however all this
may end, the proprietors are not to blame, for they did their part
towards a reconciliation, and, as one of those who attended the
Inverness meeting, I am glad to think, if the breach effected
between proprietor and crofter cannot be healed up, the fault
will not lie at the door of the proprietors.
L. MACDONALD.
324 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
THE OT H E.R SIDE.
We are glad to find that Skaebost, with his usual good sense,
is not above replying to the criticism applied to the meeting of
Landlords held at Inverness, which, according to him at the
time, was to settle once and for all the social question which has
for some time been disturbing the equanimity of landed proprietors
in the Highlands. Skaebost was far too sanguine, and he
soon found it out. We knew that the meeting was doomed to
failure before it actually took place. This was all an open secret
several hours before Skaebost made his sanguine speech. It is
now well-known that even some of those who moved and seconded
the principal resolutions spoke strongly against them, and against
moving them, earlier in the meeting. This says more for their
good sense than for their courage. The concessions " did not go
so far" as Skaebost personally " would have liked to see them
go." Of course not, nor so far as when he made his speech he
expected them to go. He, however, describes them now as
" great concessions," and that, " without calling on the crofters to
make any sacrifice in return." Is he serious in such a statement ?
Have not the crofters been sacrificing their all for the last century
and more ? Have they not been nearly sacrificed altogether to the
appropriating and "confiscating" propensities of the landlords
during that period ? The suggestion is not in keeping with
Skaebost's intelligence, and it must be assigned to a natural
generosity of heart, which prompts him to say something, in
excuse of the short sightedness of the majority of his class.
No voluntary concessions will now avail. No one knows that
better than Skaebost, and he cannot possibly be serious when he
writes of social revolutions, such as is now being worked out in
the Highlands, in language, which we have not hitherto seen
applied, except in connection with an armed revolution against the
State. This proves how even wise men can be carried away by
class panic, and made to say thoughtless and unwise things.
We have never heard of any sensible Land Law Reformer
suggesting that the tax-payers of the country should raise one
THE INVERNESS LANDLORD CONFERENCE. 325
section " of the inhabitants of the land at the expense of the
other tax-payers," though they are often charged with such folly.
What they propose is: that Government should borrow money,
as they have done in many other instances, at such a low rate of
interest as Government alone can, and re-lend it to the crofters
at such a rate as will pay back both capital and interest in a
series of years, provide for management, and cover all risk ; and
that on the security of their holdings, stock, and improvements,
which will be found, under new conditions, amply sufficient.
The State would simply borrow the money from one set of tax-
payers at a low rate of interest and lend it to another set at a higher
rate, the Government securing re-payrnent of the money. Most
people will think this more beneficent and consistent on the part
of a British Government than guaranteeing Egyptian and other
foreign bonds. This is apparently what Skaebost would describe
as " confiscating the property of the present proprietors." Why,
the only " confiscation " that we know of in this connection has
been carried out, and carried out most effectually throughout the
history of Scottish agriculture, by the landlords, who systemati-
cally appropriated or " confiscated," if the latter term is more
agreeable, the improvements — the money and the labour — of the
tenant, and, in many cases, the property of the merchant in addi-
tion.
Skaebost ought to know that there is not a Highland Land
Law Reform Association in the country which goes beyond insist-
ing that landlord and tenant should be secured absolutely in
their respective properties — that confiscation by the landlords
of the property of the tenant should for ever cease. He should
also know that these Associations have no sympathy whatever with
what is called the Nationalisation of the Land by the confiscation
of the landlords' property. If the landlords should continue
stubborn, and compel the Reformers to encourage the Confiscators
instead of giving them the cold shoulder as they now do, they
will have themselves only to blame. Appropriation and con-
fiscation by the landlords — and by them alone, hitherto — have
been carried far enough. The motto of the Land Law Reformers
is, Let each have his own. This, however, can only be done by
Act of Parliament.
A. M.
326 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
SHERIFF IVORY'S MOUNTAIN AND HIS MICE.
TRIAL OF THE MEN OF GLENDALE AND VALTOS.
THE trials of the Glendale and Valtos men charged with mobbing
and rioting, assault, and breach of the peace, who were arrested
by Sheriff Ivory on his last military expedition to the Isle of
Skye, came off before Sheriff Speirs, at Portree, on the i/th and
2Oth of March. The prisoners, ten in number, were ably defended
by Mr Kenneth Macdonald, solicitor, Inverness. The names of
the Glendale men were Peter Mackinnon, Peter Macdonald,
Donald Grant, Donald Macpherson, Norman Morrison, John
Maclean, Colbost ; and John Maclean, Fasach. After several
witnesses had been examined for the prosecution, the Procurator-
Fiscal, Mr Joshua Maclennan, finding that he had no case, agreed
to a verdict of " Not Guilty" as regarded five of the prisoners, on
condition that the other two, Peter Mackinnon and Donald Mac-
pherson, would plead guilty to mobbing and rioting only. This
was accordingly done, and Mackinnon and Macpherson, both
young lads, were sentenced to three weeks' imprisonment; the
other five men being dismissed from the bar.
The Valtos prisoners were Norman Stewart, better known
as "Parnell"; Alexander Stewart, his nephew, a young boy;
and Murdo Macdonald; and the result of their trial was that
the first named two were found " Not guilty " and set at liberty,
while Alexander Stewart was found guilty, and sentenced to ten
days' imprisonment. It was fully brought out in the evidence of
even the sheriff-officer himself, and other witnesses for the prosecu-
tion, that Norman Stewart had actually been doing all in his
power, and pretty successfully, to induce the poeple to leave the
officers alone, and that, instead of taking part with the crowd, he
had been trying his best to break it up. Alexander Stewart, the
lad who was sentenced, is said to be half-witted, and, indeed, his
conduct at the trial seems to have borne out that assertion.
The result of both trials gave general satisfaction, and such a
ludicrous wind-up'of Sheriff Ivory's foolish police and military
expedition to Skye in February last, is convincing proof of that
SHERIFF IVORY'S MOUNTAIN AND MICE. 327
gentleman's unfitness for presiding over the judicial affairs of
the County of Inverness.
During the trial of the Glendale men all present were parti-
cularly struck with the appearance in the dock of one of the
prisoners, Donald Grant, whose unconcerned demeanour through-
out the whole proceedings, was an interesting feature of the trial.
He was a big, stout man, about fifty years of age. His face,
which was almost completely covered with a bushy, black beard,
inclining to grey, displayed both intelligence and good humour.
One watching his actions would imagine that sitting in the
prisoner's dock was as much an every day experience to him as
sitting by his own fireside, and much amusement was created when,
at an important point of the trial, he coolly leant over the parti-
tion separating the dock from the bar, and filled a glass of water
for himself from the bottle which stood on the table within the
bar, persumably for the use of the agents and the officials of the
Court. The action, while perfectly right and natural in itself,
seemed strangely opposed to the usual demeanour of a criminal
in a court of law, and plainly demonstrated the fact that the
prisoner was quite conscious of being there as an innocent man,
and that he had done nothing to make the action appear in the
least out of the way.
Shortly afterwards the same man, in a perfectly natural and
self-possessed manner, rose from his seat during the examination
of a witness, opened the door of the dock, and coolly walked
out of the Court-room, the astonished policeman at the door
mechanically opening it as Grant came towards him. The Court
was transfixed with amazement ; the examination of the witness
in the box was suspended, and every eye was turned towards the
retreating figure of this cool prisoner, who considered the formalities
of a Court mere trifles in comparison with his own convenience.
A breathless pause ensued before it dawned upon the Court that
perhaps Grant did not mean to keep away altogether ; and to
avoid further interruption, permission was given to the other
prisoners temporarily to leave the room if they chose. The
event of the trial proved that Grant's cool, self-possessed, and
natural bearing was not without good grounds and a mem conscia
recti ; for, along with four of his companions, he was, as already
stated, found " Not guilty," and dismissed from the bar.
328 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
LORD NAPIER AND THE DUKE OF ARGYLL
To THE EDITOR OF THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Sir, — Apropos of your recent remarks on the controversy
with reference to the Land Question in the Highlands, between
the Duke of Argyll and Lord Napier, it may be interesting to
call the attention of your readers to an incident which occurred
in the House of Lords, in the year 1873, and which shows that
the anxiety of Lord Napier to supply the public with correct in-
formation regarding the agricultural condition of the country is
not of yesterday, and that the laudable efforts of his lordship
were on that occasion frustrated through the opposition of the
Duke of Argyll. The result is that the country has not yet been
furnished with the statistics which Lord Napier then desiderated,
and which could not have failed to prove most useful and im-
portant.
On the 2/th June 1873, Lord Napier rose to ask Her
Majesty's Government whether, in compiling the agricultural
returns for Scotland in future years, they will be enabled to in-
troduce the following returns : —
" I. A return of the number of acres of land now under
cultivation, which would be susceptible of remunerative improve-
ment by underground drainage.
"II. A return of the number of acres of land now classed as
heath or mountainland, susceptible of profitable reclamation and
improvement in connection with underground drainage.
"III. A return of the number of acres of land now classed
as heath or mountainland, appropriated exclusively to the support
of deer.
" IV. A return of the number of acres of land now classed
as heath or mountainland, incapable of cultivation, and unsuit-
able for the support of live stock of any description other than
deer."
' And whether the Government will direct the agricultural returns
for Scotland to be compiled in Scotland, and to be published in
a separate volume with a distinct report?"
In support of his proposal Lord Napier said —
The increase which had taken place in the price of provisions,
and the great extent to which we had become dependent upon
LORD NAPIER & THE DUKE OF ARGYLL. 329
foreign countries for our supply of food, made it extremely import-
ant to ascertain, if possible, in what degree the productive powers
of our own kingdom could be developed. He had limited his in-
quiry to Scotland. If their Lordships would refer to the agri-
cultural returns which were already in their possession as coming
from Scotland, they would find that the acreage of that country
was set down as 19,639,000 acres. Under the head of arable and
improved pasture land there were stated to be 4,538,000 acres, and
upwards of 1 5,000,000 acres were put down as heath and mountain
land, and upwards of 4,000,000 acres were set down as altogether
unused for any agricultural purpose. He hoped that the Govern-
ment, if these returns were granted, would order that they should
be printed in a separate and distinct form. It was undesirable that
the agricultural returns for Scotland should be mixed up with
those of England. The land in Scotland was held in a different
manner from that of England — it was transferred in a different
way ; the inhabitants' customs of tenancies were all different from
those of England. He also thought that the returns should be
accompanied by a preface or report, composed by some dis-
tinguished and intelligent Scottish agricultural authority, a task
which might with great propriety be entrusted to the secretary of
the Highland Society, who would be enabled to frame such a
report as might be thought highly interesting, popular, and in-
structive.
The Duke of Argyll entirely agreed with his noble friend in
the desire to enlighten the public as to the tenure of land in
Scotland, and as to the productive capabilities of the soil ; but
he distinguished between facts and opinions, and maintained that
the returns asked for were really, with the exception of the third,
returns of mere opinion, and even it could not be separated from
opinion. Even when we had the surveys of Scotland completed
we should, although we might have the acreage of deer forests,
still be dependent upon opinion as to how much of them were fit
for cultivation.
The motion was negatived without a division.
CAMUS-MOR.
THE "SCOTTISH HIGHLANDER."— We are pleased to learn that Mr
Alexander Mackenzie, editor of the Celtic Magazine, and author of numerous valuable
historic works, is about to begin a new weekly paper, for the purpose of advocating
the claims and promoting the interests of the Highland people. It will be started in
June, under the title of " The Scottish Highlander," and in Mr Mackenzie's hands
success and wide popularity is certain. — Brechin Advertiser,
330 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
ANCIENT ALLIANCE BETWEEN SCOTLAND
AND FRANCE.
II.
FRANCE having become, as shown in our previous paper, a sort of
second home for the aspiring Scots both as soldiers and church-
men, it followed as a matter of course, that their countrymen
engaged in commerce, with that sagacity and foresight so
characteristic of the race, soon seized the opening for new enter-
prise, and the foundation of a large and steadily increasing
trade was laid. A great number, availing themselves of the
letters-patent of naturalisation, settled down permanently in
their adopted country ; while a still larger number engaged in
the shipping trade, both export and import. The exports com-
prised salmon, herring, cod, and other fish, wool, leather, and
skins, while the latter was principally composed of wine, of which
large quantities were annually imported ; also silken cloths,
sugar, and spices. The first privileges that we can find granted
exclusively to Scottish merchants were by Francis I. in 1518,
from which the following is an extract : —
" Francis, by the Grace of God, King of France. Be it
known to all present and to come, that we mean to treat favour-
ably the subjects of our most dear and most beloved brother,
cousin, and ally, the King of Scotland, in favour of the great
and ancient alliance subsisting between us and him, and of the
great and commendable services which those of the Scottish
nation have done to the crown of France : for these causes, and
in order to give them greater occasion to persevere therein, and
for other considerations thereunto us moving, we have all and
every the Scottish merchants, who are and shall be hereafter
trading, frequenting, and conversing in this our kingdom, freed,
acquitted, exempted, and do, of our special grace, full power, and
royal authority, free, acquit, and exempt, by these presents,
signed with our own hand, in perpetuity and for ever, from the
new impost of twelve French deniers per livre, raised in the city
of Dieppe upon foreign merchandise, beside the sum of four
French deniers per livre, which hath been anciently collected and
raised upon the said foreign merchandise."
In 1554 King Henry II. granted further privileges and
ALLIANCE BETWEEN SCOTLAND & FRANCE. 331
exemptions to Scottish merchants trading to the Duchy of
Normandy, from which the following is extracted : —
"And do, of our own accord, certain knowledge, special
grace, full power, and royal authority, say, declare, and ordain,
that, by our said letters hereunto annexed, as said is, we have
intended, and do intend, that the subjects of the said country of
Scotland shall not be bound to pay for the commodities which
they shall take and carry out of our country and Duchy of Nor-
mandy, the cities, towns, and havens thereof, whatsoever they be,
if designed for the said country of Scotland, other or greater
subsidies and duties than they have heretofore been wont to pay,
and did pay in our city of Dieppe."
During the last few years of the i6th century, France was
so unsettled, and in such a state of confusion — almost approach-
ing anarchy — that the Scottish merchants were in danger of losing
their wonted privileges and exemptions. To prevent this they
approached King Henry IV., who graciously granted them, in
1599> letters-patent comprising all the privileges and exemptions
hitherto enjoyed by them, as shown by the following : —
" But whereas, on occasion of the troubles which have pre-
vailed in this kingdom, especially within these ten or twelve
years past, things have been so altered, and the privileges of the
Scottish merchants so enervated, that, if we were not pleased to
continue and confirm the same to them, they feared therein to
find obstacles and difficulties which might deprive them of the
benefit of the grace that hath been unto them granted and con-
tinued by the said Kings, our predecessors ; be it known, that
we desire no less favourably to treat the said Scottish merchants,
than the said Kings our predecessors have done, as well in conse-
quence of the ancient alliance and confederacy which subsists
between this kingdom and that of Scotland, as for the friendship
and good correspondence which subsisted! between us and the
King of Scotland, James VI. of the name, our most dear and
most beloved good brother and cousin, now reigning in the said
country ; we have, of our special grace, full power and royal
authority, said, declared, and ordained it is our will and pleasure,
that the said Scottish merchants, trading, frequenting, and con-
versing in this our said kingdom, enjoy for the future, in our
whole said country and Duchy of Normandy, the same franchises,
privileges, and immunities, from foreign customs and imposts,
and after the same sort and manner that they enjoyed them in
the day of the Kings Francis and Henry, our most honoured
grandfather and brother-in-law."
Historians differ as to which king first instituted the Scots
x
332 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Guard : some say St Louis, others Charles V. We are inclined
to think it was Charles VI. It appears strange at first sight that
a monarch should chose foreign and mercenary troops for a body
guard ; but when one looks at the state of France at the time, it
seems the wisest course for him to have taken. Half of his
kingdom was in revolt against him, and even those who were
ostensibly on his side were so wavering and uncertain in their
attachment that he could not trust them. In these circumstances
the Scots would naturally present themselves as the most suitable.
They were the staunch allies of the French King, and the sworn
enemies of the English. They were poor, fond of adventure,
daring, and faithful, while their good descent and gentle blood
made them more fit to approach the person of the Sovereign
than ordinary soldiers. And never had a French monarch cause
to regret the great trust thus placed in the hands of the Scots.
This is how a French writer — Claud Leyist, Master of Requests
to Louis the XII., and afterwards Archbishop of Turin — speaks
of them : — " The French have so ancient a friendship and alliance
with the Scots, that, of four hundred men appropriated for the
King's Life Guard, there are an hundred of the said nation who
are the nearest to his person, and in the night keep the keys of
the apartment when he sleeps. There are, moreover, an hundred
complete lances, and two hundred yeomen of the said nation,
besides several that are dispersed through the companies ; and
for so long a time as they have served in France, never hath there
been one of them found that hath committed or done any fault
against the Kings or their State; and they can make use of them
as of their own subjects."
Philip de Comines, in his Memoirs, speaking about the
storming of Liege, at which both the French King, Louis XL, and
the Duke of Burgundy were present, says : — " The King was also
assaulted after the same manner by his landlord, who entered his
house, but was slain by the Scotch Guard. These Scotch troops
behaved themselves valiantly, maintained their ground, would not
stir one step from the King, and were very nimble with their
bows and arrows, with which, it is said, they wounded and killed
more of the Burgundians than of the enemy." Another French
writer relates that in a contest with the Spaniards in Calabria in
1503, the banner-bearer, William Turnbull, a Scot, was found
dead with the staff in his arms and the flag gripped in his teeth,
ALLIANCE BETWEEN SCOTLAND & FRANCE. 333
with a little cluster of his countrymen round him, killed at their
posts. These and numberless other instances of courage and
daring on the part of the Scots Guards gave rise to the saying
long prevalent in France, " Fier coinme un Ecossais"
Although Charles VI. instituted the Guards, it was Charles
VII. who gave them the form in which they served for so many
generations. Out of the hundred Life Guards, there were chosen,
twenty- five who were called "Gardes de Manche," or Sleeve-
Guards, and were in constant and close attendance on the King.
Two of them were always present at mass, sermon, vespers, and
ordinary meals. On State occasions, such as the ceremony of the
Royal touch, the erection of Knights of the King's Order, at the
reception of Ambassadors, public entries into cities, and so on,
there were on all such occasions six of them close to the King —
three on each side. Whenever it was necessary for his Majesty
to be carried, only these six were allowed that honour. The
twenty-five picked men — the Gardes de Manche — kept the keys
of the King's sleeping apartment, had charge of the choir of the
Royal Church, and the keeping of the boats used by the King on
the river. Whenever he entered a city the keys had to be handed
to the Captain of this band, who was also on duty on all state
ceremonies, such as coronations, marriages, funerals of the Kings,
baptisms and marriages of the Royal children ; and the corona-
tion robe became his property after the ceremony was over.
Sir Walter Scott writes : — " The French monarchs made
it their policy to conciliate the affections of this select band
of foreigners, by allowing them honorary privileges and ample
pay, which last most of them disposed of with military profusion
in supporting their supposed rank. Each of them ranked as a
gentleman in place and honour ; and their near approach to the
King's person gave them a dignity in their own eyes, as well as
importance in those of the nation of France. They were sump-
tuously armed, equipped, and mounted ; and each was entitled to
allowance for a squire, a valet, a page, and two yeomen, one of
whom was termed coutelier, from the large knife which he wore
to dispatch those whom in the melee his master had thrown to
the ground. With these followers, and a corresponding equipage,
an Archer of the Scottish Guard was a person of quality and
importance ; and vacancies being generally filled up by those
who had been trained in the service as pages or valets, the
334 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
cadets of the best Scottish families were often sent to serve under
some friend or relation in those capacities, until a chance of
preferment should occur. The coutelier and his companion, not
being noble or capable of this promotion, were recruited from
persons of inferior quality ; but as their pay and appointments
were excellent, their masters were easily able to select from
among their wandering countrymen the strongest and most
courageous to wait upon them in these capacities." The same
author thus describes the dress and appearance of one of them in
the time of Louis XI : — " His dress and arms were splendid.
He wore his national bonnet, crested with a tuft of feathers,
and with a Virgin Mary of massive silver for a brooch. These
brooches had been presented to the Scottish Guards in conse-
quence of the King, in one of his fits of superstitious piety, having
devoted the swords of his guard to the service of the Holy
Virgin, and, as some say, carried the matter so far as to draw out
a commission to Our Lady as their Captain-General. The
Archer's gorget, arm pieces, and gauntlets were of the finest steel,
curiously inlaid with silver, and his hauberk, or shirt of mail, was
as clear and bright as the frostwork of a winter morning upon
fern or brier. He wore a loose surcoat, or cassock, of rich, blue
velvet, open at the sides like that of a herald, with a large white
St Andrew's cross of embroidered silver bisecting it both before
and behind — his knees and legs were protected by hose of mail
and shoes of steel — a broad, strong poniard (called * The Mercy
of God ') hung by his right side — the baldric for his two-handed
sword, richly embroidered, hung upon his left shoulder ; but, for
convenience, he at present carried in his hand that unwieldy
weapon, which the rules of his service forbade him to lay aside."
The exceptional honour and privileges bestowed upon the Scots
Guard naturally made Frenchmen anxious to enter such a re-
nowned and favoured corps, and a few did manage to get
enrolled ; but the sturdy Scots would brook no interlopers, and
laid their complaint before King Henry II., whu gave a breviate,
signed by his own hand, of date June the 28th, 1558, wherein
he promises that he will allow no person to enter the Scots
Guards who is not a gentleman of Scotland, and sprung from a
good family. In spite of this, however, Frenchmen did find their
way by degrees, for an old writer says — " This regulation did not
hinder afterwards others than Scots from being sometimes ad-
ALLIANCE BETWEEN SCOTLAND & FRANCE. 335
mitted, as appears by the remonstrances made upon that subject
from time to time by the Queen Mother, and her son, James VI.,
and by the Privy Council of Scotland, in the roll of the year
1599, given in by the Captain of the Scots Guards to the Cham-
ber of Accounts. Three-fourths of the yeomen, as well of the
Body as of the Sleeve, was still, however, Scots. It was but after-
wards and by degrees that this Company became filled with French,
to the exclusion of Scotsmen, so that at last there remained no
more than the name, and the answer, when called, / am here"
John Hill Burton, in his Scot Abroad, says that "Down to the
time when all the pomps and vanities of the French crown were
swept away, along with its substantial power, the Scots Guards
existed as pageant of the Court of France. In that immense
conglomerate of all kinds of useful and useless knowledge, the
1 Dictionnaire de Trevoux,' it is set forth that 'la premiere com-
pagnie des gardes du corps de nos rois' is still called ' La Garde
Ecossaise,' though there was not then (1730) a single Scotsman
in it. Still there were preserved among the young Court lackeys,
who kept up the part of the Hundred Years' War, some of the
old formalities. Among these, when the Clerc du Guet challenged
the guard who had seen the palace gate closed, 'il repond en
Ecossois, I am hire — c'est a dire, me voila ;' and the lexico-
grapher informs us that, in the mouths of the Frenchmen, totally
unacquainted with the barbarous tongue in which the regimental
orders had been originally devised, the answer always sounded,
' Ai am hire.' "
in Knox's Tour in the Hebrides, published in 1787, occurs
the following passage — " It appears from history that Inver-
lochy was anciently a place of considerable note ; a resort
of French and Spaniards, probably to purchase fish, for which it
was a kind of emporium, particularly for salmon. But the place is
still more noted for its being a residence of kings, and where the
memorable League, offensive and defensive, is recorded to have
been signed between Charlemain and Achaius, King of Scotland,
in 791."
In another paper it will be shown how the Alliance was
brought to a close, and how it affected the customs and language
of the Scottish people. M. A, ROSE,
(To be continued.)
336 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
THE ERASERS OF FAIRFIELD, INVERNESS.
ABOUT a year since, when certain repairs were found to be
necessary at the Chapel-yard of Inverness, the state of a once
handsomely-carved tomb, at the north-cast wall, was declared
dangerous. It was reported that not only did no one claim
right to the ruined tomb, but even its original owners were un-
known, and after some discussion the tomb was repaired and
pointed at the town's expense, but has only been partially restored.
The tomb was that of the once well known and influential
burghal-county family, the Frasers of Fairfield, and the above
circumstance shows how completely they are forgotten. Some
of the Fairfield papers are in my possession, and from them and
other sources, the following notes have been framed : —
The first of the family I can trace was Andrew, styled in
1594 Vic-Coil-vic-Homais Roy. Thomas Fraser the Red, grand-
father of Andrew, probably came from the Aird, and settled near
Inverness when the Barony of Kinmylies was acquired by the
family of Lovat. In 1595 Andrew was possessed of a rood of
land bewcst the River Ness, and in that year acquired from
William Paterson, burgess of Inverness, another rood adjoining,
described as bounded by the lands of Robert Neilson on the
north, the miln lade at the west, and Andrew's own lands on the
south. The lands are described as holding of the Kings and the
reddend is five pennies. Two of the seals of the charter and
sasine are in good preservation. The granter, William Paterson,
could not write.
Andrew Fraser had a charter of four ox-gang of land, or one-
fourth of the lands of Merkinch, with commonty and common
pasturage used and wont granted by the Magistrates and Council,
dated 1st June 1605. Amongst the witnesses to the taking of
Sasine passed thereon by James Cuthbert, Bailie of Inverness,
were James Cuthbert elder, burgess of Inverness ; Jaspard Cuth-
bert, burgess there ; Andrew Vic-William-Mor, burgess there ;
and Findlay dhu-Vic Phaill, burgess there.
Upon the 3ist of July 1631, the Provost and Bailies pro-
nounce a decree that the commonty of Merkinch was common
THE FRASERS OF FAIRFIELD. 33;
to the whole burgh, as against Andrew Eraser's contention that
it belonged exclusively to the owners of the four-quarters of
Merkinch.
The burial ground has over the door the date 1685, and
inside
F. F. I. R.
D. F. C. D.
The initials " F. F." refer to Finlay Fraser, son of Andrew
Eraser, and " I. R." to Isobel Robertson, his wife, to whom he
was married in 1656.
The right to a seat in church was held of great moment in
old times, and Finlay Fraser, who became a considerable owner
of property in Inverness, and filled the office of Provost, got an
Act of the Session in regard to a pew in the High Church, more
particularly referred to hereafter, dated 2Oth January 1662, and
a decree arbitral, dated 29th May 1663.
The dispute as to the commonty of Merkinch again arose in
Provost Finlay's time ; for I find that he, as heir served to his
father, Andrew, raised letters of Suspension before the Lords of
Council and Session of the above-mentioned decree against his
father, dated nth September 1678; and again in June 1690,
Alexander Fraser complained to the Provost and Magistrates
that Finlay Fraser, late Provost of Inverness, had interrupted
Alexander's servants from casting, binding, or leading fuel in the
Carse on the west side of the Merkinch, which is commonty to
the Town of Inverness ; and assuming the heritable right thereof
to belong to him, the said Finlay Fraser. This question of com-
monty was disputed all through the eighteenth century, but
finally determined in favour of the late Hugh Robert Duff of
Muirtown, who had become sole owner of Merkinch.
The initials " D. F.," "C. D," refer to David Fraser, merchant
in, and one of the Bailies of, Inverness, younger son of Provost
Finlay Fraser, who married in July 1693 Christian Dunbar, eldest
lawful daughter of Umquhile John Dunbar of Bennetsfield.
David Fraser had as cautioner for his obligations under the
marriage contract his eldest brother Andrew Fraser, burgess of
Inverness, and the lady had her mother, Christian Mackenzie,
Sir Alexander Mackenzie of Coul, and Simon Mackenzie of
Torridon.
TH£ CELTIC MAGAZINE.
David Fraser was the first styled of Fairfield, and in his
time the family was at its highest point. His elder brother,
Andrew, probably died without issue. The fine old house of
Fairfield, part of which remained till recently, was built by either
Finlay or David Fraser, and is a prominent object in Flezer's
view of Inverness. David Fraser gets an Act of the Session in
regard to the pew, in his favour, dated I4th October 1703.
David Fraser was succeeded by his son Alexander Fraser.
John Maclean, the Inverness centenarian, says that the downfall
of the Fairfields' arose from their exertions on behalf of the
Stuarts.
One of his first alienations was the church pew which his
father and grandfather had so much prized. In respect of a sum
of £10 sterling, Alexander Fraser of Fairfield sold to John Fraser,
junior, merchant in Inverness, "All and haill these two pews
now made ane desk, situated on the east side of the north aisle
of the High Church of Inverness, bounded by Provost Alexander
Fraser his pew at the north, and the common entry twixt the
said two pews, and Commissar Fraser, deceased, his pew at the
south, with free ish and entry thereto by the common passage
leading to the said aisle." The disposition is signed by Fairfield
"att the House of Kinmylies," ipth July 1738. There is a deed
also signed by his mother at the House of Kinmylies, whereby
it may be inferred she lived there in her widowhood, after the
fall of the Poisons'. By disposition dated I7th July 1739, Alex-
ander Fraser sold to the said John Fraser two acres of his ten
arable acres of his land of the Carse.
Alexander Fraser sold, by deed dated I4th May 1743, to
Duncan Fraser, merchant in Inverness, son of the said John
Fraser, the two roods bewest the Ness, which had pertained to
the family since 1596, also roods and acres in St Thomas's
Chapel, roods, riggs, and acres in the Carse called Lochnagaun,
Gairbread, Knockandow, Little Carse, Whinbush Carse, and
Sandy Acre. Christian Dunbar, Fairfield, mother and liferentrix,
renounced her liferent by a deed, the witnesses being John
Fraser, her brother-in-law, and Alexander Fraser, her son. The
deed is dated 28th May 1745.
Upon the 1st day of September 1743, Fairfield disposes the
lands of Wester Ballifeary to Robert Fraser of Phopachie.
THE FRASEks OF FAIRFIELD. 339
Prior to 1754 he had disposed of his quarter of Merkinch, as
in a list of " The Burgage Maills and Feu-duties of the Burgh of
Inverness," prepared in that year, William Duff of Muirtown ap-
pears as owner " from Fairfield, from Bailie David his father," the
feu being £i. 6s. 3d. Scots. Fairfield still appears in the list of
1754 as feuar of various subjects, amongst others the owner of
" Shop under the Tolbooth, the fourth from the east from Bailie
David his father."
Alexander Fraser of Fairfield, as heir of the deceased Alex-
ander Fraser, gets a precept of clare constat from the Provost
and Magistrates of Inverness, dated 3Oth August 1755.
The decay of the family continued. Alexander was suc-
ceeded in 1794 by Andrew Fraser of Fairfield, Captain in the
H.E.I. C. S. Andrew Fraser still possessed some lands, for he is
charged with nearly four bolls of victual for stipend. He con-
tinued selling, disposing of the grounds called the Hard Croft
to Colin Munro of Grenada, on which Mr Munro erected the
large house known as the Blue House. In 1809, Captain Fraser
disposed to Lachlan Mackintosh of Raigmore for a consideration
of £500, " All and whole these three roods of burgh bigged land,
with houses, biggings, garden, dovecot, and office houses, some-
time pertaining to, and possessed by, Alexander Fraser of Fair-
field his grandfather, with the parts, pendicles, and pertinents of
the same, lying on the west side of the River Ness, bounded be-
tween the garden sometime pertaining to the deceased Jaspard
Cuthbert, thereafter by progress to Alexander Duff of Drum-
muir, and now to Colin Munro at the west and north, by the
road leading to the River Ness at the east, the lands sometime
belonging to the deceased John Kerr, burgess of the said burgh,
thereafter by progress to Robert Robertson of Shipland, there-
after by progress to the deceased Alexander Fraser, my grand-
father, his now by the vennel at the south and the old waulk miln
lade, now the King's high way, at the west parts respectively."
Captain Fraser was dead prior to 1814, and though some
fragments remained to his minor children, he may be said
to have been the last of the Fairfields. His character may be
inferred from the following letter, viz. — A man of good education
and business habits, determined to have his own, but without a
spark of family pride or intention to re-establish himself : — •
340 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
" Blairgowrie, 3Oth January 1809.
" Dear Sir, — Upon receipt of this I beg the favour of you
immediately to advertise the house and garden for public sale
on the 1 5th of February next, unless previously sold by private
bargain, also the three acres (English measure) at the north end
of the Park, at present set to Cameron, and another man whose
name Dallas will tell you. You will of course take steps if any
be requisite to nullify Cumming's lease and prevent any trouble
from that quarter. Shall, if possible, be North myself in 10 or 12
days. In the meantime, if you receive an offer of 600 guineas
for the house and garden you may close with it. I suppose you
must place 26s. of each feu charge to my account, but as I shall
be North soon, we can arrange the matter then. The advertise-
ment will be time enough for next Friday, and the Friday
following, and is not after that to be repeated. Make it as short
as possible.
" I am, &c,
(Signed) " ANDREW ERASER.
" P.S. — The ground in the Park will be sold in acres or half
acres to accommodate those who may wish for a small piece."
And so the Fairfields have disappeared, and in 1884 the
Town Council of Inverness knew not even their tomb. One of
the last acts was to " sell out " a poor widow paying a rent of
305. who is called " Widow Subley Thomson," no doubt her
then usual designation. What a fall for Miss Sibilla Barbour, a
descendant of the Barbours of Aldourie !
C. FRASER-MACKINTOSH.
" THE CELTIC GARLAND."— If anything was required to attest the popu-
larity of this collection by " Fionn " of translations of Gaelic and English songs,
Gaelic readings, etc., it is supplied in the fact that a second edition has been called for,
and is now in the hands of the public. Excellent as the first edition was, this one is
in every respect a great improvement upon it. The work is considerably enlarged,
and contains a number of fresh pieces very suitable for reading and recitation at
Highland gatherings or for fireside amusement. The work is neatly got up and
well printed, while the Gaelic is very carefully edited. In view of the early
recognition of Gaelic as a " special subject " in Highland schools, we hail the
" Garland " as supplying serviceable material for securing for the language the place
from which it has been so long frozen out by the codes and cold comfort applied in
the work of modern Highland education. The book is a most enjoyable one, and no
Celt who invests in it will regret having done so. It is published by Mr Archibald
Sinclair, 62 Argyle Street, Glasgow, to whom much credit is due for the neat and
tradcsmanlike appearance of this Celtic gem.
341
THE LAND REFORM MOVEMENT IN SKYE.
A WEEK or two before the arrival of her Majesty's Forces in
Skye, there was a considerable amount of excitement among the
people, who, believing that their cause was just, became very
determined in the position they took up. They reasoned thus —
" We have in the past tamely submitted to be deprived of our
hill pasture, and to have our rents increased ; the assertion of our
rights is a duty which we have too long neglected. Experience
has been uniform for a long series of years that the more sub-
missive we are, the greater the advantage taken by depriving us
of privileges which we formerly possessed, till our circumstances
are so reduced that we are brought to the verge of starvation.
We must now pursue a different course, insist that our grievances
be more fully known, use every lawful measure to recover the
rights and privileges of which we were so unjustly deprived. It
is a matter in which we are all deeply interested ; we must be
united, resolve not to cease agitating till our grievances are re-
dressed. We want justice, and justice we will have." They
entered on the movement fully determined to fight it out to the
bitter end. " Thrice is he armed who hath his quarrel just."
This is the feeling which animates the Crofters. Before any one
condemns their action, he should make himself acquainted with
both sides of their case.
There has been much discontent among the small tenantry
of Skye for a long time, which strained the feeling between land-
lord and tenant to a degree far from desirable. Expectations
had been raised, it may be, to an extravagant degree. At any-
rate, it was evident that some concessions would have to be made
on the part of the landlords before a loyal feeling could exist
between them and their tenants. The measures pursued brought
matters to a crisis sooner than might have been expected.
Threats of eviction were resorted to. It was freely circulated
among the different townships, that a large force of police, armed
with revolvers were to be stationed here and there throughout
the Island to cover the action of the process-server. To a
people smarting under a deep sense of wrong, these were irritat-
ing in the extreme, and roused them in many places to united
34^ ?HE CELTIC MAGAZINE
action in resisting the progress of an additional force of police
whom they believed to be the tools of the landlords in carrying
out their high-handed policy. There was no intention of violence
on the part of the majority of the people, who endeavoured to
restrain the most impulsive among themselves, but it must be
admitted that there was a strong feeling against the police,
whom they believed, rightly or wrongly, to be forced upon them
in the interest of the proprietors. Unfortunately, the events
which followed increased the suspicion which it is now difficult
to remove.
It is hard to conceive of a more injudicious way of dealing
with their tenantry than that pursued by the landlords at this
critical time. To imagine that such deep rooted discontent could
be eradicated by force, or that anything like good feeling could
be established between landlord and tenant by the presence of
the process-server, and a few isolated cases of eviction, was
simply misunderstanding the signs of the times and misinterpret-
ing the feelings of the people.
The way in which estates were for a long time managed in
Skye was through fear — never at best a healthy system. It may
serve a certain purpose for a time, but is sure in the long run to
lead into difficulty. It has resulted in such a complication
of conflicting interests as to make it a hard matter to solve.
Once the people feel that they are free in a free country, it is not
easy to govern them through fear ; nor should the attempt be
made, but as seldom as possible. It had become evident that
such a change had come over the people as required a very
different treatment from what they were previously accustomed
to. But the landlord cannot be brought to see that any im-
provement can be made on the old system, nor that there was any
other way of dealing with these people than by a revival of the
reign of terror ; that nothing short of a wholesale eviction would
do, and they would be evicted by the dozen. No policy could be
more disastrous to the landlord interest, as may now be seen
from its effects. It alienated the more moderate among the
people, forced them to unite with the more advanced, and made
them more determined to resist the despotic rule under which,
they say, they have groaned so long.
We have often heard it stated that the origin of this Land
Law Reform Movement was owing to Irish influences. It is
LAND REFORM MOVEMENT IN SKYE. 343
certainly not easy to trace it to Ireland, though there is no doubt
that all great movements are contagious. They call forth new
agencies, and many subtle influences are set to work. The
origin of the movement was not in Ireland; it was local. It can
be traced to the action of the landlord and his officials. These
did more in this part of the country to raise the land question
and press it towards a solution than any Irish influence or
agitator that has ever appeared in Skye. Not only so but it seems
to be getting more difficult of solution the longer it is delayed.
No agitator, however influential and eloquent, could succeed in
driving the people to desperation as the estate managers have
done by their threats of eviction and other short-sighted actions.
Against these threats the people claim the protection of the
legislature. They believe, if their grievances were fully known,
that the sense of justice which characterises Englishmen will
soon give them redress. In this way the agitation went on
and spread to the adjacent islands ; thence to the mainland ; and
is still spreading to such an extent, that it is hard to say when
or where it may stop.
There is much said of the baneful influence of outside
agitators who are alleged to have no real sympathy with the
people, and are merely actuated by selfish motives. Of all the
arguments used on the subject this point is the most illogical.
What could move men from a distance to so much energy and self-
sacrifice, if it were not their great sympathy with these people,
a desire to get their grievances redressed, and to see them
placed on a fair way for a new start in life. They well know
that the crofters are far too much steeped in poverty to expect
any remuneration from them for their trouble. The real agitators
who fan the flame are the estate managers, and all must own
that they have been wonderfully successful.
If a conciliatory policy had been adopted immediately after
the visit of the Royal Commissioners, the alleged grievances
looked into, and if possible, where founded on fact, removed ; a
better feeling might have been restored between landlord and
tenant, and could be done much easier then than now. The
agitation would have been checked, before it had attained its
present proportions. The agitators would have been deprived
of their weapons, but instead of that they have been constantly
supplied with crushing arguments which cannot be refuted.
344 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Was there anything more likely to rouse suspicion and bring
discredit upon the landlords than their attempts to mark those
who had given evidence before the Royal Commissioners or who
were reputed to sympathise with the Land Law Reform move-
ment.
It was evident from the fact of the Commission being
appointed that there was something in the relation between
landlord and tenant which needed investigation, and as that
investigation proceeded the more apparent it became that the
old system required to be overhauled, and placed upon a better
basis, that justice might be equally distributed among all classes of
her Majesty's subjects. Those who cultivate the soil are as much
entitled to the protection of the Government as the landlord,
to whom the law at present is much more favourable than to the
tenant. As long as it remains so there is ever a danger of in-
dividual hardship and injustice. This anomaly must be done away
with by an alteration of the law, such as will provide equal justice
to both. However much the landlords may concede, it is useless
to disguise the fact that no amount of voluntary patchwork will
place the foundation of land legislation on a satisfactory basis.
Wars and rumours of wars may for a time absorb public attention,
and put off a comprehensive settlement, but there is little doubt
that we are within measurable distance of a time when the Land
Question will become the principal theme on every political
platform. As it was forty years ago with the Corn Laws, so will
it shortly be with those Acts connected with the Land.
JAMES M. DAVIDSON.
ORAN DO NA CAOIRICH MHORA,
LE DONNACHADH SlOSAL.
[The following song is one of a number read by Mr Colin Chishohn, at a recent
meeting of the Gaelic Society of Inverness. He said that the author was Donnachadh
Buidhe, Duncan Chisholm, who, early in this century, along with the greater part of
the Strathglass people, left their native land, having been evicted from their holdings,
which were at that time converted into sheep farms. He said that he was indebted
for the words of the song to a gentleman in Nova Scotia, whose father and grand-
father he remembered well before they left the upper end of Glencannich.]
Ge b'e h-aon rinn an duanag, chaidh e tuathal an tos,
Nach do chuimhnich na h-uaislean dha 'm bu dual a bhi m6r;
Na'm biodh feum air neart dhaoin' ann an caonnaig no'n toir,
'S iad a sheasadh an cruadal, 's lannan cruaidhe na'n dorn,
ORAN DO NA CAOIRICH MHORA. 345
Na Siosalaich Ghlaiseach bho chaisteal nan arm,
Na suinn a bha tapaidh 'nuair chaisgt' orra 'n fhearg ;
'Nuair theid iad 's a' bhaiteal, cha bu ghealtach an colg,
'S gu'n cuir iad fo'n casan luchd chasagan dearg.
Sibh a bhuaileadh na buillean, 'sa chuireadh an ruaig,
'Sa sheasadh ri teine, gun deireas, gun ghruaim;
Na suinn a bha fulangach, curanta, cruaidh,
Nach leigeadh le namhaid an larach thoirt uath'.
La Blar Airidh-Ghuidhein rinn sibh pruthar air sluagh,
Ged bu lionmhor na daoine air 'ur n-aodann 'san uair;
Cha deachaidh mac mathar dhiubh sabhailte uaith',
'S gu'n do thill sibh a' chreach air a h-ais do'n Taobh-tuath.
'Nuair a dh'eirich na curaidhean curanta, dian,
Gu luath-lamhach, guineach, 's iad ullamh gu gniomh,
Gu'n d' fhag sibh na miltean na'n sineadh air sliabh,
Gun tuigse, gun toinnisg, gun anail na'n cliabh.
'Nuair theid iad an ordugh, na h-oganaich gharg,
Cha Veil 'san Roinn-Eorpa na's boidhch' theid fo'n airm;
'Nuair a gheibheadh sibh ordugh, bu deonach leibh falbh,
'S gu'n d&inadh sibh feolach an comhstri nan arm.
'S'ann chunnaic mi 'm prasgan bu taitniche learn,
Eadar bun Allt-na-Glaislig a's braighe Chnochd-fhionn.
Nach leigeadh le namhaid dol dan air an cul,
Ged tha iad bho'n la sin a' cnamh anns an uir.
Gur a trie tha mi smaointean air an duthaich a th'ann,
Tha'n diugh fo na caoirich eadar raointean a's ghleann ;
Gun duine bhi lathair dhe'n alach a bh'ann,
Ach coin agus caoirich ga'n slaodadh gu fang.
'S ann tha aobhar a' mhulaid aig na dh' fhuirich 'san ait',
Gun toil-inntinn gun, taic, ach fo chasan nan Gall ;
Bho na dh' fhalbh an luchd-eaglais bha freasdalach dhaibh,
Co aghabhas an leth-sgeul, 'nuair bhios iad na'n cas?
Gur lionmhor sonn aluinn chaidh arach bho thus
An teaghlach an armuinn a bha tamh an Cnochd-fhiunn ;
'S bho'n a dh' fhalbh na daoin'-uaisle, chaidh an tuath air an glun,
'S gu'm beil iad bho'n uair sin gun bhuachaille cuil.
B'iad sud na daoin' uaisle 's na buachaillean ciuin —
Easbuig Iain 's a bhrathair, a's Iain Ban bha'n Cnochd-fhiunn —
Na daoine bha feu mail gu reiteachadh cuis,
Chaidh an duthaich an eis bho'n la dh'eng iad na'n triuir.
Dh' fhalbh na Cinn-fheadhnab' fhearr eisdeachd 'sa' chuirt —
An ceann-teaghlaich bu shine dhe'n fhine b' fhearr cliu ;
Tha gach aon a bha taitneach air an tasgadh 'san uir,
'S iad mar shoitheach gun Chaptain, gun acfhuinn, gun stiuir.
Dh' fhalbh an stiuir as na h-iaruinn 'nuair a thriall na fir bhan'—
Na h-Easbuigean beannuichte, carranta, tlath ;
'S ioma buaidh agus cliu bha' air an cunntas n'ur gnath ;
'S ann agaibh bha'n t-ionntas a dh' ionnsuidh a' bhais.
Cha bu bhas e ach aiseag gu beatha na b' fhearr,
Dol a dh' ionnsuidh an Athar tha 'n Cathair nan Gras
Na seirbheisich dhileas do 'n Ti tha gu h-ard,
'S a tha an toil-inntinn nach diobair gu brath.
'S mi-fhortan do 'r cairdean thug sibh thamh anns' an Lios,
Na h-armuinnean priseil, Ian sith agus meas,
Na coinnlean a b' aillte dheanadh dearsa na'r measg,
'Sann a tha na cuirp aluinn air an caradh fo lie,
346 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
'S ann fo lie air an aineol tha na feara gun ghruaim,
Nach fuiligeadh an eucoir ann an cisdeachd an cluas ;
Gur e a bh' aca na'n inntinn toil-inntinne bhuan,
Le Soisgeul na Firinn ga innseadh do 'n t-sluagh.
'S ann an sin a bha 'n comunn abha toilichte leinn,
'Nuair a bha sinn mu'n coinneamh bha sonas ri'n linn ;
'Nuair a chaidh iad 'san uaigh sgiot an sluagh as gach taobh,
'S iad mar chaoirich gun bhuachaill' air am fuadach thair tuinn.
Cha'n 'eil buachaillean aca no taic' air an cul,
Bho na leigeadh fir Shasuinn a fasgadh an Duin,
'Se naigheachd is ait learn mar thachair do'n chuis,
Gu'n do shleamhnaich an casan a mach dhe' na ghrunnd.
Tha mi 'n dochas gun tionndaidh a' chuis mar a's coir,
Gu'n tig iad a dh' ionnsuidh an duchais bho thos ;
Na fiuranan aluinn chaidh arach ann og,
Gu'n cluinneam sibh 'thamh ann an aros nam b6.
Ged' a thuit a' chroabh-mhullaich 's ged' fhrois i gu barr,
Thig planndais a stoca an toiseach a' bhlais ;
Ma gheibh iad mo dhurachd mar a dhuraichdean daibh,
Bidh iad shuas an Cnochd-fhionn, 's e bhur duchas an t-ait'.
Agus Iain Chnuichd-fhinn, bi-sa misneachail treun,
Glac duthchas do sheanar, 's gu meal thu a steidh ;
An t-ait' robh do sheorsa, bho 'n'oige gu 'n eug,
Am mac an ionad an athar, suidh 'sa' chathair 's na treig.
Bi togradh air d'eolas, a bhuain chno anns' an Dun,
Far an goireadh an smeorach am barr pganan dlu ;
Eoin bheaga an t-sleibhe deanamh beus mar chruit-chiuil,
'S a chuthag 's a' cheitein a' seinn a Gug-Gug.
Dh' fhalbh gach toil-inntinn a bh' aig ar sinnsreadh bho thos,
'S e mo bharail nach till iad ris na linntinnean 6g ;
Cha n'eil fiadhach ri fhaotainn ann an aonach nan ceo ;
Chuir na caoirich air fuadach buidheann uallach nan cr5c.
Dh' fhalbh an earb as a' choille, dh' fhalbh coileach an cluin,
'S am buicein beag, biorach, bhiodh fo shileadh nan stiic ;
Dh' fhalbh na feiclh as an aonach— cha 'n ioghnadh sud learn —
Cha chluinnear guth gaothair no faoghaid 'san Dun.
Learn is duillich mar thachair nach d' thainig sibh nail
Mu'n deachaidh 'ur glacadh le acanan teann ;
Na'm biodh uachdaran dligheach na shuidh' air 'ur ceann,
Cha rachadh 'ur sgapadh gu machair nan Gall.
Cha b'i mhachair bu taitnich le na Glaisich dhol ann,
'Nuair a thigeadh an samhradh, ach braighe nan gleann ;
Bhiodh aran, im, agus caise, ga'n arach gun taing,
Crodh-laoigh air an airidh, bliochd a's dair ann's an am.
Cha Veil 'n 'ur ceann-cinnidh ach duine gun treoir,
Tha fo smachd nan daoin-uaisle chuireas tuathal a shron,
Nach iarradh dhe'n t-saoghal ach caoirich air Ion,
An aite na tuatha a bha buan aig a sheors.
Sgriosas air na caoirich as gach taobh dhe'n Roinn-Eorp',
Cloimh a's cnamhag a's caoile, at nam maodal a's cr6ic,
Gabhai! dalladh nan suilean, agus musg air an sroin,
Madadh-ruadh agus fireun a' cur dith air a' phor.
Guidheam bracsaidh 'sna h-oisgean, 's ploc a's tuaineal na'n ceann
'Sa' chnoimheag 'san iorbal, gu ruig an eanachainn 'san t-sron ;
S gun a h-aon bhi ri fhaicinn, ach craicinn gun fheoil,
Na cibeirean glas a' tarsuinn as gun snaithn' bhrog.
THE
CELTIC MAGAZINE.
CONDUCTED BY
ALEXANDER MACKENZIE, F.S.A.. Scot.
No. CXVI. JUNE 1885. VOL. X.
SOME UNPUBLISHED LETTERS OF SIMON
LORD LOVAT, 1739-1743.
No matter that turns up in connection with Simon Lord Lovat
ever fails of being interesting. At present the North is moved
by the appearance of a claimant to the Scottish Lovat Peerage
and Estates, whose success would add a hundred-fold to the
romance and interest attaching to Lord Lovat's career.
The letters after given show Simon at his best, being written
after he had succeeded in assuring his position to the title and
estates, and when it would seem his hitherto chequered life would
be thereafter one of repose and prosperity. They nearly all con-
cern social and domestic affairs, and are in this respect valuable,
indicating his real character by and through his daily life and
transactions. The most pregnant public allusion is contained
in the letter to Mackintosh in December 1743, and shows that
Lord Lovat was in close communication with the Stuarts, and
hoped for an immediate landing.
Taking the letters in their order, I make a few comments.
They are chiefly addressed to Mr Duncan Eraser, a well-to-do
merchant of Inverness, elder brother of Simon Eraser, sometime
Commissary at Gibraltar, who purchased the estate of Borlum,
calling it Ness Castle, father of the well-known and respected
Marjory Lady Saltoun.
348 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
The first letter is dated 2Oth May 1739, and his Lordship's
kindness of heart is shown by his determination to right the lady
whose cattle were stolen, and which were promised to be restored
through Barrisdale, one of the captains of the Watch, known as
Coll Ban. Mrs Mackenzie had just lost her only brother, the
Rev. William Baillie, minister of the third charge of Inverness,
son of the well-known Rev. Robert Baillie, of Inverness. Lord
Lovat's correctness in his affairs is shown by his laying down
the rule of settlement of accounts taking place monthly. The
Governor of Inverness Castle referred to, was no doubt Grant,
who was accused in 1745 of somewhat hastily surrendering the
Castle to Prince Charles. —
Dear Cousin, — I gave you the trouble of a line yesterday,
but received no answer. I hope this will find you and your
people in good health, and I assure you and them of my kind
humble service. You was yesterday busy at the melancholy
occasion of the burial of my dear friend, Mr Wm. Baillie, which
gives me great grief and concern. I beg you go from me, and
wait of his sister, Mrs Mackenzie, and give her my most humble
duty, and tell her that I have not fortitude to write to her upon
her brother's death, but that I beg to know how she is, and that
she may expect my friendship more than ever, and when the
tribute that she must pay to nature is over, that I will expect to
see her. In the meantime you may let her know that Barrisdale
is my very good friend, and that he has actually a party in pur-
suit of the thieves that stole her cattle, and acquaints me that he
does not doubt of success, so that I make not the least doubt of
recovering her payment of her cattle.
Let me know if you have recovered all my things out of the
Pledger, and when I may send for them. The bag of hops may
be kept in a good place in the town, where you will think it safe
from being spoiled, for we have no good place for it in this
house. I entreat you may remember what «I told you, at parting,
that we may clear accounts once a month, and then there will be
no difficulty about vouchers for payment. Thomas Houstoun is
to be out here to-morrow morning. I have desired him to wait
upon the Governor, and to make him my compliments. If you
have heard anything of his diet for Edinburgh, I entreat you
to let me know it.
I likewise entreat you may know as of yourself what day
the President comes to Bunchruive and Achnagairn, and goes
through this country to Brahan, and if he dines at Bunchruive or
Achnagairn, and what day he goes south, that my posts may be
in good order as he passes. I shall long to hear from you. If
LETTERS OF SIMON LORD LOVAT. 349
there is any news in town, I hope you will send them, and I am,
with sincere esteem, dear Duncan,
Your affectionate cousin and faithful slave,
(Signed) LOVAT.
Beaufort, 2Oth May 1739.
The next letter is dated I2th June 1739, and in part refers
to Lord Lovat's son, Alexander, who died at Dunmaglass in
1760, unmarried, a General in the Dutch service. At this time
he was but a child, his father, however, describing him as having
a large head. Notice may also be taken of his Lordship's patri-
otic intention to purchase a picture of Sir William Wallace, be-
cause Lovat, as he says, " always loved to preserve the glory and
honour of old and ancient families," though his desire was
thwarted by Mr Evan Baillie of Abriachan (brother to Hugh
Baillie of Dochfour), his Lordship's bailie and cashier, who pro-
bably knew that money could ill be spared. —
Dear Cousin Duncan, — I have sent the bearer, John Young
General of our Taylors, to take off clothes for my little boy Sandie,
so I entreat you go with him to any shop where you can get
it most reasonable, and be so kind as to see him cut off as much
good, strong, drugget, as will make the child a coat, waistcoat,
and breeches, with lining and all other furniture conform. I
hope his periwig is now ready, that you bespoke, and a little hat
for him. It must not be very little for he has a good large head
of his age. Be so kind as let me know the prices of everything,
and what you bought out of other shops, that I may send you in
the money immediately. If Mr Donald buys any books, and
that you pay the money for them, I shall send you in that at the
same time.
I am very glad that the Governor is so well. I shall have
the honour to write to him to-morrow, and though he should go
to Culloden, before I go into town, I will certainly pay my
respects to him there, as I would do at Inverness, if he will allow
me. I just now got your letter, and I give you a thousand
thanks for sending him the salmond in my name ; it gives me
greater pleasure than twenty times the value of it, for I cannot
express the honour and value I have for my dearest Governor.
Pray, tell Evan Baillie, that it was merely for the insinuations
that he made to me in his letter, that I yielded my resolutions
of purchasing Sir William Wallace's picture, for I always loved
to preserve the glory and honour of old and antient families.
Pray show this to Evan when he comes home.
I offer you, and your father and mother, and all the family,
350 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
my kind humble service. I hope your mother will remember
what I recommended to her in the Roup. Forgive all this
trouble, and believe that I am, very sincerely, dear Duncan,
Your affectionate and faithful slave,
(Signed) LOVAT.
Beaufort, I2th June 1739.
The third letter is dated ist June 1740, and shows what a
good style Simon kept up. Four-and-twenty guests from differ-
ent quarters was a large assembly, and contradicts the statement
that his house and menage were mean. —
Dear Cousin Duncan, — I received this evening your letter.
I am glad that you are well after your great fatigue of drink-
ing, &c.
I have sent in John Forbes with money to pay Lachlan
Mackintosh's hogshead of wine, and to see if there be any pro-
visions had for me in town, for I am to have a throng company
with me to-morrow. I believe I will have twenty-four covers,
for I am to have strangers from several corners. I have ordered
John Forbes to cause send in horses for all Lachlan Mack-
intosh's wine, and for six dozen of the Spanish wine, and for
what provisions can be had. I offer you and your worthy
mother my affectionate humble service, and I wish your honest
father, and my friend William, a safe return home, and I am,
with a sincere friendship and regard, dear Duncan,
Your affectionate cousin and faithful slave,
(Signed) LOVAT.
Beaufort, ist June 1740.
The seal is almost entire. Small deer head, surmounted with
coronet, around " Je suis prest."
The fourth letter is dated 23rd June, same month, and is
interesting as showing that there was an upper dining-room at
Beaufort, and that east winds ran on till midsummer. This
circumstance is important, for the prevalence of east winds about
Inverness has been supposed to be a comparatively modern evil.
Most old people now-a-days will affirm that in their younger
days the prevailing winds were from the south-west, and the
summers earlier. —
Dear Cousin Duncan, — I hope this will find you and your
honest father and mother, and my friend William, and all the
family in perfect health, and I sincerely assure you and them of
my kindest respects and humble service.
LETTERS OF SIMON LORD LOVAT. 351
1 have sent in the bearer for my post letters, which I entreat
you despatch as soon as possible with any other news you have
in town. I got so much cold by going out yesterday with the
easterly winds, and by dining in the High Dining Room, that I
had the ague all night, and I am just now going to take a vomit.
I hope you have delivered my commission to Mr Grant. I
shall long to hear from you. And I am, with a sincere esteem
and regard, dear Cousin Duncan,
Your most obedient and most faithful humble servant,
(Signed) LOVAT.
Beaufort, 23rd June 1740.
Send is. 6d. more of farthings per bearer.
The fifth letter is the scroll of one from Duncan Eraser, to
Lord Lovat, within which the letters were found wrapped up. It
is without date, but the reference to Mr Speaker Onslow's re-
election for the third time, fixes it to have been written in De-
cember 1741. It will be observed that though Mr Eraser gives
gossip, which he knew would please his lordship, yet he knows,
though so familiarly treated in the letters, his own position, and
addresses Lord Lovat with every respect. I cannot throw light
on the identity of the Doctor and Miss Stewart who are men-
tioned, and the reference to the Duke of Hamilton, through an
undecypherable word, is obscure.
No date, December 1741.
My Lord, — I am honoured with your Lordship's. Am con-
cerned you passed last night so ill. But hope the doctor will re-
move all such, as well as recover your legs, and continue your good
spirits, which with your perfect health and happiness I sincerely
pray.
The king's speech is here enclosed as in a Tuesday's Evening
Courant. The Speaker is a third time placed in his chair.
I saw Miss Stewart last night at the Modists (Modistes ?)
and told her my surprise at her departure from your Lordship's,
upon the doctors appearance, to which she made the same answer
your Lordship wrote me of the other, which I would fain take to
be ominous. Considering they will probably meet at your Lord-
ship's ere the ensuing merry days are over, when I persuade
myself your Lordship will not miss to egg the proper parties
proceeding, so as to make him quit making one of the number of
your country bachelors.
I am concerned for the sad melancholy * of D. Hamilton.
He had 63 prayed for this day.
Word unintelligible,*
352 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
The sixth letter, dated ;th February 1742, is highly amus-
ing, and shows the unhappy position of his Lordship, when the
youth Maclean who shaved him ran off. He complains that
though he has 18 to 20 men servants, no one was qualified to
shave him. —
My Dear Cousin Duncan, — I hope this will find you and
your honest father and mother, and all the family in perfect
health, and I sincerely assure you and them of my affectionate
humble service.
That lazy, light-headed rascall, John Maclean, has behaved
so insolently and impertinently for this long while past, that I was
determined to keep him no longer than till Whitsunday next in
my family. But some capricious whim having seized him, he
left my service this day, without the least provocation, and I am
resolved that he shall never put a razor on my face again. I
have wrote to Edinburgh myself, and my secretary has wrote to
Aberdeen to get me a riding footman that can shave and dress,
but as I have not among eighteen or twenty men servants any
one that can shave me till I get a new servant, I entreat, my dear
Cousin Duncan, that you will find out some boy in Inverness
that will come out with the bearer, or to-morrow evening, and
if he pleases me I will keep him till I get another servant, and if
he is inclined to stay with me I will, perhaps, engage him to serve
me as riding footman. J don't think you can miss to find some lad
that will be fit for my purpose amongst your barbers in town,
and I shall pay him thankfully for his pains.
If you will be so kind as to do me the favour to come out
here to see me on Tuesday, I will send in my own pad early on
Tuesday morning for you, and you will bring my post letters
along with you. But if the day be as bad as this day is, I must
delay the pleasure of seeing you till a better day. William, Cul-
miln's son, who came in to see me an hour ago, says that this is the
worst day that came this winter. Jenny, and the Chamberlain
and his wife, and Mr Baillie, and Gortuleg, who are all here, join
with me in making you our affectionate compliments. And I am,
without reserve, my dear Duncan,
Your most affectionate cousin and faithful slave,
(Signed) LOVAT.
Beaufort, 6th and 7th February 1742.
The seventh and last, dated 2ist November 1743, is ad-
dressed to the Laird of Mackintosh, and the politeness of the
courtier is here seen to its full. It is sad to think that so soon
after its date, such trouble fell on his Lordship and the Earl of
LETTERS OF SIMON LORD LOVAT. 353
Cromarty. At this time, 1743, Simon states there was nothing
but " mirth and affection," and that the Earl and Doctor Eraser
" were enough to make a hundred rejoice if they were in com-
pany."-
My Dear Laird of Mackintosh, — It gives me vast joy to
know by Invercauld and Dunie, that you, and the worthy Lady
Mackintosh, and dear Miss Farquharson, are in perfect health. I
pray God it may long continue. There is no man on earth
wishes it better, and I humbly beg leave to assure you, and the
good Lady Mackintosh, and Miss Farquharson, of my most
affectionate humble duty, best respects, and good wishes, in
which my son joins me.
I owe my dear Lady Mackintosh ten million of thanks for
doing me the honour to engage her lovely brother, the young
Laird of Invercauld, to see me in this little hutt. His visit has
given me vast pleasure, and I have enjoined my son to live in
great friendship with him all his life. He will make the prettiest
gentleman that ever was called Farquharson, which I wish from
the bottom of my heart. I was so lucky as to have here the
Earl of Cromarty, and Lord Macleod, his son, and his Governor,
and Doctor Fraser, when Invercauld came here. They are all
still here, except Lord Macleod, who is gone to Edinburgh to his
colleges. I never saw more delightful company than they have
been, and continue so. The Earl and Doctor Fraser are enough
to make a hundred rejoice, if they were in company. There was
nothing but mirth and affection among us. Dunie will do me
justice that I drank your health, and the good Lady Mackin-
tosh's, as a family health every day, and when the toast went
round, Lady Mackintosh and Miss Farquharson were not forgot,
I am sorry that young Invercauld is so pressed with time,
that he could not stay two or three weeks to make up a thorough
acquaintance with my son, that they might contract such a
friendship as would last all their days, after I am dead and
gone. But I hope after this, their acquaintance wont be to make
wherever they meet.
I beg my dear Laird of Mackintosh that you may do me the
honour to let me hear from you once every week or ten days,
that I may know how you and the good Lady Mackintosh and
Miss Farquharson do. You have only to send your letters to
Duncan Fraser's, by any person that comes to Inverness, and I
will send my letter to him for you, so that we may correspond
without you having the trouble of sending a servant to Beaufort,
or my sending one to Moyhall, unless some extraordinary thing
happen.
We expect great news by this post. If I have anything
extraordinary, I will acquaint you. I pray God preserve our
354 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE
friends, and restore the liberties of our country, and I am, with a
most uncommon esteem, attachment, and respect, my dear Laird
of Mackintosh, your most obedient and most faithful, humble
servant, and most affectionate cousin,
(Signed) LOVAT.
Beaufort, 2ist November 1743.
Altogether, these letters show Simon to have been kindly,
hospitable, and charitable ; for it must be presumed that the lot of
farthings he wished were intended for wandering beggars, a class
he used to converse with when he met them.
I have the good fortune of possessing several other letters
from Lord Lovat ; also a volume, " Crawford's Officers of State,"
which was in his library, with his book-plate, wherein part of his
designation is " Governor of Inverness." It has also on an early
blank page a long holograph note in Latin. Books with his
plate are rare, as the Castle and whole contents were utterly de-
stroyed by fire by the Hanoverian troops immediately after the
battle of Culloden.
C. ERASER-MACKINTOSH.
FASSIEFERN'S FOSTER-BROTHER AND THE
FRENCHMAN.
COLONEL John Cameron of Fassiefern, while serving in the Netherlands, was attended
by his foster-brother, a young Highlander named Ewen Macmillan. One day this
youth was at one of the British outposts, when he observed a Frenchman some dis-
tance off, and it immediately occurred to him to try and stalk the Frenchman, as he
used to do the deer in his native forests of Loch-Arkaig. Accordingly, he crept
silently towards the unsuspecting Frenchman, and was in the act of taking aim over
a low dyke when his intended victim, having probably heard some slight sound,
turned about, and seeing a head peering over the dyke, and the long barrel of a rifle
pointed full at himself, he fired his musket, the shot carrying off Ewen's ear. Ewen,
however, was revenged ; for he brought down the Frenchman next moment, and then
rushed forward and transfixed him with his bayonet. He then returned to his master,
the Colonel, and, in his expressive native tongue, said, " The devil's son ! Do you
see what he did tome?" Fassiefern, though sorry for his mishap, said, "You well
deserved it, Ewen, in going beyond your post." " He'll no' do it again, faith !" was
Ewen's pithy reply. — Mackenzie's History of the Cameron <s,
355
ANCIENT ALLIANCE BETWEEN SCOTLAND
AND FRANCE.
III.
LEAVING the vexed question of when the Alliance originated,
we proceed to note when it ended; for like all other temporal things
it came to an end at last Several influences were at work for many
years before this was accomplished. One thing which tended to
weaken the friendly feeling between the two nations was the
overbearing and arrogant conduct of the Guises, who, under the
pretence of protecting the rights of their young relative, Mary
Queen of Scots, then newly married to the Dauphin, veiled the
most ambitious designs on Scotland. To show this, the following
abridged quotation is given from The Scot Abroad'. — Scotland
had improved in wealth, yet the relative proportions of the two
countries had vastly altered. Their diplomatic relations had
changed, at least on the French side, in the assumption of a
protecting and patronising nomenclature. The papers revealed
to the world by M. Teulet, show that from the time when the
heiress to the crown of Scotland came into the possession of her
ambitious kinsfolk, they were laying plans for governing Scotland
in Paris, and annexing the country to the throne of France.
Dated in the year 1552 is a "Declaration" or Memorandum of
the Parliament of Paris, on the adjustment of the Government of
Scotland. In this document one can see, under official form-
alities, the symptoms of an almost irritable impatience to get the
nominal government vested in the young Queen, in order that
the real government might be administered by her kinsfolk.
The Scots Lords now saw sights calculated, as the Persians
say, to open the eyes of astonishment. A clever French states-
man, M. D' Osel, was sent over as the adviser of the Regent, to
be her Prime Minister, and enable her to rule Scotland after the
model of France. A step was taken to get at the high office of
Chancellor, with possession of the Great Seal. The office of
Comptroller of the Treasury was dealt with more boldly, and put
into the hands of M. Villemore.
These arbitrary proceedings naturally alarmed the national
356 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
pride of the Scots, and went far to undermine the friendship
which had so long existed ; but there was yet another influence
at work equally if not more powerful. The Reformed religion,
already established by law in England, was making rapid strides
among the Scots, and when John Knox arrived in Scotland, fresh
from experiencing the horrors of a galley slave in France, and
lifted his powerful voice against the French, their religion, and
their policy, the whole nation was aroused, and the breaking of
the hitherto inviolate alliance was determined upon. To effect
this, it was necessary that the leaders of the movement should
negotiate with England for sympathy, and, if need be, for sub-
stantial help. Knox himself conducted the first embassy to
England, which was one of considerable danger, as the Queen
Regent already suspected that there was some understanding
between the discontented Scots and the English Court. Queen
Elizabeth was anxious to make peace with Scotland, as is abun-
dantly shown from the State papers of the time ; for instance, it
is said — " We think the peace with Scotland of as great moment
for us as that with France, and rather of greater;" and again—
" And for our satisfaction beside the matter of Calais, nothing in
all this conclusion with the French may in surety satisfy us, if
we have not peace with Scotland," with many similar passages.
It being definitely settled to enter into a league with Eng-
land, the next question was where should the Commissioners
meet to sign the agreement. It was not to be supposed that
England should go to Scotland, and the Scots were equally
determined that they would not enter upon English ground. The
dispute was amusing, as showing the jealous care with which the
Scots guarded their national honour. One of the Commissioners,
Bishop Tunstall, says — " Our first meeting was in the midst of
the river between us both; for the Scots do regard their honour
as much as any other king doth." Again, the Earl of Northum-
berland, writing to Cecil, says—" They were ready to meet the
Scottish Commissioners on the first day, on the boulders that
are in the mid stream ; but they claimed customs, and caused
the messengers to go to and fro so often, that they forced the
English Commissioners to come over the water into Scottish
ground, or else would not have met at all." So the Scots vindi-
cated their independence to their own satisfaction, and a league
ALLIANCE BETWEEN SCOTLAND & FRANCE. 357
was formed, which, unlike the French one, was only cemented
stronger as time went on, until there was no longer any occasion
for either leagues or alliances.
The long connection between France and Scotland left many
traces behind, in terms of every day use, as well as in customs.
According to Hill Burton, the Scottish Law system was copied
from the French. The Scots also followed the French style of
pronouncing the Classic languages, which is different to the Eng-
lish style. The Scotch Bankruptcy laws also followed the French.
The Scotch " cessio " being nearly an exact parallel to the French
" cession," and when, in 1533, the Court of Session was established,
it was a very distinct adaptation of a French institution. The
University of King's College, in Aberdeen, was constructed on the
model of that of Paris, and the titles and officers of Chancellor
and Rector were both taken from France. So also the term
Censor, one who calls over the roll of names to mark those
absent. Deans and Faculties are French terms still in use in
Scottish Universities, and though long since discontinued in
those English ones, the former is retained still as a dignity of
the Church. " The Doyens of all sorts, lay and ecclesiastical,
were a marked feature of ancient France, as they still are of
Scotland, when there is a large body of lay deans, from the
lawyer, selected for his eminence at the bar, who presides over
the Faculty of Advocates, down to ' my feyther and deacon,'
who has gathered behind a ' half-door ' the gear that is to make
his son a capitalist and a magistrate. Among the Scottish
Universities the Deans of Faculty are still nearly as familiar a
title as they were at Paris or Bologna."
The term Lauration is another French word still preserved
in Scottish Universities as the classical name for the ceremony
of admission to a degree. Again, there is " Humanity," as
applied to Philology in Scotland. Hill Burton says — "The term
is still as fresh at Aberdeen as when Maimbourg spoke of Calvin
making his humanities at the College of La Mark. The " Pro-
fessor of Humanity" has his place in the almanacs and other
official lists, as if there were nothing antiquated or peculiar in
the term, though jocular people have been known to state to un-
sophisticated Cockneys and other simple people, that the object
of the chair is to inculcate on the young mind the virtue of
exercising humanity towards the lower animals ; and it is be-
358 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
lieved that more than one stranger has conveyed away, in the
title of this professorship, a standing illustration of the elaborate
kindness exercised towards the lower animals in Scotland."
During his first year at Aberdeen, a student is called a Bejeant;
three hundred years ago, a student of the first year at Paris
University was called a Bejanne, and the name often turned up in
old French writers.
Presbyterianism even has retained a relic of the old French
League in its Church nomenclature; indeed some say that the
whole system, its doctrines and forms, were imported from
France ready-made by the Huguenots. In any case the Scotch
Presbyterians adopted the terms of " Moderator " from the
French Moderateur, a name applied to the President of the
Huguenots' Ecclesiastical Courts ; and also the word " overture"
as used when a motion is made in a presbytery " to overture" the
General Assembly. This is taken from "ceuverture," by which
solemn business was commenced in Huguenot meetings.
The architecture of the Scottish castles bore a striking
resemblance to the French Chateau, and was quite different to
the style then in vogue in England.
The same author traces at great length the connection
between the Hogmanay of Scotland and the Eguimene of
France, and proves that while the earliest notice of Hogmanay
by Scotch writers goes no further back than the middle of the
seventeenth century, there are numerous references made to the
French custom of Eguimene by old French writers of an early
date. He says : — " In two numbers of the French paper
' L' Illustration,' I happen to have seen a representation of
children going about on New- Year's eve demanding their egui-
mene. The word had a sort of rattling accompaniment not un-
like our own — thus Eguimene, rollet follet, Tiri liri." Again,
speaking of the etymological dictionary of Menage, he says : —
" Under the word Haguignetes he quotes information furnished
by M. de Grandemesuil, who says he remembers in his youth
that, in Rouen, the word was pronounced hoguignetes, and he
gives a specimen of the way in which he remembers the boys in
his own quarter singing it as they solicited their New- Year's eve
gifts. Menage records his correspondent's theory of the origin
of the word, without either impugning or adopting it. The root
is hoc in anno — in this year — as inferring a hint that it is still
ALLIANCE BETWEEN SCOTLAND & FRANCE. 359
time before the year expires to do a small act of generosity to
the suppliant, so that the giver may pass into the New Year
with the benefit of his gratitude."
Then there are a great number of words which people use
every day, little thinking that they are a remnant of the kindly
old French alliance, such as Gigot (leg of mutton) ; Groset, goose-
berry, from Groseille ; Haggis, from Hachis, hashed meat ; Kick-
shaws, from Quelque chose^ a made-up dish ; Kimmer, from
Commere, gossip ; Demented, from Dementi, deranged ; jalouse,
from Jalouser, to suspect ; Ashet, from Assiette^ a plate or dish ;
Gude-brither, from Bonfrere, brother-in-law ; Dour, from Dure,
obstinate. A great many more could be given, but enough has
been said to show the close connection of the two peoples.
Though the Union of Scotland to England is in all re-
spects the most natural, as well as the most advantageous, still
we should not be unmindful of the benefits Scotland derived
from her ancient alliance with France. Besides providing a
refuge for wandering Scots, it was instrumental in polishing the
rude and somewhat barbarous manners of Scotland in the
middle ages. It also helped the Scots to maintain their in-
dependence as a nation, against the repeated attempts of Eng-
land to subdue them, while, on the other hand, the open
hospitality extended by the French was always nobly requited
by the devotion and faithfulness of the Scots.
M. A. ROSE.
OR AN,
LE MAIRI NIC EALAIR.
Mo chion air a' chailinn,
A bh' againn an d6
Gum b' f heart learn i agam,
No earras'us spreidh.
Mo chion air a' chailinn,
A bh' againn an d£.
Mo chion air an 6g-bhean,
Lub iir a' chuil bhdidhich,
Gur binne a c6mhradh,
No 'n smfcorach air gheig.
Mo chion air a' chailinn,
A bh' againn an de*.
360 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Mo chion air an aingil,
Lub tir a chuil chlannaich,
'S gur gil' i fodh h-anart
No cannach an t-sl&bh.
Mo chion air a' chailinn,
A bh' againn an de.
Gur mise bhiodh deonach,
Air d' fhaotuinn ri phosadh
A chuachag an 6r-fhuilt,
Is boidhche fodh 'n ghr6in.
Mo chion air a' chailinn,
A bh' againn an d6.
Gur milse learn t-anail,
No caoin ubhlan meala,
'S do bhriathran cho banail,
Ri d' cheanal 's ri d! bh6us.
Mo chion air a' chailinn,
A bh' againn an de\
Ged gheibhinn-se fearann,
Le spre"idh agus earras,
Gum b' fhearr learn mar leannan thu,
'Bhean a' chuil r6idh.
Mo chion air a' chailinn,
A bh' againn an d£.
Gur riomhach am flur thu,
'S gur uasal do ghiulan,
'S bidh mise fodh thursa,
Mu dhiult thu dhomh sp&s.
Mo chion air a' chailinn,
A bh' againn an d&
Do mhiog-shuil tha boisgeadh,
Le drillse an daoimein,
'S do chridhe Ian caoimhneis,
'S tu aoibhneas mo ch!6ibh.
Mo chion air a' chailinn,
A bh' againn an dc.
'S a ribhinn nam blath-shul,
Nach toir thu do lamh dhomh,
'S gur briodal do mhanrain leam,
Ailleas gacli Msd.
Mo chion air a' chailinn,
A bh' againn an d£.
KING ROBERT BRUCE: HIS FOOTPRINTS IN
THE HIGHLANDS.
AFTER the death of King Alexander the III., King of Scots, in
1285, the royal race of Scotland in a direct line became extinct
by the death of his grand-daughter, the only child of the King
and Queen of Norway. Although heirs in a direct line ceased
to exist, there were no lack of claimants for the Crown by distant
relatives of the late King. After the claims of various parties
were investigated, it became evident, that John Baliol and
Robert Bruce were the nearest heirs. John Baliol was the
great-grandson of David Earl of Huntington by his eldest
daughter, Margaret ; while Robert Bruce was a grandson by
the second daughter, Isabella. David Earl of Huntington was
brother to William King of Scots, grandfather to King Alex-
ander the III., who was the last that sat on the throne. It then
became a disputed question amongst the nobles, who of these
two was the nearest heir, Baliol, the great-grandson of the
eldest, or Bruce, the grandson of the second daughter. Both
parties had powerful supporters, and to save the nation from
civil commotion and bloodshed, it was agreed to submit their
claims to the arbitration of Edward King of England. The use
to which that cruel and unscrupulous monarch applied the power
with which he was entrusted, is matter of history, which became
wound up in the triumphant victory of the Scots over the
English army on the gory field of Bannockburn.
And let it never be forgotten, that but for the heroic
patriotism of the noble Wallace, Scotland ceased from that date
to exist as an independent kingdom.
John Baliol, although crowned King, was compelled to
submit to such degradation at the Court of Edward, that he pre-
ferred to forfeit the crown and become an exile, and, therefore,
removed from London to the Court of France. John Cumming,
a powerful noble, and cousin to John Baliol, who, himself, was a
claimant for the Crown, and Bruce accidentally met on the road
near Stirling (after the exile of Baliol), both deploring the con-
dition to which Scotland was reduced under the yoke of England,
362 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
and entered into a bond to free their country from its condition,
Cumming agreeing to accept the Lordship of Annandale on con-
dition that he gave Bruce every possible assistance to become
possessed of the Crown. This done, Bruce repaired to the Court
of Edward, and the treacherous Cumming lost no time in sending
his copy of the bond to that Monarch with the advice that
Bruce should be slain without delay, as he was a man who en-
dangered the peace of the kingdom. Edward resolved to act on
the advice of Cumming, but he delayed the execution of Bruce
until he could first lay hands on his three brothers, least there
might spring up new claimants for the Crown. Bruce became
a suspect at the Court of Edward, and was for a time under sur-
veillance in London. The Earl of Montgomery was also at the
Court, and, becoming aware of the design against the life of
Bruce, sent him, to his place of confinement, a pair of gilt spurs,
which were intended as a warning to him to make tracks for
Scotland. Accordingly he does make tracks, with the design of
putting the hounds off the scent too. Re gets a pair of horses
shod the reverse way, that his tracks in the snow might not be
followed. Then with his man attending, he made his escape for
the north, and in five days he arrived in Lochmaben Castle,
where he met his brother Edward, and told him of his adventure
and the treachery of John Cumming. Edward informed him
that the Red Cumming was at that very time in Dumfries.
Without delay he sprang into his saddle and set off. Barbour,
the historian says, that he showed Cumming with a laughing face
the indenture, and "Syne with a knife, right in that stead, him reft
of life. Sir Edward Cumming also was slain, and many others
of meikle main." After this tragedy in the Friar's Kirk of Dum-
fries, Bruce returned to Lochmaben, and called a meeting of his
friends, who resolved that he should proceed immediately to
Scone and be crowned King, and that they would defend his
right to reign with all their power and influence.
About this time the renowned James Douglas (whose father
was beheaded by Edward, and his estates given to Clifford, one
of his own generals) returned from his exile. He heard, while
living with the Bishop of St Andrews, of the intention of Bruce
and his party, and prepared to share their fortune, or fall with
their failure He met the party at a place called Ayrik-Stane,
BRUCE'S FOOTPRINTS IN THE HIGHLANDS. 363
From thence they proceeded to Glasgow and on to the Palace of
Scone, got Bruce seated on the coronation stone and crowned
King of Scotland in the year 1306. Barbour says —
" When Edward the King was told,
How that the Bruce was so bold,
Had brought the Gumming to ending,
How he syne made him King.
Out of his wits, he went well near,
And called to him Sir Aymer,
And him men and arms ta,
And in by to Scotland ya,
And burn, and slay, and rais dragoon,
To him that might, or tack, or slay,
Robert the Bruce that was his Fae."
Sir Aymer arrived in Perth with 1500 of an army, and
Bruce, although near enough to make an attack on the fortified
city, refrained. His party, although the best of men, were few in
number. The chiefs of his company were the Earls of Lennox
and Athole, Edward Bruce, Hugh Hay, David Barclay, Somer-
ville, and James Douglas ; Chrystal of Seaton, and Robert Boyd.
Barbour says that, although they were few they were worthy, and
filled with great chivalry. The town of Perth at the time was
walled and fortified, where the English army was secure from
attack. For the purpose of gaining time, and the increasing
of their number, the Scots removed to Methven, got en-
camped in a wood, and sent out a foraging party to procure
provisions. Sir Aymer with his forces came unexpectedly on
the camp. Bruce cried, " To arms." The combat did not con-
tinue long ; although the Scots fought bravely, they were com-
pelled to give way. Barbour says of Bruce, that —
" He did ding on so heavily,
That those who seen him in that feight,
vShould hold him for a doughty knight ;
But they fled and skailed here and there,
For their small folks began to fail."
Sir Aymer was the victor at Methven, and returned to Perth
with several of the nobles of Bruce's party prisoners, of whom
the historian says —
" Some they ransomed,
Some they slew,
Some they hanged,
And some they drew."
364 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
The number of Bruce's forces at the Battle of Methven was
about 500. Many of the lower orders deserted after his defeat ;
so also did Malcolm Earl of Lennox, although it is stated by
some historians that he was one of the two nobles who stood by the
King in all his trials. There remained, however, with him the
Earl of Athole, James Douglas, Gilbert Hay, and Sir Neil
Campbell. Here (at a very early period in the history of our
little kingdom) is the head of the noble family of Argyle, coming
to the front in defence of civil liberty. It is said that he was a
man of singular merit, and a true patriot ; and although he sub-
mitted to the rule of John Baliol for a time, no sooner did Bruce
assert his title to the crown than he joined him heartily, and
never afterwards deserted him, even in his utmost distress. He
assisted at his coronation in Scone in 1 306. He afterwards com-
manded a party of Loyalists against the Lord of Lorn, and re-
duced him to the King's obedience. He entered into an associ-
ation with Sir Gilbert Hay, Sir Alexander Seaton, and other
Loyalists, wherein they bound themselves till death to defend
the liberties of their country, and the right of King Robert Bruce
to the crown against all enemies, French, English, and Scots, to
which they put their hands and seals at Cambuskenneth, the Qth
day of September 1308.'
After their defeat at Methven, Bruce and his party retreated
to the east, and found refuge for a time in the city of Aberdeen.
There they met numerous sympathisers, amongst whom was Neil
Bruce, the Queen, and a number of ladies, whose lords had risked
their lives to share the fortunes of their King. In Aberdeen they
remained in comfort till driven forth by the English, thereafter
betaking themselves to the mountains. The Queen and her lady
associates became a source of care and a hindrance to their pro-
gress, but they all desired to share the fate of their husbands. It
is somewhat difficult to trace the footprints of Bruce and his party
up Braemar, over Braeriach and Druimuachdar. But their path
can be traced past Sithchaillion. On the north side of that
mountain is seen the ruin of the Castle of Donnachadh Reamhar.
One historian says that Donnachadh was a Cowal man, but the
author of the Historic Scenes of Perthshire says that he was the an-
cestor of the Robertsons of Struan. Donnachadh was a supporter
of Bruce, and for a time the Royal party took refuge in his castle.
BRUCE'S FOOTPRINTS IN THE HIGHLANDS. 365
Previous to their arrival, however, Macdougall of Lorn came to
Rannoch with his forces to subdue Donnachadh, but was de-
feated, and returned to recruit his forces, with whom he afterwards
met Bruce at Dailree. In Dailchoisnie, in Rannoch, Bruce had
an encounter with a party of the English sent in pursuit of him,
whom he defeated. The field of victory (Dailchoisnie) — the field
on which they fought — has its name from the event. The name
of the hut in which he rested on the night after the battle is called
Seomar-an-Righ, that is, the King's Chamber. The ford on the
Tumrnel, near the field, is called the King's Ford, and the emin-
ence above is called the King's Watch Tower. From Rannoch
the party went in a south-westerly direction to Glenlyon, thence
to Glenlochy, entered Glendochart by a pass in the mountain
on the farm of Clachan, and down hill to the old Priory of St
Fillan. Here there is undoubted traces of the footprints of the
Royal party. The topography of the country has preserved, in the
language of the Celtic race, the most astonishing and unmistake-
able traces of their identity, after the lapse of 578 years. Here
the Royal party was met by Macdougall of Lorn with an army
of 1000 men, while the muster roll of Bruce did not exceed 200.
With the disadvantage of having the Queen and her lady friends
to protect, he must have been sorely pressed.
The King's adventures in this mountain region have left con-
spicuous traces of his presence. The night before his encounter
with Lorn was passed in devotions with the Prior in the old
Cathedral of Strathfillan. Tradition says that the King received,
not only the good man's hospitality, but also his sincere blessing,
a kindness which the Bruce never forgot, as is clear from the
Royal favours bestowed on the Prior and on the Priory, after the
King got himself securely seated on the Throne. The charter
bestowing the lands of Auchtertyre on the Priory is still pre-
served, and the confirmation of that charter by King James the
II., and King James the IV. in 1488, can still be seen. While
the King was having the hospitality of the Prior, his sentinels
were posted about half-a-mile to the west of the Cathedral, in
which direction he looked for the coming of his foe, Macdougall,
who, be it observed, was nephew to the Red Cumming, whom
Bruce slew behind the alter in the Friar's Kirk of Dumfries. The
knoll on which the sentinels were posted is in the narrowest part
366 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
of the glen, and is known by the name of Uchdarire (Uchd-an-
Righ-fhaire, or the knoll of the King's sentinels), immediately
to the west of which is Dail-Righ (or the King's Field), where the
skirmish between the opposing forces must have taken place.
There could not have been much of a battle, the opposing parties
being so very unequal in numbers. Bruce must have been an
expert strategist, shown here as well as elsewhere.
There is no district in the Highlands that I have visited of
which the scenery is so intensely interesting as the historic
scenery of Strathfillan. While standing on a heathery knowe
close by Loch-nan-arm the spectator is within a few yards of the
spot where King Robert delivered himself of those felon-faes-
three, as they are called by Barbour — men who have sworn to
slay the King or perish in the attempt. Close by is the spot
where these men are supposed to have been laid in the earth.
And also near at hand is the knoll where must have stood the
Lord of Lorn when he rebuked the Baron Macnaughton for ex-
pressing his admiration of the King in laying his fellows-faes
prostrate on the heath. A short way eastward is the ford where
fell the piper of King Robert. This ford was at a more recent
period used by the renowned Rob Roy, when, in the garb of a
beggar, he carried across a party of Englishmen, for which he
received a few coins, and acted as a guide to them on their way
to Crianlaraich, where they were stripped of their arms by the
dread-nought Clan Oregon Full in view, and within the distance
of one mile, is the ruin of the Priory of Strathfillan, once an ex-
tensive pile of buildings, where the gospel of truth was first
taught to the native races by the venerable St Fillan, who left
his blessing on the waters of the river at a spot which pilgrims
from distant parts continued for a thousand years to visit, and
to bathe in the holy pools for the cure of some real or supposed
ailment. Nearer still is the battlefield of Dail-Righ, to the east
of which is the knoll on which were posted the sentinels of
King Robert on the night before the battle. The name of the
knoll still commemorates the event, viz., Uchd-an- Righ-fhaire
(Auchtertyre), or the knoll of the King's watchers.
Within a few yards of this knoll can be seen the circular
ruin, supposed to be the seat of the Court, where the claims of
Lady Glenorchy and John MacCallum Macgregor to the lands of
Coryhenan were settled, February 19, 1468,
BRUCE'S FOOTPRINFS IN THE HIGHLANDS. 367
Close to the Holy Pools, on the lands of Achariach, may be
seen the place of execution where criminals stood in full view of
the gallows while on their trial at the Court or Mod of by-gone
days.
About one mile to the west is Ari-Mhor, where tradition
says the King's party passed the first night after the defeat of
Dail-Righ, and the King slept in a goat-hut without the luxury
of either bed or bed-clothes. On getting up the following
morning Bruce was so pleased and surprised at finding his
dress none the worse, nor requiring the use of even a brush, that
he proclaimed that goats should for ever have free pasture.
In the recollection of men still living there were large flocks
of goats in Glendochart which were never charged for pasturing,
even if straying on a neighbour's lands ; while sheep and cattle
were always driven away if they crossed the march boundary.
To the east rises the massy crest of Ben-More, towering higher
than its neighbour mountains, towards the sun-rising. And to
the west is the still higher Ben-Luie, with its chasms full of
winter's snow, bidding defiance alike to torrents of rain and sum-
mer sunshine.
To the north, and full in view, as if threatening to invade
Cloud-land, towers majestically the never-to-be-forgotten Ben-
Dorain, rendered classic by the celebrated Donnachadh-Ban-Mac-
intyre, whose song in praise of Ben-Dorain must continue to be
a gem of the poetic gift, so long as a remnant of the native race
remains, and so long as Gaelic continues to be the language of
song.
After crossing the River Dochart, and ascending the hill,
with the design of passing up the Glen of Achariach and down
Glenfalloch, Bruce was defending the rear of his retreating army
when he was attacked by three of Lorn's party, two of whom had
been bound by an oath to slay the King or perish in the attempt.
The first laid hold of the bridle of the King's horse. Barbour
relates the incident as follows : —
" One him by the bridle hint,
But he reached him sic a dint ;
That arm and shoulder flew him frae,
With that another cam him tae ;
And by the leg,
Between the stirrup and the foot ;
368 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
And when the King felt there his hand,
In the stirrup stily did he stand,
And spurred his steed,
So that the other failed feet ;
The third with full great hy with this,
Did stert behind him on his steed ;
Syne with the sword sic dint him gave,
That he the head to the hams clave ;
Then strake the other vigorously,
That he after his stirrup drew,
That at the first stroke he him slew ;
On this wise him delivered he,
Of all these fellows faes three. "
Although the style of Barbour's writing is somewhat peculiar,
it is quite intelligible and interesting. From the foregoing, it is
evident that the three men must have fallen within a few yards of
each other. It was the man who got behind him on the steed
that took with him in his dying grasp the King's plaid, and the
brooch that remains a memorable relic in the British Museum,
known as the Brooch of Lorn. Barbour writes that when
the fallen heroes had seen the King turn and face so many of his
pursuers —
*' They bate till that he was entered
Into a narrow place betwixt the lochside and the brae,
That was so strate I underta,
That he might not well turn his steed
Then with a will they to him geed."
The King and his party had a very narrow escape in this
mountain region, which he did not incline to forget. Seeing that
so soon as he got securely seated on the Throne, he bestowed on
the Prior of St Fillan's Chapel a substantial endowment from the
lands of Auchtertyre, we have reason to believe that the Prior
with his crook (or pastoral staff) was in attendance at the battle
of Bannockburn. It is also believed that Bruce gave orders
for the adorning of the crook with a case or cover of silver,
which crook and case is still preserved, and can be seen in the
Museum of Antiquaries in Edinburgh ; the Society having got
possession of it a few years ago from Alexander Dewar, Province
of Ontario, Canada.
After the defeat at Dail-Righ, and the conflict with the Mac-
Geoichs, Lorn pursued the Royal party no further. The first
night being passed at Ari-Mhor, their second encampment was
in Gienfalloch.
BRUCE'S FOOTPRINTS IN THE HIGHLANDS. 369
The spot where they passed the night is still pointed out.
A large boulder-like rock is called Creag-an-Righ (the King's
Rock), in memory of the encampment. There they passed the
second night. On the morrow the Earl of Athole requested that,
on account of his failing health, he be allowed to leave and make
his way to Blair-Athole. A Council was held. The Queen
and the ladies also wanted to be removed to a place of safe re-
treat. Accordingly it was resolved to give up all the ponies to
the Queen and her lady friends, and that Neil Bruce, the Earl of
Athole, and a staff of attendants, proceed from the mountains of
Glenfalloch to the Castle of Kildrummie, a stronghold near the
River Don, in Aberdeenshire. Barbour says —
" The Queen and all her company
Lap on their horse, and forth can fare,
Men might have seen who had been there,
At leave-taking the ladies grat,
And made their faces with tears wat,
And the knights for their looves' sake ;
Both sigh and weep, and mourning make,
And kissed their loves at parting."
It is quite impossible for us who know these mountain ranges,
stripped of their native forests, as they now are, and intersected
with roads, to picture to ourselves the hardships and fatigue to
which those noble patriots were compelled to submit while
travelling from Glenfalloch to Kildrummie Castle.
Barbour informs us that they accomplished their journey,
and found themselves secure for a time in a well-fortified strong-
hold— so strong as to defy the efforts of the English to reduce it,
until they found among the besieged, a traitor of the name of
Osborne, who set fire to the stored-up forage, by which the
Castle was destroyed, and which compelled the besieged to
surrender.
The Queen, her daughter, Neil Bruce, and the others were
taken prisoners to England, Edward at the time being on his
deathbed. Nevertheless his order in reference to the male pri-
soners were, " Hang and Slay." The Queen and her daughter
remained prisoners till after Bannockburn, when they were ex-
changed for English nobles, who were prisoners in the Castle of
Bothwell.
King Robert and his party, now relieved of the care of the
Queen and the ladies, threaded their way down the east side of
3/o THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Loch-Lomond, and on the third day's march, in snell and
showery weather (it being then the beginning of winter), they
found a small boat, somewhat leaky, which could ferry only three
men at a time. With it, however, they succeeded in getting ferried
in a day and a night. Before leaving the camp at Glenfalloch, it
was resolved that an effort should be made to get conveyed to
the Castle of Dunaverty, in Kintyre, a stronghold of the Mac-
donalds, whose chief was a supporter of Bruce and his party.
Accordingly, Sir Neil Campbell was dispatched, and his expedi-
tion is described by the historian as follows : —
" Sir Neil Campbell before sent he,
To get him maving and meat,
And certain time to him set,
When he should meet him at the sea.
Sir Neil with his menzie (men) went his way
Without more leting,
And left his brother with the King,
And in twelve days so travelled he,
That he got shipping good and plenty,
And victuals in great abundance."
Having got ferried across Loch-Lomond, as we may suppose
about Tarbert, the chief of Macfarlane (and no doubt some of his
clan) being of the party of Bruce, would have been a sure guide
in those rugged mountain ranges through which they must have
passed. Macfarlane was son-in-law to the Earl of Lennox, who
parted with Bruce after the defeat at Methven. Some historians
say that the Earls of Lennox and Athole were the only parties
who remained with the King after his defeat at Dailree ; in this
they are mistaken, as Lennox parted with the King at Meth-
ven ; and Athole, in company with the Queen in Glenfalloch,
having got across the lake safely, their frail ferryboat being
insufficient to carry much provision, they formed into foraging
parties after landing — the King in charge of one party, and Sir
James Douglas in charge of the other. Whether they got astray
in a cloud of mountain mist, which often forms a nightcap for the
Cobblar, is not exactly stated by the historian. The King having
occasion to blow his horn, Lennox, who was also on the hills on a
hunting expedition, heard it, and knowing that the blast came
from the horn of Bruce, proceeded in haste to meet him. Barbour
describes this meeting as follows : —
BRtJCE'S FOOTPRINTS IN THE HIGHLANDS. 371
" lie went right to the King in hy,
So blylh and so joyful as he,
For he the King wend had been deed,
And he was also will of reed ;
And all the Lords that were there,
Right joyful of their meeting were,
And kissed him in great dainty;
It was great pity for to see
How they for joy and pity grat,
When they with their fellows met.
The Earl had meat, and that plenty,
And with glad heart it them gave he,
And to the Lord syne loving made,
And thanked him with full good cheer.
After meet soon rose the King,
When he had learned his speering,
And busked him with his menzie (men),
And went in by towards the sea,
Where Sir Neil Campbell soon them met,
Both with ships and also with meet,
With sails and oars and other thing,
That were speedful to their passing;
Some went to steer and some to oar,
And rowed by the Isle of Bute.
So far on his perilous journey have we followed the footprints
of King Robert the Bruce. He and his party arrived safely in
the Castle of Dunaverty, on the Mull of Kintyre, where they
remained for a short time, after which crossed to the Island of
Rathlin, on the coast of Ireland, where they passed the winter.
COIRE'N-T-SITH.
AMERICAN SYMPATHY FOR THE HIGHLAND CROFTERS.— The
New York Scotsman, in a recent issue, says — " On this Continent, also, the bitter,
burning wrongs of the crofters, and their wail of distress, have struck a sympathetic
chord in the hearts of their countrymen in the United States and Canada, and active
measures are being taken to provide means for their defence and relief. In Chicago
measures for the relief of the crofters have assumed a more tangible form, and recently
a Society was organised there by the Scottish Residents, which is designated the
' Scottish Land League of America.' The Rev. Duncan Macgregor was appointed
president, and the organisation proposes to collect 20,000 dollars for the defence of
the so-called 'deforcing crofters,' and for aiding these oppressed fellow-countrymen in
other ways. At the last session of the organisation, a committee appointed to prepare
an address to be presented to the Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone submitted it to the
meeting. The address was approved, and forwarded at once to the British Premier."
372 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
WIRE-FENCING IN THE HIGHLANDS.
IN the Field of the 4th of April, an excellently written and
graphic description of wire-fencing extraordinary in the moun-
tains of Strathglass and Kintail appeared from the pen of Mr
W. J. Smith, of Messrs Smith & Son, ironfounders, Inverness,
who have recently invented and patented one of the best and
most simple wire-fencings hitherto brought under the notice of
the public. The erection of the fence was carried out under the
personal superintendence of Mr Smith himself, and keeping in
view that, though in business in the Highland capital, he is a
Lowlander by birth and education, his reference to the ex-
cellent qualities of the Highlanders who worked for him under
such hard conditions is worth tons of the rubbish written against
them by those who know nothing of their qualities by experience,
and who are almost in all cases governed by old race prejudices.
We are very glad indeed to give the following extracts a per-
manent place, based, as they are, on the personal experience of
one so well qualified to state the facts, and who is honest enough
to do so in an impartial spirit. After describing the journey to
Glencannich, Mr Smith proceeds : —
"On the following day the first contingent of workmen was to have arrived,
along with supplies of food, tools, tents, and other necessaries. The contractor and
his staff set out for Lub-na-damph, a shooting lodge six miles down the glen, in order
to convoy the new arrivals to their destination. Although expected at an early hour,
the men and horses did not come in sight along the mountain track which leads from
Cannich till the afternoon, and a more sorry-looking cavalcade never was seen on the
road to Siberia. Here were all kinds and conditions of workmen, from the skilled
stonemason to the Irish navvy, for times were hard ; but one look was enough to show
that some of them — these half-clad, tea-fed town birds — were not the men for such a
job as this. ..... It was clear that a rebellious spirit was abroad, for during
the night the store tent had been broken into, and all sorts of provisions stolen ;
mutterings could be heard from many of the malcontents, and it was more than ever
manifest that this scum of the town, some of them jail-birds, were quite unfit for what
they had undertaken to do. After breakfast over twenty of them came in and de-
manded their pay to be doubled, which the contractor, with the insight already gained,
at once refused, and thus got rid of them ; for, after making a demonstration, during
which Joe, the cook, had to defend his store-tent with a six-shooter, they left in a body.
This voluntary process of weeding out was fortunate and opportune, for shortly
afterwards
THE HARDY WEST COAST MEN
began to make their appearance, and very soon a contingent of over one hundred
were gathered together. These West Coast men seem to belong to a different race
from the inhabitants of the towns on the east of Scotland. They are always well clad
WIRE-FENCING IN THE HIGHLANDS. 373
and well shod ; they care little for fatigue, and can work under rain as well as in sun-
shine. Although most of them live on potatoes and herring, or oatmeal brose, when
at home, they are fastidious in matters concerning their food when away from home.
To provide for them all was no easy matter. For their shelter a regular camp, with
full equipment of tents, beds, bedding, fuel, food, and complete arrangements for field
cooking, was systematically organised at the outset. Besides this, a commissariat
department, with head-quarters at Inverness, had to be established and maintained ;
and a regular service of carriers and pack horses traversed the route to carry food for
man and beast, and this became more and more difficult as the work progressed, and
the camp was shifted further and further away.
THE HIGHLANDERS AT BREAKFAST.
Oatmeal porridge and treacle was the first course, and each man, carrying his
tin pannikin and spoon, made his way to where the cook and his assistants were al-
ready surrounded by a score of his comrades, many of them but half-dressed, and each
elbowing his way to be next in turn. A plentiful supply of coffee and bread was next
served out, and by the time this was over the men were ready for the morning's work,
which lasted from 6 A.M. till mid-day. Many amusing scenes were witnessed over the
breakfasting of these hungry denizens of the wilds, the pure mountain air imparting an
additional keenness to their appetites. Joe, the cook, who was an Englishman, and
understood not a word of Gaelic, had many an altercation with the men, most of whom
knew little English, and none of whom could comprehend Joe's particular patois. Joe
was an old artillery-man who had seen some campaigning service, and rather prided
himself on his knowledge of cooking; but the simple fare, the staple food of the High-
lander, defied his powers at first, and it was not until a big countryman threatened to
boil him in one of his own pots that it dawned upon poor Joe that the water should be
boiled, and not merely warmed, before the meal was mixed with it. This fact once
grasped, however, things got on more smoothly.
THE COMMISSARIAT.
Soon the camp was increased by the addition of thirty horses and their drivers,
who were busy carrying the iron and wire, and other material, along the line of fence.
The provisions required for such a number of men and horses, so exposed, represented
no inconsiderable supply of food and labour in bringing it there. Something like 1 1
tons of meal, 12 of bread, 70 cwt. of mutton and tinned meats, 500 Ib. of coffee, and
30 cwt. of sugar, besides casks of treacle, and all the hundred and one little commodi-
ties required by such a community. Corn for the horses, and coal for the cook and
blacksmith, were heavy items, and the expense of conveyance, which increased as the
work advanced, was considerable, even at the first encampment.
THE HIGHLAND PONIES.
The first half-mile of the journey led across a couple of turbulent streams, and
over some disagreeable bog ground, through which the ponies found their way in a
wonderful manner. It is strange the instinct which guides those Highland ponies in
places like this ; they seem to know from the very smell — " they scent danger from
afar" — whether it is safe for them to proceed or not ; and even by night these saga-
cious creatures will find their way safely about in bewildering and dangerous places.
One of the horses on this work (a south-bred animal), however, was a constant nuis-
ance, as he seemed not to understand the thing at all. He would boldly enter where
others "feared to tread," and, like the fly in the honey-pot, would generally stick fast.
This horse was called the "Waster," and it was no uncommon occurrence to see a
squad of men taken off their work to lift the brute out of some bog he had stupidly
entered, and in which he would simply lie down, load and all, when he felt himself
3;4 I'HE CELTIC MAGAZINE
sinking. The true Highland pony, on the other hand, when he feels the surface break
beneath his hoofs, will spring forward ere it is too late, and so keep his legs from being
overpowered. Many an encomium was passed on these sturdy little animals, who
were indeed a constant source of admiration for their pluck and endurance. They
would climb the most rocky passes, and walk quite unconcerned at the most perilous
heights, sure-footed and brave, where the "Waster" would tremble like an aspen leaf.
Soon the work proceeded so far that the camp had to be
moved higher up to the mountain top, where the men experienced
a terrific
HIGHLAND THUNDERSTORM.
The site for the new camp had been chosen a day or two before, and now no
time was lost in occupying it. As the day wore on the heat became oppressive, even
at this altitude, and the air seemed to be surcharged with a strange vapour, which
made work or activity intolerable. Ere sunset, faint murmurs of distant thunder
made it evident that an exceptional storm was brewing, and scarcely had the men
turned in for the night when, sure enough, it broke over the camp in stern reality.
With covered head each attempted, but in vain, to shut out from his terrified vision
the vivid flashes of lightning which seemed to play round the tent poles, while peal
after peal of thunder, increasing with awful suddenness, and echoing still louder and
louder amidst the giant mountain tops, struck terror in the hearts of the most fearless
there. The rain fell with alarming force on the canvas, and rapidly flooded the tents;
but closely wrapped in and protected from above and below by the waterproof sheet
supplied to them, the men lay motionless, though cowering with fear. At intervals
they could hear the sound of a hundred newborn torrents rushing madly down the
mountain crevices, sweeping all before them in their headlong course. In the midst
of all this, each had his own thoughts ; old Hamish fled in fear to his tent, leaving
the camp fire to the ponies, who formed a terrified group around the temporary
erection which sheltered its smothering embers.
Another flitting of the camp, and the highest peak of Scur-nan-Cearinan was
reached, and here, about an altitude of 3500 feet, the men were allowed to select such
sites as they thought best, as suitable camping area for all together was unobtainable ;
but, as a set-off, it was determined that the stay here would be as short as possible.
With this intention the camp was removed ; yet, although man proposes, God dis-
poses. During the previous four weeks there had been as many miles of fencing
erected, and twice was the camp shifted. For the next four weeks not a mile of fence
was built, and at the end of that time not as much had been done as would have of
itself justified the removal of the camp ; but this course had to be taken, as living at
this altitude, even in the middle of summer, was unbearable when the weather was
bad. Tremendous storms broke over the camp, by day and night, from the middle of
June till the middle of July. The weather in this cloudy region, during these four
weeks of misery, was varied occasionally with slight blinks of the sun, but more fre-
quently with thick mist, rain, wind, and snow. To keep men together under such
circumstances required considerable tact and liberal treatment ; but, with occasional
treats of the real " mountain dew," which these Highlanders love so fondly, work was
continued under the most trying circumstances. With every stitch of clothing wet,
and no facilities for drying them, it is simply a wonder that the men could have been
prevailed on to brave it out. What a contrast to the first batch of men who arrived !
There is still the same stern determination about these West Coast men which has
shown itself on many a battlefield, and has earned their country's thanks,
JOHN MACKAY, C.E., HEREFORD. 375
However, flesh and blood could stand it no longer on these stormy peaks. By
night many tents were blown down about the sleeping men, who, springing from their
warm beds, clutched wildly for some article of clothing, but ultimately gathered round
their fallen abode with nought but a shirt to shelter their limbs from rain and wind ;
and as each shouted louder than his fellow, cursing their misfortunes, their cries were
echoed by exasperating neighbours, the snug inmates of still standing tents who gener-
ally showed their sympathy and commiseration for the naked and houseless by joining
in one continued howl of laughter.
With other two shifts of the camp the contract was completed ; and so ended the
carrying out of a piece of work which presented no inconsiderable difficulties in its
execution, and was unique in its way, as being the most extraordinary in the history of
wire-fencing; for this fence has been here erected in the most exposed position, and at
the greatest altitude, that a fence has been hitherto known to occupy.
JOHN MACKAY, C.E., HEREFORD.
IN the Crofter for April, a striking portrait of this well-known
Highlander is given, along with a biographical sketch. Most
Highlanders would like to have got a more detailed account of
the life of one to whom we are all so much indebted for his noble
example, exhibiting many of the virtues, and following the best
characteristics of the race from which, it must be admitted, many
of us have greatly degenerated. The writer of the sketch says —
It has often been remarked that Mr John Mackay can't
make a speech or write an essay without making some reference
to the martial deeds of the Highland regiments in general, and
the Ninety-Third in particular. His father, a Black Watch
soldier, was so full of anxiety to serve his king and country that
he enlisted three times before he passed the standard height, and
though he only succeeded the third time by placing some moss
between his stockings and his heels, he grew until he became the
right hand man of his company. John inherited the military
spirit of his father. When the Highland straths and glens were
peopled, the recruiting officer had no difficulty in enlisting men,
for the ambition of most Highland youths was to serve their
country. The County of Sutherland was no exception to other
districts. In 1760 it sent forth uoo of its best men to fight the
country's battles; in 1777, uoo; and in 1794, 1800. In 1800
the famous 93rd was raised in a few days by the Countess of
Sutherland, and four years later a second battalion.
On the return of the British army of occupation from France,
its strength was reduced, and Mr Mackay 's father, after having
376 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
served eight years, received his discharge in 1818, and settled
down in his native parish of Rogart It was in the early part of
this century, while so many Sutherland men were under arms
upholding British honour, that the Sutherland Clearances took
place — clearances dishonourable to the house of Sutherland, and
discreditable to the nation. Hundreds of soldiers who had served
in Spain, France, and Flanders found on their return to Suther-
land that their families had been evicted, their homes unroofed
or given to the flames, and that the lands which they and their
forefathers held for generations had been let to strangers for
sheep farms. In the parish of Rogart hundreds of families had
been evicted, and their homes and homesteads destroyed. Mr
Mackay's father was shocked at the result of the revolution
which had taken place in his absence. His sense of what was
due to a population who had loyally served their chief and
country was so deeply wounded that he vowed "if he had twenty
sons, that none, with his approval, would serve a country whose
laws permitted the Highland chiefs to perpetrate such gross out-
rages as had occurred during the clearance period."
It is computed that in about nine years 15,000 people were
evicted in Sutherland, and driven across the sea, or compelled to
eke out a miserable existence on land unfit for grazing sheep. It
was fortunate for Mr Mackay's father that his parents escaped
eviction through their croft not forming part of the property of
the house of Sutherland. Being the only son, he [John's father]
settled down at home, and succeeded to the croft on his father's
death. As a matter of course he took unto himself a wife, and
the subject of our sketch, born in 1823, is the third of eleven
children. Schools in those days were not so numerous as now,
but the standard of school work was high. The parish school-
master, with few exceptions, was able to teach Latin, Greek, and
mathematics, in addition to the ordinary branches of education.
Young John Mackay, as he was called to distinguish him from
his father, was a diligent student, and was reputed the best Latin
and Greek scholar in the school. Like most crofters' sons, he
did his share of the work of the croft, and at twenty years of age
he left home and entered the employment of the late Mr Thomas
Brassey, the eminent railway contractor, where he gradually rose
by his energy and unwearied attention to duty from the lowest
to the highest grade in the service. In Sir Arthur Help's " Life
and Labours of Thomas Brassey," John Mackay's name is
frequently mentioned. During the last ten years of Mr Brassey's
life Mr Mackay superintended the construction of railway and
other works, the value of which amounted to £1,750,000, and in
the same period made out tenders and estimates for Mr Brassey
amounting to £4,500,000, which others carried out. On Mr
MOR, NIGHEAN A' GHIOBARLAIN. 377
Brassey's retirement Mr Mackay commenced business on his
own account, and as a railway contractor the reputation acquired
in Mr Brassey's service has been fully sustained. A Highlander
by birth, lineage, and rearing, Mr Mackay takes a pride in the
military history of his kith and kin. Long before it was fashion-
able to do so, he denounced the system which cleared the glens
and pauperised the people, and advocated justice and redress for
the remnant of the Highland people. Unlike many who have
risen from the ranks, he never forgot that he was a crofter's son
and one of the people, knowing the prose and poetry of the
Highland croft. He has identified himself with the crofters'
cause, not from sentiment or as a theorist, but from a sense of
duty, and as a practical man fully acquainted with crofters'
grievances and the reforms that are necessary. In all efforts to
preserve the Highland people and promote their welfare, from
instituting the Celtic Chair to promoting the Highland Land
Law Reform Association, Mr John Mackay has done his part
with a singleness of aim and honesty of purpose that has earned
for him the esteem of Highlanders at home and abroad, and the
gratitude of the oppressed crofters.
" Honour and shame from no condition rise ;
Act well your part, there all the honour lies."
MOR, NIGHEAN A' GHIOBARLAIN.
WE recently came into possession of a small collection of
Gaelic songs which contains the following version of the song,
" Mor, Nighean a' Ghiobarlain." We understand this little volume
is very scarce. Though published in 1829, it seems to have
escaped the notice of Mr Reid, the vigilant compiler of the
" Bibliotheca Scoto-Celtica." The following is the title-page —
" Dain agus Orain Ghae'lach, le Ailein Mac an t-Saoir, Sealgair,
Shionnach ann an Ceann-tire. Glaschu : Clo-bhuailte air son an
Ughdair, le A. Young, 1829." It is believed the collection was
known in the author's native county, Argyleshire, as " Orain
Ailein nan Sionnach." Only a portion of the songs are Ailein's
own compositions. In the introduction, he says, " Although the
author is an untutored, illiterate son of the muses, yet he can
honestly assure the subscribers to this volume that the poems
bearing his name are his own composition." The following does
378 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
not bear his name, and we surmise it is not the original song of
" Mor, Nighean a' Ghiobarlain ;" indeed, we have an opinion that
the incense offered at the shrine of the real Mor was not suffi-
ciently pure to admit of its being given to the world, and that
the version given by Ailein nan Sionnach is but an attempt to
preserve a justly popular air by attaching it to words which
would not offend "gentle ears polite." In this respect the at-
tempt is so far successful, but after all we cannot discover much
merit in the song. The melody seems also to have recom-
mended itself to the ear of Tannahill, who has further ex-
tended its fame by adopting it as the musical environment of one
of his neatest lyrics, " Blythe was the time when he fee'd wi' my
faither, O." Evan MacColl, the Lochfyne bard, in " Rosan an
Leth-bhaile," as well as several others of our Gaelic bards, have
been moved to song by the music of " Mor, Nighean a' Ghiobar-
lain. We are confirmed in our opinion that the following is not
the original song, by the introduction of the refrain between
every two lines of the real composition, in complete disregard of
its incongruity. No poet apostrophising the real Mor would
have dragged her in so awkwardly and inappropriately at every
second line. Burns managed a similar composition differently,
and to better purpose, in " Duncan Gray." We shall be glad to
hear from any of our correspondents as to whether our surmises
are correct, as also regarding the history of Ailein nan Sionnach
and his songs.
Esan. — O' cuim' nach biodh tu boidheach,
Mo Mhor, nighean a' Ghiobarlain—
Le d' bhucaill ann ad bhrogan,
Mo Mhor, nighean a' Ghiobarlain ;
Leine chaol d' an olaind,
Mo Mhor, nighean a' Ghiobarlain ;
. Ad a's bile oir rith',
Mo Mhor, nighean a' Ghiobarlain ?
he. — '$ duilich dhomh bhi boidheach,
Mo Mhor, nighean a' Ghiobarlain ;
Is trie an tigh an oil thu,
Mo Mhor, nighean a' Ghiobarlain,
'Cur d' airgid anns na stopan,
Mo Mhor, nighean a' Ghiobarlain,
'S am fear a thig ga ol leat,
MO Mhor, nighean a' Ghiobarlain,
MOR, NIGHEAN A' GHIOBARLAIN. 379
£sart.—Na. 'm biodh tu leis an deideadh,
Mo Mhor nighean a* Ghiobarlain,
Cho olc 's tha thu 'g eigheach.
Mo Mhor, nighean a' Ghiobarlain,
Cha bhiodh tu riumsa 'beulais,
Mo Mhor, nighean a' Ghiobarlain —
Air chinnte dh' 61 mi d' eiric,
Mo Mhor, nighean a' Ghiobarlain.
he. — Na 'n cluinneadh mo chairdean,
Mo Mhor, nighean a' Ghiobarlain,
A' chainnt tha thu 'a radhainn,
Mo Mhor, nighean a' Ghiobarlain,
Gum beireadh iad air spaig ort,
Mo Mhor, nighean a' Ghiobarlain,
'S gun sgeilpeadh iad do mhksan.
Mo Mhor, nighean a' Ghiobarlain.
Esan.~ Chan 'eil e air an t-saoghal,
Mo Mhor, nighean a' Ghiobarlain,
De d' chinne no de d' dhaoine,
Mo Mhor, nighean a' Ghiobarlain.
Na 'm bithinns' air an daoraich,
Mo Mhor, nighean a' Ghiobarlain,
A bheireadh mis' o m' ghaoilein,
Mo Mhor, nighean a' Ghiobarlain.
he. — Labhair i le faobhar,
Mo Mhor, nighean a' Ghiobarlain,
'S a guth an deaghaidh caochladh,
Mo Mhor, nighean a' Ghiobarlain,
Guileag aic' air caoineadh,
Mo Mhor, nighean a' Ghiobarlain —
"Theid mis' air feadh an t-saoghail,"
Mo Mhor, nighean a' Ghiobarlain.
Esan. — A bheil ach fealadha ann,
Mo Mhor, nighean a' Ghiobarlain ?
Fuirich mar a tha thu,
Mo Mhor, nighean a' Ghiobarlain ;
Bheir mise mo lamh dhuit,
Mo Mhor, nighean a' Ghiobarlain,
Nach ol mi deur gu brath dheth,
Mo Mhor, nighean a' Ghiobarlain.
he. — Is trie thu toirt nam boidean,
Mo Mhor, nighean a' Ghiobarlain ;
Cha toir thu air a' chdir iad,
Mo Mhor, nighean a' Ghiobarlain ;
2 A
38o THE CELTIC MAGAZINE
Cumaidh tu fo d' shroin e,
Mo Mhor, nighean a' Ghiobarlain,
'S air deireadh na cluich', olaidh,
Mo Mhor, nighean a' Ghiobarlain.
Na toir boid an traths' ris,
Mo Mhor, nighean a' Ghiobarlain,
Ma bhios againn paisdean,
Mo Mhor, nighean a' Ghiobarlain,
Abair mar a b' abhaist,
Mo Mhor, nighean a' Ghiobarlain —
" Sud e air ur slainte,"
Mo Mhor, nighean a' Ghiobarlain.
Sin agaibh mar dh' eirich,
Mo Mhor, nighean a' Ghiobarlain,
Do 'n te air 'n robh 'n deideadh,
Mo Mhor, nighean a' Ghiobarlain ;
'S their gach te tha 'm eisdeachd
Mo Mhor, nighean a' Ghiobarlain,
'S math learn nach mi fhein i,
Mo Mhor, nighean a' Ghiobarlain.
A MINISTER OF THE OLD SCHOOL ENFORCING THE ARGU-
MENT.— Mr Cook, who was the minister of the North Church before the Disruption,
was a man of genuine piety and devoted zeal, and admirably suited to his congrega-
tion, but his sayings in the pulpit were often extraordinary. On one occasion he is re-
ported to have said, " I wouldna' be a king, I wouldna' be a queen ; no, no, my friends,
I would rather be a wo-rum, I would rather be a paddock, for its easier for a cow to
climb a tree with her tail and hindlegs foremost, than for a rich man to enter into the
kingdom of heaven." Another time he said, " Many of you are thinking that you'll
get into heaven hanging to the skirts of my coat, but I'll disappoint you and wear a
spencer." — Inverness before Railways \in the press}.
AN INVERNESS TEMPLAR OF FORTY YEARS AGO.— The same
genial and hospitable gentleman, who was the hero of the episode of the umbrella
[and which the author had just related], had been for so many years without drinking
cold water that he had quite forgotten the taste of it. On one occasion he did not feel
well, and intended taking a dose of medicine in the morning, so his wife placed it,
along with a tumbler of water (to take away the taste), at the side of his bed, to be
in readiness for the morning. When the lady got up she perceived that her husband
had not taken his medicine, and challenged him about it, when he exclaimed, " Not
taken my medicine ! To be sure I have, every drop of it !" and pointed triumph-
antly to the empty tumbler, which he had drained, in the belief that he had per-
formed a most praiseworthy action by swallowing a large quantity of medicine! — Inver-
ness before Railways,
THE CROFTERS' HOLDINGS (SCOTLAND) BILL.
ON Tuesday, the ipth of May, between I and 2.30 A.M., we
had the pleasure of listening in the Speaker's Gallery of the
House of Commons to the Lord Advocate's speech introducing
the Crofters' Holdings Bill ; and the reader can easily understand
with what feelings one who has for years been so active in
educating public opinion, and in forcing the necessity of reform in
this connection on the Government, must have listened in such
circumstances. It will at once ,be admitted that the Bill is a
remarkable acknowledgment of the justice of the claims of the
Highland people, and a complete justification of all that has
been urged by ourselves and other advocates of reform in their
behalf ; and particularly so, when it is remembered how, only two
or three years ago, the Lord Advocate, speaking for the Govern-
ment, cavalierly declared in the House of Commons that the
Crofters had no grievances to speak of, and that there was not
the slightest necessity for the inquiry by Royal Commission
then demanded by their friends, and since granted, with the
result of opening the eyes of the Lord Advocate, the Govern-
ment, and the public at large, to their position, and the introduc-
tion of this Bill, containing principles and concessions of con-
siderable immediate advantage and far-reaching results in the
future agricultural conditions, not only of the Highlands but of
the whole United Kingdom.
The Bill makes provision for complete Security of Tenure,
Fair Rents to be ascertained by independent Government Valua-
tors, and Compensation for all Improvements made by the pre-
sent tenants or their predecessors in their holdings, being of the
same family, within the last thirty years. These are valuable
concessions, though they by no means go far enough. They
will, however, provide the leverage power by which other neces-
sary reforms can be secured. The right of " Free Sale" we have
never considered of such consequence to the smaller tenants
as some others have done; but the compulsory provision of more
land for the people must be pushed and ultimately secured,
though Government refuses it in this Bill. When, however, the
382 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Crofters shall have secured security of tenure, they will find
themselves in a much better position to agitate successfully for
enactments that will enable them to get re-installed on the best
portions of the land from which they or their forefathers had been
so harshly evicted in the past to make room for sheep or deer. It
is now, however, proposed to give them rights, which, had they been
given them early in the present century— before the country was
laid waste — would have secured a prosperous and thriving people
in the Highlands. When this Bill becomes law, inadequate even as
it is, any more Highland Clearances will have become impossible ;
the natural independence of the Highland spirit will re-assert it-
self, and the slavish cringing of the present will soon disappear.
There will be no more rack-renting, no further appropriation
of the tenants' property by the landlords, when the rent shall be
fixed and compensation for improvements provided for and
ascertained by Government valuers. An incentive hitherto un-
dreamt of in the Highlands will be given to industry, and the face
of the country shall become transformed by the energies of a
people secure in the results of their labour. Had this been
secured to the tenant by the simpler process of the Free Sale of
his improvements, it might have been preferable, but seeing
that the principle is conceded, there need be no fear but the best
manner of giving effect to it will be secured at no distant date,
now that the people have received electoral privileges, and when
they shall have obtained the confidence and independence which
security of tenure in their holdings will give them. Indeed, we
are not at all sure, but it may be far better for the present tenant
to get compensation from the landlord, who is sure to pay, for his
improvements, under the Act, than to be allowed the free sale
of them to a brother-crofter, who, in many cases, may never be
able to pay for them ; and, if we may judge from the past, such
improvements are not likely to be valued to the landlord at a
lower figure than they would realise, if offered for free sale among
the tenants themselves. It would be different were the principle
of the Bill applied to the larger holdings ; but in the case of the
Crofters free sale might really be of no practical advantage.
In our "Analysis of the Crofter Royal Commission Report,"
we pointed out how utterly inadequate and unjust the Commis-
sioners' proposals of improving leases were to the great mass of
THE CROFTERS' HOLDINGS BILL. 383
the people, and we congratulate the Government on having
disregarded the recommendations of the Commission on that
point, but we regret that they have not adopted the principle
of compulsion involved in the Township proposals of their
Report, without at all necessarily following its details ; and
we have no hesitation in saying that some plan of that kind,
or some other which will secure more land to the people on
equitable terms, must be adopted before the Highlanders can or
ought to be satisfied. When this is done, and the country is all
taken up, and occupied on the conditions laid down in the
Government Bill, it will then be time enough to make provision
for assisting those to emigrate for whom no more land can be
found in their own country.
On a previous occasion, referring to the improving lease
recommended by the Royal Commission, we declared that had
the Commissioners carried their proposals " sufficiently far to pro-
vide complete security of tenure, they would not have disturbed
the equanimity of the landlords any more than they have done
with the more limited but practically inoperative proposals made ;
and they would have satisfied all reasonable claims, and secured
general peace and contentment among the people. We have
always held that, given security of tenure, everything else re-
quired would naturally follow ; without it, any other proposals
will be found of little practical use, except in so far as the admis-
sion of the principle involved in them will help the people at no
distant date to secure the thing itself;" and we further main-
tained that the " limitation of the improving lease to the absurdly
high figure of a £6 rental would confine its application within
such narrow limits, even if the other impossible conditions were
removed, as to make the leases practically of little use, satisfying
but a very small share of the fair claims of an extremely small
section of the people" — about one-twelfth of the small tenants.
The Government are to be congratulated on having in their
Bill adopted this view, and for ignoring the recommendation of
the Commissioners, which they tell us, in their Report, was only a
"compromise between the opinions of those in the Commission
who favoured a higher, and those who favoured a lower figure ''
— an absurdly unjust compromise, which the Government very
properly disregarded,
384 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
A proprietor proposing to enlarge any of his Crofter holdings
may apply to the Public Works Loan Commissioners, who may
advance to the landlord, making such application, on the security
of the estate, a sum which will enable the Crofter to stock the
additional land given him, the sum to be advanced not to exceed
five years' rent, not of the addition to be made, but of " the en-
tire holding of the Crofter including such addition." No doubt
good, far-seeing proprietors will take advantage of this, and bene-
fit their tenants and themselves by so doing ; but there is surely
no hardship in compelling bad landlords to do what the good are
willing to do of their own free will ; and the people should never
cease to agitate and press their claims until this is compulsorily
secured to them. Care must be taken that the landlords shall not
be able to charge more than the Government rate of interest.
There are various objections to some of the sub-sections
and to what are called the " statutory conditions," non-compliance
with which is to determine the tenancy, but these cannot now
be dealt with at length.
In section four provision is made for an arrangement between
landlord and tenant as to the rent payable for any period agreed
upon ; but, curiously enough, at the expiration of that period, in
the absence of a new agreement, the rent payable before the
agreement was made is to revive. The reasonable provision would
be that the new rent should continue until another arrangement
was arrived at. It appears by section seven, sub-section b, that
if any assistance or consideration was received from the proprietor
in the past, the improvements, partly or mainly, executed by the
tenant are to be wholly confiscated to the landlord. The tenant
should surely get the value of these, less only the amount of the
assistance or consideration received by him. The same objection
holds good against similar provisions regarding what has been
executed by the tenants in virtue of " understandings" and estate
regulations, of which the people generally know nothing.
The provisions as to Cottars, will be found of no real value;
for their houses, in case of removal, are only to be valued and
their value secured to their owners, provided any permanent
improvements made " are suitable to the holding " of the Crofter.
Cottars' houses are not only not suitable to the holdings on
which they are, as a rule, built, but will be found an incumbrance
THE CROFTERS' HOLDINGS BILL. 385
upon them, to be removed as soon as possible, and, therefore,
representing no value to the incoming tenant Cottars who were
placed in their present position by circumstances over which
they had no control — by eviction and other harsh proceedings
under the vicious laws now to be reformed — must secure better
consideration than this Bill proposes or rather pretends to give
them, or they will very properly come to the conclusion that
they are better off as they are than they can possibly be under
the provisions of an Act which assumes the right of the land-
lord to remove them — and that without any real compensation —
whenever its clauses come to be applied to their case. Take,
for instance, the Parish of Bracadale, in the Isle of Skye, de-
scribed in the Report of the Royal Commission, and in which
in a population of 929 souls, there is only one solitary tenant
(paying £3. IDS. a-year) to whom any of the clauses of the Bill
can apply ; and this is true to a certain degree, as far as the Cot-
tars are concerned, of the whole Highlands.
It is a great pity that the Government did not see their way
to go further, and introduce a measure which would settle the
question, at least for a generation. Instead of the present Bill
doing so, it will open it up more than ever. If passed into law,
however, it will place the Crofters in a better position to agitate
for a complete measure, without any fear of being evicted for
asserting their claims more effectually than ever. This is, indeed,
the strongest recommendation in favour of the present Bill ; and,
though it is far from satisfactory, we consider it best that the
people should aid in getting it improved and passed into law, so
as, when that is done, to make it the lever for procuring their
full rights, by getting the lands from which their forefathers or
themselves were evicted, restored to themselves and their de-
scendants.
We give below the principal reforms which had been urged
by the present writer before the Royal Commission at Inver-
ness. They are copied verbatim from the Government Blue-
Book, those of them printed in italics being those which have been
adopted in the Government measure. The others have at pre-
sent been withheld. How long they can be so withheld, is a
matter for the people themselves, which they will not be slow
in deciding, after the lessons they have already learned from
386 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
the recent agitation in the Highlands ; and we are much mis-
taken if it be not found very soon that it would have been much
the wiser course for the Government to have gone a little further
now, and settle the question for the present generation. We
are decidedly of opinion that the landlords will have much
greater cause for regretting any delay in passing the present or a
better Bill into law than the tenants. Indeed, many of the
people's friends would much rather see the question left to a
new House of Commons.
The following are the principal remedies proposed by the
writer at the conclusion of his statement before the Royal Com-
mission, those adopted by the Government being in italics : —
1st, To break down the present deer forests and great farms, compulsorily if need
be, and divide them among the people in small holdings, ranging from a few acres to
moderately-sized farms, so that the man at the bottom may fairly hope, by industry
and economy, to climb further up the ladder of success. Under the present conditions
there is nothing for a man to hope for between a small croft and a farm that will take
several thousands of pounds to stock. The system could not have been more admir-
ably planned had it been intended to drive the people to despair, with the view of
their being finally forced by sheer necessity to leave their native land.
2nd, / would have the present value of the land ascertained by independent Govern-
ment valuators, and give it to the people at that valuation on a permanent tenure, and
on sTtch conditions that they or their representatives cottld never be removed so long as
they paid their rents. In the event of their being unable to pay their rents, and having
in consequence to give Tip their holdings ; or in the event of their leaving of their own
will, I would have the value of the land ascertained, and on the landlord refusing to
pay the difference,* capitalised between its original and improved values, I would
allow the tenant to dispose of his holding to the highest offerer. Thtis the results of the
tenants' improvements as a class would be sectired to themselves, instead of, as hitherto,
periodically appropriated by the landlords.
3rd, / would accept no leases, on any conditions ; for a lease only means that the
landloi d will get the tenanfs improvements — the resttlts of his expenditure of labour,
brain, and money — -for nothing, a little later on.
4th, Government should also form a scheme of peasant proprietary, by buying up
estates coming into the market, and granting them in small holdings of various sizes
to those who could pay a portion of the price down, the Government leaving the
balance as a loan on the land at a moderate rate of interest, sufficient to pay up capital
and interest in forty or fifty years.
5th, Landlords in legal possession of their estates, in the event of their being re-
quired by the State for a scheme of peasant proprietary, should get full compensation
for the present agricultural value of their land, wherever any part of it may be
acquired for the public by the nation. Thus, the legal rights of those in possession
* By the Government Bill the landlord will be obliged to pay the value of the
tenant's improvements.
THE CROFTERS' HOLDINGS BILL. 387
may, to some extent, be brought into harmony with the moral and higher rights of
the Crown and the people.
From this it will be seen that the Bill comes far short of
what we consider to be the requirements of the case, though all will
admit that it is a great step in advance, and that it may be im-
proved into a fairly good measure as far as it goes. It must,
however, make provision for the protection of the thousands
who are now landed in hopeless arrears, in consequence of the
periodical increase of rent on their own improvements, or by
other means over which they had no control. To have these un-
fortunate people excluded from the benefits of the Bill would be
grossly unjust. Another cause of increased rents, and conse-
quent inability to pay, is the fact that in many places the sum
charged by the landlord for Government money, for drainage,
and other improvements to pay off capital and interest in twenty-
two years, and which has been fully exacted from the tenants
years ago, has been continued as a permanent increase to the
rents previously charged, amounting in come cases to mote than
the original charge. No doubt the valuators under the Act will
take this addition into consideration, and hold the improvements
made by the tenants with this money, who have since paid
capital and interest, and much more, before they fix the Fair Rent
of the future ; for though the money was advanced originally
more than thirty years ago — the period to which compensation
under the Act is to be limited — it has within that period been
applied to its present purpose of a permanent addition to the rent.
Care must be taken that justice is done regarding these and other
important points; and it will be well to keep in mind the recom-
mendations of the Royal Commission respecting game, the cut-
ting of peat, seaware, and thatch, as well as in reference to
various other matters which at present prove sources of irritation,
and produce misunderstandings and mischief between landlord
and tenant.
A. M.
THE PUBLISHING OFFICE OF THE "CELTIC MAGAZINE" will be
removed next month to the NEW OFFICES, in course of erection, at 47 HIGH
STREET, for the Scottish Highlander Newspaper, to be issued early in July.
388 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
CHARACTERISTIC ANECDOTES OF THE
HIGHLANDERS.
I.
NOTHING can be more agreeable to the average Highlander
than to recall and muse over the best characteristics of the race
to which he belongs. Taking these all in all, no Highlander need
fear the result of a comparison of the history and character of
his ancestors with those of any other nation in the world. The
following are a few anecdotes illustrative of several pleasing
characteristics of the race, extracted from General Stewart of
Garth's famous " Sketches of the Character, Institutions, and
Customs of the Highlanders of Scotland," just published by
Messrs A. & W. Mackenzie, publishers of the Celtic Magazine :—
JACOBITISM. — Attachment to the Stuart dynasty was always
a prevailing characteristic of the Highlanders, and the following
is a pleasing instance of it : —
" In the reign of King William, immediately after the
Revolution, Lord Tullibardine, eldest son of the Marquis of
Athol, collected a numerous body of Athole Highlanders,
together with three hundred Erasers, under the command of
Hugh Lord Lovat, who had married a daughter of the Marquis.
These men believed that they were destined to support the
abdicated king, but were, in reality, assembled to serve the
Government of William. When in front of Blair Castle, their
real destination was disclosed to them by Lord Tullibardine.
Instantly they rushed from their ranks, ran to the adjoining stream
of Banovy, and, filling their bonnets with water, drank to the
health of King James ; and then, with colours flying, and pipes
playing, * fifteen hundred of the men of Athole, as reputable for
arms as any in the kingdom,' put themselves under the command
of the Laird of Ballechin, and marched off to join Lord Dundee,
whose chivalrous bravery, and heroic and daring exploits, had
excited their admiration more than those of any other warrior
since the days of Montrose."
For many years after the suppression of the Rising of 1745'
the memory of " Bonnie Prince Charlie " was fondly cherished
by those who had lost their relatives, their friends, their lands,
their all, in his cause: —
ANECDOTES OF THE HIGHLANDERS. 389
" When the late Mr Stewart, of Ballachulish, returned home,
after having completed a course of general and classical education
at Glasgow and Edinburgh, he was a promising young man. A
friend of the family happening to visit his father, who had * been
out* in 1715 and 1745, congratulated the old gentleman on the
appearance and accomplishments of his son. To this he answered,
that the youth was all he could wish for as a son ; and * next to
the happiness of seeing Charles restored to the throne of his fore-
fathers, is the promise my son affords of being an honour to his
family.'
" A song or ballad of that period, set to a melancholy and
beautiful air, was exceedingly popular among the Highlanders,
and sung by all classes. It is in Gaelic, and cannot be trans-
lated without injury to the spirit and effect of the composition.
One verse, alluding to the conduct of the troops after the sup-
pression of the rebellion, proceeds thus : — ' They ravaged and
burnt my country ; they murdered my father, and carried off my
brothers ; they ruined my kindred, and broke the heart of my
mother ; but all, all could I bear without a murmur, if I saw my
king restored to his own.' "
SELF-DEVOTION. — There are many stories told of noble
self-sacrifice for one another ; but the following incident, which
occurred at the battle of Killiecrankie, will bear the palm : —
" In this battle Lochiel was attended by the son of his foster-
brother. This faithful adherent followed him like his shadow,
ready to assist him with his sword, or cover him from the shot
of the enemy. Soon after the battle began, the chief missed his
friend from his side, and, turning round to look what had become
of him, saw him lying on his back, with his breast pierced by an
arrow. He had hardly breath before he expired to tell Lochiel,
that seeing an enemy, a Highlander in General Mackay's army,
aiming at him with a bow and arrow from the rear, he sprung
behind him, and thus sheltered him from instant death. This is
a species of duty perhaps not often practised by aides-de-camp."
Another touching instance of self-devotion occurred during
the proceedings which followed the battle of Culloden, when a
young man named Mackenzie, who bore a strong likeness to the
hunted prince, shouted, through his gurgling blood, "Villains, you
have killed your Prince !" and by thus deceiving his slayers,
gained the real Prince a short respite from pursuit. General
Stewart narrates the incident in the following terms : —
" The similarity of personal appearance was said to be quite
remarkable. The young gentleman was sensible of this, and at
3QO THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
different times endeavoured to divert the attention of the troops
in pursuit of the fugitive prince to an opposite quarter of the
mountains to that in which he knew Charles Edward was con-
cealed after the battle of Culloden. This he effected by showing
his person in such a way as that he could be seen, and then
escaping by the passes or woods, through which he could not be
quickly followed. On one occasion he unexpectedly met with a
party of troops, and immediately retired, intimating by his
manner as he fled, that he was the object of their search ; but
his usual good fortune forsook him. The soldiers pursued with
eagerness, anxious to secure the promised reward of ;£ 30,000.
Mackenzie was overtaken and shot, exclaiming as he fell, in the
words noticed above ; and it was not till the head was produced
at the next garrison, for the purpose of claiming the reward, that
the mistake was discovered."
The following is a touching instance of fraternal love and
disinterested affection, which occurred shortly after 1715 : —
" Two brothers of Culdares were taken prisoners at the same
time, and sent to Carlisle Castle. After a confinement of some
months they were released, in consideration of their youth and inex-
perience ; and immediately set off to London to visit their brother,
then under sentence of death. Being handsome }^oung men, with
fresh complexions, they disguised themselves in women's clothes,
and pretending to be Mr Menzies' sisters, were admitted to visit
him in prison. They then proposed that one of them should ex-
change clothes with their brother, and that he should escape in
this disguise. But this he peremptorily refused, on the ground
that, after the lenity shown them, it would be most ungrateful to
engage in such an affair ; which, besides, might be productive of
unpleasant consequences to the young man who proposed to re-
main in prison, particularly as he was so lately under a charge
of treason and rebellion. They were obliged to take, what they
believed to be, their last farewell of their brother, whose firmness
of mind, and sense of honour, the immediate prospect of death
could not shake. However, he soon met with his reward ; he
received an unconditional pardon, returned to Scotland along
with his brothers, and lived sixty years afterwards in his native
glen — an honourable specimen of an old Highland Patriarch, be-
loved by his own people, and respected by all within the range
of his acquaintance. He died in 1776."
LOCAL ATTACHMENT. — Perhaps the strongest feeling of the
Highlander is love of country. Any one who has seen a party
of Highland emigrants leaving their homes for other countries,
cannot fail to have been struck with the anguish displayed in
ANECDOTES OF THE HIGHLANDERS. 391
tearing themselves away from the well-known and long-remem-
bered scenes of their childhood. So strong is this feeling that it
is often brought out by a mere removal from one district to
another, and General Stewart relates the following instance of it
which came under his personal observation : —
" A tenant of my father's, at the foot of Shichallain, removed,
a good many years ago, and followed his son to a farm which he
had taken at some distance lower down the country. One morn-
ing the old man disappeared for a considerable time, and being
asked on his return where he had been, he replied, c As I was
sitting by the side of the river, a thought came across me, that,
perhaps, some of the waters from Shichallain, and the sweet
fountains that watered the farm of my forefathers, might now be
passing by me, and that if I bathed they might touch my skin.
I immediately stripped, and, from the pleasure I felt in being sur-
rounded by the pure waters of Leidnabreilag (the name of the
farm), I could not tear away myself sooner.'"
The following is a still more striking instance of this feel-
ing, which in this case resulted fatally : —
" I shall state two cases of men who seem to have died of
what is commonly called a broken heart, originating in grief for
the loss of their native homes. I knew them intimately. They
were respectable and judicious men, and occupied the farms on
which they were born till far advanced in life, when they were
removed. They afterwards got farms at no great distance, but
were afflicted with a deep despondency, gave up their usual
habits, and seldom spoke with any seeming satisfaction, except
when the subject turned on their former life, and the spot which
they had left. They appeared to be much relieved by walking to
the tops of the neighbouring hills, and gazing for hours in the
direction of their late homes ; but in a few months their strength
totally failed, and without any pain or complaint, except mental
depression, one died in a year, and the other in eighteen months.
I have mentioned these men together, as there was such a perfect
similarity in their cases ; but they were not acquainted with each
other, nor of the same district. When they suffered so much by
removing from their ancient homes only to another district, how
much more severe must their feelings have been had they been
forced to emigrate, unless, perhaps, distance and new objects
would have diverted their attention from the cause of their grief?
But be that as it may, the cause is undoubted."
The Highlanders were most particular about the manner of
their burial, and their last moments were sometimes spent in
392 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
minute directions as to their own funeral obsequies. The follow-
ing is a good instance of this anxiety : —
" Alexander Macleod, from the Isle of Skye, was some years
ago seized with a fatal illness in Glenorchy, where he died.
When he found his end approaching, he earnestly requested that
he might be buried in the burying-ground of the principal family
of the district, as he was descended from one as ancient, warlike,
and honourable ; and stated that he could not die in peace if he
thought his family would be dishonoured in his person, by his
being buried in a mean and improper manner. Although his re-
quest could not be complied with, he was buried in a corner of
the churchyard, where his grave is preserved in its original state
by Dr Macintyre, the venerable pastor of Glenorchy."
Here again is a striking example of the dislike the Highland
people had to the idea of being buried away from their own
district : —
" Lately, a woman aged ninety-one, but in perfect health,
and in possession of all her faculties, went to Perth from her
house in Strathbraan, a few miles above Dunkeld. A few days
after her arrival in Perth, where she had gone to visit a daughter,
she had a slight attack of fever. One evening a considerable
quantity of snow had fallen, and she expressed great anxiety,
particularly when told that a heavier fall was expected. Next
morning her bed was found empty, and no trace of her could be
discovered, till the second day, when she sent word that she had
slipt out of the house at midnight, set off on foot through the
snow, and never stopped till she reached home, a distance of
twenty miles. When questioned some time afterwards why she
went away so abruptly, she answered, ' If my sickness had in-
creased, and if I had died, they could not have sent my remains
home through the deep snows. If I had told my daughter, per-
haps she would have locked the doors upon me, to prevent my
going out in the storm, and God forbid that my bones should lie
at such a distance from home, and be buried among Goill-na-
machair, the strangers of the plain.' "
FIDELITY. — The following is a touching instance of the
fidelity of a servant to his master : —
" James Menzies of Culdares, having engaged in the rebellion
of 1715, and been taken at Preston, in Lancashire, was carried to
London, where he was tried and condemned, but afterwards re-
prieved. Grateful for this clemency, he remained at home in
1745, but, retaining a predilection for the old cause, he sent a
handsome charger as a present to Prince Charles when advancing
through England. The servant who led and delivered the horse
ANECDOTES OF THE HIGHLANDERS. 393
was taken prisoner, and carried to Carlisle, where he was tried
and condemned. To extort a discovery of the person who sent
the horse, threats of immediate execution in case of refusal, and
offers of pardon on his giving information, were held out ineffec-
tually to the faithful messenger. He knew, he said, what the
consequence of a disclosure would be to his master, and his own
life was nothing in the comparison. When brought out for exe-
cution, he was again pressed to inform on his master. He asked
if they were serious in supposing him such a villain. If he did
what they desired, and forgot his master and his trust, he could
not return to his native country, for Glenlyon would be no home
or country for him, as he would be despised and hunted out of
the Glen. Accordingly, he kept steady to his trust, and was
executed. This trusty servant's name was John Macnaughton,
from Glenlyon, in Perthshire ; he deserves to be mentioned."
During the terrible times that followed the defeat of the
Highland ^army at Culloden, several instances of noble fidelity on
the part of the Highlanders occurred. The following is one of
them : —
" In the years 1746 and 1747, some of the gentlemen ' who
had been out* in the rebellion were occasionally concealed in a
deep woody dell near my grandfather's house. A poor half-
witted creature, brought up about the house, was, along with
many others, intrusted with the secret of their concealment, and
employed in supplying them with necessaries. It was supposed
that when the troops came round on their usual searches, they
would not imagine that he could be intrusted with so important
a secret, and, consequently, no questions would be asked. One
day two ladies, friends of the gentlemen, wished to visit them in
their cave, and asked Jamie Forbes to show them the way. See-
ing that they came from the house, and judging from their man-
ner that they were friends, he did not object to their request, and
walked away before them. When they had proceeded a short
way, one of the ladies offered him five shillings. The instant he
saw the money, he put his hands behind his back, and seemed to
lose all recollection. ' He did not know what they wanted ; — he
never saw the gentlemen, and knew nothing of them,' and turn-
ing away, walked in a quite contrary direction. When questioned
afterwards why he ran away from the ladies, he answered, that
when they had offered him such a sum (five shillings were of some
value eighty years ago, and would have purchased two sheep in
the Highlands), he suspected that they had no good intention,
and that their fine clothes and fair words were meant to entrap
him into a disclosure of the gentlemen's retreat."
When the state of the country in 1746 is considered, and the
394 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
abject poverty of some of the people with whom the ill-fated
Prince trusted his life, the fidelity of the Highland people to the
Stuart line is brought out in all its noble disinterestedness. The
tempting allurements of the immense reward offered by the
Government for the Prince's body, dead or alive, met with no
response at the hands of the poverty-stricken but noble-minded
Highlanders. Here is an instance of the feeling of the people
in the matter : —
" Of the many who knew of Prince Charles's places of con-
cealment, was one poor man, who being asked why he did not
give information, and enrich himself by the reward of £30,000,
answered, ' Of what use would the money be to me ? A gentle-
man might take it, and go to London or Edinburgh, where he
would find plenty of people to eat the dinners, and drink the
wine which it would purchase ; but, as for me, if I were such a
villain as to commit a crime like this, I could not remain in my
own country, where nobody would speak to me, but to curse me
as I passed along the road.' "
THE CLANS — The following extract is interesting as show-
ing the numbers and names of the Highland Chiefs who fought
at Bannockburn : —
" Twenty-one Highland Chiefs fought under Robert Bruce
at Bannockburn. The number of their direct descendants now
in existence, and in possession of their paternal estates, is remark-
able. The chiefs at Bannockburn were, Stewart, Macdonald,
Mackay, Mackintosh, Macpherson, Cameron, Sinclair, Drum-
mond, Campbell, Menzies, Maclean, Sutherland, Robertson, Grant,
Eraser, Macfarlane, Ross, Macgregor, Munro, Mackenzie, and
Macquarrie. Cumming, Macdougall of Lorn, Macnab, and a
few others, were also present, but unfortunately in opposition to
Bruce. In consequence of the distinguished conduct of the chief
of the Drummonds in this battle, the King added the calthropes
to his armorial bearings, and gave him an extensive grant of
lands in Perthshire. It is said to have been by Sir Malcolm
Drummond's recommendation that the calthropes, which proved
so destructive to the English cavalry, were made use of on that
day."
In these days when fixity of tenure is agitating the minds
alike of landlords and tenants, we would recommend the former
to follow the good example shown by the landlords in this ex-
tract :—
" At Inch Ewan, in Breadalbane, a family of the name of
ANECDOTES OF THE HIGHLANDERS. 395
Macnab occupied the same farm, for nearly four centuries, till
within these few years, the last occupier resigned. A race of the
name of Stewart, in Glenfinglas, in Menteith, has for several cen-
turies possessed the same farms, and, from the character and dis-
position of the present noble proprietor (the Earl of Moray; it is
probable that, without some extraordinary cause, this respectable
and prosperous community will not be disturbed. It would be
endless to give instances of the great number of years during
which the same families possessed their farms, in a succession as
regular and unbroken as that of the landlords. The family of
Macintyrc possessed the farm of Glenoe, in Nether Lorn, from
about the year 1300 down till 1810. They were originally
foresters of Stewart, Lord Lorn, and were continued in their
possession and employments after the succession of the Glen-
orchy and Breadalbane families to this estate by a marriage with
a co-heiress of the last Lord Lorn of the Stewart family in the
year 1435."
At the present day, when a sufficient number of clansmen
can scarcely be found in some districts to bear the corpse of a
Highland chief to its last resting-place, the following figures,
showing the number of men which each clan could put in the
field about the year 1745, are almost incredible. They appear,
however, in a Memorial compiled by Lord President Forbes of
Culloden, and brought under the notice of Government at the
time : —
" Duke of Argyll ... ... ... ... ... 3000
Breadalbane ... ... ... ... ... ... 1000
Lochnell and other chieftains of the Campbells ... 1000
Macleans ... ... ... ... ... .. 500
Maclachlans ... ... ... ... ... ... 200
Stewart of Appin ... ... .. ... ... 300
Macdougals ... ... ... ... ... ... 200
Stewart of Grandtully ... ... ... ... 300
Clan Gregor ... ... ... ... ... ... 700
DukeofAthole ... ... ... ... ... 3000
Farquharsons ... ... .. ... ... 500
Grant of Gordon ... ... ... ... ... 300
Grant of Grant ... ... ... ... ... 850
Mackintosh ... ... ... ... ... ... 800
Macphersons ... ... ... ... ... ... 400
Frasers ... ... ... ... ... ... 900
Grant of Glenmoriston ... .. ... ... 150
Carryforward ... ... ... 14,100
2 B
396
THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Brought forward ... ... ,.. 14,100
Chisholms ... ... ... ... ... ... 200
Duke of Perth ... ... ... ... ... 300
Seaforth ... .. ... ... ... ... 1000
Cromarty, Scatwell, Gairloch, and other chieftains
of the Mackenzics ... ... ... ... 1500
Menzies ... ... ... ... ... ... 300
Munros ... ... ... ... ... ... 300
Rosses ... ... ... ... ... ... 500
Sutherlands 2000
Mackays ... ... ... ... ... ... 800
Sinclairs ... ... ... ... ... ... noo
Macdonald of Sleat ... 700
Macdonald of Clanranald ... ... ... ... 700
Macdonald of Glengarry ... ... ... ... 500
Macdonald of Keppoch ... ... ... ... 300
Macdonald of Glencoe ... ... ... ... 130
Robertsons ... ... ... ... ... ... 200
Camerons ... ... ... ... ... ... 800
Mackinnons ... ... ... ... ... .. 200
Macleods ... ... ... ... ... ... 700
The Duke of Montrose, Earls of Bute and Moray,
Macfarlanes, Colquhouns, Macneils of Barra,
Macnabs, Macnaughtans, Lamonts, etc., etc.... 5600
31,930
" In this statement the President has not included his own
family of Culloden, and his immediate neighbours Rose of Kil-
ravock, and Campbell of Calder ; nor has he noticed Bannatyne
of Kaimes, the Macallasters, Macquarries, and many other
families and names." H. R. M.
(To be continued.)
NATIVE VITALITY OF CROFTER YOUTH.— A most interesting and en-
couraging circumstance, and one indicating a commendable desire among the poorer
peasantry of the Highlands, in spite of the most adverse conditions, to give a good
education to their children, as well as testifying to the inherent aptitude and capability
for achieving proficiency and even eminence in scholarship, is the fact that at recent
Government examinations in the Raining School, Inverness, a very large proportion
of the young pupils who presented themselves for examination in art and science were
the children of Highland crofters. Not a few of such, year after year, so distinguish
themselves that they are able to secure bursaries, of which there ought to be more,
which enable them to afford very substantial help to their parents in their most laud-
able desire to give their children the best education within their reach. Given a fair
chance to the Highland peasantry, with their due share of the possibilities of living
comfortably in their native country, and we have no fear of the application of the
doctrine of the " survvival of the fittest " to our Highland^youth.
vmg
'the
397
MACINTYRE'S GAELIC DICTIONARY.
WITH reference to recent inquiries and notes in these pages on the
subject of lost and unknown Gaelic dictionaries, we have one or
two additional items of information to give which will be of interest
to the reader, and which may, perhaps, lead to further discoveries
in the same field. It will be remembered that Dr Stratton, in the
Celtic Magazine for January, makes reference to a dictionary com-
piled by some person of the name of Macintyre, which is referred
to in Dr Charles Mackay's " Gaelic Etymology." We have been
subsequently informed, however, by Dr Mackay that " Macintyre"
in this case ought to have been " Macalpine."
Reverting to the subject, our friend, Mr John Mackenzie of
Auchenstewart, the male representative in Scotland of the Mac-
kenzies of Letterewe, writes : — "About 1836 I was for some days
with John Mackenzie of the 'Beauties of Gaelic Poetry' in Glasgow.
He introduced me to a John Macintyre who kept a young boys'
school in an obscure part of Glasgow. When I was returning to
Edinburgh, Macintyre gave me some message to deliver to a
printer in the High Street, with whom he was in treaty for the
printing of a Gaelic Dictionary. John told me that Macintyre
was a natural son of John Macintyre, then tacksman of Letter-
ewe. I think this is likely to be the dictionary referred to."
Some time ago we came into possession of a manuscript
bearing on its title-page to be "An Etymological Dictionary
of the Names of Places in Scotland ; by the late James Macintyre,
Schoolmaster, Glasgow, who died February 1835." In another
part of the MS., there is a pencil note stating that "James Mac-
intyre was born July 4, 1783."
Surmising that the Macintyre of the MS. might be the
person referred to by Mr Mackenzie, Auchenstewart, notwith-
standing the difference in the Christian names given, we inquired
of Mr Mackenzie whether he was sure that/0//;z was the name of
the Glasgow schoolmaster to whom he referred. In reply, he
says — " I am not sure that Macintyre's name was John. It is
probable that I said and thought so from having known that his
father's name was John. If the James Macintyre, schoolmaster,
398 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Glasgow, who died in 1835, was the same, it must have been in
that year that I saw him there. He was then apparently about
middle age, and did not look robust. His father died an old
man at Letterewc several years before 1835. Macintyre showed
me his MS. My recollection of it (now fifty years since) is a
volume of what is known in the trade as f demy octavo,' a little
larger than your Magazine, and from one to two inches thick. I
know that he had completed the work, and that he was only pre-
vented from publishing it by his poverty. It is probable that he
was treating with a printer direct, because, as you know, pub-
lishers were not liberal to Gaelic authors in those days."
The MS. in our possession being foolscap quarto, and not
more than three quarters of an inch thick, does not quite corre-
spond with the description and dimensions above indicated by
Mr Mackenzie If it is, as is probable, by the same Macintyre, it
appears to be an entirely different work. It is exclusively topo-
graphical, and as a record of observations on Gaelic place-names,
it is full of interesting suggestions. We may, at some future
time, give a few extracts from it ; meanwhile, our quest is for the
Macintyre Dictionary, which is said to have been published, and of
which, if this be the case, copies must still be extant. Any of our
correspondents who can throw any further light on the subject
will greatly oblige by communicating such additional items of
information as may be at their command. The subject is, in
many respects, important, as the credit of constructing our first
real Gaelic dictionary is still an " unsettled award."
After the foregoing was in type, we have received one or two
fragments of additional information which enable us to state with
a degree of certainty that the Glasgow schoolmaster's name was
James. We further find from John Mackenzie's introduction to
Macalpine's Dictionary that he was the author of one of a series
of essays on Gaelic orthography contributed to a Philological
Society in Glasgow, and that his production, and other three by
well-known Highlanders, were "distinguished for ability and re-
search." Mr Macintyre's half-brother, the Rev. Mr Murdo Mac-
intyre, Dingwall, never heard of his publishing any dictionary,
nor of his writing anything of that description, except a vocabulary
of the Gaelic names of places and their meanings. This latter is
doubtless the MS., portion of which is in our possession. There
never was, therefore, any Macintyre Gaelic Dictionary published.
THE
CELTIC MAGAZINE.
CONDUCTED BY
ALEXANDER MACKENZIE, F.S.A.. Scot.
No. CXVII. JULY 1885. VOL. X.
THE CROFTERS' HOLDINGS (SCOTLAND) BILL.
II.
IN our last we indicated generally our opinion of the Crofter
Bill introduced by her Majesty's Government, and laid greater
weight on its best provisions than upon its defects. On this
occasion we shall go over it in greater detail, and point out
the many respects in which it falls short of what is justly
demanded by the Highland people.
While, as pointed out in our June issue, the concession in
principle of Security of Tenure, Fair Rents, and Compensation
for Improvements, is a long step in the right direction, these, as
clogged by so many conditions in the Government Bill, will be
found of scarcely any practical value. Security of Tenure, for
instance, is only granted — (i) On condition that the Crofter shall
pay his rent when due ; (2) That- he shall not assign his tenancy
to another ; (3) That he shall not injure the buildings on the
croft, nor allow any deterioration of the soil ; (4) That he shall
not sub-divide nor sub-let his holding without the consent in
writing of the landlord, and that he shall not build any dwell-
ing-house thereon otherwise than in substitution of that upon it
at the date of the passing of the Act ; (5) That he shall do no
act by which he shall become Notour Bankrupt, and shall not
execute a trust deed for behoof of his creditors ; (6) That the
landlord or any person authorised by him shall have the
right to enter on the holding for the purpose of mining, or
3 C
4oo THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
searching for minerals, quarrying stone, gravel, sand, brick, clay,
or slate ; cutting timber or peats ; making roads, fences,
drains, or water-courses ; and, worse than all, for hunting, shoot-
ing, fishing, or taking game, which latter is described toj mean
deer, hares, rabbits, pheasants, partridges, quails, landrails, grouse,
woodcock, snipe, wild-duck, widgeon, and teal ;" and (7) That the
Crofter shall not open any house on his Croft Tor the sale of
intoxicating liquors.
The most cursory perusal of these " statutory conditions,"
will convince the reader that the security of tenure proposed
in the Bill is no security at all, and that a Crofter would-be less
likely to be removed under existing circumstances] than subject
to an Act fenced by conditions, which would legalise^his^re-
moval for the breach of any one of them.
The Crofter must have some reasonable time allowed, within
which he shall be at liberty to pay up his arrears ; and any arrears
incurred prior to the passing of the Act, should not affect the
tenant holding under the Act, but should be collected as an
ordinary debt ; for, as previously shown, those arrears were in-
curred under conditions which it is the intention of this Bill to
remove ; and it would be extremely harsh to make the existence
of arrears so incurred a condition of the tenancy under the
new Act.
We do not see why the Crofter should not be allowed to as-
sign his tenancy, subject to the approval of the landlord, and,
failing his approval, subject to the decision of the arbiters under
the Act, as in the Irish Land Act of 1880.
It is quite right that provision should be made against the
dilapidation of buildings, provided that they belong to the land-
lord ; and against any deterioration of the soil, if such deteriora-
tion be not the natural consequence of circumstances over which
the tenant has no control.
The conditions as to sub-dividing or sub-letting are likely to
prove advantageous to the tenants themselves. We do not, how-
ever, see why, in the event of a tenant becoming Notour Bank-
rupt (which simply means that a decree for debt has been ob-
tained against him in any court, and a charge served upon it, and
that he is unable to pay before the expiry of the charge), or exe-
cuting a Trust Deed for behoof of his creditors, should forfeit his
THE CROFTERS' HOLDINGS BILL. 401
tenancy to the landlord, and by so doing enable the proprietor to
appropriate all the tenant's improvements, while all his other
creditors get nothing for whatever may be due to them, even for
the materials and manure which went to increase the value of the
holding. This appears to us nothing less than a re-imposition of
Hypothec in a new and most offensive form, The landlord, with
the aid of his subordinates and friends, can never have any
difficulty with the great majority of Crofters in bringing about the
state of things necessary to constitute a Notour Bankruptcy; and
there is no doubt at all that many will, through their agents,
take full advantage of it to get rid of the people, and, at the
same time, appropriate their property, and that of their creditors.
It is difficult to see how the tenant can be fairly asked to
submit to his land being cut up for mining and quarrying pur-
poses, or opened up for making roads, drains, or water-courses, by
the landlord. This means that the tenant may be persecuted by
estate officials who may have any grudge against him — and there
are plenty men capable of such at present in office in the High-
lands— to such an extent that he may be driven to obstruct his
landlord, and so forfeit his tenancy ; but the worst condition of
all is that the Croft should be made a game preserve for deer,
hares, rabbits, and all other game — an insidious means of intro-
ducing a new set of Game Laws, intolerable to the tenant, and
calculated to make his life miserable and his labour useless.
We have previously pointed out how absurd it is, in the
event of the landlord and tenant agreeing upon the Fair Rent to
be paid, for a period of years, that the rent payable prior to such
an arrangement should revive at the termination of the agree-
ment come to. This is distinctly opposed to the custom hitherto
acted upon in Scotland, where, by tacit relocation, any existing
agreement continues until a new one is entered upon.
The clauses providing for a Fair Rent and Compensation
for Improvements are on the whole just, but like that for
Security of Tenure, they are rendered almost useless by the
unjust conditions attached to them. Why, for instance, should
a tenant be debarred from getting the value of his improvements
because he had received some slight assistance or consideration
from the landlord ? In nearly every case in the Highlands, the
landlord gave wood for roofing the Crofters' houses, and, if this
402 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE
absurd condition of the Bill is to remain, the clause will prove a
delusion and a snare to the tenant ; for no Crofter receiving such
assistance will be entitled to any compensation under the Act.
The reason why this wood was always given is, that while,
according to the one-sided law of Scotland, the walls of any
house erected by the tenant became the property of the landlord,
the tenant could remove the roof, which was his own, but the
proprietor of the land, to whom a roofless house would be of
little value, found his way out of the difficulty by supplying
a few sticks of growing wood, which the tenant usually had to
cut and convey to his holding, in most cases, for many miles
distance. Thus, the landlord became the owner of the entire build-
ing, the tenant having to leave the wood as well as the walls when
he was removed. By the present Bill, if passed as it stands, this
will have the effect of making the proposed Compensation for
Improvements a complete farce — an imposition so far as the
Crofter-tenant generally is concerned. After and in the light of
this, it was scarcely necessary to have declared that no compensa-
tion should be given for any improvements made " in virtue of
any agreement or understanding expressed in estate regulations,
or other writings;" though this makes the position of the Crofter
utterly hopeless. And, at the same time, we have here presented
to us the extraordinary proposal to place agreements or under-
standings expressed in estate regulations above the law of the
land.
It was previously shown that the provisions of the Bill are of
no practical value to the Cottars. Any improvements made
by them will be found of no value to the occupier of the Croft on
which their houses are built, and it is provided that under this
Bill compensation is only to be allowed on what the improve-
ment is worth to an incoming-tenant ; which, in the case of a
Cottar living on a Croft, will be worth nothing at all. Therefore,
the only effect of the proposed legislation, as regards the Cottars,
is a cruel suggestion to the landlord to remove them at his dis-
cretion, by machinery now being provided by the Legislature
for that purpose.
The only remark which it is necessary to make on the
Valuation clauses of the Bill is, that it is not clearly pointed out
whether, when the landlord and tenant mutually agree to accept
THE CROFTERS' HOLDINGS BILL. 403
the decision of a sole arbiter, the expenses of the Valuation in
that case is to be provided in the same way as if the arbitration
were conducted by the valuators under the Act. There should
be no doubt as to this. The parties should be held free of the
expenses of the arbitration, just the same as if the proceedings
were carried through by the Government valuators in terms of
the Statute.
For the purpose of determining the area to which the Act
shall apply, her Majesty is to appoint three Commissioners who,
after due inquiry, shall ascertain the parishes, islands, or districts
forming aggregates of parishes within the Highland counties,
which are henceforth to be Crofting Parishes, and to which the
Act shall apply, the condition being that a " Crofting Parish "
shall mean a parish in which there are, at the commencement of
the Act, or have been within the last eighty years, holdings con-
sisting of arable land, held, with a right of pasture land in common
with others, and in which there are still Crofters at the commence-
ment of the Act. By this definition, glens which were at one time
occupied by a thriving tenantry, but which have been cleared by
the action of the proprietors, such as Strathnaver, in Sutherland-
shire, and many similar straths and glens throughout the High-
lands, will be entirely excluded from the benefits of the Act ; and,
as we apprehend it, even when there are one or two Crofters re-
maining in such a district or parish, the Act shall only apply to
those few who have escaped the hands of the evictors, and it
makes no provision as regards the remaining portion of the
district, strath, or glen.
A Crofter is designed as " a tenant of a holding from
year to year, who habitually resides on his holding, the rent of
which does not exceed ^30 in money, and which is situated in a
Crofting Parish." Thus, all those holding leases of any de-
scription are excluded from the operation of the Act. It will be
interesting to find out how this will affect* certain estates with
which we are acquainted, where, as in one instance, the Crofters are
all said to have leases of twelve years, these leases being in terms
of estate regulations, printed in, or affixed to, the rent-books.
Will these printed documents, " agreements, understandings ex-
pressed in estate regulations, or other writings," be held to have
the effect of legally executed and stamped leases, in a Bill which
404 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
raises estate regulations to a higher position than the ordinary
law of the land? We fear they will. At any rate, it is im-
portant that attention should be called to the existence of such.
The proposal to advance Government money to enable
Crofters to stock additional land is one of the most important in
the Bill, and, therefore, it is a pity that the proposal is made in a
manner which is almost certain to secure its ultimate failure for
carrying out the object which the Government seems to have had
in view. This money, it is declared, may be advanced " on the
application of any landlord stating that he intends to enlarge the
holding of a Crofter who is his tenant, or whose holding is con-
terminous with his property, and that such Crofter is unable,
without assistance, to stock the additional land," by the Public
Works Loan Commissioners, who may, " if they think proper,
advance to such landlord, on the security of the estate of which
the intended addition to the holding forms part, a sum, to enable
the Crofter to stock such additional land, not exceeding five
years' rent of the entire holding of the Crofter, including such
addition," this sum to be " repayable in such half-yearly instal-
ments as will repay the whole sum, with interest at 3^ per
centum per annum, in twenty-five years." The first thing to be
remarked in connection with this proposal is that the money is to
be advanced, not to the tenant himself, but to the landlord, and
that it is only to be so lent if the Public Works Loan Com-
missioners think it proper to do so, and they, we apprehend, will
only do so on the security of the estate being considered amply
sufficient to cover the risk. It is notorious that the greatest
necessity for advances of this kind exists on the estates of poor
proprietors in the Highlands, who have already, even in pros-
perous times, mortgaged their estates to the last penny that they
could borrow on them, and now, when land has become less
valuable in the market, and hereafter, when Fair Rents shall have
been fixed under the provisions of this Act, it will be found that
not only are these estates not good enough security for any further
loans, but they will not be found anything like sufficient security
for the money already advanced upon them. How are the tenants
on such estates as these to get money for the extension of their
holdings, even supposing the proprietors were quite willing, if able,
to aid them in doing so, by taking advantage of the Government
THE CROFTERS' HOLDINGS BILL. 405
proposal. But, further, even should the security be considered
sufficient by the Public Works Loan Commissioners, will any-
one, who knows the present state of matters and the feeling
existing among proprietors, factors, and other estate officials, be-
lieve for a moment that these gentlemen will borrow money for
the purpose of lending it to any of those who have taken a lead-
ing part in the agitation which has procured even the small con-
cessions already extracted from the Government and from Par-
liament? Those who know the country and the people will
have no hesitation in concluding that those gentlemen will do
nothing of the kind, but that, on the other hand, the money, if
obtained, will only be lent to persons who shall cringe to estate
officials, and on the understanding that they shall continue their
virtual slaves in all time coming.
To make this clause of any practical use to the tenants, the
money must be advanced through some other channels than the
landlords, and on some other security than the majority of High-
land estates. Care must also be taken that no proprietor shall be
allowed to charge, as was done in the case of the money borrowed
for drainage and other improvements some thirty years ago, a
much higher rate of interest than that at which the Government
advanced the money, and that the period of repayment shall be
determined in terms of the Statute.
We have previously pointed out that any measure which
does not make provision for the acquisition of more land by the
Crofters can not and ought not to satisfy the Highland people,
and those specially interested and their friends have already
indicated their opinion in this direction in a very unmistakeable
manner. In short, a Bill, which does not provide for the com-
pulsory breaking down of the large sheep farms and deer forests
will never be accepted as a measure of redress, nor satisfy
those who have been so harshly treated by the evicting landlords
of the past. It would, in fact, be unjust to those who have kept
their people about them, to have the provisions of this Bill
applied to their properties, while the proprietors of those estates
from which the people had been so harshly removed were
allowed to go scot-free. This would be punishing the wrong
people, and paying a premium to the wrong-doers for gross
misconduct.
4o6 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Apart from this latter outstanding defect, the result of a
careful consideration of the clauses, conditions, and omis-
sions of the Bill has convinced us that what appears at first
sight a fairly good measure, as far as it goes, is whittled down
within limits that make it almost worthless ; and we are
almost ready to believe the truth of the current allegation, that
the only persons consulted by the Lord Advocate, during the
preparation of the Bill, were two Highland Members of Parlia-
ment— the Tory and Whig lairds who convened the meeting of
Highland proprietors a few months ago at Inverness. Some
prominent persons, however, maintain that a Bill which is op-
posed by the Scotsman, the Duke of Argyll, and Major Eraser
of Kilmuir, cannot be altogether bad, either in principle or effect.
A. M,
" HUNTER'S ILLUSTRATED GUIDE TO PERTHSHIRE." — It will be a surprise for
those who know what a " happy hunting ground " the county of Perth is to the
tourist, to learn that hitherto there has been no complete " Guide to Perthshire," but
such would seem to be the case. There are several very excellent guides to Scotland,
which include notices of the most famous scenes in Perthshire, but in general works of
this kind the notes are necessarily of a rather fragmentary character ; and although
there are a few of the districts of the county for which special guides have been pre-
pared, the bulk of tourists are not disposed to invest in such literature in every little
place they may visit. Mr Hunter, of the Perthshire Constitutional, and the author
of the well-known work on the " Woods, Forests, and Estates of Perthshire," has,
in the book before us, hit upon an idea that is pretty certain to commend
itself to all who may visit this delightful county. He has published a book
which conducts the tourist to every corner of the county, and, without being
profuse, he tells the visitor everything he is most anxious to know in whatever
part of the county he may hnd himself. As illustrating how largely Perthshire
embraces the tourist district of Scotland, it may be mentioned that we have here
attractively- written descriptions of the districts of Monteith, Callander, and the
Trossachs, Creiff, and Lochearnhead, the historic city of Perth and its beautiful
environs, the Carse of Cowrie, the whole of the northern section of the Caledonian
Railway within the county, with their many places of interest ; the district between
Blairgowrie and Braemar (the Royal route to Balmoral), the Highland Railway, in-
cluding the famous districts of Breadalbane, Glenlyon, Athole, and Rannoch. While
all the more familiar places are fully described, there are many other places
mentioned not to be found in the other guides, but which the tourist would not
willingly miss, if he knew of them. The Guide is well got up, and profusely illustrated
with wood engravings, making it at the same time a guide and an album in one. There
is a good map of the county, and a large plan of the city of Perth. As the price is
only one shilling, it is a marvel of cheapness, and will doubtless secure a large sale in
the holiday season.
407
"A CANDID AND IMPARTIAL ACCOUNT OF THE
BEHAVIOUR OF SIMON LORD LOVAT."
EVERY phase of the remarkable history of the notorious Simon
Lord Lovat of the 'Forty-five will always prove interesting.
The manner in which he behaved between the date of his sentence
and his execution, his remarkable coolness on the scaffold —
which showed him at his best — proved him indeed, notwithstand-
ing his career, to have been possessed of a great and heroic mind —
and are specially interesting, particularly so just now, when we
have a contest actually proceeding in the House of Lords regard-
ing the rightful possessor of the Lovat Peerage. The following
account, from a very rare print,* of his last moments upon earth
will, we doubt not, be read with mixed feelings, not altogether
devoid of admiration, for the old man in his terrible position.
The only change we make on the original is to modernise the
spelling. The writer proceeds : —
Though I was an eye-witness of the extraordinary behaviour
of this nobleman during his trial, I little thought to find that
uncommon gaiety and jocoseness accompany him in his last
moments. I was, indeed, too well acquainted with his Lordship
to imagine he would shudder much at the sight of death ; but
yet I expected that it would abate somewhat of his natural
vivacity, and reduce him to a more serious turn of mind ; how-
ever, neither the apprehension of pain and agony, or the thoughts
of his speedy dissolution seemed to give him any uneasiness.
This I don't offer by way of panegyric on his Lordship's
intrepidity, nor do I presume to censure a conduct so seemingly
indifferent ; I only take notice of his particular turn of mind to
* A Candid and Impartial Account of the Behaviour of Simon Lord Lovat,
from the time his Death- Wai rant ivas delivered, to the day of his execittion. To-
gether with a faithful narrative of the particular incidents which happened that day in
the Tower, in the Sheriff's apartment, and on the scaffold. Interspersed with some of
his Lordship's remarkable sayings, a letter to his son, and a copy of a paper which he
delivered to the Sheriff. By a gentleman who attended his Lordship in his last
moments. Printed for J. Newbery, at the Bible and Sttn in St PauFs Church Yard,
and W. Eaden, in Salisbury Court, Fleet Street.
4o8 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
apologise for my inserting some very extraordinary facts, which
would otherwise hardly meet with credit from the reader.
FRIDAY.
On Friday, the 3rd of April, when the warrant came down
for his execution, and the gentleman told him he was sorry to be
the messenger of such bad news ; his Lordship replied very
cheerfully, " God's will be done," and then taking him by the
hand, drank his health, thanked him kindly for the favour (as he
called it) and assured him he was so well satisfied with his doom
that he would not change stations with any Prince in Europe.
His Lordship then sat down with the gentleman, drank part of a*
bottle of wine with water, and seemed very composed.
In the evening he smoked his pipe, mentioned some circum-
stances relating to his trial, and was very cheerful. About ten
o'clock he called for the warders to undress him, and while they
were taking off his shoes told them he should not give them that
trouble much longer, for that he was to take his leave of this
world the next Thursday.
SATURDAY.
The next morning, which was Saturday, his Lordship was
informed of the report that was raised of an engine to be erected
to take off his head ; at which he grew pleasant, and said it was
a fine contrivance ; for as his neck was very short the executioner
would be puzzled to find it out with his axe ; and if such a
machine was made they might call it " Lord Lovat's Maiden."
He was very cheerful all this day, talked a good deal of his
own affairs, and, among other things, said that he was concerned
in all the schemes that had been formed for restoring the Royal
Family since he was fifteen years old ; but that he never betrayed
a private man, or a public cause in his life ; that he never shed
a drop of blood with his own hand, nor ever struck a man, except
one young nobleman, whom he caned publicly for his imperti-
nence and impiety.
* As his Lordship has been often branded with the name of a drunkard in the
public papers, I must do so much justice to his memory, as to assure the public, that
he never drank more than two pints of wine a day during his whole confinement, and
never any without water ; and I have often heard his Lordship say he was never drunk
in his life. It is true a considerable quantity of brandy and rum was used every night
and morning to bathe his legs, which might probably give birth to this report ; for he
never drank a dram himself unless he was indisposed, and then he generally took a
little burnt brandy with bitters.
SIMON LORD LOVAT. 409
SUNDAY.
On the next morning, which was Sunday, he rose pretty
early, and behaved with his usual gaiety ; talked for some time
about his family, and showed us the copy of a letter he had sent
to his son, which I shall here insert, because it contains his Lord-
ship's sentiments of religion, and a future state ; and the person
who wrote it for him assures me it is an exact copy of the
original.
A Copy of Lord Lovafs Letter to his Son, Simon, now
Prisoner in Edinburgh Castle.
"MY DEAR SIMON,— Notwithstanding my great distress
and affliction you are always present with me, and I offer my
prayers to Heaven for you. You see now by experience, that
this world is but vanitiy of vanities, and that there is no trust to
be put in the arm of flesh ; you see that God's providence rules
the world, and that no man or family but must yield to it, whether
he will or not. Happy is the man, that in all the cross accidents
of this life, submits himself to the will and providence of God,
with sincere humility and patience. It is the blessed trinity,
Father, Son, and Holy Spirit that can deliver you and me from
our present melancholy situation : We have provoked God by
our sins, which most certainly have brought those troubles upon
us : I do sincerely thank God for those troubles, because they
have brought me from the way of sin that I lived many years in,
to a way of repentance and humiliation, and instructed me to
follow my dear Saviour the Lord Jesus Christ as I ought to do ;
I, therefore, my dear child, earnestly beg of you with the sincere
heart of a tender and affectionate father, to repent of all your sins
and transgressions, and to throw yourself at the foot of the cross
of Christ, begging for his sufferings' sake, which you know were
great, to give you true repentance, to forgive your sins, and be
reconciled to you for the sake of His blood, that He shed upon the
cross for sinners, and beg of Him to preserve you from the snares
of the devil, the world, and the flesh ; which will be too many for
you without his divine assistance, and if you have a true contri-
tion for your sins, and are reconciled with zeal and affection to
your Saviour, you'll find comforts that cannot be expressed. If
you put your sole confidence in Jesus Christ, He will certainly
bring you out of all your troubles, and make you the happiest
Lord Lovat that ever was ; so, my very dear child, I beg of you
for God's sake, for your own sake, for my sake, and for the sake
of your brothers and sisters, to throw yourself upon God's mercies,
which have been ever of old ; repent of your sins and live a sincere
Christian, and righteous life, and you will certainly bring God's
410 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
blessing upon yourself, your family and kindred ; and if you
neglect this my paternal advice, which by the laws of God and
nature, I am obliged to give you, you may assure yourself of be-
ing miserable in this world, and eternally miserable in the next ;
I know not yet what my fate may be, but bless God, I am pre-
pared to go to the scaffold and block to-morrow, if God in his
divine will and providence hath ordered it so ; so, my dear child,
don't be in the least concerned for me, for I bless God I have
strong reasons to hope, that when it is God's will to call me out
of this world, it will be by his mercy, and the suffering of my
Saviour Jesus Christ to enjoy everlasting happiness in the other
world. I wish this may be yours, and am,
My dear child,
Your affectionate father, &c.
MONDAY.
His lordship arose about seven, and according to his usual
custom called for a glass of wine and water : upon which the
warder asked his lordship, what wine he would please to have
" Not white wine," says he, " unless you would have me go with
the s r to the block." For it seems white wine generally gave
him the flux. Some time after this, the Major came to see him,
and asked how he did. " Do?" says his lordship; "why, I am about
doing very well, for I am preparing myself, sir, for a place, where
hardly any Majors, and very few Lieutenant-Generals go."
A certain nobleman came to see his lordship this day, and
asked him some questions concerning his religion ; to whom he
answered, that he was a Roman Catholic, and would die in that
faith ; that he adhered to the rock upon which Christ built his
church ; to Saint Peter, and the succession of pastors, from him
down to the present time ; and that he rejected and renounced
all sects and communities, that were rejected by the Church.
The declaration of his being a Jansenist was occasioned by the
same nobleman's asking him of what particular sort of Catholic ?
"Are you a Jesuit?" "A Jesuit, no, no, my lord," answered he,
" I am a * Jansenist." And then owned that he was acquainted
with several in France that were Jansenists, and was more in-
timate with them, than any other learned and religious men in
that kingdom ; and upon this occasion assured his lordship that
in his sense of a Roman Catholic he was as far from being one as
his lordship, or any other lord in the House.
* The Jansenists are great enemies to the Jesuits.
SIMON LORD LOVAT. 411
Having occasion this afternoon to speak of the late King
George I. he gave his majesty a great character, and added, " he
was my friend, and I dearly loved him." But we don't think
proper to insert the whole conversation.
TUESDAY.
This morning he rose as usual about seven, and after drink-
ing a glass of wine and water, desired one of the warders to lay
a pillow at the feet of the bed, that he might try, whether he
could kneel down properly and fix his head low enough for the
block, which being done, he made the essay, and told the warder
he believed by this short practice he should be able to act his
part in the tragedy well enough. He then asked the said warder
if he thought the executioner would be able to take off his
head, without hacking him ; " for," says he, " I have reserved ten
guineas in a purse, which he shall have if he does his business
well."
" My Lord," said a gentleman that came to wait upon him,
" I'm sorry you should have occasion for him at all." To this his
lordship replied, " So I believe are many of those who were the
cause of my coming hither, and for aught I know, all of them will
by-and-bye. The taking off my head, I believe, will do them no
service, but if it will, God bless them with it ; though I can't but
think myself hardly dealt by : In the first place, I was stripped
of everything, and might have wanted even the common neces-
saries of life, had not my cousin, Mr William Fraser, advanced a
considerable sum of money to General Williamson, and promised
on certain conditions to pay for my further subsistence ; and then
to be convicted by my own servants, by the men that had been
nurtured in my own bosom, and I had been so kind to, is shock-
ing to human nature ; but I believe each of them has a sting of
conscience on this account, that will bear him company to the
grave ; though I am very far from wishing either of them any
evil. 'Tis a sad thing, sir, for a man's own servants to take off
the head of their master and chief." His Lordship then asked the
gentleman, how he liked the letter he had sent to his son. He
answered, " I like it very well, 'tis a very good letter." " I think,"
says his Lordship, " 'tis a Christian letter."
After this the gentleman informed his Lordship, that one Mr
Painter, of St John's College, Oxon, had sent three letters, viz.,
4i2 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
one to the King, one to the Earl of Chesterfield, and the other
to Mr Pelham, desiring he might suffer in his Lordship's stead.
And that that to his Majesty concluded in the following manner,
" In one word, let Lovat live ! punish the vile traitor with his
life, but let me die ; let me bow down my head to the block, and
receive, without fear, that friendly blow, which, I verily believe,
will only separate the soul from its body and miseries together."
To which his lordship expressed his surprise. " This," says he,
" is an extraordinary man indeed ! I should be glad to know
what countryman he is, and whether the thing is fact. Perhaps
it may be only a finesse in politics, to cast an odium on some
particular place or person : but if there be such a person, he is a
miracle in the present age, and will be in the future, for he even
exceeds that text of Scripture, which says, * Greater love than
this hath no man, than that a man lay down his life for his
friend.' However, this man offers to suffer for a stranger, nay,
for one that he stigmatises with the name of a 'vile traitor.' In
short, sir, I'm afraid the poor gentleman is weary of living in this
wicked world, and, if that be the case, the obligation is altered,
because a part of the benefit is intended for himself."
WEDNESDAY.
This morning, about two o'clock, his Lordship prayed very
devoutly for a considerable time, and called upon the Lord for
mercy, which he often did before, with great fervency. After
this he fell asleep, and we heard no more of him till six, about
which time he called for the warder to dress him, and seemed as
gay as usual. About ten o'clock he sang part of a song, at which
the warder expressed his surprise, and asked his Lordship how
he could be so merry when he was to die to-morrow. To which
my Lord replied that he was " as fit for an entertainment as ever
he was in his life." He then sent for Mr P , the barber, whose
father, they tell me, is a Muggletonian. While his Lordship was
shaving, he talked a good deal about his father's principles, and
when he was shaved, " Well," says he, " pray give my service to
your father, and tell him I shall go to Heaven before him; for I
find he don't expect to go till the day of Resurection, but I hope
to be there in a few hours."
After this he talked to a gentleman who came to see him
about some private affairs, and then calling for a basin of water
SIMON LORD LOVAT. 413
to wash himself, " Now, gentlemen, I will show you a wonder,"
says he, " you shall see a man drown himself who was sentenced
to be beheaded, and by that means change the law; and, sir, I
heartily wish it was in my power to change all things. If it was,
I would make a thorough change indeed."
About this time another of his Lordship's friends came to
wait upon him, with whom he had some talk concerning the bill
depending in Parliament with relation to the Scotch affairs. His
Lordship seemed very uneasy about it, and wished all those gentle-
men who voted for it had the s r.
He then told them he would have his body carried to Scot-
land, to be interred in his own tomb in the Church of Kirkhill;
and said that he had once made a codicil to his will, where all
the pipers from John o'Groat's house to Edinburgh were invited
to play before his corpse, for which they were to have a handsome
allowance, and though that might not be thought proper now,
yet he was sure some of the good old women in his country would
sing a coronach* before him. " And then," says he, " there will
be old crying and clapping of hands, for I am one of the greatest
chiefs in the Highlands."
About this time Sir H. M. and Sir L. G. came to take their
leaves of my Lord. He saluted them on their first coming in, but
soon after told them, if he had his broadsword by him, he should
not scruple to chop off their heads, if he thought they were in the
least concerned in bringing in or voting for the bill now depend-
ing for destroying the ancient jurisdiction and privileges of the
Highland chiefs. And then added, " For my part I die a martyr
for my country."
After eating a hearty dinner he called one of the warders
to him : " Now, Willy," says he, " give me a pipe of tobacco, and
that will be the last I shall ever smoke, unless people smoke
tobacco in the other world."
Soon after this, the Governor of the Tower came to pay him
a visit, when his Lordship arose, and offered him his easy chair,
which the Governor refusing, and saying he was sorry his Lord-
ship should give himself the trouble to rise out of his seat on his
account, he answered, " What, sir, I hope you would not have
me be unmannerly the last day of my life."
* A ceremony used at funerals, much like the Irish howl.
4i4 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Upon the Governor's coming in, his Lordship deferred
smoking his pipe some time longer, and talked about indifferent
matters. Mr William Eraser, his Lordship's agent, and Mr
James Eraser, came to wait on him at the same time, with whom
he talked a good while concerning his family affairs, and the
management of his funeral.
After this he called again for his pipe, and, while he was
smoking, asked one of the warders, if his message was carried to
my Lord Traquair, and what answer he brought. " His Lord-
ship," replied the warder, " bids you an eternal farewell, wishes
you happy, and is offering up his prayers for you." " Tis very
kind of him (says my Lord), and I thank him for it. Come Mr
Southbey," says he to the warder, " give me some water, and put
a little wine upon it." And then taking up his tobacco-stopper,
" My pipe is almost out," says he, " as well as my glass." He
then asked about General Williamson's family, spoke very kindly
of the General ; and being informed that Miss Williamson was
so affected that she could not take her leave of his Lordship,
" God bless the dear child," says he, " and make her eternally
happy, for she is a kind-hearted, good lass." After this, his
Lordship sent a message to the cook, desiring her to roast a piece
of veal, that it might be ready to mince for his breakfast in the
morning. He then desired the warders to sit down and smoke
with him, which they did, and drink a glass of wine, and wished
his Lordship a good journey. " Amen," quoth my Lord ; and
then knocking the ashes out of his pipe, " now gentlemen," says
he, " the end of all human grandeur is like this snuff of tobacco."
His Lordship seemed to have a great regard for his two warders.
After his pipe was out, he thanked them kindly for taking so
much care of him ; " and now, gentlemen," says he, " I have but
one favour more to ask of you : and that is to go upon the scaf-
fold with me, and not leave me till you see this head cut off this
body." They both promised his Lordship ; and afterwards one
of them told him, that if ever he lived to see his son the Master
of Lovat, he would let him know with what tenderness his Lord-
ship parted with him. " Do," says my Lord, " and he will take
notice of you. If he don't, he won't do well. But pray," says
he," have you got any wine for me in the morning, and some
bitters, if I should want to carry any to the scaffold." Upon in-
SIMON LORD LOVAT. 415
quiry, there was no bitters left in the bottle, and, therefore, his
Lordship gave the warder a shilling to send for a bottle of
Stoughton's Elixir. When the man was gone, the warder recol-
lected that there was some burnt brandy and bitters left in a
bottle, which his Lordship had with him to Westminster Hall,
when on his trial, and informed him of it. " 'Tis very well,
very well, sir," says he, " pray, take it in your pocket, and give me
a sup if I should want it." After this a circumstance happened
which surprised me prodigiously. His Lordship, who was eighty
years of age, took up a book with a small print (I think it was
the size that the printers call Longprimer), and read by candle-
light near two hours without spectacles. Upon inquiry, I was
informed that his Lordship never used any. I knew he did not
in the day time, but I thought he could not be able to see without
their assistance by candle-light. This, I suppose, might be owing
to his Lordship's manner of living, as also was that circumstance
of his never having the headache. I have observed already that
his Lordship was never drunk in his life ; and he has often de-
clared that he thought eating of suppers was doing violence to
nature, and committing a sin against the body. He seldom took
any breakfast ; always made a very hearty dinner, but never ate
a morsel for supper. As his Lordship had a great share of learn-
ing, and spoke the Latin, French, and English fluently, and some
other modern languages indifferently, we asked his Lordship
concerning his education. He said he studied some years at
Aberdeen, and disputed his philosophy in Greek. From this
topic he went to religion again, and assured us that he was bred
a Protestant, but going abroad, and having some disputes with
Father , he found himself very much staggered in his prin-
ciples, and prayed to God to direct him in the right way.
That after this, he studied divinity and controversy three
years, and then turned Roman Catholic. " This is my faith,"
says he, " but I have charity for all mankind, and I believe every
sincere honest man bids fair for heaven, let his persuasion be
what it will, for the mercies of the Almighty are great, and his
ways past finding out."
After this he pulled out a silver crucifix, and either kissed
it, or rubbed his mouth with it, I don't know which. Then hand-
ing it about, " Here's a crucifix," says he, " did you ever see a
2 D
4i6 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE
better ? observe how strong the expression is, and how finely the
passions are delineated. We keep pictures cf our best friends, of
our fathers, mothers, etc., and, pray, why should not we keep a
picture of Him who has done more than all the world for us?"
His Lordship then asked some question about Mr Secretary
Murray, which I can't recollect, for, indeed, I did not very well
understand it, and then said, " We had a better secretary when
the association was signed." After this he mentioned Mr Soli-
citor Murray, and said he was a great man, and he believed would
meet with some promotion if he was not too far north.
About nine o'clock he desired the warders to undress him,
and his breeches, shoes, and stockings being pulled off, he stood
before the fire to warm him as usual. The warder asked his
Lordship, if he would please go to bed ? " Not yet," says he, " I
will warm my feet a little more first." " I think we have a very
bad fire," says the warder. "That's not my fault," quoth his
Lordship, joking ; " you may even make a better an you like
it ;" which he did, and then standing up by his Lordship, told
him he was sorry that the morrow was to be such a bad day with
him. " Bad ! for what," says my Lord, " do you think I'm afraid
of an axe ? 'Tis a debt we all owe, and what we must all pay,
and don't you think it better to go off in this manner, than to
linger with a consumption, gout, dropsy, fever, etc.; though, I must
needs own, my constitution is so good, that I could have lived
twenty years longer I believe, if I had not been called hither."
Here my Lord offered to put off his coat and waistcoat, and as
it was his custom to pull them off by the bedside, the warder
reminded him of it " Good now," says my Lord, " I had forgot
that I was so far from the bed ; but perhaps you might have for-
got too, had your head been to be cut off to-morrow."
(To be continued.)
MR GLADSTONE'S Private Secretary, the Hon. H. M. Primrose, writes
as follows respecting the article on the Crofters' Bill which appeared in our
last issue:— " 10 Downing Street, Whitehall, 2nd June 1885. Sir,— Mr Gladstone
desires me to thank you for sending him the Celtic Magazine for June, and to say that
he has not failed to peruse your article on the Crofters' Bill, and with interest.— I am,
sir, your obedient servant,
"A. Mackenzie, Esq. (Signed) H. M. PRIMROSE."
417
TUIREADH AIR CLUAINIDH MAC-A-PHEARSOIN.
LE MAIRI, NIGHEAN IAIN BHAIN.
Fonn — " Cuachag nan craobh."
Oidhche Di-luain thainig glaodh na mo chluais,
Farum le fuaim tkimhidh,
'Thuigeas an sluagh, chuir beachd iomadh uair,
Gu'm biodh teachdair' bho 'n uaigh teann air,
'Sa mhaduinn Di-mairt, nuair dh'eirich mi'n aird,
Bha'm posta fo chrkdh, laimh rium,
'Cuir litir nam laimh le sgiala do bhais,
'Cheann-cinnidh nan skr ainmeil.
Thionndaidh mi thaobh, 'thoirt furtachd do'n taom,
'Dh-eirich uaith chaomh t'ainme,
Chinn-fheadhna nan laoch, Clann-Mhuirich mo ghaoil,
Cha b'ioghnadh dhomh, thaobh leanmhuinn ;
Cha 'n e moladh nam marbh, an deighe dhoibh falbh,
Riamh nach do dhearbh cruadal ;
Tha lainnir do bheus, t'uaisle agus t'euchd,
Cho fad sa theid sgeul seanchaidh.
Bheir sinn taing do gach aon 'thug caismeachd dha'n t-saogh'l,
Le t'eachdraidh gun chlaon chearb oirr',
Uaith t'oige gu t'aois, a Chluainidh mo ghaoil,
'S gun mh&th ort a thaobh dealbha,
Gun robh 'n t-suil san robh 'm beachd, 'sa ghnuis 'san robh 'n dreach,
'Sam beul uath'm bu bhlast' seanchas,
Fo ghlais aig a bhks, do charaid a b'fhearr,
Thug dhachaidh thu Ian earbsa.
Chuir filidh, le loinn, t' eachdraidh an rainn ;
Seinnear a phuing shuaibhneach,
Le linn 'n deighe linn theid arach 's na glinn,
A dh'urachadh cuimhne 'n uasail.
Aonghais*" mo ghraidh, nuair a leubh mi do dhan,
Mu Chluainidh is aird inbhe,
Chuirinn le bkigh, clach air do charn,
Fhir-chinnidh nam bard ainmeil.
Cha b' ann idir air tuairm, mar umha ni fuaim,
Bha iad a' luaidh t' ainme ;
Dh'fhag thu do d' shluagh claidheamh nam buadh,
S' gun smal air le ruaidhe meirge;
Chum thu faobhar cho glan, 's gach gniomh san robh math,
Le ciall agus neart t'eanchainn,
'S fear eile do chliu, a dhearbh e le thurn,
Cha d'fhag thu fo chrun Alba.
* The late Angus Macdonald, who composed a fine Gaelic poem on and during
the life of the late Cluny Macpherson.
4i8 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
THE ADVENTURES OF DONALD MACLEOD.
IN a former number we published a short sketch, entitled as
above,* of Donald Macleod, who was, in many respects, a most re-
markable character. Recently we came across a rare pamphlet,
written in 1791, giving full particulars of the life and exploits of this
extraordinary Highlander, who was then still alive, in the iO3rd
year of his age. As some readers may not have seen the previous
notice of Macleod, we shall give a short resume" of it as an introduc-
tion to a more complete account of his career. Born of parents
connected with the best families in Skye, his father being Macleod
of Ullinish, and his mother one of the Macdonalds of Sleat, he
yet, through a variety of family misfortunes, had no better pro-
vision made for him than being apprenticed to two brothers
of the name of Macpherson, stone-masons, in Inverness. Here
he found his life so hard that, after bearing it for two years, he
ran off, without a penny in his pocket, in the midst of winter,
and made his way, through many difficulties, as far south as
Perth, where he obtained a comfortable home with a worthy man,
named Macdonald, who took the friendless lad in as shop-boy,
and never had cause to repent his kindness, for young Macleod
served him well and faithfully, until the martial spirit of his
ancestors was roused within him, by the appearance in the town
of a recruiting party. Young Donald, although only thirteen
years old, and small of stature, was so determined to enlist that,
though told by the recruiting serjeant that he was too young and
too small, he persistently followed the man about until at last he
was induced to speak to his Captain about him. This gentle-
man, who turned out to be a Macdonald from Skye, on discover-
ing that our hero was the son of a gentleman, and also a relation
of his own on the mother's side, consented to enlist him, took
him under his protection, and promised him speedy promotion
if he proved himself worthy of it. Thus, Donald Macleod entered
the army at the early age of thirteen, to serve King William
III., as a private in the Royal Scots, then commanded by the
* See Celtic Magazine for March 1881.
ADVENTURES OF DONALD MACLEOD. 419
Earl of Orkney ; and it is at this point of his chequered career
that we resume the narrative of his life.
On returning with the recruiting party to Edinburgh, the
headquarters of the regiment, his Captain introduced Donald to
the Earl of Orkney, who, struck with the determination and
spirit of his young recruit, received him with great kindness; and,
being informed of his good birth, took special care in having him
well seen after. Donald must have given satisfaction to his
officers, for, in about four years, we find him raised to the rank
of serjeant, and sent into Inverness-shire, in command of thirty
men, and a considerable amount of money, to raise recruits for
the Royal Scots, then ordered on foreign service. Macleod,
although only about seventeen, executed this duty to the entire
satisfaction of his officers, and soon returned with a large number
of recruits. Shortly after he embarked with his regiment for
Flanders. Here he saw plenty of active service, for the Royal
Scots were engaged in nearly all the battles of the campaign,
such as Schellenberg, Blenheim, Ramillies, and many minor
engagements, in all of which Macleod acquitted himself well and
bravely, and, fortunately, escaped without a single wound. By
diligent practice he had become by this time a very expert
swordsman, which, combined with his high spirits and almost
reckless courage, caused him to be regarded by his comrades and
officers as the champion of the regiment. This circumstance,
added to his own hasty temper, involved him in a number of
private encounters or duels, in which he always had the good
fortune to come off victorious.
The first of these took place in 1713, during the temporary
cessation of hostilities that preceded the peace of Utrecht. While
walking quietly round the ramparts of the town in which his
regiment was quartered, Macleod was rudely addressed by a
French serjeant, who taunted him on the inactivity of the British
army. He sharply replied, and in a minute he and the
Frenchman were abusing each other in a torrent of words, in
which French, German, English, and Gaelic were commingled.
A challenge was quickly given by the Frenchman, and as quickly
accepted by the Highlander ; and at the time and place ap-
pointed they duly met to decide their quarrel with the sword.
In a short time the Frenchman fell mortally wounded ; when,
420 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
with his last breath, he acknowledged having been the aggressor,
and, giving his watch to Macleod, begged him to accept it as a
peace offering.
Shortly afterwards peace was concluded, when the army pre-
pared to return home. Pickets were sent out to bring in deserters,
and Serjeant Macleod went with a party for this purpose to the
town of Breda, where he found two deserters. On seizing them,
he was accosted by a French officer, who declared that he had
just enlisted the men in the French service, and swore that he
would keep them. Macleod was as determined to take them, and
the altercation between the two ended by the Highlander challeng-
ing the Frenchman, who, being a lieutenant, had to get permission
from his superior officer to fight a duel with a man inferior in
rank. This being secured, the two immediately set to ; but the
lieutenant was no match for Macleod, and was soon disabled. The
two deserters were at once give up on the Highlander pay-
ing the enlistment money which the men had received, and
already spent.
On another occasion, when quartered at Lisle, the Skyeman
was taking a walk with two ladies, when a German trooper
passed, and, with a scowling brow, muttered in German, " The
devil take the whole of such dogs !" "What is that you say?"
exclaimed Macleod, starting forward. The German repeated the
malediction, when, in a second, he found Macleod's sword flashing
in his face. This was too much for the German's courage, and
he took to -his heels. A German officer, however, who had wit-
nessed the affair, annoyed at his countryman's pusillanimity,
rushed forward, sword in hand, and fiercely attacked Macleod,
who, confident in his skill, cooly parried the officer's blows, and
soon found he would have no difficulty in disposing of his op-
ponent ; but having no personal grievance against the German,
and admiring his courage, he determined not to kill him, but to
give him a good lesson, and by a rapid pass he sliced off a piece
of the German's fat leg, and asked him if he was satisfied with
that. On receiving an answer in the negative, he wounded him
smartly in the sword arm, when the German said " It is enough."
Macleod then assisted his late opponent to his quarters, where,
after his wound was dressed, he insisted upon the Skyeman
staying and drinking with him. This he did, drinking with the
ADVENTURES OF DONALD MACLEOD. 421
wounded man until a late hour, when they separated the best of
friends, with kisses and embraces after the fashion of the country.
His next encounter was in Ireland, his regiment being after-
wards stationed in Dublin. In another regiment, also stationed
at Dublin, was an Irishman, named Maclean, who was a giant in
size, and possessed of great muscular strength. One of this
man's officers, a Lieutenant Maclean, was anxious to get up
a match between the Irish champion and Macleod, and for this
purpose waited upon Captain Macdonald, of the Royal Scots,
and begged the required permission. The Captain readily con-
sented, having every confidence in the agility, experience, and
skill of his favourite serjeant. The contest created great interest
among the officers and men of both regiments, and a large
amount of money was laid in bets on the result. Macleod was
now in his twenty-sixth year, and, though not a big man — his
height was only five feet seven — he was so uncommonly active
and such a known master of his weapon, that his backers had no
fear of his success.
When the two met, they took a good look at one another,
whereupon the Irishman said, " I hear you are a good swords-
man, will you fight me for five guineas ? " " As you are a Mac-
lean," replied Donald, " it shall not cost you so much ; I will, for
the name's sake, fight you for one guinea." They then, to show
there was no ill-will between them, formally shook hands, when
the Irishman squeezed Macleod's to such effect that he roared
out with the pain, creating great laughter among Maclean's
friends. Macleod, however, soon recovered his composure, and
made a mental vow that the squeeze should cost the Irishman his
right arm. Before they began the combat, Maclean, who was
proud of his great muscular strength, made a bet of two guineas
that Macleod could not turn his wrist from the position he
should place it in. The bet accepted, Maclean laid his right
arm flat on a table ; when Macleod, by a sudden jerk, turned it,
and won the wager, much to the Irishman's disgust, as this was
one of the feats at which he had never yet been beaten. The
duel now commenced in earnest, and in spite of Maclean's great
height and strength, Macleod's skill won the day, ending by
cutting off his opponent's right arm ; when he was declared the
winner amid the applause of his friends of the Royal Scots.
422 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
In 1715 Macleod's regiment was ordered to Scotland, to
assist in subduing the Rising under Lord Mar. They joined the
main army, under the Duke of Argyll, at Stirling, while the Earl
of Mar's army was quartered at Perth. Among his followers was
a noted Highland cattle-lifter, from Knoydart, named Captain
Macdonald. This man was an excellent swordsman, and boasted
that he could beat any man in Argyll's army. Lord Mar, having
faith in the man's strength and skill, and wishing to keep up the
spirit of his followers, gave his permission to Macdonald to
challenge any single man in the opposing army to single combat.
Macdonald accordingly appeared before the Duke of Argyll,
accompanied by a trumpet from Mar, and boldly challenged any
man among his followers to single combat. The Duke, who was
an excellent swordsman himself, had no objection to the display,
and, on Serjeant Macleod being pointed out to him as the most
suitable man to accept the gage of battle, gave his permission
for the duel to take place. The combatants met at a place
appointed, about half way between the two armies. Before
beginning the combat, Macdonald pulled out a flask of whisky,
and offered Donald a drink ; but, though fond enough of a dram,
Macleod knew this was not the time to indulge, so he refused,
and the two went at it. Macleod soon found himself master of
the position ; but, having no grudge against his opponent, he
wished to close the fight without bloodshed, so, with a rapid pass,
he cut off the Captain's sporran, and, then, demanding a parley,
exclaimed, " I have cut off your purse ; is there anything more
I must cut off before you give up?" Macdonald, finding himself
no match for Macleod, reluctantly owned himself beaten, and,
leaving his sporran behind him in token of his defeat, went back
with a very bad grace to his comrades. The Earl of Mar was so
pleased with Macleod's skill, that he sent him a present of ten
guineas, which the Duke of Argyll supplemented by another ten,
so that Donald made a good day's work, besides getting all the
honour of victory.
Macleod, however, did not meet with his usual good fortune
at the next battle at which he was engaged — Sheriffmuir — which
is thus truly described in the old rhyme :—
" Some say that we ran, and some say that they ran,
And some say that none ran at all, man,
But of one thing I'm sure, that at Sheriffmuir
A battle there was, which I saw, man. "
ADVENTURES OF DONALD MACLEOD. 423
Donald made himself conspicuous by the havoc his trusty
broadsword was making in the ranks of the enemy, and so at-
tracted the notice of a brave French officer, who, on this occasion,
had the courage to fight him, but by one powerful sweep of Mac-
leod's sword his head was severed from his body. A French
horseman, seeing his officer fall, sprang forward to avenge him,
but, fortunately for Macleod, a small water-course lay between
him and the Frenchman, though it did not prevent the latter
from reaching the Highlander with his long sword, and wound-
ing him in the shoulder. The pain produced roused Macleod to
frenzy, and, with a wild yell, he leaped the stream, and plunged
his sword in the body of the Frenchman's horse, which at once
fell with its rider ; but the latter managed to give the Skyeman
a fearful cut on the head, fracturing his skull, and laying open
his brain. The infuriated Celt, however, kept his feet long
enough to dispatch his opponent, and afterwards to tie up his
own broken head with his pocket handkerchief, " for fear," as he
said, " it should fall in two halves." He was then carried to the
rear, and afterwards taken to Stirling. When able to be moved,
he was sent to Chelsea Hospital, where he remained until his
wound was sufficiently healed to admit of his joining his regiment.
Some time, about the year 1720, while stationed in Newcastle,
Macleod heard that a Highland Regiment was to be raised for
the service of the Government. It was proposed that the regi-
ment should be composed of independent companies, under
different leaders, for the purpose of preventing the numerous
robberies then so prevalent in the Highlands, for enforcing the
law, and keeping the peace of the country. It was understood
that the men should not be expected nor asked to go on foreign
service, but only to act as Fencibles at home. Lord Lovat was to
have the command of one of the companies. Macleod immediately
resolved to join this regiment, though, by doing so, he would
lose his position and pay as a Serjeant in the regular army. For
this purpose, he waited upon Major Wm. Scott, the senior officer
then with the Royal Scots, and told him he had come to seek a
favour of him. "You deserve any favour, Macleod," said the
good old Major, " that I can grant ; but I first desire the favour
of you to take a dram." This request being readily complied
with by the Highlander, he told Major Scott that he wished to
THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
have his discharge from the regiment. The Major expressed his
astonishment at this request, especially as he knew that Macleod
stood high in favour with Lord Orkney and with all the officers,
and that it was generally understood that he would, at no distant
date, be raised to the rank of a commissioned officer. He argued
with Macleod at some length on the folly of giving up such good
prospects, but, rinding him immovable, he felt that he had no
alternative but to grant his discharge, on condition that he should
pay fifteen guineas to pay for another man qualified to take his
place and rank.
Having obtained his discharge, Macleod made his way to
Edinburgh, and presented himself before Lord Orkney. " How
now, Macleod? How do ye do? Is all the regiment well?"
."Yes, please your Lordship; but I have left the regiment;"
showing at the same time his discharge. "Who dares," ex-
claimed his Lordship, with an oath, " to give a discharge to any
man in my regiment without consulting me?" Macleod then
explained how he had requested the favour, and was promised it
before Major Scott knew the nature of it, and soon pacified his
Lordship, who, though a hasty man, was also a good tempered
one. Calling to his servant, he asked him to ascertain how much
he was indebted to Macleod. On being told that the sum of
£20 was due, the Earl declared, with a volley of oaths, that he
had not enough to pay that amount. " Never mind, my Lord,"
Macleod replied, who well knew that his Lordship was generally
poor, " I will wait, when it may be convenient, on your Lordship's
mother, the Countess Dowager of Orkney, as I have done before."
He then took his leave of his Lordship, who shook him heartily
by the hand, at the same time telling him that he was a great
fool to leave the regiment. Macleod soon found his way to the
Countess, who had often stood paymaster for her son ; and she
readily paid him, and took his receipt, for all his demands.
Being all impatience to offer his services to Lord Lovat,
Macleod set out on foot from Edinburgh about three o'clock one
summer morning, and at about the same hour on the second day
after, he stood on the green of Castle Downie, Lord Lo vat's
residence. During this long journey Macleod took only the
simplest food, which he carried with him, washed down at
intervals with draughts of mountain dew. Nor did he go to bed
ADVENTURES OF DONALD MACLEOD. 425
the whole time ; but once or twice slept in the open air by the
road -side for an hour or two.
The following interesting description of Lord Lovat and his
interview with Macleod, is taken from the pamphlet already re-
ferred to : — " As Macleod walked up and down on the lawn before
the house, he was soon observed by Lord Lovat, who immediately
went out, and, bowing to the Serjeant with great courtesy, in-
vited him to come in. Lovat was a fine looking, tall man, and
had something very insinuating in his manners and address.
He lived in all the fulness and dignity of the ancient hospitality,
being more solicitous, according to the genius of feudal times, to
retain and multiply adherents, than to accumulate wealth by the
improvement of his estate. As scarcely any fortune, and certainly
not his fortune, was adequate to the extent of his views, he was
obliged to regulate his unbounded hospitality by rules of pru-
dent economy. As his spacious hall was crowded by kindred
visitors, neighbours, vassals, and tenants of all ranks, the table,
that extended from one end of it nearly to the other, was covered
at different places with different kinds of meat and drink, though
of each kind there was always great abundance. At the head of
the table the lords and lairds pledged his lordship in claret, and
sometimes champagne; the tacksmen or duinwassels, drank port
or whisky punch ; tenants or common husbandmen, refreshed
themselves with strong beer ; and below the utmost extent of the
table, at the door, and sometimes without the door of the hall, you
might see a multitude of Erasers, without shoes or bonnets,
regaling themselves with bread and onions, with a little cheese,
perhaps, and small beer. Yet, amidst the whole of this aristo-
cratical inequality, Lord Lovat had the address to keep all his
guests in perfect good humour. ' Cousin,' he would say to such
and such a tacksman, ( I told my pantry lads to hand you some
claret, but they tell me ye like port and punch best.' In like
manner, to the beer-drinkers he would say, ' gentlemen, there is
what ye please at your service; but 1 send you ale, because I
understand ye like ale best.' Everybody was thus well pleased ;
and none were so ill-bred as to gainsay what had been reported
to his Lordship. Donald Macleod made his compliments to
Lovat in a military air and manner, which confirmed and height-
ened that prepossession in his favour, which he had conceived
426 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
from his appearance. 'I know,' said he, 'without your telling me,
that you have come to enlist in the Highland Watch. For a
thousand such men as you, I would give my estate!' Macleod
acknowledged the justice of his Lordship's presentiments ; and,
at his request, briefly related his pedigree and history. Lovat
clasped him in his arms, and kissed him ; and, holding him by
the hand, led him into an adjoining bed-chamber, in which Lady
Lovat, a daughter of the family of Macleod, lay. He said to his
Lady, ' My dear, here is a gentleman of your own name and
blood, who has given up a commission in Lord Orkney's regi-
ment, in order to serve under me.' Lady Lovat raised herself in
her bed, congratulated his Lordship on so valuable an acquisi-
tion, called for a bottle of brandy, and drank prosperity to Lord
Lovat, the Highland Watch, and Donald Macleod. It is super-
flous to say, that in the toast, the Lady was pledged by the
gentlemen. Such were the customs and manners of the High-
lands of Scotland in those times. By the time they returned to
the hall, they found the Laird of Clanronald, who, having heard
Macleod's history, said, * Lovat, if you do not take care of this man,
you ought to be shot.' His Lordship immediately bestowed on
him the same rank, with somewhat more pay than he had in the
Royal Scots, and, after a few days, sent him away to recruit."
We must leave the account of Macleod's further adventures
for the next issue.
(To be continued.)
GENERAL STEWART'S "SKETCHES OF THE HIGHLANDERS.'
To THE EDITOR OF THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
20 ST ANDREW SQUARE, EDINBURGH, 3oth May 1885.
DEAR SIR, — You have done good work in publishing General Stewart's Sketches
in the cheap and readable form in which they are issued. I have just finished
reading them, and truly I have not words to express my admiration of them. On
more than one occasion I consulted the work, but had little idea of its charm till I
had read it through. For many years my reading was extensive and various, but
never, since first I read the " Pilgrim's Progress," did I enjoy a work so thoroughly as
I did Stewart's Sketches. They are altogether fascinating. A more appropriate
remark was never made by my friend and clansman of Hereford than when he said that
" it ought to be in the hands of every Highland lad ; on the bookshelf of every High-
land home, next to the Bible. "—Yours very truly, ALEX. MACKAY.
427
CHARACTERISTIC ANECDOTES OF THE
HIGHLANDERS.
II.
Last month we gave anecdotes from Stewart of Garth's
Sketches of the Highlanders, illustrative of the Jacobitism, Self-
Devotion, Local Attachment, Fidelity, and other prominent
characteristics of the clans. We shall now present the reader
with a few more notes from the same source, which throw a
strong light upon some other noble characteristics of the High-
land people.
POWER OF THE CHIEFS. — At one time the chief of a clan had
the right of " pit and gallows," and absolute power over the lives
of his retainers. In this connection General Stewart gives the
following anecdote : —
"Some time before the year 1745, the Lord President
Forbes, travelling from Edinburgh to his seat at Culloden, dined
on his way at the Castle of Blair-Athole, with the Duke of
Athole. In the course of the evening a petition was delivered to
his Grace, which having read, he turned round to the President,
and said, * My Lord, here is a petition from a poor man, whom
Commissary Bisset, my baron bailie, has condemned to be
hanged ; and as he is a clever fellow, and is strongly recom-
mended to mercy, I am much inclined to pardon him.' ' But
your Grace knows,' said the President, ' that after condemnation,
no man can pardon but his Majesty.' * As to that,' replied the
Duke, * since I have the power of punishing, it is but right that I
should have the power to pardon ;' and calling upon a servant
who was waiting, ' Go/ said he, ' send an express to Logierait,
and order Donald Stewart, presently under sentence, to be in-
stantly set at liberty.' "
ATTACHMENT TO THE CHIEFS. — It is not so very many years
ago since the tenants on a Highland property were ready to do
anything for their chiefs or landlords, and the following is one of
many existing proofs of enduring respect and attachment,
testified to them by the Highlanders :—
" A gentleman possessing a considerable Highland property,
and descended from a warlike and honourable line of ancestors,
long held in respect by the Highlanders, fell into difficulties some
428 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
years ago. In this state, he was the more sensible of his misfor-
tune as his estate was very improvable. In fact, he attempted
some improvements, by employing more labourers than he could
easily afford to pay. But, notwithstanding the prospect of
irregular payments, such was the attachment of the people to the
representative of a respectable house, that they were ready at his
call, and often left the employment of others, who paid regularly,
to carry on his operations. To this may be added a circum-
stance, which will appear the more marked, to such as understand
the character of the Highlanders, and know how deeply they feel
any neglect in returning civility on the part of their superiors.
If a gentleman pass a countryman without returning his salute,
it furnishes matter of observation to a whole district. The
gentleman now in question, educated in the South, and ignorant
of the language and character of the people, and of their peculiar
way of thinking, paid so little regard to their feelings, that
although a countryman pulled off his bonnet almost as soon as
he appeared in sight, the respectful salute generally passed un -
noticed : yet this was overlooked in remembrance of his family
in the same manner that generous minds extend to the children
the gratitude due to the parents."
Here is another instance of the same feeling towards a
superior :—
" A very worthy Baronet in the Highlands (Sir George
Stewart of Grandtully), who has made the necessary allowances
for the prejudices and frailties of men, has allowed his tenants the
time necessary to learn the improved mode of culture, and to in-
crease the value and size of their breed of cattle and sheep. This
has been done without separating the arable land from the pas-
ture, or diminishing the farms of any, but rather enlarging them,
if too small, when it could be done without prejudice to others. At
the same time the rents have been gradually rising. The conse-
quence is, that he receives the undiminished rental of his estate ;
and while con3iderable distress has been experienced in his neigh-
bourhood, his people are in so different circumstances, that, when
lately, he had occasion for a supply of money to assist him in the
purchase of some adjoining lands, they came forward with a spon-
taneous offer to advance ;£ 18,000, with a declaration that they
were ready with £6000 more if required. This is a pleasing in-
stance of the attachment of the olden times. The manner in
which these people pay their rents, and support their families,
will appear the more remarkable to the advocates for large farms,
as this estate, with a rental of less than £9000 supports a popu-
lation of 2835 souls, all maintained on the produce ; while only
17 disabled paupers, and some poor old women, require parochial
relief ; and the tenants are so independent, and so grateful to their
ANECDOTES OF THE HIGHLANDERS. 429
humane and generous landlord, that they enable him to purchase
the estates for sale in his neighbourhood."
There is yet another anecdote showing how the hearts of the
people were in those days bound up in the interest of their land-
lords : —
" A few years ago, a gentleman of an ancient and honour-
able family got so much involved in debt, that he was obliged to
sell his estate. One-third of the debt consisted of money bor-
rowed in small sums from his tenants, and from the country
people in the neighbourhood. The interest of these sums was
paid very irregularly. Instead of complaining of this inconveni-
ence, his creditors among his people kept at a distance, lest their
demands might add to the difficulties of the man whose mis-
fortunes they so much lamented ; and many declared, that if
their money could contribute to save the estate of an honourable
family they would never ask for principal or interest. Speaking
to several of these people on this subject, the uniform answer
which I received was nearly in the following words : — * God for-
bid that I should distress the honourable gentleman ; if my
money could serve him, how could I bestow it better ? He and
his family have ever been kind, — he will do more good with the
money than ever I can, — I can live without it, — I can live on
potatoes and milk, but he cannot ; — to see his family obliged to
quit the house of his forefathers, is cause of grief to us all.' "
We shall give one more instance of the same generous fidelity
of the Highlanders to their chiefs : —
" Perhaps it may be thought that I give too many instances
of the attachment and fidelity of the Highlanders to their su-
periors. I shall only give one more from a number of facts of the
same description. While the estates forfeited after the rebellion
of 1745 were vested in the Crown, the rents were moderate, and
the leases long, the latter being generally forty-one or fifty-nine
years. In the year 1783, these estates were restored to those
who had been attainted, or to their heirs. This event caused
general joy in the Highlands, and among many other acts of
kindness of his late Majesty towards the Highlanders, has so
operated on their ardent minds, long affectionately attached to
their kings and superiors, that he is often called the * King of
the people.' The heir of one of the persons attainted succeeded to
an estate of considerable extent. Government, with a kindness
that might have been imitated to advantage, removed few of the
tacksmen, ' kindly tenants ' (and followers of the old families).
When the tenants of this gentleman found the descendent of
their venerated chiefs in possession of the inheritance of his
430 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE
ancestors, they immediately surrendered their leases, doubled the
rents upon themselves, and took new ones for a term shorter by
ten years than that which was yet to run of the King's leases ; in
order, as they said, that the man whose presence among them
had diffused so much happiness, might sooner be enabled to
avail himself of the price of produce, which they saw annually
increasing, and raise his rents accordingly. This was in 1783,
nearly forty years after the whole power of the chiefs, except
over the minds and affections of the people, had ceased. This
is one of the many instances that show how long those honour-
able traits of character continued, and the importance of such
disinterested and generous attachment."
Dr Johnson noticed this pleasing trait in the Highlander's
character, and thus describes a meeting between the young laird
of Coll and some of his retainers : —
" ' Wherever we moved,' says the Doctor, ' we were pleased to
see the reverence with which his subjects regarded him. He did
not endeavour to dazzle them by any magnificence of dress ; his
only distinction .was a feather in his bonnet ; but as soon as he
appeared, they forsook their work and clustered round him ; he
took them by the hand, and they were mutually delighted. He
has the proper disposition of a chieftain, and seems desirous to
continue the custom of his house. The bagpiper played regularly
when dinner was served, whose person and address made a good
appearance, and brought no disgrace on the family of Rankin,
which has long supplied the Lairds of Coll with hereditary
music.'" — Doctor Johnson's Tour.
This affection and mutual good-will was, however, always
tempered, on the side of the retainers, by a deep respect for the
chief, of which the following is a good instance : —
"When the first Marquis of Huntly waited upon King James
VI. in Edinburgh, on being created Marquis, in the year 1590,
he stood in the presence chamber with his head covered ; and on
being reminded of his seeming want of respect, he humbly asked
pardon, assigning as an excuse, that as he had just come from a
country where all took off their bonnets to him, he had quite for-
gotten what he owed to his present situation."
In this connection, General Stewart points out in a foot-note
that
" Martin says ' the islanders have a great respect for their
chiefs and heads of tribes, and they conclude grace after every
meal, with a petition to God for their welfare and prosperity.
Neither will they, as far as in them lies, suffer them to sink under
ANECDOTES OF THE HIGHLANDERS. 431
any misfortune, but, in case of decay of estate, make a voluntary
contribution in their behalf, as a common duty to support the
credit of their families.' "
It is pleasing to look back upon those times when the land-
lord was able to command such affection, generosity, and respect
from his tenants, but how have the proprietors of later years re-
paid it ? Look at the desolated homes, the roofless gables, the
neglected enclosures, which are an eyesore to so many Highland
landscapes, and the immense tracts of fine cultivable land now
given over to sheep and deer ; and again ask, How ?
PRESENCE OF MIND. — The following is a good instance of
presence of mind : — " A Highland lad, with a Lowland farmer,
was crossing a mountain stream, in a glen, at the upper end of
which a waterspout had fallen. The Highlander had reached
the opposite bank, but the farmer was looking about and loiter-
ing on the stones over which he was stepping, wondering at a
sudden noise he heard, when the Highlander cried out, ' Help,
help, or I am a dead man,' and fell to the ground. The farmer
sprang to his assistance, and had hardly reached him when the
torrent came down, sweeping over the stones, with a fury which
no human force could have withstood. The lad had heard the
roaring of the stream behind the rocks, which intercepted its view
from the farmer, and fearing that he might be panic struck if he
told him of his danger, took this expedient of saving him. A
young man like this might have been trusted on an out-post in
front of an enemy; and, possessing such presence of mind, would
have been equally capable of executing his own duties, and of
observing the movements and intentions of the enemy."
During the Forty-five, Prince Charles had occasion to thank
the presence of mind shown by a noble lady in his behalf, which
was the means of saving his liberty and his life. General Stewart
relates the incident as follows :—
" Of all the fine ladies, few were more accomplished, more
beautiful, or more enthusiastic, than the Lady Mackintosh, a
daughter of Farquharson of Invercauld. Her husband, the Laird
of Mackintosh, had this year been appointed to a company in the
then 43rd, now 42nd, Highland Regiment ; and, restrained by a
sense of duty, he kept back his people, who were urgent to be led
to the field. These restraints had no influence on his lady, who
took the command of the clan, and joined the rebels, by whom
her husband was taken prisoner, — when the Prince gave him in
charge to his wife, saying, ' that he could not be in better security,
2 E
432 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
or more honourably treated.' One morning when Lord Loudon
lay at Inverness with the Royal army, he received information
that the Pretender was to sleep that night at Moy Hall, the seat
of Mackintosh, with a guard of two hundred of Mackintosh's
men. Expecting to put a speedy end to the rebellion by the
capture of the person who was the prime mover of the whole,
Lord Loudon assembled his troops, and marched to Moy Hall.
The commanderess, however, was not to be taken by surprise ;
and she had no want of faithful scouts to give her full informa-
tion of all movements or intended attacks. Without giving
notice to her guest of his danger, she with great, and, as it
happened, successful temerity, sallied out with her men, and
took post on the high road, at a short distance from the house,
placing small parties two or three hundred yards asunder.
When Lord Loudon came within hearing, a command was
passed from man to man, in a loud voice, along a distance of
half a mile : The Mackintoshes, Macgillivrays, and Macbeans, to
form instantly on the centre, — the Macdonald's on the right, —
the Erasers on the left ; and in this manner were arranged all
the clans in order of battle, in full hearing of the Commander-in-
chief of the Royal army, who, believing the whole rebel force
ready to oppose him, instantly faced to the right about, and
retreated with great expedition to Inverness ; but not thinking
himself safe there, he continued his route across three arms of the
sea to Sutherland, a distance of seventy miles, where he took up
his quarters.
" Such was the terror inspired by the Highlanders of that
day, even in military men of experience like Lord Loudon. It
was not till the following morning that Lady Mackintosh in-
formed her guest of the risk he had run. One of the ladies
noticed by the President, finding she could not prevail upon her
husband to join the rebels, though his men were ready ; and
perceiving, one morning, that he intended to set off for Culloden
with the offer of his services as a loyal subject, contrived, while
making tea for breakfast, to pour, as if by accident, a quantity of
scalding hot water on his knees and legs, and thus effectually
put an end to all active movements on his part for that season,
while she dispatched his men to join the rebels under a com-
mander more obedient to her wishes."
Next month we shall conclude these selections with a few
anecdotes illustrative of the Honesty, Principle, Religious Toler-
ance, Hospitality, and other pleasing traits in the Highland char-
acter.
(To be continued.)
433
A LONG ISLAND WITCH.
THE writer, when a boy, frequently heard that witches who were
then very common in the Highlands, for the purpose of conceal-
ing their identity if they chanced to be observed, while pilfering
an unfortunate neighbour's crops, stock, or his cows' milk, gene-
rally assumed the form of a hare, or some other small animal.
It seems, however, that when a witch resolved to wreak personal
vengeance upon an individual, she assumed the form of any being
by which she considered she could best attain her object. The
following story is to the point :—
In the township of S , on the west side of South Uist,
" waulking" home-made cloth was much more extensively carried
on some forty or fifty years ago than at the present time, and as
the waulking, which was usually performed by the young
maidens of the township, was generally commenced about sunset,
these evenings, with song, story, and conversation, were most
pleasant, and were accompanied with a considerable amount of
courtship; for, as a rule, many of the young men of the district
'gathered there, ostensibly to keep company with the fair workers,
but in reality to make love to them.
One evening, some eighty years ago, a waulking took
place in the township above referred to, and, shortly before the
time fixed for its commencement, a young man from the east
side of the Island left his home for the house where the work
was to be carried on. This young man had been courting one
of the waulkers, but, for some reason not recorded, he had
for some time ceased his attentions to her, and broken off the
courtship. The pathless moor over which the young man had
to pass on his way to his destination was lonely and rugged in
the extreme, and was full of boggy land, lochs, knolls, and rocks.
It was nearly dark when he left home, but, being a brave and
fearless man, he proceeded with a light heart and step until
about half way without any mishap. At this stage, however, he
was suddenly attacked from behind by some fierce animal, but,
on account of the darkness, he could not for some time discover
what it was. At length he found that it was a large and power-
434 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
ful otter which tore fiercely at his legs, rending his clothes to
shreds, and lacerating his limbs in a fearful manner with his
sharp teeth. The young man, who possessed great prowess, and
lacked none of the sturdy blood that flows in every true High-
lander's veins, endeavoured with all his skill to ward off with
his feet the desperate attacks of the brute, and for a time the
struggle seemed almost equal. At length, however, the man
began to lose his strength, and the otter, seeming to perceive
this, redoubled its fury, when, just as the young man was sink-
ing to the ground exhausted, he fortunately invoked the help
of St Mary and St Peter, and at the same time, by a well-
directed kick on the otter's chest, obtained the victory; for no
sooner did the brute receive the blow, than it gave a fearful
groan, and instantly vanished in the darkness.
After resting for a while, the young man proceeded, all
bleeding and torn to his destination, fully persuaded in his own
mind that his late antagonist was some human being in the form
of an otter ; for he could in no other way explain how the mention
of the two Saints had gained him such a sudden victory. If there
had been the slightest doubt existing in his mind on this point,
it was dissipated immediately he entered the waulking house
where he found the inmates in a state of great commotion, owing
to one of their number, who had just then come in, being in great
agony from the effects of a severe blow which she said she had
received on her breast a few minutes previously from a man who
had waylaid her on her way thither. This was the woman above
referred to, whom the young man, the hero of the story, had
formerly been courting. He was now convinced that she had
been his recent assailant, and, having told all the particulars of
his adventure and exhibited his limbs and clothes in the girl's own
presence, she acknowledged the whole, and admitted that she
intended to have killed him, adding in palliation that she con-
sidered she was justified in doing so by his having slighted her.
The girl recovered from the effects of the kick, but she was
always so much shunned by her neighbours after the occurrence,
that in a short time she fell into a deep melancholy and died.
The hero of the story married in due time, and became the father
of a large family, some of whom are still alive.
MAClAIN.
435
THE SCOTTISH LAND LEAGUE OF AMERICA.
A newspaper press that conceals from those more imme-
diately concerned important facts, because they may prove un-
palatable, fails in its first duty to its patrons. Though our
sphere of duty does not quite lie in that direction, we have
hitherto occupied such a position in connection with the present
social movement in the Highlands as to make it impossible for us
to free ourselves altogether from this responsibility, though it is
so much overlooked by those whose special function it is, we
hold, to keep those more immediately interested fully informed
of war-clouds and looming danger.
It is admitted on all hands that the movement for Land
Law Reform in Ireland would have failed of any great success
were it not for the aid and impetus given to it by the material
sympathy of Irishmen abroad, especially from the United States
of America. The Highland movement has made remarkable
progress hitherto without any such outside aid, but it appears
from an account of the inauguration of the Scottish Land League
of America, which we give below, that Scotsmen from home are
going to imitate the example of the expatriated Irish, by aiding
their oppressed countrymen at home in the most practical manner.
Is it a kindness ; is it wise even to conceal this from the land-
lords of the Highlands at the present time ? Their best friends
are those who will take care to see that they are kept fully in-
formed of what is going on around them ; of the signs of the
times in which we live. It is a token of culpable weakness when
people imitate the Ostrich, thinking that, if they do not
themselves see or know of the tide that is closing round them,
they are in perfect safety — that history and great social move-
ments are to stand still because those to be affected put
their heads out of sight, and do not chose to listen, or to
look ahead, and face the danger or provide against it. From
some questions asked at the Crofters' Royal Commission at one
of their sittings at Inverness, it seems to have dawned, even then,
upon some of the more far-seeing amongst the Commissioners, that
Highlanders abroad might possibly follow the example of their
436 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Irish brethren in this matter, unless a change in the condition of
their fellow-countrymen at home soon took place; for the follow-
ing queries were put to the Editor of the Celtic Magazine by
Sheriff Nicolson and Professor Mackinnon, when the annexed
answers, some of which are now in course of being verified in
Chicago, were made in reply : —
Professor Mackinnon — " As a matter of fact, we find now the poorer they [the
Crofters] are, the more closely they stay at home ?"
Mr Mackenzie — " Yes, and the moment they get better off there is always a
tendency to go away — I am happy to say not going away and forgetting their people
at home, but constantly sending home means, without which their relations would in
many cases be paupers."
Professor Mackinnon — "Have you found at home and abroad that there is a
remembrance by folks that are going away of the poorer folks that are left behind ?"
Mr Mackenzie — " My experience is that generally Highlanders who go away and
leave their parents at home are very mindful of them, and send them home consider-
able sums of money. "
Professor Mackinnon — " So that in that respect they stand well generally."
Mr Mackenzie—" Generally."
Sheriff Nicolson — u I have heard it said that the Irish are better in that respect ?"
Mr Mackenzie — " I think not. The Irish send home more money, but for a dif-
ferent purpose. We have never appealed to the Highlanders to send home money
except for their own relations, but I have not the slightest doubt if an appeal were
made to them they would send home money for other purposes as well as the Irish."
Professor Mackinnon — " Have you accounted in your own mind for the extreme
reluctance of the people to leave their homes when they are poor, although they have
no reluctance to leave when they are well off?"
Mr Mackenzie — " Well, I think it is the case that when people are poor they
are, as a rule, comparatively distrustful of countries far away from themselves, and
there is a kind of feeling, in addition to the despair and hopelessness of their exist-
ence, that they are going away, not merely to a strange country, but almost to a strange
world. As education advances, in ten years we shall have a very different state of
matters in the Highlands from what we now have ?"
Professor Mackinnon — " You recollect that thirty or forty years ago emigration
was rather a favourite scheme among the people?"
Mt Mackenzie — " Yes, but at that time a great many of them went away in com-
munities, and they felt when they were going altogether, that they would at least have
some of the associations of their own country, and see some of their friends, but accord-
ing to the present system, there is no chance of doing that. When I was over in
Canada, I had the honour of an interview with the Marquis of Lome, and discussing
that question with him as well as with the Premier of Canada. I tried to impress upon
them the necessity of giving an opportunity to Highlanders of going out as a colony to
Manitoba, but I found the Canadian Government had strongly set their faces against
anything of the kind, and would not listen to any proposal on the basis of people settl-
ing there in bodies, the principal reason being that they had given out the land in
Manitoba in squares, every second one of which they granted to the New Syndicate
constructing the Canadian Pacific Railway, and they cannot now give it out in dis-
SCOTTISH LAND LEAGUE OF AMERICA. 437
tricts. The Opposition party are of a different opinion, but they have very little chance
at present of getting into power."*
The opinions expressed in these answers are still unchanged;
and we shall not be surprised to see the Highlanders of Canada,
Australia, New Zealand, and other British Colonies following the
example of those of the United States, though it has been said,
and said, we fear, with some amount of truth, that the High-
landers of the Dominion especially are so much interested in
getting their countrymen at home to emigrate and to populate
the Great North-West, that their personal interests in this direc-
tion have hitherto kept them from making any move to aid their
oppressed countrymen at home. This, if true, is as short-sighted
as it is selfish and unpatriotic ; for the Highlanders have resolved
that they will not emigrate until they have first fought the battle
of freedom successfully in the Highlands, and when that is
realised every man will be at liberty, if he cannot find room and
comfort in his own country — where sheep and deer now occupy
the place of men — to go where he pleases. Meanwhile our
Canadian and other Colonial fellow- Highlanders may rest as-
sured that the sooner they take steps to aid their countrymen at
home in asserting their native independence and securing their
freedom in the Highlands the sooner and the more effectually
will the surplus population — satisfied that there is a surplus over
and above what their native country will maintain in com-
fort— take to emigration, knowing that they will then leave their
parents, relatives, and friends in a position where they can
support and take care of themselves, instead of which, were they to
leave them now, they would do so, in most cases, in misery, certain
to end their days in the Poor-house, or, in the case of the great
majority who are still too noble-spirited to enter it or accept the
Parochial dole outside, die prematurely from semi-starvation and
exposure for want of the necessaries of life — food or clothing —
in their latter years. The better class of Highlanders will never
emigrate so long as their doing so will involve their relatives in
such a plight, even should they themselves have to undergo a
life-long misery by remaining at home to help and provide for
them. And will any Highlander at home or abroad blame his
countrymen for such a filial — such a natural affection for their
* Minutes of Evidence, p. 2717.
438 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
parents and friends ? No ! they will on the other hand ad-
mire it, follow the example of the Highlanders of Chicago, by
helping them, in the most practical form, to procure independ-
ence, freedom, and comfort in their native land. The surplus
population will then be glad to emigrate to lands where their
countrymen shall have already endeared themselves to them
by timely and patriotic sympathy, in a critical period of the his-
tory of the Highlands; and the necessity for such generous and
material sympathy is sure to make a deep and lasting impression
upon the minds of a people, themselves generous and noble-
minded even yet, though they have so long been trampled under
the foot of the oppressor, and had their characters so bitterly
and constantly reviled by those who would still continue that
oppression.
What the Scottish population of Chicago are doing — and in
which their example is apparently to be followed over all the Ameri-
can continent — will be seen from the following abridged re-
port of a meeting of The Scottish Land League of America, held
in Chicago on the 28th May last. It should be read and pon-
dered by all — landlords, tenants, and others — interested in the
present Shaking of the Dry Bones in the Highlands of Scotland.
The Chicago Times of the following morning reports that —
Farwell Hall was filled with an assemblage of typical Scottish-Americans. The
occasion was a mass meeting of Scotchmen in sympathy with the movement recently
inaugurated towards forming a Land League in aid of the Crofters of Scotland, and
for the purpose of affording them material help in their efforts to obtain justice from
the landlords of their native country. There were a large number of ladies present,
and the meeting was a remarkably enthusiastic one. The addresses were eloquent and
forcible, and were received with warm and frequent outbursts of appreciation and
indorsement. Among the prominent gentlemen upon the platform were : — Rev.
Duncan Macgregor, ex-Governor Beveridge, Judge Moran, M. W. Ryan, D. C. Mac-
kinnon, L. S. Shaw, T. B. Livingston, J. C. Macpherson, J. C. Newcome, William
Macgregor, William Murdoch, William A. Robertson, Alexander Fraser, Duncan
Cameron, Charles A. Macdonald, James Armstrong Robert Macdonald, Rev. Dr
Mackay. The Scotch Company of the 2nd Regiment, I.N.G., entered the hall, and
took seats in the auditorium.
The Rev. Duncan Macgregor opened the meeting, and announced the objects
sought to be obtained. He said that the men in favour of the movement in behalf of
Crofters of Scotland had not forgotten the glorious traditions which had made
Scotland's history. All mankind, he said, were gradually learning the solidarity of
the human race, and whenever the voice of distress was heard, ahd when the people
d out against oppression and injustice, then always come a warm and sure
response from friendly hearts in all sections of the world. He then referred to the
present condition of the Crofters in their lowly cabins and squalid homes, groaning
SCOTTISH LAND LEAGUE OF AMERICA. 439
under the tyranny and oppression of their landlords. They ought to be infused with
a renewed spirit to battle against the wrongs they were enduring. Eviction had been
the rule, and man was regarded less than the beast. Over two million acres of the
best land in Scotland had been wrenched from the farmers and made the home
of the deer, the coney, and the pheasant. The crops of manhood had given place to
herds of animals. When the Crofters had complained of their treatment they were
arrogantly told that emigration was an excellent thing for them. He would like to
see a general emigration among the landlords. The Crofters had resolved to endure
their squalor and poverty no longer. The last straw had broken the earners back,
and "the Campbells ar.e coming" in their might to overthrow their oppressors. He
cited a number of cases of hardship and suffering among this class of Scotchmen, and
demanded to know by what right man appropriated to himself more land than
he could cultivate and deprive honest men of the means of supporting themselves and
their families. This meeting had been called to assist these suffering men of Scotland,
and to put new life into their hearts. As the boys of Paris carried their tiny banners
bearing the words "Tremble tyrants, we are growing;" so this Land League of
America would grow until the grand object of its organisation was accomplished. Mr
Macgregor then nominated ex-Governor John L. Beveridge as the presiding officer for
the evening.
On taking the chair Mr Beveridge said that as a Scotchman he was glad to
talk to Scotchmen and their descendants. The condition of the Crofters was worse
than that of the ancient slave in America. The crofters had no rights which the pro-
perty-owners were bound to respect. They built their black mud hovels and lived
under the cruel tyranny of their landlords, who ground them to the earth. The slave
was denied his liberty, but his master, for his own security, took care of his person and
his physical wants. They had met for the purpose of encouraging those down-trodden
countrymen of theirs, and to assure them that the Scotchmen of America were heart
and soul in favour of their cause, and would labour in their behalf to the best of their
abilities.
Dr Wilcox, the secretary, then read the following resolutions, which were unani-
mously adopted, amid loud applause : —
We, the citizens of Chicago, in mass-meeting assembled, express our heartfelt
sympathy with the Crofters of the Highlands and Islands of Scotland in their peaceful
and constitutional agitation for the reform of unjust and oppressive land laws.
Resolved, That we commend the course they have adopted in demanding the right to
live as befitting freemen in the land whose history has been made illustrious in the
annals of the world by their deeds of valour and unswerving loyalty.
Whereas, Scotchmen in America, while knowing the wrongs of the Crofters, and
feeling keenly the resultant social degradation, have had no organisation which en-
abled them unitedly to express sympathy with the Highlanders in their uprising
against unjust land laws : — Resolved, That we express our gratification at the fact that
the Scottish Land League of America has been organised in Chicago to meet a long-
felt need, and that as it seeks constitutional changes only by constitutional means, we
hereby pledge ourselves to give the League such assistance as may be needed in
carrying forward its purely philanthropic labours.
Whereas, During the American Civil War for the liberation of the slaves, the
Scottish people were on the side of freedom, and also when the fire ravaged Chicago,
the cities of Scotland were among the first to render solid sympathy : — Resolved,
That we hereby declare the movement in aid of the Crofters to be worthy of full
support, and recommend it to the liberality not only of our citizens, but to that of all
friends of the oppressed on this continent. We appeal to philanthropic organisations
and to the public press to lend such help as will raise a fund commensurate with the
needs of the Scottish Crofters, and worthy of the high rank which our nation has
taken as the friend of the down-trodden in all lands,
440 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE
Judge Moran was the next speaker. He said that the old system of land tenure
was that the chiefs of the clans held the land for their adherents, and under circum-
stances most favourable to those who tilled the soil. This system had been replaced
by landlordism and feudalism. This system was the most unjust that could be estab-
lished. The rural populations of Ireland, Scotland, and England were being depleted,
and the husbandmen were fast becoming the victims of poverty. This system of
landlordism had engendered a fight in Ireland years ago, which was still raging, and
he thanked God that Scotchmen had taken up the fight on the other side of the chan-
nel. As a brother Gael he sympathised heartily with this great movement in favour
of the Crofters. The broad lands were intended by the God of nature and of man to
be tilled by the industrious and thrifty farmer for the support of himself and family,
and any attempt to deprive him of his just rights should be met with bold and resolute
opposition. As one who knew something of Scottish history, and as one who had
read the beautiful writings of her poets and novelists and historians, he was earnestly
in sympathy with the movement now successfully started. He bade them God-speed
in their great work. Success would surely crown their efforts, and the Crofter victims
of land tyranny and landlord oppression would be assisted to arise in their might in
defence of their rights and their homes.
A collection was then taken up to aid the work, and a handsome sum was
realised.
This is the first chapter in a new departure in connection with
the great movement now going on for the amelioration of the
condition of the Highland people ; and we scarcely need say that
we wish and expect for it every success. At the same time, we
warn the proprietors to take heed in time, and in a manly way,
before the power has for ever passed away from their hands, to
meet the requirements of the case by conceding, in an ungrudg-
ing spirit, the just demands of the people.
THE INVERNESS BURGH GUARD IN THE I;TH
URY. — While looking over some old Burgh papers lately,
we came across the following, which is interesting as showing
from an official source the different places in the town at which
the guards were posted two hundred years ago. The document
is dated 1691, and is as follows :—
" Account of coals and candles that ye
Guard had in winter, and what ye
(t Magistrals judge may now serve in summer.
The mayne guard in winter, eight score, and now ye half, being four score, may
serve.
The bridge guard, fourtie, and now ye half may serve,
The kirk port, fourtie, and ye half may now serve.
The east port, fourtie, and ye half may now serve.
The east barne, fyve score, and ye half may now serve.
The Castle port, fourtie, and ye half may serve.
The Castle guard, fourtie, and ye half may serve.
The kilne end, fourtie, and ye half may serve.
There is 3 Ib. and half of candles in winter allowed for all the guards a night,
being fourtie-two in number, and now we judge the half may serve."
441
HIGHLAND JUDGES AND THE GAELIC
LANGUAGE.
WE have recently had occasion more than once to animadvert
on the conduct of certain of our County Court Judges in the
Highlands. Our complaint was that the law was in one or two
instances at least glaringly strained. That such a thing should
be done, and done so flagrantly, while the sufferers had no means
of redress, is a serious blot on our whole administration, and is sure
to breed disaffection and to loosen public confidence in the impar-
tiality of the law itself. The special manifestations of injustice to
which we referred, however, were chargeable to over-officiousness
or one-sided zeal on the part of certain officers of the law, and
our charges were not by any means intended for general appli-
cation ; for we are glad to say that not a few of the sheriffs
and their subordinates in our Highland Counties are eminently
worthy of the most implicit confidence. There are, however,
certain circumstances connected with our judicial system, which,
while they do not in the smallest degree derogate from the
integrity of the Judges may and we are confident do in many
instances lead to grievous injustice to those concerned in the
decisions of our Sheriffs, who are also themselves placed in a
false and helpless position.
We have in view in making these remarks specially the
habit of appointing to sheriffships and other legal offices in
Highland Counties, gentlemen entirely ignorant of the language
of the people among whom they are expected to administer
law and justice. The subject has been recently forced upon
public notice by a leading article in the Times, strongly
urging the absolute necessity, in the interests of justice, of
appointing Judges to the Welsh County Courts, who are capable
of understanding the Welsh language. There is no argument
that can be put forward to support such a claim on behalf of
Wales that cannot be urged with equal if not with stronger force
in the case of the Highland Counties of Scotland. It has been
stated in a recent memorial to the Lord Chancellor, that in the
whole Welsh Principality there is only one County Judge able
442 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
to speak the language of the people. " The result," says the cor-
respondent whose communication suggested the leader in the
Times, " is much cavilling and dissatisfaction with the adminis-
tration of justice, which absolutely saps the public confidence in
it. The absence of knowledge of Welsh in the Judges of
Assize is not felt, because of the presence of competent inter-
preters, and a vigilant Bar; nor would it in the County Courts, if
the people appeared by advocates, and not in person as is the case.
The Judge has practically to grope his way as best he can, almost
in the dark as it were ; for interpreters where employed are in-
competent, and are not watched by others capable of correcting
them. . . . The Welsh, having borne with this great dis-
advantage for a long time, are resolved that if it depends on their
efforts it shall continue no longer." We believe, in point of
linguistic competence, that Wales with its single Welsh-speak-
ing judge is ahead of the Gaelic district of Scotland. For we
do not believe a single one of the County Judges of the High-
lands can speak or understand a dozen consecutive words of
the native language of the people among whom he is placed
to administer justice. As already indicated, we do not at all
impugn the integrity and ability of the majority of the gentle-
men who dispense justice in our Sheriff Courts ; but we do say
that it is neither just to themselves nor to the people whom they
govern. The Sheriff-Principal of Ross, Cromarty, and Suther-
land, though a Highlander born, and though brought up in a
Gaelic atmosphere, is, unfortunately, unable to understand
the Gaelic language. The Sheriff of Inverness and Nairn, to
his other acquirements — sacred and profane — does not add a
knowledge of the language best known in a large portion of the
district over which he presides. The same disability belongs, we
are safe in saying, to the sheriffs of the counties of Perth, Caith-
ness, and Argyll. But it is in the case of the Sheriff-Substitutes
that the want of a knowledge of the Gaelic language is most
detrimental to the cause of justice. Of course it will be urged
that interpreters would in any case be required as the language
of the courts is the English language ; but a sufficient reply to
this ought to be that the language of the people is the Gaelic
language.
In this respect Scotland is more helpless than Wales, for,
HIGHLAND JUDGES AND GAELIC 443
while in the Welsh Courts the great majority of the Bar are con-
versant with the language of the country, in the Highlands
Counsel affect to be, or in point of fact are, as ignorant of the
Gaelic language as the Judges. And then in the local Sheriff
Courts it must be remembered that Counsel are not in all cases
employed in conducting petty cases. However faithfully inter-
preters may be able to translate for the benefit of the Bench and
the Bar, besides the fact that interpreters often are incompetent,
much of the meaning of what witnesses have to say may be lost,
and its import seriously misapprehended, when the Judge himself
is unable intelligently to follow the witness, and to act in a
manner independently of the interpreter. The importance of such
knowledge on the part of a Judge seems to have been present to
the minds of the legal gentlemen conducting the recent " Pet
Lamb case " in the Court of Session, where it was maintained that
the opinion of the Sheriff- Substitute was entitled to greater credit
than that of the Sheriff-Principal, not only because "he had
heard the evidence," but because he was able correctly to trans-
late and appreciate the exact import of the witnesses language,
which was Gaelic. Mr Kennedy, speaking on behalf of the
crofter Macrae, said : — " We expect to show that the Sheriff, in
reversing his Substitute's decision, apparently took a view of the
result of a conversation carried on in Gaelic, which the Sheriff-
Substitute, who was more familiar with the witnesses and the
evidence, characterised as not only unfounded but absurd." And,
again, further on : — " What I meant by alluding to Gaelic, was
that, whereas the Sheriff was only able to judge of the import of
the evidence when translated into English, the Sheriff-Substitute
has the knowledge which makes him more capable of forming
an accurate " Lord Young — " Has Hill more Gaelic than
Mackintosh?" Mr Kennedy — "I don't think that the learned
Sheriff Mackintosh has any, but I know Hill has some." Now,
whether Sheriff Hill has any Gaelic or not, is not of material
importance here. The mere fact that his being supposed to
possess a knowledge of that language is accepted as an explana-
tion of the circumstances that he took a totally opposite view of
the question from that of his Principal, is sufficient for our pur-
pose. It shows what serious results to poor litigants or criminals
might arise from the Judge's incapability of properly understand-
444 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE
ing the " fair import of the evidence." Moreover, we have seen
and heard many instances of serious misinterpretation, and the
most ridiculous renderings furnished by interpreters in Highland
law courts ; such, for instance, as the conversion of males into
females — uncles into aunts, and numbers of similar impossible
metamorphoses.
Again, how often have we seen Gaelic-speaking witnesses
bullied and threatened with all sorts of pains and penalties, even
in the Justiciary Courts, for declining, or exhibiting any re-
luctance, to give evidence in English, when they were themselves
painfully aware of the difficulties with which they could give
expression to their thoughts and opinions on matters requiring
the exactitude demanded of witnesses under oath ; while in
matters of ordinary every-day conversation they might acquit
themselves creditably in the English language.
We maintain, then, that where competent legal knowledge
and the other necessary qualifications can be had, combined with a
knowledge of Gaelic, preference should be given in all future
appointments to gentlemen so equipped in the filling up of
Sheriffships and other public offices in Highland districts.
We do not see, for instance, why a Sheriff Nicolson should be
sent south to a district where he represents the total Gaelic
population in his own person, while Blacks and Websters and
Campions and Speirs and Ivorys are imposed upon Gaelic-
speaking districts, and exposed to the humiliating sensation of
feeling themselves the greatest incompetence among the people
to whom they are expected to dispense justice, and every iota
of whose causes and contentions they ought to be able to under-
stand without the aid of groping interpreters.
HIGHLAND " LETTERS OF TWO CENTURIES."
ONE feature of the "Scottish Highlander," the first number of which will be issued
early this month (July), will be " Letters of Two Centuries," being a series of original
and selected letters of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, illustrated and an-
notated by Mr Charles Fraser-Mackintosh, M.P., F.S.A. Scot., author of the well-
known and learned works, "Antiquarian Notes," " Invernessiana, " " Dunachton
Past and Present," and many other valuable contributions to the History of the High-
lands.
The letters are of all kinds and varied in character, selected on account of their
intrinsic interest or because written by or addressed to people of note in their day in
the Highlands. The first of the series, which is not to be given chronologically, will
be a letter from John Forbes of Culloden, M.P., dated London, i;th of April 1714,
HIGHLAND LETTERS OF TWO CENTURIES. 445
and containing a full account of the debates in Parliament on the Protestant Succes-
sion, and the state of parties before the death of Queen Anne. The second will be a
letter from Sir James Mackintosh, dated London, nth of November 1791, referring
to his famous work " Vindicse Gallicae."
The reader is already aware that the " Scottish Highlander" is to be published
every Friday, and conducted by Mr Alexander Mackenzie, editor of this periodical,
who is resigning his seat as a member of the Town Council of Inverness, to enable him
to devote his undivided time and attention to editing the Celtic Magazine and the
Scottish Highlander, as well as continue his labours in connection with his partly-
executed series of Highland Clan Histories, and other literary work. It may thus be
taken for granted that no effort will be spared to make the paper worthy of the High-
land people.
A BIRTHDAY BOOK: IN GAELIC AND ENGLISH.
Selected from " Ossian," Sheriff Nicolson's "Proverbs,"
and other sources. By M. C. CLERK. Edinburgh : Mac-
lachlan & Stewart. 1885.
GAELIC literature can boast of few typographical luxuries. In
the preparation of Gaelic books, utility rather than ornament has
been the object aimed at ; and too often, from carelessness of
execution, both characteristics have been missed. In the pretty
little book before us the ancient language of the Gael has been,
for the first time, elevated into a place in the department of
aesthetics. The form of this work is that of ordinary birthday-
books. A space, neatly divided off by means of red border lines,
is set apart for every day in the year, and each day is assigned a
verse of Gaelic poetry and a Gaelic proverb. We do not discover
any special appropriateness between the lines selected and the
days to which they are attached ; and, indeed, this was unavoid-
able in a selection confined mainly to the works of Ossian, in
which we meet with no references even to the general names of
days, or months, or terms, not to speak of the feast, and fast, and
Saints' days of the Christian Calendar. But we think the author
might, with advantage, have put some of the best of our modern
bards under tribute in the preparation of the Gaelic Birthday
Book. However, though the culling has been, as we think,
unwisely confined to the Poems of Ossian and the Gaelic Proverbs
of Sheriff Nicolson, the work of arranging, editing, and translat-
ing the selections has been most carefully done, and the result is,
as we have already hinted, a perfect luxury of Gaelic typography,
and a fitting and highly complimentary employment of the
Gaelic language in connection with one of the most innocent and
interesting fancies of polite society. It remains to be said that
the author is a daughter of the venerable minister of Kilmallie, a
circumstance which goes far to account for the correctness of the
work. Principal Shairp, of St Andrews, supplies a chaste and
appreciative introduction.
446 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
GAELIC TEXTS FOR SCHOOLS (NEW CODE), WITH
GRAMMAR, VOCABULARY, &c. By H. CAMERON
GILLIES, M.B., &c. Edinburgh : Maclachlan & Stewart.
THIS little work is, as we learn from the preface, a text-book
arising out of the necessity for such in connection with the recog-
nition of Gaelic as a specific subject in the new Code, and " is
meant for those to whom Gaelic is the native tongue, and to
whom the language should be instructive and not a constructive
task." The author is himself a practical educationist, and is
possessed of a full and intelligent knowledge of the Gaelic lan-
guage. His experience in these respects may therefore be
accepted as qualifying him to know what form of manual, and
what measure of positive Gaelic instruction will be called for to
meet the requirements of the case. We doubt not his little text-
book will prove serviceable. A text-book for schools ought to
be as free from errors as possible, and this work is very meritori-
ous in this respect. We notice, however, a few errors which Mr
Gillies will put right in the next edition. The most important are
such misspellings asv<coilleach,""beallach," "mhianaich," "daonan,"
" ceilleir," " urrain," " doinean ;" and " ceann caora " for " ceann
caorach. We think page 38 will require reconstruction. "A
bhi" is not grammatically in the same mood with "ag iasgach."
Neither does this last phrase mean " to fish," but is the participle
" fishing," and so with all the words in the column under the
heading " Infinitive'' We trust Mr Gillies will be encouraged by
the success of Part I. to proceed with the rest of his intended
series.
"MOCK LEGISLATION FOR THE CROFTER. —If columns of vague
verbiage could do the poor Highland crofters any substantial good, their condition
would soon be as happy as it is confessedly miserable. The Royal Commission did
not promise them a great deal and the bill of the Government offers less. Another
illustration of the flabbiness of the Scottish members is furnished by the congratula-
tions which the Lord Advocate received after expounding his microscopic scheme. It
is a measure which might have been drawn up if no Royal Commission had ever been
appointed. It treats the recommendations of Lord Napier and his colleagues with
practical contempt, evading the one grand essential of effective legislation. What the
crofter needs, and ought to get, is more land, to be got from the monster holdings and
the still more monstrous deer forests. This point the proffered bill ignores. It only
requires Sir Edward Colebrooke's addition to be a perfect mockery. That venerable
' Liberal ' is anxious that a still larger number of the Highland people should be ex-
patriated. Our country has not yet been weakened enough by the process of depletion.
We must send away the fragment of the good old native stock that remains and multi-
ply the number of the glens which have been reduced to savage solitudes. Such is the
outcome of the ' collective wisdom ' addressing itself, through the appropriate agency
of Mr Balfour, at the fag-end of the expiring Parliament to what is the most pressing
Scottish problem of our time— if the case of a noble, patient, God-fearing race, con-
demned to starvation and held in Egyptian bondage, is worthy of any consideration.
We must be content to wait the election of a new Parliament in the hope that it may
prove wiser and more truly patriotic than the one which has now the death-rattle in
the throat of it." — Christian Leader.
THE
CELTIC MAGAZINE.
CONDUCTED BY
ALEXANDER MACKENZIE, F.S.A.. Scot.
No. CXVIII. AUGUST 1885. VOL. X.
THE ADVENTURES OF DONALD MACLEOD.
II.
DONALD MACLEOD passed the next twenty years of his life in
the Highlands of Scotland. He was promoted by Lord Lovat
to the lucrative post of Drill-Serjeant, the duties of which
position he fulfilled to the entire satisfaction of his officers. His
leisure hours were agreeably spent in hunting, fishing, and prac-
tising with his favourite broadsword.
One of the principal reasons for the regiment being raised
was to put down the numerous cattle-lifters or gentlemen-
robbers, as they were called, which at that time were so
plentiful in the Highlands, and who, by their daring and
dexterity in avoiding capture, had become a terror to all the
peaceable inhabitants. Tracking out and apprehending these
desperadoes was a work of no little difficulty, requiring both
intelligence and courage. Donald Macleod was found especially
suited for the work, and was often employed in it.
On one occasion he was ordered to take thirty men under
his command, and to apprehend a very famous freebooter, James
Roy Stewart, whose frequent depredations had made him the
terror of the district. Macleod having got information where to
find him on a particular day, went to his residence very early in
the morning, quietly posted his men round the house, and then
went boldly inside alone. Although at such an early hour the
2 F
448 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE
wife of Stewart was up and dressed, it being her custom to keep
watch while her husband slept, she was greatly discomposed and
alarmed at the sight of the Serjeant, but striving to regain her
composure, she welcomed him with all the signs of that cheerful
hospitality always shown by Highlanders to strangers. Her dis-
tress was redoubled on hearing Macleod say firmly, though
politely, " Madam, I am come to seek James Roy. He is in the
house, I know, and in bed." Though Macleod said this at a
venture, he was soon convinced of the truth of his suspicions by
seeing the poor woman turning pale and quite unable to deny
the fact that her husband was in at the time. In the meantime
James Stewart hearing that he was discovered leapt out of bed,
where he had lain with his clothes on, seized his dirk and pistols,
and made a rush to the door. Macleod, however, was too quick
for him, and soon barred his escape. Seeing this, Stewart
changed his tactics, threw aside his weapons, courteously saluted
his unwelcome guest, and calling for whisky, bread, and cheese,
pressed Macleod to sit down and partake of what refreshment
the house afforded, at the same time saying, " I know you are
not alone ; for no man ever durst come into my house alone on
such an errand." To this Macleod answered boldly, that he
feared neither him nor any other man, but owned to having his
men round the house, making it impossible for Stewart to escape.
" Very well," said the latter, " but I hope you are not in a hurry ;
sit down and let you and I talk together, and take our break-
fast." Macleod agreed, and a bottle of whisky at least was
exhausted in good fellowship before a word further was said of
the business of the visit on either side. At length Macleod, after
a short pause in the conversation, said —
"Jamie, what did you do with the thirty head of cattle you
drove away from the Laird of Glen Bisset's, and the six score, or
thereabouts, that you took away from the lands of Strathdown ?
Stewart was somewhat nonplussed at such a direct inquiry ;
but it was in vain to deny the fact, which was evidently well
known to his interrogator. So without either admitting or deny-
ing his guilt, Stewart replied —
" Serjeant Macleod, let me go for this time, and neither you
nor the country will be troubled with me any more."
"Jamie, I cannot let you go ; you have slashed many men,
ADVENTURES OF DONALD MACLEOD. 449
and stolen many horses and cattle. How many straths are afraid
of you? No, Jamie, you must go with me."
" Serjeant," replied Stewart, " let me go this time and I will
give you a hundred guineas."
" It was not for guineas, Jamie, that I came here this day,
and rather than be drawn off from the duty of a soldier for a few
guineas, I would go with you and steal cattle."
Finding bribery of no avail, Stewart had recourse to entreaty
in which he was joined by his wife and four young children, who
clung around Macleod with tears and sobs. The affecting sight
was too much for the tender-hearted Serjeant, so he agreed to
a compromise to the effect that he would not seize Stewart, this
time, if he would give up all the cattle he had lately stolen, and
also provide refreshment for the thirty men on guard outside-
These conditions were thankfully accepted, and Stewart anxiously
pressed his visitor to accept at least a portion of the money offered
him before ; but Macleod would not take a single penny. When
his men were rested and fed, they collected the cattle, and drove
them to their respective owners, who were much better pleased
at getting their property back than even if the robber himself had
been apprehended.
Before charging Macleod with not doing his duty on this
occasion, it must be borne in mind that at this time the High-
lands were in a very lawless state, and to the military, who acted
as detectives, policemen, and often as judges, a very great deal of
discretionary power in cases of this kind was allowed and exer-
cised by officers of all ranks.
On another occasion Macleod was tempted to compromise
with a thief, although his motive for doing so was not so disinter-
ested as in the former instance. He was sent in command of a
small party to apprehend a notorious horse-dealer, named James
Robertson, who lived in Athole, and who stole the horses first
and then sold them. The distance was long, the day warm, and
the Serjeant, who always liked his dram, stayed rather too long
and drank rather too deeply at Aberfeldie, so that by the time he
reached Robertson's house he was somewhat elevated. The wily
horse-thief was at no loss to account for the soldier's visit, and,
seeing his condition, did his best to keep him in good temper,
and protract the time so that he could have a chance of making
his escape. Robertson had four very handsome daughters, with
450 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
one of whom Macleod was much taken. The young woman, at
a sign from her father, encouraged Macleod's attentions, until at
length Macleod proposed to marry her. Robertson now saw his
advantage, and would only listen to Macleod's proposal on con-
dition that he should himself be allowed to escape on giving up
possession of the horses he had stolen. The amorous Serjeant
agreed to this, only stipulating that the marriage should take place
at once. This was accomplished by the easy ceremony of acknow-
ledging Miss Robertson as his wife before witnesses. He then dis-
missed the men under his command to a small village at a little
distance where he would join them in the morning. Robertson,
however, was not satisfied with the bargain, and he no sooner saw
Macleod retired for the night than he sent privately for four young
men, his neighbours, one of whom had been a suitor for the newly-
made bride, to come and attack Macleod, who, he thought, in his
present state, would prove an easy victim. In this, however,
he found himself mistaken, for no sooner did the valiant Serjeant
hear the noise made by the young men entering the house than
he sprang up, seized his trusty sword, and laid about him with
such good will that he soon put all four of them to flight.
Robertson tried to make him believe that the young men
had come to the house by accident, but the enraged Highlander
would not believe him ; but, calling him a liar and a traitor,
swore he would seize him and give him up to justice, which he
doubtless would have done, had not Robertson's daughter, whose
charms had so captivated him, here come to the rescue, and
throwing her arms round Macleod's neck, with many tears and
kisses, begged him to let her father go. Her entreaties at length
prevailed, and her father was allowed to escape on giving up the
stolen horses. The marriage, so hastily arranged, turned out a
happier one than might have been expected ; for, in the account
of his after life, it is stated that he cherished her as every good
and tender husband ought to cherish his wife, until she died in
child-bed of her first child, a boy, who afterwards became a
thriving tailor in Edinburgh.
Towards the close of the year 1739 the independent com-
panies of the Highland Watch were increased by four additional
companies, and the whole formed into a regiment — the 43rd—
now the 42nd Royal Highlanders, under the command of their
ADVENTURES OF DONALD MACLEOD. 451
first Colonel, John, Earl of Crawford. About a year afterwards
they were somewhat surprised at being ordered to London, be-
cause when the independent companies were raised it was dis-
tinctly understood that they should not be called upon for foreign
service, nor at any time to serve out of their own country. The
suspicions of the men were roused, but on being assured that
the only object of their going to London was to be reviewed by
the King, who had never seen a Highland Regiment, they went
cheerfully enough. During their progress through England they
were everywhere well received and hospitably treated, so that
they entered London in high spirits and with perfect confidence.
Here, however, their former suspicions of unfair dealing returned
with redoubled force, on finding that the King had sailed a few
days before for Hanover. The populace, too, treated them to
taunts and sneers, which the Highland blood could ill brook,
and, to crown all, certain Jacobites industriously circulated reports
that the regiment had been inveigled to London for the purpose
of having them transported to the colonies, and so rid the country
of a lot of Jacobites at one blow. Unfortunately these misrepre-
sentations were too readily believed, and the greater part of the
regiment broke out into open mutiny.
We quote the following description, by the biographer of
Macleod, as it places in a somewhat different light, the account
of the outbreak given by the historians of the period : — " What
happened on that occasion falls within the memory of many
persons now living (1791), and will be long remembered as an
instance of that indignant spirit which justice and broken faith
inspire on the one hand, and of that gradual encroachment which
executive and military power are prone to make on civil liberty
on the other. Many gentlemen's sons and near relations had
entered as private men into the Highland Watch, under the
engagement that they should never be called out of their own
country. That promise, made long before, in times of peace,
was forgotten amidst the present exigencies of unsuccessful war,
and it was determined to send the Highland companies as a
reinforcement to the army in Germany, under the Duke of
Cumberland. A spirit of resistance and revolt, proceeding from
Corporal Maclean, pervaded the whole regiment. The whole of
the Guards, and all the troops stationed about London, were
452 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
sent to surround the Highlanders, quell what was now called a
mutiny, and reduce them to obedience. A great deal of blood
was shed, and lives lost on both sides. The long swords of the
Horse Guards were opposed to the broadswords of the High-
landers, in front, while one military corps after another was ad-
vancing on their flanks and rear. Yet, in these circumstances, a
considerable party of them forced their way through the King's
troops, and made good their retreat northwards on their way
home as far as Yorkshire, where, being overtaken by a body of
horsemen, they took post in a wood, and capitulated on safe and
honourable terms. But, in violation of the engagements come
under on that occasion to the Highlanders, three of them, among
whom was the high-spirited Corporal Maclean, the prime mover
of the secession, were shot, the rest sent to the plantations.
Though Serjeant Macleod was not of the number of the seceders,
he was indignant at the usage they had met with, and some of
the Horse Guards bore for years marks of his resentment. But
the less that is said on this subject the better. The Highland
Companies, or the 42nd Regiment, were now sent over to the
Low Countries, and to Germany, where they were engaged in
different battles, and particularly that of Fontenoy, in which
Serjeant Macleod was not a little distinguished."
As an instance of Macleod's coolness under fire, it is related
that during the thickest of the fight at Fontenoy, he, having
killed a French Colonel, deliberately served himself heir to 175
ducats and a gold watch which he found on his slaughtered foe.
He had scarcely secured his booty when he was fiercely attacked
by a Captain James Ramievie, an Irishman in the French service,
whom, after an obstinate and skilful combat, Macleod killed.
The next moment he was beset by three or four Frenchmen all
at once, and was very hard pressed, when a gentleman of the
name of Cameron, who, although in the French service, came to
his rescue. The gentleman's Highland heart warmed at the sight
of the tartan, and he could not see a countryman in such straits
without rendering help. Naturally, after such an episode, he could
not remain in the French service, and he immediately joined his
countrymen of the 42nd. In this same battle of Fontenoy, Mac-
leod received a musket ball in the leg ; but refusing to fall behind,
he hastily bound up his wound, and was among the first that
entered the trenches.
ADVENTURES OF DONALD MACLEOD. 453
In 1745, when the Duke of Cumberland and his army were
recalled in hot haste to oppose Prince Charles, it was not thought
advisable to take the 42nd Regiment, which had been reinforced
after Fontenoy by a large number of recruits fresh from Scotland,
along with the rest of the army. Accordingly they were ordered
to different home stations, and at last sent over to Ireland, where
they remained over ten years; and in the various encounters with
the " Whiteboys," " Hearts of Steel," and the other insurgents,
Macleod had ample opportunities of exhibiting his prowess and
skill as a swordsman.
While stationed in Ireland he was on one occasion ordered
to Scotland to recruit, and on his way stayed a day or two in
Belfast, where he met with an adventure. There resided in that
city a Scotchman named Maclean, a native of Inverness, and
a tailor by trade. This man was a fair swordsman, and thinking
himself invincible he had the temerity, when elevated by drink, to
challenge the redoubtable Highland champion to a trial of skill.
Macleod consented, but seeing the tailor flustered, and not wish-
ing to take an unfair advantage of him, he advised him to reconsider
the matter, and if he still felt determined to fight he would meet
him next day. This proposal the excited tailor chose to consider
insulting, and nothing would do but to fight then and there.
The two combatants, with their seconds and a crowd of onlookers,
adjourned to a field outside the city, and the duel began. The
tailor was not without skill in the handling of his weapon, had
plenty of courage, was very nimble, but withal was no match for
Macleod, who contented himself at first with merely parrying the
other's quickly delivered blows. At length, getting annoyed at the
man's obstinacy, Macleod cut off one of his ears, then, in a second
or two, the other ear was severed similarly; yet Maclean would
not yield, swearing he would rather die a thousand deaths than
yield to a Macleod, when the Serjeant, in self-defence, continued
the fight until he disabled his opponent by finally severing one of
the sinews of his leg, thus bringing him to the ground.
In 1756 the 42nd Regiment embarked for America, and
soon after Macleod was drafted from it to the 78th, commanded
by General Fraser, to fill the advantageous station of Drill-
Serjeant. During this campaign Macleod became personally
known to General Wolfe, who, finding that to undoubted courage
454 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
and great experience Macleod could add a tolerable knowledge
cf the French and German languages, often employed him on
occasions requiring both address and resolution. He always
acquitted himself to the General's satisfaction, acknowledged by
handsome presents and promises of future preferment, which
promises, alas ! the gallant young officer did not live to fulfil.
At the siege of Louisburg Macleod greatly distinguished
himself by volunteering with a handful of men to surprise the
French outpost, the latter being cut off to a man. He afterwards
received a musket ball on his nose, which was most painful at
the time, and caused him more inconvenience afterwards than
any other of his numerous wounds.
At the glorious battle of Quebec he was among the foremost
of the Grenadiers and Highlanders who drove the shaking line
of the enemy from post to post, and ultimately completed their
defeat. In this action he had his shin-bone shattered by grape
shot, and had a musket ball through his arm. While being
assisted in this disabled state to the rear by his comrades, he
heard with unmitigated grief that his beloved General Wolfe had
been struck down. He immediately offered his plaid for the
purpose of carrying the wounded General off the field, and he
had the melancholy satisfaction of having it accepted and used
for that purpose.
In consequence of his wound, Macleod was invalided home,
and had the honour of being one of the guard deputed to take
charge of the body of General Wolfe on the journey to Britain, in
November 1759. In December of the same year he was admitted
an out pensioner of Chelsea Hospital, which was all the recogni-
tion ever given at headquarters for the long services of the hardy
veteran, then in his /ist year.
Macleod did not, however, consider himself an old man at
this age, and no sooner were his wounds healed, and his strength
restored, than, hearing that some new companies were being
raised in the Highlands for the war in Germany, he applied to
Colonel Campbell to enlist him as a volunteer. His services were
accepted, the rank of Paymaster-Serjeant was bestowed upon him,
and he was ordered to go north to recruit. It was while on this
service at Inverness that he met with and married his last wife,
Mrs Jane Macvean, who afterwards accompanied him with his
ADVENTURES OF DONALD MACLEOD. 455
regiment to Germany, where he served throughout the campaign,
and was twice wounded, once by a musket ball, which went in an
oblique direction between two of his ribs and his right shoulder,
and again by a ball in the groin, which could not be extracted,
and which caused him great pain and inconvenience during the
rest of his life. After peace was proclaimed, he received pay for
two or three years from Chelsea Hospital as an out pensioner,
during which time he returned and worked at Inverness at his
original trade of mason. The constant use of the mall was, how-
ever, more than his strength could now bear, and threatened to
reopen some of his wounds. He therefore returned to England,
invested his savings in the purchase of a small house in Chelsea,
in which he lived for the succeeding ten years, rearing up a large
family, yearly increasing, and working in an extensive manufac-
tory of white lead, at which he earned good wages.
In 1776, hearing that his countrymen had again embarked
for the seat of war in America, Macleod could not restrain his
longing to be once more actively engaged in the profession he
loved, so settling his house, furniture, and what little money he
had on his wife and children, he bid them good-bye, took passage
to America, landed at New York, from thence made his way to
Charleston, and, presenting himself before Lieutenant-General Sir
Henry Clinton, whom he had known and served under in Ger-
many, offered himself as a volunteer. Sir Henry, struck with
the military ardour and indomitable spirit of the old man,
allowed him to remain with the army as a Drill-Serjeant, and
very liberally gave him an allowance out of his own pocket of
half-a-guinea a-week. When the army began to move north-
wards, and was likely to be actively engaged, the General, pity-
ing the old man, made an excuse to send him home with
despatches to the Government. Having faithfully performed
this service, and finding that he had no further prospect of being
employed in the army, Macleod resolved to return to the High-
lands, and settle down quietly for the rest of his life. He
accordingly sold his house in Chelsea, which realised some two
hundred pounds. This sum, with other small savings which he
had deposited from time to time in the hands of Mr Alexander
Macdonald, a clerk in the King's Office, Chelsea, was all his
worldly fortune. As Mrs Macleod was very much afraid of going
456 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
by sea, her husband arranged for her and the children to pursue
their journey to Inverness by land, while he, with the chief part
of the money and several large trunks, full of arms, clothes, and
other articles on which he laid great value, set sail in the
" Margaret and Peggy," of Aberdeen, Captain Davidson, master.
This voyage turned out most disastrously, for, when on the Coast
of Yorkshire, the ship was overtaken in a severe storm, driven on
the rocks, and completely wrecked, our old soldier being the only
passenger saved, by having himself lashed to a plank before the
vessel sank. He was thrown by the waves on the beach, and
was picked up more dead than alive between Whitby and Scar-
borough, and taken to the house of a hospitable gentleman
named Boyd, who originally came from Ayrshire. Here he was
treated with great kindness for several days, and as his own
clothes were rendered almost useless by the sea and the rocks,
Mr Boyd supplied him with some of his own, and though
Macleod had a gold watch in his pocket and a ring of some value
on one of his fingers, his kindly host insisted on his accepting a
present of two guineas. With this sum he started, after taking
a grateful farewell of his benefactors, to make the best of his
way overland to Inverness. He went first to Durham, from
thence he made his way to Newcastle, where, unfortunately
he fell in with some old comrades with whom he had served
in many an arduous campaign. Their joy at again meet-
ing with each other was so great, and their temperance inclina-
tions so small, that the remains of the two guineas given him
by Mr Boyd was soon melted. His watch and ring was next
utilized to procure the means of conviviality, and the drinking
bout only ended from the want of any more means to prolong it.
Macleod was now on his beam ends ; he, however, managed
to reach Edinburgh where he had friends, who willingly re-
lieved his necessities. Here he met Major Macdonald of the
84th Regiment, who had known him while in the army, and
who not only liberally assisted him but gave him an intro-
duction to Lady Clanranald, who was herself a relative of
Macleod. This amiable lady received him most kindly, and not
only assisted him herself, but wrote the following letter on his
behalf to her uncle, Alexander Macleod, of Ullinish, Isle of
Skye :—
ADVENTURES OF DONALD MACLEOD. 457
" Easter Duddington, 3oth December 1785.
" My Dear Uncle, — This will be given to you, if he lives to get your length, by
a person in whom all the world, if they knew his history, would be deeply inter-
ested ; much more you and I, who, by the strongest ties of natural affection, have
every reason to be so. I will not attempt to relate his misfortunes, but will leave
them to himself. The effects of them on his appearance is such as is sufficient to
awaken all the tender sympathetic feelings of which the human heart is capable. It
has, indeed, made an impression on my eldest daughter (the only one of my family at
home at present) and myself beyond any incident we ever met with. Destitute totally
of every means of subsistence at the age of ninety-five, almost naked, and without a
shilling, till providentially he met with Major Macdonald, of the 84th, who gave him
what enabled him to get quarters, and directed him to my house, for which, I do as-
sure you, he will sincerely get my thanks if ever I meet with him. O ! my dear
uncle, it is impossible to describe what an interesting object he is. The fine old
veteran ! What makes him doubly interesting is that he seemed more hurt at seeing
us so much moved than by his own distress. I, indeed, never wished more to be rich
than I did at that moment. With infinite satisfaction would I have sent him all the
way to your house, if I could have afforded it, in a carriage. And this is no more than
what his King and country owe him after a service of from three to four score years.
But now, like a true old soldier, all that he laments is the loss of his sword. With
my daughter's assistance I made him, as he thought, rich by giving him three guineas
with some clothes I ordered him from my cloth merchants, which will, I hope, if this
severe weather will permit him, enable him to get to your house, where, I make no
doubt, he will meet with a tender reception, and I will be anxious till I hear of his
arrival. My daughter joins me in wishing you and yours many happy returns of the
season. I ever am, dear uncle, yours,
(Signed) " FLORA MACDONALD."
With the timely assistance thus rendered, by his noble
relative, Macleod was enabled to continue his journey in more
comfort, and at length arrived in Inverness, little better off in
worldly goods than when he left it more than half a-century
before as a runaway apprentice, with the exception that he now
had an affectionate wife and flourishing family, who had been
for some time anxiously awaiting his arrival.
From 1780 to 1789 he lived in Inverness, making a living
by working a little at his old trade of mason, supplemented by
the small pension he received from Chelsea Hospital; but in the
latter year, finding that, through some neglect or error, the
usual remittance was not paid, he determined, with characteristic
energy, to go to London to see after it. Accordingly, in the
summer of 1789, he started, accompanied by his wife, to walk
to London, which they reached in the beginning of August,
and at once found out, and laid his situation before, Colonel
Small, a gentleman of great philanthropy, universally respected,
458 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE
and under whom Macleod had served for several years both
in Ireland and America.
The Colonel received him most kindly, entertained him at his
own house, and allowed him is. a-day of pocket-money as long
as he remained in London. By the advice of this gentleman he
drew out a memorial and petition, setting forth his long services
and misfortunes, and praying that he might have what was called
the King's letter; that is, that he should be placed on a list of
persons recommended by the King for a pension of a shilling
a-day for life, for extraordinary services. By the aid of Colonel
Small and other officers, Macleod had an opportunity of pre-
senting his petition to the King in person. We quote the
description of this interview with Royalty : — " The very first day
that his Majesty (George III.) came to St James's, after his in-
disposition, Macleod, admitted to the staircase leading to the
drawing-room, presented his petition, which his Majesty graciously
accepted and looked over as he walked upstairs, At the head
of the stairs the King called him. The old Serjeant was going
to fall on his bended knee, but his humane sovereign, respecting
his age, would not suffer him to kneel, but laid his hand upon
the old man's breast, and, making him stand upright, expressed
no less surprise than joy at seeing the oldest soldier in his service
in the enjoyment of so great a share of health and strength. The
sentiments that filled his own royal breast he eagerly expressed
to the different noblemen and gentlemen that were near him.
He gave it in charge to a gentleman present to take care that
the prayer of his petition should be granted."
The name of Donald Macleod was accordingly placed on the
list, and this knowledge, together with ten guineas received out
of his Majesty's own hand, sent the old man and his wife on their
way rejoicing back to Inverness. The irony of fate, however,
still pursued the worthy couple, for although Macleod's name
was duly placed on the list, it appeared he would have to wait
for the actual receipt of his shilling a-day until there should be a
vacancy, the number of recipients being limited. This was more
than the patience of the old soldier could stand ; his King had
promised him a shilling a-day, and that shilling a-day he was
determined he would get, so, once again, he and his wife, accom-
panied this time by their youngest child, a boy of nine years, set
ADVENTURES OF DONALD MACLEOD. 459
out again from Inverness on the long walk to London. On his
second appearance in London, the hardships of his case attracted
a good deal of attention, and Macleod made many influential
friends who interested themselves on his behalf. It was on this
occasion, in 1791, that the life and adventures of the hardy
old veteran, from which we have our information, was written
and published, for his behoof. A portrait of him was issued at
the same time, which found a ready sale. Among others who
showed him kindness was the celebrated scholar, Dr Rutherford,
who invited him to visit him at Uxbridge, and give him an
exhibition of his skill with the broadsword at the Academy
before his pupils. After returning from Uxbridge, and leaving the
stage coach, Macleod was in the evening walking down Park
Lane, when he was set upon by three footpads. Though armed
only with a short stick he knocked one of the rascals to the ground,
but the other two crept up behind him, threw him down, and robbed
him of sixteen shillings. The poor old man was much shaken
and bruised, but still more hurt in mind at having been overcome
by the villains.
During this visit an affecting and interesting incident oc-
curred to him. One day while he, his wife, and youngest boy
were walking in a suburb of London, they were overtaken by a
young man, who entered into conversation with them ; and soon
rinding they were from the Highlands, asked their name, and
what part they came from. " My name is Macleod," answered
the old man, " my native county, and usual place of residence, is
Inverness." The young man eagerly sought for further informa-
tion, and on being told that the old man's name was Donald, and
that he had served so many years as Serjeant in a Highland
regiment, he burst into tears. Macleod looked on with astonish-
ment, but his wife, after looking earnestly at the stranger, burst
into tears and threw herself sobbing into his arms, exclaiming,
"O, Serjeant Macleod, do you not know your own child?"
And such, indeed, he turned out to be. This young man, John
Macleod, had left home some ten years before to seek his fortune.
He was a gardener by trade, and found good employment in
England, but never stayed long in any one place. This circum-
stance, and the unsettled movements of the old Serjeant him-
self, had prevented them hearing anything of each other so
460 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
long that each concluded the other was dead ; and their mutual joy
at thus so accidentally meeting again was great and unrestrained.
Our account of Macleod's life ends at this period, and we
have no means of ascertaining what afterwards became of him;
whether he lived to return to Inverness and enjoy his hardly-
earned pension, or whether his long lease of life was soon ended.
When his biography concludes he was in the enjoyment of
good health and spirits, and in his ic>3rd year. He could not
remember the exact number of his children by his different wives;
and some of whom he had lost sight of for years; but he knew of
sixteen sons then living, the eldest of whom was past eighty, and
the youngest nine. Twelve of them were in the King's service,
either as soldiers or sailors. He had also several daughters, who
had married well. He was still wonderfully active, and when
asked as to his mode of life, he replied, "I eat when I am hungry,
and drink when I am dry, and never go to bed but when I can't
help it." It appears that he would never retire to bed until his
eyes closed, whatever time of the night it might be, and the
moment he awoke he would spring up, wash, dress, and go out
for exercise or for some duty or other. He seemed to have a
great aversion to rest, and was always in motion. His faults
were not so much of the heart, as of the fashion of the times in
which he lived and the sphere of life in which he moved, while
his virtues were characteristic of his race and country. High-
spirited, courageous, even to rashness, yet tender in domestic life,
generous, hospitable, and with a keen sense of honour, his was
a character to admire, and his extraordinary adventures claim
our sympathy and command our interest. M. A. ROSE.
•'THE SCOTTISH HIGHLANDER."— The first number of the Scottish
Highlander, edited by Mr Alexander Mackenzie, F.S.A. Scot., has a bright and
promising aspect, so far as the external get-up is concerned ; and a perusal of its con-
tents shows that pains have been taken by its conductor to secure a strong and
thoroughly efficient body of contributors. There are racy letters from Edinburgh,
Glasgow, and Liverpool ; there is a Gaelic department specially rich in attractive
force for the Highlander ; Sheriff Ivory receives an amount of attention that will help to
hasten the day of retribution for that official law-breaker ; and the leading articles are
trenchant and no less seasonable Lord Rosebery is warned, apropos his
impending visit to the Highland capital, to be cautious against any attempts to make
him the tool of the so-called Liberal Association of the county of Inverness, "an out-
and-out Whig organisation, which no more represents the Liberalism of the new con-
stituencies than do its present chairman, Lord Lovat ; its late chairman, Major P'raser
of Kilmuir; or its patron, the Duke of Argyll, in their recent communications to the
Times on the Crofters' Bill, represent the opinions or aspirations of the Highland
people." We augur for this latest addition to the weekly journals of Scotland a useful
and prosperous career. — ''Literary Notes" in the Daily Mail.
46 1
"A CANDID AND IMPARTIAL ACCOUNT OF THE
BEHAVIOUR OF SIMON LORD LOVAT."
(Continued.)
LAST month we gave the account of Simon Lord Lovat's be-
haviour in the Tower of London, beginning with the date of his
sentence, and ending on the Wednesday evening prior to the
morning of his execution. We now give the remainder of that
rare pamphlet, detailing in a most interesting and apparently
truthful manner, the cool and heroic conduct of this notorious
Peer, on that awful morning, preparing for his execution, and
on the scaffold. Notwithstanding that he seems to have inherited
and practised all the vices of his race, during a long life of moral
and political duplicity and intrigue, it is impossible not to admire
the noble conduct and courage of his last week upon earth, with
such a terrible doom present to his mind. His talents, coolness,
arid courage, had they been applied in a proper manner and for
legitimate ends, would have made him one of the most distin-
guished and influential men of his time. The pamphlet proceeds —
THURSDAY.
On this fatal day his lordship awaked about three o'clock in
the morning, and prayed most devoutly. At five he got up,
called for a glass of wine and water according to his usual cus-
tom, and seemed still as cheerful as ever ; then, being placed in
his chair, sat and read till seven, when he called for another glass
of wine and water. About eight o'clock he desired Mr Sherring-
ton, one of the warders, to send his wig, that the barber might
have time to comb it out in a genteel manner. He then called
for a purse to put his money in for the executioner, and desired
it might be a good one, " lest the gentleman should refuse it."
Mr Southbey, one of his lordship's warders, I remember, brought
him two purses, the one a green silk knit, and the other a yellow
canvas, but which his lordship made choice of I really forget ;
" However, it was a purse," as he observed, " that no man would
dislike with ten guineas in it."
As his lordship was now within a few hours of death, and
462 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
had behaved with such surprising intrepidity during his whole
confinement, I was the more particular in observing every little
incident that happened. But though he had a great share of
memory and understanding, and an awful idea of religion and a
future state, I could never observe, in his gesture or speech, the
least shadow of fear, or indeed any symptom of uneasiness. His
behaviour was all of a piece, and he was the same facetious com-
panion now as he was before sentence was passed against him.
About half an-hour after eight the barber brought his lordship's
wig, which not being powdered so much as usual, on account of
its being a rainy day, he seemed angry, and said that he went to
the block with pleasure, and if he had a suit of velvet embroidered
he would wear it on that occasion. After this he spoke to the
barber again about his principles, and told him his notions were
extremely and singular, " For the soul," said he, " is a spiritual
substance, and can no more be dissolved for a time, or buried
with the body, than it can be annihilated entirely," and at the
same time smiled. " My lord," said the barber, " you'll see that."
" Yes," answered his lordship, " I hope to be in Heaven by one
o'clock, or I should not be so merry now." His lordship then
saluted the barber, and bid him farewell, and the barber returned
the compliment, and wished my lord "a good passage;" for these
were his words.
Half-an-hour after nine his lordship called for a plate of
minced veal, ate very heartily, and desired the other gentlemen
that were with him to drink some coffee or chocolate, or both,
which were brought for them ; he then called for some wine and
water, and drank the healths of several of his friends.
At ten a terrible accident happened upon the hill, by the fall
of a scaffold, which put all the people in great confusion ; several
persons were killed, and numbers maimed and bruised. At
eleven the Sheriffs of London sent a message to demand his
body, which being communicated to his lordship, he desired the
curtains might be drawn, and that the gentlemen would retire
for a few minutes, while he said prayer, which request was im-
mediately complied with ; but in a little time he called for them
again, saying " I'm ready." When his lordship had come down
the first pair of stairs, General Williamson invited him into his
room to rest himself. On his first entrance he paid his respects
SIMON LORD LOVAT. 463
to the ladies with great politeness, then to the gentlemen, and
talked very freely ; asked the General, in the French language,
" Whether he might have the honour to see his lady, to return
her his last thanks for the favours and civilities he had received ;"
to which the General answered, in the same tongue, " My spouse
is so greatly affected with your lordship's misfortunes that she
cannot bear the shock of seeing you at this time, and begs to be
excused." He then made his addresses to all the company, and
set out ; but, going down stairs, he complained of them (the
stairs), and said they were very troublesome to him. When he
came to the door, he bowed to the people, and was then put into
the Governor's coach and carried to the outer gate, where he was
taken out of the Governor's coach and delivered to the Sheriffs
of the city of London and county of Middlesex, who conducted
him in another coach to a house near the scaffold, which had been
lined with black cloth, and hung with sconces, for his lordship's
reception. Here he was taken into their immediate custody, and
all his friends and relations denied entrance ; upon which his
lordship instantly applied to the Sheriffs for the time being, and
desired that his friends and relations who accompanied him from
the Tower might be permitted to see him. Mr Alsop, who is a
gentleman of a friendly humane disposition, came to the bottom
of the steps himself, and desired his lordship's friends to walk up.
After we entered, my lord thanked the Sheriffs for this favour,
and said it was a considerable consolation to him that his body
fell into the hands of gentlemen of so much honour ; and added,
" I will give you gentlemen and the Government no further
trouble, for I shall make no speech ; though I have a paper to
leave, with which you may do as you think proper." Here
my lord put his hand in his pocket and delivered a paper to one
of the Sheriffs, and then told them they might give the word of
command when they pleased, and added that he was accustomed
to obey command, for he had been an officer in the army many
years. After this a gentleman present began to read a prayer to
his lordship while he was sitting ; but my lord called one of the
warders who attended him to help him up, that he might kneel.
He then said a prayer by himself, which nobody could hear, and
turning about, was again set down in his chair, and seemed very
cheerful. Mr Sheriff then asked his lordship if he would refresh
2 G
464 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
himself with a glass of wine. My lord thanked him, but said " he
could not drink any without warm water with it," and that not
being to be had in that place, his lordship took a little burnt
brandy and bitters, which, as I observed before, he had ordered
one of the warders to take in his pocket ; and, turning to Mr
Sheriff, told him he was ready to go whenever he pleased. " My
lord," replied the Sheriff, " I would not hurry your lordship," and,
taking out his watch, said, " there is half-an-hour good if your
lordship don't tarry too long upon the scaffold." My lord then
desired that his clothes might be delivered to his friends with his
corpse, and not given to the executioner ; and said, for that
reason he should give him (the executioner) ten guineas.
He then asked if he might have the axe brought him to feel
if it was sharp, and desired that his head, when taken off, might
be received in a cloth, and put into the coffin. At this Mr Sheriff
stepped aside, and observed to some gentlemen present that he
had received a warrant in the usual form for the execution of his
lordship, and as it had not been customary of late years to ex-
pose the head at the four corners of the scaffold, he really thought
he might indulge his lordship with a promise as to that point, for
he did not think he could expose the head (though it was desired,
and indeed ordered by a message), without being liable to cen-
sure ; adding withal that he was truly sensible of the duty he
owed his Majesty, and should always pay a great regard to the
orders he received from his Grace the Duke of Newcastle, or any
of the Ministry ; and then, turning to his lordship, told him that
what he had desired should be punctually observed. My lord
thanked Mr Sheriff very kindly, and then saluted his friends,
and told them he hoped his blood would be the last spilt on that
occasion.
When his lordship came into the passage leading to the
scaffold, he called to a gentleman, and asked his name, who re-
plied it was North. " Well," says he, " let it be North and Grey,"
and added, with a smile, " Come, my Lord North and Grey, con-
duct me to the block." When his lordship was going up the
steps to the scaffold he looked round, and seeing so many people,
" God save us," says he, " why should there be such a bustle
about taking off an old grey head that can't get up three steps
without two men to support it ?"
Here turning about, and observing one of his friends very
SIMON LORD LOVAT. 465
much dejected, his lordship clapped him upon the shoulder, and
said " Cheer up thy heart, man, I am not afraid, why should you?"
The first thing he sought when he came upon the scaffold
was the executioner, who was immediately presented to him, and
after he had made his obeisance my lord put his hand into his
pocket, and pulled out a purse with ten guineas, saying, " Here,
sir, is ten guineas for you, pray do your work well ; for if you
should cut and hack my shoulders, and I should be able to rise
again, I shall be very angry with you." After this he desired the
executioner to show him the axe, which he refused to do without
leave from the Sheriff; but upon application, this request was
immediately granted ; and when it was brought to him, he took
told of it, and feeling upon the edge, said he believed it would
do. Then he rose from the chair which was placed upon the
scaffold for him, and looked at his coffin, on which was wrote,
" SIMON DOMINUS ERASER DE LOVAT, DECOLLAT, April 9,
1/47, .ETAT SILE 80."
He then sat down again, and repeated the following line out
of Horace —
" Dulce et decorum est pro Patria mori."
In English — " 'Tis a glorious and pleasant thing to die for
our country."
And after that a line out of Ovid —
" Nam genus et proavos et quae non fecimus ipsi,
vix ea nostra voco."
In English — " For those things which were done either by
our fathers or ancestors, and in which we ourselves had no share,
I can scarcely call our own."
He then desired all the people to withdraw from him, except
his two warders, who supported his lordship while he said a
prayer. After this he called for Mr William Eraser, his lordship's
solicitor and agent in Scotland, and, holding up his gold-headed
cane, said, " I deliver you this cane in token of my sense of your
faithful services, and of my committing to you all the power I
have upon earth ;" and then again embraced him. His lordship
now called for Mr James Eraser, and embracing him also, said,
" My dear James, I am going to heaven, but you must continue
to crawl a little longer in this evil world." And taking his leave
of both, he delivered his hat to Mr William Eraser, and desired
466 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
him to take care that the executioner did not touch any of his
clothes. He then took off his wig, ordered his cap to be put on,
and putting off his clothes, delivered them with his wig to Mr
Fraser, and having unloosed his cravat and the neck of his shirt,
he kneeled down to the block, took hold of the cloth which was
placed to receive his head, and pulled it close to him. But being
placed too near the block, the executioner desired his lordship
would remove a little farther back, which he did, and having
placed his neck in a proper manner, he told the executioner he
would say a short prayer, and then drop his handkerchief as a
signal. In this posture he remained about half-a-minute, and
then threw his handkerchief upon the floor, when the executioner
at one blow severed his head from the body, which, being re-
ceived in a scarlet cloth, was wrapped up, and together with his
body, put into the coffin, and carried in a hearse back to the
Tower, where it remained till four o'clock, and was then taken
away by an undertaker, in order to be sent to Scotland to be
deposited in the burying-place of his family.
The following is given at the end of the pamphlet as a COPY
of the PAPER delivered to the Sheriffs by LORD LoVAT—
" As it may be reasonably expected I should say something
of myself in this place, I declare that I die a true, but unworthy
member of the Holy Catholic Apostolic Church.
" As to my death, I cannot but look upon it as glorious.
" I sincerely pardon all my enemies, persecutors, and slan-
derers, from the highest to the lowest, whom God forgive, as I
heartily do, and die in perfect charity with all mankind.
" I sincerely repent of all my sins, and firmly hope to obtain
pardon and forgiveness for them, through the merits and passion
of my blessed Lord and Redeemer Jesus Christ, into whose hands
I recommend my soul. Amen. " LOVAT.
" In the Tower, April 9, 1747."
The following is addressed " To the Public," by the Author,
in the form of a Preface, under date of " April 14, 1747," from
which it would appear that this interesting and apparently accur-
ate account was written and published immediately after Lord
Lovat's execution: —
SIMON LORD LOVAT. 467
" From the vast numbers of people who constantly attend at
all public executions, and from thence return, either indolently
indifferent, or extremely commiserating, it is evident to common
observation that there is an odd sort of curiosity implanted in the
nature of some people which prompts them to see with a kind of
pleasure the sufferings of their fellow creatures. And this bar-
barous turn of mind is in no instance more conspicuous than in
the downfall of the great and affluent.
" When a person of rank, quality, and distinction is brought
to the scaffold, he draws the eyes and ears of thousands after
him : every minute circumstance, every particular gesture, and
every look, is strictly scrutinised, and censured or applauded
according to the caprice of the gazing multitude ; while the more
considerate part of mankind avoid the melancholy prospect, and
suspend their judgment till proper information can be procured,
upon the veracity of which they may safely depend.
"In order, therefore, to satisfy the curious, and to prevent
any spurious accounts from being imposed upon the public, I
think it my duty previously to inform them that the following
sheets contain every particular incident and occurrence which
happened from the hour his lordship's death-warrant came to the
Tower to his final exit. And I do aver that it was not possible
for any person besides myself and the warders attending to give
a true and faithful account thereof.
" I attended the whole time, by the desire of his lordship and
his friends. I saw every transaction, I heard every word, and
therefore the following narrative may be depended on. But how
any other person can have the assurance to give these particulars
is to me beyond measure surprising. Had it been possible for a
ready amanuensis to have stood behind a curtain, or listened at
a door or window, some colour of truth might probably have
appeared ; but in this case, where all avenues were stopped, what
can be expected from a daring and distant author but extrava-
gant assertions, random conjectures, and palpable absurdities.
" I have studied no elegance in the composure of this pam-
phlet, nor introduced any unnecessary embellishments, being
always of opinion that nakedness is the best ornament for truth.
" THE AUTHOR."
468 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
THE LOVAT PEERAGE CASE.
IN our November issue we gave the leading points in the case
presented by Mr John Eraser, Mount Pleasant, Carnarvon, the
claimant to the Lovat Scottish honours and estates. After
setting forth in some detail the grounds on which the claim
was based and the statements made in its support, we said that
there were claims in connection with the deed of entail which it
might be difficult, or perhaps impossible, to get over, even if the
Claimant could establish, to the entire satisfaction of the House of
Lords, his descent from Alexander, eldest son of Thomas of Beau-
fort, who, he said, fled to Wales about 1692. The Claimant main-
tained that he was quite ready to prove his direct male descent
by unimpeachable legal evidence. His whole case depended on
the establishment, beyond question, that Alexander Eraser of
Wales and his namesake, Alexander, eldest son of Thomas
Eraser of Beaufort, were one and the same; and the fact, that if
they were so, the latter must have lived, working and drawing
wages in a Welsh mine, until he was considerably over a hundred
years of age, made conclusive evidence of his identity absolutely
necessary for the success of the Claimant's case. This we felt so
clear about from the first that we repeatedly pointed it out, and
said that it was of no consequence how much testimony might be
forthcoming on other points if this link was not completed by
such evidence as would place the identity of the two Alexanders,
as one and the same, beyond question. Holding this view, we
concluded our statement of the Claimant's case and allegations
by saying that there are "a great many 'if's' in the way, and it
remains to be seen what the final outcome will be." This has
now been seen; and it will be admitted by every one possessing
the slightest idea of the character of the evidence required in such
cases that in this instance it was the weakest case and the most
inconclusive evidence in a matter of such importance ever pre-
sented to the House of Lords.
Mr Eraser always maintained that he was in a position to
show by strong legal proof that he was the lawful heir of Alex-
THE LOVAT PEERAGE CASE. 469
ander, eldest son of Thomas of Beaufort, but not a sentence
of such evidence was ever produced by him. In these circum-
stances, we do not see how the distinguished Counsel who advised
him can be open to the severe animadversions which have been in
certain quarters hurled at them. Their advice was given on the
statement of Mr Eraser himself and his agents that he could
prove what he stated ; and all the opinions of Counsel, so far
as we have seen, were entirely subject to his ability to do
so. If any blame on that score attaches to any one, it must
lie, we should think with the agents who prepared his case, and
who ought to have known that he possessed no evidence of
any legal value to support his claim. To suppose for one mo-
ment that such vast interests as an ancient Scottish Peerage and
landed estates drawing a rental of over £40,000 a-year were to
be imperilled, by evidence of such a chaotic and romancing nature
as that presented in the House of Lords on behalf of the Claimant,
was a monstrous absurdity, even though no evidence at all had
been submitted on behalf of the present Peer.
It was conclusively proved by the records of King's
College, Aberdeen, that Alexander Eraser of Beaufort entered
King's College, Aberdeen, in 1678, and matriculated there in
1679, when he must have been at least 12 to 16 years old, and,
consequently, he must have been, at his death (according to the
Claimant in 1776), at least 1 10 to 1 14 years old, and, according to
Lord Lovat's contention, he would be at least the latter in
1776 ; for Alexander of Beaufort was proved to have signed
a bond in 1684, which he could not have legally done be-
fore he was twenty-one years of age. He must therefore have
been born at least as early as 1663 ; and this would make him,
had he lived, as the Claimant alleged, until 1776, 114 years old
when he died, if he was the same person as Alexander Eraser,
ancestor of John Eraser, of Carnarvon.
The Freedom of the Royal Burgh of Inverness was conferred
upon Alexander Eraser, younger of Beaufort, in 1683, an entry
to that effect having been found in the records of the Town
Council of the Burgh for that year. It therefore follows that had
he been the same as Alexander Eraser of Wales, he must have
been working in a mine for full miner's wages at the extraordinary
age of 1 14. Nothing would justify any responsible tribunal in
believing this, without the most absolutely incontestible proof.
470 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Many other strong points against the Claimant could be
stated, but we shall content ourselves by saying that a document
was recently discovered, and produced in Court, which, if authen-
tic, as the Committee of Privileges held it to be, places the
death of Alexander of Beaufort, in 1689, when quite a young man,
beyond question. It is the Register of the Parish of Wardlaw,
now Kirkhill. The entry in the book is as follows : —
" 1689 — Mr Alexander Fraser, younger of Beaufort, died November 20, and was
buried here at Kirkhill, Dr. 3."
In this connection it may be added that in the first edition of
"Nisbet's Heraldry," published in 1722, it is stated that Alex-
ander, younger of Beaufort, died in his twenty-fifth year, " uni-
versally lamented, being one of the brightest and every way best
accomplished young gentleman that this noble family had at any
time produced." This work was published, it will be observed,
fifty-four years, according to the Claimant's contention, before
Alexander's death, and it is scarcely possible that such a state-
ment in a work of that nature could have passed unchallenged by
some one, had Alexander been then and for more than half-a-
century later living in Wales, and within the knowledge of some
leading members of the Welsh aristocracy.
Without calling on Lord Lovat's counsel to reply, the Com-
mittee of Privileges, on the 26th of June, unanimously resolved
that John Fraser had no right to the title, dignity, and honours
claimed in his petition. This resolution was reported to the
House of Lords, and adopted in the usual way. Lord Lovat
returned home to his ancient inheritance, to the delight of his
many friends, and apparently of his opponents ; for, it is said,
that some of those who exerted themselves most in the interest of
the Claimant were the most demonstrative and the most industri-
ous in preparing and adding fuel to the flames of the bon-fires
which blazed, on receipt of the news, on the Lovat estates ; evi-
dently determined to be " lets an rigk a bhitheas air a ckatkair" —
on the side of the king who reigned, whoever he might be.
Who the Claimant is descended from it is impossible to say,
but that he is connected with the old family of Lovat in some
way or other is, we think, undoubted, from his striking likeness
to Hogarth's portrait of Simon of the Forty-five, and those of
other leading members of the family of Fraser. A. M.
INSCRIPTIONS IN RODEL CHURCH-YARD.
THE following inscription appears upon a tablet in the wall
of a little roofless chapel in the old church-yard at Rodel, South
Harris. We copied it and the others given below during a recent
visit to the Church and Church-yard : —
" Here lyeth Wm. Macleod, eldest son to Sir N. Macleod of Berneray, by K. Mac-
donald, daughter to Sir J. Macdonald of Slate, who died upon ye i8th of February,
1738, in the 77th yr. of his age. He was married to M. Mackenzie, eldest daughtr.
to Capt. R. Mackenzie of Suddie, and by her had sev. children, 4 of which survived
him, viz., A : his 1st son, R. Macleod, Writer to the Signet, his 2nd son, married
to a daughtr. of Banantyne of Keimes, in Bute ; Marg. married to the Capt. of Clan-
ranald ; and Alice to M'Neil of Barray. He was a good husband, a kind parent and
master, and a sincere friend, remarkable for chanty, piety, and integrity of life, which
made his death much regretted by all his friends and dependents. This chapel was
built by ye said A. M'L., and this stone placed therein by the said A. M'L., in honor
of his father."
In another corner of the Church-yard there is a tablet —
"To the memory of Donald Macleod of Berneray, son of John, tutor of Macleod,
who, in vigour of body and mind, and firm adherence to the principles of his ances-
tors, resembled the men of former times. His grandfather and grand-uncle were
knighted by King Charles II. for their loyalty and distinguished valour in the battle
of Worcester. When the standard of the House of Stuart, to which he was attached,
was displayed anno A.D. I745> though past the prime of life, he took arms, had a
share in the actions of that period, and in the battle of Falkirk vanquished a dragoon
hand to hand. From that time he lived at his house of Berneray, universally beloved
and respected. In his 75th year he married his 3rd wife, by whom he had 9 children,
and died in his QOth year, the i6th December 1783. This monument was erected by
his son, Alexander Macleod of Herris, Esq."
Inside the Church itself there is a large tablet, with the fol-
lowing inscription in Latin, but the stone is so blackened with age,
that it is very difficult to decipher correctly : —
" Aedes has sacras atavorum suorum pietatem Deo et S. clenienti olim dicatas
postquam mutatae religionis furor, omnia undique miscens et vastans, adjunctum
fratrum et sororum coenobia solo aequasset, ipsisque his muris, jam plus c.c. annos
nudis et neglectis vix pepercisset, restituit, et ornavit, et posted igne fortuito hanstas
iterum restauravit, Alexander Macleod de Herris, A.D., MDCCLXXXVII."
Apparently the oldest inscription in the place is that round
the margin of a pedestal, upon which rests the recumbent figure
of a mailed warrior. As nearly as we could make out, it is as
follows : —
" Hie locutur Alexa'der, filius Vilmi MacClod, duo, de Dnvegan, anno
dni MCCCCCXXVIII."
472 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
ANNUAL ASSEMBLY OF THE GAELIC SOCIETY OF
INVERNESS.
THE fourteenth annual assembly of this Society was held in the Music Hall, Inverness,
on Wednesday evening, Qth July, and it was well attended. The Chief of the Society
for the year, Allan R. Mackenzie, Esq., younger of Kintail, presided, supported on the
platform by Sir Kenneth S. Mackenzie of Gairloch, Baronet ; Captain A. MacRa
Chisholm of Glassburn; the Rev. Archibald Macdonald, Logic- Easter; Mr Alexander
Macdonald of Edenwood and Balranald ; Mr William Mackay, hon. secretary of the
Society ; Bailies Mackay and Ross ; Mr Alexander Mackenzie, Editor of the Celtic
Magazine and Scottish Highlander ; Councillor Mackenzie, Silverwells ; Mr Duncan
Shaw, W.S.; Mr Colin Chisholm, Namur Cottage; Mr Alexander Macdonald of
Treaslane ; Mr E. H. Macmillan, manager of the Caledonian Bank ; Mr Wm. Eraser
Elgin, Illinois, U.S.A.; Dr F. M. Mackenzie; Mr Roderick Maclean, factor for
Ardross ; Mr F. Macdonald, Druidaig ; Mr Alexander Macbain, M.A., Raining's
School ; Mr P. H. Smart, drawing-master ; Mr George J. Campbell, solicitor ; Mr
A. C. Mackenzie, Maryburgh ; Mr William Grant, Secretary of the Glasgow Inverness-
shire Association ; Mr Alexander Fraser, Paisley ; and Mr Wm. Mackenzie, Secretary
of the Society.
While the company were gathering, the pipers of the Rifle Volunteers, under Pipe-
Serjeant Ferguson, perambulated the principal streets, Pipe-Majors Alexander Mac-
lennan, of the 2nd Battalion Cameron Highlanders, and Ronald Mackenzie, of the
3rd Battalion Ross-shire Buffs, at the same time playing a selection of Highland airs
in the entrance Hall.
The Secretary intimated apologies from the following gentlemen : — Lord Dun-
more, the Earl of Seafield, Lord Archibald Campbell, The Chisholm, Mr Cameron of
Lochiel, M,P.; Mr Munro-Ferguson of Novar, M.P.; Mr Charles Fraser-Mackintosh,
M.P.; Mr Osgood H. Mackenzie of Inverewe ; Mr K. J. Matheson, yr. of Lochalsh ;
Major Rose of Kilravock ; Mr J. Douglas Fletcher, yr. of Rosehaugh ; Mr Angus
Mackintosh of Holme ; Sheriff Blair, Inverness ; Rev. A. D. Mackenzie, Kilmorack;
Captain O'Sullivan, Inverness ; Mr C. Innes, solicitor, Inverness ; Mr A. Burgess,
banker, Gairloch ; Mr P. Burgess, factor, Glenmoriston ; Ex- Bailie Macdonald,
Aberdeen ; Mr James Barron, Inverness ; Mr L. Macdonald of Skeabost, and others.
Professor Blackie wrote : —
" Broughton, Peeblesshire, 3rd July.
" Dear Sir, — You are very kind to wish to keep me longer as a Highlander, but
I have done my work in that quarter, and must now submit to die as I was born, a
Lowlander. Nevertheless, had I been free to wander about at this season, I might
have done myself the pleasure to visit the fair city, whose beauties, I think, I once
sang in a sonnet ; but, unfortunately, this year I am tied down to Tweedside, doing
family duty from which only the imperative call of public work could withdraw me.
With best wishes for the success of your gathering on the Qth, believe me, sincerely
yours, "JOHN S. BLACKIE."
The Chief, who was received with loud cheers, said — When travelling in a railway
carriage a few months ago, I read a report of a meeting of this Society, and saw that
I had been elected Chief for the year, I thought there must have been some mistake,
and it was not until I arrived at home and found a letter from our worthy Secretary,
INVERNESS GAELIC SOCIETY ASSEMBLY. 473
confirming the report, that I fully realised the great honour which had been bestowed
upon me. (Applause,) Ladies and gentlemen, we have met here to-night to celebrate
the fourteenth annual assembly of the Gaelic Society of Inverness, and holding as I do
a very strong opinion that, if we, as a Society, ever allow political questions of any
sort, no matter how important, or of how great interest they may be to us, to appear
at our assemblies, from that time dissension and strife will spring up amongst us —
(Hear, hear)— and we will soon drift' apart, and thus do away with the great power for
good, which I am certain this Society can bring to bear on the people in whose welfare
and prosperity we take, and should take, so active a sympathy. (Applause.) Hold-
ing these opinions, I do not intend to say one word which can be turned by
my bitterest political opponent into a channel which I never intended, or
even to mention a subject which is never for long out of our thoughts, or our
daily conversation. That our Chief at the last annual dinner had to do this we
are aware, but on that occasion it was almost forced upon him, and you would all have
been much disappointed if he had not chosen the subject he did for his speech, but I
know he is the last man who would wish to establish that as a precedent. (Applause.)
I have to congratulate the Society that since the loss of Cluny, which was so feelingly
referred to by Lochiel on that occasion, none of our members have been taken from
us, and on the other hand we have to welcome a great number of gentlemen who have
since joined us. It is, as I have already stated, now fourteen years since this Society
was first started, and the success which has attended it is remarkable. Not only is it
still living and flourishing, but it appears destined in the future to exercise a still more
powerful influence over all that pertains to Celtic literature and Celtic life than it has
even hitherto accomplished, and those of us who have followed the Transactions, as
they appeared from year to year, must have been struck with the marvellous
amount of research, involving enormous labour, and in all cases a labour of love, on
the part of the authors of those papers ; and it is not too much to say that it is prin-
cipally owing to the efforts of the members of this Society that a large quantity of
Celtic poetry, history, and tradition have been rescued from oblivion. (Cheers.) The
success of the past ought to encourage us to harder work in the cultivation of the
language, poetry, antiquities, and history of the Scottish Highlands, to promote which
is one of the main objects of the Society. The revival of Celtic literature must, I
think, only bear good results on the character and interests of the Gaelic people.
When the revival took place, as you may remember, the language and customs of the
race were on the eve of disappearing ; the movement for a Celtic Chair was brought
forward, and mainly owing to the great zeal and enthusiasm of one of the honorary
chieftains of this Society, successfully carried out ; from that time, the interests which
it is the province of this Society to preserve have prospered, and all that is worth pre-
serving is now certain to be saved from destruction. (Cheers.) There is one subject
which this Society has always taken a great interest in, and that is the teaching of Gaelic
in Highland schools. Last year, for a reason which I need not mention, it was my duty,
as well as my pleasure, to enter into more schools, and to converse with more teachers
than often falls to the lot of one man — (Langhter) — and I found that the feeling was
unanimous that it was essential that there should be a special grant for the teaching of
Gaelic, and I cannot see any reason why a boy or a girl should not be taught Gaelic
as thoroughly as they are taught English. (Cheers.) Necessary as it is for children
to learn English, so that they may be able when they grow up to fight the battle of
life, I am not at all certain that they would not be able to fight this battle better, and
with more hopes of success, if they could speak not only English but Gaelic as well.
474 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
(Hear, hear.) Personally, I regret that I am not able to speak Gaelic, and though,
perhaps, I am now too old to hope to attain any great result if I were to try and over-
come this defect, I can only trust that if, in years to come, it should be your wish to
confer the honour you have paid me on my son, I may be one of the company who
will listen to him making a Gaelic speech in this room, even though I may
have to get him to translate it afterwards for my special benefit. (Applause.) I
have often been much struck — in spite of the concessions which were granted by
the Government in 1875 an^ l%7%> practically teachers, even when the children
only understand Gaelic, make very little use of that language in the schools —
at the rapid strides which the children make, and which speaks very highly
both of the natural sharpness and cleverness of Highland children, as well as
the trouble and patience which teachers must exercise to bring this about. I remem-
ber one teacher in a Highland parish telling me that though he himself was quite
ignorant of Gaelic, he found the children who attended his school very soon, by the
help of the different picture maps on the walls, and with a little patience on his part,
were able to understand and speak English thoroughly. The day for saying that a
knowledge of Gaelic was any hindrance to success in life is of the past. (Cheers.)
Now that it is recognised as one of the ancient languages, we shall find that those
amongst us who are not only able to speak, but read, and what I believe is more
difficult " still, to spell Gaelic — (Laughter) — will be looked up to as being a great
deal superior to those poor unfortunates who cannot do any one of them. (Cheers. )
I was talking to our Secretary the other day, and asked if it was not probable
that we could devote some of our funds towards forming a bursary for the promotion
of Gaelic. He told me that at present we were hardly in a position to do
so, and I wish to impress upon you that the remedy for this lies in your own
hands. Those of you who are not members of this Society, I hope will at once
belong to it — (Applause)— and those of you who are should try and prevail upon as
many of your friends as you can to join it, so that we may be in a position not only to
go on preserving and publishing works bearing on Gaelic literature in our Transactions,
but that we shall be able to give special prizes to the poorer amongst our children for
proficiency in that language. (Cheers.) You must remember, if it had not been for
this and kindred Societies, Highland education would never have received the atten-
tion which it now does, and I think therefore it is incumbent on us all to do what we
can to help and increase their prosperity. In conclusion, let me add that though I
have briefly referred to one or two of the main objects which this Society has in view,
one of the most important of them — notwithstanding that you will not find it in its
constitution ; for it is supposed to be so well understood and so engrafted in our hearts,
that it was unnecessary to put it into print — is, that it is desirous above everything to en-
courage kindly feeling among all classes, and to promote the welfare and happiness of
everyone ; that it is not only our business to see to the preservation of the language
and customs, but to maintain all that is elevating and noble in the character of the Celt
at home and abroad ; and that we wish to uphold that character for honour and right
feeling which has always hitherto been characteristic of Scotland, and which has en-
abled her to enroll in the most brilliant pages of history so many of the names of her
sons — (Cheers) — and I earnestly trust that some of the able and influential Gaelic
speakers who belong to this Society will, even at some self-sacrifice, try and instil this
important object into the minds of the people, and let them understand that our great
desire is, not to set class against class, but to recruit in our ranks all men, whether they
be rich, or whether they be poor, so that in time those who may be in need of either
INVERNESS GAELIC SOCIETY ASSEMBLY. 475
advice or counsel may come to look upon this Society as a sure place to obtain it.
(Loud cheers.)
Rev. Archibald Macdonald (who, it is no breach of confidence to say, is well
known to the readers of the Celtic Magazine, as the author of the papers which we
published a few years on "Iain MacCodrum," above the initials "A. M'D.,") de-
livered an eloquent and stirring Gaelic address in the following terms : — Fhir na
Cathrach, a mhnathan uaisle, agus a dhaoin uaisle, - Tha mise ann an comain Comunn
Gaidhlig Inbhirnis, air son gu 'n do ghabh iad a leithid de dheagh bharail dhiom 's
gu'n do chuir iad romham beagan bhriathran a labhairt 'n 'ur eisdeachd 's an ionad so
anns a' chanain a tha ro dhluth do chridhe gach fior Ghaidheil — cknain bhinn, mhilis
nam beann. Agus a nis b'fhearr learn gu'n robh air a thiodhlacadh orm a h-aon de na
teangaibh sgoilte bha aig na ciad Chriosduidhean a chum ma tha feadhainn an so, aig
am bheil cluasan Sasunnach gu 'n cluinneadh iad mise labhairt riutha 'nan cknain fein.
Ach o nach gabh sin deanamh, dh' iarrrainn air gach aon fa leth misneachd a ghlacadh
car beagan mhionaidean, agus cuimhneachadh gu faigh foighidinn furtachd agus gur
searbh a' ghloir nach faodar eisdeachd rithe. 'Nuair a sgriobh an Run Chleireach
thugamsa ag innse gu 'n robh 'n dleasnas thlachdmhor so air a chur romham, dh'f heoraich
mi dhiom fein, c'arson a chuir iad cuireadh ormsa air son oraid Ghailig a thoirt seachad.
Thubhairt mi num fein gu faodadh e bhith gu 'm b' eol do chuid de 'n chomunn-riagh-
laidh gu 'm buininnse do chearn de 'n Ghaidhealtachd anns a bheil a' Ghaidhlig fhathast
air a labhairt gun truailleadh, agus gun mheang, agus mar sin gu faodadh comas a bhi agam
air beagan bhriathran Gaidhlig a chur an altaibh a ch6ile gun cheann no earball Beurla
bhi air gach dara h-aon. Cha'n urrainn domhsa radh mar a thubhairt Mairi a' Ghlinne
gu'n do rugadh mi ann an Eilein a' Cheo, far am bheil beannta siorruidh na Cuilthionn
a' folach an cinn arda 's na neoil. 'S ann a bhuineas mise do " Uidhist bheag riabhach
nan crodh-ghiadh" anns an Eilein Fhada— na ceud cladaichean 's an righeachd air am
bheil stuadhan caolas America a' briseadh, agus far am bheil an sealladh mu dheireadh
r'a fhaotainn de 'n ghrein air dh' i a bhi " fagail gorm astar nan speur" agus a triall gu
" paillinn a' clos anns an lar." Agus, Fhir na Cathrach, cha'n aobhar naire leamsa
mo dhuthaich 'nuair a chuimhnicheas mi gur ann aisde dh' fhalbh Fionnghal Dhomh-
nullach, bean uasal a bhitheas a h-ainm cubhraidh gu brath, ann an cuimhne gach
Gaidheil. B' ann do Sgir na h-Earradh, duthaich mo bhreith, a bhuineadh Mairi
Nigh'n Alastair Ruaidh a sheinn ann a rannaibh nach teid air di-chuimhn am feasd
mu'n"Talla bu ghnath le Macleoid." Faodaidh mi aireamh am measg mo luchd-
duthcha, Iain Mac Codrum, Smeoraich bhinn Chloinn Domhnuill; Eachann Mac Leoid
a rinn an luinneag mhilis sin " Oran do Choileach Smeoraich;" agus Gilleasbuig
Domhnullach, Gille-na-Ciotaig, a rinn an t-oran magaidh, "Tha Biodag air Mac
Thomais," oran a bha gle iomraiteach bho chionn beagan mhiosan, ach a reir coslais
gu 'm bi la 'us bliadhna ma 'm bi a' bhiodag sin a rithist air a toirt a truaill. Air
dhomhsa muinntir cho ainmeil riutha sin aithris am measg mo luchd-duthcha, cha'n
aoghnadh ged a chanainnse mu 'n Eilein Fhada mar a thubhairt am bard Leoghasach
m' a dhuthaich fein —
'"S e eilein mo ghraidh e,
'S bha Ghaidhlig ann riamh,
'S cha 'n fhalbh i gu brath as
Gu 'n traigh an Cuan Siar."
Bhiodh e gle iongantach mar an ceudna mur biodh tlachd ro mhor agam ann an cainnt
mo mhathar, agus mur a biodh gradh nach traoigh 's nach teirig 's nach fas fann
agam clo " Thir nam beann 's nan gleann 's nan gaisgeach." Gu cinnteach tha e
476 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
toirt mor thoil-inntinn dhomhsa bhi faicinn gu bheil spiorad cho fior Ghaidhealach a'
gluasad am measg muinntir Inbhirnis, Ceann-bhaile Gaidhealtachd na h-Alba ; gu
bheil sibh a' cur romhaibh gu 'n cum sibh suas cliu bhur sinnsir agus nach talaidh ni
sam bith bhur cridheachan air falbh bho ghradh 'ur duthcha agus 'ur canain. Bha la
eile arm, Fhir na Cathrach, eadar ceud agus leth-cheud bliadhna roimh 'n diugh, agus
cha mhor nach biodh naire air duine air son a bhi 'na Ghaidheal. Bha na Goill
a' deanamh tair air a h-uile ni Gaidhealach, agus cha b'urrainn dhuit di-moladh
bu mho a dheanamh air rud sam bith na radh gu'n robh e "gle Hielan'. " Bha daoine do
nach b'aithne Ghaidhlig a' deanamh a mach nach robh innt' ach seann ghoileam gun
doigh ; gu'n robh i deanamh tuilleadh cron no maith, agus mar bu luaithe gheibheadh
i bas gur e b'fhearr. A ruig mi leas, a radh ribhse gu'n d'thainig caochladh cur air clo
Chaluim ? Fhuair ard luchd-foghluim a mach gu'n robh a' Ghaidhlig na' cknain gle
aosda agus mar sin gu'n robh i 'na meadhon ro fheumail air son a bhi tilgeil soluis air
eachdraidh agus gne chanain eile. Thuig na Gaidheil fein gu'n robh ionmhasan ro
luachmhor foluichte ann an cknain, bardachd, ceol, beul-aithris, agus cleachdaidhean
an duthcha a bhiodh nan call do labhairt an leigeil air di-chuimhn, agus a bharrachd
air a sin, gu'n robh coraichean aig na Ghaidheil fein a dh'fheumadh a bhi air an agairt.
B'ann uaith sin, Fhir na Cathrach, a dh' fhas suas na Comuinn Ghaidhealach a tha'n
diugh air feadh na righeachd, mar tha Comunn Oiseineach Oil-Thigh Ghlascho, anns
an robh mi fein aon uair na'm Run-Chleireach, agus an t-aon is sine tha mi 'm barail
de na Comuinn Ghaidhealach ; Comunn Gaidhlig Inbhirnis, agus feadhain eile de 'n
t-seorsa cheudna ann an Glascho, an Duneidin, agus an Lunnain. Anns na Comuinn
sin tha na Gaidheil a feuchainn ri bhi seasamh guallainn ri guallainn a' cumail greim
daingean air canain agus cleachdaidhean an duthcha, agus mar sin a bhi coimhlionadh
na h-oibre a thug am Freasdal dhoibh ri dheanamh mar mheanglan maiseach agus
torrach ann an craoibh mhoir chinneach na talmhainn. Ach faodaidh a' cheisd a bhi
air a faighneachd, Ciod e tha agaibh r'a radh air bhur son fein ? A bheil bhur n-each-
draidh mar chomunn ag innse gu bheil sibh torrach ann an oibribh. Agus 's e mo
bharail-sa nach leig Comunn Gaidhlig Inbhirnis a leas eagal a ghabhail roimh'n cheisd.
Cha chreid mi gu'n canar mu bhur timchioll gu'n can sibh moran 's nach dean sibh
ach beagan. Cha'n urrainn domhsa 'nam sheasamh am Baile Inbhirnis a bhi di-
chumhneachadh batail a bha o chionn cheithir bliadhna eadar sibh fein agus ard
chomunn riaghlaidh na righeachd ann a' Lunnain, 'nuair a dh' fheuch na daoine mora
a bha 'n ughdarras atharrachadh a thabhairt air tartain nan reiseamaidean Gaidhealach.
Tha cuimhn' agam mar a chuir sibhse bhur cinn agus bhur guaillean r'a cheile — mar a
chaidh an crann-tara mu 'n cuairt bho ghleann gu gleann, bho sgir gu sgir, agus bho
shiorramachd gu siorramachd, gus mu dheireadh, mar bu dual 's mar bu ghnath, gu'n
d'thug sibh strocadh air na Goill. Ghleidh sibh do na reiseamaidean Gaidhealach an
t-eideadh a bhuineadh dhoibh o chian, anns an deach' iad gu iomadh batail agus buaidh,
le brosnachadh agus caismeachd na pioba-moire — eideadh anns 'n do dhoirt iomadh
gaisgeach bho thir nam beann, fuil chraobhach a' chuim, a' seasamh suas air son coir
agus cliu na righeachd, air son coir theallach agus dhachaighean a dhuthcha. Agus is
cinnteach mi nach biodh so cho furasda dheanamh mur a b'e gu'n robh sibh a' faotainn
neart o bhi air 'ur n-aonadh r'a cheile ann an comunn de'n t-seorsa so. Tha e 'na
chomharra maith air an deagh obair a tha na Comuinn Ghaidhealach a' deanamh,
nach robh riamh a leithid de mheas air canain agus litreachas nan Gaidheal 's a tha
'nar linn fein. Bha cheist air a cur riumsa, 's cha'n 'eil fada uaith, Ciod e 'm feum a
bhi cumail suas na Gaidhlig — 's cinnteach gu faigh i bas co dhiubh, agus nach 'eil e cho
maith siubhal a leigeil leatha ann a sith ? B'e so an fhreagairt a thug mi dha, Ciod e
INVERNESS GAELIC SOCIETY ASSEMBLY. 477
'm feum dhuitse bhi 'g a d' chumail fein suas le ithe 's le 61, oir gheibh thusa mar an
ceudna has la eigin ? Tha Ghaidhlig cosmhuil ris a h-uile ni talmhaidh agus aimsireal,
tha i cosmhuil ris a' Bheurla fein, gheibh i bas 'nuair a thig a h-am. Cha'n 'eil i 'n
deigh galar a' bais a ghabhail fhathast ; tha i beo, slan, fallainn, agus c'arson nach
faigheadh i 'n ceartas a tha canaine eile 'faotainn le bhi g'a labhairt, g'a sgriobhadh,
agus g'a teagasg, an aite feuchainn air gach laimh a bhi tabhairt dhi a buille bhkis.
Cha'n 'eil againne, dhaoin' uaisle, ach aon fhreagairt do 'n cheist 'm bu chorr a'
Ghaidhlig a bhi air a cumail suas? Air a chor is lugha bhiodh e iomchuidh urram na
h-aoise a thabhairt dhi, oir cha'n 'eil teagamh nach i h-aon de na canainibh is sine tha
'n diugh air a labhairt air aghaidh na talmhainn. Bha leabhar air a sgriobhadh le fear
a mhuinntir Ghlascho, Lachlan Mac-a-Leathain, no " Lachlain nam Mogan" mar a
theirte ris gu, bhi dearbhadh gu 'm b'i Ghaidhlig a cheud chanain. Cha 'n e mhain
gur
" I labhair Padruig Innisfail nan Righ,
'S a' faidh naomh sin Calum caomh a I,"
ach, fada cian roimh sin, gur
" I labhair Adhamh ann am Parras fein,
'S gum bu bhinn a Ghaidhlig am beul aluinn Eubh."
Ni-sheadh, Fhir na Cathrach, ma 'n robh duine riamh air thalamh, tha seann fhilidh ag
innse dhuinn mu
" Nuair a bha Gaidhlig aig na h-eoin,
'S a thuigeadh iad gloir nan dan ;
Bu trie an comhradh 's a choill,
Air iomadh pone, ma's fior am bard."
Ma bha Gaidhlig aig na h-eoin 's mor m' eagail gu 'n do chaill iad i. Co dhiubh
chreideas sinn e no nach creid, cha d' fhuair mise naigheachd riamh air duine chual
eun a' labhairt Gaidhlig, ach aon fhear, agus b'e sin Murchadh nam Port. Air dha
tigh'n dhachaigh bho chuairt air Tir Mor, bha e gearan nach cuala e focal Gaidhlig
fad 's a bha e air falbh, gu? an cual e coileach a' gairm ann a' Forres. Ach ciod air
bith cia mar tha so, co dhiubh tha Ghaidhlig aosda no chaochladh, 's fhiach i bhi air
a cumail suas, agus air a' cleachdadh agus air a rannsachadh air a sgath fein. Nach i
so an teanga a 's Jn do chuir Oisein an c£ill euchdan Fhinn agus Chuchullain, 'nuair a
thubhairt e ann am feasgar a bhreoiteachd agus a dhoille,
11 Mar ghath soluis do m' anam fein,
Tha sgeula na h-aimsir a dh' fhalbh."
Nach ann innte sheinn Donncha Ban "Moladh Beinn D6rain " agus "Cead Deirean-
nach nam Beann," agus a chuir Mac Mhaighstir Alastair r'a cheile a bhardachd
chumhachdach sin " Sgiobaireachd Cloinn Raonaill," agus a chuir Tormod Mac Leoid
a mach an "Cuairtear," agus an " Teachdaire Gaidhealach" ann am briathraibh cho
milis, ceolmhor, binn, ri sruthaibh seimh na Marbhairn. C' aite 'm bheil orain is
luraiche na tha r' am faotainn ann a " Sar obair nam Bard Gaidhealach," no 's an
" Oranaiche" fein, agus c'aite 'm faic[h thu leithid de ghliocas, de thuigse, agus de
dh'abhachdas 's tha r' am faicinn ann a Leabhar Shean-fhocal an t-Siorraim Mhic Neach-
dainn? Ni mo bu choir dhuinn a bhi smaointinn gu bheil linn nam bard air siubhal
seachad, gu bheil clarsach nam beann air tuiteam ann an tosd bithbhuan. Tha
trusgain nan seann fhilidh an deigh teachd a nuas air guaillibh a chaitheas iad
le urram, agus fhad 's a bhitheas Mairi Nic Ealair, Eoghainn Mac Colla, agus
Nial Mac Leoid, agus feadhain eile 's a' cholluinn daonna, cha bhi na Gaidheil gun
478 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
bhaird 'nam measg a chumas suas an cliu agus an onoir. Ach, Fhir na Cathrach, bu
choir a Ghaidhlig a chumail suas agus a bhi faotainn ceartais air sgath an t-sluaigh a
tha g'a labhairt — na ceudan mile de luchd-aiteachaidh na Gaidhealtachd d' an i is
cainnt mhathaireal ; agus cha 'n 'eil a Bheurla dhoibh ach mar theanga choimhich.
Gidheadh 's aithne dhomhsa na sgireachdan is Gaidhealaiche ann an Gaidhealtachd
na h-Alba, agus an sin tha maighistearan sgoile a' teagasg, aig nach 'eil lideadh Gaidhlig
'n an ceann ; agus eadhon far a bheil maighistir sgoile Gaidhealach, cha cluinn thu
bho bhliadhn' ur gu Nollaig focal Gaidhlig air a leughadh no oran Gaidhlig air a
sheinn. Tha so n'am bharail-sa na aobhar naire, ach tha mi nis toilichte fhaicinn gu'm
bi misneachd air a tabhairt seachad le tabhartasan bho 'n Pharlamaid, air son a
Ghaidhlig a theagasg ann an sgoilean na Gaidhealtachd, agus do'n luchd teagaisg is
fearr fuireach anns a' Ghaidhealtachd, agus iad fein a dheanamh ni's eolaiche air
canain an duthcha. Ann a bhi tabhairt fainear an t-suidheachaidh anns a bheil
litreachas agus canain nan Gaidheal air an la'n diugh cha'n urrainn dornh a bhi
di-chuimhneachadh gu bheil a nis Cathair Ghaidhlig air a suidheachadh ann
an Oil-Thigh Dhuneidin, agus gu'n robh so air a thabhairt mu'n cuairt le
saothair agus dealas aon duine — duine bhitheas ainm air chuimhne aig na
Gaidheil fhad 's a bhitheas bainne aig boin duibh, no fhad 'sa dh'fhasas fraoch air
sliabh. Agus tha Chathair sin air a lionadh le duine tha 'n a smior Gaidheil, 'n a ard
sgoilear, agus a tha 'n deigh e fein a thabhair suas do'n obair le uile chridhe agus le
uile neart. Agus a nis canamaid le durachd ar cridhe, gu rna fada beo Blackiegu bhi
faicinn saothair a laimhe soirbheachadh, agus gu mo fada beo Maclonmhuinn gu bhi
teagaisg ann an Cathair Ghaidhlig Dhuneidin. Buaidh 'us piseach orra; saoghal fada
'n deagh bheatha dhoibh le cheile. Tha mi'n dochas, agus tha mi cinnteach, gu'n
dean a' Chathair Ghaidhlig feum ann an iomadh doigh agus do iomadh aon. Far a
bheil doctairean, luchd-lagha, luchd-teagaisg, agus ministeirean aig am bheil suil am
beatha a chur seachad anns a' Ghaidhealtachd bu choir dhoibh, air a' char is lugha dol
aon seisein a clh'ionnsachadh Gaidhlig gu Professor Maclonmhuinn an Duneidin.
Bu choir gu h-araidh do'n chleir so a dheanamh. 'S iomadh ministeir a tha deanamh'
droch dhiol air deagh chomhthional leis an t-seorsa Gaidhlig anns am bheil iad a
searmonachadh an t-soisgeil dhoibh. Chuala mi mu aon fhear, agus 'n uair a bha e
'g urnuigh air so nam bochdan 's ann a thubhairt e — "A Thighearn, bi cuimhneach
air na buic." Bha aon fhear sonruichte na mhinisteir ann a' Sgire Dhiurinnis
's an Eilein Sgiathanach, ris an cainte' " Sutar," agus tha ainm gu maith air
chuimhne, leis na rainn a bha air an deanamh dha le Gilleasbuig Aotrom. Ged a bha
" Sutar" 'na sgoilear ann an canainibh eile cha robh e ach gle fhad' air ais 's a' Ghaidhlig.
B'ann mar so a thubhairt Gilleasbuig ris : —
" 'Nuair a theid thu do'n chubaid
Ni thu urnuigh bhios gleusda,
Bidh pairt dh'i 'na Gaidhlig
'Us pairt dh'i 'na Beurla,
Bidh pairt dh'i 'na h-Eabhra,
'Na Fraingis, 'na Greugais,
'S a' chuid nach tuig each dhi •
Bheir i gair' air fear Gheusto."
Agus a nis am faod mi ma'n criochnaich mi tarruing a thabhairt air ni eile tha na
Comuinn Ghaidhealach air a ghabhail os laimh. 'Se sin cuis nan croitearan.
Chan 'eil mise dol a chur mo sheula ris na rinn na croitearan no leis na bha
air a dheanamh 'n an ainm. B'fhearr learn nach robh iad air an cuis a lagachadh
INVERNESS GAELIC SOCIETY ASSEMBLY. 479
le aon ghniomh mi-laghail. Ni mo tha mi dol a shuidhe ann am breitheanas agus a
dhiteadh nan uachdaran gu h-iomlan. " Chan 'eil gur gun ghoirean, 's cha'n 'eil coille
gun chrianaich," agus cuiridh beagan de dhroch uachdarain droch ainm dhe'n chorr.
Ach tha mi 'ga radh so, 'nam biodh na h-uachdarain Ghaidhealach — cha'n e an
f headhainn a a tha ann an diugh, ach an fheadhainn a bha rompa — air fuireach ni bu
mho am measg an tuatha ; 'nam biodh iad air an canain ionnsachadh agus dol a mach
's a steach 'nam measg air la feille 'us Di-domhnaich, an aite bhi cosg an storais le
struidhealachd agus straic ann an Lunnain ; agus 'nam biodh iad mar so an deigh greim
a chumail air an oighreachdan, cha bhiodh an fhicheadamh cuid dhe na h-uilc fo'n
robh iad ag osnaich air teachd air luchd aitichidh na Gaidhealtachd. Bha'n
t -uachdaran mar bu trice mo 's coltach ris a' chuthaig ; dh'fhaodadh e tighinn do'n
duthaich beagan laithean 's an t-samhradh, ach cha b'fhada gu uair f halbh. B'e sin
aon rud air an robh duine bochd aon uair a' gearan 'n uair a thubhrdrt e —
" Uachdaran nach faic sin,
Bailidh nach dean ceartas,
Ministeir nach dean baisteadh,
Dotair nach toir feairt oirnn,
Agus sgaoth de dhiabhuil bheag eile de mhaoir 's de chonstabuill, 's am fear is isle
post 's e 's airde-focal." Cha'n 'eile duine air thalamh leis an docha tir a' bhreith
na'n Gaidheal. Co dhiu tha e bochd no beairteach, tha e 'na fhior fhaoileig an
droch-cladaich, ged a dh'fhaodas— an gleann 'san robh e og a bhi lom creagach agus
neo-thiorail, ged nach tigeadh as deigh na curachd ach a bhuinteag 's an t-sealbhag
cha'n 'eil cearn dhe'n chruinnece cho aluinn 'na shuilibh-san. Tha e coltach ris an
fhaoileig ann an oran Dhomhuill nan Oran —
" 'S ann air slinnein an aigeich
A rinn mo mhathair an t-eun dhiom,
'S a dh'aindeoin uidil 'us anraidh,
Cha tig an la theid air di-chuimhn'
Mo ghaol do'n bhad."
Fhir na cathrach, cha'n 'eil mise 'g radh air a shon sin gu'm bu choir do dhaoin' oga,
laidir, fallain, fuireach an diamhanas aig an tigh far am bheil ni 's leoir aig a' chirc le
sgrioban gu'n lion i sgroban. B'fhearr dhoibh gu mor a bhi bogadh nan gad, agus ged
nach biodh aca ach an t-ubh beag le bheannachd, mar a bha aig mac na bantraich
's a' sgeulachd, dol a shiubhal an t-saoghail 's a dh'iarraidh an fhortain. Ach ma dh'-
fhalbhas iad, falbhadh iad le'n toil fein, agus na biodh iad air an co-eigneachadh.
Cha'n urrainn do dhuine air bith a thoirt a chreidsinn ormsa gu'n do rinn na tighearnan
Gaidhealach an ceartas 'n uair a dh'f hasaich iad bailtean agus sgireachdan, 'n uair a
bha iomadh aitreabh agus coisir mhuirneach air a sgapadh agus gun air fhagail far an
robh iad ach larach lom gun chloich gun chrann. 'N uair a bha luchd shoithichean
dhe'n tuath air am fogradh a dheoin no dh'aindeoin gu duthchana cein a chum aite
reidh a dheanamh do chaoirich agus do fheidh. Agus ged a tha mi cinnteach gu'm bu
choir cothrom a thabhairt do chuid dhe na croitearan dol far am fearr an dean iad
beolaint, bhiodh e chum maith na righeachd gu'm biodh aite taimh air fhaotainn dhoibh
ann an Alba chaomh nan stuc 's nan earn. 'S e na croitearan cnaimh-droma agus
feithean na Gaidhealtachd agus b'olc a dheanadh an duthaich as an aonais ann a' latha
chunnart agus ann an uair na deuchainn —
" Ged a gheibheadh tu caogad
Mhuilt'us reithichean maola,
'S beag a thogadh a h-aon diubh
Claidheamh faobharrach stailinn. "
2 H
480 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Cha'n 'eil e furasda dha na Gaidheil an cruaidhchas roimh 'n deach' an luchd-duthcha
a dhi-chuimhneachadh. Ach cha'n uJrainn do \chd Parlamaid peanas a dheanamh
air na mairbh no furtachd a thabhairt do mhuinntir a tha na ficheaclan bliadhna fo'n
fhod. " Beannachd leis 'na dh'fhalbhas, cha 'n e dh'fhoghnas." Ach tha mi'n dochas
gu leasaichear cor na muinntir a tha beo. 'S e so seachduinn Feill na Cloimhe agus
tha mi cluinntinn gu bheil cuid dhe na tuathanaich mhora a bhitheas cruinn an
Inbhirnis a leigeil seachad pairt dhe'n gabhalaichean. Cha'n 'eil iad a' faotainn
a mach gur fearr cluan a dh'fhearran na cuan a dh'fhearann. Ma tha so
fior, tha mi'n dochas gu faigh na croitearan tuilleadh fearainn, co dhiubh
gheibh iad e le Achd Righ agus Parlamaid no air dhoigh air bith eile, agus
gu'm bi an suidheachadh anns gach ait' am bheil iad air a dheanamh ni's fearr na bha e
o chionn fhada. Cha do thogadh an Roimh ann an la, agus cha'n fhaigh na Gaidh-
eil an coraichean ann an latha ; ach 's cinnteach mi gu'n tig am an soirbheachadh
ann a freasdal De, luath no mall ; gu'm bi coir air a cur air steidhe agus eucoir air a
smaladh. Fhir na cathrach, 's mor 'm eagal gu'n do chum mi ro fhada sibh, ach ge
fada 'n duan ruigear a cheann. Rachaibh air aghaibh mar f hior Ghaidheil gu duineil,
misneachdail, treibhdhireach ; cumaibh suas canain, bardachd, beul-aithris agus
cleachdaichean nam beann ; tagraibh cuis'ur luchd-duthcha a tha diblidh agus bochcl,
agus na cuireadh a h-aon agaibh smal air ainm agus cliu a' Ghaidheil. 'S e deireadh
gach comuinn dealachadh. Beannachd Dhe leibh.
Mr Macdonald's eloquent speech was repeatedly cheered during its delivery.
The first song on the programme was " Caismeachd Chloinn-Chamaroin," by
Miss Jessie N. Maclachlan, a young lady from Glasgow. She possesses a beautiful
soprano voice, and her rendering of the song was rewarded by an enthusiastic encore.
Her singing of the Gaelic songs was perfect, and she was equally successful in the
English songs which she sung, her rendering of "Dark Lochnagar " being particularly
fine. Miss Nora Thomson, from Aberdeen, delighted the audience with " Wae's me
for Prince Charlie," which she gave with much taste and feeling, and, in response to
an enthusiastic recall, gave "Cam' ye by Athole," with even greater effect. In the
second part of the programme, she sang " Macgregor's Gathering " in a spirited and
expressive manner. Miss Thomson possesses a voice of magnificent compass which
enabled her to do full justice to this difficult song. Miss Hutcheson was well received,
as usual, and sang very sweetly her two pretty Gaelic melodies, " Fear a Bhata," and
" Thug mi gaol do'n Fhear bhkn." Mr Paul Fraser, who is always a favourite, gave
" Mhairi Bhoidheach " and " The Garb of Old Gaul " in splendid style. Miss Shaw's
performances on the pianaforte were a pleasing novelty, and her delicacy of touch and
rapid fingering were much admired. Mr Ross Campbell put the audience in high
good-humour with his laughable recitation of " A Gowk's Errand," while the dancing
part of the programme was performed with great spirit and amidst the unrestrained
enthusiasm of the audience by Pipe- Major Ronald Mackenzie and four young Celts
in full Highland dress. Pipe-Majors Alexander Maclennan and Ronald Mackenzie,
and Captain Chisholm, Glassburn, discoursed on the bagpipes, and the pianoforte ac-
companiment was played by Mr M 'Walter, of Messrs Marr & Company.
Sir Kenneth Mackenzie moved a vote of thanks to the Chairman, the Rev. Archi-
bald Macdonald, and all the performers, for their successful efforts during the evening,
which was most heartily accorded. The Chairman replied, and one of the most suc-
cessful gatherings of the Society was bought to a close by the singing of " Auld Lang
Syne."
The arrangements were excellent, and reflected the greatest credit on the Secretary,
48 1
CHARACTERISTIC ANECDOTES OF THE
HIGHLANDERS.
III.
MANY of the characteristic anecdotes of the Highlanders already
given, as well as those that follow, were no doubt known to many
of our readers, but we know that a greater number were not
acquainted with them. At a time like this it is important that
some of the leading and best characteristics of a race which, until
within the last few years, were presented to the public in the
worst colours, should be placed within the reach of the large
number who never had the chance of perusing General Stewart's
famous work. Indeed, those who are already fully acquainted
with the noblest characteristics of the race, will be none the
worse of re-perusing some of these anecdotes, to say nothing
of the great convenience to many people of having such effective
artillery ready at hand, in a convenient form, to hurl at those
who never fail to magnify our vices, while they entirely ignore
the many virtues that shine forth so splendidly in these anec-
dotes, and throughout the whole of the rest of Stewart's work.
PUNISHMENT OF COWARDICE. — The Highlanders held
cowardice to be a serious crime, and punished it as such : —
" Of the ignominy that attached to it, Mrs Grant relates the
following anecdote : ' There was a clan, / must not say what clan
it is* who had been for ages governed by a series of chiefs singu-
larly estimable, and highly beloved, and who, in one instance,
provoked their leader to the extreme of indignation. I should
observe that the transgression was partial, the culprits being the
inhabitants of one single parish. These, in a hasty skirmish with
a neighbouring clan, thinking discretion the best part of valour,
sought safety in retreat. A cruel chief would have inflicted the
worst of punishments — banishment from the bounds of his clan, —
which, indeed, fell little short of the curse of Kehama. This good
laird, however, set bounds to his wrath, yet made their punish-
ment severe and exemplary. He appeared himself with all the
population of the three adjacent parishes, at the parish church of
* " I may now mention, what the accomplished author suppressed, that this chief
was the Laird of Grant, grandfather of the late estimable representative of that
honourable family."
482 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE
the offenders, where they were all by order convened. After
divine service they were all marched three times round the church,
in presence of their offended leader and his assembled clan.
Each individual, on coming out of the church door, was obliged
to draw out his tongue with his fingers, and then cry audibly,
* Sud am bleidire 'theichj i.e., 'This is the poltroon who fled,' and
to repeat it at every corner of the church. After this procession
of ignominy, no other punishment was inflicted, except that of
being left to guard the district when the rest was called out to
battle.' Mrs Grant adds — ' It is credibly asserted, that no enemy
has seen the back of any of that name ever since.' And it is cer-
tain, that, to this day, it is not safe for any person of another
name to mention this circumstance in presence of one of the
affronted clan."
FILIAL RESPECT. — The following extract shows the venera-
tion and respect which Highland soldiers had for their parents,
and their horror of displeasing them : —
" The sense of duty is not extinguished by absence from the
mountains. It accompanies the Highland soldier amid the dis-
sipations of a mode of life to which he has not been accustomed.
It prompts him to save a portion of his pay, to enable him to
assist his parents, and also to work when he has an opportunity,
that he may increase their allowance, — at once preserving him-
self from idle habits, and contributing to the happiness and
comfort of those who gave him birth. I have been a frequent
channel through which these offerings of filial bounty were com-
municated, and I have generally found, that a threat of inform-
ing their parents of misconduct, has operated as a sufficient
check on young soldiers, who always received the intimation
with a sort of horror. They knew that the report would not
only grieve their relations, but act as a sentence of banishment
against themselves, as they could not return home with a bad or
a blemished character. Generals Mackenzie-Eraser and Mac-
kenzie of Suddie, who successively commanded the /8th High-
landers, seldom had occasion to resort to any other punishments
than threats of this nature, for several years after the embodying
of that regiment."
HONESTY. — This is a strong point in Highland character,
and in connection with it our author says : —
" The integrity and capability of the numerous bands of
Highlanders which supplied Edinburgh with Caddies is prover-
bial. These Caddies were, during the last century, a species of
porters and messengers plying in the open street, always ready
to execute any commission, and to act as messengers to the
ANECDOTES OF THE HIGHLANDERS. 483
most distant corners of the kingdom, and were often employed
in business requiring secrecy and dispatch, and frequently had
large sums of money intrusted to their care. Instances of a
breach of trust were most rare, indeed almost unknown. These
men carried to the South the same fidelity and trustworthiness
which formed a marked trait in the character of the Highlanders
of that period, and formed themselves into a society, under
regulations of their own."
PRINCIPLE. — The following is a noble example of the force
of principle among a people who were at the time of the
occurrence considered little less than savages : —
" In the year 1745, when the rebel army lay at Kirkliston,
near the seat of the Earl of Stair, whose grandfather, when Sec-
retary of State for Scotland in 1692, had transmitted to Camp-
bell of Glenlyon, the orders of King William for the massacre of
Glencoe, Macdonald of Glencoe, the immediate descendant of
the unfortunate gentleman, who, with all his family (except a
child carried away by his nurse in the dark), fell a sacrifice to
this horrid massacre, had joined the rebels with all his followers,
and was then in West Lothian. Prince Charles, anxious to save
the house and property of Lord Stair, and to remove from his
followers all excitement to revenge, but at the same time not
comprehending their true character, proposed that the Glencoe
men should be marched to a distance from Lord Stair's house
and parks, lest the remembrance of the share which his grand-
father had had in the order for extirpating the whole clan should
now excite a spirit of revenge. When the proposal was communi-
cated to the Glencoe men they declared, that, if that was the
case, they must return home. If they were considered so dis-
honourable as to take revenge on an innocent man, they were
not fit to remain with honourable men, nor to support an honour-
able cause ; and it was not without much explanation and great
persuasion, that they were prevented from marching away the
following morning. When education is founded on such prin-
ciples, the happiest effects are to be expected."
RELIGIOUS TOLERANCE. — This is a trait in the character of
the Highland people which might be copied with advantage by
many other nations. —
" Pennant, speaking of the Island of Canna, says, * The
minister and the Popish priest reside in Eig ; but, by reason of
the turbulent seas that divide these isles, are very seldom able to
attend their flocks. I admire the moderation of their congrega-
tions, who attend the preaching of either indifferently as they
happen to arrive.' "
484 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
HOSPITALITY. — Here is the opinion of a poor tramp upon
the treatment he experienced in the Highlands. —
"Travelling some years ago through a high and distant
glen, I saw a poor man, with a wife and four children, resting
themselves by the road-side. Perceiving, by their appearance,
that they were not of the country, I inquired whence they came.
The man answered, from West Lothian. I expressed my sur-
prise how he would leave so fine and fertile a country, and come
to these wild glens. ' In that fine country,' answered the man,
' they give me the cheek of the door, and hound the constables
after me ; in this poor country, as you, Sir, call it, they give me
and my little ones the fire-side, with a share of what they have.' ''
TIES OF KINDRED. — Regarding this, General Stewart says.—
" The attachment and friendship of kindred, families, and
clans, were confirmed by many ties. It has been a uniform
practice in the families of the Campbells of Melford, Duntroon,
and DunstafTnage, that, when the head of either family died,
the chief mourners should be the two other lairds, one of whom
supporting the head to the grave, while the other walked before
the corpse. In this manner friendship took the place of the nearest
consanguinity ; for even the eldest sons of the deceased were not
permitted to interfere with this arrangement. The first pro-
genitors of these families were three sons of the family of Argyll,
who took this method of preserving the friendship, and securing
the support of their posterity to one another.
" In a manner something similar the family of Breadalbane
had their bonds of union and friendship, simple in themselves,
but sufficient to secure the support of those whom they were in-
tended to unite. The motto of the armorial bearings of the
family is ' Follow me.' This significant call was assumed by Sir
Colin Campbell, Laird of Glenorchy, who was a Knight Templar
of Rhodes, and is still known in the Highlands by the designa-
tion of Cailean Dubh na Roidh, f Black Colin of Rhodes.'
Several cadets of the family assumed mottos analogous to that of
this chivalrous knight, and when the chief called ' Follow me,'
he found a ready compliance from Campbell of Glenfalloch, a
son of Glenorchy, who says, * Thus far,' that is, to his heart's
blood, the crest being a daggar piercing a heart ; — from Achlyne,
who says, ' With heart and hand ;' — from Achallader, who says,
' With courage ;' — and from Barcaldine, who says, Paratus sum :
Glenlyon, more cautious, says, Quos recta sequor. A knight and
baron, neighbours but not followers, Menzies of Menzies, and
Flemyng of Moness, in token of friendship say, ' Will God I
shall,' and * The deed will show.' An ancestor of mine, also a
neighbour, says, ' Beware.' "
ANECDOTES OF THE HIGHLANDERS. 485
KEARNACHS. — These were a sort of freebooters who mingled
with their plundering habits a curious feeling of honour. While
mercilessly fleecing the well-to-do portion of the community,
they very rarely molested their poorer neighbours. Our author
says regarding some of the fraternity :—
" It has been suggested by a learned author, that the Lake,
celebrated in the Poem of the ' Lady of the Lake/ and known by
the name of Loch Katrine, derives its name from the word above
mentioned, and is the Loch of Kearnachs, or Catherons. Some
of these kearnachs died in my remembrance. They had com-
pletely abandoned their old habits, and lived a quiet domestic
life, but retained much of the chivalrous spirit of their youth, and
were respected in the country. One man was considered an ex-
ception to this general description, as it was supposed that he
was not altogether convinced of the turpitude of cattle-lifting.
However, as he had the character of being a brave soldier, these
suspicions against his moral opinions were less noticed. His
name was Robert Robertson, but he was called in the country
Rob Bane. He was very old when I knew him, but he had not
lost the fire and animation of earlier years. In autumn 1746, a
party, consisting of a corporal and eight soldiers, marching north
to Inverness, after passing Tummel Bridge, halted on the road-
side, and placed their arms against a large stone some yards
behind them. Robert Bane observed the soldiers, and the
manner in which they disposed of their arms. This, as he said,
was a good opportunity to make a dash at his old friends the
Saighdearan dearg, or red coat soldiers, whom he had met at
Gladsmuir, Falkirk, and Culloden. None of his neighbours were
at home to assist him ; but he sallied out by himself, armed with
his gun, pistols, and broadsword, and, proceeding with great
caution, got close to the party undiscovered, when he made
a sudden spring, and placed himself between the soldiers and
their arms. Brandishing his sword in one hand, and point-
ing his gun with the other, he called out to them in broken
English, to surrender instantly, or he would call his party, who
were in the wood behind, and would kill them all. The soldiers
were so taken by surprise, that they permitted the kearnach to
carry off their arms for the purpose of delivering them, as he
said, to his companions in the wood. He quickly returned, how-
ever, and desiring the soldiers to follow him quietly, else those
in the wood would be out, he conducted them to Tummel-Bridge
Inn, where he left them, and repairing to the wood, took posses-
sion of the arms as fair spoil of war. The soldiers soon discovered
the truth, and hurried back to recover their arms, and get hold
of the man who, by his address and courage, had thus disgraced
486 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
them ; but the kearnach had taken care to place himself and his
prize out of danger. When the soldiers reached Inverness, they
were tried and punished for the loss of their arms. In the course
of the following year, Bane went to Inverness, not expecting
that he would be recognised ; but he was mistaken. The day he
arrived he met one of the soldiers who knew him, and instantly
laying hold of him, called for assistance, secured, and sent him to
jail. While he lay there, three men who were confined in the
same room, broke through the prison wall and made their escape.
He refused to accompany them, saying that he took nothing
from his prisoners but their arms, which he considered as no
crime, and, therefore, had no occasion to fear or to escape from
punishment. The circumstance coming to the knowledge of his
Clansman, Mr Robertson of Inches, who lived in the neighbour-
hood, he made so favourable a representation of his case, that
the kearnach was liberated without trial, and allowed to return
home as a reward for his conduct in not availing himself of such
an opportunity of escaping the intended punishment, which in
those days was sometimes very summary."
CREACHS.— The following extract, though not an anecdote,
is interesting as showing the immense damage inflicted upon the
victims of the forays made by the English upon the Border
Counties, during a period of only four months : —
" The creachs of the Highlanders, though sufficiently cala-
mitous, were trifling when compared with the raids or forays on
the borders of England and Scotland. The following account of
the devastation committed by the English upon the Scotch, in
the year 1 544, will serve as a specimen of the miseries to which
the border countries were exposed. The sum-total of mischief
done in different forays, from the 2nd of July to the I7th of
November of that year, is thus computed : — ' Towns, towers,
steads, parish churches, castle houses, cast down and burnt, 192 ;
Scots slain, 403 ; prisoners taken, 816 ; nolts (i.e., horned cattle),
taken, 10,386; sheep, 12,498; nags and geldings, 1296; goats,
200 ; bolls of corn, 850 ; insight gear (i.e., household furniture),
not reckoned.' In another inroad by the Earl of Hertford, in the
year 1545, he burnt, razed, and destroyed in the counties of Ber-
wick and Roxburgh, * Monasteries and friars' houses, 7 ; castles,
towers, and piles, 16 ; market towns, 5 ; villages, 243 ; milns, 13 ;
hospitals, 3. All these were cast down and burnt.' "
CURSE. — The following melancholy occurrence was deemed
to be the result of an ancestor's evil action descending as a curse
upon succeeding generations : —
" The belief that the punishment of the cruelty, oppression,
ANECDOTES OF THE HIGHLANDERS. 487
or misconduct of an individual descended as a curse on his child-
ren, to the third and fourth generation, was not confined to the
common people. All ranks were influenced by it ; and many
believed, that if the curse did not fall upon the first or second
generation, it would inevitably descend upon the succeeding.
The late Colonel Campbell of Glenlyon retained this belief
through a course of thirty years' intercourse with the world, as
an officer of the 42nd Regiment, and of Marines. He was
grandson of the Laird of Glenlyon, who commanded the military
at the massacre of Glencoe, and who lived in the Laird of Glen-
coe's house, where he and his men were hospitably entertained
during a fortnight prior to the execution of his orders. Colonel
Campbell was an additional Captain in the 42nd Regiment in
.1748, and was put on half-pay. He then entered the Marines,
and in 1762. was Major, with the brevet rank of Lieutenant-
Colonel, and commanded 800 of his corps at the Havannah.
In 1771, he was ordered to superintend the execution of the
sentence of a court-martial on a soldier of marines, condemned
to be shot. A reprieve was sent ; but the whole ceremony of the
execution was ordered to proceed until the criminal should be
upon his knees, with a cap over his eyes, prepared to receive the
volley. It was then that he was to be informed of his pardon.
No person was to be told previously, and Colonel Campbell was
directed not to inform even the firing party, who were warned
that the signal to fire would be the waving of a white handker-
chief by the commanding officer. When all was prepared, the
clergyman having left the prisoner on his knees, in momentary
expectation of his fate, and the firing party looking with intense
attention for the signal, Colonel Campbell put his hand into his
pocket for the reprieve ; but in pulling out the packet, the white
handkerchief accompanied it, and catching the eyes of the party,
they fired, and the unfortunate prisoner was shot dead.
"The paper dropped through Colonel Campbell's fingers,
and, clapping his hand to his forehead, he exclaimed, * The
curse of God and Glencoe is here ; I am an unfortunate ruined
man.' He desired the soldiers to be sent to the barracks, in-
stantly quitted the parade, and soon afterwards retired from the
service. This retirement was not the result of any reflection, or
reprimand on account of this unfortunate affair, as it was known
to be entirely accidental, but the impression on his mind was
never effaced. Nor is the massacre, and the judgment which
the people believe have fallen on the descendants of the principal
actors in this tragedy, effaced from their recollection. They
carefully note, that, while the family of the unfortunate gentleman
who suffered is still entire, and his estate preserved in direct
male succession to his posterity ; the case is very different with
488 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
the family, posterity, and estates of the laird of Glenlyon, and of
those who were the principals, promoters, and actors in this in-
famous affair."
DISARMING ACT. — We shall conclude with an extract from
one of the most infamous legislative measures ever passed for
stamping out all national feeling from a noble nation. The oath
which the people were obliged to take was in the following
terms : —
"'I, A. B., do swear, and as I shall answer to God at the great
day of judgment, that I have not, nor shall have, in my posses-
sion any gun, sword, pistol, or arm whatsoever, and never use
tartan, plaid, or any part of the Highland garb ; and if I do so,
may I be cursed in my undertakings, family, and property — may
I never see my wife and children, father, mother, or relations-
may I be killed in battle as a coward, and lie without Christian
burial in a strange land, far from the graves of my forefathers and
kindred ; may all this come across me if I break my oath.' The
framers of this oath understood the character of the Highlanders.
The abolition of the feudal power of the chiefs and the Disarming
Act had little influence on the character of the people in com-
parison with the grief, indignation, and disaffection occasioned by
the loss of their garb."
It is now nearly a century and a-half ago since the Disarming
Act was passed, but thanks to the vitality of Highland institu-
tions, and the high-spirited feelings of the people themselves, the
Highland garb is now, and, we hope, will remain, a dress which
the highest in the land are proud to wear, and which has been
associated in the British army with some of the most gallant
deeds in military history. H. R. M.
BOYD'S DIARY AND TIME TABLE FOR OBAN AND THE WESTERN
HIGHLANDS. — This little monthly is a perfect illustration of that " Mullum in
parvo," which should be the aim of all such publications. The amount of information
contained in such small compass is quite astonishing. Railway, Steamboat, and Coach
Services are all given, as well as Local Postal Arrangements, Circular Tours, Places
of Interest, Cattle and Horse Fairs, Caledonian Railway Parcel Rates, and general
Postal Information. In addition to all this, there is a memorandum page for each day
of the month, at the bottom of which is printed information regarding Cattle Shows,
Race Meetings, Sailing and Shooting Matches, Fast-days, and High Water Time at
Oban. A Calendar and a neatly printed plan of Oban complete the useful little
booklet, which is sold at one penny.
489
INVERNESS BEFORE RAILWAYS.
1 Tis not sixty years since," it is only thirty, and yet what a
change in the Inverness of that day. Invernessians who had left
their homes about the time of the advent of railways, on return-
ing to revisit their former douce little town, would be apt to
doubt if it was the same, or would at least heave a sigh on
recalling the scenes of former days. True, Inverness sits as
bonnily as ever among the everlasting hills, but in its physical
aspect, and much more in its social complexion, how different !
Well might the Invernessian " Birds of Passage " preface their
tale of their once quiet home with —
" A change we have found there, and many a change-
Faces and footsteps, and all things strange ;
Gone are the heads of the silvery hair,
And the young that were have a brow of care."
The greatness of this change was vividly impressed upon our
minds recently by the reading of that delightful little work by
Miss Anderson, " Inverness before Railways."* The occasion of
our reading helped to deepen our realisation of the amazing stride
made in the extension of the " resources of civilisation " to the
Highlands, and the consequent metamorphosis in the ancient
modes of existence. It was while scudding along with the speed
of lightning by the limited mail train from Inverness to the
South that we found an opportunity of transporting ourselves
back to the Inverness of our boyhood, under the guidance of Miss
Anderson. It was no longer the time of the old stage coaches
and their weary journey to Perth, occupying 2^ days. Why,
short and readable as our book was, we were at our destination
before we had finished our story. And yet, with all the comforts
and the expedition of our new methods of transport, we could
not but wish for the good old times, if only for a day, that we might
enjoy the poetry and romance of the days that are gone. By the
way, however, we do not remember that any ecstacies of a
romantic character moved us then. So the present times are,
* Inverness before Raihvays. By Isabel Harriet Anderson. Inverness :
A. & W. Mackenzie, 1885.
490 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
perhaps, the best ; and for the pleasurable emotions which we
now experience in restoring, in idea, the olden time, we may be
after all indebted to the iron horse, which has brought distant
places so near ; the telegraph, which has annihilated time ; the
asylum and the poor-house, which have deprived us of our waifs and
wanderers, and the subjugation of the whole civilised world to the
power of education and fashion, which have smoothed away our
angularities and oddities, and are fast establishing the reign of
uniformity and conventionality, if not of mediocrity. Let us
then enjoy the present busy time, and be thankful to those who,
like Miss Anderson, afford us the additional enjoyments and
fascination which flow from a contemplation of the contrast
between the past and present.
In few places has the influence of the railway been more
conspicuous, or the coincident changes more rapid, than in Inver-
ness, Semi-Saxon though it undoubtedly is, and in itself
therefore, perhaps, very different in point of social manners and
language from the surrounding Highlands, its very position of
isolation and its remoteness from, and inaccessibility to, the
agencies which were rapidly remodelling society in the South
even before railways, rendered the change produced by the sudden
introduction of the " Iron Age " and the facilities of contact with
the manners and customs of the South, very marked indeed.
The social revolution which has taken place in Inverness
during the past thirty years — since the opening of the Highland
Railway in 1855 — Miss Anderson ascribes in a large measure to
the influx and settlement there of strangers, and her interesting
little book has been written to preserve some reminiscences of
the prevailing manners, and the prominent and typical characters,
of the past.
The first chapter treats of the manners and customs, and
begins with a description of the unwritten sumptuary code.
There is next a section devoted to a description of the style of
female attire, very different indeed from the specious extrava-
gance of modern days. " Ladies," says Miss Anderson, " did not
have such a number and variety of dresses then, but those they
had were of very much better materials, fitted to stand tear and
wear, and to be handed down to succeeding generations. The
country girls did not then ape old fashions of their superiors in
INVERNESS BEFORE RAILWAYS. 491
rank, but went to church with only a snood of ribbon instead of
a bonnet on their hair. The writer remembers seeing the daugh-
ters of many well-to-do farmers passing down Academy Street
every Sunday to the Free East Church witja no covering on their
heads. There were two beautiful girls, in particular, whose rich
auburn hair, guiltless of hat or bonnet, imparted a refinement to
their appearance which would have been entirely destroyed if
their heads had been surmounted by any imitation of the finery
of their superiors." We have observed with satisfaction a marked
improvement of late years in the taste shown by the female
country servants who frequent our feeing markets — a much
neater, quieter, and more becoming habit of dress and manner
characterising them as compared with the apings so justly
lamented by Miss Anderson. A portion of the first chapter is
appropriately devoted to the time-honoured institution of the
" old stage coaches," which more than perhaps any other of the
distinctive characteristics of the past have gone down before the
inexorable iron horse. Then we have notices of some old-
fashioned shop-keepers and their customers, old family servants,
the Northern Meeting, the Academy and some of the other
schools of the town, and lastly the clergy.
The second chapter of the work before us deals with the
old architectural and superficial features of the town — its build-
ings and walks — and will be deeply interesting to the antiquarian
section of old Invernessians. The charm of the book, however,
we believe, will be found to be the two chapters entitled " The
Characters of Old Inverness " and " The Wanderers of Old
Inverness." These portions are of a most enticing character, and
will be read with greedy relish by all who are fortunate enough
to see Miss Anderson's book. Her sketches of such persons as
the peculiar but upright and honest " Ananias," the Laird of
Dalmigavie, from which we quote an extract, are very vivid and
life-like, and will recall his form and figure to old Invernessians;
while the portraits of others, perhaps less known and belonging
to an older time, will equally delight her readers. We commend
the book most cordially as a delightful companion for a leisure
hour, and especially so to all who may have a fondness for old
times and old ways and old people and — Old Inverness. The
perusal of Miss Anderson's reminiscences, we are confident,
492 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
will " charm the old, delight the young," while outwardly the
volume is in point of neatness and excellent typography all that
the most fastidious could desire.
Of Old Mr Mackintosh of Dalmigavie, Miss Anderson writes : — Foremost
among the " characters " of Inverness were the Laird of Dalmigavie and his sister
Miss Mackintosh, better known as "Mr Eneas and Miss Johanna/' and sometimes
styled (though no one can tell why) "Ananias and Sapphira." It is but a short
time since they both passed away in the old house on Church Street, but there
are none among the rising generation who can remember the time when they both
took a prominent place in Inverness society, when Miss Johanna's morning calls were
hailed with delight in many a drawing-room, and Mr Eneas, by his flashes of wit and
humour, enlivened many a dinner party.
To see Dalmigavie at his best and in his element, was to see him at the dinner-
table of some old school-fellow and friend whose society he loved, who had patience
with all his peculiarities, and who treated him with an affectionate attention and con-
sideration which was denied him by a later generation when all his old contemporaries
were gone. It was a picture to see the old man when his host had introduceed one of
his favourite subjects. He used to bend forward with his hands stretched across the
table, and with his strongly marked features lighted up and glowing with eagerness
and enthusiasm ; and by the time he had finished his first tumbler (for these were the
days when toddy drinking after dinner had not been exploded), he was ready to launch
forth with rapidity into his old reminiscences, which, however long they might last,
no one might interrupt with impunity.
No one ever delighted more intensely in dining out among congenial society
than he did, particularly if it were in the country, where he might during the evening
take a stroll through the fields, for he fully appreciated rural pleasures. He was pas-
sionately fond of Scotch music, in fact had no toleration for any other ; and as several
of the ladies whom he used to meet out at dinner played it with taste and skill, his
delight in those social gatherings was greatly enhanced by listening to their perform-
ances. His favourite air was "The Mackintoshes' Lament," and he used to listen to
it with the most profound attention, keeping time with hand and foot, and as soon as
it was over, demanding pibrochs, reels, and strathspeys in quick succession. He was
a great consumer of snuff at all times, but on occasions when he was absorbed in
listening to some favourite pibroch or to some story of old times, he used to take par-
ticularly large quantities and allow it to drop all over his clothes and on the floor.
There was one peculiarity which gained more local celebrity for him than any
other he possessed, and that was his love for making proposals of marriage. There
was hardly a lady of his acquaintance who had not at some period received one of his
love-letters, for his proposals were always made in writing, and never by word of
mouth — his manner to the female sex being generally drier and colder than to his own.
So much, indeed, was this the case, that he often at a dinner party treated with a sem-
blance of almost contemptuous indifference some lady to whom on the previous even-
ing he had sent an epistle breathing the most despairing and ardent devotion. His
handwriting was the most extraordinary and illegible ever beheld, and his letters were
usually written on the inside of an envelope, or on some torn piece of paper. Those
containing proposals, instead of being posted, were generally slipped under the hall
door, after he had hovered in the vicinity for some time, in order to muster sufficient
courage to approach the house. The wording of those proposals was quite as peculiar
INVERNESS BEFORE RAILWAYS. 493
as the handwriting. He wrote to one lady inquiring if either she or her sister were
willing to accept him (his feelings towards them being alike), but hoping, in the event
of their not being so, he might get a speedy reply, as he had another (whom he
named) in view. Another lady, the evening before her marriage, found a letter under
the door, telling her that " it was not yet too late to think of marrying him, and that
an old friend was better than a stranger ;" while her mother, a widow, received a note
from him on another occasion containing merely the Words, " Have pity on my loneli-
ness, or I shall throw myself into an hotel." One young lady, who sometimes came
to visit friends in Inverness, had inspired him with such admiration that he not only
wrote frequent love-letters to her, but used to watch for her at the corner of the
Suspension Bridge, and without having the courage to speak to her, used to follow her
like a shadow everywhere she went, until at last she dreaded going out of doors. He
sometimes used to write rambling epistles breathing Platonic admiration to various
young married ladies, but widows were the favourite objects of his adoration.
Mr Eneas never could be persuaded to have his portrait taken ; he had a great
dislike to the idea of its being exhibited in public, particularly after having one day
come suddenly upon a caricature of himself in his long blue cloak, in one of the book-
sellers' windows. This had been sketched by an artist who visited Inverness before
the days of photographs, and the discovery ranked deeply in the old man's mind, for
he was more sensitive than most people imagined.
During the last dozen years of his life, his evenings were generally spent in com-
plete solitude, as his sister always retired very early to rest, and — all his old contem-
poraries having passed away— the new generation had either forgotten the old man's
love for social gatherings or imagined that his old reminiscences would be out of place
at their formal and fashionable entertainments. And doubtless Mr Eneas would have
felt himself out of place there, and would have experienced a deeper desolation and
loneliness than even at his own fireside, for he belonged to a past age when heartiness
and humour were the characteristics of dinner parties, and when congenial friends met
together, not for fashion's sake, but to enjoy one another's society. He would not
have understood the manners and customs of modern society, he would have suffered
martyrdom by listening to classical music, and he would have pined for the genial
tones and familiar faces which used to make those old gatherings have such a charm
for him. To the very last, however, he was delighted to meet an acquaintance on the
street, and used, even there, to pour forth his old reminiscences at such length as to
appal any one who was pressed for time. Who can forget his eager face, his peculiar
gait, his hearty clasp of the hand ? It even yet seems difficult to realise that never
more will be seen on the streets of Inverness that remarkable figure, which, through
all the varying phases of fashion, retained the same antique coat, huge black stock,
high shirt collar, and long military cloak !
Mr Eneas took his sister's death much to heart, although intellectually she had
never been a companion for him, and had, for the last few years of her existence, been
quite dead to the world. In a very short time after she had passed away, he was laid
to rest by her side in the Chapel -yard.
Although he never ceased to grudge the procuring of necessary comforts for
himself, he subscribed, during the last few years of his life, most liberally and heartily
to every scheme in connection with the Free High Church, of which he was a de-
voted adherent, and which he attended as long as his feeble limbs could support him
there. When confined to bed by his last illness, he never omitted to send his con-
tribution to the usual weekly church-door collection. When any one connected with
494 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
his own church came to see him, he always took the opportunity to slip into his
visitor's hand half-a-crown or five shillings wrapped in a piece of newspaper ; and to
say, " Put this into the plate on Sunday for me."
Through all the course of his long life, he was never known to utter a remark
which could cause pain, or to listen willingly to anything which was to the detriment
of another. He never made an enemy, and had managed to secure the lasting attach-
ment of a few true friends. Among those who laughed at his peculiarities, and even
ridiculed the sensitive old man before his face, there were probably few who were able
to appreciate his learning or the powers of his mind.
HIGHLAND HONOURS.— Her Majesty has been graciously pleased to con-
fer on W. A. Mackinnon, C.B., Inspector-General of Army Hospitals, a good service
pension of £100 a year for long and meritorious services. Mr Mackinnon is a native
of Skye, and his career in the army has not only conferred honour on his native
Island, but on the whole Highlands. He is a brother of the Rev. Donald Mackinnon,
minister of Strath.
HOW SOME HIGHLAND STUDENTS GO TO COLLEGE.— At a meet-
ing of the Society for Propagating Christian Knowledge held in Edinburgh, Dr
Cameron Lees said all sensible people would have but one opinion as to the good the
Society was doing in the matter of the Highland students. In the most remote parts
of the Highlands young men had come forward and passed most creditable examina-
tions, entitling them to funds which would enable them to prosecute their studies and
become useful members of the learned and other professions. He rejoiced in that,
because he remembered a time when it was exceedingly difficult for Highland lads to
get on in the world — not that they had not the brains and the talent, for he would
back the brains of a Highlander against those of any other person in the world — but
they had not the chance. He remembered when at Glasgow University there were
two young men who came from one of the Western Islands in a herring smack. They
sailed her up to the Broomielaw Bridge, where the dues were small, and anchored there.
Every day they walked up to their classes, and lived on board their smack at night,
and when the session was over they hoisted their sail and went back to the fishing. —
Peoples Journal.
A GUIDE TO FORTROSE AND VICINITY.— This is an "Illustrated
Guide to Fortrose and Vicinity, with Appendix on the Antiquities of the Black Isle."
It is the production of Mr Angus J. Beaton, F.S. A., Scot. It will prove of consider-
able interest and value to Northern Antiquarians, but especially to all connected with or
who visit the Black Isle. Several documents connected with Fortrose and Rosemarkie
are given in the bock, and there is an excellent map of the peninsula, as well as a
large number of illustrations, which are true pictures of the places they are meant to
represent. It is published by Mr William Mackay, bookseller, Inverness.
THE
CELTIC MAGAZINE.
CONDUCTED BY
ALEXANDER MACKENZIE, F.S.A.. Scot.
No. CXIX. SEPTEMBER 1885. ~VOL. X.
THE MUNROS OF CULCAIRN.
BY ALEXANDER Ross.
THE progenitor of the family of Culcairn was —
I. George Munro, second son of Sir Robert Munro, fifth
Baronet and twenty-third Baron of Fowlis, by his wife Jane,
eldest daughter of John Forbes, second Baron of Culloden, and
aunt of the celebrated President Duncan Forbes.
George Munro was born on the i8th of September 1685.
He received a liberal education, was a great genius, and possessed
considerable erudition. Besides the branches of learning com-
mon to all professions, he acquired an extensive knowledge of
theological literature. Before he was seventeen years of age, he
was so well acquainted with ecclesiastical history as to be able
to give a good account of the advance and decline of the Chris-
tian religion in various ages and countries, and the degree and
manner by which the corruption and reformation of the Church
had been introduced, established, or obstructed.
But his tastes and talents lay particularly in a military life.
He therefore entered the army when young, and had attained
the rank of Captain previous to the insurrection of 1715. In-
heriting the principles of his fathers, he was, during the whole
course of that rebellion, actively engaged in support of thereign-
2 I
496 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
ing dynasty; and, after the suppression of that attempt to restore
the Stuarts, he was chiefly employed in reducing the inhabitants of
the western Highlands and Islands to submission to the Govern-
ment.
When General Wightman, who had been sent to repel the
Spanish invasion of 1719, had been long detained at Inverness
for guides to conduct his troops over the mountains to Glenshiel,
where the Spaniards and rebels were encamped, and after all the
promises of such guides had failed, Captain Munro (in the ab-
sence of his elder brother, Robert the Master of Fowlis, who was
abroad), acting for his father, Sir Robert, who was blind, speedily
assembled a body of his clan, proceeded to Inverness to the
General's assistance, and marched with the regular troops to
Glenshiel.
The petty rebellion, which began and ended with the battle
of Glenshiel, was projected by Cardinal Alberoni, of Spain, for
the re-establishment of Romanism, and he devised an expedition
against Great Britain for that purpose. The principal Jacobite
leaders in the late rebellion had sought and found refuge in
France, among them being Earl Marischall, the Earl of Sea-
forth, the Duke of Ormonde, and others. The Cardinal organ-
ised an army of six companies of Spanish Infantry, which he
placed under the command of the Earl Marischall, with a
Spaniard, named Don Alonso de Santarem, second in command.
The Earl set sail from San Sebastian, and, after a stormy and
dangerous passage, landed at Stornoway, in Lewis. After some
delay there, he passed over to Kintail, where he was joined by the
famous Rob Roy and a company of the Macgregors, and some
of the Macraes and Mackenzies.
General Wightman on his way across the country from
Inverness, was joined by those clans who had declared for the
Government and abandoned Jacobitism. When he reached
Glenshiel he had 1600 men under his command. He arrived
there on the I4th of June, and found the rebels strongly posted
to receive him. The road by which he came followed the course
of the stream at the bottom of the Pass of Glenshiel, and could
easily be commanded from the precipitous heights on either side.
The scantily-covered rocks shelved down towards their base in
such a manner that a passage through the glen, whilst an oppos-
THE MUNROS OF CULCAIRN. 497
ing force held the upper ground, appeared quite impossible.
Wightman saw the difficulty of the situation, and paused ere he
would venture upon such a dubious conflict. He sent skirmish-
ing parties stealthily to ascend the hills on each side, so as to
place themselves upon higher positions than those occupied by
the rebels, hoping thus to dislodge them from their points of
vantage. The main body of his troops remained in the glen to
induce the rebels to begin the attack. His plan was a daring
one, but it effected his purpose.
The rebels were distributed in admirable battle array upon
the hill which rose on one side of the glen. The Spaniards
were posted upon the highest ground, as it was expected that
their skill in musketry would be most valuable in that position,
whilst next to them were the Mackenzies, under Seaforth, and a
small body of Hurrays, under the Marquis of Tullibardine. The
advanced guard was composed entirely of Macgregors, with Rob
Roy at their head, and to them was entrusted the dangerous
task of leading the attack.
The forces seemed so nearly equal in strength that both
parties stood at bay, each expecting the other to make the first
advance. At five o'clock in the afternoon, General Wightman
made a movement as if to pass through the glen, and when, de-
ploying in line, his troops had reached a critical position, the
Spaniards opened fire upon them, and disordered their ranks.
Taking advantage of the confusion, the Macgregors rushed
boldly down the hill, threw away their firelocks, after they had
discharged them, and met their enemies at the point of the
claymore. At this juncture the skirmishers, whom Wightman
had placed on the hills, poured their deadly fire upon the assail-
ants, and forced them to retreat, surprised, but not defeated.
The Spaniards, somewhat terrified at the simultaneous appear-
ance of enemies, both above and before them, lost heart entirely,
and became useless for serious warfare ; but the undaunted
Highlanders, goaded to greater enthusiasm by the odds against
them, repeatedly ventured to the attack, and, at close quarters,
did great execution.
Pennant in his Tour, vol. ii., page 389, says that "the
Highlanders made a poor stand ; but were quickly put to flight ''
— a statement quite contrary to fact, and one that shows that
498 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
he was imbued with the same animosity towards the Highlanders
as his countryman, Dr Johnson. Once and again did the
Macgregors, the Macraes, and the Mackenzies assail their oppon-
ents in front, in flank, and in rear ; but the defection of the
Spaniards had made their conflict almost a hopeless one. For
three hours the battle raged tumultuously, without either party
gaining much apparent advantage. Had it been possible for
Wightman to engage the rebels upon an open plain, he would
have made short work of them ; but their heroic defence of the
strong position which they held forced him to withdraw from the
contest, and to recall his skirmishers ere nightfall.
When the rebels reviewed their situation, they found that three
of their leaders — Seaforth, Tullibardine, and Lord George Murray
— were seriously wounded, and many of the clansmen had fallen
in the fray. Great numbers of the Spaniards, unused to the style
of warfare adopted, had ignominiously fled from the scene of
battle, and those who remained were too demoralised to be of
much further service. The most sanguine amongst the rebels
could not hope for victory, and under the circumstances it only
remained for them to make the best possible terms of surrender.
Rob Roy, upon whom the command of the expedition now fell,
dared not approach Wightman, since it was not likely the Han-
overian General would treat with a rebel whom his Government
had repeatedly denounced. He arranged, therefore, that the
Highlanders should quietly disperse for their homes, bearing
their wounded chiefs along with them ; and that the leader of the
Spaniards should yield himself and his men prisoners of war to
Wightman, and thus secure a safe passage to their native land.
The advice was adopted, and the Highlanders fled by devious
paths, best known to themselves, from the place which had
witnessed their indomitable but fruitless bravery ; and Don
Alonso de Santarem led his crestfallen soldiers down into the
Valley of Humiliation, and submitted them to the commands of
the heretic general. Thus ended the battle of Glenshiel.
Wightman, on reckoning his losses, found he had twenty-
one men killed, and one hundred and twenty-one wounded,
among the latter being Captain George Munro of Culcairn, who
was dangerously wounded in the thigh by the enemy, posted on
the declivity of the hill, who kept on firing at him after he had
THE MUNROS OF CULCAIRN. 499
fallen. After falling, when by their behaviour he realised that
they were resolved to dispatch him, he told his servant — a clans-
man— who was faithfully watching him, to get out of danger,
lest he might lose his life, for he could be of no service to him
now, and requested him, when he returned home, to let his father
and family know that he had done his duty. The faithful High-
lander thereupon burst into tears, and asked his master how he
thought he could leave him in that condition, and what would
they think of him at home if he did so ? He told the Captain
that he would not leave him, and, to shield him from further in-
jury, he laid himself down on his hands and knees over his
master, till Serjeant Robert Munro, son of Hugh Munro, of
Tullochue, with a small party, dislodged the enemy, after having
previously sworn upon his dirk that he would effect the Captain's
rescue. General Stewart, in his " Sketches," records several acts
of similar self-devotion and heroism displayed by Highlanders
towards their commanders and chiefs ; but this act of fidelity
of Munro is, so far as we know, only equalled in ancient
history by that of Philocratus, slave to Caius Gracchus, who,
when he was found by his enemies in a wood, covered his master
with his body, in such a manner that Caius could not be killed
by them, till they had first dispatched the faithful slave. The
man who thus so bravely saved his master's life afterwards be-
came Captain Munro's valet, and was treated more like a friend
than a servant.
After recovering from his wounds, Captain Munro continued
vigorous and active in the service of the Government, and ob-
tained the command of one of the independent companies, in the
national pay, which were first formed in 1729-30. On the 25th
of October 1739 these companies, known as the Black Watch,
were formed into a regiment, numbered the 43rd — now the 42nd
Royal Highland Regiment — and placed under the command of
his brother, Lieutenant-Colonel Sir Robert Munro. He was
made its senior Captain, and accompanied it to Flanders in 1743.
In 1744 he was obliged to retire from active service, owing to a
severe attack of asthma, aggravated by the air of Flanders. He
accordingly sold his commission, and on the advice of General
Wade, and his brother, Sir Robert, he returned home to his
seat at Newton, in the parish of Kiltearn, intending to spend
SGO THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
his remaining days with his family and friends in that peaceful
retreat. But Providence determined otherwise, and had reserved
him for some further labours in the military field.
The Rebellion of 1745 broke out soon after his arrival at
Newton ; and the danger which threatened his country, with its
civil and religious liberties, at once brought him renewed strength
and energy.
When General Sir John Cope came to Inverness, and having
been assured of being joined by a number of Highlanders to
conduct him and his small army through the rebel counties
between that town and Aberdeen, Captain Munro, with two
hundred Munros, were the only persons found willing to perform
the promises which were made by others. He conducted Sir
John Cope to Aberdeen, whence he was ordered home. On the
homeward journey, Munro had to pass through a district invested
by a detachment of the rebels under the command of Gordon of
Glenbucket, who seemed disposed to oppose his return, but find-
ing that the Captain was determined to force his way, he retired
and allowed the Munros to proceed without further molestation.
Not long afterwards the Earl of Loudon, who held command
for the King at Inverness, sent Captain Munro with six hundred
men — all Munros and Macleods — to relieve the city of Aberdeen,
and the neighbouring country, and counteract the Jacobite rising
in Aberdeenshire, which place was greatly oppressed by the
outrages committed by Lord Lewis Gordon, a brother of the
Duke of Gordon, who was himself in the service of the reigning
Royal family. Captain Munro proceeded as far as Inverury, a
small town a few miles west from Aberdeen, where he halted to
receive intelligence. Owing to the narrowness of the pass, he was
obliged to quarter a great number of his men in different places
throughout the neighbourhood. In the meantime a considerable
reinforcement from the main body of the rebel army, then
stationed at Perth, was sent under the command of a French
officer, supported by their picquets and Irish brigades, to Lord
Gordon's assistance. On their arrival, Gordon resolved to sar-
prise and cut off the Captain and his whole party. With this
object in view, the youthful Jacobite leader, taking advantage of
the Highlanders being quartered on the inhabitants in the town
and district of Inverury, moved towards that town in the dusk of
THE MUNROS OF CULCAIRN. 501
the evening of 23rd December 1745, after Captain Munro had
sent his men to their quarters. But though the Captain did not
get so early an intimation of the enemy's approach as he would
have wished, they were providentially discovered in sufficient
time to enable him to post the men he had in the town in such a
manner that they were prepared to give the rebels so warm a
reception (which they did by attacking them in front and in flank)
that many of them were left dead on the field. The brave little
band made a stout resistance, their gallant Captain continuing
cool, intrepid, and active during the heat of the skirmish ;
but, being taken by surprise and overpowered by far superior
numbers, they were unable to hold out against an enemy who
knew the ground better, supported by seven hundred insurgents
under the immediate command of Lord John Drummond. Cap-
tain Munro, in the circumstances, thought it advisable to retire,
and succeeded in bringing off his men safe and in good order,
with the exception of one or two who were killed or taken pri-
soners. Adam Gordon of Ardoch (now Braelangwell) Captain
Munro's nephew, was captured by the rebels and detained for a
considerable time, during which he was treated with undue rigour
and severity. He ultimately made his escape and joined his
uncle. Lord Lewis Gordon did not attempt to pursue, but retired
with the loss of a number of men, and marched with his followers
to the Jacobite rendezvous at Stirling.
The following letter, published for the first time in the In-
verness Courier of 2/th December 1883, gives some additional
information relative to the skirmish at Inverury : —
" H. D. S. (Honoured Dear Sir),— Yesternight I understood our minister had a
letter from Mr Irvine, minister at Elgin, shewing that the Prince's party was defeated
in England, the Lords Elcho and Nairn taken, together with 300 of the Prince's
Guards and the whole artillery, and that he was retreated to Carlisle, and that the
English were killing them like dogs on the highway. This news came by a ship from
Leith, who heard the Castle firing just as he set sail ; Gen. Campbell is at Stirling
with 6000 men, and Gen. Wade is ordered with his whole army for Scotland.
" This morning we were alarmed with the affecting news that the Lord Drum-
mond, with a body of 2000 men, attacked the Macleods and Munroes at Inverury at
five o'clock yesternight, beginning with the Guard, who, I fear, were mostly killed, as
I'm informed there were only about 400 men in town, who all engaged. The rest
were quartered in the country, who, upon the first notice of the fire, for the most part
fled, and some were at this place by two or three o'clock in the morning. Most of
the Macleods and Munroes, as did Colcairn and Macleod, passed this place by 9 or
10 o'clock in the morning in great disorder. Several have come dropping up since in
502 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
great fear, hiring horses, fearing the enemy at their heels. Of those that past many
were wounded, but coming of in hurry and confusion, could give no distinct
account of the loss, only some that I talked with, who were in the heat of
the action, told me that they lost many men, and that he saw the Prince's men
upon the first platoon fall in heaps. They spak very bitterly against Lord Lowdon
that he did not come to their assistance, and also against Grant, and Macleod himself
was heard to exclaim against him. They talk of gathering their scattered forces at
Elgin, and calling up Lowdon to make head against the enemy, who are coming up
flushed with victory, and we hear that there are billets demanded at Huntly this night
for 3000 men— what will come of this poor place God only knows. We hear it re-
ported that Avachie's men suffered much, and that the Macleods fired desperately
from their windows in their quarters, and did considerable execution, and several of
the townspeople and women are killed. In this hurry I have scarcely left room to
congratulate yourself and lady upon the safe arrival of your son, and wish all
honour and happiness to yourself and family ; and am, with the utmost respect and
gratitude, H.D.S., your most obliged servant, "JEAN BAYLIE.
"Keith, Deer. 24th, 1745."
Addressed on the back to —
"Thomas Grantt of Achoynanie, Esq., at Airndilly."
Upon the retreat of the rebels northward before the Duke
of Cumberland, the Earl of Loudon had not sufficient strength
to maintain his position at Inverness, and in consequence he,
with Lord President Forbes and Captain George Munro, re-
treated through Ross into Sutherlandshire, with the intention of
defending themselves there till the season allowed the Duke
to march his troops to Inverness. But in this interval, the
rebels, having spread themselves over the Counties of Ross,
Moray, and Inverness, got possession of a number of boats, by
means of which, under cover of a dense fog, they transported a
large body of their men to Sutherland. This action of the
enemy compelled Loudon, the President, and Captain Munro, to
retreat through the west of Ross-shire into the Isle of Skye,
where they remained till the rebel army was broken up and dis-
persed at Culloden.
On his return from Skye, Captain Munro was constantly
employed on expeditions through the rebel districts, reducing
them to order and submission to the Government, which
duties he diligently and zealously, yet always most humanely,
performed. This the rebels themselves acknowledged, as he
never did the least injury to any man, and in all his vast circuit
over the North and West Highlands, he neither himself seized,
nor allowed those under his command to seize, anything but
THE MUNROS OF CULCAIRN. 503
arms. Yet, notwithstanding all his humanity, his diligence and
zeal during the whole of the Rebellion had rendered him so
obnoxious to the rebels that they vowed his destruction upon
the first opportunity ; and, as they had not the courage to face
him, they resolved to assassinate him, which resolution they
carried into effect on Sabbath, 3ist of August 1746, although at
the time he was shot his assassin mistook him for another man.
After the suppression of the Rebellion, an order was issued
to the Highlanders to deliver up their arms. A Lochaber man
named Dugald Roy Cameron, sent his son to Fort- William with
his arms to be delivered up. When proceeding down by Loch-
Arkaig, the young man was met by an officer of the name of
Grant, who was conducting a party of soldiers to Knoydart
Grant immediately seized young Cameron, and shot him on the
spot. His father swore to be revenged, and hearing that the
officer rode a white horse, he watched behind a rock for his
return, on a height above Loch-Arkaig. Captain Munro had
unfortunately borrowed the white horse on which Grant rode,
and while he was passing — between the advanced guard and the
main body of his men — the spot where the irate Cameron lay in
ambush, he met the fate intended for Grant, Cameron firing and
killing him on the spot. Dugald Roy escaped, and afterwards
became a soldier in the British army.
Dr Browne, in his History of the Highlands and High-
land Clans, gives a different account of the manner in which
Captain Munro met his death. He says that Dugald Roy
Cameron's house was burned, his cattle plundered, and his son
killed while defending his family, who were turned out in the
snow by Grant's orders. Vowing vengeance, Cameron " watched
the officer who was the author of this inhuman outrage, and who,
he was informed, was to be distinguished by a cloak of a parti-
cular kind. This officer, riding one day with Captain George
Munro of Culcairn in a shower of rain, lent him his cloak ; and
while marching in it with a party of men along the side of Loch-
Arkaig, the Captain was shot by the enraged Highlander, who
perceived the cloak, but could not distinguish the difference of
person. The man escaped, and although he was well known,
and might have been apprehended afterwards, he was allowed to
pass unpunished."
504 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
General Stewart* states that Colonel Grant of Moy (who
died in April 1802, in his ninetieth year), was walking along the
road with a gun upon his shoulder, when Captain Munro was
shot. A turn of the road concealed him from the soldiers at the
moment, but when he came in sight with his gun, they im-
mediately seized him upon suspicion, and carried him to Fort-
William. After making investigations into the matter, Colonel
Grant was declared innocent of the crime laid to his charge, and
he was at once set at liberty.
Thus died the brave, humane, and pious Captain George
Munro of Culcairn, to the great grief of his relatives and friends,
and to the irreparable loss of his country. One of Dr Dod-
dridge's correspondents — probably the Rev. James Fraser, then
minister of Alness, and author of an able and learned work on
" Santification," writes of him as follows : —
"The great foundation of all his other virtues was laid in a most sincere and
steadfast regard to the Supreme Being. He carefully studied the great doctrines of
our holy religion, which he courageously professed, and, as it was requisite, defended,
in whatever company he might be cast. He did this with the greatest freedom, as his
practice was always agreeable to it ; and in particular his regard, both to the Book and
to the Day of God. He had from his infancy been trained up in an acquaintance with
the Scriptures ; and he daily perused it with pleasure, and doubtless with advantage.
And tho' the natural cheerfulness of his temper inclined him on other days to facetious
turns in conversation, yet on the Sabbath he was not only grave and devout, but care-
fully attentive that all his speech might tend to edification, and as far as possible
minister to the hearers.
" He was exemplary in the social virtues ; temperate in the use of food and sleep,
and rose early for devotions (wherein, as in many other respects, he remarkably re-
sembled his beloved friend Colonel Gardiner). He was also thoroughly sensible how
much a faithful discharge of relative duties is essential to the character of a Christian.
He approved himself, therefore, as a brave and viligant officer, a most active and
faithful servant of the Crown, and a true patriot to his country in the worst of times,
and in domestic life was exemplary as a husband, a faithful friend, a constant bene-
factor, and a sure patron of the oppressed ; and, to crown all, was at last in effect a
martyr in the cause of that religion he had so eminently adorned, and of those liberties
he had so long and so bravely defended."
Captain Munro took a deep interest in ecclesiastical matters,
was for several years an elder in Kiltearn Parish Church, and
frequently represented the Presbytery of Dingwall, as one of its
Commissioners in the General Assembly of the Church of Scot-
land. He was for many years a Justice of the Peace, and for
several years a Sheriff- Depute of Ross-shire. As heritors in the
* Sketches of the Highlanders, Foot-note, vol. i., p. 280.
THE MUNROS OF CULCAIRN. 505
Parish of Alness, he and John Munro, V. of Novar, strongly
opposed the settlement of the Rev. James Fraser as minister of
Alness. They had no objection to Mr Fraser's life and doctrine,
but they wished John Munro, probationer, son of Mr Donald
Munro, alias " Caird," in the Parish of Kiltearn, to be appointed
to the parish. Mr Munro had officiated in Alness for some
Sabbaths during Mr D. Mackillican's illness, and Culcairn,
Novar, and many others were well pleased with his ministrations.
The majority of the parish was for Mr Fraser, and the Presby-
tery therefore sustained the call in his favour, and he was in-
ducted to Alness on the i/th of February 1726. Mr Munro was
afterwards admitted to the Parish of Halkirk.
Captain George Munro, I. of Culcairn, died in his sixty-
first year.
He married Christian, daughter of John Munro of Tearivan,
by whom he had a family of four sons and six daughters —
1. John, his heir.
2. Andrew ; 3. George ; 4. George. All three died un-
married.
5. Anne, who died unmarried.
6. Jane, who married Alex. Gordon of Garty, to whom she
bore two sons — William and Alexander. Garty appears to have
died shortly after the birth of Alexander, and William died in
infancy. The following letter written by Captain Munro, and
addressed to " Hugh Munro of Teaninich, Esq.," the original of
which is still preserved among the archives in Teaninich Charter
Chest, is interesting as a specimen of the Captain's literary style,
and requires no apology for its insertion here : —
" Dr. Cousine, — David Munro sent me in June last asummonss agst Gairtys only
son Sandie, after Willie's death, for leading ane adjudicature at my instance for what
soumes Gairtie was due to me after paying the tocher before the Lords, and after the
same with the execution were returned he found he could not compleat the same this
session before the Lords ; and it was necessary it should be done before the Sheriff
before the end of the Dispensatione, &c., and therefor sent north the vouchers for
doing the same there ; and as it is necessary for a Tutor ad Uteri to be named for the
child, and as Albert of Coul was named such in the Process before the Lords for
Willie, so he would be the same for Sandie if the Process was caryd on yr. But
since it is to be caryd on here, I beg you'l allow yourself to be named Tutor ad Uteri
for Sandie, and you'l only renounce before the Inferior Court, &c.
If it happens that I cannot be at home on the iyth of Augt. next, being the day
before the meeting of the Committee of the Comn. of Suply, for making out the Cess
book at Alness, you'l please that day to go my house and call for the keys of my
5o6 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
drawer, from my eldest daughter, and open the drawer in my room, and in the top
of the 2nd keeping, in the 2nd shelf to the left hand, you'l find together two books
of the valuation of the shyre of Ross, one done by Hugh Baillie, as clerk of supply,
where the severall parishes, and every heritor's lands in the severall parishes are notted;
and the other done by Aldie, as collector, yrin every heritor's proportion in the differ-
ent parishes are marked ; and I think you should call from (? on) Culniskeath (David
Bethune) for a valuation book he hath of the shyre, but I am of opinion he will not
give (it) out of his own hands, yr being severall other things in it also ; and therefore
if you'l want it you must call for himself with it.
I have no news here. We have fine growing weather this week and much raines
the two former weeks, which mended the corn much. Oat meal is sold at Grief at 6
pence the peck, and bearmeal at 4 pence the peck by weight, but it is not so cheap
here. My service to the Lady Teaninich, your sisters, and all friends. — And I am,
Dr. Sir, your aff. Cousine and Humble Servant,
GEO. MUNRO.
Moness, 3oth July 1742.
(To be continued.)
HIGHLAND SUPERSTITION.
Miss ANDERSON, in her recently published book, " Inverness
before Railways " (A. & W. Mackenzie, Inverness), relates the
following story in connection with a Mr Mactavish, who built
Dunachton House, Inverness, and married one of the Misses
Macdonell, Milnfield. He was the first agent of the Commercial
Bank in Inverness : —
There is a singular story connected with the death of Mr Mactavish, which, at
that time, when superstition was rife in the Highlands, caused great excitement and
awe. Mr Mactavish had been ill for some time with a pain in his tongue, which
ultimately was discovered to arise from cancer, and he arranged to go to London to
have an operation performed, accompanied by a nephew who was a barrister in the
Metropolis, but had been on a visit to Inverness. A journey to London was, in those
days, a very serious undertaking, and the banker went first to pay a farewell visit to
his cousins at Migavie, in Stratherrick, accompanied by Mr Sandy Mactavish, the
town-clerk, who was one of the Migavie family. It was alleged that when any one
connected with the Mactavishes at Migavie was about to die, strange moaning sounds
were always heard proceeding from trees in the vicinity of the house, but the greatest
peculiarity in the occurrence was that, although the cries were heard by every one else
most distinctly, the doomed person was never able to hear them at all. The
country people declared that, although this banshee was never to be seen, the
rattling of its bones might often be heard, forming an accompaniment to its cries.
On the evening before the banker and his nephew left Migavie, they were taking a
walk in the neighbourhood, accompanied by the Town-clerk and various members of
the family, when suddenly mournful and weird cries were heard, and some one ex-
claimed, " There is the banshee!" Everyone heard the sounds, except the banker
and his nephew, but though they strained their ears, they could hear nothing. Next
clay they left for London, and after arriving, the banker wrote to the Town-clerk,
asking in joke, whether anything had come of the banshee's cries. Mr Sandy Mac-
tavish wrote to say that no one had died as yet, but this letter crossed on the way an
intimation of the banker's death, and soon afterwards news came that his nephew also
had died.
So;
HIGHLAND FABRICS AND DRESS.
By the late JOHN M. MACPHERSON, Stornovvay.
OF Highland textile fabrics, tartans occupy a prominent place.
As is well known, every clan had a peculiar pattern styled after
itself— as the "Mackenzie tartan," the " Macpherson tartan,"
and so on ; for every clan used to appear in arms in its own
tartan.
Some of the Highland tartans are highly elegant. In the
finest patterns the primary dark colours are employed ; and the
broad belts of dark colours are sometimes lightened with streaks
of the bright primary colours, but at other times with streaks of
black. By careful inspection, the generality of tartans appear to
be much upon the same principle, or a modification of the same
plan. Two broad stripes or belts of different colours are sepa-
rated by a narrower stripe of a third colour. The broad stripes
are each variegated with small streaks of other colours. Each of
the two stripes is streaked in a different order ; if the one has two
streaks on each margin, the other has one, two, or three in the
middle. Sometimes one of the two main stripes is alternately
streaked in a different form, which converts the pattern into large
squares of various checks. With a very few forms, by varying
the colours in the stripes or streaks, innumerable varieties of pat-
terns can be produced. In forming a pattern, some knowledge
of the affinity of colours, their harmony, and their relative sym-
pathies and antipathies, are requisitely necessary. First of all,
the two main stripes should balance each other in brightness, as
closely as possible. Their relation may be a little hostile, but the
separating stripe of a third colour ought to harmonize with both.
The simplest form of checkered cloth is the shepherd tartan,
being composed of alternate narrow stripes of white and black,
in the woof as well as in the warp. There are other varieties
consisting of two colours as well as the shepherd tartan, such as
blue and black, red and black, green and black, and so on. With
regard to tartans of two colours, when they are formed into broad
checks, the one is occasionally variegated with streaks of the
colour of the other.
508 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Of late a great many tartans have come into fashion, with
the woof of one colour and the warp of another, of which the
former is variegated with streaks of the colour of the latter, and
the latter with streaks of the colour of the former — these are called
"fancy tartans." But in some fancy tartans the woof and warp are
both streaked with a third colour. Some of the fancy tartans of
fashion are attractive enough, whilst many are far from being so.
In comparing clan and fancy tartans together, the former have the
advantage and patronage of good taste.
The origin of tartan fabrics is evidently of very early anti-
quity. It is not known at this time, which were the age and
country, when and where tartan had its origin ; but it is certain
that the art of making tartan had been introduced into Scotland
before the light of history had taken cognizance of the circum-
stances of these regions. If I should venture a theory, I would
say, the origin of tartan had been suggested by the mottled ap-
pearance of cloth made of uncoloured yarn of various hues and
shades ; such as yarn which would have been spun from the wool
of the dun-coloured breed of sheep ; and a tasty intellect would
be quite apt to form the idea of regular checks, by sorting and
arranging the spindles of thread of different shades into sym-
metrical order.
The word tartan may be of Gaelic etymology. If a Gaelic
word should be formed purposely to express checkered cloth,
tarstan might be the word adopted. Tarsainn means across,
and is derived from the root tarst, which means the same ; and
the affix an makes a noun of any verb or adjective to which it is
attached. Some give the word breacan as the only Gaelic name
for tartan. But the word breacan, though sometimes employed
in that sense, more properly signifies a plaid ; for it is the only
Gaelic name for that article.
Plaide is a species of blanket variegated with streaks or
stripes of other colour in the woof and warp. When a woman
gives yarn to the weaver to be made into tartan, she gives him
the pattern on a short cane or stick ; the threads are rolled
around the cane in the same order and proportion of quantity as
the woof and the warp are intended to be.
Cloth, which is pronounced claiv in Gaelic, is called kelt in
Scotch. Cloth (claw) is a soft heavy textile of shaggy appear-
HIGHLAND FABRICS AND DRESS. 509
ance. The finest varieties are made of mixed wool ; and the
brighest in colour should be the finest in the amalgamation ; for
if the light coloured wool were of a hairy coarseness it would give
a hairy appearance to the whole. In the act of mulling, the cloth
is made to move backward and forward on a table or bench of
basket-work, or something equivalent, which gives the pile a ser-
rated form. Kelt is still esteemed in the Highlands for winter
trousers, and is sometimes used in coats. This cloth is like the
valleys of the Tyrol, " coarse, indeed, but right warm." It is the
kind of cloth worn by the inhabitants of the North of Europe. And
whoever introduced the art of making tartan into Scotland, the
art of making cloth had been introduced into the Highlands from
Norway. Clb and plangaid are words of the same derivation
with "cloth" and "blanket"; and woollen cloth is termed in
Gaelic, aodach olla, though wool itself is called cloimh or oluun.
The latter word, olunn, is of the same derivation with the word
" woollen."
Brat, or cuibhrig, generally means a bed-tester. It is a very
thick fabric, made of the coarsest wool. The yarn of which the
cloth is made is more like a coil of twine than thread for the loom.
We may notice here, in connection with the derivation of words,
that " yarn " is probably the equivalent of the Gaelic word iarna.
Stubh is a light kind of cloth for female clothing, of uniform
colour. The Gaelic word stubh, and the English word "stuff"
mean the same, and are evidently of the same derivation.
The male costume of old Highlanders is well known. It
consists of the kilt, vest, jacket, plaid, blue bonnet, sporran, hose,
and brogues. Some of its parts are of comparatively modern
super-addition. In what part of the world it had its origin, and
what race of men introduced it into the Highlands, are problems
difficult of solution. But it is sufficiently certain it could not
have originated in the northern parts of Asia and Europe ; for
the kilt would be rather cold for the higher latitudes of the
great Continent. The kilt, no doubt, had its origin in a really
warm climate. As for the sporran, it may be the relic of the
cincture or fig-leaf, worn by tribes of primitive habits in the
warm regions of the equatorial zone. The ancient costume of
females was a kind of parallel to the male dress. Every item in
the one had its counterpart or equivalent in the other. The
510 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
females' cbta is not of tartan, but of striped stuff. It is longer
than the kilt ; it falls to the middle of the calf. The guailleachan
of women is a square shawl without fringe ; it is not so large as
the breacan of the men, but it is of thicker cloth. It is usually a
square of dark tartan. Women had their jacket as well as the
men, but I am not aware whether it was made of tartan or plain
coloured cloth. While the osanan or stockings of the men were
made of checkered cloth, those of women were made of one-
coloured cloth. Young women had no regular head-dress ; only,
when the state of weather required it, the shawl was drawn over
the head.
Casag is a kind of thick frock worn by boys and little girls.
It is pretty long, has long sleeves, and is buttoned behind. A
common dress on boys is a kilt attached to a vest, and a wide
jacket ; the latter frequently a second-hand article once worn
by the father or an elder brother. And it is indeed a droll spec-
tacle, to behold the boys of a Highland village, with their dark-
blue eyes, their weather-beaten cheeks, their legs dappled by the
cottage fire, their ragged clothes, and having their heads as com-
pletely clipped of hair as a sheep is ever clipped of wool. But
funny as it is, their parents never mind that, if they can provide
them with three meals a- day of coarse but wholesome food. The
clothes are always wide enough so as not to interfere with the
children's growth ; and as to the raggedness, like the old hair
on a young colt, it will disappear in due time.
The Lewis osan is a kind of soleless stocking. It is, perhaps,
the best substitute for shoes that could be got. The peasants,
whose soles are inured to " tear and wear," travel for miles over
gravelly roads and heathy moorland, ^without any other pro-
tection to the feet than a pair of osanan.
Gloves were not at all common in the Highlands ; notwith-
standing that the word lauiJiain is a real Gaelic word. The pre-
sent male costume in the Highlands is in cut exactly that worn
by other British people, though it is still of home-made stuff ;
but in the rural and remote parts of the country the fashion is
generally of a bygone date.
In the Northern Highlands married women wear a dress
cap made of muslin and riband, of a very picturesque form.
The front part is of the ordinary shape ; but the back part
HIGHLAND FABRICS AND DRESS. 511
spreads upward in the form of a fan, and is either plain or
fluted. This kind of head-dress is two-folded ; and the riband,
which is placed betwixt the two plies, is visible through the
outer muslin.
The varieties of shoes peculiar to the Highlands are now
out of fashion. The simplest form was that of the cuaran. It
was a shoe made of a single piece of untanned hide ; being cut
in the proper form, and then drawn round the foot with a thong.
But Highlanders had two or three kinds of shoes ; and, in every
variety, its parts were put together with thongs of tough thin
leather. They were stitched in such a style that they were more
intended for keeping the feet warm and secure from injury, than
for keeping out the water.
The Highland process of tanning leather is very simple.
The hide is first steeped in a pool of fresh water until the hair is
fit for removal. It is then freed of hair and well washed in
water, which washing is performed by stamping the skin in a tub
with the bare feet. The skin is then put into the tanning, and
now and then taken out to dry, so that when returned into the
tanning vat, it may absorb the tanning more thoroughly. The
quality of leather done by such a process is better than it would
be if the skins were subjected to the influence of lime, dung, and
vitriol.
The Highland Dress is a somewhat antiquated affair ;
it is a very rare thing to see a grown up man wearing a kilt,
though it is still worn by some boys. The Highlanders dress
now like the English. The principal difference in the dress of
English and Highland peasants is in the materials of which
their clothes are made. If the people could afford it they would
wear Highland woollen cloth in preference to moleskin and
corduroy. The Scotch Plaid is still common in the inland parts
of the country. The plaid is never worn by mariners and fisher-
men while on sea. The Highland Cocked Bonnet is something
of the same form with the hoof of a horse inverted. The Low-
land Bonnet is more flat ; both are still in fashion.
'"TWIXT BEN-NEVIS AND GLENCOE," by Dr Stewart, "Nether-Loch-
aber,'' will be noticed in an early issue.
2 K
512 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
SOME NOTES IN GAELIC BIBLIOGRAPHY.
THE SO-CALLED WALDENSIAN VERSION OF THE LORD'S
PRAYER.
By the Rev. DONALD MASSON, M.A., M.D.
SOME thirty years ago, my attention was drawn by the late Mr
Thomas Swinton, an antiquarian scholar whose learning was
equalled only by his great modesty, to this puzzle and stumbling-
block of dabblers in comparative philology. Mr Swinton was
not a Highlander ; but he had studied Scotch Gaelic to some
purpose. And the pet object of his Gaelic studies was to solve
the mystery of this so-called Waldensian version of the Lord's
Prayer. I fear he did not find in me that apt pupil and enthu-
siastic coadjutor for whom, in these studies, his simple, gentle
heart so earnestly yearned. My interest was then merged in
other studies ; and, moreover, a glance at the simple-minded old
antiquary's venerated text, in his beautiful large paper copy of
Fry's Pantographia, was enough to satisfy me that he was hope-
lessly incubating a mare's nest. Waldensian here, Waldensian
there, the thing could possibly be nothing else than a bit of
slightly blundered and really modern Gaelic.
Long after my old friend's translation to the more satisfying
studies of a better world, and with the help of his much-loved copy
of the Pantographici) I somehow came to seek " the rest of altered
labour " in his old pet study of this Waldensian Version of the
Lord's Prayer. This version will be found on page 302 of Fry's
Pantographia (London, Cooper and Wilson, 1799). It reads as
follows : —
Our narme ata air neamb'. Beanich atanim gu diga do
riogda gu denta du hoill, air talm' in mar ta ar neamb' tabhar
d' im an miigh ar naran limb' ail, agus mai d' uine ar fiach
ambail near marhmhid ar fiacha. Na leig si'n amb' aribh ach
saorsa shin on. OLE or sletsa rioghta combta agns gloir gnsibhiri.
Amen.
About this version of the Pater Noster, there could really
be but one opinion. It was a bit of modern Gaelic, badly
printed. The typographic blunders were sufficiently amusing,
SOME NOTES IN GAELIC BIBLIOGRAPHY. 513
but they could surprise no one who had any acquaintance with
the almost habitual blundering of early Gaelic printers. The
errors in punctuation were so obvious and so numerous that, of
themselves, they satisfied me at the first reading, that the few
seeming disguises of the text were not linguistic but typographic.
The full point, which cut off the last word of the last petition,
and added it to the Doxology, was doubly suggestive. To the
ordinary readers of the Celtic Magazine the misplacement of this
point, and the misprint of e for c in Ole will be simply laughable.
To the convivialist and the teetotaller among them, it will be a
nut to be cracked with gleeful merriment — a nut well filled with
the kernel that to both will be " meat and drink and rare good
fun." But to my mind this double blunder was evidence of a
previous printer's blunder from a yet prior blundered print. Fry
confessedly copied from Chamberlayne (Amsterdam 1715). But
after some search I was able to trace the blunder still further
back. I found it in a learned and curious work, printed in 1713
by " B. M., Typogr., Lond." But who was B. M.? And why did
he hide the light of his personality under these enigmatical
letters ? Some farther research, and the help of learned friends,
enabled me to identify B. M. with Benjamin Mott, a notable
London printer. This discovery led to another. There was a
yet earlier edition of B. M.'s work, and it, too, contained the so-
called Waldensian version of the Lord's Prayer. This prior
edition was published as early as 1700 ; and the title is " Oratio
Dominica * * * plus centum linguis, versionibus, aut charac-
teribus reddita et expressa." The title page differs slightly from
that of the edition of 1713 : the arrangement of large and small
type is somewhat different ; the copper-plate engraving is turned
round, so that the right hand becomes the left ; the engraver's
name on the plate of 1700 disappears in that of 1713 ; and the
publishers' names are also partly altered. In both editions, 1700
and 1713, the Waldensian version is as follows : —
" WALDENSIS.
Our Narme ata air neamb'.
1. Beanich atanim.
2. Gu diga do riogda.
3. Gu denta du hoill, air talm'in mar ta ar neamb'.
4. Tabhar d'im an miigh ar naran limb' ail,
5H THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
5. Agus mai d'uine ar fiach amhail near marhmhid ar fiacha.
6. Na leig si'n amb' aribh ach saorsa shin on.
7. Ole or sletsa rioghta comhta agns gloir gn sibhiri.
Amen."
So far as my search has reached, this is the first form in
which the " Waldensian " version is to be found. It is quite true
that Mott's first edition of the Oratio Dominica, that of 1700, like
the edition of 1713, describes itself on the title page as "editio
novissima." But, so far as I can find, the edition of 1700 was
Mott's first edition. It was, indeed, a plagiarised reprint of a yet
earlier work. This was Miiller's collection, published in 1680 at
Berlin, under the pseudonym of Thomas Ludekenius. In 1703
the identical sheets of this work were re-issued by Stark, accom-
panied by a preface by the editor, and a number of other pieces
by Miiller. I should infer that Stark published this re-issue by
arrangement with Miiller. Be that, however, as it may, Mott
got the start of Stark by three years ; and while Miiller's work
does not contain the Waldensian version, we find it at page 52 of
Mott. The inference, therefore, if not conclusive, is pretty strong
that the above is the first form in which this so-called Walden-
sian version of the Lord's Prayer was put in print. The very
natural, but in effect somewhat comical, misprint of Ole for olc,
stands there as at the fountain head. So also does the fatal
" period " that decapitates the last petition, to replace the severed
head of the petition on the shoulders of the Doxology. The
repeated misprint of n for u finds also its origin in old Mott's
oversight, or rather in his ignorance of the tongue which he was
setting up in type. In almost every other particular it will be
seen that the earliest version is the best. One after another, the
subsequent copyists repeat the original misprints of Mott, taking
care to add new typographic blunders of their own.
But how did Mott, if with him, indeed, the blunder originated,
come to print as " Waldensian " this purely Gaelic version of the
Pater Noster ? On this question there is something that may be
learned from a comparison of Mott's work with Chamberlayne's.
That the latter borrowed this version from the former is abun-
dantly evident, for he borrowed it " blunders and all." But he
made a change which deepened the mystery of Mott's great
initial blunder of calling it Waldensian. In Chamberlain's book
SOME NOTES IN GAELIC BIBLIOGRAPHY. 515
it is removed to a group of versions where it would rightly stand
if really Vaudois. But in Mott's classification it stands among
the dialects of the British Isles. In Mott's book, therefore, the
only wrong thing about the version in question is its name.
Crescit ambulando : the blunder gathers body as it goes. So true
is the historic principle that underlies the instructive story of the
Three Black Crows ! It is also to be noticed that Mott gives no
authority for this " Waldensian " version. The sources of his
other versions are almost invariably noted with care and fulness.
Even the Manx version, which is first introduced in the edition of
1713, is carefully marked on the margin as taken "from the
Enchiridion of the most reverend Thomas Wilson, the most
worthy bishop of that island: London, 1709" But in common
with the Cornish, the Orcadian, and the Modern Welsh, this
" Waldensian " version stands sponsorless in the book. It is,
moreover, to be observed that more than one old Welsh version*
and even the old Scotch version, are duly credited to their several
sources of authority. Am I justified in suggesting the inference
that for these sponsorless modern British versions Mott was in-
debted to hearsay, or to the inquiry of private friends ? This
Versio Waldensis I have taken the trouble of comparing with the
Pater Nosters of Carsewell's Prayer Book, the Irish Prayer Book,
the Gaelic Confession of Faith, and Father Donlevy's Irish
Catechism, the latter of which works is largely beholden to the
much older work of Father Bonaventure O'Hussey : and in nei-
ther of these works do I find any reason to believe that Mott's
version is reprinted from a previously existing print. Kearny's
Irish Catechism I have been unable to consult ; but some London
reader of the Celtic Magazine will, I hope, examine for me that
rare and precious volume, in the British Museum.
In casting about for any other probable or possible source
whence Mott might have borrowed this Versio Waldensis, I be-
thought me of the Waldensian manuscripts, brought back by Sir
Samuel Morland from that memorable mission on which Crom-
well had sent him, to intercede with the Duke of Savoy in behalf
of the greatly persecuted Children of the Valleys. These Morland
manuscripts, extending in all to some score of volumes, were
deposited for safe-keeping in the Library of the Cambridge
University, nearly two centuries and a-half ago. A note from
THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
my pen on this subject, which appeared in the pages of the
Academy, led to a correspondence with Mr Henry Bradshaw,
the learned and most courteous Librarian-in-chief of the Cam-
bridge University, which, though it does not, indeed, clear up the
mystery of the Versio Waldensis, is yet of the deepest interest to
all students of Celtic Bibliography. My suggestion was that
among the Waldensian Manuscripts brought to England by Sir
Samuel Morland, there might have been some precious fragment
of an Irish Manuscript containing the Lord's Prayer, and that
such a fragment might possibly have found its way into Mott's
book, under the name of the collection with which it thus
happened to be associated. I was not unconscious of the diffi-
culties inseparable from such a guess — for I could not well call
it a theory. Chief of these difficulties was the obviously modern
character of Mott's so-called " Waldensian " Gaelic. What Erse
or Gaelic would look like when written down by the very latest
survivor of the Irish-speaking monks of Bobbio, I had some
means of knowing. It must certainly have been very unlike
what Mott in 1700 printed as Waldensian. Still it is not always
wise to wither up with the fires of the critical eye any promising
plant of the uncritical but suggestive " philological imagination."
My suggestion was not well founded. I could scarcely hope
that it should. But it was not barren of results. It opened to
me the rich stores of Mr Bradshaw's inexhaustible book-lore ;
and it was the means of engaging Mr Bradshaw himself in a
study of the bibliography of the Oratio Dominica, which will ere
long, I hope, clear up the whole history of that most interesting
volume. Writing to me about the edition of 1713, which he had
borrowed of me to compare with that of 1700, he says — "The
Oratio Dominica has been of great use. I tabulated the con-
tents of the several books, and so got pretty well at the pedigree
of the whole thing. I have the papers, which I hope to show
you some day, but, of course, I never quite finished the thing
off." I wish Mr Bradshaw had not said "of course." Those
who know him, know but too well all that this " of course " may
mean. For he has by him an endless store of mo.<t precious
bibliographic gold — but, " of course," he has " never quite finished
the thing off." Alas ! that art is long and life so short
In regard to the Morland MSS., I may be permitted U gratify
SOME NOTES IN GAELIC BIBLIOGRAPHY. 517
the readers of the Celtic Magazine with a short extract from one
of Mr Bradshaw's letters — the liberty of publishing which he will,
I hope, kindly pardon. " For more than a hundred years the little
Morland MSS. which contain the literature of the Vaudois, were
supposed to be hopelessly lost, and a great deal of very interest-
ing correspondence was printed relating to them, which was
gathered into a volume by the late Dr Todd in his book called
The Book of the Vaudois. Some small stir was created on this
side of the Tweed by the fact of my discovering the whole of these
long-lost books in their places on the shelves soon after I first
came to the Library, now twenty years ago. I wrote a paper
about them, for our local Antiquarian Society, which you will
find reprinted at the end of Dr Todd's book. Since then I have
seen and examined every Vaudois book known to exist. And I
have worked minutely at the contents of all our MSS. at inter-
vals ever since."
In another letter Mr Bradshaw says — " Of the Morland
Manuscripts, all except six were papers or documents relating to
the Waldenses and their persecutions. Of these six, five contain
specimens of the literature they possessed in the I5th century,
beyond which date none of the manuscripts reach. They are all
in one language, a dialect which could only be spoken in the
North Westermost part of Italy, where the Vaudois lived. F.,
which is a New Testament, is mutilated at the beginning, and so
does not contain the Lord's Prayer. Of St Luke, the scribe has
not written more than the commencement, so that it is not there
either. But in the volume marked B. is a Glosa Pater Noster in
the same language, of which you may like to have the be-
ginnings of the chapters, which contain the whole text of the
Lord's Prayer. You will see from this that there is no approach
to anything Celtic, and that Mott must have been simply im-
posed upon when he put that heading on his Gaelic version."
From the Morland MS. B. in the University Library,
Cambridge.
Ma' pit prologus super Glosam pater noster.
O tu lo nostre payre local sies enlicel . . .
La prumiera requerenza es :
Lo tio nom sia santifica . . .
5i8 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
A ra sensec la .2. requerenza :
Lo tio regne uegna . . .
A ra sensec la .3. requerenza :
La toa uolunta sia fayta . . . enayma ilhes
fayta alcel sifayta enlaterra . . .
A ra sensec la .^. requerenza :
Dona anos enchoy lo nostre pan cotidian ...
A ra sensec la .5. requerenza. enlacal nos dizen :
Perdona anos li nostre pecca enayma nos
perdonen aquilhe que han pecca denos . . .
A ra sensec la .6. requerenza :
No nos menar entemptacion . . .
A ra sensec la settena requerenza enayma nos dizen :
Mas desliora nos demal . . .
Ara sensec :
Amen , . .
The piece ends : . . . Mas desliora nos demal amen
zoes senza defalhiment. Deo gratias : Amen.
(NOTE BY MR BRADSHAW.)
This Glosa Pater Noster has been printed from our MS. as
far as the 3rd petition by Morland in his History. His readings
are not always quite accurate, but you will see what the thing is
like. There are complete New Testaments in this language or
dialect at Dublin, at Grenoble, and at Zurich. They are all either
of the end of the I5th century, or about 1520. I have examined
all the known remaining volumes of Vaudois literature, which,
besides the single New Testaments at Grenoble and Zurich, con-
sists only of a few volumes obtained by Ussher, now in Dublin,
a few volumes here, obtained by Morland, and a few volumes at
Geneva, obtained by Leger. They are every one in the same
dialect.
DR HENRY CRATK, whose recent investigations with regard to education in
the Highlands, and his report thereon, have brought him promenently before the
Northern public, has been appointed permanent secretary to the Scotch Education
Department. Whatever may be thought of some of Mr Craik's conclusions in re-
spect to Highland education and the proper place of the Gaelic language, there is but
one opinion as to his eminent abilities as a scholar, and his candour and honesty of
purpose alike in his inquiries and his recommendations.
519
THE OLD OWL OF THE SRON.
TRANSLATED BY PROFESSOR BLACKIE.
The following is a translation of the well-known Gaelic poem, the "Comh-
achag." The version of the original chosen is that given in Mackenzie's "Beauties
of Gaelic Poetry:"—
0 poor old owl of the Sron,
Hard is your bed this night in my room ;
But if that you be as old as Clan Donald
You had cause enough in your day for gloom !
" I am as old as the oak on the moor,
By many a wintry blast o'erblown ;
And many a sapling grew to a tree
Ere I became the old owl of the Sron."
Sith you say you are so very old,
Confess your sins before you die,
I'll be the priest this night, and you
Tell all the truth, and nothing deny !
" I never broke into a church,
Or stole a kerchief, or told a lie ;
1 never gadded abroad with a beau,
But a chaste old lady at home was I.
I have seen Breham the doughty old blade,
And Torridan with locks all grey,
Fergus I knew, both tall and stout,
Brawny boys, and brave were they.
I have seen the rough-skinned Alastair ;
Rough but handsome was he in his clay,
Full oft I listened from the crag,
When he came hunting up the brae.
After Alastair, Angus I knew ;
He was a blameless hand at his trade,
The mills at Larach were made by him,
And better mills no where, never were made."
Wild times were in Lochaber, I trow,
Harrying east and harrying west ;
When you were frowning with eyebrow grim,
A little brown bird, in a little brown nest.
" Some of my sires betwixt the Fearsaid
And the Insch were lodged full well,
And some at Beating were nightly heard,
Hooting at sound of the Vesper bell.
520 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE
And when I saw the plundering clans,
Striking and slaying and driving about ;
On the nodding cliff I took my stand,
And there I kept a safe look-out."
O crag of my heart ! O nodding cliff !
Joy of all birds, so fresh and fair ;
'Tis there I was born, and there the stag
Stands and snuffs the breezy air.
O crag ! the home of the chase,
Where I would sit and hear the bay
Of the eager hounds, as they drove the deer
Down the steep and narrow way.
And the scream of the eagles from the scour,
And swan and cuckoo with floating song,
And sweeter than these the belling to hear
Of the dappled young deer, as they trotted along !
Pleasant to hear was the rustle of leaves
On the sheer-sided mountain's breast,
When the antlered hind on greenwood shade,
At heat of noon lay down to rest.
See the hind, and her partner the stag,
Feeding on gentian and grass with delight,
Mother of fawns, and the mate of the stag,
With eyelid soft, and broad eye bright.
Light is his step, and lightly he sleeps
On fresh tufts of purple heather,
Better than plaidie to ward the wind
From him and the hind, where they sleep together.
Fair is the stag to behold in his pride
When he conies down from the chase on the Ben ;
Son of the hind that never bowed
His head to the hunters of the glen ;
The hind gamesome, dappled and dun,
Tripping light with smooth round breast,
The roan stag with kingly tread,
Shapely head, and lofty crest.
Light is thy step when thou climbest the steep,
Up the shelvy side of the Ben ;
Praise who will the speed of the hound,
I praise the troop, when they shoot out of ken !
Craig of my heart, Craig Mor,
Dear to me is the bonnie green glen
Beneath thy head, the hollow behind thee,
The plain, and the wall of the Lowland men.
THE OLD OWL OF THE SRON. 521
Dear to me is the Ben of the wells,
The grassy spot where the stag is roaring,
Where the hounds leap forth to the chase,
And the fleet deer run to Inverveoran.
Better than mumbling of an old man,
Roasting of corn to keep him warm,
Is the roar of the stag, which smells of manhood,
Shaking the mountains like a storm.
When the stag bells from Ben-Beige,
And roars from Craigie Ben's crown,
From height to height the doe will reply,
And the troop from the corrie come down.
Since I was born, and snuffed the braes,
The stag was my friend, and the deer was my fellow ;
And only three colours brought joy to mine eye,
These were the dappled, the roan, and the yellow.
'Twas not my will, believe, not mine
That weaned my foot from the hill and the heather,
But niggard old age that shorter cut
The short short days of our joy together.
Craig of my heart is the noddling cliff,
Bright and dewy, leafy and green,
With water cresses and grassy stretches,
Where prickly shell-fish never were seen.
Not often there have I heard from far
The big whale spouting in the sea ;
But often, often my ear was stirred
With the roar of the deer not far from me !
Small joy was mine, when my mother said,
Go bait your hook, and fish in the seas ;
But the heart within me leapt to follow
The stag, up the Ben in the face of the breeze.
Dear to me is the chase of the stag
When I sweep the moor with the range of my eye ;
Sweeter the bay of the hounds than the flap
Of the sail, when the breeze comes whistling by.
As long as breath in my breast may be,
As long as my limbs my body may bear,
On an autumn morn, when the heather is brown,
And the breezes keen, would I be there.
But woe i? me, 'tis past, 'tis past !
The men who rejoiced shall rejoice no more
In the stir of the chase, in bay of the hounds,
The laugh, and the quaff, and the jovial roar!
522 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Where now is the sounding flap
Of the banner of Alastair of the glen ?
Where the bright badge of the clan of Conn,
That never feared face of the Lowland men ?
'Twas at Kingussie we lay in wait,
And there the foe of the troop would be;
The brave right hand that pierced the salmon,
The fish that would wisely have stayed in the sea.
'Twas here in Glen- Roy that from mortal view
He vanished, whose death was a wail and a woe ;
Who oft had sent a messenger sharp
Into the ear of the buck and the roe.
O Ronald, son of grey Donald,
A man of rare knowledge and skill wert thou !
The good Macdonald of the curly hair,
Lives not the man who could match with thee now
Brave Alastair, heart of the glens,
A loss wert thou no gain can repair ;
Many a stag lay flat on the hill,
When thou and thy grey dog were there !
Alastair, son of Allan M6r,
Often he slew the stag on the Ben ;
Always before, and never behind,
Like Donald the king of all hunters then.
0 Donald, thou wert the boy,
Steel to the bone, and like thee none !
Cousined wert thou to the great Clan Chattan,
Thou, the nodding cliffs foster son.
O, if I were sitting this day,
In the Fairies' dwelling high on the Ben
At the head of Loch-Treig, where the red troops pass
As they flee from the track of the hunting men.
1 could see Duloch, and the Brindled Ben,
Ossian's strath, and the hill of the Cone ;
The Flat-topped Mount with the shelvy side,
By the glaring ray of the sun beshone.
There I would see the lofty Ben-Nevis,
And the red cairn would be plain to me ;
The little Corrie that lies beside it,
The high base moor and shining sea.
O the red corrie, the bonnie red corrie,
'Twas there that hunting we would go ;
Corrie of the hillocks, tufted with heather,
Haunt of the buck, and home of the roe.
THE OLD OWL OF THE SRON. 523
I would see the strath of the cattle,
And the Mam-Corrie would be near,
Where my whistling shaft oft-times
Opened a gap in the hide of the deer.
I would see the Rough Ben of the slags,
The Ben of the knoll so quiet and still,
The sloping brae so bleak and bare,
Where many a deer bemoaned my skill.
Pride of the Bens art thou Ben Allta,
Take the greeting I send to thee ;
And to Loch-Ericht of the deer,
Where 'twas my delight to be.
Send my greeting to Loch-Leven,
Where the wild ducks plough the billow ;
Where the young kids climb the crag,
And the fawns sleep on heather pillow !
I
Loch of my heart art thou Loch-Leven,
Where the wild ducks plash and play,
And the snow-white, long-necked swans
Sail in beautiful array !
There I could drink from the Treig at my ease,
Water from the white sand welling ;
Draught of delight that breeds no sorrow,
Where the slender stags will be belling.
Long and strong were the bonds of love
That bound me to the bright-eyed fountain ;
Drinking freely from the sap
That healthful gushed from the heart of the mountain.
But snapt this day is the bond that bound me,
Mother of hills, Craig Shellach to thee ;
Never to thee shall I upclimb,
And never shalt thou come down to me !
And since I am talking of you this day,
Farewell is the word I must tack to your praise ;
Farewell, farewell, farewell for ever,
Dear Ben and Glen, and bonnie green braes !
Sad, O sad, to say farewell
To the joy I knew in your breezy bounds ;
Never again till the day of doom,
With my bow 'neath my shield shall I go with the hounds !
And here I sit with my broken bow,
Dragging the hours how best I can,
With a fair young heifer frisky and gay,
S«arce half-content with a feckless old man.
$24 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
O thou white hound, hoary and stiff
In the last stage, thou art my brother,
We shall shout and bark no more,
Though for a time we were jolly together !
Many a stag the Ben gave me,
To you the wood full many a roe ;
We have no cause to blush, old fellow,
Though now old age hath laid us low.
When I had two legs to walk on,
I scaled the Ben light-footed and strong,
But now that I am fitted with three,
Softly and slowly I trail me along.
O ! Old Age, thou art ever unlovely,
But vain the wish thy grasp to avoid ;
Thou hast bent the back of the tallest,
Stateliest man that marches in pride.
Thou wilt cut the longest short,
Thou wilt cripple the nimblest pace,
Thou wilt leave the mouth without teeth,
Thou with furrows wilt plough the face !
O ! Old Age, thou rough and wrinkled,
Blear-eyed, hateful in every degree ;
How should I suffer thee, thou leper,
To take my bow by force from me !
For truly I was much more worthy
Of my bow of stout yew tree,
Than you, you dry and bad old dead-alire,
Sitting at the fire here grinning at me !
But Old Age replied and said,
" I am your master — know your place ;
Better for you than a bow is a stick
To prop your back, and steady your pace ! "
Keep your stick, you toothless old babbler !
Bow was never a weapon for thee ;
The yew is mine, and I will keep it,
The bow that lived shall die with me !
" Many a braver fellow than you
At my bidding kissed the clay,
When I tripped his heels, and laid him flat,
Who was a mettlesome boy in his day !"
[John Mackenzie adds the following note to the original version in the " Beauties
of Gaelic Poetry " : — This poem is attributed to Donald Macdonald, better known by
the cognomen of Dbmhnull Mac Fhiullaidh nan Dan - a celebrated hunter and
poet. He was a native of Lochaber, and flourished before the invention of fire-arms.
According to tradition, he was the most expert archer of his day. At the time in
THE CONFLICTS OF THE CLANS. 525
which he lived, wolves were very troublesome, especially in Lochaber, hut Donald is
said to have killed so aiany of them, that previous to his death there was only one
left alive in Scotland, which was shortly after killed in Strathglass by a woman. He
composed these verses when old, and unable to follow the chase, and it is the only
one of his compositions which has been handed down to us. The occasion of the
poem was this — He had married a young woman in his old age, who, as might have
been expected, proved a very unmeet helpmate. When he and his dog were both
worn down with the toils of the chase, and decrepit with age, his "crooked rib"
seems to take a pleasure in tormenting them. Fear, rather than respect, might possi-
bly protect Donald himself, but she neither feared nor respected the poor dog. On
the contrary, she took every opportunity of beating and maltreating him. In fact,
"like the goodman's mother," he " was aye in the way." Their ingenious tormenter
one day found an old and feeble owl, which she seems to have thought would make a
fit companion for the old man and his dog ; and, accordingly, brought it home. The
poem is in the form of a dialogue between Donald and the owl. It is very unlikely
that he had ever heard of JEsop, yet he contrives to make an owl speak, and that to
good purpose. On the whole, it is an ingenious performance, and perhaps has no
rival of its kind in the language. Allusion is made to his "half-marrow" in the 57th
stanza.— ED. C. M.]
THE CONFLICTS OF THE CLANS.
THE following is a reprint of a rare little book, issued from the
Foulis press in 1764, entitled "The History of the Feuds and
Conflicts among the Clans in the Northern parts of Scotland and
in the Western Isles, from the year M.XXT. unto M.B.C.XIX., now
first published, from a manuscript wrote in the reign of King
James VI." The book is so scarce and difficult to get at that
even pretty well informed antiquarians will be glad to have it
placed within their reach in these pages. The only change made
is the modernising of the orthography :—
THE CONFLICT OF DRUIM-A-LEA.
About the year of God 1031, in the days of Malcolm the
Second, King of Scotland, the Danes and Norwegians, under the
conduct of Olanus and Enetus, seated themselves in the north
parts of Scotland, and took the Castle of Nairn, where they
became very strong ; from thence they sent divers companies of
soldiers into the neighbouring provinces, not only to prey, but
likewise to seat themselves there, as they should find occasion
and opportunity, Olanus did then send a strong company to
526 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
invade the provinces of Ross and Sutherland, and to destroy the
inhabitants ; which, Allan, Thane of Sutherland, perceiving, he
assembled his countrymen, and the inhabitants of Ross, with all
diligence, and fought a battle at Creich, in Sutherland, against
the Danes and Norwegians, who had then come from Nairn, in
Moray, and had landed in the river of Portnacouter, which
divideth Ross from Sutherland. After a long and doubtful
fight, the Danes were overthrown, and chased to their vessels.
The monument whereof remains there unto this day, at a place
called Drumilea before Creich.
THE CONFLICT OF EMBO.
About the year of God 1259, the Danes and Norwegians
did land at the ferry of Unes, with a resolution to invade Suther-
land and the neighbouring provinces, against whom William,
Earl of Sutherland, made resistance, and encountered with them
betwixt the town or Dornoch and the ferry at Unes, at a place
called Embo. After a sharp conflict the Danes are overthrown,
their general slain, with many others, and the rest chased to
their ships ; in memory of which a monument of stone was
there erected, which was called Righ-Chrois, that is, the king's
or general's cross, which, together with divers burials, is there to
be seen at this day.
THE CONFLICT OF BEALACH-NA-BROIGE.
About the year of God 1299, there was an insurrection
made against the Earl of Ross by some of the people of that
province, inhabiting the mountains, called Clan Iver, Clan-
tall-wigh, and Clan-Leawe. The Earl of Ross made such dili-
gence that he apprehended their captain, and imprisoned him
at Dingwall, which so incensed the Highlanders, that they
pursued the Earl of Ross's second son at Balnagown, took
him and carried him along prisoner with them, thinking
thereby to get their captain relieved. The Munros and the
Dingwalls, with some other of the Earl of Ross's dependers,
gathered their forces, and pursued the Highlanders with all
diligence ; so, overtaking them at Bealach-na-Broig, betwixt
Ferrindonnell and Lochbrime, there ensued a cruel fight, well
fought on either side. The Clan Iver, Clan-tall-wigh, and Clan-
Leawe, were almost all utterly extinguished ; the Munros had a
sorrowful victory, with great loss of their men, and carried back
THE CONFLICTS OF THE CLANS. 527
again the Earl of Ross's son. The Laird of Kildun was there
slain, with seven score of the surname of Dingwall. Divers of
the Munros were slain in this conflict ; and, among the rest, there
were killed eleven of the house of Fowlis, that were to succeed
one another, so that the succession of Fowlis fell unto a child
then lying in his cradle, for which service the Earl of Ross gave
divers lands to the Munros and the Dingwalls.
THE CONFLICT OF CLACHNAHARRY.
About the year of God 1341, John Munro, tutor of Fowlis,
travelling homeward on his journey from the south of Scotland,
towards Ross, did repose himself by the way, in Strathardale, be-
twixt Saint Johnstonc and Athole, where he fell at variance with
the inhabitants of that country, who had abused him, which he
determined to revenge afterward. Being come to Ross, he
gathered together his whole kinsmen, neighbours, and followers,
and declared unto them how he had been used, and craves their
aid to revenge himself, whereunto they yield. Thereupon he
singled out 350 of the strongest and ablest men among them, and
so went to Strathardale, which he wasted and spoiled, killed some
of the people, and carried away their cattle. In his return home
(as he was passing by the Isle of Moy with his prey), Mackintosh,
chieftain of the Clan Chattan, sent to him to crave a part of the
spoil, challenging the same as due to him by custom. John
Munro offered Mackintosh a reasonable portion, which he refused
to accept, and would have no less than the half of the whole spoil,
whereunto John would not yield. So Mackintosh, convening his
forces with all diligence, followed John Munro, and overtook him
at Clachnaharry, beside Kessock, within one mile of Inverness.
John, perceiving them coming, sent fifty of his men to Ferrin-
donnell, with the spoil, and encouraged the rest of his men to
fight. So there ensued a cruel conflict, where Mackintosh was
slain with the most part of his company. Divers of the Munros
were also killed, and John Munro left as dead on the field ; but
after all was appeased, he was taken up by some of the people
thereabout, who carried him to their houses, where he recovered
of his wounds, and was afterwards called John Back-lawighe,
because he was mutilated of an hand.
THE CONFLICT OF TUITEAM-TARBHACH.
The year of God 1406, this conflict was fought at Tuiteam-
2 L
528 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
tarbhach, in the south-west part of Sutherland, as it marches with
Ross. Upon this occasion, Angus Mackay of Strathnaver mar-
ried Macleod of the Lews' sister, by whom he had two sons,
Angus Dow and Rory Gald. Angus Mackay dying, he leaves
the government of his estate and children to his brother Uistean
Dow Mackay. Macleod of the Lews, understanding that his
sister, the widow of Angus Mackay, was hardly dealt withal in
Strathnaver by Uistean Dow, he takes journey thither to visit
her, with the choicest men of his country. At his coming there,
he finds that she is not well dealt withal, so he returned home
malcontent, and in his way he spoiled Strathnaver and a great
part of Brae- Chat in the height of Sutherland. Robert, Earl of
Sutherland, being advertised thereof, he sent Alexander Murray
of Cubin, with a company of men, to assist Uistean Dow in pur-
suing Macleod, and to recover the prey. They overtake Macleod
at Tuiteam-tarbhach, as he and his company were going to the
west sea, where Alexander Murray and Uistean Dow invaded
them with great courage. The fight was long and furious,
rather desperate than resolute. In the end they recovered the
booty, and killed Macleod with all his company. This conflict
gave name to the place where it was fought, being then called
Tuiteam-tarbhach, which signifieth a plentiful fall or slaughter,
and is so called unto this day.
iifiO 118
THE CONFLICT OF LON-HARPASDAL.
The year of God 1426, Angus Dow Mackay, with his son
Neil, enters Caithness with all hostility, and spoiled the same.
The inhabitants of Caithness assembled with all diligence, and
fought with Angus Dow Mackay at Harpasdal, where there was
great slaughter on either side. Whereupon King James I. came
to Inverness, of intention to pursue Angus Dow Mackay for
that and other such like enormities. Angus Dow, hearing that
the King was at Inverness, came and submitted himself to the
King's mercy, and gave his son Neil in pledge of his good obedi-
ence in time coming, which submission the King accepted, and
sent Neil Mackay to remain in captivity in the Bass ; who, from
thence, was afterwards called Neil Wasse Mackay.
(To be continued.)
SIR CHARLES A. CAMERON, P.R.C.S.I.
,ano8 owl bsrf arf morfv
sri^c-.
SIR CHARLES CAMERON, recently knighted by the Queen, in-
herits a splendid name, and he has succeeded in adding lustre
even to that borne by the famous Sir Ewen Dubh of Lochiel.
The tradition in his family is that his father was the great-grand-
son of John of Lochiel, and that the great-grandfather of Sir
Charles was executed for the part he took in the Rising of
I745-
Captain Ewen Cameron, father of Sir Charles, was born in
1787, and he died in Guernsey in 1844 His commission in the
army was secured for him through the influence of Colonel John
Cameron of Fassiefern, who fell so gloriously at Quatre Bras.
Captain Ewen Cameron had the rank of Colonel in the Spanish
Army, and he seems altogether to have been a worthy father of
a noble son ; for, during the Peninsular campaign, in which he
served with the gallantry of his race, he was wounded eight times.
He married Belinda, daughter of John Smith, County Cavan,
Ireland, and of that union, on the i6th of July 1830, was born in
Dublin the subject of this notice.
Sir Charles A. Cameron received part of his early education
in Dublin and part in Guernsey. Later on he acquired part of
his professional education in Germany. Dr (now Sir) Charles
Cameron, has for many years been considered one of the fore-
most scientific men of the present age. He devoted himself
chiefly to the scientific branches of Medicine, but also laboured
for many years in the domain of general and of Agricultural
Chemistry. He was, for several years, editor and part proprietor
of the Agricultural Review and also of the Dublin Hospital
Gazette.
His more important contributions to science are " The As-
similation of Urea by Plants ;" " The Action of Chlorine upon
the Brain;" "The Chemistry of Delirium Compounds." His
chief works in the more general scientific field are "The
Chemistry of Agriculture;" "The Stock-Feeder's Manual;"
"The Chemistry of Food;" "Lectures on the Preservation of
530 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
Health ;" "A Handy Book of Health ;" A Manual of Hygiene
and Compendium of the Sanitary Laws;" and "Reports on
Public Health."
Dr Cameron also edited the last four editions of " John-
ston's (now called Johnston's & Cameron's) Agricultural Chem-
istry and Geology," published by Blackwood, Edinburgh. He
also translated a small volume of po^ms from the German, also
published by Blackwood.
For many years he was Scientific Adviser to the Irish
Government in criminal cases, but this office he resigned about
three years ago. In 1867 he was a member of the Jury of the
Paris Great International Exhibition.
Sir Charles Cameron is now President of the Royal College
of Surgeons of Ireland ; Vice- President of the Institute of
Chemistry of Great Britain and Ireland ; Professor of Chemistry
(formerly Anatomy) in the Royal Hibernian Academy of the
Fine Arts ; Lecturer on Chemistry and Geology in the Govern-
ment Agricultural Institute at Glasvern ; Chief Medical Officer
of Health for the City of Dublin ; Examiner in Cambridge
University, and in the Royal University of Ireland ; Hon. Mem-
ber of the Societies of Hygiene of Belgium, Paris, and Bordeaux;
and of the Californian Medical Society ; and several other So-
cieties at home and abroad. He was President of no end of
Scientific Societies and Congresses, and, to crown all, Her
Majesty this year conferred upon him the honour of knighthood,
in recognition of his Scientific Contributions, and his efforts to
improve the state of Public Health in Ireland.
In 1862 he married Lucia, daughter of the late John Mac-
namara, solicitor, Dublin, and cousin of W. G. Wills, the famous
dramatic author. She died in November 1883, leaving issue —
(i.) Charles John, born in 1866, Lieutenant in the 3rd Battalion
Royal Inniskilling Fusiliers. (2.) Edwin Douglas, born in 1867.
(3.) Ernest Stuart, bDrn in 1872. (4.) Ewen Henry, born in 1882.
(5.) Mervyn Wingfield. (6. Lucie. (7.) Helena Margaret.
Our Lochaber freinds — indeed all good Highlanders — will
be glad to learn so much of a good, eminent, and we are glad to
know, patriotic Lochaber man ; for he is very proud of his
Cameron ancestry.
A. M.
SECONDARY EDUCATION FOR THE HIGHLANDS.
NOT the least important portion of Dr Craik's clear and interest-
ing Report on Highland Schools, is that in which he refers to
the provision of opportunities for higher instruction. It is
eminently gratifying to find this question receiving so much
attention at the hands of those in authority, for there are few
problems, on the satisfactory solution of which, what we may
term the mental welfare of the Highlands so largely depends.
It is not merely the Highlanders who are interested in it — it
affects the whole Scottish people. Its national bearing we there-
fore propose briefly discussing before alluding to its more
local aspects.
One of the most strongly marked characteristics of the
Scottish people is the keen desire they have always manifested
to afford their children the best educational advantages possible.
The sacrifices which have been made to gain this end constitute
a large chapter in the stirring record of national heroism. To
secure the benefits of a university training has long been the
most dearly cherished project of the Scottish youth; to gratify
him in his laudable desire the supreme object in life of those
interested in his welfare. We all remember the time when every
boy who gave evidence of more than average ability, was des-
tined by all who knew him for the Church. It was but natural
that men, whose knowledge of the world and its ways was but
small, should regard the lot of the parish minister as, with the
exception of the lairds, the one most to be envied in life. This
feeling, though by no means dead yet, has, to a large extent,
disappeared. It has been discovered that there are more lucrative
positions than that of ministers, more secure ones than those of
lairds. The vast possibilities of commercial life are being realised
as they never were before. The amount of schooling needed to fit
one to go into business, as the phrase is, is not nearly so great
as that which a university career involves. Any boy who has
acquired a fair knowledge of the three R's, and is endowed with
some amount of prudence and perseverance, will, if he be given a
fair start, be able to make his way more or less successfully in
532 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
the commercial walk. Yet, though the new ideals of life are
perhaps more practical, the old were infinitely more salutary.
Scotland has been largely the gainer by the widespread passion
for higher education. It is to it that we owe our reputation, now
almost universally conceded, for superior talent and superior
education
It must not be forgotten that accompanying and as a result
of this general desire for higher knowledge there existed the
means for gratifying it. To the Parish School system, so severely
censured in some quarters, in spite of the imperfections that were
associated with it, we, along with many who have had Scotland's
welfare most at heart, acknowledge a deep debt of gratitude.
The men who taught in these schools, being generally University
men, were amply qualified, as far as acquirements were concerned,
for the position they held. For the invaluable services they have
rendered they fully deserve to be held in grateful honoured
memory by every true patriot The charge so frequently
brought against them of having neglected the more elementary
branches and the duller scholars, for the sake of those who they
hoped might yet reflect credit on them, is undoubtedly to some
extent true. Their offences, however, in this direction were not
so great as many who so glibly urge the charge seem to imagine.
We submit, moreover, that the modern system tends to the
opposite equally reprehensible extreme, of sacrificing the more
proficient in the interests of the dunces.
These remarks, which we have made of the nation, as a
whole, apply generally to the Highlands. In the North, how-
ever, the Parish School system was not so fully developed. The
parishes were and are larger, the population more widely
scattered. It was undoubtedly a great boon to have one good
school in every parish ; but when that parish extended for say
twenty miles, the advantages to be derived were considerably
minimised. We have also to admit that the opportunities that
did exist were not so widely taken advantage of as in the Low-
lands. The social circumstances of the people account for this.
There was not only the difficulty of language to overcome, but
also that of the very general poverty of the people. Owing to
their seclusion, the want of commmunication with the busy
centres of the South, the Highlanders did not realise the advan-
SECONDARY EDUCATION. . 533
tages of education as they would otherwise have done. There
were, neverthless, many who, in spite of the serious obstacles in
their way, through their own perseverance and the educational
facilities available, succeeded in raising themselves to positions
of honour and trust. The learned professions in the Highlands
have always been almost Entirely recruited from the ranks of the
peasantry. It would be an interesting, though perhaps a rather
personal subject of inquiry, to investigate how many ministers,
doctors, and lawyers in the North at present are Crofters' sons.
We sincerely trust that none of those who are so are ashamed to
own it. An account in any way full of the difficulties contended
with, of the hardships undergone by Highland youth in unflinch-
ing struggles to better themselves, would require a volume for
itself. Fortunately, the necessity for such sacrifices is not to-day
so great as it once was, but the obstacles to be overcome now are
frequently of very considerable magnitude, and call for self-
denying if not heroic effort on the part of those who would
undertake the task, fo^
We shall now proceed to inquire as to our present position
as regards Secondary Education — as to the opportunities of fitting
himself for one of the learned professions of which the High-
land youth can avail himself.
The passing of the Education Act in 1872, marks a new
departure in regard to Scottish Education. The system then
sanctioned is essentially a popular and national one. The object
aimed at by its framers was the education of the whole people up
to a certain standard. This standard, to which all are expected
to attain, is naturally not a very high one. A knowledge of the
elements was secured, enough to enable a boy or girl to take an
intelligent interest in their surroundings, and to act their part as
capable citizens, but far from sufficient to qualify them for pro-
fitably attending the university or entering one of the higher
professions. We heartily assent to the principle underlying this
arrangement. It is not desirable that scholars who are under
compulsion to attend school should be required to profess any
higher knowledge than that embraced by the six standard curri-
culum at present in force. We regret, however, that the State
has not made better and fuller provision for higher instruction
than it has, It is almost as easy to show that this department
534 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
of the work should be taken in hand by Government as that
Elementry instruction should. The advantages that would
accrue to the nation did all boys of well-marked capacities,
of unmistakable aptitude for learning, enjoy opportunities of
prosecuting their studies, are so apparent that they need not be
mentioned. The State has already done something in this
direction. The Act recognises several Grammar schools in the
larger towns, and the recent attempt to further the interests of
Secondary Education by increased grants, under certain condi-
tions, to Highland schools, where the teacher is qualified to
impart instruction of this character, is another virtual acknow-
ledgment by the State of its duties in this respect.
Any one who has followed the history of Scottish Education
in recent years, must be aware that the great defect complained
of with regard to the new system is that there is almost no pro-
vision made under it for instruction in the higher branches
The cry has been raised by intelligent parents, and by those
associated with our Universities, that the standard of attainment
by the Scottish youth is becoming yearly lower. Fears are very
generally entertained that either the character of the training
afforded in our Universities will be considerably deteriorated, or
the plentiful supply of students for these halls of learning from
the cottages of Scotland, will no longer be kept up. Such a
consummation must be seriously contemplated by all who have
Scotland's intellectual prosperity at heart.
It is true that in most of our large towns there are fully
equipped Secondary Schools. It is, however, frequently with
great difficulty that working people, even though living in the
immediate neighbourhood of these schools, are able to meet the
expenses which the sending of their children to them would
involve. This being the case with parents in towns, how much
greater must be the obstacles in the way of those who reside in
country districts? We have, however, to make an exception
in favour of the Grammar Schools in Aberdeen, the fees at which
are so moderate as to put their advantages within the reach of
almost all. There can be no greater proof of the success in im-
parting cheap and good Secondary Education attained in Aber-
deen than the yearly increasing number of young men who go
there to prepare for the University.
SECONDARY EDUCATION. 535
Such being the general condition of Scotland in this respect,
it will be readily understood how deficient the Highlands are
with regard to means of providing higher instruction. • There are
not more than four Secondary Schools north of Inverness. The
standard aimed at in the primary schools is the same on the
north side of the Grampians as it is all over Scotland. It is rare
among the Highland peasantry to find a man so well endowed
with the good things of this life as to be able to give his children
the advantages of a training in one of the higher schools of the
South.
Such, then, has been the position of the Highlands hitherto
as regards Secondary Education. The fact has often weighed
heavily on the heart of a Highland peasant whose whole hopes
were centred on the fitting of his son to enter a profession, and
to make his way in the world. The University expenses of a
young man, as all acquainted with University life must know, are
heavy enough, in spite of the most rigid economy, to drain very
considerably the purse of a poor Highland Crofter. To send
his son for a year or two to a Grammar School would be quite
beyond his resources. He is thus compelled to make his choice
of two alternatives. He must either abandon his fondly cherished
hopes of educating his son, or he must send him up to the Uni-
versity with a miserable intellectual equipment, totally unfit to
profit by his course of training there. If the former course be
adopted, it is, of course, quite possible that the son may prove a
much better crofter or fisherman than he would have a minister
or doctor. In this case nobody has been the loser. On the
other hand, there is a very strong probability that had the youth
had suitable educational advantages, he might, in course of time,
have risen to a very high position, and proved a valuable servant
to his country. The nation has, however, sustained a loss which
it is not very well able to afford — that of genuine talent, Should,
however, the parent send up his raw youth to the university, the
loss is the University's. As we mentioned before, from all our
University centres there are bitter complaints being made of the
inferior material with which they are being supplied. The
result of this will be that in a few years an entrance examination
will inevitably be instituted. The standard required to pass this
will either be so ridiculously low that all may enter, and the pre-
536 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
sent very unsatisfactory status quo will be maintained, or so high
that only those who have had the benefit of a special training
will be admitted.
It would be a grievous oversight on our part to omit re-
ference to the scheme of Grammar School bursaries for Gaelic-
speaking young men, which for the last twelve years has been so
indefatigably worked by the Rev. J. C. Macphail, of Edinburgh.
The Highlands owe a very deep debt of gratitude to Mr Mac-
phail for his unwearied efforts to help on deserving young men
desiring to enter the University. The scheme has all along been
conducted on unsectarian principles. The bursaries have been of
the amount of £18 for two years, and are awarded after com-
petitive examination, yearly held at different centres throughout
the Highlands. The holders are expected to attend a Grammar
School — the particular school being left to their own choice — for
two years. We may mention that by far the greater number of
them elect to go to the Old Town Grammar School, Aberdeen.
The scheme has been eminently successful, and well deserves
the support of all desirous of promoting the interests of promis-
ing Highland young men. We must also acknowledge the
services of the Society for Propagating Christian Knowledge, by
whom a similar scheme of a like undenominational character
was started some years ago. This Society extends its assistance
not merely to boys but also to girls. The two benevolent
agencies mentioned have hitherto taken the lead in bringing to
light, and assisting to cultivate, the latent talent of the North.
There are others, but they are generally either local or deno-
minational.
Such is the provision which has been hitherto made for
Secondary instruction for the Highlander. The generosity which
has inspired it is unquestionable, and worthy of the highest
praise. We feel sure, however, that those who have most freely
devoted their time and means in furthering this worthy cause,
will be the readiest to admit that even their most strenuous
efforts are quite inadequate to meet the full requirements of the
case. The faults of our national system of education are ap-
parent, but experience has taught us that the education of the
nation, more especially that of its poor, can only be accom-
plished on socialistic principles. Without State provision and
SECONDARY EDUCATION. 537
State regulation no such vast movement in times such as curs
can be carried to a successful issue. This is true of education as
a whole. It is more especially so of the higher instruction, the
demand for which must always be to some extent limited; and,
in the case of large districts, such as the Highlands, in which
the great majority of the people are the reverse of opulent, we
are virtually reduced to the alternative of having State-aided
Secondary Education, or no Secondary Education at all.
Upon these grounds then we congratulate our countrymen
on the fact that our cry has been heard, and that our claim has been
examined, with the result that on the lines of the recent Minute
on Education, satisfactory encouragement has been offered to
School Boards and to teachers who happen to have the required
University qualification to undertake Secondary instruction.
The scheme is essentially that proposed by Dr Craik in his
Report, and urged by him with great clearness and force. It
originated, he says, with the Endowed Institutions Commis-
sioners, and is that — " There should be at least one teacher in
each parish who was a University graduate, and that a fixed
special grant should be paid to the managers of the school in
which he was engaged."
We are glad to recognise in this scheme an attempt to
revive the advantages of the old parish school without its dis-
advantages. The proposal so far as it goes we heartily approve
of. Our only objection to it is that it does not go far enough.
We wish Dr Craik, while he had the opportunity, had been
courageous enough to strike at the root of the evil, and boldly
expose the abuses that have sprung up in connection with our
present system. The reasons why we do not and cannot have
Secondary instruction in our primary schools under the arrange-
ments which exist all over the country, and which existed in the
Highlands till within a few days ago, are — (i) That the teacher
is not sufficiently paid for higher instruction; (2) That even where
he is so paid, he is seldom competent to impart such instruction
satisfactorily. Our first statement is very generally admitted ;
our second, Dr Craik's proposal to limit the grant for higher in-
struction to graduates attests. To remove these defects two
remedies are absolutely necessary — drastic they may appear, but
unavoidable in the desperate circumstances of the case. They
538 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
are, (i) the radical remodelling of our present system of payment
by results. This proposal is one that is supported by many promi-
nent educationalists, and by an influential section of the teaching
profession. It meets many of the difficulties which have arisen
in connection with the present system, notobly that of over-pres-
sure. (2) Our second remedy, which is hardly less important, is
the provision of a much better equipped class of teachers. It is
a notorious fact that the educational market is at present over-
stocked with inferior men. This is telling against the intellectual
progress of the country, and against the interests of the schol-
astic profession. We are far from making a general charge of
incapacity against the whole class. What we do assert is that
since the passing of the Education Act, in consequence of the
great impetus thereby given to Education, very many, quite
unfitted for the position, have been allured to enter the pro-
fession by prospects of gain. While acknowledging the good
work that has been accomplished by our Training Colleges, we
cannot but feel that the rearing of our teachers would be much
more satisfactory if entrusted to the Universities, who might
institute a scholastic degree, which would be a sufficient guar-
antee both of knowledge and of teaching power. The Training
Colleges might profitably devote themselves to the provision of
means for practical instruction for the aspiring dominies, thereby
proving of valuable assistance, and occupying a position for
which they are much better fitted than for that which they have
now to maintain.
The proposals here made are quite in the line of the
method of reform indicated by Dr Craik. With him we
believe that Secondary Schools in the more important centres
will but slightly remedy the situation, although, for the sake of
the children residing in and around these centres, we desire that
they should be got up, and we heartily concur with Dr Craik's
suggestions in this direction. We fear, however, that the setting
up of one quasi Secondary School in each parish will prove
equally ineffectual. Exactly the same difficulty arises. It is
almost as difficult for a boy to meet the expenses of residing
near a school which is twenty miles as at one forty or three
hundred miles away. He must have a school within walking dis-
tance at which he can be fitted by qualified instructors to enter
SECONDARY EDUCATION. 539
the University, and to take the position in life to which his
abilities entitle him. This is what Scotland has been accustomed
to, and this is what, if she be true to her own higher interests, she
will set her heart on obtaining again. We want back such schools
as we had of yore. That which was good in them we believe we
can yet avail ourselves of, without reviving their defects. We
want a man in every school, not merely one in each parish,
fitted to give higher instruction. We are confident that without
much difficulty this valuable result can be achieved, and that, if
realised, the blessings that will accompany such an improved
state of things will prove a source of new life to the Highlands,
to Scotland, and to the world.
JOHN MACARTHUR.
-oiq
NARROW ESCAPE OF LORD SALTOUN.— Alexander George
Eraser, i6th Lord Saltoun, when a schoolboy at Eton, had a
narrow escape with his life. At that time, the beginning of the
present century, it was the common custom of the Eton boys to
frequently engage in personal encounters with the bargemen or
bargees as they were termed, in which the boys sometimes came
off the victors. Lord Saltoun, being a high spirited lad, endowed
with great strength and activity, took a great delight in this
rough pastime, which on one occasion was likely to have had a
tragic ending. During one of these encounters the Etonians had
got their match, and were obliged to beat a retreat. The boy
running immediately in front of Lord Saltoun received a severe
blow from a stone which laid him prostrate, causing Lord Saltoun
to trip up, and while lying helplessly on his back, a bargee stabbed
at him with a pitchfork, pinning him to the ground. The crowd
rushed on, and passed over his body. Soon, however, the Eton
boys made a rally, and the bargees were driven back, when his
companions hurried with some fear to where Saltoun still lay
motionless. To their great relief, however, they found that
though stunned by the fall, and bruised by the rush over his
body, he was otherwise uninjured, the two prongs of the pitchfork
having most fortunately passed, one on each side of his neck,
without even grazing the skin, though the pitchfork was so firmly
embedded in the ground that it required no little strength to pull
it out.
540 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
irnoD Bfi nnitf/m.s J/ssI i»9
CUMHA DO RUAIRIDH, FEAR FARBRAJNN.
[The following Gaelic song was read at a recent meeting of
the Gaelic Society of Inverness, by Mr Colin Chisholm, ex-
President of the Gaelic Society of London. Mr Chisholm was
away from the Highlands for more than forty years, and,
during that period, never once heard a line of the song, which in
his youth he learned from the recitation of his parents. In these
circumstances Mr Chisholm fears that he has not been able to
give a complete version, and he will be glad if any one can give
more of it]
.53 fljs ewO
Sglth mi ag atnharc an droma,
Far bheil luchd nan cul donna fo bhron ;
Ann am Farbrainn an Tuir so,
Far am bu shilteach an suilean le deoir ;
Lot an suilean dha 'n gearan,
Bas Ruairidh, Mhic Alastair Oig ;
Gum bu dhalta 'Righ Alb' thu,
'S oighre dligheach Fhir Farbrainn an coir.
-.nrA
'S iomadh cridhe bha deurach,
An am dhol fodha na greine Diluain,
Aig a' chachaileidh 'n d6 so,
'S an deach na h-eachaibh 's na seis a thoirt uaibh ;
Shil air suilean do pheidse,
Sud an acaid a leum orra cruaidh ;
Ach 's ann ann a bha ghair bhochd
Dha do thogail air ghairdean an t-sluaigh.
Na 'm bu daoine le 'n ardan
A bhiodh coireach ri d' f hagail an cill,
Mur a marbht' ann am blar thu,
'Casgadh maslaidh a's taire do 'n Righ,
Chan 'eil duine no paisde
A b' urrainn biodag a shathadh no sgian,
Nach biodh nil* air do thoireachd,
Eadar Cataobh 's Caol-R6nach nan ian.
Dh' eireadh sud 's an Taobh-tuath leat,
Mac-Coinnich, le shluagh air an ceann,
Eadar Leodhas 's na h-Earadh,
Cinn-t-saile, Loch-Carunn, 's Loch-Aills' ;
CUMHA DO RUAIRIDH, FEAR FARBRAINN. 541
Bu leat armuinn na Comraich,
Agus pairt dh' fhearaibh donn' Innse-Gall,
Mar sud a's siol 'Ille-Chaluim,
'S iad a' dioladh na fola gu teann.
Dh' eireadh sud mu do ghuaillibh,
lo ^fliJ33ffl Na 'n cluinnt' thu bhi 'n cruadal no 'n c&s,
Clann Eachainn nan roibean,
'S cha bu ghealtach an toiseachadh blair ;
Bhiodh da shlios Locha-Braon leat,
tbflfi (81JB9Y N 'S ged bhitheadh cha b' ioghnadh learn e,
Mar sud 's a' Choigeach Chinn-Asainn,
Dha do chomhnadh, fhir ghasda, 's an spairn.
3B9fiJ nl .?JnoTf
Bu leat na Gordanaich rioghail—
'S iad nach s6radh am fion mu do champ—
'S gun seasadh iad dileas
Gus an cailleadh iad direach an ceann ;
Clan-an-Toisich nam pios leat ;
Bha iad crosda 'n uair shineadh iad garg ;
'S mur deach fad' air mo chuimhne,
Thigeadh brod Chlann-'ic Aoidh leat a nail,
Gheibhteadh iasgach mu d' bhaile,
Agus fiadhach mu d' ghleannaibh gu h-ard ;
Gheibhteadh boc agus maoiseach
Anns gach doire 's air aodainn nan cam ;
Bu leat Conainn gu iasgach,
Agus Monar gu fiadhach, a sheoid,
Oidhche Challainn, na 'm b' aill leat,
Gheibhteadh bradan bho'n Ain-eas gu d' bhord.
Gur trom tursach am bannal
Tha anns an Tur bhallach a thamh,
'S iad a' spionadh an cuailein —
Mo chreach, is goirt truagh leam an cks !
Tha mo choill air a maoladh,
Gus an abuich na maothanaich og',
'S mas-a toileach le Dia e,
Na 'm bu fad' ach an lion iad do chot.
'S tim dhomh sgur dheth mo mhulad —
Mo chreach leir mi cha bhuidhnig e bonn —
'S ann is fheudar dhomh sgur dheth ;
Na d' dheigh theid gach duin' air an fhonn.
Mar na coilltichean connaidh,
Tha na saighdean a' pronnadh nan sonn ;
Sgith mi dh' amharc an droma
Far bheil luchd nan cul donna gu trom.
542 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
TOWN TREASURER OF STIRLING — PRIMITIVE BOOK-
KEEPING.— In the good old days, when a knowledge of the three
R's was not considered a necessary accomplishment for a gentle-
man, there lived in Stirling a worthy man who held the import-
ant post of Treasurer of the Burgh, but who could neither read
nor write. Under these circumstances his method of keeping the
burgh accounts certainly had the charm of simplicity and novelty.
He used to hang a pair of boots, one on either side of the
chimney-piece, in his official apartment. Into the boot on the
right hand he placed all the money he received, while he placed
in the left hand one all the receipts and vouchers for the monies
he disbursed. He balanced his accounts by emptying the boots,
and counting their respective contents.
BOOT-HILL OF SCONE — CURIOUS CUSTOM. — At Scone is
a small hillock called Boot-hill, or Omnis terra, every man's land,
which takes its name from the singular custom which used to be
observed at the coronation of the early Scottish kings. Each
nobleman and man of rank present brought some earth from his
own country, which he placed in his boots and stood on during
the ceremony, afterwards emptying the earth on one spot. In
course of time the accumulation formed the hillock. Another
derivation of the name is that Boot-hill is a corruption of Moot-
hill — hill of meeting. The Gaelic name of it is Tom-a-mhoid —
the hill where justice was administered. Perhaps some of our
antiquarian readers may be able to give us the origin and mean-
ing of this strange custom.
LOGIERAIT MARRIAGE CUSTOMS IN THE OLDEN TIMES.
—As recently as 1811 the following curious marriage custom was
kept up at Logierait, 18 miles from Kenmore. After arriving at
the church, and just immediately before the celebration of the
marriage ceremony, every knot about the dress of both bride and
bridegroom, such as garters, shoe-strings, strings of petticoats,
etc., was carefully loosened. After leaving the church the whole
company walk round it, keeping the church walls always on the
right hand. The bridegroom first, however, turned aside with a
friend to tie the strings of his dress, while the bride retired with
her friends to adjust the disorder of hers.
THE
CELTIC MAGAZINE.
CONDUCTED BY
ALEXANDER MACKENZIE, F.S.A.. Scot.
No. CXX. OCTOBER 1885. VOL. X.
ANOTHER UNPUBLISHED LETTER OF SIMON
LORD LOVAT.
To fully understand and appreciate the contents of the following
letter, we shall preface it with brief biographical notices of the in-
dividuals mentioned in it, as well as of the writer himself, the
notorious Simon Lord Lovat.
Hugh, tenth Baron Lovat, married the Lady Amelia Murray,
daughter of John, first Marquis of Athole ; by whom he had four
daughters, but no male issue. Amelia, the eldest of these was, by
a decree of the Court of Session, declared heiress, and put in
possession of the estate ; upon which she assumed the title of
Baroness Lovat, and united herself with Alexander Mackenzie
of Prestonhall ; who, in virtue of his marriage took the name and
designation of Eraser of Fraserdale. The clan, however, did not
approve of or recognise this attempt to impose a female chief
on them. According to immemorial usage, any clan would
elect to submit to the nearest heir male, however remote, rather
than to a female descendant of the greatest chief. The Salic
law was never more inviolate in regard to the succession of
chiefs than with Highland clans. So, the Baroness and her
husband had to contend not only with the prejudices of clanship
but also with a powerful rival in Thomas of Beaufort, who had
a numerous family, and who— failing male issue of Hugh, the
2 M
545 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE
tenth Lord — was undoubtedly, as next heir male, chief of the
clan, whatever may have been his legal title to the estate. But,
from whatever cause, neither Thomas of Beaufort himself, nor
his eldest son, Alexander, appears to have taken any activy|f{
measures to dispute the pretensions of Fraserdale and his lady.
That contest was reserved for Simon, second son of Thomas of
Beaufort, who now assumed the title of Master of Lovat. The
recovery of his ancestral rights — as he thought unjustly alienated
from himself and family — became the leading idea of his life,
and, to the attainment of which he devoted all his talents and
energies, as well as his uncommon aptitude for playing off upon
every party and every individual with whom he was in any way
connected, that consummate dissimulation of which he was so
perfect a master.
In 1690, at the age of twenty-five, we find him in arms
against King William, under General Buchan. But after the
rebel forces were dispersed, he had no difficulty in changing sides,
and accepting a captain's commission in Lord Murray's regiment,
or in taking those solemn oaths to Government which, six years
after,. he violated to suit his own sinister ends.
The maiden heiress of Lovat was residing at this period
with her mother at Beaufort, and Simon laid his schemes so well
that he almost succeeded in prevailing upon her to elope with
him ; and it was only by accident he was prevented from carry-
ing out his design ! Disappointed in the daughter, he thought
the mother might suit his purpose as well — and althongh he ad-
mits in his Memoirs " that she was twice his age, dwarfish in her
person, and deformed in her shape," he actually carried her off.
Such a gross outrage against the relative of one of the first
families in Scotland, entirely blasted his prospects for the time.
The Athole family — not without reason — became his most de-
termined enemies ; and by their influence he was prosecuted, and
intercommuned. Letters of fire and sword were issued against
him and his associates ; so that he was obliged to flee, first to the
Isles, and then to his old masters, the Stuarts, from whom he
claimed protection against the Athole family. And, yet at the
very time he thus professes loyalty to St Germain's, we find him,
through^the Duke of Argyle, offering his services to King William,
on condition of receiving absolution for his crimes. This, through
UNPUBLISHED LETTER OF LORD LOVAT. 546
the Duke's influence, and the kindly offices of Carstairs, the
King's Chaplain, he succeeded in obtaining. But it did not
secure his loyalty to William, for gratitude does not appear to
have been one of Lovat's prominent characteristics. The dis-
covery of this by the Court of St Germain's, so provoked their
resentment that, at their solicitation, the French King had him
arrested, and thrown into the Bastile — the guiltiest, perhaps,
of all the victims of arbitrary power immured within its
walls. Shortly before the rising under the Earl of Mar in 1715,
Lovat succeeded in making his escape, and found it convenient
to become a zealous Loyalist. The clan, in the service of King
James, and under Fraserdale as their leader, he recalled from the
rebel camp at Perth, and, co-operating with other Loyalists in the
North, he gave valuable help towards the suppression of the
rebellion. About the same time, uniting his influence with that
of General Grant at the election of a member of Parliament for
Inverness-shire, Forbes of Culloden, the Government candidate,
was elected instead of Fraserdale, to the utter mortification of
the Jacobite faction. For this burst of loyalty, Lovat was, by a
remission and rehabilitation under the Great Seal, put in full
possession of the titles and estates of Lovat. On getting this
sudden accession of power and influence in his native country, so
little expected, perhaps, by himself, the " decrepid old Dowager "
was no longer necessary to his ambitious purposes, and without
any ceremony or scruple of conscience, he deserted her alto-
gether, and in 1717 married a daughter of the Laird of Grant ;
the mother of three of his children — Simon, Master of Lovat ;
Alexander, who died in 1762 ; and a daughter, Janet, who
married the Laird of Cluny.
After the death of this lady, Lovat sought the hand of Miss
Dairy mple, daughter of the Earl of Stair; but being unsuccess-
ful, he made suit to the Honourable Primrose Campbell, niece of
the Duke of Argyle, to ensure, it is said, the friendship of the
Duke, should disaster overtake him in his dark and devious
courses. Of this, judging from his letters, he seems to have had
uncomfortable foreboding. In one of them, written to Lochiel,
he says — " destroy my last. Should Duncan (President Forbes)
see it, my head for an onion." Mortified by Miss Campbell's
pertinacious rejection of him, he decoyed her, under false pre-
547 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
ijmoo bnfi -cpiaa bio snittoa
tences, to an Edinburgh residence of questionable fame— so goes
the story— told her where she was, at the same time urging 'iie'f
to comply with his suit, to save her character. Anyhow she
became his wife, and the mother of Colonel Archibald Camp-
bell Eraser, who succeeded on the death of General Simon Eraser.
She is the Lady Lovat of the following letter— a truly excellent
and benevolent person. Resenting her remonstrances because of
his profligacy and profanity, he confined her to her room, where
she was poorly fed, and but scantily clothed. Her friends hav-
ing indirectly heard of this, one of them, a lady, resolved to visit
Beaufort, and ascertain for herself the truth of the report.' ^Wp&
received her with extravagant demonstrations of welcome — went
to his wife's room with a dress becoming her rank, ordering her
on her peril to disclose no domestic secret, and to receive her re-
lative in her happiest mood. Such was the terror with which he
had inspired her, he was obeyed to the letter ; and his guest left
his house in the belief that the reports which had gone abroad as
to his treatment of Lady Lovat were either groundless or exagger-
ated. This explains the anxiety — even alarm — which he ex-
presses in his letter, lest she should accompany Mr Chisholm to
Edinburgh, and so escape from his hands. Eventually, however,
in spite of all his watchfulness and craftiness, she effected her
purpose. A letter enclosed in a cleu of yarn found its way to
her relatives, who took effective steps for her liberation. After
this she took up her residence in Edinburgh, where she remained
till the period of her death.
Lady Lovat is described by a contemporary as small in
stature, with claims to beauty — remains of which she retained
to old age — " When at home her dress was a red silk gown with
ruffled cuffs, and sleeves puckered like a gentleman's shirt— a fly
cap encircling her head, with a mob-cap across it falling down
over the cheeks ; and tied under the chin — her hair dressed and
powdered — a double muslin handkerchief round the neck and
bosom — lammer beads — a white lawn apron edged with lace —
black stockings, with red gushets, and high heeled shoes. As
her chair devolved from the head of Blackfriar's Wind, any one
who saw her sitting in it, would have taken her for a queen in
waxwork, pasted up in a glass case."
When her husband was in the Tower waiting his trial, for-
UNPUBLISHED LETTER OF LORD LOVAT. 548
getting old sores, and commiserating his condition, she kindly
wrote him, offering her services and personal attendance, if she
could be of use to him, but which offer, " after all that had passed,"
as he says in his reply, was respectfully declined. She died at
Edinburgh in 1796, at the advanced age of eighty-six, after
surviving her husband for the long period of nearly fifty
jnsiioDXT viLnj E — ictfJoi
years.
3?jjfcpod gaorr^^fLomcn . , . i T> ^ u t-
f The following letter was written to the Rev. Donald Eraser,
who was then tutor to Simon, Master of Lovat, and whom Lovat
addresses as his cousin — as he usually does, when he wishes to
court a clansman — but, as appears from another of Lovat's letters,
Mr Eraser was connected with his Lordship by family ties. As
his letters to Mr Eraser show, he had the highest respect for him,
and confidence in him as his son's tutor — so much so, that ripe,
ready, and well qualified as he was, to take the oversight of a
parish — solicitous also for ministerial work, Lovat, while appar-
ently zealous for his settlement, privately baulks him in every
conceivable way, to retain his services for his son. Mr Eraser
was eventually settled, first in the parish of Killearnan, and after-
wards at Ferrintosh, where he ended his ministry. He was one
of the ablest and most eminent of the Ross-shire clergymen of his
t>y
day. Three of his descendants — also eminent — were successively
ministers of the Parish of Kirkhill.
Lovat's other cousin, whom he styles Pitkyllen, after a small
estate he owned in Easter Ross, is the Rev. James Eraser,
minister of the parish of Alness — a learned and able divine — and
the author of several works on theology, one of which — his book
on Sanctification — still holds a high place in a minister's library.
He died full of labours and honours in 1769, after a ministry of
forty-three years.
Mrs Macarthur, to whom reference is also made in the letter,
was his (Mr Eraser's) sister, and wife of a Doctor Macarthur,
a respected medical practitioner in one of the neighbouring
parishes.
Of the Rev. Thomas Chisholm of Kilmorack, all we know
is that he was then minister of that parish — a good man, and a
great friend of Lady Lovat's — to whom she often unbosomed
herself in her difficulties and distresses — and to whom she was
very kind. These kindnesses Lovat pleases, for purposes of his
549 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
own, to speak of as " stolen property." The reader will be amused
at the formidable charges Lovat trumps up against him — as, for
instance, that besides being a thief, he is guilty of " scandalum
magnatum" against a peer of the realm, because, as Lovat
alleges, he called him a knave, " and said that no clerk or secretary
would work for him, but one tinctured with knavery." " This
alone will do his business," says Lovat, that is, unless he is in-
stantly amenable to Lovat's behests. Mr Chisholm was, how-
ever, a forgiving man, for we find his name is one of nine who
signed an influential memorial to Government in favour of
General Simon Fraser, to help him out of the difficulties and
dangers into which he fell by his father's actings. -amoC
Lovat is seen in this letter, as he often is, posing in the at-
titude of a billiard player, with a rod in his hand, and ivory
balls in front of him. He skillfully hits the nearest, that it may
hit the next — that it may hit the third — that the fourth may be
bagged in the net at yonder corner. Mr Fraser — Pitkyllen — and
Mr Chisholm, are to him only ivory balls to be hit in succession
by the master hand of this arch performer and plotter, that he
may bag the one he ultimately aims at — Lady Lovat. And so
skilfully does he play his game that his end is attained. Mr
Chisholm does not go to the Assembly, and Lady Lovat for the
present remains in her domestic prison house.
Now for the letter : —
!. 3fl iBri}
DEAR COUSIN,— I hope this will find you in good health,
and I give you my kind humble service, and I entreat you may
assure my cousin Pitkyllen and his lady, and his sister, Mrs
McArthur, and Mr McArthur, of my affectionate respects.
I have sent you this express privately, to inform you that,
according to my desire, my friend Commissary Munro came out
of town, and having gone to fish at the water-side with Sandy
Down and John Fraser, my factor, Mr Chisholm came down in
his night-gown to see what they were upon, when the Commis-
sary entered into a serious conversation with him before John
Fraser, my factor, and he was mighty plain with him, and told
him that for the love and concern he had for his children as his
relations, he was obliged to tell him that his mad, distracted,
foolish, and calumnious way of speaking of me and of my family
did manifestly endanger the ruin of his person and of his family,
and that he need not expect to have any support from Sir
Robert Munro ; that he was sure he would be the greatest enemy
UNPUBLISHED LETTER OF LORD LOVAT. 550
he had in Scotland, if he found that he was endeavouring to do
the least hurt to me or to my family. He likewise let him know
what an ignominious and dangerous process it would be if I would
prosecute him for the thefts and depredations done in my house ;
and that the effects that were stolen and robbed from me were
carried to his house, received by him, and destroyed by him and
others, which can be proved. He likewise told him that he was
sure he was ignorant of the crime of scandalum magnatum, which
he explained to him — that the calumniating of a peer of the nation
was either imprisonment or banishment for life. In short, the Com-
misary spoke so strong to him, that he and John Fraser told me
the wretch trembled like the quaking ash, and that they never saw
a creature so confounded ; and that he owned most of what the
Commissary alleged of his lies and calumnies. The conclusion
of the Commissary's discourse was, that he kneiv no way under
the sun to save him but one ; and that was his hindering my
Lady Lovat to go South, since all the country knew their cor-
respondence, and their resolution of going South together, which
journey could not but be hurtful and pernicious to the Lord Lovat,
and that was the foundation and design of the journey, to make
a division and separation in his family ; which was very wicked
and malicious, and which he should endeavour to stop if he had
a mind to appease the Lord Lovat's wrath. He said he was
very desirous to do anything that would reconcile him to
my Lord Lovat, that he would put off his going South to the
Assembly, but desired to keep it private. That my Lady Lovat
was of such an odd temper that he did not know how to manage
her. But the Commissary replied that all the country knew
that he had the management of her more than any man alive ;
and if he said otherwise that no person would believe him. The
conversation ended by his saying that he would do what he
could. The Commissary forgot to tell him the most essential
part of the scandalum magnatum against me, which was, that he
said I was a knave, and that no secretary or clerk would work
for me in my room, but a man that was bred and tinctured with
knavery and villany. This alone will do his business, if there
was nothing else, and, indeed, I think it would be a good action
before God and man, to get that dissembling, false, and treacher-
ous hypocrite turned out of the ministry ; for he is truly a scandal
to religion, and to the Kirk that he is an unworthy member of.
I entreat you communicate this letter to my dear cousin,
Pitkyllen, and to his worthy sister, and when they see the horrid
injustice that I meet with, and the great danger that my family
is in by the villainous conduct, contrivance, and actings of that
subtle, cunning, false, and vile hypocrite ; 1 am persuaded that
they will do all in their power to save me from the malicious and
dangerous malice of that wretch.
S5i THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
I shall long to have the return to this, and to see you here
again, and I am with sincere esteem,
My dear Mr Donald,
Your affectionate cousin and faithful humble servant,
,'jlq ol -gnirf^iWo o
Beaufort, 3ist March 1739. nifl oj Dig[/fn 9eiuOD8ib o* ioqiq
Late at night
After the settlement of Mr Donald Fraser at Killearnan, Mr ;
John Halket succeeded him as tutor to the Master of Lovat ; and
afterwards obtained the appointment of parish schoolmaster of
Prestonpans. Lovat, who was well satisfied with Mr Halket's
services, decided to board his second son Alexander with him ;
and in the summer of 1741 travelled South with him to place
"the Brig" as he calls him in Halket's charge. On this occasion,
Carlyle, afterwards minister of Inveresk, dined with Lovat and
his party ; and in his diary has recorded a few reminiscences of
the event, which give a glimpse of what Lovat was at such times.
The company consisted of Erskine of Grange — the husband of
the unfortunate Lady Grange — gentlemen of the Fraser Clan,
Lovat himself, his son Alexander, Halket, and Carlyle. As
soon as seated at table, Lovat and Grange disputed as to which
of them should say grace — when at length, Lovat yielded ; and
repeated two or three pious sentences in French ; which were
understood only by Grange and Carlyle. Grace over, Lovat
politely asked Carlyle to help him to a whiting from a dish
of fish next him, which he did, remarking at the same time
" they were not whitings but haddocks, but that according
to the proverb he who got a haddock for a whiting was not ill
off." At this Lovat stormed, says Carlyle, and "swore more
than fifty dragoons." He was sure they were whitings, as he
had distinctly ordered them, whereupon Halket, who knew Lovat
well, tipped Carlyle, who took the hint, adding " that as he had
but small skill in these things, and as his Lordship had ordered
the fish, he must be mistaken," whereupon his Lordship calmed
down, became pleasant, ate the fish, and again swore " that he
never could eat haddocks all his life." The landlady afterwards
told Carlyle he was right, that they were haddocks, but that she
ordered her cook to scrape out St Peter's mark, as she could not
UNPUBLISHED LETTER OF LORL-
procure whitings as Lovat had ordered her to do.
appears to have been good, and as the wine circulated i
two old gentlemen became merry, and their conversationX
ful and gay. " What I observed," says Carlyle, " was\
Grange, without appearing to flatter him, was very observant\
Lovat, did everything to please him, engaged Lord Drummore's
piper to discourse music to him — according to Grange a first-
class performer, but of whom Lovat said ' that he was fit only to
play reels to his (Grange's) oyster women.3 " The landlady's
daughter, a handsome young woman, having on some errand
come into the room, Lovat insisted on her dancing a reel with
them. Though not less than seventy-five years, and Grange not
much younger, the wine and the young lady emboldened the
two old gentlemen to dance away to the music of the bagpipes,
till the young damsel, on observing in course of his dancing
evolutions, Lovat's gouty legs to be as thick as posts, fell into an
uncontrollable fit of laughter, and ran away, to the discomfiture
of the old gentleman, but greatly to the merriment of the youth-
ful members of the party. " Lovat," says Carlyle, " was tall and
stately, and might have been handsome in his youth, with a very
flat nose. His manner was not disagreeable, though his address
consisted chiefly of gross flattery, and in the due application of
money. He did not make on me the impression of a man of
leading mind, while his suppleness and profligacy were apparent."
The party supped in the evening, at Preston, with Grange, after
which " the two old gentlemen mounted their coach, and drove to
Edinburgh." " This," adds Carlyle, " closed a very memorable
day."
Many of our readers have read the story of the forcible
abduction of Lady Grange, and her banishment to the Western
Isles, where she died a miserable, friendless exile. Her husband
was an intense Jacobite — as Lovat was — and accessory to all the
plots for the restoration of the Stuart dynasty. His wife
entirely disapproved of his doings as dangerous to his position
and interests, and threatened, unless he desisted, to disclose what
she knew — which would have compromised more than him, and
Lovat also. It is said, to obviate this danger, Lovat suggested
her banishment ; and as it was observed that some of them, who
forcibly carried her away from her Edinburgh residence, wore
553 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE
the Fraser tartan, it was inferred, and we believe truly, that the
deed was done by some of the very men who this evening ac-
companied Lovat and Grange to the Metropolis. This singular
man, as our readers know, ended his active but tortuous career
on Tower Hill, on the 9th of April 1747, in the 8oth year of his
age, and so his ambitious schemes and aims, for the attainment
of which he wrought so diligently — but so tortuously, perished
along with him — " and like the baseless fabric of a vision left not
a wreck (or but a wreck) behind."
ALLAN SINCLAIR.
KENMORE.
;} <mod ?
inj8 ni {
<i} mirf
v»fjjoo asfTib ovbimhq
GLENGARRY.
• ,'i A ,&30fJBJemiJoib
*°* Jbnij rbi^aififbA
The glen of my Fathers no longer is ours,
The castle is silent and roofless its towers,
The hamlets have vanished, and grass growing green
Now covers the hillocks where once they had been ;
The song of thy stream rises sadly in vain,
No children are here to rejoice in the strain,
No voices are heard by Loch-Oich's lone shore,
Glengarry is here ! but Glengarry no more.
Glengarry ! Glengarry ! Oh ! where are thy men,
Who numbered for battle a hundred times ten,
HJiUlUU 1*J c.k>
And never the slogan of enemies feared,
When led by the chieftain they loved and revered ?
Alas ! from their glen they were driven away,
And surely still lingers the curse of that day,
No clan and no chieftain are here as of yore. ^
1 he glen oi the brave is Macdonell's no more.
Macdonell ! Macdonell ! thy glory is gone,
Thy clansmen are scattered, thy name is unknown,
Tho' Time cannot all the old memories efface,
The stranger is lord of the home of thy race ;
Forever departed from thee is the glen,
Forever departed the bravest of men,
Forever departed the love that they bore,
Glengarry is here ! but Glengarry no more !
Sunderland. WM. ALLAN.
554
srfa iBiii ^luii o
-o* 8nin- DONALD MACLEOD, AUTHOR OF
,gil£GLOOMY MEMORIES."
133*1,60 SJJOUJIO} Jlid OVliDB 21fl :
aid "to -IB3X rf:*08 ^ ~^ ^
DONALD MACLEOD'S whole life was a long struggle with the
oppressor — an unequal fight, for he received but scant sympathy
or support from those whom he tried so well to serve. Only now
have his efforts become appreciated.
The facts of his life history, so far as I have been able to
obtain them, are here given to your many interested readers.
Macleod was born, the second of a family of ten, at Rossal,
near Syre, in Strathnaver. His father, William Macleod, by trade
a mason, gave him the best education which the Strath in these
primitive times could afford. When he was about his i/th year,
the whole family were evicted from the Strath under very trying
circumstances. A temporary bothy afforded them shelter at
Achniskich until decent accommodation was provided. Donald
was now apprenticed to his father's trade. His father died a few
years after their change of home, and shortly thereafter Donald
married, in the year 1818, a daughter of Charles Gordon, the
widely respected catechist, who had also suffered eviction.
He worked at his trade of mason for some time in Farr, but
factorial dictation proved too unpleasant for a man of his tempera-
ment, and he therefore left the parish in disgust for the town of
Wick, where he could have some more freedom of action as well
as of opinion. About this time he began those contributions to
the Weekly Chronicle and Northern Ensign, which have earned
him such fame as the first, and, perhaps, greatest exponent of the
wrongs and cruelties which were inflicted upon the peasantry and
clansmen of the Highlands.
The factor, taking advantage of the husband's absence,
evicted the poor wife with her young family from their home, at
Strathy, where Donald had left her when he went to Caithness.
She then found shelter at Armadale, but the farm manager, under
the factor's instructions, evicted her for the second time. No neigh-
bours, under threat of the same penalty, would dare to admit
them within their doors. She now sought refuge with her
mother-in-law, but revenge pursued the innocent woman even
555 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
here, and the threat of eviction again drove them to the road.
Through the inclemency of a winter night the poor mother had
to leave Achniskich, and plod on to Thurso, leaving her eldest
boy in his grandmother's care. Donald's sisters helped her to
carry the children through the moor— there were no roads then
— and they arrived before daybreak in Thurso. There are stories
current among the people regarding the miseries of this flitting
which would "harrow up one's soul," and are better unrecorded!
The old widow sent her grandchild to school, but terror of
eviction forced her soon after to send him also away to his father.
This son afterwards joined the army, and died of fever in
In the interval Donald had gone to Edinburgh in search of.
r .• *.• u r u- U>t>na ',.
work, sending from time to time a share of his earnings to his
wife. When he heard of her distress he came north to Thurso,
and took his wife and family to Edinburgh. But she was
heart-broken, and her health failing, she died a few years after
going South. Donald was greatly attached to his -brave and
faithful wife, and nursed her very tenderly through her long ill-
ness. He never allowed his literary and other work to interfere
with the duty which he owed to her. His own constitution,
though robust once, now began to yield, and he gave up his heavy
work of mason for the lighter occupation of a tea merchant The
publication of his letters in pamphlet form brought him no re-
ward. A few years more and he left for America — the retreat of
many an earlier patriot — where he opened a bookstall at Wood-
stock, in Canada. He here published a second edition of his
letters, to which he gave the title of " Gloomy Memories,"* as a
counter-blast to Mrs Beecher Stowe's somewhat untrustworthy
" Sunny Memories of Foreign Lands." I am told that on her
perusal of Macleod's reply, she expunged from her later Ameri-
can Edition the objectionable and offensive chapter relating to
Sutherlandshire.-|- In any case, her impressions were false and
her information one-sided, and she afterwards regretted her futile
attempt to white-wash the Scotch proprietors. Macleod's style
* Now embodied in " Highland Clearances," published by A. & W. Mackenzie,
Inverness.
t We have an edition of "Sunny Memories "in our possession in which this
Chapter is suppressed. That it was suppressed cannot be too widely known. The
fact is most significant. — Ed. C,M,
DONALD MACLEOD. 556
inmost classical, and I have not the slightest doubt that his
letters are entirely his own composition. They are written with
great force and vigour, and at the time must have told upon the
conscience of his enemies very severely. He was intimate with
a fellow-sympathiser and brother-in trade — the great Highland-
hearted Hugh Miller. This has led some to suppose that he had
Miller's assistance. This is wrong. The letters want the finish
which Hugh Miller would have given them had he applied his
master hand. Macleod could write himself and could write well.
f *^ n rfii p i rf of1 T'f*//p c*)^ [ K m i rf :
He was not very successful in business at Woodstock, and
clied in comparative poverty about the year 1860.
His letters still serve the purpose which, with his last breath,
he intended. A monument has been erected to his memory at
Woodstock, but his records of the sufferings of his fellow country-
men, and the brave battle he fought for their sake, will prove for
him a monument more lasting than brass.
Macleod is survived by two sisters who live in the Parish of
Fatr. These sisters are in receipt of Parochial relief, and I think
it will be an everlasting disgrace if something be not done to
soften the hard hand of poverty and brighten their few remaining
years. I am sure the Rev. Mr Mackenzie, Farr, or the Secretary
otqtne Crofters' Association in the district, would be willing to
receive subscriptions on their behalf. If the sum collected be
considerable, the interest might be sufficient for their require-
ments, and might be afterwards devoted to some general object
such as Macleod, were he in the flesh now, would wish.
isrf ii- .
HIGHLAND EVICTIONS,— Sir Walter Scott writes— "In too many instances
the Highlands have been drained, not of their superfluity of population, but of the
whole mass of the inhabitants, dispossessed by a unrelenting avarice, which will be
one day found to have been as shortsighted as it is unjust and selfish. Meantime,
the Highlands may become the fairy ground for romance and poetry, or the sub-
ject of experiment for the professors of speculation, political and economical. But
if the hour of need should come— and it may not, perhaps, be far distant —the pibroch
may sound through the deserted region, but the summons will remain unanswered."
THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
^!Og sBfl Off WO VI.
THE QUEEN AMONG THE COWS.
- •*• - ,:', nO
•A -rl
WHEN Professor Blackie was in Jersey, two years ago, he said
in a poem he wrote, that the Jersey cows were " the ladies of the
cow creation," and the following verses are supposed to express
the feelings of a Highland cow that he had formerly admired,
and who was in the huff over being forsaken : —
c>
Air— "Ho MO MHAIRI LAGHACH."
I am here a-browsing
Among mountains high,
In a lonely corrie,
In the Isle of Skye ;
Browsing here in sorrow,
For my pride is slain,
And the maid that milks me
Sings to me in vain —
Oh ! my dear MacBlackie,
Turn again to me,
Come into the Highlands,
Aye so dear to thee :
See thy bonnie Cowie,
'Mong the heathy knowes,
And again you'll call her,
Queen among the Cows.
I was at a show once,
And the ladies fair,
Spoke to me so kindly,
And they stroked my hair ;
And my dear MacBlackie,
Said with many vows,
That I was the very
Pretty Queen of Cows.
Oh ! my dear MacBlackie, &c.
He praised the curling fringe
Above my hazel eyes,
Whispered he was glad
That I had got the prize;
And he sang so lightly,
With sweet voice, I ween,
" O mo Mhairi lurach
'Rugadh tu 's na Glinn."
Oh ! my dear MacBlackie, <fec.
THE QUEEN AMONG THE COWS. 558
Now he has gone to Jersey
On a summer spree,
sJ\fJC}r\. j
Whispering to another
All he said to me.
On the maid that milks me
I can only frown,
Though she sings " Crodh Chailean,"
srto lo ee>ibjsl 3fB *- And the " Aghan Donn."
Oh ! my dear MacBlackie, &c.
y
am here a-
Among mountains high,
Til •
In a lonely corne
Of the Isle of Skye ;
Browsing here in sorrow
For my pride is slain ;
And my stately beauty
'S given me in vain.
Oh ! my dear MacBlackie,
Turn again to me,
Come into the Highlands,
Aye so dear to thee :
See thy bonnie Cowie,
'Mong the heathy knowes,
And again you'll call her,
Queen among the Cows.
MARY MACKELLAR.
SIR CHARLES A. CAMERON, President of the Royal College of Surgeons of
Ireland, visited Inverness, after taking a part in the proceedings of the British.
Association, at Aberdeen, on the i8th and igih of September, and spent an evening
in the company of the Cameron poetess, Mrs Mary Mackellar, at the residence of the
author of " The History of the Camerons." Sir Charles was very anxious to meet
his chief, Lochiel, but found that he had left Inverness the previous evening. The
reader would have made the acquaintance of this distinguished scientist in our last
issue.
A "SMALL" DRAM.— A worthy old Highlander having delivered a load of
wood at the Manse, was offered a "tram." The glass in which it was presented to
him was a very small one, in the shape of a thistle. Donald soon emptied it, and,
looking admiringly at the delicate workmanship, wondered how "she might pe made
whatefer." On its being explained to him that the glass-blower had blown it into
the shape, the Highlander quietly said, as he handed back the glass, " Then she'll pe
fery short of breath when she made that one." The gentle hint was taken, and
Donald supplied with another dram from a larger glass.
559 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
THE MUNROS OF CULCAIRN.
BY ALEXANDER Ross.
•
-^o,
II.
GEORGE MUNRO, the first and founder of his family, was suc-
ceeded by his eldest son,
JOHN MUNRO, II. of Culcairn, who did, like his father and
uncles, not enter the army, but appears to have led a quiet
country life at home. In 1751 he established a bleachfield on
the spot where the present Culcairn mills stand ; and it was
the only one then in the County of Ross. For several years
after its establishment it succeeded pretty well, but after Culcairn's
death it passed through the hands of different managers, and was
not so successful. In 1779 William Tait, from the Sal ton Bleach-
field in Haddingtonshire, was appointed manager. He carried
on the works with considerable skill and perseverance, and the
proprietor, Duncan Munro, III of Culcairn, appreciating his in-
dustry, gave him every encouragement, granted him a lease of the
bleachfield, and built for him a comfortable house. As a proof of
Tait's good management of the bleachfield it is stated that in 1779,
there were only 440 pieces of cloth bleached, while in 1790, the
number of pieces amounted to 2242. In 1786 the Honourable
Board of Trustees, being informed of Mr Tait's industry and
success, granted him £50 to enable him to erect a drying house.
The bleachfield, soon after Mr Tait's death, rapidly fell back, and
ultimately ceased to exist.
John Munro, II. of Culcairn, married Mary, daughter of
Alexander Ross of Calrossie, and had by her three sons and one
daughter : —
1. George, who adopted his grandfather's profession, and
rose to the rank of Captain in the 7ist Regiment. He died un-
married in 1776.
2. Thomas, who, like his elder brother, adopted the army
as his profession. He was drowned at sea in 1778. He also
died unmarried.
3. Duncan, who, being the only surviving son, succeeded
his father.
THE MUNROS OF CULCAIRN. 560
4. Catherine, who married, on the I7th of October 1783,
the Rev. Alexander Fraser, A.M., minister of Inverness. Mr
Fraser studied at the University of Aberdeen, where he obtained
his degree, in 1771. He was licensed by the Presbytery of Inver-
ness on the second of December 1777 ; and presented by George
III. to Inverness Third Charge, and ordained thereto on the 22nd
of September 1778. He was translated to the Second Charge
on the 3rd of July 1798, and to the First Charge — now the High
Established Church— on the 3rd of March 1801. Mr Fraser
died on the 2Oth of May 1821, in the 7Oth year of his age, and
43rd of his ministry. Conjointly with his colleagues, the Revs.
George Watson and Alex. Rose, A.M., he was the author of the
Old Statistical Account of the Parish of Inverness. By Miss
Catherine Munro he had issue, among others: — (i.) Catherine,
who married Hugh Denoon, a scion of the Denoons of Cadboll,
in Easter Ross, and went with her husband to Pictou. (2.) Anne,
who married Dr Donald Macpherson, who was assistant surgeon
in the 42nd Regiment "Royal Highlanders," 1st June 1809,
and on half pay in the 62nd Foot, 24th July 1835. He died
at Chatham on the 25th June 1839, leaving issue, besides
two daughters, a son, Andrew John Macpherson, who entered the
army, and retired on half pay, as Colonel, on the 27th of
December 1868. Colonel Macpherson still survives, and resides
in Rochester. (3.) Jane, who died in Inverness in 1841. (4.)
Mary, who married Dr Rankin, Inverness, and died in 1873.
III. DUNCAN MUNRO succeeded his father as third of Cul-
cairn. Like his brothers, he entered the army at an early age, and
became a Captain-Lieutenant in the 78th Highland Regiment of
Ross-shire Buffs, first battalion, on its embodiment on the 8th of
March 1793.
The first battalion of this gallant regiment was raised by
Francis H. Mackenzie, afterwards Lord Seaforth, and a second
battalion in 1794. Both battalions were amalgamated in June
1796. Another second battalion was subsequently raised in
1804, and both battalions amalgamated in 1817. The regiment
has ever since remained as a single battalion. After its embodi-
ment it was inspected on loth July 1793, at Fort-George, by
Lieutenant-General Sir Hector Munro of Novar, and pronounced
" an excellent body of men, healthy, vigorous, and efficient." In
2 N
56i THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
September 1794, it embarked, with the 8oth, to join the British
troops in Holland, and early in October landed at Quil. On the
4th of November, the 78th was for the first time under fire at the
siege of Nimeguen, where it did so much execution with the
bayonet, as to call forth the highest enconiums from experienced
and veteran officers. The loss sustained by the regiment in this
engagement was Lieutenant Martin Cameron and seven men.
Among the wounded was Captain Hugh Munro, IX. of Teaninich.
The next action in which the 78th was engaged was the battle of
Geldermalsen, which was fought on the 5th of January 1795.
The French were completely defeated, and retired in great con-
fusion. In this battle Captain Duncan Munro took a con-
spicuous part, and behaved with great coolness. He was, how-
ever, severely wounded. All the rest of the officers escaped
scaithless ; but of the soldiers there were four killed and seven
wounded.
On the 6th of March 1796, the 78th sailed for the Cape of
Good Hope, under the command of Lieut-General Alexander
Mackenzie of Belmaduthy, in the Black Isle, and arrived at
Simon's Bay on the roth of May. It landed on the ist of June,
and marched to Capetown, which was taken from the Dutch.
On the 4th of November the regiment embarked for India, and
arrived at Calcutta on the loth February 1797. On arriving in
India, Captain Duncan Munro was appointed aide-de-camp to the
well-known Lieut-General Mackenzie-Fraser of Inverallochy and
Castle Fraser, fourth fourth son of Colin Mackenzie of Kilcoy, by
his wife, Martha, eldest daughter of Charles Fraser of Inveral-
lochy, to which property General Alexander succeeded in right
of his mother, and assumed the additional name of Fraser. He
died in Sept. 1809, from a fever contracted in the Walcheren
expedition.
In 1802, Captain Munro retired from the army, and on his
arrival home in 1803, he was appointed Lieut-Colonel Comman-
ding the Wester Ross Regiment of Militia, numbering 810
men.
Colonel Munro married, on the 5th of December 1782, at
Inverness, Jean (born at the Manse, Dornoch, in 1754), eldest
daughter of the Rev. Robert Kirke, minister of Dornoch (from
1713 to 1758), by his second wife, Jean, daughter of Andrew Ross
THE MUNROS OF CULCAIRN. 562
of Pitkerrie, in Easter Ross, and sister of George Ross of Cro-
marty, the " Scotch Agent " referred to in the letters of Junius,
and whose heir Mrs Munro eventually became.
By Miss Kirke Colonel Duncan Munro had one son and
two daughters : —
1. George Ross, who was born in 1781. He entered the
army, and was for some time a Captain in the 85th Regiment of
Light Infantry. He accompanied his regiment to Jamaica,
where he died in 1821.
2. Catherine, who succeeded her brother.
3. Jean,, who died unmarried, at Cromarty House, on the
the 5th of January 1874, aged 88 years.
Colonel Duncan Munro died in 1820, and was succeeded by
his only son,
IV. GEORGE MUNRO, who survived his father for only one
year. He was succeeded by his elder sister,
V. CATHERINE Ross MUNRO, who was born in 1783. She
married, on I5th February 1815, Hugh Rose of Glastullich (she
being his second wife), to whom she bore two daughters and one
son : —
1. Catherine, who was born in 1820, and married Thomas
Knox Holmes, barrister, London, and son of William Holmes,
Irish Whip in the House of Commons.
2. Arabella, who was born in 1822, and married, as his
third wife, the late Duncan Davidson of Tulloch, to whom she
bore no issue. She died in 1847, and was buried at Dingwall.
3. George William Holmes Ross.
Mrs Ross's right to the estates of Cromarty gave rise to
tedious legislation before it was decided in her favour by the
highest legal tribunals. She died on the 2Oth of February 1852 ;
and on a marble tablet erected to her memory in the Established
Church of Cromarty, is the following inscription : —
"Sacred
To the Memory of
CATHERINE,
Relict of Hugh Rose-Ross, Esq. of Glasstullich
and Cromarty, and eldest daughter of
DUNCAN MUNRO, Esq. of Culcairn.
Born, March 1783.
Died, 2oth February 1852.
563 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE, if
She inherited
The Estate of Cromarty
From her Maternal Grand-Uncle,
GEORGE Rcss, Esq.
of Pitkerie and Cromarty ;
anfu 'M .orfno ottom bnc
In Memory of her Sister,
JEAN MUNRO of Culcairn.
Died at Cromarty Hotise,
5-1-1874. Aged 88." mirl fftiv/
Mrs Rose Ross was succeeded by her only son, the
VI. GEORGE WILLIAM HOLMES ROSE Ross of Cromarty.
He entered the army as ensign in the 92nd Highlanders on the
2ist of April 1846; became Lieutenant on 23rd June 1848 ; and
retired from the service in 1851. On the 3rd of November
1854, he was gazetted Captain of the Highland Rifle Militia
Regiment of Ross and Cromarty, Sutherland and Caithness ;
Major on the 26th of November 1855 ; and Lieutenant-Colonel,
with the honorary rank of Colonel, on the ipth of January 1856.
Colonel Ross was a magistrate for the County of Ross,
Deputy-Lieutenant and Convener of the County of Cromarty,
Justice of the Peace, &c As a landlord he was kind and humane,
and was most deservedly honoured and highly respected by his
tenantry. He took all along a warm and fatherly interest in the
welfare of the Burgh of Cromarty and its inhabitants. .-Jjsoi
Colonel Ross was prohibited by his great-grand-uncle's
entail of Cromarty from bearing any other name than Ross, and
from carrying any other arms than that of Ross of Balnagown —
with the proper mark of cadency — of whom, in the words of the
entailer, " I have the honour to be descended."
If it were not for this prohibition, Colonel Ross would
have been entitled, according to the laws of Heraldry, to quarter
the arms of Munro, having inherited the property of Dalmore, or
Obsdale. He, however, in 1878, obtained, by petition from the
Lord Lyon, authority to bear the Crest and Motto of the Munros
with the Ross arms.
The Lord Lyon sets forth that as Colonel Ross is " the
Heir of Line of the family of Munro of Foulis, as proved by
documentary evidence produced with the said petition, and
although precluded by the aforesaid deed of entail from bearing
the arms of Munro, is desirous of obtaining our sanction to bear
a.s his crest the crest formerly borne by the Culcairn branch of
THE MUNROS OF CULCAIRN. 564
the family, viz : — * an eagle with wings closed proper/ along
with the motto ' Dread God.' " The deed goes on to say that
the " The Lord Lyon grants authority to G. W. H. Ross of
Cromarty and his successors to bear in future the aforesaid crest
and motto of the Munroes." In submitting his petition to the
Lord Lyon, Colonel Ross pointed out that the arms referred
only to the Shield and not to the Crest. The Lord Lyon agreed
completely with him, and accordingly granted the prayer of his
petition, viz: — The Balnagowan arms thus differenced — a mulct
argent and the Lion Rampart and armed agur. He also got
the Lord Lyon to put in the forked tails of the lions, as formerly
borne by the Rosses of Balnagown.
After the death of Miss Munro, daughter of Sir Hugh Munro
of Foulis, Colonel Ross became the lineal representative of the
family through his mother, the eldest daughter and heiress of
Duncan Munro of Culcairn. The present chief, Sir Charles
Munro, is descended from the Newmore and Culrain family,
which branched off from the main stock at a much earlier date
(1610) than that of Culcairn (1685).
Sir Robert Munro, sixth Baronet of Foulis, was a brother of
Duncan Munro, I. of Culcairn. His descendants became extinct
on the death of Miss Munro, in 1848, and Colonel Ross as great-
great-grandson of George Munro of Culcairn, became the heir of
line. Miss Munro left all the unentailed property to George
Munro, a natural son of Sir Hugh's, and amongst the rest a small
property called Knockrash, immediately behind the village of
Evanton. Mr Munro, however, found that his father, Sir Hugh,
had never been served heir to this property. As soon as he had
ascertained this, he, in the most honourable manner, acquainted
Colonel Ross with the same, stating that doubtless the property
belonged to the Colonel. Sir Charles Munro, however, opposed
Cromarty 's claim, and the case was tried before the Court of
Session, who decided that Colonel Ross was heir-general and
heir-at-law of Sir Harry Munro, Sir Hugh's father, and that as
such he was entitled to the property, to which he accordingly
succeeded, and sold it for the sum of £2000.
In early life Colonel Ross took a leading part in the politics
of the North, and, when quite a young man, contested, in 1852,
the combined Counties of Ross and Cromarty in the Conserva-
tive interest with the late Sir James Matheson. Cromarty made
565 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
a gallant fight, but was defeated, the number of votes being—
Matheson, 288; Ross, 218; Liberal majority, 70. The Lews
being the property of Sir James, and there being in those days
no Ballot Act, every tenant voted for their proprietor, the only
vote in the Islands obtained by Colonel Ross being that of the
Rev. John Macrae, minister of Stornoway. There was, however,
a majority of one for Sir James even on the Mainland. Cromarty
referred to that on the hustings, after the declaration of the poll,
and said that that one was Sir James's own vote. He was, however,
corrected by Sir James, who reminded him that he (Cromarty)
voted for himself, and 'to neutralise that vote he (Sir James) re-
corded his vote in his own favour. Cromarty accepted the cor-
rection, but expressed a wish " that the Lews might be speedily
attached to the Northern Burghs."
Colonel Ross married on the 2Oth of April 1849, Adelaide
Sucy, second daughter of the late Duncan Davidson of Tulloch,
by his first wife, Elizabeth Diana Bosville, eldest daughter of Sir
Godfrey Macdonald Bosville, third Lord Macdonald, by whom he
had three sons and four daughters : —
1. Duncan Munro, his successor.
2. Hugh Rose, who was born on the 3ist of May 1854, and
in early life entered the service of his Queen and country as a
Lieutenant in the Royal Artillery. On the outbreak of the war
with Afghanistan, in 1878, Lieutenant Ross volunteered to join
any field battery going to the front. He was at once posted to
G Battery, 4th Brigade, which formed a part of General Sir
Donald Stewart's army. He was attacked by dysentery at
Qucttah, and did not report his illness, but marched with his
battery, doing his duty to the last. When the forces reached
Pishin Valley his illness increased to such an extent that he was
unable to proceed farther. Here, in camp, he died unmarried on
the 1 2th of January 1879, a bright example of that soldier-like
zeal and devotion to duty, so characteristic of the ancient and
honourable family of Culcairn and Cromarty.
3. Walter Charteris, who was born on the 5th of August
1857. Like his brother he also adopted the army as his profes-
sion, and is at present a Lieutenant in the Haddington Artillery
Militia, or old 68th Light Infantry. He is still unmarried.
4. Catherine Elizabeth Julia, who married in 1874, Francis
Mauld Reid, captain in the Highland Light Infantry, without issue.
THE MUNROS OF CULCAIRN. 566
5. Louise Jane Hamilton, who married at Inverness, on the
ist of October 1875, Sir Ronald Archibald Bosville, sixth Lord
Macdonald of Sleat (born on the pth of June 1853), her cousin,
with issue : — (i.) Somerled Godfrey James, born on the 3ist of
July 1876. (2.) Godfrey Evan Hugh, born on the of
187 . (3.) Archibald Ronald Armadale, born on the 2Oth of
May 1880.
6. Ida Eleanora Constance, who married on the I5th of
June 1 88 1, Godfrey Ernest Percival Willoughby, second son of
the late Lord Middleton, and brother and heir-presumptive of the
present Lord Middleton. He was born in 1847 ; entered the
army, and was a captain in the 9th Lancers. Captain Willoughby
sold out in the beginning of 1878. No issue.
7. Matilda Elizabeth, who died in infancy.
Mrs Colonel Ross died in Jersey on the 3rd of March 1860,
aged 30 years. Her remains were brought to Scotland, and in-
terred in the family burying-ground at Cromarty.
Colonel Ross died at Cromarty House on the ipth of
November 1883. The following battalion order, in connection
with the event, was issued by the officer commanding the 3rd
Battalion Seaforth Highlanders, which regiment Colonel Ross so
long commanded : —
"Dingwall, N.B., 3Oth Nov. 1883.
" Lieutenant-Colonel Macleay has learnt with deep sorrow of the death of Colonel
George William Holmes Ross of Cromarty, late Colonel Commanding the Highland
Rifle Militia (now 3rd Battalion Seaforth Highlanders) at Cromarty House, on the
1 9th inst.
" Colonel Ross joined the battalion in 1854, having previously served in the 92nd
Highlanders, and succeeded to the command in 1856, and continued to command un-
till 1882, when he was compelled through ill-health to resign.
" To his untiring energy and deep attachment to the regiment is due in a great
measure the present high state of efficiency of the battalion.
" In his death the battalion has to deplore the loss of an old and sincere friend,
and her Majesty and the Militia Service generally a most zealous and competent
officer.
" As a mark of respect to his memory, officers of the battalion, when in uniform,
will wear mourning for one month from the date of this order.
By order.
(Signed) " C. ROBERTS, Captain Adjutant,
3rd Battalion Seaforth Highlanders."
Colonel Ross was succeeded by his eldest son,
VII. DUNCAN MUNRO, present laird of Cromarty, who was
born on the 2pth of September 1851, and at an early age entered
the Royal Navy, from which he retired on attaining the rank of
Lieutenant. He is still unmarried.
567 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
THE CONFLICTS OF THE CLANS.
THE CONFLICT OF DRUIMNACOUB.
THE year of God 1427, Thomas Mackay (otherwise Macneil),
possessor of -the lands of Creich, Spanzedell, and Polrossie,
in Sutherland, had conceived some displeasure against the laird
of Freswick, called Mowat, whom Thomas Macneil did eagerly
pursue, and killed him near the town of Tain, in Ross, within the
Chapel of St Duffus, and burnt also that chapel unto which this
Mowat had retired himself as to a sanctuary. The King hearing
of this cruel fact, he causes to proclaim and denounce Thomas
Macneil rebel, and promised his land to any that would appre-
hend him. Angus Murray (the son of Alexander Murray of
Cubin, above-mentioned), understanding the King's proclamation,
had secret conference with Morgan and Neil Mackay, brethren
to this Thomas. Angus offered unto them, if they would assist
him to apprehend their brother, that he would give them his own
two daughters in marriage, and also assist them to get the
peaceable possession of Strathnaver, which they did claim as due
to them, and (as he thought) they might then easily obtain the
same, with little or no resistance at all, seeing that Neil Wasse
Mackay (the son of Angus Dow) lay prisoner in the Bass, and
Angus Dow himself was unable (by reason of the weakness of
his body at that time) to withstand them. Morgan Mackay and
Neil Mackay do condescend and yield to the bargain ; and pre-
sently, thereupon, they did apprehend their brother, Thomas,
at Spanzedell, in Sutherland, and delivered him to Angus
Murray, who presented him to the King, at whose command
Thomas Macneil was executed at Inverness ; and the lands of
Polrossie and Spanzedell, which he did possess, were given to
Angus Murray for this service ; which lands his successors do
possess unto this day. Angus Murray, for performance of his
promise made to Neil and Morgan Mackay, gave them his two
daughters in marriage. Then Angus deals with Robert, Earl of
Sutherland, that he might have his attollerance to convene
some men in Sutherland, therewith to accompany his two
sons-in-law to obtain the possession of Strathnaver. Earl Robert
THE CONFLICTS OF THE CLANS. 568
grants him his demand ; so Angus having gathered a com-
pany of resolute men, he went with these two brethren to
invade Strathnaver. Angus Dow Mackay hearing of their
approach, convened his countrymen, and, because he was unable
himself in person to resist them, he made his bastard son
(John Aberigh) leader of his men. They encountered at Druim-
nacoub, two miles from Tongue — Mackay's chief dwelling-place.
There ensued a cruel and sharp conflict, valiantly fought a long
time, with great slaughter, so that, in the end, there remained but
few alive of either side. Neil Mackay, Morgan Mackay, and their
father-in-law (Angus Murray), were there slain. John Aberigh,
having lost all his men, was left for dead on the field, and was
afterwards recovered ; yet he was mutilated all the rest of his
days. Angus Dow Mackay, being brought thither to view the
place of the conflict, and searching for the dead corpses of his
cousins, Morgan and Neil, was there killed with a shot of an arrow,
by a Sutherland man, that was lurking in a bush hard by, after
his fellows had been slain. This John Aberigh was afterwards so
hardly pursued by the Earl of Sutherland, that he was constrained,
for safety of his life, to flee into the Isles.
The Scottish historians, in describing this conflict, do mistake
the place, the persons, and the fact ; and do quite change the
whole state of the history. For the person — Angus Dow Mac-
kay of Strathnaver is, by some of them called Angus Duff, and
by others, Angus Duff of Strathern. For the place — they make
Angus Duff of Strathern to come from Strathern (some say from
Strathnaver), to Moray and Caithness, as if these shires did join
together. For the fact — they would have Angus Duff to come
for a prey of goods out of Caithness and Moray, which two shires
do not march together, having a great arm of the sea interjected
betwixt them, called the Moray Firth, and having Ross and
Sutherland betwixt them by land. But the truth of this con-
flict and the occasion thereof I have here set down.
THE CONFLICT OF RUAIG-SHANSAID.
The year of God 1437, Neil Wasse Mackay, after his release
out of the Bass, entered Caithness with all hostility, and spoiled
all that country. He skirmished with some of the inhabitants of
that province at a place called Sanset, where he overthrew them,
with slaughter on either side. This conflict was called Ruaig-
569 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
hanset, that is, the Chase at Sanset. Shortly thereafter Neil
Wasse died.
THE CONFLICT OF BLAR-TANNIE.
About the year "of God 1438, there fell some variance be-
twixt the Keiths and some others of the inhabitants of Caithness.
The Keiths, mistrusting their own forces, sent to Angus Mackay
of Strathnaver (the son of Neil Wasse), entreating him to come
to their aid, whereunto he easily yielded ; so Angus Mackay,
accompanied with John Mor Maclan-Riabhaich, went into Caith-
ness with a band of men, and invaded that country. Then did
the inhabitants of Caithness assemble in all haste, and met the
Strathnaver men and the Keiths at a place in Caithness called
Blair-tannie. There ensued a cruel fight, with slaughter on
either side. In the end the Keiths had the victory, by the means
chiefly of John Mor Maclan-Riabhaich (an Assynt man), who was
very famous in these countries for his manhood shown at this
conflict. Two chieftains and leaders of the inhabitants of Caith-
ness were slain, with divers others. This Angus Mackay, here
mentioned, was afterwards burnt and killed in the Church of
Tarbat, by a man of the surname of Ross, whom he had often
molested with incursions and invasions.
THE CONFLICT OF BLAR-NA-PAIRC.
After the Lord of the Isles had resigned the Earldom of
Ross into the King's hands, the year of God 1477, that province
was continually vexed and molested with incursions of the
Islanders. Gillespick (cousin to Macdonald), gathering a com-
pany of men, invaded the height of that country with great
hostility ; which, the inhabitants perceiving (and especially the
Clan Mackenzie), ^they assembled speedily together, and met the
Islanders beside the river of Conon, about two miles from Brayle,
where there ensued a sharp and cruel skirmish. The Clan Mac-
kenzie fought so hardly, and pressed the enemy so, that in the
end Gillespick Macdonald was overthrown and chased, the most
part of his men being either slain or drowned in the river of
Conon ; and this was called Blar-na-Pairc.
THE CONFLICTS OF SKIBO AND STRATHFLEET.
About the same time, Macdonald of the Isles, accompanied
with some of his kinsmen and followers, to the number of five or
THE CONFLICTS OF THE CLANS. 570
six hundred, came into Sutherland, and encamped hard by the
Castle of Skibo, whereupon Neil Murray (son or grandchild to
Angus Murray, slain at Druimnacoub) was sent by John, Earl of
Sutherland, to resist them, in case they did offer any harm unto
the inhabitants. Neil Murray, perceiving them going about to
spoil the country, invaded them hard by Skibo, and killed one of
their chieftains, called Donald Dow, with fifty others. Mac-
donald, with the rest of his company, escaped by flight, and so
retired into their own country.
Shortly thereafter another company of Macdonald's kin and
friends came to Strathfleet in Sutherland, and spoiled that part of
the country, thinking thereby to repair the loss they had before
received ; but, Robert Sutherland (John, Earl of Sutherland's
brother), assembled some men in all haste, and encountered with
them upon the sands of Strathfleet After a sharp and cruel
skirmish, Macdonald's men were overthrown, and divers of them
killed.
THE CROWNER SLAIN BY THE KEITHS IN THE CHAPEL
OF ST TAYRE.
About the year of God 1478, there was some dissention in
Caithness betwixt the Keiths and the Clan Gunn. A meeting
was appointed for their reconciliation, at the Chapel of St Tayre,
in Caithness, hard by Girnigo, with twelve horse on either side.
The Crowner (chieftain of the Clan Gunn) with the most part of
his sons and chief kinsmen came to the chapel, to the number
of twelve ; and, as they were within the chapel at their prayers,
the Laird of Inverugie and Ackergill arrived there with twelve
horse, and two men upon every horse ; thinking it no breach of
trust to come with twenty-four men, seeing they had but twelve
horses as was appointed. So the twenty-four gentlemen rushed
in at the door of the chapel, and invaded the Crowner and his
company unawares ; who, nevertheless, made great resistance.
In the end the Clan Gunn were all slain, with the most of the
Keiths. Their blood may be seen at this day upon the walls
within the Chapel of St Tayre, where they were slain. After-
wards William Mackames (the Crowner's grandchild) in revenge
of his grandfather, killed George Keith of Ackergill and his son,
with ten of their men, at Drummuie in Sutherland, as they were
travelling from Inverugie into Caithness.
5/1 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
THE CONFLICT OF ALDICHARRISH.
The year of God 1487, this conflict was fought ; upon this
occasion Angus Mackay being slain at Tarbat by the surname
of Ross, as I have shown already, John Riabhach Mackay (the
son" of this Angus), came to the Earl of Sutherland, upon whom
he then depended, and desired his aid to revenge his father's
death, whereunto the Earl of Sutherland yields, and sent his uncle,
Robert Sutherland, with a company of men, to assist him. There-
upon, Robert Sutherland and John Riabhach Mackay did invade
Strathoyckel and Strathcarron with fire and sword ; burnt, spoiled,
and laid waste divers lands appertaining to the Rosses. The
Laird of Balnagown (then chief of the Rosses in that shire)
learning of his invasion, gathered all the forces of Ross and met
Robert Sutherland and John Riabhach at a place called Aldichar-
rish. There ensued a cruel and furious combat, which continued
a long time, with incredible obstinacy ; much blood was shed on
either side. In the end, the inhabitants of Ross being unable to
endure or resist the enemies' forces were utterly disbanded and
put to flight. Alexander Ross, Laird of Balnagown, was slain
with seventeen other landed gentlemen of the province of Ross,
besides a great number of common soldiers. The manuscript of
Fearn (by and attour Balnagown) names these following among
those that were slain. Mr William Ross, Angus Macculloch of
Terrell, John Waus, William Waus, John Mitchell, Thomas
Waus, Houcheon Waus.
THE SKIRMISH OF DAIL-RIABHACH.
The year of God 1576, Y Roy Mackay of Strathnaver dying,
there arose civil dissension in Strathnaver betwixt John Mackay
(the son of Y Roy) and Neil Nawerigh (the said Y Roy's
brother). John Mackay excludes his uncle Neil (who was
thought to be the righteous heir), and took possession of Strath-
naver. Neil, again, alleging that his nephews John and Donald
were bastards, doth claim these lands, and makes his refuge of
John Earl of Caithness, of whom he did obtain a company of
men, who were sent with Neil's four sons to invade Strathnaver.
They take the possession of the country from John Mackay, who
being unable to resist their forces, retires to the Clan Chattan to
seek their support, and leaves his brother Donald Mackay to de-
fend the country as he might. Donald, in his brother John's
THE CONFLICTS OF THE CLANS. 572
absence, surprised his cousin-german under silence of the night
at Dail-Riabhach, and killed two of his cousins (the sons of Neil
Nawerigh) with the most part of their company. Thereafter,
Neil Nawerigh came and willingly surendered himself to his
nephews John and Donald, who caused apprehend their uncle
Neil, and beheaded him at a place called Clash-nan-ceap in Strath-
naver,. ?'If{ inoa
.nih THE CONFLICT OF TORRAN DUBH.
Gordon, first of that surname, Earl of Sutherland
having married Elizabeth Sutherland, heiress of that country, took
journey to Edinburgh, the year of God 1517. to dispatch some
affairs there, which did concern the settling of his estate, leaving
the commandment of the country, in his absence, to Alexander
Sutherland (base brother to his wife Elizabeth) and to John
Murray of Abirscors ; which John Mackay of Strathnaver, under-
standing (having now appeased his civil discords at home, by
the death of his uncle Neil) this occasion, in the very change of
surnames in Sutherland, to try if he could gain anything by
spoiling that country ; and thereupon assembling together all the
forces of Strathnaver, Assynt, and Eddrachillis, with all such as
he could purchase out of the west and north-west isles of Scot-
land, invades the country of Sutherland with all hostility, burning
and spoiling all before him. The inhabitants of Sutherland do
speedily convene together with all the parts of the country ; and
so, under the conduct of Alexander Sutherland, John Murray, and
William Mackames, they rencounter with John Mackay and his
company at a place called Torran Dubh, beside Rogart, in Strath-
fleet, where there ensued a fierce and cruel conflict. The Suther-
land men chased John Mackay's vanguard, and made them retire
to himself where he stood in battle array ; then did he select and
chose a number of the ablest men in all his host, and, with these, he
himself returned again to the conflict, leaving his brother Donald
to conduct the rest, and to support him as necessity should re-
quire ; whereupon they do begin a more cruel fight than before,
well fought on either side. In end, after long resistance, the
Sutherland men obtained the victory ; few of these that came to
renew the fight escaped, but only John Mackay himself, and that
very hardly. Neil Maclan MacAngus of Assynt was there slain,
with divers of his men. There were 216 of the Strathnaver men
573 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
left dead in the field, besides those that died in the chase. There
were slain of Sutherland men 38. Not long thereafter John Mac-
kay sent William and Donald, two brethren, with a company of
men, to invade John Murray, with whom they met at a place
called Loch-Sallachie, in Sutherland. After a sharp skirmish, both
the chieftains of the Strathnaver men were slain, with divers of their
men, and the rest put to flight ; neither was the victory pleasing
to John Murray, for he lost there his brother, called John Roy-
Murray. Thus continued the inhabitants of these countries infest-
ing one another with continued spoils, until the year of God 1522,
that Alexander Gordon (Earl Adam's eldest son) overthrew John
Mackay at Lairg, and forced him to submit himself to Earl
Adam ; unto whom John Mackay gave his band of manrent and
service, dated the year of God 1522.
THE CONFLICT OF ALLTAN-BEATH.
Donald Mackay of Strathnaver, having succeeded his brother,
John, taketh the occasion upon the death of Adam, Earl of
Sutherland (who left his grandchild, John, young to succeed
him) to molest and invade the inhabitants of Sutherland. He
came, the year of God 1542, with a company of men to the
village of Knockartoll, burnt the same, and took a great prey of
goods out of Strathbrora. Sir Hugh Kennedy of Griffen Mains
dwelt then in Sutherland, having married John, Earl of Suther-
land's mother, after the death of his father, Alexander, Master of
Sutherland. Sir Hugh Kennedy being advertised of Mackay's
coming into Sutherland, he advises with Hutcheon Murray of
Abirscors, and with Gilbert Gordon of Garty, what was best to
be done. They resolve to fight the enemy ; and so having
gathered a company of men, they overtook Mackay, unawares,
beside a place called Alltan-Beath, where they invaded him sud-
denly; having passed his spies unseen. After a little skirmish
the Strathnaver men fled, the booty was rescued, and John
MacIan-MacAngus, one of their chieftains, was slain, with divers of
the Strathnaver men. Donald Mackay, nevertheless, played the
part of a good soldier ; for in his flight he killed, with his own
hand, one William Sutherland, who most eagerly pursued him in
the chase. The inhabitants of Sutherland and Strathnaver (in
regard of Earl John's minority) did this continually vex one
another, until this Donald Mackay was apprehended and im-
THE CONFLICTS OF THE CLANS. 574
prisoned in the Castle of Fowlis, in Ross, by commandment of
the Queen Regent and the Governor, where he continued a good
while in captivity.
THE CONFLICT OF GARBHARRY.
The Queen Regent having gotten the Government of Scot-
land from the Earl of Arran, she made her progress into the
North, and so to Inverness, the year of God 1555. Then was Y
Mackay (the son of Donald) summoned to compear before the
Queen at Inverness, for that he had spoiled and molested the
country of Sutherland during Earl John's being in France with
the Queen Regent. Mackay refused to compear, whereupon
there was a commission granted to John, Earl of Sutherland,
against him. Earl John invaded Strathnaver in all hostile
manner, and besieged the Castle of Borve, the principal fort of
that country, which he took by force, and caused hang the
Captain, then demolished the fort. In end, he beset Y Mackay
so, on all sides, that he forced him to render himself, and then
was delivered by Earl John to Sir Hugh Kennedy, by whom he
was conveyed South and committed to ward in the Castle of
Edinburgh, where he remained a long space. Whilst Y Mackay
staid in captivity, his cousin-german, John Mor Mackay, took
upon him the government of Strathnaver. This John Mor taking
the occasion of Earl John's absence in the south of Scotland, he
invaded Sutherland with a company of the most resolute men in
Strathnaver ; they burnt the chapel of St Ninian's in Navidell,
where the inhabitants of the country, upon this sudden tumult,
had conveyed some of their goods ; so, having spoiled that part of
the country, they retire homeward. The inhabitants of Suther-
land assembled together, and followed in all haste under the con-
duct of Macjames, the Terrell of the Doil, and James Mac William.
They overtook the Strathnaver men at the foot of the hill called
Beinn-mhor, in Berriedale, and invaded them beside the water of
Garbharry, where then ensued a cruel conflict, fought with great
obstinacy. The Strathnaver men were overthrown and chased ;
above 120 of them were slain, and some drowned in Garbharry.
This is the last conflict that hath been fought betwixt Sutherland
and Strathnaver.
(To be continued.)
575 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
'
THE CUMMINGS OF ACHDALEW.
ACHDALEW is one of the loveliest spots on Lochielside. The sun
shines upon it all day from its wearing its morning crown on
Ben- Nevis until it showers its evening glory on the towering
Sgurs of the west. The old house stood on the golden green
terrace on which Lochiel is now building his fine, new shooting-
lodge. The slopes beneath it are very fertile, and it is beautifully
wooded. The low heath-clad hill that stands behind it is called
the Leth-bheinn, or half mountain, and two small rivers of pure
sweet water run through it and fall into Lochiel
Achdalew is not only beautiful, it is historic ; for on its
plains — close to the sea-shore — was fought, in 1654, that battle
between Cromwell's men and Sir Ewen Cameron of Lochiel,
made famous by the latter's tearing the throat out of an English-
man with his teeth, and on that day and during the fighting of
that battle the first Cumming of Achdalew appeared on the
scene.
King Charles was then an exile in France, waiting anxiously
for an opportunity to return to his kingdom and to the throne of
his ancestors, and anxious to know what the Highlanders would
do in case of his making an attempt to regain his own, he deter-
mined secretly to visit some of the chiefs. He sailed in a small
ship, with a few confidential friends, and paid the first visit to one
of the Macleods in Skye, and confided his mission to him.
Macleod pretended to be very favourable to him, and saying that
he would send a letter to one of his friends asking him to come
and hold a consultation with them, he meantime offered the
hospitality of his house to the king. Macleod sent a young man
of the name of Cumming to one of the chieftains of the Clan
Mackenzie with a letter, saying that the king was in his power,
and that if he joined him immediately they would make him
prisoner. Cumming proceeded immediately by boat to the
mainland, and delivered the letter, and Mackenzie was greatly
alarmed. His vacillation in former times had given Macleod the
impression that he would readily join him in his treacherous
design, but Mackenzie was then in a loyal mood, and he deter-
THE CUMMINGS OF ACHDALEW. 576
mined to save his sovereign. He confided the whole matter to
Gumming, and won him to act with him in preserving the king's
person from danger. He gave him one letter to give to Macleod
saying he would proceed to his house on the following day ; and
he gave him another letter that he was to get conveyed privately
to the king to warn him of his danger ; and he gave him a third
letter, addressed to Sir Ewen Cameron of Lochiel, to whom he
was to flee for protection as soon as he got the letter delivered
to the king, as his life would be in danger if Macleod suspected
what had been done. Gumming returned to Skye, and found
great difficulty in getting the letter given to the king, as Macleod
was continually in his company ; but he managed in some way
to catch the king's eye whilst talking to his master. He then
dropped the letter behind him in a bush, and from there the king
picked it up. The king sailed back to France before morning,
and Gumming fled to Lochaber. He arrived at Achdalew just as
the battle was being fought, and he gave the letter to Sir Ewen,
who had not time then to read it, but he gave the young man an
axe and told him to fight bravely, and that he would be well
rewarded. Gumming took the axe, and rushing to the fight,
made good use of it. He slew a great number of Englishmen,
and wounded many more ; and in his gratitude, and also because
of what he had done for the king, Sir Ewen gave him and his
children Achdalew at a nominal rent, and there they remained
for many generations. The last of this family born at Achdalew
was Captain Gumming, late of Grishornish, Skye, and who died
at Fort- William about twenty years ago, and the only one of
the race now in Lochaber is his grand-daughter, Miss Cameron,
matron of the Belford Hospital, Fort- William. The axe with
which Gumming had fought so bravely, and which was placed in
his hands by Sir Ewen, was long in the family; indeed it only
passed out of their keeping at the death of the late Captain
Gumming, and it is now in the hands of Professor Taylor, of the
Edinburgh University, who is a true-hearted descendant of the
great Cameron warrior, " Taillear dubh na Tuaighe," " The black
tailor of the battle-axe." It is not like the ordinary Lochaber
axe. It is a deadly looking weapon with a short handle and a
rope attached to it, such as the chiefs and chieftains used in
battle. With the rope fixed firmly in their hand they slung the
2 N
577 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
axe far forward to meet the advancing foe. The Cummings
were always on very intimate terms with the Cameron chieftains,
and they were on terms of confidential friendship with their
nearest neighbours of Fassifern. When John Cameron of Fassi-
fern, commonly known as " Iain, Mac an Tighearna," " John, son
of the Chief," was apprehended in 1754 for forging a false claim
upon the forfeited estate of Lochiel, it was to Cumming of Ach-
dalew he sent a private message to hide a certain box, immedi-
ately, before the emissaries of the Government would have time
to search Fassifern House. Cumming scarcely had the box
out into the woods when the searchers arrived, and so they did
not find the sought-for papers. Long afterwards, when Colonel
John's body was brought home from Quatre Bras, his stepmother
being deformed and delicate, it was Mrs Cumming of Achdalew
that superintended the great funeral feast of which such numbers
gathered to partake. Where could such a number of Camerons
with their friends and relations be gathered in Lochaber to-day ?
The Cummings are gone from Achdalew ; the places that knew
our chieftains know them no more. The horns of stranger hunts-
men are heard on our hills. Lochiel, that streak of silver, gleams
in the sunlight as of old, and the eternal hills raise their heads to
heaven unchanged. The heather blooms in beauty as it did ages
ago, and the offspring of the same bird that gladdened the woods
centuries ago sing the same songs there now, and build their
nests in the same old haunts, but the children of our people,
where are they ? Verily our land may, like Rachel, raise her
voice in lamentation for her children, refusing to be comforted,
because they are not.
MARY MACKELLAR.
THIS NUMBER COMPLETES OUR TENTH ANNUAL VOLUME, ar
perhaps the best practical proof that we can give of the high estimation in which the
Celtic Magazine is held, is the fact that a set of the first nine volumes was sold, a few
days ago, as high as ^"4. 155. Hitherto we had it printed by contract ; but the next
number, the first of Vol. XL, will be printed by ourselves, at the Scottish Highlander
Office, on a new fount of type, specially cast for the purpose. No effort will be spared
to maintain the character which the Magazine has already secured, and, if possible,
to improve it further and extend its influence.
578
arfT
'TWIXT BEN-NEVIS AND GLENCOE : The Natural
History, Legends, and Folk-Lore of the West Highlands. By
the Rev. ALEXANDER STEWART, LL.D., F.S.A., Scot., Author
of "Nether-Lochaber."
THE introduction to this, the second volume of what may be
called the Nether-Lochaber Papers, is prefaced by a very apt
quotation from the Introductory Epistle to the Fortunes of
Nigel. " Grant that I should write with sense and spirit a few
scenes, unlaboured and loosely put together, but which had
sufficient interest in them " to minister to the mental wants of
different sorts of people. Had the author's profession been
different, he might have appropriately begun his quotation a
sentence earlier with the remark of Captain Clutterbuck, which
called forth from the Author of Waverley the passage quoted.
For there is nothing like a plot in the present volume, nor, so far
as can be judged from a book which contains hardly a date from
beginning to end, is the sequence of time even observed. The want
of a plot was inevitable. A work which treated of subjects varying
from astronomy to the management of refractory pigs hardly
admitted of one. The want of dates, however, in a work con-
taining a considerable amount of most interesting meteorological
information considerably detracts from the value of the book.
One chapter for instance (37) begins, " Not for upwards of a
quarter of a century has there been a winter of equal severity in
the West Highlands," the frost being so intense that the wild
birds had suffered terribly, hundreds having died of cold and
hunger, and the survivors being in such a sorry plight that they
were heedless of " prowling cat or circling hawk." The chapter
soon arouses the reader's curiosity, and before he has read half
through it he wants to know the year, but it is nowhere to be
found. A few chapters further on he finds a dated letter quoted,
but if he has read the book honestly through thus far he has
learned that the chapters follow each other like unconformable
strata in geology — there being between each an unrepresented
lapse of time.
We have read the book carefully through and enjoyed it,
and that, too, although it was the second time of reading.
Whether the author has himself read the book, we should say,
rxiwr
579 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
B bnB v/on jgnimoD
from internal evidence, is doubtful. It would seem as if he had
handed the printer a pile of newspaper cuttings big enough to
make a book, told him to print them, and left him there. Else
how is it that at one place (p. 142) we are told of a Stormy
Petrel seen by the author at Corran Ferry on a certain Tuesday
morning, and again (p. 303) that this occurred "on a Sunday
morning many years ago;" or again, that we have at p. 192 a
passage from Dame Juliana Berners' Boke of Hazvkyng and Himt-
yng, quoted thus—
" The best dog that ever bitch had,
At eight years is full badde,"
While at p. 344 the same work is named as the authority for the
couplet
"The beste dogge that ever bitche hadde,
At nyne yeres is full badde."
The passage meant to be quoted on both occasions was evidently
the same. Each time it was used in a newspaper article, but
there was an interval of nine years — the full life of a dog ac-
cording to Dame Juliana Berners — between the two articles.
The first was written when the author was in high spirits ex-
patiating on the rare intelligence of the constant companion of
his rambles, his collie " Lassie," then ten years of age, and the
passage from Dame Juliana was quoted from memory. But the
second article was written, nine years after, over poor " Lassie's "
grave — " * Lassie,' the truest, best, and wisest dog that ever
erected an intelligent ear to the shout or whistle of him whose
slightest behest it was her pride and pleasure willingly, and with
all her heart, instantly to obey." On such an occasion, need it be
wondered at, that " Lassie's " master went to Dame Juliana's
pages for consolation, and consequently quoted her accurately.
But we are done with fault-finding, even of this mild kind.
The book is a valuable one and pleasant to read— valuable not
merely as a contribution to the natural history of the West
Highlands, but also, and, perhaps, chiefly, because it collects and
puts in permanent form a portion of that folk-lore which in a
few years it may be impossible to collect. But the natural history
sketches have an interest all their own, an interest which only
" Nether-Lochaber" seems to be able to impart. Here is a curious
story of a mackerel and an owl— A fish was one day noticed
TWIXT BEN-NEVIS AND GLENCOE. 580
coming now and again to the surface of the water as if some-
thing was wrong with it. It was captured.
" Some time after the capture of the fish, a something was seen floating past
with the ebbing tide, very much at the same distance from the shore as was the
mackerel when first seen. This latter waif, on being intercepted and landed, proved
to be a dead owl— a specimen of the barn owl— the Strix fiammea of ornithologists.
On being made aware of all this, we knew at once what had happened. The owl is
very fond of fish, even when mice and small birds, its ordinary food, are plentiful. It
often dips into a lake or stream, and seizes such small fish as, swimming for the mo-
ment near the surface, it can reach with its sharp talons. The mackerel in this case
was pounced upon by the owl, but the fish was too heavy and too powerful to be taken
up and sailed away with in the usual manner. The fish, however, probably struck
about the head and gills, was badly hurt and stupefied, so as to be captured in the
way stated, while the owl, with its claws for a time inserted in its prey so firmly as
not to be immediately extracted, was dragged about and drowned."
Dr Stewart becomes scientific in presence of a dead bird, and so
he coolly speculates on the cause of the owl's death. In pres-
ence of the living bird science is half-forgotten, and it is intense
love of bird-life which seems to inspire each written line. The
year 1882 was remarkable for the frequency of albinoism among
birds : 4< When these beautiful birds were first noticed, we caused
it to be made known as widely as possible that anybody caught
shooting or attempting to shoot them, should be held guilty of
a mean and cowardly act, which we should be quite prepared to
resent by gibbetting the culprit to the execration of all bird
lovers." A kestrel carrying a partridge is shot by a gamekeeper:
" We endeavoured to persuade the keeper that it was wrong to
shoot the kestrel, who, in killing the partridge poult was only
acting according to his instincts, and who in supplying his young
with food was engaged in the discharge of a high and holy duty
incumbent on all of us." Here is a pretty story of a captive
song-thrush and its mate. A boy captured a female song-thrush
in the woods, and confined it in a basket, which he hung on a
nail near the open window. The capture was made in the morn-
ing, and in the afternoon, the author, at the request of the boy's
mother, went to persuade the boy to liberate the little captive —
" When we had sufficiently examined the bird, the mother drew our attention to
the fact that there was at that moment another bird very like it perched on an elder-
tree branch right opposite the house, about eight or ten yards away. ' Yes !' eagerly
exclaimed the boy, a very intelligent little fellow, * and it followed me home all the
way from the wood.' Glancing in the direction indicated, and seeing the bird, we
understood the thing at once. It was the captive's mate, the cock song-thrush, that,
58i THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
when he could do nothing else for her, had faithfully followed his partner to the scene
of her captivity, and there he sat with speckled breast touching the branch on which he
perched, disconsolate and sad, chirping querulously in little broken notes, that said as
plainly as plain could be, that, cruelly deprived of the partner of his love, May, even
with its sunshine, its verdure, and its flowers, had no more joys for him. Taking the
basket in our hand, we took it outside, and hung it against the eave of the cottage, and
retiring with the boy and his mother to a little distance, we stood quietly watching for
what might happen. After a little while the captive, revived and emboldened by
rinding herself in the open air, ventured, in a scarcely audible whisper, to respond to
her mate's chirping— it was the first time she had done so since her capture— and his
joy was unbounded. First springing to the topmost spray of the elder tree, he trilled
out two or three rapid notes of his usual song, and then, descending in a graceful
curve, he alighted on the basket lid, through a hole in which the head and neck of the
captive were now thrust forth. It was now that a most touching scene took place.
After billing and cooing with the captive for a time in the most affectionate manner,
preening and stroking her head and neck with his bill, all the while fluttering his
wings and uttering a low, and to us scarcely audible, undersong or crdnan, clearly of
encouragement to the captive, and an assurance of his unalterable love, and, as such,
understood by her, you may be sure ; after indulging for a little while in these demon-
strations of affectionate solicitude, the cock bird suddenly assumed a totally different
attitude. Gathering up his drooping wings, and assuming his compactest and erectest
position, he began vigorously to peck and pull away at the edges of the hole on the
basket-lid, endeavouring with all his ingenuity and strength to enlarge it, so as to
facilitate the captive's escape ! And if he had only been allowed plenty of time, we
do not know but he might have succeeded, for the throstle cock is a strong bird, and
with his horny, compressed bill he can both strike hard and home, and pull with a
force and strength of purchase astonishing in a bird of his size. It was a most touching
and beautiful sight, and even the boy was so impressed with it that he at once agreed
to the liberation of the prisoner that he had vowed and determined only a few minutes
before to have and to hold as his pet while it lived."
Of the folk-lore and superstition of the West Highlands the
book contains many examples. Of the latter the author says
" there is much in the popular superstition of the Highlands, even
when it deals with the supernatural, that is perfectly harmless,
and a great deal that is very beautiful and suggestive to the
unprejudiced and thoughtful investigator ; but its absurdities
are endless," and he proceeds to tell of a prosperous acquaintance
whose wonderful success an old woman told him was attribut-
able to the possession of a water-horse bridle, Srian Eich- Uisge.
The old lady proceeded to tell a marvellous story of the finding
of the bridle by a drover travelling through the Moor of Rannoch
by moonlight, who, as he sat on a stone by the side of Lochan na
Cuile, eating his frugal supper of bread and cheese, " saw some-
thing glittering in the moonlight, which, on taking it up, he
found to be a horse bridle." Next morning he found the buckles
TWIXT BEN-NEVIS AND GLLNCOE. 582
and bit were of pure silver, still so hot from recent contact
with subterranean fire as to be unbearable. A "wise
woman " declared it to be a water-horse bridle, and directed it
" to be hung up on a cromag, or crook, made of the rowan tree,
which, while permitting free escape for all its beneficial influences,
would yet effectually check the radiation of any evil that might
be inherent in it. This was done, and from that day forward
Domhnull Mor was fortunate and successful in all his undertak-
ings. At his death, having no family of his own, he bequeathed
the magic bridle to his grand-nephew, the present owner, and this
man has been prosperous just because of the possession of a
water-horse ( bridle of luck.' " But even the author seems im-
pressed by the faith of another old woman, who had not heard
from her absent daughter for two years, and who was satisfied
that good news — the only good news she desired — was at hand,
because that morning " a bird, a pretty little bird — a Cailleachag-
Ceann-Dubh — came into the kitchen by the open door, and
perched on the cupboard shelf," and the triumphant "Nach
d'thubhairt mi ribh " of the old woman when the same evening
the minister called and found that a letter in every way satisfac-
tory had arrived from the long-silent daughter.
We shall conclude our extracts with the following from
Chapter II., which is devoted to an account of the Brae-Lochaber
Bard, " Ian Lorn " :—
"Through the munificence and patriotism of Mr Fraser-Mackintosh of Drummond,
M.P., a monument, no less substantial and enduring than beautiful and everyway
appropriate, has been erected orer the grave of the celebrated Gaelic bard ' Ian Lorn,'
on Dun Aingeal'm Kill Choirreal of Brae-Lochaber. As a poet and satirist of a very
high order, and as a steady and consistent Loyalist, in days when Loyalism was
accounted a crime, 'Ian Lorn,' whose proper name was John Macdonald, is from a
certain point of view just as deserving of a monument as John Bunyan. Both were in
extremes — the Puritan allegorist of England, and the uncompromising Catholic of
Brae-Lochaber -but both were in the main honest men and true from their widely
different standpoints, and equally deserve the tribute of our respect and regard in the
always appropriate and fitting form of monumental commemoration.
" The monument is ten feet in height, and placed upright, like the ancient stones
of Scotland, of which, in style and outline, it is intentionally an imitation. The face
is richly ornamented in relief. At the foot is a raised plate, with the following inscrip-
tion in Gaelic : —
' 'An so 'n Dun-Aingeal a'm Braigh-Lochabar,
Tha Bard na Ceapaich gu trom na chadal ;
'Se Ian Lom Mac Dhomhnuill b'ainm dha,
Ian Lom ! ach theireadh cuid Ian Manntach.'
The English of the lines is —
583 THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
' Here in Dun-Aingeal, in the Braes of Lochaber,
The Bard of Keppoch is very sound asleep :
His name was John Mac Donald, John the Bare-
John the Bare and Biting! but by some called John the Stammerer.'
" Of the personal life and history of * Ian Lorn' very little is known for certain.
He was of the family of Mac-ic-Raonuill, or Macdonalds of Keppoch, and, living
through the greater part of the reigns of Charles I. and II., died unmarried, a very old
man, in the autumn of 1709. He was a man of considerable education, which we have
heard accounted for by one likely to be well informed on such a matter, by the asser-
tion that he had been for some years in training for the priesthood at the College of
Valladolid, in Spain, when some unpardonable indiscretion caused his expulsion from
that seminary, and his return to Scotland as a gentleman at large — a sort of hybrid
nondescript, half clerical and half lay. His poetical powers are of a very high order,
and he was unquestionably a man of very superior talents. He first became known
beyond the borders of his native Lochaber by the active part he took in the punish-
ment of the murderers of the heir of Keppoch."
" Of ' Ian Lom's' poetry it is hardly possible to speak too highly. Rough, and
rugged, and rude almost always, it yet hits the mark arrived at so unmistakeably that
you cannot but applaud. The fact that his songs may be still heard from the lips of
unlettered shepherds on the hillside of a summer morning, as well as from the more
red and ripe and musical lips of the ' lassie' at the washing-tub by the burn side in the
summer evening, go where you may, from the extreme west to east or north, where
Gaelic is spoken, is perhaps the best proof of the merits of poems which it is utterly
impossible to make a non- Gaelic speaking reader understand, far less appreciate. His
Battle of Inverlochy, of which he was a delighted spectator, and his Murder of Keppoch,
every Highlander knows by heart. His terrible satire on William and Mary, his
allusions to the DAUGHTER particularly, who could so unnaturally aid and abet in the
dethronement and expulsion from his kingdom of her own father, must, in parts
at least, be familiar to every reader of Gaelic poetry, while nothing can be more beauti.
ful and pathetic than his threnody on the Exectition of Montrose, ending as it does
with a satiric string of such pungency and venom as is perhaps unequalled, search for
its compeer where you may, in any language, ancient or modern. Indignantly and
scornfully referring to Macleod of Assynt, who so shamefully betrayed the hero to his
doom, he in the concluding stanza turns round, and, in the most withering and con-
temptuous language, compares the reward with the valuable life betrayed : —
1 Marbh-fhaisg ort a dhi-mheis,
Nach olc a reic thu am firean,
Air son na mine Litich,
A's da thrian di goirt !"
It is impossible to give an account of the contents of the
book except by giving extracts from it. Its contents are as vari-
ous as the genius of its author is versatile. We hope however, we
have said enough to show that the book is one which every High-
lander and lover of the Highlands ought to possess. For our-
selves we are thankful that Dr Stewart has at last been induced
to rescue his writings from the comparative oblivion of news-
paper columns, and give them in this permanent form to his
many admirers.
584
ROUGH PRELIMINARY LIST OF BOOKS PRINTED IN
THE IRISH CHARACTER AND LANGUAGE.
__
THE absence of any Bibliography of works printed in the Irish
character and language, is a want which has long been felt, and
a want which it ought not to be difficult, with a little persever-
ance, to supply. The following rough list is not in any way
presented as accurate, complete, or scientifically put together.
It is no more than it professes, a rough preliminary list of books
described by various authorities as having been printed in the
Irish character and language, both at home and abroad, before
the year 1820. Comparatively few of the works named have
been actually inspected, and respecting several of them it may
be discovered that they have no claim to appear at all on the
list. Still, if from this beginning a full, correct list of Irish
printed works should eventually be arrived at, the attempt is
worth something. It is hoped that all readers of the Celtic
Magazine ', and all into whose hands this list may fall, will co-oper-
ate in making the Bibliography as full and accurate as possible,
both by communicating the titles of any books here omitted, and
correcting errors in the descriptions of any which here appear.
One word as to Irish types. Between 1571 and 1712, there
were only two "founts" of Irish character in Great Britain and
Ireland. The first, presented by Queen Elizabeth to O'Kearney,
in 1571, is believed to have remained in Ireland till 1672, when
it was secured by the Jesuits and transported to one of their
seminaries abroad. This type is a hybrid character, being mostly
the ordinary Roman and Italic letters, with some seven or eight
of the special Irish letters added.
After the disappearance of this " fount," the kingdom was
without any Irish type at all until 1680, when Robert Boyle had
a fount cut by the London typefounder, Moxon, for the Scrip-
tures published in 1681 and 1685. That fount is still in exist-
ence, and was used as late as 1820, for the quotations in O'Reily's
account of Irish writers (Dublin, for the Iberno-Celtic Society).
About that time numerous more elegant founts were produced,
which have generally superseded the quaint Irish cut of Moxon.
In describing, therefore, Irish books printed either in Ire-
5*5
THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
land or England between 1571 and 1800, we shall have to deal
only with two founts of type, the former of which we know to
have disappeared after 1652, and the latter not to have appeared
till 1680.
Abroad there was, between 1600 and 1800, a better supply of
Irish type than at home, and at Rome, Paris, Louvain, Antwerp,
&c., it will be found that many books were printed.
In conclusion, if our list is to be confined (as I imagine it
should be), to books printed, not only in the Irish language, but
in the Irish character^ it will be necessary to omit some of the
titles in the present list, beginning with the famous "Blow"
Catechism, printed in Belfast in 1722, in which the Irish is
printed entirely in Roman characters. T. B. R.
September 1885.
The following is the list :—
Date.
Short Title.
Size
Place.
Type.
Notes.— Authority.
1571
O'Kearney's Catechism
8vo
Dublin
Q. Eliza-
B. M. (C. 33. a. i.)
— "Abidil, &c."
beth
1602
Darnell's New Test —
II
ii
Do (C. 24. b. 18.)
" Tiomna Nuadh, &c.'
fo
1608
Hussey's Catechism
Louvain
Reid's Bibl. Scot. Celt.
1608-9
Daniell's Common Prayer
fo
»
B. M. (C. 24. b. 17). (De-
— "Leadbhar, &c."
scribed Lowndes 1946).
1611
Hussey's Catechism —
Antwerp
Reid's Bibl. Scoto Celt.
Rep.
1618
Do. do. — " Teagasg
M
Do.
Crios-daidhe."
1618
McCawell — Sacrament ol
Louvain
Do.
Pennance
1626
Conry — " Scathan an
M
Do.
Chrabhuigh "
1626?
Gray — Celtic Grammar
? Dublin
Do.
1639
Stapleton — Catechism,
Louvain
Do.
&c., Latin and Irish
r
Bedell's Catechism in
? Dublin
"Irish Scriptures"
English and Irish
(Dublin, 1818) p. 16.
Do. Forms of Prayer
ii
Do., p. 17.
?ante '
1640 ]
Do. Selections from
Scripture
,,
Do., p. 17.
Do. Three Homilies of
Do., p. 17.
1
Chrysostom
, J
I
Do. Sermons by Leo
Do., p. 17.
1643
O'Clery — Lexicon Hiber-
Louvain
(See also his other works)
1645
nicum
Gearnon's Catechism
jj
? transcriptions.
1652
Godfrey Daniel — Cate-
8vo
Dublin
Q.Eliza-
Lowndes, 390. Irish
chism, ' ' Christian Doc-
beth
Script, p. 19.
trine," Eng. and Irish
1667
Macgiolla's Essay on
Louvain
Reid.
Miracles, Eng. and Irish
BOOKS PRINTED IN IRISH.
586
Date.
Short Title.
Size.
Place.
Type. Notes. — Authority.
1676
O'Molloy's LucernaFide
Hum — * ' Lochran an
Rome
Reid.
Chreidmheach "
Various Irish Grammars
Do.
1677
O'Molloy's Grammatica,
12
11
Do. Prop. Fidei.)
Lat. Hibern., compend
mo
I68o
Boyle — Church Cate-
chism
? London
Moxon's
Lowndes, 390.
1681
Do.— New Test (Dan-
4to
London
T. B. R.
iell's)
1685
Do.— Old Test (Bedells)
4to
t)
n
Irish Script, p. 28.
1690
Do.— Bible (with vocabu-
Do.
lary?)
1706
Lhuyd — Irish- Eng. Dic-
fo
PRome
Do.
tionary
1707
Irish Catechism
Rome
Do.
1711
Richardson (Rev. J.)-
London
Moxon's
Irish Script, p. 43.
Practical Sermons
1712
Do.- — Common Prayer,
8vo
9 9
See Lowndes, 1 946. Irish
Irish & Eng. (S.P.C.K.;
p
Script, p. 44. T. B. R.
1712?
Do. — Church Catechism
M
Irish Script, p. 44.
(S.P.C.K.)
1712
Do. — Lewis Exposition
99
Do. p. 44.
of Church Catechism
Do. p. 44.
(S.P.C.K.)
1722
Church Catechism, Irish
Belfast
99
Do. p. 46. Now
and Eng. — " Tesag
(Blow)
in Trin Coll. Dublin.
Kreesdee "
The Irish in Roman
character.
1723
Donlevey's Catechism
8vo
Paris
Bookseller's List.
1728
M'Cuirtin Elements o
8vo
}j
Lowndes, 1435. Reid.
Irish Language
1732
Do. English Irish Die
4to
}>
Do. Do. Do.
tionary, 1st part only
1735
Bp. Gallagher's — 17 Ser
? Rome
Reid, in Roman char-
mons
acter.
1735?
Common Prayer, Irish
?8vo
Dublin
Irish Script, p. 47.
and Eng. — (Advert, by
Gunne)
1742
Donlevey's Catechism
8vo
Paris
T. B. R. Reid.
1750?
Arch bp. O'Reilly's Gate
Reid,
chism
1768
Jno. O'Brien Irish-Eng
4to
„
Lowndes, 1714.
Dictionary
?i77i
Vallancey's Irish Gram
4to
Dublin
Lowndes, 2750. 2nd edit.,
mar
1782, and other works.
1808
Neilson's do. do
8vo
99
T. B. R.
1809
O'Bryan (Paul) do. do
8vo
Lowndes, 1714.
Halliday (Wm.)do. do
Reid.
1817
O'Reilly, (Ed.), Irish
4to
Dublin
Lowndes, 1730.
Eng. Dictionary
Reference Books which should be consulted.
O'Reilry, Edw. Catalogue of Irish Works in verse and prose, with a chrono-
logical account of Irish writers, etc. Dublin, 1820, 4to (part I. of Trans, of Iberio
Celtic Soc. of which no more was printed).
Lowndes, Biblographer's Manual.
Reid's Bibliotheca, Scoto-Celtica.
" Irish Scriptures," 1818.
Madden's Irish Periodical Literature.
Catalogue of Sir R. Peel's Library, etc,, etc,
58; THE CELTIC MAGAZINE.
PROVOST MACANDREW ON OLD INVERNESS.
IN the course of his neat and eloquent speech conferring the
freedom of the Burgh of Inverness on the Right Hon. Joseph
Chamberlain, M.P., on Friday, the i8th of September, Provost
Macandrew said —
In performing this duty it may be well that I should let you know that in becom
ing associated with the Burgh of Inverness you will become a citizen of no mean or
modern city. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) We do not know when first a body of our
remote ancestors, resolving to give up a wandering existence and to lead some sort of
settled and civic life, came to take up their habitations in this neighbourhood ; but the
first authentic historical event in our annals is not only picturesque but important in the
history of Scotland. In the year 560 when Saint Columba resolved to set out from
his Western Isle on his mission to convert the inhabitants of this country to Christi-
anity it was to Inverness that he came, and this town was then of sufficient import-
ance to be the seat of the Court and of the government of Brude the powerful Pictish
king who then ruled from the Orkneys to the line between the firths of Forth and
Clyde, where the valour of our ancestors had placed a limit to the conquering arms of
Rome. (Cheers.) It was thus evident that, even at a very remote time, Inverness
was a place of importance, and it is from this time that we date our right to call this
town the capital of the Highlands. (Cheers.) Our first existing written records con-
sist of charters of William the Lion, which show that even so early as his time this
town had become a burgh, and had some form of civic government and constitution.
From that time the burgh has existed as such. It has always been the seat of a Royal
Castle ; and from the earliest times of our Parliamentary history it has contributed to
send a member to the Imperial Government — a title which before the union belonged
to the Scottish Parliament— and we have continuously exercised the privilege of local
government, and have been to some extent at all times, I hope, the recipients of its
advantages and examples of its good effects. (Loud cheers.) You are, no doubt,
aware that from the earliest times it has been the custom of Scottish burghs to
show their respect for, and appreciation of, the careers of distinguished men
of all ranks and professions who have come among them by conferring on
them the freedom of the burgh. It may be no great honour to one who has sat in the
Councils of the Queen to become a burgess of Inverness ; it may be no great privilege
to you, sir, to haunt our markets, but it is the highest honour which it is in our power
to offer ; and to show you that we ask your name to be enrolled among no undis-
tinguished compeers, I may tell you that from the remotest times of which we have
record we have had among our honorary burgesses men distinguished in arms, in arts,
in song, great statesmen, great warriors — men whose names have become household
words. . . . It is among such names as these that we now offer to enrol yours,
and I trust that you will accept the offer in the spirit in which it is made — not as any
mark of party or political favour — for the members of this Council are elected generally
without reference to their opinions on subjects of general politics— and while in the
Council as in the community there is a prevailing opinion on these subjects of which
you, sir, would not greatly disapprove, I do not know that we are entitled to speak on
them authoritatively for our fellow-citizens ; but as a personal tribute of respect for
yourself and for your career as a statesman. (Cheers.) We offer you this tribute, not
because you are a great party leader, but because we believe that you look on party
not as an organisation for the attainment of place and power by any particular set of
men, but as an association of men united in the pursuit of some object which they hold
to be great and good, and because we believe that the aim which you set before your-
self is the prosperity, the greatness, and the glory of our country and the happiness of
the people. Offering you this tribute in this spirit, we venture to hope that the events
of this day may have some kindly place in your memory, and that what we have done
will have some place among the motives which shall incite you to persevere in your
career, to keep before you those high aims which alone a statesman ought to pursue,
and to aid in helping forward by well-considered steps that great political tendency
which, influenced and animated by something higher than party, has for centuries
guided the destinies of this country.
DA The Celtic magazine
750
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