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THE   CELTIC   REVIEW 


T 

THE 


CELTIC   REVIEW 


//  \ 


PUBLISHED    QUARTERLY 


Consulting  Editor  :   PROFESSOR  MACKINNON 
Acting  Editor  :   MISS  E.  C.  CARMICHAEL 


VOLUME    II 
JULY    1905    to    APRIL    1906 


EDINBURGH :  NORMAN  MACLEOD,  25  GEORGE  IV.  BRIDGE 

LONDON :  DAVID  NUTT,  57-59  LONG  ACRE,  W.C. 

DUBLIN :  HODGES,  FIGGIS  &  CO.,  LTD.,  104  GRAFTON  ST. 


582305 


Edinburgh  :  T.  and  A.  Constable,  Printers  to  His  Majsstjr 


CONTENTS 


A  Gaelic  Class  in  New  Zealand,    . 
An  Fhideag  Airgid  (with  music),  . 
Anna  Mhin  (with  music),   . 
A  Welsh  Ballad  (with  music), 
Bardachd  Irteach,  . 
Child-Songs    in    the    Island    of 

Youth  (with  music), 
Fearchur  Leighich, 
L'Ankou,     .... 
My  Highland  Baptism, 
'  Never  was  Piping  so  Sad, 

And  never  was  Piping  so  Gay,'  . 
Notes : 


Rev.  D.  S.  Madennan, 
Amy  Murray, 
Domhnull  MacEacham, 
J.  Glyn  Davies, 


Airiy  Mv/rray, 
Captain  Wtti.  Morrison, 
Frances  M.  Gostling, 
William,  Jolly, 

E.  C.  Carmichael,  . 


Notes  on  the  Study  of  Gaelic  (with  Leaving  Certificate  Examination 
Paper) —  W.  J,  Watson  ;  Celt  and  Semite  and  the  Determination  of 
our  Origins — Lionel  0.  Radiguet,  DD.,  LL.OO.V.;  The  Bagpipes  in 
the  Bible,        ....... 

Notes  on  the  Study  of  Gaelic— contiimed — First  Year's  Course —  W.  J. 
Watson  ;  The  Distribution  of  British  Ability — Louisa  E.  Farquhar- 
son ;  An  Undetected  Norse  Loan-Word— -Rev.  Oeorge  Henderson ; 
Fragments  relating  to  the  Saxon  Invasion  from  an  unknown  Canter- 
bury chronicle — E.  W.  B.  Nicholson ;  The  Highlanders'  march  to 
Fort  George — A  Prayer  to  the  Archangels, 


O,  's  tu  's  gura  tu  (with  music). 
Reply— St.  Mulvay, 


Malcolm  Macfarlane, 


282 
201 
161 
297 
327 

314 

246 
272 

224 

76 


89 


188 


Notes  on  the  Study  of  Gaelic — continued — Second   Year's  Course — 

W.  J.  Watson  ;  The  Ruin  of  Britannia— J'ames  Simpson,     .  .     290 

Notes  on  the  Study  of  Gaelic — continued — Third  Year's  Course — W.  J. 

Watson,  .......     390 

.     122 


96 


vi  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

PAGE 

Reviews  of  Books : 

Higher  Grade  Readings  in  G^aelic,  ■with  Outlines  of  Grammar  {reviewed 
by  Prof.  Mackinnon) ;  William  Butler  Yeats  and  the  Irish  Literary 
Revival  (reviewed  by  Seathan  MacDhonain)  ;  Uirsgeulan  Gaidhealach 
(reviewed  by  M.  M.) ;  Ballads  of  a  Country  Boy  (reviewed  by  Bev. 
M.  N.  Munro),  .  .  .  .  .  .84 

Clan  Donald  (reviewed  by  *  Creag  an  Fhithich ') ;  Y  Cymnxrodor  (re- 
viewed by  Prof.  Mackinnon) ;  The  Mabinogion  (reviewed  by  ^Eiddin ') ; 
Revue  Celtique  ;  Leoithne  Andeas ;  An  Bhoramha  Laighean  ;  The 
Colloquy  of  the  Two  Sages  ;  Caledonian  Medical  Journal ;  An  Deo- 
Ghreine  (reviewed  by  A.  Macdonald);  Guide  to  Gaelic  Conversation 
and  Pronunciation,       .  .  ,  .  .  .180 

Old-Irish  Paradigms  (reviewed  by  Bev.  George  Henderson) ;  Deirdire, 
and  the  Lay  of  the  Children  of  Uisne  (reviewed  by  Alfred  Nutt)  ;  The 
Place-Names  of  Elginshire  (reviewed  by  C.  M.  i?.)>  •  •      286 

James  Macpherson :  An  Episode  in  Literature  (revieived  by  G.  H.) ; 
Religious  Songs  of  Connacht  (reviewed  by  M.  N.  M.) ;  Manuel  pour 
servir  a  I'^tude  de  1' Antiquity  Celtique  (reviewed  by  H.  H.  Johnson) ; 
Faclair  Gaidhlig  (reviewed  by  W.  J.  W.) ;  Celtae  and  Galli  (reviewed 
by  Alexander  Macbain,  LL.D.) ;  The  Scottish  Historical  Review ; 
Red  Hugh ;  Epochs  of  Irish  History :  Early  Christian  Ireland ; 
Woman  of  Seven  Sorrows  (reviewed  by  E.  O'G.) ;  Heroic  Romances 
of  Ireland  ;  Contribution  a  la  Lexicographic  et  I'Etymologie  celtiques 
(reviewed  by  H.  E.  J.\  .  .  .  .  .     380 

Sea-Stories  of  lar-Connacht,  .     UTia  ni  Ogdin,       .  .123 

Slan   le  Diura   Chreagach    Chiar 

(with  music),       .  .  .    DomhnuU  MacEacham,    .      59 

Some  Sutherland  Names  of  Places,    W.  J.  Watson,  M.A.,  B.A.,  232, 360 
St.  Sechnall's  Hymn  to  St.  Patrick,    Fr.  Atkinson,  8. J.,  .    242 

The  Butterfly's  Wedding, 178 

The  Fionn  Saga,      .  .  .     Rev.    George    Henderson, 

M.A.,  B.Litt,  Ph.D.,    1,  135,  255,  351 
The  Glenmasan  Manuscript  (with 

translation),         .  .  .    Professor  Mackinnon, 

20,  100,  202,  300 
The  Grey  Wind,      .  .  .     Miss  L.  MManus, .  .162 

The  Rev.  Dr.  Blair's  MSS.,  ,     Rev.  A.  Maclean  Sinclair,     153 

'The   Ruin    of    Britannia'    (with 

map),       .  .  .  .     A.  W.  Wade-Evans,         46,  126 

The  Ruin  of  History,  .  .    E.  W.  B.  Nicholson,  .    369 


CONTENTS  vii 

PAGE 

The  Ruskins,  .  ,  .  Alexander  Garmichael,     .    343 

The  Study  of  Highland   Personal 

Names,  ....  Alexander  Macbain,  LL.D.,  60 
Translations     from     Dafydd     ab 

Gwilym,  ....  Mrs.  Cecil  Popham,  .      97 

Variations  of  Gaelic  Loan- Words, .  Rev.  C.  M.  Robertson,        .      34 


THE    CELTIC   REVIEW 

JULY  15,  1905 

THE  FIONN  SAGA 

{Continued  from  vol.  i.  p.  366.) 
George  Henderson,  M.A.,  B.Litt.,  Ph.D. 

THE   CAMPBELL   OF   ISLAY   RECENSION    (continued) 

The  Origin  of  the  Feinne 

There  was  a  great  war  between  the  Lochlanners  (Scandi- 
navians) and  the  Irish  about  Scotland,  and  the  tribute  which 
the  Scandinavians  had  laid  upon  Ireland  and  Scotland.  The 
cess  was  hard  to  bear,  and  grievous  to  the  Irish  king. 

They  were  great  strong  men,  and  they  used  to  come  in 
summer  and  harvest,  eating  and  spoiling  all  that  the  people 
of  these  lands  were  storing  up  for  another  year,  and  so  they 
had  great  great  wars. 

There  was  a  king  in  Ireland,  and  he  sent  for  his  adviser 
(comhairliche).  In  these  times  they  had  no  Parliament  as 
now,  but  counsellors  who  were  wise  men.  *  I  wish,'  said  the 
Irish  king,  *to  find  a  way  to  drive  back  these  Scandinavians.' 
*  That,'  said  the  counsellor,  *  will  not  grow  in  a  day,  but  take 
wise  counsel  and  it  will  grow  in  time.  Gather,'  said  he,  the 
counsellor  who  was  wise,  '  the  biggest  men  and  the  biggest 
women  that  you  can  find,  in  all  Ireland,  marry  them  to  each 
other,  and  the  seventh  generation  will  settle  the  matter  if 
you  marry  the  offspring  of  these  picked  men  and  women. 

The  counsel  pleased  the  Irish  king,  whose  name  was  not 
preserved,  but  as  shown  below,  it  probably  was  Art  or 
another,  the  high  king  of  Ireland. 

So  all  Ireland  was  searched  for  big  men  and  women,  and 
a  hundred  of  each  were  found  and  married. 

VOL.  II.  A 


2  THE  CELTIC  EEVIEW 

The  first  race  seemed  to  be  too  weak,  so  they  married  the 
biggest  to  each  other  without  regard  to  kindred,  only  they 
did  not  marry  brothers  to  sisters.  The  second  race  were  not 
strong  enough,  so  they  chose  the  biggest  and  tried  again. 

The  third  race  grew  stronger,  and  the  fourth  stronger 
still.  But  when  it  came  to  the  seventh  generation,  the  men 
were  so  great  and  terrible,  that  they  called  them  the 
Fiantaichean.  They  are  called  by  some  daoine  Jiadhaich, 
*  wild  or  terrible  men.'  They  had  yellow  hair,  as  it  is  said  in 
the  lay  of  the  Muileartach  : — 

Ftiath  na  arrachd  cha  d'  t/ieid  as 
Bho'  n  FfiMnn  hluinn  fhalt-bhuidhe. 

Ghost  nor  bogle  will  not  escape 

From  the  beauteous  yellow-haired  Feinne. 

*  I  never  heard  of  a  minister  or  priest  among  them ; 
they  did  nothing  but  hunt  and  fight'  (W.  Robertson  of 
Tobermory). 

There  were  150  of  that  kind  of  people  came  to  them 
from  France  and  Spain  and  other  realms.  If  they  were 
strong,  big,  stout  men,  they  took  them  under  their  flags,  and 
the  band  was  called  '  An  Fheinn.'  They  were  in  Ireland  and 
all  about  these  islands.  Here  in  S.  Uist  are  places  which  we 
call  '  Sorrachd  Choir e  Fhinn.'  Up  yonder  on  the  hillside  are 
four  great  stones  upon  which  they  set  their  great  kettle,  and 
there  are  plenty  of  other  places  of  the  same  kind.^ 

The  standing  stones  which  you  may  see  in  these  islands 
we  call  Ord  Mhaoraich  or  Ord  Bhdrnaich,  bait  hammers  or 
limpet  hammers.  People  say  that  they  used  these  to  knock 
off*  limpets  and  pound  shells,  as  we  use  stones  now ;  but  that 
I  do  not  believe.  They  say  that  one  of  them  threw  one  from 
the  shore  up  to  the  hillside  near  the  north  end  of  South  Uist, 
but  that  cannot  be  true.  They  were  hunters  only ;  they 
went  through  moors  and  wastes  with  tents  and  booths  to 

*  The  square  is  made  with  four  large  flat  stones  on  edge,  the  sides  heing  set 
N.S.E.W.,  five  feet  by  three,  inside  the  oblong.  Near  this  monument  are  sereral 
fallen  menhir,  tall  standing  stones. 


THE  FIONN  SAGA  3 

sleep  in,  and  they  had  great  dogs.  They  killed  deer  and 
wild  boars  and  lived  upon  them.  When  their  great  terrible 
stout  warriors  first  came  over  to  Alba  from  Ireland,  the 
Scandinavians  saw  them  and  fled  to  their  ships  for  fear.  And 
that  is  the  way  in  which  the  Feinn  ^  (Fayne)  began. 

*  I,'  said  William  Robertson  at  Tobermory,  16th  September 
1870,  'was  in  a  place  in  this  Island  of  Mull,  below  Cille 
Chonain,  where  I  was  working  at  making  a  road.  I  took  out 
a  man's  bones.  The  cist  in  which  the  man  lay  was  made  of 
stones,  and  the  bones  were  left  there.  The  smith  who  was 
with  us  was  a  big  man.  He  tried  on  the  jaw  bone,  and  it 
came  down  over  his  head.  The  bones  of  the  legs  and  arms 
were  as  long  as  my  stick.  I  saw  them  with  my  eyes.  A 
dozen  of  men  were  there  and  saw  them.  No  horse  ever  had 
such  bones.  My  hand  open  would  go  into  the  bone.  The 
smith  was  big,  but  the  jawbone  came  down  over  his  whole 
head,  below  his  chin.  The  teeth  were  in.  I  am  quite  sure 
that  these  were  the  bones  of  a  man.' 

Tor  Nam  Fian  is  the  name  of  a  hill  above  the  place  where 
I  found  the  bones  :  the  Fian's  mound.  From  that  I  am  sure 
that  such  men  were.  There  is  a  little  of  Ohair  Na  Feinne 
the  work  of  the  Feinn  there,  if  one  might  believe  that  they 
did  it.  A  stone  is  there  called  an  t-Ord  Maoraich,  '  the  bait 
hammer.'  It  is  as  broad  as  this  table.  But  some  say  that  it 
is  the  limpet  hammer  which  the  Feinne  used,  but  that  cannot 
be  true.  The  bones  which  I  found  prove  that.  The  men 
could  not  have  worked  such  a  stone  as  that ;  no,  nor  a  man 
four  times  as  big.  They  were  strong  men  who  guarded  the 
realm.  They  were  bred  from  big  men  and  big  women  selected 
for  the  purpose.  Their  chief  foes  were  '  Na  Lochlannaich,' 
the  people  of  Lochlann,  but  people  came  upon  them  from 
many  other  places,  as  we  learn  from  the  lays.  There  were 
twelve  teaghlachs,  families  in  Fionn's  household,  and  twelve 
rooms  to  each  household,  and  a  man  and  five  score  about  each 

1  ['  Fenians '  is  the  form  Campbell  uses,  but  this  term  is  not  free  from  danger  of 
confusion  with  a  movement  of  our  own  times.] 


4  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

fire  (14,544).  You  might  ask  many,  and  few  could  tell  where 
all  are  gone  ;  none  ever  knew  where  they  went.  No  one  has 
any  knowledge  of  their  death,  except  of  those  who  were  slain 
in  the  battles,  such  as  Goll,  Oscar,  Diarmaid,  and  others. 
Fionn  was  never  slain ;  he  is  with  the  rest.  Caoilte  was 
not  killed ;  Gisein  (Ossian)  was  the  last  of  the  Feinne,  and  he 
it  was  who  told  Padruig  (St.  Patrick)  about  the  Feinne  long 
afterwards.  They  all  went  away  in  one  day,  as  it  is  said  by 
Oisein  to  Padruig  in  the  Lay  of  the  Muileartach. 

'  Chunnacas  sealladh  nach  fhacas  riamh 
Bho  Ms  na  Feinne  ri  aon  latha  : 
Rachadh  thromh  tholladh  na  sleagh 
Na  corran  thromh  dhriom  Osgair.' 

That  says  that  the  Feinne  all  died  in  one  day. 

•  A  sight  was  seen  that  never  was  seen 
Since  the  death  of  the  Feinne  in  one  day : 
Through  the  spear  wounds  the  quill-dressings  ^  went 
Through  the  back  of  Osgar.' 

They  are/o  gheasaibh  under  spells,  undoubtedly.  Did  not 
a  man  see  them  in  Dumbarton  rock  ?  He  put  his  hand  to  a 
bell  and  they  rose  on  their  elbows.  He  said,  *  It  is  not  time,' 
and  there  he  left  them  resting  on  their  elbows.^ 

The  Story  of  Cumal  the  Father  of  Fionn 

Now  the  Feinne  or  Fian  or  Fiantaichean  were  all  of  one 
kindred  and  blood,  and  they  did  not  know  who  was  chief.  So 
they  sought  amongst  themselves  for  the  man  of  the  best  head. 
Cumal  was  best  at  answering  questions,  and,  as  he  had 
king's  blood  in  his  veins,  they  made  him  king  of  the  Feinn. 
They  came  over  here  to  Alba,  and  they  drove  out  the 
Scandinavians,  who  fled  to  sea.  When  Alba  was  won,  one 
said  to  the  other,  '  Let  us  go  back  to  Ireland.' 

But  Cumal  said,  '  No.      I  say  that  if  you  reach  Ireland 

*  [The  point-dressings  of  the  poisoned  barbed  arrow  ;  the  word  occurs  in  : — 

'  Eadar  corran  a  gaine  's  an  smeoirn, 

Mairi  nighean  Alasdair  Riiaidh.' 

'  Many  versions  exist  of  this  incident,  which  may  be  appropriately  given  later  on.] 


THE  FIONN  SAGA  5 

the  king  would  rather  see  you  burned  on  a  hill  than  face  you. 
He  could  not  keep  you  there.  Better  keep  the  realm  you 
have  won ;  make  your  schemes  and  plans ;  make  a  king  of 
the  best  man,  and  let  us  stay  where  we  are.'  Now  Cumal 
was  best  and  biggest,  and  had  the  best  head,  and  so  they 
chose  him  to  be  Righ  Na  Feinne.  They  sent  word  (wrote  a 
letter)  to  the  King  of  Ireland,  and  told  him  that  they  meant 
to  keep  the  realm.  The  king  wished  that  no  one  had  ever 
thought  of  them.  He  wrote  a  letter  to  the  king  of  Lochlann, 
and  he  said  :  '  Come  over  and  we  will  try  if  we  cannot  make 
some  plan  to  get  rid  of  Cumal  and  his  warriors.'  Cumal 
would  let  neither  Irishman  nor  Scandinavian  into  Scotland, 
but  himself  only  and  his  warriors. 

There  was  a  man  in  the  Feinn  whose  name  was  Arc^  Dubh 
(i.e.  Black-Black).  He  committed  a  grievous  crime,  and  he 
was  put  out  of  the  Feinn.  He  went  to  the  king  in  Ireland 
and  sought  service.  *  What  can  you  do  ? '  said  the  Irish 
king.  '  I  can  fight  a  hundred '  (literally,  the  battle  of  a 
hundred  is  on  my  hand),  said  the  warrior,  '  for  the  least  man  in 
the  Feinn  could  fight  a  hundred,  but  I  need  food  to  match ' 
{i.e.  in  proportion).  *  I  won't  feed  you,'  said  the  king ;  '  I 
cannot  afford  it.' 

Then  they  held  a  long  argument. 

*  Do  you  know  any  way  of  keeping  yourself? ' 
'  I  can  fish,'  said  the  black  warrior. 

'  I,'  said  the  king,  *  have  the  best  river  in  all  these  realms, 
Eas  Buadh  (Assaroe,  near  Ballyshannon  in  Sligo) :  go  and 
get  married  and  be  there.  Two- thirds  of  the  fish  you  catch 
shall  be  mine.  One-third  shall  be  yours  and  wages  to  boot, 
and  so  you  may  keep  yourself.     Will  you  take  that  offer  ? ' 

*  I  will  take  it,'  said  Arc  Dubh,  and  so  he  was  called  the 
king's  fisherman. 

It  is  not  told  here,  but  elsewhere  it  is  said  that  Arc  Dubh 
was  the  fisher  of  Conn  of  the  Hundred  Fights. 

^  \Cf.  Hagen  who  slew  Siegfried  ;  many  reciters  give  the  Gaelic  form  as  Achda 
Dubh,  among  whom  was  Robertson,  Tobermory,  one  of  Campbell's  seanachies,  and 
Achda  may  be  a  folk-loan  from  Norse  even  if  this  character  were  not  represented  in 
their  literature  monuments.] 


6  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

When  the  Irish  king  got  Cumal's  letter  he  wrote  to  the 
king  of  Lochlann,  and  he  came  in  a  long  ship  (long  fhad),  the 
king  and  his  son,  to  Ireland.  The  Irish  king  had  his  hands 
spread  to  meet  and  welcome  him  because  of  the  Feinne.  The 
two  kings  met  and  fell  a-talking  of  the  Feinne. 

'  They  say  that  none  in  this  world  are  like  them,'  said  the 
Scandinavian  king.      '  I  should  like  to  see  them.' 

'  I  have  one  of  them  here,'  said  the  Irish  king,  '  and  he 
will  soon  come  with  fish.' 

Now  all  these  Feinne  had  secrets  (diamhaireachd)  that 
none  could  know  but  themselves.  They  were  sworn  not  to 
reveal  these  secret  powers.  In  the  morning  early  came  Arc 
Dubh  to  the  palace  before  the  Scandinavian  king  was  up.  As 
soon  as  he  heard  that  the  warrior  had  come  he  leaped  up  and 
came  out  half  dressed.     *  Is  this  a  Fiantaiche  ? '  said  he. 

*  That  style  and  title  is  lost,'  said  the  fisher  ;  '  perhaps  it 
was  my  own  fault,  but  I  was  in  the  Feinn  once.' 

'  If  all  the  rest  are  like  you,'  said  the  king,  *  they  are  a 
wonderful  and  a  terrible  people.' 

*  If  you  saw  them,'  said  the  fisher,  'you  might  well  say  that.' 

*  What  tale  can  you  tell  of  them  ? '  said  the  king  of 
Lochlann. 

'  I  can  tell  this,'  said  the  fisher.  '  There  is  one  amongst 
them,  their  king,  who  is  called  Cumal.  If  all  there  ever  were 
or  have  come  or  that  will  come  were  to  go  against  him,  he 
would  come  out  through  them  with  his  sword.' 

*  Will  he  be  so  till  death  comes  to  seek  him  ? '  said  the 
king,  *  or  can  he  be  slain  ? ' 

*  I  know  how  he  can  be  slain,'  said  the  fisher. 

*  Then  tell  me,'  said  the  king. 

*  No/  said  the  fisher.  '  I  have  sworn  not  to  tell  that 
secret.* 

'  If  you  will  not  tell,'  said  the  king,  '  I  will  slay  you.' 
'  It  is  easier  to  tell  than  to  die,'  said  Arc  Dubh.     '  Though 
I  have  sworn,  I  may  break  my  oaths.    His  death  is  in  his  own 
sword,  Mac  a  Luinne,  and  that  will  only  slay  him  in  the  arms 
of  his  wife.' 


THE  FIONN  SAGA  7 

Then  said  the  king,  '  I  have  the  most  beautiful  daughter 
that  ever  the  sun  shone  upon,  the  very  finest  drop-of-blood 
that  ever  trod  on  ground.  I  will  send  for  her,  and  Cumal 
shall  marry  her,  and  then  we  may  find  means  to  slay  him  here.' 

*  That  you  shall  do,'  said  the  king  of  Ireland.  *Do  you 
send  your  long  ship  for  the  girl,  and  I  will  invite  (write  to) 
Cumal,  and  we  will  make  a  wedding  here  and  slay  him.' 

Then  the  traitor  cherished  a  plan  and  told  it  to  the  king. 
So  they  wrote  a  treacherous  letter  to  Cumal  to  come  from 
Alba  to  Eirinn  to  a  feast,  and  they  sent  a  long  ship  to  Loch- 
lann  for  the  king's  daughter.  The  king  of  Lochlann  was 
there  and  his  son  was  with  him,  and  another  son  of  his  was 
there  also,  and  there  too  was  the  king  of  Ireland  in  the 
palace,  and  Cumal  came,  and  there  was  feasting  and  joy. 

The  thing  was  so  that  the  long  ship  arrived,  and  there  was 
great  joy  in  the  palace  about  the  king's  daughter,  and  a  great 
ball. 

But  when  Cumal,  who  was  as  it  were  a  king  in  Scotland, 
saw  the  king's  daughter,  he  fell  in  heavy  love  with  her.  They 
danced  and  feasted  for  four  or  five  nights,  and  because  Cumal 
was  a  grand,  tall,  handsome,  stately  man,  the  king's  daughter 
fell  in  love  with  him. 

Then  the  king  of  Lochlann  said  to  Cumal :  '  Will  you 
marry  my  daughter  this  very  night  ? ' 

Cumal  was  willing  and  the  king's  daughter  was  overjoyed, 
and  so  they  were  married  that  very  hour  on  the  spot.  Then 
all  the  company  went  to  put  the  bride  to  bed,  and  they  took 
the  couple  through  seven  doors  and  seven  rooms  and  left 
them  there.  They  went  out  and  locked  the  seven  doors  as 
they  went,  but  Arc  Dubh  was  hid  in  the  inner  room  under 
the  floor,  according  to  the  scheme  which  he  had  made  with 
the  two  kings.  Cumal  laid  his  sword  on  the  board  by  the 
bedside.  But  when  all  was  still  the  black  traitor  with  his 
spear  crept  out  from  under  the  floor  and  took  Mac  A  Luinn, 
the  sword,  from  the  table  and  laid  it  on  Cumal's  neck  as  he 
slept  in  the  arms  of  his  bride,  and  the  weight  of  the  sword, 
that  never  left  a  shred  after  a  blow,  took  oli'  the  hero's  head. 


8  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

His  bride  did  not  know  it,  but  when  she  awoke  and  found 
her  husband  dead  in  her  arms  she  took  to  sorrow  and  woe  and 
heartbreaking.  She  cried  *  Murder  ! '  and  the  traitor  cried 
*  Murder ! '  and  the  company  opened  all  the  seven  doors  and 
came  in  and  found  Cumal  slain  and  his  bride  lamenting  and 
beating  her  palms.  But  the  traitor  took  Mac  A  Luinn,  the 
sword,  and  since  he  had  the  sword,  Bran,  Cumal'a  great 
hound,  followed  him.  He  went  home  to  Eas  Buadh  to  his 
wife,  and  there  he  stayed  as  the  king's  fisherman,  and  that  is 
the  way  in  which  Cumal  was  slain  by  one  of  his  own  men, 
Arc  Dubh,  the  black-haired  traitor  who  was  turned  out  of  the 
Feinn  for  his  crimes. 

It  is  said  Fionn's  father  was  slain  by  his  (Fionn's)  grand- 
father, and  so  he  was  by  the  treacherous  schemes  of  the  kings 
of  Lochlann  and  Eirinn. 

It  seems  from  old  authorities  that  the  place  was  in 
Munster  of  the  Red  Towers,  or  great  red  *  Mowin '  (Dean  of 
Lismore's  Book,  English  88,  Gaelic  64,  65).  Some  of  the 
slayers  were  of  the  Clanna  Morna,  and  the  first  who  struck  a 
spear  into  Cumal  was  Garradh  or  Zarry  Mac  Morna.  He  told 
the  tale  to  Fionn  as  a  youth,  at  a  hunting  match  in  the  days 
of  Cuchulainn,  in  the  presence  of  the  character  who  speaks  in 
the  ballad.  Garry  says  that  Cumal  oppressed  his  tribe,  that 
he  drove  some  to  Scotland,  some  to  Lochlann,  some  to  White 
Greece.  After  sixteen  years  they  came  back  to  Eirinn,  and 
there  slew  1600  men  in  battle.  They  took  their  castles,  and 
slew  all  that  remained  of  the  race  of  Cumal  upon  a  hill.  They 
surrounded  a  house  in  Munster  where  Cumal  was.  They  all 
rushed  in  and  struck  spears  into  the  body  of  Cumal, — Garry 
first.     He  says  : — 

16 
*  We  made  a  rush  that  was  not  slow 

To  the  house  in  which  was  Cumal ; 

We  made  deep  wounds  each  one 

With  our  spears  in  the  body  of  Cumal. 

17 
'  Although  I  was  born 
At  the  time  when  Cumal  was  slain,  . 


THE  FIONN  SAGA  9 

For  these  deeds  we  '11  then 
Avenge  them. 

We  were  a  day 
(A  day  that  we  were).' 

In  Irish  history  the  fight  is  called  the  Battle  of  Cnucha.^ 

*  Fotha  Gatha  C»Mc/ia= The  Cause  of  the  Battle  of  Cnucha 
(Hennessey's  Trans,  from  LU.). 

When  Cathair  Mor,  son  of  Fedelraith  Fir-urglais,  son  of  Cormac  Gelta-gaith,  whs 
in  the  kingship  of  Teamhair,  and  Conn  Ced-chathach  in  Cenandos  in  (the)  rigdonina's 
land  ( =  in  the  land  of  the  King  of  the  World),  Cathair  had  a  celebrated  druid,  to  wit, 
Nuada,  son  of  Achi,  son  of  Dathi,  son  of  Brocan,  son  of  Fintan  of  Tuath-dathi  in 
Brega.  The  druid  was  soliciting  land  in  Laigen  from  Cathair  ;  for  he  knew  that  it 
was  in  Laigen  his  successorship  would  be. 

Cathair  gave  him  his  choice  of  land.     The  land  the  druid  chose  was  Almu. 

She  that  was  wife  to  Nuadha  was  Almu,  daughter  of  Becan. 

A  dun  was  built  by  the  druid  then  in  Almu,  and  alamu  was  rubbed  to  its  wall, 
until  it  was  all  white  ;  and  perhaps  it  was  from  that  (the  name)  'Almu'  was  applied 
to  it  ;  of  which  was  said  : — 

'  All-white  is  the  dun  of  battle  renown  ; 
As  if  it  had  received  the  lime  of  Ireland 
From  the  alamu  which  he  gave  to  the  house  ; 
Hence  it  is  that  "  Almu  "  is  applied  to  Almu.' 

Nuada's  wife,  Almu,  was  entreating  that  her  name  might  be  given  to  the  hill,  and 
that  request  was  granted  to  her,  to  wit,  that  her  name  should  be  upon  the  hill,  for  it 
was  in  it  that  she  was  buried  afterwards  :  of  which  was  said  : — 

*  Aim — beautiful  was  the  woman  ! — 
Wife  of  Nuadha  the  great,  son  of  Achi. 
She  entreated — the  division  was  just — 
That  her  name  (should  be)  on  the  perfect  hill.' 

Nuadha  had  a  distinguished  son,  to  wit,  Tadhg,  son  of  Nuadhu.  Rairiu,  daughter 
of  Dond-duma,  was  his  wife.     A  celebrated  druid,  also,  was  Tadg. 

Death  came  to  Nuada  ( =  Nuada  died),  and  he  left  his  dun,  as  it  was,  to  his  son  ; 
and  it  is  Tadg  that  was  druid  to  Cathair  in  the  place  of  his  father. 

Rairiu  bore  a  daughter  to  Tadhg,  i.e.  Murni  Muncaim  (  =  Morneen  of  the  fair 
neck),  her  name. 

This  maiden  grew  up  in  great  beauty,  so  that  the  sons  of  the  kings  and  mighty 
lorils  of  Ireland  were  wont  to  be  courting  her. 

Cumall,  son  of  Trenmor,  king-warrior  of  Ireland,  was  then  in  the  service  of  Cond 
( =  Boi  dana  cummal  mac  trenmoir  rig  fennid  herend  fri  laimh  cuind).  He  also,  like 
every  other  person,  was  demanding  the  maiden.  Nuada  gave  him  a  refusal,  for  he 
knew  that  it  was  on  account  of  him  (Cumall)  he  would  have  to  leave  Almu. 

The  same  was  mother  to  Cumall  and  to  Cond's  father,  to  wit,  Fedelmid  Kechtaide. 

Cumall  comes,  however,  and  takes  Murni  by  force,  in  elopement  with  him,  since 
she  had  not  been  given  to  him.  Tadg  comes  to  Cond,  and  relates  to  him  his  profana- 
tion by  Cumall,  and  he  began  to  incite  Cond  and  to  reproach  him. 


10  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

About   1760   Fletcher  got  a  version  of  the  same  ballad 
which  is  in  the  Advocates'  Library. 

'  Said  Fionn  to  Garradh. 
'  Since  I  was  not  born  at  the  time,  how  did  you  slay  Cumal  1 ' 

Cumal  was  the  father  of  Fionn. 

'  Said  Garra. 

1 
'  It  was  Cumal  who  made  our  reproach, 
'Twas  he  made  our  great  hurting ; 
[Far  into  exile  Cumal  hath  set  us 
Out  on  the  bounds  of  the  [alien]. 

2 

'  A  branch  of  us  went  to  Albin, 
And  a  branch  to  the  Black  Lochlann  {i.e.  Denmark), 
And  the  third  branch  set  out  to  Greece, 
On  the  bounds  of  the  Unknown. 


Oond  despatches  messengers  to  Cumall,  and  ordered  him  to  leave  Ireland  or  to 
restore  his  daughter  to  Tadg.  Cumall  said  he  would  not  give  her  ;  but  everything 
he  would  give  and  not  the  woman  ( =  he  would  give  everything  but  not  the  woman). 
Cond  sent  his  soldiers,  and  Urgrend,  son  of  Lugaid  Corr,  king  of  Luagni,  and  Daire 
Dere,  son  of  Eochaid,  and  his  son  Aed  (who  was  afterwards  called  GoU),  to  attack 
Cumall.  Cumall  assembles  his  army  against  them,  and  the  battle  of  Cnucha  is  fought 
between  them,  and  Cumall  is  slain  there,  and  a  slaughter  of  his  people  is  eflfected. 

Cumall  fell  by  GoU,  son  of  Morna.  Luchet  wounded  Goll  in  his  eye,  so  that  he 
destroyed  his  eye.  And  hence  it  is  that  the  name  'GoU'  attached  to  him  ;  whereof 
M'as  said  : — 

'  Aed  was  the  name  of  Daire's  son, 
Until  Luchet  of  fame  wounded  him  ; 
Since  the  heavy  lance  wounded  him. 
Therefore,  he  has  been  called  GolL' 

GoU  killed  Luchet.  It  is  for  that  reason,  moreover,  that  a  hereditary  feud  existed 
between  the  sons  of  Morna  and  Find. 

Dairi  had  two  names,  to  wit,  Morna  and  Dairi. 

Muirni  went,  after  that,  to  Cond  ;  for  her  father  rejected  her,  and  did  not  let  her 
(come)  to  him,  because  she  was  pregnant ;  and  he  said  to  his  people  to  burn  her. 
And,  nevertheless,  he  dared  not  compass  her  destruction  against  Cond 

The  girl  was  asking  of  Cond  how  she  should  act.  Cond  said  :  '  Go,'  said  he, '  to 
Fiacall,  son  of  Concend,  to  Teuihair-Mairci,  and  let  thy  delivery  be  effected  there' 
(for  a  sister  to  Cumall  was  Fiacall's  wife,  Bodball  Bendron). 

Condla,  Cond's  servant,  went  wj^h  her,  to  escort  her,  until  she  came  to  Fiacall's 
house,  to  Temhair-Mairci.     Welcome  was  given  to  the  girl  there;  and  her  arrival 


THE  FIONN  SAGA  11 

3 
'  The  first  day  that  we  were 
On  the  turf  of  Erin  of  blue  blades, 
He  slew  of  us  and  by  our  counting 
Seventeen  hundred  on  one  small  plain. 

4 
'  There  were  slain  of  the  tribe  of  Moma, 
Of  our  Fianna  and  of  our  Lords; 
And  there  he  made  a  tower  of  our  bones 
In  witness  of  the  Feinne. 

5 

'  'Twas  he  who  made  our  hearts  heavy, 
Our  heads  to  be  in  the  deepest  glens.' 


there  was  good.     The  girl  was  delivered  afterwards,  and  bare  a  son  ;  and  Denini  was 
given  as  a  name  to  him. 

The  boy  is  nursed  by  them,  after  that,  until  he  was  capable  of  committing  plunder 
on  every  one  who  was  an  enemy  to  him.  He  tben  proclaims  battle  or  single  combat 
against  Tadg,  or  else  the  full  eiric  of  his  father  to  be  given  to  him.  Tadg  said  he 
would  give  him  judgment  therein.  The  judgment  was  given  ;  and  this  is  the 
judgment  that  was  given  to  him,  to  wit,  that  Almu,  as  it  was,  should  be  ceded  to  him 
for  ever,  and  Tadg  to  leave  it  (  =  and  that  Tadg  should  leave  it).  It  was  done  so. 
Tadg  abandoned  Almu  to  Find,  and  came  to  Tuath-Dathi,  to  his  own  hereditary 
land  ;  and  he  abode  in  Cnoc-Rein,  which  is  called  Tulach-Taidg  to-day ;  for  it  is  from 
him  it  has  been  called  Tulach-Taidg  from  that  time  to  this.  So  that  hence  was  said 
this  : — 

'  Find  demands  from  Tadg  of  the  towers 
For  killing  Cuniall  the  great. 
Battle,  without  respite,  without  delay, 
Or  that  he  should  obtain  single  combat 
Because  Tadg  was  not  able  to  sustain  battle 
Against  the  high  prince, 
He  abandoned  to  him,  it  was  for  him  enough, 
Almu  altogether,  as  it  stood.' 

Find  went  afterwards  to  Almu  and  abode  in  it.  And  it  is  it  that  was  his  princit-al 
residence  whilst  he  lived. 

Find  and  Goll  concluded  peace  after  that ;  and  the  eric  of  his  father  was  given  by 
the  Clann-Morna  to  Find.  And  they  lived  peacefully  until  (a  quarrel)  occurred 
between  them  in  Temhair-Luachra,  regarding  the  Slanga-pig,  when  Banb-Sinno,  son 
of  Maeleiiaig,  was  slain,  of  which  was  said  : — 

*  Afterwards  they  made  peace — 
Find  and  Goll  of  mighty  deeds — 
Until  Banb-Sinna  was  slain, 
Regarding  the  pig  in  Temhair  Luachra.' 


12  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

Then  when  they  noticed  Cumal  coming  home  after  slaying 
this  number  of  the  Clanna  Morna,  Garradh  knew  that  Cumal 
was  a  lover  of  fair  women.  Garradh  sent  his  sister  out  to 
meet  Cumal  before  he  should  come  where  they  were. 

This  gift  was  Cumal's,  whenever  he  met  with  a  woman 
that  he  fell  asleep,  and  as  soon  as  he  fell  in  with  her  he  fell 
asleep.  Then  one  in  a  frenzy  came  out  and  cried  with  a  loud 
shout  :  *  If  there  be  any  alive  of  the  tribe  of  Morna,  let  him 
avenge  the  nobles.' 


*o* 


*  We  made  a  rush  that  was  not  slow, 
And  reached  the  house  in  which  was  Cumal, 
And  made  sore  wounds  each  one 
With  his  spear  in  the  body  of  Cumal. 


*  He  would  bellow  as  though  a  cow  were  there,  ^ 
And  he  would  roar  as  though  a  boar, 
And  though  it  was  not  a  king's  son's  honour, 
Cumal  would  kick  like  a  garron. 

8 

'  There  thou  hast,  Fionn,  Cumal's  son, 
A  little  of  a  tale  about  thy  father ; 
Without  ill,  without  concealment,  since  then 
Without  esteem,  without  honour. 

•  Then  Fionn  said  : 

9 

'  Though  I  was  unborn  in  the  time  of  Cumal  of  the  keen  blades,  the  deed 
that  you  did  shamefully,  I  will  avenge  it  in  one  day. 

^  Other  Tariants  in  Gaelic  are  : — 

i.  Dh'  Eibheadh  e  mar  mhuc,  's  raoimhceadh  e  mar  thorc  s  bhrammadh  e 

mar  ghearran  s  a  shleagh  fhein  ma  fheaman. 
ii.  Dh'  Eibheadh  e  mar  thorc  bhramadh  e  mar  ghearan  s  a  shleagh  fhein  n» 

fheaman. 
ill.  Leumadh  e  ri  failgheas   agus  bhramadh  e  mar  ghearran    agus  a  shleagh 

fhein  na  fheaman. 


THE  FIONN  SAGA  13 

*  Said  Garradh  : 
10 
'  Well  wilt  thou  get  that,  thou  man 
To  brandish  the  spear  for  thy  father. 
Put  the  kindred  behind 
And  raise  the  common  blood-feud.'  * 

How  Cumal  was  slain 

A  prose  story  written  by  a  schoolmaster  in  Mull  about 
1800  is  in  the  Advocates'  Library. 

It  begins  by  stating  that  Ireland  was  divided  into  five 
divisions.  It  goes  on  with  part  of  the  story  of  the  Battle  of 
Muchdraim,^  which  is  not  part  of  the  Fenian  story  as  I  have 
learned  it.  He  makes  Cumal  the  smith's  daughter,  and  then 
goes  on  with  her,  daughter  and  son,  as  in  the  true  Fenian 
story.  The  son  was  taken  by  Luas  Lurgann  (nimble  shanks), 
nighean  muime  is  oide  'n  High  dhleasanich,  sister  of  Cohan 
Saor.  They  v/ent  to  Coille  Ultich.  They  made  a  bed  in  the 
middle  of  a  great  tree  with  a  door  to  it,  so  that  no  one 
should  know  it.  When  he  grew  up  she  taught  him  to  play 
at  Clar-Tathlisc.  She  used  to  run  races  with  him  to  the  top 
of  Beinn  Eaduin.  She  ran  behind  and  flogged  him  with 
blackthorn  boughs.  When  he  got  but  one  blow  at  starting, 
he  was  taught  that  game.     She  taught   him   archery  and 

^  The  scribe  here  evidently  spelt  Gaelic  according  to  his  own  system,  by  ear.  The 
man  who  dictated  to  him  had  only  got  fragments  of  the  lay ;  e.g.,  verses  9,  10  have 
ceased  to  be  verse  at  all,  and  after  verse  5  is  a  bit  of  prose.  After  a  hundred  years 
or  thereabouts  the  only  bit  of  the  ballad  that  survives  out  in  the  Long  Island  is 
verse  7. 

With  this  compare  Dean's  Book,  p.  65  of  Gaelic,  88  of  English,  and  notes.  There 
seems  to  be  no  doubt  about  the  fact  that  several  bits  are  written  together  in  the 
Dean's  Book,  but£there  is  the  story  told  in  verse  about  1520,  1760,  and  1870. 

Note. — According  to  note,  page  89,  Lismore  Book,  Cumal  was  killed  at  the  battle 
of  Cnucha.  According  to  the  ballad,  pp.  75,  76,  Zarri  (or  Garridh)  tells  Finn  that  he 
thrust  the  first  dart  into  Cumal.  Finn  says  that  the  news  is  rather  too  much  to  hear 
that  Clanna  Morna  had  slain  his  father.  The  other  recites  the  evils  done  to  his  tribe 
by  Cumal ;  how  he  had  driven  one  branch  to  Albain,  one  to  Lochlann,  one  to  Greece. 
There  was  a  great  fight  when  they  came  back  after  sixteen  years,  and  after  the  battle 
they  all  rushed  to  the  house  where  Cumal  still  was  and  thrust  spears  into  his  body. 
This  does  not  at  all  disagree  with  my  story. 

2  [Battle  of  Moy  Muchruime,  a.d.  195,  according  to  the  Annals  of  the  Four 
Masters  ;  the  tale  concerning  it  is  translated  in  O'Grady's  Silva  Gadelica.] 


14  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

shinny.  When  taught  she  took  him  to  the  shinny  match  in 
the  Royal  Town,  where  he  beat  everybody.  The  king  heard 
about  An  gille  luideagach  ban,  the  tattered  fair  lad,  and  went 
to  see  him  with  the  muime  and  named  him  as  in  other 
versions.     She  cried  his  name  :  's  tusa  sin  Fionn. 

After  that  he  went  off  with  the  nurse  and  had  but  the 
legs  when  he  got  home. 

Next  day  he  went  wandering  and  reached  Eas  Ruadh, 
where  he  met  the  fisher  and  begged  a  fish.  The  first  was  a 
salmon,  a  king's  fish,  and  too  good  for  him.  So  the  tale  goes 
on,  as  I  have  it,  till  the  burnt  finger  gives  him  Jios  an  dd 
shaoghail  as  they  say,  the  knowledge  of  the  two  worlds. 
He  got  to  know  that  the  fisher's  name  was  Forca  Dubha,  and 
that  he  had  slain  his  father,  and  that  his  father's  sword  was 
near  him.  He  beheaded  the  fisher  and  reached  the  house  of 
a  smith  (gohhin),  his  grandfather.^ 

Here  the  story  goes  ofi*  to  the  sheep  and  the  king's  unjust 
decisions  as  in  the  story  of  the  Battle  of  Muchdraim.  Fionn 
got  to  be  steward  in  the  king's  house. 

'  This  is  the  Staffa  version  already  translated.  I  do  not  accordingly  expand 
Campbell's  own  condensed  account,  which  in  this  section  he  meant  to  have  done,  but 
I  add  here  several  notes  which  he  made  on  the  back  of  several  pages  of  his  MSS. 
to  the  following  eflfect : — 

Fionn's  wisdom  tooth  is  mentioned  in  Lays,  and  is  systematically  ignored  by 
people  who  wrote  about  Fenian  matters  as  if  they  were  grave  history,  e.g.  the  argu- 
ment in  Kennedy's  MSS.  finished  before  1783,  at  p.  131  says  Fingal  discovered  the 
fact  by  his  magic  art,  which  he  performed,  as  traditionally  related,  by  getting  one  of 
his  fingers  into  his  mouth  and  chewing  to  a  joint. 

Chuir  Fionn  a  mheur  fui  dheud  fios 
Fhreagair  each  am  fios  a  fhuair. 
i.e.  Fionn  put  his  finger  under  his  knowledge  tooth. 
The  rest  replied  to  the  knowledge  he  found. 

As  to  Fionn's  revenge,  Campbell  notes  farther  on  : — The  first  fiosachd,  'know- 
ledge,' that  Fionn  got  when  he  burned  his  finger  and  put  it  under  his  tooth,  was 
that  this  fisherman  was  Arc  Dubh,  the  Fenian  traitor,  who  slew  Cuiual,  his  father  ; 
that  his  father's  hound  Bran,  the  son  of  Buidheag,  and  his  father's  sword,  mac  » 
Luinn,  that  never  left  shred  after  stroke,  were  at  the  fisher's  house,  and  that  the  fisher 
would  kill  him  unless  he  slew  the  fisher  unawares.  So  he  ate  up  all  the  salmon  him- 
self for  he  was  tired  and  hungry, 

.3rd  December  1871,  Dublin. — In  the  Book  of  Leinster,  Fionn's  wisdom  tooth, 


THE  FIONN  SAGA  15 

Then  Cairbre  Ruadh  and  his  people  come  in.  They  come 
to  the  King  of  Ulster,  who  joins  with  Fionn,  who  declares 
himself  and  is  made  King  of  Ireland. 

Seachd  Bliadhna  fiched  gu  fior 
Bha  Ludhadh  mac  Con  'na  Eigh 
Gun  bhas  gun  ghabhadh  gun  ghuin 
Fir,  mna,  na  gille  bha  n  Eirinn. 

So  this  is  really  two  stories  run  together,  but  so  that  I 
can  easily  distinguish  them  by  the  aid  of  current  traditions 
alone. 

Fionn' s  Birth 

When  Cumal  was  slain  the  King  of  Lochlann  came  to 
Alba  and  took  it  and  shared  it  with  the  King  of  Eirinn. 
They  made  slaves  of  the  Feinn,  and  made  them  hunt  for 
them,  and  they  fell  to  poverty  and  great  straits,  because 
they  had  no  leader  after  they  had  lost  Cumal.  The  king's 
[messenger]  went  back  to  Ireland,  and  there  they  found  that 
the  king's  daughter  was  to  bear  a  child,  so  they  sent  for  the 

'  Det  fiss,'  is  mentioned  in  a  poem  which  begins  *  Dam  thrir  taucatar  ille  '  (Fob  161 
A  2). 

At  foot  of  p.  33  of  his  MS.  he  notes  :— Cf.  1.  The  Volsung  tale.  2.  The  wisdom 
of  F.,  the  swiftness  of  C,  the  cunning  of  Conan,  and  the  sturdy  strokes  of  Osgar  were 
the  public  four  that  upheld  the  Feinn.     But  that  was  said  long  afterwards. 

Fios  Fhinn,  luathas  Chaoilte,  fathach  Chonain^  ag^is  sar  {hrath)  bhuillean  Osgair 
na  Geithir  coiteacheann  a  eumail  a  siias  an  Fheinn. 

At  foot  of  p.  37  he  adds : — Robertson,  Tobermory,  said  Cumal  was  killed  by  a 
fisherman.  Fionn  said  to  the  fisherman  :  'What  death  did  Cumal  meet  ?'  The  fisher 
said : — 

'  Tharnadh  e  mar  mhuc  agus 
Eaibheadh  e  mar  each,'  etc. 

'  That  will  I  do  to  you,'  said  Fionn,  and  he  killed  the  fisher.  That  was  his  first 
exploit.  He  was  very  wise.  He  never  went  to  battle  that  he  did  not  know  the 
result  beforehand.  I  don't  know  how  he  got  his  wisdom.  He  was  not  so  strong  as 
many  of  his  men.     He  was  cunning  and  crafty. 

According  to  a  Macleod  in  South  Uist  he  had  no  fuel,  but  Broileagaig  bheartan 
iarain  agus  dual  na  dhaghan  a  ghoisne,  which  he  explained  to  mean  augur  dust,  and 
the  hearts  of  feathers,  and  to  be  Irish  Gaelic. 

I  wrote  from  ear,  and  do  not  know  that  I  have  written  correctly.  According  to 
Robertson,  Tobermory,  September  16, 1870,  Beart  do  iarne  guaine  agus  gual  a  dhath- 
adh  dhaoine.  The  reciter  was  eighty-six  and  devoid  of  teeth,  so  I  could  but  guess 
at  unknown  words. 


16  THE  CELTIC  EEVIEW 

fisher  to  ask  his  counsel.  '  Wretched  creature/  said  the 
King  of  Lochlann,  '  I  will  kill  her,  or  rather  I  will  leave  her 
here  in  Eirinn,  for  it  is  my  own  fault.  If  she  has  a  son  slay 
him,  if  she  has  a  daughter  let  her  live.* 

*  Do  this,'  said  Arc  Dubh,  *  swear  twelve  doctors  and 
twelve  midwives  to  watch  her  and  wait  upon  her,  and  to  tell 
when  the  child  is  born.' 

That  was  his  counsel  to  the  king,  and  they  took  it.  So. 
that  was  done.  Twelve  doctors  and  twelve  midwives  were 
got,  and  they  were  sworn,  and  all  the  household  were  sworn, 
for  they  feared  that  Cumal's  son  might  do  them  harm  if  he 
lived  and  grew,  so  mighty  was  Cumal  and  so  strong. 

The  king's  daughter  was  left  in  the  palace  in  Eirinn,  and 
she  fell  to  sorrowing  and  to  woe.  At  the  end  of  three- 
quarters  and  a  year^  about  noon,  as  it  might  be  now,  the 
king's  daughter  fell  ill,  and  about  the  gloaming  at  six  or 
eight  a  girl  was  born.  All  were  well  pleased,  and  word  was 
sent  to  the  King  of  Eirinn.  The  doctors  fell  to  drinking  and 
merry-making,  and  the  midwives  fell  asleep.  But  about  mid- 
night when  all  are  asleep  but  one  woman  who  was  nursing  a 
child  by  the  fire,  the  king's  daughter  said — 

'  Is  any  one  awake  ? ' 

'  I  am  awake,'  said  the  bean-ghMn  (knee-wife).  '  What  is 
it?' 

'  Come  here,'  said  she  softly. 

The  woman  went  to  her,  and  she  had  a  boy  in  her  aims. 

*  I  must  wake  the  household,'  said  the  midwife,  whose 
name  was  Gumag.^ 

'  Nay,  nay,'  said  the  king's  daughter  ;  '  don't  do  that,  take 
him  from  my  sight,  throw  him  to  the  great  hounds.  It  were 
better  so  than  to  see  his  father's  son  slain.     But  stop,'  said 

*  Gaelic  idiom  for  a  year  and  nine  months. 

2  Mor,  nighean  Taoic. — Fletcher's  Collection ;  it  was  the  Clanna  Morna  w^ho 
wanted  to  slay  the  child.     [Others  say]  : — 

It  was  his  grandmother  who  stole  him  away  to  a  distant  wood  and  hid  him  in  a 
hollow  alder  (fearna)  tree,  and  fed  him  with  fat.  When  he  got  strong  enough  to 
follow  her  she  gave  him  a  sword,  and  ran  races.  At  last  he  cut  oflf  a  cheek  of  hers 
and  then  it  was  time  to  get  him  christened. 


THE  FIONN  SAGA  17 

she,  *  if  you  will  keep  him  alive  I  will  pay  you,  and  perhaps 
he  will  pay  you  himself  if  he  grows  to  be  a  man.  This  is  the 
one  who  will  handle  the  realm.' 

'  But  I  have  sworn  to  tell  the  king,'  said  Gumag ;  '  and 
how  shall  I  nurse  him,  for  I  have  no  milk  ? ' 

'  Open  the  press,'  said  the  king's  daughter,  '  and  there 
you  will  find  food  for  Cumal's  son.     Set  your  oaths  aside.' 

So  the  woman  pitied  the  babe,  and  his  mother,  the  king's 
daughter.  She  opened  the  press  and  found  flesh  in  it.  She 
took  a  knife  and  cut  a  great  strip  of  fat  meat.  That  she 
thrust  into  the  babe's  mouth.  She  wrapped  him  in  some 
clothes  that  were  in  the  room,  and  then  she  stole  out  in  the 
dark  and  thrust  the  child  into  a  hole  at  the  end  of  a  byre, 
there  to  live  or  die  amongst  the  cattle.  Then  she  stole  back 
and  took  her  child  upon  her  knee,  and  sat  by  the  fire  and 
nursed  it  till  dawn. 

When  the  others  awoke  she  said  to  the  lady  :  *  My  head 
aches ;  you  have  no  more  need  of  me  now,  I  will  go  and  rest.' 
She  was  head  nurse. 

'  Awake  one  of  the  others,'  said  the  lady,  '  and  go,  but 
come  in  the  morning  and  see  me  again.' 

Out  she  went,  and  in  the  byre  she  found  the  child  with 
the  meat  in  his  mouth  alive  and  well.  She  tucked  him  under 
her  cloak,  and  ofi  she  went  before  the  day  had  dawned 
through  the  big  town  of  the  Irish  king  and  half  a  mile  on 
the  road  to  the  hut  of  her  brother,  whose  name  was  Art. 

She  went  to  Dubh  Lochan  Moine  near  a  black  peat  pool. 
But  the  brother  was  not  there.  He  had  gone  to  help  some 
builders  to  finish  a  great  castle  that  was  outside  the  town  in 
a  forest.  She  walked  five  miles  through  the  forest  with  the 
child  under  her  cloak  sucking  the  fat  meat. 

The  castle  was  nearly  finished,  and  all  were  asleep  when 
she  got  there.  She  cried  aloud  :  *  Is  Art  awake  ?  Tell  him 
one  has  business  with  him  here.'  Art  knew  his  sister's 
voice  and  her  speech,  and  out  he  came  in  haste  with  nothing 
on  but  his  shirt  and  drawers. 

'  What  is  the  matter  ? '  said  Art. 
VOL.  II.  B 


18  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

'  I  have  done  an  ill  deed,'  said  she,  '  and  the  following 
is  upon  me ;  take  your  axe  and  come  with  me  to  the  black 
moss  pool  and  help  me  to  make  a  shelter  there,  and  to 
hide.' 

The  Wright  was  an  old  man  with  a  white  head.  When 
he  heard  what  his  sister  said  he  put  on  his  clothes  as  fast  as 
he  could  and  shouldered  his  axe  and  set  off,  while  she  fol- 
lowed with  the  child,  sucking  the  fat  meat  under  her  cloak. 
(An  am  glomadh  an  laiha)  in  the  gloaming  of  the  day  the 
Wright  said  :  '  What  have  you  under  your  cloak  ? ' 

*  That  which  belongs  to  me,'  said  she.  '  Why  should  a 
man  ask  an  old  woman  what  she  has  under  her  cloak  ? 
Though  I  had  stolen  something,  my  brother  might  help  me 
in  my  need.' 

Then  they  reached  the  place  as  the  day  broke,  and  the 
Wright  soon  made  a  shelter  of  sticks  and  beams,  and  a  hut 
by  the  black  peat  pool.     Then  he  stopped. 

*  Not  another  turn  will  I  do,'  said  he,  '  till  I  know  what 
you  have  got  under  your  cloak.'  Then  he  cast  down  his  axe, 
and  looked  and  saw  the  child. 

*  That,'  said  he,  '  is  the  son  of  Cumal ;  I  will  do  to  him  as 
will  do  to  this  stake  before  I  go  hence.' 

*  Stop,'  said  Gumag,  *  finish  the  bothy  first  for  me.' 
'  It  is  done,'  said  Art. 

*  No,'  said  she,  '  the  doorway  is  not  right.' 

She  thrust  the  child  into  some  hole  and  got  up  and 
climbed  on  the  wall  of  the  hut. 

'  See,'  said  she,  '  it  wants  a  shaving  off  here.  If  you 
won't  do  it  yourself  hand  me  the  axe  and  put  your  shoulder 
under  the  lintel.' 

'  I  will  slay  that  isean  na  beisde,  whelp  of  the  beast, 
Cumal,'  said  the  wright,  grumbling,  and  as  he  said  it  he 
stooped  his  head  to  go  out  of  the  hut.  Then  Gumag  smote 
him  with  the  axe,  and  chopped  off  his  head. 

'  You  are  dead,'  she  said,  '  and  none  shall  know  who 
killed  you.     You  will  tell  no  tales  of  me.' 

Then  she  came  down  from  the  top  of  the  bothy  and 


THE  FIONN  SACxA  19 

dragged  the  body  of  Art  to  some  hole,  and  then  she  buried 
her  brother. 

Then  she  made  a  bed  of  leaves  and  branches  and  laid  the 
child  on  it,  while  he  kept  sucking  at  the  fat  meat,  and  when 
that  was  done  she  went  back  to  the  palace  to  seek  clothes, 
and  to  see  the  lady. 

'  What  has  happened,'  said  the  king's  daughter,  *  and 
where  is  the  child  ? ' 

Then  Gumag  told  all  that  had  happened  from  first  to  last. 

'  Perhaps,  poor  woman,  the  lad  will  repay  you  himself  for 
all  that  you  have  done,  even  though  you  have  killed  your 
brother  for  his  sake,  for  his  hand  will  rule  the  realm  yet.' 
So  said  the  king's  daughter. 

Now,  that  is  the  way  in  which  Fionn's  grandfather,  the 
King  of  Lochlann,  managed  to  slay  Fionn's  father,  Cumal,  and 
that  is  how  Fionn  was  saved.  I  never  heard  his  sister's 
name,  but  she  came  to  be  the  mother  of  Diarmad  O'Duibhne, 
as  it  is  said  in  the  lay  of  Diarmad  : — 

'  S  olc  a  chomhairle  chinn  agam 
Aona  mhac  mo  pheathar  a  mharbhadh.' 

'  Evil  was  the  counsel  that  grew  within  me 
To  slay  the  only  son  of  my  sister.' ^ 

(as  repeated  in  1871  by  W.  Robertson,  Tobermory,  and  fre- 
quently repeated  by  others  elsewhere  in  1860  and  since.  Not 
in  Gillies,  p.  287). 

^  [According  to  this  Duiben  was  a  sister  of  Fionn,  for  Diarmad's  descent  is  traced 
from  his  mother.] 

{To  he  continued.) 


20  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

THE  GLENMASAN  MANUSCRIPT 

Professor  Mackinnon 

GAELIC  TEXT 

'  Do  beirim-si  brethir  fir/  ar  Bricne,  '  gur  bris  Fergus 
triochat  cath.  B'anTi  dib  cath  Inb(hir  Tuaighe  for)  Niall  Niam- 
hglonnach  ^  mac  Rosa  ruaid  car  ...  a  n-dorchair  Ruir  .  .  . 
ruaid  ferda  an  cathmihc?^,  agus  cai/i  .  .  .  eile  Cairn  Eolairg 
a  n-dorchair  Camalk'cAia  an  ban  gaisgec?ac^,  agus  cath  mor 
Cairn  Eolairg  du  a  u-dorchair  Bolg  mac  Builg  mic  Eolairg 
agus  Eolarg  mac  Edh  .  .  .  da  chaogat,  agus  cath  Inbir 
Loinne  a  torchair  Finn  mac  Innadmair,  rig  Temra.  Agus  is 
e  do  bris  cath  Maistin  ar  clannaib  Rosa  co  coitcenn ;  agus 
cath  Mullach  dub  Rosa  for  clannaib  Rosa  fos  ;  agus  cath  Mana 
for  Conchobar  agus  for  Ulltaib  ;  agus  cath  cepcha  for  clannaib 
Durtacht  ait  atorchair  Eogan  mac  Durtacht ;  agus  cath 
Luachra  for  clannaib  Degad ;  agus  cath  Duine  da  Beann ; 
agus  cath  Boirche ;  agus  moran  eile  nach  airmighter  ann  so 
do  cathaib,  gurab  do  derbadh  na  cath  sin  agus  na  tuarasdal  ^ 
adubairt  an  senchaid  na  raind-se  : 

Golumn  29.  '  Fo  fer  Fergus  fichtib  tor, 

Do  bris  cath  ar  Conchobar ; 
Ni  fhaca  laoch  lith  n-gaili, 
Do  roiset^  6  Rugraide. 

'  Mo  na  gach  mac  mac  Rosa ; 
Fo  gach  glac  glac  Fergusa ; 
Fochla  do  rigaib  mac  Rosa, 
Ag  iogail  airgid  is  6ir. 

^  The  Martial  Career  of  Conghal  Cldringhneach  (quoted  here  as  Cc),  recently  pub- 
lished by  the  Irish  Text  Society  (vol.  v.),  throws  some  light  on  this  chapter  in  the  early 
career  of  Fergus.  Fergus  attached  himself  to  the  party  of  Conghal  in  the  year  in 
which  the  former  '  first  took  possession  of  his  territory,'  and  shared  in  all  his  adven- 
tures until  the  latter  was  enthroned  monarch  of  Ireland.  Their  people  destroyed 
Dun  da  Beann,  the  seat  of  Niall  Niamhghlonnach,  in  the  absence  of  its  lord,  and 
took  his  wife  Craobh,  daughter  of  Durtacht,  and  sister  of  Eogan,  prisoner.  The 
lady,  preferring  death  to  captivity,  threw  herself  into  the  Bann  and  was  drowned. 
Afterwards  they  fought  and  slew  Niall  himself  at  Aonach  Tuaighe,  no  doubt  the 
Inb(er  Tuaighe)  of  our  MS.  The  name  of  the  father  of  Finn,  slain  at  Inver  Loinne,  is 
practically  illegible.    But  there  is  enough  to  show  that  Innadmar,  otherwise  Findat- 


THE  GLENMASAN  MANUSCRIPT  21 

{Continued  from  vol.  i.  pp.  314,  315) 
ENGLISH  TRANSLATION 

I  pledge  my  word,  said  Bricne,  that  Fergus  fought  and  won 
thirty  battles.  One  of  these  was  the  battle  of  Inver  Tuagh 
against  Niall  Niamhglonnach  (Bright-deeds),  son  of  red  Bos . . . 
where  the  manly  prince  and  battle-warrior  B.  fell ;  another  was 
the  battle  of  Carn  Eolarg,  where  the  amazon  Camallichta  fell. 
There  were  also  the  great  battle  of  Carn  Eolarg  where  Bolg 
son  of  Bolg  son  of  Eolarg  and  Eolarg  son  of  E.  (and)  two 
fifties  (besides)  fell :  and  the  battle  of  Inver  Loinne,  where 
fell  Finn,  son  of  Innadmar,  King  of  Tara.  He  it  was  who 
won  the  battle  of  Maistiu  against  the  whole  of  the  clans  of  Bos  ; 
and  the  battle  of  MuUach  dub  (black-top)  of  Bos  against  the 
clans  of  Bos  as  well ;  and  the  battle  of  Mana  against  Concho- 
bar  and  the  Ultonians  ;  and  a  stubborn  fight  against  the  clans 
of  Durtacht,  where  Eogan  the  son  of  Durtacht  was  killed  ;  and 
the  battle  of  Luachra  against  the  clans  of  Degad  ;  and  the 
battle  of  the  Fort  of  two  Peaks  ;  and  the  battle  of  Boirche  ; 
and  many  other  battles  not  here  enumerated,  in  proof  of 
which  battles  and  exploits  (?)  the  historian  composed  these 
quatrains : — 

'  A  mighty  man  Fergus  of  the  many  towers, 
Who  conquered  Conchobar  in  battle  ; 
There  has  not  been  seen  his  equal  in  valour, 
That  issued  from  Rugraide. 

'  Greater  than  any  son  the  son  of  Ros ; 
Mightier  than  any  hand  that  of  Fergus  ; 
A  model  to  kings  is  the  son  of  Ros, 
For  acquiring  silver  and  gold. 

mar,  monarch  of  Ireland  in  his  day,  and  father  of  the  reigning  high  king,  Lughaidh 
Luaighne,  is  meant.  Cath  Boirche  may  be  the  battle  fought  against  Boirche  Casur- 
lach  (Cc.  168,  172)  after  the  return  of  Fergus  and  Conghal  from  Norway,  The 
Mourne  Mountains  were  of  old  called  Beanna  Boirche.  Cath  Mana  was  fought 
against  Conchobar  at  a  later  period,  no  doubt  after  Fergus's  revolt  in  consequence  of 
the  murder  of  the  sons  of  Uisnech.  The  '  stubborn  fight '  with  Eogan  son  of  Durtacht, 
where  Eogan  was  slain,  has  already  been  described  (v.  supra,  vol.  i.  p.  226).  Cam 
Eolairg,  or  Carraig  Eolairg,  is  said  to  have  been  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Derry. 
Maistiu  is  now  MuUaghmast,  co.  Kildare.     ^  Cf.  O'Don.  Supp.  tuarastal. 


22  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

'  Tri  cet  carpat  do  beir, 
Co  n-armaib  co  n-ilsgiathaib, 
Co  n-dei(g)-cealtaib     .     .     . 
A  tuarastlaib  a  oglach. 

'  Do  berim  da  m-brethir  fis  (f), 
Agus  ni  ticfa  tairis, 
Deich  catha  fichet    .     .     . 
Gur  bris  Fergus  a  n-Eirinn. 

*  Cath  Luachra  for  clannaib  Degad, 
Sochaidi  tuc  f o  mheabul ; 
Cath  Maisdin  for  clannaib  Rosa, 
Is  cath  mor  Mullach  dub  Rosa. 

'  (Cath  Boir)che  an  treas  deroir ; 
Cath  Inbir  Loinne  for  Bre     .     .     . 

OS  aird, 

Agus  cath  Cairge  Eolairg. 

* .     .     .     san     .     .     .     mac  Ro 
.     .     .     .     cet  irna  derg-oir ; 

Ni  dar gnath, 

Do  mnaib  amus  is  oglach. 

* .     .     .     ar  enech  ni  ar  a  gruaidh, 
Do  tisad  fo  era  uaid; 

ni  dubairt  go, 

O'n  lo    .     .     .     arm  fen  fo.' 


Fo. 


'  Is  briathar  damsa,'  ar  Bricne,  *  nach  b-fuil  locht  do  .  .  . 
Fergus  .  .  .  acht  gan  rige  n-Ulad  aigi  agus  gan  rigain  a 
(din)gbaZa  fos.'  '  Is  amlaid  atu-sa,  a  Bricni/  ar  Flidais,  ' .  .  . 
for  talmam  oram  acht  gan  oir(?)  mo  dingmala  .  .  .  agam.' 
'Dar  m-breithir  am/  ar  Bricne,  *ni  fhaca  .  .  .  cele  hudh 
ferr  ina  do  cele  (Oilill)  'Finn.'' '  (Dim)ain,  a  Bricne,'  ar  Flidais, 
*  ni  gabthar  uaidsi  sin,  oir  tuca-sa  grad  de?'mar  d'Fergus,  agus 
ar  imtec^^a  (imgesa  ?)  nac^  b-f.  .  .  .  ortsa  acht  mana  chuirer 
Fergus  fo  gesaib  fa  techt  do  m'  breith-si  leis  o'n  Gamanraid 
d'ais  no  dligi.' 

Ba  fergach  Bricne  de  sin  agus  is  ed  adubairt :  '  Mor  am- 
rath  an  fhir  d'  a  tucais  an  grad  sin.     Agus  ni  raibhe  ben 


THE  GLENMASAN  MANUSCRIPT  23 

'  He  gives  three  hundred  chariots, 
With  weapons  and  many  shields, 
With  suitable  accoutrements  .   .  . 
In  stipends  to  his  warriors. 

'  I  declare  of  certain  knowledge. 
And  will  not  boast  of  it, 
That  Fergus  won  .  .  . 
Thirty  battles  in  Ireland. 

*  The  battle  of  Luachra  over  the  clans  of  Degad, 
Multitudes  he  put  to  shame, 
The  battle  of  Maisdiu  over  the  clans  of  Ros, 
And  the  great  battle  of  Mullach-dub-Ros. 

'  The  battle  of  Boirche,  the  third  I  mention  ; 
The  battle  of  Inver  Loinne  over  Bre  .  .  .; 

And  the  battle  of  Rock  Eolarg. 


.     (thirty)  hundred  irnas  of  red  gold ; 

To  the  wives  of  mercenaries  and  warriors, 

* .  .  on  his  face  nor  on  his  cheek, 

(No  one)  would  have  refusal  from  him ; 

he  never  spoke  falsely. 
From  the  day  (he  became)  a  warrior.'  Mighty. 

'  I  give  my  word,'  said  Bricne,  '  that  Fergus  lacks  in 
nothing  save  that  he  is  not  king  of  Ulster,  and  that  he  has 
not  a  queen  worthy  of  him.'  '  I  am  in  similar  plight,  Bricne/ 
said  Flidais,  '  (I  lack  nothing)  on  earth  except  a  suitable 
husband'  (?).  'By  my  word  now/  replied  Bricne,  *  I  never 
met  a  more  excellent  spouse  than  (Oilill)  the  Fair,  your 
husband.'  *  You  speak  foolishly,  Bricne,'  said  Flidais,  '  and  I 
will  not  hear  such  language  from  you.  For  I  love  Fergus 
greatly,  and  when  you  depart  (I  ask  nothing  of  you)  save 
to  put  Fergus  under  prohibitions  as  to  his  coming  to  carry 
me  away  from  the  Gamhanraidh  of  consent  or  compulsion  (?).' 

Bricne  was  wroth  when  he  heard  this,  and  said  :  '  Sad  is 
the  evil  fate  of  the  man  to  whom  you  have  given  your  love. 
For  he  never  had  a  wife  but  eventually  hated  him.     And  he 


24  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 


«^Y  riamh  aigi  nach  tibrao^  misgus  do.     Agus  ni  fuair  ben  a  ding- 

*  bala,  acht  cuidiugadh  Medba  re  med  a  lathra  ferrda.     Agus 

red  eile  fos  aidhblighes  a  anagh  .i.  tri  coinnle  gaisgid  Gaidel 
do  marbadh  ar  a  comairce  an  Emain  Macha.  Agus  ar  na 
Tighibh  nochar  eirigh  grian  tar  uillinn  laoc(h)muir  re  rige. 
Agus  a  rigan,'  ar  Bricne,  '  do  siresa  an  domun  o  cathair 
Murni  Molfai^re^  a  tuaisc^Vt  an  domuin  co  ruigi  so,  agus  ni 
fhaca  eturru  sin  fer  budh  ferr  ina  Oilill  Finn.' 

'  Dimain  duitsi  sin,  a  Bricni,'  ar  Flidais,  '  agus  ni  gabthar 
sin  uaid.  Agus  do  gebair  roighni  shed  Erenn  do  cinn  mo 
comarli-si  do  denam,  a  Bricni.  Agus  oirdeochad-sa  d'Fergus 
mar  do  ghena,  oir  do  chuala-sa  go  fuilid  fir  Eirenn  ac  dul  ar 
aon  sluaiged  ar  cend  tana  bo  Cuailgni  an  Ulltaib.  Agus 
tiged-san  d'iarradh  faighdhe  ech  agus  airm  agus  eididh  ar  an 
n-Gamannraid,  agus  rachad-sa  leis.  Agus  gid  tri  deich  cet 
do  deig  feraib  tig-se,  ro-d-bia  ainder  a  dingbala  da  gach  ain  fer 
aca.  Agus  berad-sa  an  m-boin  maeil  as  ferr  full  an  Eirinn ; 
agus  da  roised  mh'  airgeda  lim  agus  an  Mael  Flidaise,  berad 
as  an  galad  ^  fir  Eirenn  gacha  sechtmad  aidche.'  Agus  cuma 
do  bi  'g  a  radh,  agus  atbert  an  laid  t-surgi  '-si : 

*  A  Bricni,  eirigh  uaim  ar  n-uair 
And  sa  rod  go  Cruachain  cruaidh 
Cuir  naoi  n-gesa  *  for  mac  Roigh 

\  Mana  ti  let  achetoir, 

'^  *Gid  tri  deich  cet  ro-d-fai  ille, 

Fergus  liareid    .     .     .     rugraide  (?) 
Ro-d-fia  ainder  gac(h)  fer  dib, 
Agus  faeifed    .    •.     .     le  a  rig  (?) 

*  Dd  ria  lim  mo  bo  's  mo  tain, 
Biathf    .     .     .     le  Flidais 
Gid  ar  sluaiget  beid  coidche, 
Gacha  sechtmad  n-oidche. 

*  V.  supra,  vol.  i.  p.  14.  Later  in  the  MS.  Fergus  refers  to  his  adventures  in 
Uardha  (the  cold  land),  where  this  catkair  was  situated.  A  detailed  account  of  this 
expedition  is  given  in  Cc.  p.  112  et  seq. 

2  The  same  phrase  occurs  later.  I  have  not  seen  the  word  galad  elsewhere.  But 
the  meaning  is  evidently  as  I  have  ventured  to  render  it. 


THE  GLENMASAN  MANUSCRIPT  25 

has  not  had  a  spouse  worthy  of  him,  only  the  society  of 
Meave  because  of  his  vigorous  manhood.  And  besides  there 
is  another  matter  which  affects  his  honour,  the  three  torches 
of  valour  of  the  Gael  have  been  slain  in  Emain  Macha  while 
under  his  safeguard.  And  during  his  reign  the  sun  of  pros- 
perity did  not  shine  upon  the  (subject)  princes.  Further,  O 
queen,  I  have  travelled  the  world  from  the  city  of  Muirn  Mol- 
faig  in  the  north  to  here,  and  in  all  my  journeyings  I  have 
not  seen  a  better  man  than  Oilill  the  Fair,'  added  Bricne. 

'  Idle  talk,  Bricne,  which  I  do  not  believe,'  said  Flidais. 
'  But  you  shall  have  your  choice  of  the  treasures  of  Ireland  in 
return  for  carrying  out  my  instructions,  Bricne.  I  shall  direct 
Fergus  how  to  proceed,  for  I  have  heard  that  the  men  of  Ire- 
land are  to  go  as  one  host  to  Ulster  to  carry  away  the  cows 
of  Cuailgne.  Let  him  come  for  a  subsidy  of  horses,  weapons, 
and  armour  from  the  Gamhanraidh,  and  I  shall  go  with  him. 
And  although  three  thousand  stout  men  of  you  should  come,  a 
suitable  wife  will  be  provided  for  every  man  of  them.  And 
I  shall  bring  with  me  my  hummel  cow,  the  best  in  Ireland. 
And  if  my  herds  and  the  Maol  Flidais  accompany  me,  they 
will  amply  supply  the  men  of  Ireland  every  seventh  night.' 
And  as  she  spoke  she  recited  this  love- song  : — 

'  Bricne,  leave  me  forthwith, 
And  betake  thee  to  sterile  Cruachan ; 
Lay  nine  prohibitions  on  the  son  of  Eoicb, 
If  he  comes  not  instantly  with  you. 

'  Though  three  thousand  should  come  thither, 
With  Fergus  (1) 
A  wife  for  each  man  of  them 
Shall  wed  with  her  lord  (?) 

'  If  I  bring  my  cow  and  herds, 
Flidais  shall  feed  the  hosts 
Every  seventh  night, 
Should  the  campaign  last  for  ever. 

'  Literally  *  courting  lay.'  In  modern  S.G.  oran  gaoil,  '  love-song,'  ■would  be  the 
phrase  used. 

*  In  his  report  to  Fergus  (infra),  Bricne  mentions  one  or  two  of  the  nine  taboos 
that  Flidais  laid  upon  him. 


26  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

'  An  aos  o  thair,  aidble  main, 
A  fik<fa  (?)         a  samain  (1) 
Dingebad  dib,  t61aib  gal, 
Dithisd  is     .     .     . 

'  A  ingen  as  m6r  an  gnim, 
Do  bere  do  laim     ... 
.     .     .     rig    .     .     .     calma, 
Do  treigen  ar  rid     .     .     . 

'  Is  e  sin  mo  ceile  c6ir. 
An  f  er  re  n-abar  ^  mac  Roigh, 
A  ben  dingmala  de, 
Nochar    .     .     .     nge,  a  Bricne. ' 

A  Bricne. 

Is  ann  sin  do  ghluais  Bricne  as  an  baile  a  mach(?)  agus 
ni  rue  OUam  o  banntracht  riam  edail  .  .  .,  ocus  rainic  roime 
go  dunadh  Atha  Fen.  Agus  o  d'conncatar  lucht  an  baile  h-e, 
do  eirghedar  uile  'n  a  agaid,  agus  do  fersad  fir-cain  failte  fris, 
agus  do  toirbretar  poga  imdha  do,  agus  do  fiafraigedh  de  nar 
buidech  do  Flidais  e.  Adubairt  Bricne  gur  buidech.  Agus 
do  bi  an  adaig  sin  an  dunadh  Atha  Fen.  Agus  do  eirigh  co 
moch  ar  na  marach  agus  do  iarr  a  (th.)idl\ictha  agus  a  elm^a 
leis.  Agus  do  seoladh  tre  caogait  oglach  leis  .i.  fer  in  gach 
carpat  finndruine  da  raib  aigi,  agus  ba  tanas  de  sluagh  lan- 
m6ir  a  linmarecht.  Agus  tinmais  celeabrad  do  maithib  Oilella 
Finn  agus  do  fen.  Agus  do  innis  d'  Oilill  co  ticfa  Fergus  d'a 
agallaim,  agus  d'iarraidh  faigdhe  ech  agus  eididh  ar  an 
n-Gamannraid. 

Is  si  so  sligi  do  deochatar  .i.  tar  cend  Conlocha  agus  tar 
sal  Srotha  Deirg  agus  a  crich  Breis  mic  Ealathan  re  raiter 
tir  Fiachrach  Mide,  agus  tar  traig  Ruis  air gid  ris  a  raiter 
traig  Eothaile,  agus  tar  Srath  nan  Druad  ris  a  raiter  Srath 
an  Fherain,  agus  a  magh  Coraind  ingine  Fail  mic  Fidhga  ris 
in  abartar  Clar  mic  Aire  an  Choraind  clann  Uaine,  agus  laim 
re  maolan  cinn  t-Seinnsleibi  ris  in  abartar  Ceis  caom  alainn 
Coraind,  agus  tar  Sruth  Fainglinn  ris  in  abartar  BuiU. 

^  The  usual  phrases  are  re  n-abrar,  ris  a  n-ahartar,  re  rditer,  ris  a  raiter.     But 
this  form  also  occurs  in  this  MS.  and  elsewhere.     Cf.  Cc,  p.  30  n.,  et  aliis. 


THE  GLENMASAN  MANUSCRIPT  27 

*  The  folks  of  the  East  have  vast  wealth, 
Their  poets 

I  shall  protect  you,  floods  of  valour 
Two  .... 

'  Lady,  you  have  taken  upon  you 
A  great  undertaking. 
To  forsake  your  brave  king 
For  a 

•  He  is  my  rightful  spouse. 
The  man  called  son  of  Roich, 
His  worthy  wife  I  shall  be, 
(And  do  thou  depart),  Bricne.' 

Bricne 

Bricne  thereupon  left  the  stead,  and  never  did  OUamh 
carry  away  (such)  wealth  from  women  before.  He  proceeded 
to  the  fort  of  Ath  Fen.  When  the  people  saw  him  they  all 
went  forth  to  meet  him.  They  gave  him  a  warm  welcome, 
kissed  him  often,  and  asked  whether  he  was  not  well  pleased 
with  Flidais.  Bricne  said  he  was.  He  stayed  that  night  in 
the  palace  of  Ath  Fen.  He  rose  early  on  the  morrow  and 
asked  for  his  presents  and  treasures.  Thrice  fifty  warriors 
were  sent  with  him,  one  in  each  chariot  of  white  bronze 
which  he  possessed,  and  their  number  had  the  appearance  of 
a  large  host.  He  bade  farewell  to  Oilill  the  Fair  and  to  his 
chiefs.  And  he  told  Oilill  that  Fergus  would  come  to  have 
parley  with  him,  and  to  seek  aid  in  horses  and  armour  from 
the  Gamhanraidh. 

This  is  the  road  on  which  they  travelled : — past  the  end  of 
Dog-loch  and  the  heel  of  Bed-stream  into  the  territory  of  Breas 
son  of  Ealathan,  (now)  called  the  land  of  Fiachra  in  Meath, 
and  across  the  silver  strand  of  Bos  (now)  called  the  Strand 
of  Eothal,  and  over  the  Strath  of  the  Druids  (now)  called 
the  Strath  of  Feran,  and  into  the  plain  of  Corand,  daughter 
of  Fal  son  of  Fidhga,  (now)  called  the  Plain  of  the  son  of 
Aire  of  Corand  of  the  clans  Uaine,  and  by  the  little  round 
(or  bare)  of  the  head  of  Old  Hill,  (now)  called  the  dear 
beautiful  Ceis  of  Corand,  and  across  the  Stream  of  Fanglen 
(sloping-glen),  (now)  called  Buill. 


28  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

Is  ann  sin  do  impodset  teglach  Oilella  uatha,  agus  tanic 
Bricne  roime  go  Cruachain.  Agus  adconncadar  an  imirce 
adbal  mor  ellmha  da  n-indsaige,  agus  ba  li-ingnad  mor  leo 
uile  sin.  Ocus  do  t-shailedar  gur  b'  6  Cet  no  Conadar  mac 
Cecht  agus  crechi  a  h-Ulltaib  aca  bai  and.  Tanic  Bricne 
roime  a  Cruachain  a  nonn,  agus  do  feradh  failti  fris,  agus  do 
fiafraigedh  de  ciiich  na  crecha  mora  do  hi  aige.  '  Ni  h-ed 
am,'  ar  Bricne,  'fail  agam  acht  m'edail-si  o'n  Gamanraid 
sin  .i.  0  Oilill  Finn  agus  o  na  maithib  ar  chena.' 

*  Cindus  tech  tech  Oilella  Finn  ? '  ar  Medb  re  Bricni.  '  Is 
se  tech  as  ferr  gus  a  ranag-sa  riam  h-e.  Agus  fos  ni  f  haca  tech 
bad  commaith  ris,'  ar  Bricne,  '  o'n  lo  do  t-sires  an  doman  ar 
aon  re  Fergus.'  Agus  ba  fergach  Medb  de  sin  .i.  fa  tech  sa 
doman  do  chur  tar  a  tech  fein.  '  Do  neimdK^is,^  a  Bricni,' 
bar  Medb,  '  imarbaidh  do  cur  a  m'  cenn.'  '  Ni  cuirim-si  on 
imarbaid  a  t'  chenn,'  ar  Bricne.  '  Acht  aon  ni :  as  e  tech 
Oilella  Finn  tech  as  li'a  ollamain  agus  anrath  ^  agus  obloir  ^ 
agus  eistrecht  *  mna  agus  macaim  agus  mindaeine ;  ^  curaidh 
agus  coraidh*^  agus  cath-milidh  agus  cliath  bernadha  catha? 
Agus  fledi  feraind  agus  b'y'wgaidh  bailtead.^  Oir  ataid  an  urdail- 
si  do  churaidhibh  comanmannaib  ann  .i.  tri  cet  Ferdiad  im 
Ferdiadh  mac  Damhain,  agus  tri  cet  Fraech  im  Fraech  mac 
Fidaigh,  agus  tri  cet  Goll  im  Goll  Oilech  agus  Ada,  agus  tri 
cet  Gamuin  im  Gamuin  na  Sidgaile,  agus  tri  cet  Duban  im 
Duban  mac  an  gamna,  agus  tri  cet  Dartadh  im  Dartadh  na 

^  I  have  not  met  with  this  compound  elsewhere.  But  it  is  evidently  dligim  with  the 
negative  neb-,  neph-,  nem-,  neamh-,  S.G.  neo-,  prefixed.  The  Dictionaries,  Highland 
Society's  (H.S.D.),  for  example,  give  the  adjective  neo-dhligheach,  'unlawful,'  but  not 
the  verb. 

2  anrath,  older  anruth,  the  name  of  the  bard  next  in  rank  to  the  ollam  or  rig-hard 
who  was  the  highest  (Jr.  T.,  iii.  (1),  p.  5).  After  the  convention  of  Drnim  Ceta 
(575  A.D.)  the  retinue  (deir)  of  the  anruth  was  reduced  to  twelve.  Bricne,  usually 
described  as  ollamh,  is,  in  this  manuscript,  also  spoken  of  as  anrath. 

3  obloir,  *  a  jester,'  now  in  S.G.  and  I.G.  amhlair,  '  fool,'  '  boor,' '  blockhead.' 

*  eistrecht :  the  exact  meaning  of  the  word  is  uncertain.  In  The  Laws,  vol.  i. 
p.  138,  essrechta  maccru,  '  toys  of  children,'  include  camana,  '  hurley '  or  '  shinty ' 
sticks  ;  liathroiti,  '  balls '  ;  and  luboca,  '  hoops.'  Perhaps  here  the  word  may  be 
translated  'playthings.'  Immediately  below,  the  context  would  suggest  'dwarfs' 
as  the  better  rendering  of  the  word. 

*  min-daeine :    '  little    folks,'    '  children,'    as    distinct  from  macaim,   '  youths,' 


THE  GLENMASAN  MANUSCRIPT  29 

At  this  point  Oilill's  people  turned  back,  and  Bricne  pro- 
ceeded to  Cruachan.  And  when  the  vast  cavalcade  was  seen 
approaching  them,  all  wondered  greatly  thereat.  They 
thought  it  was  Get  or  Conodhar  son  of  Gecht  with  plunder 
from  Ulster.  When  Bricne  arrived  at  Cruachan,  he  was 
welcomed,  and  people  asked  what  this  great  booty  was  which 
he  brought  with  him.  '  None  other,'  said  Bricne,  '  than  my 
presents  from  the  Gamhanraidh,  from  Oilill  the  Fair  and  the 
nobles  generally.' 

*  What  sort  of  house  is  the  house  of  Oilill  the  Fair  1 ' 
asked  Meave  of  Bricne.  '  The  best  I  ever  visited,'  said 
Bricne.  '  And  besides,'  added  he,  '  I  have  not  seen  one  to 
equal  it,  since  I  went  to  travel  the  globe  along  with  Fergus.' 
Meave  was  wroth  because  any  house  in  the  world  was  named 
as  superior  to  her  own.  '  You  ought  not  to  provoke  me  to 
a  quarrel,  Bricne,'  said  Meave.  '  I  do  not,'  said  Bricne.  *  And 
yet,  in  Oilill  Finn's  palace  are  to  be  found  the  greatest 
number  of  oUamhs  and  poets  and  jesters  and  women's  play- 
things and  boys  and  children ;  champions  and  warriors  and 
battle-soldiers  and  valiant  troops ;  country  banquets,  and 
town  hospitallers.  For  this  number  of  champions  of  like 
names  are  there,  viz.,  Ferdia  son  of  Daman  with  three 
hundred  Ferdias  in  his  train  ;  Fraoch  son  of  Fidach  with  three 
hundred  Fraochs ;  three  hundred  Golls  with  Goll  Oilech  and 
Ada ;  three  hundred  Gamans  with  Gaman  of  Sidgal ;  three 

'boys.'  Of.  S.G.  meanbh-chrodh,  'sheep,'  'goats,'  ia  contrast  with  crodh,  'cows,' 
'  cattle.' 

"  coraidh,  preserved  in  I.G.  as  coraidhe  (Din.) ;  marked  long  (coraidh)  in  Dr.  Kuno 
Meyer's  Contributions  to  Irish  Lexicograj'hy  (K.  M.).  Here  and  elsewhere  in  this 
MS.  the  vowel  is  evidently  short,  suggestive  of  similar  root  with  mraidh,  if  not  indeed 
the  same  word  with  change  of  vowel. 

^  cliath  bernadha  catha :  an  uncommon  phrase.  Cf.  w  chliath-bern  chdt  LL.  61  a  22 
(K.  M.).  Cliath,  'hurdle,'  '  wattle,'  is  applied  to  men  in  close  battle  array  ;  be{a)rn  is 
'  gap,'  '  breach,'  The  exact  force  of  the  phrase  is  doubtful,  perhaps  '  picked  men  to 
pierce  the  enemy's  lines,'  or  '  to  defend  a  pass,'  '  fit  to  stand  in  battle's  gap '  (O'Gr. 
Cat.,  p.  408). 

*  fledi  feraind  agus  briLgaidh  bailtead  :  cf.  infra  (p.  32),  the  corresponding  phrase, 
m'  istada  agus  m'  adbara  fleda  a  muigh,  used  by  Meave  to  magnify  the  resources  of 
her  own  district.  Baile  is  of  the  dental  declension  still — pi.  bailte{an).  But  I  have 
not  met  the  form  bailtead  (gen.  pi.)  elsewhere. 


30  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

hundred  Dubans  with  Duban  son  of  Gaman  ;  three  hundred 
Dibeirge,  agus  tri  cet  Fosgamuin  fa  tri  Fosgamnaib  Irrais, 
agus  tri  cet  Breislend  fa  shecht  m-Breislendaib  Bhrefne. 
Agus  do  berim-si  do  m'  breithir,  a  Meadb,  go  fuilid  an  urdail 
sin  eile  ann  nocha  d'  inann  anmanda  doib.'  Ba  baidh  le 
Meidb,  acht  ger  fuath  le  an  Gamanraid,  an  moladh  sin  do 
tabairt  ar  a  h-oclachaib  fein.  Agus  do  gab  Bricne  ac  tabairt 
tesmolta  tige  Oilella  Finn  os  aird,  agus  adbert  in  laid  : — 

Column  32.  '  Lod-sa  cuairt  a  Cruachain  Aei, 

Indeosat  daeib,  ar  don  caei : 
F6  an  ^aith  ranag  ann  gan  f  ois  ; 
Fo  an  ceile  d'  an  comadhus. 


V 


*  Ranac  go  Dun  Atha  Fen, 
Turchanas  ^  ann  ilar  sgel, 
Go  h-Oilill  Finn  farms  cath, 
Go  mac  rig  nan  Domnannach. 

*  Mo  gach  sluag  sluag  an  duine 
Aille  a  fir,  aobdha  a  mine ; 
Failed  tri  cet  fa  ocht  and 

Do  curadhaib  comanmannaibh. 

*  Tri  cet  Ferdiad  ann  re  h-dgh 
Ima  Ferdiad  mac  Damain ; 
Tri  cet  Fraech  fuiled  a  stigh 
Far  aon  re  Fraech  mac  Fidaigh. 

'  Tri  cet  Gamuin,  gleo  n-gaile, 
Fa  Gamuin  na  Sidgaile  ; 
Tri  cet  Duban,  dreimne  glac, 
Fa  Duban  in  a  deg  mac. 

*  Tri  cet  Fosgamuin,  radh  f  huis. 
Fa  tri  Fosgamnaibh  Irmis ; 
Tri  cet  Goll  go  n-grinne  n-ga, 
Fa  Gold  Oilech  is  Ada. 

'  Tri  cet  Dartadh  doib  mails, 
Fd  Dartadh  na  Dibeirge ; 
Tri  cet  Breislenn,  baigh  imne, 
Fa  t-secht  Breslennaibh  Brefni. 


^  tair-chanim  and  ter-chanim, '  I  prophesy,'  are  common  forms ;  tin-cantain  and  tin- 
chetal  in  the  sense  of  '  repetition,'  *  incantation,'  are  also  met  with.  Here  this  com- 
pound of  canim  evidently  means  simply  to  '  tell '  or  '  repeat,' 


THE  GLENMASAN  MANUSCRIPT  31 

Dartads  with  Dartad  of  Diberg ;  three  hundred  Fosgamuins 
with  the  three  Fosgamuins  of  Erris  ;  and  three  hundred 
Breslenns  with  the  seven  Breslenns  of  Brefne.  And  I  declare 
on  my  honour,  Meave.  that  there  are  as  many  again  of 
different  names.'  Although  Meave  hated  the  Gamhanraidh, 
it  pleased  her  to  hear  her  own  warriors'  praises.  And  Bricne 
continued  his  laudation  of  the  palace  of  Oilill  the  Fair,  and 
recited  the  lay  : — 

*  I  fared  forth  on  a  visit  from  Cruachan  Ai, 
I  declare  to  you,  on  a  certain  road ; 

Goodly  the  prince  whose  palace  I  quickly  reached, 
Goodly  his  worthy  spouse. 

'  I  arrived  at  the  castle  of  the  ford  of  wagons, 
I  told  many  a  tale  there. 
At  Oilill  the  Fair's,  warrior  of  Erris, 
Son  of  the  king  of  the  Domnanns. 

*  Taller  than  all  others  the  people  of  that  castle. 
Handsomer  its  men,  pleasanter  their  disposition : 
Three  hundred  eight  times  told  are  there 

Of  champions  of  like  names. 

'  Three  hundred  valorous  Ferdiads  are  there 
With  Ferdiad  son  of  Daman ; 
Three  hundred  Fraochs  abide  there 
With  Fraoch  son  of  Fidach. 

'  Three  hundred  Gamans,  bold  in  strife, 
With  Garaan  of  Sidgal ; 
Three  hundred  Dubans,  of  merciless  grip, 
With  Duban,  that  goodly  youth. 

'  Three  hundred  Fosgamuins,  a  truthful  statement, 
With  the  three  Fosgamuins  of  Erris ; 
Three  hundred  Golls  with  polished  spears, 
With  Goll  Oilech  and  Ada, 

'  Three  hundred  Dartads  ,  a  loyal  band. 
Around  Dartad  of  Diberg ; 
Three  hundred  Breslenns,  of  like  devotion, 
With  the  seven  Breslenns  of  Brefne. 


32  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

'  Mo  gac(h)  gair  cloistecht  re  n-gair, 


Lucht  a  teglaig  go  trom-grain ; 
Full  a  coimlin  eile  ann 
Nocha  d'  inann  a  anmann. 

*  Ni  f  haca  an  Eirinn,  rddh  fois, 
Tegduis  maith  mar  a  tegduis, 
Tec(h)  Oilella  co  n-imat  n-ga 
Tec(h)  linmar  gus  a  lod-sa.' 


liod-sa. 


'Is  fir  duitsi  gurab  maith  tech  Oilella  Finn,'  ar  Meadb, 
'  agus  gid  edh  as  ferr  mo  tec(h)-sa  go  mor  ana  se.  Is  ferr 
gaisged  mo  laoch  agus  mo  lath  n-gaile.  Is  lia  mh'  urradha  ^ 
agus  mo  deoraid.  Is  lia  mo  macaim  agus  mo  bandtracht.  Is 
Ha  mo  t-sheoid  agus  mo  maeine.  Is  lia  mo  chruid  agus  mo 
c(h)etra.  Is  uaisli  mo  m(h)iledha  agus  as  mo  a  feidm.  Is 
lia  mh'  aos  ciuil  agus  oirfide  agus  eladha.  Is  lia  m'  ollamain 
agus  m'  obloire  agus  mh'  eistrechta.^  Is  lia  mo  mogaid  agus 
m'  echlachsi  urlair.*  Is  lia  mo  banntracht  agus  mo  bancuire. 
Is  ferr  m'  istada.  ^  agus  m'  adbara  fleo?a  a  muigh,  genmotha 
ri-t(h)ech  na  Cruachna.  Uair  ni  uil  an  Eirinn  tech  t-sam- 
laiges  na  cudromaighes  ris  ar  a  med  agus  ar  a  caime  agus  ar 
a  cumdach ;  ar  imad  a  urrsgair  ^  agus  a  imdadh  agus  a  f huin- 
neog ;  ar  imad  a  oir  agus  a  indmais  agus  a  leg  logmar. 

1  grain  in  the  old  and  modern  usage  carries  the  idea  of  '  horror,' '  disgust.'  But 
in  this  MS.  the  word  is  frequently  used  where  such  an  idea  cannot  be  intended. 
Cf.  infra,  among  many  instances,  Do  sgail  do  gnim  is  do  grdin,  applied  to  Fergus, 
where  the  idea  conveyed  must  be  complimentary.  Cf.  (7c.,  p.  14,  uruath  agus  grain 
Righ  fair,  rendered, '  the  fearfulness  and  majesty  of  a  king  are  his.'  In  this  particular 
passage  g  could  stand  for  gan,  *  without,'  as  well  as  for  go,  '  with,'  and  yield  equally 
good  idiom.  But  to  characterise  a  household  as  not  in  a  special  degree  abominable 
would  surely  be  very  faint  praise. 

2  mo,  '  my,'  before  vowels  frequently,  as  here,  becomes  not  m'  but  mh.  So  in  the 
old  language  th^  athir  for  f  athair,  '  thy  father.'  Urradh,  '  man  of  substance,' 
'  guarantor,'  as  opposed  to  deoraid,  '  dependent,'  '  pilgrim,'  '  weakling.'  Later  urradha 
are  linked  with  ^taisli  and  ard-fhlaithi.     Cf.  S.G.  urra,  urras,  urrainn,  etc. 

3  V.  supra,  p.  28,  note  4. 


,     ^ 


\. 


THE  GLENMASAN  MANUSCRIPT  33 

*  Louder  than  all  shouts  the  shout 
Of  this  household,  of  majestic  mien ; 
There  are  as  many  others  again 
Whose  tribe  names  are  different. 

'  I  have  not  seen  in  Ireland,  I  say  it  deliberately, 
A  household  to  compare  with  this, 
The  palace  of  Oilill  with  its  many  spears, 
The  populous  palace  to  which  I  fared.' 

I  fared. 

*  You  are  right  in  your  praise  of  the  palace  of  Oilill  the 
Fair/  said  Meave ;  *  nevertheless  mine  is  much  the  superior  of 
the  two.  The  valour  of  my  heroes  and  champions  is  greater. 
My  chiefs  and  my  dependents  are  more  numerous.  Greater 
in  number  are  my  youths  and  women-folk ;  my  jewels  and 
treasures;  my  cows  and  cattle.  My  soldiers  are  nobler  born 
and  more  valiant.  My  musicians,  artists,  and  scientists  are 
more  numerous.  So  are  my  oUamhs  and  jesters  and  dwarfs  ; 
my  slaves  and  my  little  children ;  my  women-folk  and 
female  attendants.  My  resources  and  material  for  banquets 
are  superior,  apart  from  the  (grandeur  of  the)  palace  of 
Cruachan.  For  there  is  not  in  (all)  Ireland  a  mansion  that 
equals  or  compares  with  it  in  size  and  beauty  and  adornment ; 
in  the  number  of  its  courts  and  rooms  and  windows ;  in  the 
amount  of  its  gold  and  treasure  and  precious  stones. 

*  echlach,  '  messenger,'  is  common,  but  «.  urlair,  '  floor  messenger,'  is  not  so. 
Finn's  counsel  to  MacLugach  (Ag.  1.  586)  has  the  line  : — 

JDd  trian  do  mhlne  re  mn&ibh  is  re  h-echlachuib  urlair, 

which  is  translated  :  *  Two-thirds  of  thy  gentleness  be  shown  to  women  and  to 
creepers  on  the  floor'  (i.e.  children).  In  our  passage,  where  the  term  is  coupled  with 
mogaid, '  slaves,'  the  meaning  may  be,  '  little  ones  who  fetched  and  carried  within  the 
palace.' 

*  istada  :  a  rather  uncom?non  word,  preserved  pwhaps  in  I.G.  iosta,  'apartment,' 
'  inn '  (Din.).  Of  old  the  wort!  meant '  wealth '  and  the  place  where  treasure  was  kept  ; 
i.flatha,  'sway  and  severance  of  a  chief.'  Cf.  Ir.  T.,  iii.  (1),  p.  280.  V.  supra,  p.  29, 
note  8. 

*  Cf.  aurscor,  *  area,'  '  yard,'  O'Donovan's  Supplement  to  O'Reilly's  Dictionary 
(O'D.  Sup.). 

(To  be  continued.) 

VOL.  II.  c 


34  THE  CELTIC  KEVIEW 

VARIATIONS   OF  GAELIC  LOAN-WORDS 
Charles  M.  Robertson 

The  Gaelic  language,  both  in  its  literary  form,  and  especially 
in  its  spoken  dialects,  possesses  many  illustrations  of  the 
truth  that  words  taken  from  other  languages  conform,  at 
best,  only  irregularly  and  uncertainly  to  the  phonetic  laws 
of  the  borrowing  language.  A  borrowed  word  may  on 
occasion  conform  in  every  particular  to  the  laws  in  accord- 
ance with  which  the  changes  undergone  by  the  native  words 
of  the  adopting  language  have  proceeded,  but  it  is  quite 
as  likely  to  disregard  and  violate  those  laws.  It  may  also 
appear  in  two  or  more  different  forms,  and  may  conform 
to  some  phonetic  law  in  one  of  the  forms  and  violate  it  in 
another,  or  it  may  both  observe  and  violate  the  law  within 
the  compass  of  the  same  form.  The  law  of  aspiration,  for  ex- 
ample, in  Gaelic  phonetics  is  that  a  single  consonant  standing 
originally  between  vowels  has  been  aspirated.  This  happens 
to  be  observed  in  saighead,  from  Latin  sagitta,  where  the  single 
g  is  aspirated  and  the  double  t,  though  reduced  to  d,  is  not. 
So  with  the  middle  consonants  in  saoghal  from  saeculum, 
sabhal  from  stabulum,  umhal  from  humilis,  uibhir,  Irish  uim- 
hir,  early  Irish  numir  from  numerus.  So  also  aoradh  for 
adhradh  from  adoratio,  iomhaigh  from  imago,  and  so  on.  In 
nollaig  for  nothlaig,  Early  Irish  notlaic  from  natalicia,  t  has 
been  aspirated  and  c,  though  standing  alone,  has  not.  So 
trionaid,  Old  Irish  trindoit  from  trinitatem.  It  may  be 
observed  in  passing  that  there  has  been  somewhat  of  a  tend- 
ency to  preserve  the  last  or  stem  consonant,  case  endings 
being  dropped,  and  to  slur,  aspirate  or  drop  middle  consonants, 
and  that  in  modern  spelling  in  such  cases  final  tenues  are  very 
generally  replaced  by  the  corresponding  mediae.  Examples 
not  bearing  upon  our  immediate  purpose  need  not  be  multiplied 
as  the  words  intended  to  be  dealt  with  in  their  various  forms 


VARIATIONS  OF  GAELIC  LOAN-WORDS       35 

provide  a  sufficiency  of  instances,  but  one  may  be  noticed  here. 
Patricius  is  found  in  modern  Gaelic  in  four  different  forms. 
In  PMruig  t  and  c  are  unaspirated  but  reduced  to  the  corres- 
ponding mediae.  In  Pkruig  for  Pathruig  t  has  been  aspirated 
and  lost  and  c  made  into  g.  Para,  a  curtailed  form  of  the  last, 
is  used  with  a  defining  term  following  which  carries  the 
accent,  and  thus  accounts  for  the  shortening  of  the  first 
vowel,  as  Para  M6r,  Big  Peter  or  Patrick ;  Para  Piobaire, 
Peter  the  Piper.  In  Arran,  etc.,  the  form  is  PMair,  both  in 
common  use  and  in  names  like  Kilpatrick,  '  Cill-Phadair.'  The 
name  has  been  confused  in  popular  use  with  Peter  and  is 
usually  so  Englished.  Peadair  as  a  personal  Gaelic  name  is 
hardly,  if  at  all,  known  out  of  print. 

Native  words  themselves,  it  is  true,  sometimes  appear 
in  more  than  one  guise,  but  in  their  case  differences  of  form 
exemplify  with  precision  the  laws  and  changes  to  which 
borrowed  words  run  counter  or  conform  at  random.  Piuthar, 
sister,  for  example  is  found  in  Irish  as  siur  and  in  Early  Irish 
as  both  siur  and  fiur,  and  in  all  its  forms  has  come  from 
a  single  original  form  svesor,  from  which  have  come  also 
Sanskrit  sv^sar,  Russian  sestra,  Latin  soror  for  sosor,  and 
English  sister.  Till,  return,  appears  also  as  pill,  and  in  Irish 
as  fill,  and  our  Scottish  fill,  fold,  may  well  be  the  same  ;  the 
root  is  svelni,  turn  round,  which  has  also  given  us  the  word 
seal,  a  while.  The  same  root  has  given  another  group  of 
variations  in  the  case  of  its  derivative  seillean,  a  bee.  This 
word  is 


seillean 

in  literature. 

teillean 

,,  east  Perthshire  and  in  Lewis. 

seinnlean 

„  Kincardine  on  Oykel. 

» 

„  Sutherlandshire,  Creich. 

seinnlear 

Rogart. 

tainnleag 

„              „                Helmsdale. 

tuinnleag 

„              „                Reay  Country 

Nn  is  not  pronounced,  being  assimilated  to  /,  in  those 


36  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

forms  in  which  it  is  written,  but  it  has  left  its  mark  in  a 
nasaHsation  and  lengthening  of  the  preceding  vowels  and  a 
doubling  of  I,  as  seillean,  tailleag  with  ei  and  ai  as  a  diphthong 
and  long.  In  the  Reay  country  form  ui,  as  in  many  other 
instances  in  Sutherland  e.g.  uidh,  ruighe,  etc.,  has  the  sound 
of  Gaelic  i  only,  but  u  is  necessary  in  spelling  to  show  that  t  is 
sounded  broad.  The  Rogart  form  merely  shows  the  character- 
istic change  of  n  to  r  in  the  vicinity  of  other  liquids  in  Suther- 
landshire  Gaelic.  All  those  seeming  vagaries  in  respect  to 
initial  letter  really  exemplify  the  known  fact  that  when  a  root 
began  with  sv,  the  Gaelic  word  derived  from  it  may  begin 
with  5,  with  t,  with  /,  or  with  p. 

Variations  of  other  but  still  native  kinds  are  exemplified 
by  the  word  for  nettle  which  appears  as  neanntag,  eanntag, 
ionntag,  feanntag,  and  deanntag,  and  by  that  for  a  bat,  ialtag, 
ioltag,  eitleog,  dialtag,  mioltag,  ealtag  leathraich  (Arran), 
dial  tag  anmoch  (Perth),  dealtag  anmoch  (Badenoch),  and  miol- 
tag leathair  (Irish).  Variations  such  as  those,  though  they 
are  extreme  cases,  do  not  violate  but  exemplify  the  phonetic 
laws  of  the  language,  and  once  a  word  is  known  to  be  native 
the  limit  of  its  variations  is  determined  by  those  laws. 

The  vagaries  of  borrowed  words,  on  the  other  hand,  have 
an  uncertainty  about  them  that  keeps  the  inquirer  ever  on  the 
outlook  for  strange  and  unexpected  forms.  Those  forms  are  so 
numerous  in  some  cases  as  to  recall  the  proverb,  *  Tha  uiread 
de  ainmean  air  ris  an  naosg,'  (he  has  as  many  aliases  as  the 
snipe),  and  one  of  the  many  names  of  that  bird  is  a  case  in 
point.  Budagoc  or  budagochd  is  sometimes  heard  as  budra- 
gochd,  budag,  and  in  Mull  even  as  gudabochd.  The  word  is 
from  the  English  '  woodcock,'  and  though  sometimes  used 
rightly  as  designating  that  bird,  is  often  misapplied  to  the 
snipe.  The  Gaelic  equivalent  to  '  Peter  Piper  picked  a  peck 
of  pickled  pepper,'  etc.,  is  : — 

*  Gob  fad  air  a'  bhudagochd 
'S  am  budagochd  gun  ghob.' 

The  English  *  warning,'  in  which  also  w  becomes  6,  appears 


VARIATIONS  OF  GAELIC  LOAN-WORDS       37 

in  Gaelic  in  different  districts  as  barnaig,  bairneigeadh,  bar- 
dainn,  bardaig,  bairlinn,  or  bairleigeadh.  '  Gardener '  is 
gairnlear,  gairnear,  and  gairlear,  as  well  as  gairneilear.  The 
familiar  *  gooseberry '  is  in  Gaelic  grbiseid,  in  East  Perthshire 
groiseag,  but  in  West  Ross  crobhsag,  and  in  East  Ross  crobhr- 
sag.  The  two  first  forms  are  based,  of  course,  on  the  Scottish 
which  appears  variously  as  grozet,  grozer  and  grozel,  and  comes 
from  French  grose,  groseille.  The  English  gooseberry  is  for 
grooseberry  and  also  comes  from  the  French  grose.  German 
has  krausbeere  and  krauselbeere.  Crobhsag,  though  it  is  not 
directly,  may  be  remotely  connected  with  groiseid,  grozet,  and 
groseille. 

Diversities  of  form  are  not  confined  to  such  modern  borrow- 
ings as  those,  but  are  found  in  the  older  loan-words  from  Latin. 
The  extent  to  which  variations,  though  of  a  subordinate  kind, 
may  go,  is  well  shown  so  far  as  number  is  concerned,  in  the 
case  of  the  Latin  manicula,  a  sleeve.  This  word  appears  in 
Gaelic  in  the  following  forms  : — 

muinchill  muilcheann       muinichill  muilicheann 

muinchille         muilchinn  muinicheal         muilichinn 

muincheall        muilchill  muinicheall        muinle 

moilcheann    in  Sutherland, 
muilchceann  ,,  West  Ross-shire, 
muilchear       ,,  East  Perthshire, 
muille  „  Arran. 

The  word  is  munchille  in  Early  Irish,  and  metathesis  and 
substitution  of  one  liquid  for  another  account  for  nearly  all 
the  forms.  The  middle  i  in  some  of  the  forms  is  merely 
the  parasitic  vowel  heard  in  pronunciation  between  the 
preceding  liquid  and  ch.  Muinle  and  muille  arise  from  the 
elision  or  silencing  of  slender  ch  that  is  characteristic  of 
the  Gaelic  of  Arran,  Islay,  etc.  The  c  which  stands  between 
two  vowels  in  the  Latin  word  was  aspirated  in  Gaelic  and  is 
lost  altogether  in  the  Arran  form.     In  the  next  case  c,  though 


38  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

it  did  not  stand  between  two  vowels,  was  aspirated  in  the 
more  usual  form  of  the  word.  The  Latin  axilla — in  Irish 
ascall,  oscul,  and  ocsal,  Middle  Irish  ochsal — is  best  known 
in  Gaelic  as  achlais,  but  it  also  appears  as  asgall,  in  Arran 
asgaill,  in  Perthshire  aslaic,  or  better,  aslaig,  and  in  diction- 
aries as  aslaich  and  asgnail.  Sasunn,  Irish  Sagsona,  in 
Arran  Sasgunn,  England,  from  Saxon  may  be  compared  in 
passing. 

Some  of  the  oldest  Latin  loans  ultimately  associated  with 
the  early  church  show  two  or  more  substantially  different 
forms.  *  Officium,'  which  is  not  purely  ecclesiastical,  is  in 
Gaelic  oifig,  with  minor  variations  such  as  ofaig  in  Argyle, 
Sutherland,  Lewis,  etc.,  and  afaig  in  Arran.  A  widely  used, 
though  rarely  written,  form  of  the  word  is  ofhaich,  with  a 
derivative  ofhaichear,  an  officer.  Duncan  Ban  Macintyre  has 
the  latter  written  oighichearan,  officers,  in  his  '  Song  to  the 
Argyleshire  Regiment.'  Tigh-ofhaich,  *  office,'  is  used  for  an 
outhouse.  The  special  ecclesiastical  meaning  of  officium,  a 
formulary  of  devotion,  etc.,  is  recalled  in  one  usage.  '  Cha'n 
eil  ofhaich  ann,'  There  is  nothing  in  it,  literally,  there  is 
not  an  office  in  it,  is  said  in  Atholl  of,  for  example,  a  dis- 
appointing book,  and  suggests  a  time  when  no  value  was  set 
upon  any  books  but  those  of  devotion  and  religious  exercise. 
If  offic-ium  had  been  a  native  word  /",  being  double,  would 
not  aspirate,  and  c,  being  single,  would,  but  both  are  aspirated 
in  ofhaich  and  both  unaspirated  in  oifig,  etc.  In  '  apostolus,' 
Old  Irish  apstal,  Gaelic  abstol,  p  has  remained  unaspirated, 
perhaps  in  this  case  because  pushed  up  against  st,  but  in 
another  form  of  the  word  it  has  been  not  only  aspirated  but 
lost  entirely.  In  North  Inverness  and  East  Ross  this  word 
has  become  ostal,  in  Sutherland  astal,  and  resembles  the 
Manx  form  ostyl,  older  austyl.  The  Gaels,  it  would  appear, 
were  also  under  the  necessity  of  borrowing  the  word  infer- 
num  from  Latin,  but,  whatever  inference  may  be  drawn 
from  the  fact,  they  were  not  content  with  having  it  one  way, 
but  must  needs  have  it  in  two  ways — ifrinn  and  iutharn. 
Ifrinn,  Irish  ifrionn,  is   the  Old  Irish  ifurnn  with  a  little 


VAEIATIONS  OF  GAELIC  LOAN-WORDS       39 

shifting  of  letters.  The  Manx  is  iurin,  which  would  very- 
well  represent  the  Perthshire  pronunciation  of  iutharn. 
Diabolus  appears  as  diabhol,  which  is  appropriated  to 
religious  use,  and  diall,  which  is  profane.  The  former  is 
perhaps  to  be  regarded  as  a  purely  literary  form,  and  the 
latter  as  the  form  of  common  speech. 

The  diversities  of  many  borrowed  words  centre  round  the 
letter  jp.  This  consonant  seems  to  have  been  at  all  times  a 
troublesome  one  to  the  Gaels,  as  to  the  Celts  in  general,  and 
with  its  peculiarities  and  laws  is  of  the  first  importance  in 
Gaelic  phonetics.  In  loan-words  it  often  takes  the  place  of, 
or  is  replaced  by,  h  or  f.     An  initial  b  is  often  made  into  p  : 

*  blanket '  is  in  Gaelic  plangaid,  and  Biobull,  English  '  Bible,' 
Latin  'Biblia,'  is  sometimes  written  and  is  usually  pronounced 
Piobull.  A  medial  or  final  p  on  the  other  hand  occasionally 
becomes  h,  as  in  5b  from  Norse  '  hop.'  The  interchange  of  p 
and  /  is  found  in  several  instances.  '  Flower '  and  *  flour,' 
which  are  the  same  etymologically,  both  appear  in  Gaelic  as 
flur  and  also  as  plur,  with  diminutives  for  the  former  mean- 
ing fliiran,  fluirein,  pluran  and  pliiirean.  The  same  change 
ofy*  into  p  is  seen  in  plod,  a  fleet,  raft,  etc.,  from  Norse 

*  floti,'  while  the  allied  Norse  flj6ta  has  given  fleodradb, 
floating,  and  fleodruinn,  a  buoy ;  and  in  punntainn  and 
funntainn,  benumbment  by  cold,  from  Scottish  fundy, 
funny,  to  become  stifl"  with  cold.  The  converse  is  found 
in  feodar  and  peodar,  from  *  pewter,'  and  also  in  flebdar  and 
plebdar,  whether  these  come  from  the  same  word  or  from 

*  spelter.'  Flodach,  lukewarm,  and  plod,  scald,  have  both 
been  referred  to  Scottish  *  plot,'  to  scald.  Fireas  in  North 
Inverness  and  pireas  in  West  Boss  and  in  Sutherland 
apparently  come  from  and  mean  'appearance.'  The  Latin 
plecto  has  given  fleachdail,  flowing  in  ringlets,  and  in 
West  Ross  pleachd,  a  roll  of  wool  ready  for  spinning. 
Gaelic  fiidar  and  Irish  pudar,  from  '  powder,'  may  be  noted. 
FeocuUan,  a  pole-cat,  may  be  heard  in  East  Perth  as  pbcullan. 
The  Norse  hjalm,  helm,  has  given  failm,  falmadair,  and 
palmair. 


40  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

P,  when  aspirated  ^^,  sounds y)  and/*,  when  aspirated y^, 
is  silent,  and  often  is  lost.  By  a  combination  of  those  two 
processes  we  have  in  one  instance  p  in  different  forms  appear- 
ing as  p  and  as/",  and  disappearing  altogether.  '  Peacock '  is 
found  in  Gaelic  as  peucag,  peuchdag,  feucag,  eucag,  euchdag. 
The  way  the  word  has  been  dealt  with  in  the  language  is 
interesting  in  several  ways.  Peabh-eun,  pea-choileach  or 
peubh-choileach,  and  pea-chearc  or  peubh-chearc,  in  which 
the  specific  '  pea '  has  been  separated  from  the  subjoined 
terms  indicative  of  gender,  do  not  call  for  remark  except  that 
peabh  and  peubh  suggest  a  direct  borrowing  by  Gaehc  from 
the  Latin  pavo,  a  peacock,  from  which  the  English  *  pea ' 
has  come  through  Anglo-Saxon  *pawa.'  For  the  rest  all  the 
forms  in  Gaelic  have  been  taken  from  '  peacock,'  to  the  utter 
exclusion  of  the  more  homely  hen.  Not  only  so,  but  owing 
to  the  similarity  in  sound  of  the  termination  to  the  Gaelic 
feminine  diminutive  suffix  -ag,  the  word  has  changed  both  its 
gender  and  its  denotation.  Peucag  or  peuchdag  is,  indeed, 
said  by  some  authorities  to  be  masculine  and  feminine,  but 
by  others  it  is  set  down  as  feminine  only,  and  by  all  it  is 
translated  peahen,  never  peacock.  The  other  forms  are  un- 
hesitatingly dealt  with  as  feminine.  Popularly  the  word  is 
feminine,  so  much  so  that  when  the  male  bird  is  meant  coil- 
each-peucaig  is  not  infrequently  used.  With  the  change  of 
gender  the  word  readily  lent  itself  to  employment  by  bards 
and  wooers  as  a  poetic  metaphor  and  an  endearing  term. 
Extensive  use  of  the  word  as  a  term  of  endearment,  when  it 
is  usually  preceded  by  mo,  my,  thus  :  M'  f heucag,  meaning 
etymologically  My  peacock,  and  sounded  M'  eucag,  or,  in  some 
dialects,  M'  euchdag,  accounts  both  for  the  loss  of  the  initial 
consonant  and  for  a  seeming  change  of  signification  in  the 
case  of  the  decapitated  forms.  So  completely  was  the  connec- 
tion of  eucag  or  euchdag  with  feucag  and  peucag  forgotten 
that  Gaelic  lexicographers  have  recorded  them  with  no  other 
signification  but  *  a  charmer,  a  fair  or  lovely  female,'  and  our 
foremost  authority  on  etymology  has  explained  euchdag  as 
*  featsome  one '  from  euchd.     The  identification  of  euchdag 


VARIATIONS  OF  GAELIC  LOAN-WORDS       41 

with  peucag  is  easily  confirmed.  The  existence  of  the  form 
eucag  is  against  a  connection  with  euchd.  The  renderings 
given  for  peahen  are  eucag,  feucag,  peucag,  etc.,  and  for  pea- 
chick,  isean  na  h-  eucaig,  and  '  a  beautiful  woman '  is  given  as 
one  of  the  meanings  of  peucag.  The  hold  that  the  word  has 
taken  of  the  language  is  shown  further  by  the  adjectives 
feucagach,  peucagach,  peuchdagach,  peacock -like,  beautiful  as 
a  peacock,  abounding  in  peacocks,  and  peucach,  gaudy, 
showy,  and  may  justly  be  regarded  as  an  index  of  the 
susceptibility  of  the  Gael  to  the  impressions  of  resplen- 
dent hues. 

Two  more  words  fall  to  be  noticed  as  having  p  and  f. 
The  first,  biilas,  is  from  Scottish  bools,  a  pot-hook,  or  rather 
a  separable  pot-handle  with  a  joint  in  the  middle ;  pulas  is 
given  in  dictionaries  as  a  dialectic  form.  The  other,  feursann, 
a  warble,  a  tumour  in  the  hide  of  cattle,  containing  the 
larvae  of  a  fly,  is,  notwithstanding  the  difference  of  meaning, 
clearly  the  Scottish  fersie,  English  farcy,  farcin,  a  disease 
of  horses. 


biilas 

in  literature. 

feursann 

in  literature. 

piilas 

buthal 

buthals 

dialectic, 
in  Arran. 
„  East  Perthshire. 

feirseag 

peurtanan 

fiartanan 

,,  Arran. 

,,  Strathspey. 
,,  N.  Inverness. 

bulsg 
builisg 

„  Strathspey. 
„  Skye. 

f Curtain  ean 
fiarslanan 

„  Reay  Country, 
,,  Lochcarron. 

piilais 

„  South  Sutherland. 

fiaslanan 

„  Gairloch. 

folais 

,,  Reay  Country. 

feursnan 

„  Skye. 

All  the  dialectic  forms  of  feursann,  except  the  Arran  one,  are 
plurals. 

In  one  instance  j9  and  ^  are  found  in  two  different  groups 
of  forms  of  the  same  word,  but  both  represent  an  original  h. 
Pronnasg,  brimstone,  comes  from  the  Scottish  brunstane. 
This  ^vord  is  derived  from  brun  or  bren,  the  old  Scottish  form 
of  burn,  and  means  burning-stone  or  fire-stone.  The  Norse 
'  brennisteinn,'   and   the  English  brimstone,    old  bremstone, 


42  THE  CELTIC  EEVIEW 

brenston,    are    similarly    derived.       In    Gaelic    it    appears 


as 


pronnasg  id  literature. 

pronastal  „  M^Eachen's  Dictionary. 

pronnastair  „  Arran. 

proinistear,  proinstear     „  Perth. 

pronnastail  „  Badenoch. 

pronnstail  „  Strathspey. 

prunnastal  in  Skye,  Edinbane. 

prunaistean  „      „      Glendale. 

pronastan  „      „      Sleat,  and  in  Lewis. 

grumastal  „  Torridon. 

grunnastal  ,,  Gairloch  and  Lochbroom. 

grunastal  „  Sutherland,  Helmsdale. 

grunnastan  „  ,,  Reay  Country. 

grunnasdan  ,,  MacLeod  and  De war's  Dictionary. 

gronnustal  „  vocabulary  in  Gaelic  Bible,  1st  edit. 

In  the  one  group  of  forms  there  is  the  ordinary  change  of 
b  to  p.  In  the  other  group  the  substitution  of  g  for  the 
original  h  is  analogous  to  the  long-standing  substitution  of  c 
for^. 

In  early  loans  from  Latin  p  was  often  replaced  in  Gaelic 
by  c.  Cailleach,  an  old  wife,  a  nun,  comes  from  the  Latin 
pallium ;  Caisg,  the  Passover,  Easter,  from  pascha ;  clbimh, 
wool,  down,  from  pluma,  and  cuithe,  a  pit,  a  snow-wreath,  etc., 
from  puteus.  The  Latin  presbyter  appears  in  Old  Irish  both 
as  prebiter  and  as  crubthir.  Patricius  gave  our  Paruig  and 
PMruig,  Old  Irish  Patrice,  but  it  also  gave  Cothraige,  one  of 
the  names  by  which  St.  Patrick  was  known,  and  which  was 
neither  more  nor  less  than  a  Gaelicised  form  of  Pathruig.  In 
modern  Gaelic  there  are  a  few  instances  of  the  correspondence 
of  c  to  p.  Padhal,  a  ewer,  invites  comparison  with  the 
obsolete  cadhal,  a  basin,  and  clod,  from  English  clod,  with 
plod,  from  Scottish  plod,  ploud,  a  green  sod ;  while  cartan, 
which  means  a  crab  in  Irish,  is  explained  as  a  Gaelicised  form 
of  Gaelic  and  Scottish  partan.     Prh,mh,  a  word  of  obscure 


VARIATIONS  OF  GAELIC  LOAN-WORDS       43 

derivation,  is  rendered  a  slumber,  a  doze,  but  requires  the 
word  for  sleep  expressed  or  understood,  as  pramh-chadail.  It 
is  also  rendered  grief,  dejection,  gloom,  when  the  phrase  is 
fo  phrh,mh,  under  a  cloud,  under  heaviness  of  mind.  The 
meaning  would  seem  to  be  something  like  darkening,  obscura- 
tion, of  the  use  of  teimheal,  darkness,  to  mean  a  swoon. 
The  different  forms  in  which  the  word  appears,  preamh  or 
preumh  (likefreumh)  in  Atholl,  and  cnamh  and  cnaimh — cnamh- 
chadail — in  West  Ross  suggest  borrowing.  Cape  Wrath, 
which  derives  its  name  from  the  Norse  hvarf,  a  turning,  a 
shelter,  appearing  in  English  as  wharf,  is  found  in  Gaelic 
in  two  forms.  Generally  it  is  Am  Parbh,  the  turning  or 
angle,  but  in  Lewis  Gaelic  it  is  called  An  Carbh.  Here  the 
Norse  hv,  |  which  in  other  place-names  is  met  with  as  ch 
and  as  f,  has  become  c  in  Lewis  and  'p  in  the  rest  of  Gael- 
dom,  just  as  Indo-European  qu  became  c  in  Gaelic  and  p 
in  Welsh. 

Two  Latin  loans  show  the  change  oi  p  to  c,  and  also 
appear  in  a  variety  of  forms  in  modern  Gaelic.^ 

Purpura,  purple,  appears  in  four  guises. 

Cor  cur,  Old  Irish  corcur ;  here  p  has  in  both  cases  been 
changed  into  c. 

Curpur,  a  form  used  in  Lewis ;  here  only  initial  p  has 
been  changed  to  c. 

Purpur,  Middle  Irish  purpuir ;  p  has  been  kept  in  both 
positions. 

Purpaidh,  used  in  Lewis,  Sutherland,  etc.,  an  adjective, 
influenced  by  the  Gaelic  adjectival  suffix  idh,  as  in  diadhaidh. 

Pulpitum,  a  pulpit,  appears  in  six  or  seven  forms. 

Cuhaid ;  p  has  become  c  initially  and  h  medially ;  t, 
though  standing  alone  between  vowels,  has  not  been 
aspirated,  but  has  sunk  to  d ;  the  vowel  u  has  become  long, 
filling  the  blank  left  by  the  disappearance  of  I. 

Ciihaidh,  the  form  used  in  East  Ross-shire  and  in 
*  Sutherlandshire ;  d  or  t — ciibaith  ? — has  been  aspirated. 

^  Latin  plecto  has  given  not  only  pleachd  and  fleachdail,  as  noticed  above,  but 
also  cleachd,  a  ringlet,  fillet  of  wool ;  Early  Irish  clechtaim,  I  plait. 


44  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

Cuhainn,  the  form  found  in  Lewis ;  final  slender  d  is 
changed  into  nn.  So  Sabaid,  Sabbath,  in  Lewis  is  Skboinn 
and  Saboinnd. 

Pulpaid,  used  in  Tiree,  and  found  in  Shaw's  Dictionary  ; 
jp  remains  in  both  positions,  I  is  retained,  and  consequently  u 
is  not  lengthened. 

Puhaid,  found  in  Kintyre  and  in  Strathspey  :  p  medially 
is  6,  I  is  gone,  and  u  lengthened.  A  similar  loss  of  I,  but 
without  a  lengthening  of  the  preceding  vowel,  is  found  in 
the  Lowland  Scottish  form  poopit. 

Biibaid,  a  dialectic  form  given  by  Dr.  MacBain  under 
ciibaid ;  p  in  both  positions  has  become  h. 

Pumpaid,  a  form  heard  in  Arran;  it  has  come  from 
pulpaid,  which  was  doubtless  Shaw's  native  Arran  pronuncia- 
tion at  the  time  he  wrote,  not  by  change  of  I  to  m,  but  by 
loss  of  I  through  the  form  piibaid,  with  intrusive  m  as  in 
tombaca,  from  tobacco.  This  same  intrusion  of  a  liquid  is 
seen  in  buntata,  from  potato,  and  in  plang,  from  plack. 

In  the  case  of  both  those  words  it  is  clear  that  there  has 
been  reborrowing.  Purpura  was  first  borrowed  as  corcur  in 
early  times,  and  then  borrowed  again  as  purpur  at  some 
later  period.  Purpaidh  is  based  of  course  on  purpur.  What 
the  relation  of  curpur  is  to  corcur  and  to  purpur  it  is  hard  to 
say  ;  it  may  be  based  on  neither,  and  may  have  been  taken 
independently  from  purpura.  Its  agreement  in  foim  with 
cubaid  in  having  initial  p  changed  into  o,  but  not  medial  p, 
is  in  any  case  noteworthy.  Ciibaidh  and  cubainn  go  with 
cubaid.  Pulpaid  and  the  remaining  forms  have  been  borrowed 
independently  and  quite  possibly  not  from  Latin  pulpitum, 
but  from  English  pulpit. 

The  change  of  p  to  c  in  loans  from  Latin  is  as  old  as  the 
age  of  St.  Patrick,  and  is  attributed  to  British,  that  is,  Welsh 
influence.  The  first  missionaries  to  Ireland,  it  is  maintained, 
went  from  Wales,  and  spoke  the  old  Welsh  or  British  lan- 
guage. In  that  language  p  often  corresponds  to  c  in  Irish, 
as  in  Welsh  penn,  Gaelic  ceann,  head;  W.  plant,  Gael, 
clann,  Old  Irish  eland,  children ;    Old  W.  map,  Gael,  mac, 


VAEIATIONS  OF  GAELIC  LOAN-WORDS        45 

son.  When  Welsh  met  Irish  this  correspondence  of  Irish  c 
to  Welsh  p  was  noticed;  and  as  Latin,  according  to  the 
theory,  was  first  introduced  to  Irish  speakers  by  Welshmen, 
it  was  supposed  that  the  proper  way  to  adapt  Latin  words  to 
Irish  use  when  they  contained  the  letter  jp  was  to  change 
that  consonant  into  c.  Examples  like  curpur  and  ciibaid,  in 
which  the  change  is  only  partly  carried  out,  and  others,  like 
Parbh  and  Carbh,  together  with  the  analogous  pronnastail  and 
grunnastal,  would,  however,  suggest  rather  that  the  change 
was  not  made  deliberately,  but  took  place  naturally,  and  that 
it  was  the  result  of  a  native  tendency  of  the  language  and  not 
of  extraneous  influence  or  analogy.  The  theory  of  Welsh  in- 
fluence claims  support  from  certain  other  peculiarities.  One 
is  the  substitution  of  a  Gaelic  s  for  a  Latin  jT,  as  in  Gaelic 
srian,  from  Latin  frdnum.  Here  again  Gaelic  has  s  in  certain 
cases,  where  Welsh  has  f;  and  on  the  theory  in  question  it 
was  supposed  that  it  ought  to  have  s  also  where  Latin  hadyi 
One  of  the  instances  may  be  noticed.  The  Latin  furnus,  an 
oven,  has  given  Gaelic  sorn,  a  flue,  vent ;  Early  Irish  sornn  ; 
Welsh  ffwrn  ;  Cornish  forn.  By  a  roundabout  way  through 
French  fornaise,  and  English  furnace,  this  same  Latin  word 
has  reached  Gaelic  as  fuirneis,  foirneis,  and  iiirneis,  a  furnace; 
Irish  uirneis,  fuirneis ;  Middle  Irish  forneis.  The  principal 
difference  of  form  in  this  case  is  analogous  to  that  found  in  the 
cases  of  capella  and  cathedra,  which  have  come  into  Gaelic 
direct  from  Latin  respectively  as  caibeal  and  cathair,  and 
roundabout  through  French  and  English  as  seipeal  and 
seidhir,  or  seithir.  The  same  word,  that  is  to  say,  has  been 
borrowed  twice,  first,  straight  from  the  original  Latin,  and 
then,  after  transmission  through  two  intervening  languages. 


46  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

'THE    RUIN    OF    BRITANNIA' 

A   CONTRIBUTION   TOWARDS   A   RESTATEMENT   OF   EARLY 
SAXO-WELSH   HISTORY 

A.   W.   Wade -Evans 

[This  paper  attempts  to  show  that  the  supposed  homogeneous  work 
attributed  to  Gildas  before  547,  really  comprises  two  distinct  books ;  the 
first  called  'Ezcidium  Britanniae,'  which  includes  chapters  1  to  26,  and 
which  was  composed  about  700  ;  the  second,  from  chapter  27  to  the  end, 
being  the  genuine  'Epistola  Gildse'  written  by  Gildas  before  502.] 

Part  I.   Chronological  Argument. 

Any  one  who  desires  to  make  original  research  into  early- 
Welsh  history  is  bound  to  take  as  a  fundamental  document 
the  chronicle  which  is  now  known  as  Annales  Camhrice,  and 
especially  the  oldest  of  the  three  extant  MSS.  thereof,  viz., 
that  printed  in  Y  Cymmrodor,  vol.  ix. 

Now  the  reader  must  understand  that  the  chronicler  did 
not  date  events  in  our  way ;  in  other  words,  he  did  not 
compute  from  our  a.d.  1.  The  Annales  show  that  the 
ecclesiastics  of  ancient  Wales  were  wont  to  take  as  their 
year  1  (which  I  will  hereafter  call  Annus  i)  some  important 
event  in  their  own  history ;  and  the  important  event  from 
which  the  Annales  Camhrice  compute  appears  to  be  St.  Ger- 
manus's  2nd  Advent  to  Britannia,  which  it  fixes  in  the  year 
which  would  be  in  our  reckoning  a.d.  445.  In  other  words, 
Annus  i  is  445,  Annus  ii  is  446,  Annus  lxxii  is  516,  Annus 
cccLXiii  is  807,  and  so  on.  Now  supposing  that  a  compiler 
had  before  him  several  chronicles,  and  supposing  that  in  one 
case  the  Annus  i  was  445  (St.  Germanus's  2nd  Advent), 
and  in  a  second  case  that  Annus  i  was  429  (St.  Germanus's 
1st  Advent),  and  in  a  third  case  Annus  I  was  400  (Stilicho's 
consulship),  and  in  a  fourth  case  Annus  i  was  449  (Bede's 
date  of  Invitation) ;  and  supposing  also  that  he  neglected 
this  important  fact,  the  result  of  course  would  be  disastrous. 
If,  for  example,  his  own  Annus  i  was  445,  and  he  had  an  event 


*THE  RUIN  OF  BRITANNIA'  47 

before  him  placed  opposite  Annus  cxxvi  computing  from  429, 
he  would  insert  it  as  Annus  cxxvi  computing  from  445,  that 
is  to  say,  he  would  insert  as  having  occurred  in  570  what  took 
place  in  554.  This  is  precisely  what  the  compiler  of  the 
Annates  has  done.  He  has  inserted  events  as  having  happened 
in  the  era  of  445  which  really  occurred,  some  in  the  era  of 
400,  some  in  that  of  429,  some  in  that  of  433  (St.  Patrick  as 
Bishop  in  Ireland),  some  in  449,  and  so  on ;  and  all  this  to 
such  an  extent  that  almost  every  single  item  in  the  first  two 
centuries  or  so  of  his  chronicle  is  demonstrably  miscomputed, 
a7id  this  is  a  chief  cause  of  the  chaotic  state  of  early  Welsh 
history. 

Before  proceeding  further,  I  will  give  three  examples  out 
of  the  many  in  order  to  make  this  all-important  point  quite 
clear : — 

(a)  It  is  universally  admitted  that  St.  Patrick  died  in 
461.  I  make  this  statement  on  the  strength  of  Dr.  White's 
words,^  which  are  as  follows  :  *  The  only  date  in  St.  Patrick's 
history  about  which  there  is  ever  likely  to  be  a  general  agree- 
ment amongst  scholars  is  the  year  in  which  he  died.'  After 
a  reference  to  Professor  Bury's  investigations,  he  sums  up  : — 
'This  would  make  a.d.  461  the  year  of  St.  Patrick's  death.' 
Now  the  Annates  CamhricB  place  it  opposite  Annus  xiii,  which 
in  the  era  of  445  gives  a  wrong  date,  viz.,  445  +  12  =  457  ;  but 
which  in  the  era  of  449  gives  the  right  date,  viz.,  449  +  12 
=  461.  Therefore  this  event  was  extracted  from  a  chronicle 
which  computed  from  449. 

(6)  The  date  of  the  death  of  Cadwaladr,  King  of  Gwynedd, 
has  perplexed  chroniclers  and  historians  for  centuries.  We 
know  from  Nennius  that  he  died  in  a  pestilence  during  the 
reign  of  Oswy,  King  of  Northumbria,  that  is  between  642 
and  670,  and  also  that  a  great  pestilence  commenced  in  664. 
It  began,  according  to  Bede,  on  the  southern  coast,  and 
passed  northwards  into  Northumbria  and  westwards  into 
Ireland.  The  Annates,  however,  place  both  the  pestilence 
and  the  king's  death  opposite  Annus  ccxxxviii,  which  in 

1  White's  Latin  Writings  of  St.  Patrick  (1905),  p.  230. 


48  THE  CELTIC  EEYIEW 

the  era  of  445  is  445  +  237  =  a.d.  682.  Notice  what  Bh^^s 
and  Jones  say  in  The  Welsh  People  (127):  'The  Brut  puts 
[the  death  of  Cadwaladr]  as  taking  place  in  68],  but  the 
writer  uses  language  which  shows  that  for  some  reason  he 
confounded  Cadwaladr  with  Cead  walla,  King  of  Wessex,  who 
did  die  in  that  year  [Ceadwalla  died  really  in  689].  If, 
from  the  few  data  we  have  to  rely  on,  the  matter  is  traced 
out,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  year  681  is  too  late, 
and  that  in  all  probability  it  was  in  or  very  near  to  664 
Cadwaladr  died.'  The  learned  authors  are  undoubtedly 
right,  although  no  explanation  is  given  of  the  dates  681 
and  682  of  the  Brut  and  Annates  respectively.  Now  Annus 
ccxxxviii  in  the  true  era  of  the  Invitation  is  428  +  237  = 
A.D.  665.' 

(c)  Opposite  Annus  clxxxvi  the  Annates  place  this 
dark  entry — 'Guidgar  comes  and  returns  not'  which  Annus 
makes  445  +  185  =  630.  It  obviously  refers  to  some  early 
well-known  settlement  whose  best  remembered  leader  was 
•  Guidgar.'  The  only  known  settlement  of  the  kind  of  which 
we  are  reminded  is  that  of  Wihtgar  and  Stuf  in  the  Isle  of 
Wight  in  514.  A  well-known  place  in  the  island  called 
Wihtgaraburh  was  said  to  be  called  after  Wihtgar,  from 
whom  also  Alfred  claimed  descent  through  his  mother. 
Wihtgar  was  no  doubt  regarded  as  the  eponymous  hero  of 
Wight.  But  if  '  Guidgar '  came  in  514,  how  was  it  placed  in 
630 1  Two  mistakes  were  made.  A  scribe  had  before  him 
the  date  'a.d.  dcxiv,'  i.e.  514.  The  first  mistake  was  to 
read  DC  as  600  instead  of  500  (that  being  once  a  common 
way  of  writing  500).  Having  thus  obtained  the  number  614, 
he  proceeded  to  compute  in  the  era  of  St.  Germanus's  1st 
Advent,  viz.  429.  In  other  words,  if  429  is  made  the  Annus 
I,  then  614  will  be  614-428,  which  is  Annus  clxxxvi  as 

1  As  the  Brut  is  undoubtedly  based  in  its  early  events  on  the  Annales,  the 
pestilence  of  664  was  probably  in  an  original  text  placed  opposite  Annus  ccxxxvii, 
i.e.  445  +  236  =  681  and  428  +  236  =  664.  Cadwaladr  probably  died  in  the  year 
following  that  in  which  the  plague  commenced,  for  we  must  allow  some  time  for  it  to 
have  spread  from  the  South  to  North  Wales.  This  would  explain  the  difference 
between  the  two  chronicles. 


'THE  RUIN  OF  BRITANNIA'  49 

above.  Afterwards  a  second  scribe,  neglecting  the  era,  in- 
serted it  without  change  in  his  own  era  of  445,  so  that  the 
event  was  thrown  116  years  out  of  its  true  date!  Now  I 
trust  we  may  proceed. 

1.  The  death  of  Maelgwn  Gwynedd,  whom  Gildas  rebukes 
in  his  Epistola,  is  placed  opposite  Annus  cm,  which  makes 
445  + 102  =  A. D.  547.  But  now  that  we  have  seen  good 
cause  to  doubt  the  accuracy  of  the  early  computations  of 
the  Annales,  let  us  approach  the  matter  from  another  side. 
Please  compare  the  following  genuine  pedigrees  : — 

Cunedda  Wledig.  Cunedda  Wledig. 

Einion.  Ceredig. 

Cadwallon  Llawhir.  Cedig. 

Maelgwn    (alleged    date    of     Sant. 

death,    547  ;     true  date,      St.  David   (born  Annus  xiv 

502).  =in  era  o£  Annales,  456; 

Rhun.  in  Bedan  era  of  Invitation, 

Beli.  449  +  13  =  462). 

lacob  (died  613). 

Cadfan. 

Cadwallon  (died  633). 

Cadwaladr  (died  665). 

The  second  of  the  above  pedigrees  proves  that  the  birth 
of  Cunedda  has  to  be  thrown  back  at  least  to  the  year  390. 
For  if  St.  David  was  born  in  462,  his  father  must  have  been 
at  least  eighteen  years  old  at  the  time,  and  so  with  Cedig 
when  Sant  was  born.  Hence  Cunedda's  birth  at  very  latest 
cannot  be  after  390.  But  Cunedda's  eldest  son  (who  himself 
had  a  son)  died  before  Cunedda  left  the  north,  so  that  his 
birth  has  to  be  assumed  sometime  about  370.  Now  notice 
in  the  first  pedigree  how  crowded  are  the  names  between 
Maelgwn's  supposed  death  in  547  and  lacob's  death  in  613, 
whereas  how  extended  are  the  names  between  Maelgwn  and 
Cunedda.  These  pedigrees,  when  carefully  compared,  prove 
conclusively  that  547  is  far  too  late  for  Maelgwn's  death,  and 
that  therefore  Annus  cm  is  to  be  computed  in  some  much 

VOL.  II.  D 


50  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

earlier  era.  Now  fortunately  the  true  era  is  not  dijBScult 
to  discover.  If  the  first  110  years  of  the  Annates  (MS.  A.) 
are  carefully  read,  it  will  be  noticed  that  eight  ecclesiastical 
events  are  recorded  and  three  military  ones,  which  are  as 
follows : — 

Annus  Lxxii  Victory  of  *  Badon '  won  by  Arthur. 
Annus  xciii  Arthur's  death  at  Camlan. 
Annus  cm  Death  of  Maelgwn  Gwynedd. 

Moreover,  in  the  Calculi  prefixed  to  the  Annates  two 
military  events  are  distinctly  computed  from  the  consulship 
of  StiHcho  in  400.     These  are  the  words  : — 

'Item  a  Stillicione  usque  ad  Ualentinianum  filium  Placide  et 
regnum  Guorthigirni,  uiginti  octo  anni.  Et  a  regno  Guorthigirni 
usque  ad  discordiam  Guitolini  et  Ambrosii  anni  sunt  duodecim.' 

'From  Stillicho  to  Valentinianus  and  Vortigern's  reign  are  28 
years ;  and  from  Vortigern's  reign  to  the  battle  between  Guitolinus 
and  Ambrosius  are  1 2  years.' 

Now,  by  computing  the  victory  at  '  Badon '  in  the  era  of 
Stilicho,  we  get  400  +  71=a.d.  471,  which  date  is  cor- 
roborated by  the  famous  interpolation  in  the  Excidium 
Britannice  which  computes  '  Badon '  as  the  Annus  XLiv  with 
one  month  gone  [from  Vortigern's  Invitation],  i.e.  428  +  43 
=  471.  Again,  as  the  annalistic  year  in  the  fifth  century 
commenced  on  September  1  with  the  indiction,  '  Badon '  was 
won  in  October  470  of  our  reckoning,  which  is  the  fact  under- 
lying Geoffrey  of  Monmouth's  absurd  statement  that  Arthur 
slew  with  his  own  hand  470  men.  Arthur  fell  at  Camlan 
twenty-two  years  after  '  Badon '  i.e.  492,  or  Annus  xciii  in 
the  era  of  Stilicho.  Maelgwn's  death  occurred  ten  years 
after  Camlan,  ^.e.  502,  or  Annus  cm  in  the  era  of  Stilicho. 
This  calculation  from  *  Badon '  to  Maelgwn's  death  is  made 
in  a  document  which  deserves  greater  attention  than  has 
hitherto  been  paid  to  it,  viz.,  the  tract  called  0  oes  Gwrtheyrn 
compiled  in  John's  reign,  and  inserted  in  the  Bed  Book  of 
Hergest.       \ 


'THE  RUIN  OF  BRITANNIA'  51 

Now,  as  Maelgwn  was  alive  when  St.  Gildas  wrote  Lis 
rebuke,  the  Epistola  Gildce  was  written  before  Maelgwn's 
death  in  Annus  cm  a  Stihchione  consule,  i.e.  a.d.  502. 

2.  The  CaZcwZi  prefixed  to  the  Annates  also  contain  the  fol- 
lowing : — '  et  in  quarto  anno  regni  sui  Saxones  ad  Brittanniam 
venerunt,  Felice  et  Tauro  consulibus,  quadringentesimo 
[vicesimo  octavo]  anno  ab  Incarnatione  Domini  nostri,  and 
in  the  4th  year  of  Vortigem's  reign  the  Saxons  came  to 
Britannia,  Felix  and  Taurus  being  consuls,  in  the  year  of  the 
Incarnation  428.' 

How  then  is  it  that  Bede  places  this  event  in  449  ? 

In  532  Dionysius  invented  his  system  of  Christian  Chron- 
ology which  we  use  to  this  day.  After  a  while  this  system 
was  criticised  as  follows  : — If  (it  was  argued)  our  Lord  was 
born  in  a.d.  i,  then  the  day  of  the  Crucifixion  must  be 
Nisan  15  and  March  25,  and  a  Friday,  and  the  moon  fifteen 
days  old,  and  all  in  the  year  a.d.  34.  But  as  a  matter  of 
fact  it  is  not  so,  whereas  these  conditions  are  found  in  a.d. 
12.  Therefore,  argued  the  critics,  a.d.  12  according  to 
Dionysius,  must  be  a.d.  34  according  to  the  truth  of  the 
Gospel.  Consequently  they  introduced  a  new  system  of 
chronology,  which  they  called  that  of  Gospel  Verity,  against 
the  system  of  Dionysius.  Now  we  find  that  in  Northumbria, 
in  the  middle  of  the  seventh  century,  Vortigern's  Invitation 
was  fixed  at  450,  and  this  computation  is  quite  right  if  we 
only  remember  that  it  is  according  to  Gospel  Verity.  In  other 
words,  the  date  450  is  based  on  the  date  428,  because 
428  according  to  Dionysius  =  450  according  to  Gospel 
Verity.  Bede's  first  mistake  therefore  was  due  to  a  con- 
fusion of  the  formulae  secundum  Dionysium  and  secundum 
Evangelicam  Veritatem.  His  second  mistake  (or  at  least 
that  of  one  of  his  originals)  is  equally  interesting.  He 
says  that  the  Invitation  took  place  in  the  first  year  of 
Marcian,  viz.  in  449  ;  but  the  first  year  of  Marcian  is  450. 
Why  then  did  he  say  449  ?  There  was  a  method  of  dating 
an  event  as  having  happened  when  so  many  years  were  com- 
pletedf    which    method    Bede    neglected.       The    Invitation 


52  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

indeed  was  made  when  449  years  of  our  Lord  according  to 
Gospel  Verity,  were  completed,  which  means  450.  If  the 
Welsh  University  came  into  existence  when  1893  years  of 
our  Lord  were  completed,  it  signifies  the  year  1894. 

Now  if  Dionysius  invented  his  system  in  532  a  criticism  of 
it  was  not  possible  till  after  that  date.  But  the  system  of 
Dionysius  was  not  introduced  into  Britain  until  St.  Augustine 
brought  it  in  597,  and  therefore  a  criticism  of  it  would  be 
meaningless  in  Britain  till  after  that  date.  In  other  words, 
the  computation,  according  to  Gospel  Verity,  was  not  possible 
in  Britain  till  after  597.  But  the  Excidium  Britannice  (said 
to  have  been  written  by  St.  Gildas  who  died  in  554)  com- 
putes the  date  of  the  Invitation,  according  to  Gospel  Verity, 
and  therefore  it  could  not  have  been  written  by  Gildas  nor 
before  597.  For  the  Excidium  places  the  Invitation  after  the 
third  consulship  of  Ae tins  in  446  [and  in  450]. 


Part  II.  Nationality  of  Author. 

3.  We  have  seen  that  St.  Gildas  wrote  the  Epistola  before 
502,  the  year  of  Maelgwn's  death.  The  Epistola  was  ad- 
dressed to  the  civil  and  ecclesiastical  rulers  of  Britannia,  so 
that  we  have  here  an  opportunity  of  ascertaining  what  was 
meant  by  Britannia  in  Britain  in  500.  Gildas  rebukes  the 
five  leading  princes  by  name  in  the  following  order  : — 

Const  an  tine  of  Damnonia  or  '  Devon.' 

Aurelius  Caninus. 

Vortiporius  of  Demetia  (Pembrokeshire  4- West  Carmar- 
thenshire). 

Cuneglas  or  Cynlas. 

Maglocunus  or  Maelgwn  Gwjnaedd  (N.W.  Wales) 
'  superior  to  almost  all  the  kings  of  Britannia.' 

As  our  author  begins  with  Damnonia  and  ends  with 
Gwynedd,  and  refers  to  Demetia  midway,  we  are  justified  in 
locating  Aurelius  Caninus  between  '  Devon  '  and  Carmarthen, 


'THE  RUIN  OF  BRITANNIA'  53 

and  Cynlas  in  Mid  or  North  Wales.     The  latter  is  almost 
certainly  Maelgwn's  cousin,  as  shown  in  this  pedigree  : — 

Cunedda 

.1. 

Einion 


Cadwallon  Owen  Dantgwyn 

Maelgwn  Gwynedd  Cynlas 

and  Hhfs  is  possibly  right  in  locating  the  arx  or  stronghold 
of  Cynlas  at  Dineirth  (receptaculum  ursi)  near  Llandudno. 
With  regard  to  Aurelius  Caninus  (between  Carmarthen  and 
' Devon' ),  compare  the  '  Roman'  touch  of  Aurelius  with  the 
Ambrosius  Aurelianus  of  428,  who  is  known  from  Nennius 
(c  41)  to  have  been  a  native  of  Campus  Elleti  or  Electi  in  the 
region  called  Glywyssing,  between  the  river  Usk  and  the  river 
Llwchwr  in  S.E.  Wales,  and  who  is  described  as  the  last  of  the 
Romani  in  Britannia  by  the  Eoccidium.  The  two  were  pro- 
bably members  of  the  same  family,  ruling  somewhere  due  E. 
of  Carmarthen  and  '  Devon.'  In  later  times  the  eastern 
boundary  of  Demetia  was  roughly  between  Carmarthen  town 
and  Llandyssul.  Add  to  this  the  fact  that  the  Tombstone  of 
this  very  Vortipore,  whom  Gildas  addresses,  was  found  a  few 
years  ago  well  within  this  boundary,  near  Haverfordwest,  and 
we  are  led  to  conclude  that  even  in  500  Demetia  could  not 
have  been  much  more  than  it  was  in  later  times.  Moreover, 
the  patria  known  later  as  Ystrad  Tywi,  between  Demetia  and 
the  river  Neath,  had  been  penetrated  by  the  family  of 
Cunedda,  who  expelled  the  Scotti  from  Kidwelly  and  Gower. 
East  of  this,  barbarian  reguli  of  the  families  of  Vortigern, 
Brychan,  and  Glywys  held  from  N.  to  S.  as  far  as  the  lower 
Usk.  We  must  therefore  locate  Aurelius  Caninus  between 
the  river  Usk  and  Poole  Harbour.  The  determination  of  these 
boundaries  must  be  settled  in  the  future.  The  one  point  to 
lay  stress  on  now  is  this,  that  the  three  rivers  called  Avon 
(Tewkesbury,  Bristol,  and  Dorset)  almost  certainly  represent 


54  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

Britannic  boundaries  of  the  fifth  and  sixth  centuries,  Avon 
being  the  Britannic  word  for  '  river.'     In  other  words,  the 
Dorsetshire  Avon  was  probably  the  S.E.  boundary  of  Britannia 
till  some  point  on  the  Tewkesbury  Avon  in  the  north.    Beyond 
this  northwards,  of  course,  were  the  Angles  and  Frisians.   These 
together  with  the  '  Brittones '  constituted  the  three  nations 
who  (as  Procopius  writing  in  553-4  informs  us)  held  the  Boman 
province  of  Britannia  in  such  great  numbers  that  they  over- 
flowed yearly  into  Gaul.^     If  we  assume  the  Bristol  Avon  to 
have  been  the  eastern  boundary  of  Damnonia,  then  Aurelius 
Caninus  must  be  given  the  patria  of  the  three  Avons,  which  was 
Romania  par  excellence.     Without  therefore  determining  at 
present  the  eastern  boundary  of  Britannia,  we  are  at  once  able 
to  realise  what  was  meant  by  that  name  in  the  year  500.    But 
the  Excidium  tells  us  that  for  a  hundred  and  fifty  years  from 
the  Invitation  of  Vortigern  the  Saxons  only  made  plundering 
raids  into  Britannia,  that  is  from  428  to  577,  in  which  last 
year  occurred  the  crushing  defeat   at  Deorham,  when  the 
Saxons   acquired  the  three  caers  of  Gloucester,  Bath,  and 
Cirencester,  and  thereby  split  Britannia  into  two  fragments. 
Therefore  the  Britannia  of  St.  Gildas   in  500  was  identical 
with  that  of  Vortigern  in  428.     Be  it  remembered  that  428 
was  as  critical  a  date  with  the  Roman  Britanni  as  1066  in 
English  history,  or  1536  in  later  Welsh  history,  because  428 
is  the  year  in  which  a  king  in  Britannia  joined  the  Saxon 
kindreds  against  the  Roman  Britanni.    This  king  was  the 
regulus  of  a  little  patria  beyond  Builth  in  Radnorshire,  called 
after  his  name,  viz.  Gwrtheyrnion  or  *  Vortigernia.'     He  was 
not  a  Romanus,  and  probably  not  a  Brython.     The  tradition 
is  as  follows  : — '  Guorthigirnus  regnavit  in  Brittannia  et  dum 
ipse  regnabat,  urgebatur  a  metu  Pictorum  Scottorumque  et  a 
Romanico  impetu  necnon  et  a  timore  Ambrosii — Vortigern 
reigned  in  Britannia,  and  while  he  reigned  he  was  in  dread 

1  One  must  distinguish  betw^eea  Britannia  as  known  to  geographers  and  as  known 
to  officials  of  the  Empire  and  as  known  to  natives  of  the  fifth  century.  In  like  manner 
Picti  would  have  meant  to  Roman  officials  the  people  beyond  the  Wall,  whether 
they  were  Picti  properly  so  called  or  otherwise  ;  and  so  with  the  terms  Scotti  and 
Britanni.     This  is  undoubtedly  one  great  source  of  later  confusion. 


'THE  RUIN  OF  BRITANNIA'  55 

of  Picts,  Scots,  and  Roman  aggression,  and  especially  was  he 
in  fear  of  Ambrosius.'  In  other  words,  Picts  from  Scotland, 
that  is  the  Cymry  under  Cunedda,  and  Scots  from  Ireland 
were  pressing  on  his  little  patria  beyond  Builth.^  Romani 
also  were  threatening  him,  and  especially  Ambrosius  of  S.E. 
Wales.  All  this  occurred  from  425,  when  he  began  to  reign. 
Driven  by  necessity,  he  invited  to  his  assistance  the  Saxon 
kindreds  who  dwelt  beyond  the  Avons  on  either  side  of  the 
lower  Thames.  Romania  naturally  resented  this  barbaric 
alhance  and  the  independence  of  Vortigern,  and  execrated 
his  memory  accordingly.  These  traditions  passing  into  the 
Church,  whose  stronghold  lay  in  Romania,  were  accepted  by 
later  times  without  criticism. 

Now  if  Britannia  signified  Wales  +  Cornish  Peninsula  as 
early  as  425  and  as  late  as  577,  whatever  genuine  traditions 
underlie  the  Britannia  of  the  Excidium  Britannice,  from  the 
moment  it  depends  on  native  accounts,  must  refer  to  it ;  and 
this  is  precisely  the  case  when  the  early  chapters  based  on 
continental  writings  are  finished,  and  the  invasions  of  Picts, 
Scots,  and  Saxons,  based  on  native  traditions,  are  commenced, 
as  I  have  shown  in  my  previous  paper. 

4.  Inasmuch  as  the  author  of  the  Excidium  is  a  Roman 
Britannus,  whose  patriotism  is  kindled  by  the  memory  of 
Ambrosius ;  and  inasmuch  as  he  refers  familiarly  to  the  topo- 
graphy of  S.E.  Wales  (not  to  mention  his  reference  to  the 
Britanni  of  Armorica  in  a  manner  impossible  to  a  Cymro  or  a 
Scottus,  or  a  follower  of  Vortigern),  it  is  clear  he  is  a  native 
either  of  S.E.  Wales  or  of  the  Britannic  territory  between 
the  Severn  Sea  and  Poole  Harbour.  In  other  words,  he  is  not 
St.  Gildas  ap  Caw  o  Priten,  who  was  neither  a  Roman 
Britannus  nor  a  native  of  Romania  at  all.  St.  Gildas  was 
the  son  of  Caw  o  Priten,  i.e.  Caw  of  Pictland  or  Southern 
Scotland,  a  regulus  *  beyond  the  mountain  Bannawc '  in 
Arecluta,  which  means  '  on  or  opposite  Clyde.'  This  Caw  is 
also  called  Caw  of  Twrcelyn,  which  is  a  small  commote  or 
patria  in  Anglesey.    People  have  often  wondered  why  he  was 

*  Vortigern  was  probably  the  head  of  a  confederacy  of  reguli. 


56  THE  CELTIC  EEVIEW 

called  by  this  name.  The  reason,  however,  will  be  found  in 
the  Vita  S.  Cadoci,  where  the  twelfth  century  compiler  has 
edited  an  important  historical  tradition  almost  out  of  recogni- 
tion. In  §  22  of  the  Vita  he  recounts  a  journey  of  St.  Cadoc 
into  Albania  or  Scotland  where,  in  digging  near  a  monastery 
or  llan  which  he  had  founded,  he  discovered  the  collarbone 
of  '  an  old  hero  of  immense  size.'  This  hero  or  giant  is  made 
to  return  from  hell,  and,  when  questioned  by  St.  Cadoc, 
replies,  '  I  reigned  formerly  for  many  years  beyond  the 
mountain  Bannawc.  It  chanced  that  by  the  devil's  instiga- 
tion /  and  all  my  raiders  came  to  these  coasts  for  plunder  and 
devastation.  The  king  who  reigned  over  the  country  pursued 
with  his  troops.  A  battle  was  fought  and  I  and  my  army 
slain.'  When  asked  who  he  was,  he  replied,  '  Caw  of  Prydyn 
or  Cawr  [i.e.  giant].'  Caw  is  then  converted,  and  the  '  reguli 
Albanorum,'  or  kings  of  the  Scots,  give  him  twenty-four  villse 
or  trevs.  This  extraordinary  story  is  based  on  an  account  of 
St.  Cadoc' s  journey  amongst  the  Scotti — not  of  Albania  or 
Scotland,  but  of  Anglesey.  Near  Amlwch,  in  the  old  com- 
mote of  Twrcelyn,  is  the  extinct  monastery  of  Cadog  called 
Llangadog,  the  only  one  ascribed  to  him  in  the  island.  The 
twenty-four  villae  are  so  many  trevs  in  the  commote  of 
Twrcelyn,  which  the  invader.  Caw  o  Priten  from  Arecluta, 
was  granted  by  his  allies,  the  Scotti  of  Anglesey.  In  other 
words.  Caw,  father  of  St.  Gildas,  was  one  of  those  very  Picti 
who  came  over  the  sea  from  the  north  in  the  fifth  century, 
against  whom  the  author  of  the  Excidium  rails  so  bitterly.  If 
St.  Gildas  ab  Caw  had  written  the  following  from  chapter  19 
of  the  Excidium  : — [The  Picts  and  Scots  are]  alike  in  one  and 
the  same  thirst  for  bloodshed,  in  a  preference  also  for  cover- 
ing their  villainous  faces  with  hair  rather  than  their  naked- 
ness of  body  with  decent  clothing — if,  I  say,  St.  Gildas  the 
son  of  the  Pictish  raider  who  settled  in  Twrcelyn  in  Anglesey, 
had  written  this,  he  would  have  been  attacking  his  own  kin, 
his  own  father's  ^m^7^a  who  were  wont  to  cover  their  faces 
with  hair  rather  than  their  nakedness  of  body  with  clothing. 
Surely  there  is  no  lack  of  patriotism  in  the  Excidium,  but 


'THE  RUIN  OF  BRITANNIA'  57 

it  is  the  patriotism  of  another  patria,  nay,  of  a  patria  which  re- 
garded that  of  Gildas  as  its  bitterest  foe.  Note,  moreover,  the 
entire  absence  of  all  this  in  the  genuine  Epistola  of  St.  Gildas, 
how  in  fact  he  makes  us  feel  that  Maelgwn  Gwynedd,  not- 
withstanding all  his  sins,  was  indeed  the  Island  Dragon  whom 
God  had  made  chief  over  almost  all  the  princes  of  Britannia 
even  as  He  had  made  him  taller  in  the  stature  of  his  person. 
No  one  can  mistake  the  genuine  affection  of  this  monk  for  the 
head  of  the  great  Cymric  house  of  Cunedda.  He  harks  back 
with  patriotic  pride  to  the  days  of  Maelgwn's  young  manhood, 
surrounded  by  gallant  soldiers  whose  faces  were  like  those  of 
young  lions.  He  is  shocked  that  a  king  like  this,  so  un- 
doubtedly brave  and  splendid  in  his  towering  height,  should 
have  committed  such  crimes  against  Christ.  There  is  too 
great  a  gulf  between  Gildas  the  Cymro  to  whom  Latin  was 
the  lingua  Romana  and  the  Britannus  of  Romania  to  whom 
the  Cymry  were  barbarians  and  Latin  lingua  nostra,  for  us  to 
confound  them. 

5.  Moreover,  if  the  author  of  the  Excidium  had  been 
Gildas  ab  Caw  writing  before  502,  he  could  not  possibly  have 
made  such  a  mistake  as  that  in  which  he  tells  us  that 
the  Walls  of  Antonine  and  Hadrian  were  built  after  388, 
and  also  the  nine  forts  of  the  Saxon  shore.  For  let  it  be 
remembered  that  the  Roman  occupation  of  Southern  Britain 
was  mainly  military  and  that  the  bulk  of  the  Roman  Army 
was  stationed  for  centuries  on  the  Welsh  border  and  in  the 
north  about  this  very  wall  of  stone  which  would  be  known 
to  every  child  from  Cape  Wrath  to  Land's  End.  Gildas,  a 
native  of  Southern  Scotland,  writing  before  502  of  events  of 
most  significant  import  which  were  perfectly  familiar  to  his 
father  and  grandfather  who  were  actually  on  the  spot,  could 
not  possibly  have  stated  that  Hadrian's  Wall  was  built  after 
the  final  withdrawal  of  the  Roman  legions  by  means  of  public 
and  private  subscriptions  and  between  cities  which  perhaps 
had  been  located  there  through  fear  of  enemies.  This  last 
sentence  in  itself  betrays  the  late  date  of  the  work, 

6.  Nor  could  St.  Gildas  before  502  have  made  the  sugges- 


58  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

tion  which  the  Excidium  does  in  chapters  11  and  12,  where 
it  is  assumed  that  the  merthyr  place  names  of  South  Wales 
are  so  called  after  supposed  Diocletian  martyrs.  It  is  true 
that  there  are  strong  reasons  for  believing  that  St.  Alban 
was  an  actual  martyr  in  our  sense  of  the  word,  of  Britannic 
Romania.  But  inasmuch  as  these  merthyrs  (martyria),  such 
as  Merthyr  Tydvil,  etc.,  are  all  connected  with  localities 
where  Irish  influences  are  known  to  have  prevailed  and 
especially  with  the  Irish  family  of  Brychan  of  Brycheiniog 
or  Brecon  [shire],  and  inasmuch  as  the  Irish  are  known  to 
have  used  the  word  martyres  in  the  sense  of  rehcs  over 
which  they  were  wont  to  build  shrines  which  they  called 
*  Houses  of  Relics,'  it  is  practically  certain  that  the  merthyrs 
of  South  Wales  are  not  built  in  honour  of  martyrs  but  are 
little  shrines  erected  over  the  relics  of  saints.  Now,  as 
Brychan  was  the  great-grandfather  of  St.  David  who  was 
born  in  Annus  xiv  which  in  the  Bedan  era  of  the  Invitation 
is  462,  we  are  justified  in  dating  the  merthyr  place  names  of 
South  Wales,  called  mostly  after  Brychan's  children  and 
grandchildren,  in  the  fifth  century.  As  Irish  influences  de- 
cayed in  Wales,  this  use  of  the  word  martyrium  or  merthyr 
decayed  also.  By  the  close  of  the  seventh  century  the  origin 
of  these  names  was  forgotten,  especially  amongst  the  Britanni 
living  between  the  river  Usk  and  Poole  Harbour,  so  that 
the  suggestion  of  the  Excidium  was  quite  natural  in  its  own 
period  and  place,  the  word  martyrium  being  taken  in  its 
Latin  sense  of  a  church  ascribed  to  a  martyr. 

(To  he  continued.) 


SLlN  LE  DitjRA  CHREAGACH  CHIAR         59 
SLAN  LE  DltlRA  CHREAGACH  CHIAR 

DOMHNULL   MacEaCHARN 

Glbus  C.  Fonn — '  The  Scottish  Emigrant's  Farewell.' 

.d  I  d:-.n|s:-.d'  |  dVt:yid':-.8     |  s  :Ls|d':-.s  |  Ls:d\n  |n  .r:-.| 

4=!5 


w=n 


1*5: 


^^ 


it==itii« 


1^ 


^=^- 


O,      sli'in    le    Diiir-a     chreag-ach,  chiar ;  B'e    m'aighear's  m'iarrtas  riamh  bhi'd  thaice, 


.8    I  d:-.n|s:-.d'  I  dU:iJ  Id't-.-^f  I  PKf:sJ|s:-.d  I  nj:U,  |r.d:-. 


.^j]jJ.Jt:;5fe:jiJ3.to 


:*it 


A'      seafg  na  h-6ild-e       air     an  t-sliabh ;  'S  au     Ian  -  daiiuh  chiar  an      riasg  na     glaice  ; 


.*s  |n':-.r'|f'.ni':r'.d' I  l:d'|s:-.n  I  f  .s:l  .t  |d':-.s  I  l.s:d'.n|n  .r  :-. 


l3     ged  nach  tfeid   mi'n    diugh'nandfeigh, 'Snachlean  mi  ceum  na       h-ftild' 'sna  creachainn, 


.8     d:-.n|  s:-.d'  |    1  :d'  |  f':-.n'  |  r^d,  :tJ,J  s  ;4^r'  |  n':-.r'  I  r'    .d' 


-y^ — ^J^-^^r--f^-^-i-~fr~-f^-r-r^ 

V    ^    JJ  ^' "^ ^— i^-L      ^    ^^—^-^ 

'S  trie  thog  mi  fonn  air     lorgan  fheidh,  Le  m  'gliunn  -  a      gleist'  fo        sg^ith  mo  bhreacain. 


0,  sUn  le  Diura  chreagach,  chiar, 

B'e    m'aighear's    m'iarrtas   riamh    bhi'd 

thaice, 
A'  sealg  na  h-eUde  air  an  t-sliabb, 
'S  an  lan-dainih  chiar  an  riasg  na  glaice  ; 
Is  ged  nach  teid  mi'n  diugh  'n  an  deigh, 
'S  nach  lean  mi  ceum  na   h-eild'  's  na 

creachainn, 
'S  trie  thog  mi  fonn  air  lorg  an  fheidh, 
Le  m'ghunna  gleist'  fo  sgeithmo  bhreacain. 

O,  slan  le  d'bheanntan  corracb,  ard', 
Gach  cnoc  is  earn  is  airidh  fhasgach  ; 
Is  ann  fo'n  sgath  bu  mhiann  learn  tamh, 
Gu'n  teid  gu  brath  fo'n  chiar  mo  thasgadh ; 


0,  soraidh  leis  gach  srath  is  raon, 
Gach  coire  fraoich,  is  caochan  blasda  ; 
B'e  fion  an  fhuarain  cuach  mo  ghaoil, 
An    iocshlaint    shaor, — gach    braon   dhi 
'nasgaidh. 

Do  choilltean  dliith,  's  an  iir-mhios  MhMgh 
Bu  chubhraidh  'm  fas  fo  sgkil  a  bharraich, 
'S  a'ghrian  a'siighadh  this  nam  blath 
A  mhosgad  nadur  trath  an  Earraich  ; 
0,  's  truagh  nach  d'fhuair  mi  fios  'na 

thrath, 
Nach  robh  e'n  dan  domh  ait  ed'  fhaicinn, 
A  choisinn  cliii  is  muirn  a'bhaird. 
Mar  rinn  an  fait 's  an  d'fh^a:  mi'mbreacan. 


60  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

THE  STUDY  OF  HIGHLAND  PERSONAL  NAMES 
Alexander  Macbain,  LL.D. 

In  the  first  number  of  the  Celtic  Review  Mr.  Watson 
dealt  in  a  thoroughly  scientific  spirit  with  the  '  Study 
of  Highland  Place  Names,'  and  I  have  felt  ever  since 
that  in  the  interests  of  ethnologic  study  the  parallel 
subject  of  *  Personal  Names'  should  be  considered.  The 
more  immediate  reason  for  my  undertaking  this  task 
comes  from  some  remarks  in  Sheriff  Ferguson's  excellent 
articles  in  the  last  two  numbers  of  the  Review  upon  the 
*  Celtic  Element  in  Lowland  Scotland.'  He  has  expressed 
the  wish  that  for  ethnological  purposes  as  much  were  done 
for  the  personal  names  as  for  the  place  names  of  modern 
Scotland.  A  good  deal  has  been  done  since  Professor  Mac- 
kinnon  set  the  example  in  his  Scotsman  articles  on  the  '  Place 
Names  and  Personal  Names  of  Argyle'  in  1887-8.  Nor  has 
the  subject  of  '  Personal  Names '  been  eschewed  by  Highland 
writers,  especially  the  clan  historians ;  but  the  subject  is 
narrower  in  its  limits  and  less  objective  than  place  names, 
which,  representing  in  large  measure  in  words  the  physical 
features  of  the  country,  invite  the  fancy  of  the  amateur 
philologist.  To  him  Donald  appears  to  be  undoubtedly 
Donn-shuil  or  '  Brown-eyed,'  and  Maclaverty  is  still  from 
Fear-labhartach  or  '  spokesman,'  or,  better  yet,  as  in  the 
latest  clan  history,  from  Fear  Labhairt-an-righ,  '  King's 
Speaker ' ;  while  heads  are  sapiently  shaken  over  the  too 
manifest  explanation  of  Macrae  as  Mac-ratha,  '  Son  of  Grace.' 
And  yet  the  etymologies  recognised  by  Celtic  scholars  for 
these  names  have  been  published  in  systematic  and  accessible 
form  within  the  last  ten  years.  We  do  not  read  one  another's 
works  or  articles,  so  that  it  may  be  quoted  as  true  of  us 
what  the  poet  says  : 

'  Running  with  lampless  hands, 
No  man  takes  light  of  his  brother  till  blind  at  the  goal  he  stands.* 

The  importance  of  the  interpretation  and  history  of  personal 


STUDY  OF  HIGHLAND  PERSONAL  NAMES    61 

names  in  the  cases  of  ethnology  and  genealogy  has  been 
always  recognised,  but  the  Lowland  writers  who  dealt  with 
Highland  subjects  always  fought  shy  of  the  subject ;  and 
indeed  until  a  generation  ago  little  good  could  be  expected 
or  received  from  the  interpretations  offered.  Philology  as 
a  science  is  quite  recent,  and  its  application  to  personal 
names  is  still  more  recent.  But  now  it  is  helping  to  solve 
some  troublesome  historic  problems.  As  an  instance,  the 
vexed  question  of  Pictish  origins  has  got — or  is  getting — its 
quietus  from  a  study  of  the  place  and  personal  names  of 
Pictavia.  After  consideration  of  these  elements  of  the  Pictish 
problem,  with  one  or  two  further  facts,  Dr.  Whitley  Stokes 
sums  up  the  results  in  these  sufficiently  restrained  terms  : — 
'  The  foregoing  list  of  names  and  words  contains  much  that 
is  still  obscure ;  but  on  the  whole  it  shows  that  Pictish,  as 
far  as  regards  its  vocabulary,  is  an  Indo-European  and 
especially  Celtic  speech.  Its  phonetics,  so  far  as  we  can 
ascertain  them,  resemble  those  of  Welsh  rather  than  of 
Irish.'  So  Pictish,  according  to  Dr.  Stokes  and  other  leading 
Celtists,  was  not  Gaelic ;  it  was  a  Brittonic  language. 
Modern  Celtic  scholarship  merely  restores  our  confidence  in 
the  old  chronicles  of  Scotland  after  the  douche  of  scepticism 
thrown  on  them  by  Pinkerton  and  Skene. 

On  smaller  points,  too,  light  is  reflected.  The  names 
Macbeth  and  MacHeth  puzzled  Skene  and  his  contempor- 
aries ;  Dr.  Skene  regarded  Beth  as  a  personal  name  and 
refused  to  follow  Robertson  in  elucidating  the  history  of  the 
MacHeths  by  acknowledging  that  Beth  Comes  was  a  tran- 
scriber's blunder.  Yet  such  is  the  case.  The  '  shape-shift- 
ing '  name  of  Eth,  Ed,  Head,  Heth,  Mac-Heth,  Mac-Eghe 
comes  after  all — as  it  dawned  on  Mr.  Lang — from  Aed  or 
Aodh,  '  fire,'  and  is  still  found  in  the  names  of  Mackay, 
Mackie,  and  Magee — in  Sutherland,  Galloway,  and  Ireland. 
And  Macbeth  proves  to  be  no  Pictish  name  either,  as  one 
eminent  Celtic  scholar  thought  and  seems  still  to  think. 
He  regarded  Macbeth  as  the  enigmatic  Karl  Hundason  of  the 
Orkney  saga,  and  jumped  to  the  conclusion  that  Hundason 


62  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

or  Dog-son  was  a  translation  of  Mac-beth ;  therefore  heth 
meant  '  dog,'  and  it  was  Pictish,  for  no  Aryan  language  has 
such  a  name  for  '  dog.'  Although  he  knows  of  Maol-beathadh 
(servant-of-life),  and  he  might  know  of  Cu-beathadh  (dog-of- 
life) — he  is  still  unrepentant,  though  the  early  annals  swarm 
with  names  such  as  these — abstract  and  material  nouns  going 
along  with  cu,  mac,  maol,  and  others.  A  study,  therefore, 
of  the  formation,  meaning,  and  history  of  Gaelic  personal 
names  is  necessary  for  the  ethnologist  and  historian  of  early 
Scotland. 

Present-day  personal  names  of  the  Highlands  show 
specimens  from  all  the  strata — so  to  speak — of  Gadelic 
history  since  Gadelic  and  its  mother  Celtic  became  indepen- 
dent languages.  Donald  or  Domhnall,  when  restored  to 
the  pristine  fulness  of  its  form  as  Dumno-valos,  is  full  brother 
to  the  princely  name  of  Dumno-rix,  the  name  of  Caesar's 
patriotic  foe,  and  both  have  much  the  same  proud  meaning 
— 'world-ruler,'  'world-king.'  They  represent,  too,  the 
Indo-European  character  of  old  Celtic  names,  which  were 
formed  from  two  stems  welded  together,  as  we  see.  The 
name  Fergus — Ver-gustus  or  *  super-choice ' — is  common  to 
Old  Breton,  Welsh,  Pictish,  and  Gadelic,  and  indeed  may 
thus  be  claimed  as  belonging  to  the  period  when  all  these 
languages  were  as  yet  one  and  undivided.  A  later  stage  is 
shown  by  a  name  like  Cu-chulinn — *  Dog  of  Culann ' ;  the 
Gaels  here  seem  to  have  adopted  in  Ireland  the  style  of 
name-giving  which  belonged  to  the  pre-Celtic  inhabitants. 
The  formula  is  no  longer  two  welded  stems,  but  the  first 
element  denotes  servant,  devotee,  or  son  of  some  god  or  beast 
or  object  or  idea,  while  the  second  element  denoting  this  is, 
of  course,  in  the  genitive  case.  Hence  come  Macbeth  and 
Macrae — *  Son  of  Life,  son  of  Grace ' ;  and  Mac-na-cearda, 
*  craftsman '  (Sinclair  from  Tinkler) ;  and  hence,  too,  the 
numerous  names  with  maol  and  gille  prefixed  to  saints' 
names  and  otherwise,  in  the  old  annals,  and  still  partially 
preserved :  Maol-colum  or  Malcolm  and  Gillie-calum,  for 
instance.      Biblical  names  do  not  appear,  curiously  enough. 


STUDY  OF  HIGHLAND  PEESONAL  NAMES     63 

earlier  than  the  other  foreign  names  which  began  to  be 
adopted  after  the  Norse  invasions — in  the  tenth  and  eleventh 
centuries.  Scotland  was  more  exposed  to  foreign  influences 
than  Ireland,  and  the  names  in  the  Book  of  Deer  {ci7'c.  1100) 
contain  nearly  twenty  per  cent,  of  non- Celtic  elements,  while 
the  corresponding  entries  of  practically  the  same  date  in  the 
Book  of  Kells  in  Ireland  show  only  some  twelve  per  cent. 
The  Norman  period  coincident  with  the  reigns  of  the  im- 
mediate descendants  of  Ceannmor  brought  in  a  new  system 
in  state  and  church  government,  and  also  a  new  nomen- 
clature ;  surnames  began,  and  the  old  Gadelic  Christian 
names  gave  way  to  such  royal  names  as  Alexander  and 
William,  or  to  such  a  favourite  baptismal  name  as  John — from 
John  the  Baptist.  At  the  present  time  nearly  forty  per 
cent,  of  our  Highland  population  bear  one  or  other  of  these 
three  names,  but  Donald  holds  the  second  place  to  John  in 
the  list  of  all  Christian  names.  Of  the  individual  '  Christian ' 
names  in  actual  use  only  thirty  per  cent,  are  Gaelic  names 
like  Angus,  Donald,  or  Duncan,  and  only  thirty-seven  per 
cent,  of  the  population  bear  such  Gaelic  Christian  names  at 
all.  The  oldest  Highland  surnames  Macdougall  and  Mac- 
donald,  which  go  back  to  the  thirteenth  century — to  DugaU 
son  of  Somerled  and  to  Donald  Mor  son  of  Beginald,  son  of 
Somerled.  Donald's ^or?a^  is  about  1250  and  Dougall's  about 
1200.  The  rival  Campbells,  however,  press  hard  on  these 
dates,  for  the  first  recorded  is  Gillespie  Cambell  (1266), 
whom  the  genealogies  represent  as  son  of  Dugall  Cambel  or 
'  wrye-mouth,'  fifth  in  descent  from  Duibhne,  from  whom  the 
family  has  the  name  O'Duibhne.  Surnames  were  rare  in  the 
Highlands  till  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries  when 
the  younger  and  minor  clans  escaped  the  tutelage  of  the 
Island  lords  and  the  'lieutenancies'  of  Huntly  and  Argyll. 
Individuals  were  designated  by  a  string  of  ancestors,  ending 
usually  with  name  of  the  croft  or  farm  occupied,  such  as  : — 
John  MacHamish  vie  Aonas  vie  Allister  Reoch  in  Ballachroan 
(1679).  After  the  '45  matters  rapidly  changed;  movements 
and  expeditions  to  the  Lowlands  necessitated  surnames ;  and 


64  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

these  were  adopted  either  from  the  clan  to  which  the  in- 
dividual really  belonged  or  to  which  he  attached  himself,  or 
from  the  name  of  the  district  or  place  of  his  origin.  It  has 
been  a  common  thing  for  the  smaller  septs  to  sink  their  real 
surname  in  the  bigger  tribal  or  clan  name.  Thus  Rob  Donn 
was  really  a  Calder  from  the  Oikel  district,  his  family  having 
in  the  eighteenth  century  registers  the  aliases  of  Mackay  or 
Calder  or  Eckel ;  but  the  poet  is  now  claimed  as  a  '  real ' 
Mackay.  As  in  other  parts  of  the  kingdom,  Highland  sur- 
names may  be  derived  from  other  than  patronymics.  Epithets 
or  Nicknames,  such  as  Dow  and  Bane,  form  a  large  class  ;  so 
do  place  names,  such  as  Murray  and  Geddes,  and  names  from 
rank,  profession,  or  trade,  have  their  clans  and  septs — Mac- 
kintosh (thane's  son),  Macpherson  (the  parson),  and  Macin- 
tyre  (carpenter).  As  to  the  *  Celticity '  of  Highland  surnames, 
the  mac  names  account  for  close  on  half  the  population ;  but 
such  a  name  as  McAlister  is  only  half  Gaelic  by  etymology 
and  forty  per  cent,  of  our  mac  patronymics  are  of  this  hybrid 
kind.  On  the  other  hand  many  English  surnames,  such  as 
Brown,  Morrison,  Livingston,  and  Lindsay  (Brehon's  son, 
Mac-gillemhoire,  Macleay  and  Maclintock),  represent  Gaelic 
originals,  though  in  a  census  enumeration  they  must  be 
reckoned  English.  The  Celticity  of  the  individual  surnames 
in  use  amounts  to  sixty  per  cent,  of  the  whole,  while,  as 
already  stated,  the  Celticity  of  the  Christian  names  is  less 
than  half  that  amount.  The  Celticity  of  the  population  as 
denoted  by  their  surnames  can  only  be  guessed  at  roughly  ; 
it  is  about  eighty  per  cent. 

The  Gaels  by  language  are  an  Aryan  or  Indo-European 
people,  and  the  parent  people  had  a  unique  system  of  name- 
giving  which  the  descendant  nations  have  always  preserved 
and  presented.  The  Aryan  name  in  full  was  a  compound  of 
two  stems  :  Sanskrit  D^va-dattas,  '  God-given ' ;  Greek  Dio- 
genes, '  God's-bairn ' ;  Slavonic  Vladimir,  '  famed-in-rule  ' 
(Gaehc,  jiaih-mor  by  roots) ;  and  Teutonic  Os-wald,  '  ruler 
from  the  Anses  or  Gods.'  Then  in  Celtic  we  have — Gaulish 
Devo-gnata,  '  God's-bairn,'  Argio-talus,  '  silver-brow,'  which 


STUDY  OF  HIGHLAND  PERSONAL  NAMES     65 

Pictish  reverses  in  Tal-org  and  Talargan ;  Pictish  Morcunn, 
now  Morgan,  Welsh  Morgan,  Old  Breton  Morcant,  a  Celtic 
Mori  -  cantos,  *  sea-bright '  ;  Ancient  Welsh  Maglo-cunus 
(Gildas,  550  a.d.),  now  Maelgwn,  older  Welsh  Mailcun, 
Pictish  Mailchon,  *  high  chief  *  ;  Pictish  Congust,  Old 
Welsh  Cingust,  Celtic  Cuno-gustus,  *  high  choice  '  ; 
Pictish  Uven  or  Euganan,  Welsh  Ywein  or  Owein,  Gaelic 
Ebghan  or  Eogan,  '  well-born.'  These  '  double-barrelled ' 
names  characteristic  of  the  Indo-European  nations  are  usually 
epithets,  drawn  from  the  strenuous  and  warhke  aspects  of 
life — such  as  Alexander  or  Veremund,  '  defender  of  men,' 
and  William  or  Wilhelm,  *  helm  of  resolution.'  Animal 
names  may  form  one  of  the  elements,  the  wolf  and  the  bear 
being  prominent.  Religion  and  kin  naturally  enter  largely 
into  the  compounds ;  indeed,  some  nations,  like  the  Greeks 
and  Teutons,  made  the  name  show  descent  from  either  father 
or  grandfather — such  as  Dmo-krates,  son  of  Dino-klea,  or 
among  the  English  lists  of  kings,  Ethel-wvM  (838-58),  father 
o^  Ethel-hoXdi,  Ethel-hert,  and  Ethel-red.  As  a  consequence 
of  this  genealogical  practice,  the  meanings  of  these  double- 
stemmed  names  are  not  always  consistent,  especially  among 
the  Teutons.  The  first  element  should  qualify  the  second, 
but  we  meet  with  Theo-doros,  '  Gift  from  God,'  which  is 
right,  beside  Doro-theos,  which  should  mean  '  Gift-god,'  which 
is  not  so  good,  and  is  due  to  reasons  of  family  descent.  The 
Greeks  were  on  the  whole  careful  that  the  elements  had  a 
fair  sense  when  combined  ;  not  so  the  Teutons,  where  we 
meet  with  names  that  mean  *  Peace-war,  War-peace,  Peace- 
spear'  (Fredegunde,  Hildfrid,  Fredegar).  In  fact,  matters 
went  so  far  that  there  were  practically  two  lists  of  these 
stems,  one  for  the  first  element  of  the  compound,  and  the 
other  for  the  second  element.  As  the  Teutonic  names  show 
the  extreme  development  of  this  practice,  the  following  short 
lists  have  been  drawn  up  from  Teuton  names  with  the  double 
purpose  of  showing  how  the  system  worked,  and  of  giving  the 
meaning  of  the  most  important  Teutonic  names  borrowed  into 
Gaelic.     The  first  list,  therefore,  contains  the  element  that 

VOL.  II.  E 


66 


THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 


usually  antecedes  in  the   double-barrelled   name,    and 
second  list  gives  the  element  that  generally  comes  last  :- 


the 


Gud,  god,  god. 

Os,  As,  An,  gods,  Anses. 

Rogn,  regin,  gods,  counsel. 

Thor,  god  Thor. 

Hug,  hu,  thought. 

Ercan,  archi,  pure. 

Her,  har,  army, 

Sig,  victory. 

Ead,  dd,  possessions. 

Uodal,  ul,  patrimony. 

Heim,  hen,  home. 

Wil,  will. 

Ethel,  al,  noble. 

Hrod,  rod,  ro,  famed. 

Hlod,  hid,  famous. 


frid,  /red,  urd,  peace. 
mund,  protection. 
win,  friend. 
red,  counsel. 
hert,  bright. 
ward,  warden. 
Tcetill,  kell,  kettle. 
helm,  helmet. 
ric,  rich,  ruler. 
leif,  Idf,  heritage. 
trygg,  trie,  true. 
wald,  old,  wielder. 
bald,  bold. 
wulf,  olf,  wolf. 
bern,  burn,  bear. 


Our  best  known  names  will  be  found  by  combining  these 
elements  :  God-fred,  *  God's  peace,'  becomes  in  Gaelic  Goraidh, 
older  Gofraidh,  whence  the  patronymic  M'Gorry.  The  name 
is  still  common  among  the  Macdonalds.  An-laf,  '  heir  of  the 
Anses,'  gives  the  name  Olave,  Gaelic  Amhlaibh,  whence  the 
sept  name  Mac-aulay.  Regin-ald,  '  Gods'  ruler,'  is  known  in 
Gaelic  as  Raonull,  English  Ronald  ;  M'Ranald,  M'Crindle, 
Clan-ranald.  Reynold  is  the  best  English  form.  The  god 
Thor  gives  many  names  :  Thor-mund  gives  G.  Tormod,  or,  in 
some  dialects,  Tormailt  (cf.  iarmailt  £rom.  firmamentum),  and 
is  Englished  as  Norman  or  '  North-man,'  simply  because  of 
the  like  sound.  Thor-ketill  or  Thor-kell,  '  Thor's  sacred 
vessel,'  gives  the  names  M'Corquodal  and  M'Corkle,  as  well 
as  the  Christian  name  Torcail  or  Torquil.  Of  a  similar  origin 
and  force  is  Askell,  '  kettle  of  the  Anses,'  found  in  M'Askill. 
Hugh  means  '  thought,'  and  does  duty  now  for  the  old  Gaelic 
name  of  Aodh,  which  latterly  became  a  mere  grunt  (Y  M' Ay 
of  Strathnaver)  and  sadly  required  the  strengthening  it  got 
from  the  diminutive  of  Hugh,  namely  Hucheon  or  G.  Huis- 
dean,  which  properly  in  Gaelic  ought  to  be  Aoidhean  or 
*  little  Aodh ' — still  found  in   the  Skye  name  of  Macquien, 


STUDY  OF  HIGHLAND  PERSONAL  NAMES    67 

sometimes  wrongly  rendered  as  Macqueen.  The  Clann  Huis- 
dean  of  Sleat  are  now  the  leading  branch  of  the  Macdonalds, 
and,  in  the  person  of  Lord  Macdonald,lay  claim  to  the  chiefship. 
The  name  Arcen-bald  or  Archibald,  '  pure  and  brave,'  is  the 
favourite  translation  of  Gaelic  Gilleasbuig  or  Gillespie,  'bishop's 
serf,'  though  the  connection  is  not  clear  either  by  form  or  mean- 
ing. Harold  or  Herald  appears  now  only  in  the  Gaelic  sur- 
name of  M'Raild  ;  and  the  elements  of  the  name  are  reversed 
in  Walter,  whence  Watt,  and  the  old  northern  (Moray  and 
Black  Isle)  sept  of  M'Watt,  M'Wattie,  and  Watson.  The 
M' Watties  were  also  a  sept  of  the  Buchanans.  The  name 
Sigfrid  or  Sigurd  appears  now  only  in  the  obscure  Skye  sept 
name  of  M'Siridh,  who,  of  course,  like  all  minor  septs,  try  to 
hide  themselves  as  Macdonalds  and  sometimes  as  Mackinnons. 
Sigtry gg  or  Sitric  gives  the  Galwegian  name  of  M'Kittrick 
or  M'Ketterick.  Edward  is  in  G.  confused  with  the  famous 
Norse  name  lomhar  or  Iver,  Norse  Ivarr  or  Ingvarr,  '  youth,' 
which  gives  M'lver,  M'Eur,  M'Cure — the  latter  two  names 
in  Galloway.  Ul-rick  or  '  patrimonially  rich  '  was  in  Gallo- 
way and  Carrick  confused  with  the  old  Gaelic  name  of 
Ualgarg,  '  high  temper,'  appearing  as  Ulgric,  the  name 
of  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  wild  Galwegians  in  1138  at  the 
Battle  of  the  Standard.  This  name  was  brought  north  by 
the  Kennedys  of  Lochaber,  who  are  known  in  Gaelic  as 
M'Ualraig  or  M'Uaraig.  Henry  means  '  home-ruler,'  and  in 
Gaelic  becomes  Eanraig,  whence  M'Kendrick  and  Henderson. 
M' William  is  still  a  sept  name.  Bobert  means  'gloriously 
bright '  (Hrod-bert)  and  gives  G.  Bob,  and  sept  names  like 
M'Bobbie  and  M'Bobin.  The  name  Lud-wig,  *  famed  warrior,' 
now  Lewis,  is  a  favourite  among  the  Grants,  and  among  them 
— and  elsewhere  —  translates  the  Gaelic  Maol-domhnaich, 
'  servus  dominicus,'  on  principles  none  too  clear.  The  southern 
M'Burney  is  all  that  remains  of  the  common  Norse  name 
Bjarni  or  Bear,  represented  in  Gaelic  by  M'Mhathain  or 
Matheson  of  English. 

These  Indo-European  double-stemmed  names  also  under- 
went a  process  of  compression  ;  '  pet '  forms  were  developed. 


68  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

wherein  the  second  element  suffered  condensation,  or  was 
entirely  dropped,  leaving  a  diminutive  in  its  stead,  or  even 
leaving  no  trace  of  its  former  existence  at  all.  Ordinary 
'  pet '  forms  are  Maggie  for  Margarita  and  Biddy  for  Bridget. 
In  Greek  Demo-sthas  stood  for  Demo-sthenes ;  and  in  Old 
German  Sicco  acted  as  '  pet '  form  for  Sige-rich,  Sig-bert, 
and,  indeed,  for  all  names  beginning  with  sig.  So  Hugo 
was  a  diminutive  for  Hubert  and  such  names ;  and  even  the 
simple  Hugh,  without  diminutive  suffix,  was  and  is  used. 
The  strengthening  of  the  g  of  sig  to  cc  shows  that  there  was 
a  second  part — that  the  name  was  a  compound.  Similarly 
in  Old  Gaelic  the  adjective  find,  now  Jlonn,  white,  ended  in 
d,  and  this  was  hardened  to  t  where  a  name  like  Find-barr  or 
Find-chath  (fair-head,  fair- warrior)  was  curtailed  with  the 
diminutives  -an  or  -6c,  resulting  in  Fintan,  Fintoc,  now  Fionn- 
dan,  Fionndag,  whence  M'Gille-Fhionndaig  or  M'Lintock — St. 
Findan's  devotee.  And,  further,  the  adjective  ^own  itself  was 
used  as  the  final  pet  name.  The  diminutives  in  Gaelic  were 
mainly  -an,  -6c,  and  -e,  with  other  side  forms  in  -ine,  -ene,  -in, 
and  combinations  like  -6c-dn  {-ucdn  -agan,  as  in  Fionnlagan 
from  Fionnlugh-oc-an  or  Maol-agan  '  shaveling,'  whence  Milli- 
gan).  The  English  diminutive  in  -ie  or  -y  appears  in  Norse 
and  German  as  i — Gunni  (now  Gaelic  Guinne,  Clan  Gunn), 
for  Gunn-arr  or  Gunnbjorn  (war-bear),  and  German  Willi  for 
Wilhelm,  our  Willie.  In  the  case  of  adjectives,  the  pet 
name  may  be  the  adjective  simply :  as  Norse  Ljotr  or  Ljot, 
'  ugly,'  perhaps  for  Ljot-ulf,  '  ugly  wolf,'  from  which  comes 
the  Gaelic  Lebd,  MacLebid.  In  old  Gaelic,  adjectives  of 
colour  especially  were  used  as  names,  such  as  duhh  in  Mac- 
duff and  the  king's  name  of  Duff,  Latinised  as  Niger  or 
Nigellus.  The  favourite  name  Aed  or  Aodh  simply  means 
'  fire '  and  is  declined  as  a  t^-stem ;  it  is  also  a  diminutive, 
with  fuller  forms,  Aedan  or  Aodhan  ;  Aed-uc-an  or  Aodhagan, 
whence  comes  the  Irish  name  of  Egan. 

As  in  the  case  of  Teutonic  names,  Gaelic  names  may  be 
presented  in  two  lists,  the  first  of  which  forms  the  first 
element  in  the  double-stemmed  name,  the  second  list  con- 


STUDY  OF  HIGHLAND  PERSONAL  NAMES    69 


taining  elements  usually  terminal.  In  the  following  lists, 
the  old  names,  with  unaspirated  medial  consonants,  are  in 
italics  : — 


Aed,  Aodh,  •  fire.' 
Aen,  aon,  '  one,  unique.' 
Ail,  'rock.' 
Cath,  'battle.' 
Car,  'dear.' 
Cell,  'war.' 
Comh-,  com-,  *  with.' 
Con-,  'high.' 
Domn-y  Domhn-,  '  world.' 
Dun-,  'strong.' 
Each,  'horse.' 
Eo-,  'good.' 
Fad,  Faol,  '  wolf.' 
Fer-,  'super,  man.' 
Find,  Fionn,  'whyte.' 
Flaith-,  'dominion.' 
Lug,  god  'Luga,  winner.' 
Muir,  'sea.' 
Niall,  '  champion.' 
So-,  SU-,  'good.' 


-aed. 

-all  (=valO'S),  'wielding.' 
-barr,  'head.' 
-beartach,  'powerful.' 
-bhne,  'being,  going.' 
-car,  'dear.' 
-cath,  '  warrior ' 
-ceartach,  'director.' 
-cobar,  '  help.' 
-donn,  'lord,  brown.' 
-gart,  'head.' 
-gal,  'valour.' 
-gel,  'white.' 
-gan,  -guin,  'kin.' 
-giis,  'choice.' 
•lug,  lach,  'winner.' 
-laech,  lagh,  'hero.' 
-n,  -raigh,  'king.' 
-thach,  '-ious.' 
-tighearn,  'lord.' 


From  aodh  terminal,  we  have  Cin-aed,  *  fire-sprung,'  the 
well-known  name  of  Kenneth,  now  ousted  in  Gaelic  by 
Cainnech  or  Coinneach,  'fair  one,'  whence  the  clan  name 
Mackenzie ;  Irish  M'Kenna  and  Galwegian  M'Kinnie  are 
from  Cion-aodh  or  Kenneth.  Aon-ghus  or  Angus  means 
'  unique  choice ' ;  hence  M'Innes,  M'Ainsh,  and  M'Nish. 
Allan  comes  from  two  sources — Old  Gaelic  Ailene  or  Ailin 
{ail,  '  rock '),  the  name  of  the  old  earls  of  Lennox,  or  from 
Norman  Alan,  an  Allemann  or  German  (all  and  man),  to 
which  we  may  compare  Norman,  Dugall  or  Dubh-ghall  (Black 
foreigner  or  Dane),  Fingal  (Norse-man),  Frank,  etc.  Cath 
gives  Cathal  (""*  Catu-valo-s),  whence  M'Kail,  Call ;  Fer-char 
is  for  *  very  dear,'  whence  M'Erchar,  Farquharson ;  Cellach, 
*  warlike,'  gives  the  surname  Kelly  and  M'Kelly,  and  after 
being  borrowed  by  the  Norse  as  Kjalakr  it  becomes  M'Killaig. 
Com-gan,   *  Con-genial,'   was  a  famous   saint,  and   M'Gille- 


70  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

chomhghain  became  M'Cowan  and  Cowan.  Con-chobhar 
denotes  '  high  help,'  and  is  the  famous  name  Connor.  There 
is  a  sept  of  M'Conchers  still  in  Lorn.  Domhn-all,  as  already- 
said,  means  '  world-lord,'  and  Domhnaghart  appears  in  the 
sept  name  Clann  'Ille-Dhonaghart  at  Benderloch,  who  claim 
to  be  Macdonalds  in  '  English.'  The  name  Duncan  is  in 
Celtic  Duno-catus,  *  strong  warrior'  or  'burgher,'  whence 
M'Connachie  and  Clan  Duncan  or  Eobertson.  Each,  '  horse,' 
gives  Each  -  thighearn,  *  horse -lord,'  whence  M'Echern, 
M'Kechnie ;  and  Eachdhonn,  *  horse-lord,'  is  the  old  form 
of  Eachunn,  which  is  Englished  as  Hector  (Greek,  'holder') ; 
it  gives  the  sept  name  of  M'Echan.  Eoghan  or  Ewen 
practically  means  the  same  as  Latin  Eugenius,  '  well-born,' 
whence  M'Ewen.  Faolan  denotes  '  little  wolf,'  and  in  the 
compound  Gill'Fhaolain  or  Gillfillan,  gives  M'Lellan,  and, 
further,  M'Killigan  (M'Gill'Fhaolagain).  Fergus  is  *  super- 
choice,'  and  gives  M'Kerras  and  Fergus-son.  Fionn  or 
Fionndan  is  a  diminutive  for  St.  Find-barr,  and  we  have 
the  sept  names  of  M'Lennan  (GiU'Fhinnein),  M'Lintock,  and 
M'Clinton.  Fingon  or  Finguine,  *  Fair-bairn,'  gives  the  sur- 
name Mackinnon.  The  Scotch  name  Finlay  is  a  late  form — 
Finnlaech,  '  fair  hero ' — for  the  old  name  Find-lug ;  Lulach 
seems  for  Lug-laech,  '  Luga's  hero,'  and  anyway  still  remains 
in  the  sept  name  M'Lullich  (M'Lulli  in  fourteenth  century). 
Fionnaghal  is  a  female  name  denoting  'fair  shoulder,'  rendered 
into  EngHsh  rather  curiously  as  Flora.  The  name  M'La(ve)rty 
has  already  been  referred  to  ;  it  comes  from  Flaithbheartach, 
'dominion-holding.*  The  sea  gives  several  names:  Mur- 
chadh,  '  sea -warrior,'  ''^  Mori- catus  ;  Muircheartach,  'sea- 
director,'  whence  M'Urardaigh,  M'Kirdie,  M'Mu(r)trie,  and 
Irish  Moriarty ;  perhaps  Muireach  or  Muireadhach  ('"  Mori- 
taco-s  ?),  though  this  is  explained  as  denoting  '  lord,'  rauire 
being  a  shorter  form  meaning  'steward.'  Hence  Murdoch, 
M'Vurich,  Currie ;  but  Murcheson  is  from  Murchadh. 
Muriel,  the  female  name,  comes  from  *  Mori-gela,  '  sea- 
white.'  Niall,  with  gus  added  thereto,  gives  Niallghus, 
which  appears  in  the  form  of  M'Neilage,  from  M'Nelis,  as 


STUDY  OF  HIGHLAND  PERSONAL  NAMES    71 

M'Fetridge  comes  from  MTetrus,  and  M* Cambridge  from 
M'Ambrose.  Ruadhraigh  is  for  *  red  prince,'  whence  M'Rory ; 
but  there  is  no  connection  between  this  name  initially  and 
the  Teutonic  Roderick,  'famed  prince.'  Mac-queen  comes 
from  Suibhue,  '  good- going,'  the  opposing  name  being 
Duibhne. 

A  feature  of  Gaelic  names  is  the  frequency  of  animal 
names.  Professor  Zimmer  explains  these  names  as  the  first 
portion  of  the  ordinary  double-stemmed  name ;  in  fact,  the 
animal  name  is  a  reduced  or  pet  form.  This  may  be,  but 
there  are  several  cases  where  the  name  has  been  directly 
assumed  from  the  animal.  '  The  Fox '  was  the  official  title 
of  The  O'Caharny,  Prince  of  Teffia,  for  some  three  hundred 
years,  even  as  late  as  1526,  when  M'Eochagan  and  'The  Fox ' 
made  a  contract  in  Gaelic,  which  is  still  extant.  The  dog 
was  first  favourite ;  Bran-chu  (raven-dog),  Faol-chu  (wolf- 
dog),  Mil-chu  (greyhound)  ;  then  the  mastiff  or  Madadh  gave 
the  names  Maddeth  and  Madan  or  Modan.  St.  Catan,  or 
'little  cat,'  gave  the  name  Gille-catan  as  the  eponymus  of 
Clan  Chattan  ;  Mac-Mahon  means  '  son  of  the  bear ' ;  Math- 
ghamhaim  (bear)  was  a  favourite  name,  just  as  Bjorn  was 
among  the  Norse.  The  wolf  was  known  as  Sitheach, 
whence  M'lthich,  M'lthichean  (M'Keith,  M'Kichan),  and 
Shaw ;  another  name  for  the  wolf  was  Mac-tire,  *  son  of 
the  soil ' ;  while  Faolan,  really  a  diminutive  of  Faol-chu,  has 
already  been  noticed.  The  famed  poet  Ossian  gets  his  name 
from  the  diminutive  of  os,  '  a  deer ' ;  and  the  borrowed 
Columha  gave  the  saint's  name  first,  and  from  it  come 
Galium  and  Malcolm.  M'Culloch  no  doubt  means  '  son  ot 
the  boar ' ;  and  pig  names  are  common — M'Crain,  Banbiin, 
Orcan,  M'Turk  (Galwegian).  The  Gaelic  name  Cailean, 
which  appears  in  English  as  Colin,  is  really  a  native  name 
denoting  'whelp.'  A  Scottish  king  bore  the  name  in  the 
form  of  Culen,  which  is  the  usual  form  of  the  word  cuilean ; 
the  Irish  shows  coiledn  ;  the  root  is  so  far  cul,  and  Cailean 
must  be  a  dialect  form,  such  as  we  have  in  the  case  of  dUiil, 
*a   plain,'    which   appears   in   its   proper   root  form  as  dul. 


72  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

with   a  genitive   dalach  (cf.   lathach,  *mud,'  old  Irish  loth, 
root  lut). 

A  certain  class  of  names  in  Old  Gaelic  depart  in  a 
remarkable  manner  from  the  Indo-European  system  of 
double-stemmed  names,  and  '  pet,'  or  reduced  forms  of  the 
same.  This  consists  in  a  name  where  two  nouns  are  brought 
together,  the  one  of  which  governs  the  second  in  the  genitive. 
The  heroic  name  Cu-chulinn  is  a  good  example ;  the  name 
means  *  Culann's  hound.'  Other  names  are  Mog-neit,  '  slave 
of  Neit,'  the  war  goddess  ;  Nia-Corb,  *  champion  of  Corb  ' ; 
and  Fer-Corb,  'Corb's  man.'  These  names  remind  us  of 
some  Bible  names  :  Obed-Edom,  *  servant  of  the  god  Edom ' ; 
Gabriel,  'hero  of  El  (God)';  Absalom,  'father  of  peace.' 
Professor  Rh^s  is  probably  right  in  explaining  these  com- 
binations as  due  to  the  influence  of  the  previous  non-Celtic 
population.  Under  Christianity  the  system  came  into  great 
vogue ;  the  saints  took  the  place  of  the  old  Gadelic  deities 
and  totems.  The  term  mug,  '  slave/  was  replaced  by  mael 
or  maol,  *  bald,'  that  is,  '  tonsured  one '  or  *  devotee '  of  the 
saint  mentioned.  Thus  Mail-Patraic  means  '  devotee  of  St. 
Patrick' — under  the  saint's  charge  or  born  on  his  day,  or 
some  other  connection.  In  Scotland  gille  (servant)  was  after 
a  time  a  greater  favourite  than  maol ;  and  Tnaol  itself  got 
confused  with  9ndl,  'prince.'  For  instance,  Mail-duin,  now 
Muldoon,  is  really  '  prince  of  the  fort,'  not  *  slave  of  the  fort.' 
Besides  maol  and  gille,  other  initial  terms  were  cu  (as  Cu- 
mara,  *  dog  of  the  sea,'  whence  Mac-namara) ;  tiiac,  *  son  ' ; 
fer,  'man';  and  der,  'daughter.'  The  governed  nouns 
may  be  persons,  places,  abstract  ideas,  and  material  nouns. 
Thus,  cu  :  Cu-Corb,  Cu-Ulad,  *  Ulster's  hound '  ;  Cu-Breatan 
(Britons'),  Cu-sleibhe  (dog- of- the -hill),  Cu-cuimhne  (memory's 
dog),  Cu-catha  (battle),  Cu-sithe  (peace),  and  Cu-diiiligh 
(keen-ness  ?),  which  last  three  appear  in  the  old  Maclean 
genealogy,  and  Cu-duiligh  or  Conduiligh  is  still  known  as 
a  Maclean  name — the  Maclean  pipers,  known  as  Rankins, 
being  Clan  Duly.  Max^  shows  much  the  same  sequences  : 
Mac-Talla,  '  echo '  (son  of  the  rock) ;  Mac-na-braiche,  '  son  of 


STUDY  OF  HIGHLAND  PERSONAL  NAMES    73 

the  malt '  (whisky) ;  Mac-na-maoile,  *  son  of  the  baldness,' 
a  side  form  for  Mac-Millan  (Mac-na-mil).  Macbeth  and 
Macrae  we  have  discussed,  Columba's  grandfather  is  called 
by  Adamnan  Filius  Navis,  which  is  Mac-luing  (Galwegian 
M'Lung)  or  Mac-naue.  Mac-coise,  *  footman,'  gives  M'Cosh, 
M'Lave  is  Englished  as  *  hand ';  and,  doubtless,  the  Galwegian 
M'Lurg  is  for  *  footman.' 

Maol  is  used  similarly,  though  its  chief  use  is  with 
saints'  names :  Maoldiiin  (*  fort,'  confused  with  mal),  Maol- 
rubha  (*  promontory,'  not  *  peace,'  as  it  is  usually  explained) ; 
Maol-umha  (bronze)  ;  Maol-snechte  (snow)  ;  Maol-bethadh 
(life),  Maol-onfhaidh  (storm) — Millony  of  the  Cameron  genea- 
logies. With  adjectives  it  is  doubtless  mdl,  *  prince,'  that  is 
originally  meant :  Maol-odhar,  Maol-dubh  (but  there  was 
a  Scotch  St.  Duff),  Maol-mordha  (great).  The  word  gille  is 
confined  to  saints'  names,  though  we  meet  with  Gill'onfhaidh 
beside  Maol-onfhaidh  and  the  unique  Gille-bhr^tha,  *  servant 
of  doom,'  doubtless  for  Maol-bratha  (M'Gillivray).  One  or 
two  interesting  saints'  names  may  be  noticed.  Maol-Brighde 
and  Gille-Brighde  are  *  St.  Bridget's  devotee.'  These  names 
have  a  diminutive  or  pet  form  in  n  :  Bridein,  whence  M'Bride. 
Similarly  Macbeth  or  Maol-beth  has  Beathan  or  Bean,  whence 
M'Bean  ;  Gille-maol,  *  bald  lad  '  has  Maolan,  whence 
M'Millan ;  Gille-naomh  has  Naomhan  or  Niven  ;  Gille-glas 
has  Glaisean,  whence  M'Glashan.  Adamnan's  name  appears 
in  Gilleownan  (1427),  but  the  sept  name  M'Lagan  shows  an 
interesting  double  diminutive  form  of  the  name  as  Adhamh- 
agan,  Gill'A'agan.  The  saints  present  their  names  often 
in  diminutive  form  with  terminal  -6c  or  -og,  and  prefixed  mo, 
my.  St.  Ernan  appears  as  Mo-ern-oc  or  Mernoc,  as  in  Gille- 
mhernog,  M'Gillemhearnaig,  which  is  Englished  as  Graham 
— being  originally  a  sept  name  in  the  Graham  country. 
Maclehose  appears  to  be  from  St.  Thomas.  Gille  is  widely 
used  with  adjectives  :  Gille- riabhach  (brindled) — M'llwrath  ; 
Gille-odhar,  M'lU'uidhir  (dun),  that  is,  M'Lure  ;  and  M'Ghille- 
dhuibh  (black)  becomes  M'Gillewie. 

An  extraordinary  development  of  this  name  system  occurs 


74  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

with  the  adjectives  duhh  and  donn  (dun).  They  are  used  in 
much  the  same  way  as  maol,  especially  with  local  names  or 
nouns.  Thus— Dubh-dothra  '  Black  of  Dodder '  (738)  ;  Dubh- 
droma  '  Black  of  the  ridge ' ;  Dubh-da-locha,  '  B.  of  two 
lochs/  and  there  is  a  number  of  names  made  with  da  (two) 
prefixed.  With  abstract  nouns  we  have  Dubh-sithe,  '  Black 
of  peace,'  which  degenerates  into  Du-sith,  Duffie,  and  M'Phee. 
The  adjective  donn,  dun,  also  means, 'lord'  in  the  old  lan- 
guage (^"*dun-no-s,  root  dun,  strong),  but  its  use  with  genitives 
may  not  arise  from  its  meaning  of  *  lord.*  We  have  Donn- 
boo,  brown  or  lord  of  cows ;  Donn-cuan  (harbours) ;  and 
Donn-sleibhe  (of  hill),  whence  Donleavy,  and  Gaelic  Mac- 
Dhunleibh  or  M'An-lei,  which  becomes  Mac-leay,  and  is 
Englished  as  Livingstone. 

Surnames  from  personal  names  are  either  in  patronymic 
form,  as  M'Cormick,  son  of  Cormac  (Corb-mac,  'charioteer'), 
or  in  genitive  regimen  Iain  Dhughaill — John  Dugald's  (like 
English  John  Williams),  or  with  an  adjective  form  of  the 
patronymic,  as  Iain  DomhnuUach,  John  Macdonald.  The 
surnames  Donald,  Duncan,  and  Donaldson  are  English  in 
form  and  creation ;  but  Tyre  for  M'Intyre  and  Clean  for 
Maclean  (Gill'Sheathain  or  John's  Gille)  are  from  Gaelic  Taor 
and  Cle'an,  forms  already  *  reduced '  in  the  original  language. 
Patronymics  from  official  or  trade  names  are  common  in 
Gaelic ;  Iain  Taillear  and  Iain  Mac-an-Tkilleir  stand  side  by 
side  in  Gaelic,  but  the  English  in  this  case  is  only  Taylor, 
for  the  word  is  a  borrowed  one.  Gow  (Smith)  is  commoner 
than  M'Gown  in  the  English  form.  Dewar  (pilgrim)  has 
still  the  side  forms  of  M'Indedir,  M'George  (Galloway),  and 
M'Lebra  or  M'Lure  (Mac-Gille-dheoradha).  Most  of  these 
professional  and  trade  names  have  long  ago  been  translated 
into  English.  A  common  name  in  the  Black  Book  of  Tay- 
mouth  is  M'In-esker  or  '  Fisher's  son,'  but  it  is  now  known 
only  as  Fisher.  The  greatest  source  of  surnames  next  to 
patronymics  is  place  names.  Nearly  every  prominent  High- 
land place  name  has  been  so  utilised.  Urquhart,  Brodie, 
Buchanan,  Murray,  Sutherland,   Drummond,  Dallas,  Logan, 


STUDY  OF  HIGHLAND  PERSONAL  NAMES     75 

and  others  claim  to  be  clans.  Surnames  from  Gaelic  epithets 
are  fairly  common.  The  two  great  clans  of  Campbell  and 
Cameron  derive  their  names  from  'crooked'  mouths  and 
noses  ;  this  admits  of  little  doubt.  But  in  the  case  of  the 
Camerons  it  is  equally  undoubted  that  the  place  names 
Cameron  or  Cambrun  gave  rise  to  the  Lowland  Camerons 
and  the  De  Cambruns  of  the  fourteenth  century.  Other 
Gaelic  epithets  giving  English  forms  are  Bain  (fair),  Begg 
(little),  Moir  (big — for  vowels  compare  Baird  and  Caird), 
Keir  (dun),  Duff  or  Dow  (black),  Glass  (grey),  Garrow  (rough). 
Gait  (Lowland),  and  others. 

It  is  not  until  the  facts  and  principles  of  Gaelic  and 
Irish  personal  nomenclature  are  mastered  that  investigation 
can  be  extended  into  the  old  Celtic  districts  between  the 
Solway  and  the  Clyde.  Galloway  still,  according  to  Mr. 
Dudgeon  (*  Macs  in  Galloway '),  has  twenty  per  cent,  of  its 
names  beginning  with  Mac ;  and  Celtic  names  are  strongly 
in  evidence  in  the  early  charters  and  other  historical  docu- 
ments. Irish  influence  is  shown  in  the  old  A'  {i.e.  O')  forms 
in  A'Carson,  A'Cultan,  A'Costduff,  A'Hannay,  A'Shenan 
(found  in  Kin  tyre  beside  O'Senog),  A'Sloan  (Sluaghadhan), 
A'Sloss,  possibly  also  Agnew  (O'Gnimh),  and  Adair  (O'Daire, 
and  M'Dair,  Galloway,  1622).  The  British  of  Strathclyde 
have  left  many  evidences  of  their  fonner  existence  in  place 
names,  and  we  have,  in  regard  to  personal  names,  their 
equivalent  of  Gaelic  gilla  with  saint  names  in  Gos-patrick, 
Guostuff  or  Cos-duff",  Quos-cuthbert,  Cos-oswald,  and  Cos- 
mungo  (Welsh  gvms  -  Gaelic  gille).  While  Ulgric  has  been 
claimed  as  Teutonic  Ulric,  a  mistake  on  the  other  side  is 
made  in  claiming  Uchtred  as  Gaelic  (Ochtraigh).  It  is 
Teutonic,  as  forms  like  Uctebrand  and  Hutting  or  Ucting 
show.  Owing  to  the  disappearance  of  Gaelic  in  the  seven- 
teenth century  Galloway  personal  names  present  the  same 
difficulties  as  the  place  names. 


76  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

'  NEVER  WAS   PIPING  SO   SAD, 
AND  NEVER  WAS  PIPING  SO  GAY' 

E.  C.  Carmichael 

The  '  people  of  peace '  have  ever  been  held  to  be  gifted 
with  music.  When  their  green  hillocks  are  open,  music  and 
song  may  be  heard  so  sweet  and  alluring  that  the  incautious 
mortal,  unable  to  resist  their  charm,  goes  into  the  bower  to 
join  in  the  merriment  and  remains  a  half  willing  if  some- 
times unwitting  prisoner,  till  some  accident  or  a  friend 
releases  him.  Then  he  finds  that  he  has  been  a  year  and 
a  day,  seven,  nine,  or  even  twenty  years  in  the  fairy  knoll, 
while  he  thought  'twas  but  an  hour  or  a  night,  so. beguiling 
were  the  music  and  the  dance  and  the  little  folks  them- 
selves !  Many  instruments  the  fairies  have  too — pipes  and 
harps  and  other  wind  and  stringed  instruments,  and  all  so 
greatly  superior  to  those  of  human  make  that  a  fairy  instru- 
ment is  a  coveted  treasure  among  the  people  of  earth.  But 
not  many  of  these  have  been  bestowed  on  the  children  of 
men,  and  the  few  seem  all  to  have  been  given  by  the  women 
of  faery.  Here  are  some  stories  of  fairy  pipes  which  I  have 
heard  in  the  Hebrides,  and  now  translate  from  Gaelic. 

The  famous  Maccrimmons,  pipers  to  the  Macleods  of 
Macleod,  owed  their  renown  in  music  to  a  fairy.  When  the 
Macleod  of  the  day  returned  from  one  of  the  Crusades,  he 
brought  with  him  from  Cremona  a  servant  who,  quite  accord- 
ing to  Highland  usage,  became  known  by  the  name  of  his 
home.  Cremon  married  in  Skye,  and  when  his  son  was  old 
enough  he  sent  him  to  the  school  or  college  of  music  at 
Boreraig,  in  Glendale,  to  learn  pipe  music.  This  school  was 
celebrated  throughout  Alban  and  Erin  and  Sasunn  and  the 
divisions  of  Europe,  and  had  many  pupils,  especially  for  the 
bagpipes.  Cremon  wished  his  son  to  be  a  good  piper,  that 
he  might  obtain  the  honourable  position  of  piper  to  Macleod 
of  Macleod,  for  musicians  were  highly  esteemed  among  the 
ancient  Gaels,  and  the  oflSice  of  musician  to  a  great  chief  was 


•NEVER  WAS  PIPING  SO  SAD'  77 

one  of  much  honour  and  dignity,  conferring  on  its  holder 
many  valued  privileges  and  possessions. 

But  '  Mac  Cremmain/  or  MacCrimmon,  as  he  was  called 
— the  son  of  Cremon — had  no  aptitude  for  the  Highland  pipes, 
they  were  foreign  to  his  race  and  nature,  and  his  fellow-pupils 
held  rather  aloof  from  the  strange  lad  whose  ways  were 
more  of  his  father's  land  than  of  his  mother's.  So  the  lad 
was  sorrowful  and  miserable,  and  he  often  went  out  with  his 
sorrow  and  his  misery  to  the  lee  of  a  green  knoll  at  a  little 
distance  from  the  college,  to  brood  and  to  wish  that  he  could 
play  the  pipes  like  his  fellow-students. 

One  day  the  *  Piobaire  mor ' — great  Piper,  as  the  head 
of  the  college  was  called — got  an  invitation  to  the  marriage 
of  a  great  Chief,  and  he  was  asked  to  bring  some  of  his 
pupils  to  help  to  entertain  the  guests.  There  was  much 
excitement  in  the  college,  and  much  speculating  and  rivalry 
among  the  lads  as  to  who  would  be  thought  worthy  to  go. 
When  the  '  Piobaire  mor '  announced  his  choice  of  pupils, 
MacCrimmon's  name  was  not  among  them,  and  though  he 
had  not  really  expected  to  be  among  those  chosen,  he  was 
heavy  and  sad  with  disappointment.  After  the  others  had 
set  out  for  the  Chie  f  dun  MacCrimmon  could  not  longer 
restrain  his  feelings,  and  he  threw  himself  down  in  his 
lonely  haunt  on  the  green  hillock  and  wept  the  tears — the 
bitter  tears — of  disappointed  hope.  While  he  was  dead  to 
all  around,  he  was  startled  by  the  sound  of  a  voice  asking 
why  he  grieved  so  greatly.  Looking  up  he  saw  a  woman, 
small  indeed,  but  of  beautiful  face  and  form,  dressed  in  a  soft 
green  gown,  gazing  at  him  with  pity  shining  in  her  eyes, 
and  peace  and  love  in  her  face.  He  knew  she  was  one  of 
the  *  sithe '  or  fairies,  and  he  was  afraid.  But  she  looked  at 
him  so  tenderly  and  spoke  to  him  so  kindly  that  he  poured 
out  before  her  all  his  heart's  heavy  sorrow.  He  told  her  that 
he  could  not  master  the  bagpipes,  and  that  he  played  so  badly 
that  he  had  not  been  taken  to  the  wedding,  that  the  other 
pupils  were  not  friendly,  and  that  he  was  altogether  miserable. 
The  kind  little  fairy  put  her  slender  hand  on  the  lad's  dark 


78  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

head  and  comforted  him,  and  she  told  him  he  would  play  better 
than  any  of  the  other  students  some  day.  She  then  gave 
him  a  chanter,  the  like  of  which  had  never  been  seen  before 
by  mortal  eyes.  She  bold  him  that  the  possessor  of  that 
chanter  would  carry  with  him  *  Buaidh  na  Piobaireachd ' — 
the  championship  of  piping.  But  should  a  word  ever  be  said 
in  disparagement  of  the  chanter  she  would  instantly  take 
it  back,  with  all  the  skill  it  conferred.  Then  the  lovely 
green-robed  fairy  disappeared  as  mysteriously  as  she  had 
come,  leaving  the  lad  too  much  lost  in  surprise  to  think  of 
thanking  her. 

MacCrimmon  hurried  back  to  the  college,  put  the 
chanter  in  the  pipes  and  blew  it.  To  his  delight  he  found 
he  could  play,  and  not  merely  the  tunes  he  had  tried  so  un- 
successfully to  learn  but  tunes  he  had  never  tried  before,  and 
even  new  tunes  that  no  one  had  ever  heard ;  and  he  could 
play  them,  too,  better  than  any  one  he  had  ever  listened 
to — better  than  the  '  Piobaire  mor  '  himself !  His  happi- 
ness was  now  as  great  as  his  grief  had  been  before,  and  he 
could  hardly  sleep  or  eat,  he  only  wished  to  play  his  wonder- 
ful chanter  night  and  day.  When  his  teacher  and  fellow- 
pupils  returned  after  a  few  weeks'  absence — for  the  festivities 
connected  with  the  marriage  of  a  great  Chief  were  somewhat 
prolonged — they  could  scarcely  believe  their  eyes  and  ears. 
The  stupid  foreign  lad  who  could  not  play  when  they  left, 
could  now  play  better  than  the  great  Piper  of  the  famous 
college  of  Boreraig  !  Quick  questions  were  asked  and  the 
lad  told  his  tale.  All  knew  of  the  music  of  the  '  sithean '  or 
fairy  bower,  and  all  knew  that  he  to  whom  a  '  sithe '  gave  the 
gift  of  music  was  indeed  endowed  beyond  all  hope  of  rivalry. 
The  wonderful  chanter  was  examined  and  commented  upon, 
but  no  one  could  make  out  of  what  material  it  was  made. 
It  did  not  seem  to  be  made  of  metal,  of  wood,  or  of  stone. 

Those  who  had  formerly  jeered  at  MacCrimmon  now 
envied  him  and  vainly  tried  to  imitate  his  playing.  But  it 
was  useless.  MacCrimmon  could  make  his  pipe  move  the 
hearts   of  his  hearers   so  that  they  had  no  will  but  as  it 


'NEVER  WAS  PIPING  SO  SAD'  79 

Impelled  them.  Did  he  play  '  Geantraighe '  they  danced  and 
sang  for  joy  and  pure  happiness  of  mind  and  body.  Did  he 
play  '  Suaintraighe '  they  slumbered  peacefully  and  with 
a  happy  smile  dreamt  of  their  dear  ones  and  of  pleasant  days 
with  their  comrades.  Did  he  play  *  Gultraighe '  a  wild 
passionate  longing  and  a  great  sorrowful  lamenting  came  into 
every  heart.  Never  was  such  music  heard  before.  From  far 
and  near  people  came  to  hear  it  and  to  wonder  at  it,  and 
MacCrimmon's  music  played  with  their  souls  as  the  north 
wind  plays  with  the  leaves  of  the  birch  tree  on  the  brown 
mountain  side. 

MacCrimmon  became  piper  to  Macleod  of  Macleod,  and 
his  son,  and  his  son's  sons  succeeded  him  for  many  genera- 
tions, and  the  fairy  chanter  descended  as  the  most  valued 
possession  of  the  family.  Their  fame  was  known  wherever 
music  was  loved.  The  coUege  at  Boreraig,  where  the  first 
Maccrimmon  had  been  so  backward  a  learner,  was  under 
their  teaching,  and  people  came  from  Erin  and  from  Sasunn 
and  from  all  the  divisions  of  Europe  to  learn  music  in  Skye. 

Before  students  were  considered  fit  to  leave  the  college — 
and  the  several  courses  lasted  from  four  to  ten  years — they 
had  to  be  able  to  play  one  hundred  and  ninety-nine  tunes,  some 
of  them  very  intricate,  besides  exercises,  and  to  be  masters 
of  theory  and  composition.     It  is  said  that  in  later  days  the 
Maccrimmons  gave  diplomas  to  successful  graduates.     These 
diplomas  had  on  them  pictures  of  Dun  vegan  Castle,  of  the 
galley  of  Macleod,  and  of  various  musical  instruments,  a  seal, 
and  the  name  of  the  holder,  with  the  dates  of  entrance  to  and 
departure   from   the   college.^      Two   of  the    Macintyres    of 
South  Uist,  hereditary  musicians  to  Clanranald,  were  among 
the  last  students   at   this  school — about   the  beginning  of 
'  the  '45.'     Four  cows  are  said  to  have  been  paid  for  their 
education  there. 

A  Skye  tradition  says  that  it  was  practically  the  last  of 
the  Maccrimmon   pipers  who   composed   the   beautiful   and 

*  A  family  of  the  name  of  Robertson  in  Inverness — whether  town  or  county  I  do 
not  know — is  said  to  possess  one  of  these  certificates. 


80  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

pathetic  *  cumha '  or  lament  known  by  his  name,  and  that  it 
has  a  double  prophetic  meaning  in  that  it  was  a  lament  for 
himself,  for  he  foresaw  that  he  would  be  one  of  the  many  to 
give  up  life  in  the  ill-fortuned  Stuart  wars,  and  also  for 
the  fairy's  gift.  This  Maccrimmon  was  the  only  man  killed 
at  the  Moy  Kout,  and  after  his  death  his  son  inherited  the 
chanter  and  the  office.  On  one  occasion  Macleod  of  Dun- 
vegan  and  Macleod  of  Raasay  were  returning  in  the  Dun- 
vegan  galley  after  visiting  the  chief  of  Abercrossain,  now 
Applecross.  Maccrimmon,  as  usual,  was  with  his  master  and 
was  asked  to  *  seid  suas  ' — blow  up.  He  sat  on  the  prow,  the 
piper's  seat,  and  began  playing.  But  the  wind  was  so  strong 
and  the  sea  so  rough  in  the  Sound,  that  his  fingers  kept 
slipping  off  the  chanter  with  the  rolling  of  the  galley.  At 
last  it  got  so  bad  that  MacCrimmon  threw  down  his  pipes 
in  anger,  and  began  abusing  the  chanter  because  he  could  not 
keep  his  fingers  on  it.  While  he  was  speaking  the  chanter 
gave  a  leap  over  the  side  of  the  vessel  into  the  sea.  Mac- 
Crimmon remembered,  too  late,  the  command  handed  down 
by  his  fathers,  for  the  chanter  had  gone  as  the  fairy  giver  had 
said,  so  many  generations  before,  that  it  would.  And  with 
the  chanter  went  the  championship  of  piping  ;  and  the  home 
of  the  Maccrimmons  is  desolate,  and  their  hereditary  office 
unfilled.  The  set  of  pipes,  called  '  an  oiseach '  (oinseach '?) 
with  which  the  fairy  chanter  was  used,  is  carefully  kept  at 
Dunvegan.  Will  the  green-robed  lady  ever  relent  and  return 
the  chanter,  and  with  it  the  championship  of  piping  1 — though 
indeed  there  are  now  no  Maccrimmons  in  Skye  to  hold  them. 
Another  legend  is  somewhat  different.  There  Avas  on  a 
time  a  great  gathering  of  pipers  to  be  at  Dunvegan,  and  there 
was  no  piper  better  than  another  far  or  near,  on  mainland  or 
island,  who  did  not  take  the  road  for  the  Dun.  When  the 
day  came,  there  surely  was  the  multitude  of  people — Mac- 
leods  and  strangers.  It  happened  that  Macleod  of  Dunvegan 
had  a  herd  boy  who  was  very  wild  to  see  the  heros  of  the 
drones  and  to  hear  them  for  himself,  and  he  asked  Macleod 
if  he  might  stay  at  home  that  day.     '  Thou  little  rascal  that 


'NEVER  WAS  PIPING  SO  SAD'  81 

thou  art/  said  Macleod,  '  thy  work  is  tending  the  cattle  ;  and 
good  as  piping  is,  it  cannot  keep  the  bulls  from  fighting,  nor 
the  calves  from  falling  into  the  ditches.  Away,  boy,  and  do 
not  return  here  till  the  black  herdsman  night  brings  thyself 
and  the  cattle  home  together.'  The  lad  went  away  downcast 
and  disappointed,  and  drove  the  cattle  to  the  shieling.  He 
sat  down  on  a  fairy  knoll  and  put  the  black  chanter  of  the 
pipes  in  his  mouth.  But  he  had  a  scarf  round  his  neck  and 
his  emotion  was  so  great  that  his  breath  came  in  sudden 
jumps  and  leaps,  and  the  chanter  was  but  a  bad  stepmother 
to  the  pipes.  At  last  he  threw  it  away  and  hid  his  head  in 
a  heather  tuft  for  fear  the  dogs  and  the  calves  would  see  and 
mock  at  him.  He  had  hardly  put  his  head  down  when  the 
'  sithean '  opened  and  the  pretty  little  lady  of  melody  came 
out.  She  put  her  white  hand  on  the  boy's  head,  '  Bonnie 
lad,'  she  said,  *  what  has  put  against  thee,  and  what  harm  has 
the  black  chanter  of  the  pipe  done  thee  ?  *  He  told  her  every- 
thing as  it  was,  and  how  he  himself  wished  things  were.  The 
lovely  fairy  then  gave  him  his  choice  of  three  championships 
— the  championship  of  sailing,  so  that  his  boat  of  spotted  yew 
would  cut  a  slender  oaten  straw,  so  good  her  steering,  and 
that  her  keel  would  scrape  as  with  sharp  knives  the  limpets 
from  the  tops  of  the  hidden  rocks ;  or  the  championship  of 
battle,  so  that  the  raven  of  the  Dun  would  be  satiated  with 
the  blood  of  his  enemies  every  day  on  which  the  sun  rose  or 
darkness  lay  ;  or  the  championship  of  piping,  so  that  he  would 
bring  the  birds  from  the  trees  and  that  he  would  give  peace 
and  relief  to  wounded  men  and  pain-worn  women.  The  boy 
did  not  doubt  nor  delay  in  deciding  which  was  better,  the 
championships  of  sailing  or  of  fighting,  but  without  a  word 
backward  or  forward  he  chose  the  championship  of  piping. 
Then  the  beautiful  little  fairy  said,  'Thou  hast  thy  wish 
from  this  time,'  and  she  went  back  into  the  bower,  and  the 
knoll  was  as  it  had  been  before.  The  boy  stared  at  the  place 
where  she  had  been,  but  there  was  nothing  to  see — only  soft 
green  grass  and  flowers.  He  took  up  his  pipes  and  played. 
But  there  was  the  wonderful  thing !  The  music  that  was 
VOL.  II.  r 


82  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

there  !  He  had  never  known  that  there  could  be  such  music. 
And  as  he  played  the  cattle  and  the  dogs,  and  the  deer  of  the 
hill,  and  the  birds  of  the  air,  and  the  creeping  things  of  the 
earth  came  round  him  to  listen.  After  he  had  played  for 
a  long  time  he  thought  he  would  go  away  back  to  Dun  vegan, 
for  he  felt  he  must  tell  everybody  about  the  wonderful  fairy 
and  show  them  the  gift  she  had  given  him.  It  was  there  the 
great  piping  was,  on  the  green  sward,  and  the  many  pipers 
from  all  places,  and  it  was  there  the  people  were,  gentle  and 
simple  in  their  crowds  listening  to  them.  When  Macleod 
saw  the  herd  lad  with  his  pipes  under  his  arm  listening  with 
the  others  he  was  angry,  and  he  asked  him  why  he  had  left 
the  cattle  and  come  to  the  castle  when  he  had  given  him 
fast  orders  to  stay  at  the  shieling.  The  lad  answered  that 
he  could  not  keep  away  from  the  piping  any  longer,  and  that 
he  felt  sure  he  could  play  as  well  as  the  best  piper  there. 
Macleod  laughed  at  the  boy's  presumption,  but  to  punish 
him,  told  him  to  blow  up,  adding  that  if  he  failed  to  make 
good  his  boast  he  would  get  a  hard  thrashing.  The  boy  blew 
up,  and  he  played,  and  that  was  the  playing  and  that  was  the 
music  !  At  first  the  other  pipers  laughed,  then  they  stared, 
then  a  great  silence  fell  over  them.  When  he  had  finished 
they  all  admitted  that  the  herd  lad  had  indeed  '  buaidh  na 
piobaireachd '  the  championship  of  piping,  and  they  eagerly 
crowded  round  him  with  questions.  He  told  his  tale,  and  then 
all  said  that  he  to  whom  the  fairy  queen  of  melody  gave  her 
gifts  was  indeed  a  musician,  and  they  piped  no  more  that  day, 
for  they  said,  'This  young  lad  shames  us  all.'  The  lad  was 
taken  from  herding  the  cattle  and  made  piper  to  Macleod  of 
Dunvegan,  and  a  good  farm  with  its  share  of  cattle  and  horses 
and  sheep  and  goats  was  given  to  him  and  to  his  heirs  so 
long  as  they  should  continue  pipers  to  Dunvegan  and  follow 
its  chief  in  war  and  in  peace. 

The  hereditary  musicians  to  the  Macdonalds  of  Clanranald 
were  Macintyres,  and  they  too,  got  a  gift  of  music  from  a 
fairy.  This  is  how  it  was.  A  son  of  the  musician — for  the 
Macintyres  were  musicians  before  they  got  the  fairy  gift — had 


'NEVER  WAS  PIPING  SO  SAD'  83 

a  sweetheart  of  the  little  people.  She  was  a  very  beautiful 
lady  with  a  skin  like  the  fair  breast  of  the  kittiwake  and 
cheeks  like  the  wild  red  rose  by  the  mountain  stream.  Her 
eyes  were  of  the  deep  blue  of  the  juniper-berry,  and  her  long 
hair  was  the  colour  of  soft,  pale,  unwrought  gold,  that  glim- 
mered in  the  sun  and  fell  about  her  like  golden  mist.  Her 
voice  was  like  sweet  mellow  music.  The  gown  she  had  was 
of  soft  trailing  stuff  of  the  pure  colour  of  the  green  sea 
when  it  lies  over  white  sand,  and  as  she  walked  it  was 
like  the  moving  light  on  a  sloping  field  of  long,  green  grass 
when  the  low  wind  blows  over  it  and  the  sun's  brightness 
is  gently  veiled.  '  Her  steps  were  the  music  of  song,'  and 
her  fingers  were  so  deft  and  quick  that  she  could  prepare  a 
fleece  of  wool,  pick  it,  and  card  it,  and  spin  it,  and  dye  it, 
and  weave  it  into  a  big  tartan  plaid  all  in  an  hour  by  the  sun  ; 
and  her  head  and  mind  were  so  clever  that  she  knew  even 
what  was  happening  far  off.  One  evening  when  the  fairy  and 
young  Macintyre  were  walking  on  the  green  flowery  machair 
near  to  the  farm  of  Smearclaid  in  South  Uist  that  his  father 
held  as  Clanranald's  musician,  she  told  him  that  strangers 
from  Erin  over  the  sea  were  coming  to  his  father's  house  to 
hear  if  the  Macintyres  were  indeed  as  good  musicians  as  was 
reported.  '  But,'  the  fairy  said,  *  I  will  give  you  this  reed,  and 
you  must  go  home  and  put  it  in  your  father's  pipes  and  play 
to  the  strangers.  Then  they  shall  see  that  report  said  not 
enough  of  the  music  of  the  Macintyres.'  For  the  pretty  little 
lady  was  jealous  for  the  fame  of  her  lover's  family. 

The  young  man  did  as  she  told  him.  He  went  home,  and 
there,  sure  enough,  were  the  strangers  being  hospitably 
entertained  with  food  and  drink  after  their  journey  from  far 
lands.  After  they  had  eaten,  and  while  they  were  resting, 
the  lad  said  to  his  father  that  he  would  now  take  the  pipes 
and  amuse  the  strangers  who  had  come  home  to  them  from 
over  the  waves.  *  You  play  ! '  said  the  father ;  *  you  could 
never  play  anything  in  your  life — you  will  just  cause  us  to 
be  laughed  at.'  The  youug  man  however  prepared  the  pipes 
and  put   in   the  fairy  reed,  and  he  played  the  music  that 


84  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

astonished  every  one.  His  family  listened  with  surprise  and 
delight,  and  the  strangers  were  without  speech.  They  had 
never  heard  or  dreamt  of  such  nobly  sweet  music — music 
which  spoke  to  their  souls  and  told  them  good  and  great 
things  that  they  had  never  felt  before  in  the  world.  It 
seemed  not  of  earth,  so  sweet  and  strange  it  was.  And  the 
lad  did  it  so  simply — he  just  blew  as  usual,  and  he  moved  his 
fingers  with  no  more  trouble  than  any  one  else,  yet  he  played 
fast,  loud,  joyful  music,  and  slow,  solemn,  sorrowful  music. 
It  was  like  the  music  of  '  Tir  nan  Og ' — the  Land  of  the 
Ever-young. 

After  he  stopped  playing  his  listeners  sat  silent  for  a 
long  space,  for  they  could  not  speak.  But  when  the  spell  left 
them  and  the  strangers'  speech  came  back,  they  whispered 
to  each  other  that  none  dared  compete  against  that,  and  that 
they  themselves  must  not  touch  the  pipes.  So,  as  it  was  the 
mannerly  custom  among  the  Gaels  to  invite  strangers  to 
show  their  skill,  they  soon  took  leave  of  Macintyre  and  his 
family,  for  it  was  considered  rude  to  refuse  to  play  when 
asked.  After  they  had,  with  much  pretended  hurry,  bid  good 
health  be  with  their  entertainers,  they  hastened  to  their 
coracle  and  sailed  away  out  of  that,  saying  to  each  other,  '  If 
that  is  what  the  lad  does  who,  they  say,  cannot  play,  what 
can  the  old  man's  music  be  ? '  and  they  returned  no  more  to 
South  Uist,  for  they  themselves  were  known  musicians — but 
they  had  no  fairy  reed  or  chanter  ! 

BOOK   REVIEWS 

Higher  Grade  Readings  in  Gaelic,  with  Outlines  of  Gi-ammar.  Edited  by 
Alexander  Macbain,  LL.D.  Northern  Counties  Publishing  Office, 
Inverness:  1905.     Is.  6d.  net. 

Boys  and  girls  in  Highland  schools  speak  Gaelic  fluently,  in  pronounced 
dialect  form  for  the  most  part.  How  best  to  utilise  this  acquirement  of 
theirs  in  order  to  further  their  mental  training  and  general  culture  is  a  vital 
question  in  the  education  of  these  children.  Hitherto  it  has  been  practically 
ignored.  But  the  Scottish  Education  Department  has,  by  a  recent  Minute, 
offered  a  Leaving  Certificate  in  Gaelic,  and  Dr.  Macbain,  a  foremost  Gaelic 


BOOK  REVIEWS  85 

scholar  and  an  experienced  teacher  of  eminence,  has  printed  this  booklet  for 
the  use  of  pupils  qualifying  for  this  certificate. 

To  meet  the  case  of  such  pupils  fully,  it  will  be  found  that  not  one  but 
two  books  are  required.  First  and  foremost  there  is  urgently  needed  an 
outline  of  Gaelic  Grammar,  such  as  is  provided  here,  but  with  a  graduated 
course  of  exercises  for  translation  and  retranslation,  with  examples  here  and 
there  showing  how  such  exercises  ought  to  be  done,  especially  in  the 
rendering  of  idioms  and  figures  of  speech.  Such  a  volume  would  usefully 
provide  in  an  appendix  specimens  of  such  examination  papers  in  Gaelic 
as  have  hitherto  appeared.  A  separate  volume  would  be  required  for 
general  reading.  The  Eeading  Book  should  contain  carefully  selected 
specimens  in  prose  and  verse  from  the  best  modern  Gaelic  authors,  with 
a  short  note  giving  the  principal  facts  in  each  author's  life,  and  a  sentence 
indicating  the  special  feature  of  his  genius.  Meanwhile,  aspirants  for  the 
Gaelic  Leaving  Certificate  will  find  Dr.  Macbain's  little  volume  most  valu- 
able. For  a  first  edition  it  is  very  accurately  printed.  Of  the  section  on 
Grammar  it  may  be  said  that  it  would  be  difficult  to  pack  into  twenty -six  pages 
of  print  a  greater  amount  of  sound  and  accurate  knowledge  of  the  Grammar 
of  Scottish  Gaelic  than  is  found  here.  There  is,  considering  the  space, 
nothing  left  out  that  ought  to  be  in,  and  hardly  anything  in  that  were 
better  out.  In  the  tables  of  sounds  both  the  mediae  {b,  d,  g,)  and  the 
tenms  (p,  t,  c,)  are  equated  with  the  English  tenues  (p,  t,  c).  This  is 
somewhat  confusing.  It  is  the  case,  as  our  caricaturists  have  noted, 
that  Highlanders  and  Welshmen,  when  speaking  English,  are  apt  to 
sound  the  mediae  with  a  force  half-way  between  the  mediae  and  tenues.  But 
in  speaking  their  own  tongue  they  differentiate  their  i's  and  ^'s,  d's  and  t's, 
g's  and  c's  as  successfully  as  Englishmen.  In  actual  practice,  however,  a 
confusion  in  the  equation  of  sounds  in  a  grammatical  treatise  does  no  harm. 
Highland  boys  and  girls  acquire  their  knowledge  of  Gaelic  sounds  elsewhere. 
The  grouping  of  Nouns  in  the  various  declensions  is  the  most  scientific 
hitherto  printed.  But  it  will  always  be  a  question  whether  the  Scheme  of 
Declension  favoured  by  the  philologist  is  the  best  suited  for  the  schoolboy. 
The  old-fashioned  Five  Declensions  of  Latin  Grammar,  having  no  philo- 
logical basis,  will  maintain  their  place  in  our  grammars  for  beginners  for 
some  time  to  come.  It  is  somewhat  difficult  to  see  how  Dr.  Macbain  could 
give  in  the  Verb  such  a  form  as  Dm  mi  air  bhith  a'  bualadh.  The  selections 
for  Reading  and  Kecitation  are  chosen,  it  need  hardly  be  said,  with  judg- 
ment. They  are  all  of  high  literary  excellence,  and  that  is  the  chief  thing  to 
be  aimed  at.  But  it  must  be  said  that  they  lack  variety.  This  is  especially 
the  case  in  prose.  All  the  selections  are  from  one  author — Dr.  Macleod. 
Now,  while  it  will  be  at  once  admitted  that  no  educated  man  of  our  time 
has  written  Scottish  Gaelic  prose  with  such  charm  as  Dr.  Macleod,  it  still 
remains  true  that  there  are  several  other  writers  of  conspicuous  merit, 
and  that,  to  be  truly  educative,  the  reading  of  Gaelic-speaking  boys  and 
girls   should  not  be   restricted  to  one  author,  however  excellent.     And 


86  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

even  in  verse,  most  readers  will  miss  extracts  from  such  well-known 
poets  as  Mary  Macleod,  Alexander  Macdonald,  Duncan  M'lntyre,  and  Rob 
Donn.  The  mode  of  writing  followed  will,  as  a  whole,  commend  itself  to 
all  Gaelic  scholars.  The  traditional  orthography  is  adhered  to  except  upon 
cause  shown.  Such  words  as  d^idh  and  d4igh,  Sirich,  Sirigh,  and  6iridh,  with 
several  others,  are  distinguished,  and  the  correct  form  used  in  the  proper 
place.  Many  apostrophes  are  removed,  and  a  still  greater  number  could  be 
dispensed  with.  An  apostrophe  properly  represents  a  suppressed  letter. 
We  speak  in  groups  of  words  which  we  weld  into  one  continuous  sound,  and 
in  consequence  we  shall  always  have  a  good  many  apostrophes.  In  many 
cases  it  is  a  matter  of  indifference  which  vowel  is  suppressed.  The  utmost 
one  can  do  is  to  endeavour  to  be  somewhat  uniform :  e.g.  raise  'm  aonar, 
mis'  an  nochd.  In  some  cases  the  clashing  sounds  are  of  different  quality, 
and  then  the  stronger  survives :  e.g.  do  an  tigh  becomes  do'n  tigh,  '  to  the 
house,'  or  d'an  tigh,  '  to  their  house,'  the  o  of  the  preposition  being  stronger 
than  the  a  of  the  article,  but  weaker  than  the  a  of  the  possessive 
pronoun.  Our  Gaelic  writers  have,  unfortunately,  extended  the  scope  of 
the  apostrophe.  They  have  made  it  to  stand  not  merely  for  a  suppressed 
letter,  but  occasionally  for  suppressed  words,  such  as  a  the  possessive  pro- 
noun, a  the  so-called  relative,  ag  of  the  present  participle,  and  do  of  the 
infinitive.  In  such  cases  the  practice  ought  to  be  in  Gaelic  as  in  other 
languages  to  use  the  apostrophe  only  when  ambiguity  may  arise.  Thus 
one  writes  'atliair,  'his  father,'  to  distinguish  from  athair,  *a  father,'  but  no 
apostrophe  is  needed  in  the  case  of  athair-san  and  athair  fhein,  the  em- 
phatic forms  sufficing  to  prevent  ambiguity.  The  aspiration  of  a  word  does 
away  with  the  need  for  an  apostrophe  in  the  same  way  :  TJia  fhuil  dearg, 
'  his  blood  is  red,'  Similarly,  when  the  g  of  ag  is  suppressed  we  write  a' : 
a'  toirt  da,  'giving  him.'  But  when  ag  is  suppressed  the  apostrophe  is  not 
required :  Tha  rni  toirt  da,  *  I  am  giving  him.'  Two  words,  cJm'n  or  cha  n-, 
gu'n  or  gu  n-.  Dr.  Macbain  has  treated  in  strange  fashion, — he  writes  chan, 
gun.  Our  ancestors  who  fixed  our  Gaelic  orthography  found  certain 
fluctuating  sounds  which  they  attached  by  a  hyphen  to  the  succeeding, 
although  they  formed  an  essential  part  of  the  preceding,  word :  an  t-athair, 
ar  n-eun,  gu  h-ard.  Irish  scholars  wrote  also,  consistently,  cha  n-bl, 
gu  n-iarr ;  but,  somehow,  our  Scottish  authorities  wrote  cJia'n  ol,  gu'n  iarr. 
The  late  Dr.  Clerk  and  some  others  sought  to  remove  this  anomaly,  but 
unfortunately  they  placed  the  hyphen  upon  the  wrong  side  of  the  nasal,  and 
wrote  cha-n  hi,  gu-n  iarr.  Now  comes  Dr.  Macbain  and  writes  the  only 
other  possible  variant — chan  hi,  gun  iarr,  without  hyphen  or  apostrophe. 
Surely  in  this  case  it  were  better  to  let  even  ill  alone,  unless  one  was  pre- 
pared to  write  such  forms  as  ant  athair  for  an  t-athair,  am  aran  for  ar  n-aran, 
nah  ebin  for  na  h-ebin,  guh  ard  for  gii  h-ard.  One  might  also  suggest  that  in 
a  subsequent  edition  such  double  forms  as  toir  and  tabhair,  hhi  and  hhith, 
with  others,  should  be  differentiated  in  actual  use  :  An  toir  thu  leat  e  ?  Cha 
tabJiair.     'S  eudar  dlwmh  bhi  falbh  ;  faodaidh  sin  a  bhith.    So  also  agus  and  is, 


BOOK  REVIEWS  87 

which  are  not  only  different  words,  but  of  different  construction.  Dia- 
lectal words  and  forms  are  more  difficult  to  handle.  When  illustrating 
dialect,  local  sounds  and  forms  cannot  be  too  closely  reproduced  ;  in  writing 
verse,  the  ring  of  the  line  must  be  preserved  at  all  hazards;  while  in 
presenting  the  various  stages  of  the  language  historically  for  the  benefit  of 
advanced  students,  the  varying  practice  of  different  writers  must  needs  be 
reproduced  to  a  large  extent.  But  when  one  writes  the  language  for  the 
use  of  boys  and  girls,  one  ought  surely  to  write  even  local  diction  and 
idiom  in  the  established  orthography.  We  in  Scotland  write  cas  and  clack 
instead  of  the  older  cos  and  clock  for  the  very  good  reason  that  we  pronounce 
the  words  invariably  with  the  a  sound  instead  of  that  of  o.  When  we  differ 
among  ourselves  the  matter  is  not  so  clear.  But  surely  when  the  historic 
sound  or  form  is  still  in  use,  respect  for  the  past  ought  to  give  it  the  pre- 
ference. If  you  insist  on  writing :  Tkoir  sin  dha  na  k-eick,  because  do  has 
become  dka  in  your  local  usage,  I  have  an  equal  right  to  reply  in  my  dialect : 
Na  do'air,  korrdsa.  But  between  us  we  would  thus  make  the  Gaelic  page 
repellent,  unintelligible,  and  Gaelic  literature  impossible.  Could  we  not 
agree,  when  writing  plain  prose,  to  reproduce  our  local  sounds  and  forms 
in  historical  literary  form  when  tkese  are  still  in  living  use  among  us  ?  If 
we  could  bring  ourselves  to  do  so,  we  would  have  a  fairly  uniform  standard 
to  go  by,  and  we  would  hope  to  attract  rather  than  repel  our  few  readers. 
By  following  such  a  rule  one  would  write  maitk  not  7natk,  fatJiair  not 
d'atkair,  duit  not  dut,  fallan  not  fallain,  gnotkach  not  gnothaich,  and  scores  of 
other  such  forms  which  appear  in  Gaelic  books  otherwise  well  written, 
and,  from  their  contents,  deserving  of  study.  Don.  Mackinnon. 

William  Butler  Yeats  and  tke  Irisk  Literary  Revival.     By  Horatio  Sheafe 
Krans.     London  :  Heinemann.     Is.  M.  net. 

Mr.  Krans's  book  on  the  Irish  Literary  Revival  has  little  interest  for 
students  of  the  movement.  It  is  mainly  taken  up  with  an  analysis  of  Mr. 
Yeats's  poetry  and  philosophy,  and  deals  only  in  a  slight,  and  not  always 
well-informed,  way  with  the  Irish  Literary  Movement  as  a  whole.  Whatever 
may  be  said  of  Mr.  Krans's  knowledge  of  Mr.  Yeats's  work,  his  book,  which 
professes  to  deal  with  the  Avhole  literary  movement,  shows  an  amazing  want 
of  knowledge.  Mr.  Krans  is  an  American,  and  manifests  the  worst  faults 
of  American  literary  appreciation.  It  is  hard  to  take  his  rather  fulsome 
praise  of  Mr.  Yeats  seriously.  We  feel  sure  that  Mr.  Yeats  himself  would 
be  the  first  to  resent  an  attempt  to  place  him  on  a  pedestal  which  he  has 
never  shown  a  desire  to  occupy.  Mr.  Yeats's  poetry  is  in  need  of  no 
boom.  Genuine  lovers  of  poetry  recognise  him  as  a  leading  poet,  if  not  the 
leading  poet  of  the  day.  But  that  is  quite  a  different  thing  from  being 
head  and  front  and  mainstay  of  the  Irish  Literary  Revival.  Mr.  Yeats's  best 
work  is  in  his  English  verse,  verse  that  has  in  it  much  of  Mr.  Yeats's 
Celtic  spirit  and    charm.      He    has    attempted,   not  in  vain,   to  repro- 


88  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

duce  the  spirit  of  the  art  of  Ireland  in  English.  But  the  Irish  Literary 
Revival  aims  at  more  than  this.  It  hopes  to  take  up  the  tradition 
of  Irish  literature  at  the  point  where  it  had  almost  flickered  out,  revive  a 
literature  in  the  Irish  language  rich  with  the  inspiration  of  the  new  time, 
voicing  the  hope  of  a  national  life  full  of  promise.  This  must  be  the  work 
of  other  hands  than  Mr.  Yeats.  But  towards  its  realisation  he  has  done 
much.  He  has  directed  attention  to  the  great  sources  of  Irish  poetry  and 
romance.  He  has,  especially  in  the  last  number  of  Samhain,  laid  down 
excellent  rules  for  the  guidance  of  workers  in  the  purely  Irish  field  of 
poetry  and  the  drama.  In  reaction  against  the  modern  theatre  of  com- 
merce he  has  been  mainly  instrumental  in  establishing  in  Dublin  a  theatre 
where  literary  drama  flourishes.  Better  than  all,  he  has  given  the  Irish 
poets  and  dramatists  the  example  of  his  own  highly  finished  work. 

Both  the  Irish  Literary  Movement  and  Mr.  Yeats  are  worthier  of 
better  treatment  than  they  have  received  at  the  hands  of  Mr.  Krans. 
Is  there  no  one  who  will  give  us  an  adequate  book  on  the  subject  which 
is  of  interest  not  to  Celts  only,  but  to  all  lovers  of  literature  throughout 
the  world  1  Seathan  MacDhonain. 

Uirsgeulan  Gaidhealach.     Stirling  :  Eneas  Mackay.    6d. 

Uirsgeulan  Gaidhealach  is  a  choice  little  book  containing  four  Gaelic 
stories.  Three  authors  are  represented  in  the  little  collection  of  modern 
tales.  We  have  already  an  indication  of  their  merit  in  the  fact  that 
they  won  prizes  at  the  M6d,  and  they  are  now  published  in  this  form 
under  the  imprimatur  of  the  Comunn  Gaidhealach.  It  is  a  modest  be- 
ginning in  what  should  prove  a  fruitful  and  a  useful  line  of  work,  and  it  is 
to  be  hoped  that  the  Comunn  ^vill  receive  such  encouragement  in  it  as  will 
warrant  it  in  undertaking  the  issuing  of  works  of  even  larger  compass. 

There  is  a  story  of  two  Highland  cailleachs  who  were,  on  one  occasion, 
passing  some  criticisms  on  a  sermon  they  had  just  heard,  and  this  is  how 
one  of  them  put  it.  '  The  sermon  had  three  faults  :  (1)  It  was  read ;  (2)  it 
was  not  well  read ;  and  (3)  it  was  not  worth  reading.'  If  this  story  is 
reversed  it  will  apply  to  the  brochure  under  review.  It  has  three  excel- 
lencies:  (1)  It  is  all  written  in  Gaelic;  (2)  it  is  well  written;  and  (3)  it 
was  well  worth  being  written. 

Of  course  it  is  possible  to  point  to  an  occasional  slip  in  diction  or  idiom. 
Thoir  f  uan  geal  dhachaidh  as  a'  nead  glan  is  a  little  mixed.  If  the  expression, 
'chaidh  na  beannachdan  's  na  guidheachan  matha  fhagail  air  gach  taobh,'  were 
used  in  Skye  or  in  the  Outer  Isles,  or  in  many  other  parts  of  the  Highlands, 
it  would  convey  a  very  different  idea  from  that  intended  by  this  writer.  In 
those  parts  guidheachan  means  profane  swearing. 

Such  points,  however,  are  neither  numerous  nor  serious,  nor  do  they  by 
any  means  detract  aught  from  the  general  excellence  of  the  book.  We 
hope  to  hear  that  the  first  edition  is  exhausted,  and  a  second  in  demand,  by 
the  time  the  M6d  meets  in  the  autumn.  M.  M. 


BOOK  REVIEWS  89 

Ballads  of  a  Country  Boy.     By  Seumas  McManus. 
Dublin  :  Gill  and  Son.     Is.  &d. 

One  of  the  leaders  of  young  Ireland  said,  '  Come  and  let  us  make 
national  songs  to  warm  the  hearts  of  our  people,'  and  truly  to-day  Ireland 
is  a  nest  of  singing  birds.  This  neat  little  volume  of  poems  gives  fresh 
justification  to  the  statement.  There  is  achievement  and  genuine  promise 
in  the  Country  Boy's  work.  The  ballads  are,  however,  of  unequal  merit,  and 
there  is  sometimes  a  lack  of  artistic  finish  which  perhaps  shows  that  some 
of  them  may  be  juvenile.  Though  the  poems  can  hardly  be  said  to  strike 
a  new  note,  they  are  full  of  Celtic  atmosphere  and  genuine  feeling.  There 
is  no  affectation,  all  is  simple  and  sincere,  as  befits  the  Country  Boy. 
There  is  also  the  cry  of  the  city  dweller  for  nature,  for  the  heath-clad  hills 
of  Ireland,  and  a  yearning,  touched  with  exquisite  regret  for  the  fresh 
young  days  that  are  past. 

Perhaps  Mr.  McManus  is  most  universally  successful  in  his  love-songs. 
Yet  humour  and  pathos  are  not  awanting.  '  Father  Phil '  and  the  poem 
describing  the  old  schoolmaster  are  gems  in  their  way,  and  '  The  Mountain 
Waterfall '  is  a  fine  piece  of  descriptive  work  that  reminds  one  of  '  Coire 
Cheathaich.'  Many  of  the  ballads  are  full  of  rousing  patriotic  enthusiasm 
and  of  that  love  which  all  her  true  children  feel  for  Eire.  From  one  such 
poem  come  the  following  lines : — 

'  There's  not  a  little  bell  that  blows  in  Ireland's  dewy  glens. 
There  's  not  a  sagan  waves  a  spear  above  her  many  fens, 
There  's  not  a  tiny  blade  of  grass  on  all  her  thousand  hills 
But  this  fond  breast  with  tender  love  to  overflowing  fills. 
0,  Ireland  for  your  holy  sake  I  '11  joyful  bear  all  pain. 
To  your  high  cause  I  '11  consecrate  my  heart,  my  hand,  my  brain.' 

Beautiful  as  some  of  Mr.  McManus's  poems  are,  however,  his  reputation 
will  probably  continue  to  rest  on  his  prose  work,  which  has  many  keen 
admirers.  M.  N.  Munro. 

[A  number  of  Beviews  are  held  over.'] 

NOTES 

Notes  on  the  Study  of  Gaelic 

INTRODUCTORY 

These  Notes,  attempted  at  the  suggestion  of  the  Editor  of  the  Celtic 
Beview,  are  intended  to  help  in  some  degree  those  who  possess  a  conversa- 
tional knowledge  of  the  Gaelic  language,  and  desire  to  speak  and  write  it 
with  accuracy.  There  are,  it  is  believed,  many  such.  Gaelic  is  still 
vernacular  in  most  parts  of  our  Highland  counties,  and  there  are  abundant 
indications  that  the  Scottish  Gael  are  awakening  to  a  consciousness  of  the 
loss  they  would  sustain  by  the  death  of  their  language.    In  the  meantime 


90  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

teacher  and  pupil  have  to  face  difficulties  not  only  in  the  matter  of  suitable 
text-books,  but  also  in  the  lack  of  any  definite  tradition.  In  the  teaching  of 
Latin  or  English  every  one  knows  fairly  well  what  course  to  follow.  New 
and  improved  methods,  it  is  true,  are  being  adopted,  to  the  saving  of  time 
and  effort ;  but  after  all  the  old  tradition  has  produced  good  scholars,  and 
may  do  so  still.  The  case  of  Gaelic  is  different.  Here  there  can  hardly  be 
said  to  be  any  via  trita  :  each  goes  his  own  way  according  to  his  lights.  If 
the  study  of  Gaelic  goes  on,  as  we  hope  it  will,  we  may  expect  in  the  course 
of  some  years  to  see  an  evolution  of  method  which,  with  suitable  text-books, 
will  at  once  facilitate  the  labours  of  teacher  and  pupil,  and  raise  the  standard 
of  the  work.  Just  at  present  it  ought  to  be  useful  to  outline  a  plan  of 
study  such  as  might  be  sufficient  to  cover  the  ground  of  the  leaving  certifi- 
cate in  Gaelic.  It  need  hardly  be  said  that  the  scheme  is  tentative,  and 
subject  to  improvement  in  the  light  of  further  experience.  The  style  and 
scope  of  the  papers  set  for  the  certificate  will  necessarily  exert  a  powerful 
influence  ;  so  far  we  know  these  only  in  a  general  way. 

In  an  introductory  paper  such  as  this,  it  is  pertinent  to  ask  what  are  the 
objects  to  be  attained  by  a  study  of  Gaelic.  What  is  the  good  of  it  1  By 
this  is  not  meant  its  immediate  utility  from  a  commercial  point  of  view,  a 
test  which,  strictly  applied,  would,  I  fear,  make  short  work  of  most  of  the 
subjects  in  our  ordinary  school  curriculum,  but  rather  whether  it  serves  any 
serious  purpose  of  educational  value  or  of  practical  importance.  Something 
may  be  urged  on  both  these  sides.  So  long  as  Gaelic  is  vernacular,  we  shall 
require  ministers  and  schoolmasters  with  a  scholarly  knowledge  of  the 
language.  This  surely  need  not  be  insisted  on,  and  there  is  at  the  present 
moment  a  very  real  need  of  both.  From  an  educational  point  of  view, 
it  must  be  admitted  that  in  Gaelic  we  in  Scotland  possess  an  instrument  of 
culture  which  has  never  been  properly  utilised,  because  we  have  not  been 
taught  its  value.  Others — Germans,  Frenchmen,  and  Englishmen — have 
found  the  study  of  Gaelic  to  be  the  *  open  sesame  '  to  the  understanding  of 
certain  facts  and  conditions  of  primitive  Aryan  civilisation.  Mr.  Alfred 
Nutt's  study  of  Cuchulainn,  the  Irish  Achilles,^  may  be  cited  in  illustration. 
The  '  sea-divided  Gael,'  Scottish  and  Irish,  possess  an  inheritance,  traditional 
and  linguistic,  closely  akin  to  that  of  the  Greeks  and  Eomans,  yet  difi'erent 
and  complementary.  The  key  to  all  this  is  a  knowledge  of  the  language. 
Coming  to  more  recent  things,  we  may  say  that  a  knowledge  of  Gaelic 
is  essential  to  the  right  understanding  of  the  history  of  Scotland.  Scotland, 
most  of  it,  was  Gaelic  speaking  up  to  the  time  of  the  Keformation.  Its 
church  and  its  institutions  were  thoroughly  Celtic  up  to  Malcolm  Canmore. 
Scotland  north  of  the  Grampians  was  opened  to  Saxon  influence  only  after 
the  rising  of  1745.  The  Highland  boy  who  reads  Latin  should  know  that 
Calgacus  is  Calgach,  that  Dumnorix  is  Kigh  an  Domhain,  and  that  Caractacus 
is,  etymologically,  the  ancestor  of  MacCarthy.     Our  Duncans  and  Donalds 

1  David  Nutt.    6d. 


NOTES  91 

should  have  added  respect  for  their  name  and  race  from  learning  that  they 
represent  the  old  Gaulish  Dunocatos,  Fort-warrior,  and  Dumnovalos,  World- 
chief.  Modern  Scottish  Gaelic  literature,  from  the  Dean  of  Lismore  down- 
wards, even  including  the  forgeries  of  Macpherson — which  after  all  are  not 
wholly  forgeries — is  valuable  both  on  account  of  its  form  and  of  its  matter.  It 
possesses  qualities  of  its  own,  distinctively  Celtic,  which  have  been  frequently 
insisted  on,  and  come  as  a  revelation  to  the  less  imaginative,  but  still 
appreciative  Teuton.  In  point  of  form,  no  language,  not  even  excepting 
ancient  Greek  and  modern  French,  is  richer  in  idiomatic  and  felicitous 
terms  of  expression.  Shrewd,  racy,  and  pungent,  with  proverb  or 
apothegm  to  illustrate  and  enliven  every  turn,  Gaelic  is  an  ideal  language 
for  narrative  or  argument.  DiflPering  toto  caelo  from  English  in  its  idiom 
and  its  manner  of  thinking,  it  affords  a  discipline  in  translation  closely 
analogous  to  that  given  by  Latin.     Above  all,  it  is  our  own  tongue. 

In  all  teaching  of  language,  and  certainly  not  least  in  the  case  of  Gaelic, 
the  first  essential  is  correct  pronunciation.  Clearness  and  distinctness  of 
enunciation  must  be  insisted  on  from  the  beginning  and  right  through. 
For  this,  a  necessary  preliminary  is  a  thorough  drill  in  the  sounds  of  the 
Gaelic  alphabet,  vowels  and  consonants.  It  is  unnecessary  at  this  stage  to 
go  into  details ;  we  shall  see  hereafter  how  essential  this  is  for  the  sake  of 
spelling.  Once  the  values  of  vowels  and  consonants  are  understood,  Gaelic 
spelling  loses  most  of  its  terrors,  and  indeed  is  seen  to  be  highly  serviceable 
and  very  fairly  consistent  in  representing  the  spoken  word. 

Spelling,  writing,  and  dictation  should  be  practised  from  the  start.  It  is 
a  sound  principle  that  we  should  enlist  the  services  of  the  ear,  the  eye,  the 
hand,  and  the  tongue,  and  exercise  in  the  written  forms  of  words  should 
not  be  deferred  to  a  late  stage. 

With  regard  to  grammar,  it  sometimes  seems  to  be  implied  that  it 
should  be  left  over  for  the  advanced  stages.  This  may  be  partly  true  of  a 
language  such  as  English,  which  has  practically  lost  its  inflections,  and 
therefore  can  hardly  be  said  to  have  a  grammar.  It  would  certainly  be 
a  serious  error  to  teach  an  inflected  language  like  Gaelic  on  such  a  principle. 
In  Gaelic  one  is  brought  up  against  grammatical  facts  from  the  very  first, 
and  these  have  to  be  understood  and  put  in  practice.  What  is  of  import- 
ance, however,  is  that  the  learner  should  not  be  burdened  with  facts 
of  grammar  for  which  he  has  no  immediate  use.  Grammar  is  after  all  not 
an  end  in  itself,  and  it  should  be  introduced  regularly,  gradually,  tactfully, 
with  care  that  the  pupil  is  not  at  any  one  time  introduced  to  more  gram- 
matical facts  than  can  be  fully  exemplified  in  composition.  Strictly  speak- 
ing, of  course,  matters  should  be  so  arranged  that  the  grammar  arises 
naturally  and  consecutively  from  the  reading,  both  being  combined  with 
practice  in  speaking  and  in  writing.     This  is  a  counsel  of  perfection. 

In  the  notes  which  follow  I  shall  attempt  to  outline  a  first  year's  course 
suitable  to  children  of  thirteen  to  fourteen,  as  a  basis  of  two  hours  per  week, 
or  eighty  lessons  in  the  school  year.  W.  J.  Watson. 


92  THE  CELTIC  EEVIEW 

The  paper  set  for  the  Leaving  Certificate  Examination  (Gaelic, 
29th  June,  2-5  p.m.)  is  printed  here  by  permission  of  the  Controller  of 
H.M.  Stationery  Office. 

I.  Translate  into  English  the  following  extract : — 

Long  irihor  nan  Eilthireach.^ 

"N  am  measg  chunnaic  mi  aon  long  mhor  a  thug  barr  orra  air  fad  ;  bha  iomadh 
bata  beag  a'  gabhail  d'  a  h-ionnsuidh,  agus  thug  mi  fainear  gu  robh  iad  a'  deanamh 
deas  gu  a  cur  fa  sgaoil.  Bha  duine  leinn  as  gann  a  thog  a  cheann  fad  an  latha,  's  a 
bha  a  nis  ag  amharc  gu  geur  air  an  luing.  '  An  aithne  dhuit,'  thuirt  mi  ris,  '  ciod  i  an 
long  mhor  so  ? '  '  Mo  thruaighe  ! '  ars'  esan,  '  's  ann  domh  as  aithne  ;  is  duilich  learn 
gu  bheil  barrachd  's  a  b'  aill  learn  de  m'  luchd-eolais  innte  ;  innte  tha  mo  bhraithrean 
is  moran  de  m'  chairdean  a'  dol  thairis  air  imrich  f  hada  do  America  mu  Thuath  ;  agus 
is  bochd  nach  robh  agamsa  na  bbeireadh  air  falbh  mi  cuideachd.'  Tharruing  sinn  a 
nunn  d'  an  ionnsuidh  ;  oir  tha  mi  ag  aideachadh  gu  robh  toil  agam  na  daoine  so 
fhaicinn  a  bha  an  diugh  a'  dol  a  ghabhail  an  cead  deireannach  a  dh'  Albainn,  air  t6ir 
duthcha  far  am  faigheadh  iad  dachaidh  dhaibh  fh^in  's  d'  an  teaghlaichean.  Cha'n  'eil 
e  comasach  a  thoirt  air  aon  duine  nach  robh  's  an  lathair  an  sealladh  a  chunnaic  mi  a 
thuigsinn.  Cha  tig  an  latha  a  th^id  e  as  mo  chuimhne.  Bha  iad  an  so  eadar  bheag 
agus  mhor,  o'n  naoidhean  nach  robh  ach  seachdain  a  dh'  aois  gus  an  seann  duine  liath 
a  bha  tri  fichead  bliadhna  's  a  deich. 

II.  Translate  into  English  one  of  the  following  : — 

(a)  Badan  fraoich. 

Ceud  failt'  ort  fhein,  a  bhadain  fhraoich, 

Bho  thir  nan  aonach  ard. 
An  tir  a  dh'  araich  iomadh  laoch, 

Ge  sgaoilt'  an  diugh  an  al  ; 
Tha  snuadh  mo  dhiithcha  air  do  ghruaidh, 

Seasaidh  tu  fuachd  is  blaths  : 
'S  e  mheudaich  dhomh  cho  mor  do  luach 

Gu'n  d'  fhuair  mi  thu  bho'n  Bhard. 

{h)  Ealadhna^  Dhonnachaidh  BMin,  am  Bard. 

Dheanainn  duit  ceann  ^  is  crann  *  's  an  Earrach 

An  am  chur  ghearran  an  eill ; 
Is  dheanainn  mar  chach  air  traigh  na  mara 

Cur  aird  air  mealladh  an  eisg  ; 
Mharbhainn  duit  geoidh  is  roin  is  eala, 

'S  na  h-eoin  air  bharra  nan  geug ; 
'S  cha  bhi  thu  ri  d'  bheo  gun  seol  air  t'  aran 

'S  mi  chomhnuidh  far  am  hi  feidh. 

III.  Reproduce,  in  Gaelic,  and,  as  far  as  possible,  in  your  own  diction  and  idiom,  the 
passage  read  out.     {See  p.  93.) 

^  Emigrant. 

2  Accomplishments. 

3  He  who  leads  the  horses. 

*  The  man  who  guides  the  plough. 


NOTES  93 

IV.  Translate  into  Gaelic  one  of  the  following  passages  : — 

(a)  Shinty. 

The  games  of  the  boys  were  all  athletic,* — throwing  the  hammer,  putting  the 
stone,  leaping,  wrestling,  and  the  like.  But  the  fayourite  game  was  '  shinty,'  called 
hockey,  I  believe,  in  England.  This  is  played  by  any  number  of  persons,  as  many  as 
a  hundred  often  engaging  in  it.  Each  has  a  club,  or  stick  bent  at  the  end,  and  made 
short  or  long,  according  as  it  has  to  be  used  by  one  or  both  hands.  The  largest  and 
smoothest  field  that  can  be  found  is  selected  for  the  game.  The  combat  lies  in  the 
attempt  of  each  party  to  knock  a  ball  beyond  a  certain  boundary  in  the  opponents' 
ground.  The  ball  is  struck  by  any  one  on  either  side  who  can  get  at  it.  Few  games 
are  more  exciting,  or  demand  greater  physical  exertion,  than  a  good  shinty  match. 

(b)  Abo^it  Seals. 

Very  well,  then.  It  is  now  May,  about  the  20th,  and  we  are  at  the  other  side  of 
the  world,  in  the  Island  of  St.  Paul.  It  is  cool  and  misty  ;  but  there  are  few  warm 
or  clear  days  in  this  quarter,  even  in  summer.  We  can  see  a  few  large  seals  on  the 
rocks,  seven  feet  long  every  one  of  them.  The  nearest  one  shows  no  fear  of  us,  and 
we  need  not  fear  him.  He  is  very  fat,  and  it  is  well  for  him  that  he  is  so.  When  he 
has  his  family  gathered  round  him  on  that  rock,  he  will  stay  there  to  defend  them 
against  all  comers  for  the  next  three  or  four  months,  and  during  that  time  he  will 
neither  eat  nor  drink.  Young  ones  are  there  also.  When  these  are  about  three 
months  old,  they  venture  into  the  water  ;  but  at  first  they  soon  scramble  out  again, 
spitting  and  crying  as  loud  as  they  can.  In  a  few  days,  however,  they  learn  to  swim 
perfectly. 

V.  Answer  any  two  (not  more)  of  the  following  four  questions  : — 

1.  Give  the  genitive  singular  and  nominative  plural  of  bean,  bd,  caora,  cii,  long, 
sliabh. 

2.  Give,  with  examples,  three  cases  in  which  the  Article  is  used  difiierently  in 
Gaelic  and  English. 

3.  Translate  the  following  sentences  into  idiomatic  Gaelic  : — 

Both  are  equally  good.     He  gave  thirty  shilliuga  each  for  the  sheep.    I  shall 
be  back  before  Monday.     He  will  be  twelve  years  of  age  a  month  hence. 

4.  Express  in  English  the  meaning  of  these  sentences  and  phrases  : — 

01c  air  mhaith  le  each  e.     Tha  mi  sgith,  's  mi  leam  fhin.     Cha  b'  fhearr  a 
nasgaidh  e.     Cha  bu  ruith  leis  ach  leum. 

(III.  See  p.  92.)     This  paper  must  not  be  seen  by  any  Candidate. 

To  be  read  out  twice,  slowly  and  in  an  accent  with  which  the  Candidates  are  familiar, 
by  the  Supervising  Officer  {or  the  Teacher)  at  2.45  p.m.  The  substance  of  this 
story  is  to  be  reproduced  by  the  Candidates  in  Gaelic.  No  notes  may  be  made 
while  it  is  being  read. 

Before  commencing  to  read  it,  the  Supervising  Officer  or  the  Teacher  must  write 
upon  the  blackboard  the  title  of  the  story  as  follows :  '  Bathadh  a'  Chuilein.' 
He  should  also  warn  the  Candidates  thai  they  are  not  to  aim  at  reproducing 
the  passage  in  all  its  details,  and  in  the  same  words  or  order  of  words  as  the 

1  Fearail. 


94  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

original.  What  is  desired  is  that  they  should  attempt  to  [relate'  the  story  in 
Gaelic,  in  their  ovm  diction  and  idiom.  Great  importance  is  attached  to  gram- 
matical correctness,  and  fvll  credit  will  be  given  for  idiomatic  phraseology. 


Bathadh  a'  Chuilein. 

Chaidh  binn  a'  chuilein  a  thoirt  a  mach  air  ball,  's  b'e  sin  a  bhathadh  ;  agus  air 
son  mo  chuid-sa  de'n  ghnothach,  's  ann  orm  a  thainig  a'  bhinn  a  thoirt  gu  buil,  's  e 
sin  ri  radh,  's  ann  domh  a  b'  eigin  mo  chompanach  beag,  boidheach  a  chur  gu  bas. 
Thog  mi  learn  e  ann  am  bhroilleach,  's  mo  chridhe  an  impis  sgaineadh  ;  agus  o'n  a 
bha'n  t-uisge  a'  sileadb  gu  trom  chomhdaich  mi  e  le  sgiath  mo  pheiteige  gu  a 
chumail  tioram.  'Nuair  a  rainig  mi  an  linne  dhubh  's  am  biodh  iad  a'  bathadh  chon 
is  chat,  bha  i  ag  amharc  cho  dorcha  's  nach  robh  de  chruas  cridhe  agam  na  leigeadh 
dhomh  a  thilgeil  innte.  Thill  mi  ceum  air  m'ais  o  bhruaich  na  h-aibhne  's  chaidh 
mi  stigh  fo  phreas  beag  seilich,  agus  chrubain  mi  an  sin  gus  an  robh  mi  cho  fliuch  's 
ged  a  bhithinn  air  mo  thumadh  's  an  abhainn.  Cia  fhad  a  dli'  fhanainn  mar  sin  na 
maireadh  solus  latha  cha'n  fhios  domh,  ach  bha  e  nis  a'  fas  dorcha,  's  b'eudar  an  tigh 
a  thoirt  orm.  Fliuch  gus  an  craiceann,  air  chrith  leis  an  f  huachd,  's  ach  beag  as  mo 
chiall  leis  an  eagal,  leum  mi  air  mo  bhonn  's  ghabh  mi  roid  chum  bruaich  na  h-aibhne 
's  thilg  mi  an  diiile  bhochd  's  an  linne.  Thug  e  aon  sgal  as.  Cha  d'  eisd  mi  ri 
tuillidh  ;  ghlaodh  is  chaoin  mi,  's  theich  mi  cho  luath  's  a  bheireadh  mo  chasan  mi. 
'Nuair  a  rainig  mi  an  tigh,  thilg  mi  dhiom  m'  aodach  's  leum  mi  do  m'  leabaidh. 
Cha  bu  luaithe  thigeadh  neul  cadail  orm  na  bha  sgal  a'  chuilein  'n  am  chluais. 
Mhair  an  gnothach  mar  sin  fad  na  h-oidhche.  'S  a'  mhaduinn  bha  mise  cho  tinn  's 
nach  b'  urrainn  domh  mo  cheann  a  thogail  bharr  mo  chluasaig.  Bha  dithis  's  an 
tigh  an  latha  sin  aig  an  robh  ionndrainn  gl^  ghoirt.  B'iad  sin  mathair  agus  com- 
panach  a'  chuilein,  's  bha  iomadh  latha  'n  a  dheigh  sin  mu'n  deachaidh  sgal  a' 
chreutair  bhig  as  mo  chluais. 

[Readers  of  the  Magazine  will  be  interested  to  notice  that  the  above  piece  is  taken  from 
Mr.  Donald  Mackechnie's  excellent  contribution  to  the  first  number  {July  1904) 
of  the  Celtic  Review.] 


Celt  and  Semite  and  the  Determination  of  our  Origins 

If  philology  may  afford  a  precious  contribution  to  the  determination 
of  our  racial  origins,  no  light  can  be  thrown  upon  the  darkness  of  that 
distant  past  without  a  combined  exegesis  of  the  notions  we  derive  from 
Geology,  Palaeontology,  Anthropology,  Ethnography,  Epigraphy,  and  even 
Astronomy. 

A  priori,  the  racial  formation  of  the  Celtic  group  succeeding  in  the  West, 
on  its  habitat,  to  the  Race  of  the  Dolmens  was  probably  anterior  to  the 
development  of  Aryan  or  Semitic  civilisations  in  the  East.  Most  probably, 
according  to  the  hypothesis  of  M.  Andre  de  Panaguia,  the  Celtic  Race  pro- 
ceeded, at  the  Stone  Age,  from  the  invasion  of  the  habitat  of  the  Bace  of  the 
Dolmens  by  tribes  of  the  Eastern  Black  Race,  by  a  mixture  of  those  invaders 
with  that  Bace  of  the  Dolmens. 

If  the  climates  of  the   North  have  lightened  the  complexion  of  the 


NOTES  95 

original  specimens  of  the  Celtic  Race,  our  relationship  with  the  Dravidian 
remainder  of  the  Black  Eace  in  the  south  of  India  seems  most  probable. 
And  that  opinion  can  be  defended  with  the  arguments  presented  by 
E.  P.  Van  den  Cheyn,  the  learned  Indianist,  in  his  Memoires  on  The  Euro- 
pean Origin  of  the  Aryas  and  the  Asiatic  Origin  of  the  Black  Race.  Most 
probably,  also,  the  early  language  of  the  Celts  derived  from  a  mixture  of  the 
Asiatic  dialect  of  the  invaders  of  the  Black  Eace  with  the  language  of  the 
Race  of  the  Dolmens.  What  was  that  language  ?  A  rudimentary  tongue, 
probably  still  monosyllabic,  corresponding  to  the  rudimentary  civilisation  of 
the  Race  of  the  Dolmens.  If  the  migrations  of  the  Rac^  of  the  Dolmens 
reached  the  North  of  Africa,  on  what  ground  can  the  hypothesis  be  formed 
of  a  non-Aryan  migration  proceeding,  in  the  inverse  direction,  from  Syriac 
or  Egyptian  lands  towards  the  future  habitat  of  the  Celts  ? 

From  analogies  between  the  radicals  in  the  Celtic  and  the  Semitic 
tongues,  and,  perhaps,  from  the  similitudes  in  some  of  the  religious  rites  ! 

But  what  more  possible  than  that  the  earliest  Semites,  like  the  earliest 
Celts,  should  have  received  their  polysyllabic  form  of  language  and  their 
common  religious  myths  from  the  anterior  civilisation  of  the  Eastern 
Black  Race  1 

But,  according  to  a  chronology  based  upon  induction,  whereas  the 
earliest  racial,  linguistic,  and  religious  civilisation  of  the  Celts  was  pre- 
Ramaganic  and  Lunar,  the  racial,  linguistic,  and  religious  civilisation  of  the 
Semites  was  post-Ramaganic  and  Solar,  and  the  ancestors  of  the  Semites 
could  not  have  brought  from  Egypt,  via  North  Africa  and  Spain,  to  the 
earliest  Celts  what  they  had  not  yet  received  themselves. 

It  is  certain  that,  without  mingling  and  without  contact,  the  earliest 
Touranian  Tribes  derived  from  the  anterior  civilisation  of  the  Eastern  Black 
Eace  much  more  certain  linguistic  and  religious  analogies  with  the  Celto- 
Aryan  group  of  the  habitat  of  the  ancient  Race  of  the  Dolmens,  and  certain, 
too,  that  the  Far-Eastern  Touranians,  the  Chinese  (although  their  original 
monosyllabic  tongue  developed  unvaryingly  true  to  its  own  genius)  were  not 
without  points  of  contact  with  the  earliest  Celts  as  to  the  notion  of  the  Art 
of  Analogy  which  combined  music  and  poetry,  art  of  which  the  rules  or 
canons  had  been  consigned  in  the  Yo  King.  In  fact,  it  was  the  earliest 
Bardic  Science  common  to  the  Celts,  to  the  Touranians,  and  even  to  the 
Chinese.  Lionel  OEadiguet,  D.D.,  LL.OO.V. 

The  Bagpipes  in  the  Bible 

From  The  Expository  Times  of  January  1905  : — 

'  What  Avas  it  that  the  elder  son  heard  when  he  returned  from  the  field  1 
It  was  the  bagpipes.  So  says  Mr.  Phillips  Barry  in  the  second  part  for  1904 
of  that  most  scholarly  annual,  the  Journal  of  Biblical  Literature.  And  it 
seems  impossible  to  doubt  that  he  is  right. 


96  THE  CELTIC   REVIEW 

'The  Greek  word  is  o-u/xc^wvia.  Now,  (rvn<f)0)via  in  Greek,  perhaps  as 
early  as  the  time  of  Aristotle,  means  some  musical  instrument.  It  appears 
as  an  Aramaic  loan-word  in  Daniel  iii.  5,  and  is  translated  "  bagpipe  "  by 
every  competent  translator.  Again,  it  occurs  in  Koman  writers  in  the 
Latinised  form  symphonia,  and  that  in  Latin  it  means  "  bagpipe  "  is  proved, 
not  only  by  the  passages  in  which  it  occurs  (Mr.  Barry  quotes  very  many  of 
them),  but  also  by  the  fact  that  with  the  meaning  of  "  bagpipe  "  it  passed 
into  all  Romance  languages. 

'Turn  to  the  word  as  it  occurs  in  Luke  xv.  25.  How  has  it  been 
rendered  in  the  Church  1  The  Syriac  palimpsest,  found  in  the  Convent  of 
St.  Catherine  on  Mount  Sinai  by  Mrs.  Lewis,  has  "  sephUnyo,"  clearly  a 
loan-word  from  the  Greek  again,  and  taken  in  the  Greek  meaning.  In  the 
Western  Church  "  bagpipe  "  was  the  prevalent  translation  as  late  as  the  fifth 
century,  when  Jerome  set  it  aside  for  the  more  general  sense  of  the  anti- 
phony.  The  Vulgate  chose  "symphonia,"  and  Wiclif  followed  with  "a 
symphony,"  undoubtedly  in  the  sense  of  bagpipe.  Ulfilas  alone  of  the 
early  translators  chose  the  sense  of  "  singing  "  (saggwins).  There  can  be  no 
reasonable  doubt  that  the  verse  ought  to  be  translated :  '*  Now  his  elder  son 
was  in  the  field,  and  as  he  came  and  drew  nigh  to  the  house,  he  heard 
bagpipe  and  dancing.'" 


REPLY 

St.  Mulvay 

The  church  of  '  St.  Mulvay  '  in  the  parish  of  Barvas,  Lewis,  so  named  by 
Martin  in  his  Western  Islands,  is  known  in  Gaelic  as  an  Teampull  M6r,  the 
great  temple ;  Teampull  Ehi-ahaidh,  the  temple  of  Eoropy  ;  and  Teampull 
Mo-Luaidh.  This  last  would  be  written  phonetically  Teampull  Moluay  or 
Muluay,  and  I  suggest  that  Martin's  form,  as  printed,  is  due  to  his  having 
written  his  u  as  v,  as  he  might  very  well  have  done,  or  to  his  MS.  having 
been  misread  to  that  extent.  Sir  Arthur  Mitchell's  *  St.  Molonah '  is 
surely  a  misprint  for  Molouah.  The  dedication  was  certainly  not  to  St.  Molios 
(Molaisi),  but  in  all  probability  to  Moluag  of  Lismore,  whose  name,  though 
it  is  found  with  the  aiFectionate  diminutive  in  several  place-names,  appears 
in  the  Foiir  Masters  as  Lughaidh,  which  with  the  honorific  mo  would  give 
Mo-Lu'aidh  in  modern  Gaelic.  The  remains  of  the  old  church  which  still 
exist  indicate,  as  I  am  informed  on  good  authority,  that  the  building  was  of 
a  style  and  construction  superior  to  the  ordinary  CilL  W.  J.  W. 


THE   CELTIC   REVIEW 

OCTOBER  16,  1905 

TRANSLATIONS  FROM  DAFYDD  AB  GWILYM 

By  Mrs.  Cecil  Popham 

The  Burial  of  the  Poet  dead  from  Love 

A  MAIDEN  brightly  fair  art  thou,  whose  brow  is  as  a  lily 
'neath  a  golden  web.  I  loved  thee  with  a  worthy,  an  infinite 
love.  Blessed  Mary !  is  there  deliverance  for  me  ?  Keep 
thyself  well  for  fear  of  thy  kin  avenging  thy  honour ;  I 
have  not  paid  the  price.  There  is  with  me,  O  my  beloved, 
heavy  sighing  for  the  want  of  thee,  from  the  deeps  of  my 
unfeigned  madness.  Because  of  this,  fair  and  beautiful 
jewel,  guilty  wilt  thou  be — by  the  relics  of  grace — of  my 
murder. 

In  a  grave  amidst  leaves  in  the  sappy  greenwood  shall  I 
be  buried.  Funeral  canopies  of  green  birch  shall  I  have 
to-morrow  'neath  the  branches  of  the  ash,  a  surplice  shroud 
about  me,  and  linen  bright  as  the  summer  clover.  And  the 
green  leaves  of  high  dignity  with  soft  cries  shall  implore 
grace  for  me.  Flowers  of  the  grove  will  curtain  me,  on  a 
bier  of  eight  rods  shall  I  lie,  and  the  sea-gulls  will  come  in 
thousands  to  carry  it.  And  a  host  of  mice  with  eyes  like 
sparkling  jewels  will  come  from  the  fair  woods  to  join  my 
funeral  train. 

VOL.  II.  G 


98  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

Let  my  church  be  a  summer  glade  at  the  foot  of  a  steep 
hillside,  O  dearest  friend,  and  the  two  priests  to  minister 
there  two  nightingales  of  the  bower,  chosen  by  thee. 

And  there  in  a  wheat-field  shall  be  altars  of  wood,  with 
motley  floors,  and  a  choir ;  no  door  shall  be  there  to  close  in 
anger,  for  none  will  covet  a  bower  of  flowers.  Brethren 
skiUed  in  bardic  lore  shall  be  there,  and  grey  priests  know- 
ing the  Latin  tongue,  whose  knowledge  has  been  learnt  from 
the  books — the  green  books  of  the  forest.  The  note  of  an 
organ  of  splendid  covering  shall  mingle  with  the  sound  of 
monastery  beUs.  And  there,  amid  the  birches  of  Gwynedd, 
is  my  grave  in  readiness. 

A  fair,  green  spot,  a  wooden  bed,  the  church  of  the 
cuckoo  and  nightingale,  amid  young  woods.  And  the 
cuckoo  perched  upon  the  green  trees  shall  pray  for  my  soul 
like  an  organ,  chanting  paternosters,  orisons,  and  psalms  in 
another  voice.  Yea,  in  the  summer  months  masses  and 
sweet  supplications  shall  be  offered  for  me,  in  memory  of 
love.  And  may  God  at  the  appointed  day  be  there  to  com- 
fort the  Poet  in  Paradise ! 


The  Wind  a  Messenger  to  Morfudd 

The  Sky- Wind  of  dexterous  kind  and  mighty  sound  walks 
yonder ;  a  chill  being  art  thou,  O  wind,  rough  of  voice,  a 
hero  of  the  world,  without  foot,  without  wing.  How  strange 
is  it !  how  marvellous  !  that  to  thee  it  is  given  to  come  from 
the  heights  of  the  Heavens  without  ever  a  foot ;  how  swift 
was  thy  coming  this  moment  over  yonder  hill-slope  ! 

Say  unto  me  an  earnest  chaunt,  thy  course  whither  is  it, 
north  wind  of  the  glen  ?  O  friend,  go  for  me  from  Uwch 
Aeron,  brightly  fairly,  clear  of  tone,  sparing  not  thyself, 
neither  fearing  the  Little  Hunchback. 

By  thee  the  bushes  are  made  bare,  as  by  thee  leaves  are 
winnowed;  none  shall  question  thee,  none  stay  thee,  nor  a 


TRANSLATIONS  FROM  DAFYDD  AB  GWILYM    99 

mighty  host,  nor  the  hand  of  authority,  nor  blue  blade,  nor 
flood,  nor  rain.  No  mother's  son  can  kill  thee  in  a  moment 
of  frenzy,  fire  cannot  burn  nor  guile  betray  thee,  thou  canst 
not  drown,  thou  canst  not  be  stayed,^  cornerless  art  thou  ; 
there  is  no  need  of  a  swift  horse  under  thee,  nor  bridge 
over  stream,  nor  boat;  from  thee  springs  neither  office  nor 
family.^  The  blessing  of  God  art  thou  upon  the  earth,  a 
mighty  roaring  that  strikes  upon  the  oak-tops ;  grasshopper 
of  the  firmament,  of  a  swift  nature,  a  proper  leaper  art  thou 
over  wooded  Nature. 

A  quick  creature  of  dry  nature,  a  starry  firmament,  a 
journey  passing  great ;  archer  of  the  dawn  above. 

•  •  •  •  •  •  • 

Maker  of  bad  weather  on  the  seashore,  wanton  of  the  sea 
sand-banks,  an  eloquent  and  alluring  thief  art  thou  ! 

Thou  strewest  the  ground  with  leaves  and  teasest  them 
thereon ;  a  sprightly  carouser  art  thou,  an  assaulter  of  the 
hills,  the  sail-yard  goblin  of  the  white -breasted  brine ;  to  the 
ends  of  the  earth  thou  wilt  fly  and  rage  to-night,  O  wind 
of  the  hills.  Woe  is  me !  that  I  put  my  love  so  deeply  on 
Morfudd,  my  golden  maid  !  A  fair  lady  has  made  of  me  a 
captive  slave.  Fly  on  high  1  fly  to  the  house  of  her  father, 
strike  the  door,  cause  it  to  be  opened  to  my  messenger  before 
the  day.  And  seek  a  way  unto  her,  oh !  wail  and  sing  unto 
her  the  sound  of  my  sighing.  Speak  of  my  not  unworthy 
attractions.  .  .  .  Speak  to  my  unfailing  faith  ;  long  though  I 
have  been  in  this  world,  a  true  lover  am  I.  Sad  is  my 
countenance  without  her,  if  true  not  untrue  she ;  go  up 
towards  the  bed  of  Gwen  (Venus),  go  down,  O  wizard  of 
the  firmament,  go  unto  Morfudd  the  honey-sweet,  go  in 
peace,  a  good  wind  art  thou ! 

^  Alternative  rendering  :  Nor  go  astray. 

2  Alternative  rendering  :  Thou  art  subject  neither  to  potentate  nor  fairy. 


100  THE  CELTIC  EEVIEW 


THE  GLENMASAN  MANUSCRIPT 

Professor  Mackinnon 

GAELIC  TEXT 

Uair  is  ann  sein  atd,id  tri  caogait  prim-imdadh  fa  m'  imdaid 
cairn,  cruth-alainn,  cumdach-ghloin-si  fodeisin,  con  a  ceitheora 
uaithne  orda,  co  n-geim  do  lice  loinnerda  logmair  a  cenn 
gacha  h-uaithni  dib  sein,  go  n-ceit(h)ri  cumdaightib  egsamlaib 
Column  33.  impa  o  maidin  go  fesgar.  Agus  an  tan  bertar  a  cum- 
daigbte  do  cennaib  na  n-uaithne  soillsighit  co  coitcenn  do 
each.  In  a  tuillim-si  fein  caoga  curad  maille  frim  im  Fergus 
agus  im  Cormac  Conloinges^  mac  Conchobair.  Agus  in  a 
fuilleann  Finnabair  agus  Cainner  derg  con  a  caogait  ingen 
maille  riu,  a  n-egmais  ar  n-ollamhan  agus  ar  n-eices.' 

*  Noc(h)a  gellaim-si  am,'  ar  Bricne,  *  imarbdidh  do  dhenam 
ritsa.  Acht  aon  ni  chena  :  Is  se  tech  Oilella  aon  tech  as  ferr 
an  Eirinn.  Is  si  so  tuarascbail  an  tighe  sin :  tri  caogait 
primh-imdaidh  and,  agus  tri  caogait  fo-lepa  fa  'n  prim-leab- 
didh,  agus  urlar  alainn  umhaidhe  co  nach  roicheann  sal  na 
sir-otrach.  (C)eithri  cathaire  ^  deg  im  a  doirsib.  Imdaid  an 
Oilella  sin  :  tri  caogait  oclach  innte  fa  m-bi  cathbharr  ordha, 
agus  tri  caogait  ri-ingen  innte  fa  m-bi  cumdach  oir,  agus  tri 
caogait  ri-macam,  a  fegmais  f  hiled  agus  oUaman.  Caoga  en 
a  timchell  na  lepta  sin,  go  cennaib  airgid  en-gil  uile,  agus  co  ^ 
cluim  *  alaind  orda  ar  a  cend,  go  slabradaib  sreth-geala  solus- 
gemhna  iter  gach  da  en  dib  acht  ein.  Uball  cairche  ^  orda  ar 
cenn  gacha  slahraid  dib  sin,  co  m-ba  binnigter  re  tedaib 
menn-chrot*  a  lamaib  suadh  ac  a  sir-sinm  binn-fogur  na 
n-uball  coirc  (h)i  ^  sin  an  tan  co  n-fagluaisenn  gaoth  tar  feige 

^  MS.  Conloigges. 

2  In  I,G.  the  native  word  cath(a)ir  (Welsh  caer),  '  city,'  *  stronghold,' '  capital,'  and 
the  borrowed  word  cathair  (  =  cathedra),  'chair,'  are  distinguished,  the  latter  being 
written  cathaoir  (Din.).  In  S.G.  both  words,  although  distinct  in  usage,  are  written 
and  declined  in  the  same  way.  Cathedra,  through  French,  has  become  in  English  chair, 
and  this  again  has  been  borrowed  in  the  North  Highlands  as  seidhir. 

s  MS.  coo. 


THE  GLENMASAN  MANUSCRIPT  101 

(Continued  from  pp.  32,  33.) 
ENGLISH  TRANSLATION 

For  there  are  to  be  seen  thrice  fifty  principal  rooms  sur- 
rounding my  own  fair,  beautifully-shaped,  crystal- adorned 
room,  with  its  four  golden  pillars,  the  top  of  each  mounted 
with  gems  of  flashing  precious  stones,  which  are  covered 
with  four  diverse  coverlets  from  morn  till  eve.  And 
when  these  coverings  are  removed  from  the  pillars  they 
gleam  in  the  face  of  aU  beholders.  In  addition  to  this, 
fifty  champions  of  mine  are  in  attendance  upon  Fergus 
and  Cormac  Conloinges  son  of  Conchobar.  And  there 
are,  besides,  Finnabair  and  red  Cainner  with  their  fifty 
attendant  maidens,  not  to  speak  of  our  ollamhs  and  men 
of  learning.* 

*  I  do  not  profess  to  dispute  with  you,'  said  Bricne.  'And 
yet,  the  palace  of  Oilill  is  the  grandest  in  Ireland.  This  is 
the  description  of  that  mansion.  There  are  thrice  fifty 
principal  rooms,  and  thrice  fifty  inferior  couches  around  the 
principal  couch,  on  a  polished  floor  of  copper,  without  a  speck 
of  dust  or  permanent  blotch.  Fourteen  chairs  are  round  its 
doors.  As  to  OiliU's  room  :  thrice  fifty  warriors  wearing  golden 
helmets  attend  there,  with  thrice  fifty  royal  maidens  dressed 
in  gold,  and  thrice  fifty  royal  pages,  besides  poets  and  ollamhs. 
Fifty  birds  are  round  that  bed,  with  heads  all  silver-white, 
with  beautiful  golden  plumage  on  the  head  of  each,  and  with 
white  chains  flashing  with  gems  between  each  two  birds  save 
one.  A  musical  ball  of  gold  on  the  end  of  each  of  these  chains. 
And  when  wind  blows  gently  over  roof  or  skylight  or  window 

*  duim  (Welsh  j9Z«/)  from  Latin  pluma.  In  the  North  Highlands  cloimh  is  the 
common  word  for  olann,  'wool.'  In  I.G.  clilmh,  with  derivatives,  survives  in  the 
original  sense  of '  feathers,'  *  down,' '  plumage '  (Din.).  So  in  S.G.  (v.  H.S.D.)  cldimh, 
cldimhteach,  etc. 

^  cairche,  coirchi  :  more  commonly  cairche  ciiiil,  '  a  musical  instrument  of  some 
kind.'  Of.  Ag,  6592-4  et  aliis  ;  Ir.  T.,  iv.  p.  328.  But  the  word  is  also  used  in  the 
sense  of  melody,  e.g:  grith  cairchi  na  cathbarr  ic  a  crothad  (K.  M.). 

^  menn-chrot,  lit.  'kid-harp.'  The  simile  was  common  in  describing  sweet 
sounds.  Of.  Ir.  T.,  iv.  p.  330  :  '  ocus  binnithir  re  Utaib  menncrott  il-ldinaib  siiadh 
oc  a  sirseinm  bindfogur  gotha  in  macaim  ocus  a  irlabra. 


d 


102  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

no  tar  f orles  ^  no  tar  fuinneoga  an  tighi  sin.  Clar  ^  d'  airged 
agus  d'  finndruine  re  druim  Oilella  gurab  e  is  fege  do  'n 
bruigin  sin  ar  n-dol  trithi  suas.  Caoga  cathbharr  oir  im  d. 
aindrib  agus  im  i.  mgenaib.  Tri  caogait  cat(h)bharr  rig  ann 
fos  a  timchell  Oilella  Finn.'  Agus  is  cuma  ro  bui  ac  a  radh, 
agus  atbert  an  laid  ann  : — 

*  Amra  an  tech  tech  Oilella, 
Tangamar  as  co  buidech, 
A  b-fuil  imad  fian  iar  fir, 
Imath  rig,  imat  ruirech. 

'  Tri  caogait  and  d'  imdaidibh 
Co  m-benait  re  fraigh  fithe, 
An  gach  imdaid  dib  fo  leth, 
Caoga  gan  cleith  adchithe. 

'  Imdaidh  alainn  Oilella, 
Aibind  feis  in  a  fachraibh. 
Go  3  f  raighidh  cairn  credumha, 
Co  n-uaithnib  6ir  deirg  dath  ca^in. 

'  A  h-ichtar  na  h-imdaide 
D'  airget  ro  gheal  fa  'n  mire, 
A  medhon  do  chreduma, 
A  h-uachtar  do  'n  6t  buide. 

'  Imtighid  fa  'n  imdaid  sin 
A  h-eoin  tre  bithe  betha ; 
Binne  gach  ceol  chanaid  slogh 
Eistecht  re  glor  a  n-greatha. 

*  Cristal  agus  carrmhogal, 
Na  ceithri  uaithnib  orda ; 
Is  caoga  shudrall  n-gloine 
Im  an  imdaid  suairc  slogda. 

Column  34.  '  Caoga  slabrad  sainighthe 

D'  6t  tire  sicir  salmda,* 

*  f orles  =  air  +  leus.  The  word  has  survived  in  S.G.  meaning  '  chimney,'  and 
especially  the  smoke-hole  in  the  roof  of  a  thatched  cottage. 

2  In  the  form  clhraidh  the  word  survives  in  S.G.  meaning  'wooden  partition.' 
iirlar  claraidh  again  is  *a  deal  floor.'  In  the  sense  of 'board,'  ' table,*  ' lid,'  'level 
surface,'  clar  is  in  common  use.  In  dialect  clar  is  met  with  as  a  verb  :  chlar  e  orm  e, 
*  he  persisted  in  attributing  it  to  me.' 


THE  GLENMASAN  MANUSCRIPT  103 

of  that  mansion,  the  melody  of  these  musical  balls  is  as  sweet 
as  that  of  the  strings  of  a  lyre  touched  by  the  fingers  of 
a  sage.  At  Oilill's  back  is  a  partition  of  silver  and  white 
bronze  which,  proceeding  upwards  through  the  building, 
forms  the  ridge  of  the  palace.  Fifty  golden  helmets  protect 
the  girls  and  maidens.  There  are,  moreover,  thrice  fifty 
kings'  helmets  around  Oilill  the  Fair  himself  And  while 
saying  this  he  repeated  the  lay  : — 

•  A  wonderful  palace  the  palace  of  Oilill, 
I  have  come  away  from  it  well  pleased ; 
Many  a  champion  is  there,  in  truth, 
Many  a  king,  many  a  lord. 

'  Thrice  fifty  rooms  are  there. 
With  lofty  walls  reaching  to  the  roof ; 
In  each  individual  room  of  them 
Fifty  (warriors)  are  conspicuously  seen. 

'  The  beautiful  room  of  Oilill, 
Delightful  a  feast  within  it ; 
With  its  gleaming  walls  of  brass. 
Its  beautiful  pillars  of  red  gold. 

'  The  bottom  of  that  couch 
Of  pure  white  silver  for  its  lord  to  rest  upon. 
Its  middle  of  brass. 
Its  upper  part  of  yellow  gold. 

'  There  move  round  that  couch 
Its  birds  never  ceasing. 
Sweeter  than  human  music 
To  listen  to  their  warble. 

•  (Decked  with)  crystal  and  carbuncle, 
The  four  golden  pillars ; 

Fifty  crystal  lamps 

Are  a-light  in  the  pleasant,  peopled  room. 

'  Fifty  chains  of  special  pattern 
Of  the  gold  of  the  peaceful  holy  land, 

3  MS.  ceo. 

*  The  gold  of  Ophir,  no  doubt.  Sicir  usually  means  '  wise,'  *  sure,'  and  connects 
with,  if  not  a  loan  from,  the  Scottish  siccar,  itself  probably  from  L.  securus.  Salmda 
is  an  adjective  from  salm,  the  Gaelic  form  of  psalmus, '  psalm.' 


ht. 


SiV^ 


104  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW  ^ 

Nocha  breg  ader  mo  bel, 
Ar  gach  dd  en  san  adbha. 

•  Urlar  alainn  umaide 

Impe  as  gach  aird  do  thegaim  ; 
Secht  fichit  fer  fri  comlonn 
Fa  'n  righ  as  lucht  do  leabaidh. 

'  Cldr  d'  airged  as  d'  findruine 
Ee  druim  Oilella  atmeide, 
Is  an  imdaid  a  cath  colg, 
Co  m-benadar  re  fraig  feige. 

'  Tii  caogait  coradh  comola, 
O  rig-damnaib  co  flaithib ; 
Tri  caogait  coradh  frith  dala, 
O  macamaib  co  maithib. 

'  Caoga  hhidi '  bdn-airgui 
Ke  comol  medha  mescda ; 
Caoga  niam-lann  ^  umaidhe, 
Caoga  ciiach,  caoga  easgra. 

•  Tri  caogait  cathbarr  6rdaide 
Im  aindrib  is  an  adba, 

Is  tri  caogait  cat(h)barr  righ, 
Is  e  a  fhir  gurab  amra.' 

Amra. 

Adubhradar  maithe  fer  n-Erenn  uile  nach  cualadar  riam 
tuaruscbail  tighe  bud  f  herr  ^  in  a  sin.  Do  leigedar  secha  iar 
Bin  an  imarbaid.  Ba  h-ait(h)rech  le  Meidb  imarbaidh  do 
dhenam  re  Bricni.  Uair  do  hi  d'  d  neimnighe  agus  d'  a 
ddlaighe  *  fuair  sf  imarbaidh  Tiada  gur  fer  si  failte  fri  Bricni. 
'Moide  do  bearmais  edail  duit,'  bar  isi,  'a  fheabus  adeire 
maith.' 

Do  coraigeadh  teach  mor  na  Cruachna  iar  sin,  agus  do 
t-shuidh  Meadb  agus  Ailill  agus  Fergus  agus  Cormac  agus  na 
maithe  ar  chena.      Do  t-shuidedar  na   h-ollamain,  agus  do 

^  Cf.  Ag.  122  :  bleidhidha  biiis  7  bdndir  :  'goblets  of  crystal  and  pale  gold,' 
*  From  the  context  lann  must  mean  some  kind  of  vessel.    O'R.  gives  '  gridiron ' 
as  one  of  the  many  meanings  of  the  word.    Cf.  Wind.  Wort.  s.  v. 


THE  GLENMASAN  MANUSCRIPT  105 

My  mouth  does  not  utter  a  lie, 
Upon  each  two  birds  in  the  dwelling. 

'  A  polished  floor  of  copper 
In  whatever  direction  I  approach  it ; 
Seven  score  men,  fit  warriors. 
Are  the  guardians  of  the  king's  bed. 

'  A  partition  of  silver  and  white  bronze 
To  the  back  of  the  incomparable  (?)  Oilill, 
In  the  room  of  many  swords. 
Which  joins  to  the  wall  of  the  roof. 

'  Thrice  fifty  champions  carousing 
Of  princes  and  nobles  ; 
Thrice  fifty  champions  in  waiting 
Of  youths  and  gentlemen. 

'  Fifty  goblets  of  white  silver, 
For  drinking  intoxicating  mead ; 
Fifty  polished  trenchers  of  copper ; 
Fifty  cups,  fifty  beakers. 

*  Thrice  fifty  golden  helmets. 
Around  the  maidens  in  the  abode ; 
And  thrice  fifty  kings'  helmets  ; 
Truly,  a  wonderful  palace.' 

Wonderful. 


All  the  chiefs  of  the  men  of  Ireland  said  they  never  heard 
a  nobler  description  of  a  mansion.  Thereupon  the  disputa- 
tion ceased.  Meave  was  sorry  that  she  entered  upon  a 
dispute  with  Bricne.  Still,  because  it  was  on  account  of  her 
own  virulence  and  combativeness  that  he  debated  with  her, 
she  made  Bricne  welcome.  *We  will  reward  you  all  the 
more,'  said  she,  '  that  you  have  spoken  so  well.' 

The  great  palace  of  Cruachan  was  thereupon  prepared, 
and  Meave  and  AiliU  and  Fergus  and  Cormac  and  all  the 
chiefs  sat  down  (to  the  banquet).     The  oUamhs  were  seated, 

3  MS.  h^fherr  b-fherr. 

*  ddlaighe.    The  ofiFered  rendering  is  suggested  by  the  context. 


106  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

t-shuid  Bricne  ar  belaib  Fergusa.  Agus  an  uair  do  batar  each 
CO  subhach,  adubairt  Bricne :  *  Ac  siid,  a  Fhergais,  na  tri 
caogait  carpat  co  n-echaib  agus  co  sciathaib,  agus  tri  cet  brat 
cumdaigh,  agus  na  tri  deich  cet  irna  derg  oir  do  ghellais  do 
mnaib  do  theglaig  do  chum  cumdaich  ecsamla  edaich  na 
cath-miled.'  '  Ro-t-fhia  buaid  agus  bennacht,  a  Bricni,*  bar 
Fergus  ;  '  as  mor  an  tidhlacadh  sin  agus  as  adbal  an  tigernus.' 
Et  tucadar  tres  eile  oil  agus  aibnesa,  agus  tarrla  coir  comraid 
ider  Bricni  agus  Fergus  agus  Cormac  agus  Dubthach  agus 
Aongus  mac  Aonlaime  Gaibe.  '  Ba  beg  a  fis  duitsi,  a  mo  popa  ^  a 
Ferguis,  mesi  ac  suirgi  duit,'  ar  Bricni.  '  Ga  baegal  ^  fuarais 
dam  a  nosa,  a  Bricni  ? '  bar  Fergus.  Cuma  do  hi  g  a  radh, 
agus  adubhradar  na  roind  etarra  and  sin  : — 

Cduvm  35.  '  Beg  a  fis  duit  a  nosa, 

A  Ferguis  m6ir  mic  Rosa, 

Misi  ac  denam  do  dala 

Ris  na  rignaib  roc  go  m^Ua.' 

'  Ader  rit,  a  mic  Cairbri, 
Ge  tagraisi  co  h-arnaidh, 
Robsat  badhaig  na  tirte,* 
Gid  at  garb  na  fiadnaisi. 

'  Dano  pill  ar  do  gnuis  gloin, 
Geis  ort  is  troig  mn^  trogwiw  ;  ^ 
Mana  thuga  let  o  a  tigh 
Rigain  Oilella  echtaigh.' 

*  Na  h-abair,  a  f  hir  dana, 
An  t-aithesg  nach  inrddha ; 
Nl  fiii(gh)mis  de  re  'r  linn  U 
Ar  n-inadh  a  Conachta.' 

^  popa  :  Used  very  frequently,  expressive  of  affection  and  familiarity.  In  the 
North  Highlands  (N.  H.)  bobag,  boban,  bobaidh  are  used  as  familiar  and  affectionate 
terms  to  boys,  step-fathers  and  fathers.    Cf.  Macdonald's  well-known  chorus  :— 

Ho-ro  mo  bhobug  an  dram, 

'  baegal,  baoghcU,  common  as  noun  and  verb  :  '  danger,'  *  hazard '  j  '  to  endanger,' 
*  belie.'  •* 

3  I  take  mdlla  to  be  the  S.G.  malda. 

*  badhaig  might  stand  for  baghaig  (bdgach),  '  warlike.'  But  gid  in  the  next  line 
suggeits  an  antithesis  between  badhaig  and  garb.     I  take  the  word  to  be  formed  from 


/ 


THE  GLENMASAN  MANUSCRIPT  107 

and  Bricne  sat  opposite  Fergus.  When  the  others  were 
making  merry,  Bricne  said  :  '  Yonder,  Fergus,  are  the  hundred 
and  fifty  chariots  with  their  horses  and  shields,  aa|d  the  three 
hundred  mantles,  and  the  three  thousand  irnefi^of  red  gold 
which  you  promised  to  the  women  of  your  JlBusehold,  in  order 
to  provide  armour  of  diverse  pattern  fS'  your  warriors.' 
*  The  luck  and  the  blessing  are  yours,  Bricne,'  said  Fergus  ; 
'the  wealth  is  great  and  the  ownership  (thereof)  vast.' 
Another  while  was  passed  in  drinking  and  enjoyment,  when 
Fergus  and  Cormac  and  Dubthach  and  Angus  son  of  One- 
hand  Gaba  came  to  have  talk  with  Bricne.  '  Little  did  you 
know,  my  dear  Fergus,  that  I  have  been  a-courting  for  you,' 
said  Bricne.  'What  scrape  have  you  got  me  into  now, 
Bricne?'  said  Fergus.  As  they  spoke  thus,  the  following 
staves  were  repeated  between  them : — 

'  Little  have  you  thought  now, 
Great  Fergus,  son  of  Eos, 
That  I  was  making  a  tryst  for  you, 
With  ladies  of  gentle  bearing. 

'  I  say  to  you,  son  of  Cairbre, 
Though  you  debate  the  matter  hard, 
The  lands  are  kindly, 
However  rough  the  witnesses.' 

'  Now,  withdraw  your  words, 
A  taboo  is  upon  you,  and  the  pangs  of  a  woman. 
If  you  do  not  carry  away  from  her  home 
The  queen  of  featful  Oilill' 

'  Do  not  say,  shameless  one. 
What  is  unseemly. 

We  shall  not  get  in  our  day  (elsewhere), 
Our  position  in  Connaught.' 


bdid,  in  S.G.  baidhf  'affection,'  'kindliness.'     The  pi.  tirte  is  not  common;  but  cf. 
Bid  tercflaithi  na  thirthe,  *  the  nobles  of  these  lands  are  few.' 

^  Among  the  geasa  which  Beiuda,  daughter  of  the  King  of  Lochlann,  imposed  on 
Conghal  Clairingnech  and  his  followers  was  troigh  mhna  troghuin  which  is  rendered, 
*  pangs  of  a  woman  in  childbirth,'  a  reference,  no  doubt,  to  the  ndinden  or  '  couvade ' 
of  the  Ulstermen ;  v.  Cc.  pp.  112-13  note  6.    In  the  MS.  troguin  joins  to  the  next  line. 


108  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

'  Do  chuir  ^  do  gaisge<i  ar  cul 
On  16  tangais  o  d'  dun ; 
Do  sgail  do  gnim  is  do  grdin,^ 
Do  chuaid  do  brig  acht  becdn.'  ^ 

Beg. 

Ac  a  cloistecht  sin  do  dubairt  mac  Carbri  Ceinnl^ith,  tuc 
(Dubthach*)  cuinnscleo  d'  d,  cois  uad  am  Bricni  go  tarla  druim 
an  oUaman  can  airisim  sa  ri-theinid  ro  moir,  gur  bo  tenn-obair 
d'  aos  fedma  an  tighe  a  tharrachtain  gan  a  dhodh  agus  a 
drum-losgadh. 

E-o  eirich  geoin  mor  sa  m-bruighin  de  sin.     Agus  tarradar 

moran    do    na    h-Ulltachaib    an    arma,   agus   do    regradar 

Tiiatha  Tdiden  an  t-uatbas.     Do  thogaib  Medb  a  cend  iar 

sin,  agus  do  fhiafraigh  co  *  h-obann :    '  Cred  fa  rababhair  ^ 

do'n  oUaman,  a  UUta? '  ar  si.      *  An  nl  as  minic  tanic  ris,'  ar 

Dubthach,  *a  thenga  luath  labhar  fein.'      Ba  h-olc  mor  le 

*  ^  "^    Fergus  an  ni  sin  .i.  Bricne  d'  esonorugadh  'n  a  fhiadhnaisi. 

Agus  ro  t-sbainn  ^  Dubthach  d'  indsaigid,  agus  nir  l^igedar 

^  J  an  Dubloinges  d6.     Ro  ghabustar  Meadb  agus  Oilill  a  coir- 

^  I  iugadh   caich  co  coitcenn   fa   Bricne  d'  esonorughadh  'n   a 

fiadnaisi.      Ro   ba  maith  le  mnaib  agus  le  macamhuib  na 

Cruachna®  uile  an  esonoir  adbal  sin  d'  fhaghail  do  Bricni, 

agus  as  ed  adubradar  ndch  fuair  olc  riam  bel  bud  oirchisi  d'  a 

fhaghail  ana  in  bel  sin  ;  uair  ni  raibe  a  Cruachain,  do  med  an 

grada  d'   aroile,   dias  nach   cuired    run   marbtha   agus  mi- 

choraigte  a  ceile  etarra. 

v.* ,  Do  leicetar   secha  sin  an  oidce  sin.     Agus  o  tainic  an 

^  ^^  maiden  ar  na  marach  do  eirich  Fergus  agus  an  Dubloinges 

agus  do  goiredar  Bricne  cuca  ar  fod  foleith,  agus  do  fiafraig- 

edar   de  :   '  cinnus  ata  an  dail-si   re  ceile  ? '     '  Ader-sa  rit,' 

ar  Bricne,  '  amail  adubairt  Flidhais  fritsa  .i.  dul  d*  farraidh 

*  or,  chuaid.  ^  Cf.  p.  32  note  1. 

3  becdn  :  beagan  like  mdran  is,  in  S.G.,  now  construed  as  a  noun  governing  the 
gen.  I  should  write  :  Chaidh  do  bhrigh  ach  beag  as.  But  for  this  usage  of  the  word, 
cf.  Silva  Gadelica  {Sil,  Gad.),  p.  248  :  do  bi  lubddn  i  n-Emain  co  cenn  bliadna  acht 
becan  :  '  L  was  almost  a  whole  year  in  Emain.' 

*  I  infer  that  it  was  Dubthach  who  kicked  Bricne  from  his  quarrelsome  disposi- 
tion, and  from  the  fact  that  it  was  he  who  immediately  afterwards  explained  to  Meave 
the  cause  of  Bricne's  disgrace. 

6  MS.  ceo. 


THE  GLENMASAN  MANUSCRIPT  109 

*  You  have  cast  your  valour  aside, 
Since  you  have  left  your  castle, 
Your  prowess  and  dread  have  taken  wings. 
Your  vigour  has  all  but  vanished.' 

Little. 

Upon  hearing  what  the  son  of  greyheaded  Cairbre  said, 
(Dubthach)  gave  a  violent  kick  to  Bricne,  so  that  the  back 
of  the  ollamh  was  forthwith  in  the  great  blazing  fire,  and  it 
was  all  the  attendants  could  do  to  save  him  from  being 
singed  and  his  back  burned. 

There  was  great  confusion  in  the  hostel  because  of  this. 
Many  of  the  Ultonians  drew  their  weapons,  and  the  tribes 
of  Taidiu  responded  to  the  uproar.  Meave  raised  her 
head  and  suddenly  asked :  '  What  have  you  done  to  the 
ollamh,  Ulstermen?'  said  she.  'What  has  often  hurt 
him,'  replied  Dubthach,  *that  sharp  loud  tongue  of  his.' 
Fergus  resented  greatly  this  public  insult  to  Bricne.  He 
longed  to  attack  Dubthach,  but  the  Dubloinges  pre- 
vented him.  Meave  and  OiHll  blamed  aU  and  sundry  for 
dishonouring  Bricne  in  their  presence.  The  women  and 
youths  of  Cruachan  were  all  pleased  at  the  great  insult  which 
Bricne  received,  and  they  said  that  no  tongue  ever  deserved 
punishment  more  than  his ;  for  there  were  not  in  Cruachan 
(even)  two  who  loved  each  other  ever  so  much,  but  Bricne 
managed  to  put  deadly  and  irreconcilable  enmity  between 
them. 

The  matter  passed  for  that  night.  When  the  morrow's 
morning  came  Fergus  and  the  Dubloinges  summoned  Bricne 
to  a  place  apart,  and  inquired  of  him  :  '  How  does  this  tryst 
hang  together?'  *I  (only)  tell  you,'  said  Bricne,  'what 
Flidais   asked   you   to    do,    viz.,    to    go    to    the   Gamhan- 

'  For  the  form  and  idiom  cf.  Cc.  114.  Cred  fa  rabhabhair  do  bhar  n-ollamh? 
'  Why  were  you  angry  with  your  0.  ? '  In  this  usage,  the  substantive  verb  construes 
in  I.G.  with  the  preps,  do  and  h,  in  S,G.  with  ri,  e.g.  cia  bhi  hat  ?  '  Who  was  annoy- 
ing you?'  Cf.  S.G.  cd  bha  riuti  Bheir  raise  air, 'Who  annoyed  you?  I  will 
make  him.' 

^  In  two  other  passages  later  the  same  form  occurs,  and  in  the  same  sense  : 
'he  strongly  desired.'  From  this  verb  comes  saint,  sant,  S.G.  sannt  'greed,' 
'  covetousness,'  whence  the  denominative  santaigim,  S.G.  sanntaich  *  covet.' 

^  MS.  na  Cruachan.         ,,^  #/i/ 


110  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

Column  Z6.  fhaigde  ^  ech  agus  arm  agus  eidedh  ar  an  n-Gamannraid, 
agus  CO  ticfa  sisi  let  con  a  h-airgedaib  agus  gus  an  m-buin 
mail  as  dech  full  an  Eirinn,  agus  do  bera  deich  cet  ar  fhichit 
cet  ban  dingbalaib  rig  agus  ruirech  a  coinni  do  teglaig-si  .i.  ben 
a  coinne  gach  aein  fir  dib  ;  agus  da  tora  lib,  beraid  as  a  n-galad  ^ 
fir  Erenn  gacha  sechtmad  oidchi,  iter  feraib  agus  mnaib  agus 
macdmaib  agus  min-dainib  gach  n-oidche.  Agus  denaid  bar 
comarle  uime  sin,'  bar  Bricne.  'Agus  da  n-dechthai  ann  bid 
mana  mor-gliad  agus  bid  adbar  urbadha  6.  Agus  do  gebtai 
imghuin  urlam  agus  imbualadh  aithesec^  o  curadaib  clisde^ 
coimdeasa  agus  o  greidib  gadhamla  gaisgid  na  Gamannraidi.' 
*  Ni  b-fuil  ann  sin,'  ar  Fergus,  '  acht  mar  nach  bethea-sa  fen 
itir  a  Gamannraid,  a  Bricni.'  '  Ni  biii,  a  ard-fhlaith,'  ar 
Bricne,  '  uair  ni  h-insiba*V  me ;  agus  is  cora  midluca  co 
h-Emain.'  '  Ni  ba  fir  sin,  a  Bricni,'  ar  Fergus,  '  uair  mana 
tl  tu  do  t'  deoin  linn  ticfair  do  t'  ainndeoin,  a  los  t'  fuilt  agus 
t'  finnfaic?.'*  '  Bachat-sa  ann,'  ar  Bricne,  '  agus  bit  aithrec(h) 
lim.'  Agus  is  cuma  do  bui  ag  a  radh,  agus  ro  can  in  laid 
agus  do  fregair  Fergus : — 

*  Sgel  agam  duit,  a  Fhergais  fheil, 
A  in(h)ic  reid  Koigh,  nocha  sg^l  reidh, 
Tuc  Flidais  duit,  bid  mana  n-glonn, 
Is  aidbsecA  lim,  gradh  taihsech  trom. 

'  Da  n-ana  a  bus  do  cu(i)r  si  ort. 
Mad  mesa  let,  nai  n-gesa  a  nocht.' 
'  Eac(h)at-sa  siar,  do  beri  lem. 
Beg  a  thor  lem  dol  ar  a  ceand.' 

'  Mad  slan  an  f er  atconnarc  thiar. 
Da  n-eirge  a  ferg,  bad  derg  an  sliabh. 
"  Do  b^r-sa  test,"  ar  Oilill  Finn, 
"  Nar  curta  ar  lear  ^  fer  6s  a  cinn." ' 

1  faighde,  foighde,  'aid,'  'subsidy.'  The  word  survives  in  S.G.  faoighe  {fo  + 
guidhe),  and  until  quite  recently  the  practice, — a  genteel  sort  of  begging.  The  word 
was  also  used  for  the  present  received  :  a  dol  air  f.,  ' going  round  for  contributions' ; 
/.  chldimh,  edma,  etc.,  '  the  contribution  received,  in  wool,  barley,'  etc.  The  practice 
gave  rise  to  many  familiar  sayings.  Cf.  the  Scottish  thigging  (Jamieson's  Scot. 
Diet.  s.v.  thig). 

2  Cf.  supra,  p.  26  note  2. 

3  clisde  from  de{a)8  '  feat,'  now,  in  S.6.  more  commonly  *  trick,' '  prank.'    In  I.G. 


THE  GLENMASAN  MANUSCRIPT  111 

raidh  for  a  subsidy  of  horses  and  weapons  and  armour,  and 
that  she  would  come  away  with  you  with  her  herds  and  her 
hummel  cow,  the  best  in  Ireland,  and  would  bring  along  with 
her  three  thousand  women  fit  to  mate  with  kings  and  lords 
to  meet  your  people,  i.e.  a  wife  for  every  man  of  them ;  and 
should  you  carry  these  away,  they  will  sustain  the  men  of 
Ireland  every  seventh  night,  both  men  and  women,  youths 
and  children,  each  night.  Do  you  deliberate  upon  that  pro- 
posal.' added  Bricne.  '  And  if  you  go  on  that  expedition,  it 
will  be  an  omen  of  great  contests  and  the  cause  of  disaster. 
For  you  will  have  instant  combat  and  vigorous  fighting  from 
the  featful  dexterous  champions  and  the  nimble  battalions 
of  the  warriors  of  the  Gamhanraidh.'  'That  means,'  said 
Fergus,  'that  you  do  not  (intend  to)  accompany  us  to  the 
(country  of  the)  Gamhanraidh,  Bricne.'  'I  do  not,  great 
prince,'  said  Bricne,  '  for  you  will  not  miss  me ;  and  (more- 
over) the  feeble's  proper  (home)  is  in  Emain.'  'That  will 
not  be  so,  Bricne,'  said  Fergus,  'if  you  come  not  with  us 
willingly,  you  will  come  in  spite  of  you,  to  save  your  hair  and 
pile.'  *  I  shall  go,'  said  Bricne,  '  and  I  shall  rue  it.'  And 
while  talking  thus,  he  chanted  this  lay,  Fergus  replying : — 

'  Tidings  for  you,  generous  Fergus, 
Mild  son  of  Eoigh,  not  peaceful  tidings, 
Flidais  has  bestowed  upon  you,  omen  of  greed  deeds, 
I  know  it  well,  great  manifest  love. 

*  Should  you  abide  here,  she  has  laid  upon  you, 
If  to  your  sorrow,  nine  taboos  this  night.' 
'  I  shall  go  west,  and  carry  her  away  with  me, 
A  lightsome  task  to  go  in  quest  of  her.' 

'  If  him  I  saw  in  the  west  be  hale  and  well, 
Should  his  ire  arise,  the  slope  will  be  red ; 
"  I  give  my  word,"  said  Oilill  the  Fair, 
"  He  shall  be  the  first  to  be  sent  adrift  on  sea," ' 

elis  is  a  noun  meaning  *a  start,'  'a  surprise.'  In  S.G,  clis  is  an  adj.,  'active,' 
'quick' ;  naf/r  chlise,  'aurora  borealis.' 

*  In  the  mod.  language  folt,  fait  is  the  hair  of  the  head  ;  Jionnadh  {finnfad\  hair 
on  the  body,  and  especially  the  hair  and  fur  of  animals. 

5  To  be  sent  adrift  on  the  sea  was  a  not  uncommon  punishment,  v.  Trip,  Life 
(W.  S.)  pp.  clxxiv,  222,  288  ;  Cdin  Adamnain  (K.  M.)  p.  43. 


112  THE  CELTIC  EEVIEW 

*  Sluag  Cruachna  atcim,  gid  imdha  dib, 
Bid  beg  bar  grain  dar  Uim  an  righ  ; 
A  lucht-sa  a  nail,  da  n-dechtaei  slar 
Do  ficfa  rib  clesa  fir.^ 

'  A  lucht-sa  a  nail,  gid  dimbaig  lim, 
Euaicf  edid  coinbruin  ^  os  bar  cinn ; 
Beid  lama  an  uir ;  bed  bana  beoil ; 
larrfaigter  dir ;  biathfaidter  coin. 

'  Domnall  sa  sloigh,  da  m-beri  oirb, 
Fuicfide  faidb,  nocha  b'  asbrainn  ^  soirb ; 
Da  ti  Fermenn  mac  Dara  Deirg, 
Do  bera  asbrainn ;  mairb  ar  in  leirg. 

'  Goll  Ada  a  n-lar,  da  tis  a  sl6gh, 
SeoUaid  a  airm,  bed  mairb  co  leor ; 
Ni  rac(h)-sa  lib,  ni  biii-sa  treas ; 
Anfad  a  bus,  bad  6  mo  les.' 

'  A  Bricni  baeith,  do  ficfa  leam, 
At  sgdth  mo  sgeith,  a  cleith  ced  rend.' 
'  Atu-sa  a  nois  a  n-galar  trom 
Adlaic  m6,  a  fhir,  do  m'  tig  a  nunn. 

Column  37.  *  Tair  lim  do  d'  deoin,  a  Bricni  binn, 

No  ticfa  a  nos,  a  los  do  cinn.' 
*  Kac(h)at-sa  let,  bud  mana  der ; 
Bud  olc  mo  diol,  bud  fir  an  sgel.' 

Sgel  SLgam  duit. 

Is  i  comarle  ar  ar  h-oirisec?  aca  techt  ris  na  tosgaib  sin. 
Agus  tangatur  a  Cruachain  a  nunn  as  a  h-aitle,  agus  do  suidh 
Oilill  agus  Dubthach  do  chum  na  fichle  agus  do  batar  ac  a 
h-imirt  re  h-athaic?.  Is  sf  sin  liair  agus  aimser  tanic  Fergus 
d'  agallaim  Oilella  agus  Medba.  Agus  do  gab  cet  acu  fa 
imtecht  d'iarraidh  faigdhi  airm  agus  eididh  ar  an  n-Gamann- 
raid.  Agus  fuaratar  ced  re  thinech  o  Oilill  agus  o  Meidb. 
Agus  do  fiafraigetar  do  Dubthach  nar  mithigh  leis  imthecht 
leo.  *  Tigid  romainn/  ar  Dubthach,  '  agus  innisid  damsa  ga 
h-inad  a  m-beithi  a  nocht.'     '  Ata  a  fhis  sin  agam  sa,'  bar 

1  MS.  adds  .d. 

^  The  word,  may  read  combrain.    Is  the  meaning  '  dog-ravens '  ?     A  proper  name 
Oonbran  is  met  with. 


THE  GLENMASAN  MANUSCRIPT  113 

'  I  see  the  hosts  of  Cruachan,  numerous  though  you  be, 
Your  strength  will  be  of  small  account  in  opposing  the  king : 
You  folks  here,  should  you  go  west, 
Will  encounter  genuine  feats  of  arms. 

*  You  people  here,  though  distressful  to  me, 
Birds  of  prey  will  wheel  over  your  heads ; 
Hands  will  be  in  mould ;  lips  will  be  pale ; 
Slaughter  will  be  rife ;  birds  (of  prey)  will  be  gorged. 

*  Should  Donald  and  his  hosts  attack  you, 

They  will  obtain  booty,  it  will  not  be  a  slight  encounter ; 

Should  Fermenn  son  of  Daire  the  Eed  be  there, 

He  will  make  a  charge ;  the  dead  on  the  field  (will  be  many) 

'  Should  the  host  of  Goll  Ada  from  the  west  come, 
His  force  will  be  well  led,  the  dead  will  be  numerous ; 
I  will  not  accompany  you,  I  am  not  over  strong, 
I  will  stay  here,  that  is  best  for  me.' 

*  Foolish  Bricne,  you  shall  come  with  me. 

In  the  shelter  of  my  shield,  protection  from  a  hundred  lances.' 
'  I  am  now  labouring  under  heavy  sickness, 
Restore  me,  0  hero,  to  my  home.' 

'  Come  with  me,  willingly,  sweet-voiced  Bricne, 
Or  you  will  come  instantly  to  save  your  head.' 
'  I  shall  accompany  you,  an  omen  of  tears ; 
My  lot  is  hard,  true  the  tale.' 

Tidings  for  you. 

They  resolved  to  go  on  that  quest.  And  thereafter  they 
went  over  to  Cruachan,  and  Oilill  and  Dubthach  sat  down  to 
play  chess  for  a  while.  That  was  the  very  time  when  Fergus 
went  to  have  parley  with  Oilill  and  Meave.  He  sought  per- 
mission to  go  to  the  Gamhanraidh  for  a  subsidy  of  weapons 
and  armour ;  and  he  received  leave  readily  from  Oilill  and 
Meave.  Dubthach  was  asked  whether  he  was  not  ready  to 
accompany  them.  '  You  go  forward/  said  Dubthach,  *  and 
tell  me  where  you  mean  to  stay  this  night.'    '  I  know,'  said 

^  asbrainn  I  have  not  met  with,  unless  the  word  equates  with  the  modern 
spaim,  uspairn  '  great  effort.' 

VOL.  II.  H 


114  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

Medb,  *  a  tig  Modho  Minadhmadac?/i-  m!o\\aman  cerda-sa^  an 
diinad  Atha  Deirg  ar  dub-abainn  Brea,  re  raiter  Ath  s  mo  ar 
Suca.'^ 

Do  gluaisetar  rompa  an  Dubloinges  agus  Fergus  no  co 
rangatar  co  diinad  Atha  Deirg.  Agus  do  eirigh  Moda 
Minadmadac?^  in  a  coinne,  agus  do  toirbiV  poca  d'  Fergus 
agus  do  Cormac  ConloingeSj  agus  do  fer  failti  re  maithibh  an 
Dubloinges  o  sin  a  mach.  Do  £rea\ad  agus  do  frit(h)eolac? 
iad  as  a  h-aitle,  uair  do  bui  flee?  m6r  urlam  incaithmi  aige  do 
Oilill  agus  do  Meidb.  Uair  ba  rath  mor  in  righ-bruiden^  sin, 
agus  fa  h-e  prim-cerd  an  cuigid  4  f(5s.  Agus  do  batar  ann 
f(5s  treidhe  ar  a  n-eimigter  cerd  .i.  foridhi  renn,  agus  caor 
comraic,  agus  feth  tar  faobar ;  agus  *  do  batar  aige  treigi  ar  a 
n-imigter  hrugaid  .i.  coire  ansgoich,  agus  mo  c(h)en  re  gach 
n-daim,  agus  gan  diultadh  re  nech.  Agus  do  batar  ann  co 
trath  £mmdh  do  16.     A  n-imthiis  co  n-uigi  sin. 

Imthusa  Dubthaich  do  berar  os  aird.  Tanic  an  trath 
nona  cuige  a  Cruachain,  agus  rugae?  an  cluithi  fair  agus  do 
leiged  gair  m6r  fanamait  uime.  Agus  do  eirigh  co  deinm- 
nedac(h),  agus  do  fiarfaig  d'a  gilla  a  n-geibti  na  h-eic(h)  no 
i  n-innilti  an  carpad.  *  Is  ed  d  meigm/  ar  in  gilla.  Agus 
tugad  na  h-eich  do  chum  Dubthaich.     Agus   do  luid  in  a 

^  cerd,  now  ceard,  cognate  with  Latin  eerdo,  'craftsman.'  In  older  Gaelic 
literature,  the  general  meaning  is  'artist,'  'artificer,'  and  especially  a  worker  in 
metals, '  brazier,'  'jeweller,'  although  the  term  is  not  infrequently  applied  to  a  poet  and 
musician.  It  is  in  the  latter  sense  chiefly  that  the  term  is  used  in  Welsh :  cerdd, 
*an  artist' ;  pen-cerdd,  'the  chief  performer,'  e.g.  on  the  harp.  On  Gaelic  ground  the 
former  idea  was  always  predominant ;  and  in  process  of  time,  through  the  decay  of 
native  industries  in  metals,  the  ceard  became  the  patcher  of  pots  and  pans,  *  a  tinker.' 
The  word  was  borrowed  into  Lowland  Scotch,  and  has  yielded  the  surname  '  Caird.' 
Here  Moda  Minadhmadadh  is  described  as  ollamh  cerda  or  '  head  of  the  guild,'  and 
prim-c&rd  or  chief  cerd  of  the  whole  province.  He  is  also  a  hrugaid  or  '  hospitaller.' 
Perhaps  maer,  maor,  '  steward,'  might  cover  his  various  offices. 

^  The  Suca  or  'Suck'  is  a  river  in  co.  Eoscommon,  v.  0' Grady's  Catalogue  of 
Irish  MSS.  {O'Gr.  Gat.),  p.  367. 

^  In  this  MS.,  as  elsewhere,  hruiden,  bruigen  frequently  means  '  a  mansion,'  '  a 
castle,'  as  well  as  'a  hostel'  or  public  place  of  entertainment.  The  old  writers 
mention  six  rig-bruidens  or  royal  hostels  as  existing  in  Ireland  at  this  time.  These 
were  Bruiden  da  Ghoca,  '  in  a  district  which  belongs  to  Meave  and  AUill' ;  Bruiden  da 
Oer,  or  Bruiden  mic  Cecht  da  reu,  in  Connaught  (Brefny) ;  Bruiden  Bruadaig,  in 
Ulster ;  Bruiden  Forgaill  Manach  (whose  daughter,  Eimhir,  was  the  wife  of 
Cuchulainn),  beside  Lusk  ;  Bruiden  dd  Derga  (Berga)  in  the  east  of  Leinster  ;  and 


THE  GLENMASAN  MANUSCRIPT  115 

Meave,  *  in  the  house  of  Moda  Minadhmadadh,  my  chief 
steward,  in  the  fort  of  Red-ford  on  the  black  river  of  Brea, 
called  the  Ford  of  ...  on  the  (river)  Suck. 

The  Dubloinges  and  Fergus  fared  forth  and  arrived  at  the 
fort  of  Red-ford.  Moda  Minadhmadadh  rose  to  meet  them, 
and  kissed  Fergus  and  Cormac  Conloinges,  and  welcomed  all 
the  chiefs  of  the  Dubloinges.  They  were  served  and 
ministered  to  thereafter,  for  he  (Moda)  had  a  great  and  ex- 
cellent banquet  ready  for  Oilill  and  Meave.  For  that  royal 
hostel  was  a  great  Rath,  and  he  (Moda)  was  moreover  the 
principal  steward  of  the  province.  Besides  there  were  there 
a  triad  (of  rules)  which  a  cerd  observed,  viz.,  point  thrusts  (?), 
and  furious  combat,  and  respite  in  fighting ;  and  a  triad 
which  an  hospitaller  observed,  viz.,  the  ever  full  caldron,  and 
welcome  to  every  company,  and  refusal  to  none.  And  they 
were  there  until  close  of  day.    Their  proceedings  thus  far. 

With  respect  to  Dubthach  :  the  afternoon  found  him  still 
in  Cruachan ;  he  lost  the  game,  and  he  was  loudly  and 
derisively  laughed  at.  He  rose  up  angrily  and  asked  his 
servant  whether  the  horses  had  been  caught,  or  the  chariot 
yoked.  '  There  they  stand,'  said  the  lad.  The  horses  were 
brought  to  Dubthach.     He  stepped  into  his  chariot  and  drove 

Bruiden  mic  da  thd,  also  in  Leinster.  The  definite  number  six  may  have  been  fixed 
upon,  as  W.  S.  suggests,  to  correspond  with  the  six  cities  of  refuge  of  the  Hebrews,  to 
which  the  bruidens  of  the  Gael  bore  some  analogy.  All  the  bruidens,  we  are  told, 
were  asylums  of  the  '  red  hand ' — {Ba  covmeirque  laivie  deirce  nach  bruiden  (Mc.  xxi. 
314).  The  writer  of  this  MS.  would  uphold  the  importance  of  the  bruiden  of  Moda 
Minadhmadadh,  and  he  gives  details  which  add  somewhat  to  our  knowledge  of  the 
old  Gaelic  life.  Two  of  the  rules  of  the  road  which  the  brvgaid  or  hospitaller  observed, 
— *  welcome  to  all,'  '  refusal  to  none,' — need  no  explanation  ;  they  are  in  vogue  now. 
Coire  ansgoich,  as  here  written,  coire  ansguith  elsewhere,  'the  irremovable  caldron,' 
is  no  doubt  the  caire  ainsic,  '  the  never  dry '  or  '  ever  full  caldron '  of  The  Laws.  In 
each  bruiden  a  caldron  (or  caldrons)  stood  which  was  never  empty.  Every  guest,  as 
he  entered,  had  the  privilege  of  thrusting  a  flesh  fork  into  this  caldron  once.  What 
he  took  up  he  might  eat.  But  if  he  took  nothing,  he  had  not  a  second  chance  :  In 
fer  do  theiged  iar  sin  t-shligi,  do  bered  in  n-ael  is  in  coire,  ocus  na  tabrad  dd'n  ehet 
gabhail,  iss  ed  no  ithed.  Mani  thucad  ni  do'n  chit  tadall,  ni  bered  a  n-aill.  {Ir.  T.  i. 
96).  The  function  of  the  cerd  in  Moda's  hostelry  is  new  to  me.  He  deals  not  with 
feasting,  but  with  fighting.  But  the  rendering  I  give  of  the  cerd's  triad  is  largely 
conjectural.  The  phrases  were  evidently  technical  and  of  definite  meaning. 
*  MS.  agus  agus. 


116  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

carbad,   agus   tanic  roime  co  diinad  Atha  Deirg.     Agus  o 
t'  conncatar  gillannrad  an  Dubloingis  Dubthach  do  mallaiget- 
ar  (Jo.      Toirrlingis   Dubthach  as   a   carbad,  agus   tanic  a 
sdec(h)  a  raibi  Fergus.     Agus  atrachtatar  each  roime. 
Column  38.  Imthusa  ghilla  Dubthaich.     Do  dech  in  a  timchell,  agus 

do  batar  eich  na  Dubloingsi  ar  sgor,  agus  eich  Fergusa  ar 
Bgor,  agus  eich  an  cerdha  ar  sgor  eile.  Agus  tug  gilli 
Dubthaich  a  agaid  ar  gillaib  na  Dubloingsi  agus  do  gairetar 
na  gillai  d6,  agus  nir  leigetar  6  fen  ina  a  eich  cuca.  Tug  a 
agaid  ar  gillaib  Fergusa,  agus  nfr  leigset  cuca  6.  Agus  tuc 
a  agaid  ar  gillaib  an  cerda  fos.  *  Fort  do  choll  diiabais/  ^  ar 
siat,  *  da  n-gabtdi  an  doman  uile  frit  mar  do  gab(a)d  so,  ni 
fuigbidtea  inad  do  cinn  ann.'  Agus  do  sir  in  gilli  an  baile  fo 
tri,  agus  ni  fiiair  inadh  a  sgu(i)rfe  a  eich  na  tech  leptha  na 
biadh  na  tomaltus.  Agus  o  nach  b-fuair,  tanic  ar  agaid  a 
tigerna  a  muigh,^  agus  is  ed  isbert :  *  Is  gilli  droch  tigerna 
ata  mar  atu-sa  a  nocht,  gan  biadh,  gan  dig,  gan  le&haid.' 

Do  eirigh  Dubthach  in  a  shuide  o  t'  ciiala  an  comrad  sin 
agus  atbert :  *  Cidh  duitse,  a  Moda,'  ar  s^,  *  gan  biadh  gan 
digh  gan  tech  leptha  do  tabairt  do  m'  gilla.'  *  Na  tighi 
leptha,'  bar  Moda,  *  ni  fhuil  aen  tech  agamsa  dib  ach  an  t-aon 
tech  a  sa  m-blatar  each  co  coitcenn,  agus  ni  bia  do  gilla-sa  na 
gilla  oglaeich  eile  do  tig(h)  leptha  ann.  Dala  an  bidh,'  bar 
Modha,  '  mad  beg  re  d'  gilla-sa  saith  ein  fhir,  do  geba  saith 
ndonmar.'  Ro  ba  lonn  le  Dubthach  an  freagra  sin,  agus  tarla 
corruighi  etarra.  Agus  do  sa(i)nri  ^  Dubthach  eirghe,  agus 
nlr  leigec^  do.  O  do  ciiaidh  aire  caich  do  Dubthach  do  eirigh 
agus  tuc  beim  cloidme  do  Modha  co  n-derna  da  ordam  *  de. 

Do  eirigh  Fergus  fai  sin,  agus  do  eirgetar  an  Dubloinges 
d'indsaige  Fergusa,  agus  do  eongbatar  h-^.  Agus  ni  fiiair 
Fergus  ridm  ni  do  cuirfe  a  cend  Modha  do  marbadh  do 
Dubthach.  Agus  rugatar  as  an  oidchi  sin  co  h-anbuaineeh 
CO  tanic  an  maiden  ar  na  mdrach  cuca.    Agus  ro  eirigh  Fergus 

1  duabais :  the  opposing  word  suabais  is  oftener  met  with,  whereas  in 
adjective  form  duaibsech  is  much  more  common  than  suaibsech.  Cf.  Fair  a  chol  ocus 
a  dhuabait,  'upon  itself  be  the  evil  that  it  brings'  (S.  G.,  p.  242);  ort  do  choll 
duaphis,  a  Ghonghail,  *  on  yourself  be  your  dire  ruin,  Congal '  {Gc.  p.  242).  Also,  ort 
do  choll  uathbh&is,  a  Ghonghail, '  on  you  is  your  dire  destruction '  (Gc.  p.  96). 


THE  GLENMASAN  MANUSCRIPT  117 

to  the  castle  of  E,ed-ford.  And  when  the  attendants  of  the 
Dubloinges  saw  Dubthach  (approaching)  they  cursed  him. 
Dubthach  alighted  from  his  chariot  and  proceeded  to  Fergus's 
quarters.    Every  one  made  way  for  him. 

As  to  Dubthach's  servant,  he  looked  round  and  found  the 
horses  of  the  Dubloinges,  the  horses  of  Fergus,  as  likewise  those 
of  Moda,  each  in  a  paddock  apart.  He  approached  the  stable 
boys  of  the  Dubloinges,  and  they  laughed  at  him,  and  would 
not  permit  him  or  his  horses  to  find  room  with  them.  He 
went  to  Fergus's  men  and  they  repulsed  him.  He  then 
approached  the  landlord's  servants.  *  Death  and  destruction 
to  you  I '  said  they,  *  if  the  whole  world  were  to  receive  you 
as  we  do,  you  would  get  no  resting-place  in  it.'  The  lad 
scoured  the  stead  three  times,  and  he  could  find  no  place  for 
his  horses,  nor  bed  nor  food  nor  fare  (for  himself).  When 
everything  failed  him  he  came  to  where  his  master  was,  and 
this  is  what  he  said  :  *  The  servant  of  a  bad  master  I  must 
be,  seeing  that  I  am  this  night  without  food  or  drink  or  bed.' 

Dubthach  sat  up  when  he  heard  this,  and  said  :  *  How  is 
it,  Moda,'  said  he,  *  that  you  do  not  provide  food  and  drink 
and  a  sleeping-place  for  my  servant  ? '  '  With  respect  to 
sleeping-houses,'  said  Moda,  *  I  have  not  a  single  one  save 
that  which  is  common  to  all  the  company,  and  neither  your 
servant  nor  that  of  any  other  warrior  shall  find  room  therein. 
As  to  food,*  added  Moda,  *  if  one  man's  surfeit  does  not  satisfy 
your  servant,  he  will  get  the  surfeit  of  nine.'  Dubthach  was 
furious  at  that  answer,  and  the  two  quarrelled.  And  Dub- 
thach was  eager  to  rise,  but  was  not  permitted.  However, 
when  he  ceased  to  be  observed  Dubthach  rose  up  and  gave 
a  sword  blow  to  Moda,  which  cut  him  in  two. 

Fergus  rose  up  thereupon,  but  the  Dubloinges  rose  also 
and  held  him  back.  And  Fergus  never  after  met  with 
anything  to  compare  with  the  slaughter  of  Moda  by 
Dubthach.  And  they  passed  that  night  anxiously  until  the 
morrow's  morning  came.    And  Fergus  rose  up  and  approached 

'  MS.  muich.  3  I,  supra,  p.  109  note  6. 

*  ordu,  now  in  I.G.  orda,  disused  in  S.G.,  *a  piece,'  'a  fragment.' 


\ 


118  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

ann  sin  agus  tanic  6s  cinn  Modha  Minadhmadadh  agus  ro 
gab  ag  d,  ^gaine  go  h-adbal,  agus  is  ed  isbert :  '  Is  truagh  an 
gnim  do  rinnis,  a  Dubthaich,'  ar  se,  '  agus  is  olc  do  gnim  an 
Emain  ddr  marbuis  Fiacha  mac  Concobair  agus  Daire  mac 
Feidlimthi.  Agus  olc  na  h-echta  eile  do  r6nus  .i.  Laidis 
agus  Lennabair.  da  ingin  Eogain  mic  Durtacht,  agus  Moirenn 
muingheal  ben  Munnremair  mic  Eirginn/  agus  Eitni  Cinn- 
fhinn  ben  Eirrgi  Echbeoil.^  Agus  ni  h-engnam  tuc  ort  in 
gnim  sin  do  denam.'  Agus  is  cuma  ro  bui  ag  a  rad(b),  agus 
atbert  an  laid  ann : — 

Column  39.  '  A  Dubthaich,  do  f  heallais  oirn, 

Cian  do  raduis  f  o  meabal ; 
Acht  gid  olc  do  gnim  a  nocht, 
Ro  b'  olc  do  gnim  an  Emain. 

'  Fiacha  Finn  mac  Conchobair, 
Is  re  d'  laim-si  do  rochair ; 
Bis  Daire  mic  Feidhlimthi, 
Ger  b'eis^in,  nir  gnim  sochar. 

'  Moirenn  moingeal  marbaisi, 
Ben  Muinremair  gan  mebal ; 
Eitne  ceinnfinn  crechtnaigis, 
Ben  Eirrgi,  fa  cruaidh  debaid. 

'  Ldighis  agus  Lennabair, 
As  i  do  Mmh  ro-t-cirre ; 
Edain  f  hinn  a  Berramain, 
As  tusa  fos  ro-s-mille. 

•  Taet  let  Moda  Minadhmad, 
M6r-cerd  Medba  gan  bine 
Ge  do  (gh)ne-se  echta  uill, 
Ni  h-e  cruaidhe  do  craide. 

'  Dlt  tdnic  ar  n-indarbadh, 
Gen  CO  tic  dit  ar  furthain ; 
Do  millis  flaithes  Ferguis,^ 
Tren  a  n-dernais,  a  Dubthaich.'  A  DvhtJuikh. 


1  Elsewhere  Munremar  is  described  as  son  of  Oerrchend.    Cf.  Ec.  xxii.  196. 
»  Cf.  supra,  vol.  i.  pp.  214,  216. 


THE  GLENMASAN  MANUSCEIPT  119 

Moda  Minadhmadadh's  body,  and  was  greatly  lamenting  him, 
and  spoke  thus  :  '  Woeful  is  the  deed  which  you  have  done, 
Dubthach,'  said  he,  '  and  evil  was  your  deed  in  Emain,  when 
you  slew  Fiacha  son  of  Conchobar  and  Daire  son  of  Fedelmid. 
And  cruel  were  the  other  murders  you  have  done,  viz.,  the 
murder  of  Laidis  and  Lennabair,  the  two  daughters  of  Eogan 
son  of  Durtacht,  and  Moirenn  of  the  white  neck,  the  wife 
of  Fatneck  son  of  Eirgiu,  and  Ethne  of  the  fair  head,  wife  of 
Errge  Horse-mouth.  And  it  is  not  (desire  of)  renown  that 
caused  you  to  do  this  deed.'  And  as  he  spoke  thus  he 
recited  the  lay  : — 

'  O  Dubthach,  thou  hast  betrayed  us, 
For  long  thou  hast  brought  shame  to  us  j 
Though  thy  deed  this  night  is  evil, 
So  were  thy  doings  in  Emain. 

*  Fiacha  the  Fair,  son  of  Conchobar, 
By  thine  hand  he  fell ; 

The  death  of  Daire  son  of  Fedelmid, 
Though  it  was  he,  was  not  a  deed  to  benefit. 

'  Moirenn  white-neck  thou  hast  slain. 
Wife  of  Fat-neck,  without  shame, 
Ethne  fair-head  thou  hast  wounded. 
Wife  of  Errge,  a  cruel  quarrel. 

'  Laidis  and  Lennabair, 
'Tis  thine  hand  that  mangled  them ; 
The  fair  Edain  from  Berramain, 
Thou  hast  destroyed  her  also. 

*  Moda  Minadhmad  has  fallen  by  thine  hand, 
Meave's  great  artificer  who  committed  no  crime ; 
Although  thou  doest  savage  deeds, 

It  is  not  from  the  hardness  of  thine  heart. 

'  Thou  hast  been  the  cause  of  our  exile. 
Although  thou  canst  not  aid  us  now ; 
Thou  hast  ruined  the  sway  of  Fergus, 
A  wild  deed  thou  hast  done,  O  Dubthach.' 

0  Dubthach. 

3  Ferguis  for  Fergusa  to  suit  the  metre.    In  the  modern  language  the  name,  like 
several  others,  has  changed  from  the  u  to  the  o  declension. 


120  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

Robatar  amlaid  sin  an  oidhche  sin.  Agus  ro  eirgetar  ia 
in  maidin  ar  nd  marach  co  h-imsnimach  egaintech.  Agus 
htracht  Fergus  f^n  co  dobr6nach,  agus  ro  gab  ac  aithbiV 
imaithbhtV  ^  co  mor  ar  a  maithib,  agus  atbert :  '  Ni  f huigem 
inadh  no  on6ir  a  Connachtaib  d'  eis  an  gnima-sa  do  ronamar.* 

Rangatar  na  sgela  sin  co  Cruachain.  Do  h-iachtadh 
agus  do  h-eigmed  acu  ac  d  cloistecht  sin.  Do  eirigh  Medb 
agus  do  tinoil  a  teglach.  Agus  ro  greis  na  Mainedha  co  mor, 
agus  do  cuir  techta  ar  cenn  Ceit  agus  clainni  Mdgach,  agus 
adubairt  friu  eirge  agus  an  Dubloinges  do  lenmain  co  dighair 
agus  a  digail  forro  an  t-ain^  echt  do  r6nsat.  Eirgis  Oilill 
agus  gabais  ag  d,  fasdod,  agus  is  ed  adubairt :  '  Ni  dingentar 
an  comarli  sin  itir  agamsa,'  bar  Oilill.  *N1  muirbfidter  ar 
n-deoraid  'n  a  n-ain  ^  echtaib  ;  agus  ni  thuitfid  ar  comaigthig 
'n  a  cintaib ;  agus  ni  mo  ath-chuirfimid  tigema  foghla  agus 
ec^^rdinn  Eorpa  re  aimsir  in  ar  n-agaid.'  Do  sguiredh  do  lean- 
main  Fergusa  acu  iar  sin. 

'  aithbir,  occasionally  written  aithfir,  'reproach.'  The  phrase  ac  aithhir  imaithbir 
was  not  uncommon,  the  meaning  being  strengthened, '  greatly  reproaching.' 

2  This  idiomatic  use  of  aon  is  not  unknown  in  S.G.  B'  esan  an  t-aon  duine  means 
not  that  he  was  the  only  man,  but  that  he  was  the  one  beyond  all  others.  Cf.  Binn 
iad  aon  duine  de  Chumhal,  •  They  made  one  man  of  Cumhal,  i.e.  they  made  him 
king'  (Dr.  Henderson's  edition  of  Fled  Bricrend,  p.  148).  Cf.  also  MS.  v.  10a, 
Advocates'  Library,  Edinburgh,  where  in  a  hymn  attributed  in  the  Brussels  copy  to 
St  Columba,  Holy  Scripture  is  spoken  of  as  aen  na  leahar,  *  the  one,  {i.e.  the  best)  of 
the  books.' 


THE  GLENMASAN  MANUSCRIPT  121 

Thus  was  that  night  passed.  They  rose  on  the  morrow 
anxiously  and  sorrowfully.  Fergus  moved  about  mournfuUy  ; 
and,  severely  reproaching  his  chiefs,  said  :  '  we  shall  no  longer 
have  place  or  power  in  Connaught  after  this  deed  which  we 
have  done.* 

These  tidings  reached  Cruachan,  and  the  people  yelled 
and  roared  when  they  heard  them.  Meave  rose  and  gathered 
her  household  together.  She  greatly  pressed  the  Maines, 
and  sent  messengers  for  Get  and  the  sons  of  Magach,  urging 
them  to  pursue  the  Dubloinges  closely  and  avenge  the 
terrible  murder  which  they  committed.  But  Oilill  was  re- 
straining her,  and  said :  '  I  shall  have  no  part  in  these  pro- 
ceedings,' said  Oilill.  *  Our  dependants  shall  not  be  put  to 
death  for  their  violent  deeds ;  nor  shall  our  allies  fall  for 
their  crimes;  and  neither  shall  we  make  an  enemy  for  a 
season  of  the  greatest  riever  and  raider  in  Europe.*  The 
pursuit  of  Fergus  thereupon  ceased. 

{To  he  continued.) 


NOTE 

The  Battle  of  Piorait 


In  the  very  interesting  collection  of  Gaelic  songs  published  by  D. 
Macpherson  (D6mhnull  MacMhuirich)  under  the  title  of  'An  Duanaire,' 
there  is  an  elegy  on  the  famous  Captain  Macpherson,  whose  accidental  death 
in  the  forest  of  Gaick  in  the  year  1800  gave  rise  to  some  strange  tales.  In 
this  lament  the  following  lines  occur  : — 

'  Caiptein  thu  air  sliochd  GhilUosa, 
'Choiainn  am  bUr  a  bha  'm  Piorait, 
A  leag  an  trap  Gallda  gu  h'  iseal.' 

The  name  Piorait  has  probably  been  unfamiliar  to  most  readers  of  the  poem, 
and  remained  a  mystery  to  me  until  I  happened  to  discover,  while  reading 
some  specimens  of  Westmoreland  dialect,  that  Peeriih  is  the  local  pronuncia- 
tion of  Penrith.  This  makes  the  matter  quite  clear  :  the  poet's  reference  is 
to  the  skirmish  fought  at  that  place  in  December  1745  (during  the  retreat 
of  Prince  Charles's  army  from  England),  in  which  the  Macphersons  played 
a  leading  part.  The  local  pronunciation  of  the  name  was  evidently  picked 
up  by  the  Highlanders  at  the  time,  and  retained  in  tradition  as  late  as 
1800.  W.  A.  Craigie. 


122 


THE  CELTIC  EEVIEW 


O,  'S  TU  'S  GURA  TU  TH'  AIR  M'  AIRE 
Malcolm  Macfarlane 
At  last  year's  Mod,  I  was  introduced  to  a  gentleman,  John 
Reilly  by  name,  who  was  anxious  to  interest  some  Gaelic 
person  in  a  tune  which  he  had  noted  down  in  Eriskay,  one  of 
the  islands  of  the  Outer  Hebrides,  during  a  term  which  he 
had  spent  there  as  teacher.  Mr.  Reilly  told  me  that  he  was 
much  impressed  by  the  melody  when  first  he  heard  it,  and 
was  at  pains  to  make  the  best  record  of  it  in  his  power, 
selecting  from  the  variants  of  several  singers  what  appeared 
to  him  to  be  the  best  rendering,  and  writing  the  music  in  the 
style  in  which  it  was  sung  by  the  old  people.  Having  no 
Gaelic  he  was  unable  to  give  me  the  words.  In  the  course 
of  time,  Father  Allan  MacDonald  of  Eriskay  kindly  sent  on, 
at  Mr.  Reilly's  request,  the  following  stanzas.  One  of  the 
verses  does  duty  in  the  well-known  popular  song  '  Faill 
ill  6  agus  horo  ^ile.'  I  have  fitted  the  words  to  the  notes 
according  to  what  I  conceive  to  be  the  proper  way.  But, 
never  having  heard  the  words  sung,  I  cannot  be  positive  as 
to  its  being  the  customary  way. 

A-  -  -  -- ^- ■    1^  .^> 


Gleus  Bb 

ni,s,.d:n,s,n  1  f.n:r,s,d  I  s,:-  k.di,-  :-|ni,S|.d:n,s,n]  f.n  :r,s,nj  d  :-|  -.n,8  :h  -.8  I 

O,  's  tu  's  gura    tu  th'  air  m'  air  - .  -  e ;  O,  's  tu  's  gura     tu  th'  air  m'  air  -  -  e ;  '8  tu  f6in,  a 


s  :  -  .n  If  .n  tr.s.d  I  S|  :-|n,   :  d,  I  PiuSi.d  :  n.s.n  |  f  .r   :  n.d  |1|  :-|  Si:-| 

n\in,  tha  tighinn  dldth  fain-ear  dhomh ;  Gu'n  d'fhalbh  mo shdgradh  o'n  dh'f hig  thu'm  bail  -  e. 

Innsidh  mise  mar  tha  gaol  nan  gruagach  : 
Far  an  cuir  iad  an  snaim,  cha  'n  fliuasgail ; 
Bheir  e'n  fhe6illeisbharr  nan  gruaidhean 
Mar  shneachdadh  ban  bhios  air  bharr  nam 
bruachan. 


Feasgar  foghair  air  an  achadh  bhuana, 
SaoU  sibh  f^in  nach  mi  fh^in  bha  truagh 

dheth: 
H-nile  t4  's  a  fear  fhdin  ri  gualainn, 
'S  mo  leannan  falaich,  gurfada  bhuams'e. 

Innsidh  mis'  mar  tha  gaol  nan  gillean  : 
Tha  e  t6i8eachadh  anns  a'  chridhe, 
Cheart  cho  beag  ris  a  ghrainnean  chruith- 

neachd, 
'S  e  fas  cho  m6r  's  nach  eil  8e61  air  thil- 

leadh. 


A  phiuthar  chridhe,  nach  cum  thu  ch6ir 

rium  ? 
Na  leig  le  griasaiche  dubh  nam  br6g  mi ; 
No  gu  t^illear  a  dh'  fhuaigheas  cl6imhn- 

tean ; 
Adb  balach  riomhach  a  dhireas  r6pa. 


SEA-STORIES  OF  lAR-CONNACHT  123 

SEA-STORIES  OF  lAR-CONNACHT 
IJna  ni  6g1in 

It  is  early  morning,  some  miles  out  from  the  Connemara 
coast,  and  we  are  sailing  with  a  light  breeze  among  the  outer 
islands  and  long,  dark  reefs,  the  weed  turning  golden  under 
a  low  July  sun,  which  is  just  high  enough  to  touch  the  great 
Cruacha  inland  with  rose-colour,  and  give  the  clear  shallows 
above  the  rocks  and  shell-sand  those  dark  purples  and  shining 
greens  which  are  the  glory  of  these  western  seas. 

There  are  four  of  us  in  the  pookawn  (or  open  fishing-boat), 
sharing  the  delight  of  the  music  of  the  sea  against  her  bows, 
and  the  colour  and  radiance  of  the  morning.  My  friends, 
honest,  kindly,  brave,  are  familiar  with  every  foot  of  the  wild 
and  intricate  though  lovely  coast  which  lies  near  Ceann 
Leime ;  they  know  their  wide  island-strewn  bay  '  like  their 
own  house-floor,'  as  they  say.  Not  a  change  of  the  precious 
weed-growth,  not  a  stray  piece  of  flotsam,  escapes  their 
trained  observation.  They  know  the  wild  lives  out  here  well, 
too,  and  can  tell  the  larger  seals,  who  lie  here  undisturbed,  one 
from  another.  And  herein  lies  at  least  part  of  the  interest 
of  the  following  stories,  told  me  '  in  friendship,'  for  they  do 
not  readily  speak  of  these  things. 

We  are  talking,  part  Irish,  part  English.  *  You  must  see 
strange  things  at  times,  by  day  and  night,'  I  said.  '  'Tis 
true  for  you,'  says  Martin.  '  Only  yesterday  we  were  far  out, 
and  came  among  a  pack  of  big  fish,  the  "  vdld  fish "  of  the 
great  sea.  They  are  not  good  for  a  small  boat,  and  they 
hunting.^  And  there  are  strange  things  by  night.  But  the 
queerest  we  saw  was  in  the  day.  Pat  and  I  were  out  in  this 
boat  one  morning  bringing  in  weed,  and  all  of  a  sudden  a 
very  big  man  rose  out  of  the  sea  quite  near  us,  about  thirty 

^  The  larger  porpoise  are  said  by  the  fishermen  on  the  West  Coast  to  hunt  in 
packs  after  the  * braddn-st^irne,'  or  sturgeon,  'like  hounds  after  a  fox,'  some  on 
the  surface,  some  deeper  down ;  and  the  sturgeon  often  takes  refuge  close  alongside 
or  under  a  sailing- boat. 


124  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

yards  from  the  boat,  and  stood  up  in  the  sea  from  his  waist 
up.  When  he  first  came  up  his  arms  were  spread  out  from 
him,  very  long  arms,  like  an  oar;  and  big,  long  hands, 
and  fingers  on  him  near  a  foot  long,  and  his  height  from  his 
waist  up  about  my  own  height  [5  ft.  9  ins.  or  so].  He 
stayed  looking  at  us  about  a  minute,  and  then  he  brought 
the  hands  up  above  his  head,  and  then  down  flat  on  the 
water  before  him,  and  he  hit  a  shower  of  sea-spray  up  that 
near  covered  him,  and  it  went  as  high  as  our  mast.  He  went 
down  into  the  water  then  again,  under  the  cover  of  the 
spray.  He  had  no  dress  on  him,  but  his  skin  was  very  black- 
looking  and  shining.  He  had  not  the  eyes  or  skin  of  a  dead 
man ;  he  was  not  dead,  but  had  the  face  of  a  man  in  fuU 
strength.  Both  I  and  Pat  saw  him  plain,  in  full  day.  We 
were  too  surprised  to  speak  to  him.  A  sea-man  he  must 
have  been.^ 

'  I  knew  a  man  well  too,  a  near  neighbour  (God  be  with 
him,  he 's  dead  now),  he  went  out  fishing  with  the  lines  one 
Saturday  night.  'Tis  not  held  good  to  go  out  that  time. 
The  men  here  stay  in  Saturday  night,  go  to  mass  on  Sunday 
morning,  and  out  Sunday  night.  Well,  this  man  was  a  great 
sailor,  and  a  strong  man,  and  he  went  out  a  long  way,  by 
himself.  He  got  a  good  take  of  bream  and  cod  ;  and  just  as 
the  day  was  breaking,  he  saw  a  man's  head  come  up  from  the 
sea  at  the  bow  of  the  boat.  And  the  strange  man  took  hold 
of  the  ropes,  and  came  in  over  the  bow  of  the  boat,  and 
he  walked  up  along  her  to  the  second  thwart.  And  he 
stooped  and  took  up  a  good  cod  by  the  gills,  and  he  spoke 
no  word,  and  did  no  harm,  but  went  out  quiet  and  easy 
over  the  side  of  the  boat,  with  the  fish  in  his  hand,  and 
down  into  the  sea  again.  The  boatman  was  left  speechless 
for  a  good  while,  and  when  he  came  in,  he  said  no  matter 
what  length  he  lived  he  would  never  go  out  of  a  Saturday 
night  again. 

*  There  do  be  mermaids  {maighdini  mara)  many  a  time  out 
on  the  rocks  here,  in  the  deep  sea.     And  there  is  one  point 

^  Corroborated  in  every  point  by  Pat,  his  brother. 


SEA-STORIES  OF  lAR-CONNACHT  125 

of  rock,  within  in  the  bay,  where  one  does  be  seen  at  times, 
before  a  storm.  She  was  there  two  years  ago.  But  there 
are  two  of  the  neighbours  (and  yourself  knows  them  both 
well),  Pat  and  Shawn,  saw  one  very  close.  They  were  out 
towards  Ceann  Ldime,  lifting  the  lobster  pots ;  and  all  of  a 
sudden,  about  two  o'clock  of  the  day,  they  saw  a  woman  out 
before  them  in  the  deep,  quite  near  the  boat.  Very  fair  she 
was,  and  reddy-gold  hair  on  her  head,  and  down  over  her. 
She  saw  them  before  they  saw  her,  and  was  watching  them. 
When  Pat  saw  her  he  was  so  frightened  the  oar  dropped  from 
his  hands.  He  stooped  for  it,  and  he  and  Shawn  looked  at 
each  other,  and  when  they  looked  her  way  again  she  was 
gone.    They  both  saw  her  quite  plain.' 

Then  follows  an  interesting  discussion  between  the  elders 
and  the  young  man  as  to  the  form  of  the  maighdini  mara. 
The  elders  are  sure  the  sea-maids  and  sea-men  are  shaped 
just  like  those  of  earth.  The  young  man  had  '  seen  a  picture 
of  them  one  time  in  a  book,  and  they  were  shaped  like  a 
salmon  from  the  waist  down,  and  wouldn't  those  that  could 
make  the  book  and  draw  the  picture  be  right  ? '  But  the 
older  men  are  certain  that  the  western  sea-maids  and  sea- 
people  are  made  just  *  like  Christians,'  only  finer — and  I, 
having  heard  older  tales,  from  other  neighbours,  know  they 
must  be  right.  Is  not  their  speech  full  of  the  quiet  assurance 
of  eye-witness  ?  And  who,  listening  to  the  mysterious  talk 
of  such  fisher-friends,  and  surrounded  by  the  sea-lights  and 
wave  music,  can  venture  to  set  limit  to  the  magic  of  the 
Fairge  Mh6r  ? 


126  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

'THE    RUIN    OF    BRITANNIA' 

A  CONTRIBUTION   TOWARDS   A   RESTATEMENT   OF  EARLY 
SAXO-WELSH   HISTORY 

A.   W.   Wade -Evans 

[This  paper  attempts  to  show  that  the  supposed  homogeneous  work 
attributed  to  Qildas  before  547  really  comprises  two  distinct  books ;  the 
first  called  'Ezcidium  Britannise,'  which  includes  chapters  1  to  26,  and 
which  was  composed  about  700  ;  the  second,  from  chapter  27  to  the  end, 
being  the  genuine  'Epistola  Gildse'  written  by  Qildas  before  502.] 

(Continued  from  page  58.) 

Part  III.  Date  of  Composition. 
7.  The  alliance  which  Vortigern,  from  beyond  the  Wye  in 
modem  Radnorshire,  made  with  the  Saxons,  exposed  Romania 
to  the  marauding  expeditions  of  the  latter.  In  order  to 
check  these,  the  Excidium  tells  us  that  the  Britanni  after 
suffering  considerably,  made  a  rally  under  the  Roman 
Ambrosius  and  won  a  signal  victory.  Our  author  continues 
as  follows  : — 

'  From  that  time  [i.e.  Ambrosius'  victory]  our  fellow  citizens  were 
sometimes  victorious,  sometimes  the  enemy,  in  order  that  the  Lord 
according  to  His  wont  might  try  in  this  nation,  the  Israel  of  to-day 
whether  it  loves  Him  or  not.  This  continued  up  to  the  year  of  the 
siege  of  Badon  Hill,  and  of  almost  the  last  great  slaughter  inflicted 
upon  the  rascally  crew.  And  this  commences  as  I  know  the  iith  year 
with  one  month  now  elapsed ;  it  is  also  the  year  of  my  birth.  But  not 
even  at  the  present  day  are  the  cities  of  our  patria  inhabited  as 
formerly ;  deserted  and  dismantled,  they  lie  neglected  until  now,  be- 
cause although  foreign  wars  have  ceased,  civil  wars  continue.  The 
recollection  of  so  hopeless  a  ruin  of  the  island  and  of  the  unlooked-for 
help  (insperatum  auxilium)  has  been  fixed  in  the  memory  of  those 
who  have  survived  as  witnesses  of  both  marvels.  Owing  to  this  (un- 
locked for  help),  kings,  magistrates,  private  persons,  priests,  ecclesias- 
tics, severally  preserved  their  own  rank.  As  they  died  away  when  an 
age  had  succeeded  ignorant  of  that  storm  and  having  experience  only  of  the 
present  quiet,  all  the  controlling  influences  of  truth,  etc.  were  over- 
turned.' 


Celtic  Rf^view,  October  1905 


'THE  EUIN  OF  BRITANNIA'  127 

Now  it  has  been  long  supposed  that  this  battle  of  Badon 
Hill  refers  to  the  twelfth  great  victory  of  Arthur  in  October 
470.  Arthur,  however ,  never  fought  a  battle  at  Badon  Hill. 
In  the  genuine  list  of  Arthur's  victories,  Badon  Hill  is  an 
interpolation  from  this  very  document.  At  least  five  MSS. 
of  the  Arthurian  Tractate  give  thirteen  battles,  four  MSS. 
omit  one  of  the  names  in  order  to  make  up  the  twelve,  whilst 
others  jumble  up  two  names  for  the  same  purpose.  Why 
is  this  ?  Because  Badon  Hill  had  to  be  inserted  owing  to  the 
supposed  evidence  of  the  Excidium.  The  following  is  the 
genuine  list : — 

vir.  Forest  of  Celidon. 
VIII.  Castellum  Guinnion. 
IX.  CaerUeon. 
X.  Traeth  or  Traetheu  Roit. 
XI.  Bregomion. 
XII.  Mons  Agned. 


I.  Estuary  of  River  Glein. 
II.  River  Dubglas. 

III.  River  Dubglas. 

IV.  River  Dubglas. 
V.  River  Dubglas. 

VI.  River  Bassas. 


The  Mons  Badonicus  of  the  Excidium  was  confused  with 
the  Mons  Agned  which  is  the  genuine  victory  of  October  470, 
and  as  this  was  also  the  year  of  St.  Gildas's  birth,  the  follow- 
ing words  were  inserted — '  And  this  commences,  as  I  know, 
the  44th  year  with  one  month  now  elapsed ;  it  is  also  the 
year  of  my  birth.'  Annus  XLiv  in  era  of  Invitation  is 
428  +  43  =  471,  which  agrees  with  the  Annales  and  Geoffrey's 
number  470  as  I  have  shown  above. 

Moreover,  Badon  Hill  is  described  lower  down  as  an 
auxilium  insperatum,  an  unlooked-for  help.  A  victory  of 
Arthur,  a  chosen  dux  bellorum  of  Britannic  princes  could 
not  possibly  be  called  an  unexpected  help.  When  the  mili- 
tary forces  of  Britannia  combined  under  this  chosen  general 
who  had  already  won  eleven  victories,  there  was  nothing  of 
the  nature  of  unexpectedness  or  of  help  in  his  victory  at 
Mons  Agned  in  470. 

Now  there  is  only  one  Bellum  Badonis  known  in  Welsh 
history,  and  it  is  to  this  the  Excidium  refers.  It  is  placed 
opposite  Annus  ccxx[x]i  in  the  Annales  MS.  A.  as  '  Bellum 


128  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

Badonis  secundo.'  The  last  word,  of  course,  is  inserted  under 
the  influence  of  the  misunderstanding  of  the  Excidium.  It 
is  the  battle  known  to  the  English  as  Bedan-  or  Biedan- 
heafod,  won  in  the  year  675  by  Wulfhere,  King  of  Mercia, 
over  Wessex.  It  was  a  victory  which  kept  Wessex  in  a 
state  of  chaos  for  years,  during  which  time  the  Britanni 
between  Severn  and  Poole  Harbour  obtained  respite  from 
Saxon  aggression.  It  will  now  be  seen  how  a  Britannus  of 
this  quarter  could  call  Badon  Hill  '  an  unexpected  help.'  * 

8.  We  have  still  to  allow  for  an  age  to  succeed  ignorant 
of  the  storm  which  culminated  at  Badon  Hill.  If  the  reader 
will  look  carefully  through  the  Excidium  he  will  notice  that 
the  author  is  continually  carping  against  the  Britanni  in  a 
manner  and  on  grounds  quite  foreign  to  the  Epistola  Gildce. 
In  chapter  i  he  says  he  will  not  attack  the  brave  soldiers, 
for  his  words  are  directed  against  the  '  dangers  caused  by 
indolent  men,'  that  is  the  hierarchy.  He  proceeds  as 
follows  : — 

'  I  saw  that  in  our  time  even,  as  Jeremiah  wept,  "  The  widowed  city 
sat  solitary,  heretofore  filled  with  people,  ruler  of  the  Gentiles,  princes 
of  provinces,  and  had  become  tributary."  By  this  is  meant  the  Church. 
"  The  gold  hath  become  dim,  its  best  colour  changed,"  which  means  the 
excellency  of  God's  word.  "  The  sons  of  Zion,"  that  is  of  ttie  holy  mother 
the  Church,  "  famous  and  clothed  with  best  gold  have  embraced  ordure." 
...  To  this  age  of  ours  has  been  added  besides  those  impious  and 
monstrous  sins  which  it  commits  in  common  with  all  the  iniquitous 
ones  of  the  world,  that  thing  which  is  as  if  inborn  with  it,  an  irremovable 
and  inextricable  weight  of  unwisdom  and  fickleness.  ...  In  my  zeal 
therefore  for  the  holy  law  of  the  Lord's  house,  constrained  by  the 
reasons  of  my  own  meditation  or  overcome  by  the  pious  entreaties 
of  brethren,  I  am  now  paying  the  debt  exacted  long  ago.  The  work  is 
in  fact  poor  but  I  believe  faithful  and  friendly  to  all  noble  soldiers  of 
Christ;  hit  severe  and  hard  to  bear  to  foolish  apostates.' 

'^  It  may  be  well  to  remind  the  reader  at  this  point  that  the  only  foes  of  the 
Roman  province  mentioned  in  the  Excidium  are  Picts  from  beyond  the  Wall,  Scots 
from  Ireland,  and  Saxons  from  the  Saxon  shore  between  Essex  and  Wight.  The 
Angles  and  Frisians  are  not  referred  to.  Such  of  these  as  lived  south  of  the  Wall 
would  be  Britanni  to  a  Roman.  The  absence  of  any  special  reference  to  them  by  our 
author,  seems  to  indicate  that  in  the  traditions  which  he  follows,  they  are  regarded 
as  friendly. 


'THE  RUIN  OF  BRITANNIA'  129 

He  explains  the  ready  entrance  of  heresies  into  Britain  on 
the  ground  that  it  was  a  country  always  wishful  to  hear  some- 
thing new  and  at  all  events  desiring  nothing  steadfastly  (ch. 
12).  He  explains  the  'Ruin  of  Britannia'  as  being  due  to 
certain  vices  and 

'  Especially  the  vice  which  to-day  also  overthrows  the  place  which 
pertains  to  all  good  in  the  island,  i.e.  hatred  of  truth  together  with  those 
who  defend  it,  love  of  falsehood  together  with  its  fabricators,  under- 
taking evil  for  good,  respect  for  wickedness  rather  than  kindness,  desire 
of  darkness  in  preference  to  the  sun,  the  welcoming  of  Satan  as  an 
angel  of  light.' 

No  one  can  doubt  but  that  these  passages  refer  to  something 
special,  some  falling  away  towards  novelties  on  the  part  of 
the  Church.  There  are  apostates  whom  the  Britanni  are 
inclined  to  follow.  The  reference  of  course  is  to  what  Bede 
describes  thus  (v.  18) : — 

*  Aldhelm,  when  he  was  only  a  priest  and  abbot  of  the  monastery 
of  Malmesbury,  by  order  of  a  synod  of  his  own  nation,  wrote  a  notable 
book  against  the  error  of  the  Britons  in  not  celebrating  Easter  at  the 
proper  time,  and  in  doing  several  other  things  not  consonant  to  the 
purity  and  the  peace  of  the  Church ;  and  by  the  reading  of  this  book 
he  persuaded  many  of  them  who  were  subject  to  the  West  Saxons  to  adopt 
the  Catholic  celebration  of  our  Lord's  resurrection.' 

In  other  words,  the  Britanni  between  Severn  and  Poole 
Harbour  were  the  first  to  surrender  the  Celtic  Easter  for  that 
of  the  Latin  Church.  This  they  did  whilst  Aldhelm  was 
Abbot  of  Malmesbury  in  their  borders,  that  is  to  say,  between 
675  and  705.  Now  inasmuch  as  Bede  had  the  Excidium  in 
his  hands  by  the  year  725,  it  must  have  been  compiled 
between  some  date  after  675,  not  far  from  705,  when  the 
author  could  reasonably  speak  of  an  age  new  to  that  which 
finished  with  675,  and  on  the  other  hand  the  year  when  Bede 
is  known  to  have  had  the  book,  viz.  725. 

9.  Our  author  was  writing  during  a  period  of  peace  from 
external  foes,  and  although  reference  is  made  to  civil  strife 
he  yet  speaks  of  his  age  as  prcesens  serenitas  or  the  present 
quiet.     Now  Bede  says  (iv.  12)  : — 

'  When  Koenwalh  [King  of  Wessex]  died  [in  672]  his  under  rulers 
VOL.  II.  I 


130  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

took  upon  them  the  kingdom  of  the  people  and  dividing  it  among  them- 
selves held  it  ten  years  .  .  .  Ceadwalla  having  subdued  and  removed 
these  rulers,  took  upon  him  the  government.  When  he  had  reigned  two 
years  ...  he  quitted  his  sovereignty  for  the  love  of  the  heavenly 
kingdom  and,  going  to  Eome,  ended  his  days  there.' 

The  Saxon  Chronicle  states  : — 
'  686.  This  year  Ceadwalla  began  to  contend  for  the  kingdom. 
688.  This  year  Ine  succeeded  to  the  kingdom  of  the  West  Saxons 
and  held  it  37  years ;  and  he  built  the  minster  at  Glastonbury  .  .  . 
and  the  same  year  Ceadwalla  went  to  Eome.' 

The  aggression  of  Mercia,  and  perhaps  the  restlessness  of  the 
Britanni  had  thrown  Wessex  into  confusion.  Out  of  this 
tumult  rose  Ceadv^aUa  and  Ine  of  the  royal  race  of  Wessex, 
and  perhaps  of  Britannic  blood  as  well.  At  least  they  were 
both  regarded  as  Britannic  in  those  Britannic  traditions  upon 
which  Geoffrey  of  Monmouth  founded  his  famous  book.  A 
period  of  interblending  seems  now  to  have  taken  place 
between  the  Saxons  and  subject  Britanni,  and  Celtic  Chris- 
tianity is  seen  to  be  giving  way  to  the  Latin  form  of  Wessex. 
This  appears  to  me  to  be  the  age  of  the  prcesens  serenitas  of 
the  Excidium. 

10.  When  Bede  received  the  Excidium,  the  famous  inter- 
polation dating  Badon  as  Annus  xliv  etc.,  had  already  been 
inserted,  and  the  little  book  could  not  but  have  undergone 
slight  modifications  when  transcribed  by  an  '  intelligent ' 
editor  labouring  under  this  delusion.  Bede  gives  no  indica- 
tion that  he  knows  the  Epistola  Gildce,  so  that  we  are  justified 
in  assuming  that  when  he  received  the  Excidium  it  had  not 
as  yet  been  prefixed  to  the  former.  One  of  the  modifications 
which  it  underwent  before  Bede  received  a  copy,  was  in 
reference  to  the  site  of  St.  Alban's  martyrdom.  In  recount- 
ing supposed  Diocletian  martyrdoms  in  Britannia  he  mentions 

'  St.  Alban  of  Verulam,  Aaron  and  lulius,  citizens  of  Caerlleon,  and 
the  rest  of  both  sexes  in  different  places  who  stood  firm  with  lofty 
nobleness  of  mind  in  Christ's  battle '  (ch.  10). 

This  sentence,  with  what  follows,  places  us  at  once  in  S.E. 
Wales  among  the  martyria  or  merihyrs,  as  they  are  now 
called,  which  commemorate  individuals  of  both  sexes.     St. 


'THE  RUIN  OF  BRITANNIA*  131 

Alban  of  course  ought  to  be  amongst  them,  that  is,  in  Brit- 
annia, so  that  '  Alban  of  Verulam  '  must  be  a  mistake.^  Now 
notice  that  the  martyr  is  made  to  cross  the  river  Thames  to  the 
site  of  his  sufferings,  which  river  is  impossible,  as  it  is  much 
too  far  away  from  the  city  of  St.  Albans.  Bede,  although  he 
insists  on  Verulam,  yet  carefully  avoids  mentioning  the  name 
of  the  river.  Bede  also  follows  an  independent  authority  in 
recounting  this  martyrdom,  and  it  is  significant  that  the 
crucial  passage  which  locates  the  site  in  relation  to  the  river, 
is  corrupt  (i.e.  tampered  with)  in  all  the  MSS.  He  tells  us 
enough,  however,  to  show  us  that  Alban  suffered  on  the  side 
of  the  river  opposite  to  the  city,  some  distance  from  the  city, 
and  on  a  hill  500  paces  from  the  [river].  This  proves  that 
the  river  referred  to  is  the  Usk  in  Monmouthshire,  and  the 
city  is  CaerUeon  itself ;  for  two  miles  away  from  the  city  on 
the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  and  five  hundred  paces  from 
it,  is  Mount  St.  Albans  with  the  ruins  of  Alban's  shrine 
thereon.  This  point  is  of  vital  importance,  because  it  is  one 
of  the  localities  which  we  are  certain  St.  Germanus  visited 
when  he  came  to  Britannia  in  the  fifth  century.  The  shrines 
of  Aaron  and  Julius  are  also  in  the  immediate  neighbourhood. 

Part  IV.  Sources. 

11.  Our  author  refers  to  his  authorities  in  these  terms  : — 

'  Not  so  much  by  the  aid  of  native  writings  or  records  of  authors, 
inasmuch  as  these  (if  they  ever  existed)  have  been  burnt  by  the  fires  of 
enemies  or  carried  far  away  in  the  ships  which  exiled  my  countrymen 
and  so  are  not  at  hand,  but  shall  follow  the  account  of  foreign  writers 
which  because  broken  by  many  gaps  is  far  from  clear.' 

He  distinctly  refers  to  Rufinus's  Ecclesiastical  History. 
He  is  also  acquainted  with  some  of  Jerome's  writings,  and 
perhaps  Salvian  and  Orosius.  He  also  quotes  Virgil  (which 
St.  Gildas  does  not  do,  and  would  not  do,  if  one  may  judge 

'  I  would  suggest  that  verolamiensem  was  an  Anglian  or  Saxon  guess  or  misread- 
ing for  some  form  of  the  Welsh  name  Caerlleon  written  in  the  margin  or  between 
the  lines.  The  scribe  who  added  the  name  of  the  Thames  could  not  possibly  have 
known  the  neighbourhood  of  our  modern  St.  Albans  near  London. 


132  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

from  his  words  in  chapter  66  of  the  Epistola).  Notice,  how- 
ever, that  the  above  words  do  not  exclude  native  writings, 
and  distinctly  suggest  that  he  had  at  least  thought  of 
possible  Britannic  traditions  in  Armorica.  If  among  the 
insular  writings  before  him  there  are  also  those  of  Armorican 
origin,  he  is  clearly  unable  to  distinguish  between  them. 
There  was  frequent  communication  from  the  fifth  century 
between  the  Britannia  of  Britain  and  that  of  France.  Saints 
moved  to  and  fro  between  them,  and  St.  Gildas  himself  died 
in  Brittany  in  554.  In  this  very  year  Procopius  was  writing 
of  the  three  great  nations  of  Roman  Britain,  viz.  Frisians, 
Angles  and  *  Bret  tones '  who  were  annually  migrating  to  Gaul 
in  vast  numbers.  The  earliest  settlements  of  '  Brettones ' 
seem  to  have  taken  place  in  the  days  of  Maximus,  and  since 
that  time  a  stream  of  them  had  flowed  apparently  from 
Cornwall, '  Devon,'  and  Monmouth.  The  Armorican  peninsula, 
from  its  western  point,  gradually  became  a  new  Britannia, 
with  Romania  to  the  east  and  even  in  its  midst ;  in  short, 
a  land  of  '  Brettones '  and  Romani,  like  what  Britannia  from 
Usk  to  Dorset  Avon  must  largely  have  been.  If,  therefore, 
amongst  the  insular  Roman  Britannic  traditions  which  our 
author  had  before  him,  there  were  also  Roman-Britannic 
traditions  of  Armorica^  he  would  possibly  have  had  some 
difficulty  in  differentiating  between  them.  Our  author's 
sympathies  are  constantly  with  'Roman'  as  against  'anti- 
Roman  '  opinion.     He  says : — 

*  Only  those  evils  will  I  attempt  to  make  public  which  Britannia 
has  both  suffered  and  inflicted  upon  other  and  distant  citizens  in  the 
times  of  the  Roman  Emperors.' 

Any  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  Britanni  to  act  indepen- 
dently of  the  Romani,  is  an  evil  in  his  sight  which  merited  an 
excidium  Britannice.  He  even  sympathises  with  the  Romani 
in  the  opprobrious  epithets  they  hurl  against  the  Britanni — 
'  crafty  foxes,'  '  cowards '  and  the  like.  It  is  hard  to  explain 
so  intense  a  Roman  partisanship  on  the  part  of  so  late  a 
writer  who  tells  us  distinctly  that  the  last  of  the  Romans  in 
Britannia  was  Ambrosius,  who  was  a  contemporary  of  Vorti- 
gern  in  428.     We  are  driven  to  conclude  that  he  is  incor- 


'  THE  RUIN  OF  BRITANNIA '  133 

porating  sentences  and  aflPecting  attitudes  from  'Roman* 
traditions,  and  especially  from  that  Britannia  across  the 
Channel  where  Romania  was  so  much  more  significant  than 
it  was  in  Britain.  We  are  confirmed  in  this  opinion  by 
several  little  points,  particularly  the  following. 

12,  Far  and  away  the  most  celebrated  passage  in  the 
Excidium  is  that  which  gives  part  of  the  letter  to  Aetius  in 
446,  called  the  '  Groans  of  the  Britons.'  The  following  is  the 
whole  of  it : — 

*  The  miserable  remnant  therefore  sent  a  letter  to  Agitius,  a  man 
holding  high  office  at  Eome ;  they  speak  as  follows: — To  Agitius  in 
his  third  consulship,  come  the  groans  of  the  Briianni  ;  a  little  further  in 
their  request :  the  barbarians  drive  us  to  the  sea,  the  sea  drives  us  upon 
the  barbarians ;  by  one  or  other  of  these  two  modes  of  death  we  are  either 
killed  or  drowned ;  and  for  these  they  have  no  aid.' 

This  is  all,  so  that  if  we  lifted  the  passage  from  the  con- 
text it  would  cause  no  break  in  the  reading.  The  extremely 
fragmentary  and  isolated  character  of  so  important  a  docu- 
ment and  event,  immediately  suggests  that  our  author  is  not 
very  sure  of  the  material  he  has  before  him.  The  letter 
is  undoubtedly  genuine,  and  is  undoubtedly  inserted  here 
because  of  the  supposed  chronological  coincidence.  For  mark 
that  the  barbarians  referred  to  are  not  Saxons  but  Picts  and 
Scots.  The  Saxons  are  to  appear  at  the  false  date,  450  a.d., 
and  Aetius  was  third  time  consul  in  446.  The  letter  is  there- 
fore inserted  as  leading  up  to  the  climax  of  his  sermon. 

Now  it  so  happens  that  shortly  before  the  year  446,  the 
cities  of  Armorica  had  revolted,  and  the  Patrician  Aetius 
(who  had  had  to  deal  severely  with  them  previously)  had 
sent  against  them  an  army  of  barbarians  under  Eocarich 
the  Alan  king.  The  Armoricans  in  terror  appealed  to  St. 
Germanus  of  Auxerre  who  had  just  returned  Jrom  his  second 
visit  to  BHtain  in  445.  The  saint  succeeded  in  persuading 
Eocarich  to  desist  from  devastating  Armorica  and  to  give  a 
most  faithful  promise  of  peace  on  condition  that  the  pardon 
which  Eocarich  had  bestowed  should  be  sought  by  Germanus 
from  the  Emperor  and  from  Aetius?     The   saint   in  con- 

^  See  Constantius'  Life  of  St.  Germanus  (Bk.  ii.  ch.  i.  §  62). 


134  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

sequence  went  to  Ravenna  to  intercede  for  the  peace  of 
Armorica,  carrying  the  celebrated  '  Groans  of  the  Britons  * 
with  him.  Our  author  had  this  document  before  him  which 
he  ignorantly  applied  to  the  Britanni  of  the  island,  who,  as  all 
the  evidence  shows,  were  well  able  to  take  care  of  themselves. 

Three  things  in  conclusion : — 

(a)  I  most  earnestly  commend  to  my  countrymen,  the 
Britanni  of  to-day,  the  study  of  the  Excidium,  for  it  is  the 
one  great  impediment  which  has  hitherto  prevented  the 
history  of  Wales  (and  of  England  too)  from  being  based  on 
a  sound  scientific  foundation.  When  the  origin  and  nature 
of  the  Excidium  are  understood,  Wales,  in  her  beginnings  in 
the  fifth  century,  will  be  seen  in  proper  perspective. 

(6)  This  paper  would  not  be  (at  least  in  its  present  form), 
were  it  not  for  the  minute  researches  and  great  conquests  of 
my  friend  Mr.  Alfred  Anscombe  in  the  field  of  chronology, 
and  especially  of  early  British  and  Irish  chronology.  Ten 
years  ago  Mr.  Anscombe,  owing  to  his  solution  of  the 
difficulties  connected  with  the  dates  428,  449,  450,  etc., 
had  come  to  the  main  conclusion  which  I  have  here 
attempted  in  my  own  way  to  elucidate,  viz.,  that  the 
Excidium  is  a  non-Gildasian  work  of  the  seventh  century. 
His  letters  will  be  found  in  the  Academy  (Sept.,  etc.,  1895), 
and  masterly  articles  from  his  pen  will  also  be  found  in 
various  numbers  of  the  Celtic  Zeitschrift  and  Archiv,  the 
Athenceum,  the  English  Histoncal  Review,  and  in  two  Chrono- 
logical Tracts  published  some  years  ago.  AU  the  chronological 
arguments  in  the  first  part  of  this  paper  are  based  on  his 
researches,  although  of  course  he  must  not  be  held  responsible 
for  the  way  in  which  I  state  them,  or  for  any  deductions  of 
my  own. 

(c)  With  reference  to  the  so-called  Teutonic  school  of 
English  historians,  headed  by  Stubbs,  Freeman,  Guest,  and 
Green,  followed  by  scores  of  imitators,  it  must  not  be  for- 
gotten that  these  leaders  were  intense  English  nationalists 
whose  predispositions  very  naturally  led  them  to  perceive 


THE  FIONN  SAGA  135 

only  those  facts  or  supposed  facts  and  incidents  which  served 
to  exalt  their  own  nationality.  When  evidence  was  wanting 
(as  in  the  case  of  the  origin  of  the  Angles),  they  sought  to  build 
up  theories  based  on  no  scientific  grounds,  but  only  on  what 
they  felt  as  patriotic  Englishmen  must  have  taken  place. 
The  most  conspicuous  example  of  this  is  the  well-known 
book  called  The  Making  of  England  by  John  Richard 
Green.  This  writer  could  be  called  not  inaptly  the  nine- 
teenth century  Geoffrey  of  Monmouth,  were  it  not  that 
Geoffrey  built  up  his  romance  on  genuine  traditions,  whereas 
Green  erected  his  on  his  own  patriotic  intuitions.  In  saying 
this,  however,  I  am  anxious  not  to  be  regarded  as  reflecting 
on  these  well-known  writers  for  being  such  ardent  nation- 
alists (I  am  a  nationalist  myself),  for  it  is  good  that  he  who 
writes  on  a  subject  should  be  in  love  with  it ;  indeed,  it  is 
the  lover  who  always  understands  best  the  object  of  his 
heart's  affections.  Moreover,  I  am  deeply  and  patriotically 
grateful  to  the  Teutonic  school  for  having  laid  so  much 
emphasis  on  the  acknowledged  fact  that  Englishmen  are  not 
Welshmen;  for,  in  perpetually  insisting  on  that,  they  also 
insisted  on  what  is  to  me  equally  as  satisfactory,  viz.,  that 
Welshmen  are  not  Englishmen. 


THE  FIONN  SAGA 

{Continued  from  p.  19.) 

George  Henderson,  M.A.,  B.Litt.,  Ph.D. 

THE   CAMPBELL   OF   ISLAY   RECENSION   (continued) 

Fionn's  Youth — First  Exploit  ^ 

To  put  the  tale  on  the  short  cut,  my  dear  Company,  as  an 
old  man  said  when  telling  this  in  Uist,  Gumag  was  seven 
years  in  that  hut  by  the  black  peat  pool  in  the  forest,  and 
every  day  she  went  to  the  palace  in  the  big  town  to  seek 

,  ^  [An  old  version  of  Boyish  Exploits  of  Fionn  is  translated  by  Dr.  Meyer  in 
Eriu  vol.  i.  1904.] 


136  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

food  and  clothes  and  all  that  she  needed.  All  knew  her,  and 
none  knew  her  secret  but  the  king's  daughter.  All  that  she 
asked  or  wished  was  given  her  and  done,  and  the  child  grew 
strong  and  stout. 

On  a  day  of  these  days  she  went  on  an  errand  when  the 
child  was  three-quarters  of  a  year  old.  There  was  a  great 
greyhound  bitch  (saighead  mialchoin)  in  the  palace,  and  she 
had  followed  Gumag  to  the  hut.  She  was  afraid  that  this 
great  hound  would  harm  the  child.  She  used  to  give  the 
child  a  bit  of  food,  and  stuff  a  faggot  of  birch  into  the  door- 
way when  she  went  to  the  town.  She  never  ate  her  break- 
fast till  she  went  to  the  palace.  On  one  of  these  days  the 
greyhound  got  out  the  birch  faggot  and  took  the  food  out  of 
the  child's  hands.  But  when  the  child  could  not  get  the 
food  he  took  the  hound  by  the  snout  and  tore  her  in  two 
down  the  back.  When  the  muime  came  back  the  hound  was 
dead,  and  that  was  a  grand  tale  for  the  lad's  mother. 

*  How  does  the  child  get  on  ? '  she  said. 

•  None  would  believe  the  tale  that  I  have  to  tell,'  said  the 
muime,  but  thus  it  happened,  and  then  she  told  how  Fionn, 
who  was  but  three-quarters  of  a  year  old,  had  slain  the 
hound.  ^ 

Now  the  child  never  saw  any  one  but  his  foster  mother, 
Gumag,  and  she  taught  him  all  that  she  knew.  She  taught 
him  to  swim.  She  used  to  put  one  hand  under  his  chin  and 
the  other  at  the  back  of  his  head  and  duck  him  in  the  black 
moss  pool,  and  make  him  dive  to  the  other  end  under  water. 

She  taught  him  sword  play  with  sticks  and  branches  from 
the  forest.  He  never  saw  any  one  but  her.  He  learned 
what  others  learn  from  his  muim^e. 

He  was  so  swift  that  he  caught  the  birds  on  the  trees 
while  she  was  gone  to  the  town. 

Fionn's  First  Race 
Now  the  people  began  to  talk  about  the  nurse.    Those 

1  I  suspect  that  more  belongs  to  this.     The  hound  ought  to  be  mythological  like 
the  snakes  of  Hercules.    Meantime  I  have  it  thus.     Oct.  1871. 


THE  FIONN  SAGA  137 

that  did  not  see  her  about  the  palace  to-day  might  chance 
to  see  her  to-morrow  or  next  night,  and  so  the  talk  began. 

At  seven  years  old  the  lad  had  grown  great  and  strong, 
and  the  king's  daughter  began  to  ask  if  he  were  like  his 
father. 

'  Like  him  ? '  said  the  nurse  ;  '  that  he  is.  He  is  not  a  whit 
below  his  father  in  size  and  strength  and  swiftness  and 
beauty  and  seeming.' 

'  Could  he  keep  his  life  from  the  Irish  if  I  were  to  see  him 
here  ? '  said  she. 

*  None  could  catch  him,'  said  the  nurse,  *  in  the  five-fifths 
of  Eirinn.  Though  all  in  the  realm  should  come  he  could 
keep  his  life.' 

*  Bring  him  here,'  said  the  king's  daughter,  '  and  let  me 
see  my  son.' 

Some  say  that  he  was  seven,  some  twelve  years  old  at  this 
time.     All  agree  that  he  was  a  child. 

So  the  nurse  went  home  to  fetch  the  son  of  Cumal. 

*  Can  you  run  fast  ? '  said  the  muime. 

*  I  can,'  said  the  lad. 

'  Come,'  said  she,  '  run  off  to  that  hill-top  and  let  me  see 
how  many  blows  I  can  give  you  with  this  birch  besom  before 
you  get  there.'  She  struck  him  a  blow  and  out  he  went  and 
off  to  the  hill,  and  never  another  blow  could  she  get  at  his 
back  till  he  reached  the  top  of  the  hill. 

'  Now,'  said  she,  '  take  the  birch  besom  and  see  how  many 
blows  you  can  lay  on  my  back  before  I  get  to  the  hut  again.' 

Off  she  set  as  fast  as  she  could  run,  and  he  followed  and 
laid  on  all  the  way  till  her  back  was  sore  and  the  besom  worn. 

*  You  can  run,'  said  she. 

*  Would  you  like  to  go  to  the  town  and  see  the  lads  play 
at  shinny  1 ' 

But  he  did  not  know  what  that  was,  for  he  had  never 
seen  a  human  being  but  Gumag  his  nurse.^ 

^  This  incident  occurs  in  many  stories  as  part  of  the  training  of  a  soldier.  It  needs 
to  be  placed  amongst  the  others,  and  meantime  it  seems  to  fit  here,  where  it  was 
placed  by  MacNeill  in  Barra. 


138  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

To  the  hut  the  nurse  brought  her  son  whose  name  was 
Domhnull.^ 

On  a  day  when  she  was  at  the  town  seeking  food,  the  lads 
were  hungry,  and  they  saw  three  deer  coming  towards  the 
hut. 

*  What  creatures  are  these  ? '  said  the  son  of  Cumal. 
'Creatures  on   which   are  food   and   clothing,'  said  the 

other. 

*  If  we  were  better  for  that,  I  could  catch  them,*  said  the 
son  of  Cmnal. 

He  ran  after  them  and  caught  them,  and  they  were  ready 
for  the  nurse  when  she  came  back  from  the  town.  She  flayed 
them,  and  they  ate  the  venison,  and  she  made  him  a  dress  of 
the  deer's  hides. 

Fionn's  First  Ride^ 

When  the  deer  were  eaten  she  went  again  to  the  town. 
When  she  was  gone  there  came  a  great  wild  horse  that 
belonged  to  the  king. 

*  What  creature  is  that  ? '  said  Mac  Cumal. 

*  A  creature  on  which  pastime  is  taken.  Men  ride  upon 
him,'  said  the  lad. 

*  If  we  were  the  better  for  him,  I  would  catch  him.' 

*  You  ill-conditioned  ragged  lout,  you  catch  that  creature!' 
said  the  other ;  '  it  would  beat  the  best  man  in  the  realm  to 
catch  him.' 

He  could  not  stand  this  chatter,  so  he  struck  Domhnull 
a  box  on  the  ear  and  brained  him. 

*  Be  there,  you  two  score  and  ten  over  (beyond)  the  worst,' 
said  he. 

*  This  is  to  be  extended  from  the  versions  in  London,  and  if  possible  from  the 
version  known  to  a  tinker  near  Oban,  by  name  MacArthur,  whom  I  have  been  hunt- 
ing for  several  years  without  success.  I  think  that  this  slain  son  ought  to  be  the  son  of 
the  Irish  king,  or  of  the  Norwegian,  or  of  some  foe  to  the  Fenians,  but  this  bit  needs 
clearing  up.  Cf.  West  Highland  Tales,  iii.  147,  where  it  occurs  as  incident  in 
prologue  to  '  Lay  of  the  Great  Fool.' 

2  [Cf.  West  Highland  Tales,  iii.  178,  where  Gaelic  is  given,  as  an  incident  in 
prologue  to  '  Lay  of  the  Great  Fool.'] 


THE  FIONN  SAGA  139 

He  stuck  an  oaken  skewer  through  his  ear  and  hung  him 
behind  the  door  of  the  hut.  Then  he  stretched  his  legs  after 
the  horse,  and  the  tattering  hides  of  the  deer  fluttered  and 
streamed  behind  him.  He  caught  the  horse  and  mounted 
him,  and  the  horse  that  never  had  suffered  to  see  a  man 
betook  himself  to  the  stable  for  fear. 


Fionn's  shinny 

Now  when  he  got  near  the  big  town,  he  had  never  seen 
men,  and  he  saw  a  lot  of  scholars,  great  college  lads  and  the 
king's  son,  and  the  king's  son  coming  out  of  school  to  play. 
So  he  went  to  play  with  them.  When  the  game  began,  the 
lads  were  divided  into  even  hands,  and  the  ball  was  let  out. 
The  lad  in  the  deer's  hides  got  the  ball  and  he  struck  it  a 
blow  with  his  palm,  and  a  kick  with  his  foot,  and  a  stroke 
of  his  club,  and  drove  it  home. 

'  Let  us  divide  again,'  said  the  king's  son,  '  for  the  game 
is  not  even.' 

'  I  would  rather  have  this  one  than  the  lot  of  you,'  said 
one  of  the  leaders.  He  got  his  choice,  and  the  king's  son 
got  all  the  rest  on  his  side.  The  ball  was  let  out.  But  the 
lad  in  the  deer's  hides  got  hold  of  it  again  and  struck  it  a 
blow  with  (bit  of)  his  palm,  and  a  kick  with  (of)  his  foot,  and 
a  stroke  with  his  club,  and  none  could  catch  him,  so  that  end 
was  won. 

He  was  put  on  one  side,  and  all  the  college  lads  and  the 
king's  son  at  their  head  went  against  him,  and  the  ball  was 
thrown  out  the  third  time.  But  the  lad  of  the  hides  got  the 
ball  as  before  and  drove  it  home,  and  won  the  third  time, 
and  they  were  furious.  They  would  play  no  more,  but  they 
would  bathe. 

Fionn  Slays  the  King's  Son 

His  nurse  had  never  called  him  anything  but  an  t- 
amadan  mor,  the  great  fool,  and  '  creid  orm,'  i.e.  '  believe  in 
me,'  was  what  she  used  to  say  to  him,  and  he  used  to  repeat. 


140  THE  CELTIC  EEVIEW 

When  the  king's  son  had  lost  three  games  he  was  furious, 
and  came  swaggering  up  to  the  lad  with  the  hides.  '  And 
who  are  you  ? '  said  he,  *  of  the  gentle  or  simple  of  Ireland, 
who  hast  that  strange  jargon  ? ' 

*  I,'  said  he,  '  am  the  great  fool,  the  son  of  the  warrior's 
wife,  the  foster  son  of  my  nurse,  and  the  foster  brother  of 
Domhnull,  the  nurse's  son,  going  to  commit  folly,  and  if  need 
were  I  could  make  a  fool  of  you.' 

*  You  !  you  ragged  wretch,'  said  the  king's  son,  '  you  make 
a  fool  of  me  ? ' 

*  Believe  me,'  said  the  great  fool,  and  then  he  gave  him  a 
box  on  the  ear  and  brained  him.  *  Be  there,'  said  he,  '  two 
score  and  ten  over  the  worst,  as  is  Domhnull  the  nurse's  son, 
with  the  oaken  skewer  in  his  ear  behind  the  door  of  the  hut.' 

So  he  killed  the  son  of  the  king  of  Lochlann,  whom  he 
brought  in  the  long  ship  when  he  came  to  Ireland,  and  sent 
for  his  daughter  to  slay  Cumal. 

Fionn's  Baptism 

The  lads  used  to  bathe  in  a  great  fresh-water  loch  that 
was  beside  the  palace,  and  they  had  gone  out  to  swim. 
When  the  great  fool  saw  them  he  went  out  amongst  them, 
and  he  thought  of  the  plan  that  his  nurse  had  of  ducking 
him  in  the  black  peat  pool.  So  he  took  the  lads  by  the  chin 
and  the  back  of  the  head  and  ducked  them  to  teach  them 
how  to  dive.  But  those  that  he  ducked  he  drowned,  and 
those  that  he  did  not  drown  he  brained  upon  the  stones 
at  the  bottom  of  the  lake. 

*  Co  leis  an  gille  maol  fionn  ? '  said  his  grandfather,  the 
king  of  Lochlann,  who  was  looking  out  of  a  window.  '  Who 
is  that  bluff  Fair  lad  with  a  king's  eye  in  his  head,  who  is 
drowning  the  schoolboys  ? '  ^ 

*  Water  is  about  him,'  shouted  the  nurse.  *  He  has  gotten 
his  name  from  his  grandfather,  Fionn  son  of  Cumal  son  of 

^  Co  am  fear  fada  Fionn  agus  rosg  righ  na  cheann  ?  according  to  another  version  ; 
CO  e  am  Fionn  anain{l)  duine  f  according  to  another. 


THE  FIONN  SAGA  141 

Trathal  son  of  Treunmor  son  of  Luthan  son  of  Aodh  son  of 
Aidh  son  of  Art  son  of  the  High  King  of  Ireland.'  ^ 
Then  the  king  came  to  the  water  side. 

*  And  who  are  you  ? '  said  the  king. 

'  Believe  me,'  said  Fionn,  *  I  am  the  great  fool,  the  son  of 
the  warrior's  wife,  the  foster  son  of  the  nurse,  and  the  foster 
brother  of  the  nurse's  son  Donald,  going  about  committing 
folly  for  myself,  and  if  need  were  I  could  make  a  fool  of  you 
too.' 

'  Well,  then,'  said  the  king,  *  it  was  not  you  that  made  me 
a  fool  but  my  counsellor  on  the  day  that  I  slew  your  father 
and  did  not  kill  your  mother.' 

*  Seize  him  and  slay  him,'  shouted  the  king.  But  none 
would  wet  his  shoe. 

Then  troops  were  got,  and  armies  and  horses  and  men  to 
catch  him,  but  he  came  out  of  the  water  and  ran  for  his  life. 

After  that  he  never  was  called  anything  but  Fionn  mac 
Cimiail.^ 

The  Beast  of  Loch  Lurgann 

When  he  came  out  of  the  water  all  that  could  stand 
under  arms  about  the  place  had  gathered.  When  he  ran  off 
his  nurse  ran  after  him  for  fear  of  her  life,  and  all  that  had 
gathered  with  the  king  at  their  head  ran  after  them. 

0  mo  ghraidh,  '  Oh,  my  love ! '  shouted  the  nurse,  '  will 
you  leave  me  behind  after  all  that  I  have  done  for  you  ever 
since  you  were  born  for  all  these  years,  will  you  leave  me 
here  with  the  following  upon  me  ? ' 

^  This  pedigree,  made  up  from  various  incomplete  versions  of  it,  gives  the 
mythical  seventh  generation  after  Art  or  Arthur,  son  of  the  High  King  of  Ireland. 
That  would  make  Art  the  king  who  began  to  improve  the  breed  of  warriors  who  were 
to  conquer  the  Norsemen  in  the  seventh  generation. 

'  September  16,  1870  :  Robertson,  Tobermory  (p.  139),  told  this  story  of  the  birth 
and  youth  of  Fionn,  his  naming  by  a  Bishop,  his  pedigree,  his  escape  to  Coille 
Ualtair,  the  wild  wood :  the  death  of  the  nurse  and  the  growth  of  the  monster  of 
Loch  Lurgann  in  Eirinn,  his  journey  to  Eas  Ruadh,  his  meeting  with  the  fisher,  the 
fish  myth,  the  roasting  of  the  salmon,  the  death  of  Achda  Dubh,  and  the  wisdom 
tooth. .  With  his  wisdom  he  (Fionn)  came  to  be  over  the  Fiantan,  and  after  that  he 
was  ever  with  them.     The  dragon  myth  was  not  in  this. 


142  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

The  lad  stopped  and  seized  the  nurse,  and  in  his  haste  he 
took  the  first  hold  that  came  handy.  He  caught  her  by  the 
two  ankles  and  slung  her  on  his  shoulders,  and  off  he  set  for 
the  wilds  with  the  following  at  his  heels.  He  ran  fast  and 
into  a  big  wood  that  was  called  A  choille  Bhliadhnach,  *  the 
yearly  wood,'  where  the  Norsemen  could  not  follow,  and  so 
he  ran  for  seven  miles  and  never  stopped  to  think  of  the 
nurse.  But  that  wood  was  thick  and  thorny,  and  in  his 
haste  Fionn,  the  great  fool  with  the  deer's  hides,  knocked 
the  nurse  against  the  trees,  and  tore  her  through  the  brambles 
and  thorns,  so  that  she  was  torn  to  shreds  and  killed. 

When  he  stopped  to  breathe  he  looked,  and  behold  he  had 
nothing  in  his  hands  but  the  two  shanks — an  da  luirgeann. 

He  had  no  time  to  wait  for  lamentations,  so  he  threw  the 
shanks  into  the  loch.  '  You  are  Loch  na  Lurgann,'  said  he, 
and  that  loch  is  called  Loch  Luirgeann  to  this  day,  and  it  is 
in  Ireland. 

They  say  that  a  monster  or  two  monsters  grew  from  the 
shanks  of  Gumag,  and  we  have  a  common  proverb  amongst 
us — '  What  kindred  had  Fionn  mac  Cumail  to  the  monster  of 
Loch  Lurgann  ? ' 

I  don't  know  what  that  kindred  was  unless  he  was  foster 
son.  They  say  the  monster  cried  out  from  the  loch  :  '  I  will 
hold  battle  against  you  on  the  day  that  you  do  not  expect 
it,'  i.e.  Cumaidh  mise  cath  riut  an  latha  nach  saoil  thu. 

Fionn  in  the  Wilds 

When  the  traitor  was  slain  and  Cumal  avenged,  Fionn 
took  the  sword  and  went  on  his  way  through  the  forest,  and 
because  he  had  the  sword  Bran  followed  him. 

He  went  on  through  the  woods,  and  as  he  went  he  was 
ordering  men  and  drilling  armies.  He  smote  at  the  trees  as 
if  they  were  foes,  though  there  was  no  man  there.  At  every 
blow  he  smote  off  the  top  of  a  tree ;  at  every  thrust  the 
sword  was  up  to  the  hilt  in  a  tree  root  {barr  agus  bun). 

But  he  had  none  to  help  or  fight  him,  he  had  need  of  food, 


THE  FIONN  SAGA  143 

and  he  lacked  shelter,  and  his  dress  of  hides  was  tattered  and 
torn,  and  so  he  wandered  in  the  forest  with  his  sword  and  his 
hound,  and  lived  on  wild  creatures  which  he  hunted  and  slew. 
So  he  wandered  on  far  and  long  till  he  came  to  a  great  glen 
near  the  sea  at  the  end  of  Eirinn,  and  there  he  was  as  it  were 
a  herd  on  the  hillside.  There  he  fell  to  prayers  and  to  wish- 
ing and  longing  [for  adventures]. 

The  Giant  Sailors 

On  a  day  of  these  days  he  saw  a  ship  on  the  ocean  (hamh, 
from  Norse  haf)  coming  into  the  strand.^ 

When  Fionn  saw  this  ship,  he  fell  to  praying  and  longing 
till  she  came  to  port.  In  her  were  three  men  whose  like  he 
had  never  seen  for  size  and  seeming,  and  they  had  tarry 
canvas  jackets  and  trousers  on  as  one  old  man  informed  me. 

'  God  of  grace,'  said  Fionn,  '  this  is  terrible.  My  head 
would  hardly  reach  their  knees.  Shall  I  hide  or  shall  I 
flee?' 

But  so  it  was  that  he  walked  down  the  glen  to  meet  them 
with  his  sword  and  his  hound  and  his  tattered  hides.  They 
fell  to  walking  to  meet  him,  and  he  stood  upon  a  hillock  to 
make  himself  tall. 

'  What  news,  my  little  lad  ? '  said  the  first  of  these  big 
seamen.  'Are  you  often  here  or  hereabouts,  and  what  do 
you  here  ? ' 

*  I  am  the  king's  herd,'  said  Fionn. 

*  Do  you  often  go  to  the  town  where  men  are  ? '  said  the 
sea-giant. 

*  Sometimes,'  said  the  herd. 

*  I  should  be  much  your  debtor  if  you  would  tell  me  if  you 
have  any  news  of  Fionn  mac  Cumail  ? '  said  the  sailor.  *  I 
have  heard  that  the  chase  was  upon  him  and  that  he  fled  to 
this  glen.' 

'  I  have  no  news  to  give,'  said  the  herd.  *  Are  you  on  the 
track  of  Fionn  the  son  of  Cumal  ? ' 

*  Runs  re  sailing,  but  not  put  in  here. — J.  F.  C. 


144  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

*  We  are,'  said  the  sailor ;  '  we  have  come  here  in  pursuit 
of  him.' 

'  And  whence  came  you  1 '  said  the  herd. 

'  A  rlgheachd  namjear  mor,'  i.e.  '  from  the  realm  of  giants,' 
said  he. 

'  But  why  have  you  come,  and  what  do  you  want  with 
Fionn  ? '  said  the  herd. 

'  I  will  tell  that  when  you  tell  me  where  Fionn  is,'  said 
the  giant. 

'  I  wiU  tell  that  if  you  will  let  me  give  you  a  tap  with  this 
little  sword,'  said  the  herd. 

'  Done  ! '  said  the  giant.  '  I  am  not  afraid  of  such  a  bead- 
agan,  "  impudent  fellow,'*  as  you.' 

*  WeU,  but  come  behind  this  hill,'  said  the  herd,  '  for  fear 
the  others  should  mock  us.' 

They  went,  and  when  they  were  out  of  sight  Fionn  said, 
*  Here  is  Fionn  mac  Cumail.' 

'  Where  ? '  said  the  giant  sailor,  looking  all  round  about 
him.    '  Where  is  he  ? ' 

'  Here  ! '  said  the  other.  *  I  am  Fionn  mac  Cumail  mhic 
Trathail  mhic  Treunmhoir  mhic  Luaithe  mhic  Aodh  mhic 
Aidh  mhic  Art  mhic  Ardrigh  Eirinn,  and  this  is  Bran,  and 
here  is  Mac  A  Luinn,  the  sword  of  Cumal  that  never  left 
shred  after  a  stroke.' 

*  You  ridiculous  little  imp,  you  headagan,'  said  the  giant, 
'  not  you  nor  your  like  of  a  poor  ragged  wretch  do  I  want, 
but  Fionn.' 

Then  Fionn  got  angry  and  with  one  blow  he  smote  off 
the  giant's  head  as  he  smote  off  the  tree-tops  in  the  forest. 

'  Take  that  for  mocking  me,'  said  Fionn. 

The  second  giant  came  round  the  hill  to  see  what  had 
kept  his  comrade. 

*  Where  is  my  comrade  ? '  said  he. 

*  I  slew  him  because  he  mocked  me,'  said  Fionn. 

'You  ridiculous  little  imp,'  said  the  giant.  'Where  is 
he?' 

Then  Fionn's  rage  increased.     He  could  hardly  reach  the 


THE  FIONN  SAGA  145 

man's  knees,  so  he  hewed  at  his  legs,  and  down  he  fell  like 
one  of  the  great  trees  in  the  forest.  When  he  was  down 
Fionn  smote  oiF  the  giant's  head. 

'  Take  that,'  he  said,  '  for  mocking  me  and  for  doubting 
my  word.' 

The  third  giant  came  after  the  rest,  and  he  said : 
*  Well,  little  man,  have  you  told  your  tale  to  my  comrades  ? 
and  where  is  Fionn  ? ' 

'I  am  Fionn,'  said  the  other,  'and  I  have  slain  your 
comrades  because  they  mocked  me  and  doubted  my  word.' 

The  big  sailor  laughed,  and  Fionn  grew  wild  with  rage, 
and  flew  at  the  giant.  The  giant  went  at  him  to  crush 
him.^ 

The  Sea-Giants  Second  Adventure 

But  the  lad  with  the  sword  smote  him  about  the  waist 
and  cut  him  in  two.  So  Fionn  killed  the  three  big  sailors 
who  came  in  the  big  ship  because  they  mocked  him  and  would 
not  tell  their  errand  or  beheve  him. 

When  the  giants  were  slain,  Fionn  went  to  the  strand  and 
swam  to  the  ship,  and  there  he  staid  all  alone,  praying  and 
longing  as  before.  There  he  used  to  sleep.  At  the  end  of 
a  while,  after  that,  he  saw  another  ship  sailing  into  the  port 
from  the  western  ocean  (*  hav '),  and  if  he  had  not  seen  the 
first  crew  he  had  never  seen  the  likes  of  the  crew  of  that  long 
ship.  They  drew  their  ship  into  the  port  and  anchored  close 
to  the  first  ship  and  waded  on  shore.  If  they  were  no  bigger 
than  the  first  crew,  they  were  no  less.  Fionn  was  on  shore, 
and  he  thought  of  fleeing  or  hiding.     But  so  it  was  that  he 

^  According  to  other  reciters,  each  of  these  giants  came  alone  in  a  big  ship  which 
he  managed  like  a  boat  alone.  Each  in  turn  held  parley  with  Fionn  and  laughed  at 
him  and  lost  his  life.  Fionn  took  the  ships  and  slept  in  them,  and  owned  all  the 
riches  and  cargo.  Their  story  was  that  the  daughter  of  the  king  of  An  Domhain  Mhoir 
(the  great  deep,  or  the  wide  world,  or  the  whole  universe,  or  the  emperor  of  Kome 
according  to  some)  had  come  to  Eirinn  with  the  chase  after  her,  and  whoever  could 
turn  the  chase  was  to  have  her  to  wife,  half  the  realm,  and  all  when  the  king  is 
dead.  It  was  written  in  books  and  prophecies  that  none  could  turn  that  chase  but 
Fionn  with  Bran  and  the  sword.  This  I  take  to  be  a  bit  of  another  adventure 
misplaced.    The  rest  follows  and  fits  in  with  the  story  told  here. 

VOL.  II.  K 


146  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

walked  down  to  meet  the  giants  as  he  did  before.     They  met 
and  saluted  each  other,  and  after  a  long  talk  one  said — 

*  Have  you  ever  seen  or  heard  on  sea  or  land  anything  of 
Fionn  mac  Cumail,  or  of  those  who  came  here  to  seek  him  ? ' 

*  They  came  here  and  Fionn  slew  them/  said  the  lad. 

*  Nay,'  said  the  giant. 

'  I  will  swear  on  this  sword  if  you  like,'  said  the  other. 

*  If  that  be  so,'  said  the  giant,  *  we  may  as  well  be  gone.* 

*  Why  did  you  come  ? '  said  Fionn. 

*  I  won't  tell  you  that,  you  little  creature,'  said  the  giant. 

*  I  told  you  the  truth,'  said  the  lad. 

Fionn  killed  these  three  giants  because  they  mocked  him 
and  would  not  believe  him. 

*  WeU,  then,'  said  the  giant,  '  I  will  tell  you  the  story.' 

The  Dragon  Myth  \ 

*  There  is  a  monster  in  a  loch  in  the  realm  of  great  men, 
and  there  she  has  been  these  two  hundred  years  and  more, 
and  every  day  a  living  person  has  to  be  put  out  to  the  monster 
to  be  eaten  on  the  shore.  It  was  in  the  prophecies  that  Fionn 
mac  Cumail  should  come  and  slay  the  monster,  and  when 
the  king  of  the  realm  of  giants  heard  that  Fionn  had  come  he 
sent  the  three  best  warriors  in  his  realm  to  seek  him.  If  he 
has  killed  them  we  may  as  well  go  home.  It  is  better  to  die 
there  than  here.  Thrice  has  the  law  come  round  that  the 
king  was  to  send  his  own  son  out  to  the  monster,  thrice  has 
he  got  the  sons  of  poor  men  sent  out  instead,  and  now  the 
law  has  come  round  so  that  next  time  the  king's  own  son 
must  be  sent  out  to  the  monster  unless  he  gets  Fionn  to  fight 
and  slay  her.  He  is  afraid  for  his  son's  sake,  and  he  wants 
Fionn.' 

'  Will  you  take  me  for  Fionn  ? '  said  the  lad. 

1  That  the  association  of  Fionn  with  the  Dragon  Myth  is  of  old  date,  1250  to  1530, 
appears  from  a  passage  in  the  Dean  of  Lismore's  book,  p.  18  (original  Gaelic),  which 
may  be  thus  translated : — 

ne'er  left  monster  in  loch 

nor  venomous  snakes 

in  Erin  of  Saints 

the  great  hero  slew  them. 


THE  FIONN  SAGA  147 

*  I  will  take  you  at  all  events,'  said  the  giant ;  and  so  he 
did.    He  put  Fionn  into  one  pocket  and  Bran  into  the  other. 

'  If  the  other  three  had  been  as  civil  they  might  have  been 
alive,'  said  Fionn ;  *  but  they  are  dead.' 

*The  Lord  be  praised  that  I  have  got  even  you,'  said 
the  giant. 

They  sailed  (and  the  man  who  told  this  story  in  Barra  here 
said  for  the  fifth  time)  : — 

[The  Sailing  Passage] 

They  hoisted  the  speckled  flapping  sails  up  against  the 
tall  rough  wooden  masts.  The  ropes  that  were  loose  they 
tied,  and  the  ropes  that  were  fast  they  loosed.  They  set  a 
pilot  on  the  prow,  and  a  helm  in  the  stern,  the  broad  sea, 
the  blue  sea,  the  slasher,  the  waves  were  beating  hither  and 
thither  about  her  planks.  Their  music  was  the  blowing  of 
whales  and  the  snorting  of  sea-hogs,  the  biggest  beast  eating 
the  least  and  the  least  doing  as  best  he  might ;  the  bent 
whorled  whelk  that  was  at  the  bottom  of  the  ocean  played  crack 
on  her  great  gunwale  and  smack  on  her  floor,  and  she  would 
have  spUt  a  slender  grain  of  oats,  so  well  did  they  steer  her. 

They  had  a  gentle  little  breeze,  such  as  they  might  choose, 
a  breeze  to  uproot  willows  and  tear  heather  from  hills,  that 
drove  the  ridges  with  the  furrows,  and  so  they  were  till 
they  reached  the  realm  of  great  men  and  the  port  and 
anchorage  where  they  wished  to  be.  Then  they  drew  the 
ship  to  shore  and  dragged  her  seven  times  her  own  length 
upon  green  grass,  where  the  schoolboys  and  blackguards  of 
the  great  town  could  play  her  no  tricks  nor  pranks. 

When  they  got  there  they  had  a  tale  to  tell,  as  I  have 
after  a  while. 

When  they  got  to  land  the  big  sailors  let  Fionn  and 
Bran  loose  on  the  shore,  and  all  the  people  ran  to  see  the 
little  wonder.  They  were  Hke  to  drown  themselves  and  each 
other  in  the  sea  with  their  haste  to  catch  them.  But  the 
king's  daughter  was  there,  and  a  woman  caught  him  up  in 
her  skirt  and  gave  him  to  the  Princess  for  a  pet.  She  put 
him  in  her  bosom  and  nursed  him  and  called  him  a  baby. 


148  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

She  called  him  Seudag,  '  little  jewel/  but  most  people  called 
him  An  troich,  *  the  dwarf,'  but  that  affronted  him.  He  slept 
with  the  king's  daughter,  and  the  king  was  rather  ashamed 
that  his  daughter  made  so  much  of  this  little  Troich  that 
the  sailors  had  brought.  But  Fionn  put  his  finger  under  his 
wisdom-tooth  and  found  out  that  they  were  people  under 
glamour  (sgleo),  that  they  were  not  really  bigger  than  other 
people,  and  that  he  could  kill  them  all  if  he  tried.  So  he 
lived  as  he  was,  content  to  be  the  little  jewel  of  the  king's 
daughter  for  about  a  year. 

The  king  could  not  abide  the  sight  of  him,  but  Fionn  did 
not  mind,  because  he  knew  by  his  wisdom-tooth  that  he  could 
beat  the  king  and  all  his  men,  and  he  had  the  beast  to  slay.^ 

One  of  these  nights  the  king's  daughter  began  to  weep 
and  to  wail,  and  Fionn  awoke. 

*What  is  wrong  ? '  said  the  Troich. 

*  My  third  brother !  alas  !  my  third  brother  1  I  shall  see 
him  no  more,'  said  she. 

'  Where  is  he  going  ? '  said  the  Troich. 

Then  the  king's  daughter  fell  to  telling  all  that  has  been 
told  here  about  the  books  and  prophecies,  and  the  beast  in 
the  loch,  and  the  people  that  she  had  eaten,  and  the  people 
who  had  gone  to  seek  Fionn  son  of  Cumal,  and  how  they  had 
brought  her  little  pet  the  Troich,  and  how  she  said  at  last 
the  turn  has  come  round  to  my  youngest  brother,  and  he  is 
to  be  put  out  on  the  loch  to  the  monster,  and  I  shall  never 
see  him  more.  *  Alas  !  alas  I '  and  then  she  fell  to  crying  and 
beating  her  palms. 

Fionn  was  silent  a  while  and  still. 

'  What  would  you  give  to  a  man  who  would  save  your 
brother  ? '  said  he.     '  Send  me  in  his  stead,'  said  the  dwarf 

'  That  will  not  help,'  said  she.  '  That  will  not  be  of  any 
use.  And  I  like  you  better  than  my  brother,'  said  the  king's 
daughter. 

^  In  this  it  is  easy  to  trace  Thor  [as]  in  the  Edda  and  Gulliver's  Adventures 
in  Brobdignag,  which  were  suggested  to  the  author  [of  Oulliver's  Travels]  by  an  Irish 
popular  tale,  as  it  is  said. — J.  F.  C 


THE  FIONN  SAGA  149 

*  I  will  go  to  the  beast,'  said  Fionn,  *  nevertheless.' 

Then  she  cried  worse  than  ever.  Early  in  the  morning 
Fionn  went  out  and  put  his  finger  under  his  wisdom-tooth, 
and  because  of  his  gift  (a  thaohh  'fhios)  he  found  out  all  that 
ought  to  be  done.  If  he  got  first  to  the  beast  he  would  kill 
her ;  if  Bran  got  first  she  would  kill  both  ;  that  he  found  out. 

So  he  made  a  plan  and  went  to  the  king. 

'  What  does  that  Troich  want  here  ? '  said  the  king. 

*  I  want  to  go  to  fight  the  monster,'  said  Fionn,  *  and  I 
want  my  hound  to  be  tied  up  so  that  I  may  get  first  to  the 
beast  with  my  sword.' 

'  That  will  do  no  good,'  said  the  king ;  '  and  what  is  the 
use  of  binding  that  dirty  little  cur  that  the  least  man  in  the 
realm  could  hold  with  his  little  finger  ? ' 

*  Unless  you  do  as  I  wish,'  said  the  Troich,  *  the  highest 
stone  in  your  castle  shall  be  lowest,  and  I  will  ruin  your 
realm.'     But  they  laughed  at  the  little  man. 

But  the  king's  adviser  was  wiser  than  he,  and  he  said : 
'  It  is  best  to  try  what  he  wants.' 

So  against  the  king's  will  they  began  the  work.  They 
went  to  the  smithy  and  forged  three  chains  and  three  iron 
bands  and  three  hooks,  and  these  they  fastened  to  three  logs 
of  oak.  They  clasped  the  bands  about  the  neck  of  Bran  and 
hooked  the  chains  to  them,  '  and  now,'  said  Fionn,  '  let  the 
best  three  men  in  this  realm  of  giants  try  to  hold  my  dog.' 

He  put  an  iron  belt  round  his  own  waist  and  an  iron  belt  to 
that,  '  and  now,'  said  he, '  let  the  best  eight  men  in  the  realm 
try  to  hold  me.' 

Then  he  shouted :  '  The  beast  is  coming,'  and  he  cut  a 
caper  and  broke  from  the  eight  and  out  he  went.  He  whistled, 
and  Bran  broke  a  chain. 

'  Set  sixteen  men  to  hold  me,'  said  the  Troich. 

So  sixteen  of  the  stoutest  amongst  the  giants  held  the 
chain,  and  Fionn  sprang  out  and  broke  from  them  and 
whistled,  and  Bran  broke  a  second  chain. 

*  Set  twenty-four  men  to  hold  me  now,  if  they  can,'  said 
the  Troich. 


150  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

So  that  was  done,  and  Fionn  sprang  out  in  spite  of  the 
twenty-four  giants,  who  fell  sprawling  on  the  ground,  and  he 
whistled,  and  Bran  broke  the  third  chain. 

'  Will  you  do  what  I  wish  now  ? '  said  the  Troich. 

That  they  would  all  gladly  do,  for  they  saw  that  they  had 
a  valiant  champion  to  deal  with,  and  they  were  afraid.  So 
they  went  to  the  smithy  again  and  forged  three  greater  iron 
chains,  and  three  greater  iron  bands,  and  three  greater  hooks, 
and  they  made  the  chains  fast  to  three  greater  beams  of  oak, 
and  these  they  built  into  a  great  strong  stone  wall,  and  so  they 
fastened  up  Bran  in  the  way  that  the  Troich  had  found  out 
from  his  wisdom. 

After  that  the  king  took  the  Troich  out  to  the  hills  to 
hunt,  and  Bran  was  left  at  home. 

When  the  chase  was  done,  the  king  said  :  '  You  will  be 
tired  walking  home,  for  the  way  is  long.' 

*  The  way  is  short  by  the  loch- side,'  said  Fionn. 

'  But  there  is  the  beast,'  said  the  king,  '  and  she  will 
suck  you  in  with  her  breath  and  swallow  you.' 

'  No  matter,'  said  Fionn,'  '  I  will  take  the  short  cut  and 
fight  the  beast.' 

All  the  people  who  had  heard  of  this  came  flocking  to  see 
the  dwarf  go  to  the  beast,  and  they  cried  to  him  from  the  loch- 
shore  :  '  Why  do  you  not  go  to  meet  the  beast,  she  is  coming 
to  spoil  the  realm  ? ' 

'  When  my  foe  comes  to  me  on  green  grass  I  will  go  to 
meet  her,'  said  Fionn. 

The  monster  was  coming,  and  she  smelt  him  and  she 
sucked  in  her  breath.  She  sucked  so  hard  that  Fionn  fell  to 
earth  head  foremost.  He  whistled,  and  Bran  heard  him  and 
sprang  and  broke  a  chain. 

Twelve  over  a  score  (i.e.  thirty- two)  giants  fell  upon  the 
dog  to  hold  him. 

The  beast  came  nearer  and  landed  and  sucked  in  her 
breath  and  Fionn  fell,  but  as  he  fell  he  whistled  as  loud  as  he 
could,  and  Bran  broke  a  second  chain,  and  all  the  giants  in  the 
place  fell  upon  him  to  hold  him  fast.     Then  the  beast  came 


THE  FIONN  SAGA  151 

to  grass  and  sucked  again,  and  this  time  Fionn  blew  a  loud 
shrill  whistle  as  he  was  sucked  in.  Bran  heard  the  whistle 
and  broke  the  last  chain,  and  broke  loose  and  ran  and  sprang 
after  Fionn  down  the  monster's  throat  in  a  storm  of  wind. 

Bran  had  a  claw  on  his  foot  that  was  poisoned ;  that  was 
his  gift.  Now  Fionn  began  at  one  side  with  Mac-A-Luinn 
(his  magical  sword),  and  Bran  began  at  the  other  with  the 
teeth  and  nails  inside  the  monster,  and  so  they  worked  till 
they  made  their  way  out,  one  on  each  side,  through  maw 
and  hide.  And  so  died  the  monster  by  the  hand  of  Fionn 
as  had  been  foretold  in  the  books  and  prophecies  long  before 
he  was  born. 

When  the  king's  daughter  came  to  know  what  was  going 
on  she  was  as  one  that  is  crazed,  and  down  she  ran  to  the 
shore.  But  when  she  got  there  the  little  jewel  was  alive  and 
the  monster  was  duisd,  a  great  lump  on  the  strand. 

There  was  a  great  soldier  in  the  realm  looking  on  from  a 
high  tower,  and  when  he  saw  that  the  beast  was  still,  with 
three  small  creatures  moving  beside  her,  he  said  to  the  king's 
son  that  he  should  go  down  and  cut  off  the  head  and  say 
that  he  had  done  the  deed.  He  had  claidheamh  caol  cinn 
airgead,  a  slender  silver-hilted  sword,  in  his  hand,  and  he 
went  down  to  slay  Fionn  and  take  the  head. 

But  Fionn  met  him  and  said — 

'  I  will  kill  you  as  I  killed  the  monster.  You  would  be 
some  time  before  you  killed  her,  and  I  have  saved  you.  No 
head  or  tail  shall  you  have.  Behold  I  am  Fionn,  and  I  have 
slain  the  monster,  and  I  could  slay  you  all  if  I  chose,  as  I 
killed  the  best  three  of  you  in  Eirinn.' 

When  they  heard  that,  all  the  big  men  ran  for  their  lives, 
and  the  king  fell  upon  his  knees,  with  his  hat  in  his  hand,  and 
begged  merely  for  his  son  and  pardon  for  himself  humbly. 

But  Fionn  had  lost  all  his  clothes,  and  all  that  was  left 
of  his  skin  was  red  as  blood  with  the  venom.  Bran  had  lost 
his  hair  and  most  of  his  hide  and  the  shoe  that  guarded  the 
cruth  nimh,  the  venomous  claw,  and  Fionn  said  to  the  king — 

'The  highest  stone  in  your  castle  shall  be  the  lowest 


152  THE  CELTIC  EEVIEW 

unless  you  heal  me  and  my  hound  and  make  us  whole  as 
we  were  before.' 

So  doctors  were  got  at  once,  and  Fionn  was  healed  and 
clad ;  but  Bran  was  not  made  the  same  as  before,  for  he  was 
now  a  white  mixture  after  he  was  healed,  and  they  could 
not  make  a  shoe  like  the  old  one. 

'  What  colour  was  Bran  ? '  said  the  king. 

Then  Fionn  looked  at  Bran  and  he  said  this  lay — 

[a  goodly  shape  my  hound  had  had 
its  neck-joint  from  its  head  a  length ; 
its  middle  broad  with  burly  side, 
its  chest  as  garron's,  its  claws  hooked : 
yellow  paws  there  were  on  Bran, 
its  sides  were  black,  its  belly  white, 
its  back  green  to  lay  to  the  chase 
with  two  pricked  ears  blood-red.] 

When  the  king  heard  that,  he  sent  for  people  who  dyed 
Bran  as  he  was  before ;  and  because  they  could  not  make 
a  shoe  to  fit  the  claw,  they  made  a  golden  shoe  for  it.  Then 
Fionn  was  well  pleased. 

Fionn  stayed  for  a  long  time  as  one  of  the  family  in  the 
realm  of  the  big  men,  and  he  was  worthy  of  that,  for  he  was  of 
noble  race  himself.  They  wanted  him  to  marry  the  king's 
daughter  and  stay  there,  but  he  said :  '  I  have  much  to 
do  in  this  dirty  world,  and  first  I  must  go  to  Alba  and  see 
my  father's  people  there.' 

This  he  had  found  out  by  putting  his  finger  under  the  tooth. 

'  That  is  bad,'  said  the  king,  *  to  part  so  soon  after  all  that 
you  have  done  for  us.' 

'  Send  a  ship  with  me  to  Alba,'  said  Fionn,  *  and  that  is 
all  I  ask  in  return.' 

'  That  I  will  do,'  said  the  king ;  '  to  any  port  in  Alba, 
and  I  will  load  her  with  much  gold  and  treasure.' 

So  that  was  done.  And  that  is  how  Fionn  got  all  the 
gold  which  he  paid  to  foes,  for  you  know  that  it  is  said  in 
the  lays  how  he  paid  much  gold  : — 

['  mac  Chumhail  nan  cuach  (corn)  or 
the  son  of  Cumal  of  the  golden  cups  (or  horns).'] 


THE  FIONN  SAGA  153 

Here  too  he  got  his  cup  about  which  so  much  is  said  in 
lays  and  stories. 

It  was  made  of  gold  or  silver,  and  it  was  good  for  healing. 
Citach  Fhinn,  *  Fionn's  Cup,'  we  call  it. 

So  after  Fionn  had  been  with  the  king  of  the  giants 
for  a  long  time,  a  long  ship  was  got  and  loaded  with  gold, 
and  he  sailed  to  Glen  Eilg.  There  a  boat  was  sent  ashore 
with  the  gold,  and  it  was  hidden  in  a  cave.  He  had  never 
been  to  Alba  or  to  any  other  realm  but  Ireland  tiU  then,  and 
when  he  landed  he  did  not  know  where  to  go. 

(To  he  continued.) 


THE  KEY.  DB.  BLAIR'S  MSS. 

Rev.  A.  Maclean  Sinclair 

The  Rev.  Duncan  Black  Blair,  D.D,,  was  born  at  Strachur, 
in  Cowal,  Scotland,  July  1,  1815.  He  began  going  to 
school  at  Inverscadle,  in  Ardgour,  in  1823,  and  studied 
under  John  Finlayson,  at  Shiramore,  in  Badenoch,  from  1828 
to  1833.  He  entered  the  University  of  Edinburgh  in  1834, 
but  was  laid  up  with  influenza  in  Edinburgh  for  a  few  weeks 
in  January  1837.  In  April  1838  he  went  to  the  Isle  of 
Skye  to  act  as  tutor  to  the  children  of  Malcolm  Nicolson,  in 
Ullinish.  Through  the  summer  he  was  attacked  by  typhus 
fever  and  confined  to  his  bed  for  ten  weeks.  On  September 
13  we  find  him  writing  a  song  of  praise  for  his  recovery. 
On  the  20th  of  the  same  month  his  sister  Anna,  who  had 
been  waiting  on  him  in  his  sickness,  died  of  the  fever.  He 
composed  a  very  touching  elegy  about  her  on  the  28th  of  the 
month.  Owing  to  the  debilitating  effect  of  the  fever  on  his 
constitution  he  had  to  remain  at  home  with  his  father  at 
Lublia,  in  Badenoch,  for  two  years.  He  spent  a  good  deal 
of  this  time  studying  and  writing  Gaelic  poetry.  Entering 
the  Divinity  Hall  in  Edinburgh  in  November  1840,  he  was 


154  THE  CELTIC  EEVIEW 

licensed  to  preach  on  May  1,  1844.  He  spent  the  greater 
part  of  1845  in  the  Isle  of  Mull.  He  came  to  Pictou  in  May 
1846,  removed  to  Ontario  in  May  1847,  and  returned  to 
Pictou  in  October  1848.  In  August  1850  he  went  to  Scot- 
land, and  remained  during  the  year.  He  married  Mary, 
daughter  of  Captain  Hector  MacLean,  of  the  93  rd  Regiment, 
in  August  1851,  and  came  back  to  Pictou.  His  wife  died 
June  6,  1882.  She  was  a  good-looking,  sensible,  and  pious 
woman. 

Dr.  Blair  had  charge  of  the  congregation  of  Barney's 
River  and  Blue  Mountain,  in  the  county  of  Pictou.  He 
lived  at  Barney's  Biver — Ahhainn  Bharnaidh — about  five 
miles  from  the  spot  at  which  John  Maclean,  the  Gaelic  bard, 
composed  his  Coille  Ghruamach  in  1819.  He  could  not, 
however,  sing  from  his  own  experience  the  following  lines  : — 

Cha  'n  ioghnadh  dh6inhsa  ged  tha  mi  br6nach, 
'S  ann  tha  mo  ch6mhnuidli  air  ctil  nam  beann, 
Am  meadhon  f^saich  air  Abhainn  Bharnaidh, 
Gun  dad  a's  f  ^arr  na  buntkta  lom. 

Dr.  Blair  died  on  the  4th  of  June  1893.  He  had  lived  in 
comfortable  circumstances,  was  an  excellent  linguist,  a  good 
poet,  and  a  devout  man.  As  an  accurate  writer  of  Gaelic 
he  had  no  superior.  The  Gaelic  poems  written  by  him — the 
titles  of  which  I  give  in  English — were  as  follows  : — 


In  1833. 

The  vanity  of  earthly  things     . 

LINES 

.       124 

In  1837. 

A  song  of  praise  after  sickness  . 

The  Martyrs      .... 

The  Last  Judgment 

A  prayer  to  the  Holy  Spirit 

A  poem  composed  at  Loch  Laggan 

.       200 
.       308 
.       512 
.       108 
40 

In  1838. 

A  song  of  praise  after  a  fever    . 
A  lament  for  his  sister  . 

90 
.      184 

THE  REV.  DR.  BLAIR'S  MSS. 


155 


Death  and  the  grave 

Another  lament  for  his  sister     . 

David's  lament  for  Saul  and  Jonathan 

A  lament  for  Charles  Urchart    . 

The  Dead  in  Sin 

The  Refuge  for  Sinners 

A  song  of  praise 

Immanuel 


LIKES 

72 
120 

72 
240 

72 

112 

108 

1962 


In  1839. 

On  Death 

The  Court  of  Death 

The  Believer's  Song  of  Love 

Lament  for  Pliny  Fisk  . 

The  Old  Man  and  the  Young  Man 

A  lament  for  John  M' Master     . 

Lines  on  Mrs.  E.  Rowe 

Spiritual  Meditation 

The  Desires  of  the  Soul  after  Christ 

A  journey  to  Arisaig 

Lament  of  the  Mull  Women 


44 
270 

2096 
440 

1200 
184 
208 

1960 
200 
376 

2254 


In  1842. 

Lament  for  Rev.  John  Kennedy 
Signs  of  the  Times 
The  Foxes 


666 
189 

780 


In  1844. 

Through  Brae  Laggan   . 
Lament  for  Rev.  John  Finlayson 


80 
420 


In  1848. 


The  Falls  of  Niagara 


In  1849. 
Lament  for  Macdonald  of  Ferintosh 


152 


100 


In  185L 

Lines  on  Rev.  Alexander  M'Intyre 
Farewell  to  Sutherlandshire 
A  love-song  on  Mary  Maclean  . 


32 

48 
40 


156 


THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 


In  1873. 


A  lament  for  the  old  elders 


LIKBB 

52 


From  June  1882  to  July  1887. 

A  lament  for  his  wife     .  .  .  .  .104 

A  song  for  a  marriage   .  .  .  .  .32 

A  lament  for  his  daughter         .  .  .  .72 

Four  songs  in  favour  of  the  Crofters     .  .  .       200 

A  song  on  the  Queen's  Jubilee  .  ,-  .  .80 

D.  B.  Blair  composed  his  first  poem  on  January  11, 
1833.  It  is  on  the  vanity  of  earthly  things,  and  contains 
one  hundred  and  twenty-four  lines.  It  shows  that  the 
author  of  it  was  a  youth  of  serious  thoughts  and  good  sense, 
that  he  had  a  thorough  knowledge  of  the  nature  of  rhyme 
and  the  mode  of  constructing  poems,  and  that  he  could  write 
GaeHc  with  perfect  accuracy.  He  composed  his  next  poem — 
a  song  of  praise  for  his  recovery  from  sickness — on  January 
13,  1837.  It  was  written  in  Edinburgh,  and  contains  two 
hundred  lines.  This  song,  or  hymn  of  thankfulness,  shows 
beyond  all  doubt  that  the  author  of  it  was  a  true  poet.  It 
was  really  the  beginning  of  his  life  as  a  man  of  song.  The 
poet  was  at  lona,  July  29,  1851,  and  wrote,  not  a  poem 
in  praise  of  Columba,  but  a  love-song  addressed  to  Mary 
Maclean,  who  became  his  wife  about  a  month  afterwards. 
This  was  the  first  secular  poem  ever  written  by  him. 

Dr.  Blair's  poems  may  be  divided  into  sacred  poems, 
laments,  and  secular  poems  or  songs.  There  are  seventeen 
sacred  poems,  eleven  laments,  and  ten  songs.  The  whole  of 
the  poems  contain  16,650  lines.  The  most  of  the  long  sacred 
poems  and  several  of  the  short  ones  are  excellent  productions, 
and  should  be  published.  Two  of  the  elegies  are  also  of  a 
high  order.  The  songs  are  all  very  good.  The  poems 
that  are  really  valuable  would  make  a  volume  of  about 
four  hundred  pages. 

Dr.  Blair  translated  into  Gaelic  an  Anti-Patronage 
Catechism  in  1842,  and  a  Church  Catechism  by  Dr.  M'Leod, 
of  New  York,  in  1843.  He  translated  the  following  composi- 
tions into  Gaelic  verse  : — 


THE  REV.  DR.  BLAIR'S  MSS.  157 

Habakkuk's  prayer,  in  1837;  Moses'  hymn  in  the  15th 
chapter  of  Exodus,  in  1837 ;  the  Believer's  Middle  by  Ralph 
Erskine,  in  1839 ;  the  first  three  books  of  Paradise  Lost,  the 
Book  of  Psalms  in  long  metre,  a  number  of  popular  English 
hymns,  in  1881 ;  Clement  of  Alexandria's  hymn  in  1885  ;  and 
the  Book  of  Psalms  in  short  metre.  He  began  his  transla- 
tion of  the  Psalms  into  long  metre  about  the  beginning  of 
October  1876,  and  finished  it  about  the  end  of  April  1878. 
He  revised  and  rewrote  it  between  July  27  and  October 
25,  1878.  He  began  his  translation  of  the  Psalms  into 
short  metre  in  October  1889,  and  finished  it  on  May  19, 
1890.  He  read  the  Hebrew  Bible  almost  as  easily  as  he  read 
the  Gaelic  or  English  Bible.  His  versions  of  the  Psalms  are 
probably  as  literal  and  smooth  as  any  version  can  be. 

Dr.  Blair  translated  some  of  his  own  poems  and  the  most 
of  Dr.  M'Gregor's  hymns  into  English.  He  also  wrote 
several  poems  in  English.  But  by  far  the  most  valuable  of 
his  English  writings  is  his  Grammar  of  the  Gaelic  Language. 
This  is  an  excellent  work  and  should  be  published. 

The  following  is  Dr.  Blair's  translation  of  Clement  of 
Alexandria's  Hymn : — 

LAOIDH 
Le  Clement  Alexandria 

Thus'  a  ghlacas  lothan  fiadhaich, 
'Chuireas  srian  'nam  beul, 
Is  tu  Sgiath  'nan  eun  neo-f  haondrach 
Nach  t6id  claon  'nan  r6is. 

Is  tu  Falmadair  na  h-6igridh 
Gus  an  se61adh  ceart ; 
Buachaille  nan  uan  geal,  fior-ghlan, 
Caoirich  Righ  nam  feart. 

Do  chlann  ionmhuinn  shimplidh  tionail, 
Bheir  iad  moladh  naomh 
Do  Chriosd  le  bilibh  neo-chealgach, 
Righ  nan  leanaban  maoth. 


158  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

A  Kigh  nan  naomh,  Fhocail  neartmhoir, 
Mac  an  Athar  Aird, 
Thus',  a  Riaghlair  gliocais  shiorniidh, 
'S  tu  'm  Fear-dion  o  chr^h : 

Tha  thu  sona  feadh  nan  saoghal, 
Shaor  thu  'n  cinne  daonn'  ; 
losa,  Buachaille  na  greadhainn, 
'S  tu  'm  Fear-treabhaidh  caomh. 

Is  tu  Stiuir  gach  luinge  'shfeolas, 
Srian  na  h-6igridh  fhaoin  ; 
Sgiath  nan  caiman  naomh  a  thriallas 
Anns  an  iarmailt  chaoin. 

Is  tu  lasgair  chlann  nan  daoine, 
'Rinneadh  saor  leat  f ein ; 
Glacaidh  tu  na  h-iasga  geamnuidh 
As  an  f hairge  bhr^in, 

A  mhuir  bhuaireasach  ro  shalach 
'Bhios  ag  at  le  tuinn ; 
Le  biadh  glan  na  beatha  blasda 
Ni  thu  'n  tional  cruinn. 

Aodhaire  nan  caorach  reusant', 

A  Righ  threin  'tha  naomh, 

Stiuir  do  chlann  gun  chron  'nan  gluasad, 

Cuairtich  iad  gach  taobh. 

A  cheum  Chriosd,  a  shlighe  neamhaidh, 
'Fhocail  threin,  bhith-bhuain, 
Aois  nach  tomhais  linnean  siorruidh, 
'Sholuis  f  hior  nach  truaill ; 

'Thobair  trocair  o  'n  tig  feartan, 
'Bheir  dhuinn  neart  gu  feum, 
losa,  Chriosd,  thoir  beatha  dhoibh-san, 
A  ta  seinn  cliu  Dh^. 

Bainne  neamhaidh,  milis,  blasda, 
Chiochan  glan  nan  gr^s 
Thig  k  broilleach  bean-na-bainnse, 
Gliocas  naomh  o  'n  ^ird. 


THE  REV.  DR.  BLAIR'S  MSS.  159 

Beathaichear  le  sin  na  ciochrain, 
Lionaidh  iad  am  beul 
Le  16n  spioradail  ro  chubhraidh, 
'Bhios  mar  dhrtichd  nan  speur. 

A  nis  thigeamaid  mar  6g  chlann 
'Thabhairt  gloir  do'n  Triath; 
D'  ar  Righ,  losa,  seinnear  cliu  leinn, 
lobairt  chubhraidh  fhial. 

locamaid  cis  naomh  gun  ghearan 
Do'n  Fhear-theagaisg  mhor, 
Gun  cheilg  molamaid  le  cheile 
Leanabh  treun  na  gl6ir. 

A  ch6isir  na  sithe  mairinn, 
Sibhse  ghineil  Chriosd, 
A  naomh  shluaigh  le  cheile  seinnibh 
Molaibh  Dia  na  sith. 

The  following  literal  translation  of  the  hymn  I  copy  from 
Coxe's  edition  of  the  Ante-Nicene  Fathers,  vol.  ii.  p.  296  : — 
'  Bridle  of  untamed  colts,  Wing  of  unwandering  birds,  sure 
Helm  of  babes,  Shepherd  of  royal  lambs,  assemble  thy  simple 
children  to  praise  holily,  to  hymn  guilelessly  with  innocent 
mouths,  Christ  the  Guide  of  children.  O  King  of  saints, 
all-subduing  Word  of  the  most  high  Father,  Ruler  of  wisdom, 
Support  of  sorrows,  that  rejoicest  in  the  ages,  Jesus,  Saviour 
of  the  human  race.  Shepherd,  Husbandman,  Helm,  Bridle, 
Heavenly  Wing  of  the  all-holy  flock,  Fisher  of  men  who  are 
saved,  catching  the  chaste  fishes  with  sweet  life  from  the 
hateful  wave  of  a  sea  of  vices.  Guide  us.  Shepherd  of 
rational  sheep,  guide  unharmed  children,  0  Holy  King,  0 
footsteps  of  Christ,  0  heavenly  Way,  perennial  Word,  im- 
measurable Age,  Eternal  Light,  Fount  of  Mercy,  Performer 
of  virtue  ;  noble  is  the  life  of  those  who  hymn  God,  O  Christ 
Jesus,  heavenly  milk  of  the  sweet  breasts  of  the  graces  of  the 
Bride,  pressed  out  of  thy  wisdom.  Babes  nourished  with 
tender  mouths,  filled  with  the  dewy  spirit  of  the  rational 
pap,  let  us  sing  together  simple  praises,  true  hymns  to  Christ 
our  King,  holy  fee  for  the  teaching  of  life ;   let  us  sing  in 


160  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

simplicity  the  powerful  child.  O  choir  of  peace,  the  Christ- 
begotten,  O  chaste  people,  let  us  sing  together  the  God  of 
peace.' 

The   measure    used    by  Dr.   Blair    runs    as   follows    in 
English : — 

Pass  me  not,  O  gentle  Saviour, 

Hear  my  humble  cry ; 
While  on  others  Thou  are  calling. 

Do  not  pass  me  by ; 

Let  me  at  a  throne  of  mercy 

Find  a  sweet  relief ; 
Kneeling  there  in  deep  contrition. 

Help  my  imbelief. 

Clement  of  Alexandria  composed  his  hymn  about  a.d.  200. 

As  an  example   of  Dr.    Blair's   rhymed   version  of  the 
Psalms,  Ps.  cxxvii.  in  long  metre  is  here  given  : — 

1.  'N  luchd-togail  saothraichidh  gun  fheum 
Mur  tog  lehobhah  f  ein  an  tigh ; 

'S  faoin  obair  an  luchd-faire  f6s, 
Mur  gleidh  lehobhah  'm  baile  stigh. 

2.  Is  diomhain  duibh  bhi  'g  ^irigh  moch. 
Us  anmoch  bhi  ri  caithris  bhuain, 
Ag  itheadh  aran  broin  us  aire ; 

Mar  sin  da  sheircein  bheir  e  suain. 

3.  'S  e  Dia  bheir  toradh  bronn  mar  dhuais, 
Mar  oighreachd  luachmhoir  bheir  e  clann. 

4.  Bidh  mic  na  h-6ig'  mar  shaighdibh  geur 
An  l^mhan  gaisgich  thr^in  gach  am. 

5.  Is  sona  'n  duine  sin  gu  br^th 

A  lionas  l^n  a  dh6rlach  dhuibh ; 

Sa  gheata  labhraidh  iad  gun  sgath 

R'  an  naimhdibh  dh'easbhuidh  n^re  gntiis. 

Dr.  Blair  always  writes,  not  'us,  a's,  or  even  is,  but  us. 


ANNA  MHIN,  MHEALL-SHUILEACH         161 
ANNA  MHtN,  MHEALL-SHUILEACH 

DOMHNULL   MacEaCHARN 

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Skisd — Ho  chailin       mhln        mheall-ahuileach,     'S  cianail  mi    o  'n       dhealaieh    sinn, 

I   .n    I    S|    ,S|.-:1|   .,Si  I    li    .d    :r    .f   I    n     ,n.-:r    .,d   I    1,    :d. 


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at     d.     d'    d 


Mo  nigh'n       donn  nam        meall-shiiilean,  O  Anna       thug    mi       sp^ia    duit. 

.S|    I    S|    .Sr  :n    .,r    I   d    :r     .n    I    s    .,f    :n    .r     I    d    ..t,    \\y\ 


EB^^ 


^ 


--^ 


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Eann — A      bhean  nam     beusan         st61  -  da,    De  'n    chinneadh       a       bha 


m6r    -    ail, 


/  ,s,    Id  .,ti     :1|  .,s,   I    s,   .1      :d    .f   I    n  .,"     :r     .d   I    1,    :d 


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'   d   \  d 


Ged  's     fhad     o     cheil'     a  8he61        sinn,  Gu  'm  b'  6g    a       thug    mi      sp6is   duit. 


Seisd — 
Mo  chailin  mhin,  mheall-shuileach, 
'S  cianail  mi  o  'n  dhealaieh  sinn  ; 
Mo  nigh'n  donn  nam  meall-shuilean, 
O,  Anna,  thug  mi  sp^is  duit. 

A  bhean  nam  beusan  stolda, 
De  'n  chinneadh  a  bha  moraU, 
Ged  's  fhad  o  cheil'  a  sheol  sinn, 
Gu  'm  b'  6g  a  thug  mi  sp^is  duit. 

Mo  chailin  mhln,  etc. 

Gun  chaochladh  no  gun  mhixchadh, 
Tha  'n  gaol  a  thug  mi  'n  tiis  duit, 
Ged  rinn  an  saoghal  muUeach 
Ax  stiiiradh  fad  o  cheUe. 

Mo  chailin  mhin,  etc. 

Ged  tha  mo  cheann  air  liathadh, 
'S  mo  la  a  nis  air  ciaradh, 
'S  i  t'  iomhaigh  ghaoil  bha  riamh  learn, 
0  'n  chiad  1^  thug  mi  geill  duit. 

Mo  chaUin  mhin,  etc. 

VOL.  II. 


Is  cuimhne  learn  nuair  bh^  sinn 
'N  ar  cloinn  a'  ruith  mu  'n  4irigh, 
'S  do  chuailein  donn  bu  tlaithe, 
A'  snamh  's  an  oiteig  Cheitein. 

Mo  chailin  mhln,  etc. 

Gur  trie  gun  fhios  do  chich  mi, 

'N  uair  's  airde  'n  guth  's  an  g^ire, 

A'  cuimhneachadh  nan  \h.  sin, 

Ged  's  f hada  dh'  fh^g  mi  'm  dh^igh  iad. 

Mo  chailin  mhin,  etc. 
Ar  leam  gu  bheU  an  saoghal 
'S  gach  ni  a  th'  ann  air  claonadh, 
Tha  ce61  a  mhain  gun  chaochladh, 
'S  an  gaol  a  tha  'ga  ghleusadh. 

Mo  chailin  mhin,  etc. 
Mo  ahoraidh  bhuan  a  riiin  leat, 
Tha  'n  tim  a'  ruith  gu  siubhlach, 
Is  sinne,  mar  is  duth  dhuinn, 
'Tigh'n  dluth  air  ceann  ar  reise. 

Mo  chailin  mhin,  etc. 

L 


162  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

THE  GREY  WIND 
L.  McManus 

From  the  east  comes  the  crimson  wind,  from  the  south  the  white,  from 
the  north  the  black,  from  the  west  the  grey. — SsAycHns  M6r. 

I 

IN   A   CORNER   OF   CONNACHT 

I  LIVE  in  the  midst  of  bogs,  brown,  black,  heather-clad.  My 
bogs  lie  in  a  corner  of  the  barony  of  Gallen  in  Connacht,  the 
name  Gallen  linking  us  with  the  days  of  Cormac  son  of  Art 
the  Lonely,  who  was  High  King  of  Ireland  two  centuries 
before  the  coming  of  Saint  Patrick.  It  is  called  after  Gaileng 
of  the  dishonoured  spear,  who  having  made  an  oath  upon  the 
weapon,  broke  it,  violating  the  spear,  and  was  banished  by 
his  father  westward  across  the  Shannon.  Three  clans  of  the 
Gaels  of  Scotland  took  the  heather  for  their  badge,  and  the  cross- 
leaved  variety  has  a  connection  with  Red  Hugh  O'Donnell, 
chief  of  Tirconnel  in  the  sixteenth  century,  the  young,  valiant 
hero  of  the  red-gold  hair  famous  in  Irish  history,  whose  story 
is  told  so  eloquently  in  The  Flight  of  the  Eagle,  by  Standish 
O 'Grady.  It  was  the  badge  of  the  Macdonalds,  and  his 
mother  was  An  Nighean  Dubh  (Ineen  Du),  the  Dark 
Daughter  of  the  Lord  of  the  Isles,  a  woman  of  an  imperious 
will,  who  ruled  Tirconnel  for  her  son,  while  he,  a  boy  of 
sixteen,  lay  a  prisoner  in  Dublin  Castle.  The  white  bog- 
cotton  makes  silvery  patches  here  and  there,  and  in  this  wild 
garden  of  our  bog  we  find  the  yellow  star-like  asphodel,  and 
the  round  leaf  sundew  with  its  red  hairs  and  white  flower- 
tufted  stalk.  Orchis  in  numbers  and  the  pink  red  battle 
grow  in  the  yellow  mossy  ground,  while  the  bracken  and 
bramble  hold  that  corner  of  the  bog  by  the  alder  and  birch 
plantation,  where  earlier  in  the  year  the  fox-gloves  and 
emerald  green  ferns  make  a  thicket  for  themselves.  Over 
there  in  that  piece  of  waste  land  near  where  the  Scotch  firs 
rise  among  the  bracken,  there  are  dark  patches  of  mud,  and 
long,  coarse  grasses  mingling  with  the  mosses, — the  curragh 


THE  GREY  WIND  163 

it  is  called,  upon  which,  if  the  cattle  tread,  they  are  sucked 
down  into  the  treacherous  ground,  for  there  is  death  as  well 
as  beauty  in  our  bogs. 

Following  the  road  called  Bother -na-Teampuill,^  when  we 
speak  in  Irish,  we  see  on  the  right  a  hill  overlooking  that 
swelling  bog  which  a  spade  has  not  touched  for  over  a  hundred 
years.  Some  day  the  heather-clad  expanse  may  feel  the  impulse 
to  move,  given  by  its  black  hidden  waters.  The  hill  is  called 
Cnoc-na-Fuileach,  the  Hill  of  Blood,  and  no  man  now  knows 
the  origin  of  the  name.  Once  a  battle  was  fought  upon  its 
slope,  leaving  a  slaughter  so  terrible  that  even  after  all  tale 
of  its  happening  and  the  names  of  those  who  met  in  conflict 
had  long  faded  from  the  minds  of  the  people,  it  is  still  re- 
membered as  a  place  of  carnage.  Standing  on  the  summit,  I 
seem  to  catch  echoes  of  the  tumult,  and  see  the  dim  forms  of 
the  hostings  meeting  in  the  shock  of  battle.  The  shadowy 
figures  carry  battle-axe  and  spear,  the  '  sword  of  light '  (of 
steel)  or  the  sword  of  bronze,  great  shields  hang  on  their  arms 
of  yew,  or  of  hammered  bronze,  and  I  know  the  captains  and 
heroes  by  the  splendour  of  their  weapons,  gold  and  silver 
hilted  and  embossed.  It  may  have  been  that  the  High  King 
of  Ireland  met  the  Danes  here — '  the  foreigners  of  the  armour,' 
as  they  are  called  in  the  Wa7'S  of  the  Gael  with  the  Gaill — for 
five  miles  away  stands  a  round  tower,  the  stone  guardian 
once  of  the  monks,  their  books,  and  sacred  vessels  when  the 
Northman  appeared  across  the  Moy  ;  or  the  battle  may  have 
broken  between  the  King  of  Connacht  and  some  rival  prince, 
when  the  O'Conors  in  the  eleventh  century  were  first  rising 
into  power ;  or  later  still,  William  Fitz-Adhelm,  the  Norman 
and  first  of  the  Burkes,  may  have  enforced  his  claim  to 
Connacht  on  that  hill. 

Looking  from  its  summit  towards  the  north,  you  see  the 
tv^ooded  crown  of  the  fairy-rath.  Lis  Ard,  the  rath  that 
E-aftery,  the  blind  peasant  poet,  sang  of  in  the  Irish, '  the  little 
sharp  hill,'  on  the  slope  of  which,  when  a  wanderer  in  Galway, 
he  longed  to  lie ;  and  to  the  south  are  fields  dotted  with 

^  The  church  road,  lit.  the  temple  road. 


164  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

cattle  and  bordered  by  bogs,  and  beyond  again,  across  the 
straight,  white  road  that  leads  to  the  railway  and  the  outer 
world,  the  Eed  Field  {Pare  Ruadh),  rath-marked,  ending  in  a 
hill  the  name  of  whose  lis  preserves  that  of  some  ancient  chief ; 
while,  in  the  west,  rises  the  mountain,  Sliebh  Carn,  on  whose 
height  in  ages  past  was  reared  a  cairn  above  a  hero's  grave. 

But  the  Hill  of  Blood  has  an  older  interest  than  that  long- 
forgotten  battle.  In  some  dateless  time  men  stood  there  and 
laid  their  leader  to  rest  in  the  round  crest  of  the  hill,  burying 
him  sitting  upright,  his  face  to  the  west,  a  vessel  with  food  by 
his  side,  that  his  spirit  might  be  sustained  in  its  passage  to 
the  other  world.  There  he  sat  through  three  thousand  years 
or  more,  indifferent  to  the  step  of  the  Gael,  and  the  Dane,  and 
the  Norman  above  his  head,  deaf  to  the  fury  of  the  battle 
that  rang  one  day  along  the  slopes.  Then  a  nineteenth  century 
ploughshare  struck  the  flag  that  covered  the  grave,  and  the 
secret  the  hill  had  kept  so  long  was  revealed. 

Visible  from  this  hill  is  a  field  bordered  eastward  by  the 
river  Geisthan,  known  as  Trian-na-Croise,  the  Third  of  the 
Cross.  In  old  divisions  of  land  in  Ireland,  we  find  the 
terms  of  second  and  third,  and  fourth  and  fifth  and  sixth 
ofben  used  in  the  place-names,  and  the  reason  is  usually 
clear,  but  here  imagination  has  room  to  weave  its  own  ex- 
planation. The  name  is  centuries  old,  and  perhaps  may  be 
coeval  with  the  saint  who,  fifteen  hundred  years  ago,  came 
hither  to  preach  the  Faith  to  our  pagan  forefathers.  Not  far 
off  are  the  remains  of  his  church,  and  it  may  have  been  that 
he  made  a  cross  and  placed  it  there  on  the  high  land  above 
the  river  for  the  people  to  see,  which  later  became  a  mark  in 
the  division  of  the  land.  As  you  descend  the  slope  towards 
the  river,  three  unhewn  stones  of  immense  size  attract  your 
attention.  They  lie  not  far  from  the  bank,  and  the  man 
looking  for  fish  will  tell  you  that  they  are  called  Cloc-na- 
Diarmid,  the  Stone  of  Diarmid,  but  why  he  does  not  know. 
His  grandfather  could  have  explained  the  meaning  of  the 
name,  and  told  the  story  of  the  flight  of  Diarmid  with  Graine 
of  the  golden  hair,  the  King  of  Ireland's  daughter.     But  with 


THE  GREY  WIND  165 

the  establishment  of  the  national  schools,  the  old  romances 
ceased  to  be  repeated  before  the  children,  and  a  generation 
grew  up  ignorant  of  the  tales  in  which  their  forefathers  had 
delighted.  These  stones  of  Diarmid  are  to  be  found  all  over 
Ireland,  and  are  cromlechs,  though  tradition  has  connected 
them  for  some  centuries  with  the  Fianna.  Reared  in  the  dim 
past,  many  are  older  than  the  first  of  the  tales  told  of  Finn 
mac  Cumhal,  or  of  Ossian,  or  Diarmid ;  older,  too,  than  the 
Red  Branch  cycle  of  romance ;  tombs  raised  over  heroes,  or 
men  and  women  great  in  their  day.  The  one  we  look  at 
has  been  overthrown,  and  the  huge  upper  slab  is  broken. 
Some  antique  king  sleeps  there,  and  the  hurrying  river  keeps 
the  secret  of  his  name. 

II 

The  Franciscans  have  left  their  mark  in  my  corner  of 
Gallen;  the  old  ruin  in  the  churchyard  was  their  friary. 
Passing  under  the  crumbling  arch  of  the  church,  we  see  the 
carved  stone  pedestals  of  their  altar  by  the  ivy-clad  wall, 
though  the  altar  stone  itself  is  missing.  It  may  be  that  flag 
over  a  neighbouring  tomb,  for  the  body  of  the  church  is  full 
of  graves,  two  trees  disputing  possession  of  the  ground  with 
the  dead.  Mass  was  celebrated  here  in  the  ruins  when  the 
penal  laws  were  relaxed.  The  church  was  built  in  the  first 
years  of  the  fourteenth  century ;  and  the  fishing  weir  of  the 
friars  over  the  river  that  flows  close  by  remained  till  about  a 
few  years  ago  when  it  was  replaced  by  a  bridge.  Old  men 
can  show  us  where  their  mill  stood,  and  a  man  clearing  out 
the  old  lime-kiln  yonder  found  an  ancient  bronze  crucifix, 
probably  part  of  the  sacred  furniture.  The  Franciscans 
became  a  wealthy  order  in  Ireland.  In  an  inventory  of  one 
of  their  houses  there  is  mention  of  forty  suits  of  vestments 
made  of  cloth  of  gold  and  silver  and  silk  brocade,  as  well  as 
of  a  number  of  gold  and  silver  chalices  inlaid  with  precious 
stones.  In  the  southern  window  of  the  church  there  are  two 
skulls  upon  the  sill,  which  have  lain  there  so  long  that  no  one 
now  knows  out  of  what  grave  they  came.     An  old  man  of 


166  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

eighty  told  me  that  they  had  been  there  in  his  grandfather's 
time,  and  a  special  reverence  is  attached  to  them.  Once  a  man 
came  into  the  churchyard,  and,  laying  his  hands  upon  them, 
cursed  his  enemy,  deeming  the  curse  would  be  more  deadly 
recorded  thus.  The  lintel  and  sides  of  the  window  protect 
them  in  a  measure  from  the  weather,  and  for  two  or  three 
hundred  years,  or  more  perhaps,  their  identity  lost,  their 
hollow  sockets  have  watched  each  century's  procession  of 
mourners  as  the  dead  were  brought  hither.  They  may  have 
been  men  alert,  strong,  full  of  life  and  fire  when  Patrick 
Sarsfield  held  Connacht  for  King  James,  or  have  seen  the 
Ironsides  cross  the  barony  when  Ire  ton  led  them  hither. 
Some  chance  has  selected  them  from  the  countless  dead 
around  to  keep  watch  and  ward  upon  the  churchyard. 

Standing  a  few  yards  nearer  to  the  river,  but  within  the 
consecrated  enclosure,  is  a  small  dome-shaped  building.  It  is 
the  cill,  the  original  church,  and  is  probably  fifteen  hundred 
years  old.  The  door  is  towards  the  west,  and  the  Franciscans 
when  they  came  faced  it  with  dressed  stone,  for  behind  these 
stones  is  the  old  rough  frontage  with  the  sloping  jambs  of  the 
fifth  or  sixth  century.  The  stone  roof  overlaps,  but  on  the 
western  wall  there  are  traces  of  the  Franciscan  masons.  If 
you  stoop — and  you  must  bend  low,  for  the  centuries  have 
raised  the  ground  before  the  doorway,  half  filling  the  opening 
— and  enter  the  church,  you  find  yourself  in  a  dimly-lighted 
room  with  a  small  window  in  the  eastern  wall  and  a  grave  in 
the  corner.  The  church  is  oblong,  as  were  the  Patrician 
churches,  about  ten  feet  in  length  and  six  in  width.  When 
prayer  was  first  offered  within  it,  the  people  around  had  pro- 
bably been  just  converted  from  paganism,  and  the  old  gods, 
though  in  the  process  of  being  obscured,  were  not  yet  fully 
dethroned.  Men  still  saw  Lugh  of  the  Long-Hand,  the  Sun- 
god,  coming  up  out  of  the  east  with  the  white  hound  by  his 
side,  and  had  dreams  of  the  magic  birds  of  Angus  Og,  the 
god  of  youth  and  love,  or  desired  a  gift  from  the  cauldron  of 
the  Daghda,  the  good  god  from  whose  golden  harp,  as  he 
played,  the  seasons  sprang.    In  one  of  the  famine  years  of  the 


THE  GREY  WIND  167 

forties  in  the  last  century,  the  cill  had  an  occupant  for  a  time, 
a  woman  crazed  from  hunger  and  misery,  who  had  wandered 
into  our  parish.  For  some  months  she  made  her  home  in 
the  little  church,  feeding  on  nettles  and  such  food  as  she 
could  find,  till  in  the  end  her  people  found  her  and  carried 
her  away. 

Keturning  from  the  churchyard,  we  pass  into  a  road  on 
the  right,  bordered  on  one  side  by  a  bog  and  on  the  other  by 
meadow  and  wood.  Not  many  years  ago  there  was  no  road 
here,  only  a  track.  Then  the  road  was  made,  and  in  the 
making  a  number  of  silver  coins  were  found.  They  were  dis- 
covered under  an  old  thorn  tree,  planted  perhaps  to  mark 
the  site  of  the  treasure.  I  have  one  before  me  now  as  I  write  ; 
the  face  is  full  on  the  obverse,  the  hair  is  puffed  yet  flowing 
round  the  cheeks,  and  the  head  is  crowned.  It  is  the  face 
of  the  Plantagenet  king,  Edward  ill.  The  silver  piece  is 
crossed  on  the  reverse,  a  groat  of  his  reign.  About  two 
hundred  coins  were  in  the  hoard,  and  all  with  the  exception 
of  ten  are  of  that  period.  Some  were  minted  in  London, 
others  at  Waterford  and  Canterbury.  The  oldest  piece  is  a 
coin  with  the  head  of  one  of  the  Alexanders  of  Scotland. 
The  last  Scottish  king  of  that  name  died  in  1285.  The  Stuarts 
were  then  uncrowned,  their  dynasty  not  yet  established.  Not 
till  nearly  one  hundred  years  later  (1371)  did  the  first  Stuart 
reign.  The  little  coin  was  minted  so  long  ago  that  those  who 
first  held  it  in  their  hands  would  have  thought  it  incredible 
if  told  that  the  descendants  of  the  King's  High  Stewards 
should  wear  the  crown  of  Scotland  and  later  that  of  England. 
It  may  have  been  brought  into  Ireland  with  the  soldiers  of 
Edward  Bruce,  and  passed  into  the  possession  of  one  who  lived 
here  in  our  barony  in  the  fourteenth  century.  The  Norman 
families  of  Burke,  Barrett,  and  d'Exeter  Jordan  had  by  that 
^  century  planted  themselves  firmly  in  this  and  the  neighbour- 
ing counties.  There  was  a  circulation  of  Enghsh  money,  and 
the  silver  pieces  probably  belonged  to  one  of  these  lords.  Did 
a  servant  steal  them,  or  a  friend  tempted  by  some  need  ? 
Spoil  they  may  have  been  taken  in  a  raid,  or  perhaps  a 


168  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

faithful  messenger,  carrying  the  dues  to  his  lord,  seeing  foes 
approach,  buried  them  in  the  ground.  Quite  certain  it  is 
that  he  who  put  them  there  never  returned  to  recover  the 
treasure.  Over  five  hundred  years  have  passed  since  then 
with  their  checkered  chapters  of  Irish  history.  The  Norman 
lords  had  forgotten  their  Norman  French,  and  had  adopted 
the  Irish  language,  laws,  dress,  and  customs,  keeping  great 
state,  large  households,  bodyguards,  brehons,  just  as  their 
Gaelic  rivals  did  when  the  clay  fell  on  these  coins  ;  when  the 
spade  flung  them  up  to  the  light  of  day  again,  the  castles  of 
the  lords  were  in  ruins,  and  their  descendants  scattered.  On 
the  coin  I  hold,  the  king's  eyes  are  as  freshly  marked  as  when 
it  came  from  the  mint.  Rounded,  shining,  without  lids,  they 
give  a  queer  look  of  life  to  the  silver  face,  a  look  of  amaze- 
ment. '  By  the  splendour  of  God ! '  he  seems  to  exclaim  in 
his  Norman  French.  '  Into  what  strange  world  have  I  come.' 
And  from  the  Scottish  coin  one  may  fancy  that  a  voice  that 
should  speak  in  Gaelic  but  which  instead  utters  its  words 
in  mingled  Norman  French  and  Anglo-Saxon  asks,  too, 
bewildered  questions.  '  Who  speaks  of  my  High  Stewards  ? 
Kings  ?  who  called  them  royal  ?  I  am  Alexander  of  the  race 
of  Fergus  of  Erin,  King  of  Alba,  I  alone  am  king.  What 
names  are  these  I  hear  ?  James  ?  Charles  ?  Who  are  they  ? 
And  of  what  battles  do  you  speak  and  name  the  Boyne 
and  Aughrim  ? ' 

History  and  folk-lore  meet  in  my  corner  as  indeed  they 
meet  everywhere  all  over  Ireland.  The  kingdom  of  the 
Sidhe,  too,  is  powerful.  Irish  fairy-lore  has  a  distinction 
of  its  own,  echoes  from  pagan  Ireland,  of  its  myths  and 
rites.  From  the  point  where  the  coins  were  found  we  look 
directly  on  Lis  Ard,  the  tree- covered  rath  on  the  summit 
of  a  hill.  As  you  stand  there  among  the  ash  and  beech,  if 
your  eyes  travel  west  the  bright  gleam  of  water — should  the 
day  be  clear  or  the  sun  shining — that  meets  your  gaze,  are 
the  two  loughs,  Cullin  and  Conn,  lakes  whose  shores  and 
islands  are  connected  with  tales  of  magic  and  romance.  They 
lie  at  the  foot  of  Ben  Nephin,  the  cone-shaped  mountain  that 


THE  GREY  WIND  169 

reveals  or  hides  itself  to  us  as  the  clouds  will,  clothed  some- 
times in  a  garment  of  the  deepest  blue,  or  again  so  pale  and 
vague  that  it  seems  dissolving  into  the  ether.  It  is  well 
known  the  Sidhe  inhabit  Lis  Ard.  The  old  man  Tadhg  told 
me  he  saw  them  once  on  the  rath,  the  elemental  life  reveal- 
ing itself  to  his  mortal  eyes.  It  was  sunset,  and  he  was 
digging  at  the  foot  of  the  hill,  and  looking  up  the  slope  saw 
a  number  of  men  and  women  among  the  trees.  All  their 
faces  were  turned  upon  him,  but  none  spoke,  the  figures 
watching  from  the  verge  of  the  trees,  motionless,  silent. 
And  Tadhg  knew  that  those  who  dwelt  in  the  fairy  palace 
within  the  mound  had  taken  off  the  cloak  of  invisibility,  and 
that  their  presence  was  a  signal  for  him  to  go.  So  with  a 
greeting  to  the  watchers,  he  took  up  his  spade  and  went 
away  before  the  twilight  fell. 


Ill 

Caves  have  a  mystery  and  romance  about  them.  In  fairy 
tales  all  over  Europe,  the  giant,  if  he  does  not  live  in  a  castle, 
makes  a  cave  his  habitation.  Dragons,  too,  and  superhuman 
creatures  dwell  within  them.  Through  caves  the  popular 
imagination  found  entrance  to  the  hidden  and  marvellous, 
into  the  kingdoms  of  the  beings  of  magic  and  faery.  In 
them,  or  in  underground  chambers,  the  hero  whom  his  people 
expect  to  return,  lies  in  an  enchanted  slumber.  The  legend 
of  the  heroes  who  thus  sleep,  and  who  at  some  national  crisis 
shall  awake  and  come  to  the  help  of  their  people,  is  common 
to  Europe.  Charlemagne,  Frederick  Barbarossa,  Arthur  of 
Britain  are  said  not  to  be  dead,  but  lying  each  asleep,  and 
shall  return.  Deep  under  the  castle  of  Kronberg  in  Denmark, 
Olger  Danske,  the  Danish  king,  awaits  the  call  to  arms :  at 
Denmark's  need  he  shaU  awake.  Clothed  in  armour,  he  sits 
before  a  marble  table,  his  head  on  his  outspread  arms.  So 
long  has  he  been  held  by  that  strange  sleep,  that  his  beard 
has  grown  through  the  marble  to  the  floor,  and  when  he 
springs  to  his  feet  the  marble  shall  break.     There  is  a  story 


170  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

told  of  Olger  Danske  and  his  enchanted  sleep  that  may  be 
compared  to  a  story  told  of  the  Fianna.  And  as  Irish 
influence  can  be  traced  in  the  Norse  sagas,  the  tale  perhaps 
is  Celtic,  borrowed  by  the  Norsemen,  and  connected  with 
their  national  hero. 

Once  Olger  Danske  was  disturbed  in  his  underground 
chamber.  A  peasant  found  the  door  by  chance  and  knocked 
upon  it.  The  door  opened,  and  a  voice  within  said,  *  Is  it 
time?'  Entering  the  cavern,  the  peasant  saw  the  kingly 
sleeper,  a  great,  shining  sword  across  his  knee.  '  Is  it  time  ? ' 
the  voice  asked  again.  The  peasant,  astonished  and  afraid, 
replied,  '  It  is  not.'  '  Give  me  your  hand,'  the  king  said. 
The  peasant  thrust  forward  an  iron  bar.  Olger  Danske 
grasped  it,  and  left  the  mark  of  his  fingers  upon  the  iron. 
'  There  are  men  still  in  Denmark ! '  he  said.  '  I  need  not 
yet  awake.' 

Compare  this  tale  with  the  Irish  legend.  It  is  the  heroes 
of  the  Fianna  who  are  asleep  within  a  rath,  their  swords  lie 
by  each  man's  hand,  their  horses  are  stabled  near ;  thus  they 
await  the  call  which  shall  send  them  to  their  feet.  Then  the 
Fianna  shall  leap  on  their  horses  and  outward  from  the  dark 
cave,  and  onward  to  save  Ireland  in  her  hour  of  need.  But 
the  call  has  not  yet  come,  and  the  heroes  still  sleep.  One 
day  a  peasant  found  the  door  in  the  rath,  and,  going  in,  followed 
a  passage  till  he  reached  the  cave.  The  sight  he  saw  there  filled 
him  with  amazement.  Squadrons  of  horses,  bridled,  bitted, 
accoutred,  stood  motionless  in  their  stalls.  By  each  horse  a 
soldier  slept,  his  weapons  by  his  side.  The  peasant,  in  his 
hurry  to  retreat,  stumbled,  and  touched  one  of  the  men. 
The  hero  sprang  to  his  feet  and  drew  his  sword.  '  An  bhfuil 
an  t'dm  ann  ? '  he  asked  (Is  it  time  ?).  The  peasant  answered, 
'Ni'l;  go  codlidh  aris'  (No;  sleep  again),  on  hearing  which 
the  soldier  sank  backward  again.  Another  version  tells  how 
the  Fianna  will  not  awake  till  a  great  trumpet  that  hangs 
at  the  mouth  of  the  cave  is  blown  thrice.  Once  a  man  had 
the  courage  to  blow  it  twice,  but,  terrified  at  the  sight  of  the 
awakening  heroes,  dropped  it  and  fled. 


THE  GREY  WIND  171 

All  over  Ireland  there  are  artificial  caves,  many  of  which 
are  believed  to  be  the  habitations  of  the  Sidhe,  a  belief  that 
is  a  survival  from  the  thought  of  pagan  Ireland.  Tir  na  n-og, 
the  Land  of  Youth,  was  to  be  found  beneath  these  mounds. 
Free  from  care,  pain,  death,  a  land  against  which  laughter 
peals,  a  land  of  lasting  weather,  a  *  lovely  land  throughout 
the  world's  age  on  which  many  blossoms  drop.'  Tir  na  n-6g 
was  the  paradise  of  the  Gael.  Its  mystery  and  beauty  linger 
round  the  raths.  Within  them  are  houses  of  crystal,  golden 
fruit-bearing  trees,  blue,  shining  seas,  the  singing  of  birds, 
and  marvellous  and  delightful  sights  and  sounds.  Yet  flesh 
and  blood  shrinks  from  entering  the  unknown  hidden  world. 
I  heard  a  story  here  of  a  woman  who  was  carried  away  by 
the  Sidhe.  By  some  means,  before  the  seven  years  had 
passed  after  which  rescue  would  have  been  impossible,  she 
managed  to  be  snatched  out  of  their  power.  She  told  her 
friends  that  while  away  she  had  been  taken  to  the  heart  of 
every  rath  in  Ireland,  to  kingly  halls  and  blossoming  meadows, 
to  every  palace  of  fairy  delight,  but  in  no  rath  of  all  those 
she  had  entered  had  she  found  beauty  and  marvels  equal  to 
what  she  had  seen  in  the  rath  Lis  Ard.  Here  is  a  touch  of 
local  pride  which  makes  the  chief  rath  in  this  parish  the 
most  beautiful  palace  of  the  Sidhe  in  Ireland.  A  woman 
who  had  travelled  so  far  in  the  hidden  world,  and  who  had 
seen  so  much  would  have  been  an  interesting  person  to  have 
met.  '  Is  she  living  now  ? '  I  asked.  '  She  died  some  time 
back,'  I  was  answered.  *  It  was  the  other  side  of  the  river, 
back  there  at  Treenkeel,  she  died.'  And  at  the  answer  I 
knew  that  the  woman  was  old,  very  old,  and  that  she  would 
be  heard  of  again  and  again  up  each  century  of  our  history, 
and  beyond  history,  into  the  mist  of  the  Tuatha  de  Danaan 
— the  people  of  the  goddess  Dana. 

There  are  several  artificial  caves  in  this  corner  of  Gallen. 
Some  of  the  old  men  say  they  were  built  by  the  Danes. 
That,  of  course,  is  not  true ;  the  mistake  arose  through  their 
conftision  of  the  name  Danaan  with  that  of  Dane.  When  the 
Tuatha  de  Danaan  ceased  to  be  regarded  as  gods,  they  were 


172  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

supposed  to  live  on  in  the  Other  World,  entrance  to  which 
might  be  found  in  mounds  and  caves  as  well  as  in  loughs  and 
rivers  and  the  sea.  As  the  people  gradually  lost  memory  of 
their  history,  a  process  which  occurred  slowly  within  recent 
times,  the  two  names  were  confused  when  explaining  the 
origin  of  the  caves.  It  is,  however,  a  fact  to  note  that  the 
Danish  invasions  are  stamped  into  the  memory  of  the  Irish- 
speaking  peasant,  while  those  who  have  lost  their  native 
language  have  no  knowledge  of  that  page  of  Irish  history. 
The  Irish  speaker,  who  knew  a  vast  amount  of  mingled  legend, 
history,  and  folk-lore,  sent  down  to  him  through  the  medium 
of  the  language  in  which  all  relating  to  his  past  had  been 
enshrined,  told  and  retold  for  generations,  knew  very  well 
that  the  Danes  had  once  harried  his  country.  Old  Tadhg 
Brennan,  of  whom  I  have  spoken,  used  to  point  to  a  heather- 
clad  hill  beyond  the  river  Geisthan,  and  say  that  the  last 
Dane  in  Ireland — and  the  last  man  also  who  knew  the  secret 
of  making  ale  from  heather — had  been  killed  there.  He  was 
well  aware  of  the  connection  of  the  Danes  with  his  country, 
through  oral  tradition,  while  his  grand-children  who  have 
lost  their  native  language,  and  have  not  been  taught  Irish 
history  at  the  National  School,  know  nothing  about  those 
marauders  and  sea-kings. 

There  is  a  cave  here  in  a  rath  known  as  Lis-Duhh,  which 
had  a  series  of  passages  and  chambers.  The  entrance  is  in 
the  side  of  the  mound,  half  hidden  by  bramble  and  thorn. 
A  good  many  Irish  ancient  romance-tales  centre  round  caves. 
Great  adventures  occur  in  them — sieges,  plunders,  marvellous 
happenings.  At  the  Lis-Duhh  cave  you  feel  you  are  near  a 
story  which  the  years  have  veiled.  You  cannot  lift  the  veil, 
but  you  see  phantom  shapes  and  shadows  thrown  upon  it 
from  the  other  side.  Lis-Duhh,  the  Black-Fort,  our  fore- 
fathers called  it,  and  one  wonders  why.  Standing  on  the  Us, 
on  the  roof  of  the  caves,  the  undulating  land  spreads  for  miles 
before  you.  The  pale,  blue  mountains  rise  in  the  west,  and 
two  shining  lines  of  water  cross  the  plain,  the  rivers  Geisthan 
and  Gilore.     Three  centuries  ago,  when  woods  grew  in  this 


THE  GREY  WIND  173 

part  of  the  parish,  it  must  have  been  a  beautiful  scene. 
Now,  in  its  nakedness,  as  you  gaze  along  the  horizon  to  the 
north  and  north-west,  you  receive  the  impression  that  the 
innumerable  little  hills  are  a  succession  of  waves,  each  one  of 
which  seeks  to  reach  the  encircling  goal  of  the  sky.  Nothing 
in  the  scene  explains  the  reason  of  the  name.  It  and  the 
cave  keep  their  own  secret. 

On  the  crest  of  a  low  hill  near  Lis  Ard,  there  are,  or  were, 
two  artificial  caves.  Many  years  ago  part  of  the  hill  was 
enclosed,  and  planted  as  an  orchard.  Hoary  apple-trees  shake 
their  white  and  pink  blossoms  in  spring  over  what  remains  of 
the  caves.  The  man  who  had  made  the  orchard  broke  into 
and  partly  destroyed  them.  The  Sidhe  did  not  avenge  them- 
selves, and  probably  retired  to  the  finer  halls  of  Lis  Ard. 
When  Tadhg  Brennan  was  a  little  boy  he  saw  the  caves  in 
good  condition.  He  entered  one,  and  stood  upright,  under 
a  flagged  roof  There  he  saw,  or  thought  he  saw,  the  traces 
of  a  fire  and  pipes.  These  orchard  caves  have  a  story  attached 
to  them.  Years  ago  a  man  named  Goulding — (it  is  interest- 
ing to  note  how  local  names  are  always  given  by  the  narrators 
of  these  stories) — who  lived  on  the  mountain  Slieve  Carn, 
had  a  son  who  every  morning  went  to  school.  Before  long 
the  boy  showed  such  remarkable  knowledge,  that  his  father, 
in  an  excess  of  gratitude,  went  to  the  hedge-school  to  thank 
the  teacher.  But  the  teacher  said  he  had  neither  seen  nor 
taught  the  boy  ;  the  father  then  found  that  his  son  went  to 
school  at  the  orchard  caves,  and  that  his  teachers  were 
the  Sidhe.  Among  the  things  that  he  learnt  to  make  were 
the  pipes  of  the  bagpipe.  Now,  the  Tuatha  de  Danaan,  we 
remember,  were  clever  artificers,  and  the  Sidhe  are  but  the 
dethroned  Tuatha  de  Danaan,  the  gigantic  figures  of  Irish 
mythology.  Thus  in  this  story  there  is  a  stroke  given 
straight  out  of  the  dim,  ancient  world  of  the  Gael,  a  fragment 
from  that  mythology,  the  door  to  which  has  been  thrown  open 
by  such  scholars  as  St.  Zimmer,  de  Jubainville,  and  others. 
Under  the  instruction  of  the  Sidhe,  at  the  orchard  caves,  the 
boy,  when  a  man,  became  so  famous  an  artificer  that  he  had 


174  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

not  his  equal  in  Ireland.  He  taught  the  art  of  working  in 
metals  to  a  family  named  Egan ;  and  here  we  pass  from 
legend  to  fact.  Such  a  family  existed,  who  were  all  clever 
artificers.  The  mythical  boy  is  the  link  with  the  metal- 
workers of  mythological  Ireland  and  a  real  family  in  modern 
and  Christian  Ireland.  The  fairy  character  of  the  boy  is 
further  shown  in  the  story,  and  not  only  is  he  the  pupil  of 
the  Sidhe,  but  visits  them  at  Lis  Ard^  and,  with  the  cap  of 
darkness  on  his  head,  rides  with  them  on  the  wind  towards 
the  sea.  In  short,  though  called  Goulding,  he  is  himself  one 
of  the  Sidhe.  The  ruined  caves  in  the  orchard  have  thus  an 
interest  to  the  mythologist ;  in  them  the  forge  of  the  Tuatha 
de  Danaan  has  been  kindled,  and  the  legend  casts  a  glow 
over  the  spot. 


IV 

With  the  superhuman  and  spiritual  world  so  near  us,  but 
little  of  the  materialism  of  other  countries  has  touched  our 
thought.  Deep  down  we  keep  the  same  conception  of  the 
visible  and  invisible  world.  We  still  stand  at  the  point 
towards  which  the  pendulum  of  thought  in  other  lands  is 
swinging  back  from  the  dogmatism  of  the  materialist  through 
the  results  of  psychical  research. 

The  belief  in  the  mysterious  inherent  power  in  the  element 
of  water  goes  back  beyond  written  history  into  the  twilight 
of  the  earliest  ages.  It  appears  in  the  first  myths  of  the 
world,  in  the  religions  of  highly  developed  races,  in  Judaism 
and  the  Christian  Faith.  A  belief  so  universal,  so  old,  has 
some  deep  root  in  the  spiritual  part  of  man  himself.  It  is 
true,  awed  by  the  forces  of  nature,  primitive  man  made  gods  of 
the  elements.  The  sun,  under  whose  rays  the  earth  blossomed, 
the  fruits  ripened,  and  the  seed  yielded  their  grain,  was  a 
power  before  whom  he  bent  the  knee,  it  mattered  not  what 
name  he  called  it — Apollo,  Lu-lam-fada — to  him  it  was  a  god. 
In  the  healing  spring  and  stream  he  saw  beneficent  forces ; 
and  sacred  wells  and  rivers  arose.     Ireland  has  a  number  of 


/  THE  GREY  WIND  175 

such  wells,  the  sanctity  of  which  can  be  traced  back  to  pre- 
Christian  days.  There  are  others  again  that  received  their 
sacred  character  after  the  coming  of  the  Faith.  Many  of 
these  are  called  by  the  names  of  the  saints  who  built  their 
cells  beside  the  spring,  and  who,  consecrating  the  waters, 
there  baptized  their  converts.  Those  that  had  been  held  in 
reverence  in  pagan  Ireland  with  wise  tolerance  were  blessed 
by  St.  Patrick  and  the  early  saints,  and  thenceforth  were 
connected  with  the  new  religion.  Thus  the  Holy  Well  of 
Ballintober  in  this  county  was  called  Slan  or  Health  when 
Dana  was  still  worshipped  as  the  mother  of  the  gods,  and 
Crom  Cruaich,  the  King  Idol  of  Erinn,  still  stood  on  the 
Plain  of  Adoration.  St.  Patrick  built  a  church  beside  it  and 
blessed  the  well. 

There  is  a  holy  well  not  far  from  us,  surrounded  by  a 
wall,  with  an  old  white  thorn  close  by,  to  which  votive  rags 
are  attached.  A  story  is  told  about  the  well  which,  even  in 
its  modernised  form,  shows  its  antiquity.  Every  one  in  the 
parish  knows  that  the  weU  is  no  longer  in  the  spot  where 
ages  ago  it  first  welled  up.  It  has  moved  within  the  memory 
of  man — so  the  people  will  teU.  you — from  the  little  hill 
Cilleen,  which  is  about  half  a  mile  away,  to  its  present  site. 
The  cause  of  its  flight  was  a  woman.  A  '  station '  was  held 
at  her  house,  and,  in  her  anxiety  to  get  the  priest's  dinner 
ready  quickly,  she  went  to  the  nearest  well,  which  was  that 
of  Cilleen,  and  drew  water  from  it.  But  the  water  refused  to 
boil,  refused  indeed  to  be  anything  but  icy  cold,  though  the 
fire  burned  fiercely  beneath  the  pot.  The  priest  on  hearing 
what  she  had  done  bade  her  throw  the  water  back  into  the 
holy  well.  The  woman  obeyed,  but  the  spirit  of  the  well 
was  not  appeased,  and  that  night  the  well  moved  from  the 
hill  of  Cilleen  to  gush  forth  clear  and  sparkling  in  its  present 
position.  In  spite  of  the  *  priest'  and  the  'station'  the 
ancient  character  of  the  tale  appears  through  its  modern 
dress.  Further  proof  is  given  in  the  stories  told  of  Cilleen 
itself.  It  is  impossible,  or  useless,  to  till  the  ground  upon 
which  the  well  once  stood,  for  neither  oats  nor  potatoes  nor 


176  THE  CELTIC  EEVIEW 

any  other  crop  will  grow  there.  Once  a  man,  despite  this 
fact,  tried  to  dig  the  soil,  but  the  spade  was  thrown  out  of  his 
hand,  and  a  white  bird  flew  up  from  the  ground.  A  thorn 
bush  grows  upon  Cilleen ;  if  struck  with  a  hatchet  an  animal 
will  come  out. 

Here  we  pass  into  folk-lore,  one  of  the  doors  through  which 
we  can  gather  some  of  the  thoughts  of  primitive  man.  The 
legend  of  the  flight  of  the  weU,  the  stories  told  of  Cilleen,  are 
but  echoes  from  an  older  belief  Especially  interesting  is  that 
reference  to  the  white  bird.  In  The  Ha'p'py  Other  Worlds 
Mr.  Alfred  Nutt  quotes  a  translation  from  an  early  Irish 
manuscript,  in  which  it  is  told  that  once,  in  the  form  of  white 
birds,  some  of  the  denizens  of  the  raths  and  the  fairy  palaces 
of  the  loughs — the  Sidhe  in  short — approached  St.  Patrick. 
Flying  to  a  lough,  with  flapping  wings,  they  appeal  to  him  to 
make  them  Christians.  '  O  help  of  the  Gael,'  they  cry,  '  come, 
and  come  hither !  *  Commenting  on  this  legend,  Mr.  Nutt 
remarks  that  it  took  the  peculiar  genius  of  the  Celt  to  con- 
ceive this  appeal,  and  to  extend  to  the  creatures  of  the 
elements,  and  the  dethroned  divinities,  the  blessings  of  the 
Faith.  The  white  bird  of  Cilleen  is  akin  to  the  birds  of  faery, 
is,  in  fact,  one  of  them.  Note,  too,  the  tale  of  the  thorn  tree. 
Struck  with  iron  its  geni  appears.  Iron,  in  the  conception  of 
the  early  northern  races,  had  latent  in  it  the  power  of  magic. 
The  smith  could  cast  spells.  The  steel  sword  as  it  superseded 
the  one  of  bronze  was  the  '  sword  of  light.'  Songs  were  made 
to  the  weapon,  and  the  swords  of  heroes  had  magical  pro- 
perties. The  woman  stolen  by  the  Sidhe  in  the  Irish  song, 
who,  as  she  hushes  the  fairy  child  to  sleep,  appeals  between 
the  refrain  of  the  lullaby  to  a  friend,  requests  that  her  husband 
wiU  bring  a  black -hafted  knife  when  he  comes  to  rescue  her, 
A  steel  needle  stuck  in  the  cap  of  a  baby,  in  a  tale  told  me  by 
an  old  woman,  prevented  the  Sidhe  from  stealing  the  child. 
Only  to  the  stroke  of  the  steel  would  the  spirit  respond  who 
inhabited  the  bush.  All  these  tales  are  the  dim  echoes  of  a 
forgotten  mythology,  interesting  for  that  reason,  throwing  a 
little  light  upon  what  the  far-off,  pagan  forefathers  of  the 


THE  GREY  WIND  177 

Gael  believed.  The  breaking  forth  of  a  river  where  no  river 
had  been  before,  or  of  a  lake  or  well,  is  also  a  very  ancient 
conception.  The  Four  Masters,  copying  from  very  ancient 
records,  mention  such  occurrences.  And  these  eruptions  are 
not  all  legendary  tales,  for  there  is  evidence  of  lakes  having 
been  formed  near  the  historic  period,  Lough  Neagh  probably 
being  made  by  some  vast  flood. 

In  nearly  every  holy  well  there  is  a  sacred  trout.  It 
is  immortal,  or  supposed  to  be  such.  In  a  way  it  is 
immortal,  for  the  idea  takes  us  far  back,  up  twenty  cen- 
turies and  more,  to  the  mystic  salmon  of  Connla's  Well. 
There  by  that  Well  grew  nine  hazel-trees  whose  crimson  nuts 
were  the  nuts  of  knowledge.  The  bright  hued  shells  held  the 
visions  of  poets,  the  inspired  thoughts  of  the  world,  the  com- 
pleted dream  of  the  artificer.  And  as  they  dropped  into  the 
water,  bubbles  of  brilliant  red  colour  followed,  and  the  salmon 
hearing  the  sound  swam  forward  and  ate  them,  acquiring  thus 
all  knowledge  and  wisdom,  and  perception  of  beauty,  and 
creative  power  in  literature  and  art.  Then  leaving  the  well, 
with  the  rich  red  spots  of  knowledge  on  their  side,  they  went 
down  the  river ;  and  to  any  man  who  could  capture  one  was 
given  of  the  divine  gifts  hidden  within  the  nuts  of  the  nine 
hazel-trees. 

The  presence  of  fish  in  the  sacred  wells  of  pre-Christian 
Ireland,  the  myth  of  the  salmon  of  knowledge,  must  have 
been  turned  to  account  by  the  early  saints.     Our  Lord,  Ter- 
tullian  says,  was  the  heavenly  ichthus,  or  fish,  and  we.  His 
disciples,  are  the  smaller  fishes,  who  are  born  in  the  waters  of 
baptism.     '  The  Irish  saints,'  writes  Archbishop  Healy  in  his 
sympathetic  tract  on  the  Holy  Wells  of  Ireland,  '  were  no 
strangers  to  this  beautiful   symbolism.'     And   thus   it  may 
have  seemed  to  many  a  missionary,  as  he  penetrated  into  the 
centres  of  paganism,  that  the  Lord's  hand  had  been  before  him, 
and  that  in  the  fish  to  which  mysterious  powers  were  attri- 
buted, and  in  the  weUs  sacred  to  some  god  of  heaHng,  he  had 
symbols  by  which  he  could  explain  the  inner  truths  of  the 
Faith  he  had  come  to  preach. 

VOL.  II.  M 


178  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

THE  BUTTERFLY'S  WEDDING 

[A  fairy  phantasy,  translated  from   Uirsgeulan  Gaidhealach  (Mackay,  Stirling),  a 
collection  of  M6d  prize  compositions.] 

Long,  long  before  your  grandfather's  time,  when  the  world  was  young  and 
the  cocks  spoke  Greek,  the  butterfly  thought  that  he  would  marry  a  wife. 
She  must  be  fair  as  the  primrose  in  the  glens ;  stately  as  the  fairy  lady  of 
the  hills,  and  good  at  housewifery  as  the  ant  of  the  feal-dyke. 

He  told  the  fly ;  but  she  only  crooked  her  nose  and  laughed.  '  I  '11  walk 
up  and  down,  I  '11  walk  here  and  there,'  said  the  butterfly,  '  till  I  find  my 
heart's  desire.'  'The  prayer  of  the  seven  grey  goats  go  with  you,'  said  the 
fly ;  '  the  meeting  of  the  seven  foxes,  and  the  blessing  of  the  seven  fairies  be 
with  you,  till  you  find  your  heart's  desire ;  I  will  take  a  little  wink  of  sleep 
in  a  daisy's  breast  for  a  year  and  a  day,  and  then  I  will  expect  to  hear  news 
of  your  wedding.' 

So  it  was.  The  butterfly  bound  a  circlet  of  gold  on  his  left  foot ;  he  put 
three  shining  cowrie  shells  in  the  hollow  of  his  thigh ;  he  spread  his  speckled 
wings  to  the  soft,  warm  wind  of  evening,  and  he  set  out.  He  set 
his  back  to  the  north  and  his  face  to  the  south,  and  for  seven  summer 
weeks  he  went  without  resting,  over  rivers,  over  fields,  over  ridges, 
over  bens  and  glens  and  seas,  till  he  came  to  the  green  isle,  where  sun  does 
not  set  and  moon  rises  not,  and  where  never  sound  was  heard  but  the 
sound  of  the  sea  and  the  note  of  the  white  swan  that  sits  on  a  green  hillock 
in  its  very  centre.  Seven  weeks  this  swan  sleeps  without  waking ;  but  on 
the  seventh  Sabbath  Day  she  wakes,  and  she  utters  three  notes  so  sweet  that 
the  round  world  listens  and  the  harper  of  the  hills  gives  three  groans  of 
sorrow  for  envy.  The  butterfly  reached  the  hill ;  he  flew  three  times  round 
the  swan ;  he  leaned  against  a  grass  blade ;  he  put  a  cowrie  under  his  head 
and  slept.  He  dreamed  that  he  was  in  a  king's  castle,  where  the  house 
beams  were  of  silk  thread ;  the  king's  daughters  danced  on  them,  each  with 
a  tuft  of  sweet  herbs  in  her  bosom.  He  heard  the  sweetest  music  that  ever 
ear  heard  or  heart  inspired,  music  to  wake  love,  and  banish  fear;  music 
that  would  wile  milk  from  the  yeld  cattle.  What  was  this  but  the  song  of 
the  awakening  swan.  The  swan  raised  a  silver  stalk  in  her  beak,  and  at 
once  a  black  cloud  came  over  the  face  of  the  sun,  and  every  grass  blade  on  the 
island  began  to  quiver.  This  was  a  flight  of  seashore  birds,  answering  the 
note  of  the  swan,  and  coming  with  food  and  drink  to  entertain  the  butterfly. 

'  Drink  seven  celled  cups  of  honey ;  eat  seven  fat  baps  of  bread ;  then 
tell  the  cause  of  your  journey,'  said  the  swan.  The  butterfly  sneezed,  and 
the  swan  frowned.  'If  it  please  you,  the  oyster-catcher  put  snuflF  in  the 
honey,'  said  the  butterfly.  The  swan  whistled  and  the  oyster-catcher  fell 
cold  and  dead.     The  meal  ended,  and  talk  began. 

Said  the  butterfly  :  '  I  am  the  bright  son  of  the  sky,  and  I  go  from  the 
north  lands  to  the  south,  seeking  my  Jieart's  desire.     She  must  be  fair 


THE  BUTTERFLY'S  WEDDING  179 

as  the  primrose  in  the  glens ;  good  at  housewifery  as  the  ant  of  the  feal- 
dyke.'  The  swan  said  that  she  would  sleep  for  the  seven  weeks  till  she 
should  get  the  knowledge  of  the  three  worlds :  the  world  whose  beginning 
is  memory,  the  world  whose  mid  part  is  memory,  and  the  world  whose  end 
is  memory ;  then  she  would  give  him  three  signs  whereby  he  would  find  his 
heart's  desire. 

So  it  was.  The  butterfly  passed  the  time  in  bathing,  and  insulting  the 
rainbow  for  that  it  had  fewer  colours  than  his  wings.  On  the  seventh  Sabbath 
Day  the  swan  awoke,  and  she  uttered  her  cry  ere  a  juggler  could  perform  a 
feat.  The  butterfly  was  there,  and  he  stood  on  one  foot  and  made  obeisance. 
The  swan  whistled.  Instantly  a  stonechat  came  where  they  were.  '  Here,' 
said  the  swan,  *  you  have  the  bird  of  sharpest  eye  and  keenest  ear  in  the  bird 
world.  He  has  got  lore  of  the  weather  from  the  old  man  of  the  moon; 
knowledge  of  the  earth  from  the  old  woman  of  night  (the  owl),  and  skill  of 
the  ocean  from  the  maiden  of  the  sea.  He  comes  and  none  knows  whence ;  he 
goes,  and  no  man  knows  whither ;  he  will  be  to  you  a  guide  to  your  heart's 
desire.  You  will  fold  your  wings  and  sit  on  the  stonechat's  back  till  he 
lights  on  a  bare  grey  flag  that  is  before  the  cottage  where  lives  your  heart's 
desire.  Three  autumn  weeks  the  stonechat  will  go  in  the  nostril  of  the 
wind,  over  rivers,  over  fields,  over  ridges,  over  glens  and  bens  and  seas,  till 
he  comes  to  the  bounds  of  the  Land  of  Calm.  The  first  Saturday  thereafter 
you  shall  see  five  wonders,  and  then  you  will  know  that  you  are  near  to 
the  flagstone  that  lies  before  the  cottage  where  lives  your  heart's  desire.' 

Thus  it  was.  The  butterfly  folded  his  glittering  wings ;  he  put  three 
shining  cowries  of  the  shore  in  the  hollow  of  his  thigh ;  he  sat  on  the  stone- 
chat's  back,  and  that  bird  flew  away.  The  butterfly's  head  grew  dizzy  with 
the  speed  of  the  going.  It  was  as  swift  as  the  hunter's  arrow ;  swifter  than 
the  spring  wind ;  nimble  as  the  lightning.  The  stonechat  sped  eastwards. 
Three  autumn  weeks  they  spent  so,  without  food  or  drink  or  weariness ; 
and  then  they  came  to  a  loch  of  spring  water  in  the  midst  of  a  wood.  Such 
peace  and  quiet  were  over  that  loch  that  the  bees  that  live  in  the  stars 
could  see  their  shadows  in  it.  The  butterfly  knew  that  this  was  the  Land 
of  Calm.  They  alighted  on  a  creek  in  the  middle  of  the  loch ;  they  drank 
their  fill  of  dew,  and  slept. 

They  awoke  on  the  morning  of  the  first  Saturday,  and  no  sooner  were 
they  awake  than  they  saw  a  beetle  making  for  the  creek,  sailing  on  a 
cabbage  leaf,  and  steering  with  his  foot.  'Do  you  see  thatV  said  the 
stonechat.  *  I  see  what  I  never  saw  before,'  said  the  butterfly,  '  one  of  the 
five  wonders  of  the  Land  of  Calm.'  They  went  then  to  the  wood,  and,  at 
a  tree's  root,  they  saw  a  cat  shaving  a  calf-herd  with  a  woollen  thread.  '  See 
you  that  1 '  said  the  stonechat.  *  I  see  what  I  never  saw :  one  of  the  five 
wonders  of  the  Land  of  Calm,'  said  the  butterfly.  They  climbed  a  tree,  and 
they  faced  eastwards.  '  What  see  you  1 '  said  the  stonechat.  '  I  see  two 
suns  and  two  moons  dancing  a  reel,  and  the  stars  clapping  their  hands,' 
said  the  butterfly.    They  descended,  and  they  went  on  till  they  came  to  a 


180  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

green  hill.  When  they  came  to  it,  the  top  rose  off  the  hill,  and  there  were 
gulls  in  grey  breeches  and  tartan  bonnets,  schooling  red  bees.  *  Another  of 
the  wonders  of  the  Land  of  Calm,'  said  the  butterfly.  They  were  coming 
back  to  the  creek  when  they  saw  a  little  deserted  house  at  a  rock's  foot. 
They  set  an  eye  to  the  window,  and  there  was  a  cock  plaiting  a  straw  rope 
with  the  spurs  of  one  foot  and  playing  a  whistle  with  the  other  foot.  He 
invited  them  in ;  he  would  play  them  the  Chickens'  Lament  till  food  was 
ready.  So  it  was.  The  cock  gave  them  food  and  drink,  music  and  con- 
versation, and  at  the  dusk  of  evening  they  left. 

The  stonechat  set  his  face  to  the  east  and  flew ;  with  the  speed  of  his 
going  he  would  leave  the  swift  spring  wind  far  behind.  In  the  mouth  of 
lateness,  he  alighted  on  a  smooth  grey  flag  before  a  cottage,  and  the  butter- 
fly knew  that  this  was  the  end  of  his  journey.  A  fence  of  trees  was  round 
the  house,  with  apples  of  gold  growing  on  them ;  dew  milk  on  the  head  of 
each  small  blade  of  grass.  The  windows  of  the  cottage  were  like  a  mirror, 
and  thrushes  sang  music  on  every  bush.  They  went  in ;  and  sitting  in  a 
room  they  saw  the  maiden  of  golden-yellow  locks,  a  maid  mild  as  night, 
beautiful  as  the  sun,  faithful  as  the  echo  of  the  rocks. 

'  Welcome  to  the  butterfly,'  said  the  maiden ;  '  great  is  your  travel,  long 
your  journey.  I  dreamed  last  night  that  you  would  come  to-day.'  The  golden 
circlet  that  was  on  the  butterfly's  foot  leaped  on  the  maiden's  arm ;  the  cowries 
leaped  and  settled  themselves  in  her  bosom ;  and  the  butterfly  knew  that  she 
was  his  heart's  desire  :  he  stood  on  one  foot  and  saluted  her  and  kissed  her. 
The  stonechat  drank  his  fill  of  the  breath  of  the  skies ;  he  set  his  back  to  the 
east  and  his  face  to  the  west ;  he  left  wind  and  storm-rain  behind,  and  he 
sped  over  rivers,  over  fields,  over  bens  and  glens,  to  the  green  isle,  to  tell 
the  swan  of  the  butterfly's  journey.  The  butterfly  folded  the  maiden  in 
his  wings,  and  set  his  face  for  the  daisy  where  he  had  left  the  fly  asleep. 
The  fly  awoke;  she  looked  on  the  maid  of  golden-yellow  locks,  and  she 
crooked  her  nose  again  at  the  marvel  of  her  beauty. 

A  wedding  was  made  on  a  ragweed's  top  that  lasted  for  a  day  and  a 
year;  every  insect  of  the  plain  and  every  bird  of  the  air  was  invited. 
The  oyster-catcher  got  drunk  and  attacked  the  gulls ;  they  screamed  at  the 
curlews.  The  peewit  got  drunk  on  snufF  and  assaulted  the  sea-swallows. 
The  coots  piped  and  the  ants  danced.  When  the  wedding  was  over,  the 
butterfly  raised  his  wings,  and  he  and  his  wife  left  for  the  cottage  at  the 
bounds  of  the  Land  of  Calm.    And  if  no  lie  was  told  me,  they  are  there  still. 

BOOK  REVIEWS 

Clem  Donald.      By  the  Rev.   A.   MacDonald,   Minister    of    Killearnan, 
and  the  Rev.  A.  MacDonald,  Minister  of  Kiltarlity.     Inverness : 
Northern  Counties  Publishing  Co.     21s.  net. 
After  the  lapse  of  a  long  interval  since  the  publication  of  volume  ii.,  we 

are  now  able  to  welcome  the  appearance  of  the  third  volume  of  the  history 


BOOK  REVIEWS  18X 

of  Clan  Donald.  It  is  printed  and  bound  in  style  uniform  with  the  two 
preceding  volumes. 

This  third  book  contains  the  history  of  the  Sleat  family,  and  that 
fittingly  enough,  when  we  consider  the  authors'  theory  of  the  chiefship  set 
forth  at  length  in  their  third  chapter.  There  are  many  clansmen  who  will 
dissent  from  the  view  taken  in  this  work  as  to  the  rightful  chief  of  the  Clan. 
Since  the  Clan  has  been  divided,  no  chief  of  the  name  has  led  the  whole 
Clan,  and  the  question  must  therefore  be  settled  on  different  premises  from 
those  admitted  and  approved  by  the  authors  of  Clan  Donald. 

Without  doubt  this  volume  is  the  most  interesting  and  the  best  of  the 
three  from  an  antiquarian  point  of  view.  It  is  the  result  of  much  and 
painstaking  labour,  and,  as  we  know  on  good  authority,  years  have  been 
passed  in  collecting  and  arranging  details  of  genealogies.  The  collection 
too  is  a  successful  one  and  many  of  the  pedigrees  contained  therein  appear 
in  print  for  the  first  time.  It  is  to  be  regretted  that  the  authors  had  not  at 
hand  a  more  plentiful  supply  of  dates ;  readers  interested  would  moreover 
be  glad  to  know  the  names  of  the  wives  of  many  of  the  individuals  figuring 
in  the  genealogies. 

One  point  that  has  struck  us  forcibly  is  what  we  may  call  the  authors' 
penchant  towards  legitimating  individuals  who  are  generally  considered  not 
to  have  been  born  in  wedlock,  A  case  in  point  is  that  of  Black  John  of 
Bohuntin.  We  are  told  (vol.  iii.  p.  425)  that  in  the  Charter  Chest  of  Lord 
MacDonald  there  is  an  original  document  in  which  it  is  expressly  stated 
that  John  was  the  'third  lawful  son  of  Ranald  MacDonald  Glass  of 
Keppoch.' 

The  authors  preface  the  above  by  a  statement,  which,  if  correct,  very 
materially  detracts  from  the  value  of  their  work — '  tradition  has  been  found 
to  have  been  invariably  very  wide  of  the  mark  when  looked  at  in  the  light 
of  authentic  documentary  evidence.'  Had  the  reverend  gentlemen  kept 
this  statement  '  invariably '  before  their  minds  during  the  course  of  their 
work,  much  that  is  interesting  would  have  had  to  be  discarded,  and  we  have 
no  doubt  that  much  that  is  authentic  history,  resting  solely  on  tradition, 
would  have  had  to  be  rejected,  and  as  a  natural  consequence  the  three 
volumes  would  have  been  of  considerably  less  bulky  proportions.  In 
the  present  case  they  have  neglected  to  inform  us  as  to  the  authority  of 
this  original  document  in  Lord  MacDonald's  Charter  Chest,  neither  have 
they  given  its  date,  and  we  may  be  excused  if  meanwhile  we  believe  in 
the  tradition  which  is  still  unquestioned  in  Lochaber  and  amongst  all  his 
descendants  there,  that  Black  John  of  Bohuntin  was  not  only  an  illegitimate 
but  also  an  adulterous  son  of  Eanald  Mor  of  Keppoch. 

Again,  in  the  instance  of  Donald  Gallach,  we  are  told  on  page  9,  vol  iii., 
that  'our  entire  information  regarding  him  is  based  upon  tradition,'  but  the 
bias  in  favour  of  legitimacy  so  characteristic  of  our  authors  has  led  them  to 
write  that  Donald's  father  '  formed  a  matrimonial  alliance  '  with  the  daughter 
of  the  Crowner  of  Caithness  whilst  on  his  return  from  a  raiding  expedition 


182  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

to  the  Orkneys.  The  authority  for  this  statement,  historical  or  traditionary, 
is  the  following :  *  Austine  {i.e.  Hugh  of  Sleat)  having  halted  at  Caithness,  he 
got  a  son  by  the  Crowner  of  Caithness'  daughter,  of  the  name  of  Emma.  .  .  . 
This  son  was  called  Donald  Gallich,  being  brought  up  in  that  country  in  his 
younger  years.' — Collectanea  de  Rebus  Alhan.,  p.  307.  The  impartial  reader 
may  judge  of  the  nature  of  that  *  matrimonial  alliance '  in  which  the  lady 
and  son  are  not  for  years  taken  to  the  home  of  the  child's  father.  The 
bearing  of  Hugh's  only  legitimate  son  towards  his  brothers  is  intelligible  only 
when  viewed  in  the  light  of  his  knowledge  of  their  illegitimacy. 

In  their  chapter  on  the  Chiefship  we  consider  that  the  authors  of  Clan 
Donald  have  slipped  into  a  serious  error  on  this  same  subject  of  legitimacy 
and  its  bearing  on  handfast  marriages. 

We  are  referred  to  vol.  i.  (p.  432).  In  that  volume  and  in  the  present 
they  appear  to  us  to  have  misunderstood  the  relation  of  the  Canon  Law  to 
the  Civil  Law  of  the  time.  Before  the  Reformation,  as  regards  marriage,  the 
Canon  Law  was  the  law  of  the  land,  and  it  is  therefore  absurd  to  say,  as  in 
vol.  i.,  that  a  '  marriage  became  good  in  law  without  the  imprimatur  of  the 
Church.'  It  is  more  so  to  assert,  as  in  present  volume  (p.  163),  that  'these 
marriages  were  not  solemnised  by  the  Church,'  and  yet  that  '  their  oflFspring 
was  regarded  as  legitimate  by  the  Canon  Law  of  the  Church.'  As  Canon 
Law  this  is  startling — the  statements  are  self-contradictory.  The  Church 
never  recognised  handfast  marriages,  neither  did  she  consider  their  offspring 
as  legitimate. 

We  might  point  out  that  the  fourth  degree  of  kindred  in  the  phraseology 
of  Canonists  is  not  fourth  but  third  cousinship. 

In  a  work  which  not  only  aims  at  being  the  last  word  on  the  subject  but 
advances  several  novel  theories  the  least  one  would  look  for  would  be  a  com- 
plete and  careful  reference  to  authorities  that  the  student  might  be  able  to 
satisfy  himself  by  referring  to  the  works  cited. 

This  blemish,  whilst  rendering  disproof  impossible,  prevents  the  work 
becoming  a  standard  authority.  To  cite  merely  one  instance,  in  vol.  ii. 
(p.  18),  the  authors  congratulate  themselves  on  discovering  that  Christina 
Nic  Ruari  was  Countess  of  Mar  and  mother-in-law  of  Bruce.  No  authority 
of  any  kind  is  quoted  in  support  of  this  statement.  Something  more  than 
the  mere  dictum  of  the  reverend  authors  is  required  to  convince  the 
sceptic. 

The  historical  argument  is  also  seriously  impaired  for  the  general  reader 
by  the  neglect  to  render  into  English,  Gaelic  quotations,  many  of  which  are 
beyond  the  ability  of  all  but  accomplished  Gaelic  scholars  to  translate: 
e.g.  vol.  iii.,  p.  572 — 

'  Bha  ini  eolach  a'  d'  thalla 
'S  bha  mi  steach  ann  a'  d'  sheomar.' 

conveys  nothing  to  the  mere  English  reader. 

In  the  matter  of  indices  our  authors  seem  to  be  of  one  mind  with  Dean 


BOOK  REVIEWS  183 

Swift  who  regarded  them  as  an  Hebraical  method  of  reading  books,  begin- 
ning where  others  usually  leave  off — a  compendious  way  of  coming  to  an 
acquaintance  with  an  author — in  which  the  writer  is  used  like  a  lobster,  the 
best  meat  being  looked  for  in  the  tail  and  the  body  placed  on  the  dish.  But 
the  twentieth  century  student  will  have  his  way,  and  the  lack  of  a  good 
index  is  a  serious  defect. 

In  conclusion  we  may  congratulate  our  learned  authors  on  the  valuable 
material  they  have  brought  together,  more  particularly  for  the  wealth 
of  genealogical  information  in  the  third  volume,  and  whilst  thanking  them 
for  their  efforts,  we  trust  that  the  day  is  not  far  distant  when  a  new  edition 
will  have  discarded  these,  and  other  defects.  '  Creag  an  Fhithich.' 


Y  Cymmrodor,  Vol.  xviii.    London,  1905. 

The  valuable  Magazine  of  the  Honourable  Society  of  Cymmrodorion  has 
printed  many  able  and  learned  papers  illustrative  of  the  History,  Literature, 
and  Antiquities  of  Wales.  This  latest  volume  of  the  Society  consists  of 
nearly  two  hundred  pages,  and  is  wholly  taken  up  with  one  article,  than 
which  none  of  its  predecessors  is  more  interesting  to  Welsh,  and  especially 
to  Gaelic,  scholars.  It  is  a  searching  inquiry  by  Principal  Khys  into  the 
origin  of  the  Welsh  Englyn  and  kindred  metres,  among  which  the  Retoric  or 
*  Eun '  of  Old  Gaelic  Tales  is  included.  Some  seventy  years  ago  a  Welsh 
scholar,  the  Kev.  Rice  Rees,  observed  that  an  old  Latin  inscription  found  in 
Carmarthenshire  was  in  verse,  and  could,  without  much  difl&culty,  be  written 
out  in  two  hexameters.     The  inscription  reads : — 

Seruatur  fidaei  His  faith  he  kept, 

Patrieq(ue)  semper  He  loved  his  country  well — 

Amator  hie  Paulin  Here,  mindful  of  the  right, 

us  jacit  cultor  pienti  Does  Paulinus  dwell. 
Siraus  aequi 

In  literary  Latin,  the  inscription  would  run : — 
Servator  fidei,  patriaeque  semper  amator. 
Hie  Paulinus  jacet,  cultor  pie(n)tissimus  aequi. 

And  keeping  in  view  the  Celt's  substitution  of  stress  for  quantity  in  verse, 
the  lines  would  scan  as  follows  : — 

Servdtor  |  fidei  |  patri  |  aeque  |  semper  a  |  mdtor 
Hlc  Pau  I  linus  |  jacet  |  cultor  p(i)en  |  tissimus  |  fequi 

Principal  Rhys  has  examined  the  old  inscriptions  of  South  Britain,  and 
has  found  a  large  number  of  them  capable  of  being  read  in  lines  of  verse- 
hexameters,  full  or  curtailed,  pentameters,  etc.  The  South  Britains,  by 
long  contact  with  Roman  civilisation,  acquired  a  knowledge  of  Latin  verse- 
structure.  They  assimilated  the  knowledge,  and  adapted  it  to  suit  the 
genius  of  their  own  tongue.  Roman  verse,  borrowed  from  the  Greeks,  was 
based  upon  the  quantity  of  the  syllable,  long  or  short.     To  what  extent  it 


184  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

preserved  the  purity  of  classical  times  by  the  time  it  passed  to  the  Celt  is  a 
moot  point.  But  by  the  latter  it  was  modified  in  an  essential  degree.  The 
Celt  made  the  stress  of  the  syllable,  not  the  quantity  of  it,  the  dominating 
feature  of  the  line.  The  Gael,  who  did  not  come  directly  in  contact  with 
the  Eoman,  probably  acquired  his  knowledge  of  Latin  verse  from  the 
Briton.  Anyhow,  he  modified  it  in  the  same  way.  Accordingly,  we  find 
the  old  hymns  written  in  Latin  by  the  Gaelic  missionaries  abounding  in 
what,  from  a  classical  standpoint,  would  be  a  great  disregard  of  quantity. 
Principal  Rhys's  view  is  that  both  Briton  and  Gael  adopted  the  Latin 
metres,  thus  modified,  and  wrote  their  early  poetry  which  now  survives  in 
Englyn  and  Retoric  upon  this  model.  In  adjusting  the  inscription,  or  the 
old  stanza,  so  as  to  make  it  read  as  a  modified  hexameter  or  pentameter 
line,  a  considerable  amount  of  manipulating  and  conjecture  is  necessary. 
The  writings  are  very  old,  and  the  readings  too  frequently  very  uncertain. 
But  there  is  a  sufficient  body  of  fairly  reliable  material  to  make  the  theory, 
if  not  mathematically  demonstrable,  as  probable  as  it  is  undoubtedly 
original.  Here,  for  example,  is  a  specimen  of  how  a  Gaelic  retoric  is 
treated.  Professor  Windisch  printed  from  The  Booh  of  the  Dim  (Cow)  a 
short  fairy  tale  as  a  suitable  reading  lesson  in  his  Kurzgefasste  Irische 
Grammatik  (Leipzig,  1879).  It  is  entitled  Edra  Condla  Chaim  maic  Chuind 
Chetchaihaig.  Condla  was  one  day  with  his  father  Conn,  from  whom  the 
Macdonalds  claim  descent,  in  Upper  Uisnech,  when  a  brilliant  lady  from 
Faery  appeared  and  invited  Condla  to  Mag  Mell,  '  plain  of  delight.'  No 
one  saw  the  lady  but  Condla.  His  father  asks  whom  he  is  speaking  to, 
and  the  lady  replies  as  follows : — Adgladadar  mndi  n-6ic  n-dlaind  sochenedil, 
nad  fresci  bos  na  sentaid.  Bo  charus  Condla  Buad,  cotngairim  do  Maig  Mell, 
inid  ri  Boadag  hidsuthain,  ri  cen  gol  cen  mairg  inna  thir  6  gabais  flaith.  '  He 
speaks  to  a  young  woman,  fair,  of  high  descent,  who  is  not  subject  to  death 
or  old  age.  I  have  loved  Condla  the  Eed ;  I  invite  you  to  Fairyland,  where 
reigns  Boadach  the  ever-living,  a  King  without  wail  or  woe  in  his  land,  since 
he  began  to  rule.'  Professor  Windisch,  more  than  twenty  years  ago,  saw 
that  the  above  and  similar  passages  in  this  tale  and  elsewhere  were  con- 
structed in  some  kind  of  verse,  and  wrote  out  one  or  two  of  them  in  two 
contributions  to  the  Bevue  Celtique  (vol.  v,  pp.  389-91 ;  478-9).  Here  is  the 
arrangement  of  this  Betoric  by  Principal  Rhys  : — 

Adglad  I  adar  |  mndi  n-6ic  |  n-alaind  |  sochenedil  ||  11  syllables. 

nad  fresci  |  bd.s  na  sent  |  aid  ||  7        ,, 

Ro  charus  |  Condla  |  Eudd  cot  |  ngairim  do  |  Maig  Mell  ||  12        „ 

Inid  ri  |  B6adag  bid  |  suthain  rl  |  cen  gol  |  cen  mairg  ||  13        „ 

inna  thlr  |  6  gabais  |  flaith  {|  7        „  - 

that  is  to  say,  the  '  strophe  consists  of  three  curtailed  hexameters  and  two 
half -pentameters.'  It  would  be  a  most  interesting  study  to  examine  St. 
Patrick's  Hymn  and  the  principal  Betorics  or  'Runs'  of  Gaelic  Sagas  as 
preserved  in  the  old  MSS.  and  recovered  from  reciters,  with  the  view  to 
ascertain  how  far  they  could  be  written  out  in  lines  modelled  upon  Latin 


BOOK  REVIEWS  185 

versification.     In  any  view  of  it,  Principal  Ehys's  contribution  to  the  elucida- 
tion of  an  obscure  subject  is  of  the  utmost  importance. 

Don.  MACKINNON. 

The  Mabinogion  :  Medmval  Welsh  Romances,  Translated  by  Lady  Charlotte 
Guest.  With  Notes  by  Alfred  Nutt.  London :  David  Nutt, 
1904.     Fcap.  8vo,  pp.  xi,  384.     Price  2s.  6d.  cloth ;  3s.  6d.  leather. 

We  are  delighted  that  the  enterprise  of  Mr.  Nutt  in  issuing  at  a  low 
price  a  convenient  and  handsome  thin-paper  edition  of  the  Mabinogion, 
has  been  so  far  appreciated  that  a  new  edition  has  been  called  for  within 
two  years  and  a  half.  Lady  Guest's  translation  is  too  well  established 
to  need  any  introduction ;  and  this  reissue  is  substantially  her  rendering 
with  the  necessary  minimal  alterations  merely,  and  the  addition  of  learned 
notes  by  Mr.  Alfred  Nutt,  and,  now,  of  a  list  of  some  of  the  personal 
and  place  names  with  English  meanings — occasionally  more  ingenious  than 
successful,  but  that  only  where  success  seems  barely  possible — and  elucida- 
tions by  Mr.  Ivor  B.  John.  The  little  volume  makes  delightful  reading, 
even  for  those  who  cannot  read  the  original ;  but  however  great  its  charm 
may  be,  that  of  the  original  Welsh  is  far  greater.  The  language  of  the 
original  is  terse,  and  each  word  seems  to  have  a  living  sense  of  responsi- 
bility for  its  own  being  in  entire  harmony  with  all  its  comrades ;  and  the 
story  is  in  every  case  compressed  into  the  smallest  possible  number  of  words, 
throbbing  with  a  latent  rhythm  as  they  march  on,  while  its  colloquies 
are  the  most  idiomatic  conceivable.  Far  more  terse  is  the  Welsh  of  the 
Mabinogion  than  that  which,  under  the  influence  of  Welsh  litt6rateurs  and 
the  more  recent  recrudescence  of  pre-Aryan  idiom,  is  now  written  as 
literary  Welsh.  Lady  Guest's  rendering,  though  itself  terse  and  compact, 
is  necessarily  somewhat  diluted  as  compared  with  the  original :  and  we  con- 
fess that  we  do  not  share  Mr.  Alfred  Nutt's  apparent  hesitation  as  to  whether 
he  might  not  have  made  use  of  M.  Loth's  translation  into  French,  for  that 
is  still  more  smoothed  out  and  in  that  way  more  remote  from  the  spirit  of 
the  original.  We  are  satisfied  that,  for  English  readers,  Mr.  Nutt  has  done 
well  in  adhering  to  Lady  Guest's  rendering.  'Eiddin.' 

Reime  Celtique.    Paris :  Bouillon.     20  francs  per  annum. 

In  the  July  number  of  the  Revue  Celtique  the  learned  editor  writes  on  the 
interesting  subject  of  Celtic  gods  in  the  forms  of  animals.  Such  a  god  was 
the  famous  bull  which  caused  the  Tain  Bo  Chuailgne  and  other  bulls  of  ancient 
Gaelic  story.  These  animals  M.  d'Arbois  de  Jubainville  shows  to  have  been 
connected  with  similar  continental  gods,  and  also  with  personal  surnames  as, 
for  instance,  MacMahon,  O'Mahony  (and  he  might  have  added  Matheson)  from 
the  bear.     No  less  than  six  god  animals  are  instanced. 

M.  Victor  Toumeur  continues  the  Mystery  of  Ss.  Cr^pin  and  Crepinien. 

The  larger  part  of  the  number  is  occupied  by  Cornish  Studies  by 


186  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

Professor  Loth,  one  of  the  few  authorities  on  that  ancient  form  of  Celtic. 
Reviews  of  books  and  magazines  form  a  special  feature  of  the  Revue. 

Leoithne  Andeas.    By  Tadhg  O'Donnchadha.      Dublin:  Gill  and  Son, 

Is.  6d.  net. 

This  is  a  collection  of  poems  by  a  young  Irish  poet  who  also  writes 
under  the  pseudonym  of  T&t-na,  and  who  a  year  ago  had  the  distinction  of 
composing  the  Ode  for  the  Oireachtas.  Some  of  the  poems  here  given  are 
of  great  merit  and  read  very  beautifully.  Perhaps  some  of  the  laments  are 
among  the  best  work  in  the  book,  but  the  patriotic  poems  also  show  power. 
Mr.  O'Donoghue  has  tried,  very  successfully,  experiments  with  some  of  the 
old  Gaelic  metres,  and  an  interesting  preface  to  his  book  gives  some  explana- 
tion of  the  metres  used  and  also  some  notes  for  the  reading  of  Irish  verse.  The 
reading  of  verse  in  any  language  is  an  art  very  insufficiently  understood,  and 
comparatively  few  people  realise  the  full  beauty  of  the  sounds  used  or  the 
labour  which  a  true  poet  expends  in  getting  harmonious  and  musical  effects. 
This  little  book  is  published  under  the  auspices  of  the  Society  for  the 
Preservation  of  the  Irish  Language. 

An  Bhoramha  Laighean  (The  Leinster  Tribute).    By  T.  0.  Russell.   Dublin : 

Gill  and  Son.     Is.  net. 

This  ancient  tract  has  been  put  into  modern  Irish  Gaelic  by  Mr.  T.  0. 
Russell  in  an  excellent  manner. 

Dr.  Whitley  Stokes  has  already  translated  it  into  English  {Revue  Celtique, 
1892).  He  calls  it  a  mediaeval  historical  romance,  and  says  that  as  such  it 
takes  high  rank.  Describing  various  incidents,  he  continues,  'Surely  the 
man  who  wrote  these  passages  had  a  poet's  eye  as  well  as  a  poet's  power 
of  expression.'  Mr.  Russell  does  not  seem  to  have  taken  aught  from  the 
beauty  of  the  original,  and,  by  putting  it  into  modern  Gaelic,  he  has  brought 
it  within  the  reach  of  many  admirers  whose  time  or  talents  do  not  admit 
of  their  studying  the  original.  He  has  done,  in  fact,  what  successive 
generations  of  seanchies  always  did  for  the  folk-tales  which  were  in  current 
recital  by  the  peat-fires,  for  they  modernised  them  just  sufficiently  to  bring 
them  within  the  understanding  of  their  hearers  without  taking  away  the 
archaic  feeling.  A  preface,  appendix,  and  notes  supply  much  interesting 
information  which  will  help  the  reader  to  a  better  appreciation  of  the  story. 

The  Colloquy  of  the  Two  Sages.    By  Whitley    Stokes,   D.C.L.    Paris: 

Bouillon.  3  francs. 
Dr.  Whitley  Stokes  has  provided  for  us  a  translation  of  this  interesting 
dialogue — with  which  he  also  gives  the  Gaelic  text — based  on  the  three 
oldest  copies.  The  translator  places  the  date  of  the  composition  about 
the  tenth  century,  but  says  it  can  only  with  certainty  be  said  to  have 
been  composed  after  the  vikings,  '  the  men  of  the  black  spears,'  *  the  fair 


BOOK  REVIEWS  187 

stammerers,'  had  commenced  their  raids,  and  hefore  the  compilation  of  the 
Senchus  Mor.  If  we  are  not  mistaken  the  translation  has  already  appeared 
in  the  lievue  Celiique,  but  it  is  well  to  have  it  in  this  more  convenient 
form.  The  colloquy  is  in  regard  to  the  chief  poetship  of  Ulster  and  the 
wearing  of  the  robe  and  holding  of  the  privileges  of  the  office.  These  on 
the  death  of  Adnae  in  the  time  of  Conchobar  Mac  Nessa  had  been  bestowed 
on  Ferchertne.  This  was  told  by  a  sea  wave  to  Nede  the  young  son  of 
Adnae,  who  was  studying  in  Scotland  under  Eochu  Echb^l,  and  he  sets  out 
for  Emain  to  claim  his  father's  place.  Instigated  by  Bricriu  the  ever 
zealous  for  evil,  he  put  on  the  poet's  robe  and  seated  himself  in  the  poet's 
chair  in  the  absence  of  Ferchertne.  On  the  return  of  the  latter  the  con- 
versation takes  place,  and  if  obscure  and  difficult  to  understand  in  many 
points  is  full  of  interest  and  of  valuable  side-lights. 

It  is  difficult  to  follow  the  meaning  of  the  sages  in  many  cases,  but  there 
are  suggestions  of  hidden  depths  which  might  repay  investigation.  To 
understand  it  thoroughly  it  is  necessary  to  know  the  social  state  of  the 
Ireland  of  the  time  as  well  as  something  of  its  political  conditions.  The 
colloquy  ends  by  Nede  acknowledging  Ferchertne's  greatness  as  a  poet  and 
prophet,  and  kneeling  to  him  he  calls  him  his  father — a  thoroughly  manly 
giving  up  of  his  own  claims  to  the  chief  poet's  office. 

A  vocabulary  and  numerous  notes  add  to  the  value  of  this  careful 
rendering  by  our  father  of  Celtic  scholars. 

Caledonian  Medical  Journal.     Glasgow :  Macdougall,  68  Mitchell  Street.     Is. 

All  Scottish  medical  men  and  especially  all  Highland  medical  men, 
resident  in  Scotland  or  furth  of  it,  ought  to  be  members  of  the  society  which 
issues  this  excellent  journal.  By  joining  it  they  will  be  shoulder  to  shoulder 
with  their  Scottish  brethren  and  will  enjoy  much  good  fellowship,  but  above 
all  they  will  have  the  pleasure  of  helping  in  the  publication  of  much  interesting 
lore,  and  perhaps  a  larger  membership  would  induce  the  society  to  prepare 
and  publish  some  of  the  Gaelic  Medical  MSS.  in  the  Advocates'  Library  and 
elsewhere,  of  which  Dr.  George  Mackay  gave  such  an  interesting  account 
last  year,  and  one  of  which  was  more  particularly  described  some  two  or 
three  years  ago  by  Dr.  Cameron  Gillies.  This  is  work  essentially  for  such 
a  society. 

The  non-member  can  procure  the  numbers  of  this  magazine  for  Is.  a 
copy,  and  besides  such  MS.  work  as  is  mentioned  above  he  will  find  fascinat- 
ing papers  on  old  Highland  cures,  second-sight,  and  other  special  subjects 
appearing  from  time  to  time.  In  general,  perhaps  the  layman  should  not 
read  the  purely  medical  articles — as  he  may  fancy  himself  possessed  of 
every  ailment  mentioned ! — but  every  number  contains  some  articles  of 
general  interest.  A  specially  interesting  one  of  this  kind  in  the  current 
number  is  '  Early  Scandinavian  or  Gothic  Influences  in  Caledonia,'  by  W. 
Stewart,  M.D.,  the  year's  president. 


188  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

An  Deo-Ghreine.     Stirling :  Mackay.     3d.  monthly. 

This  is  the  magazine  of  An  Comunn  Gaidhealach,  and  is  intended  to 
further  the  objects  of  the  society.  That  it  is  under  the  editorship  of  Mr. 
Malcolm  Macfarlane  augurs  well  for  its  usefulness.  No  one  with  any 
knowledge  of  the  working  of  the  Comunn  will  disagree  with  us  when  we 
say  that,  during  the  years  of  the  existence  of  the  society,  no  member  has 
done  so  much  steady  and  solid  work  for  it  as  Mr.  Macfarlane. 

The  present  is  an  introductory  number  and  contains  articles  in  Gaelic  and 
English,  several  of  them  of  much  interest.  We  would  especially  mention 
that  by  Mr.  Donald  Mackechnie.  Future  numbers  will  doubtless  deal  in  a 
practical  manner  with  the  objects  which  the  Comunn  has  in  view,  and 
especially  with  Gaelic  propaganda  and  how  to  work  it.  The  main  aim 
must  be  to  get  at  the  Highland  people.  It  is  earnestly  to  be  hoped  that 
the  Comunn  Gaidhealach  will  be  supported  in  this  new  attempt,  and  that 
a  fair  chance  will  be  given  to  An  Deo-Ghreine.  If  we  took  our  language 
seriously  there  would  be  no  doubt  as  to  the  future  of  this  little  magazine, 
but  unfortunately  many  of  us  are  only  half-hearted.  The  M6d  in  Dingwall 
has  stirred  the  north,  however,  and  perhaps  our  race  will  not  much  longer 
be  describable  as  '  An  Fheinn  air  a  h-uilinn.'  A.  Macdonald. 

Guide  to  Gaelic  Conversation  and  Pronunciation.     By  L.  Macbean.     Stirling : 

Mackay.  Is.  6d.  net. 
The  fact  that  this  book  has  gone  to  a  second  edition  shows  that  it  is 
proving  a  help  to  those  for  whom  it  is  intended.  It  is  so  comprehensive  in 
its  subjects,  sentences,  and  idioms  that  it  cannot  but  be  useful  whether  the 
learner  regards  it  merely  as  a  means  of  getting  up  sentences,  or  as  a  help  to 
a  fuller  knowledge  and  a  supplement  to  grammar  and  dictionary,  or  to  Gaelic 
acquired  by  the  viva  voce  method. 

NOTES 

Notes  on  the  Study  of  Gaelic  : — continued — First  Year's  Course 

I  assume  that  the  aim  of  a  first  year's  course  is  to  enable  the  Gaelic- 
speaking  pupil  {a)  to  read  Gaelic ;  (&)  to  understand  and  apply  the  principles 
of  spelling ;  (c)  to  know  the  outlines  of  Gaelic  grammar. 

Reading  and  spelling  go  closely  together.  It  will  save  much  trouble  if, 
not  only  in  the  first  lessons,  but  throughout  the  whole  course,  continuous 
attention  is  directed  to  the  value  of  the  vowels  and  consonants,  and  their 
combinations.  This  lies  at  the  root  of  both  reading  and  spelling :  once  the 
functions  of  the  letters  are  understood,  there  will  be  comparatively  little 
difficulty.  Further,  it  will  be  found  that  even  young  children  can  be  in- 
terested in  the  part  played  by  lips,  tongue,  teeth,  and  palate  in  the  produc- 
tion of  sounds,  and  if  some  attention  is  paid  to  this  from  the  beginning,  it 
will  prove  at  once  an  assistance  and  a  practical  training  in  phonetics. 


NOTES  189 

A  beginning  may  be  made  with  blackboard  examples,  preferably  mono- 
syllables, to  illustrate  the  vowel  sounds  :  e.g.  cas,  cas ;  le,  gU,  gn^ ;  mir,  m\r ; 
tog,  bg,  hd;  cw,  diram.  Diphthongs  and  triphthongs  may  be  held  over, 
until  the  representation  of  the  simple  vowel  sounds  becomes  familiar.  The 
study  of  the  sounds  will,  of  course,  be  accompanied  by  {a)  pronunciation 
of  further  written  examples,  (b)  writing  of  dictated  examples.  A  similar 
method  may  be  followed  with  the  consonants,  mutable  and  immutable. 
The  *  broad '  and  the  '  slender '  (or  palatalised)  values  of  the  mutable  con- 
sonants (c,  d,  g,  I,  n,  r,  s,  t),  will  require  much  illustration :  e.g.  c^ch,  cioch ; 
dkn,  de,  etc.  Specially  important  is  the  differentiation  of  c,  g;  t,  d ;  b,  p: 
e.g.  mac,  raa.g ;  ite,  idir ;  leapa,  leaJaidh.  In  all  these  cases  the  diflference  is 
that  c,  t,p  are  accompanied  by  a  'puff'  or  ^sound  preceding;  g,  d,  b,  are 
not.  Note  also  marc,  mar^,  mara^.  The  only  double  consonants  in  Gaelic 
are  the  double  liquids  II,  nn,  rr,  and  these  require  special  attention.  Inter- 
vocalic II  is  hardly  distinguishable  from  I ;  cf.  baZach,  a  lad,  and  baWach, 
spotted.  Sometimes  the  only  guide  is  the  derivation :  e.g.  toll,  a  hole ; 
Tollaidh,  a  hollow  place,  which,  so  far  as  sound  goes,  might  be  written 
ToZaidh.     The  others  nn  and  rr  are  easier. 

After  some  experience  of  monosyllables  may  be  introduced  the  funda- 
mental rule  of  Gaelic  spelling,  Leathan  ri  leathan,  agus  cool  ri  cool,  '  broad  to 
broad,  and  narrow  to  narrow ' ;  or,  otherwise,  broad  consonants  must  be  in 
direct  contact  with  broad  vowels,  slender  consonants  with  slender  vowels. 
The  famous  rule  is  scientific  and  intelligible  only  in  the  case  of  the  eight 
mutable  consonants,  with  the  aspirates  ch,  dh,  gh.  Here  it  conveniently 
marks  the  distinction  of  broad  and  slender  consonantal  sounds.  In  the  case 
of  the  immutable  consonants  (b,  f,  m,  p),  which  admit  of  no  such  distinction, 
the  rule  is  adopted  only  for  the  sake  of  uniformity.  Thus  leabaidh  might 
be  spelled  lebidh,  without  violence  to  the  pronunciation.  It  is  as  well  to 
understand  at  once  that  the  rule  is  partly  scientific,  partly  conventional. 
Its  application  to  words  of  more  than  one  syllable  necessitates  some  explana- 
tion of  the  convoy  vowels,  clearly  set  forth  by  Dr.  A.  Macbain  and  Mr.  John 
Whyte  in  How  to  Learn  Gaelic,  to  which  this  reference  must  suffice. 
Further  details  of  spelling,  e.g.  the  use  (not  always  philologically  justifiable) 
of  th  to  separate  syllables,  may  be  left  to  the  teacher.  It  is  not  necessary 
or  desirable  that  reading  or  even  composition  of  simple  sentences  should  be 
deferred  until  all  these  principles  are  understood :  reading,  writing,  and 
theory  had  better  go  on  simultaneously.  After  some  progress  has  been 
made,  it  would  be  useful  to  exhibit  a  chart  of  the  principal  sounds,  for  pur- 
poses of  reference  and  revision.  The  pupils  might  write  out  examples  in 
"illustration. 

Gaelic-speaking  pupils,  or,  for  that  matter,  pupils  who  do  not  speak 
Gaelic,  can  be  taught  to  read  Gaelic  in  a  month.  There  will,  however, 
remain  much  to  be  done  in  respect  of  (a)  articulation,  (b)  dialectic  varieties, 
(c)  expression. 

(a)  Clear  and  distinct  articulation  is  of  the  utmost  importance.  Slurring 


190  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

and  indistinctness  are  the  natural  enemies  of  correct  spelling ;  conversely, 
spelling  is  immensely  helped  by  proper  articulation.  This  is  a  principle  that 
holds  good  for  all  languages,  not  least  for  Gaelic.  Some  dialects  are  much 
more  deliberate  in  enunciation  than  others :  in  Kintail,  for  instance,  one 
can  almost  time  the  long  vowels  by  the  watch.  Perhaps  the  Taileach  over- 
does it,  but  the  fault  is  on  the  right  side. 

(b)  It  is  desirable  that  in  reading — still  more  in  spelling,  except  for 
special  purposes — dialectic  variations  should  give  way  to  the  literary  or 
classical  form  as  represented  by  the  generally  accepted  spelling.  Some  such 
varieties,  indeed,  are  so  widespread  and  so  fixed  that  it  is  perhaps  as  well, 
in  reading  at  least,  simply  to  accept  them.  It  would  be  hopeless,  for 
instance,  to  convert  the  northern  Highlander  to  the  orthodox  Argyll  pro- 
nunciation of  ao  as  in  laogh,  taobh.  He  will  also  persist  in  saying  Tigheirn 
for  Tighearna  (the  latter  to  him  savours  of  irreverence),  and  feairn  for  fearna. 
The  widespread  diphthongising  of  eu  into  ia,  e.g.  feur  into  Jiar,  has  better 
claims  to  recognition  in  spelling,  but  even  here  it  is  probably  better  to 
accept  the  standard  classical  form,  especially  in  view  of  the  oblique  cases 
febir,  etc.  But  there  can  be  no  manner  of  doubt  as  to  the  incorrectness  of 
-adh  pronounced  as  -ag ;  each  made  into  yach ;  duine  into  duinne ;  fhusag  into 
febsag,  or  the  Strathspey  mhir  for  mathair.  All  such  are  intolerable  both  in 
reading  and  spelling.  Lists  of  such  as  occur  in  the  local  dialect  should  be 
drawn  up  and  kept  for  practice. 

(c)  Gaelic  reading,  like  English,  is  apt  to  be  monotonous.  One  good 
corrective  is  recitation  of  poetry  or  prose  stories,  with  proper  expression. 

Certain  common  mis-spellings  are  worth  noting  at  this  early  stage.  The 
following  should  have  g  not  d :  hirigh,  deagh,  6irigh  (the  noun),  sluagh, 
briagh,  laigh.  On  the  other  hand  Mridh  (future  tense),  and  deidh  require  d. 
In  point  of  sound  gh  and  dh  are  identical,  but  the  above  forms  are  philo- 
logically  correct.     So  also  are  giuthas,  abhainn. 

Exceptions  to  the  rule  of  'broad  to  broad,'  etc.,  are  Ugh,  so,  svd,  is  (verb 
and  conjunction). 

For  grammar,  it  should  suffice  for  the  first  year  to  master  the  article, 
noun,  and  adjective  singly  and  in  combination,  and  vrritten  composition 
might  well  be  restricted  to  this.  The  power  of  expression  is  best  developed 
at  this  stage  by  oral  accounts  of  what  was  done  or  seen  on  such  a  day,  and 
such  like  simple  exercises  involving  observation  and  description.  Idioms 
and  phrases  from  both  languages  should  be  specially  attended  to. 

For  beginners  in  reading  no  better  book  can  be  found  than  the  Gaelic 
Bible,  which  might  be  supplemented  by  the  extracts  given  in  How  to  Read 
Gaelic.  For  simple  exercises  from  English  into  Gaelic  Mr.  L.  Macbean's 
Lessons  in  Gaelic  will  be  found  useful ;  but  in  any  case  the  teacher  must 
construct  exercises  of  English  into  Gaelic  from  the  Gaelic  prose  pieces 
read.  W.  J.  Watson. 


NOTES  191 

The  Distribntion  of  British  Ability 

Looking  through  some  old  numbers  of  the  Monthly  Review  a  few  weeks  ago, 
my  attention  was  attracted  to  an  article  under  the  above  heading.  Readers 
may  be  interested  by  a  few  notes  drawn  from  it,  as  tending  to  show  how 
the  increased  obtrusiveness  of  the  Celtic  personality  is  continuously  bringing 
out  fresh  evidence  from  the  other  side,  and  how  new  Anglo-Saxon  warriors 
stand  up  to  battle. 

The  writer  of  the  article,  Mr.  Havelock  Ellis,  is  a  fair  and  liberal-minded 
man  enough,  but  quite  satisfied  that  England's  superiority  is  as  great  where 
genius  is  concerned  as  it  certainly  is  when  it  is  a  question  of  revenue  and 
resources. 

It  is  often  loosely  stated  that  to  the  Celtic  element  Great  Britain  as  a 
whole  owes  much  of  her  greatness,  and  I  have  wondered  by  what  chain  of 
evidence  the  Celtic  enthusiast  has  arrived  at  this  conclusion.  It  may  not  be 
unprofitable  to  learn  how  the  other  side  works  out  the  opposite  case. 

Mr.  Havelock  Ellis  introduces  his  subject  thus: — 'In  studying  the 
characteristics  of  British  genius,  the  first  and  most  elementary  question  we 
have  to  settle  is  the  distribution  of  British  ability  in  the  various  parts  of  the 
United  Kingdom.  It  is  desirable  to  determine  what  proportion  of  British 
genius  is  produced  respectively  by  England,  Scotland,  Ireland,  and  Wales. 
In  so  doing  it  is  obvious  that  we  shall  not  have  classified  our  British  men  of 
genius  strictly  according  to  race,  we  shall  not  even  have  determined  pre- 
cisely the  contribution  of  the  so-called  "Celtic"  element  to  British  genius, 
but  we  shall  have  taken  an  important  and  interesting  first  step.  This  is  the 
question  which,  in  the  course  of  a  somewhat  elaborate  study  of  the  character- 
istics of  British  men  of  genius  founded  mainly  on  the  Dictionary  of  National 
Biography,  I  have  made  an  attempt  to  answer,  I  find  that  among  30,000 
individuals  included  in  the  Dictionary  902  stand  out  as  of  pre-eminent 
ability,' 

First  let  us  ask.  Is  there  not  an  anomaly  in  talking  of  the  'contri- 
bution '  of  the  so-called  '  Celtic '  element  to  '  British '  genius  1  Latter-day 
ethnology  rather  points  to  it  that  the  Britains  were  Celts,  and  that  the 
British  survive  in  the  Welsh  of  to-day.  Secondly,  why  are  we  to  accept 
Mr,  Havelock  Ellis's  choice  of  902  out  of  30,000,  and  the  2  makes  us  feel 
there  was  no  particular  reason  why  the  enumerator  stopped  short  just  then. 
Why  not  pause  at  900 1 

There  is  something  very  Teutonic  in  this  soul-surrender  to  a  Dictionary — 
this  boiling  down  of  the  nation's  heritage  of  genius  to  902. 

After  writing  as  above  our  essayist  seems  to  have  been  struck  with  the 
idea  that  perhaps  his  selection  might  not  be  accepted  unknown,  and  adds  in 
a  note,  '  It  would  be  tedious  to  explain  here  the  principal  of  selection  by 
which  these  902  were  obtained,'  but  refers  us  to  a  series  of  articles  then 
appearing  in  the  Popular  Science  Journal.  He  goes  on  to  show  the  best  way 
of  determinating  place  of  origin  is  not  to  note  place  of  birth,  but  by  con- 


192  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

sidering  the  districts  to  which  the  subject's  fmr  grandparents  belong.  In 
only  a  very  small  proportion  of  cases  has  he  been  able  to  determine  the 
origins  of  all  four  grandparents,  and  has  considered  himself  fortunate  when 
able  to  tell  where  father  and  mother  came  from.  Often,  even  in  his  desire  to 
allot  his  geniuses  to  diflFerent  counties,  he  has  had  to  be  content  with  merely 
finding  out  where  the  father  came  from.  What  does  this  prove  as  to  the 
Celtic  or  Saxon  origin  of  British  genius  1  How  does  the  plan  of  leaving  the 
four  grandparents  outwork  1 

Supposing  a  Scottish  servant,  bearing  the  commonest  name  in  Scotland — 
Smith — accompanied  his  master's  daughter  south  on  her  marriage  to  an 
English  squire,  and  on  being  settled  in  employment  in  Hampshire  he  sent 
for  and  married  his  Scottish  sweetheart — Margaret  Millar — would  their 
son,  James  Smith,  born  in  the  New  Forest,  be  an  Englishman  because  Mr. 
Ellis  failed  to  find  out  from  their  very  ordinary  names  that  John  and 
Margaret,  his  parents,  were  from  Scotland.  Supposing  James  Smith  to  get 
a  good  education,  and  going  into  the  county  town  became  a  clerk,  worked 
his  way  up  married  an  English  girl,  Sophia  Barker,  and  fathered  a  genius 
of  the  name  of  William  Smith,  would  that  genius  go  to  the  English  credit  ? 
William  Smith,  philosopher  or  scientist,  would  figure  in  the  Dictionary  as 
the  son  of  James  Smith,  notary's  clerk,  of  Winchester,  and  Sophia  Barker 
of  Alton,  born  at  Winchester,  but  father  James's  sonship  to  John  Smith 
from  Scotland  would  not  appear,  and  more  than  likely  if  we  only  knew 
John's  father  was  Alasdair  MacGow  from  beyont  the  Highland  line.  But 
this  is  a  very  supposititious  case ;  let  us  invent  another. 

Suppose  Carroll  were  the  name  of  some  brilliant  painter  who,  rising  to 
fame,  would  be  included  in  some  future  National  Biography,  with  or  without 
an  R.A.  to  his  name.  His  birthplace  would  be  given  as  Cheltenham,  his 
father  an  Indian  officer  born  in  Yorkshire,  where  his  father  was  a  clergy- 
man. The  clergyman  himself  would  be  found  born  in  London,  the  son  of  a 
famous  Dr.  Carroll.  A  good,  clear  English  pedigree,  and  Mr.  Ellis,  in  all 
probability,  would  not  feel  bound  to  make  further  inquiries  after  the  doctor 
— great-grandfather  of  the  painter.  But  the  painter  might  hold  clear 
documentary  proof  that  Dr.  Carroll  was  the  lineal  representative  of  the  Ely 
O'Carrolls  of  the  King's  county,  none  the  less  genuine  because  in  his  youth 
Dr.  Carroll  left  Ireland  to  work  under  the  English  husband  of  his  only 
sister,  and  through  his  advice  dropped  his  distinguishing  0',  because  in 
early  nineteenth  century  days  people  mistrusted  O's  and  Macs.  I  have 
written  a  pure  romance,  but  will  add  a  third. 

The  name  of  Price  is  above  a  London  shop.  Let  us  imagine  a  Price  in 
Lancashire  whose  son  became  a  famous  mechanician  and  inventor — world- 
wide enough  to  be  included  in  the  fame-branding  Dictionary.  Price,  the 
inventor,  was  born  at  Wigan — like  his  father  before  him — but  the  grand- 
father's birthplace  is  unknown  to  the  Dictionary.  Local  information  and 
the  tell-tale  P  would  send  a  broader  minded  student  over  the  Welsh  border, 
and,  in  some  obscure  mountain  village,  tradition  would  tell  how  young  Hugh 


NOTES  193 

ap  Rice  went  away  in  search  of  work  with  his  Welsh  wife  and  child,  and 
that  in  Wigan  the  second  son  was  born  and  became  the  father  of  the 
famous  inventor,  but  the  elder  came  back  and  lived  and  died  among  old 
Hugh's  people,  and  so  connected  the  younger  with  his  real  place  of  origin. 

I  cannot  point  to  any  celebrities  called  Smith,  Carroll,  and  Price.  To 
the  average  Englishman  the  possessors  of  those  names  would  be  written 
down  English,  but  the  Celts  are  not  the  children  of  two  generations,  so 
they  absolutely  refuse  to  be  judged  by  the  place  of  birth  of  two  generations. 
They  go  out  into  far  lands  and  remain  Celts.  Where  would  Mr.  Ellis  place 
the  Glenaladale  McDonalds,  a  hundred  years  on  Prince  Edward's  Islands  ? 

Let  us  study  Mr.  Ellis's  exact  figures.  For  some  reason  he  does  not 
analyse  the  original  902  eminent  persons — they  have  shrunk  to  779. 
'  Speaking  generally,  it  is  found  that  598  eminent  British  men  and  women 
are  English,  117  Scotch,  41  Irish,  and  23  Welsh — that  is  78*8  per  cent. 
English,  15-3  Scotch,  5-3  Irish,  and  2-9  Welsh.'  If  we  are  allowed  to 
take  up  a  Pan-Celtic  attitude  we  see  181  Celts  as  against  598  Anglo- 
Saxons,  not  quite  a  fourth,  not  so  bad  a  proportion.  Viewed  as  three  separate 
units,  the  figures  afford  Mr.  Ellis  vast  satisfaction.  'The  preponderance 
of  the  English  contingent  is  enormous,  but  if  we  take  the  present  popula- 
tion as  a  basis,  it  is  a  reasonably  fair  distribution,  a  very  slight  excess 
over  the  first  proportion  being  accountable  by  the  greater  advantages  neces- 
sarily enjoyed  by  the  English.'  The  italics  are  mine,  and  every  Scotsman 
will  rise  up  and  refute  the  statement  that  the  English  enjoy  greater  advan- 
tages than  themselves.  Up  to  thirty  years  ago  the  percentage  of  illiterates 
was  lower  in  Scotland  than  in  England,  her  high  schools  and  her  universities 
are  second  to  none.  Lowland  and  Highland  have  loved  learning  for  its  own 
sake,  and  before  secondary  education  or  continuation  classes  were  thought 
of,  Scottish  farm  lads  attended  winter  classes  round  some  cottar's  fire. 

Coming  to  Wales,  Mr.  Ellis  allows  the  proportion  to  be  fair,  though 
below  what  it  should  be,  and  for  this  he  accounts  according  to  his  own 
ideas.  '  We  have  to  bear  in  mind  the  difficulty  of  a  language  not  recognised 
as  a  medium  of  civilisation.  As  regards  Scotland  and  Ireland  the  dis- 
crepancy is  marked,  the  contribution  of  Scotland  is  much  too  large,  that  of 
Ireland  much  too  small,  in  relation  to  the  population.  We  probably  have 
to  recognise  that  intellectual  aptitudes  are  especially  marked  among  the 
Scotch,  and  also  that  the  tendency  has  been  fostered  by  circumstances  since, 
as  is  well  known,  the  lowland  Scotch  are  almost  identical  in  racial  composition 
with  the  northern  English,  and  there  is  no  artificial  barriers  of  language.' 

Of  what  race  were  the  northern  English  1  How  sure  Mr.  Ellis  is  that  it 
ifi  to  English  blood  and  Lowland  strength  old  Scotland  owes  any  little 
superiority  he  may  allow  her.  Let  him  read  in  the  January  number  of  the 
Celtic  Review  Mr.  Ferguson's  statement  of  a  clear  case  against  a  Teutonic 
absorption  of  the  Celt  in  southern  Scotland,  maintaining  there  is  no  record 
of  permanent  successful  invasion  by  the  Angles  of  Northumbria,  and  only  a 
peaceful  settlement  of  Norman  barons. 

VOL.  II.  N 


194  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

The  Celtic  Revival  has  evidently  reached  Mr.  Ellis,  but  he  cannot  yet 
imagine  a  native  language  may  be  an  education  in  itself,  that  a  country 
may  be  busy  producing  native-speaking  genius  who  find  no  place  in  his 
Dictionary  or  amongst  the  magic  902. 

Listen  to  his  dictum  on  Ireland : — '  The  Irish  have  been  seriously 
hampered  by  geographical,  and  to  some  extent  by  linguistic,  barriers,  as 
well  as  by  unfortunate  political  circumstances,  in  contributing  their  due 
share  to  British  civilisation.'  How  do  you  define  British  civilisation?  I 
think  it  is  what  has  made  life  dull,  ugly,  commercial,  utilitarian  ;  it  is  what 
has  robbed  us  of  our  youth,  has  clipped  the  wings  of  our  minds.  Perhaps 
Ireland  of  the  future  will  be  able  to  teach  British  civilisation  to  learn  again 
what  it  had  forgotten — that  beauty  is  the  soul  of  the  world. 

Wales  and  the  Welsh  border  are  allowed  to  have  produced  many  soldiers 
and  divines,  to  a  slight  extent,  poets  and  musicians.  The  native  article  is,  of 
course,  tabooed.  Scotland  stands  at  the  head  as  regards  soldiers,  a  third 
going  to  her  account,  whilst  a  fourth  of  the  British  philosophers,  and  a 
fourth  of  the  men  of  science  are  credited  to  her,  and  nearly  all  the  great 
travellers,  explorers,  and  adventurers. 

Ireland  is  allowed  to  have  produced  more  than  her  share  of  soldiers,  and 
a  very  large  proportion  of  British  actors  and  actresses. 

Mr.  Ellis  adds  in  a  kindly  spirit : — '  The  genius  of  Ireland  is  a  curiously 
paradoxical  subject,  and  requires  a  study  in  itself.  Though  so  many  great 
men  have  been  associated  with  Ireland,  when  we  analyse  them  according  to 
race,  we  find  that  a  remarkably  large  proportion  of  them  are  of  English  or 
Scottish  descent.  Bishop  Berkeley,  for  instance,  is  often  called  an  Irish- 
man, yet  always  considered  himself  an  Englishman.  The  great  Irish 
patriots  have  usually  had  English  blood  in  their  veins,  and  have  sometimes 
even  been  proud  of  the  fact.  And  yet  while  this  is  so  Ireland  has  somehow 
had  the  art  of  imparting  some  of  her  subtlest  qualities  to  those  happy 
Englishmen  who  have  had  the  good  fortune  to  possess  some  slight  strain  of 
her  blood,  or  be  born  in  her  land,  or  even  lived  there  in  youth.  The  con- 
tribution of  Ireland  to  our  national  genius  cannot  well  be  stated  in  numerical 
values.' 

Here  again  a  native  greatness,  great  for  Ireland  and  in  Ireland,  does 
not  commend  itself  to  Mr.  Ellis.  He  would  not  include  the  O'Clerys, 
Keating,  O'Sullivan  Beare,  Mangan,  or  Sir  S.  Ferguson,  but  to  Ireland  they 
are  great.  The  average  Irishman  would  surrender  Bishop  Berkeley,  in 
spite  of  his  wise  observations  in  the  Querist,  without  a  pang,  and  the  great 
Irish  patriots  who  usually  had  English  blood  in  their  veins  more  often 
forgot  it  than  remembered  and  were  proud. 

Once  more  we  see  the  Celt  excelling  in  the  lighter,  chivalrous  side  of 
life — leaders  of  men,  seekers  of  adventure,  imaginative  dissemblers  on  the 
stage  of  life.  Our  article-writer,  however,  sees  but  a  proof  that  when  con- 
ducted on  a  broad  and  impartial  basis  '  a  survey  of  the  racial  elements  of 
genius  effectually  puts  out  of  court  those  who  contend  that  the  intellectual 


NOTES  195 

ability  of  Great  Britain  belongs  exclusively,  or  even  in  some  disproportion- 
ately high  degree,  to  one  racial  element  only.'  Certain  words  of  Matthew 
Arnold's  might  be  so  interpreted,  but  the  Celts  themselves  do  not  arrogate 
any  such  position.  They  only  seek  to  prove  by  every  means  in  their  power 
that  they  are  still  a  living  people  with  a  living  language,  which  has  a  right 
to  live  and  shall  live,  and  knowing  that  if  their  various  peoples  gather 
together  and  act  in  unity,  they  constitute  a  formidable  and  intellectual 
nationality  from  which  great  things  may  yet  arise. 

Louisa  E.  Farquharson. 


An  Undetected  Norse  Loan-Word 

It  is  the  Gaelic  pramh,  as  thus  used  : — 

1.  Am  bheil  ann  ach  hruailkan  prkmh, 
A's  lionn-dubh  mna,  a  Dheirdire. 

Deirdire,  ed.  A.  Carmichael,  1905,  p.  68, 

and  rendered  therein  : — 

It  is  but  the  disturbance  of  sleep, 

And  woman's  melancholy,  0  Deirdire  ! 

2.  'Nuair  labhradh  e  joramhail 

Bu  chr^iteach  mo  chridhe  'm  chorp. 

Sar-Obair,  ed.  J.  Mackenzie,  p.  382, 
where    the   reference   is   on  the  part  of  a  young  maid  to  the  depressed 
mental  state  of  an  old  man. 

3.  Gur  e  a  mheudaich  dhomh  am  pramh 
'S  a  dh'  fhag  mo  chadal  luaineach. 

Oranaiche,  ed.  Sinclair,  p.  7. 

4.  'S  nuair  a  ghabh  mi'n  sin  fadachd 
Chaidh  mi'n  leabaidh  fo  pramh  (sic). 

Ibid.  p.  255. 

5.  'Nuair  a  thug  thu  do  chiil  rium 
Shil  mo  shiiilean  gu  lar, 

Cha'n  eil  stkth  dhomh  bhi'g  innseadh 
Gu'm  bheil  m'inntinn  fo  phramh. 

Ibid. 

6.  Mar  shionnach  nam  fuar-bheann  fo  phramh. 
'S  mo  smuaintean  gu  truagh  dhomh. 

Ibid.  p.  229. 


196  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

7.  Bu  tu  mo  chiad  leannan  gun  aithne  do  chach, 
S  mi  nise  fo  phramh  ga  d'iunndrainn. 

Ibid.  p.  44. 

8.  Cha  chreideadh  tu'n  comhradh  nam  b'e61  dhuit  a  mheud 
Sa  tha  do  chion-falaich  air  m'aigne  gach  la, 

S  mo  spiorad  fo  phramh  'ga  ghiulan. 

Ibid.  p.  45. 

9.  priam  a  chadail. 

Dain  Iain  Ghobha,   stanza  Ixvi.,   of  the  poem  An 

DuirC  bg  's  an  seann-duine ; 
here  priam  has  assonance  with  nial. 

10.  pr^amh  at  Blair  in  Athole  (Rev.  C.  M.  Robertson). 

11.  tha  a'  ghrian  fo  phramh  =  the  sun  is  eclipsed  (phrase). 

13.  cn^mh-chadail,  a  slumber,  a  doze;  also  craimh-chadail, 
cf.  pramh-chadail  (Rev.  C.  M.  Robertson,  vol.  24,  Trans. 
Gael.  Soc.  Inv.,  p.  356). 

But  consider  here  : — cnamhuin,  '  gangrene ' ;  E.  Ir.  cnam, 
'gnawing,'  cnamhanach,  'fretting,'  or  malignant  leprosy. 
Leviticus,  xiii.  51. 
cn^mhag  theine,  '  embers.' 

The  native  Gaelic  cndm,  in  sense  of  '  decay,  waste  away,'  may  have  led 
to  some  confusion.  But  the  vocalic  variants  b,  ia,  a,  point  to  the  Norse 
krim,  f.  gen.  kramar,  a  pining,  wasting  sickness.  The  verb  is  kremja, 
preterite,  kramdi  (M.  H.  Ger.  krimme),  to  squeeze,  bruise ;  reflex,  to  pinch, 
to  pine,  from  a  wasting  sickness.  The  primary  sense  of  pramh  is  that 
of  spiritual  or  mental  pining,  heart-languishing ;  the  secondary  sense  is  the 
disturbance  of  sleep  which  arises  therefrom. 

The  variations  in  the  Gaelic  vowels,  priam,  prhamh,  pi'cmth,  arise  from  the 
Norse  variants,  6,  a,  e.  If  we  start  from  the  Gaelic  fo  chnamh,  it  is  interest- 
ing to  recollect  the  Irish  pronunciation  of  ch  as  /,  e.g.  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Roscommon,  as  fuaidh  for  chuaidh,  '  went.'  But  I  do  not  recollect  to 
have  seen  this  word  in  Irish  Gaelic.  In  Scotland  ch  passes  readily  into 
h  in  such  a  combination.  Recollect  also  that  MacAlpine  writes,  for  Islay, 
loch-cha,  i.e.  leotha,  'with  them.'  In  the  phrase  fo  chramh,  sounded  in 
quick  speech  as  fo  hamh,  it  would,  in  any  case,  conduce  to  ease  of  pro- 
nunciation to  introduce  the  digamma  /,  giving  fo  framh,  written  phramh, 
which  when  *  de-aspirated,'  gave  pramh;  cf.  fosgail,  'open,'  for  osgail; 
fradharc,  '  sight,'  for  radharc. 

The  word  is  Norse,  and  still  retains  its  primary  sense  of  '  a  pining, 
wasting  sickness,'  especially  of  heart,  mind,  and  feeling.  And  in  the 
light  of  the  introduction  of  the  prosthetic/,  and  of  de-aspiration,  prd,mh  need 
not  be  classed  among  the  '  few  instances  of  the  correspondence  of  c  to  ^ ' ; 


NOTES  197 

the  original  Norse  had  a  k  sound,  and  through  regular  sound  changes  it 
has  become  pramh  in  Gaelic,  with  the  form  cnamh,  reminiscent  of  its 
original  Norse  form,  and  strengthened  by  the  influence  of  the  native  cnamh. 
I  agree  with  Mr.  Robertson  when  he  says  in  his  excellent  paper  on  the 
'  "Variations  of  Gaelic  Loan-Words,'  that  the  different  forms  of  this  word 
suggest  borrowing.  George  Henderson. 


Fragments  relating  to  the  Saxon  Invasion  from  an  unknown 
Canterbury  chronicle 

A  good  many  years  ago  I  referenced  and  bound  a  large  number  of  leaves 
of  MSS.  which  had  been  extracted  (mostly  before  1882)  from  the  covers  of 
Bodleian  books.  Among  them  were  many  Latin  chronicle-fragments  in 
similar  writing — of  the  first  half  of  the  twelfth  century — and  of  the  same 
dimensions  (10  x  7  in.) :  moreover,  the  bindings  out  of  which  they  had  come 
were  all  executed  (Mr.  S.  Gibson  tells  me)  in  the  same  Oxford  binding  about 
the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century.  One  of  the  leaves,^  commencing 
a  chronicle,  is  headed,  in  a  twelfth  century  hand,  '  Cronica  iperfecta ',  and  I 
have  now  no  doubt  that  the  entire  collection  formed  part  of  the  volume  of 
'  Cronica  inperfecta '  which  is  no.  283  in  Prior  Eastry's  catalogue  of  the 
library  of  Christ  Church,  Canterbury,  recently  printed  by  Dr.  M.  R.  James 
(p.  49). 

In  1899  I  saw  that  these  fragments  fell  into  two  distinct  groups,  and  I 
re-referenced  them  and  re-bound  them  accordingly,  after  a  further  and  suc- 
cessful hunt  for  additional  related  fragments  in  other  Oxford  bindings. 

The  first  group  now  form  MS.  Lat.  misc.  d.  30  in  the  Bodleian.  Except 
the  leaf  headed  '  Cronica  iperfecta ',  which  is  a  chronology  of  emperors  from 
Augustus  to  Justinian,  they  are  all  part  of  a  chronicle  of  Old  Testament 
history.  Some  of  them,  including  the  verso  of  the  leaf  in  question,  have 
twenty-nine  lines  to  the  page.  I  shall  have  no  need  to  mention  them 
further. 

The  second  group  now  form  MS.  Lat.  misc.  d.  13.  They  are  part  of  a 
general  chronicle,  cover  the  period  a.d.  70-516,  and  are  all  from  the  pen  of 
one  scribe,  whose  hand  is  not  found  in  the  other  group,  and  who  always 
writes  twenty-nine  lines  to  the  page. 

It  is  with  the  latter  group  that  this  paper  is  concerned,  and  I  call  the 
chronicle  unknown  not  merely  because  of  my  long  and  unsuccessful  attempts 
to  identify  it,  but  because  neither  the  Rev.  C.  Plummer  nor  the  late  Prof. 
F.  York  Powell  was  able  to  recognise  it. 

I  append  notes  ^  of  passages  relating  to  the  Saxon  invasion,  and  of  corre- 

1  F,  20  in  MS.  Lat.  misc.  d.  30  in  the  Bodleian. 

2  For  coavenience  of  printing  I  have  always  used  dotted  i.  In  the  fragments 
there  is,  of  course,  no  dot,  but  sometimes  a  stroke,  and  sometimes  none. 


198  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

spending  entries  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  chronicles.  The  latter  I  indicate  by 
the  respective  letters  which  Mr.  Plummer  uses  in  his  Two  Saxon  Chronicles. 
The  dates  hardly  ever  agree. 

A.D.  466,  the  battle  near  Wippedes  fleot.  As  fleot  has  various  meanings,  and  the 
water  in  question  is  unknown,  the  words  *  prope  riuulum  qid  dicituv  Wip- 
pedes fleot '  are  important. 

A.D.  484,  .file's  battle  'iuxta  torrentewi  qui  dicitur  msercreder  burna* :  'torren- 
tetn'  is  a  new  particular,  important  because  the  stream  is  still  unidentified. 

A.D.  487,  Beginning  of  .^Esc's  reign  of  27  years),  which  JT  B-C  call  'xxiiii' 
winters,  E  'xxxiiii.' 

A.D.  495,  JElle  and  Cissa  besieged  *  ciuitatem  andredes ' — virtually  identical  with 
the  Anglo-Saxon  version,  but  'in  ore  gladii  perimerwrit'  (t.  o.  g.  is  a  Biblical 
phrase)  where  that  has  only  'ofslogon'.  A  Latin  entry  almost  identical  is 
found  under  490  in  F,  and  apparently  in  an  earlier  form,  for  it  has  perirmmt. 

A.D.  497,  Invasion  of  Gertie  and  Kyneric.  Similar  entry  in  3"  B-C  E,  and  both 
in  English  and  Latin  in  F. 

A.D.  501,  Invasion  of  Port,  Beado,  and  Megla.  Similarly  "X  B-C  E  (all  Bieda 
and  Msegla),  also  in  short  English  and  shorter  Latin  in  F,  with  Biedda  and 
Maegla  (Lat.  Mogla). 

A.D.  507,  Nataleod  and  5000  Britons  killed.  Almost  identical  Latin  entry  in  F, 
but  its  Anglo-Saxon  entry,  like  "X  B-C  E,  only  says  that  the  5000  were  with 
him  :  the  Latin  version  is  incredible,  and  obviously  arises  from  an  omission 
of  wera  (or  erant)  in  '  wera  mid  him'  (or  '  erant  cum  eo '). 

The  connexion  with  F  (MS.  Cott.  Domit.  A.  viii  in  the  British  Museum)  cannot 
be  doubted,  and  that  (Plummer,  Tivo  Saxon  Chronicles,  II.  cxxii)  was  made 
in  the  late  eleventh  or  early  twelfth  century  from  an  original  Saxon  chronicle 
belonging  to  St.  Augustine's,  Canterbury,  'for  the  use  of  the  neighbouring 
monastery  of  Christ  Church ' :  it  is,  in  fact,  no.  318  in  Prior  Eastry's  catalogue 
of  the  Christ  Church  Library  printed  by  Dr.  M,  R.  James  (p.  51).  Moreover, 
the  details  of  the  rivrdus  and  torrens  point  to  a  special  knowledge  of  the  S.E. 
corner  of  England,  and  I  have  no  doubt  that  the  fragments  were  written  at 
Canterbury. 

Entire    pages   relating  to   Hengist's    invasion  closely  resemble  the    Historia 
Brittonum,  the  Chartres  MS.  98,  and  Nennius,  though  the  narrative,  instead 
of  being  continuous,  is  distributed  under  various  years. 
The  following  passages  may  be  contrasted  with   Mommsen's  text  of  the  Historia 
Brittonum  and  Nennius  : — 

p.  179, 1. 1,  '  uocat«r  lingua  regis  cantia  guoralen  id  est  cantia  illitt*  qwi  uocabatwr 
guoralen.'  Here,  as  in  the  Historia  and  Nennius,  we  have  a  Welsh  corrup- 
tion of  Cantwaraland,  but  the  misinterpretation  is  unique  and '  lingua  regis'  (in 
the  King's  English  !)  is  peculiar,  the  Historia  and  Nennius  having  '  in  lingua 
eorum.'  No  such  variation  could  have  arisen  at  the  time  when  the  fragments 
were  written  (the  King's  language  then  being  Norman-French),  and  the 
phrase  suggests  a  region  and  period  in  which  part  of  the  population  still 
spoke  Keltic. 

p.  179, 1.  2,  '  in  nostra  autem  Chent' — where  'nostra'  means  British — is  omitted, 
and  so  is  the  following  passage  about  the  British  king  Guoyrancgon. 

p.  187, 11.  15-16,  '  in  lingua  eorum  Episford ':  '  eorum '  is  altered  to  * nosira'.  The 
following  words  '  in  nostra  autem  lingua  Rithergabail '  are  omitted. 


NOTES  199 

p.  187, 1.  18,  'Categirn'.  This  name  (  =  Gat4egirn,  battle-lord,  Welsh  catteyrn^) 
must  have  had  tt.  Our  fragments  habitually  use  e  and  §,  but  rarely  or  never 
re,  except  in  this  name,  which  they  write  Catcrgirn.  This  (e  is  almost  cer- 
tainly a  misreading  of  a  well-known  form  of  te,  and  indicates  an  earlier 
Cattegirn. 

The  invasion-pages  have  clearly  been  edited  by  an  Anglo-Saxon,  and  in  places 
they  are  shorter  than  the  Historia  Brittonum,  the  Chartres  MS.  98,  and 
Nennius,  as  well  as  abundant  in  various  readings.  The  only  native  author 
mentioned  in  the  text  of  the  MS.,  and  the  latest  author  mentioned,  is  Bede, 

On  the  mutilated  margin  of  f.  30,  against  the  year  495  (which  includes  a  notice 
of  the  capture  of  Andredes  ceaster),  is  the  entry  .  .  .  'oderici'.  I  conjecture 
this  to  mean  that  the  passage  referred  to  is  an  addition  of  Theodericus.  A 
Theodoricus  or  Thodoricius  appears  as  the  donor  of  two  books  to  Christ 
Church,  Canterbury,  and  Dr.  James  dates  him  '  cent,  xi,  xii ' :  he  may  have 
been  a  monk  who  brought  them  with  him  on  his  entrance. 

I  hope  some  time  to  ask  permission  of  the  librarians  of  the  College 
libraries  in  Oxford  to  examine  their  Oxford  bindings  of  the  early  seventeenth 
century  for  any  other  fragments  which  may  still  exist  of  this  very  curious 
chronicle.  E.  W.  B.  Nicholson. 


The  Scots  Magazine,  January  1802,  contains  the  following : — 
'Inverness,  Jan.  12. — Yesterday  Major  Macdonald,  with  the  last 
division  of  Lord  Macdonald's  Regiment  of  the  Isles,  under  the  command  of 
Lieut.-Colonel  M.  Macalister,  arrived  at  Fort  George  after  performing  a 
march  of  upwards  of  five  hundred  miles  from  Liverpool,  during  which  time 
the  inclemency  of  the  weather  was  such  as  would  have  impeded  almost  any 
other  corps,  except  Highlanders.  For  three  successive  marches,  from  Mon- 
trose to  Aberdeen,  they  had  to  cut  their  way  through  frost  and  snow,  which 
they  performed  with  the  greatest  alacrity,  working  with  their  spades  and 
shovels,  to  the  tune  of  their  Gaelic  songs,  and  not  a  single  man  of  those 
that  marched  from  Liverpool  was  left  behind.  From  Aberdeen  to  Banff  the 
drift  and  snow  was  often  such  as  to  prevent  their  seeing  one  another,  and 
obliged  them  for  security's  sake  to  link  each  other  by  the  arm  from  front  to 
rear.  Notwithstanding  all  this,  the  whole  upon  their  arrival  appeared  neat 
and  clean,  in  good  health  and  spirits,  and  seemingly  not  in  the  least  fatigued. 
Although  their  route  from  Carlisle  was  discretionary,  yet  they  still  continued 
their  march  (the  usual  halting  days  excepted)  until  their  arrival  at  the  Fort. 
It  may  not  perhaps  be  unworthy  of  remark  that  Fort  George  should  now  be 


1  'This  work'  [i.e.  Nennius]  'introduces  Arthur  as  the  Leader  of  War  ("dux 
belli ")'  [Mommsen's  text  is  bello7-iim]  '  in  accordance  with  the  Triads  and  other  ancient 
Welsh  records,  in  which  the  federal  sovereign  is  frequently  termed — Catteyrn,  or 
War-King, — and  his  monarchy — Catteyrnedd,  or  War  Sovereignty'  (note  on  page  356 
0  lolo  manuscripts). 


200  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

garrisoned  by  the  very  people  to  overawe  whom  it  was  originally  built,  a 
circumstance  somewhat  curious  to  think,  that  in  the  space  of  about  forty-five 
years  such  a  change  in  human  affairs  should  have  taken  place,  an  event, 
however,  equally  honourable  to  the  government  who  effected  it,  and  to  the 
Highlanders  themselves,  for  their  present  loyalty  and  attachment  to  the  best 
of  Kings.' 


A  PRAYER  TO  THE  ARCHANGELS 

The  original  of  this  is  contained  in  a  manuscript  in  the  Eoyal  Irish  Academy. 
The  Gaelic  and  translation  are  given  by  Mr.  T.  P.  O'Nowlan,  M.A.,  in  EHu. 

May  Gabriel  be  with  me  on  Sundays,  and  the  power  of  the  King  of 

Heaven. 
May  Gabriel  be  with  me  always  that  evil  may  not  come  to  me  nor  injury. 

Michael  on  Monday  I  speak  of,  my  mind  is  set  on  him. 

Not  with  any  one  do  I  compare  him  but  with  Jesus,  the  Son  of  Mary. 

If  it  be  Tuesday,  Raphael  I  mention,  until  the  end  comes,  for  my  help. 
One  of  the  seven  whom  I  beseech,  as  long  as  I  am  on  the  field  of  the  world. 

May  Uriel  be  with  me  on  Wednesdays,  the  abbot  with  high  nobility, 
Against  wound  and  against  danger,  against  the  sea  of  rough  wind. 

Sariel  on  Thursday  I  speak  of,  against  the  swift  waves  of  the  sea, 
Against  every  evil  that  comes  to  a  man,  against  every  disease  that  seizes 
him. 

On  the  day  of  the  second  fast  (Friday),  Rumiel — a  clear  blessing — I  have 

loved, 
I  say  only  the  truth,  good  the  friend  I  have  taken. 

May  Panchel  be  with  me  on  Saturdays,  as  long  as  I  am  on  the  yellow 
world 


May  the  Trinity  protect  me  !  may  the  Trinity  defend  me  ! 
May  the  Trinity  save  me  from  every  hurt,  from  every  danger ! 


THE    CELTIC   REVIEW 


JANUARY  15,  1906 


AN    FHIDEAG    AIRGID 
Amy  Murray 

{New  York) 

The  words  of  this  song  were  given  in  the  Celtic  Review 
for  October  1904,  and  I  was  so  interested  by  them,  that 
when  in  the  island  of  Eriskay  during  last  summer  I  noted 
down  the  following  beautiful  and  eifective  air  to  which 
they  are  sung. 


^qinie: 


U    ^    *", 


ft-ffVi  h  tr-^R 


ntit=|S: 


:f5=t!E: 


^^ 


1^=1^ 


I 


S    S    * 

Hi  ri     liuthil     6,  .  ,     Co    a  sheinneas  an    fhideag  airgid  ?  Ho  r6  hu-6 


=S^ 


g 


Ts~~ iii — F~r 


f 


tS=t5 


-^^-^ 


S    S    ^    ^- 

hiuthil  6,   Mac  mo  righ-s'  air  tigh'nn  a   dh'  Alba    Hi    ri     liuthil     6 


i 


^ 


^r^-^   "  J-f=j!^^_J! 


^ 


T^r'-i^-^-^ 


Air  luing  mhoir       thar   na    fairgeadh,      Ho  rd 
VOL.  II. 


hu(5 


hiuthil     6. 
O 


202  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

THE  GLENMASAN  MANUSCRIPT 

Professor  Mackinnon 
GAELIC  TEXT 

Imtusa  Fergusa  do  berar  6s  aird.  As  a  h-aitle  sin  do 
ronsat  comarli  cred  do  genddis.  Agus  is  i  comarli  do  ronsat 
gluasacht  rompa  siar.  Agus  rangatar  an  adaig  sin  co  tech 
Airne  mic  Duib  Dochlaidh  co  dunad  Locha  nan  Airne.  Agus 
do  eirigh  Airni  mac  Duib  agus  a  secht  n-derbraithri  .i.  na 
h- Airne  o'n  abar^  Loch  nan  Airne,  agus  do  feratar  failti  fri 
Fergus  co  micha?'r  muinntreamail.  Agus  do  coirged  tech 
an  hrugaid  acu.  Agus  tugad  Fergus  is  in  bruigin  ar 
sin  agus  Cormac  Conloinges  agus  na  maithi  dr  chena.  Agus 
Column  40.  ro  coirged  in  tech  co  sesgar  sodhamail,  agus  do  cuired  Fergus  'n 
a  shuide.  Agus  do  suidh  Airne  mac  Duib  Dochlaidh  ar 
gualainn  Fergusa.  Agus  do  suid  Cormac  Conloinges  ar  a 
gualainn  sein.  Agus  do  suidetar  na  secht  n- Airne  .i.  braithn 
in  hrugaid  ar  gualainn  Cormaic.  Agus  do  suidetar  na  secht 
laich  ba  ferrda  do'n  Dubloinges.  Agus  do  suid  Breac  agus 
Nainnesg  dd,  mac  an  brugaid  is  in  fhochla  fheinned  ar  an 
agaid.  Agus  do  suidh  Uaithni  Ucht-sholus  mac  Conaill  Cer- 
naig  agus  Goibninn  mac  Luirgnigh  in  a  farrad.  Agus  do 
linocZ  gach  re^  n-imdaid  do  maithib  Fergusa  agus  do  maithib  na 
n-Airne.  Do  freasladh  agus  do  fritheoladh  lad  do  mid  agus 
d'  fion  agus  d'  feoil  agus  do  roignib  gacha  bidh  ar  chena. 
Agus  ro  dailed  ar  na  deg  laechaib  na  deocha  sin  gur  bo 
subach  saithech  na  sochaide  co  rabatar  ar  merugadh  meisgi 
agus  ml-c(h)eilli. 

Agus  ranic  co  h-am  luide  do  na  laechaib.  Agus  do 
dergad  a  imdaid  d'  Fergus,  agus  do  dergad  a  n-imdaidi  do 
n(a)  h-ard-maithib  uile.  Agus  do  ling  gach  aon  in  a  imdaid 
dib  ar  sin,  agus  do  fagbad  Dubthach  in  a  aonar  ar  in  n-urUr. 
Agus  do  fiafraig  Dubthach :  *  Ca  b-fuil  mo  leabaio?^-si  ? '  ar 
se.  '  Fiafraig  do  t'  maithib  fen,'  ar  Airne.  Ag  a  cloistecht 
sin  do  Dubthach,  do  gab  a  comfuacac/4  imresna  for  Airne. 


THE  GLENMASAN  MANUSCRIPT  203 

{Continued  from  pp.  120,  121.) 
ENGLISH  TRANSLATION 

The  proceedings  of  Fergus  are  related  now.  They  de- 
liberated as  to  what  they  should  do,  and  they  resolved  to 
proceed  westwards.  They  arrived  that  night  at  the  house 
of  Airne  son  of  Dub  Docladh,  the  fort  of  the  Airnes'  Loch. 
And  Airne  son  of  Dub  (the  Black),  and  his  seven  brothers, 
i.e.  the  Airnes  after  whom  the  loch  is  named,  rose  and  gave 
a  warm  and  courteous  welcome  to  Fergus.  And  the  hospi- 
taller's house  was  put  in  order  by  them.  Fergus,  Cormac 
Conloinges,  and  the  other  chiefs,  were  then  brought  into  the 
hostel.  The  house  was  arranged  comfortably  and  luxuriously 
and  Fergus  was  seated.  Airne  son  of  Dub  Docladh,  sat  beside 
Fergus,  and  Cormac  Conloinges  sat  beside  him.  And  the 
seven  Airnes,  the  hospitaller's  brothers,  sat  beside  Cormac. 
The  seven  noblest  of  the  heroes  of  the  Dubloinges  sat  (next). 
And  Breac  and  Nainnesg,  the  hospitaller's  two  sons,  sat  in 
the  champions'  seat  opposite  to  them.  Uaithne  Bright-breast 
son  of  Conall  Cernach  sat  down,  with  Goibnenn  son  of  Luirg- 
nech  beside  him.  And  the  couches  were  filled,  alternately, 
by  the  chiefs  of  Fergus  and  of  the  Airnes.  They  were 
ministered  to  and  served  with  mead  and  wine  and  flesh  and 
the  choicest  of  every  kind  of  food.  And  the  stout  heroes 
were  plied  with  liquor  until  the  company  were  merry  and 
sated,  and  became  excited  with  drunkenness  and  unreason. 

When  bedtime  came,  his  couch  was  made  ready  for 
Fergus,  and  their  couches  were  made  ready  for  all  the 
high  nobles.  Each  of  them  thereupon  sprang  into  his  bed 
and  Dubthach  was  left  alone  upon  the  floor.  Dubthach 
asked,  '  Where  is  my  bed  ? '  said  he.  '  Inquire  of  your  own 
friends,'  repHed  Airne.    When  Dubthach  heard  this  he  began 

'  ahar,  for  the  more  common  abrar,  v,  supra,  p.  26,  Later  in  the  MS.  Meave 
and  her  army  visit  this  bruiden,  and  the  origin  of  the  name  Loch  nan  Airne  is  there 
explained. 

*  For  this  idiom,  cf.  Sil.  Gad,  p.  330,  Re.  xxiv.  74 :  Srdinis  in  miolch'd  for  in 
leoman  each  re  fecht  i  tosach,  'At  first  the  greyhound  beat  the  lion  erery  other  time' ; 
and  I.G.  gach  'rt  Zd,  '  on  alternate  days '  (Din.  s.v.  're). 


204  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

Agus  do  cuala  Fergus  forniatacht  a  fregra  thug  na  curaidh, 
agus  mar  do  ciiala  do  eirigh  tre  naire  do  digail  a  droch  gloir 
ar  Dubthach.  Agus  do  eirgetar  an  Dubloinges  d'  anacal  Dub- 
thaich  ar  Fergus.  Agus  ro  eirgetar  bannala  agus  beg-nertaigh 
an  baile  co  buadhnasach.  Do  cualatar  sluagh  an  diinaidh 
uile  an  t-uathbas  sin,  agus  do  eirgetar  an  ein  (fh)echt 
d'  innsaige  na  bruigni  .i.  muinntir  Fergusa  agus  muinntir 
Airne  fai  sin.  Agus  do  reidiged  in  righ-bhruigen  leo  agus  do 
h-aincecZ  Dubthach.  Agus  tanic  Cormac  Conloinges  agus 
Airne  mac  Duib  Dochlaidh  a  mach  do  fechain  na  sluagh,  agus 
do  b'  ohair  doib  an  eiterdealugadh  re  cheile.  Agus  atorchar 
da  trichait  do  muinntir  na  miled  sin  iter  a  muigh  agus  a 
tig(h).^  Agus  do  ciiaidh  each  dib  a  mesg  a  muinntiri,  agus 
do  batar  co  h-anbfosnec^  ansadaz'Z  co  tanic  la  con  a  Mn 
shoill(s)i. 

Agus  ro  eirigh  Fergus  co  fir-moch  agus  ro  tinoil  a  maithe 
uile  d'  a  innsaidhi.  Agus  tanic  ar  in  faichthi  agus  ro  celeabaiV 
do  na  h-Airnib  co  h-ainiardha.  Agus  ro  choiri^^  tosach  agus 
deredh  ar  a  deg  laochaib.  Agus  ro  fagbadar  an  tir  co  tinnes- 
Column  41.  nech,  agus  nir  anatar  do  n  reim  sin  agus  do  'n  ruathar  no  co 
rangatar  co  diinad  Atha  Fen,  agus  do  cuiretar  Bricne  rompa 
gus  an  m-baili. 

Agus  rainic  sed  ein  co  h-airm  a  raibhi  Oilill  Finn  agus  do 
h-aitnigec^  e.  Agus  do  eirgetar  each  uile  in  a  agaid,  agus  do 
fersat  fir-chain  failti  fris.  Agus  do  toirbiretar  poga  imda  do, 
agus  do  fhiafraigetar  sgela  de.  Agus  adubairt  Oilill :  '  Imar- 
charidh  Bricne  dam  is  in  dunad  a  nunn.'  Do  h-imchradh 
Bricne  is  in  m-baile  iar  sin.  Do  h-esrad  agus  do  h-ur-luachrac? 
grianana  arda  uraibne  agus  tighe  lepta  logmara  doib,  agus 
adubrac^  riu  dul  d'  a  tighib  lepta  d'  a  frestal  agus  d  'a  fritholam. 
'  Ni  racham  ider,'  ar  Bricne,  '  uair  ata  dail  coindme  as  mo 
agus  as  uaisle  and,  maid-ne^  chugaib  .i.  Fergus  mac  Boigh 

^  a  muigh  agus  a  Ugh.  Nowadays  we  use  the  article  invariably  with  tigh, 
tech,  but  not  with  mach  {mag),  muigh :  a  mach  's  a  steach,  a  muigh  's  a  stigh;  a 
ateach  for  i(n)  si{n)  tech,  i{n)  si{n)  tigh  respectively.  We  still  retain  the  accusative 
forms  a  mach,  a  steach  after  verbs  of  motion,  while  the  dative  forms  a  muigh,  a  stigh 
indicate  rest :  chaidh  e  m^ch,  but  tha  e  muigh  ;  thainig  e  steach,  but  tha  e  stigh. 

2  maid-ne :  the  form  is  not  now  used  independently,  being  replaced  by  sinn,  sinne. 
Even  in  the  verb  it  is  being  discarded  over  the  greater  part  of  the  Highlanda  of 


THE  GLENMASAN  MANUSCRIPT  205 

to  fasten  a  quarrel  upon  Airne.  Fergus  heard  the  violent 
language  of  the  champions,  and  rose  from  very  shame  to 
punish  Dubthach  for  his  ill  tongue.  And  the  Dubloinges 
rose  to  shield  Dubthach  from  Fergus.  Then  the  womenfolk 
and  non-combatants  of  the  stead  gathered  in  a  menacing 
manner.  All  the  people  in  the  fort  now  heard  the  uproar, 
and  they  all,  Fergus's  folk  and  those  of  Airne,  came  at  once  to 
the  castle.  And  they  pacified  the  folk  in  the  royal  hostel  and 
saved  Dubthach  from  injury.  Cormac  Conloinges  and  Airne 
son  of  Dub  Docladh  went  forth  to  view  the  crowd,  and  found 
it  no  easy  task  to  separate  the  two  parties.  Threescore  of 
the  people  of  these  warriors  fell  in  the  house  or  outside. 
Then  each  of  them  joined  his  own  people,  and  they  had  an 
anxious  and  disturbed  time  of  it  until  day  with  its  full  light 
came. 

Fergus  rose  very  early  and  gathered  his  chiefs  around 
him.  He  came  upon  the  lawn,  and  bade  farewell  to  the 
Airnes  in  angry  mood.  He  then  placed  a  front  and  rear 
guard  upon  his  goodly  champions.  They  left  the  country 
hurriedly,  and  did  not  halt  upon  that  march  and  on-rush 
until  they  reached  the  fort  of  Ath  Fen,  when  they  sent  Bricne 
to  the  stead  to  herald  them. 

Bricne  went  to  the  place  where  Oilill  the  Fair  was,  and 
he  was  recognised.  All  went  forth  to  meet  him,  and  they 
gave  him  a  genuine  and  hearty  welcome.  They  kissed  him 
many  times,  and  asked  tidings  from  him.  And  Oilill  said, 
*  Oblige  me  by  carrying  Bricne  over  to  the  castle.'  Bricne 
was  thereupon  brought  to  the  stead.  Lofty  and  very  delight- 
ful bowers,  and  richly  furnished  sleeping  apartments,  were 
prepared  and  strewn  with  fresh  rushes  for  Bricne  and  his 
party,  and  they  were  told  to  go  to  their  rooms  where  they 
would  be  served  and  attended  to.  '  We  shall  on  no  account 
•  go,'  said  Bricne,  *  for  a  greater  and  nobler  guest  than  we 
has  come,  i.e.  Fergus  son  of  Roigh,  to  hold  converse  and  to 
make  alliance  with  you,  and  to  seek  assistance  in  weapons 

Scotland.     For  hhuaileamaid  md,  etc.,  the  common  form  in  the  North  Highlands  is 
bhuaileadh  sinn  iad. 


206  THE  CELTIC  EEVIEW 

tanic  do  t'  agallaim-si,  agus  do  denam  a  coraighechta  rit,  agus 
d*  iarraidh  foirithnech.  airm  agus  eidigh  ortsa  agus  ar  an  n- 
Gamhanraid,  uair  ni  uil  an  Eirinn  uile  do  n-egmais  Oilella 
agus  Medba  en  cara  as  ferr  leis  aige  ana  thusa.'  '  Mo  chen  a 
techt  agus  a  thorachtain,'  bar  Oilill.  *  Dogebtar  eich  agus 
eididh  agus  arm  gaisgid  do  'n  turns  sin  tan^c ;  agus  do 
geptar  coimeirge  na  Gamanraide  ar  gach  toiscc  agus  ar  gach 
turas  bas  ail  leis. '  Agus  ba  failidh  iat  roim  Fergus.  '  Ga 
fad  uaid  atd,  Fergus  ? '  ar  Oilill.  '  As  fagus,'  ar  Bricne.  Do 
cbuaidh  Oilill,  agus  do  reidiged  bruiden  riga  ro  mor  aige  fa 
comair  Fergusa  mic  Roigh. 

Agus  an  uair  tairnic  an  bruiden  d'  esradh  agus  d'  ullmugadh 

.  adubairt  Oilill  re  Bricne :    *  Denam   a  stech  agus  denam  ar 

n-dithad. '  ^  Do  chuadar  and ;  agus  tuccad  chuca  nua  gacha 
bidh  agus  sen  gacha  saor  dighe  gur  bo  subach  so-labhartach 
saobh-ciallach  iad.  O  do  eirigh  aigned  an  ollaman  re  dim- 
saighe  na  dighe  agus  re  h-udmaille  an  anrath,  agus  ro  chuir- 
estar  med  agus  meince  na  sruamand  sein  meda  aigned  Bricne 
for  biiaidris.  Agus  do  crom  Bricne  ar  Oilill,  agus  as  ed  so 
adubairt  :  *  Maith  am,  a  Oilill,  an  fedrais  an  toiscc  ima  tainicc 
Fergus  do  'n  baile-si  V     '  Ni  fedar  am,'  bar  Oilill.     '  Ar  cenn 

Column  42.  do  mna-sa  tanic,*  bar  Bricne,  *  d'  a  breith  leis  ar  aithed  agus 
^,  ar  elodh.'  '  An  b-fuil  cuid  disi  f^n  ann  sin,  a  ollam  ? '  bar 
Oilill.  '  Ata  CO  deimin,'  bar  Bricne,  '  uair  is  1  do  cuir  fo 
•  ghesaib  e,  mana  tisad  ar  a  cenn  d'  a  breith  leis  ar  dis  no  ar 
eigin  o  'n  Gamanraid.  Agus  do  gheall  co  m-beradh  le  an  m-boin 
mail  as  dech  full  an  Eirinn  uile  agus  a  h-airgedha  ar  chena. 
Agus  do  geall  co  m-biathfac?  fir  Erenn  gacha  sechtmad  oidchi 
ar  sluaiged  mor  Tdna  bo  Cuai(l)gni.'  Do  ba  ferr  limsa  na 
had  i  sin  a  toisg,'  bar  Oilill.  Bo  leicset  secha  sin,  agus  ro 
batar  ac  61  as  a  h-aitle. 

Imtusa  Fergusa  do  berar  6s  aird.     Do  coirigh  a  muinntir,^ 

*  dithad :  in  S.G.  diot,  and  used  in  N.H.  (North  Highlands)  for  *  meal,'  *  dinner.' 
Eridently,  like  English  diet,  a  loan  from  L.  diata. 

^  This  is  the  first  of  several  rhetorical  passages  in  this  MS.,  too  common  in  other 
Gaelic  compositions,  old  and  modern.  They  are  restricted  for  the  most  part  to 
descriptions  of  armies,  fights,  horses,  chariots,  the  arming  of  famous  warriors,  and 
the  personal  appearance  of  farourite  heroes  and  heroines.  While  such  passages  testify 
to  the   copiousness  of  the  language  and  to  the  great  command  orer  the  Gaelic 


THE  GLENMASAN  MANUSCRIPT  207 

and  armour  from  you  and  from  the  Gamhanraidh,  for,  apart 
from  Oilill  and  Meave,  there  is  no  one  in  Ireland  whose  friend- 
ship he  desires  as  much  as  yours.'  'His  coming  and  arrival 
are  alike  pleasing  to  me,'  said  Oilill.  '  He  will  receive  horses 
and  armour  and  warlike  weapons  as  a  guerdon  of  his  visit ; 
and  the  Gamhanraidh  will  join  him  on  any  quest  and  expedi- 
tion he  pleases.'  And  they  were  blithe  to  welcome  Fergus. 
*How  far  distant  is  Fergus?'  asked  Oilill.  'He  is  quite 
nigh,'  said  Bricne.  Oilill  thereupon  made  ready  a  spacious 
royal  mansion  for  Fergus  son  of  Roigh. 

Now  when  the  mansion  was  put  in  order  and  made  ready 
Oilill  said  to  Bricne,  '  Let  us  go  inside  and  have  our  repast.' 
They  went ;  and  the  freshest  of  every  food  and  the  oldest  of 
every  noble  drink  were  brought  to  them,  and  they  became 
merry  and  loud-voiced  and  reckless.  The  mind  of  the  ollamh 
was  excited  by  the  strength  of  the  liquor  and  the  fickleness 
of  iU-luck  ;  and  the  quantity  and  frequency  of  the  streams  of 
old  mead  (which  he  quaffed)  altogether  confused  Bricne's 
senses.  He  bent  over  Oilill  and  said,  'Good  now,  Oilill, 
do  you  know  the  quest  on  which  Fergus  has  come  to  this 
place  ? '  *  No,  I  do  not,'  said  Oilill.  'For  your  wife  has  he 
come,'  said  Bricne,  'to  carry  her  away  in  elopement  and 
secrecy.'  '  Is  she  herself  privy  to  that  plot,  ollamh  ? '  asked 
Oilill.  '  She  is,  assuredly,'  said  Bricne,  '  for  it  was  she  who 
put  him  under  prohibitions,  if  he  did  not  come  to  carry  her 
away  from  the  Gamhanraidh  of  her  free  will  or  by  violence. 
And  she  promised  that  she  would  bring  with  her  the  hummel 
cow,  the  best  in  all  Ireland,  as  well  as  her  other  herds.  And 
she  undertook  to  feed  the  men  of  Ireland  every  seventh 
night  on  the  great  expedition  of  Tain  ho  Cuailgni.'  *  I  should 
much  wish  that  his  quest  were  different,'  said  Oilill.  The 
subject  was  dropped  then,  and  they  continued  drinking. 

As  to  Fergus  now.     He  marshalled  his  people  and  formed 

Tocabulary  which  many  native  authors  uadoubtedly  possessed,  they  not  infrequently 
mar  the  literary  beauty  of  many  of  these  Sagas  and  detract  from  their  historical 
value.  One  is  not  certain  that  the  epithets  were  in  all  cases  selected  for  their  apt- 
ness in  accurate  description  as  much  as  for  their  merit  in  securing  sonorous  and, 
above  all,  alliterative  combinations. 


208  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

agus  do  rigni  tri  buidhne  aidble  osgardha  arm-comartliaclia, 
agus  tri  coraigthi  troma  triath-mora  toirtemla,  agus  tri 
dirmada  data  dimora  do-aisneisi  do'n  Dubloinges.  An  cet 
corugadh  do  na  curadaib  .i.  fiche  cet  cath-miled  fa  Cormac 
CoDloinges  mac  Conchobair  do  roigm6  na  rigdamna  a  fine 
rigda  'Rugraide,  co  sgiathaib  donn-corcra  dath-ailli  dimora 
dianarda,  agus  co  m-brataib  comarthacha  comdatha,  agus 
CO  n-inaraib  cwmta  crunn-blaithi  cimas-milla,  agus  co 
sguirdibh  saidbri  slim-geala  snath-cdola,  agus  co  cloidmib 
caol-glasa  comarthach(a)  cruaidh-gera,  agus  co  slegaib  slinn- 
gera  snas-mine  sit(h)-rinnaigthi,  agus  co  luirechaib  lerg-dluithi 
lan-milla  lepar-daingni  lasamna,  agus  co  muincedaib  maisecha 
mong-dualacha  maoth-sroill,  agus  co  cennataib  socra  so-cuma 
solus-gemnacha. 

A  n-urradha  agus  a  n-uaisli  agus  a  n-ard-flai^^i  a  tim- 
ceall  Fergusa,  an  aird-righ.  Agus  is  amlaid  ro  batar  co  sgiathaib 
ordha  eng-blaithi  uainega  ar  cle  Idim  gacha  curad,  agus  co 
sleagaib  fhada  fraoch-biiana  fuilecha,  agus  co  cloidmib  seda 
soinemla  sith-ridhni  ar  a  sliastaib,  agus  co  m-brataib  uaine 
eochar-blaitbi  oir-cimsacha  umpa,  agus  co  casdnaibh  gr^s- 
miUa  geal-airgec^ct  is  na  brataib  6s  a  m-bruinnib,  agus  co 
minnaib  ro  ciianna  bric^^rinnta  rig-maisecha  ar  foradh  gacba 
flatha. 

A  sruithi  agus  a  sinnser  agus  a  so-comarlig,  a  forbfir  agus 
a  forus-ogla^c^  ar  dered  na  Dubloingsi.  A  n-amus  agus  a 
n-armainn  arrachta  agus  a  n-es-urradha^  is  in  m-buidin 
Column  43.  n-deigeumgh  dibh.  Daigh  is  imlaid  ro  batar  sen  co  m-brataib 
gorma  gabaltacha  impu,  agus  co  slegaib  comfada  cinn-gera 
colg-rinnaighthi,  agus  co  sgiathaib  buidi  ball-corcra  breacht- 
naichthi,  agus  co  cloidhmib  troma  taib-let(h)na  toirtemla  ar 
na  tren-feraib,  agus  co  comarthaib  imdaib  egsamlaib  uaistiM. 

Rangatar  rompo  f6  'n  innus  sin  co  dunad  Atha  F^n.  Agus 
o  t'connairc  lucht  an  baile  an  sliiag  senta  solus-mor  so-mothai^e 
sin  d'  a  n-innsaige  do  chuatar  ar  fuinneogaib  agus  ar  foradh- 
miiraib  an  dunaid  d'd  fairgsin  agus  d'a  fechain.  Agus  ba 
cetfadsich.  each  dibh  re  h-egsamlacht  an  innill. 

1  es-urradha,  the  opposite  of  urradha.     The  same  epithet  occurs  later. 


THE  GLENMASAN  MANUSCRIPT  209 

the  Dubloinges  in  three  vast  brave  weapon-brilliant  divisions, 
and  in  three  imposing  princely-great  powerful  battalions,  and 
in  three  magnificent  huge  grand  cohorts.  The  first  battalion 
of  the  champions  consisted  of  two  thousand  fighting  warriors 
under  the  command  of  Cormac  Conloinges  son  of  Conchobar 
of  the  elite  of  the  crown  princes  of  the  royal  race  of  Rugraide, 
armed  with  purple-brown  beautifully- coloured  very  large  and 
tall  shields,  with  mantles  ornate  and  of  one  colour,  with 
well-fitting  dun-coloured  edge-figured  tunics,  with  scalloped 
smooth-white  finely-woven  smocks,  and  with  slender-gray 
figured  sharp  swords  of  steel,  and  with  sharp-bladed  smooth- 
polished  long-pointed  spears,  and  with  closely-fitted  fully- 
carved  long  strong  and  flashing  coats  of  mail,  and  with 
handsome  hair-plated  soft  satin  collars,  and  with  well-fitting 
beautifully-shaped  gem-flashing  headpieces. 

Their  gentry,  their  nobles  and  princes,  surrounded  Fergus 
the  high  king.  These  carried  gold-adorned  smooth-gussetted 
green-coloured  shields  on  the  left  hand  of  each  hero,  and 
long  terror-striking  bloody  spears,  and  long  finely-tempered 
sharp-pointed  swords  on  their  thighs.  They  wore  green 
smooth-edged  gold-fringed  mantles,  fastened  on  their  breasts 
with  richly-figured  white-silver  brooches,  while  very  elegant 
kingly-beautiful  diadems  adorned  with  magic  scrolls  covered 
the  brow  of  each  noble. 

Their  seniors  and  elders,  their  wise  counsellors,  their  men 
of  trust  and  knowledge,  were  in  the  rear  of  the  Dubloinges. 
Their  mercenaries,  their  strong  officers,  and  the  hired 
troops,  formed  the  last  company.  These  wore  blue  peaked 
mantles,  and  the  powerful  men  carried  long  sharp-headed 
sword-pointed  spears,  and  yellow  purple-speckled  variegated 
shields,  and  heavy  broad  powerful  swords,  while  many  and 
.diverse-coloured  banners  waved  over  them. 

They  marched  forward  in  this  order  to  the  castle  of  Ath  Fen. 
And  when  the  people  of  the  place  saw  that  fairy  brilliant 
well-disposed  host  approaching  they  went  to  the  windows 
and  on  the  ramparts  of  the  castle  to  behold  and  view  them. 
And  they  were  all  impressed  with  the  spectacular  display. 


210  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

Kanic  Fergus  ar  an  faichthi  fai  sin.  Agus  o  t'  conncatar 
an  Gamandrad  iat,  ro  eirgetar  a  mach  a  timcell  Oilella  Finn, 
agus  ro  feratar  uile  failti  fri  Fergus.  Agus  do  cuired  a  tig 
leptha  iat,  liair  do  hi  bruigen  ni6r  ar  n-a  corugadh  acu  fa 
comair  na  Dubloingsi  fen.  Agus  do  cuired  iatsan  innti,  agus 
do  togatar  a  n-airm  agus  a  n-il-faobra  ar  aidlennaib  innti. 

Is  ann  sin  tugad  maithi  na  Gamandraidi  do  ciim  Oilella 
Finn.  Agus  ro  fhiarfaig  dibh  cd,  h-ordugadh  do  bertai  ar 
Fergus,  in  a  tig  leptha  do  biad  no  'n  a  tig  Oilella  Finn  fen. 
'  Is  cora  sin  d'larfaige  de  fen  agus  d'a  maithibh,'  bar  ladson, 
*  ina  dinne.'  '  Do  fiafraigec?  sin  dibh,'  (ar  Oilill).  '  Is  i  rogha 
bermaid,'  ar  siad,  '  Fergus  agus  a  maithi  do  beith  a  n-aein  thig 
agus  ^  Oilill  Finn  agus  maithi  na  Gamandraidi,  innus  co  m-bia 
Fergus  agus  Oilill  re  coimh^d  ar  comaind  agus  ar  caratrmo?.' 
Ro  cuired  techta  ar  a  cenn  lar  sin,  agus  tugad  a  sdech  iat. 
Is  amlaid  so  do  suidiged  iat  .i.  dias  do  maithib  Fergusa  im  gach 
n-ain  fer  do  maithib  Oilella  Finn,  agus  dias  do  maithib  Oilella 
Finn  im  gach  n-aoin  fer  do  maithib  Fergusa  re  fritheolam  a 
feirge  agus  a  fuasmac^a  da  tegmad  comeirghe  no  esdonta  no 
imresuin  etarra,  ar  bo  biaid  sein  da  teallac^  cntais  agus 
cothaighthe  Leithi  Cuinn  ^  .i.  in  Gamannrad  Irruis 
Domnann  agus  damratZ  dibeirgi  clainni  Rugrade. 

Do  fiarfaig  Oilill  Finn  d'  Fergus  in  d'en  taib  do  beidis,  no 
each  dib  a  mesg  a  maithi  fen.  '  Is  ed  is  ferr  do  'n  failti  a 
tairise,'  ar  Fergus.  Do  cuaid  Oilill  in  a  imdaid  iar  sin,  agus 
Column  t4.  ro  suid  a  n-inad  righ  innte,  agus  do  orduigh  Fergus  in  a 
farrad.  Agus  ni  h-ed  sin  do  clecht  Fergus  co  n-uigi  sin,  uair 
ni  lamth^i  ri  do  radh  re  nech  is  in  n-oirecht  a  m-biadh  acht  a 
radh  fri  Fergus.  Agus  nir  lamthai  suidi  roime  a  n-inad  riam 
in  ha  dual  do  righ  suide  no  go  tanic  go  tech  Oilella  Finn, 
ri  sed  ein  usahhrech  allata  na  Gamannraidi.     Agus  nir  miadh 

*  In  S.G.  I  would  write  an  aon  tigh  ri  O.F.  agus  ri  maithibh  na  G.,  'in  the 
game  house  with  (and)  0.  F.  and  the  chiefs  of  the  G.' 

'  The  reader  will  remember  that  the  descriptive  name  Leith  Cuinn  was  unknown 
until  Conn  Cetchathach,  who  lived,  according  to  the  traditional  chronology,  in  the 
second  century,  and  Mogh  Nuaghat  divided  Ireland  between  them,  the  northern  part 
being  known  as  Leith  Cuinn  and  the  southern  as  Leith  Mogha.  The  boundary  was, 
roughly,  from  Dublin  to  Galwny  Bay. 


THE  GLENMASAN  MANUSCEIPT  211 

Fergus  then  appeared  upon  the  lawn.  And  when  the 
Gamhanraidh  saw  them,  they  all  went  forth  with  Oilill  the 
Fair  to  welcome  Fergus.  They  were  put  into  a  sleeping- 
house,  for  the  Gamhanraidh  had  prepared  a  spacious  mansion 
for  the  reception  of  the  Dubloinges.  And  these  were  placed 
there,  and  they  put  their  arms  and  numerous  weapons  upon 
the  racks. 

Then  the  chiefs  of  the  Gamhanraidh  were  summoned  by 
Oilill  the  Fair.  He  asked  them  how  Fergus  should  be  lodged, 
whether  in  the  guest  house  or  in  Oilill  the  Fair's  own  palace. 

*  That  should  be  asked  of  himself  and  of  his  chiefs  rather  than 
of  us,'  said  they.     *  But  it  has  been  asked  of  you '  (said  Oilill). 

*  We  should  prefer,'  said  they,  '  that  Fergus  and  his  principal 
men  should  be  in  the  same  house  with  Oilill  the  Fair  and  the 
chiefs  of  the  Gamhanraidh,  so  that  Fergus  and  Oilill  can  observe 
the  goodwill  and  friendship  of  both  parties.  Messengers 
were  sent  for  them  then,  and  they  were  brought  to  the 
palace.  And  thus  they  were  seated :  two  of  Fergus's  chiefs 
on  either  side  of  each  one  of  Oilill  the  Fair's  chiefs,  and  two 
of  Oilill  the  Fair's  chiefs  on  either  side  of  each  one  of  Fergus's 
chiefs,  to  provide  against  their  wrath  and  fury,  in  case  anger 
or  dispute  or  quarrel  should  arise  among  them,  for  these  were 
the  two  (foremost)  tribes  of  the  chivalry  and  bravery  of  Conn's 
Half,  the  Gamhanraidh  of  Irrus  Domnann  and  the  predatory 
troops  of  the  clan  Rugraide. 

Oilill  the  Fair  asked  Fergus  whether  they  (two)  should 
sit  side  by  side,  or  each  sit  among  his  own  chiefs.  '  The  value 
of  the  welcome  is  its  sincerity,'  said  Fergus.  Oilill  thereupon 
went  to  his  couch  and  sat  in  his  royal  seat  and  ordered 
Fergus  beside  him.  And  until  now  Fergus  was  not  used  to 
such  treatment,  for  in  every  assembly  in  which  he  was  present 
not  (even)  a  king  dared  to  issue  a  command  to  another 
except  through  Fergus ;  and  no  one  ever  dared  to  sit  (even)  on 
a  throne  before  he  (Fergus)  was  seated,  until  he  came  to  the 
palace  of  Oilill  the  Fair,  that  haughty  and  renowned  king  of 
the  Gamhanraidh.  He  would  yield  his  own  seat  to  no  man. 
But  as  for  Fergus,  he  took  the  seat  assigned  to  him,  for  he 


212  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

leis  nec^  eile  do  cur  in  a  inad.  Fergus,  imorro,  do  cuaid  is  in 
n-inadh  do  h-ordaigecZ  do,  liair  nir  miadh  leis  tachar  im  inadh 
fri  h-Oilill,  or  do  hudh  deimin  leis  a  dimiadh  do  digail  air 
fadeoigh. 

Acht  ata  ni  chena.  Do  gabatar  ac  61  agus  ac  aibnes  no  co 
tarrla  cdine  comraid  iter  Oilill  agus  Fergus,  gur  fiafraigh 
Oilill  d'  Fergus  cid  im  a  tangas  a  n-Irrus  Domnann  do  'n 
dul-sa.  *  Tanac  d'iarraidh  faigdhe  airm  agus  eididh  ortsa 
agus  ar  an  n-Gamannraid,  agus  do  denam  mo  cumainn  ribsi 
uile.'  *  Ni  h-i  sin  toisg  do  cualamar-ne  do  bheith  agat,'  ar 
Oilill,  '  agus  aderait  nir  ceili-si  ar  duine  riam  ni  dd  fiarfochotcZ^ 
dit.'  '  Cred  da  b-fuil  agatsa  sin  ale  ? '  bar  Fergus.  '  Is  ed  do 
cualas  d,m,'  ar  Oilill,  '  gurab  ar  cenn  mo  mnd-sa  tangaw,  d'  a 
breith  let  ar  ais  no  ar  eigin.'  *  Ni  ceilim-si  sin  ortsa,'  ar  Fergus. 
'  Do  hudh  ferr  a  cleith  itir,'  ar  Oilill ;  '  agus  ac  so,  mar  do 
dena  tusa  sin,  a  Fergais,'  bar  Oilill,  *  na  cluined  nech  uaitsian 
comradh  sin.  Agus  eirich  co  moch  a  mdrach  co  h-Ath  an 
Cluithi  re  Diin  an  air,  agus  th'  ara  carbaid  let  ann.  Agus 
rachat-sa  ann  agus  m'  ara  carpaid.  Agus  gid  b'6  liaind  ti 
ass,^  bid  an  ben  aigi.'  *  A  denam  amlaid  sin,'  ar  Fergus.  A 
n-imthiisa  co  n-uigi  sin. 

Imthusa  Bricni  do  berar  6s  aird.  O'n  iiair  do  cuaidh  a 
ced  meisgi  de  do  gab  ag  fechain  an  tighi  'n  a  timchell.  Agus 
atconnairc  ruamnadh  na  fergi  a  n-agaid  Oilella  agus  Fergusa. 
Tanic  ealla  aithrechais  d6  im  a  n-derna,  agus  tanic  as  a  tich 
a  mach  roime.  Agus  a(t)conairc  an  baile  ac  a  linadh  a  n-oir 
agus  a  n-iar,  a  n-es  agus  a  thuaith  do  c6raightliib  catha  agus 
do  sluaghaib  fo'n  arm  gaisgid.  Agus  o  t'  connairc  Bricne  sin 
tanic  a  sdech,  agus  do  fiarfaig  do  Oilill  cred  na  c6raighthi 
catha  agus  na  socraide  sar-m6ra  sliiaigecht  ran*c  sa  ic  linad 
an  baile.  '  Mo  muinntir-sa  agus  mo  teglach  sin,'  ar  Oilill 
Column  45.       Finn,    '  agus  do    cummoradh   donaig   na   Samna  ^  a   marach 

1  MS.  dS. 

2  The  manner  in  which  the  Ultonians  used  to  celebrate  the  Hallowmas  Fair  is 
described  in  Serglige  Concnlaind  'The  Sickbed  of  Cuchulainn'  (Jr.  T.,  i.  205): — 
Oenach  dognithe  la  TJltu  cecha  Uiadhna  A.  tri  Id  ria  Samfuin  ocus  tri  laa  iarma 
ocus  lathe  na  Samna  feisne.  Iss  ed  eret  no  bitis  Ulaid  in  sin  im  Maig  Murthemni  oc 
ferthain  oenaig  na  samna  cecha  bliadnaf  ocus  ni  rabe  is  in  bith  ni  dognethe  in  n-erct 


THE  GLENMASAN  MANUSCRIPT  213 

would  not  condescend  to  dispute  with  Oilill  about  a  matter 
of  precedence,  being  certain  that  eventually  he  would  punish 
(that  potentate)  for  this  disrespect  to  him. 

But  one  thing.  They  drank  and  made  merry,  and  OiHU 
the  Fair  and  Fergus  engaged  in  pleasant  talk.  Oilill  asked 
Fergus  what  brought  him  to  Irrus  Domnann  on  this  occasion. 
'  I  have  come  to  ask  assistance  in  weapons  and  armour  from 
you  and  the  Gamhanraidh,  and  to  make  the  acquaintance  of 
you  all.'  '  That  is  not  your  object  as  we  have  heard,'  said 
Oilill,  '  and  folks  say  that  you  never  conceal  anything  if 
questioned  about  it.'  '  What  do  you  mean  by  that  ? '  said 
Fergus.  '  What  I  have  heard,'  said  Oilill,  '  is  that  it  is  for 
my  wife  you  have  come,  to  carry  her  away  willingly  or  by 
force.'  '  I  do  not  deny  it,'  said  Fergus.  '  It  were  indeed 
better  if  it  could  be  denied,'  said  Oilill ;  '  but  look  here,  if 
you  mean  to  act  thus,  Fergus,'  added  Oilill,  '  repeat  this  talk 
to  none.  But  go  early  on  the  morrow  to  the  Ford  of  the 
Game,  by  the  Diin  of  slaughter,  taking  your  charioteer  with 
you.  And  I  shall  go  there  with  my  charioteer,  and  he  who 
returns  of  us  two  shall  have  the  lady.  '  Agreed,'  said  Fergus. 
Their  affairs  thus  far. 

As  to  Bricne  :  When  his  first  stage  of  drunkenness  passed, 
he  began  to  look  all  round  the  house.  And  he  saw  the  flush  of 
anger  in  the  faces  of  Fergus  and  Oilill.  A  fit  of  repentance 
for  what  he  had  done  seized  him,  and  he  went  forth  from  the 
house.  And  he  saw  the  place  being  filled  from  east  and  west, 
north  and  south  with  battalions  in  battle  array  and  hosts  under 
arms.  When  Bricne  saw  this  he  went  in  and  asked  Oilill  what 
these  battle  cohorts  and  great  armed  hosts  were  that  came, 
filling  all  the  place.  *  My  people  and  my  household  these,' 
replied  Oilill  the  Fair.     '  They  have  come  to  celebrate  the 

sin  leu  acht  duchi  ocus  ceti  ocus  dnius  ocus  aibiniiius  ocus  longad  ocus  tomailt.  '  The 
Ultonians  used  to  hold  a  fair  every  year,  viz.  three  days  before  Hallowmas  and 
three  days  after,  as  well  as  on  Hallowmas  Day.  During  that  time  the  Ultonians  would 
be  on  the  Plain  of  Murthemne  holding  the  Hallowmas  Fair  each  year,  and  during 
that  time  they  did  nothing  whatever  except  (engaging  in)  games  and  entertainments 
and  amusements  and  enjoyment  and  eating  and  drinking.'  Then  follow  some  of 
the  ceremonies  observed  on  the  occasion. 


214  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

tegaid.'  Agus  tanic  Bricne  a  mach  a  ris  agus  do  condaic 
buidhen  mor  a  n-des  gach  n-direch  ^  .i.  buiden  dorcha  dimhor 
dlilth-egairte,  agus  bruit  donna  uile  impo  agus  cimsa  airgit  'n 
a  n-ur-timcell,  agus  leinte  loar^  lethna  uile  impa,  agus 
cloidhme  glas-lethna  gorma  'n  a  lamhaib  ar  luamhain,  agus 
glega  midher-gera  mora  go  m-balc  ^  Ian  lamhaib  laeich  an  gac(h) 
lebar-crannaib  dib,  agus  sceith  donna  dos-lethna  dimora  leu, 
agus  gilla  feta  foistinech  fir-mor  a  tiis  na  deg  buidne  sin  co 
forsmacht  liadha  ortha  uile.  Do  aithin  Ailill  iad,  agus  do 
righnedar  an  laoidh  ann  : — 

'  Full  buigen  sunna  do'n  dun, 
Ni  h-iiada  ti  aghaid  ar  ciil, 
Co  m-brataib  donna  datha, 
Co  sciathaib  a  comdatha. 

*  Ddine  duba  co  nert  niadh 
Co  leintib  gela  ri  grian  ; 
Ddine  mora  co  n-deilb  n-duibh, 
Do  dechadar  do'n  mor  muir. 

'  Cloidmhe  glasa  a  Idmhaib  le6, 
Tr^n  con  bebsadar  *  do'n  gle6 ; 
Slega  mergidhe  m6ra, 
Fir  dlregra  dimora.' 

'  Is  aithind  sunna  na  sl6igh, 
Na  fir  sin  co  menmain  m6ir ; 
Aongas  mac  Echtaigh  a  nail 
Agus  meic  oglaeich  ^  Arann. 

'  Ni  rlu  nach  doiligh  de&haid ; 
Ni  h-urusa  a  n-imdega«7 ; 
Nocha  teithid  re  n-a  n-guin, 
Co  m-(b)a  \in  an  fer  d'  d  fuil.' 

Fuil. 

Is  ann  sin  tanic  Bricne  a  mach,  agus  do  d'  f hech  an  fhaighti 
'n   a  timcell.      Agus  adconnairc   buidhin  m6ir  ar  a  h-imell 

^  An  idiom  not  now  used  in  S.G.     Cf.  a  thuaith  gach  n-direch  infra,  p.  220. 

*  loar  ;  cf.  leiig  lothar  (lomhar)  nam  buadhan,  '  brilliant  jewel  of  virtues '  (Ranald 
Macdonald,  p.  287) ;  lothar,  '  wardrobe,'  etc.  (Dinn.).  For  iomor,  from  16  *  wool,' 
cf.  casla  .i.  caslo,  .i.  olann  chas  (O'Cl.). 

3  The  sentence  is  awkward  at  the  best,  and  possibly  corrupt.  The  MS.  reads 
gmbalcl  (possibly  bald)  an  etc. 


THE  GLENMASAN  MANUSCRIPT  215 

Hallowmas  fair  on  the  morrow.'  And  Bricne  went  forth 
again  and  saw  a  great  company  due  south  of  him,  a  company, 
to  wit,  dark  very  large  in  close  array,  with  brown  mantles 
fringed  with  silver  round  them  all,  with  broad  woollen  smocks, 
and  with  broad  gray-blue  swords  in  their  hands  flashing,  and 
great  sharp  spears  with  long  shafts  and  thick  for  a  stout 
hero's  grip,  and  brown  broad-tufted  very  large  shields.  A 
stately  sedate  very  tall  youth  marched  in  front  of  the  noble 
company  who  maintained  perfect  discipline  among  them. 
Ailill  recognised  them,  and  this  lay  was  composed  on  the 
occasion : — 

•  A  squadron  is  approaching  the  castle, 
They  are  not  the  men  to  retreat, 
With  mantles  brown  coloured 

And  shields  of  like  colour. 

•  Dark  men  with  hero's  strength, 

With  smocks  shining  white  in  the  sun ; 
Tall  men  of  black  complexion 
Who  have  come  from  the  great  sea. 

•  Grey  swords  in  their  hands, 
Which  strike  deadly  in  conflict. 
Spears  pennoned,  large. 

Men  very  tall,  not  to  be  gainsaid.' 

'  I  recognise  the  hosts, 
Those  men  of  high  spirit, 
Angus  son  of  Echtach  from  over  (the  sea) 
And  the  youthful  warriors  of  Aran. 

•  They  are  men  hard  to  contend  with, 
Their  protection  is  hard  to  obtain, 
These  men  will  not  be  slain. 

Till  the  grass  is  soaked  with  their  blood. 

(A  squadron)  is. 

Then  Bricne  went  forth,  and  viewed  the  lawn  all  around. 
And  he  saw  a  large  squadron  seated  upon  the  edge  of  the 

*  The  unusual  form  appears  to  be  based  on  the  somewhat  uncommon  verb  beba, 
bebais,  bebsat,  '  die,'  v.  K.  M.  Contrib.,  s.v. 

*  I  take  mdc  here  as  qualifying  oglaeich, '  young  warriors,'  not  as  governing  oglaoch, 
which  would  mean  '  sons  of  warriors.' 


216  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

'n  a  suide,  agus  samail  da  chet  laoch  a  llnmaire ;  cet  dib  co 
m-brataib  corcra^  cortharacha  comdatha,  agus  cet  eile  go 
m-brataib  uaine  egsamla  ill-dathacba  impa,  agus  fer  finn-cas 
foistinech  feichemanta,  maisech  min-corcra  maol-tengthach 
etarra  an  eiter-medon.  Do  aithin  Oilill  iad,  agus  do  rignedar 
an  laid  ann  : — 

'  Ata  buiden  ar  an  muigh, 
As  an  foil  iad  re  a  f^gham ; 
Samail  da  chet  a  lin  sin, 
Go  n-armaib,  go  n-ilsciathaib. 

*  Cet  dib  go  m-brataib  corcra, 
D'  feraib  aille  admolta ; 
Cet  dib  CO  m-brataib  uaine, 
D'  feraip  finda  flr-uaille. 

*  Ata  ain  fer  sa  buidin 

As  aille  di  feraib  f uinidh ;  2 
Laoch  m6r  co  finne  n-erla  3 
As  CO  m-binne  n-urlabra.' 

'  Is  se  sin  Muiredhach  mor, 
Mac  Oilella,  lin  a  t-shloig, 
Nocha  teithend  se  re  a  Id, 
Daigh  ro  fhedar  mar  ata.' 

Ata. 

A  h-aitle  na  laide  sin  tainic  Bricne  a  ris  ar  an  faighte  agus 
Column  46.  (Jq  dech  uime.  Agus  ba  h-ingnad  leis  an  lear  *  sliiaig  agus  na 
coraighthi  catha  atconnairc  ac  techt  do'n  baile.  Agus  tanic 
a  sdech,  agus  atbert  fri  h-Oilill :  '  Ata  buiden  mor  a  nois  is 
in  sli'abh  a  n-iar,  agus  samail  cethri  cet  curad  a  coimlin,  agus 
coiger  doinn-fher  derrsgaithech  deg  Id-och  a  tosech  an  dirma 
CO  n-deig  cealt  taisich  im  gach  triath  dibh ;  fer  direct  dath- 
armach  donn-ruadh  ar  deredh  na  drong-buidhni ;  agus  fer 
ceinn-letbaw  cas-mongach  ciuin-briathrach  cnes-sholus  a(n) 
etar-medhon  na  cath-mileo?  ac  a  cudhnodh.'  Do  her  misi 
ait(h)ni  ar  in  m-buidin  eile  sin,'  ar  Oilill.     Agus  is  cuma  do 

'  MS.  corcorcra. 

2  Lit.,  '  the  men  of  the  west ' ;  fuin,  fuined,  fuinim,  '  end,'  specially  applied  to 
'  sunset,'  '  close  of  day,'  hence  '  west.' 


THE  GLENMASAN  MANUSCRIPT  217 

green.  They  appeared  to  be  two  hundred  in  number ;  the 
half  of  them  clothed  in  purple  mantles  of  one  shade  and 
fringed ;  the  other  half  in  green  diverse  coloured  mantles. 
There  sat  in  the  centre  of  them  a  man  with  fair  curly  hair, 
sedate,  alert,  handsome,  of  ruddy  face  and  lisping  tongue. 
Oilill  recognised  them,  and  this  lay  was  made  : — 

'  There  is  a  troop  upon  the  plain, 
Where  they  can  be  seen ; 
About  two  hundred  in  number, 
With  weapons  and  many  shields. 

*  An  hundred  in  purple  mantles, 

Men  handsome  worthy  of  high  praise ; 
An  hundred  in  green  mantles 
Fair  and  truly  gallant  men. 

*  There  is  one  in  the  band, 

The  fairest  of  the  world's  men ; 
A  tall  hero  with  fair  hair. 
And  of  melodious  utterance.' 

'  That  is  the  great  Muiredach, 
Son  of  Oilill,  numerous  his  host ; 
He  will  not  flee  while  life  lasts. 
Or  he  becomes  a  changed  man.' 

There  is. 

After  that  lay  Bricne  went  forth  again  upon  the  green, 
and  looked  about  him.  And  he  was  amazed  at  the  multitude 
of  people  and  the  ranked  battalions  which  he  saw  coming  to 
the  place.  He  returned  within  and  said  to  Oilill :  '  There  is  a 
great  squadron  now  on  the  hill  to  the  west.  They  look 
about  four  hundred  warriors  in  number.  Five  brown-haired 
distinguished  noble  heroes  clad  in  leaders'  dress  are  in  the 
front  of  the  host;  a  straight  light-brown  man  in  bright 
armour  is  in  the  rear  of  the  numerous  company ;  while  a  broad- 
headed,  curly-haired,  mild-spoken,  fair-skinned  man  is  in  the 
midst  of  the  battle  warriors,  commanding  them.    *  I  recognise 

^  Of.  airla, '  hair,'  (K.  M,).     Urla,  '  lock  of  hair,'  '  beard,'  is  the  current  form. 

*  Vide  vol.  i.  p.  34)8,  n.  3. 

VOL.  II.  P 


218  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

bui  ag  a  rd,dh,  agus  atbert  Bricne  an  laid  agus  ro  fregair 
Oiim  h-^ :— 

*  Buiden  eile  sunn  sa  sliabh, 

Ni  'n  a  n-o(i)r  tegaid  acht  a  n-iar, 
Na  sl6ig  is  sotla  ar  gach  seilg, 
In  a  m-broin  ^  corcra  cro-derg. 

*  Atait  ar  tiis  na  buidhni 
Cuiger  laoch,  lonn  a  luibhni ; 
Atd  ar  deredh  treall  o'n  t-sliiagh 
Gilli  garb  direch  donn-ruadh. 

*  Ata  ar  medhon  na  miled 
Gilla  mor  seng  narsinedh, 
Duine  do  r^idiugh'  gach  recht, 
Fa'n  Eirinn  uile  an  t-oirecht.'    "* 

'  An  Gamannrad  sin  uile, 
Fa  Gamain  na  Sidgaile ; 
Fer  is  m6  righi  's  reabh 
Agus  is  caoime  buiden.' 

Buiden  eile  sv/nn. 

Is  ann  sin  tanic  Bricne  ar  in  b-faicthi  a  ris,  agus  do  gabh 
ac  feithem  da  gach  taeib  in  a  timcell.  Agus  atconnairc  na 
dirmadha  data  dim6ra,  agus  na  toinnti^  trom-slwm^,  agus 
na  buidni  brat-caoma,  agus  na  h-oirechta  aidble  osgardha. 
Agus  do  gab  egla  adbal  m6r  e,  agus  tanic  a  sdech  a  ris. 
'  Sgela  let  a  Bricne  ? '  ar  Oilill.  '  Ata,  imorro,'  ar  Bricne, 
*  uair  no  co  n-airmither  gainem  mara  ^  agus  duilli  feadha  agus 
drucht  for  fer  agus  fer  for  faichthi,  ni  h-airemthar  sluagh  agus 
socraide  catha,  agus  cetherna  curad  agus  cath-miled  an  rig, 
agus  eB-urradha  ar  faichthi  an  dunaid-si  a  trat(h)-sa.'  *  Mo 
muinntir-sa  sin,'  ar  Oilill  Finn,  '  ac  techt  do  commoradh  an 
aonaigh-se  a  marach.' 

'  The  word  is  not  uncommon  in  the  sense  of  'multitude,'  'crowd.'  In  the  mean- 
ing of  some  article  of  raiment  broin  is  unknown  to  me.  But  cf.  S.G.  broineag, 
broineagach,  'rags,'  'tatters.' 

^  toinnti,  later  toindU,  evidently  'multitudes,'  'ranks.'  In  S.6.  the  verb  toinn 
(N.  tovnna,  Eng.  twine)  means  *  twist,' '  twine ' : — 

'  Freumh  ar  nadair  toinnte  dl{ith 
Mu  gach  duil  sa'  chniinae-chd.' — (Fear  OiiLil,  p.  10). 


THE  GLENMASAN  MANUSCRIPT  219 

that  other  troop,'  said  Oilill.     And  as  they  spoke  thus  Bricne 
recited  the  lay  and  Oilill  responded  thereto  : — 

'  Another  squadron  there  on  the  hill, 
They  come  not  from  the  east  but  from  the  west ; 
Hosts  most  eager  at  the  hunt, 
In  their  purple  blood-red  array. 

*  There  are  in  front  of  the  company 
Five  heroes,  fierce  their  spears ; 
There  is  in  the  rear,  a  space  apart, 
A  rough  straight  light-brown  youth. 

'  In  the  midst  of  the  soldiers, 
A  tall,  noble  .  .  .  youth, 
A  man  fit  to  decide  every  case 
That  may  arise  in  Ireland's  courts.' 

'  Gamhanraidh  all  of  them. 
With  Gaman  of  Sidgal ; 

A  man  whose  sway  and  good  humour  is  absolute. 
And  whose  troops  are  the  handsomest.' 

Another  squadron  there. 

Then  Bricne  went  forth  again  upon  the  green,  and  he  kept 
gazing  around  him  on  every  side.  And  he  saw  the  gallant 
very  large  crowds,  and  the  serried  ranks,  and  the  squadrons  in 
beautiful  mantles,  and  the  vast  daring  multitudes.  Great 
terror  took  hold  of  him  and  he  returned  within  again.  Oilill 
asked, '  Any  news,  Bricne  V  'I  have,  indeed,'  replied  Bricne ; 
*  for  until  the  sand  of  the  sea  is  counted  up,  and  the  leaves 
of  the  forest,  and  dew  upon  grass,  and  grass  upon  green,  the 
hosts  and  armed  troops,  the  foot  champions  and  battle- 
soldiers  of  the  king,  and  the  mercenaries  upon  the  green  of 
this  castle  at  the  present  time  cannot  be  numbered.'  *  My 
people  these,'  said  Oilill  the  Fair,  'who  have  come  to  hold 
this  fair  on  the  morrow.' 

3  The  simile  is,  in  whole  or  in  part,  not  uncomnion.      Cf.  the  well-known  quat- 
rains in  which  Dugald  Buchanan  endeavours  to  convey  an  idea  of  eternity : — 
'Ged  dh'  airmhinn  uile  reulta  neimh, 
Gach  feur  is  dwilleach  riamh  a  dh'f has, 
Mar  ris  gach  braon  ata  sa'  chuan, 
'S  gach  gaineamh  chuartaicheas  an  tr^igh. 

'  'S  ged  chuirinn  mile  bliadhna  seach 
As  leth  gach  aoin  diubh  sud  gu  leir, 
Cha  d'  imich  seach  de'n  t-siorr'achd  mh6ir 
Ach  mar  gu'n  tdisicheadh  i  'n  dd.' 


220  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

Agus  tanic  Bricne  a  ris  a  mach,  agus  atconnairc  buiden 
a  n-iar-des  is  in  b-faichthi.  Agus  is  i  so  a  tuarasgbail,  am- 
ail  atbert  Bricne  : — 

'  Atdt  sunn  buiden  brogdha, 
D'  feraib  deg  dealba  dorrda ; 
Glan  a  li  1 
Cethri  cet  is  tri  cethrair. 

*  Sgiath  corcra  ar  cle  gach  curadh 
Do  na  triathaib  nar  tubadh  ; 
Atat  i  minnaib  na  flatha 
'Bruitne  ^  uaine  don-datha. 

'  Fer  dub  a  tiis  na  f  ednach, 
Cethri  cet  triath  a  teglach, 
Dd  dath  ior  cuingt^^  na  cuan, 
Ones  geal,  gnuis  corcra  mar  cr&an.'  ^ 

Cohmn  47.  '  Is  iad  sin  clanna  Find 

Is  m6  dho  liiaidus  linbir  * 

A  coimidecht  Fraoich.  na  radh  ^ 

Eirgid  na  treoin  mar  atat.' 

Atat. 

Tanic  Bricne  ar  an  b-faichthi,  agus  do  gabustar  ag  fechain 
cethra  airde  an  talman  in  a  timcell.  Agus  ni  fhaca  aird  dip 
nach  raibi  sluagh  no  socraidi  ac  techt  do'n  baile.  Agus 
atchonnairc  buiden  adbal  m6r  a  thiiaith  gach  n-direch  di  feraib 
dorcha  dimora,  agus  hruitne  ^  endatha  uiJe  impe,  agus  sgeith 
donna  dlanarda  ar  formnaib  na  fer-oglaoch.  Agus  nocha 
tdnic  amail  a  samla  ar  med  na  ar  miletacht  is  in  faichthi. 
Agus  is  cuma  do  biii  ac  tabairt  a  tuarasgbala,  agus  atbert 


an  laid 


'  Is  si  so  buiden  is  ni6, 
Is  fir  is  ni  h-imargd ; 
Nocha  tdnic  sunn  co  se, 
Buiden  amail  a  lethide. 


^  MS.  reads /asTsor, 

2  Here  the  word  probably  means  'spikelets,'  a  diminutive  from  brot,  'spike,' 
'goad.'  But  immediately  below  the  same  form,  similarly  contracted,  must  surely 
mean  '  short  mantles,'  a  diminutive  from  brot,  brat,  '  a  covering,'  '  a  mantle.' 

3  Rendered  'red  enamel'  by  W.  S.  O'Davoren  writes:  Cruan  .i.  gne  don 
tsencerdacht  {ut  est),  a  n-all  cruain  .i.  in  derg,  ocus  creduma  .i.  in  buidhe,  maithne 


THE  GLENMASAN  MANUSCRIPT  221 

And  Bricne  went  forth  again,  and  he  saw  a  troop  on  the 
green  in  the  south-west.  And  this  is  their  description,  as 
Bricne  related  it : — 

'  Here  is  a  mighty  squadron, 
Of  men  well-shaped  and  stern, 
Bright  their  complexion  .  .  . 
Four  hundred  and  twelve  their  number. 

*  A  purple  shield  on  the  left  hand  of  each  champion 
Of  the  chiefs  that  cannot  be  challenged ; 

In  the  diadems  of  the  princes, 
Spikelets  green  of  one  colour. 

*  A  dark  man  in  front  of  the  company, 

His  household  consists  of  four  hundred  lords ; 
Two  colours  distinguish  the  lord  of  havens, 
White  skin,  face  purple  like  cnian,' 

*  These  are  the  clans  of  Find 

Accompanying  Fraoch  of  Rea 

The  mighty  ones  will  march  as  you  see  them.' 

There  are. 

Bricne  went  (again)  upon  the  green,  and  kept  viewing  the 
four  airts  of  the  earth  around  him.  He  saw  not  an  airt  of 
them,  but  with  hosts  and  multitudes  coming  to  the  place. 
And  he  saw  a  great  vast  squadron  coming  straight  from  the 
north  of  dark  very  tall  men,  dressed  in  short  cloaks  all  of  one 
colour,  and  with  brown  very  lofty  shields  on  the  shoulders  of 
the  manly  warriors.  The  equal  of  these  in  size  or  soldierly 
bearing  had  not  (hitherto)  come  upon  the  green.  As  Bricne 
was  describing  them  he  recited  the  lay  : — 

'  This  is  the  greatest  squadron, 
Of  a  truth  no  falsehood ; 
There  has  not  come  up  till  now 
A  troop  to  match  them. 

.i.  buidhe  ocus  uaine  ocus  geal.  Cruan,  i.e.  a  kind  of  ancient  art-work,  ut  est,  'the 
bridle  of  enamel,'  i.e.  the  red  (sort),  and  creduma,  i.e.  the  yellow,  (and)  maithne,  i.e. 
'yellow  and  green  and  white.'    Cf.  Arch.  Celt.  Lex.,  ii.  p.  287. 

*  MS.  reads  rather  Unbar  or  liribar. 

*  For  Gamhain  ruadh  na  Reeadh  (later  Bee),  vide  vol.  i.  p.  296.      Here  it  would 
be  possible,  to  translate  '  F.  of  the  sayings,  or  maxims.' 


222  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

'  Atat  sa  droing  ar  tosaigh, 
Ceithre  ced  feinnidh  iosaidh ; 
Atat  sa  droing  fa  dheredh, 
Ceithre  ced  gan  claon  temeal. 

'  Atdt  ceithre  ced  eile 
D'  feraib  nia  m6ra  nime, 
Ar  n-eidedh  gach  fir  eolaigh 
Sa  m-buidin  m6ir  meddnaigh. 

'  Sgiath  ar  ci'il  gacha  curad 
Do  sgiathaib  breaca  brugach,^ 
Ata  cairthe  tr6m  nach  treith 
A  n-giistaP  gacha  geil-sgeith.' 

'  As  iat  sin  na  fir  a  thuaith 
0  oir-imlib  Esa  Euaidh, 
Aedh  agus  Aongus  co  m-bloid, 
Da  degh  mac  Corndin  chos  duibh. 

'  Buiden  leis  a  m6  a  menma 
Tic  amail  a  saine  samla ; 
Nocha  n-fuil  is  calma  a  cli, 
Aderim-si  ribhisi.' 

As  si. 

^  MS,  reads  brug.    Possibly  for  brogach,  '  mighty.' 

*  cristal  A.  trusdaladh  (O'Cl.),  now  trusaladh  (O'R.),  truisealadh  (H.S.D.), 
'tucking  up  clothes,'  'trussing.'  In  the  old  literature  frequently  associated  with 
leinte,  '  smocks ' ;  e.g.  lent  .  .  .  fri  gelchnes  i  catcstul  go  glunib  do,  '  a  smock  kilted 
up  to  the  knees  next  his  white  skin.'  Cf.  T.B.C.  s.v.  caustul,  custul.  The  stonea 
were  evidently  strapped  to  the  shields  in  some  way. 


\ 


THE  GLENMASAN  MANUSCRIPT  223 

'  In  the  company  in  front 
Are  four  hundred  sedate  champions ; 
In  the  rear  company 
Are  four  hundred  equally  conspicuous. 

*  There  are  other  four  hundred, 
Tall  fierce  champions ; 

Each  warrior  fitly  armed 

In  the  great  squadron  in  the  centre. 

*  A  shield  on  the  back  of  each  hero 
Speckled  and  very  large  ; 
There  is  a  heavy  unwieldy  stone, 
Fastened  to  each  white  shield.' 

'  These  are  the  men  from  the  north, 
From  the  borders  of  Assaroe, 
Aedh  and  Angus  of  equal  valour, 
The  two  noble  sons  of  black-footed  Curnan. 

'  A  squadron  of  highest  courage 
That  comes  in  their  splendid  form ; 
There  are  not  (men)  of  greater  daring  or  strength, 
I  declare  unto  you.' 

This  is. 


(To  he  continued.) 


224  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

MY  HIGHLAND  BAPTISM 

William  Jolly 

The  present  Celtic  Renascence  is  but  a  late,  delayed,  and 
natural  recognition  of  a  great  past  Literature,  too  long  despised 
and  neglected  by  the  Sassenach,  from  various  causes — not  the 
least  being  insensibility  to  its  wonderful  charm,  reluctance  to 
acknowledge  debts  to  races  he  despised  and  drove  before  him, 
and,  in  great  part,  to  the  fact  that  these  wonderful  literary 
treasures  were  hidden,  nay  buried,  in  unknown  tongues. 
Now  that  it  is  being  translated  into  English,  Celtic  literature 
may  and  will  have  some  chance  of  influencing  British  litera- 
ture in  a  new  and  permanent  fashion,  and  of  speeding  the 
time  pleaded  for  so  eloquently  by  Matthew  Arnold  and  others 
in  many  a  glowing  paragraph.  Now,  also,  that  our  universities, 
notably  Glasgow,  have  wakened  out  of  the  sleep  of  centuries 
and  recognised  its  importance,  Gaelic  and  Irish  and  Welsh 
literature  can  no  longer  be  ignored. 

I  came  early  under  the  glamour  of  the  Celtic  spirit.  First, 
as  a  lad,  when  I  was  electrified  by  Ossian  ;  though  even  then, 
a  youthful  analysis,  comparing  his  Ode  on  the  Death  of  Oscar 
with  the  Hebrew  Threnody  on  the  Death  of  Saul,  proved 
the  coincidence  between  the  two  to  be  so  close  that  it  became 
suspicious,  and  suggested  tampering,  by  Macpherson,  with 
the  Celtic  basis.  Lowland  born,  in  the  old  romantic  town 
of  the  big  abbey  of  Aberbrothock,  the  '  Fairport '  of  the  Great 
Wizard,  viewing  the  Highlands  through  that  dim  poetic  haze, 
and  seeing  their  hills  only  from  afar  off  across  the  broad 
Strathmore,  I  was  inspired  with  enthusiasm  for  the  mountains, 
and  fired  with  ardour  to  visit  the  glens  and  bens.  That  wish 
was  amply  gratified  at  last,  sooner  than  I  could  have  antici- 
pated, when  I  was  a  lad  above  twenty,  more  than  forty  years 
ago.  It  was  then,  on  a  visit  to  Loch  Bannoch,  that  I  received 
my  Highland  Baptism,  the  virtue  of  which  has  ever  since  per- 
manently influenced  life,  and  will  endure  to  the  very  end. 


MY  HIGHLAND  BAPTISM  225 

In  Edinburgh,  under  the  crags  of  the  castle,  while  still  a 
student  in  the  Normal  School  there,  before  University  days, 
which  came  later,  I  made  the  acquaintance  of  Alister  Cameron, 
from  the  Highlands  of  Perthshire.  He  was  son  of  the  old 
Gaelic  teacher  and  translator,  John  Cameron,  at  Innervar, 
Glen  Lyon,  where  Alister  was  born.  We  at  once  made  a 
covenant  of  friendship,  which  has  endured  undiminished  in 
strength  and  unbroken  by  time  until  this  hour.  Soon 
after  leaving  Edinburgh  and  Ayrshire,  I  accepted  his  warm 
invitation  to  spend  some  time  with  him  in  the  romantic 
Rannoch  country.  The  idea  was  enchanting,  and  its  realisa- 
tion the  fulfilment  of  a  long  dream,  glorious  and  unforgotten ; 
and  an  entry  into  future  labours.  Our  trysting-place  was 
Kinloch  Rannoch,  at  the  eastern  end  of  the  lake,  where  the 
Tummel  leaves  it,  and  where  his  sister  lived.  At  that  time, 
there  was  no  rail  further  north  than  Dunkeld,  and  thither  I 
sped  on  my  way  to  what  seemed  to  me  the  Land  of  Romance. 
My  recollections  of  every  stage  in  that  long  past  and  picturesque 
journey  are  much  more  vivid  than  those  of  yesterday ;  and 
have  furnished  a  gallery  of  imperishable  pictures  and  brilliant 
associations  on  the  walls  of  deathless  memory.  It  introduced 
me  to  the  Highland  land,  the  Highland  people,  and  Highland 
problems.  These  became  potent  factors  in  my  after  life,  which 
has,  curiously,  been  spent,  in  great  part,  in  their  investigation  ; 
for,  in  the  Highlands,  fate  determined  that  I  should  pass  the 
most  important  and  most  laborious  days  to  me,  and  make  my 
dearest  friendships.  That  early  excursion  coloured  all  my 
subsequent  career. 

Roaming  round  Dunkeld  in  a  thrill  of  delight,  I  made 
acquaintance  with  Birnam  Woods,  of  Shakspearean  allusion, 
the  quaint  burgh  itself,  and  the  interesting  cathedral,  whose 
tower  still  looms  large  in  memory ;  though  I  had  been  accus- 
tomed, from  boyhood,  to  the  presence  of  grander  ruins  in  my 
native  town.  I  had  then  entered  the  gateway  of  the  High- 
lands, and  across  the  porch  of  my  future  life  work.  I  still  recall 
with  disdain  the  tricksome  mirrors  of  the  summer-house, 
known  as  Ossian's  Hall,  in  the  grounds  of  the  castle  ;  which 


226  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

found  expression  to  feeling  in  Wordswoi-th's  indignant  remon- 
strance against  these,  and  its  bewildering  kaleidoscope  of 
foaming  and  flashing  falls — a  travesty  of  its  inherent  grandeur, 
and  a  violation  of  their  beauty  incompatible  with  their  majesty 
and  with  true  taste.     Like  Wordsworth, 

'  I  mused  and,  thirsting  for  redress, 
Recoiled  into  the  wilderness.' 

Thence  I  found  my  way  northwards  by  open  coach,  drink- 
ing the  delights  I  had  looked  forward  to  so  ardently  that 
Pitlochry  was  reached  only  too  soon  for  full  satiation  of 
appetite  for  the  Beautiful.  I  felt  the  truth  of  the  Words- 
worthian  contention,  which  is  the  main  theme  of  his  '  Prelude,' 
that  these  early  years  of  our  life  have  in  them  a  vividness  of 
perception,  and  a  depth  and  strength  of  feeling  that  never  do 
and  never  can  return.  They  were  so  intensely  real,  so 
powerfully  vivid,  that  they  have  become  imperishable,  and 
cannot  even  now  be  expressed  in  adequate  words.  Poetry 
alone  seemed  the  one  proper  vehicle  of  utterance ;  but  the 
irksomeness  of  poetic  diction,  even  then  after  considerable 
practice,  seemed  to  dispel  the  charm.  The  reality  surpassed 
all  anticipations,  however  exalted.  It  was  altogether  an 
ecstatic  vision,  and  remains  strangely  realistic  to  this  hour, 
as  when  first  seen  and  felt  in  all  its  potency. 

I  was  attracted,  first,  by  the  meeting  of  the  great  waters 
opposite  Logierait,  where  the  Tay  and  the  Tummel  unite ; 
each  worthily  claiming  to  be  the  parent  fountain  of  the  mighty 
river  system  whose  name  is  dominated  by  the  Tay,  The 
Water,  as  it  signifies  in  old  Gaelic,  not  Tatha,  smooth,  for 
neither  loch  nor  river  merits  such  a  distinction.  Geographi- 
cally considered,  however,  it  is  matter  of  dispute  as  to  which 
is  the  parent  stream ;  and  I  contend  that  the  balance  of 
evidence,  in  extent,  volume  and  basin,  rests  with  the  grander 
Tummel.  But,  as  the  greater  Missouri  is  eclipsed  in  name  by 
the  great  but  lesser  Mississippi,  so  here  the  Tay  has  sup- 
planted its  rival. 

I  visited  the  Falls  of  Tummel  near  Pitlochry,  where  the 
stream  rolls  proudly  over  the  obstructing  rocks,  with  the 


MY  HIGHLAND  BAPTISM  227 

wondrous  cone  of  Schiehallion,  the  finest  hill  in  the  broad 
Highlands,  set  right  over  its  centre,  and  showing  its  lovely 
contour  in  the  glorious  lights  of  a  splendid  day.  Though 
under  twenty  feet  in  height,  the  Falls  combine  aspects  of  form, 
foam,  fierceness  and  colour,  wood,  rock  and  river,  which  place 
them  above  all  praise.  Even  geological  MaccuUoch,  in  his 
volumes  on  the  Highlands,  written  and  dedicated  to  his 
friend,  Sir  Walter  Scott,  is  roused  to  enthusiasm  in  describing 
their  beauties,  scientific  soul  though  he  was. 

There,  also,  I  made  my  first  acquaintance  with  ants'  hills, 
which,  though  common  in  the  northern  woods,  are  unknown 
in  Lowland  Forfarshire.  They  often  rise  several  feet  in  height, 
formed  mostly  of  the  needles  of  the  fir-trees  under  which  they 
are  heaped,  and  up  which  the  paths  of  the  ever  active  insects 
can  be  traced  to  their  very  tops.  When  left  undisturbed, 
these  hillocks  look  quite  lifeless,  especially  during  midday 
heat ;  but  when  stirred  with  a  stick,  they  at  once  present 
a  sight  of  the  most  marvellous  activity,  caused  by  the  anxieties 
of  countless  thousands  of  ants  to  secure  their  young  and 
repair  the  damage. 

It  proves  the  aptness  of  the  image  used  by  Dugald 
Buchanan,  schoolmaster  of  Rannoch,  and  greatest  Religious 
poet  of  the  Highlands,  in  his  remarkable  poem  on  the  '  Last 
Judgment,'  when  he  says  that,  on  that  great  day,  at  the  sound 
of  the  Last  Trumpet,  the  earth  will  deliver  up  her  dead  '  like 
an  ant-hill  when  stirred  !  *  It  is  an  original  and  powerful, 
truly  Dantean,  comparison  ;  exhibiting  also  the  real  source  of 
imagery  for  all  true  men  and  true  poets — their  own  environ- 
ment, directly  observed  and  artistically  utilised.  The  sight 
of  this  curious  and  striking  phenomenon  prepared  me  for 
being  introduced  to  the  works  of  the  Schoolmaster  Bard,  when 
I  spent  these  glorious  ten  days  round  Rannoch. 

I  afterwards  knew  a  good  parish  minister,  now  gone  into 
the  Great  Shadow,  who  was  born  not  far  from  the  Falls. 
While  at  school,  under  a  '  boast,'  which  boys  will  fooHshly 
make,  he  said  that  he  would  stand  in  his  kilt  on  the  top  of 
an  ant-hill  for  a  quarter  of  an  hour.     This  he  accomplished 


228  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

amid  the  admiring  eyes  of  his  comrades  and  the  tears  of  the 
girls,  but  at  frightful  cost  to  himself  For  the  vicious  little 
creatures  swarmed  up  his  bare  red  legs,  and  underneath  his 
kilt,  biting  at  every  step,  with  the  result  that  he  suffered 
for  weeks  in  bed  from  blood  poisoning — little  consoled  by  his 
pluck,  which  was  perfect.  That  pluck  never  left  him  in  after 
life ;  but  he  chose  more  appropriate  fields  for  its  exhibition, 
and  won,  in  these,  love  and  enduring  fame  as  a  devoted 
minister  and  Hebrew  scholar. 

As  a  diligent  student  of  English  Literature,  for  Gaelic 
was  then  to  me  a  sealed  book,  though  Latin  and  Greek  were  not, 
I  felt  a  peculiar  charm  in  the  scenery  through  which  we  were 
driving,  in  the  thought,  that  the  same  journey  had  been  made, 
among  others,  by  Gray  and  Burns  and  Wordsworth.  Gray's 
achievement  in  travel  was  as  remarkable  as  that  of  Johnson, 
for  its  courage  and  priority  of  perception  of  the  picturesque. 
Yet  even  he,  with  his  feeling  for  style  and  his  sympathy  for 
the  Celts,  was  not  without  the  terror  which  then  inspired 
most  Lowlanders.  A  letter  to  his  Cambridge  friend,  Wharton, 
is  deliciously  feminine  in  feeling  for  philological  propriety,  and, 
as  from  an  old  bachelor,  physical  formalities.  He  had  just  left 
Glamis  Castle,  where  he  had  had  a  good  time  with  that  fair 
poet  and  lame  philosopher,  James  Beattie.  He  tells  that  he  saw 
Schiehallion  from  the  high  towers  of  Glamis,  forty-five  miles 
off,  which  is  very  accurately  stated ;  and  he  makes  prudishly 
merry  with  its  extraordinary  name,  calling  the  mountain 
simply  '  That,'  the  Latin  of  scholarly  surprise  (ista).  Saying  : 
'  There  that  She-Khallian  spires  into  a  cone  above  the  clouds.' 
Travelling  along  this  same  road  as  myself,  he  returns  to  the 
subject,  calling  it  the  Maiden's  Pap,  and  '  that  monstrous 
creation  of  God  ! '  Goodness !  Why  shouldn't  God  make 
her  one  of  the  finest  forms  in  the  world,  in  her  way  as  fine 
as  Cotopaxi  or  the  glorious  volcano  that  dominates  Japan  ! 

The  junction   of  Tummel   and   Tay  he   rightly  deemed 

*  charming,'  assigning  the  greater  size  to  the  Tummel.     He 
thought  the  road  excellent  but  too  dangerous,  he  confessed 

*  in  all  conscience,'  though  masked  indeed  by  wood  that  found 


MY  HIGHLAND  BAPTISM  229 

means  to  grow  where  good  Gray  could  not  stand.  The 
highway  being  often  without  defence,  he  frankly  admitted, 
dear  soul,  that  he  passed  it  for  miles  on  foot,  'partly  for  fear, 
and,  no  doubt,  partly  to  admire  the  beauty  of  the  scenery, 
which  the  beauty  of  the  weather — it  was  in  June — set  off 
to  the  greatest  advantage.  As  evening  came  on,  they 
approached,  he  continues,  the  Pass  of  '  Gillicrankie,'  where 
in  the  '45  the  Hessians,  with  their  prince  at  their  head, 
stopped  short  and  refused  to  march  a  foot  farther — falling 
into  Latin  like  a  scholar — '  Vestihulum  ante  ipsum  primisque 
in  faucibus  Orci ! '  This  may  be  rendered  by  Scott's  Lady 
of  the  Lake,  'the  pass's  jaws.'  Here  they  seemed,  to  the 
English  Lowland  poet,  the  entrance,  the  vestibule  to  Hell ! 

'  In  short,'  Gray  concludes,  '  since  I  saw  the  Alps,  I  have 
seen  nothing  sublime  till  now.'  He  asks  Wharton  naively 
to  pray  for  him ;  for  he  also  dreaded  Edinburgh  and  the  itch, 
expecting  to  find  very  little  in  any  way  worth  the  perils  he 
was  to  endure.  These,  it  is  to  be  hoped,  his  virtuous  and 
comfortable  couch  fully  belied  ! 

Schiehallion's  name  evidently  frightened  Gray's  sensibili- 
ties, for,  though  he  gives  its  probable  meaning,  he  seems  to 
have  thought  that  the  first  syllable  meant  Maiden,  whereas  it 
is  the  second  that  does  so ;  and  he  prints  in  capitals,  always, 
the  '  She  ' — anticipating  Pider  Haggard  by  many  years  in 
having  feared  the  '  She  '  that  must  be  feared,  admired  and 
obeyed,  here  in  wild  Scotland,  as  in  rude  Rhodesia  1 

Joining  the  mailcart  that  runs  along  the  highway  above 
the  north  bank  of  the  Tummel,  I  passed  the  hamlet  of  Garry, 
at  the  entrance  of  Killiecrankie,  with  its  wealth  of  wood  and 
its  grand  gorge.  Thence,  alone  with  the  young  driver,  a 
bright,  intelligent  and  obliging  companion,  I  sped  between 
wooded  lanes  of  birch,  redolent  with  the  inspiriting  odour 
from  its  leaves  wet  with  dew  ;  combined  alder  and  sienna- 
coloured  Caledonian  firs,  flecked  with  sunshine  and  shade ; 
and  commanding  enchanting  glimpses  of  the  valley  of  the 
Tummel.  The  glorious  peak  of  the  beauteous  Maiden's  Breast 
across  the  vale  was  ever  dominant.     Such  is  the  significance 


230  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

of  its  sweet-sounding  name,  Schiehallion,  from  the  Gaelic  Sich 
chailin}  cailin  being  a  maiden,  and  cailleach  an  old  woman. 

Soon,  at  an  elevated  point,  the  driver  kindly  stopped,  to 
give  his  horses  needed  rest ;  but,  in  reality,  to  enable  me  to  go 
through  the  birch  trees  to  see  what  is  known  as  '  The  Queen's 
View,'  so  named  since  our  late  Queen  visited  it.  It  was  an 
unexpected  and  magnificent  spectacle — to  my  young  eyes 
unspeakably  fine.  At  my  feet,  though  some  five  miles  off,  lay 
Loch  Tummel,  dented  with  richly  wooded  capes  and  bays, 
with  gentle  Schiehallion  pictured  in  its  placid  mirror ! 
Beyond,  stretched  long  Loch  Rannoch  and  lone  Loch  Lydan, 
or  Lydoch,  the  centres  of  a  wonderful  vista ;  long-drawn, 
lovely,  and  lonely,  lighted  up  by  the  glowing  westering  sun ; 
on  to  Rannoch's  mighty  Moor  and  the  Black  Forest,  with  the 
peaks  of  grand  Glencoe  in  clear  view  some  fifty  miles  off ! 

To  my  Lowland  sight,  by  the  lights  of  young  fancy  and 
unexpected  beauty,  the  scene  seemed  pure  enchantment — the 
finest  I  had  yet  seen  on  earth.  It  is  a  sight  universally 
acknowledged  as  unsurpassed,  in  its  kind,  for  mingled  majesty 
and  beauty,  bounteousness,  grandeur  and  wildness. 

Then  we  quickly  dropped  down  on  the  clachan  of  Tummel 
Bridge,  where  another  road  crossed  ours,  amidst  mountain 
masses  of  boldness  and  gloom ;  aU  dominated  and  redeemed 
by  the  Maiden's  Pap,  not  less  beautiful  when  revealed  on 
the  bosom  of  wood  and  wilderness,  that  partly  hid,  partly 
revealed  her  native  comeliness,  even  at  close  quarters  seen. 
We  then  traversed  further  miles  of  brighter,  better  culti- 
vated country  as  we  neared  our  destination,  in  a  succession 
of  mansions  embosomed  in  foliage,  and  past  Mount  Alex- 
ander with  its  old,  Scottish,  castellated  turrets. 

At  long  last,  sated  but  not  weary  with  sight-seeing,  sore 
with  the  hard  journeying,  I  reached  the  village  of  Kinloch 
Rannoch,  across  the  bridge  where  the  clear  Tummel  relieves 
the  overburdened  lake  of  its  surplus  waters.  The  Loch  itself 
slept  in  the  evening  light,  huge  Ben  Alder  on  its  right, 
twelve  miles  ahead,  where  it  receives  the  streams  that  dash 
from  its  rock-bound  shoulders. 


MY  HIGHLAND  BAPTISM  231 

There  I  was  warmly  welcomed  by  my  friend,  Cameron, 
with  the  heartiest  of  hand-shakes  and  the  brightest  of  smiles. 
He  led  me  to  his  sister's  house,  where  I  spent  the  happiest 
of  holidays.  These  were  my  first  taste  of  Highland  hospi- 
tality, and  digest  of  great  Highland  scenery.  I  was  already 
bitten  badly  with  the  sacred  thirst  of  the  Celtic  fever,  the 
fervour  of  which  still  tingles  in  my  blood,  dominating  life, 
and,  though  unknown  to  me  then,  anticipating  my  future 
fate ;  but  a  fate  anticipated  without  sadness  or  fear,  though 
little  increased,  in  now  the  long-drawn  end,  in  this  world's 
fortune. 

After  due  and  abundant  refreshment  at  my  friends' 
snug  house,  I  had  my  first  sail  on  a  Highland  lake,  in 
the  glorious  glow  of  an  August  sunset,  with  the  rising  moon 
to  add  to  its  attractions.  The  impressions  I  then  received 
are  still  sweetly  beautiful  and  unforgetable,  distinct  and 
clear,  and  not  crowded  out  by  countless  boatings  since. 
I  felt  as  if  I  were,  in  degree.  King  Arthur  Redivivus,  gliding 
along  the  lonely  Mere,  as  the  double  oars  were  dipped  in  the 
gleaming  waters  by  my  willing  companion,  while  I  held  the 
helm,  long  accustomed  to  such  a  task  in  a  seaport  town. 
Happily,  no  sword  descended  to  terminate  the  day  or  our 
lives.  And  now,  more  than  forty  years  since  that  sweet 
eventide,  we  both  still  wait  the  final  summons  to  Avilon 
of  the  Mighty  Mist ! 

'  Note. — The  Etymology  of  the  name  Schiehallion  cannot  be  said  to  be  finally 
settled.  My  own  opinion  inclines  strongly  towards  that  given  in  the  text  aboye, 
■which  is  also  the  local  derivation.  This,  on  account  of  its  own  remarkable  and 
singularly  striking  contour ;  the  fondness  of  the  Celts  for  this  image  of  a  Woman's 
Breast,  as  in  Maiden  Pap,  in  Caithness,  on  the  borders  of  Sutherland,  the  Paps  of 
Jura,  Scuir-na-ciche,  or  the  Scaur  of  the  Pap,  at  the  entrance  to  Glencoe,  Benachie 
the  Ben  of  the  Breast,  which  adorns  the  Vale  of  Alford  and  Central  Aberdeenshire 
Sichnanighean,  in  Arran,  the  Pap  of  the  Nighean  or  Maiden,  and  many  more. 
Another  derivation  has  been  advanced,  and  is  endorsed  by  the  great  Gaelic  scholar 
Dr.  Macbain,  viz.  Sith  ChaUlin,  the  Mountain  of  the  Caledonians  or  Men  of  the 
Woods ;  like  Dunhdd,  anciently  Duncaillen,  the  Dun  of  the  Woods,  or  Men  of  the 
Woods. 


232  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

SOME  SUTHERLAND  NAMES  OF  PLACES 

W.  J.  Watson 

The  county  of  Sutherland,  in  its  present  extent,  includes 
three  old  divisions — Sutherland  proper,  the  Reay  country,  and 
Assynt.  Sutherland,  South-land,  was  the  name  applied  by 
the  Norsemen  to  that  southern  part  of  their  province  of 
Caithness  lying  between  the  Ord  of  Caithness  and  the  river 
Oykell,  with  its  estuary,  the  Kyle  of  Sutherland.  *  Mons 
Mound,'  says  an  old  geographer  (1165  a.d.),  '  dividit  Cathane- 
siam  per  medium.'  Accordingly  he  writes  of  this  whole 
north-eastern  part  of  Scotland  as  '  Cathanesia  citra  et  ultra 
Montem.'  The  Mons  is  of  course  the  Ord,  and  is  not  to  be  con- 
fused with  the  modern  Mound  between  Golspie  and  Rogart, 
which  dates  from  the  early  part  of  the  last  century.  The 
Reay  country  in  the  north  from  Durness  to  the  Caithness 
border  was,  and  is,  the  home  of  the  Mackays  ;  in  Gaelic, 
Duthaich  Mhic  Aoidh.  Assynt  is  the  district  on  the  western 
seaboard.  In  1601,  through  the  influence  of  the  Earl  of 
Sutherland,  the  south-eastern  and  northern  districts  were 
raised  to  the  dignity  of  a  separate  sheriffdom,  to  which,  in 
1631,  Assynt  was  added.  Previously  they  formed  part  of  the 
sherifidom  of  Inverness. 

Sutherland  names  fall  into  three  classes — Pictish,  Gaelic, 
and  Norse.  The  two  latter  are  found  in  varying  relative  pro- 
portions all  over  the  country.  The  Pictish  element  is  most 
pronounced  in  the  south-eastern  part,  though  by  no  means 
confined  to  it.  This  paper  attempts  to  give  specimens  of  the 
Celtic  names,  i.e.  Pictish  and  Gaelic.  The  Norse  names  will 
be  taken  separately. 

That  the  Picts,  however  much  they  may  have  been  mixed 
with  an  older  and  non-Aryan  stock  in  point  of  race,  spoke  a 
Celtic  language  of  some  sort,  is  generally  agreed.  It  is  also 
the  view  of  most  leading  authorities  that  their  language  had 
strong  Kymric  affinities ;  that,  in  other  words,  it  is  to-day 


SOME  SUTHERLAND  NAMES  OF  PLACES    233 

more  nearly  represented  by  Welsh  and  Cornish  than  by 
Scottish  or  Irish  Gaelic.  The  place-names  of  Pictland,  so  far 
as  they  have  been  investigated,  bear  this  out ;  and  Sutherland, 
though  early  subjected  to  strong  Norse  influence,  contributes 
its  own  share  to  the  proof.  Our  earliest  authority  for  this 
district,  Ptolemy  of  Alexandria,  who  wrote  about  120  A.D., 
mentions  two  Sutherland  rivers,  Nabaros  and  Ha,  one  place 
vxIrjXr)  6x0r),  High  Bank  (of  a  river),  and  the  tribal  names 
Cornavii,  Caereni,  Lugi,  and  Smertae.  Nabaros  is  the 
modern  river  Naver,  G.  Nahhair  (bh  =  w).  Its  ending  -aros 
may  be  compared  with  Tam-aros,  '  the  Tamar ' ;  Sam-ara, 
'  the  Sambre,'  and  others.  The  root  nah-  nav-,  appears  in 
several  river-names  of  Celtic  origin  (c£  Holder,  AU-Celtischer 
Sprachschatz) ,  and  is  most  probably  the  same  as  in  nubes,  nebula, 
v€(l)o<s ;  Sk.  nabhas,  *  vapour.'  For  the  idea  may  be  compared 
the  Ross-shire  river  Meig,  G.  Mlg,  if  that  is  rightly  equated 
with  ofjiix^^r),  *  mist,'  and  its  congeners  in  Greek  and  Latin. 
Many  of  our  oldest  river-names  mean  simply  water  or  fluid. 
As  a  parallel  may  be  compared  the  Welsh  Nevern.  Ila  is 
now  in  Gaelic  Ilidh  (short  initial  vowel),  the  Helmsdale  river, 
connected  by  Dr.  W.  Stokes  with  German  eilen,  older  tlen, 
'hurry.'  In  point  of  meaning  this  is  not  exactly  satisfactory. 
The  river  is  about  21  miles  long,  with  a  fall  of  362  feet. 
The  Banffshire  Isla  falls  1000  feet  in  18|-  miles;  the  Perth- 
shire Isla,  G.  He  (initial  long  vowel)  falls  3000  feet  in  47 
miles.  The  island  of  Islay  is  G.  lie,  with  long  initial  vowel. 
The  latest  theory  as  to  the  origin  of  these  names,  which  seem 
all  to  hang  together,  refers  them  to  the  root  pi  seen  in  mvw, 
e-TTL-ov,  bi-bo,  giving  a  primitive  ^pila,  initial  p  being  dropped 
in  Celtic.  This  has  the  advantage  of  explaining  the  island 
name,  as  well  as  all  the  river-names.  High  Bank,  as  was 
pointed  out  in  the  first  number  of  the  Celtic  Review,  is  echoed 
by  Norse  Ehkialsbakki, '  Oykell  Bank,'  where  Ekkial,  G.  Oiceil, 
is  taken  to  represent  old  uxellos,  '  high,'  whence  Welsh  uchel, 
Gael,  uasal.  The  idea  is  repeated  in  the  name  of  the  town- 
ship on  the  bold  left  bank  of  the  Oykell  estuary, — Altas, 
G.  Alltais,  '  bluff'-stead.'     Of  the  tribal  names  no  trace  can  be 

VOL.  II.  Q 


234  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

found  except  in  the  case  of  the  Smertae.  These  I  discovered 
last  summer  as  commemorated  by  the  Ross-shire  hill-name 
Cam  Smeirt,  'the  Smertae's  Cairn,'  in  Strathcarron  (Kin- 
cardine), behind  Braelangwell  Lodge,  and  east  of  Meall 
Dheirgidh,  'lump  of  redness,'  forming  part  of  the  ridge 
between  Strathcarron  and  the  Oykell  estuary.  It  does  not 
appear  on  the  O.S.  maps.  This  indicates  the  location  of  the 
Smertae  as  at  least  partly  in  Ross.  They  probably  occupied 
the  valleys  of  the  Carron,  Oykell,  and  Shin.  With  Smertae 
is  to  be  compared  the  Gaulish  goddess  Ro-smerta,  irokv^pbiv, 
*  deep-thinking,'  from  the  root  smer,  '  think.'  The  Smertae 
were  smart.  This  brings  us  to  the  end  of  Ptolemy's  names,  if 
we  except  his  names  of  capes,  which,  however,  seem  properly  to 
belong  to  Caithness  rather  than  to  Sutherland.  Of  the  seven 
Ptolemaic  names  noted  above,  it  will  be  seen  that  four  survive 
to  this  day,  a  striking  proof  of  continuity  of  transmission. 

Seven  hundred  years  after  Ptolemy's  time,  the  invading 
Norsemen  found  in  easter  Sutherland  and  Caithness  a  tribe 
who  called  themselves  the  Cats — Catti,  '  wildcats ' — whence 
the  Picto-Norse  hybrid,  Katanes,  '  Cat-promontory,'  now 
Caithness.  That  these  folk  were  regarded  by  the  Norsemen 
as  Picts  is  sufficiently  proved  by  the  name  Pentland  Firth 
applied  to  the  sea  that  washes  their  northern  coast,  which 
certainly  means  Pictland  Firth.  According  to  mediaeval 
Gaelic  legend.  Cat  was  one  of  the  seven  sons  of  Cruithne,  the 
Pict,  who  divided  Scotland  into  seven  provinces,  of  which  the 
most  northerly  is  referred  to  as  Crich  Chat,  '  bounds  of  the 
Cats ' ;  i  Cataib,  '  among  the  Cats '  (as  Caesar  says  in 
Sequanis).  This  latter  expression  explains  the  term  Cataohh 
(Cataibh),  which  is  modern  Gaelic  for  Sutherland.  With  these 
fierce,  wildcat  folk  may  perhaps  be  compared  Herodotus' 
Kynetes  or  Kynesii,  '  Hound-folk,'  most  westerly  of  European 
peoples,  and  next  neighbours  to  the  Celts.  This  old  tribal 
name  has  impressed  itself  strongly  on  the  place-names.  The 
southern  uplands  of  Lairg  are  still  in  Gaelic  Braigh-Chat, 
'  Uplands  of  the  Catti ' ;  northward  is  Dithreahh  Chat, 
'wilderness    of  Cats';   the  Kyle  of  Sutherland  is  An  Gaol 


SOME  SUTHERLAND  NAMES  OF  PLACES    235 

Catach,  *  Cat-kyle ';  the  Earl  of  Sutherland  was  Moirear  Chaty 
*  Mormaer,'  or  '  Lord  of  Cats ' ;  the  Duke  \b  An  Diiic  Catach  ; 
Sutherland  men  are  Cataich. 

In  Gaelic  the  primitive  Indo- Germanic  qu  sound  becomes 
c  ;  in  Kymric  it  becomes  p ;  and  as  primitive  p  is  non-existent 
in  Celtic,  no  place-name  involving  p  can  be  of  Gaelic  origin, 
unless  the  p  has  arisen  independently,  or  in  borrowed  words. 
If  it  is  Celtic,  it  must  belong  to  the  Kymric  branch.  Applying 
the  test  thus  roughly  and  generally  indicated,  we  find  in 
Sutherland  six  or  seven  pits;  O.G.  pett,  y^ elsh.  peth,  'a 
thing,'  *  a  part.'  In  Gaelic  pit  is  usually  translated,  generally 
by  haile,  '  a  stead,'  which  is  the  meaning  o^ pett  in  the  Book  of 
Deer.  The  Sutherland  pits  are  confined  to  the  parishes  of 
Kogart,  Lairg,  and  Dornoch  in  the  south-eastern  part  of  the 
county.  There  we  have  Pitfour  (twice),  G.  Baile-phiir ;  cf. 
Welsh  pawr,  'pasturage,'  'grazing.'  Pitfour  or  Balfour  is 
common  all  over  Pictland,  and  -fur  appears  also  in  Delfour, 
Dochfour,  Tillifour  and  TilUfourie,  and  Trinafour.  Once 
heard  in  Gaelic,  it  cannot  be  confounded  with  G.  fuar,  '  cold.' 
The  unaspirated  form  is  seen  clearly  in  Porin,  G.  Porainn 
(Strathconon),  cf  Welsh  poriant,  'pasture,'  and  in  Purin, 
older  Pourane  (Fife).  The  aspirated  form  is  as  old  as  the 
Book  of  Deer,  nice  fiirene,  now  Pitfour  in  Deer.  Pitgrudie, 
'  G.  Baile-ghriddidh,  seems  to  mean  '  grit-stead '  or  '  rough- 
stead.'  As  a  river-name  Grudie  occurs  twice  in  Sutherland 
and  twice  in  Boss,  not  elsewhere.  Gruids  (Lairg)  is  an  English 
plural  of  G.  na  Giiddean.  Pittentrail,  G.  Baile  an  Traill ,  may 
mean  '  thrall-stead,'  in  which  case  it  is  a  post-Norse  formation, 
G.  train  being  borrowed  from  Norse  ThroBlL  The  remaining 
pits  appear  only  on  record :  Pitmean,  Pitarkessie,  Pitcarie 
Petterquhasty.  Another  _p-name  is  Proncy,  near  Dornoch  ; 
Promci  1222 ;  G.  Pronnsaidh,  of  which  I  have  no  derivation 
to  offer.  With  it  may  be  compared  a'  Phronntanaich,  not  far 
away,  which  seems  to  be  from  the  same  root  with  developed  t, 
and  well-known  Gaelic  sufiixes. 

Sutherland  shows  a  fair  number  of  streams  with  the  -ie 
suffix,  which  is  so  common  in  Pictland,  while  it  is  scarcely 


236  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

known  in  the  stream-names  of  Dalriada,  still  less  in  Skye  or 
Lewis.  This  suffix  probably  often  represents  an  old  -ios  or 
-ia,  but  there  are  other  possibilities,  e.g.  we  have  seen  that 
Ptolemy's  Ila  is  now  Hie.  The  two  Grudies  (Durness  and 
Lairg)  have  been  already  noted.  In  Golspie  there  are  Lun- 
daidh  and  Mailidh.  Lundaidh  or  Lundie  is  an  extremely 
common  water-name,  and  has  been  referred  to  a  nasalised 
form  of  G.  lod,  '  puddle.'  Mailidh  is  also  common :  Inver- 
maiUie  and  Maillie  river  in  Inverness ;  Polmaly  in  Glen- 
urquhart ;  Dalmally  and  Allt -mailidh  in  Glenorchy,  while 
Coire  Mhkileagan  (a  double  diminutive)  occurs  twice  in  Ross. 
These  may  possibly  come  from  the  root  seen  in  Latin  madeo, 
madidus,  wet ;  '"mad-l-ios,  cf  Holder's  Mad-onia.  O.G.  mal, 
'  noble,'  from  maglos,  is  also  possible.  The  notion  of  nobility 
appears  in  Allt  Eilgnidh  (Brora),  from  O.G.  elg,  'noble,' 
whence  Glen-elg,  G.  Gleann-eilg  (where  eilg  is  to  be  regarded 
as  a  stream-name),  and  Elgin,  G.  Eilginn.  In  Kildonan  there 
is  Tealnaidh,  cf  the  Gaulish  fountain  god  Tel-o(n),  and  (?)  the 
river  Telia  (Holder).  The  Lothbeg  river  is  Labhaidh,  which 
points  to  an  early  '''Lahios^  Ghatter-y.  The  river  of  Strath 
Terry  is  in  G.  Tiridh.  GlengoUy,  G.  Gleanna-goUaidh, 
implies  a  river  Gollaidh,  which  it  is  just  possible  may  be  a 
dialectic  variation  of  the  common  Geollaidh  or  Geallaidh, 
Geldy,  etymologised  by  Dr.  A.  Macbain  from  the  root  geld, 
*  water ' ;  Norse  kelda,  '  a  well ' ;  Ger.  quelle.  Sgeimhidh 
(Altnaharra)  is  a  rapid  stream  with  a  delta,  which  suggests  a 
comparison  with  G.  sgeith,  '  vomit.'  On  the  north-west  coast 
we  have  Malldaidh,  based  on  G.  mall,  'slow.'  Further  search 
would  doubtless  reveal  several  more  stream-names  of  this 
class.  The  above  will  serve  as  specimens.  Besides  these 
there  are  two  important  river-names,  Shin  and  Casley.  Shin 
is  G.  Ahhainn  Sin  (pronounced  exactly  like  sin,  'that'). 
Ptolemy's  name  for  the  Shannon  is  Senos;  in  Trip.  Life 
Sinona  and  Sinna ;  in  Irish  Sinainn ;  and  Dr.  W.  Stokes 
derives  from  Sk.  sindhu,  '  a  river.'  Shin  and  Shannon  are  no 
doubt  ultimately  the  same ;  the  root,  however,  seems  to  be 
rather  s%,  sei, '  bend,'  as  seen  in  (rliio<i,  *  snubnosed ' ;  strains,  sinus. 


SOME  SUTHERLAND  NAMES  OF  PLACES    237 

This  applies  physically  to  both  rivers.  Casley  is  in  G.  Ahhainn 
Charsla' ;  its  glen  is  Gleann  Charsla',  and  its  mouth  is  Inbhir 
Charsla' ;  an  obscure  name ;  r  is  probably  a  matter  of  develop- 
ment in  Gaelic.  Loch  Alsh,  G.  Loch  Ai(l)s,  in  Assynt,  is  no 
doubt  the  same  as  the  Ross-shire  Lochalsh,  Ptolemy's  Volsas  ; 
and  Loch  Awe  is  a  repetition  of  Loch  Awe  in  Argyll ; 
Adamnan's  Stagnum  fluminis  Abae,  where  Aba  simply  means 
'  river,'  now  the  river  Awe. 

Distinctively  Pictish  terminations,  i.e.  terminations  un- 
known in  Dalriada  or  in  Ireland,  are  rare  in  Sutherland. 
Thoroughly  Pictish,  however,  is  the  suffix  -ais,  seen  in  AUtais 
(Altas)  already  referred  to,  and  described  as  to  situation.  It 
is  also  found  in  Allt  Charrais,  Rosehall,  from  root  kars,  *  harsh,' 
*  rough,'  seen  in  Carron,  '^Carsona.  This  burn  flows  by  the 
site  of  an  old  broch,  the  stones  of  which  were  quarried  from 
its  bed.  There  is  another  Allt  Charrais  near  Strathpeffer.  The 
ending  may  be  referred  ultimately  to  the  root  of  G.  Jois, '  rest,' 
ao-Tv,  '''vostis,  '  a  stead.'  It  is  found  in  such  names  as  Forres, 
G.  Far  ais ;  Farness,  G.  Fearnais ;  also  in  Dallas,  Duffus, 
Geddes,  Pityowlish,  Durris,  Dores,  and  so  on.  Another 
appears  in  Tressady  (Rogart  and  Lairg),  G.  Treasaididh ;  cf. 
Navity,  G.  Neamh-aididh  (Cromarty) ;  Musaididh  in  Strath- 
errick,  from  root  of  G.  mus-ach,  '  nasty' ;  Welsh  tnws,  '  rank.' 
For  the  root  of  Tressady  may  be  compared  O.  Ir.  tress,  'battle'; 
Welsh  treisio,  'oppress';  treisiant,  'oppression.'  There  is  a 
Tressat  in  Perthshire.  A  name  which  should  perhaps  have  come 
under  stream-names  is  Banavie,  seen  in  Loch  Bhanbhaidh, 
near  Loch  Shin.  There  is  Banavie,  near  Fort- William, 
several  of  them  indeed ;  also  Glen  Banavie  in  Perthshire, 
and  Ben  vie  in  Forfar.  All  these  are  to  be  referred  to  O.G.  and 
Irish  hanh,  ha7ihh,  '  pig ' ;  Welsh  banw,  '  swine.'  Banha  was 
an  old  poetic  name  for  Ireland,  and  the  three  pagan  queens 
of  Ireland  were  Eriu,  Fodla,  and  Banba.  Banw  is  the  name 
of  a  Welsh  river  into  which  falls  Tivrch,  '  hog.'  '  Many  rivers 
forming  deep  channels  or  holes  into  which  they  sink  in  the 
earth  and  are  lost  for  a  distance  are  so  called.'  ^     Whether 

*  Archivfur  Celt.  Lexicographic,  iii.  45. 


238  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

this  applies  to  any  of  the  Scottish  Banavie's  I  have  failed  to 
learn,  but  the  name  is  more  probably  a  locative  form  of  which 
our  Banif  (G.  Bainbh)  and  BamfF  are  the  accusatives.  Dola, 
G.  Dola,  is  near  Lairg ;  also  Loch  Dola  (O.S.M.  Loch 
Dughaill  f),  a  name  puzzling  in  both  root  and  suffix.  The 
ending  -la  has  been  seen  in  Carsla  (Casley) ;  it  appears  also 
in  Croyla  (Badenoch),  and  in  Sruighla,  the  Gaelic  for  Stirling, 
and  is  perhaps  a  reduced  form  of  -lack  or  -lann. 

In  the  south  and  north  parts  there  are  some  names  not 
necessarily  Pictish,  but  at  any  rate  of  very  old  Celtic  forma- 
tion. G.  Magh,  '  a  plain,'  appears  commonly  enough  as  muigh 
(genitive  or  locative),  e.g.  Drum-muie.  It  appears  also  in 
Morvich,  G.  a'Mhoroich,  '  sea-plain ' ;  Ir.  muir-magh.  Such 
formations  are  comparatively  modern.  A  much  older  forma- 
tion, on  the  model  of  the  Gaulish  compounds,  is  seen  e.g.  in 
the  Irish  Fearnmhagh, '  alder- plain,'  repeated  near  Inverness  in 
the  obsolete  Fearnaway,  with  which  cf.  Darnaway  (?  Durno- 
magos).  It  is  seen  also  in  such  names  as  Multovy  (Ross), 
Muckovie  (Inverness),  for  '''Molto-magos,  '''Mucco-magos, 
'  wedder  -  plain '  and  *  swine  -  plain.'  In  Sutherland  Rovie 
(Rogart)  stands  for  '"Ho-magos,  '  excellent  plain.'  Rinavie 
(Bettyhill),  Gaelic  Roinnimhigh,  stands  near  a  sharp  bend  of 
the  river  Naver,  forming  a  cape,  and  I  take  it  to  be  for 
^'Rindo-magos,  '  point-plain.'  Reay  is  in  G.  Meaghrath ;  in 
the  Book  of  Clanranald  Lord  Reay  is  morbhair  meghrath. 
The  name  has  been  equated  with  Irish  Moyra,  Maghrath, 
•  plain-fort,'  but  in  view  of  the  Sutherland  treatment  of  magh 
as  muigh,  coupled  with  the  difficulty  of  the  palatalised  m  in 
Meaghrath,  the  parallel  is  doubtful.  In  Ross  we  have  Coire 
nam  Meagh  and  Meaghlaich,  both  from  meagh,  which  is  our 
dialectic  form — as  it  is  also  in  Sutherland — for  mang,  '  a 
fawn,'  and  Fawn-fort  is  an  intelligible  enough  combination. 
In  the  Caithness  part  of  Reay  there  is  Downreay,  G. 
Dii{n)rath,  evidently  a  Pictish  '^ Duno-rdton,  'strong  fort/ 
Reay  itself  is  also  heard  as  simply  Rath. 

The  prefix  far,  which  is  not  necessarily  Pictish,  though 
common  in  Pictland,   is   seen   in   Farlary,   G.   Farrlaraigh 


SOME  SUTHERLAND  NAMES  OF  PLACES    239 

(Rogart),  '  projecting  site '  (larach),  which  exactly  suits  the 
place.  Elsewhere  such  places  are  called  Socach,  '  snout -place.' 
Rudha  na  Farai{r)d,  Englished  '  Farout  Head,'  in  Durness, 
has  been  wrongly  equated  with  Ptolemy's  Virvedrum.  It 
means  simply  *  projecting  cape,*  and  there  is  another  Rudha 
na  Farai{r)d  at  the  entrance  to  Badcall  Bay,  much  pro- 
jecting. An  old  spelling  of  Farout  Head  is  Farard 
(Orig.  Paroch.  ii.  2.  701).  With  these  may  be  compared 
An  Araird,  in  Ross,  and  Urrard,  in  Perthshire,  at  the 
junction  of  Tummel  and  Garry.  The  parish  name  Farr, 
which  recurs  in  Inverness-shire,  is  also  to  be  compared. 
Some  interesting  names  in  con-  occur.  Ben  More  (Assynt), 
or  at  least  its  highest  peak,  is  Conmheall.  This  has  been 
rendered  as  from  Norse  '  Queen-fell,'  but  as  the  name  Con  vail 
occurs  as  a  hill-name  elsewhere  where  there  is  no  possibility 
of  a  Norse  origin,  the  true  meaning  seems  to  be  rather 
con-mheall,  '  combination  of  lumps ' — which  describes  Ben 
More  well,  as  it  has  four  peaks.  '''Kuno-mellos,  '  high  lump, 
is  also  possible.  Between  Altas  and  Lairg,  a  bold  and  striking 
rock  of  oblong  form  rises  out  of  the  moor,  with  distinct  traces 
of  an  old  hill-fort.  This  is  Conchreag,  probably  meaning  '  high 
rock ' ;  cf  the  hill  Conachar,  near  Lubcroy  (Ross),  which  may 
be  ^'Kuno-carson,  *  high  rock.'  The  other  Sutherland  Co7i- 
chreag  I  have  not  seen.  There  is  also  Coneas  on  the  Glen- 
goUy  river,  '  combined  fall '  ?  In  all  these  cases  con,  '  dog,'  is 
possible,  but  there  are  so  many  of  them  all  over  Pictland  which 
are  physically  either  '  combinations '  or  high  places,  that  one 
doubts  the  applicability,  especially  as  cii  is  quite  rare  in  other 
combinations.  All  these  names  may  be  regarded  as  on  the 
debatable  ground  between  Pictish  and  Gaelic.  It  may  be 
noted  here  that  Clais  nan  Cruithneach,  '  the  Picts'  hollow,' 
is  near  Stoer  in  Assynt. 

There  are  some  interesting  purely  Gaelic  names.  Longphort, 
'  encampment,'  *  shieling,'  which  becomes  elsewhere  Luncart, 
Lungard,  Luncarty,  Luichart,  is  in  Sutherland  laghart.  Seann 
laghard  an  t-sluaigh,  '  the  old  shieling  of  the  folk,'  occurs 
in  a  poem  contributed  by  Rev.  A.  Gunn  to  the  Gaelic  Society  of 


240  THE  CELTIC  EEVIEW 

Inverness  (^raws.  xxiv.  8).  Rob  Donn  has  AlU  an  Fhaslaghairt, 
'  burn  of  the  stead-shieling.'  Evelix  (Dornoch),  Aveleche  1222, 
is  an  English  plural  form  of  G.  Eihhleag, '  a  live  coal,'  and  applies 
primarily  to  the  sparkling  Evelix  Burn.  Dornoch  represents 
an  old  Durndcon, '  place  of  hand-stones,  or  rounded  pebbles,'  an 
accusative  form,  of  which  the  locative  appears  in  the  common 
name  Dornie,  wrongly  ascribed  to  G.  ddirlinn,  'an  isthmus.' 
Bonar,  1275  le  Bunnach,  is  in  Gaelic  am  Bannath.  The  site 
of  the  present  Bonar  was  known  up  to  the  building  of 
Telford's  Bridge  in  1812  as  Baile  na  Croit,  *  hump-stead. 
The  real  Bunnach  (doubtless  a  misreading  for  Bunnath)  was 
half  a  mile  lower  down,  where  a  long  ford,  which  can  still  be 
pointed  out,  ran  from  near  the  beginning  of  the  present  wood 
on  the  Sutherland  side  to  a  spot  near  Kincardine  Church  on 
the  Ross-shire  side.  Bonar  must  mean  Bonn-ath,  '  bottom 
ford,'  the  lowest  ford  on  the  Kyle.  Bona,  at  the  north  end  of 
Loch  Ness,  is  am  han  ath,  '  white  ford,'  from  its  white  pebbles. 
There  has  been  no  ford  there  since  the  deepening  of  the  outlet 
for  the  canal.  A  quaintly  Anglicised  form  is  seen  in  Patter- 
gonie  (Oykell),  a  corruption  of  G.  Bad  a'  dhonnaidh,  *  clump 
of  the  mischance.'  Shinness  on  Loch  Shin  is  commonly 
supposed  to  mean  Shin-ness,  '  Shin-point,'  a  hybrid  which 
may  indeed  be  paralleled  by  Katanes,  Caithness.  The 
modern  Gaelic,  however,  is  (Aird  na)  Sinneis,  and  the  oldest 
spellings  are  Schenanes  1548,  Schennynes  1563,  pointing 
unmistakably  to  seann  innis,  '  old  haugh.'  There  is  another 
Shinness  in  Strath  Dionard,  Durness.  Dail  Teamhair  in 
Glencasley  has  been  noted  already  (Celtic  Review,  i.  p.  286). 
No  satisfactory  derivation  has  been  offered  of  the  parish 
name  Criech,  1223  Crech,  G.  Graoich.  But  for  the  old 
spelling,  it  might  be  explained  as  Crao(bh)aich,  'place  of 
trees,'  but  this  can  hardly  hold.  Of  the  common  explanation 
cHch,  *  boundary,'  is  out  of  the  question.  Of  the  other  Gaelic 
parish  names  Lairg,  1230  Larg,  is  from  learg,  'a  sloping 
hillside;  Clyne,  1230  Clun,  G.  Clin  is  the  locative  (dialectic), 
of  G.  claon,  '  a  slope.'  It  has  been  wrongly  ascribed  to  cluain, 
*a  meadow.'     Farr,  Dornoch,  and  Reay  have  been  mentioned. 


SOME  SUTHERLAND  NAMES  OF  PLACES    241 

Eddrachiiles,  G.  Eadra-chaolais  for  Eadar-dha-chaolais, 
'between  two  kyles.'  Loth  is  O.G.  loth,  'mud.'  Kildonan 
appears  to  mean  St.  Donan's  Church,  but  1223  Kelduninach 
points  to  Cill-Domhnaich,  Lord's  Kirk.  There  is  no  space  to 
deal  with  the  church-names,  but  it  may  be  noted  that  there  are 
seven  CilVs  in  Strath  Brora :  Cill-Brathair,  *  the  Brother's 
Kirk ' ;  Cill-Pheadair  Mhor  and  Cill-Pheadai7^  Bheag,  '  little 
and  big  Kilpeter ' ;  Cill  Caluim  Gille,  '  St.  Columba's  Kirk ' ; 
cm  Badhain,  '  St.  John's  Kirk  ' ;  Cill  Mearain,  '  St.  Mirren's 
Kirk';  and  Cill  Ach-Breanaidh.  Circ,  borrowed  from  Norse 
Jcirkja,  occurs  once  or  twice,  e.g.  Innis  na  Circe,  Kirk  Haugh 
in  Glencasley,  not  far  from  Badintagart, '  priest's  clump.'  The 
island  on  the  north  coast  which  appears  on  O.S.  maps  as 
Eilean  nan  Naomh  is  given  in  G.  as  Eilean  na  Neimhe.  It 
has  an  old  dedication  to  St.  Columba,  and  I  suspect  that  it  is 
really  from  O.G.  neimhidh,  Gaul,  nemeton,  '  a  sacred  place.' 
Another  name  which  may  be  referred  to  this  is  Navidale, 
1563  Nevindell,  G.  Nea'adail.  There  was  a  sanctuary  here 
in  olden  times  (Sir  R.  Gordon,  Earldom  of  Sutherland),  and 
though  the  formation  is  Norse,  it  is  none  the  less  possible 
that  the  Norsemen  named  the  dale  after  the  *  Nevie '  which 
they  found  there.  In  addition  to  the  Nevies  noted  in  Place 
Names  of  Ross  and  Cromarty,  there  is  yet  another  at  the  head 
of  Glenlivet.  All  these  were  doubtless  pagan  shrines  of  the 
Picts,  later  taken  over  by  the  Celtic  Church. 

In  conclusion,  some  rare  or  obsolete  Gaelic  words  may  be 
noted  as  occurring.  Eirhhe  or  airhhe,  *  a  wall  of  stone  or  turf,' 
is  found  repeatedly,  as  it  also  is  in  Ross,  e.g.  Eilean  nan 
airhhe,  'isle  of  walls' ;  Allt  na  h-Airbhe,  'burn  of  the  wall' 
(at  least  thrice),  Englished  Altnaharra.  Some  of  these 
walls  are  said  to  extend  for  many  miles,  disappearing  in 
soft  ground  to  reappear  further  on.  Uar  is  the  regular 
Sutherland  word  for  a  scree,  a  landslip,  also,  a  water- 
spout, and  is  extremely  frequent  in  the  names,  e.g.  Coire 
Uairidh,  'scree  corry';  Beinn  Uairidh,  'scree  hill';  Allt 
Uairidh,  applied  to  bums  whose  banks  slide,  leaving 
scaurs.      It  occurs  only    once  in   Ross :    Srath-uairidh,   in 


^^ 


242  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

English  Strath- rory,   and  the   only   other   instance   outside 

Sutherland  known  to  me  is  Allt  Uairidh,  behind  Abriachan, 

Inverness.     It  is  probably  a  Pictish  survival.     Another  term 

extremely  common   is   rahhann,  pronounced  in  some  parts 

rafan,  a  species  of  grass  growing  in  lochs  of  which  sheep  and 

cattle  are  fond.     From  it  we  have  Bada-rabhainn,  '  clump 

(/      of  ravan'  and  such.      It  is  probably  to  be  connected  with 

(^         Welsh  rafu,  '  to  spread ' ;  rafon,  '  berries  growing  in  clusters.' 

\)  Ldn  in  Sutherland  means  '  a  slow  burn/  as  in  Skye.     Saidh, 

'  bitch/  occurs  several  times,  as  in  Coire  na  Saidhe  Duibhe, 

'  corry  of  the  black  bitch.'     Preas  regularly  means  '  copse/  not 

'bush.'      Diminutives  in  -ie  are  very  common,  e.g.  alltaidh^ 

*  a  burnlet ' ;  also  dailidh,  '  a  little  dale/ 

ST.  SECHNALL'S  HYMN  TO  ST.  PATRICK 

Circ.  A.D.  452 ;  Translated  from  the  original  Celtic  Latin  by 

Fr.  Atkinson,  S.J.,  Wimbledon  College 

With  Introductory  Note  by  Fr.  Power,  S.J.,  Edinburgh 

[Among  Celtic  scholars  there  is  as  much  unanimity  as  to  the  very  early  date  of  the 
Hymn  of  St.  Sechnall,  as  there  is  about  the  genuineness  of  the  two  documents  written 
by  the  hand  of  St.  Patrick — the  Confession  and  the  Epistle  to  Coroticus. 

St.  Sechnall's  Hymn  in  honour  of  '  The  Master  of  the  Scots '  cannot  be  dated  later 
than  A.D.  452,  that  is,  about  twenty  years  after  the  arrival  of  St.  Patrick  in  Ireland,  It 
is  thus  by  far  the  earliest  document,  metrical  or  otherwise,  written  in  Celtic  Latin. 
Tradition  ascribes  it  to  Sechnall  (Secundinus),  the  contemporary  and  kinsman  of  the 
Apostle  ot  the  Scoti. 

The  internal  evidence  (see  especially  Stanza  I. )  points  unmistakably  to  the  fact  that 
when  the  poem  was  written  St.  Patrick  was  still  alive  and  in  the  zenith  of  his  fame. 

Haddan  and  Stubbs,  Bishop  Dowden,  and  many  others  have  remarked  on  the 
absence  of  any  reference  in  the  panegyric  to  the  miracles  of  the  man  celebrated  in  Irish 
legends  as  the  greatest  Thaumaturgus  since  the  days  of  the  Twelve  Apostles.  The 
traditional  explanation  of  the  Irish  legend  is,  that  Patrick  not  only  fell  foul  of  his 
panegyrist,  but  ruthlessly  revised  many  passages  which  he  considered  too  compliment- 
ary to  the  '  rusticissimus  peccator.'  However  that  may  be,  the  whole  composition 
tends  to  show  that  all  Scotia  (Ireland)  became  Christian  in  an  incredibly  short  time. 

The  evolution  of  the  Continental  Latin,  first  introduced  with  its  script  into  Scotia 
by  St.  Patrick,  is  another  interesting  fact  attested  by  the  pseudo-classical  alphabetic 
poem  of  St.  Sechnall.  No  one,  as  far  as  I  know,  has  yet  noticed  the  extraordinary 
resemblance  of  St.  Patrick's  Latinity  to  that  of  St.  Gregory  of  Tours.  The  latter  wrote 
in  what  is  now  admitted  to  have  been  the  vulgar  tongue  of  Christian  Europe  in  the 
fifth  century.  St.  Sechnall,  who  must  have  been  taught  by  some  Italian  of  the  Celestino- 
Palladio- Patrician  mission,  shows  a  marked  advance  on  the  portentous  syntax  of  the 
uncouth  Gaulish  Latin  of  St.  Patrick.     The  improvement  was  steadily  maintained  till 


ST.  SECHNALL'S  HYMN  TO  ST.  PATRICK     243 

it  reached  a  very  fair  degree  of  perfection  in  the  Latin  works  of  St.  Columbanua  of 

Bangor,  lona,  Luxeuil,  and  Bobbie, 

The  accompanying  hymn  was  printed  for  the  first  time  by  Muratori.     Its  popularity 

in  modern  days  has  been  quite  eclipsed  by  the  Eucharistic  Hymn  of  St.  Sechnall,  found 

in  the  Antiphonary  of  Bangor,  and  beginning — 

Saiicti  venite, 

Christi  Corpus  sumite. 

A  good  translation  of  the  latter  from  the  pen  of  Dr.  Neale  may  be  read  in  Hymns 
Ancient  and  Modern. 

The  best  MS.  of  the  *  Praise  of  St.  Patrick '  is  to  be  found  in  the  Booh  of  Armagh. 
There  is  another  venerable  copy  with  a  few  variants,  formerly  preserved  at  St.  Isidore's, 
Rome,  but  now  transferred  to  the  Franciscan  monastery.  Merchant's  Quay,  Dublin. 
This  MS.  in  Stanza  III.  gives  the  reading  Petrus,  instead  of  Pttrum,  and  is  followed— 
I  do  not  know  why — by  Haddan  and  vStubbs,  and  Cardinal  Moran. 

A  rhymed  translation  of  the  following  poem  has  been  printed  by  Miss  Cusack  on 
pp.  597  8qq.  of  her  immense  volume,  Trias  Thaumaturga.  Father  Atkinson's  version 
will,  I  think,  be  preferred.  The  worst  that  I  can  say  of  it  is  that,  as  a  piece  of 
poetry,  it  is  superior  to  the  original.  The  task  of  the  translator  was  a  difficult  one. 
St.  Sechnall's  composition,  however  historically  interesting,  is  little  better  than  prose 
cut  into  lengths.  Father  Atkinson's  duty  was  to  eschew  ornament,  like  his  original, 
and  yet  to  write  poetry.  His  fidelity  to  St.  Sechnall  and  his  self-restraint  in  the  use 
of  poetic  diction  can  only  be  appreciated  by  those  who  will  compare  his  rendering  with 
the  Latin  Hymn  as  given  in  Canon  Warren's  noble  edition  of  the  Antiphonarium 
Bencliorense. 

Readers  acquainted  with  the  muscular  conciseness  and  elliptical  Latin  of  St. 
Sechnall's  Hymn  to  St.  Patrick,  beginning — 

Audite  omnes  araantes, 
may  at  first  blush  be  surprised  that  the  new  translator,  who  is  not  new  to  poetry, 
should  have  chosen  the  far-extended  line  of  the  hexameter.  Like  other  translators,  he 
is  under  the  law  of  faithfulness  to  the  meaning  of  the  first  Irish  poet,  but  no  one  would 
require  of  him  to  render  a  congested  verse  of  somewhat  '  barbarous '  Celtic  Latin  by  an 
equally  short  verse  of  English  that  would  puzzle  the  modern  reader  and  jar  on  the 
musical  ear.  ] 

Listen  ye  lovers  of  God  as  I  tell  you  of  Patrick  the  Bishop, 
Man  whom  the  Master  hath  blest,  hero  of  saintly  deserts ; 

How  for  the  good  that  he  does  upon  earth,  he  is  likened  to  angels, 
How  for  his  life  without  flaw,  peer  of  Apostles  he  stands. 

Every  tittle  he  guards  of  the  mandates  of  Christ  the  All-Blessed  ; 

Bright  in  the  sight  of  the  world  glitters  the  light  of  his  works ; 
Wondrous  and  holy  indeed  the  example  he  sets  and  men  follow, 

Praising  the  Lord  for  it  all,  praising  the  Father  above. 

Steadfast  is  he  in  the  fear  of  his  Maker ;  his  faith  is  unshaken  ; 

Firm  as  on  Peter  the  Church  rises  up-builded  on  him  ; 
God  hath  allotted  to  him  the  place  of  Apostle  within  it, 

'Gainst  it  the  portals  of  hell  never  are  strong  to  prevail. 

Him  hath  the  Master  elected  a  teacher  of  barbarous  races, 
Cunning  with  seine  of  the  truth,  fishing  for  men  with  his  net, 

So  that  from  waves  of  the  world  he  may  ^vin  unto  grace  the  believing, 
Making  them  follow  their  Lord  up  to  His  throne  in  the  skies. 


244  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

Christ's  are  the  talents  he  sells,  the  excellent  coin  of  good  tidings, 
Claiming  them  back  from  our  clans,  fruitful  with  usury's  gain ; 

Certain  for  meed  of  his  toil,  for  price  of  his  prodigal  labour, 
Some  day  with  Christ  to  possess  joy  in  His  heavenly  realm. 

Faithful  in  service  to  God  is  he — God's  most  glorious  envoy, 
Model  and  type  to  the  good  what  an  Apostle  should  be. 

Preacher  with  word  and  with  action  to  such  as  God  calls  for  His  people, 
So  that  if  word  be  too  weak,  action  may  urge  them  to  good. 

Christ  hath  his  glory  in  keeping,  yet  here  upon  earth  is  he  honoured, 
Worshipped  by  all  who  behold,  e'en  as  an  angel  of  God ; 

Yea,  for  as  Paul  to  the  Gentiles,  so  God  hath  sent  him  His  Apostle, 
Guiding  the  steps  of  men  home,  unto  the  Kingdom  of  God. 

Humble  in  spirit  and  body,  the  fear  of  his  Maker  hath  filled  him, 
Though  for  his  goodness  the  Lord  loveth  to  rest  on  his  soul ; 

Deep  in  his  flesh  that  is  sinless  he  carries  the  mark  of  the  Master, 
Patiently  bearing  nor  e'er  glorying  save  in  the  Cross. 

Dauntless  and  restless  he  feeds  the  believing  with  heavenly  banquets, 
Lest  they  that  journey  with  Christ,  faint  as  they  walk  on  the  road, 

Furnishing  forth  unto  all  for  their  bread  the  words  of  the  Gospel — 
Lo  !  as  the  manna  of  old — multiplied  still  in  his  hands. 

Chaste  for  the  love  of  his  Lord,  he  warily  keepeth  his  body 
Wrought  and  adorned  as  a  shrine,  meet  for  the  Spirit  of  God  : 

Yea,  and  the  Spirit  for  ever  abides  amid  works  that  are  cleanly. 
Yea,  'tis  a  victim  he  gives  living  and  pleasing  to  God. 

Light  of  the  world  is  he,  kindled  ablaze,  as  was  told  in  the  Gospel, 
Lighted  and  set  on  the  stand,  shining  far  out  to  mankind  : 

Stronghold  is  he  of  the  King,  a  city  placed  high  on  the  hill-top — 
Plentiful  riches  are  there,  stored  for  the  Master  of  all. 

Surely  shall  Patrick  be  called  in  the  heavenly  kingdom  the  greatest, 
Who  what  his  holy  words  teach,  bodies  in  goodness  of  deed ; 

Pattern  and  model  of  all,  he  guides  the  van  of  the  faithful, 
Keeping  in  pureness  of  heart  trust  ever  clinging  to  God. 

Boldly  he  blazons  the  name  of  the  Lord  to  the  infidel  races. 
Giving  them  grace  without  end,  out  of  the  laver  of  life. 

Day  after  day  for  their  sins  unto  God  he  makes  his  petition, 
Slaying  for  health  of  their  souls  victims  worthy  of  God. 

Worldly  acclaim  doth  he  flout,  that  God's  law  may  yet  be  established, 
While  at  God's  Table  he  stands,  all  is  as  dross  in  his  eyes ; 

Thunder  of  this  world  may  crash ;  undaunted  he  faces  its  crashing. 
Glad  in  the  tempest  of  wrong,  since  that  he  suffers  for  Christ. 


ST.  SECHNALL'S  HYMN  TO  ST.  PATRICK     245 

Shepherd  so  faithful  and  true  of  the  flock  that  the  Gospel  has  won  him, 

Chosen  by  God's  own  self  ward  of  the  people  of  God, 
Chosen  to  pasture  His  people  with  teaching  appointed  from  heaven, 

Risking  his  life  for  the  flock,  after  the  pattern  of  Christ. 

Him  hath  the  Saviour  raised  to  be  Bishop  because  of  his  merits, 

Counsellor  unto  the  priests  fighting  the  battle  of  God, 
Giving  them  raiment  to  wear  and  food  from  a  heavenly  storehouse. 

Holy  celestial  words,  quitting  his  task  to  the  full. 

Lo !  to  the  faithful  he  bears  the  call  of  the  King  to  His  nuptials, 
Wearing  the  nuptial  robe,  clad  with  the  garment  of  grace. 

Heavenly  wine  doth  he  draw  without  stint  in  celestial  vessels. 
Bidding  God's  people  approach  unto  the  heavenly  cup. 

Hid  in  the  sacred  Books,  a  sacred  treasure  he  found  him, 

Seeing  the  Godhead  clear  under  the  Saviour's  Flesh, 
Holy  and  all  complete  are  his  merits  that  purchase  the  treasure. 

'  Warrior  of  God,'  is  he  called,  looking  on  God  with  his  soul. 

Faithful  witness  is  he  of  the  Lord  in  Catholic  precepts, 
Precepts  carefully  stored,  salt  with  the  message  divine ; 

So  that  man's  flesh  may  never  corrupt  into  food  for  the  earth-worms. 
Kept  by  the  heavenly  juice  fresh  to  be  offered  to  God. 

Labourer  noble  and  loyal  is  he  in  the  field  of  the  Gospel, 

Sowing  in  sight  of  the  world  seeds  of  good  tidings  of  Christ ; 

Sowing  with  lips  that  God  guards  seed  in  the  ears  of  the  wary. 
Making  their  hearts  and  their  minds  tilth  of  the  Spirit  of  God. 

Christ  for  Himself  hath  made  choice ;  His  deputy  here  hath  He  placed  him, 
Out  of  two  tyrants'  holds  setting  their  prisoners  free — 

Ransoming  slaves  from  the  chains  of  men  who  held  them  in  bondage, 
Freeing  from  Satan's  rule  numberless  souls  that  were  his. 

Hymns  and  psalms  doth  he  sing  to  the  Lord  with  St.  John's  Revelations  ; 

Chanting  to  hasten  his  work,  building  the  people  of  God. 
Into  their  keeping  he  gives  the  law  in  the  Name  of  the  Triune, 

Teaching  the  Persons  are  Three,  simple  the  Substance  of  God. 

Girt  with  the  girdle  of  God,  by  day  and  by  night  never  ceasing 
Unto  his  Lord  and  his  God,  riseth  his  prayer  without  rest ; 

Mighty  the  toil  is,  and  sure  the  guerdon  that  waits  for  his  labour — 
Lordship  along  with  the  Twelve  over  the  people  of  God. 

Listen  ye  lovers  of  God  as  I  tell  you  of  Patrick  the  Bishop, 
Man  whom  the  Master  hath  blest,  hero  of  saintly  deserts ; 

How  for  the  good  that  he  does  upon  earth,  he  is  likened  to  angels 
How  for  his  life  without  flaw,  peer  of  Apostles  he  stands. 


246  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

FEARCHUR  LEIGHICH 

Captain  Wm.  Morrison,  Army  Medical  Staff  (Retired) 

Tradition  is  an  unreliable  basis  on  which  to  dogmatise.  It 
has  therefore  to  be  taken  with  the  proverbial  grain  of  salt, 
except  so  far  as  circumstantial  environments  confirm  the 
tradition.  Among  the  many  traditions  current  in  Highland 
ceilidh  around  the  fireside,  in  my  early  days,  few  were  given 
such  credence  as  the  story  of  Fearchur  Leighich,  physician  to 
the  Mackays  of  Farr. 

One  of  the  earliest  recollections  of  my  life  was  the  recital 
of  how  he  came  into  possession  of  all  the  islands  and  sea-girt 
rocks  between  Rudha  Storr  in  Assynt,  and  Rudha  Armidale 
in  Farr.  My  family  was  closely  related  by  marriage  to  a  man 
who  claimed  to  be  in  the  direct  male  line  from  this  noted 
physician.  He  delighted  to  relate  to  willing  listeners  the 
success  of  his  progenitor  in  the  heahng  faculty,  and  the  in- 
fluence he  exercised  over  King  Robert  the  Second  in  conse- 
quence. He  was  called,  it  is  said,  to  treat  the  king  after  the 
court  physicians  had  failed  to  diagnose  the  ailment  from 
which  the  king  suffered.  According  to  the  tradition,  the 
treatment  was  the  acme  of  simplicity.  It  was  said  to  be  a 
decoction  of  boiled  milk  with  wilks  and  seaweed,  a  treatment 
which  has  to  some  extent  been  resuscitated,  if  we  are  to 
believe  the  advertisements  regarding  the  efficacy  of  the 
various  patent  medicines  now  extracted  from  seaweed. 

The  first  charter  to  confer  royal  favour  on  the  Leighich 
was  granted  by  Lord  Alexander  Stuart — better  known  in 
history  as  the  Wolf  of  Badenoch,  fourth  son  of  Robert  the 
Second,  and  at  that  period  governor  of  the  regions  to  the 
north  of  the  Grampians.  It  conferred  on  the  recipient  certain 
lands  in  Melness  and  Hope,  and  was  dated  4th  September 
1379.  This  mark  of  royal  favour  was  confirmed  in  a  second 
charter,  dated  31st  December  1386,  by  King  Robert,  to  which 
were  added  all  the  islands  above  referred  to.  The  fact  that 
the  *  Wolf '  made  the  first  grant  would  presume  that  it  was 


FEARCHUR  LEIGHICH  247 

he,  and  not  the  king,  who  came  under  the  physician's  treat- 
ment, but  beHevers  in  the  tradition  in  my  native  parish 
would  probably  not  accept  my  theory,  the  belief  being  that 
it  was  King  Robert  who  was  really  the  patient. 

The  Durness  tradition  concerning  Fearchur  is  that  he  was 
one  of  nature's  physicians,  born  in  GlengoUy,  in  the  Reay 
Forest,  a  few  miles  to  the  west  of  Loch  Hope,  of  which  Rob 
Donn  says : — 

*  Ged  a  gheibhinn  gu  m'ailghios, 
Ceann  't-S^ile  Mhic  Aoidh, 
'S  mdr  a  b'  annsa  learn  fanadh, 
An  Gleanna  Gallaidh  nan  craoibh.' 

Here  he  had  ample  opportunities  of  acquiring  an  intimate 
knowledge  of  the  medicinal  properties  of  the  numerous  plants 
and  herbs  that  adorned  that  lovely  glen,  finding  in  nature  a 
cure  for  all  the  varied  ills  of  life. 

A  writer  in  Scottish  Notes  and  Queries,  vol.  iv.,  2nd 
series,  page  163,  gives  the  following  information  regarding 
the  subject  of  our  sketch — '  Bethune,  Farquhar,  Wizard 
Doctor.  The  most  famous  wizard  doctor  of  the  Highlands, 
and  the  first  of  a  family  long  famous  as  doctors  there.  He 
was  called  "  Ferchard  Leche,"  and  was  the  leech  who,  for 
services  to  a  royal  patient,  obtained  a  grant  of  land  from 
Robert  ii.  in  Sutherlandshire  in  1386.  Strange  legends  have 
crystallised  round  this  wizard,  who  was  a  native  of  Islay. 
He  is  said  to  have  become  omniscient  through  taking 
serpents'  broth.' 

That  the  Leighich  was  a  medical  migrant  from  Islay  of 
the  name  of  Beaton  was  never  accepted  in  the  traditions 
concerning  him  in  Sutherlandshire,  and  it  would  be  interest- 
ing to  know  where  the  writer  in  Notes  and  Queries  found  the 
information  on  which  he  based  his  note. 

The  first  to  give  the  Leighich  the  name  of  Beaton  was  the 
parish  minister  of  Eddrachillis,  the  Rev.  Alexander  Falconer, 
in  his  Report  of  the  district  in  the  Old  Statistical  Account  of 
Scotland,  vol.  vi.,  1793,  in  which  he  refers  to  the  grant  of  the 
islands  as  made  to  '  Ferchard  Beaton,  a  native  of  Islay.'     No 


248  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

such  tradition  as  to  the  Islay  origin  of  the  Leighich  was  ever 
current  in  Durness.  There  were  Beatons  in  Sutherlandshire 
about  the  fifteenth  century,  but  they  were  connected  with 
the  Dornoch  Cathedral. 

I  have  examined  the  charters  in  the  Register  House, 
Edinburgh,  but  the  name  of  Beaton  is  in  neither  of  them.i 

The  parish  minister  of  EddrachilHs  above  referred  to,  in 
continuation  of  his  remarks,  adds  the  following  information 
regarding  the  Leighich. — '  This  Ferchard  was  physician  to  the 
Mackays  of  Farr,  and  received  from  them  in  exchange  for  his 
right  to  these  islands  (named  in  the  grant  of  1386)  a  piece  of 
ground  near  Tongue  called  Melness,  where  he  lived  himself, 
and  some  of  his  offspring  after  him  ;  but  the  Mackays  found 
means  to  recover  possession  of  Melness  long  since,  and  yet 
it  is  said  Ferchard's  posterity  remain  still  in  the  country 
under  the  name  of  Mack  ay.' 

It  is  difficult  to  reconcile  the  different  versions  of  the 
possession  of  lands  in  Melness  and  the  Davoch  of  Hope.  One 
is  the  statement  in  the  charter  found  in  the  Dunrobin  Charter 
Chest  by  the  Commissioner  of  the  Sutherland  Estate — James 
Loch.  This  charter  runs  : — '  This  is  Donald  Our  M'Corrachy's 
letter  of  procuratory  as  descendit  frae  Farquhar  Leiche  to 
resign  all  the  lands  of  Strathnaver  within  written  in  our 
Souerane  Lordis  handis.'  On  this  deed  James  Loch  has 
written,  'This  deed  is  endorsed  in  a  handwriting  of  1660.' 
The  other  is  the  transfer  of  the  same  lands  from  Sir  Hugh 
Mackay  of  Farr  to  Donald  MacCorrachy  under  the  following 
circumstances.  This  Donald  was  a  grandson  of  Iain  Mor, 
Chief  of  the  MacLeods  of  Assynt,  and  at  the  instigation  of 
the  Morrisons  of  Ashir  and  the  Mackays  of  Durness  he 
murdered  his  cousin,  James  MacLeod — a  claimant  for  the 
lands  of  Eddrachillis — in  order  to  put  Donald  Mackay,  a 
natural  son  of  Sir  Hugh  Mackay,  in  possession  of  the 
western  portion  of  that  district.     This  Donald  Mackay  was, 

1  It  would  interest  only  a  few  to  insert  the  charters  in  this  sketch,  but  if  any  of 
the  readers  of  the  Celtic  Review  would  care  to  wade  through  the  legal  Latin  of  the 
period,  I  shall  supply  a  copy  of  both  charters. 


FEARCHUR  LEIGHICH  249 

according  to  the  Rev.  Alexander  Falconer,  the  founder  of  the 
Scourie   branch   of  the   Mackays,    but    Sir  Robert   Gordon, 
makes  the  founder  of  that  house  to  have  been  a  son  of  lye 
Mackay  by  his  wife,  a  daughter  of  Hugh  Macleod  of  Assynt. 
Here    again    we    encounter    the    traditional    discrepancies. 
Donald    MacCorrachy   could    not   have   renounced    in    1511 
what  he  did  not  possess  until  about  the  year  1580.     If  it  was 
he  who  renounced  the  Melness  and  West  Moin  in  1511  he 
must  have  been  a  veritable  patriarch  at  his  death  in  1619, 
one   hundred  and  eight  years  after  he  had   renounced  the 
Melness   lands.      After   obtaining   the   West   Moin    estate, 
Donald  MacMhorchadh  Mhic  Iain  Mhor  lived  in  Fresgill,  and 
was  regarded  as  a  scourge  to  the  district.     His  son  William 
is   buried  in  the  old  churchyard  on  the  west  side  of  Loch 
Hope.     His  grave  is  marked  with  a  stone  bearing  a  death's 
head,  cross  bones,   and  other  symbols  of  our  mortality.     If 
WiUiam's  father  is  the  Donald  MacCorrachy  of  the  1511 
charter,   *  descendant  frae  Farquhar  Leiche,'  he  must  have 
been  in  the  male  line,  which  would  have  made  the  Leighich  a 
Macleod  instead  of  a  Beaton,  and  this  cannot  be  disposed  of 
by  the  crude  opinion  that  the  Mackays  not  only  took  the 
lands  of  their  neighbours  but  obliterated  the  family  names  of 
those  whom  they  despoiled. 

The  Beatons  of  Islay  did  not  come  into  prominence  until 
the  year  1511,  when  one  of  the  name  is  enrolled  for  the  first 
time  in  the  records  of  the  Glasgow  University.  There  is  an 
Islay  tradition  that  an  Englishman  named  Cockspur  was 
murdered  in  Islay  in  1370,  and  that  his  servant,  Duncan 
Beaton,  was  rescued  by  a  girl  named  Grant,  whom  he  after- 
wards married,  and  by  whom  he  had  two  sons,  one  of  whom 
became  a  bishop,  the  other  a  noted  physician.  If  this  tradition 
has  a  shred  of  truth,  the  dates  of  the  charters  above  referred 
to  dispose  of  the  legendary  connection  between  Fearchur 
Leighich  and  the  prominent  physicians  who  came  into  royal 
favour  during  the  first  quarter  of  the  seventeenth  century. 

On  page  11 ,  Caledonian  Medical  Journal,  1902,  Dr.  H. 
Cameron  Gillies  enrols  Fearchur  Leighich  among  the  Mac- 

VOL.  II.  R 


250  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

Beaths  of  Islay  with  as  much  authority  as  the  Rev.  Mr. 
Falconer  had  in  making  him  a  Beaton. 

My  object  in  writing  this  paper,  however,  is  not  so  much 
to  prove  whether  Fearchur  was  a  Beaton,  a  MacBeath,  or  a 
Mackay,  as  to  print  the  song  of  the  islands  which,  I  believe, 
has  not  before  appeared  in  print.  I  have  not  heard  it  recited 
since  I  was  ten  years  of  age,  when  its  singularity,  if  not  its 
rhythm,  fixed  it  in  my  memory.  I  have  failed  to  trace  the 
author,  who,  I  imagine,  must  have  been  a  sailor  who  traded 
between  Lochinver  and  the  Caithness  ports.  The  Old 
Statistical  Account  gives  the  islands  as  from  Rudha  Storr 
to  Stroma,  from  which  it  may  be  inferred  that  the  song  was 
current  in  those  days,  as  the  charter  goes  no  further  than 
from  Rudha  Storr  to  Rudha  Armidal  in  the  parish  of  Farr. 

ORAN  NAN  EILEAN 

1.  Chi  mi  Suana  mhor  's  an  tide, 
Beagan  an  taobh  shios  do  Arcudh, 
Chi  mi  Dungasbaidh  is  Str6ma, 
Far  an  trie  na  sheol  mi  seachad. 

2.  Chi  mi  Ceanna  Dhunnat  gu  m6r  ann, 
Ceanna  Thoi'thidh  's  an  Ceanna  beag  ann, 
Mach  bho  na  sean  chi  mi  Sannsaid 

'S  fad  a  thall  bhuam  chi  mi  Arcudh. 

3.  Chi  mi  Eudha  Shrathaidh  gu  h-iosal, 
Far  an  trie  'n  a  lion  mi  mo  she6l  air, 
Eilean  nan  Naoimh  bhithinn  taghal, 
'S  mi  fradhraie  Eilean  nan  R6n  ann. 

4.  Chi  mi  eileanan  an  t-Seana  Ghoill, 
Ma  thimchioll  gu  trie  'n  a  stad  mi, 
Eilean  a'  Chaoil  's  e  gle  bh6idheach, 
Sgeir  an  Oir  's  an  t-Eilean  Cragaeh. 

5.  Chi  mi  sean  an  Ceanna  geal  ann, 
'S  na  tha  do  dh'  eileanan  fo  air, 
Eilean  Ho  than  's  an  Dubhsgeir, 

'S  ann  an  Ruspuinn  gheibhinn  c6mhnuidh. 

6.  Chi  mi  Goillisgeir  is  Clobhraig, 

'S  n'  thaobh  thall  tha  sgeir  a'  Bhuie  ann, 

Eilean  a'  Chobhairidh  shuas  ann, 

Far  an  trie  an  robh  sguaib  agus  guit  ann. 


FEARCHUR  LEIGHICH  251 

7.  Chi  mi  'n  Fharaid  ghorm  mur  b'  abhaist, 
Is  na  pairceachan  aig  mo  Lord  ann, 

Chi  mi  'n  Gairbh  Eilean  m6r  air  a  tharsuinnt, 
'S  chi  mi  Glaisleacan  nan  e6in  an»i, 

8.  Chi  mi  'n  C16  's  Creag  na  Seobhaig, 

'S  bu  tearc  a  bha  'n  leithid  's  an  Eoinn-E6rpa, 
'S  ainmig  chaidh  mi  riamh  seachad 
Nach  do  shrac  mi  mo  she6l  oirr. 

9.  'Sealltuinn  suas  air  a  gualainn, 
Chi  mi  'n  Dunan  Ian  do  chdsaibh, 

'S  mach  bho  'n  sin  chi  mi  'n  Duisleac, 
Sula-sgeiridh  agus  E6na. 

10.  Chi  mi  'm  Balg  's  Rudh'  a'  Bhuachail, 
'S  mi  'g  amhairc  suas  air  m'  aghart, 
Chi  mi  'n  Dubhsgeir  's  na  Clobhsaich, 

'S  bith  na  Clobhsaichean  na  m'  fradharc. 

11.  Chi  mi  Eilean  a'  Chonnaidh, 
Suas  bho  na  sean  chi  mi  Aisir, 

A'  Ghlaisleac  an  taobh  thall  do  'n  chaolais, 
'S  i  sint  ri  Lochan  Ceann  Sailidh. 

12.  Eilean  nan  E6n  's  e  gle  ainmeil, 

Is  na  tha  thimchioU  air  do  sgeirean, 
Chi  mi  sean  Eilean  a'  Chruadal, 
Suas  gu  Eilean  na  Saille. 

13.  Chi  mi  eileanan  Loch  Lusard, 
Far  an  trie  an  robh  mi  le  bata, 

'S  lionmhor  acarsaid  gun  iomradh, 
Tha  eadar  'n  Inbhir  's  an  Spardan. 

14.  Mach  bho  na  sean  Rudha  'n  Tiompain, 
'S  Eilean  Shannda  air  a  tharsuinnt, 
Eilean  a'  Bhuie  is  an  Cruachan, 

'S  ged  fada  bhuam,  chi  mi  Ghlaisleac. 

15.  Chi  mi  eileanan  Bhad-choill  ann, 

Ma  Eilean  a'  Chdirn  gun  do  stad  mi ; 
Tha  Eilean  a'  Bhreithimh  gun  d6rainn, 
Calbha  Mh6r  's  Calbha  Bheag  ann. 

16.  Eilean  Alldanaidh  gle  bh6idheach, 
Rudha  Stdrr  an  ceann  na  h-uidh, 
Buinidh  gach  aon  dhiubh  do  mo  Lord-sa, 
Ach  's  ann  a  bha  ch6ir  bho  Fearchur  Leighich, 


252  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

17.  'S  iomadh  oidhche  flinch  is  fuar, 
Ri  tonnaibh  cuain  is  muir  tarsaint, 
'S  cha  do  reub  mi  de  cuid  se61aibh 
Feadh  an  oirlich  do  thombaca. 

18.  Ged  tha  mis  an  diugh  gun  bhata, 

Dearbh  cha  b'  abhaist  domh  bhi  do  h-eas[bh]uidh, 
Ach  Mhic-Aoidh  mu  rinn  thu  m'  fhkgail, 
Gu  m'  fad  's  an  ^it  thu  cumail  ceartais. 

TRANSLATION 

1.  I  see  Suana  in  the  tide,^ 
Somewhat  below  Orkney, 

I  see  Duncansby  and  Stroma, 
Often  have  I  sailed  past  them. 

2.  Dunnet  Head  is  looming  largely, 
Hoy  and  Holborn  in  the  distance, 
Sandside  I  see  out  from  them, 

And  far  over  from  me  I  see  the  Orkneys. 

3.  Lying  low  I  see  the  point  of  Strathy, 
Where  oft  the  breeze  has  filled  my  sails, 
I  would  sight  the  Isle  of  Saints,^ 
While  viewing  the  Isle  of  Seals. 

4.  Near  me  are  the  Isles  of  Strangers  ^ 
Where  in  safety  oft  I  've  anchored, 
Isle  of  the  Strait  in  rich  adornment 
Near  Gold  Skerry  and  Rocky  Island. 

'  There  is  no  apparent  reason  why  the  author  of  the  song  should  have  begun  at 
Suana,  unless  to  emphasise  the  difficulty  of  navigating  the  Pentland  Firth.  The 
islands  of  Suana  and  Stroma  formed  part  of  the  Orcadian  parish  of  Wall  and  Flotta. 
The  velocity  of  the  tide  at  Hoy  Head  in  spring  tides  is  seven  miles  an  hour,  and 
three  in  neap  tides.  This  was  sufficient  reason  for  any  careful  mariner  to  keep  at 
some  distance  from  either  shore. 

^  The  first  of  Fearchur's  possessions  are  at  the  mouth  of  the  Kyle  of  Tongue. 
Eilean  nan  Ron  is  of  considerable  size  and  supports  twelve  families  in  comparative 
comfort.  The  soil  is  fertile,  the  whole  island  being  under  cultivation.  Passing 
under  the  island  is  an  arch  one  hundred  and  fifty  feet  span  and  seventy  feet  broad. 
The  rocks  are  conglomerate,  resting  on  red  sandstone,  more  prominent  in  the  north 
end  of  the  island,  and  stratified  in  the  direction  of  W.S.W.  at  an  angle  of  10°. 

Eilean  nan  Naoimh  bears  trace  of  a  sacred  edifice  having  been  there  at  some 
remote  period.  It  was  probably  used  as  a  burial  ground  when  wolves  prowled  the 
Sutherlandshire  forests.  It  has  several  caverns  through  which  the  sea  in  rough 
weather  spouts  to  a  height  of  more  than  thirty  feet. 

2  Eilean  nan  Gall,  originally  Islands  of  Strangers,  better  known  now  as  the 
Rabbit  Islands,  are  three  in  number.  The  soil,  being  sandy,  provides  excellent  cover 
for  the  rabbits. 


FEAECHUR  LEIGHICH  253 

5.  Viewing  now  the  Whiten  Head 
With  the  isles  that  lie  beyond  it, 
Isle  of  Hoan  and  the  Black  Skerry,^ 
But  in  Kispond  I  could  tarry. 

6.  I  see  Goileskeir  and  Clourig,^ 

And  on  the  far  side  I  see  the  Buck-rock, 
Island  Choarie  lying  westward. 
Here  sheaf  and  fan  denoted  plenty. 

7.  Farout  Head,  green  as  was  its  wont,^ 
Is  apportioned  to  my  Lord, 

Great  Garveilan  I  see  lying  across. 
And  I  see  Glaisleac,  haunt  of  birds. 

8.  The  Nail-stack  and  the  Hawk-rock  * 
Scarce  their  like  is  found  in  Europe, 
Seldom  I  passed  beyond  them 

But  my  canvas  was  torn. 

9.  Looking  o'er  the  Black-flag  shoulder 

I  see  the  Dunan  with  caves  in  plenty, 
Out  beyond  I  see  the  Duisleac, 
Sulaskerry  and  Rona. 

10.  I  see  the  Blister  and  Shepherd's  Headland, 
And,  glancing  westward  before  me, 

I  see  the  Black  Skerry  and  the  Cleft  Isle, 
With  the  Cleft  Rocks  full  in  view. 

11.  I  see  the  Isle  of  Brushwood, 
And  up  from  that  I  see  Ashir, 
Grey-flag  on  the  far  side  of  the  strait, 
Stretched  beside  Loch  Kensaly. 

^  Eilean  Hoan,  a  mile  in  length  and  half  a  mile  in  breadth,  once  supported  five 
crofters  (enjoying  a  portion  of  the  mainland  hill  pasture),  until  expatriated  in  1838 
by  the  tacksman  of  Rispond.  Of  these,  two  families  emigrated  to  America,  the  others 
were  compulsorily  settled  on  the  congested  and  arid  crofts  of  Lerin  and  Smoo. 

2  Eilean  Chlobhraig,  near  the  inner  end  of  Loch  Eriboll,  once  supported  three 
crofting  families,  but  is  now  attached  to  the  Eriboll  farm.  It  has  a  valuable  lime- 
stone quarry  which,  owing  to  cost  of  transport,  has  for  some  time  been  abandoned. 

^  Farout  Head  is  a  formation  of  grey  slate,  while  the  region  lying  between  the 
Kyle  of  Durness  and  Loch  Eriboll  is  an  immense  bed  of  limestone  of  unknown  depth. 

*  The  Hawk-rock  is  the  extreme  point  of  the  Farout  Head,  and  like  Stack  Clo 
(on  the  opposite  side  of  the  Bay  of  Balnakeil),  is  about  six  hundred  feet  high,  and  is 
the  summer  residence  of  thousands  of  the  puffin  tribe  who  hatch  their  young  here. 
These  feathered  sojourners  have  immunity  from  raiders  since  the  passing  of  the 
'  Wild  Birds'  Protection  Act,'  and  are  now  as  great  a  pest  in  those  waters  as  the 
steam  trawlers,  but,  unlike  the  latter,  they  are  outside  the  jurisdiction  of  the  SheriflF 
Court. 


254  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

12.  The  renowned  Isle  of  Seals, 

And  all  the  reefs  there  are  about  it, 
Eilean  Chruadal  I  see  there. 
And  up  to  the  Isle  of  Fatness. 

13.  I  see  the  islands  of  Loch  Laxford, 
Where  oft  I  have  taken  a  boat. 
Anchorages  lie  in  numbers, 
Between  the  Inver  and  the  Roost. 

14.  Outside  of  these  stands  the  Knoll  Point, 
With  Handa  standing  there  obliquely,^ 
Buck  Isle  and  the  Cruachan, 

And  though  far  away  I  see  the  Grey-flag. 

15.  I  see  the  islands  of  Bad  call, 

And  I  have  tarried  at  the  Isle  of  the  Cairn, 
The  Judge's  Isle  is  now  less  baneful,- 
Great  Calva  and  Little  Calva  are  there. 

16.  Isle  of  Oldaney  most  beautiful,^ 

Near  Point  of  Storr,  where  ends  my  journey ; 

All  those  islands  own  his  Lordship, 

But  their  right  came  from  Fearchur  Leighich. 

17.  Many  a  cold  wet  night  I  voyaged 
Ocean  waves  and  cross  seas, 

Nor  e'er  destroyed  of  her  cordage, 
The  length  of  an  inch  of  tobacco. 

^  A  cluster  of  islands,  about  twenty  in  number,  lie  between  Shegra  and  Assynt. 
The  most  notable  of  these  is  Handa,  rising  perpendicular  to  a  height  of  six  hundred 
feet,  and  in  its  crevices  myriads  of  sea-fowl  sojourn  for  the  season. 

The  geological  formation  of  this  island  is  most  interesting,  lying  horizontally  as  if 
superimposed  by  the  ingenuity  of  man.  Handa  once  was  tenanted  by  twelve  families, 
but  was  added  to  the  factor's  farm  when  the  eviction  fever  spread  over  Sutherland- 
shire.  It  was  once  the  residence  of  Iain  MacDhoil  mhic  Huistean  of  the  Assynt 
MacLeods,  a  branch  of  Siol  Torquil  of  Lewis.  This  warrior  was  the  murderer  of 
John  Morison,  the  Lewis  Breitheamh,  in  revenge  for  the  murder  of  Torquil  Dubh. 

2  After  the  murder  of  John  Morison  by  MacLeod  of  Handa,  a  party  of  Lewis 
men  took  the  judge's  body  from  Inverkirkag  for  burial  in  Stornoway.  They 
were  driven  by  storm  on  to  one  of  the  islands  in  the  Bay  of  Badcall  since  called 
Eilean  a'  Bhreitheimh.  Here  they  disembowelled  the  body,  and  proceeded  on  their 
journey  when  the  storm  abated.  This  incident  took  place  in  the  year  1601.  The 
murderer  went  over  to  Lewis  and  married  his  victim's  widow,  from  which  the 
inference  is  that  the  possession  of  Bathsheba  was  the  real  cause  of  the  murder  rather 
tlian  the  avenging  of  Torquil  Dubh's  death. 

'  Of  the  islands  in  the  Bay  of  Badcall  none  appear  to  be  of  much  value  except 
Eilean  Auldney,  which  now  forms  part  of  the  pasturage  of  the  iheep  farm  of 
Ardvaar. 


THE  FIONN  SAGA  255 

18.  Though  I  'm  now  without  a  boat, 

Sure  'twas  not  my  wont  to  be  without  one, 
But  Mackay,  though  thou  hast  forsaken  me, 
Long  may'st  thou  remain  to  give  us  justice. 


THE  FIONN  SAGA 

( Continued  from  jp.  153.) 

George  Henderson,  M.A.,  B.Litt.,  Ph.D. 

THE  CAMPBELL  OF  ISLAY  RECENSION — {continued) 

Fionn's  Return 

At  that  time  (as  Mac  Cisaig  said  in  Uist)  people  were  few 
in  Alba.  There  were  great  empty  glens  with  a  man  in  them 
here  and  there,  not  as  it  is  to-day  when  men  abound  in 
Scotland.  There  were  many  deer  in  these  days,  and  men 
hunted  them. 

Fionn  knew  by  his  knowledge  that  his  father's  men  were 
there  and  in  great  straits.  So  he  set  oft'  to  seek  them.  They  were 
on  the  land  of  the  king  of  Lochlann,  as  it  appears ;  and  the 
king  would  not  keep  them  in  meat.  They  had  oaken  skewers 
in  their  bellies  to  keep  them  out  from  their  backs,  they  were 
so  gaunt,  and  thin,  and  starved.  They  had  to  hunt  for  the 
king,  but  he  did  not  give  them  enough  to  eat.  They  lived  in 
a  cave,  or,  according  to  others,  in  a  shelling  (hothan-airidh). 

Fionn,  with  his  sword  under  his  arm  and  Bran  at  his 
heels,  walked  to  the  dwelling  and  looked  in.^ 

'I  will  go  in  and  stay,'  said  he,  'unless  I  am  turned  out.' 

There  was  no  living  thing  there  but  the  fire.  Swords  were 
there  leaning  against  the  wall,  rusty  old  swords  and  spears, 
and  there  were  beds  and  benches. 

As  no  one  was  there  to  hinder  him,  Fionn  leaned  his 
sword,  Mac-A-Luinn,  against  the  wall,  and  stretched  himself 

^  According  to  others  Ireland  w  as  the  place  ;  or  Lochlann,  to  which  the  lad  walked 
after  he  had  walked  all  over  Ireland. 


256  THE  CELTIC  EEVIEW 

on  the  floor  beside  the  fire,  and  Bran  lay  down  beside  him 
and  went  to  sleep.  ^ 

They  had  not  been  long  thus  when  Fionn  heard  a  murmur 
(torraman)  of  voices,  and  trampling  and  rattling  of  feet  and 
arms  coming  towards  the  dwelling,  but  he  lay  long  still  and 
feigned  sleep.  He  looked  secretly  and  saw  great,  wild,  tall, 
stalwart,  terrible  strong  men  coming,  unlike  the  others  in  the 
land  of  giants,  who  were  under  enchantments  (sgled)  and 
glamour,  and  who  were  phantoms.^  Seven  of  them  came 
home,  and  they  had  sailearach  fheidh,  a  hind  with  them, 
which  they  killed.  They  flayed  the  hind  and  tossed  it  into 
the  great  kettle  that  was  on  the  fire,  and  when  it  was  cooked 
it  gave  them  but  biteag,  a  morsel  apiece. 

When  they  had  the  kettle  ready  for  the  fire  they  noticed 
the  lad  and  the  hound  and  the  sword,  and  they  began  to  talk. 

*  Is  not  that  hound  the  likest  to  Bran  that  ever  was  in 
the  world  ? '  said  one. 

'  Did  ever  man  see  a  sword  that  is  liker  to  Mac-A-Luinn  ? ' 
said  another. 

'  But  look  at  this  lad,'  said  a  third,  *  who  is  sleeping  there, 
are  not  these  the  two  eyes  and  the  cheeks  and  the  very  face 
ofCumal?' 

Then  they  awoke  him  and  asked  him  to  share  what  they 
had,  though  it  was  but  a  morsel  for  each. 

*  It  is  little  enough  for  yourselves,'  said  Fionn. 

'  My  lad,'  said  one,  '  eat  your  share,  we  are  ever  thus  since 
the  black  black  day.' 

'  But  who  are  you  ? '  said  Fionn.  '  I  never  saw  men  like 
you  for  stature  and  for  grand  terrible  looks.' 

One  of  them  sighed,  and  then  another  ;  and  then  one  said : — 

'  We  have  seen  the  day  when  we  were  not  ashamed  to  tell 
who  we  are,  but  you  are  a  stranger,  I  trow.' 

*  Yes,'  said  Fionn,  '  I  never  trod  on  this  ground  before ' ; 
and  that  was  true. 

^  Or — he  slept  at  a  roadside  inn  and  put  his  sword  into  a  press  in  which  he  found 
a  lot  of  rusty  old  swords.  So  curiously  do  these  old  stories  change  without  their 
losing  their  identity.  ^  Unreal  shams.— J.  F.  C. 


THE  FIONN  SAGA  257 

'  Did  you  ever  hear  of  An  Fhinn,  "  The  Feen  "  (Fayne)  ? ' 
said  one. 

'  Yes,'  said  Fionn,  '  I  have  heard  about  the  Feen  from  my 
nurse,  that  they  were  the  grandest  men  that  ever  were  seen 
in  the  world.' 

'  So  we  were  on  a  day,'  said  the  warrior  ;  '  but  that  day  is 
gone.' 

And  then  he  told  how  the  kings  of  Lochlann  and  Eirinn 
had  slain  Cumal  by  treachery,  how  they  had  shared  Alba 
between  them  and  turned  the  Feen  into  slaves  and  ...  for 
them,  all  as  it  has  been  told  already  at  the  beginning. 

*  But  will  the  Feen  ever  be  better  off  than  you  are  now  ? ' 
said  the  lad. 

'  Aileaganmi,  "  little  darling," '  said  the  warrior,  '  twelve 
times  better  than  we  were  ever ;  under  Fionn  mac  Cumhail, 
for  it  was  so  in  the  prophecies  that  he  was  to  come  and 
recover  the  land. ' 

*  We  shall  never  see  him,'  said  one. 

*  Ai !  Ai ! '  said  another,  and  so  they  sighed  and  lamented. 
They  did  not  know  who  he  was,  but  he  knev/  them. 

And  so  they  talked  all  night  of  the  ancient  glories  of  the 
Feen  and  their  sorrows  and  hardships  and  their  woes,  and 
then  they  fell  asleep  about  the  fire,  the  old  warriors  of  Cumal 
and  Fionn  mac  Cumhail,  whom  they  did  not  know.  In  the 
morning  they  had  nothing  but  a  gulp  of  venison  broth  (holgum 
de  shuth  na  sailearaich) ;  they  had  no  right  meal,  nothing.^ 

He  had  a  venomed  claw  {spuir  nimh)  which  had  a  sheath 
upon  it.  That  he  lost  in  the  realm  of  the  giants  in  fighting 
the  monster,  as  I  have  told  you  already,  and  there,  as  they 
could  not  make  another  like  the  one  he  had  lost,  they  made  a 
golden  sheath  for  it.  (Bha  cuarain  6ir  air  ari  spor  nimh.) 
There  was  a  golden  buskin  upon  the  venomed  spur  of  Bran.^ 

*  According  to  another  version  they  took  the  king's  fat  beeves  from  his  cattle-fold. 
He  opened  the  gate  and  took  out  the  stots  by  the  nose,  one  for  two,  or  one  for  three, 
or  one  for  each,  and  then  they  feasted  till  the  skewers  burst  in  their  bellies.  This 
scarcity  of  food  is  characteristic  of  the  class  who  remember  these  stories. 

2  To  me  this  seems  to  indicate  some  recollection  of  hunting  leopards  in  the 
Aryan  land. 


258  THE  CELTIC  EEVIEW 

Bran  always  killed  more  than  Fionn.  If  Fionn  killed  600  of 
men  or  of  beasts,  Bran  killed  700,  always  a  hundred  more 
than  his  master. 

When  Bran  came  from  the  dwelling,  Fionn  loosed  the 
golden  sheath  from  his  foot,  and  he  set  him  at  the  herd  of 
heavy  stags.  When  he  had  gone  Fionn  followed,  and  before 
they  stopped  he  and  the  great  hound  had  killed  nine  nines. 

Then  the  old  soldiers  fell  a- talking.  One  said :  '  Is  not 
that  like  Bran  ? ' 

*  This  one  is  as  good  as  Bran  any  day,'  said  another. 
'  That  is  not  Bran's  colour,'  said  a  third. 

*  They  had  the  same  mother,'  said  Fionn. 

'  But  take  up  the  deer  and  let  us  go  home.  If  men  come 
to  blame  you  I  will  take  the  blame.' 

They  took  nine  great  stags,  and  they  feasted  so  that  one 
of  the  oaken  skewers  broke  in  the  belly  of  each  of  the  old 
warriors  that  night.  Next  day  they  took  nine  more  home, 
and  so  day  by  day,  and  nine  by  nine  they  brought  home  the 
nine  nines,  and  feasted  so  well  that  all  the  oaken  skewers 
broke  in  their  bellies. 

As  each  one  ate  his  meal  the  splintering  was  heard  of  the 
oaken  skewers  that  they  had  in  their  bellies  to  keep  them 
from  their  backs. 

Fionn' s  First  Battle  ^ 

On  one  of  these  days  Fionn  was  tired  and  lay  long  asleep. 

While  he  slept  two  young  lads  sprang  in. 

'  What  is  your  news,  lads  ? '  said  one  of  the  Fayne. 

'  Not  much,'  said  one,  '  but  the  king  of  Lochlann  has  set  a 
battle  with  the  king  of  Eirinn  (or  the  king  of  the  East — aird 
an  ear),  and  we  have  come  to  fetch  you.' 

Now  one  of  these  lads  was  in  the  king's  service,  and  his 
name  was  Ubhal  Lamh  Fhad  (?  Ule  Long-hand).      He  was 

^  There  is  great  variety  in  this  next  bit,  but  all  versions  agree  as  to  the  main 
incidents.  The  arms  are  taken,  Fiotm  recovers  his  mystic  sword,  and  with  it  beats 
the  foe.  The  arms  are  taken  out  of  a  press  in  an  inn,  or  out  of  the  bothy,  or  out  of 
the  cave,  while  Fionn  is  sleeping.  The  battle  is  with  the  king  of  the  East  or  the 
Easterlings  in  one  case,  but  the  name  of  the  man  who  takes  the  arms  always  is  the 
same,  and  he  appears  again  later  on  in  the  story. 


THE  FIONN  SAGA  259 

so  called  because  his  finger  touched  the  ground  when  he  stood 
upright. 

*  We  will  never  fight  on  that  side,'  said  the  Fayne. 

'  Then  I  will  take  these  swords  and  old  arms,'  said  the  lad. 

Fionn's  mother's  brother  was  king  in  Lochlann  at  that 
time,  and  his  man  Long-hand  gathered  up  all  the  arms  and 
took  Mac-A-Luinn  with  the  rest  while  Fionn  slept,  and 
because  he  had  that  sword  Bran  got  up  and  followed  him. 

When  Fionn  awoke  the  arms  were  gone  and  Bran  and 
the  men ;  and  there  was  no  one  within  but  a  little  lad. 

'  Where  are  the  arms  1 '  said  Fionn. 

'They  are  taken  away,'  said  the  other,  *by  Long-hand, 
the  king's  man,  for  there  is  to  be  a  great  battle  with  the 
Easterlings,  and  the  Fians  are  to  fight.' 

'  Why  did  you  not  awake  me  ? '  said  Fionn. 

He  feared  that  he  would  lose  his  sword  for  ever,  so  he 
got  up  and  went  out  after  the  Lochlanner,  Ubhal  Lamh  Fhad. 

He  went  fast  and  round  about  by  a  hidden  path  and  met 
Long-hand  with  the  load  on  his  back. 

*  What  is  the  news  ? '  said  he. 

'  Not  much,'  said  the  other,  '  but  that  there  is  to  be  a  fight 
with  the  king  of  the  Easterlings  and  the  king  of  Lochlann. 
There  are  some  people  called  Fians,  and  these  are  the  weapons 
with  which  they  are  to  fight.' 

Fionn  followed,  thinking  how  he  was  to  get  his  sword 
again,  and  he  said  : — 


'Hi!  ha!  hu! 
Full  air  fear, 
Gaoth  air  sluagh, 
Cath  ga  chuir, 
'S  truagh  gun  Mac-A-Luinn.' 


Hi!  ha!  hoo! 

Blood  on  man. 

Wind  o'er  hosts, 

Battle  a  setting, 

Wae  without  the  Son  of  Lunn.' 


'  What 's  the  matter  ? '  said  Long-hand. 

'  Only  a  little  bit  of  a  sword  of  mine  that  is  lost,'  said 
Fionn. 

'  What  would  you  do  with  it  if  you  had  it  ? '  said  the 
Lochlanner. 

'  I  would  keep  off  a  third  of  the  battle,'  said  he. 


260  THE  CELTIC  EEVIEW 

The  Norseman  cast  down  the  sheaf  of  arms  and  gave  him 
one  of  the  swords.  Fionn  took  it  and  shook  it  and  brandished 
it  and  it  broke.     Then  he  said  : — 

['  'Tis  one  of  the  black-edged  glaives 
Not  Mac-A-Luinn  my  blade ; 
'Twere  no  danger  if  drawn  from  sheath, 
A  lamb  it  would  not  behead.'  ^] 

and  then  he  said  as  before — 

Hee !  ha !  hoo !  blood  on  men,  wind  o'er  hosts,  battle 
on-setting,  wae  without  the  Son  of  Lunn  I 

'  What  would  you  do  with  it  if  you  had  it  ? '  said  the 
Lochlanner. 

'  I  would  keep  off  two-thirds  of  the  battle,'  said  Fionn. 

'There,  take  it,'  said  Long-hand,  and  gave  him  another 
sword. 

But  that  was  no  better  than  the  first,  so  Fionn  repeated 
his  two  rhymes,  and  if  he  repeated  more  they  have  never 
been  said  to  me  by  any  reciter,  though  many  have  said  these 
rhymes. 

'  What  would  you  do  with  the  sword  if  you  had  it  ? '  said 
the  Long-handed  Lochlanner  for  the  third  time. 

'  I  would  stake  all  I  saw,'  said  Fionn,  '  and  fight  the 
battle  alone.' 

'  Here  is  a  gate,'  said  Long-hand,  '  and  if  you  can  get  your 
sword  while  1  open  and  shut  it  take  it.' 

He  cast  down  the  sheaf  of  swords,  and  Fionn  sprang 
upon  it  and  sheathed  his  sword. 

'  I  have  you,'  shouted  he,  '  and  I  will  never  let  you  out  of 
my  grasp  again.' 

*  Let  us  see  if  you  will  be  as  able  as  you  say  when  the 
fight  comes,'  said  Long-hand. 

Then  Fionn  sat  and  fell  a-thinking,  as  he  always  did 
according  to  the  stories  and  ballads  which  describe  him. 

*  I  have  come,'  said  Fionn ;  '  I  would  not  like  to  fight 
against  my  mother's  brother,  but  I  should  like  to  show  him 

^  [Cf.  West  Highland  Tales,  iii.  337,  where  there  is  a  better  version,  the  Gaelic 
of  which  I  have  preferred  to  the  one  followed  by  Campbell  in  this  recension.] 


THE  FIONN  SAGA  261 

what  I  am.  This  day  I  will  help  him  against  the  Eastern 
men.' 

So  he  went  to  the  king  and  said :  '  May  I  go  to  the 
battle?' 

'  What  would  you  in  the  battle  ? '  said  the  king  of 
Lochlann,  '  and  what  will  you  have  ?  * 

'  The  battlefield  will  be  mine  at  all  events,'  said  Fionn. 

Then  the  Easterlings  came,  and  Fionn  loosed  Bran  his 
hound,  and  took  the  golden  sheath  off  his  venomed  claw,  and 
grasped  Mac-A-Luinn  his  father's  sword.^ 

Fionn  s  First  Fight 

Then  the  fight  began  and  the  Easterlings  fled  with  Bran 
after  them.  Not  a  Lochlanner  stirred ;  they  sat  on  a  hill 
and  looked  on. 

When  the  battle  was  done  there  was  no  word  of  the  lad 
who  had  fought  so  well. 

The  Fayne  went  to  Tulach  Oireal,  where  they  used 
to  stay,  and  they  talked  together. 

'  Who  was  that  lad  who  was  better  in  the  fight  than 
we  ? '  said  one. 

*  It  was  said  that  Fionn  mac  Cumhail  was  to  come,'  said 
another. 

'  If  it  be  he,  and  if  he  be  alive,  he  will  not  wait  to  take 
the  long  clean  road,  but  he  will  come  by  the  foul  short  way 
here,  if  it  be  the  man  whom  we  suppose,'  said  a  third.  ^ 

Fionn  went  to  the  king  after  the  battle,  and  the  king 
knew  who  he  was. 

'  I  had  that  sword,'  said  Long-hand  ;  '  it  was  in  a  bundle 
of  old  arms,  and  I  wish  that  he  never  had  got  it  from  me.  I 
took  it  from  him  and  he  got  it  back,  and  now  I  am  going  to 
ask  a  favour  of  him  and  that  is  my  life.  If  he  grants  me 
life  I  will  do  all  he  asks.' 

1  [The  description  of  the  fight  is  not  elaborated  here  ;  it  formed  a  'run'  such  as 
occurs  in  other  Gaelic  romances.  Campbell  took  down  Gaelic  notes  which  need  not 
be  here  elaborated  ;  they  have  nothing  peculiar.] 

-  Alludes  to  the  tale  called  The  Three  Counsels. 


262  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

The  king  had  his  hat  off  to  meet  him  and  his  hands 
spread,  and  the  rest  of  them  were  on  their  knees  in  ditches 
begging  for  mercy  from  Fionn  mac  Cumhail.  Fionn  knew  the 
king  though  he  had  never  seen  him,  and  he  said — 

'  I  am  going  away,  but  it  may  be  that  I  shall  see  you  and 
the  king  of  Eirinn,  your  friend,  in  spite  of  you  both.  Begone 
or  your  head  will  be  off,  sweep  your  men  to  Lochlann  and 
let  the  Irish  go  to  Ireland,  or  if  not  I  will  come  to  Lochlann 
and  ruin  the  realm.' 

And  when  Fionn  had  said  this  he  went  away. 

Then  Fionn  sat  and  thought  how  he  was  to  get  to  his 
own  people  again.  He  put  his  finger  under  his  wisdom-tooth 
and  found  that  he  must  seek  them  at  Bogach  O  Criaragan  in 
Eirinn. 

He  did  not  know  where  that  was,  but  he  went  all  alone 
with  his  sword  and  Bran,  and  where  he  did  not  know  the 
way  his  finger  told  him  where  to  go. 

The  Feinn  were  watching  at  Tulach  Oireal  where  they 
used  to  be,  and  when  they  saw  him  coming  they  raised  a 
great  shout.  'It  is  he!  with  the  dog  of  our  beloved  {cu 
m'  fheudail  fhein)  and  his  mighty  sword.  It  is  Fionn,  the 
son  of  Cumal.     He  is  come  at  last.' 

Then  he  was  made  Bigh  na  F^inne,  king  of  the  Fayne, 
and  the  Fayne  (Feinne)  gathered  about  him  from  all  the 
places  where  they  had  fled  when  Cumal  was  slain.  And 
many  a  cheery  happy  day  they  had  with  that  man,  Fionn 
mac  Cumhail,  over  here  in  Alba. 

Campbell's  recension  ends 


CHAPTER  II 

IV:  Alasdair  Ruadh  Mac  Iain's  Account 

[This  reciter  lived  in  the  isle  of  Eriskay.  His  name  was  Englished 
as  Johnson,  but  he  himself  knew  no  English.  He  was  about  eighty- 
five  years  old  when  I  met  him  in  1892.  His  progenitors  came  to 
Eriskay  from  Trotternish  in  the  isle  of  Skye,  where  an  ancestor  had 
taken  refuge  after  the  Massacre  of  Glencoe.    He  was  descended  of 


THE  FIONN  SAGA  263 

the  Maciains  of  Glencoe.  Circumstances  were  not  favourable  for  my 
writing  out  his  version  in  full,  but  this  was  done  by  Father  Allan  at 
his  leisure,  and  the  result  placed  at  my  disposal.  The  narrator's 
dialectal  peculiarities  are  noticed  in  footnotes;  the  folklorist  can 
rely  upon  the  whole  as  faithful  to  oral  tradition.  Certain  touches 
of  a  ruder  age  are  left  unobliterated,  but  will  be  sufficiently  in- 
'  dicated  when  I  translate.  When  Father  Allan  died  last  September 
there  passed  away  from  the  Highlands  one  who  was  possessed 
in  a  double  measure  of  the  spirit  of  his  race,  from  the  world  one  of 
its  nobles.  His  many-sided  virtue  it  would  be  impossible  to  praise 
too  highly,  or  the  aptness  of  his  mind  for  story,  and  fun,  and  wit. 
His  treasures  of  delightful  anecdotes  have  died  with  him,  but  his 
collections  of  folk  traditions  have  happily  been  secured.  As  long  as 
any  knowledge  of  the  literature  and  old  folk  life  of  the  Highlands 
exists,  the  sweet  unspotted  memory  of  the  Rev.  Allan  Macdonald  of 
Eriskay  will  endure.  I  could  write  much  of  him.  I  have  associations 
of  him  discoursing  of  Spain,  where,  at  Valladolid,  he  was  educated ; 
of  his  work  at  composing  Gaelic  hymns,  which  appeared  in  his 
Laoidhean  Spioradail ;  of  his  teaching  music  to  the  young  so  far  as 
to  render  some  pieces  in  Latin,  in  Gaelic,  and  in  English;  of  the 
many  hours  spent  in  jotting  down  many  unrecorded  words  and 
phrases  my  pencil  notes  bear  witness.  One  of  the  small  books  I 
cherish  is  a  copy  of  MacEachainn's  Gaelic  rendering  of  the  Imitatio 
Christi  which  he  gave  me.  In  May  1905  he  wrote  me :  '  I  am  in 
better  health  than  I  was  when  you  were  here  last,  and  as  happy  as  a 
king.  The  Bishop  offered  me  the  charge  of  Fort  William,  for  which 
I  thanked  him.  I  told  him  I  had  much  sooner  stay  where  I  was, 
and  I  was  left  in  peace.'  He  was  ardent  in  his  own  faith  and  equally 
sincere  in  charity.  He  had  no  liking  for  Greek,  which  must  have 
been  the  fault  of  his  instruction,  nor  for  philosophy,  which  may  have 
been  in  part  his  loss,  if  not  his  wisdom.  I  shall  not  soon,  if  ever,  see 
his  equal,  as  fellow-countryman,  as  friend,  as  conversationalist,  as 
exemplar  of  love  and  goodness  and  courtesy ;  had  he  lived  in  a  former 
age  his  name  would  have  come  down  as  Naomh,  Sanctus,  Holy. 
There  was  in  him  a  sincere  wholeness  of  heart  and  mind,  which 
remains  to  me  and  to  all  his  friends  a  legacy  which,  to  our  lasting 
grief,  his  death  has  so  recently  left  us.     He  loved  Eriskay, — G.  H.] 

An  Fheinn 

Aig  ein-sinnseanair  Righ  Eirinn  o  'n  chbigeamh  glhn  's  ann 
a  lionsgar  na  Fiantaichean.     'Se  dithis  agus  triilir  a  bha  iad 


264  THE  CELTIC  EEVIEW 

a  faighinn  a  h-uile  bliadhna  de  dhaoine  mora  agus  boirionnaich 
as  an  robh  sia  troidhean.  Bha'd  'gam  pbsadh  sin  ri  cheile 
agus  an  sliochd  a  bha  tighinn  bhuapa  bha  miodachd  mhor 
mhor  unnta  gus  na  rinn  iad  reisemaid  mhor  dha  na 
Fiantaichean. 

'Nuair  a  fhuair  iad  a  nise  na  fiantaichean  cruinn  's  ann 
airson  a  bhith  'nan  saighdearan  agus  'nan  luchd-dion  air  a 
rioghachd  air  ^  na  Lochlannaich.  'S  ann  airson  'cur  as  do  na 
Lochlannaich  chaidh  'n  togail  'n  toiseach. 

Nuair  a  fhuair  iadsan  iad  f h^in  cho  laidir  chuir  iad  litir 
gu  Righ  Eirinn  nach  ruigeadh  e  leas  diiil  a  bhi  aige  ri  'n 
cuideachadh-sa  ri'  bheb  no  ri  'bhas.  Rinn  iad  righ  dhaibh- 
pfhein  an  sin  air  ^  Gumhal.  Bha  naoi  naonan  ann  dhiubh  an 
toiseach  ga  b'r'i'  am  barrachd  a  bh'  ann  'nuair  a  rinneadh  righ 
a  Chumhal. 

Cha  chuala  mi  riamh  co  bhuaithe  thainig  Cumhal  ach  bha 
Diarmad,  GoU  is  Oscar  'nan  clann  peathar  do  dh'  Fhionn. 
'Nuair  a  thainig  'n  triilir-sa  bho  righ  Eirinn  gu  ruig  an 
t-Eilean  Sgitheanach  chumail  nam  fiadh  bho  na  Fiantaichean, 
ach  an  aona  fhear  bu  dona  air  a  ghreigh,  'se  sin  an  aon  fhear 
bh'air  a  chur  a  mach  dhaibh  gus  a  mharbhadh  dhaibh  fein. 
Cha  robh'd  ach  leigeadh  greim  dha  fheoil  agus  balgam  dhe 
shtith  dha  'n  h-uile  fear  do  na  Fiantaichean.  B'f  heudar  dhaibh 
a  bhi  cur  deilgnean  daraich  'n  am  broinn  *ga  cumail  a  stigh. 
Bha  iad  mar  sin  riamh  gos  an  d'  thainig  Pionn  orra. 

A  chlann  a  thainig  bho  nighean  Chumhail,  piuthar  Fhinn, 
b'  iad  sin  Diarmad  is  Goll  is  Oscar.  Bha  iad  ckirdeach  do 
Fhionn  ged  nach  robh  iad  ckirdeach  do  na  Fiantaichean.  B  'e 
Fionn  brathair  am  mkthar. 

Bas  Chumhail 

'Nuair  a  bha  Cumhal  'na  righ  orra  cha  robh  'chridh'  aig 
duin'  an  tilleadh  ged  a  bha  gu  leoir  air  fheadh  an  t-saoghail 
na  bu  treasa  na  'ad. 

^  Idiomatic  use  of  air  in  sense  of  *  against.' 

-  Idiomatic  use  of  air,  meaning  '  of,'  but  best  rendered  by  a  direct  objectiTe,  e.g. 
they  elected  C.  king. 


THE  FIONN  SAGA  265 

Chuir  an  righ  Cumhal  a  mach  lagh  nach  robh  duine 
dhianadh  cron  nach  sgaradh  'ad  'bheatha.  Bha  aon  fhear  a 
sin  ciod  e  rinn  e  ach  laighe  le  mart.  Rug  'ad  air  a  bhoin  agus 
mharbh  'ad  i  agus  chuir  iad  cuid  na  ba  (seach,^  area  na  ba)  mu 
amhaich,  agus  dh'  fhuaith  iad  e  air  chor  's  nach  tugadh  duine 
's  am  bith  as  e.  Chuir  iad  air  falbh  bhuath  buileach  e  agus 
cha  chanadh  iad  facal  ris  ach  Area  Dubh. 

Chaidh  e  gu  pailis  Righ  Eirinn  e  fhein  s  a  bhean.  Chuir 
e  brath  a  stigh  thun  an  righ  gu  robh  gnothuch  beag  aige  ris. 
Thainig  a  righ  a  mach  agus  mhuthaich  e  dha  agus  dh' 
fhoighneac  e  dheth  gu  de  'n  duine  bh'  ann.  Thuirt  Area  an 
sin  gu  'm  b'  esan  fear  dha  na  Fiantaichean. 

'Nach  tu  a  chaill  do  nkire  nuair  a  thainig  thu  'n  am 
aodunn,  an  deis  dha  m'  shin-shinnseanair  ur  cur  cruinn  agus 
sibh  a  dhealachadh  bhuam  a  rithisd,  is  nach  ligidh  ^  sinn  leas 
diiil  a  bhith  againn  cuideachadh  fhaighinn  bhuaibh  ? ' 

'  'N  tk,'  OS  Area,  '  a  ehionn  gur  a  mise  bha  'g  iarraidh  orra 
thus  a  leantail  chuir  iad  so  mu  m'amhaich  mar  thkmailt  's 
chuir  iad  bhuath  mi.  Thainig  mi  far  robh  sibh-pfhein  gos 
sibh  a  thoirt  dhomh  cuideachadh.' 

'  Cha  'n  urrainn  domhsa  cuideachadh  a  thoirt  dhut  a  leithid 
de  dhuine  mor.' 

*  Cha  'n  iarr  mi  ach  iasgach  na  h-aibhne  agus  cumaidh 
mi  iasg  ribh-pfhein  air^  ur  braiciost.' 

'Gheibh  thu  sin  agus  innis  dhomh  eiamar  a  chuirear 
Cumhal  gu  b^s  ? ' 

'  Cha  do  thog  Cumhal,'  os  Area,  *  suil  ri  gin  riamh  ach 
boirionnach  ro  bhriagh.' 

*  'N  ta,'  OS  a  Righ, '  's  ann  agamsa  tha  an  aon  bhoinne-fala  as 
^ille  tha  fo'n  ghrein.     'S  ebir.dhuinn  litir  chur  ga  ionnsuidh.' 

Sgriobh  Rigb  Eirinn  litir  a  sin  gu  Cumhal  e  thighinn  far 
an  robh  e  gu  faigheadh  e  maithte  na  rinn  e  'na  aghaidh. 
Dh'  fhalbh  Cumhal  an  sin  agus  chaidh  dha  'n  phailis  aig  Righ 
Eirinn.  'S  'nuair  a  rainig  e  ehuireadh  dinneir  gu  feum 
dhaibh.  Shuidh  'ad  aig  bord  's  cha  robh  Cumhal  a'  leigeil  a 
shul  bhkrr  nighean  Righ  Eirinn. 

^  Otherwise.  ^  =ruigeadh  ;  I  iot  r.  ^  In  sense  of  'for.' 

VOL.  II.  S 


266  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

*  Cha  chreid  mi  nach  eil  thu  air  gaol  a  ghabhail  air  a 
nighinn/ 

*  An  tk,'  osa  Cumhal,  *  'si  'n  aon  bhoinne-fala  as  docha 
learn  a  chunna  mi  riamh.' 

*  Mas  i,  pbs  thu  fhein  's  i  fh^in  mata.* 

Phbs  'ad  a  sin  agus  oidhche  na  bainnseadh  ^  aca  chuireadh 
Area  Dubh  'n  aon  seomar  riutha  a'  falach.  'Nuair  a  chunnaic 
Area  sin  an  t-km  (gun  robh  a  thri  meanmaehd  fir  ga  ehall  air 
muin  na  mnatha)  thug  e  'n  ceann  bharr  Chumhail  le  chlaid- 
heamh  fh^in  '  Mae-a-Luin/  Bhuail  a  bhean  a  basan.  Nuair 
a  ehunnaie  Bran  Mae-A-Luin  aig  Area  lean  e  Mac-A-Luin 
agus  Area. 

Breith  Fhinn 

Dh'  f  hks  a  bhean  trom  's  ehuir  a  righ  a  maeh  aehd  nam 
b'  e  nighean  a  bhiodh  ann  gum  biodh  iad  eoma  mu  deidhinn, 
naeh  togadh  i  tbraehd  a  h-athar ;  ach  nam  b'  e  gille  bhiodh 
ann  gun  raehadh  a  mharbhadh  eho  luath  'sa  thigeadh  e 
dh*  ionnsuidh  an  t-saoghail. 

Ann  an  eeann  nan  tri  raithean  thuisleadh  ise  air  leanabh 
nighinn  agus  le  toileaehadh  's  le  toilinntinn  a  rinn  an  righ  eha 
robh  duine  bha  mu  'n  champa  naeh  robh  marbh  leis  an 
daoraieh. 

A  bhean -ghlilin  bu  ghiorra  dhith  thuirt  i  rithe  : — 

*  Seall  gu  de  th'  agam  an  dr^sd  ? ' 

*  Tha  agad  an  drksd,'  os  ise,  '  pkisde-gille.' 

*  Eirieh  thus'/  os  i-f  hein,  '  agus  falbh  leis  agus  tog  e.' 

'  'N  ann,'  os  ise,  '  's  mi  air  mo  mhionnaehadh  nam  b'  e  gille 
bhiodh  ann  gun  reaehainn  a  thoirt  suas  dha  'n  righ  gur  e  gille 
bhiodh  ann  ? ' 

'  Falbh  thus'  agus  tog  e  is  eho  fada  's  is  bonnaeh  dhomhs' 
e  's  bonnaeh  dhuits'  e  na  ni  eile  a  bhios  agam  's  leatsa  do 
ehuid  dheth  aeh  tog  an  gille.'  Dh'  fhalbh  a  bhanaltrum,  a 
bhean-ghlilin,  's  thog  i  leithe  'm  pkisde  's  maeh  a  ghabh  i. 

*  In  Eriskay  dialect  I  heard  many  old  genitives  still  in  use  among  the  old  men, 
and  by  analogy  such  genitives  were  extended. 


THE  FIONN  SAGA  267 

Mar  a  dh'  eirich  do  bhrathair  na  te  a  theich  le  Fionn 

Bha  'brathair  roimpe  'san  rathad  's  e  'na  shaor.  '  Eirich, 
eirich,'  os  ise,  *  cho  luath  'sa  rugadh  tu  thoir  a  choill  ort  is 
dian  bothag  dhomhs'  s  mi  air  cron  a  dhianamh  air  nighean  a' 
righ.' 

Dh'  Eirich  esa  agus  mach  a  thug  e ;  thug  e  choill  air 's  rinn 
e  bothag  dha  phiuthair.  'Nar  a  rainig  ise  bhothag  bha  i 
uUamh  aig  a  brathair  roimpe. 

Dh'  fhoighneac  e  dhith  :  '  gu  de  th'  agad  an  sin  ?  * 

*  Cha  'n  eil  ach  ni  a  thug  mi  bho  nighean  an  ruigh.'  * 

'  O  cha  'n  e  idir.  'S  ann  a  th'  ann  Mac  Chumhail.  Thoir 
dhomh-s'  e  's  gun  cuir  mi  'n  ceann  dheth  leis  an  tuaigh.' 

'  Falbh  a  stigh  is  gearr,'  os  ise,  *  a  sprod  ud  tha  san  fhar- 
doruis  mu'm  bi  mo  cheann-sa  bualadh  ann  a  tighinn  a  mach 
na  dol  a  stigh.' 

Chaidh  e  stigh  agus  dhirich  ise  dha  'n  tobhtaidh  ('s  ann  a 
muigh  a  bha  iad  air  a  chnoc)  's  an  tuagh  aice.  Air  tighinn  a 
mach  'a  brathair  air  an  dorus  bhuail  i  faobhar  na  tuaighe  air 
ann  am  mullach  a  chinn  's  chuir  leth  air  gach  gualain  dhe 
ceann  a  brathair.  Chuir  i  sin  a  mach  air  a  loch  e  (an  saor)  's 
chaidh  i  fhein  a  stigh  's  bha  i'  cumail  a  ghille  air  aghart  cho 
math  'sa  b'  urra  dhith. 


Mar  a  thogadh  'na  leanabh  e  is  mar  a  mharbh 
e'n  dubh  mhiol-chu 

'Nar  a  thainig  an  gille  sin  gu  coiseachd  theirig  am  biadh 
an  sin  dith  thug  i  leithe  o  thigh  an  righ  's  chaidh  i  chon  a 
bhaile  far  an  robh  nighean  a'  righ.  Fhuair  i  uiread  'sa  b'  urra 
dhith  thoirt  leithe  'bhiadh,  agus  nuair  a  bha  i  'falbh  de  rinn 
miol-chu  a  bha  'n  tigh  a'  righ  ach  a  leantail  air  fkileadh  na 
feola.     Chaidh  i  dhachaidh. 

Bhiodh  an  gill'  aice  air  fheadh  an  taighe  's  bha  sguab  dhrea- 
thann  aice  'g  ^irigh  air  mu  na  casan  'ga  ionnsachadh  ri  cruadal. 

^  Dialectal  for  righ. 


268  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

Theirig  am  biadh  a  rithist  di.  Bha  i  dol  a  dh-ionnsaidh  a 
bhaile  a  dh'  iarraidh  tuillidh  's  *nar  a  nochd  i  ris  an  aitreabh 
far  robh  nighean  a  righ  smaointich  i  gun  do  dh'  fhkg  i  a' 
mhiol-chu  a  stigh  's  gun  robh  'n  gille  air  ich  aice.  Thill  i  cho 
luath  'sa  b'  urra  dhi  dhachaidh  dha  'n  bhothaig.  Bha  'n  gille 
agus  ceann  a  mhiol-choin  aige  's  an  darna  laimh  agus  an  druim 
as  a  laimh  eile  an  deaghaidh  a'  cur  a  cnaimh  na  h-amhuich. 
'Nar  a  chunnaic  i  'n  t-euchd  a  rinn  e  ghrad  thill  i  thun  a 
bhaile  is  dh'  inns'  i  'nighean  a  righ  gun  do  chuir  an  gille  an 
dubh-mhiol-chu  a  cnaimh  na  h-amhuich. 

'  Tog  thus  e,'  OS  i  fhein,  *  is  fhad  's  a  bhios  mise  beo  cha 
chaill  thus'  air.' 

Thill  i  dhachaidh  dha  'n  bhothaig. 

Mar  a  dh'ionnsuich  e  cruadal  's  mar 
a  bhaisteadh  e 

'Nar  a  fhuair  es'  e  fhein  cho  l^idir  dh'  eireadh  e  air  a 
chaillich  leis  a  sguabaidh  chor  's  nach  d'  fhagadh  leohsidh  feola 
na  falac^A  air  a  casan.^  Rachadh  i  sin  a  mach  air  a  loch  leis 
gus  an  ruigeadh  an  t-uisge  na  ciochan  aice  's  greim  aic'  air 
chill  cinn  air  's  air  smigid  'g  ionnsachadh  snkmh  dha, 
Bheireadh  i  air  chul  cinn  air  agus  chuireadh  i  fo  'n  uisg'  e  's 
dh'  eireadh  e  ann  am  miadhon  a  locha  thall. 

Chaidh  i  dha  'n  bhaile  dh'  iarraidh  tuilleadh  bidhe.  Bha  i 
'ga  thilleadh  ach  cha  ghabhadh  e  tilleadh  bhuaip.  'Nar  a 
nochd  i  sin  ri  colaisde  bh'  aig  Easbuig  ag  ionnsachadh 
sgoilearan  bha  uair  a  chluichd  aca  's  bha  'ad  ri  snamh  a 
muigh  air  a  loch.  Mach  esan  le  chuid  aodaich  'nam  measg. 
Bheireadh  e  air  chul  cinn  air  feadhainn  diu  's  chuireadh  e  fo  'n 
uisg  'ad  's  bha  e  'gam  bh,thadh  mar  sin.  Co  bha'  ga  choimhead 
a  muigh  'romh  'n  uinneig  ach  an  t-Easbuig  agus  dh'  eubh  e 
sin :  Co  leis  an  gille  Fionn  bkn  a  tha  bkthadh  mo  chuid 
sgoilearan  1 

'Taing  do  Dhia,'  os  a  chailleach,  'fhuair  mi  baisteadh 
dha  'm  mhac.     Tha  dhiol  uisge  timchioU  air.' 

^  Datives  and  genitives  as  in  Eriskay. 


THE  FIONN  SAGA  269 

*  O  fhuair,'  os  an  t-Easbuig  '  Fionn  mac  Cumhail.'  Cha 
robh  ach  chuireadh  reiseamaid  timchioll  a  locha  bonn  ri  bonn 
giis  a  mharbhadh. 


Mar  a  fhuair  Fionn  teicheadh  leis  a  chaillich  's 
mar  a  thugadh  an  t-ainm  air  loch  lurgainn 

Bhuail  a  chailleach  a  Sk  bhois  ri  cheile  is  lig  i  lasag  as. 
Nar  a  chual  esa  r^n  a  mhuime  thug  e  aghaidh  air  tir  's  cha 
robh  duine  bha  roimhe  nach  do  mharbh  e  gus  na  rainig  e 
'chailleach.  Rug  e  air  dha  lurgain  oirre  (orra)  ^  is  thilg  e  air 
fras-mhullaich  a  ghuoladh  ^  i.  Thug  e  aghaidh  air  a  bhothaig 
's  'nar  a  rainig  e  sin  a  bhothag  leig  e  as  a  chailleach  's  cha 
robh  aige  dhith  ach  an  da  lurgainn.  Thilg  e  'n  da  Lurgainn  sin 
a  mach  air  a  loch  ann  an  Eirinn.  Tha  Locha  Lurgainn  sin  an 
Eirinn  fhathast  tha  iad  ag  r^dh. 


Mar  a  choinnich  e  Iasgair  mor  na  h-aibhne 

'S   MAR   A   DH'iARR   E   BIADH   AIR 

Cha  robh  fios  aig  air  an  t-saoghal  de  dhianadh  e  ach  'se 
sgeuma  rinn  e,  lean  e  'n  abhuinn  a  thachair  ris  is  chunnaic  e 
duine  mor  mor  ag  iasgach  air  an  abhuinn  agus  chaidh  e  far  a 
robh  e. 

'Gu  de  do  naigheachd  'ille  bhig,'  os  an  duine  mor  a 
bha  sin. 

*  An  ta  cha  'n  eil  agam-sa  guth,*  os  an  gille, '  ach  b'  fhearr 
leam  nan  dugadh  tu  dhomh  breac  dhe  'n  iasg  a  th'  agad  's  mi 
gu  bhi  marbh  leis  an  acras.' 

'  N  t^,'  OS  esa,  '  ma  tha  shealbh  ort  fhein  's  gu  'm  marbh 
mi  breac  an  dr^sda  gheibh  thu  e.' 

Mharbh  e  sin  breac  's  cha  do  mharbh  e  leithid  riamh  cho 
m6r  ris. 

Os  an  duine  :  cha  'n  f  haigh  thu  'fear-s  idir.    Cha  do  mharbh 

'  orra  was  pronunciation  of  reciter  for  3rd  pers.  sing.  fem. 
2  Eriskay  dialect. 


270  THE  CELTIC  KEVIEW 

mi  leithid  riamh  o  thainig  mi  agus  bithidh  e  ro-mhor  ann  an 
suilean  a  E-igh  leithid  so  dh'  iasg  thoirt  h-uige.  Ach  gheibh 
thu  'n  ath  fhear  mharbhas  mi,'  os  e  fhein. 

Mharbh  e  sin  fear  's  bha  e  na  bu  mhua  na  chiad  fhear  a 
mharbh  e.     *  Cha  'n  fhaigh  thu  fear-s  idir,'  os  e  fh^in. 

'  Od,'  OS  an  gille,  '  cumaidh  tu  mise  gu  br^ch  gun  bhreac 
thoirt  domh,  'gealltuinn  a  h-uile  fear  a  thoirt  dhomh  's  gun 
thu  ga  thoirt  dhomh.' 

*  An  tk  'ille  mionnaichidh  mi  air  barr  na  slaite  ged  'iodh  e 
urrad  ris  na  dha  gum  faigh  thu  fear-sa.' 

Mharbh  e  sin  breac,  's  bha  e  na  bu  mhua  na  gin  a 
mharbh  e. 

'  N  ta,  'ille  mhath/  os  e  fhein,  '  so  dhut  a  nist  e.  Cuiridh 
tu  'n  teine  air  an  taobh  ud  dha  'n  allt  agus  cuiridh  tu  'm  breac 
air  an  taobh-sa  dheth.  Ma  leigeas  tu  ball  dubh  na  losgadh 
air  cha  'n  fhaigh  thu  sgath  dheth.' 


Mar  a  bhruich  e  'm  breac  's  mar  a  fhuair  e  fiosachd 

Chuir  an  gille  'n  teine  air  an  taobh  thall  dha  'n  allt  agus 
am  breac  air  an  taobh-sa.  Mar  a  bha  'm  fiodh  cho  leumach  de 
bha  ach  splang  a  dh'  fhalbh  as  an  teine  agus  bhuail  e  air 
taobh  a  bhric.  Leum  an  gille  null  air  an  allt 's  chuir  e  mhiar 
air  a  phoc  a  dh'  eirich  air  a  bhreac  agus  dh'  fh^isg  e  stigh  am 
poc  ris  an  iasg  agus  loisg  e  'mhiar  's  chuir  e  'mhiar  'na  bhial  is 
fhuair  e  fiosachd  gur  a  sud  am  fear  a  mharbh  'athair  Cumhal 
's  gur  e  'n  cu  bh'  aig  'athair  an  cu  bha  comhla  ris  aig  an 
abhuinn  's  gun  robh  'n  claidheamh  bh'  aig  'athair,  Mac-a-Luin 
fo  leabaidh  aige. 

'Nuair  a  bhruich  esan  an  sin  am  breac  thug  e  taing  do 
dh'  Area  Dubh  a  chionn  a  thoirt  dha. 


Mar  a  fhuair  Fionn  Mac  A  Luin 

Dh'  fhalbh  e  sin  's  chaidh  e  gu  ruig  tigh  Arcaidh  's  thuirt 
e  ri  bean  Arcaidh  gun  a  chuir  Area  e  dh'  iarraidh  a  chlaidh- 


THE  FIONN  SAGA  271 

eimh.  Thuirt  ise  sin  ris : — '  Cha  'n  eil  dull  learn  gu  bheil 
claidheamh  aige  ach  an  claidheamh  a  th*  air  athaobh.'  Thuirt 
esan  an  sin  rithe-se  gu  robh  e  fo  leabaidh.  Dh'  fhiachadh  fo 
leabaidh  's  cha  d'  fhuaradh  e.  Chaidh  e  sin  a  mach  's  bha  e 
'nbdachadh  ^  gur  e  rud  air  choireiginn  a  chaidh  'na  cheann 
fhein  nar  a  smaointich  e  air  a  leithid.  Chuir  e  'mhiar  a 
rithist  'na  bhial  agus  fhuair  e  mach  gur  ann  hho  '^  phosta  na 
leapa  bha  e  air  a  thiodhlacadh.  Thill  e  stigh  'n  sin  's  thuirt  e 
rithe  gu  'n  robh  e  'g  r^dh  gur  ann  fo  phosta  na  leapadh  ^  a  bha 
e  air  a  thiodhlacadh.  Thog  'ad  an  leaba,  fhuair  'ad  Mac  a 
Luin.  B,ug  e  air  Mac  a  Luin  agus  dh'  f halbh  e  sios  far  a  robh 
Area  Dubh. 


Mar  a  thog  e  torachd  Athar  's  mar  a  fhuair  e  Bran 

'  Tha  thu  air  tilleadh  a  rithisd  'ille,'  os  Arcabh/ 

'  Tha,'  OS  an  gille. 

'  De  tha  thu  'g  iarraidh  nis-de  ? ' 

'  Cha  'n  eil  ach  gu  bheil  'ad  ag  radh  gur  thu  fhein  a 
mharbh  Cumhal.' 

'  An  ta  's  mi,'  os  esan.  '  An  ann  dol  a  thogail  a  thbrachd 
tha  thusa.' 

'  Cha  'n  ann  ach  tha  mi  cinnteach  gur  ann  agad  a  bha 
spbrs  air.' 

'  Leabhar  is  ann,'  os  e  fhein, 

*  Bheiceadh  e  mar  mhuic 
Bhramadh  e  mar  ghearan 
Is  ceann  mo  shleagh  'na  thiomban.' 

*  N  tk,'  OS  esa,  '  mhic  na  galadh,  s  e  'toirt  tarruinn  air  Mac 
A  Luin,  ma  bha  sin  agad-s  air  m'  athair,  bithidh  e  agam-s 
ort-sa',  's  e  leigeil  ceann  Area  leis  an  abhuinn. 

'Nar  a  chunnaic  Bran  an  sin  Mac  a  Luin  ghrad  dh'  eirich  e 
agus  lean  e  Fionn.  Bha  so  Fionn  a'  smaointeachadh  co  dhiubh 
a  reachadh  e  gu  baile  na  dh'  fhanadh  e  as.     Ach  chaidh  e 

1  Surmising,  2  Dialectic  for  fo. 

'  Eriskay  genitive  ending  in  this  word.  <  Sic  reciter  here. 


272  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

dha  'n  choillidh  ^  dh'  fhiachainn  gu  de  stuth  bha  'Mac-a-Luin. 
Thbisich  e  air  na  craobhan  's  bha  e  leagail  nan  craobhan  mar 
gum  biodh  an  t-arbhar  fo  fhaobhar  na  spealadh. 

{To  he  continued.) 


L'ANKOU 
Frances  M.  Gostling 
(Song  of  the  Ankou) 

'  In  the  green  lane  as  thou  earnest  homeward,  little  daughter, 
As  thou  earnest  between  the  banks  where  trees  meet  overhead, 
Hast  thou  seen  aught  to  fright  thee  that  thou  tremblest. 
That  thy  knees  shake,  and  thy  lips  are  pale  as  the  hawthorne  1 ' 

'  As  I  came  down  the  lane,  mother,  the  sad  grey  dusk  was  falling. 
The  dusk  was  falling  from  the  trees  above  my  head. 
And  the  bird  that  had  been  singing  ceased  his  sweet  song  at  my  passing, 
His  song  that  till  then  had  filled  my  heart  with  music. 

'  "  Little  bird,  little  bird,  wherefore  art  thou  silent  ? 
Why  art  thou  silent  when  all  things  are  so  still  ? 
Now  in  the  evening,  at  the  fall  of  silver  evening, 
Thou  shouldst  be  singing  loud  and  clear,  little  bird." 

'  But  softly  whispered  the  bird,  "  Hush,  dost  thou  not  hear  it  ? 

A  sound  before  which  every  song  is  still, 

A  sound  of  sorrow  and  of  mourning,  coming  from  the  road  that  is  before 

thee, 
The  shadowy  road  that  thou  must  travel  before  thou  reachest  thy  home." 

' "  I  hear  no  sound  except  the  dewdrops  falling, 

Heavy  crystal  tears  from  the  green  roof  overhead ; 

Tell  me,  oh  little  bird,  thou  that  sittest  on  high  upon  the  tree  top, 

Thou  that  sittest  on  high  upon  the  tree  top,  what  dost  thou  see  ? " 

'  "  I  see  a  man  leading  his  horses  toward  thee, 

Leading  two  horses  harnessed  to  a  heavy  cart." 

"  It  is  my  father,  foolish  little  bird,  leading  our  horses  homeward, 

Oh,  say  it  is  my  father,  leading  our  horses  that  plough  the  furrows." 

^  Dative  case  distinctly  in  use  in  this  and  many  other  words.  While  in  the 
nominative  case  coille  has  I  mouille,  in  this  dative  form  the  pronuaciation  changes  to 
aspirated  1. 


L'ANKOU  273 

'  *'  Nay,  they  are  never  thine ;  though  one  be  fat  and  well-looking 
His  fellow  is  lean  as  Death,  his  bones  press  sharp  against  the  skin, 
They  limp  and  are  aweary  with  the  sorrow  of  their  burden, 
Their  burden  that  is  the  sorrowful  burden  of  all  mankind." 

'  "Tell  me,  oh  bird,  what  is  this  burden  they  are  drawing. 
This  burden  by  reason  of  which  they  limp  and  are  aweary  ? " 
"Nay,  thou  shalt  see  it  thyself,  is  it  not  even  here  beside  thee  ? 
'Neath  the  Calvary  at  the  turning  to  the  churchyard  shalt  thou  see  it." 

'  Then  through  the  dusk  and  gloaming  I  saw  it  coming  toward  me. 
The  horses  straining  and  stumbling  with  the  weight  they  drew, 
The  whip  fell,  the  whip  of  the  man  who  led  them, 

Drawing  the  cart  swaying  and  rocking  behind  them,  yet  never  a  sound,  a 
sound. 

'  I  saw  the  cart  as  it  rocked,  and  I  saw  who  sat  within  it, 

A  sudden  moonbeam  broke  through  the  dusk  as  he  passed. 

And  I  saw,  ah,  hold  me,  mother,  dear  little  mother,  his  face  turned  full  upon 

me, 
It  was  I'Ankou  who  sat  there,  I'Ankou  the  terrible  Reaper,  even  now  he  is 

coming  to  reap.' 

The  moon  was  shining  bright  when  the  death  cart  came  to  the  door, 
A  sound  of  wailing  and  bitter  crying  was  in  the  air — 
Of  bitter  crying  and  sorrow,  a  sound  that  I'Ankou  loves, 
Smiling  he  entered  in,  smiling  he  bore  her  out  in  her  white,  white  gown, 
her  white  face  turned  to  the  moonlight. 

In  the  old  Breton  churches  of  the  past  were  many  won- 
derful things,  the  like  of  which  we  shall  never  see  again. 
Strange  minglings  were  there  of  the  old  faith  and  the  new  ; 
curious  survivals  of  paganism  that  have  at  last  all  but  dis- 
appeared before  the  ever  increasing  light  of  Christianity.  In 
the  chapels  that  were  raised  upon  the  old  worshipping  places 
of  Druid  and  pre-Druid  times,  many  objects  found  place  that 
must  have  reminded  worshippers  of  the  past.  The  crocodiles' 
heads  that  held  in  their  mouths  the  ends  of  the  tie-beams, 
the  grotesque  figures  carved  on  the  wall-plates,  the  altars  to 
'  Our  Lady  of  the  Lights/  reminding  one  irresistibly  of  Isis, 
our  lady  of  Flames,  the  Saint  Venus  worshipped  at  Langon 
for  so  many  years  transformed  at  last  into  St.  Agatha ;  St. 
Michael  and  his  golden  balance,  the  dragons  and  their  slayers  ; 


274  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

the  sacred  wells  and  the  saints  of  the  fountains  replacing 
the  Korrigan  and  the  Duz,  all  the  strange  paraphernalia  con- 
nected with  the  lighting  of  the  sacred  fires — the  dragon,  the 
torch,  the  disks,  remnants  of  ancient  sun-worship,  how  won- 
derful they  were !  But  amongst  them  all  none  was  more 
interesting  than  a  certain  figure  once  commonly  found  all 
over  Brittany,  now  rarely  to  be  met  with,  though  still  re- 
membered and  held  in  reverence  in  some  remote  districts. 

Sometimes  this  figure  took  the  form  of  a  tall  thin  man 
with  long  white  hair  and  face  shadowed  by  the  broad  felt  hat 
of  the  country,  sometimes  of  a  skeleton,  draped  or  undraped, 
whose  skull  turned  on  a  pivot  as  though  to  signify  that  in  a 
single  glance  it  beheld  the  whole  district  over  which  it  ruled. 
But  whether  man  or  skeleton,  it  always  held  in  its  hand  a 
scythe,  the  blade  of  which  was  turned  forward,  and  it  signified 
I'Ankou  or  Death.  Many  are  the  beliefs  and  superstitions 
connected  with  I'Ankou,  and  though  the  representations  of 
him  have,  as  I  have  said,  all  but  disappeared  from  the  land, 
the  people  in  many  parts  believe  in  and  fear  him  as  their 
ancestors  did  in  the  past.  They  believe,  for  instance,  that 
the  last  man  who  dies  in  the  village  during  the  year  becomes 
I'Ankou  for  the  year  ensuing.  That  he  has  his  chariot  or 
cart  in  which  he  makes  his  royal  progress,  spreading  terror 
and  desolation  wherever  he  goes.  That  he  is  usually  drawn 
by  two  horses,  one  fat  and  well-to-do,  the  other  lean  as  Death 
himself  They  say  that  he  uses  a  human  bone  to  sharpen  his 
scythe,  and  goes  about  quite  silently — he,  his  horses,  and  his 
cart.  His  great  friends  and  helpers  are  supposed  to  be  Plague 
and  Dysentery,  the  former  of  whom  being  lame  cannot  move 
over  flowing  water  by  herself,  but  has  to  be  carried  by  some 
one.  The  story  is  still  told  of  her  that  when  the  plague  was 
ravaging  Europe  in  the  sixteenth  century  she  was  brought  to 
the  town  of  EUiant  by  a  young  miller.  He  found  her  sitting 
in  a  white  dress  on  the  edge  of  the  stream  bewailing  herself 
that  she  could  not  reach  the  town  in  time  for  the  Pardon. 
Very  beautiful  she  looked  to  the  young  man,  and  when  he 
discovered  her  trouble  he  was  only  too  willing  to  lift  her  on 


UANKOU  275 

to  his  horse  and  carry  her  over  the  river.  '  Young  man,' 
said  she  when  once  she  found  herself  on  the  other  side,  '  you 
do  not  know  what  you  have  just  carried  across.  I  am  the 
Plague ;  I  am  making  the  tour  of  Brittany,  and  am  now 
going  to  church  where  mass  is  being  celebrated ;  all  whom  I 
strike  with  my  cane  will  die  suddenly,'  and  she  spoke  truly, 
for  we  are  told  that  the  entire  village  was  depopulated  with 
the  exception  of  the  miller  and  his  mother. 

The  tax  on  salt  was  also  once  a  great  ally  of  I'Ankou,  but 
it  is  said  that  the  Duchess  Anne  extinguished  it.  The 
story  of  her  doing  so  is  curious  and  perhaps  worth  repeating. 
It  has  been  related  by  M.  Anatole  le  Braz  in  his  Legende  de 
la  Mort. 

When  the  Duchess  Anne  was  living  at  the  Castle  of 
Korrec  in  Kerfot  her  husband  said  to  her  one  day — 'The 
meeting  of  the  states  is  about  to  be  held  ;  I  must  go  to  it.' 

'Well,  be  careful  what  you  are  about  then.      Above  all 
put  no  new  taxes  upon  my  Brittany.' 

*  No,  certainly  not. 

So  he  started,  attended  the  congress,  and  returned  to  his 
castle. 

'  Well  ? '  inquired  the  Duchess. 

'  Heu ! '  he  answered,  '  I  was  obliged  to  consent  to  the 
imposition  of  the  salt  tax.' 

'Ah!' 

Then  without  another  word  the  Duchess  rose  and  went 
out  to  the  kitchen,  where  she  whispered  a  few  words  in  the 
ear  of  the  servant  who  was  stirring  the  soup  for  her  master's 
supper. 

A  few  minutes  afterwards  the  servant  brought  the  soup 
in  all  boiling  hot,  and  the  Duchess's  husband  put  his  spoon 
into  it. 

'  Pouah ! '  cried  he  at  once,  '  they  have  forgotten  to  put  in 
the  salt.' 

'  He,'  answered  the  Duchess  in  a  jeering  tone,  '  what  does 
that  matter  ? ' 

'  This  soup  is  simply  abominable,  I  tell  you.' 


276  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

'  You  will  have  to  eat  it  as  it  is  nevertheless.  You  must 
do  it  as  an  example  to  the  peasants.  You  have  deprived 
them  of  their  salt.     Deprive  yourself  of  it  in  like  manner.' 

*  I  tell  you  that  I  insist  on  having  my  food  properly 
flavoured.' 

'  Then  abolish  the  salt  tax.' 

'  I  cannot ;  I  have  sworn  to  help  to  maintain  it  as  long  as 
I  Uve.' 

'  As  long  as  you  live  ? ' 

*  Certainly. ' 

'  Oh,  very  well,  that  shall  not  be  for  very  long,'  said  the 
Duchess  Anne,  and  taking  from  the  table  a  thin-bladed  knife, 
she  plunged  it  into  the  heart  of  her  husband.  Then  she 
ordered  one  of  her  servants  to  go  and  announce  that  the  salt 
tax  was  dead. 

But  the  nobles  protested. 
'  Your  husband,'  said  they,  '  swore  to  maintain  the  tax  as 
long  as  he  lived.' 

'  Just  so,'  answered  the  Duchess  Anne,  '  but  he  is  dead, 
and  with  him  we  are  going  to  bury  the  salt  tax.' 

And  since  that  time  no  one  has  heard  any  mention  made 
of  this  scourge  of  humanity. 

So  I'Ankou  now  has  only  his  two  assistants. 

As  to  the  duties  of  I'Ankou  they  are  very  arduous.  Not 
only  has  he  to  strike  down  the  living  and  to  collect  the 
dying,  but  he  has  to  rule  the  dead.  '  He  is  the  Mayor  of  the 
Dead,'  filling  in  fact  somewhat  the  same  position  in  Celtic 
mythology  that  Osiris  did  in  the  Egyptian.  There  is  an 
old  Mystery  Play  in  which  his  creation  is  described. 

'  I  am  about  to  create  Death,'  says  God  the  Father,  '  who 
shall  be  royally  merciless.  Oh  cruel  Death,  I  order  thee  from 
this  hour  to  go  marching  through  the  world,  and  to  kill  all 
without  pity.' 

One  of  the  things  that  must  strike  every  traveller  in 
Brittany  is  the  respect  that  is  paid  to  the  dead.  It  is  indeed 
a  cult,  the  cult  of  Death,  the  most  ancient,  deep-seated,  and 
ineradicable  cult  of  these  Armorican  Celts.     They  seem  to 


L'ANKOU  277 

have  a  positive  love  for  all  that  pertains  to  Death,  and  it  is 
only  necessary  to  see  the  size  of  a  Breton  funeral  to  realise 
how  attractive  this  I'Ankou  is  to  all  but  the  stricken  one. 
His  storehouse,  the  cemetery,  always  lies  in  the  very  heart  of 
the  village,  and  if  some  cottages  can  be  built  whose  back 
windows  look  out  over  the  crowded  enclosure,  so  much  the 
better.  It  is  the  playground  of  the  children,  the  meeting- 
place  of  lovers,  the  favourite  spot  where  old  women  knit  and 
gossip,  and  their  menfolk  smoke  the  evening  pipe.  Yet 
they  fear  I'Ankou,  as  who  does  not  ?  Only  they  love  to  have 
their  dead  in  their  midst,  and  resent  any  attempt  towards  a 
more  sanitary  arrangement.  When  cholera  was  last  busy 
among  them  more  than  one  attempt  was  made  by  the 
authorities  to  establish  cemeteries  outside  the  villages,  but  this 
movement  always  provoked  the  greatest  opposition. 

'  The  bones  of  our  fathers  lie  here  in  our  midst,'  the 
people  would  say,  '  then  why  do  you  wish  to  separate  them 
from  those  who  have  just  died  ?  If  you  bury  them  away  out 
there,  they  will  hear  neither  the  singing  nor  the  services. 
Here  is  their  proper  place  where  we  can  watch  their  graves 
from  our  windows.  The  dead  cannot  kill  us.  Death  only 
comes  by  the  will  of  God,'  and  so  they  continue  to  bury  their 
dead  in  their  midst,  to  dig  them  up  at  the  end  of  a  few  years 
to  make  room  for  others,  to  store  their  bones  in  charnel 
houses,  and  to  draw  water  from  the  fountain  that  as  often  as 
not  comes  flowing  out  of  the  churchyard  wall. 

But  it  is  a  different  matter  to  meet  I'Ankou  going  his 
rounds  in  the  dusk  of  evening.  Even  the  bravest  will  blench 
and  shudder  at  that.  He  travels  usually  by  the  little  old 
lanes  does  I'Ankou,  lanes  where  the  high  banks  rise  on  either 
hand,  and  trees  meet  overhead.  In  these  green  tunnels  he  is 
often  to  be  met  of  an  evening,  and  woe  to  those  who  meet  him, 
for  they  fall  into  a  fever  when  I'Ankou  has  breathed  upon 
them  and  it  is  not  long  before  he  calls  at  their  house  and 
carries  them  away  in  his  cart. 

Formerly  in  the  old  church  of  Ploumilliau  there  stood  one 
of  the  skeleton  figures  of  I'Ankou.      It  was  held  in  great 


278  THE  CELTIC  EEVIEW 

reverence  by  the  people  of  the  neighbourhood  who  came  from 
far  and  near  to  its  shrine.  Did  any  wish  for  the  death  of  an 
enemy  ?  there  was  I'Ankou  ready  to  be  interviewed.  Was  a 
husband,  a  son  in  danger  ?  TAnkou  must  be  propitiated  by 
prayers  and  offerings.  How  long  he  had  stood  there  no  one 
could  tell.  Carved  in  oak  and  painted,  he  might  have  been 
any  age,  and  as  it  is  well  known  that  primitive  peoples 
pay  more  reverence  to  ancient  statues  than  to  new,  it  is 
probable  that  the  Ankou  of  Ploumilliau  was  extremely  old. 
Was,  I  say,  for  he  has  disappeared  from  the  church  where  he 
reigned  so  long.  The  story  of  his  removal  is  interesting  as 
showing  how  firmly  rooted  are  the  ancient  beliefs  of  these 
Armorican  Bretons.  At  the  time  when  I'Ankou  used  still 
to  hold  audiences  in  Ploumilliau  church,  there  was  in  the 
neighbourhood  a  certain  person  who  made  himself  notorious 
by  his  contempt  for  the  ancient  superstitions  regarding  the 
Death  cult.  It  brought  him  into  conflict  with  many  of  the 
peasants,  and  especially  with  a  certain  old  woman  who  took 
his  conduct  so  much  to  heart  that  she  resolved  to  rouse  the 
Ankou  to  avenge  himself  Kneeling  before  the  skeleton  she 
explained  the  matter  at  length,  dwelling  on  the  blasphemous 
conduct  of  the  accused  and  finally  calling  down  destruction 
upon  him  in  the  proper,  authorised  manner.  Then  she  went 
home  and  awaited  events.  But  to  her  surprise  nothing 
happened.  The  weeks,  the  months  passed,  and  the  sinner 
continued  to  flourish  as  a  green  bay  tree.  What  was  the 
reason?  The  Ankou  must  have  heard  her,  she  had  even 
shaken  him  by  the  arm,  as  was  usual  in  extreme  cases,  crying 
aloud,  '  Let  him  wither  away  on  his  feet  even  as  a  plant 
injured  in  its  root,  let  him  die  before  the  time  appointed,  and 
may  there  be  none  to  help ! '  In  her  perplexity  she  went 
again  to  the  church  and  gazed  long  at  the  little  god.  Certainly 
he  was  very  old.  Quite  gray  with  age,  his  paint  all  lost 
und6r  thick  layers  of  dust.  No  doubt  that  was  the  cause  of 
his  silence.  If  he  could  be  rejuvenated  he  would  surely 
feel  more  able  to  act  in  the  matter.  No  sooner  said  than 
done.     A  pot  of  red  paint  was  procured,  and  one  afternoon 


L'ANKOU  279 

when  the  church  was  empty  Ankou  was  transformed,  turned 
into  a  new  red  Ankou,  and  his  worshipper  left  him  sure  this 
time  of  his  ability  to  help  the  good  cause.     But  Sunday  came, 
High  Mass  was  in  progress,   M.   the    rector   mounted   the 
pulpit  and  was  beginning  his  sermon,  when  he  noticed  a  great 
turning  of  heads  in  the  direction  where  stood  old  Death. 
He  looked  himself  and  could  scarce  believe  his  eyes.    There, 
red  and  staring,  stood  the  little  figure,  and  no  doubt  equally 
red  and  staring,  stood  the   good  priest  looking  at  it,  very 
angry  that  any  one  had  dared  to  take  such  a  liberty  in  his 
church.     And  because  of  this,  and  no  doubt  because  also  he 
knew  of  the  practices  that  were  in  vogue  with  regard  to  this 
same  figure,  he  banished  it  to  the  chamber  over  the  porch, 
and  allowed  no  one  to  visit  it  henceforth,  till  gradually  the 
remembrance  of  it  has  all  but  died  away.     But  the  people 
still  believe  that  the  Ankou  walks  among  them  with  his 
scythe.     They  often  meet  him  in  the  narrow  lanes  at  night, 
driving  his  cart  towards  a  cottage  where  some  one  is  lying 
ill. 

It  was  after  a  long,  long  search  and  many  vain  inquiries 
that  we  found  the  ancient  Death  last  year.  We  found  him 
standing  in  a  dark  old  chamber  over  the  south  porch  of  the 
church,  hidden  away,  forgotten,  the  very  key  that  locked 
him  from  former  worshippers  itself  kept  under  lock  and  key 
in  the  vestry.  After  the  breezy  tramp  through  gorse  and 
golden  genista,  the  church  seemed  doubly  dim  and  mysteri- 
ous, and  it  was  with  something  of  a  feeling  of  dread  that  we 
climbed  the  ancient  spiral  staircase  whose  granite  steps  had 
been  hollowed  by  generations  of  forgotten  feet  and  found 
ourselves  before  a  heavy  oak  door  that  groaned  dismally  as  it 
turned  on  its  disused  hinges.  Across  a  floor,  velvety  with 
dust,  into  the  light  of  a  tiny  loophole,  and  we  stand  in  the 
presence  of  the  Ankou,  the  great,  the  terrible  Ankou,  and 
find  the  sightless  orbits  gazing  up  at  us  in  mute  appeal.  It 
was  a  strange  sensation  to  find  oneself  lifting  the  little  figure 
out  of  its  dark  corner  and  placing  it  in  the  light  that 
streamed  in  through  the  unglazed  window.     It  seemed  to 


280  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

look  out  over  the  churchyard  that  had  for  so  many  hundred 
years  been  its  undisputed  realm,  with  such  a  wistful  gaze,  it 
was  so  long  since  it  had  looked  at  its  own,  so  long  since  it  had 
been  shut  up  there  in  the  dark. 

The  sacristan's  wife  was  watching  us  in  scared  silence — 
*  It  is  strange  to  be  photographing  the  Ankou,  is  it  not  ? '  I 
said  as  cheerfully  as  I  could. 

'  Mon  Dieu,  oui,'  she  muttered,  crossing  herself ;  and 
turning  her  back  on  the  unholy  work,  she  moved  to  the  far 
corner  of  the  room. 

Presently,  however,  seeing  that  nothing  untoward 
happened,  she  thawed  a  little,  and  told  us  how  in  her 
mother's  time  the  Ankou  stood  in  the  church,  and  that  no  one 
thought  of  visiting  Ploumilliau  without  paying  his  devotions 
to  the  mysterious  Ervoanik  Plouillo  as  it  was  called. 

'  Madame  knows  that  it  is  Death  ? '  she  concludes,  crossing 
herself;  and  I  remember  how  in  old  time  the  ancestors  of 
these  same  Bretons,  the  early  shadowy  Celts  of  whom  Caesar 
has  left  a  record,  boasted  of  their  descent  from  a  great  god  of 
death,  *  Thus,'  or,  as  the  Romans  called  him,  '  Dis-pater,'  and 
in  the  strange  little  figure  before  me  I  seem  to  recognise  one 
of  those  primitive  religious  survivals  to  which  I  have  already 
referred. 

To  the  imaginative  mind  of  the  Celt,  as  to  that  of  the 
ancient  Egyptian,  death  early  became  personified,  and  was 
worshipped  as  one  of  the  greatest  powers  of  the  universe,  a 
power  at  all  costs  to  be  propitiated. 

Druidism,  with  its  more  enlightened  teaching,  limited  the 
powers  of  the  earlier  elemental  gods  and  by  telling  of  one 
supreme  Spirit,  degraded  these  powers  of  nature  into 
attributes  of  the  great  '  one  God.'  And  later,  Christianity, 
brought  over  from  Insular  Britain  at  the  time  of  the  Celtic 
immigration  as  Druidism  had  been  a  thousand  years  before, 
strove  to  replace  the  worship  of  death  by  the  worship 
of  life. 

But  still,  through  every  change,  through  every  age,  the 
Death  cult  lingers ;  and  it  is  the  religion  of  Death  that  one 


L'ANKOU  281 

finds  in  Brittany  to-day,  though  the  Ankou  has  been  hidden 
almost  out  of  existence. 

It  is  a  strange  worship,  this  worship  of  Death,  and  the 
strangest  thing  about  it,  is  that  the  people  themselves 
would  deny  and  resent  that  it  exists  at  all.  A  Breton 
priest  to  whom  we  spoke  of  the  cult  of  the  Ankou, 
indignantly  replied  that  the  people  were  all  good  Catholics, 
though  somewhat  superstitious  in  certain  districts.  And  so 
no  doubt  they  are,  for  as  one  of  their  own  writers  has  well 
expressed  it,  '  Christianity  has  merely  blessed  those  things 
it  was  powerless  to  destroy,'  and  thus  it  was  that  I'Ankou 
formerly  found  a  throne  on  the  altar  of  the  dead  in  Plou- 
milliau  church.  He  held  high  state  at  the  festival  of 
Toussaints,  when  every  house  provided  supper  for  its  dead, 
leaving  the  front  door  open  for  the  Anaon  or  souls  of  the 
dead  to  enter,  to  eat  and  to  warm  themselves.  He  had  his 
warnings  that  he  sent  before  to  announce  him,  Traou  spont, 
as  they  are  called  in  some  parts,  and  he  had  his  great  song, 
the  ballad  of  the  Ankou,  of  which  I  may  here  give  a  few 
lines : — 

*  Old  and  young,  take  my  advice.  It  is  my  wish  to  put 
you  on  your  guard — For  death  comes  nearer  every  day — As 
for  one,  so  for  all. 

'  "  Who  art  thou  ?  "  cried  Adam.  "  I  am  terrified  at  the 
sight  of  thee.  How  thin  thou  art,  and  how  frail — Thou  hast 
not  an  ounce  of  flesh  upon  thy  bones." 

'  "  It  is  I,  the  Ankou,  friend  ;  it  is  I.  I  plant  my  lance 
in  thy  heart — I  turn  thy  blood  all  cold.  I  am  thy  nearest 
companion — I  am  at  thy  side  night  and  day — only  waiting 
the  bidding  of  God — only  waiting  the  bidding  of  God.  Poor 
sinner,  I  come  to  call  thee — It  is  I,  the  Ankou,  who  walks 
unseen  across  the  world.  From  the  height  of  the  Menez, 
with  a  glance,  I  kill  five  thousand  at  a  blow."  ' 

As   I   focussed  the    terrible   little    figure    before  whose 

coarsely   carved   feet   so  many   generations   had  knelt  and 

trembled,  before   whose   glance,  whether   by   witchcraft   or 

more  direct  means,  men  had  quailed  and  withered  away,  I 

VOL.  II.  T 


282  THE  CELTIC  EEVIEW 

seem  to  feel  his  gaze  upon  me,  and  the  photograph  once 
taken,  I  hurriedly  closed  the  camera  and  left  him  alone  once 
more  in  his  solitude.  There  he  stands,  and  will  stand  for 
many  and  many  a  day ;  and  though  the  priest  may  lock  and 
double  lock  the  door,  TAnkou  will  find  his  way  out  of  the 
dismal  chamber,  and  reap  and  reap  again  the  harvest  that  is 
his  due. 

A  GAELIC  CLASS  IN  NEW  ZEALAND 
E«v.  D.  S.  Maclennan  (Waipu,  New  Zealand) 

Gaelic  in  the  colonies  is  not  a  quantity  to  be  reckoned  upon  in  the  future 
of  that  language.  The  revival  of  patriotism  in  the  Old  Country  may  do 
something  even  yet,  along  with  the  spread  of  a  more  generous  scholarship, 
to  keep  alive  the  ancient  tongue ;  but  in  the  colonies  these  two  factors  must 
be  very  largely  discounted,  and  Gaelic  is  rapidly  falling  before  the  march  of 
the  utilitarian  movement.  There  are  doubtless  exceptions,  but  my  experience 
is  that  the  typical  Colonial  is  a  Vandal  of  the  Vandals.  To  him  nothing  is 
sacred.  He  has  had  no  past  and  he  cares  not  for  the  future ;  he  lives  for 
the  present  and  is  essentially  selfish  and  self-centred.  Culture  for  its  own 
sake  he  does  not  understand  nor  desire.  Money  and  pleasure  engross  his 
interests.  He  is  really  influenced  more  by  America  than  by  the  Old  Country, 
which  he  looks  upon  as  somewhat  antiquated,  choosing  to  think  that  it 
remains  where  his  father,  a  poor  crofter  or  ploughman,  left  it,  fifty  or  eighty 
years  ago.  It  is  clear  that  in  such  environment  Gaelic  has  no  chance.  The 
only  hope  for  Colonial  Gaelic  is  in  Eastern  Canada,  particularly  the  provinces 
of  Nova  Scotia  and  Cape  Breton  which  were  so  largely  settled,  about  one 
hundred  years  ago,  by  whole  communities  from  the  Western  Highlands,  who 
carried  with  them  their  language  and  no  other,  and  necessarily  taught  it 
to  their  children ;  but  the  third  and  fourth  generations  are  now  springing 
up  and  the  promise  is  not  likely  to  extend  much  further.  A  Gaelic  news- 
paper, Mac  Talla,  published  in  Cape  Breton,  and  kept  up  with  some  spirit 
for  a  long  time,  has  eventually  died  through  lack  of  readers.  In  fact, 
Canada  is  three  thousand  miles  too  far  away  from  the  Hebrides,  and  a 
dividing  ocean  not  merely  of  waters  but  of  interests  and  conditions  of  life 
rolls  between  the  old  country  and  the  new ;  so  that  there  is  little  likelihood 
that  Gaelic  will  flourish  long  in  Canada.  All  honour  to  those  who  have 
done  their  best  to  prolong  its  life  in  that  country.  Their  energies  should 
be  devoted  more  to  the  preservation  of  anything  precious  that  has  come 
down  from  the  past,  that  their  old  people  carried  with  them  from  the  old 
land,  whether  in  the  way  of  tale  or  song  or  well-turned  phrase.  From  the 
point  of  view  of  the  modern  Celtic  Eenascence  it  is  a  thousand  pities  the 
Gaels  ever  left  their  native  country  to  mingle  with  colonial  populations  as 


A  GAELIC  CLASS  IN  NEW  ZEALAND        283 

they  exist  at  present.  It  is  bad  for  them  sentimentally  and  bad  for  them 
religiously,  and  it  ultimately  means  their  complete  absorption  in  the  new 
population  with  the  loss  of  their  language  and  their  characteristics.  No 
doubt  the  gain  to  the  new  population  will  be  considerable.  But  the  abiding 
together  of  the  Gael  at  that  transition  period  at  which  the  great  emigrations 
took  place  would  have  greatly  enriched  the  Scotland  and  Ireland  of  to-day 
with  a  patriotic,  religious,  and  morally  clean  country  population,  and  would 
have  provided  for  a  larger  and  more  powerful  Celtic  influence  being  brought 
to  bear  upon  the  English  language  and  English  genius.  It  might  not  be 
too  much  to  say  that  we  should  have  one  or  more  English  poets  to-day,  one 
or  two  English  statesmen,  more  than  one  man  of  science,  and  probably  a  few 
great  preachers.  Certain  it  is  that  Gaelic  would  have  increased  its  chances 
of  life  at  least  ten-fold.  For  the  emigrants  of  one  hundred  years  ago  were 
really  the  cream  of  our  West  Highland  population. 

From  the  current  of  emigration  that  flowed  at  that  time  towards  the 
North  American  shores  there  was,  fifty  years  later,  a  deflection,  and  in  this 
deflection  and  the  fate  of  the  Gaelic  which  it  carried  in  its  course  towards 
a  still  newer  and  much  more  remote  country  I  wish  to  try  to  interest  the 
readers  of  the  Celtic  Review.  Amongst  the  emigrants  to  Nova  Scotia  one 
hundred  years  ago  or  more  there  were  families  from  Gairloch,  Lochcarron, 
and  Lochalsh,  chiefly  Mackenzies  and  Mackays,  who  settled  at  St.  Anne's, 
and  had  as  their  minister  a  man  bearing  the  distinguished  name  of  Norman 
Macleod,  a  native  of  Assynt  in  Sutherland.  A  son  of  his  became  a  wanderer 
and  found  his  way  to  Australia  in  the  late  forties.  In  the  course  of  time 
he  sent  news  to  his  father  (who  had  given  him  up  for  lost)  of  the  pleasant 
winterless  land  that  lay  under  the  Southern  Cross  ready  to  receive  a  popula- 
tion. Tired  of  contending  with  the  Canadian  winters,  many  of  the  Highland 
settlers  listened  with  eager  interest  to  the  wonderful  news,  and  in  the  course 
of  a  year  or  two  five  shiploads  of  people  started  from  Nova  Scotia  to  seek 
a  country  in  the  southern  seas.  They  carried  their  minister,  as  Israel  of  old 
did  the  Ark  of  the  Covenant,  in  their  midst  and  braved  the  dangers  of  two 
oceans  in  vessels  built  and  manned  by  themselves  until  at  last  they  reached 
Australian  shores.  But  they  soon  found  that  Australia  was  not  to  their 
mind.  Virgin  bushland  with  Highland  hills  in  the  background  awaited 
their  arrival  in  New  Zealand,  and  so  this  most  remote  of  all  lands  received 
its  contribution  of  settlers  from  the  wandering  Gael.  Were  the  circum- 
stances better  known  I  have  no  doubt  this  migration  would  rank  as  one  of 
the  most  remarkable  in  history.  It  was  carried  out  without  disaster  and 
indeed  without  serious  misadventure  by  the  people  themselves.  There  was 
no  one  to  promote,  none  to  lead  the  expedition ;  they  had  little  knowledge 
of  navigation,  and  no  experience  at  all  of  the  seas  they  were  to  traverse.  It 
was  the  largest  body  of  immigrants  which  New  Zealand  received  at  one 
time,  and  the  descendants  of  these  Highlanders  have  now  occupied  a  con- 
siderable portion  of  the  northern  peninsula  of  the  colony.  It  seems  to  be 
the  peculiar  destiny  of  the  Gael  that  he  should  be  found  in  largest  nu  mbers 


284  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

in  the  most  remote  and  inaccessible  parts  of  a  country,  and  the  rule  holds 
good  in  regard  to  our  New  Zealand  friends.  At  the  time  of  their  arrival 
the  whole  colony  was  before  them  and  they  could  have  chosen  the  best  land 
in  it.  But  having  made  their  choice,  such  as  it  was,  they  doggedly  stuck 
to  their  farms  and  to  one  another. 

A  question  in  which  I  was  greatly  interested  when  I  came  among  the 
Highlanders  here  was :  How  would  the  Gaelic  language,  already  trans- 
planted from  Scotland  to  Canada,  bear  this  second  transplanting  ?  At  first 
it  seemed  to  stand  it  well.  The  first  generation  born  in  this  colony  grew  up 
bi-lingual,  Gaelic  being  for  the  most  part  the  mother-tongue,  but  the  younger 
generation,  and  indeed  nearly  all  under  thirty,  were  strangers  to  the  Gaelic, 
and,  I  regret  to  say,  some  of  them  affected  to  treat  it  with  contempt.  On 
asking  a  young  lady,  whose  parents  spoke  Gaelic  chiefly,  whether  she  would 
join  my  Gaelic  class  she  answered  that  she  did  not  wish  to  learn  Gaelic  as  it 
would  'spoil  her  English.'  She  spoke  with  that  beautiful  soft  accent  which 
is  only  found  in  Gaelic-speaking  communities,  and  was  quite  unconscious 
of  the  fact  that  she  owed  the  sweetness  and  purity  of  her  English  to  her 
parents'  Gaelic.  The  young  people  formed  the  notion  that  Gaelic  has  been 
a  hindrance  to  their  fathers,  and  that  the  sooner  they  get  rid  of  it  the 
better  it  will  be  for  their  future  advancement.  Such  notions  were  not 
uncommon  in  Scotland  a  generation  ago,  but  happily  they  are  extinct  now, 
and  the  Scotch  Highlander  is  rightly  proud  of  his  Gaelic.  He  has  come  to 
see  that  the  power  to  use  two  languages  implies  a  certain  mental  culture 
which  is  a  valuable  asset  to  him  in  the  battle  of  life.  With  Gaelic  as  the 
mother-tongue  English  comes  inevitably  nowadays.  But  with  English  as 
the  mother-tongue  Gaelic  is  rarely  well  acquired.  It  is  clear  that,  with  such 
false  notions  prevailing,  Gaelic  has  no  future  in  this  large  Highland  settle- 
ment, and  therefore  none  in  Australasia,  for  this  is  the  only  district  in  the 
Southern  Hemisphere  in  which  the  language  is  spoken  and  preached 
habitually. 

When  I  spoke  of  forming  a  class  for  instruction  in  Gaelic  the  matter  was 
pooh-poohed  by  the  older  people  who  told  me  that  I  should  not  have  a  dozen 
pupils.  My  object  was  to  create  an  interest  in  the  parent  language  among 
the  people  generally ;  to  show  them  that  their  language  deserved  better 
treatment  than  it  had  received  amongst  the  descendants  of  the  pioneer  settlers ; 
to  show  them  in  short  that  if  they  would  be  in  the  fashion  they  should  learn 
Gaelic ;  and  above  all  to  improve  the  attendance  at  the  Gaelic  service  on 
Sundays.  What  was  my  surprise  to  find  a  class  of  over  fifty  on  the  opening 
night,  and  this  attendance  kept  up  with  a  tendency  to  increase  rather  than 
diminish  every  week  throughout  the  winter  months.  The  majority  of  the 
class  were  young  men  and  women,  and,  as  most  of  them  knew  very  little  Gaelic, 
I  had  to  adopt  a  popular  and  easy  method  of  instruction.  Much  use  was 
made  of  the  black-board,  and  easy  sentences,  such  as  the  familiar  ciamar  tha 
thu,  were  written  down  and  rigorously  pronounced.  By  and  by  we  came  to 
the  pons  asinorum  of  Gaelic  pronunciation,  Dh'ith  laogh  bg  vhh  amh,  and  the 


A  GAELIC  CLASS  IN  NEW  ZEALAND        285 

blunders  made  by  the  various  aspirants  after  an  orthodox  enunciation  of  the 
gutturals  were  hugely  enjoyed  by  the  audience.  We  used  no  text-book 
at  first  as  we  had  to  wait  for  three  months  to  get  some  from  Scotland.  But 
we  got  through  the  phrases  in  common  use,  the  numerals,  the  days  of  the 
week,  and  the  months  of  the  year  (so  far  as  names  can  be  found  for  them  in 
Gaelic).  We  also  took  up  some  Gaelic  proverbs,  in  which  a  few  of  the  old 
men  gave  useful  assistance ;  and  we  even  attempted  Gaelic  poetical  renderings 
of  such  English  classics  as  '  Mary  had  a  little  lamb.'  After  three  months  of 
this  work  I  thought  it  time  to  make  a  start  with  Gaelic  grammar,  and  here 
my  first  difficulty  arose.  Our  Gaelic  grammars,  even  the  most  elementary  I 
have  yet  seen,  are  founded  upon  Latin,  and  none  of  my  class,  although  most 
of  them  had  the  ordinary  colonial  education,  knew  any  Latin.  Even  the 
provincial  teachers  in  this  colony  have  no  knowledge  of  any  language 
but  their  own.  Consequently  it  may  be  said  they  have  little  real  know- 
ledge of  grammar.  Case,  in  Gaelic,  with  its  Latin  terminology.  Nominative, 
Genitive,  Dative,  etc.,  was  utterly  strange  and  puzzling  to  them.  The  older 
people  used  case  all  their  lives,  as  Monsieur  Jourdain  used  prose,  without 
being  aware  of  it.  Gender  also  was  a  little  puzzling  Inxt  afforded  some 
amusement.  I  explained  to  them  that  the  gender  of  a  noun  in  Gaelic  had 
nothing  to  do  with  sex  (as  in  English) ;  that  both  boirionnach  and  firionnach 
were  masculine ;  that  uan  was  masculine,  even  when  described  as  uan  beag 
boirionn  (a  little  ewe  lamb) ;  and  that  (jabhar  fliirionn  (a  he-goat)  was 
feminine.  I  fancy  this  was  considered  a  joke.  Of  course  I  explained  to 
them  that  some  nouns  were  followed  by  an  adjective  in  its  plain  form,  and 
these  were  classed  as  masculine  by  grammarians,  others  taking  an  adjective 
in  its  aspirated  form  were  described  as  feminine ;  that  clach  was  feminine 
because  it  might  be  described  as  clach  mhbr  or  clach  bheag,  and  that  tigh  was 
masculine  because  it  could  be  spoken  of  as  tigh  mbr  or  tigh  beag.  But  I 
found  that  I  should  have  to  abandon  declensions  or  else  lose  my  pupils.  The 
text-books  I  sent  for  were.  How  to  Learn  Gaelic,  by  Whyte  and  MacBain. 
The  lessons  and  extracts  were  devoured  with  avidity.  I  found  the  tale 
Murachag  is  Mineachag  most  useful  as  an  exercise  in  pronunciation,  and 
also  as  affording  practical  illustrations  of  the  use  of  case,  and  many  of  my 
pupils  easily  learned  to  repeat  it  in  Gaelic  from  beginning  to  end.  The 
grammatical  part  of  this  useful  little  book  is,  however,  not  so  simple  as  it 
might  be  made  for  beginners. 

By  and  by  a  senior  Gaelic  class,  consisting  of  a  dozen  of  the  best  readers, 
was  formed,  and  we  got  through  some  of  Dugald  Buchanan's  and  Duncan 
Bkn  Macintyre's  poems,  during  which  some  of  the  pupils  made  remarkable 
progress.  One  young  lady  can  now  read  almost  anything  in  modern  Gaelic, 
and  can  write  the  language  very  creditably.  It  may  be  interesting  for 
readers  of  the  Celtic  Review  to  know  that  an  English  translation  of  Dugald 
Buchanan  was  made  by  Donald  Macleod,  son  of  the  worthy  old  minister  of 
this  settlement,  who  himself  was  known  for  a  rhymster  in  his  youthful  days. 
It  was  published  in  Auckland  in  1856,  and  seems  to  be,  on  the  whole,  a 


286  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

highly  creditable  performance.  The  translator  has  been  most  successful  with 
The  Skull,  but  here  he  has  used  too  much  liberty  with  the  original,  both  in 
words  and  metre,  and  we  have  a  poem  after  the  manner  of  Pope's  Iliad.  I 
shall  close  with  an  extract : — 

'  Wast  thou  a  maiden,  comely,  graceful,  fair, 
With  brilliant  eye  and  fascinating  air, 
Who  in  the  world  performed  the  loveliest  part, 
Whose  soft  attractions  snared  the  youthful  heart  ? 
Now  every  grace  tlmt  caused  the  generous  fire 
In  each  fond  suppliant,  conquered  by  desire. 
Is  turned  to  loathsomeness  and  foul  disgust, 
To  every  eye  a  mass  of  vilest  dust. 
Cursed  be  the  grave  that  ruthlessly  defaced 
Thy  perfect  form  by  art  and  nature  graced.' 


BOOK  REVIEWS 

Old-Irish  Paradigms.  By  John  Strachan.  Dublin:  School  of  Irish 
Learning;  and  Hodges,  Figgis  and  Co.,  Ltd.  London:  D.  Nutt. 
1905.     2s.  6d.  net. 

Multum  inparvo  fitly  characterises  this  little  volume  of  83  pages.  Designed 
to  serve  as  a  skeleton  for  a  course  of  lectures  on  Old-Irish  Accidence,  and 
to  be  used  along  with  Professor  Strachan's  Selections  from  the  Old-Irish  Glosses 
it  well  serves  its  purpose ;  it  embodies,  so  far  as  is  necessary  in  reading 
Strachan's  Selections,  the  results  of  the  more  recent  investigations  in  the 
study  of  Old-Irish  grammar.  Let  us  hope  that  the  welcome  accorded  it 
may  incite  Dr.  Strachan  to  write  a  comprehensive  grammar  in  this  difficult 
but  important  field.  No  section  is  given  to  the  infixed  pronoun, — what  is 
requisite  for  the  Selections  being  embraced  in  the  vocabulary.  There  are 
also  no  paragraphs  on  adverbs,  nor  on  prepositions,  nor  on  the  comparative  ; 
nor  is  what  was  given  in  the  Selections  on  the  copula  and  substantive  verb 
repeated.  The  Old-Irish  verb  Dr.  Strachan  has  studied  very  thoroughly ; 
he  well  knows  in  what  respects  Windisch's  Irish  Grammar,  which  has  served 
its  own  day  well,  needs  revision.  Zimmer  has  long  since,  to  give  but  an 
instance,  discussed  the  so-called  /-future,  ft-preterite,  and  ^-imperfect  which 
Windisch  gives  as  verbal  forms,  and  all  things  of  this  sort  are  of  course 
absent  from  Strachan's  Paradigms.  Absolute,  conjunct,  and  relative  forms 
of  the  verb  are  clearly  distinguished.  The  types  of  the  present  active  here 
given  are: — I.  A.  (1)  herim,  I  carry;  (2)  henaim,  I  strike;  (3)  -gninim,  I 
know ;  ara-chrinim,  I  perish.  I.  B.  gaibim,  I  take ;  II.  marbaim,  I  kill ;  III. 
Uicim,  I  leave.  There  are  full  paradigms  of  the  -s-  subjunctive  and  of  the 
-s-  future,  the  verb  illustrated  being  guidid,  prays.  Deuterotonic  and 
prototonic  forms  are  carefully  distinguished  as  in  ashiur,  I  say :  -epur ; 
doUwr,  I  give :  -tabur.  Of  the  deponent  unfortunately  no  complete  paradigm 
can  be  constructed.     A  careful  comparison  with  forms  given  by  Windisch 


BOOK  REVIEWS  287 

will  often  reveal  differences,  e.g.  the  dative  fem.  of  tr%  'three,'  is  given  as 
trib ;  the  form  is  teoraib  in  the  glosses  on  the  St.  Gall  Priscian,  as  in  Stokes' 
and  Strachan's  Thesaurus  (vol.  ii.  p.  178) :  donaib  teomib  personctib  uathataib= 
*in  the  three  persons  singular.'  Praise  must  be  given  to  the  full  classifica- 
tion of  the  declension  of  nouns.  It  is  thus  : — A.  Vocalic  stems — 1.  stems 
in  -0-,  the  examples  given  being  masc.  or  neuter  ;  2.  stems  in  -a-  which  are 
fem,  of  course  (and  this  it  were  as  well  to  have  stated) ;  3.  stems  in  -io-, 
the  examples  being  masc.  and  neuter;  4,  stems  in  -id-;  5.  stems  in  -i- 
(examples  being  from  all  three  genders) ;  6.  stems  in  -I- ;  7.  stems  in  -u- ;  8. 
stems  in  -u- ;  9.  stems  in  a  diphthong,  e.g.  h6,  '  cow ' ;  gen.  bou,  16.  B.  Con- 
sonantal stems:  10.  stems  in  a  guttural,  of  which  four  types  are  given 
(a)  cathir,  '  city ' ;  (b)  malae,  '  eyebrow,'  n.  pi.  malaig,  in  some  modern 
dialects  distinctly  preserved  as  malaigh,  or  mailghea  from  the  old  ace.  pi.  (?), 
and  without  any  weak  -n  ending ;  (c)  n, '  king ' ;  (d)  lie, '  stone ' ;  1 1.  stems  in 
a  dental :  (a)  cin,  '  fault ' ;  (b)  tene,  '  fire ' ;  (c)  Jlli,  '  poet ' ;  (d)  bethu, '  life ' ;  (e) 
carae,  '  friend,'  and  other  words,  some  of  which  have  a  or  u  in  the  nom. 
The  neuter  d4t,  '  tooth,'  belongs  here ;  12.  stems  in  a  nasal,  masc,  fem.,  and 
neut.  examples  being  given;  13.  stems  in  -r-,  as  athir,  'father';  14.  stems 
in  -S-,  which  are  neut.,  e.g.  tech,  'house ' ;  but  mi,  'month,'  is  cited  as  a  masc. 
stem  in  -s-.  This  classification  is  more  accurate  than  that  in  Windisch  who 
did  not  distinguish  -o-  stems,  as  Stokes  did  in  his  Celtic  Declension,  published 
in  1886.  The  examples  given  under  Adjectival  Declension  are  rather 
scanty.  Confessedly  a  '  skeleton,'  the  living  voice  is  needed  to  supplement 
the  written  statement,  as  otherwise  the  beginner  in  the  School  of  Irish 
Learning  will  be  at  a  loss  to  understand  the  scheme  of  classification,  or  to 
comprehend  why  teg,  '  a  house,'  is  an  -s-  stem ;  muir,  '  sea,'  a  stem  in  -i- ;  ech, 
'  horse,'  a  stem  in  -o-.  That  an  exhaustive  grammar  of  Old-Irish,  giving  all 
historical  and  proto-Celtic  forms  is  what  we  are  justified  in  looking  for  from 
Dr.  Strachan  the  present  work  clearly  reveals.     The  sooner  the  better. 

George  Henderson. 


Deirdire,  and  the  Lay  of  the  Children  of  Uisne.  Orally  collected  in  the  Island 
of  Barra,  and  literally  translated  by  ALEXANDER  Carmichael. 
Edinburgh  :  N.  Macleod,  1905.     3s.  6d.  net. 

Of  the  many  treasures  from  the  storehouse  of  Gaelic  legendary  lore, 
which  lovers  of  that  lore  owe  to  the  editor  of  the  Transactions  of  the  Gaelic 
Society  of  Inverness,  few  are  more  prized  than  the  exquisite  oral  version  of 
the  Deirdire  romance  collected  by  Mr.  Carmichael,  and  translated  with  his 
wonted  intimate  and  delicate  grasp  alike  of  the  original  to  be  rendered  and 
the  medium  through  which  it  was  rendered.  Mr.  Carmichael  has  laid  all 
students  of  Gaelic  literature  under  a  fresh  obligation  by  reprinting  text  and 
version,  and  by  adding  a  lay,  likewise  collected  and  translated  by  him, 
which  gives  an  entirely  independent  version  of  the  legend  and  presents 
many  points  of  the  greatest  interest. 


288  THE  CELTIC  EEVIEW 

The  Deirdire  story  stands  out  pre-eminent  among  the  too  scanty  remains 
of  early  Irish  literature.  Full  of  interest  to  the  antiquarian,  full  of  charm 
to  the  artist  as  is  much  of  that  literature,  it  must  be  admitted  that,  as  a 
whole,  it  is  deficient  in  architectonic  faculty,  and  in  that  mingling  of 
realistic  presentiment  and  imaginative  inspiration  which,  in  varying  degrees, 
constitutes  the  excellence  alike  of  Greek  and  Scandinavian  heroic  and  mythic 
legend.  Its  beauties  are  too  often  those  of  detail  rather  than  of  structure, 
specimens  of  a  conventionalised  (true  an  exquisitely  conventionalised)  rather 
than  of  a  direct  and  vigorously  observant  art.  The  Deirdire  story  in  its 
oldest  form  escapes  this  criticism.  It  has  an  austere  compactness  of 
structure  together  with  details  of  the  most  touching  pathos,  which,  even 
in  the  imperfect  form  under  which  it  has  been  transmitted  to  us,  give  it  a 
high  place  among  the  masterpieces  of  tragic  story-telling.  Such  is  the 
essential  force  of  the  elements  of  which  it  is  composed  that,  had  it  fallen 
into  the  hands  of  a  first-rate  literary  artist,  it  would  certainly  have  ranked 
among  the  half-a-dozen  greatest  stories  of  all  literature. 

It  is  fascinating  to  follow  the  fortunes  of  such  a  theme  as  displayed 
upon  the  self-centred  and  limited  stage  of  Gaelic  story-telling.  Upon  the 
whole  it  must  be  said  evolution  has  not  been  progress.  Great  as  is  the 
charm  of  the  twelfth  century  version  contained  in  the  Glenmasan  MS., 
due,  it  cannot  be  doubted,  to  an  Argyleshire  story-teller  who  had  the  same 
passionate  love  of  his  native  hills  and  moors,  lochs  and  streams,  as  the 
centuries  later  Duncan  Ban,  still  the  efiect  is  weaker,  the  note  is  that  of 
romance  rather  than  of  realistic  tragedy  or  ballad.  The  tendency  is  further 
accentuated  in  the  version  published  by  Dr.  Douglas  Hyde  in  vol.  i.  of  the 
Zeitschrift  fiir  Celt.  Philologie,  which  may  well  be  the  production  of  an  Irish 
artist  of  the  seventeenth  or  even  the  eighteenth  century.  It  is  equally 
apparent  in  the  version  under  review,  but  this  is  characterised  by  such 
charm  of  detail,  by  such  direct  and  limpid  beauty  of  presentment  as  almost 
compensate  for  the  loss  of  the  old  stern  tragic  note.  Nor  must  we  forget 
(as,  alas,  we  have  so  often  to  recall  in  the  case  of  oral  literature  !)  that  the 
version  is  not  the  best  that  Mr.  Carmichael  might  have  procured  could  he 
have  foreseen  the  future,  not  the  version  of  Alexander  but  of  John  '  who 
never  could  take  a  tale  in  and  never  could  give  a  tale  out,'  a  decidedly 
unjust  piece  of  fraternal  criticism  if  we  may  judge  by  this  example  of 
John  Macneill's  skill.  Doubtless  though,  Alexander's  version  would  have 
been  more  rounded  and,  here  and  there,  more  coherent. 

The  folk-lore  questions  raised  by  both  tale  and  lay  are  many,  and  I  must 
reserve  discussion  of  them  for  another  place.  I  must,  however,  record  my 
conviction  that  the  tenacity  of  the  Loch  Etive  localisation  is  due  to  the  fact 
that  the  author  of  the  Glenmasan  version  was  an  Argyleshire  man,  and 
that  his  version  won  a  well-deserved  local  popularity.  The  Inverness  locali- 
sation to  which  Mr.  Carmichael  alludes  (pp.  135-136)  may  testify  to  a  lost 
Inverness  version. 

It  is  work  of  supererogation  to  praise  the  merit  of  Mr.  Carmichael's 


BOOK  EEVIEWS  289 

rendering.  Yet  the  sun  has  spots.  I  would  at  least  submit  the  following 
cases  to  Mr.  Carmichael's  considered  judgment.  I  do  not  like  Scandinavia 
for  Lochlann.  The  ideas  the  English  reader  associates  with  the  one  word 
are  all  too  different  from  those  which  the  Gaelic  narrator  calls  up  by  the 
other.  Scandinavia  is  not,  as  Lochlann  is,  a  mysterious  realm  inhabited  by 
formidable  and  uncanny  wizard  warriors.  I  do  not  like  (p.  39)  a  '  confidential 
love,'  and  a  *  conversational  mate.'  I  cannot  believe  the  Gaelic  has  the  same 
effect  as  the  English.  P.  67,  lines  6  and  7,  the  English  word  '  harmless  '  is 
ambiguous.  The  preceding  dialogue,  if  Mr.  Carmichael  renders  faithfully, 
must  be  corrupt  in  the  Gaelic.  In  the  mediaeval  texts  the  position  is  clear  : 
Fergus  urges  the  claim  of  native  land  in  preference  to  the  alien  country, 
however  great  be  the  advantages  of  living  in  the  latter.  I  do  not  like 
*  mercenaries  '  for  '  amhusg '  though  I  can  suggest  no  better  rendering. 

Optimist  and  believer  in  progress  though  one  may  be,  one  cannot  but  be 
filled  with  sadness  at  the  thought  that  such  an  exquisite  and  genuinely 
popular  art  as  is  here  revealed  is  fast  fading  away.  The  greater  our 
gratitude  to  those  whose  loving  and  zealous  skill  preserves  the  last 
fragments  of  a  wonder-world  of  beauty  which  all  too  soon  will  have  vanished 
for  ever  from  the  popular  ken.  Alfred  Nutt. 

The  Place-Names  of   Elginshire.      By   D.   Matheson,   F.E.I.S.      Stirling: 
Eneas  Mackay.     London :  David  Nutt.     6s.  net. 

Mr.  Matheson's  work  is  a  handsome  volume  of  over  two  hundred  pages, 
and  in  printing,  paper,  and  binding  does  credit  to  all  concerned  in  its  pro- 
duction. Illustrations  of  burgh  seals  and  coats-of-arms,  and  an  index  to  the 
twelve  hundred  names  discussed  add  to  its  interest  and  usefulness.  A  few 
slips,  as  Balluack  for  Barluack,  and  Brunthill  for  Bruntland,  and  omissions, 
as  Coltfield,  p.  38,  Delnahatnich,  p.  110,  Knockando,  p.  157,  etc.,  require 
attention.  The  names  of  each  parish  are  grouped  together  and  the  parishes 
taken  in  alphabetical  order.  Not  a  few  names  occur  several  times,  and  in 
some  cases  the  same  derivation  is  repeated,  and  in  others,  without  apparent 
reason,  a  different  one  is  given.  Cognates  of  the  explanatory  terms  are 
usually  given  and  also  repeated.  The  forms  that '  white,'  for  example,  takes 
in  Dutch  and  other  languages  are  given  under  Whitehouse  (p.  139),  under 
Whitewreath  (p.  141)  and  under  Whiteriggs.  Where  the  authorities  are 
followed  all  this,  whether  necessary  or  not,  is  correct  enough. 

In  the  case  of  Gaelic  words  Mr.  Matheson  does  not  follow  authority,  but 
attempts  to  supply  the  cognates  on  his  own  account.  His  independence  is 
scarcely  justified  by  the  results.  The  applications  even  of  Grimm's  Law  to 
Celtic  are  not  observed.  Baile  is  said  to  be  allied  to  Greek  polis,  aill  (rock) 
to  English  hill,  and  bei^m  to  Welsh  pen.  Aber,  it  is  said,  '  is  derived  from 
ath,  a  ford,  and  bior,  water,  and  is  generally  supposed  to  belong  to  the 
Welsh  rather  than  to  Gaelic'  Aber  is  a  Pictish  word  cognate  with  Welsh 
aber,  and  comes  from  the  root  seen  in  Gaelic  beir,  English  bear,  Latin  fero, 


290  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

with  a  prefix  ad,  to,  or  od,  mii.  Pit,  stated  in  different  places  to  be  from 
Gaelic,  from  Pictish,  and  from  Welsh  or  Brythonic  and  allied  to  Latin  pufeus, 
is  a  Pictish  cognate  of  Welsh  peth,  Gaelic  cuid. 

The  nearest  Norse  place-name  is  beyond  Beauly,  yet  Norse  derivations 
are  numerous.  Braes  and  Kirkton  are  examples.  Clones  is  held  to  indicate 
the  presence  of  the  Norsemen,  and  yet  derived  from  Danish.  Latin,  French, 
German,  Dutch  and  Welsh  are  drawn  upon  without  sufficient  consideration. 
Crossbill  is  referred  direct  to  Latin  ci~u,x,  and  Cockmoor  is  taken  from 
English  cock,  and  Dutch  moer,  but  Cockmuir  from  Danish  kok,  a  heap,  and 
Norse  mor,  moer.     Hybrid  derivations,  as  here,  are  freely  advanced. 

Haste  and  lack  of  revision  are  evident  even  in  the  composition.  One 
article  has  been  allowed  to  stand  thus  : — 'Ladyavft. — This  is  an  old  word.' 
"  Our  Lady  "  of  the  Catholic  ritual  signifies  the  Virgin  Mary,  and  was  so 
called  because  this  piece  of  land  originally  belonged  to  the  Church  of  St. 
Fillan.'  The  dedication  to  Dr.  Andrew  Carnegie  has  two  slips  in  its  one 
sentence,  and  the  statement  (p.  186)  that  mo,  my,  and  do,  thy,  prefixed  to 
names  of  saints  of  old  '  are  now  substituted  by  the  term  Eev.,'  is  attributed, 
if  the  sentence  be  strictly  construed,  to  the  Irish  histories.  An  extensive 
acquaintance  with  the  vocabularies  of  the  various  languages  mentioned  is 
evident,  and  much  ingenuity  is  shown  in  the  solution  of  many  difficult 
names.  The  lists  of  names  and  the  old  spellings  are  important  aids  to  the 
study  of  place-names,  and  not  a  little  may  be  learned  from  the  volume  as  to 
the  forms  taken  by  Celtic  names  in  the  local  '  doric,'  and  the  past  physical, 
social,  and  ecclesiastical  condition  of  the  county.  C.  M.  R. 


NOTES 

Notes  on  the  Study  of  Gaelic : — continued — Second  Tear's  Coarse 

A  year's  training  may  reasonably  be  expected  to  result  in  good  facility 
in  reading,  a  general  acquaintance  with  the  methods  of  spelling,  and  some 
familiarity  with  the  combinations  of  article,  noun,  and  adjective.  A  second 
year's  course  will  include  a  more  detailed  acquaintance  with  special  points 
in  spelling,  a  general  knowledge  of  the  grammar  and  syntax,  easy  composi- 
tion and  idioms,  all  this  with  reference  to  the  reading. 

For  reading  purposes  -  may  be  recommended  without  reserve  Uirsgeulan 
Gaidhealach  (E.  Mackay,  Stirling  :  6d.)  which  is  cheap,  varied,  and  well  and 
accurately  printed ;  but  as  it  does  not  contain  enough  matter  for  a  year's 
reading  it  requires  to  be  supplemented.  For  this  purpose  nothing  could  be 
more  suitable  than  the  good  old  text-book,  Leabhar  nan  Cnoc  (Northern 
Chronicle  Office,  Inverness :  2s.  6d.).  Apart  from  semi-religious  matter, 
this  contains  enough  secular  reading  of  a  high  order  to  last,  together  with 
the  other,  for  more  than  a  year. 

A  word  of  warning  with  regard  to  spelling  is  possibly  necessary,  as  its 


NOTES  291 

importance  may  be  apt  to  be  underrated.  Accurate  spelling  is  as  essential 
in  Gaelic  as  it  is  in  English,  and  though  in  the  initial  stage  of  an  experiment, 
such  as  the  Leaving  Certificate  in  Gaelic,  a  certain  amount  of  laxity  may  be 
overlooked,  it  is  to  be  expected  that  the  standard  will  materially  harden  in 
this  respect.  In  any  case  good  spelling  is  sure  of  its  reward ;  inaccurate 
spelling  cannot  be  other  than  prejudicial  to  the  candidates.  Fierce  con- 
troversies have  raged  about  Gaelic  spelling.  Much  ink  has  been  spilt,  and 
friendships  have  been  severed  over  the  presence  or  absence  of  the  letter  h — 
which  after  all  is  stated  on  good  authority  to  be  no  Gaelic  letter — and 
over  the  claims  and  position  of  apostrophe  and  hyphen.  This  was  in  the 
pre-scientific  days,  when  the  study  of  the  old  forms  of  the  language  in  the 
light  of  comparative  philology  was  only  just  beginning  or  had  barely 
begun. 

Now,  thanks  to  the  work  of  specialists,  we  are  in  a  position  of  greater 
certainty,  and  it  would  add  much  to  the  teacher's  own  interest  if  he  made 
himself  acquainted,  as  far  as  possible,  not  only  with  the  right  way,  but  also 
with  the  reason  for  its  being  right. 

The  use  of  h  to  indicate  aspiration  is  suificiently  set  forth  in  the 
grammars.  Whether  the  aspirated  consonant  occurs  at  the  beginning  or 
in  the  body  of  a  word,  the  theory  of  aspiration  is  the  same :  it  takes  place 
when  the  consonant  originally  stood  between  two  vowels.  The  influence 
of  analogy,  however,  causes  the  modern  language,  especially  in  speech,  to 
extend  the  practice ;  e.g.  we  seldom  hear  f6in,  self,  but  rather  fhSin.  So 
with  genitives  of  feminine  proper  nouns,  with  regard  to  which  there  is  some 
variety  in  usage.  They  are  generally  unaspirated :  lanais  Mairi,  Mary's 
wedding;  but  they  are  also  heard  aspirated,  especially,  I  think,  after 
liquids :  Tobar  Mhoire,  Tobermory  ;  cf .  loth  na  h-asail  ihiadhaich,  the  wild 
ass's  colt ;  cliii  na  h-ainnir  chaoimh,  the  gentle  lady's  renown.  A  word  may 
be  said  on  the  difficult  subject  of  h-  prefixed  to  a  word  beginning  with 
a  vowel. 

This  is  not  to  be  explained  by  the  easy  and  time-honoured  euphonice 
causa.  Apart  from  instances  in  which  it  may  be  due  to  analogy,  h  here 
represents  the  terminal  consonant  of  the  preceding  word  in  the  old  language. 
The  commonest  case  is  where  it  stands  for  the  final  s  of  the  old  article : 
this  explains  its  universal  use  after  na  of  the  article  :  bruach  na  h-aibhne,  the 
river's  bank ;  na  h-iomairean,  the  ridges.  In  other  cases  it  stands  for  the 
final  th  of  a  verb :  gu  ma  h-olc,  may  it  be  evil ;  gu  ma  h-anmoch,  may  it  be 
late.  The  old  Irish  form  is  co  m-bath  ok.  Further  examples  are  a  h-aon, 
one  (alone) ;  a  h-athair,  her  father ;  a  h-uile  fear,  every  man ;  na  h-abair,  say 
not ;  gti  h-ard,  on  high ;  ge  h-hrd,  though  high ;  tha  e  'g  a  h-hl,  he  is 
drinking  it. 

Here  we  meet  one  great  use  of  the  hyphen,  viz.  to  connect  prosthetic 
consonants  that  originally  belonged  to  the  preceding  word.  This  use  is 
further  exemplified  in  prosthetic  t  and  n.  In  such  combinations  as  an  t-each, 
the  horse;  an  t-slat  (nom.  fem.),  the  rod;  an  t-saoir  (gen.   mas.),  the  car- 


292  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

penter's,  t-  is  really  part  of  the  old  article.  So  with  ar  n-athair,  our  father  ; 
bhur  n-athair,  your  father :  n  properly  belongs  to  ar  and  bhur,  the  primitive 
forms  of  which  ended  in  n.^ 

The  other  main  use  of  the  hyphen  is  to  separate  the  two  parts  of  a 
compound  word  when  the  stress  accent  is  on  the  second  part  of  the  com- 
pound, e.g.  Jir-ruith,  runners ;  mac-talla,  echo — a  sensible  and  useful  conven- 
tion, which  should  be  strictly  adhered  to.  A  third  and  subordinate  use  is 
to  mark  off  the  emphatic  particles  -sa,  -san,  affixed  to  nouns  and  adjectives, 
e.g.  mo  chiirsa,  my  dog  ;  do  chii  dubh-sa,  your  black  dog. 

The  apostrophe  is  properly  used  to  indicate  the  suppression  of  a  letter, 
and  is  often  necessary  e.g.  with  certain  forms  of  the  article.  But  it  is  well 
for  the  sake  of  simplicity — not  to  mention  appearance — to  refrain  from  its 
use  except  when  it  is  necessary.  It  is  often  used  in  writing  when  it  would 
be  better  to  give  the  word  in  full :  we  say,  am  bail'  ur  the  new  town,  but  it 
is  surely  better  to  write,  am  baile  iir.  It  should  not  be  used,  says  Professor 
Mackinnon,  to  stand  for  suppressed  words,  '  such  as  a  the  possessive  pro- 
noun, a  the  so-called  relative,  ag  of  the  present  participle,  and  do  of  the 
infinitive.  In  such  cases  the  practice  ought  to  be  in  Gaelic  as  in  other 
languages,  to  use  the  apostrophe  only  when  ambiguity  may  arise.'  ^  Thus 
it  is  correct  to  write  Um  mi  dol,  I  am  going ;  chunnaic  mi  athair-san,  I  saw  his 
father ;  am  fear  chluinneas,  whoso  hears ;  am  fear  thuit,  the  man  who  fell, 
(in  the  two  last  the  verbs  are  already  relative  in  form,  the  construction 
being  in  '  parataxis  ') ;  tha  mi  bualadh,  I  am  striking.  Professor  Mackinnon 
would,  however,  write  clui'ii,  not  chart ;  giCn,  not  gun. 

In  grammar  the  pronouns  should  receive  special  attention  on  account  of 
the  difficulty  in  spelling  these  small  particles.  A  list  of  the  uses  of  the 
relative  should  be  made.  (Note  that  the  oblique  cases  of  the  relative  an, 
am,  are  really  the  article  singular.)  In  the  verb  two  things  may  be  noted  as 
deserving  special  study,  (a)  the  idioms  of  the  verb  to  be,  such  as,  is  mdr  leam, 
I  value ;  ge  b'oil  leat,  in  spite  of  you ;  (b)  the  idioms  of  the  passive  voice, 
which  consists  almost  wholly  of  periphrastic  forms,  e.g.  thSid  mo  Wmaladh, 
my  striking  will  proceed,  I  shall  be  struck ;  chaidh  a  mharbhadh,  his  killing 
went,  he  was  killed.     The  irregular  verbs  must  of  course  be  got  up. 

Gaelic  syntax  presents  many  points  which  are  better  omitted  at  this 
stage,  where  the  aim  is  to  keep  to  the  great  main  roads  and  to  avoid 
by-paths  and  exceptions.  The  pupil  must  know,  for  instance,  that  the 
so-called  infinitive  is  a  verbal  noun,  and  therefore  requires  the  genitive  after 
it.  It  may  be  questioned  whether  it  is  necessary  at  this  stage  to  trouble 
him  with  the  construction  of  the  noun  in  apposition,  and  of  such  phrases  as 
tigh  bean  a'  chlobair,  the  shepherd's  wife's  house.  What  to  omit  and  what  to 
include  is  a  matter  for  the  discretion  of  the  teacher.  He  will  find  Dr.  H.  C. 
Gillies's  Gaelic  Grammar  useful  here.  It  is  a  pity  that  its  price  puts  it 
beyond  reach  of  the  ordinary  pupil. 

'  On  these  points  Dr.  A.  Macbain's  Etymological  Gaelic  Dictionary  may  be 
consulted.  2  Celtic  Review,  ii.  86. 


NOTES  293 

In  the  early  stages  of  composition  it  is  much  the  better  plan  to  prevent 
mistakes  being  made  from  the  beginning,  than  painfully  to  eradicate  them 
when  they  are  made.  It  is  important  also  that  the  learner's  mind  should 
not  be  confused  by  having  to  face  too  many  new  difficulties  at  once.  The 
vocabulary  and  syntactical  points  involved  should  be  thoroughly  known 
before  putting  pen  to  paper.  Further,  it  is  a  good  plan  to  go  over  the 
exercise  on  the  day  before  it  is  written,  giving  translation  and  explanations 
freely,  but  allowing  no  notes  to  be  taken.  The  result  will  be  a  much 
nearer  approach  to  accuracy,  and  the  correct  rendering  will  stick  to  the 
memory  as  a  model  for  future  occasions.  Again,  when  the  translation  from 
Gaelic  into  English  has  been  gone  over,  the  pupils  should  write  part  of  it  in 
idiomatic  English.  This  is  a  first-rate  exercise  in  English  composition,  and 
brings  out  idiomatic  differences  better  than  anything  else ;  Highland 
English,  even  of  non-Gaelic  speakers,  is  saturated  with  Gaelic  idiom. 
When  this  has  been  looked  over,  the  English  should  be  turned  back  again 
into  Gaelic,  and  compared  with  the  original.  This  will  be  found  to  be 
a  powerful  method.  In  connection  with  composition,  Gaelic  idioms  are 
of  the  utmost  importance.  Dr.  H.  C.  Gillies  gives  a  fairly  good  list,  but 
it  needs  supplementing.  Idiom  is  of  the  essence  of  a  language,  and  Gaelic 
is  intensely  idiomatic.  W.  J.  Watson. 

The  Ruin  of  Britannia 

Mr.  Wade-Evans's  interesting  article  on  '  The  Ruin  of  Britannia '  will 
appeal  to  a  wide  circle  of  readers,  dealing  as  it  does  with  a  period  of  the 
common  history  of  northern  and  southern  Britain  of  which  so  little  is  as  yet 
accurately  known.  His  researches,  following  up  those  of  Daniel  H.  Haigh 
(1861)  and  Dr.  W.  F.  Skene  (1865),  by  maintaining  a  series  of  dates  for 
important  events  of  the  fifth  century,  much  earlier  than  those  still  generally 
relied  upon,  open  up  many  new  and  inviting  lines  of  inquiry.  To  these, 
very  probably,  qualified  students  are  already  addressing  themselves ;  but 
perhaps  some  brief  amateur  comments  and  queries  may  not  be  deemed 
an  encroachment  on  your  valuable  space. 

If  502  be  the  true  date  of  Maelgwn's  death  (as  both  Mr.  Haigh  and 
Mr.  Wade -Evans  have  it),  and  462  of  Dewi's  birth,  then  from  both  data 
Cunedda's  birth  may  reasonably  be  placed  about  (or  before)  340,  which 
allows  but  30  years  for  each  descent ;  for  Maelgwn  could  scarcely  be  less  than 
42  when  he  died ;  and  Cunedda  may  have  been  60  or  more  when  Einion  (his 
tenth  son  according  to  Humfrey  Lloyd)  was  born.  Thus  three  generations 
from  Cunedda  to  Maelgwn  may  agree  with  four  from  Cunedda  to  Dewi. 
But  Cunedda's  birth  might  be  placed  much  earlier  even,  looking  to  the  fact 
that  about  400  he  had  nine,  eleven,  or  twelve  sons,  all  warriors  (we  are  not 
told  how  many  daughters),  and  one  grandson  grown  up.  If  80  in  a.d.  400, 
his  birth  would  be  A.D.  320,  and  his  mother,  Gwawl,  daughter  of  Coel 
Godebog  by  Stradwen,  might  be  born  about  295,  when  Coel  was  about  65 


294  THE  CELTIC  EEVIEW 

years  old.  This  would  admit  of  Coel's  having  had  Helen  Lluedawg  by  a 
wife  of  his  youth  in  246,  and  of  her  giving  birth  to  Constantine  (as 
wife  of  Constantius  Chlorus)  in  274,  and  dying  in  327,  when  over  80,  after 
visiting  the  Holy  Places  in  Jerusalem.  (See  an  able  paper  on  Helen's 
British  origin  in  Archceologia  Camhrensis,  1847,  by  John  Jones,  Llanllyfni.) 
May  not  Cunedda's  migration  from  Manau  have  been  earlier  than  400, — 
say  about  384,  when  the  departure  of  Maximus  for  Gaul  and  Italy  left 
Britain  denuded  of  troops  and  open  to  the  raids  of  Plots  and  Scots,  who 
had  had  time  to  recover  from  their  defeats  by  Theodosius  in  368  ?  As  to 
Cunedda's  age  at  the  Migration,  80  seems  quite  a  moderate  estimate.  In 
later  Welsh  history  {tern.  William  Rufus)  we  read  of  lestyn,  succeeding  his 
father  Gwrgan  (who  died  aet.  126),  as  Prince  of  Glamorgan,  when  106 
years  of  age,  and  after  making  war  against  Rhys  ap  Tewdwr,  King  of 
Deheubarth,  dying  aet.  Ill,  leaving  440  descetidants ! 

But  there  are  other  difficulties  connected  with  this  early  date  for 
Maelgwn's  death ;  as,  for  instance,  his  interview  with  Kentigern  (Cyndeyrn) 
during  the  latter's  retreat  from  Strathclyde  to  North  Wales,  in  which 
period  Dewi  of  Menevia  died  [Life  of  Kentigern].  Kentigern's  mother  was 
daughter  of  Loth  (Llawdin  Lluedawg)  whom  Arthur  made  King  of  Lothian 
after  the  defeat  of  the  Picts  at  Mynydd  Agned  (Edinburgh),  the  date  of 
which  battle  Mr.  Wade-Evans  fixes  as  October  470.  The  death  of  Loth, 
and  birth  of  Kentigern,  coincided  within  a  day,  and  Haigh  says  that  Loth 
died  in  492,  Arthur  in  493.  But  in  that  case  Kentigern  would  be  only  10 
years  old  at  Maelgwn's  death.  Again,  Maelgwn  w^as  present  at  the  battle 
of  Ardderyd,  which  the  Annates  place  in  573,  a  date  which  Skene  accepts. 
How,  then,  could  he  die  7 1  years  before  ?  Were  there  two  Maelgwns  ?  The 
death  of  Dewi  (St.  David)  during  Kentigern's  location  at  Llanelwy  makes  it 
clearly  impossible  that  the  former  could  have  survived  till  601  as  in  the 
Annates. 

It  is  thought  that  Columba's  kingly  convert,  Brude  mac  Mailcon,  may 
have  been  a  son  of  Maelgwn  Gwynedd  by  a  Pictish  princess.  If  so,  since 
Brude  began  to  reign  A.D.  555,  he  must  then  have  been  53  years  old  at  least 
(for  Maelgwn  died  in  502),  Why,  then,  did  he  not  come  to  the  throne  at 
an  earlier  age  1  It  is  noticeable  that  the  two  preceding  Pictish  kings 
reigned  (alone)  but  one  year  each,  and  that  they  were  preceded  by  five 
reigns  amounting  in  all  to  29  years,  at  the  beginning  of  which  period 
Brude's  age  must  have  been  at  least  22.  At  that  time  two  Drests  reigned 
together,  both  probably  grandsons,  by  different  parents,  of  Drust  son  of 
Erp  (?  Ere), — since  among  the  Pictish  kings  ancestral  names  seem  to  have 
descended  in  the  same  family  through  long  periods.  These  reigned  5  years, 
after  which  one  of  them  reigned  alone  5  years  more.  He  was  followed  by 
his  two  brothers,  who  reigned  in  succession  7  and  1  or  by  another  list 
6  and  6  years.  These  short  reigns  look  as  if  they  were  for  fixed  periods  by 
arrangement.  The  next  reign  is  of  11  years  and  is  followed  by  another 
Drest,  perhaps  sister's  son  to  one  of  the  former  Drests ;  he  reigns  1  year, 


NOTES  295 

and  is  followed  by  Galam  cennaleph  for  1  year,  with  whom  Brude 
mac  Mailcon  reigns  jointly  for  1  year  more,  before  his  sole  reign  of  30  years 
begins,  Galam  was  perhaps  grandson  of  a  king  of  the  same  name  who 
reigned  512-524,  preceding  the  two  Drests  {Da  Drest,  whom  Innes  lists  as 
another  king !)  From  their  reign  to  that  of  Galam  cennaleph  (which  Innes 
reads  Galam  cum  Aleth)  the  law  of  succession  may  have  required  that  two, 
or  three,  collateral  lines  should  reign  successively,  or  jointly,  till  they  were 
exhausted,  before  Brude,  a  younger  generation  by  a  sister,  should  come  to 
the  throne,  Bede's  '  ninth '  year  of  Brude  may  date  from  his  joint  reign 
with  Galam,  coinciding  with  the  '  eighth '  (octavo)  of  the  old  Chronica  on 
which  Innes  chiefly  relies.  As  Columba's  arrival  from  Ireland  seems  fixed 
to  Pentecost  563,  the  reigns  from  Drust  son  of  Erp,  when  readjusted,  show 
that  the  latter  king  began  to  reign  A.D.  409  (giving  Nectan  morbet,  Drust's 
younger  brother,  24  years  as  in  the  Chronica,  and  not  25  with  Innes,)  The 
correspondence  of  this  well-attested  era  with  that  of  the  departure  of  the 
Romans  from  Britain  should  not  be  overlooked.  The  Chronica  also  tells  us 
that  in  Drust's  reign,  '  ix.  decimo  anno  "  regi "  ejus  Patricius  episcopits  sanctus  ad 
Hih&rniam  pervenit  insulam.'  Also  that  under  Nectan  morbet,  '  tertio  anno 
regni  ejus  Darlugdach  abbatissa  Cilledara  de  Hibernia  exulat  pro  Christo  ad 
Britanniam' ;  and  that  'secundo  anno  adventus  sui  immolavit  Nectonius 
Abv/rnethige  Deo  et  Sancte  Brigide,  presente  Dairlugdach  que  cantavit  alleluia 
super  islam  hostiam.' 

'  Optulit  igitur '  (it  proceeds)  '  Nectonius  magnus  filius  Wirp,  rex  omnium 
provinciarum  Fictorum,  Apurnethige  Sancte  Brigide,  usque  ad  diemjudicii,  cum 
suis finihis,  que  posite  swnt  a  lapide  in  Apurfeirt  usque  ad  lapidem  juxta  Ceirfuill, 
id  est,  Lethfoss,  et  inde  in  altvm  usque  ad  Athan.  Causa  autem  oblationis  Jtec  est. 
Nectonius  in  vita  julie  [?  hodie]  manens  fratre  suo  Drusto  expulsante  se  usque  ad 
Hiberniam  Brigidam  sanctam  petivit  ut  postulasset  Deum  piv  se.  Orans  aiitem 
pro  illo,  dixit:  ^' Si pervenies  ad patriam  tuam  Dominus  miser ebitur  tui:  regnum 
Pictorum  in  pace  possidebis." '  As  Dr.  Skene,  in  Chronicles  of  the  Picts  and 
Scots  says,  'the  phrase  "in  \ita.  julie  manens"  is  nonsense,' and  I  would 
suggest  '  hodie '  as  above,  but  do  not  pretend  to  say  whether  that  would 
imply  that  the  record  is  a  contemporary  one. 

This  episode,  connecting  at  so  early  a  date  as  A.D,  450  (the  third  year 
of  Nectan)  the  foundation  of  Abernethy  with  Patrick's  famous  convert, 
Brigid,  the  daughter  of  Dubhthach  maccu  Lugair,  chief  bard  to  King 
Laeghaire,  is  extremely  interesting,  as  showing  the  intimate  relations  of 
Erin  with  Alban  in  those  early  days,  and  the  spread  of  Christian  teaching 
among  the  Picts  independently  of  the  labours  of  Ninian.  The  note  regard- 
ing Patrick,  as  having  gone  to  teach  the  Irish  in  the  19th  year  of  Drust, 
i.e.  in  A.D.  427,  is  probably  aflfected  with  the  same  error  as  the  popular 
date  432 ;  for  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  Patrick  was  labouring  in  Ireland 
long  before  either  date.  If  461  be  the  true  date  of  his  death,  and  he  spent 
60  years  preaching  in  Ireland,  he  must  have  arrived  there  in  401. 

The  Pictish  reigns  before  Drust,  as  far  up  as  that  of  Gartnaith  loc,  are 


296  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

worth  considering.  The  years  ascribed  to  each  are  generally  moderate  and 
probable.  Two  seeming  exceptions  are :  Talarg  achivir,  75  years ;  and 
Gartnaich  diuberr,  60  years — Drust's  immediate  predecessors.  But  as 
Drust  himself  lived  100  years  and  reigned  45,  and  as  many  sovereigns  have 
reigned  over  60,  and  some  over  70  years  (as  Louis  xiv,  of  France,  72  years), 
the  exceptional  character  of  these  two  may  be  held  to  be  in  their  favour. 
If  accepted,  the  date  of  accession  of  Gartnaith  loc  is  222.  The  MSS.  disagree 
in  toto  as  to  the  reigns  before  this  epoch,  and  need  not  be  pursued  further. 

This  Gartnaith,  we  are  told,  was  the  progenitor  of  four  Gartnarts  who 
reigned  subsequently.  As  Jive,  or  by  combining  two  lists,  six  kings  of  the 
name  appear  to  have  followed,  does  this  imply  that  the  note  in  question 
was  made  between  the  dates  of  the  fourth  and  fifth  of  these,  i.e.  by  Innes's 
Chronology,  between  640  and  661 1  Innes  inserts  after  Gartnaith  loc,  a 
King  'Vere,'  to  whom  he  gives  9  years.  The  '9  years'  are  those  of 
Gartnaith  himself,  and  *  Vere '  is  simply  the  end  of  the  word  regnavere  in 
the  entry  opposite  his  name,  which  is  as  follows  : — 

'Gartnaith  loc,  a  quo  Garnart  iiij.  regnskvere,  ix.  annis  regnavit.' 

The  otherwise  most  careful  essayist  gives  the  '  iiij '  as  years  to  Gartnaith, 
and  out  of  the  remainder  of  the  sentence  (here  underlined)  he  makes  a  new 
King  *  Vere '  with  a  reign  of  9  years  !  This  and  the  fictitious  '  Dadrest ' 
already  alluded  to  throw  out  Innes's  reckoning  of  the  '  70  kings '  of  the 
Picts  from  Cathluan  to  Constantine,  which  would  require  readjustment. 
After  Gartnaith,  Breth  son  of  Buthut  reigns  7  years ;  Vipoig  namet,  30 ; 
Canatulachama,  4 ;  Wradech  vechla,  2 ;  Gartnaich  diuberr,  60 ;  and  Talore 
son  of  Achivir,  75  years,  ending  A.D.  409.  According  to  these  numbers 
Vipoig  reigned  from  237  to  267 ;  but  Fordun's  Chronicle  inserts  after  him 
a  King  '  Blarehassareth  '  with  17  years.  This  entry  cannot  be  got  rid  of  so 
easily  as  the  two  which  follow  it :  '  Frachna  ^  albus,  30 '  (a  repetition  in 
Gaelic  form  of  Vipoig);  and  'Thalarger  Amfrud,  16'  (a  strange  transposi- 
tion of  'Talargan  filius  Amfrud,'  i.e.,  Eanfrid  of  Northumbria,  who  reigned 
about  400  years  later  !) :  if  accepted  as  genuine  (for  otherwise  where  did  he 
get  the  name  1),  it  places  Vipoig's  reign  from  220  to  250,  entirely  coinciding 
with  the  testimony  of  the  votive  tablet  of  Lossio  Veda,  nepos  Vepogeni, 
found  at  Colchester  in  1891,  and  inscribed  to  the  Emperor  Alexander 
Severus,  who  reigned  from  222  to  235. 

Many  other  considerations  besides  the  foregoing  may  arise  out  of  Mr. 
Wade-Evans's  ingenious  efforts  to  re-construct  the  chronology  of  these  early 
periods  of  British  history,  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  subject  may  be 
taken  up  responsively  by  some  of  your  able  Scottish  contributors. 

James  Simpson. 

^  Fiachua  in  the  List  in  Appendix  V.  of  Innes, 


THE   CELTIC   REVIEW 

APRIL  16,  1906 

A  WELSH  BALLAD 

J.  Glyn  Davies  (Welsh  Library,  Aberystwyth) 

I  TOOK  down  the  following  ballad  and  its  tune  from  the 
singing  of  my  mother,  Mrs.  John  Davies  of  Liverpool,  who 
had  heard  it  sung  at  Talysarn,  Carnarvonshire,  nearly  half  a 
century  ago,  by  her  eldest  sister.  I  do  not  know  of  any 
other  instance  of  its  existence  in  Wales,  nor  indeed  of  any 
other  ballad  of  a  similar  type. 

It  is  obviously  fragmentary,  and  must  have  been  so  when 
my  mother  heard  it,  for  the  last  verse  was  regarded  as  an 
anticlimax  pour  rire. 

From  the  fairly  regular  distribution  of  stressed  and  un- 
stressed syllables,  I  would  assign  the  utmost  age-limit  of  the 
present  form  of  the  ballad  to  the  mid-sixteenth  century.^ 
The  phrase  '  claf  iawn  y w  f'enaid '  [very  sick  is  my  soul]  I 
should  not  expect  to  find  in  Welsh  popular  poetry  much 
after  the  close  of  the  sixteenth  century.  Between  metric 
and  diction,  I  feel  tempted  to  put  the  ballad  down  to  the 
first  half  of  the  seventeenth  century. 

In  the  following  arrangement  of  words  and  tune,  each  of 
the  first  two  lines  is  repeated  : — 

*  I  hope  to  publish  shortly  an  account  of  metrical  changes  in  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury, where  the  data  for  this  statement  will  be  given. 

VOL.  II.  U 


298 


i 


THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 


W 


#=?: 


** 


SS 


t 


S 


^^ 


Ti<-a^- 


f  0  fy  mab  anwyl  ble 
\  0  fy  mab  anwyl  ble 


buost  ti  ddoe; 
buost  ti  ddoe: 


{ 


yn      hela  sgwarnogod :  mam 
yn      hela  sgwarnogod :  mam 


i 


*: 


W^=F^^ 


■5-g- 


{cweiriwch  fy  ngwely ; 
cweiriwch  fy  ngwely ; 


atzitzit 


Clafiawnyw  f'enaid  yn     ymyl     ter-fynu. 


2.  0  fy  mab  anwyl  be  gefist  ti'n  fwyd : 

Neidar  lie  sly  wan  :  ^  mam  cweiriwch  fy  ngwely  \ 
Claf  iawn  yw  f'enaid  yn  ymyl  terfynu. 

3.  O  fy  mab  anwyl  be  roddi  di'th  blant : 

Bendith  Duw  nefoedd  :  mam  cweiriwch  fy  ngwely ; 
Claf  iawn  yw  f'enaid  yn  ymyl  terfynu. 

4.  0  fy  mab  anwyl  be  roddi  di'th  wraig : 
Cortyn  i'w  chrogi :  mam  cweiriwch  fy  ngwely ; 
Claf  iawn  yw  f'enaid  yn  ymyl  terfynu. ^ 

When  I  took  down  the  words,  some  five  years  ago,  I  had 
hda  jpysgodyn  [hunting  a  fish]  instead  of  hela  sgwarnogod  ^ 
[hunting  hares].  Neidar  lie  slywan  in  the  second  verse  points 
to  a  North  Walian  origin  :  to  pack  lly somen  into  two  syllables 
would  be  difficult,  without  mutilating  it  beyond  recognition. 

I  am  indebted  to  Owen  Rhoscomyl  for  the  identification 
of  the  Welsh  ballad.  It  is  *  Lord  Randal,'  and  the  nearest 
approach  I  can  find  is  Version  B,  Child's  Ballads ,  1905. 

1.  '0  whare  hae  ye  been  a'  day,  Lord  Donald,  my  son  ? 
O  whare  hae  ye  been  a'  day,  my  jollie  young  man  V 
*  I  've  been  awa  courtin  :  mither,  mak  my  bed  sune. 
For  I  'm  sick  at  the  heart,  and  I  fain  wad  lie  doun.' 


*  slywaUy  N.  Wales  metathesis  of  llysoweti. 

2  1.  0  my  dear  son,  where  hast  thou  been  yesterday :  hunting  hares ;  mother 
make  my  bed,  very  sick  is  my  soul,  near  its  end.  2.  0  my  dear  son,  what  hadst 
thou  for  food  :  a  snake  instead  of  an  eel ;  mother,  etc.  3.  0  my  dear  son,  what  wilt 
thou  give  to  thy  children  :  the  blessing  of  God  of  Heaven  ;  mother,  etc.  4.  0  my 
dear  son,  what  wilt  thou  give  to  thy  wife  :  a  rope  to  hang  her  ;  mother,  etc. 

3  Spoken  W.  for  ysgyfarnogod. 


A  WELSH  BALLAD  299 

2.  '  What  wad  ye  hae  for  your  supper  t '  etc, 
'  I  've  gotten  my  supper : '  etc. 

3.  '  What  did  you  get  to  your  supper  ? '  etc. 
'  A  dish  of  sma'  fishes  : '  etc. 

4.  '  Whare  gat  ye  the  fishes  'i '  etc. 

'  In  my  father's  black  ditches : '  etc. 

5.  *  What  like  were  your  fishes  ? '  etc. 

'  Black  backs  and  speckl'd  bellies : '  etc. 

6.  '  0  I  fear  ye  are  poison 'd  1 '  etc. 
'  Oh  yes  !  I  am  poison'd  : '  etc. 

7.  '  What  will  ye  leave  to  your  father  1 '  etc. 
'  Baith  my  houses  and  land : '  etc. 

8.  '  What  will  ye  leave  to  your  brither  ? '  etc. 
'  My  horse  and  the  saddle : '  etc. 

9.  *  What  will  ye  leave  to  your  sister  1 '  etc. 
'  Baith  my  gold  box  and  rings : '  etc. 

10.  '  What  will  ye  leave  to  your  true-love  T  etc. 

'  The  tow  and  the  halter,  for  to  hang  on  yon  tree, 
And  lat  her  hang  there,  for  the  poysoning  of  me.' 

There  are  many  versions  of  '  Lord  Randal,'  and  I  have 
only  access  to  three.  Possessors  of  Child's  large  edition  may 
be  able  to  find  closer  parallels,  but  at  any  rate,  there  can  be 
no  doubt  as  to  the  identity  of  the  Welsh  ballad.  It  will  be 
observed  that  the  metric  is  practically  identical  with  Version 
B,  the  only  difference  being  the  repetition  of  the  second  line, 
which  I  look  upon  as  an  excrescence.  Verses  of  five  lines  are 
rare  in  Welsh,  and  of  a  different  type  from  this,  whereas  the 
same  Langzeile  occurs  in  rhyming  couplets,  and  is  common  in 
quatrain  form. 

I  am  indebted  to  my  colleague,  Mr.  David  Jenkins,  Mus. 
Bac,  for  revising  my  score  of  the  curious  and  hitherto  un- 
published tune,  and  to  my  brother,  Mr.  G.  M.  LI.  Davies,  for 
sending  me  a  fresh  and  attested  copy  of  tune  and  words. 


300  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

THE  GLENMASAN  MANUSCRIPT 

Professor  Mackinnon 

GAELIC  TEXT 

Et  tdnic  Bricne  a  mach  a  ris,  agus  do  biii  ac  fechain  na 
faichthi  'n  a  timcell.  Agus  atconnairc  buiden  an-aithnidh 
ingantach  ac  tichtain  ^  a  thualth  ar  lorg  na  cet  buidhne,  agus 
samail  da  chet  laoch  a  L'nmare.  Agus  ni  raibi  laoch  gan  laigm 
dibh,  na  cath-milid  gan  cloich  commoir  a  cobraid  a  sgeith, 
agus  ain  fher  ard-m6r  osgardha  amulcach  a  n-eidermedon  na 
n-dnrao?  agus  folt  cas  clechtach  croch-buide  fair.  Tanic  Bricne 
a  sdech,  agus  do  innis  do  Oilill  na  sgela  sin  agus  adubratar 
an  laid  etarra  ann  : — 

'A  f  hir  d'  fichus  na  buidni, 
Seall  orra  ar  di  do  ruibhni,^ 
Ma  ro-d-aithni  innis  dam, 
Cia  an  buiden  mor-sa  sa  magh/ 

'  Abar  rim,  a  Bhricni  bhiiain, 
'Erradh  sunnradach  an  t-sluaig, 
^  Co  n-inniser  duit  ule 

Tuarasgbail  gaeh  en  duine.' 

'  Baramail  da  chet  Uoch  lonn. 
Mo  do  dainibh  na  gach  drong ; 
Derg  a  sgeith  is  buidi  a  fuilt, 
Agus  is  a  thuaith  tegait. 

'  Go  n-a  dd  chet  laighni  lethna 
Mar  tisddis  an  dail  debtha, 
Co  n-da  chet  liag-nertaib  nia 
Gdvmn  48.  A  n-gusta/aib  a  crom-sgiath. 

'  OgUoch  amulcach  menu  m6r, 
Li  fer  sin  fd  suidh  an  sl6g 
Gfobaid  tairis  6s  t^Xaig 
Folt  cas  cruthach  caoim  slemam. 

*  MS.  tl^  which  perhaps  is  an  anticipation  of  the  verbal  noun  in  the  modern 
language  tilghinln. 

^  Verses  attributed  to  Ossian  and  found  in  LL.  fol.  161b,  and  the  Advocates' 
Library  MS.  xxxviii.  p.  154,  give  rnibne  and  hiibne,  both  glossed.     LL.  glosses 


THE  GLENMASAN  MANUSCRIPT  301 

(Continued  from  pp.  222,  223.) 
ENGLISH  TRANSLATION 

Bricne  went  forth  once  again,  and  viewed  the  green  all 
round.  And  he  saw  an  unknown  strange  troop  coming 
from  the  north  in  the  track  of  the  first  squadron,  about 
two  hundred  in  number.  Each  hero  had  a  spear,  and  each 
battle-soldier  a  very  large  stone  in  the  hollow  of  his  shield. 
In  the  centre  of  the  warriors  marched  a  very  tall  brave 
beardless  man  with  plaited  curls  of  saffron-yellow  hair. 
Bricne  went  within  and  told  these  tidings  to  Oilill,  and  this 
lay  was  recited  by  the  two  of  them  : — 

'  You  who  look  on  the  hosts, 
View  them  in  the  line  of  your  spear  ; 
If  you  recognise  them,  tell  me 
What  this  great  company  on  the  field  is. 

'  Describe  to  me,  persistent  Bricne, 
The  distinctive  garb  of  the  warriors, 
That  I  may  give  to  you 
An  account  of  each  individual.' 

*  I  judge  them  to  be  two  hundred  fierce  warriors, 
Taller  than  the  men  of  other  troops. 

Red  their  shields,  yellow  their  hair. 
From  the  north  they  have  come. 

'  "With  two  hundred  broad  spears. 
As  they  come  into  the  thick  of  conflict ; 
With  two  hundred  heavy  champion  stones 
Fastened  to  their  curved  shields. 

•  A  tall  beardless  stammering  warrior, 
Is  he  around  whom  the  hosts  sit, 
Over  his  crown  there  flows 

Hair  curly  beautiful  soft  smooth. 


ruihne  by  sgiath,  'shield,'  and  luihne  by  sleg,  'spear.'  The  Edinburgh  MS.  reverses 
matters,  glossing  ruibne  by  sleagh  and  luibne  by  sgiath.  O'R.  has  ruibhne  (1)  *a 
lance,'  (2)  *  a  numerous  host.'  From  ae,  '  cause,  knowledge,  science,'  developed  the 
phrase  arai,  used  in  various  shades  of  meaning  :  '  on  account  of,'  '  in  spite  of,'  *  never- 
theless.' The  exact  force  of  the  phrase  here  is  to  me  uncertain. 
3  MS.  1 


302  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

'  Is  slat  na  fir  sin,  aderi, 
An  macrad  o  Muigh  Erne ; 
In  fer  m6r,  miad  gan  ceilg, 
Fermenn  mac  Dara  dreach  Deirg. 

*  Is  mairg  re  curid  a  n-gle6, 
Gibe  h-uair  gabait  ang6,^ 
Is  mogenar  fer  am  n-dib 
Les  an  gabait  airm,  a  fhir.' 


Afhir. 

Imthusa  Ailella  Finn  imorro.  Do  gab  ag  suarcus  ar 
Fergus,  agus  as  ed  adbert  ris  :  '  Cid  ima  tangais  do'n  tir-si  a 
Fhergais?'  ar  Ailill.  'Do  ciialais  cena,' bar  Fergus.  'Ma 
sed  ni  tibra-sa  mo  t-sheoid  ar  mh'  aimles,'  ar  Oilill.  '  Ni  caithm 
fein  do  biad-sa  no  do  deoch,'  ar  Fergus,  '  oir  ni  ghonaim-si 
(duine)  ^  sa  biad  chaithim  do  gres.'  Agus  do  eirig  Fergus  a 
mach.  Agus  adubairt  Ailill  do  guth  beg  re  Fergus  :  '  Na 
cluined  an  Gamanrad  sin.  Agus  tarra  moch-trath  ar  Ath  an 
Cluiche,  agus  na  cluined  duine  sin  acht  ara  do  carbaid.  Agus 
ni  cluinfe  duine  uaimse  h-e  acht  ara  mo  carbaid.  Agus 
denam  comracc,  agus  gipe  uain  tl  ass,  bid  an  ben  aige.' 
Ranic  Fergus  a  mach  agus  lenais  Dubthach  agus  Aongus 
h-e  re  each.  Agus  do  fhiafraighedar  fa  lana  feirge  de,  agus 
ni  b*  ail  leisen  a  indisin  doib.  Agus  do  gab  tenn  forra  gan  a 
indisin  do  neoch  eile.    Agus  do  indis  doib  as  a  h-aitle.     Agus 

^  ango,  an  uncommon  word,  '  alas ! '  (K.  M.).  The  meaning  here  is  evidently 
'  wrath,'  '  anger '  (an,  intensive,  +  go  '  deceit '  ?). 

'■^  MS.  reads  do  followed  by  what  looks  like  gonatt  duine  scraped  out.  The 
repetition  of  the  incident  is  interesting  (cf.  supra,  p.  212),  for  the  version  now  given  is 
in  some  respects  like  those  of  LL.  LU.  and  Egerton  (Brit.  Mus.),  printed  by  Prof. 
Windisch  in  Ir.  T.,  ii.  p.  208  et  seq.  Here  follows  the  corresponding  passage  from 
LL.  Fergus  and  his  party  arrive  at  the  palace  of  Ailill  the  Fair : — Ferthair  failte 
friu.  '  Cid  fris-tudchabair  ? '  61  Ailill  Find.  '  Co  ro  anam  celide  lat-su,'  ol  Fergus, 
'ddig  ata  debaid  d^mn  ri  Ai{lill)  mac  Matach'  (Magach).  ' Ni  anfa-su  lim-sa 
6m,'  ol  Ailill  Find.  '■Mad  nech  immorro  dot  muntir,  no  (ni)  ainfed.  Ddig 
adfiastar  dam-sa  not  chara  mo  ben.'  '  Mar  ascaid  di  chethra  din  dunn.  Atd  eicen 
m6r  forn.'  *  Ni  bera-su  ascaid  uaimse,'  ol  Ailill,  ^  dia  n-ana  chelide  lemm.' 
Doberar  dam  co  tinniu  doib  cona  d'A  di  chormaim  dia  feiss.  '  Ni  chathiub-sa 
do  biad-su  dm,'  ol  Fergus,  ^uaire  na  biur  tk'ascaid.'  ^Assiiid  liuss  duit  din,'  ol 
Ailill.  ^  Rot  bia  son,'  ol  Fergus,  ^  ni  gebthar  forbasi  fort.'  Dot-cumlat  ass  iarum. 
'  Tairceth  fer  i  n-dth,'  ol  Fergus,  'fochetoir  i  n-dorus  ind  liss.'  '  Ni  eraibther 
ocus  ni  erbbaibther  dom  inchaib-se  6m,'  ol  Ailill.  '  Ragat-sa  fein,'  ol  se.  '  Cia  ilann 
ragat  ar  a  chind  vndfhir,  a  Dubthaig  f '  ol  Fergus.     '  Ragat-sa  ar  a  chind  cid  me,'  ol 


THE  GLENMASAN  MANUSCRIPT  303 

'  These  men,  I  tell  you, 
Are  the  chivalry  of  Muigh  Eme  ; 
The  tall  man,  pride  without  deceit, 
Is  Fermenn  son  of  the  handsome  Dara  the  Red. 

'  "Woe  to  those  against  whom  they  fight, 
Whenever  their  ire  arises ; 
Happy  indeed  the  chief 
With  whom  they  take  up  arms,  0  man.' 

Thou. 

Now  as  to  Oilill  the  Fair.  He  made  himself  pleasant  to 
Fergus,  and  this  is  what  he  said  to  him  :  *  What  has  brought 
you  to  this  country,  Fergus  ? '  asked  Ailill.  *  You  have  heard 
already,'  replied  Fergus.  '  In  that  case,  I  shall  not  give  of  my 
wealth  to  my  hurt,'  said  Oilill.  *  I,  for  one,  shall  not  taste  your 
food  or  your  drink,'  rejoined  Fergus,  *  for  I  have  never  slain 
(a  man)  after  partaking  of  his  food.'  And  Fergus  went  out. 
Ailill  whispered  to  Fergus  :  '  Let  not  the  Gamhanraidh  hear 
this.  But  betake  thee  early  to  the  Ford  of  the  Game,  and 
let  no  one  hear  of  it  but  your  charioteer.  And  no  one  shall 
hear  of  it  from  me  but  my  charioteer.  Let  us  fight,  and 
whichever  of  us  survives  shall  have  the  lady.'  Fergus  went 
out  and  Dubthach  and  Angus  followed  at  his  heel.  They 
asked  what  the  cause  of  his  wrath  was,  but  he  did  not  like  to 
tell  them.     And  he  charged  them  to  tell  no  one  else.     He  then 

Dubthach.  Dothet  Dubthach  iarum  issin  n-dth  ar  a  chind.  Benaid  Dubthach  sleig 
triit  CO  n-dechaid  tria  di  shliasait.  Dolleci-seom  dana  gai  do  Dubthach  co  m-bert 
crand  triit.  They  were  welcomed.  '  What  has  brought  you  thither  1 '  asked  Ailill  the 
Fair.  'To  stay  with  you,'  replied  Fergus,  'for  we  are  at  feud  with  Ailill  son  of 
Magach.'  '  Neither  you  nor  any  of  your  people  shall  stay  with  me,'  said  Ailill,  '  for  I 
have  been  told  that  you  are  in  love  with  my  wife.'  '  Give  us  some  of  your  cattle  then, 
for  we  are  in  great  straits.'  '  You  shall  have  no  gift  from  me,  nor  shall  you  stay  here,' 
said  Ailill.  An  ox  and  bacon  with  a  due  supply  of  ale  were  given  them  for  food. 
*  I  shall  not  eat  your  food,'  said  Fergus,  '  not  having  received  your  gift.'  '  Out  of  the 
castle  you  go,'  said  Ailill.  '  That  will  be  to  your  advantage,'  said  Fergus,  *  for  you 
will  be  safe  from  attack.'  They  went  forth  thereafter.  At  the  gate  of  the  castle 
Fergus  added,  'Let  a  champion  appear  at  the  ford  forthwith.'  'You  will  not  be 
baulked,  nor  shall  my  honour  be  entrusted  to  another,' said  Ailill,  'I  shall  be  there 
myself.'  'Who  from  our  party  will  meet  the  man,  Dubthach  ?' asked  Fergus.  'I 
shall  go  myself,'  said  Dubthach.  Dubthach  thereafter  went  to  meet  him  at  the  ford. 
Dubthach  struck  him  (Ailill)  with  a  spear  which  went  through  his  two  thighs.  Ailill 
hurled  a  lance  at  Dubthach  which  went  through  his  body,  shaft  and  all. 


304  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

do  iarr  Dubthach  a  legen  fein  do  chum  an  comralc  sin  re 
h-Oilill.  Adubairt  Fergus  nar  fer  dingmala  do  itir  eisium 
agus  gur  leic  tairis  comrac  etorra  do  dhenam  an  an  comroinn 
sin ;  agus  adubradar  an  laid  ann  as  a  h-aitle  : — 

*  A  Fhergais  a  n-anfa-sa 

Ee  gach  n-decair  n-dein  n-doghraing  ] 
Ca  fdth  im  a  rachd-sa 
Eomamsa  do  chum  an  comlainn  1 

*  Ni  thicc  dibh  a(f)rithaileam, 
Nocha  n-uil  an  bhar  linuib, 
Tuccaid  oraib  a  iniccin, 

Ni  think  dib  a  dhlguil. 

'  Ailill  Finn  an  flath  ruire, 
Flath  Irruis  iarthair  Banba, 
Nocha  comlann  comadhais 
A  cenn  rig  Ulad  amra. 

*  Teilgfed-sa  an  si  eg  slinnger-si, 
Co  h-Oilill  Atha  Fernais, 
Nocha  n-uil  laoch  ri  m'  lamha 
Madh  di  n-an-sa  a  Fhergais.' 

A  Fhergais. 

Acus  ranic  Fergus  d'  a  tigh-lepta  iar  sin,  agus  rucadar  as 
an  adhaig  sin.  Agus  do  eirigh  Fergus  co  moch  ar  na  marach, 
agus  do  dhiiisigh  a  ghilla.  Agus  do  gab  sein  a  eich  agus  do 
Column  49.  inuill  an  cai^ad.  Agus  ger  moc(h)  ranic,  fuair  Oilill  ar  an 
Ath.  Agus  tugatar  achmusan  agarb  ainiarmartach  d'  a 
n-armaib  tren-gera  treathan-luatha  teilcti  an  agaid  a  cheile. 
Agus  do  fritheoiletar  na  h-ogld^c^  co  h-aithnidh  na  h-arma, 
CO  nach  raibe  fargamh  no  fuilechadh  ar  na  flaithibh,  agus  do 
t-shoillsich  an  M  ar  na  laechibh. 

Agus  do  mhothaich  Dubthach  agus  Aonghus  Fergus 
d  'imtecht  uatha  agus  do  ghabhadar  an  arma,  agus  tangadar 
do  chum  an  Atha.  Agus  fiiaradar  na  curaidh  a  comlann  ar  an 
Ath,  agus  tucadar  fargam  gach  din  fir^  ar  Oilill,  agus  tucastar 
Oilill  fargamh  ar  gach  ain  fer  dib  sen.  Et  do  mhothaigh 
Cormac  Conloinges  mac  Concubair  agus  Ud,itne  Ucht-sholus 
mac  Conuill  Cernaig  Fergus  d'  imtecht  a  mach.     Agus  tanic 

'  The  MS   reads  /er,  but  the  correct  former  is  written  in  full  in  corresponding 
passages  later. 


THE  GLENMASAN  MANUSCRIPT  305 

told  them.  Dubthach  requested  (Fergus)  to  allow  himself 
to  fight  Oilill.  Fergus  said  that  he  had  given  up  the  idea 
of  fighting  (Oilill)  on  that  issue,  for  he  was  by  no  means  a 
worthy  opponent  of  his ;  and  thereupon  this  lay  was  repeated 
by  them : — 

'  Fergus,  will  you  abide 
Every  fierce  angry  quarrel  1 
Why  should  you  undertake 
This  conflict  in  preference  to  me  ? 

'  It  does  not  become  you  to  meet  him. 
The  man  is  not  of  your  rank ; 
To  succour  him  might  be  suitable  work  for  you, 
Not  to  avenge  (his  insolence). 

'  Ailill  the  Fair,  the  lordly  prince, 
Prince  of  Erris  in  the  west  of  Ireland, 
Is  not  a  fitting  opponent 
To  the  famous  King  of  Ulster. 

'  I  shall  hurl  this  sharp-pointed  spear 
Against  Oilill  of  the  Ford  of  Fernas ; 
There  is  not  my  equal  in  the  fight, 
Saving  you  only,  Fergus.' 

Fergus. 

Fergus  thereupon  went  to  his  sleeping  apartment,  and 
the  night  passed.  He  arose  early  on  the  morrow,  and 
wakened  his  attendant,  who  caught  the  horses  and  yoked 
the  chariot.  Early  though  they  arrived  they  found  Oilill 
at  the  Ford.  And  the  two  brandished  their  very  sharp, 
mighty-swift,  easily-hurled  weapons  against  each  other,  and 
made  a  fierce  but  undecisive  attack.  The  warriors  handled 
the  weapons  dexterously,  so  that  there  was  no  mark  nor 
blood  on  the  princes  until  the  day  dawned  on  the  heroes. 

Dubthach  and  Angus  observed  that  Fergus  had  gone 
forth,  and  they  seized  their  weapons  and  made  for  the  Ford. 
They  found  the  champions  fighting  at  the  Ford,  and  each  of 
them  made  a  thrust  at  Oilill,  and  Oilill  made  a  thrust  at 
each  of  them.  Cormac  Conloinges  son  of  Conchobar  and 
Uaithne  Bright-breast  son  of  Conall  Cernach  observed  that 


306  THE  CELTIC  EEVIEW 

Cormac  (agus  Uaithne)  a  mach  rompa.  Agus  do  connaic  na 
curaidh  a  comlann,  agus  o  d'  connaic,  ro  indsaigh  iad.  Agus 
tucc  (Cormac)  forgam  ar  Oilill,  agus  tuc  Uaithne  forgamh 
eile  fair ;  agus  do  ghon  Oilill  gach  ain  fer  acasan.  Is  and  sin 
tanic  Birrderg  mac  Ruaidh  agus  Edar  mac  Eogaith  agus 
Fiacha  mac  Fireaba  a  mach,  agus  tucadar  forgamh  gach  ain  fir 
ar  Oilill,  agus  tug  Oilill  trom-ghuin  ar  gach  trein-fer  dib  sin. 
Is  ann  sin  tanic  Gobhnend  mac  Luirgnigh  agus  Suanach 
mac  Salgabann,  comhalta  Cormaic,  agus  Lugaid  Laimdercc 
mac  D.  .  .  agus  Sith.  .  .  mac  Edghait  co  h-inath  na  h-imresna, 
agus  tugadar  forgam  gach  ain  fir  ar  Oilill,  agus  do  ghon  Oilill 
gach  ain  fer  acasan.  *Cid  duitsi,  a  gilla  Oilella,'  ar  gilla 
Fergusa,  '  gan  a  indisin  do  t'  mat(h)aib  ^  trena  san  eicin  adbal 
a  fuil  V  'Is  briathar  damsa  am,'  ar  an  gilla,  *  an  cein  bus 
cudroma  a  comrac  nach  indeosa  sgela  o  each  dib.' 

Oid  tra  acht  o  dered  oidc(he)  co  h-ard  trath-nona  do  bi 
doib  ar  in  luinni  sin,  co  clos  fo'n  longport  ledgaire  na  cloideam 
'ga  comt6cbail  agus  tinnt .  .  .  na  colg  ris  na  cathbarraib,  agus 
sithc  na  sleg  ris  na  sian-gaothai6.  Agus  adclos  a  pupall 
clainni  Fidhaigh  na  fuasnada  sin.  Atrachtadar  sein  co  digair 
dasachtach  agus  co  fraochda  forniata  agus  co  menmnach  mi- 
Coitmn  50.  cheiUidh,  co  clos  a  fuaim  agus  a  fothrom  a  nellaib  nimhe  agus 
CO  cuasaib  crand  agus  carrac  garba  greagan  gailbech  giiasacht- 
ach  gvesedacht  buan  greghan  na  Gamandraidi  ac  eirge,  agus 
olh&cht  ^  na  n-anradh  ac  a  n-eidedh  agus  meall-gaZ  na  macradh 
ac  a  moch-dusgadh,  muisec  na  min-daeine  ac  mall-asgndm, 
cvearmgthi  agus  comairleda  na  fer-cuinged  agus  na  forusogldoch 
ac  tennad  na  tren-fer  agus  ac  greasacht  na  gillannrad  agus  ac 
kind  na  luath-chos  do  tarrachtain  an  mer-tresa  agus  do  digail 
a  n-ancraidi  ar  an  Dubloinges.  Agus  tangatar  rompa  co  ro 
dian  in  a  n-doiredib  dlut(h)  crann-gera  dianarda  duaibsecha, 
agus  in  a  m-buidnib  roda  rian-garba  rec/it-biiana,  agus  in  a 

^  In  the  dialogue  of  the  two  attendants  several  -words  are  indistinct  in  the  MS. 
and  the  reading  oflfered  is  to  some  extent  conjectural. 

2  MS.  olbs  or  albl  Possibly  for  ollbach  (allbach)  '  wild  shout.'  Cf.  bach  .1.  greis 
no  dasacht  (O'Dav.),  and  oil,  '  great,'  '  vast.'  The  reading  is  clear,  but  the  word  is 
obscure  to  me. 


THE  GLENMASAN  MANUSCRIPT  307 

Fergus  had  gone  out.  And  Cormac  (and  Uaithne)  went 
forth.  They  saw  the  heroes  fighting,  and  when  they  did 
they  approached  them.  And  (Cormac)  made  a  thrust  at 
OiHll.  Uaithne  made  another  thrust  at  him,  and  Oihll 
wounded  both  of  them.  Birrderg  son  of  Ruad  and  Edar 
son  of  Eogaoth,  and  Fiacha  son  of  Fireba  thereafter  went 
forth,  and  each  of  them  attacked  OiHll,  and  Oilill  inflicted 
deep  wounds  on  each  mighty  man  of  them.  Then  Goibnenn 
son  of  Luirgnech  and  Suanach  son  of  Salgaba,  foster-brother 
of  Cormac,  and  Lugaid  Lamderc  (Redhand)  son  of  D  .  .  . 
and  Sith  .  .  .  son  of  Edgat  went  to  the  scene  of  the  conflict, 
and  each  of  them  struck  at  Oilill,  and  Oihll  wounded  each 
man  of  them.  '  How  is  it,  servant  of  Oilill,'  said  Fergus's 
servant,  *  that  you  did  not  tell  your  mighty  chiefs  the  dire 
extremity  in  which  (Oilill)  is  ? '  *  It  is  a  vow  of  mine,'  replied 
the  lad,  '  as  long  as  the  combat  is  equal  to  say  nothing 
about  it.' 

And  so  it  was  that  from  the  end  of  the  night  until  full 
afternoon  they  fought  in  this  furious  fashion.  There  were 
heard  throughout  the  camp  the  clash  of  swords  raised  on  high, 
the  clang  of  blades  against  helmets,  and  the  whistle  of  spears 
mid  the  tempestuous  winds.  The  din  was  heard  in  the 
tent  of  the  clan  Fidach.  These  rose  up  furiously  madly 
angrily  valiantly  courageously  recklessly  so  that  their  rush 
and  tramp  were  heard  in  the  clouds  of  heaven  and  in  the 
hollows  of  trees  and  rough  rocks ;  the  wild  dangerous 
urgently-persistent  uproar  of  the  Gamhanraidh  as  they 
rose  up ;  the  ...  of  the  warriors  as  they  donned  their 
armour ;  the  shout  of  the  youth  at  their  sudden  awaken- 
ing ;  the  frown  of  the  young  folks  as  they  rose  reluctantly  ; 
the  inciting  and  counselling  of  the  champions  and  warriors  as 
they  pressed  the  mighty,  and  urged  the  attendants,  and 
hurried  the  swift-footed  to  exert  their  battle-frenzy  and 
avenge  their  enmity  on  the  Dubloinges.  They  marched 
forth  very  swiftly  in  close  columns  sharply  pointed  very  lofty 
terrible,  and  in  roughly  marshalled  doggedly  furious  battalions 
and  in  agile  troops  with  banners  displayed  on  red  standards, 


308  THE  CELTIC  EEVIEW 

ceithernaib  clisdi  crann-ruadha  comartac(h)a  co  rangatar  co 
h-inadh  na  h-imresna  agus  co  lathar  an  laoch-bhiiailti. 

Is  ann  sin  do  eirgetar  an  Dubloinges  co  dighair,  agus 
CO  badba  baoth  egciallac^,  agus  co  fraocha  foistinech,  co 
n-dernatar  mainner  aghmar  ^  aithesach  fhaobar-cruaidh  ogal- 
borb  ainntreannda,  agus  leibenn  lethan-cruaidh  laoch-niata 
lorg-remar  laoc/i-lonnach,  agus  buaile  hirech  barr-derg  brath- 
aigmeil  breac-dhathach  ban-corcra.  Tangatar  rompa  fo'n 
r^im  sin  in  a  cipi  dluith-mer  do-riar^Aa  doiger-mor  do- 
oconeta,^  agus  in  a  toindte  togdha  toirtemla  tuait(h)-echtach. 
tholg-ainntreannda,  gur  gabatar  lathair  fliairsing  imbiiailti  ar 
uilinn  oirrt(h)eraigh  an  Atha,  gur  gdirset  agus  an  Gamandrad 
CO  comnart  agus  co  curata  d'  a  cheile,  co  clos  co  nellaib  a 
n-ilach,  co  n-ar  bo  leir  soillse  os  na  slogaib  an  comairet  ro 
batar  na  frasa  fir-mora  foga  ac  {erihain,  agus  na  bera  barr- 
gera  brath-neimnecha  bodba  ar  luamain  os  na  laochaib. 

Agus  do  cromac?  na  cliatha  crann-remra  catha  ac  na 
curadhaib,  gur  lubad  agus  gur  loinn-brised  na  crainn  ris  na 
cath-sgiathaib,  agus  gur  beicetcir  na  fraighi  ris  na  fuasnadaib, 
agus  gur  gSiirided  na  luin*^^  ag  a  luath-gerrac?A^,  agus  gur 
loinntesgadh  na  laic(h)  tres  na  laoc(h)-bruinnibh,  agus  gur  led- 
radh  na  cinn  tres  na  clogataib,  agus  gur  aimr^idighit  fuilt  do 
na  fiar-lannaib,  agus  gur  dalladh  suile  do  na  sruithlinntib  fola 
fichidi  forruaide  ac  tuitim  co  for-lethan  ar  na  fairgsinaib.  Agus 
do  chuaid  in  cath  in  a  comlannaib  agus  in  a  cendairc  fo  chetoir, 
CO  clos  CO  fada  o  na  fednachaib  sin  cathus  na  cath-miled,^  agus 
Column  51.  fedmenna  na  feinned,  agus  ruathar  na  righ-damna,  agus 
torann  na  triath,  agus  brosgar  na  m-buiden  ag  a  m-bd,olugadh, 
agus  claidream  na  ceithernac(h)a  clodh  a  cernaib  an  catha ; 
meall-ghal  agus  menmnannrad  na  m.acr ad  agus  na  maoth- 
oglaoch ;  atmarecht  na  tren-fer  ac  a  tesgadh ;  imsLVcaid  na 
n-iiasal  ar  na  h-ur-islib  ;  ard-ghotha  na  n-uasal-righ  agus  na 
n-oirec^^  agus  na  n-armann  ac  tennad  in  tresa  agus  ac  greasacht 
na  gliadh  agus  ac  laind  na  laoch. 

Cid  tra  acht  o  rangatar  a  fedhmanna  catha  ar  each  ro 

'  MS.  admar. 

2  The  reading  is  clear,  the  word  is  unknown  to  me. 


THE  GLENMASAN  MANUSCRIPT  309 

and  arrived  at  the  place  of  conflict  and  the  scene  of  hard 
blows. 

Then  the  Dubloinges  gathered  fiercely  terribly  restlessly 
recklessly  wrathfuUy  firmly,  and  formed  themselves  into  a 
phalanx  warlike  victorious  steel-edged  awe-inspiring  rough, 
and  into  a  bulwark  broad  and  stern  hero-valiant  thick-shafted 
hero-furious,  and  into  a  palisade  pointed  red- tipped  fateful 
dangerous  speckled  pale  purpled.  They  marched  forward  in 
that  order  in  dense  masses  insatiable  large- speared,  .  .  ., 
and  in  select  powerful  featful  rock-firm  columns,  and  selected 
a  spacious  trampled  field  at  the  eastern  angle  of  the  Ford. 
They  and  the  Gamhanraidh  shouted  vigorously  and  exult- 
antly on  seeing  each  other,  so  that  their  psean  reached  the 
clouds.  And  over  the  heads  of  the  hosts  the  great  heavy 
showers  of  brandished  spears  and  flashing  sharp-pointed 
deadly  venomous  javelins  shut  out  the  light. 

And  the  thick-shafted  battle  spears  of  the  champions 
were  twisted,  and  the  shafts  were  bent  and  broken  in 
splinters  against  the  battle  shields ;  and  walls  echoed  the 
din  ;  and  coats  of  mail  were  shortened  by  the  frequent  hack- 
ing of  them  ;  and  heroes  were  slashed  through  their  valorous 
chests ;  and  heads  were  cloven  through  helmets ;  and  hair 
was  twisted  by  curved  blades,  and  eyes  were  blinded  by  the 
fierce  red  streams  of  blood  that  fell  thickly  upon  the  ground. 
The  battle  became  at  once  a  series  of  duels  and  strife,  so  that 
far  away  from  the  actors  could  be  heard  the  onset  of  valiant 
soldiers,  the  mighty  efibrts  of  the  champions,  the  onrush 
of  the  crown  princes,  the  thunder  of  the  lords,  the  clamour  of 
the  troops  warding  ofi"  danger,  the  sword  play  of  the  brave 
foot-soldiers  in  all  parts  of  the  field ;  the  spirit  and  eager- 
ness of  the  young  and  tender  warriors  ;  the  ire  of  the  stalwart 
men  as  they  were  being  hacked  ;  the  arrogance  of  the  gentry 
towards  the  plebeians ;  the  loud  voices  of  the  nobles  and 
officers  and  warriors  in  pressing  the  fight,  inciting  the  charge, 
and  urging  the  heroes. 

Now  when  their  battle  supports  reached  the  others  Fergus 

'  The  phrase,  word  for  word,  is  used  by  the  Four  Masters  (F.M.)  1504.     Cf. 
K.  M.  Contrib.  s.v.  cathas. 


310  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

gabh  Fergus  agus  Aongus  agus  Dubthach  ac  tiiargain  a  sgeith 
ar  Oilill  a  aonar,  agus  do  gab  Oilill  ac  tuargain  a  tri  sgiath 
orrason.  Sgibis  Fergus  ar  culaib,  agus  crothais  an  craoisech 
catha,  agus  gonais  Oilill  fochetoir  fo  cumus.  Crait{h)is  Oilill 
an  mandois  moir-lethan  o  h-innsma  go  h-urloinn  gur  gonastar 
Fergus  co  fortamail.  Agus  gonais  Dubthach  agus  Aongus 
Oilill,  agus  gonuis  Oilill  iadsum  co  h-amnas^  gur  bo  cosair  cro 
na  curaidh  6  na  craoisechaib. 

Agus  o  do  cualatar  an  Gamannrad  na  tri  beimenda  bodbha 
sin  ar  aon  sgeith  Oilella  Finn  co  foillsechdha,  do  freagratar 
grinne  fraochdha  forniata  do  Gamannraid  Irruis  fad  .i.  Ghamain 
seng  na  Sidgaile  con  a  da  Gamain  mar  aon  ris.  Agus  tuairged 
a  triar  brathar  do  tri  beimennaib  brath-aidble  a  sgiath  co 
h-ainiarmartach  ar  Fergus.  Fregrais  Fergus  co  fraechda 
fedmannta  sin.  Tangatar  triar  tren-fer  toirtemZa  do'n  Gam- 
annraid cetna  cu  cath,  agus  tucatar  tri  beimenna  aidble  osgarda 
do'n  aird-rig  co  cualatar  na  maithi  uile  lat. 

Cid  tra  acht  ro  b'  adhbar  uathbais  agus  uiregla^  do  lucht 
an  catha  sin  eistecht  re  buaidersaidh  na  m-badb  agus  na 
m-brais  n-en  na  h-ealtan^  agus  na  h-dnlaithi,  agus  re  nuall- 
guba  na  con  agus  na  cuanart  ac  urnuidhi  air  agus  abaige,  re 
selgairecht  na  sideng,  agus  re  h-eiteelaigh  na  h-enlaithi 
a^rda  ac  toirnem  ar  na  trochbuidhnibh.  Ba  h-imda  dm  re 
h-ed  na  n-athgairit  ann  sin  feinnidh  frasgonta,  agus  curaidh 
crechtnaigthe,  agus  laochrad  laim-gerrtha,  agus  triath  ar 
tuisleo^aigh,  agus  taisech  trom-gonta,  agus  mail  ar  mertnige, 
agus  hrngaid  broinn-tesgda,  agus  forb-fir  fiar-gerrtha,  agus 
buidhne  brat-corcra,  agus  cinn  co  comarthac^,  agus  suile  saob- 
cawnn  52.  dalla,  agus  beoil  ar  m-ban-glasac?/t,  agus  suile  saob,  agus  bruinne 
ag  bolgfa?inaig,  agus  cosa  ar  cam-luainn,  agus  troigthi  truaill- 
gerrtha,  gur  bo  torann  toghdha  tuaithbil  tubaistech  triath- 
gonta  troch-digbd,lac^,  agur  gur  hi  cath-buaile  coimnert  cleth- 

^  In  the  modern  language  ealt,  ealta,  is  of  the  n- declension.     Cf.  D.  B.  M'lntyre  : 

'  Bha  eoin  an  t-sleibhe  'n  an  ealtainn  gle  ghloin,' 

2  uirghioll  in  I.G.  and  S.G.  is  'speech,'  'talk,'  'eloquence.'  Alliteration  pro- 
bably decided  the  use  of  the  word  here.  To  the  survivors,  no  doubt,  the  scene  would 
be  the  subject  of  talk  and  comment. 


THE  GLENMASAN  MANUSCRIPT  311 

and  Angus  and  Dubthach  charged  with  their  shields  Oilill 
alone,  and  he  with  his  three  shields  charged  them.  Fergus 
leapt  back,  brandished  his  battle  spear,  and  wounded  Oilill 
below  the  belt.  Oilill  brandished  his  great  broad  spear  from 
shaft  to  point  and  wounded  Fergus  right  valiantly.  Dubthach 
and  Angus  wounded  Oilill,  and  he  in  turn  fiercely  wounded 
them  to  such  purpose  that  the  heroes  were  a  mass  of  gore 
from  the  spear-thrusts. 

When  the  Gamhanraidh  heard  clearly  these  three  terrible 
blows  upon  the  single  shield  of  Oilill  the  Fair,  the  flower  of 
the  fiery  chivalry  of  the  Gamhanraidh  of  Erris  responded, 
viz.  the  slim  Gaman  of  Sidgal  and  his  two  (brother)  Gamans 
along  with  him.  The  three  brothers  delivered  three  tremen- 
dous fateful  but  indecisive  blows  of  their  shields  upon  Fergus, 
which  the  latter  met  with  fury  and  effect.  (Other)  three 
mighty  valiant  men  of  the  same  Gamhanraidh  joined  the 
fight,  and  gave  three  furious  compelling  blows  to  the  high 
king  which  were  heard  by  all  the  chiefs. 

Howbeit  it  was  a  source  of  terror  and  dread  to  those 
engaged  in  that  fight  to  listen  to  the  screaming  of  carrion 
crows  and  birds  of  prey  of  bird-flocks  and  bird-tribe,  the 
howling  of  dogs  and  dog-packs  hungering  for  carnage  and 
entrails,  the  watching  of  wild  birds,  and  fluttering  of  the  birds 
of  the  air  as  they  swooped  down  on  wounded  men.  For  there 
indeed  within  a  short  space  could  be  seen  many  a  warrior 
sorely  wounded,  many  a  champion  mangled,  heroes  with  their 
hands  hacked,  lords  fallen,  chiefs  mortally  wounded,  princes 
outdone,  yeomen  with  bosoms  ripped,  stout  men  hacked, 
troops  with  bloody  mantles,  heads  cut,  eyes  half-blinded, 
lips  locked  and  pale,  eyes  turned,  breasts  panting,  knees 
cross-swaying,  and  feet  chopped.  So  that  after  the  fierce 
encounters  the  field  was  one  continuous  ominous  confused 
tumult  of  wounded  lords  and  churls,  and  one  stout  strong 
firm-armed  phalanx  of  broken  shafts  whittled  swords  and 
cloven  helmets,   and    one    purple   path    of   broken  swords 

^  Cf.  vol.  i.  p.  107,  where  sieng,  S.G.  sitkionn,  means,  as  now,  '  venison.'     Sideng 
here  is  evidently  the  same  word,  but  the  meaning  must  be  '  birds  of  prey.' 


312  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

armach  crann-brisde  colg-shnithe  clogat-gerrtha,  agus  gur  ba 
ceide  corcra  colg-brisde  corp-lmmar  cnes-oslaicte  cubar-bolgach 
cru-linmar  na  faighte  da  n-eis  6  n-imlaidib,  gur  imdaigedar 
na  h-echta,  agus  gur  aimr^idhigedar  an  fhaigthe  re  h-imad  na 
craeisech  agus  na  cloideam  agus  na  cath-sciath  agus  na  coland 
cros-gerrtha  comarthac/t  agus  na  sldod-oclaoch  sinte  sec-marb 
agus  na  miled  mormenmnach  mudhaigte  agus  na  n-gilla 
n-eidechi  n-atbregda ;  gur  cuired  ar  na  Gamhanraide  san 
gleo  sin,  agus  co  n-dorcradur  dronga  di-airmhide  do'n  Dub- 
loinges  .i.  deich  cet  ar  n-a  comairemh. 

Cidh  tra  acht  o  d'  connairc  Fergus  a  muinntir  'g  a 
*  marbadh  agus  'g  a  mughugadh  agus  an  Gamhanrad  ac 
tocht  tairsib,  do  gabustar  ac  tocbail  a  menman  rig-mileta  os 
aird  .i.  ac  telgadh  na  trom-cloideam,  agus  ac  trascradh  na 
trein-fer,  agus  ac  fabhairt  na  foga/  agus  ac  corcvadh  na  crann, 
agus  ac  tregdadh  na  triath,  agus  a  comroinn  na  corp,  agus  ac 
meirrdith  na  m-buidhen,  agus  ac  scoltadh  na  sciath,  agus  ac 
broghadh  na  m-beimenn,  agus  ac  urtogbail  a  ferge ;  oir  mas 
fhir  do  na  sgelaigib  ni  eirged  fercc  Fergusa  no  co  roichedh  a 
f hadhbrann  d'a  fhuil.  Sinis  laim  d'  a  cloideam  .i.  do'n  Calad- 
colg,  agus  ni  fhuair  'n  a  truaill  ider  h-e.  Is  amlaid  amh  tarla 
sin  .i.  aon  do  lo  ro  biii  a  coimriachtain  re  Meidbh  re  taib 
craibe  cuill  a  Cruachain,  agus  fuair  Ailill  iad  amlaid  sin. 
Agus  do  ben  an  Calad-colg  as  a  thruaill,  agus  do  cuir  cloideam 
crainn  co  n-imcoimed  'n  a  inad.^  Agus  6  d'  connairc  Fergus 
an  ni  sin  ba  doich  leiss  gur  mheabhal  do  ronsat  Connachtaich 
air.  Agus  do  fhocair  do  Bricni  imthecht,  agus  a  rd,dha  re 
Cormac  Connloinges  an  cath  d'  facbail,  agus  a  fedfa  d'a 
muinntir  do  breith  leis.  '  Agus  ni  ber-sa  troigh  techid  re 
m'  re  no  re  m'  reimes.'  Rainicc  Bricne  d'  indsaige  Ulad  agus 
ro  raidh  a  theachtairecht  riu.  Rainicc  Cormac  as  an  cath  o 
Column  53.  d'  counairc  nert  na  Gamanraide  ag  tocht  tairsib,  agus  tuc 
sgiath  tar  lorg  ^  d'  a  muinntir. 

^  The  plural  is  frequently  fogada. 

2  Cf.  vol.  i.  p.  228,  where  the  incident  is  related  in  detail. 

'  Lit.,  'shield  over  track,'  the  common  phrase  for  *  covering  a  retreat.' 


THE  GLENMASAN  MANUSCRIPT  313 

and  carcases  wound -gaping  foam-bubbling  all-bloody.  The 
slaughters  were  multiplied  and  the  field  made  impassable  by 
the  number  of  spears  and  swords  and  battle-shields,  the 
hacked  and  mangled  carcases,  the  unwieldy  warriors  stark 
dead,  the  high-spirited  soldiers  destroyed,  and  the  attendants 
as  they  lay  hideous  and  swollen  (?).  Such  was  the  slaughter 
by  the  Gamhanraidh  in  that  fight,  in  which  fell  a  countless 
host  of  the  Dubloinges, — (not  less  than)  a  thousand  in  number. 
Now  when  Fergus  saw  his  people  being  slain  and  de- 
stroyed, and  the  Gamhanraidh  gaining  upon  them,  he  began 
(afresh)  to  show  his  royal  military  spirit, — wielding  the  heavy 
swords,  laying  mighty  men  low,  plying  the  gapped  spears, 
hurling  the  shafts,  piercing  princes,  cutting  bodies  in  two, 
annihilating  troops,  cleaving  shields,  driving  home  his  blows, 
and  rousing  his  wrath;  for  according  to  the  historians 
Fergus's  wrath  did  not  attain  to  its  full  fury  until  he  waded 
ankle  deep  in  blood.  He  stretched  forth  his  hand  for  his 
sword — the  Hard-blade — and  found  it  not  in  its  scabbard. 
And  this  is  how  it  was :  one  day  as  he  was  in  dalliance 
with  Meave  by  a  hazel-tree  in  Cruachan  Ailill  caught  them 
in  the  act.  And  he  removed  the  Hard-blade  from  its  sheath 
and  put  a  wooden  blade  in  its  stead.  When  Fergus  observed 
this,  he  thought  the  Connaught  men  had  done  it  to  insult 
him.  So  he  ordered  Bricne  to  go  and  tell  Cormac  Conloinges 
to  leave  the  fight  with  as  many  of  his  people  as  he  could 
bring  with  him.  '  But  as  for  myself  I  shall  not  retreat  one 
foot  during  my  career  or  my  course.'  Bricne  went  to  the 
Ultonians  and  told  his  message  to  them.  Cormac  then  with- 
drew from  the  battle  when  he  saw  that  the  forces  of  the 
Gamhanraidh  were  so  much  superior,  and  covered  the  retreat 
of  his  men. 


(To  he  continued.) 


VOL.  II. 


314  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

CHILD-SONGS  IN  THE  ISLAND  OF  YOUTH 

Amy  Murray  (New  York) 

'  In  the  Island  of  Youth,  between  Neil  and  Allan,  on  the 
true  edge  of  the  Great  World,'  say  the  songs  they  sing  and 
the  sgeulachdan  they  tell  at  ceilidh  round  the  lire  on  the 
floor.  On  the  map  it  is  Eriskay  ('  Eric's  Ey ' — that  shows 
the  Lochlanners  were  there),  and  you  will  look  south  of  Uist 
and  north  of  Barra  for  it  among  the  Outer  Isles. 

A  half-eyed  man  could  see  how  its  neighbours  got  their 
naming ;  from  whom  but  those  who  lorded  them  before 
the  sheep  crowded  out  the  men — Mac  Niall  and  Ailein  Clan- 
Raonuill  ? — what  better  namesakes  than  their  old-time  chief- 
tains ?  But  no  one  knows  why  Eriskay  is  '  Eilean  na  h-Oige ' ; 
the  very  name  of  the  namer  is  forgot. 

Was  he  not  taibhsear,  I  am  thinking  ?  for  thus  he  might 
have  had  the  sight  of  a  day  when  An  Domhan  M6r  should 
be  so  graceless  in  her  old  age  that  she  would  house  no 
more  the  blessed  things  of  youth — faith,  confidence,  and  joy  ; 
when  they  should  shelter  in  waste  places — cold  mountains, 
lonely  glens,  bare  islands, 

*  Where  few  are  the  sowings  of  seed, 
Where  many  the  sowings  of  storms.' 

Far  ahead  is  the  seeing  of  the  Gael ;  it  might  even  have 
been  that  the  nameless  one  who  named  the  island  had  the 
forward  vision  of  a  pilgrim  who  should  come  from  An  Domhan 
M6r  to  the  edge  of  the  world  before  the  passing  of  Father 
Allan,  to  find  things  dead  to  her  for  many  a  day  were  warm 
and  living  in  the  Island  of  Youth. 

If  one  should  be  told  there  is  neither  a  tree  nor  a  bush  on 
Eriskay ;  if  one  knew  how  the  wind  can  card  the  thin 
pasture  and  the  tattered  barley,  and  pelt  the  thatches  with 
flying  sand  and  spin-drift ;  if  one  were  to  think  upon  the 
sort  of  living  to  be  got  from  rock  and  bog  and  sea,  one  would 


CHILD-SONGS  IN  THE  ISLAND  OF  YOUTH    315 

not  look  there  for  the  *  forgotten  art  of  gayety.'  But  there, 
and  in  the  one  heart  and  mind  with  the  deep  seriousness 
of  a  God-fearing  folk  living  close  to  the  workings  of  the 
elements,  it  may  be  found.  '  God  gives  us  this  because  we 
have  so  little,'  said  an  Eriskay  woman  once  to  me. 

There  is  no  myth  for  which  Father  Allan  had  not  some 
measure  of  tolerance,  but  for  that  of  '  Celtic  gloom  ! '  That 
is  a  fiction  of  the  tourist  and  the  alien — I  may  myself 
have  helped  it  on  a  bit  on  this  side  the  water — for  it  is 
the  weird,  the  sad,  the  unusual  that  first  attracts  the 
collector  of  tunes  ;  and  so  is  he  likely  to  bring  away  with 
him  a  showing  for  one  side  only  of  the  Gael.  But  Father 
Allan  taught  me  that  for  fishing  in  such  waters  as  lie  round 
Eriskay  the  line  alone  is  not  enough — better  to  take  the  net 
— better  yet  to  go  a-trawling. 

Ileal  sorrows  are  plenty  in  the  Outer  Isles,  and  they  have 
their  poignant  utterance ;  there  is  a  quality  of  sadness,  more- 
over, in  many  lovely  Gaelic  airs  which  is  more  elemental 
than  human.  We  read  our  own  vain  longings  and  world- 
weariness  and  regrets  into  them,  even  as  into  the  voices  of 
the  wind  and  the  wave  ;  then  we  say  the  folk-song  of  the  Gael 
is  altogether  sad. 

But  in  truth  it  does  not  hold  itself  too  high  for  any  mood 
of  his,  and  he  has  a  social  soul  and  a  cheery.  Besides  the 
love-songs  and  laments  that  are  his  symbol  to  the  Sasunnach 
across  the  Minch  and  the  Sasunnach  across  the  Atlantic,  he 
has  songs  to  work  to,  and  songs  to  dance  to,  and  songs  to 
raise  a  laugh,  and  the  children  have  their  own  songs  too. 

'  A  songless  web  is  unlucky.'  There  are  fine  slashing 
rhythms  in  Orain  Luathaidh,  the  waulking-songs  ;  fifty  coup- 
lets to  a  song,  and  the  pitch  raised  twice  while  the  cloth  is 
shrinking  and  the  women  swinging  and  pounding.  '  I  do 
wonder  how  they  can  be  making  up  so  many  choruses !  *  a 
girl  once  said  to  me.  There  is  indeed  endless  ingenuity  in 
the  stringing  of  syllables  meaning  nothing  in  particular 
that  answer  to  the  couplets,  and  give  the  solo-singer  breath- 
ing time. 


316  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

For  other  songs  you  go  to  ceilidh,  and  over  the  peats — 
the  fire  on  the  floor  that  burns  the  whole  year  round — you 
will  get  them  till  morning.  You  may  happen  upon  the  first 
hearing  of  an  Oran  na  Feannaig  that  a  man  made  himself 
in  his  boat  last  night ;  a  song  of  an  eight-line  stanza  and  a 
little  line  croaked  out  at  the  end  to  give  the  assonance- 
rime  (you  seldom  get  finals  rimed  in  the  English  fashion) 
for  the  next  verse.  They  are  always  comic,  the  crow-songs, 
and  the  men  are  always  making  them.  There  was  a  man  from 
Uist  ploughing  over  on  the  mainland  who  made  one  on  his 
own  splay  feet ;  he  was  looking  down  on  them  as  he  trod  the 
Lowland  furrows,  and  thinking  they  were  '  wanting  back '  to 
Uist,  and  their  homing  fancy  was  the  burden  of  his  song. 
Another  man  got  the  notion  of  a  song  while  he  was  gathering 
tangles,  and  slipping  in  the  wet  and  cold  on  the  rocks  and 
the  sandbanks.  Another  man  yet  was  ill  and  had  to  lie  abed ; 
the  hens  were  harrowing  his  nerves  by  going  in  and  out 
among  the  dishes  on  the  dresser,  and  he  made  an  Oran  na 
Feannaig  to  console  himself  There  would  not  seem  to  have 
been  much  '  Celtic  gloom '  in  any  of  those  men. 

Sometimes  at  ceilidh  the  stools  will  all  go  back  against  the 
wall,  and  the  couples  stand  up  for  a  reel.  Then  you  will 
hear  a  lively  Port-a-Bial ;  one  of  the  company  will  take  the 
tune,  and  the  rest  will  all  lift  on  it. 

They  are  not  easy  noting,  the  Puirt-a-Bial,  and  not  alone 
by  reason  of  the  pace  and  the  volleying  of  the  words.  But 
they  do  not  quite  '  follow  the  stick.'  To  be  sure,  the  singer's 
boot  comes  down  steadily  enough  on  the  clay  floor,  and  the 
tune  goes  along  at  the  same  gait  apparently.  But  the  two 
do  not  always  quite  keep  step,  and  it  is  a  puzzle  sometimes 
to  know  where  to  put  in  your  bars.  Perhaps  it  would  be 
well  for  folk-song  writing  to  go  back  to  the  old  ways  of  the 
Elizabethans,  as  Herbert  Hughes  is  doing  in  Doire  nan 
Eala — the  long  phrase  with  the  bar  at  the  end  gives  so  much 
better  scope  to  the  natural  inflections  of  the  voice.  It  is 
the  words  that  have  first  place  in  Gaelic  song  throughout, 
and  the  time  and   tune   must   follow   them.     Moreover,  it 


CHILD-SONGS  IN  THE  ISLAND  OF  YOUTH     317 


would  sometimes  appear  that  the  singing  of  them  is  rather 
'  a  way  of  doing  it '  than  consciously  a  way  apart  from 
speech.  That  was  Father  Allan's  idea,  and  together  we  came 
upon  it  and  upon  the  child-songs  in  the  Island  of  Youth. 

I  was  walking  one  day  with  a  grey-eyed  girl  towards 
Coilleag  a'  Fhrionnsa,  where  Prince  Charlie  first  set  foot 
ashore  for  the  '45 — white  sand  underfoot,  grey  rocks  on  the 
one  hand,  blue  water  on  the  other. 

Before  we  reached  the  bay  there  were  rocks  to  be  got  over. 
The  tide  had  left  them  wet  and  ruddy  and  garlanded  in 
strange  ways  with  dripping  sea-grass,  the  '  long-haired  one/ 
with  tawny-edged  *  ruffles '  and  bronze  blob-wrack,  with 
the  dark-coloured  duileasg  they  boil  in  the  black  houses, 
and  with  what  not  else  that  grows  or  harbours  in  such 
places.  Here  and  there  lay  the  great  tangles,  long  as  coach- 
whips,  that  they  burn  on  Uist  for  the  kelp-making.  They 
say  they  are  like  waving  palms  on  the  floor  of  the  sea,  but 
out  of  water  they  always  put  me  in  mind  of  the-one-we- 
won't-mention.  And  let  me  say  to  any  one  who  wonders, 
that  the  tangle  is  blackish,  and  you  can  bend  it  this  way  and 
that ;  it  is  thick  as  your  wrist  at  one  end,  and  there  is  a 
tassel  of  limp  leathery  leaves  at  the  other. 

The  girl  stooped  and  lifted  one.  '  Look  you,'  she  said, 
'  when  we  were  children  my  mother  would  get  these  in  the 
springtime  and  roast  them,  and  we  would  bite  a  piece  out 
here  and  throw  it  in  the  fire.  Then  we  would  rub  them  in  our 
two  hands  and  say  some  rimes,'  and  she  fell  to  rubbing  the 
leaf  between  her  palms  (deiseil,  I  suppose)  and  to  chanting 
thus : — 

LIATHAG— 'TANGLE  RIME' 

In  talking  time,  and  in  a  droning  voice. 


i 


f^^-^^^-^^=^^=^=-=^=^ 


S=^3S=K 


-*" — » 

a        Eir 


:5t- 


Li    -    a  -  thag  bheag   mhin,  Thug     an    t  -  Im 


:r^  J  J   ^-^^^fc^g^^^iN^^ 


Li    -    a  -  thag  bheag    bhan,    Thug     an         cais 


Al  -  ba, 


318 


THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 


^E^ 


— ^- 


Bias 


ghuail 


cuid 


ghobh 


* 


^ 


^3^ 


Bias  na  meal     -     a  air  mo         chuid        fhein. 

Little  smooth  tangle, 

Took  the  butter  from  Erin  ; 

Little  white  tangle, 

Took  the  cheese  from  Alba. 

Taste  of  coal  on  share  of  smith, 

Taste  of  honey  on  my  own  share. 

*  Then  we  would  get  them  to  eat.  But  we  must  always  say 
the  rimes  first,'  she  added. 

When  such  a  thing  as  this  comes  to  one  who  has 
the  Gael's  blood  in  her,  to  one  who  aye  feels  black  houses 
homely  because  her  forebears  came  from  them,  it  is  as  though 
she  climbed  the  thatch  of  such  a  house,  and  looked  down 
through  the  smoke-hole  upon  the  bairn-time  of  her  own  great- 
great-great-great-grandmother  ! 

'  You  must  let  me  have  that ! '  I  said. 

'  I  will,'  said  the  girl.  '  You  '11  get  it  when  Father  Allan 
comes  back.* 

Some  days  later  we  sat  all  three  in  the  little  room  the  girl 
kept  clean  and  cheery  for  Father  Allan.  Many  a  song  she 
gave  me  in  there,  so  that  at  last  she  wondered  herself.  *  I 
didn't  think  I  had  so  many  ! '  she  said.  Against  the  wall 
stood  a  small  harmonium,  of  a  most  grudging  temper.  Many 
a  tune  I  fingered  on  it,  nevertheless,  that  never  had  fingering 
before,  to  the  girl's  delight.  *  Isn't  it  nice  \  I  didn't  think 
it  was  so  nice  ! '  she  would  say. 

Two  windows  looked  over  the  smoking  thatches  down  in 
the  Baile,  and  across  the  loveliest  blues  and  greens  and  heather- 
colours  in  the  whole  world,  to  the  hills  of  Barra,  always 
sending  us  showers  and  mist.^    Father  Allan  sat  by  the  quiet 

'  '  When  Neil  puts  on  his  cap  and  Allan  his  bonnet,  we  will  get  rain,'  they  eay 
in  Eriskay. 


CHILD-SONGS  IN  THE  ISLAND  OF  YOUTH     319 

kindly  fire  of  peats,  and  the  girl,  her  hands  always  at  the 
knitting,  was  singing  strange  airs  that  never  took  the  turn 
you  looked  for.  I  was  putting  them  on  paper,  and  Father 
Allan  was  watching  lest  some  wee  note  should  slip  away. 

The  Tangle-Rime  came  into  my  mind ;  I  asked  for  it, 
and  got  it  just  as  at  Coilleag  a'  Phrionnsa.  Father  Allan 
wrote  the  words  in  his  little  book.  '  Now  I  will  take  down 
the  tune,'  said  I. 

'  But  there  isn't  a  tune  in  it  at  all,'  said  the  girl. 

'  Surely  there  is  ! '  said  I  (and  I  do  not  know  which  of  the 
two  of  us  was  the  more  surprised). 

'  Indeed,  there  isn't  any,'  she  said  earnestly.  '  It  s  just 
nothing  at  all  but  rimes.' 

'  Will  I  play  it  for  you  ? '  I  asked  (for  the  shall  and  will 
of  the  Highlander,  when  he  takes  to  the  English,  are  those 
of  the  Lowlands). 

The  turn  she  gave  to  her  head  said  *  yes '  to  my  question, 
and  '  no '  to  my  thought.  I  began  at  the  pedals,  and  with 
their  usual  ill  grace  the  keys  yielded  up 


g 


^^^^^^^^ 


^=^: 


Eriskay  girls  have  their  own  wild  laugh.  '  Ha-^a !  I- 
hhd  ! ' — and  if  I  never  heard  it  before,  I  heard  it  then. 

'  Do  you  know,'  the  girl  said,  wiping  her  eyes,  *  I  never 
knew  I  was  singin'  it ! ' 

'  It's  only  a  way  of  doing  it'^  to  them,'  said  Father  Allan, 
when  she  had  gone  out  to  look  after  her  bannocks,  '  but  they 
always  do  it  the  same  way.' 

The  instinct  that  leads  them  would  seem  to  be  a  strangely 
blind  one,  or  it  might  be  more  just  to  say  that  they  seem 
strangely  blind  to  it.  For  example,  the  way  they  sing 
'  Mgliri    Bhuidhe,'    a   waulking-song    with   a    triple   chorus. 

^  *Is  there  a  tune  in  it?'  he  asked  a  woman  who  said  she  had  the  'Song  of  the 
Smithy.' 

'  There  "s  a  sort  of  edge  {caoin)  to  it,'  she  answered. 

There  are  fine  Ossianic  lays,  chanted  in  the  bardic  way,  to  be  had  in  the  Outer 
Isles  for  the  asking. 


320 


THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 


The  ways  of  the  notes  in  the  first  and  third  are  not  the  same, 
but  the  two  women  who  were  teaching  me  the  song  could 
see  no  difference  between 


i 


:2: 


i5E4: 


'"S 


Hi 


Mhkiri 


4iz: 


Bhuidhe. 


and — 


i 


y 


But 


Hi    -    ri    -    0,         a  Mhairi         Bhuidhe. 

'  Aren't  they  just  the  same  ivords  ? '  they  asked, 
they  regularly  brought  in  first  one  and  then  the  other. 

'  Aithne  hliadhna  aig  fear  na  h-aon  oidhche,'^  they  say  in 
Eriskay,  and  I  am  not  in  the  pulpit.  But  I  would  counsel 
any  one  coming  after  me  to  think  a  little  upon  the  old  modes 
of  the  plain-song  (taken  as  they  were  from  the  use  of  the 
people  into  the  service  of  the  church),  and  upon  the  old  scale 
with  the  flat  leading-note  as  you  get  it  on  the  chanter,  before 
he  puts  the  Gaelic  tunes  to  paper.  Many  a  tune  will  lose 
its  edge  if  it  is  thrust  into  a  modern  scabbard. 

Here  are  two  bits  of  Hebridean  plain-song.  I  got  the 
tune  of  '  Luchag  is  Cat '  in  Eriskay,  and  the  words  (which 
seem  a  sufficient  variant  upon  those  of  Campbell  of  Islay  to 
be  worth  setting  down)  from  Donald  M'Donald,  piper,  at 
Dalibrog  in  Uist. 

LUCHAG  IS  CAT— 'MOUSE  AND  CAT' 

With  varied  expression. 


^=S 


S: 


1^'      bJ- 


Fal    -    a 

to/ 


than 


I 


9 


*; 


^ 


m 


Fal    -     a    -    bhan        iu 
Thuirt  an  luchag  's  i  's  an  toll 
*  Ach  de  fonn  a  th'  ort  a'  chait  ? ' 
'  Gairdeas,  comunn  is  gaol, 
Faodaidh  thusa  tighinn  a  mach  ! ' 


OS         an        cat. 
Said  the  mouse,  and  he  in  the  hole, 
*  How  is  it  with  you,  0  cat  ? ' 
'  Friendship,  fellowship,  and  love. 
Prithee  come  then  out  of  that ! ' 


^  'A  year's  knowledge  with  the  man  of  the  one  night,'  meaning  that  a  stranger 
often  claims  more  knowledge  than  those  who  have  been  in  a  place  for  a  long  time. 


CHILD-SONGS  IN  THE  ISLAND  OF  YOUTH    321 


•  Mhairbh  thu  mo  phiuthar  an  de, 
Fhuair  mi  f^in  air  eiginn  as  ; 
'S  eolach  mi  air  an  dubhan  chrom 
A  fas  am  bonn  do  chas,  a  chait ! ' 


'  You  killed  my  sister  yesterday, 
Scarce  myself  got  out  of  that ; 
Knowledge  have  I  of  the  crooked  hook 
Growing  on  the  sole  of  your  foot,  0  cat ! ' 


AN  Ctl  BAN— 'THE  WHITE  DOG' 


In  a  swinging  measure, 'and  not  too  fast. 
A  

''.-^ -Ti 1. 


fe:^ 


m. 


:?*=f5 


ii 


=^=S 


^ 


nh—d — -ah 


'Di    an    d6bh     an'     os    an    cu  ban 'Nach  min-ig      a    bha  sinn' 


— R R 1 ST 


:^=P= 


fe^£ 


iitritj: 


-^1— ■ 


=i^ 


OS    an    cu  ban 


Air  ciil  garaidh, 
Os  an  cii  ban. 

Cagnadh  cnamhan, 
Os  an  cu  b^n, 

Di  an  ddbh  an 
Os  an  cii  ban. 


'  Di    an     d(5bh      an '      os     an    cii  ban. 


'  Dee  an  do  an,'  quoth  the  white  dog, 
'  Were  we  not  often,'  said  the  white  dog. 
'  Dee  an  do  an,'  quoth  the  white  dog, 
'  At  the  back  of  a  wall,'  said  the  white  dog. 
'  Cnmching  bones  1 '  quoth  the  white  dog, 
'  Dee  an  d6  an,'  said  the  white  dog. 


The  white  dog  must  growl  now  and  then — '  Dirrrra 
ddbhan,  os  an  cix  ban.'  '  Where  does  this  come  in? '  I  asked. 
'  Och,  just  anywhere  you  hke/  said  the  girl. 

I  fancy  that  a  sort  of  insight  into  the  beginnings  of 
plain-song  might  now  and  then  be  got  through  the  singing 
at  St.  Michael's.  It  is  done  by  a  bunch  of  girls  in  the  loft, 
and  has  a  really  touching  sound  of  youth  and  reverence ;  the 
music,  however,  for  my  first  Sunday  in  Eriskay  had  been 
chosen  by  a  Sasunnach.  There  was  not  much  of  it,  and  even 
had  the  tunes  been  better,  that  would  have  been  just  as  well, 
for  there  was  no  one  there  (nor  anywhere,  I  believe)  who  could 
sing  the  Gaelic  and  the  Latin  as  Father  Allan  could  speak 
them.  When  he  would  lift  his  voice  in  the  prayer  before  the 
Mass, 

'  0  Thighearn  los,  a  Mhic  an  D6  bheb,' 

it  was  as  the  talking  of  the  elements,  and  my  only  wish  was 
to  hear  on  and  on,  and  to  have  no  break. 

But  one  morning,  after  the  women  came  back  from  the 


322  THE  CELTIC  EEVIEW 

fish-curing  in  the  Shetlands,  the  voices  struck  with  deeper 
volume  into  a  fine  archaic  measure  that  made  me  prick  an  ear. 
'  What  was  it  ? '  I  asked  over  the  porridge  afterwards. 
Father  Allan's  face  fell  a  bit.  '  It  is  an  old  "  Cradle-song  of 
the  Blessed  Virgin," '  he  answered,  '  but  they  have  spoiled  it. 
Do  you  hear  how  plain  it  is  ? — but  what  can  I  do  about  it  1 
— each  one  of  them  had  her  own  way  of  the  tune,  and  no 
two  of  them  the  same,  and  how  would  it  do  for  each  one  to 
be  putting  in  her  own  twists  and  turns  ?  So  they  have  had 
to  leave  them  all  out,  and  now  there  is  not  a  woman  on  the 
Island  can  sing  it  in  the  old  way,  so  far  as  I  know.' 

I  suggested  that  the  plain-song  doubtless  had  gone 
through  such  a  stage,  and  that  after  a  season  of  bare  boughs 
the  tune  might — '  Sprout  out  again  ! '  he  exclaimed,  his  face 
brightening. 

Unless  one  sees  the  shape  of  a  tune  the  first  time  through, 
one  may  have  trouble  with  it.  The  second  thoughts  of  a 
man  who  is  giving  one  a  tune  are  not  his  best ;  he  is  sure  to 
leave  out  something,  or  to  take  another  turn,  and  not  to  know 
it.  And  it  is  of  no  manner  of  use  to  tell  him  of  it,  or  to  ask 
a  question. 

'  Instinct  right,  reflection  wrong, 
When  you  get  a  man  to  sing  a  song  ! ' 

— said  Father  Allan  with  a  laugh  one  day.  I  was  always 
listening  when  the  grey-eyed  girl  was  singing  over  her  work, 
and  getting  another  and  another  wee  note  to  enrich  the 
melodies  I  had  already  on  the  paper. 

Again,  the  very  good- will  of  the  singer  may  cheat  you. 
'Is  it  so ? '  you  ask,  doing  your  best  with  a  slippery  phrase. 
'  Och,  yes,'  he  will  say  gently,  thinking  to  himself  the  while 
that  your  way  may  not  be  just  his  own  way,  but  no  doubt  it 
will  be  just  as  good,  whatever.  You  love  him  for  this,  the  sign 
in  him  of  that  old  culture  which  every  one  of  his  race  inherits 
and  hands  down.  But  you  may  lose  the  edge  of  your  tune 
by  it. 

*  It  makes  me  happy  to  give  you  this,'  said  a  cailleach  of 


CHILD-SONGS  IN  THE  ISLAND  OF  YOUTH     323 

nigh  to  fourscore  years  and  ten,  knitting  all  day  long  in  the 
place-that-is-most-honourable  beyond  the  fire.  She  had  not 
a  word  of  English,  and  I  with  my  little  of  the  Gaelic  was 
trying  to  get  words  and  tune  together  of  an  Oran  Luaihaidh 
she  had  (and  that  is  the  only  way  to  do).  She  fairly  shouted 
them  at  me  to  help  my  wits,  standing  up  to  it  at  last ;  she 
clapped  me  on  the  knee  when  I  got  them  ;  we  rocked  together 
in  gales  of  laughter  over  my  mistakes.  Sometimes,  while  I 
was  puzzhng  over  a  phrase  with  my  eyes  in  my  book,  the 
room  would  fill  up  without  a  sound.  I  would  look  up  to  see 
a  ring  of  neighbours  round,  men,  women,  and  children ;  all 
speechless,  and  every  one  with  his  eye  on  me.  After  we  had 
grown  merry  together,  they  would  aU  lift  on  the  tune,  or  join 
in  the  laugh  they  dearly  love — but  I  must  always  be  the  first 
at  that. 

Three  more  child-songs  the  grey-eyed  girl  gave  me,  and 
there  must  be  many  more.  There  is  none  without  its  '  bias 
na  meala'  the  heritage  of  him  who  is  born  to  the  speaking  of 
a  bardic  tongue,  and  there  is  a  good  feeling  for  bird-notes  in 
them. 


ORAN  NA  SME5rAICH— 'THE  MAVIS'  SONG' 

In  a  calling  tone. 


jPH^^ME^-Eg 


^ — ^ 


i^^ 


1^ 


^tnf: 


^z=fc* 


Mhic       ghil  -  le  Mhoire  mhic  !   Mhic      ghil-le    Mhoire  mhic!  Troth'd 


/ 


m- K- 


lizfa^ 


dhachaidh !  Troth'd  dhachaidh !  Gu      d'  dhinneir,     Gu       d'  dhinneir  !    De  'n 


g^=^ 


M-AJg  rs 


^^- 


f 


-i^-i-f- 


>    V   -< 


din-neir?  De 'n     din-neir?        A  -  ran  cru-aidhcuilc,  a  -  ran   coirc  ; 


^^^feg 


^ 


^ 


-■^^ 


f 


A  -  ran  cruaidh  cuilc,  a  -  ran  coirc  ;       Bi     clis  I       Bi    clis  !       Bi     clis  ! 


324 


THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 


'  Son  of  the  servant  of  Mary, 

Son  of  the  servant  of  Mary, 

Come  home,  come  home  ! 

To  dinner,  to  dinner  ! ' 

'  What  dinner  ?    What  dinner  1 ' 

'  Hard  reed-bread,  oat-bread  ; 

Be  quick  !  be  quick  !  be  quick  ! ' 


ORAN  NA  H-UISEIG— 'THE  LARK'S  SONG' 

In  a  scolding  ton*. 


^=^ 


=^ — ^ — K=1SF 


^^^ 


m=± 


5 


Ma 's     e        du  -  ine    beag    thu,        Cuir  -  idh    mi      le    creig  thu, 


i 


t=^ 


^^=^ 


^^=^ 


S 


•I"       ^ 


Ma  's      e        du   -   ine     mdr     thu.       Bo  -  gaidh  mi 's     an      Ion      thu, 
more  gently.  


^^ 


f 


* 


35=^ 


i 


ifi: 


& 


S 


Ma  's    e        du  -  ine    beag    biod  -  ach 


biod  -  ach    bron  -ach  Gu  'n 

ZIZIII         "  __— ="     dim. 


i 


■^ 


w 


e  rail. 
gleidheadh  Di    -    a 


dha  d'athar  's  dha  d'    mha  -  thair    fhein      thu. 


The  lark  is  seeing  boys  coming  to  harry  the  nest — she  sings  : — 

If  you  be  a  little  man, 

I  '11  put  you  over  the  rock  ; 

If  you  be  a  big  man, 

I  '11  dip  you  in  the  dub  ; 

If  you  be  a  poor  little,  wee,  wee  fellow. 

May  God  keep  you  for  your  own  father  and  mother  ! 


PORT  NA  FEANNAIG— 'THE  CROW'S  TUNE' 

Quick  and  lively. 


^^^^■x^. 


^=^ 


t2=^=^ 


m 


p=R 


'  Siigh  cridhe    siigh  coluinn,      Rob  -  ach-an  dubh  ! '  os    an  f  heannag. 


CHILD-SONGS  IN  THE  ISLAND  OF  YOUTH     325 


'  Sugh  cridhe  sugh  column,  Robachan  dubh  ! '  os  an  f  heannag,  os  an  f heannag, 

Sing  through  the  nose. 


^i5=ftr 


3^^^: 


A 


^^^^^^ 


'  Kob-ach    an  dubh '  ['  Dhomhnuill  gur      boidh  -  each  thu ! ']  os    an  f  heannag. 


'  Little  rough  black  one,  essence  of  my  heart  and  body  ! '  said  the  hoodie-crow, 
'Little  rough  black  one  !'  ['Donald,  how  fair  art  thou  ! ']  said  the  hoodie-crow. 

The  crow  is  always  '  Domhnuill/  and  the  reason  is  not  far 
to  seek  (say  it  aloud,  Gael-fashion).  An  Eriskay  mother  trots 
the  two-year-old,  in  his  little  leine-Chriosda^  to  this  tune,  and 
he  keeps  his  laugh  for  '  Domhnuill  gur  boidheach  thu,'  which 
she  always  sings  through  her  nose. 

My  best  tunes  came  from  youngish  singers,  strong  gillean 
and  young  women  who  had  in  mind  their  mothers'  ways,  while 
she  still  had  heart  for  the  high  notes.  When  her  strength 
fails  a  little,  she  '  makes  it  easy  for  herself,'  and  the  daughter 
keeps  the  better  tradition.  I  have  never  heard  much  sound 
of  passion  in  an  Island  treble,  but  rather  the  clear  plaintive- 
ness,  the  almost  sexless  quality,  of  a  young  lad's  voice.  It 
fits  the  music  strangely  well. 

'  She  has  her  own  voice,'  said  a  girl  once  when  we  were 
coming  away  together  from  a  woman  who  had  been  singing 
wonderful  lullabies,  while  she  rocked  her  twelfth  leanahh  in 
her  arms.  The  girl  came  from  Bun-a-Mhuilinn,  where  they 
sing  high  and  shrilly,  and  the  woman's  voice  was  like  a 
wonderful  deep  reed,  that  ran  easily  an  octave  below  my  own 
low  pitch.  It  fascinated  me  ;  so  did  the  mellow  deep-sea  bass 
in  which  a  sailor  sang  for  me  one  night,  in  the  grey-eyed  girl's 
kitchen,  the  strangest  tune  I  ever  heard. 

'  It 's  a  great  deal  of  trouble  I  am  making  you,'  I  said  one 
day  to  the  mother  of  twelve  (and  she  was  a  youngish  woman), 
and  she  answered  with  a  most  beautiful  grave  kindliness,  '  I  'm 

^  Perhaps  leine-chneas,  skm-ahirt.  This  was  also  the  term  applied  to  the  retainers 
who  went  with  a  bride  to  her  new  home  and  settled  there. 


326  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

sure  if  we  have  anything,  we  're  glad  to  give  it  to  you.'  They 
are  willing  enough,  the  dear  people.  But  give  them  a  Httle 
time  to  '  mind '  their  songs,  so  they  may  know  what  they 
know.  '  If  you  would  just  come  down  some  time  when  I  will 
be  mending  my  nets  ! '  said  a  young  fisherman  who  had  given 
me  one  fine  sailor-song,  then  found  himself  aground. 

Some  girls  came  in  one  day  (this  was  on  another  island 
near-by,  and  I  was  just  coming  away)  to  see  the  clarsach.  I 
played  and  sang  a  while,  then  the  good  woman  who  was 
housing  me  said  to  them,  *  Now  you  must  give  Miss  Murray  an 
Oran  Luathaidh.'  But  nothing  came  from  them  but  giggling, 
with  uneasy  looks  from  one  to  another,  until  I  said,  '  Och,  I 
know  how  it  will  be  with  myself.  I  can  never  think  on  a 
song  when  I  want  it.'  '  Yes,  indeed ! '  said  the  oldest  girl 
gratefully,  '  it  will  be  just  that.  We  have  plenty,  and  we 
will  not  be  home  before  we  will  be  thinking  on  them.  But 
we  can't  mind  them  now.' 

'  I  am  sure,'  I  said,  '  if  you  had  just  the  time,  you  would 
give  me  plenty  Orcein  Luathaidh.' 

'  We  will  that ! '  said  she.  '  If  you  would  come  again,  we 
would  be  all  ready  for  you  ;  if  you  would  let  us  know,  so  we 
could  be  thinking  them  over.' 

There  are  plenty  songs  in  the  Outer  Isles,  plenty  of  the 
best  of  good  people  to  sing  them.  I  love  them  for  the  sake  of 
my  own  blood,  and  I  saw  them  for  a  space  through  Father 
Allan's  eyes — he  never  saw  Eriskay  looking  grey  but  once,  he 
told  me.     Grey  and  lonely  it  will  be  now  without  him. 

There  is  a  way  of  saying  among  Highlanders  concerning 
the  things  they  know  past  forgetting ;  it  is  that  they  '  have ' 
them.  So  may  we  say,  we  who  had  the  joy  of  knowing  Father 
Allan,  that  though  he  may  have  gone  away,  we  have  him  still ; 
he  will  stand  to  us  for  all  time  as  the  symbol  of  what  a  friend 
and  a  man  and  a  servant  of  the  Lord  should  be,  and  of  what 
a  chieftain  might  have  been. 

There  was  neither  any  fiery  cross  nor  any  changing  of  old 
ways  in  his  wise  thoughts  for  the  bettering  of  his  people's  for- 
tunes, nor  would  he  see  them  take  the  world  beneath  their  heads. 


CHILD-SONGS  IN  THE  ISLAND  OF  YOUTH     327 

More  pasture  for  the  cow,  more  milk  for  the  children,  more 
bannocks  for  everybody  he  would  have  indeed.  But  he  knew  a 
man  could  live  a  life  complete  on  the  edge  of  the  great  world  as 
well  as  in  the  heart  of  it ;  he  knew  An  Domhan  Mor,  and  what 
a  man  would  stand  to  lose  therein — ways  of  un-worry  and 
of  brotherly  love,  tradition  of  bardic  speech,  trick  of  happiness. 
He  would  rather  see  him  take  his  chance  with  the  sea  and 
the  sand,  and  his  children  herding  barefoot,  than  that  they 
should  crowd  a  back  land  in  a  city  slum — it  were  better  that 
the  grey-eyed  girls  should  be  carding  and  spinning  at  home, 
living  their  mothers'  lives  in  the  black  houses  and  thinking 
the  old  deep  thoughts  of  their  mothers'  mothers,  than  to  be 
gossiping  in  the  servants'  hall  somewhere  on  Morthir.  And 
while  they  waited  for  the  coming  to  their  misty  shores  of 
better  times,  he  would  have  them  sing  and  be  merry ;  the 
faith  for  which  he  stood  had  no  quarrel  with  the  piper  nor  the 
seanachaidh;  the  first  reel  at  the  weddings  was  always  in 
his  own  house.  '  We  know,'  he  said,  '  how  necessary  it  is  for 
our  poor  people  to  be  happy ; '  and  again,  '  you  cannot  get 
nearer  Heaven  than  here.' 

Even  as  he  said  this,  his  destiny  was  cast,  and  he  was  at 
the  yonder  end  of  time.  Only  a  fortnight  more,  and  his 
people  put  him  in  his  grave  down  by  the  Baile.  They  paid 
such  tribute  to  him  as  they  could — they  took  the  clods  up 
with  their  hands,  and  with  their  hands  heaped  them  above 
him.  So  now  will  we  who  are  m  An  Domhan  Mor  be  bring- 
ing what  we  may  to  lay  upon  the  grave  of  Maighstir  Ailein. 
It  would  be  none  the  less  to  him,  this  poor  offering,  for  all 
that  it  came  from  underfoot,  in  his  own  Island  of  Youth. 


BARDACHD  IRTEACH 

[The  poems  and  fragments  here  printed  are  a  collection  of  native  verse 
made  by  the  Reverend  Neil  Mackenzie  in  St.  Kilda.  Mr.  Mackenzie 
was  born  in  Sannox,  Arran,  in  1796,  and  died  in  Glasgow  in  1879.  He 
went  to  St.  Kilda  as  missionary  in  1830,  and  remained  there  iintil  1843. 
Thereafter  he  was  successively  minister  of  Duror,  Kilbrandon  and  Kil- 


328  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

chattan,  and  Kilchrenan  and  Dalavich.  During  his  stay  in  the  island 
Mr.  Mackenzie  taught  the  people  to  read  and  write,  and  the  last  three 
extracts  here  printed  are  in  the  handwriting  of  one  of  his  pupils.  These 
are  printed  literatim — as  the  forms  show  a  few  peculiarities  of  local 
pronunciation.  Mr.  Mackenzie  himself  wrote  in  the  literary  ortho- 
graphy, but  probably  the  influence  of  the  island  dialect  accounts  for  the 
frequent  suppression  of  n  before  c,  g,  t,  and  a  few  uncommon  combina- 
tions. In  a  separate  note  on  the  St.  Kilda  dialect,  Mr.  Mackenzie 
makes  no  mention  of  these,  but  states  that  the  language  of  the  islanders 
is  like  that  of  Harris  '  with  very  little  difference.  This  difference  con- 
sists in  the  idea  which  they  attach  to  a  few  words,  and  the  way  in 
which  they  pronounce  words  in  which  r  rough,  and  d  ox  g  in  some  com- 
binations are  sounded.  The  r  they  uniformly  pronounce  like  I,  as  in 
the  word  ruitli,  "  run,"  which  they  pronounce  hiith.'  The  notes 
attached  to  the  various  pieces  are  also  by  Mr.  Mackenzie.  Quite  apart 
from  any  literary  merit  which  they  may  possess,  these  pieces  are  not 
devoid  of  interest.  With  the  exception  of  the  Christmas  Nuallan  and 
a  religious  poem,  they  are  all  of  one  type,  elegies  for  friends  and  rela- 
tives who  had,  nearly  all  of  them,  perished  by  falling  over  the  rocks. 
It  is  to  be  hoped  that  this  sad  wail  expresses  only  a  phase  of  the  life 
passed  in  the  lonely  island.  The  young  will,  no  doubt,  have  their 
songs,  and  one  would  be  glad  to  get  samples  of  them.  The  thanks 
of  the  editor  are  due  to  the  Eeverend  J.  B.  Mackenzie,  Kenmore, 
for  kindly  sending  his  father's  collection  to  the  Celtic  Review.'] 


NUALLAN  NA  CALLUINN 

Which  v^as  used  in  St.  Kilda  till  1830.  It  was  customary 
for  the  one  half  of  the  houses  to  prepare  for  the  Galluinn, 
year  about  in  rotation,  and  the  other  half  to  go  with  this 
Nuallan  from  house  to  house  of  those  whose  turn  it  was  to 
make  ready.  After  collecting  the  bread,  the  cakes  were  com- 
pared one  with  another.  The  biggest  (bannock)  was  deemed 
to  be  the  best,  as  it  indicated  the  greatest  skill  in  baking, 
and  also  the  liberality  of  the  good  wife  of  the  house.  Some 
of  these  hannochs  or  barley  cakes  were  as  broad  as  the  stone 
of  the  quern,  or  about  the  size  of  a  shield,  and  frequently 
contained  above  seven  pounds  of  meal.  The  cheese  and 
bread  were  then  equally  divided  among  all  the  men,  and 
carried  home  to  be  used  : — 


BARDACHD  lETEACH  329 

*  Thainig  mise  'n  so  d'  ur  n-ionnsaidh, 
A  dh'  urachadh  dhuibh  na  Calluinn  ; 
Cha  ruiginn  leas  sud  innseadh, 
Bha  i  ann  o  linn  mo  sheanar. 
Theid  mi  deiseal  air  an  fhardaich, 
Is  tearnaidh  mi  aig  an  dorus ; 
Gabhaidh  mi  null  mar  is  coir  dhomh, 
Culaibh  comhla  fhir  an  tighe. 
Craicionn  Calluinn  'na  mo  bhaca, 
Is  maith  an  ceol  thig  o'n  fhear  ud  ; 
Cha  'n  'eil  neach  gheibh  (fh)Mleadh 
Nach  bi  gu  br^th  dheth  fallan. 
Gheibh  fear  a(n)  tighe  'n  a  laimh  e, 
Is  sparraidh  e  cheann  anns  an  teallach ; 
Theid  e  deiseal  air  na  paisdean, 
Ach  gu  h-^raidh  gheibh  a  bhean  e. 
Gheibh  a  bhean,  is  i  as  fhiach  e, 
Lamh  riarachaidh  na  Calluinn. 
Leis  an  tart  tha  air  an  duthaich, 
Cha  'n  'eil  dtiil  againn  ri  drama ; 
Rud  beag  de  thoradh  an  t-samhraidh, 
Tha  mi  'n  geall  air  leis  an  aran. 
Is  ma  (tha)  sud  againn  ri  fhaotainn 
Ma  (dh')  fhaodas  sibh,  na  cumaibh  maille  air.' 


By  a  woman  to  her  husband,  who  lost  his  Hfe  by  falling 
over  the  rocks  when  in  search  of  birds  : — 

*  Ach  (a)  Righ,  's  goirt  mo  thuireadh, 
Ged  's  goirt,  's  eigin  domh  fhulang, 

Ged  dh'  fhalbh  mo  chraobh  mhullaich  f^in. 

'  Thug  sud  leagail  air  m'  inntinn, 
'S  chaidh  mo  bheadradh  a  dhith  orm, 
'S  truime  m'  inntinn  na  piob  chaidh  gun  ghleus. 

'  Is  nach  mi  bh'  air  do  chiilaibh, 
An  uair  dh'  f  h^ilig  do  dhuirn  thu, 
Agus  acfhuinn  Ian  Itiis  bhi  'n  ad  dheidh. 

•  'S  mi  chuireadh  ri  t'  f hasdadh, 
No  dhiobradh  mo  phearsa, 

Is  cha  bhitheadh  de6  neirt  agam  fein, 
VOL.  II.  Y 


380  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

*  Na  h-earb  ^  a  gaol  an  f hir-ph6sda  ; 
Ach  dealachadli  cho  6g, 

Kinn  mo  chridhe  leonadh  gu  m'  eug. 

•  Ge  nach  b'  ard  tbu  o'n  talamh, 
Bu  docha  learn  na  fear-baile  thu, 
Ged  bhitheadh  tu  falamh  o  spreidh. 

'  Ge  nach  b'  chraobh  a  bha  ^rd  thu, 
Bu  chraobh  mhaith  a  chum  stk  thu, 
Dh'  aithnichinn  thu  a(n)  g^radh  leat  fein. 

'  Gur  fliuch  cluasag  mo  leapa, 
An  d6idh  mo  chur  's  mi  tigh'n  dachaidh, 
'S  iomadh  te  bha  'n  a  dalta  dhomh  fein.' 


The  following  elegy  was  made  by  a  woman  here  to  her 
husband  and  brother  who  were  lost  together  in  the  rocks. 
Her  name  is  '  Marad  Ni'n  Ruairi  Mhoir '  : — 

'  Bheir  mi  toiseach  mo  thuiridh 
Dha  mo  chuileana  gaolach  ; 
An  dithis  bha  tapaidh, 
'S  a  bha  air  leacaig  'n  an  sineadh. 
Cha  'n  e  clann  rinn  mi  fhagail, 
Ach  fir  dhaicheil  dheas  dhireach ; 
Gu  ma  geal  a  gheibh  'n  anam 
Ann  gleannan  na  saorsa. 
Fhir  nach  (dh')  bhagair  mo  bhualadh, 
'S  nach  chuir  gruaimean  air  m'  inntinn, 
Dh'  aithnichinn  t'  iomram  air  bata 
Tigh  'n  far  thonnan  a  chaolais. 
'G  a  iomradh  's  'ga  eigheach, 
'S  tu  bu  bhinn  learn  bhi  'g  eisdeachd ;  ^ 
'S  mor  bha  theist  aig  an  tuath  ort, 
'S  bu  tu  ruagair'  nan  caorach. 
Dh'  aithnichinn  bris-cheum  do  choise, 
'S  bu  leat  an  toiseach  a  dheanamh ; 
Gun  luadh  air  m'  oganach  tapaidh 
B'  e'fath  nan  creach  thu  bhi  dhith. 
Chain  do  mhathair  a  fradharc, 
'S  chaidh  a  roghainn  a  dhith  orra ; 
Chuir  thu  moille  air  a  h-astar 
'S  cha  dirich  cas-bheinn  an  fhraoich  1.' 
1  or  or  eld.  ^  or  cluinntinn. 


BARDACHD  IRTEACH  331 


The  following  poem  was  made  by  the  widow  of  a  man 
called  Somerled  (Somhairle)  after  his  death,  which  took  place 
one  evening  as  he  and  his  daughter  intended  to  watch  the 
Lamhaidh.  As  they  passed  a  ledge,  a  wave  swept  them  both 
into  the  deep  : — 

(a  fragment) 

'  S  goirt  a  dh'  f  hairicli  mi  bhliadhna, 
'S  cha  b'  e  biadh  a  bha  'n  aire  orm ; 
Cha  b'  e  crodh  air  na  bl^raibh, 
Ged  a  dhrabhadh  iad  seachad. 
Ach  mi  bhi  'g  amharc,  's  gur  cruaidh, 
Far  na  sguabadh  a  mach  sibh ; 
Ach  gur  muladach  tha  mi 
Ann  am  aros,  's  tha  sac  orm. 
'S  gu  bheil  mise  fo  mhi-ghean, 
'S  mi  direadh  na  cas-bheinn.' 


The  following  elegy  was  made  by  the  same  woman  on  the 
death  of  her  second  husband,  who  was  drowned  in  the  loch 
when  attempting  to  land  with  a  swell  on  the  shore  : — 

'  'S  trie  mi  'g  amharc  gach  \k, 
A  ruin,  an  roilig  do  bhais 
'S  ann  a  muigh  air  an  trkigh  chaidh  cunnart  oirbh. 

*  Thu  bhi  muigh  gu  fliuch  fuar 
Ann  an  iomall  a'  chuain 

'S  gu  'n  ann  a  t'  fhardaich,  a  luaidh,  an  fuireachd  ort. 

*  Do  chlann  bheag  air  mo  sgath, 
'S  nach  urr'  iad  do  st^, 

Bhi  'g  an  iomain  gu  c^ch,  gur  duilich  leam. 

*  Co  sheall  anns  a'  ghrein, 
No  cheangail  oirre  breid, 

Nach  bitheadh  mo  sgeula  duilich  leathal 

*  Bhi  faicinn  an  t-sliochd, 
Rinn  i  arach  fo  crios, 

Aig  t^  eile  gun  mhios,  gur  duilich  leatha. 


332  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

*  Lamh  deanaimh  an  st^, 
Thoirt  an  f  hraoich  chum  an  lair, 

Cha  bhiodh  tu  a  d'  th^mh,  's  cha  b'  fhurasd'  leat. 

*  Lamh  deanaimh  nan  cruach, 
'S  a  cheangal  nan  sguab, 

'S  tu  nach  leigeadh  orm  cruas,  's  bu  duilich  leat. 

'  Ormsa  thainig  a'  chlaoidh, 
S  cha  b'  e  roinn  chur  a  m'  mhaoin, 
So  tha  mise  'g  a  caoidh,  gu  muladach.' 


This  was   composed    by    ...    on    the    death    of  her 
daughter : — 

'  Cha  'n  e  uisge  nan  gleannta 
Dh'  f  hag  mo  cheann-sa  cho  tinn ; 
Ach  na  thriall  uam  dhachaidh 
Air  an  astar  nach  till. 

*  Cha  'n  ann  chionn  mi  'g  a  radh, 
Tha  meur  an  t-snath  orm  a  dhith  ; 
Cha  deach  cist'  ort  no  anart, 
Ach  filleadh  tana  gun  dion. 

'  Ged  bhiodh  fuachd  ann  is  frasan, 
Cha  ruig  thu  fasgadh  mo  thaoibh  ; 
Seachd  beannach(d)  do  mhkthar 
'G  ad  chumail  samhach,  a  laoigh. 

'  Ach  a  Thi  na  leig  uait  mi 
Ged  sguabadh  tu  mi.' 


The  ensuing  elegy  was  composed  by  Mairi  Ni'n  Shom- 
hairle  to  a  man  who  went  out  to  waylay  the  Lamhaidh,  and 
was  precipitated  into  the  sea  and  drowned  : — 

*  'S  trie  mi  'g  amharc,  's  gur  cruaidh  leam, 
Far  na  sguabadh  a  mach  thu ; 
Far  na  choinnich  an  t-aog  thu, 
'S  nach  do  f  haod  thu  tigh  'n  dhachaidh. 


BAKDACHD  lETEACH  333 

'  Chaidh  mi  'n  iomall  nan  c^irdean, 
'S  tha  mis'  an  drast  gun  chul-taice ; 
'S  gur  mairg  ni  bun  as  an  t-saoghal, 
Ged  chinneadh  caoirich  is  mairt  leis. 

•  B'  fhearr  bhi  trie  air  na  gluinibh 
Gul  an  urnuigh  bheir  ceart  leis, 
Na  bhi  le  ^  moit  no  le  ^  ardan, 
Chuir  Dia  mu  lar  e  's  bu  eheart  sin. 

'  Fhuair  mi  roimhe('n)tus  m'  6ig'  e 
'M  fleasgach  ...  a  bha  tapaidh ; 
Is  o  nach  b'  airidh  mi  fein  air, 
Thug  Mac  Dhe  uam  e  dachaidh.' 


8 

The  following  verses  were  made  by  a  man  here  to  his 
wife  who  lost  her  life  in  Congar.  Her  husband,  having  laid 
snares  iox  fulma/r^  went  away  with  the  boat  to  Boreray.  On 
their  return  they  saw  an  object  on  the  sea,  below  where  he 
laid  the  snares,  which  they  took  to  be  a  drowned  sheep,  and 
which  they  passed  as  the  swell  would  not  permit  them  easily 
to  go  where  it  was.  When  they  were  approaching  the  shore 
he  was  singing  a  song  which  he  composed  on  the  death  of  a 
son  who  lost  his  life  by  falling  off  a  horse  which  was  frightened 
by  foolish  boys.  The  name  he  gave  to  the  verses  he  called 
*  lorram  na  Truaighe.'  His  brother,  observing  that  his  wife 
was  not  down  with  the  other  wives  as  she  was  wont  to  be, 
said  to  him,  '  I  am  afraid  that  you  never  had  reason  to  sing 
lorram  na  Truaighe  till  now.'  The  suspicion  was  too  true. 
The  object  they  took  to  be  a  sheep  was  his  own  wife  : — 

*  'N  uair  dh'  f  halbh  uait  an  todha, 

'S  nach  robh  mo  lo(mha)in  ri  feum  dhuit. 

Chain  mi  iuchair  mo  dhoruis, 

Is  pairt  dh'  onoir  mo  cheud  ghraidh  ; 

Chain  mi  'n  stiuir  bha  air  m'  f  har(d)aich, 

Is  cuid  am  b^ta  an  aite  eigheach ; 

Chain  mi  ceareall-^arraich  mo  thighe, 

Is  m'  aighear  gu  leir  leat. 
__ 


334  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

'N  uair  thilleas  mi  dachaidh 
O  thional  eunlaith  is  uibhean ; 
Gun  tein'  gun  16n  air  mo  chionn, 
'N  uair  thig  mi  d  eilean  ; 
Cha  choinnich  (thu)  air  traigh  mi, 
Is  bidh  mo  chridhe  bristeadh 
A'  faicinn  mo  phaisdean.* 


These  verses  were  composed  on  the  following  occasion. 
A  man  and  his  son  went  to  the  Dun  in  spring  to  waylay  the 
Lamhaidh.  The  son  was  below  in  the  rock  and  the  father  on 
the  end  of  the  rope  above.  Being  encumbered  by  the  rope 
he  put  it  off.  These  birds  come  in  a  body.  In  his  eager- 
ness to  catch  one  going  away  he  overbalanced  himself  and  fell 
into  the  sea.  His  poor  father  saw  him  struggUng  with  the 
billows  till  his  strength  failed,  when  he  sank  to  rise  no  more. 
His  mother  made  the  poem  : — 

'  'S  mi  gun  suigeart  's  mi  gun  s61as, 
'S  mo  leanabh  uam  feadh  na  f61aibh  ;  ^ 
Ach  tha  mo  dhuil  a(n)  Righ  an  domhain, 
Gun  ghlac  do  Mhaighstir  c6ir  ort, 
Mur  do  phill  do  pheacadh  m6r  thu. 
Mo  cheist !  a  ghruaidh  a  bha  boidheach 
Gus  na  rinn  an  t-aog  do  leonadh. 
Dh'  f  hag  thu  t'  athair  dubhach  bronach, 
Cha  dirich  cas-bheinn  an  fheoir  e; 
Ach  ged  's  mise  dh'  araich  og  thu, 
Si  tha  truagh  dheth  do  bhean  phosda. 
Dh'  aithnichinn  t'  f  heannag,^  's  cha  bhiodh  sg6d  oirr'.' 

10 

The  following  lines  were  composed  by  Anna  nighean 
Fhionnlaidh  mhic  Dhomhnaill,  to  the  memory  of  her  brother 
and  sister  who  died  within  a  short  time  of  one  another  : — 

'  'S  gur  mise  tha  gu  dubhach 
O  shiubhail  an  t-aon  la ; 
O  chain  mi  mo  phiuthar 
A  bha  gu  subhach  's  gu  faoilidh  ; 

*  tonnan.  ^  A.''  lazy-bed '  of  potatoes. 


BARDACHD  IRTEACH  335 

Bha  gu  maiseach  ciatach, 

Bha  gu  fialaidh  ro'  dhaoine. 

Cha  leig  mis'  thu  air  di-chuimhn' 

Ged  liathainn  san  t-saoghal. 

O  dh'  f  halbh  a  d'  mhnaoi  oig  thu, 

'S  e  mo  bhron-sa  mar  thachair, 

*S  cha'n  'eil  de6  ann  am  sheorsa  (?) 

Mar  tha  smuaintean  a'  hhkis, 

H-uile  1^  tigh'n  a  steach  orm. 

Chaidh  mi  'n  iomall  nan  c^irdean, 

O  1^  chkradh  an  leac  ort. 

Chi  thu,  'Eigh,  mar  tha  mise, 

'S  mi  'g  am  chlisgeadh  's  'g  am  chiuradh  ; 

Mar  tha  mi  'g  ionndrainn  na  gibht  ud 

Tha  fo'n  lie  air  a  dunadh. 

Chaidh  mi  'n  iomall  nan  cairdean, 

Mar  tha  'm  bas  air  mo  spuilleadh ; 

'S  trie  'n  am  chridhe-sa  s^thadh, 

'S  e  mo  bhrathair-sa  b'  f  hiu  sud. 

Bu  tu  sguid-f  hear  na  guaille. 

An  am  gluasad  a'  bhata, 

Le  ar  ruigheaehd  a'  chruaidheachd, 

Bhiodh  tu  shuas  air  ramh-br^ghad ; 

'S  gu'm  (bu)  bhinn  thu  gu  eigheach, 

An  km  ^irigh  na  b^irlinn. 

Bha  thu  foinnidh,  deas,  treubhach, 

Gur  mairg  ceil'  rinn  thu  f  hagail. 

Gnuis  an  ^igh,  eha  bu  bheag  orm 

Thu  thigh'n  thugam  air  eheilidh  ; 

Mar  bu  mhiannaeh  leam  taehairt, 

Thu  thigh'n  dachaidh  la  faille. 

Bu  tu  an  solu(s)  ro'  d'  chairdean, 

'S  mor  a'  bhearn  thu  'g  an  treigsinn, 

Och  is  Och !  mar  a  tha  mi 

'S  mi  'g  'ur  n-^ireamh  le  ch^ile.' 


11 

rinneadh  am  marbh-rann  so  leanas  le  bean 
Araidh  air  bas  a  fir 

•  Gur  mis'  tha  f  o  ghruaim ; 
'S  trie  snidh'  air  mo  ghruaidh ; 
Cha  chaidil  mi  uair  gun  dtisgadh. 


336  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

*  Lamh  a  dheanadh  an  sta, 

Bu  mhaith  t'  f  heum  anns  gach  ait, 
Cha  bu  lapach  an  d^il  na  tuirn  thu. 

*  Mi  ri  amharc  leam''fh6in, 
Do  chuid  uidheam  ri  st^il, 

Lamh  deanaimh  an  fheum  gun  dtiil  ris. 

'  'S  an  tulach  ud  shuas, 
Chuir  mi  m'  aighear  's  mo  luaidh, 
Fo  lie  dhainginn  nach  gluais  's  nach  tionndaidh. 

'  Ciste  chaol  an  da  thaoibh, 
Chuir  mi  lasaich  '  chuim, 
Nach  fidir  thu  caoidh  no  ionndrainn. 

*  Mo  thruaighe  mi  f  ein  ! 

Gun  fhear-tighe  'n  ad  dheidh, 
Gur  dubhach  tha  ceis  do  ghiulain. 

'  Gu'n  dhubh  sud  mo  ghruaidh, 
'S  cha  till  thu  a  d'  shnuadh, 
Chaoimh-fhir  a  bha  suairc  a  d'  ghiiilan. 

'  Ach  a  Thi  as  mor  gloir, 
Neartaich  fein  a  shliochd  6g, 
Tha  gun  taice  gun  sgdrradh  cuil. 

*  'S  trie  mi  smuaineach  leam  f  hein 
Air  grad  theachd  mhic  Dhe, 

'S  a  ghiorrad  gus  ('n)  eigin  cunntas.' 

12 

*  Bha  sgeula  air  f  hoillseachadh 
Air  machaire  nan  coilltichibh  ; 
Is  buachaillean  na  h-oidhche, 
Ghabh  oillt  is  crith. 

*  Na  gabhaibh  sg^th  deth, 
'S  e  thubhairt  na  h-aingle, 
Tha  slaint'  air  foillseachadh 
Bha  seinn  a  gloir  ann. 

*  Is  rugadh  an  trath-sa  dhuibh, 
Ann  am  baile  Dhaibhidh, 
An  Slanuighear  grasmhor, 

'S  an  stabull  neo-dh6igh(eil). 

^  lasgaidh. 


BARDACHD  IRTEACH  337 

'  Gu  ceartas  a  dhioladh, 
'S  gu  saoradh  o  phiantaibh, 
'S  an  lagh  a  choimhlionadh, 
A  bha  dian  air  an  t6ir. 

'  Bha  thrusgan  cho  suarach, 
'S  e  paisgte  ma  chuairt  da, 
'S  cha  sheomar  duin'  uasail 
A  fhuair  e  gu  c6mhnuidh. 

'  Bha  reul  na  h-oidhche 
Mar  chomharra  cinnteach, 
'S  i  falbh  air  loine, 
Eoimh  Dhruidhean  an  d6chais. 

'  Cha  luaithe  chaidh  innseadh 
'Luchd-aitich  na  tire, 
Bha('n)  cridhe  fo  mhi-ghleus, 
'S  a(n)  Righ  gun  bhi  D6igheil. 

'  Thainig  guth  anns  an  oidhche 
Gu  Joseph  "  Gabh  greim  air. 
Is  falbh  leis  an  naoidhean. 
Is  naimhdeas  cho  mor  da." 

'  Bha  sgeul  ud  cho  priseil, 
Cha  d'  fhan  e  san  tir-sa  ; 
Tha  e  'g  iraeachd  's  na  Innsibh, 
'S  h-uile  mir  do'n  Roinn-E6rpa. 

*  Is  thainig  i  ('n)  tubh-sa, 
Cha  d'  f  hagadh  air  chiil  e ; 
Tha  slainte  ri  fhaotainn 
Do  aois  is  do  dh'  6ige. 

'  Tha  ('n)  sgeul  ud  air  innseadh 
An  Sgriobtur  na  firinn, 
Ma  bheirear  a  ris  sinn 
Gur  e  Criosd  t'  fhear-p6sda. 

'  Cha  dean  beatha  no  bas, 
No  nithe  tha  14thair, 
Air  sgaradh  gu  br^th 
O  Ard-righ  na  gl6ire. 

'  Cha'n  fhaca  's  cha  chuala, 
Cha'n  urrainn  neach  luadh  air, 
Sonas  tha  shuas  ann, 
Do'n  t-sluagh  a  gheibh  c6ir  air. 


338  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

'  Cha  chuala  mi  riamh  e, 
Aithris  air  trian  deth ; 
Tha  sonas  neo-chriochnaicht'  ann 
Gu  sior(ruidh)  cha  traogh  air.' 

The  above  was  composed  by  Finlay  Macqueen,  younger, 
in  1842. 

13 

The  following  verses  were  composed  by  Neil  Ferguson, 
1841  :— 

AIR  FONN 

'  Ochoin  a  Thi  nach  foir  thu  mi 
0  'm  smuaintean  gu  faireachadh, 
Mu('n)  tig  a(n)  t-am  a  theid  mi  dhith 
'S  nach  bi  ann  tim  gu  aithreachas.' 

14 

An  elegy  on  the  death  of  Neil  Macdonald,  who  lost  his 
life  by  falling  over  a  rock  when  killing  the  fulmar,  by  a 
female  relation  of  his  own. 

'  'S  ann  Di-h-aoine  roimh  'n  Domhnach, 
Fhuair  sinn  sgeula  gun  s61as 
Bhi  caoidh  a  f  hir  orduidh  (1), 
Thug  deoir  air  mo  ghruaidh. 

*  'S  truagh  nach  mi  bh'  air  ceann  t'  acair 

'N  uair  chaidh  thu  as  t'  f  hacail  (f  haicill  ?) ; 
Dheanainn  dichioll  (air)  t'  f  hasdadh, 
6u  do  sheachnadh  o'n  uair. 

'  Tha  do  phaisdean  gun  taice, 
A  chuid  tha  l^idir  is  lag  dhuibh, 
Ma  chas  deanamh  an  tapaidh, 
'S  nach  bu  lapach  sa'  ruagadh. 

'  Tha  do  bhean  air  a  ciurradh, 
0  beulaobh  's  o  culaobh, 
'S  i  bhi  caoidh  a  fir  ducaich  (?), 
Dh'  f  halbh  a  cuid  as  gach  uair. 

•  Mo  cheist,  colann  na  ceille, 

'S  e  do  bheul  nach  robh  breugach, 
O  !  's  tu  nach  labhradh  na  breugan, 
'S  tu  nach  labhradh  a'  cheilg. 


BAHDACHD  lETEACH  339 

*  (Ach  go  ro-bheusach  suairce) 
Brathair  mo  mh^thar, 
A  ghortaich  's  a  chraidh  mi, 
Bidh  a  m'  f  haire  gu  brath  thu, 
Gus  a(n)  cairear  mi 's  uaigh.' 

15 

[These  verses,  with  one  or   two  more   quatrains,  are  printed   in 


Gael,  V.  p.  54.] 


*  Bliadhn'  an  t-samhraidh-sa  'n  uiridh, 
Rinn  na  h-uibhean  mo  leireadh ; 

Gur  ann  thall  ann  an  Soadb,  dh'  f  hag 
Mi  'n  t-6g  nach  robh  leumach. 

*  Is  tu  nach  falbhadh  le  m'  f  hacal, 
Is  tu  nach  innseadh  na  breugan ; 
Gur  diombach  do'n  eug  (mi) 
Cha'n  f hear  gaoil  domh  fein  e. 

'  'N  uair  thug  e  nam  lomhar, 
Fath  mo  mhisnich  gu  l^ir  e ; 
Bidh  mo  chuid  de  na  h-uibhean 
Aig  a'  mhuinntir  as  treine. 

*  Bidh  mo  chuid  de  na  h-ianaibh, 
Anns  na  nialaibh  ag  eigheach  ; 
Thu  bhi  muigh  sa'  gheodh'  chuinge, 
'S  gur  cianail  dubhach  ad  dheidh  mi. 

*  Bha  do  bhuiir  air  a  chloich  ud, 
'S  bha  do  lot  an  deigh  leum  air ; 
Thu  bhi  muigh  air  na  stuadhan, 
'S  muir  'g  ad  f  huasgladh  o  cheile. 

'  'N  uair  thainig  do  phiuthar 
Cha  robh  sin  subhach  le  c6ile  ; 
Gha  tig  thu  gu  d'  mhathair 
Gus  ckradh  do  l^ine. 

*  Ach  seach(d)  beannachd  do  mhathar 
'G  ad  chumail  samhach  ri  cheile.' 

THE   SAME 

*  'S  gur  ann  san  t-samhradh  a  shiubhail 
Rinn  na  h-uibhean  mo  leir-chreach, 
'N  uair  a  thugadh  nam  lomhar, 
Fath  mo  mhisnich  gu  16ir  e. 


340  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

*S  gur  ann  thall  ann  an  Soadh 

Dh'  fhag  mi('n)t-6g  nach  robh  leumach  ; 

Is  tu  nach  falbhadh  le  m'  fhacal 

'S  nach  innseadh  na  breugan. 

'  Thu  bhi  muigh  sa'  gheodh  chumhainn, 
Gur  cianail  dubhach  ad  dh^idh  mi ; 
'S  thu  bhi  muigh  feadh  nan  stuadhan, 
'S  am  muir  'g  ad  fhuasgladh  o  ch^ile. 

*  Ach  seach(d)  beannachd  do  mhathar, 
'G  ad  chumail  samhach  ri  ch^ile ; 
Gu  robh  fhuil  air  a  chloich  ud, 

'S  lotan  an  deidh  leum  air. 

'  'S  gur  diombach  de  'n  eug  mi ; 
Cha  chaomhail  leam  fein  e ; 
Nach  leig  thu  gu  d'  mhathair, 
Gu  i  ch^radh  do  leine. 

*  Bidh  mo  chuid  de  na  h-eunaibh 
Anns  na  neulaibh  ag  eigheach ; 
Is  mo  chuid  de  na  h-uibhean 
Aig  a'  bhuidhinn  as  tr6ine.' 

16 

Composed  by  Christian  Gillies  on  the  death  of  Mr. 
M'Leod,  missionary,  St.  Kilda,  the  grandfather  of  the  present 
proprietor  : — 

*  'S  mor  a(m)  briseadh  a  dh'  eirich, 
Dh'  fhairich  sinne  gu  leir  e, 
Ceann  ar  Creidimh  air  eugadh, 

'S  nach  'eil  sl^n  e. 

*  'N  ^m  bhi  dunadh  do  chiste, 
'S  a  bhi  togail  do  lice, 

Bha  na  fir  air  droch  mhisnich, 
Bhi  'g  ad  fhigail. 

*  Is  ann  bhiodh  thu  s(a')  chlosaid, 
A'  leughadh  'n  ad  aonar ; 

Thug  thu  t'  uidh  i  d'  Ti  mhor  ud, 
B'  e  ro  fhearr  leat. 

*  'N  uair  thigeamaid  dhachaidh, 

'M  beul  na  h-oidhche  's  sinn  acrach, 
Bheireadh  tu  nasgaidh 

An  gr^ine  dhuinn.  * 

*  for  aigne. 


BAEDACHD  IRTEACH  341 

•  B'  e  sud  ceann  a(n)  fheumaich, 
'S  nan  diolacha  d6irce ; 

'S  trie  fhreasdail  thu  fein  e, 
'S  gun  e  t'  airidh. 

'  Sud  m'  athchuing'  air  Criosd 
Do  chlann  dhol  air  eiridh  (?), 
'S  gu'n  dean  iad  toilinntinn 
Do  do  ghr^dhaig.' 

17 

The  following  fragment  was  composed  by  a  female  called 
Cathrin  Og  (elsewhere  said  to  be  the  woman  who  composed 
the  verses  on  Mr.  M'Leod),  about  sixty  years  ago : — 

'  Is  olc  leam  mar  thachair, 
Ceile  mo  leapa 
Air  a  ghlasadh  gun  airidh  {V). 

'  Their  gach  te  rium  ni  mo  ruigheachd 
Gur  ro-righinn  leam  fein  t'  eirigh ; 
Cha  dh'  fheithe  fhada  is  tha  mi, 
Am  luidhe  a  taobh  a  tighe  gun  eirigh. 

*  Cha  dean  leighean  sl^n  mi, 

Ged  do  bhiodh  lamh  rium  na  ceudan  : 
'S  ann  tha  mo  dhuil  a  dhol  dachaidh, 
Gu  meach'nais  a(n)  De  mhoir. 

'  'S  gur  truagh  nach  taitneadh  mo  bheus  riut, 
Cha  dh'  theid  a  fhalach  an  cuil  mi. 
Is  mo  dhroch  chuis  dhomh  'g  a  steidheadh.' 

[The  following  fragments  are  in  plain  handwriting  (not  Mr. 
Mackenzie's)  and  are  given  literatim.'] 

18 

Rinneadh  a  Marbh-ran  so  le  boireanach  araidh  a  bha  san 
ait,  da  m-aimn  Anna  Nighinn  Mhoil  Domhnaich  da  brathar 
is  da  dithis  mhac  : — 

1.  *  Bithidh  mo  bhrathar  air  thus 

Gu  bu  chomain  sud  dhuin 
Gu  bu  shilteachd  do  shuil  mam  chradh. 

2.  '  D'  e  cha  deach  mi  steachd 

Sann  a  ghaoil  na  do  theach 
0  la  thugadh  tu  mach  as  marbh. 


342  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

3.  *  Mi  mam  Dhomhul  ur  og. 

Bheathaich  mi  thu  gle  og 
Gur  e  Ruaire  thug  bron  seach  each.' 

19 

5.  •  Gut  a  mise  tha  air  mo  chlisgeadh 

Smi  ri  leughadh  do  litreach 

Gad  a  ghleidh  mi  mo  ghibhtean 

Fhuair  mi  fios  air  a  bhron. 

6.  '  Tha  mo  cheist  an  tog  speiseil 

Gha  do  rinn  thu  riamh  eucoir 
Bu  tu  beannachd  na  feumach 
A  reir  sna  bha  d'  bhoca. 

7.  '  Tha  mo  cheist  an  tog  fearlail 

Stric  a  fhuair  mi  cheanal 

Agus  seudan  gun  da  cheanach 

On  fhear  tha  Shiol  Leoid. 

8.  '  Co  bhean  no  co  mhathair 

Rinn  gillean  riamh  arach 
Nach  creid  mar  a  tha  mi 
Smi  air  fagail  mo  dheo.' 

20 

Rinneadh  a  marbh-rann  so  leis  a   bhoireanach  cheudna 
dan  aon  fhear  : —  ^ 

1.  '  Tha  mo  cheist  a  Leodach 

Ga  math  gha  tig  a  cota 
Na  fhuair  mi  gha  do  sholos 
Na  aobhar  broin  domh  tras. 

2.  *  Lamh  gheal  bu  mhaith  gu  sgriobha 

Gu  m-aluin  as  a  rile  thu 
Nam  tarruing  dhuit  na  file 
Co  t-aon  neach  bheireadh  barr  ort. 

3.  '  Gur  mise  mhathair  mhuladach 

Comhnuidh  ris  an  turaman 
Smuaineachadh  air  m  uireasaibh 
Thuit  buileach  orm  a  garadh. 

4.  '  Cha  gharadh  a  rinn  clachairean 

Dh'  aireamh  mi  san  f  hacal  ud 
Ach  aileachd  na  fear  mhaiseach 
Chuir  mi  tasgaidh  uam  a  caradh.' 


THE  EUSKINS  343 

THE  RUSKINS 

Alexander  Carmichael 

The  land  of  Lome  is  one  of  the  most  diversified  districts  in 
Scotland,  and  one  of  the  most  picturesque  and  interesting.  It 
is  striking  and  panoramic,  full  of  hills  and  dales,  lakes  and 
rivers,  plains  and  mountains,  long  attenuated  peninsulas  and 
long  convolving  arms  of  the  sea,  v^inding  from  ten  to  forty- 
miles  among  the  straths  and  mountains,  while  the  old  keeps 
and  castles,  the  old  churches  and  temples,  and  the  old 
sculptured  stones  and  crosses  are  of  surpassing  interest. 

But  it  is  with  a  small  section  of  the  land  of  Lome  that  I 
have  to  do  here,  with  the  part  called  Muckairn.  Muckairn 
lies  along  the  shore  of  Loch  Etive,  and  is  a  long,  wide  district 
rich  in  agricultural  and  pastoral  land.  It  is  rich  also  in  story 
and  tradition.  Place-names  in  Muckairn  and  the  adjoining 
parishes  commemorate  Deirdire  and  the  Sons  of  Uisne,  who 
found  rest  in  their  flight  by  the  beautiful  shores  of  Loch 
Etive.  The  extensive  and  varied  district  of  Muckairn  was 
thickly  peopled,  from  the  River  Awe  at  the  base  of  Cruachan 
to  the  River  Lusragan  beyond  the  foot  of  Di-choimhead,  and 
from  the  edge  of  Loch  Etive  to  the  mountain-chain  several 
miles  inland.  And  probably  a  more  robust  race  of  powerful 
men  and  handsome  women  than  these  people  of  Muckairn 
could  not  be  found  within  the  British  Isles.  They  were 
chiefly  Macdougalls,  MacCallums,  and  MacCalmans,  the  latter 
predominating. 

Glenlonain,  '  the  glen  of  the  marshy  river,'  is  a  few  miles 
inland,  and  runs  nearly  parallel  with  Loch  Etive  for  several 
miles  of  its  length.  It  is  a  beautiful  glen,  with  a  long 
range  of  high  hills  on  the  landward  side  and  a  long  ridge 
of  high  land  on  the  seaward  side.  A  striking,  grand,  and 
picturesque  view  is  obtainable  from  this  high  ridge  between 
Glenlonain  and  Loch  Etive.     On  the  east  shoulder  of  this 


344  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

ridge  is  a  cluster  of  ruined  dwellings.  The  place  is  called 
Barraglas,  '  grey-green  ridge,'  Barraglas  nan  Caiman,  *  grey- 
green  ridge  of  the  Caimans,'  Barraglas  Chlann  Chalman, '  grey- 
green  ridge  of  Clan  Caiman,'  and  Barraglas  nan  Busgan, 
'  grey-green  ridge  of  the  Ruskins,'  Barraglas  Chlann  Rusgain, 
'grey-green  ridge  of  Clan  Ruskin.'  There  are  no  Caimans, 
no  MacCalmans,  no  Ruskins,  no  MacRuskins  there  now,  all 
having  been  ruthlessly  swept  away  in  the  raging  clearances. 
An  itinerant  teacher  revisiting  his  native  Barraglas  said : — 

*  Tha  tri  fichead  's  a  tri  bho  'n  a  b'  aithne  dhomh  'n  gleann, 
Tri  fichead  's  a  tri  dhe  m'  chairdean  a  bh'  ann, 
'S  e  bas  agus  bairlinn  chuir  mo  chairdean  dh'  am  dhi, 
An  ait  an  tri  fichead  gun  ann  ach  an  tri.' 

'  Threescore  and  three  since  I  first  knew  the  glen, 
Threescore  and  three  of  my  kindred  therein, 
It  was  death  and  eviction  that  reft  me  of  these, 
In  place  of  threescore  and  three  now  only  the  three.' 

Another  native  poet  said  : — 

'  These  are  the  homes 
Where  my  fathers  dwelt — 
There  are  no  houses  now. 
These  are  the  floors 
Where  my  fathers  knelt — 
And  now  the  rushes  grow.' 

There  are  just  three  families  of  big  farmers  now  where 
there  had  been  previously  threescore  and  three  families  of 
comfortable  crofters  and  small  farmers. 

A  family  of  the  MacCalmans  of  Barraglas  had  a  tanning- 
house  down  on  the  bank  of  the  Neannt  River,  immediately 
below  the  present  railway  station  of  Tigh-an-uillt.  The  situa- 
tion was  well  and  wisely  chosen,  near  the  sea  and  on  the  bank 
of  a  large  clear  mountain  stream,  intersecting  a  large  and  rich 
grazing  and  agricultural  district  full  of  people  and  cattle 
and  sheep.  The  sites  of  the  tanning-house  and  of  the  tanning- 
pit  were  pointed  out  and  traced  to  me  by  a  native  of  the  spot, 
together  with  the  sites  of  the  houses  of  the  workmen  of  the 


THE  RUSKINS  345 

tannery.     From  these  sites  one  would  infer  that  the  tannery 
must  have  been  of  considerable  extent,  employing  many  men. 

From  his  occupation  a  man  who  removes  the  bark  from 
a  tree  is  called  rusgan  in  the  south  and  rusgair  in  the  north 
Highlands — '  a  peeler,  a  bark  stripper/  from  rusg,  *  rind,  peel, 
bark.'  The  term  is  also  applied  more  remotely  to  a  man  who 
dresses  stone,  wood,  or  iron. 

From  their  occupation  the  family  of  MacCalmans  who  had 
the  tannery  had  to  bark  trees  for  tanning  purposes.  Hence 
they  were  known  throughout  the  district  as  na  Rusgain, 
na  Rusgairean,  '  the  peelers,'  '  the  bark  peelers,'  and  Clann 
Rusgain,  *  the  bark  peeling  family,'  losing  their  clan  name  in 
their  occupation  name,  like  many  other  men  and  families 
throughout  the  Highlands. 

This  native  industry  was  killed  out  about  the  middle  of 
the  eighteenth  century  by  an  English  company  who  estabHshed 
an  iron-smelting  foundry  at  Bunawe.  This  company  bought 
up  all  the  wood  of  the  district  for  many  miles  around,  using  the 
branches  and  the  more  worthless  woods  for  smelting  purposes 
and  for  converting  the  ore  which  they  brought  from  England 
into  iron.  They  also  imported  coal,  flour,  stoneware,  and  tanned 
leather,  and  shipped  from  Bunawe  to  England  the  valuable 
wood,  kelp,  hides,  and  tanning  bark.  The  quality  of  the 
Bunawe  smelted  iron  was  of  the  best,  fetching  the  highest 
price  in  the  market  and  enriching  the  English  company. 

When '  Iain  Ruadh  nan  Cath,'  Red  John  of  the  Battles,  Earl 
of  Argyll,  went  to  meet  the  Earl  of  Mar  in  1715  he  took  with 
him  all  the  available  men  of  the  country.  Probably  several 
of  the  Muckairn  Ruskins  went,  but  at  least  one  Ruskin  went 
with  the  earl.^  He  was  severely  wounded  at  the  battle  of 
Sheriffmuir.  His  comrades  carried  him  from  the  field  to  a 
farmhouse.  Ruskin  was  a  young  man  of  good  presence,  good 
ability,  and  good  manners,  and  the  family  of  the  farmer  were 
good  and  kind  to  him  : — *  Agus  ma  bha  gach  neach  gu  math 

1  I  asked  both  the  late  and  the  present  Duke  of  Argyll  if  any  record  of  those 
who  went  from  the  county  on  that  occasion  was  available,  but  neither  knew  of  any 
such.     Possibly  there  may  be  some  buried  in  the  crypts  of  the  War  Office. 

VOL.  II.  Z 


346  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

dha  bha  nighean  an  taighe  gu  sonraichte.  Bha  i  ga  chaithris 
a  latha  agus  a  dh'  oidhche  gu  'n  an  tug  i  dhachaidh  bho  'n 
bhas  e.  An  sin  phos  Mac  Rusgain  bho  Mhucarna  agus  nighean 
an  tuathanaich  ann  an  siorrachd  Pheairt.  Bha  seann  daoin' 
a  seanchas  gu  'n  tug  Mac  Rusgain  thun  na  h-obair  abhaistiche 
air  an  robh  e  eolach,  ann  am  baile  Pheairt.' — '  And  if  every 
person  was  good  to  him,  the  daughter  of  the  house  was 
specially  so.  She  was  watching  him  by  day  and  night  till 
she  brought  him  home  from  death.  Then  Mac  Ruskin  from 
Muckairn  and  the  daughter  of  the  farmer  in  the  sheriffdom 
of  Perth  married.  Old  people  were  saying  that  this  son  of 
Ruskin  betook  him  to  the  accustomed  work  with  which  he 
was  acquainted,  in  the  town  of  Perth.'  Ruskin  never  came 
back  again  to  Muckairn,  except  to  see  his  people. 

From  this  Ruskin  of  Muckairn  and  his  wife  John  Ruskin 
was  descended.  Of  this  descent  the  late  Clerks  of  Dun- 
tannachan,  Glenlonain,  a  scholarly  intelligent  family  of  whom 
the  Rev.  Archibald  Clerk,  LL.D.,  Kilmallie,  was  one,  had  no 
doubt  whatever,  and  they  knew  the  whole  history  of  the 
Ruskin  family.  John  Ruskin  himself  has  told  us  that  his 
grandfather  came  from  Perth,  but  he  could  not  go  back 
beyond  his  grandfather.  When  the  writer  informed  him  of 
the  further  tradition  regarding  his  family  and  descent  Mr. 
Ruskin  was  keenly  interested. 

The  last  of  the  Ruskins  of  Muckairn  was  a  certain  woman 
known  as  '  Ciorsdan  Dhughaill  Fhigheadair,'  Christina, 
daughter  of  Dugald  the  weaver.  Her  father  was  a  Mac- 
Caiman  and  her  mother  was  a  Nic  Rusgain,  Ruskin.  Christina 
MacCalman  was  a  woman  of  remarkable  character,  and  of 
special  interest.  In  youth  she  was  tall,  slender,  and  hand- 
some, but  in  age  she  stooped  considerably.  Men  and  women 
who  had  known  her  well  described  her  minutely,  mentally 
and  physically,  and  these  descriptions  strikingly  resembled  the 
characteristics  of  her  distant  kinsman,  John  Ruskin.  Donald 
Sinclair,  crofter,  aged  88,  said  : — '  The  wisdom  of  the  Ruskins 
was  in  Christina,  the  daughter  of  Dugald  the  weaver.  It  was 
with  the  Ruskin  sept,  the  people  of  her  mother,  that  she  went 


THE  RUSKINS  347 

— people  sensible,  capable,  eloquent,  beautiful  in  person,  in 
language,  and  in  work.  They  were  full  of  natural  ability 
and  of  knowledge  of  life,  and  they  were  dignified  and  handsome 
along  with  that.  Christina  could  be  described  in  one  word — 
thorough.  The  most  trivial  action  of  life  was  to  her  a  matter 
of  supreme  importance,  and  she  performed  it  as  if  the  visible 
God  were  standing  before  her.' 

Angus  Macniven,  tailor,  aged  eighty-five,  said  :  '  Ciorsdan 
Dhughaill  Fhigheadair  had  the  most  beautiful  eyes  I  have 
ever  seen  in  the  head  of  a  woman.  They  were  dark-blue, 
large,  expressive,  and  deeply  set.  Her  eyebrows  were  large, 
and  full  and  bushy  for  a  woman.  Her  hair  was  nut-brown, 
abundant,  and  somewhat  wavy.  Her  cheeks  were  ruddy- 
brown,  round  and  prominent,  her  mouth  full  and  expressive, 
and  her  chin  strong  and  ample,  while  her  nose  was  strong 
and  straight  with  open  nostrils.  You  would  hardly  call  her 
features  fine,  but  they  were  full  of  the  beauty  of  character,  of 
love,  and  of  goodness.  In  person,  character,  and  surroundings  she 
was  pure  as  the  snow  of  Cruachan.  She  had  a  perfect  passion 
for  colours  and  could  discriminate  and  differentiate  between 
and  discourse  upon  shades  where  ordinary  persons  could  see 
no  difference.  If  ever  woman  lived  in  the  eye  of  her  Master 
Ciorsdan  Dhughaill  Fhigheadair  did.  She  knew  her  Gaelic 
Bible  from  beginning  to  end  as  probably  no  minister  in  the 
country  knew  it.  She  was  a  beautiful  speaker,  a  born  orator, 
and  were  you  to  hear  her  you  could  not  but  listen,  and  it  was 
not  of  trifles  that  she  would  converse.  When  she  died  people 
came  from  far  and  near ;  rich  and  poor,  gentle  and  simple 
coming  long  distances  to  pay  their  tribute  of  love  and  admira- 
tion for  this  poor  cottar  woman  of  Glenlonain.' 

Three  highly  intelligent  men  accompanied  me  one  day  to 
the  scenes  of  the  Ruskin  homes  in  Muckairn.  We  went  into 
a  'tobhta,'  roofless  ruin,  and  I  showed  them  a  likeness  of 
John  Ruskin,  covering  the  name  and  beard.  I  asked  the 
men  who  that  was  and  they  called  out  simultaneously, 
*  Ciorsdan  Dhughaill  Fhigheadair,'  and  the  three  praised  the 
likeness,  for  the  three  had  known  the  woman  well  and  spoke 


348  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

of  her  admiringly.  After  the  three  men  had  gone  over  each 
feature  of  the  face  and  head  I  drew  the  paper  from  the 
beard.  Then  they  said  at  once,  'Donnachadh  Dhomhuill! 
nach  e  tha  coltach  ris ! '  *  Donald's  Duncan !  isn't  it  like 
him  1  *  I  asked  who  was  '  Donnachadh  Dhomhuill '  and  they 
said  that  he  was  a  Duncan  MacCalman,  from  Muckairn,  living 
in  Glasgow,  and  one  of  the  Ruskin  MacCalmans. 

Still  concealing  the  identity  of  John  Ruskin  I  showed  a 
likeness  of  him  when  young.  Two  of  the  men  said  together, 
*  Oh,  your  brother  John,  Malcolm,  is  it  not  like  him !  the 
nose,  the  eyes,  the  brows,  the  cheeks,  the  mouth,  the  chin, 
the  head,  the  hair,  they  are  just  his.'  The  two  men  praised 
and  praised  the  likeness,  and  appealed  to  Malcolm  to  confirm 
them.  But  Malcolm  did  not  speak.  I  looked  up  over  my 
shoulder  to  see  why  he  was  silent,  and  I  saw  a  stream  of 
tears  down  his  cheeks.  When  speech  came  back  to  Malcolm 
he  asked  me  where  I  had  got  the  striking  portrait  of  his 
brother  who  had  died  years  before,  a  young  man  of  great 
ability  and  promise,  and  who  was  most  dear  to  him.  Malcolm 
Campbell  Macphail  is  a  man  of  remarkable  capabilities  and, 
for  his  opportunities  and  education,  a  man  of  great  mental 
endowment.  He  is  a  poet,  too,  of  no  inconsiderable  merit. 
His  mother,  Mary  Campbell,  acquired  English,  and  during  the 
Crimean  War  she  translated  as  she  read  the  news  of  the  day 
to  the  neighbours  who  crowded  her  house  at  night.  Her 
brother,  Donald  Campbell,  was  known  as  '  the  learned  black- 
smith.' After  testing  him,  Mr.  Donald  MacCaig,  minister  of 
Muckairn,  said  that  Donald  Campbell  knew  the  GaeHc,  Greek, 
Latin  and  Hebrew  Bible  probably  better  than  any  minister  in 
the  Presbytery  of  Lome.  The  mother  of  this  brother  and  sister 
was  a  certain  Moriad  Rusgain,  Moriad  Ruskin,  of  Muckairn. 
She  was  a  highly  endowed  woman.  She  knew  her  Gaelic 
Bible  from  beginning  to  end  and  was  never  tired  expounding 
its  doctrines,  eloquently  and  effectively,  to  her  less  endowed 
neighbours.  All  these  members  of  the  Clan  Rusgain  were 
self-educated,  and  they  are  forcible  examples  of  the  general 
truth  of  the  Gaelic  sayings,  '  Bu  dual  da  sin ' — '  That  was 


THE  EUSKINS  349 

hereditary  to  him,  and,  *  Theid  an  dualchas  air  aghaidh  ge  b' 
ann  an  aghaidh  nan  creag ' — *  Heredity  will  go  forward  though 
it  should  be  against  the  rock.' 

Near  Barraglas,  the  ancient  home  of  the  Euskins,  is  a 
low  mammilated  hill  called  Mam  nan  Rusgan,  the  hill  of 
the  Ruskins,  and  a  rock  called  Creag  Rusgain,  the  rock  of 
the  Ruskins,  while  not  far  away  is  a  place  called  Creag  Mac 
Righ,  the  rock  of  the  son  of  the  king.  Several  pieces  of 
ancient  sculpture  were  scattered  about  the  valleys  and  among 
the  neighbouring  heights.  One  of  these  was  a  slab  on  which 
runes  or  oghams  were  inscribed.  My  intelligent  informant, 
Mr.  Allan  Macdougall,  of  the  Duntannachan  family,  searched 
with  me  for  this  slab,  but  unsuccessfully.  We  afterwards 
learnt  that  the  local  roadman  had  built  the  inscribed  stone 
into  the  bank  of  the  road  at  Cladh  nam  Macraidh,  the  burial- 
place  of  the  young  men.  Mr.  Allan  Macdougall  also  told  me 
of  three  human  heads  sculptured  in  stone  in  the  neighbour- 
hood. They  lay  at  a  distance  in  another  direction,  however, 
and  I  had  to  leave.  Before  1  came  back  again  to  the  place  my 
informant  was  dead,  and  my  memory  failed  to  follow  his 
minute  directions  among  so  many  hillocks  and  hollows  over- 
grown with  rushes,  ferns,  and  brushwood. 

Within  a  few  hundred  yards  of  where  this  inscribed  slab 
is  buried  stands  a  pillared  stone  with  a  Roman  cross  deeply 
incised  on  back  and  front.  Immediately  below  the  cross  on 
front  is  sculptured  in  high  relief  a  figure  resembling  a  New 
Zealand  war  club.  From  an  incised  ring  near  the  centre  of 
the  boss  nine  incised  lines  radiate  at  nearly  equal  distances. 
What  the  club-like  figure  with  its  round  boss  of  nine  rays 
may  mean  it  is  not  easy  to  say.  Possibly  the  nine  lines  may 
represent  the  nine  rays  of  the  sun  so  often  mentioned  in  Gaehc 
oral  literature.  But  whatever  this  figure  on  the  hard  granite 
pillar  may  mean  it  is  very  ancient,  probably  more  ancient 
by  far  than  Christianity  in  Scotland,  and  older  by  centuries 
than  the  crosses  on  either  side.  This  pillared  block  with  its 
incised  crosses,  raised  *  club '  and  sunk  rays  lay  under  the  feet 
of  beasts  in  the  ancient  burial-place,  now  the  farmyard,  of 


350  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

Cladh  nam  Macraidh.  Macphaidean,  a  strong  young  man,  a 
farm  servant  in  the  place,  scrubbed  and  cleaned  the  block  in 
the  adjoining  River  Lonan,  and  then  carried  it  on  his  back 
to  the  top  of  the  knoll  above  the  road,  where  it  now  stands. 
Macphaidean  went  to  America,  was  wounded  in  battle,  and 
died  in  hospital.  It  gives  me  pleasure  to  record  the  name 
of  this  intelligent  young  man. 

Some  miles  from  the  home  of  the  Ruskin  MacCalmans 
is  an  island  of  Lochawe  called  Innis  Draoinich,  isle  of  the 
sculpture,  and  Innis  nan  Draoineach,  isle  of  the  sculptors. 
This  was  one  of  several  schools  of  sculpture  scattered  through 
the  Highlands,  where  the  much  admired  Celtic  crosses  and 
tombstones  were  carved.  Near  Innis  Draoinich  is  Innis  Aill, 
Innis  Aille,  and  sometimes  Innis  Aillidh,  beautiful  isle.  There 
had  been  a  house  of  Cistercian  sisters  here,  with  a  church 
and  a  place  of  burial.  Some  families  still  bury  in  this  green 
beautiful  isle  of  the  nuns.  There  are  ancient  sculptured  stones 
here,  probably  unsurpassed  for  beauty  of  design  and  execution 
in  the  British  Isles.  Ornaments  in  gold  and  silver  have 
been  made  from  these  designs,  and  worn  by  Royalty.  It 
was  the  tradition  of  old  people  in  Muckairn  that  the  Ruskin 
MacCalmans  had  somewhat  to  do  with  these  sculptures  of 
Innis  Aill  and  with  the  school  of  sculpture  of  Innis  Draoinich 
and  with  the  sculptured  fragments  found  scattered  over  the 
district.  The  Ruskin  MacCalmans  were  also  famous  for 
making  dyes  and  tartans.     An  old  saying  is  : — 

•  Gartan  ChlMdich  agus  tartan  Mhucarna, 
Lann  Lios-mdire  agus  daga  Dhuine.' 

*  The  garter  of  Claidich  and  the  tartan  of  Muckairn, 
The  sword  of  Lismore  and  the  pistol  of  Doune.' 

These  were  the  best  and  always  got  the  prize  at  the 
famous  Feill  Chonnain,  St.  Connan's  Fair,  and  at  the  no  less 
famous  Feill  Roid,  Rood  Fair,  of  Glenorchy,  and  their  excellence 
passed  into  a  proverb.  Dealers  with  strings  of  pack  horses 
came  to  these  Fairs  from  the  towns  of  the  south  to  buy  these 
garters,  tartans,  swords,  pistols,  linens,  woollen  cloth,  and 


THE  FIONN  SAGA  351 

other  native  productions.  Quantities  of  home-made  tartan 
were  sent  from  the  Highlands  to  England.  The  proscription 
of  the  tartan  and  of  arms  killed  out  these  and  other  manu- 
factures of  the  Highland  people. 

THE  FIONN  SAGA 

(Continued  from  p.  272.) 
George  Henderson,  M.A.,  B.Litt.,  Ph.D. 

Mar  a  fhuair  Fionn  Eolas  air  na  Fir  Mhora 
Air  greis  dha  'bhith  ris  a  sin  chunnaic  e  soitheach  (saghach) 
'dianamh  direach  air  an  a  robh  e  agus  ag  acrachadh  agus 
dithis  dhaoine  m6ra  tighinn  aisde  air  grunnachadh,  's  ghrad 
chuir  e  'mhiar  'na  bhial  fiach  am  faigheadh  e  mach  gu  de'n 
fheadhainn  a  bh'ann.  Fhuair  e  sin  a  mach  gur  a  feadhainn  a 
thMnig  a  rioghachd  na'  Fear  Mora  's  iad  a'  tighinn  a  dh'iarraidh 
Fhinn  'ic  Cumhail  's  gu  robh  blast  aca  ann  a  rioghachd  na' 
Fear  M6ra  'tighinn  air  tir  a  h-uile  1^  agus  a'  faighinn  duine  ri 
ich  ^ ;  gu  robh  mac  a  righ  gu  bhi  aic'  air  deireadh  na  seachduinn 
's  gu  robh  e  'san  dailgneachd  gur  e  Fionn  mac  Cumhail  a 
mharbhadh  i  agus  gur  e  draodhachd  a  bh'orra  f  hein  bha  'gam 
fagail  cho  m6r'  sid  's  nan  tugadh  e  liad  sia  sgillinnean  a  dh* 
fheoil  's  a  chraicionn  bho  mhullach  an  cinn  nach  biodh  iad  ach 
mar  dhaoin'  eile. 

Thainig  iad  far  a  robh  e.  '  Gu  de  do  naigheachd  'ille 
bhig  ? '  OS  asan.^ 

'  Chan  eil  guth,  a  dhaoine  mora,'  os  e  fhein,  '  's  b'e  sin 
sibhse  na  daoine  mora  nach  fhaca  mise  riamh  'ur  leithidean.' 

'Ach,'  OS  asan,  *an  aithne  dhut  ca  bheil  Fionn  Mac 
Cumhail  a'  fantail  ? ' 

*  N  ta,'  OS  esan,  '  chunnaic  mi  a  cheart  duine  sin  ach  cha'n 
eil  ann  am  Fionn  ach  duin'  6g.  Cha'n  eil  an  duine  sin  ach 
seachd  bliadhna  dh'aois.  Gu  de'n  gnothuch  a  th'agaibh-sa  ri 
Fionn  ? ' 

'  N  t^,'  OS  'ad  fhein,  *  's  ann  a  rioghachd  na'  Fear  Mora 

1   =ith.  2  =iad-san. 


352  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

thkinig  sinne  agus  's  ann  a  dh'iarraidh  Fhinn  'ic  Cumhall  a 
thkinig  sinn  agus  blast  againn  ann  an  Rioghachd  na'  Fear 
Mora  'tighinn  gu  tir  a  h-uile  l^L  's  tha  i  'faighinn  duine  h-uile 
Ik  tha  i  'tighinn  gu  tir  ri  ithe  (iche)  agus  tha  i  gos  a  bhi  aig 
mac  a  righ  air  deireadh  na  seachduin'  's  bha  e  'san  dailgneachd 
gur  e  F.  M.  C.  bha  gos  a  marbhadh.'  '  'N  tk,'  os  esa, 
'  innsidh  mise  duibh  a  cheart  duine  th'ann  a  sin  ma  leigeas 
sibh  dhomh  buille  bheag  dhe'n  chlaidheamh  so  thoirt  dhuibh.' 

'  Gu  de  nl  do  chlaidheamh  don'  birnne  ? ' 

Dh'fhalbh  e  agus  thug  e  siab  do'n  chlaidheamh  's  thug  e'n 
dk  cheann  diubh. 

Mar  a  chaidh  Fionn  do  rioghachd  nam  Fear  M6ra 

Cha  d'rinn  e  sion  ach  an  ceann  thoirt  dhiubh  'nar  a  thainig 
soitheach  (saghach)  eile.  Dh'acraich  e  's  thkinig  iad  air  tir 
mar  a  rinn  ckch  is  ghabh  esan  sios  m'an  coinneamh  is 
dh'fhaighneachd  iad  dha  ^ :  *  Gu  de  do  naigheachd  'ille  bhig  ? ' 
OS  asan.  '  Cha'n  eil  guth,  a  dhaoine  m6ra,  etc.  etc'  *  Ach 
am  faca  tu'n  f  headhainn  a  bha  'sa  bhh,t  ud  ? '  *  Chunnaic  's 
tha  iad  shios  ann  a  sud,  an  ceann  an  taca  riu,  's  s'ad  sior 
ghaireachdich  aig  Fionn  Mac  Cumhail  an  deaghaidh  an  dh. 
cheann  thoirt  diubh. 

*  'N  ih,  'se  Dia  nan  gras  thug  dhut  innseadh  dhuinn,  gad 
a  rachadh  a  righ  fhein  uice  cuide  ri'mhac  cha  teid  sirne 
seach  so  m'an  doirear  na  cinn  dhinn  mar  a  rinneadh  air 
each.' 

'  'N  ik  b'fhearr  leam  nan  dugadh  sibh  mi  fh^in  libh  air- 
son  innseadh  dhuibh  gun  dug  e  na  cinn  bharr  na  feadhnach 
eile.' 

Thug  iad  leo  'nan  achlais  a  mach  e  thun  an  t-saghaich  is 
sheol  'ad  gu  rioghachd  na'  Fear  Mora.  'Nar  a  rkinig  dh'acraich 
'ad  'san  acarsaid  agus  leum  esa  a  mach  air  a  mhuir  agus 
shndmh  e  gu  tir. 

Co  bha  'san  trkigh  ach  buachaille  bh'aig  High  na'  Fear 
Mora  agus  thachair  Fionn  ris. 

*  'N  tk,'  OS  e-fhein,  *  'se  Dia  chuir  orm  thu  's  mi  gheibh  an 

1  =  dheth  '  of  him. 


THE  FIONN  SAGA  353 

duais  o  nighean  an  Righ  air-son  do  thoirt  ga  h-ionnsuidh  air- 
son  thu  'bhith  nad'  dheudaig  aic'  air  a  bh6rd.' 

Mar  a  dh'eirich  do  dh'Fhionn  ann  an  rioghachd  na 
Fear  Mora  agus  mar  a  mharbh  e  bhiast 

Dh'eirich  'sin  am  buachaille  agus  rainig  e  p^iUos  righ  na' 
Fear  Mora  is  thachair  nighean  a  righ  ris. 

*  'S  mi  bheir  dhuibh  an  deideig  snasail,'  os  esa. 

'  Gu  de  sin  ? '  os  ise. 

Thug  e  Fionn  agus  Bran  as  a  phbca.  Thug  e  'nighean  a 
righ  'ad  agus  a  h-uile  uair  bhiodh  is'  aig  biadh  bhiodh  esan 
air  a  bhbrd  aice,  e-fh^in  is  Bran.  Bhiodh  e  h-uile  oidhche 
comhla  rithe  'san  leabaidh  agus  mar  bha  na  ciochan  aice-sa 
cho  m6r  bhiodh  'ad  ga  mhurt-san.  Bha  e  so  oidhche  dhe  na 
h-oidhcheannan  comhla  ri  ann  sa  leabaidh  agus  thbisich  is' 
air  caoineadh. 

'  'Ne  mise  bhi  comhla  ruit  tha  toirt  ort  bhi  'caoineadh  mar 
so  ? '  osa  Fionn. 

'  O  cha'n  e.  Tha  mo  bhrathair  gos  a  bhith  aig  a  bh^isd 
an  earar  agus  'se  sin  tha  'toirt  orm  a  bhi  'caoineadh.  Bha  e 
'san  dailgneachd  gur  e  Fionn  mac  Cumhail  bha  ris  a  bhiast 
a  mharbhadh.  Chuir  m'athair  air  falbh  da  shoitheach^ 
dh'fhiach  a  faigheadh  'ad  e.  A  chiad  shoitheach  ^  chuir  e  air 
falbh  thachair  e  riutha  agus  mharbh  e'n  dis  dhaoine  chuir  e 
'ga  iarraidh.  'Nar  a  chuala  sgioba  'n  t-soithich  eile  gun  a 
mharbh  e  'ad  thill  'ad  dhachaidh.     Cha'n  fhac  iad  alt  deth.' 

'  Gu  de  bheireadh  sibh  do  dhuine  a  reachadh  thun  na 
b^isteao?^  airson  'ur  brathair  ? '  osa  Fionn. 

'  'N  ta  gad  a  reachadh  na  tha  'rioghachd  na'  Fear  Mora  a 
dhaoine  thun  na  beiste  cha  teid  thus'  h-uice.' 

'  'N  t^,'  OS  esa,  *  sud  an  rud  a  ni  d'athair-se.  Dianadh  e 
gkradh  chlachan  anns  am  bi  sia  traidhean,  faigheadh  e  sia 
sailbhean  daraich  agus  tri  slabhruidhnean  iaruinn  chumas  mo 
chil-sa.' 

'  Ud,'  as  ^  Fear  a  bha  timchioll,  *  cumaidh  aon  duine  againn 
an  cil.' 

*  Shaghach — EriBkay  pronunciation.  *  =  os,  ars'. 


354  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

'Beiribh  air  na  thoilleas  timchioll  air  is  fiach  an  cum 
sibh  e/ 

Dh'fhalbh  an  sin  na  thoilleadh  timchioll  air  a  chu  is  rug 
'ad  air  agus  ghearr  Fionn  fead  ris  a  chil  agus  an  duine  nach  do 
chuir  e  bharr  cnkmh  na  h-amhaich  chuir  e  bharr  na  guaileac?^. 
e.     Bhrist  e  cas  fir  agus  mharbh  e  feadhainn  eile  dhiubh. 

Chuireadh  brath  air  clachairean  an  sin  agus  rinneadh  an 
g^radh  ann  san  robh  sia  traidhean.  Chuireadh  tri  slabh- 
ruidhnean  iaruinn  air  Bran  agus  tri  sailbhean  daraich  air 
ceann  a  h-uile  slabhruidh. 

Thug  esa  an  sin  Mac-A-Luin  as  a  thruaill  agus  dh'fhalbh 
e.  Thainig  a  bhiast  air  tir  an  sin  agus  a  chiad  tarruinn  a 
rinn  i  air  a  h-anail  thug  i  traidh  air  aghart  esan  ga  h-ionn- 
suidh  agus  ghearr  esa  an  sin  fead  bharr  a  ghnoiieadh  agus 
bhrist  Bran  te  dhe  na  slabhruidhnean.  Tharruinn  i  rithisd 
a  h-anail  agus  tharruinn  i  Fionn  traidh  eile  air  aghart. 
Ghearr  esa  fead  eile  bharr  a  ghuaileadh  agus  bhrist  Bran  an 
darna  te  dhe  na  slabhruidhnean.  Smaointich  Fionn  an  so  nan 
leigeadh  e  Bran  a  stigh  am  broinn  na  beisteac^A  air  thoiseach 
air  fhein,  gu  robh  cho  dbcha  Fionn  fh^in  a  thbiseachadh  air 
Bran  is  toiseachadh  air  a  bheisd  agus  chuir  e  sin  a  mhiar  fo 
dheud  fios  a  dh'fhiach  cud  a  gheibheadh  e. 

'  Theirig  thusa  stigh  air  thoiseach  am  broinn  na  beisdeac^^-,' 
OS  an  fhiosachd,  is  gheobh  Bran  arr  ^  fhkileadh  thu. 

Tharruinn  ise  so  gaoth  ga  h-ionnsuidh  agus  ghearr  Fionn 
fead  bharr  a  ghuaileadh  agus  stigh  am  broinn  na  heisdeadh  a 
bha  e  agus  stigh  Bran  as  a  dheaghaidh.  Thug  ise  so  a 
h-aghaidh  air  a  locha, — seadh,  a  bhiast.  Thbisich  Fionn  air  an 
dala  taobh  dhi  agus  Bran  air  an  taobh  eile.  Thkinig  'ad  a 
mach  an  sin  air  gach  taobh  dhi.  Cha  robh  gas  gsioisneadh 
air  Bran  's  cha  mhua  bha  gas  gruaageadh  air  Fionn. 

Mar  a  fhuair  Bran  a  spor  neimh  's  mar  a  fhuair 

E  'dhath 

'S  ann  an  uair-sa  fhuair  JBrarn  an  spor  neimh  a  broinn  na 
beisdeac?^. 

^  =  air  do  (Eriskay). 


THE  FIONN  SAGA  355 

Dh'fhalbh  Fionn  an  so  is  thug  e'n  loch  air  'ga  nigh  fhein 
agus  a  nigh'  a  choin.  'Nar  a  nigh  e  e  fhein  thug  e  stiil 
bhuaithe  's  co  chunnaic  e  nuas  g'a  ionnsuidh  ach  mac  righ 
nam  Fear  Mora  agus  claidheamh  rtiisgte  aige  g'a  ionnsaidh. 
Chuir  e'n  so  'mhiar  fo  dheud  fios  fiach  ca  'n  robh  'gill  'dol. 
Fhuair  e  mach  gur  ann  gos  an  ceann  a  chur  bharr  Fhinn  a 
thainig  e  's  gos  e  fhein  a  chur  'san  ainm  gur  h-e  f h^in  a  mharbh 
a  bhiast. 

*  Ck  bheil  thu  dol  ? '  osa  Fionn. 

'  Thainig  mise,'  os  e  fhein,  g'ad  ionnsuidh  gus  an  ceann  a 
thoirt  dhiot.' 

'  'Ne  sin  mo  thaing-se,'  os  Fionn,  '  airson  tighinn  a 
dh'ionnsuidh  na  heiadeadh  orra  ^  shon-sa  ?  Ach  ma  thogas 
tu  mo  nadur  nas  mua  na  tha  i  cha  'n  eil  fear  agaibh  ann 
an  rioghachd  nam  Fear  Mora  nach  ruith  mi  fhdin  's  mo  chii 
throimhe  ann  an  aon  uair  an  uaireadair.' 

Thainig  an  so  an  righ  fhein  a  nuas  agus  thuirt  Fionn  ris, 
gum  b'olc  an  taing  a  thug  a  mhac-sa  dh^  air-son  a  dhol  air 
a  shon-san  dh'ionnsuidh  na  heiateadh  's  tighinn  g'a  ionnsuidh 
air-son  a  cheann  a  thoirt  deth  's  gum  biodh  e  fhein  fo  ainm 
gur  e  mharbh  a  bhiast. 

Dh'fhalbh  athair  a  ghille,  an  righ,  an  so  agus  rug  e  air 
tas  a  bh  'aige  agus  cnap  luaidhe  air  ceann  a  h-uile  meanglan 
di,  agus  dh'eirich  e  air  a  ghille  's  nach  d'  rinn  e  sion  air  ach 
gun  a  dh'fhkg  e  be5  e. 

'  Cuiribh  a  nis,'  osa  Fionn,  '  gaoisid  air  mo  chil.'  E-inneadh 
sin  agus  dh'fhagadh  donn  air  fad  e. 

*  0,'  osa  Fionn,  *  cha  'n  e  sud  dath  bu  mhath  liom-sa  chur 
air  mo  chh.  idir.' 

*  Ciod  eile,'  os  an  righ,  '  an  dath  as  math  leat  a  chur  air  ? ' 

*  Dk  thaobh  dhonna  agus  tarr  glas 
Agiis  da  chluais  chorracha  chro-dhearg 
Air  dhath  na  seilge.' 

Bha  sin  air  Bran  an  an  tiotadh  aca. 
Chuireadh  fait  bkn  air  Fionn  fhein. 

*  =  air  do. 


356  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

Mar  a  fhuair  Fionn  rioghachd  nam  Fear  M6ra 

FHAGAIL   'S   A   THAINIG   E  GU  SlEIBHTE 

Os  a  righ :  '  Cha  'n  eil  agams'  ach  an  aon  nighean. 
Gheobh  thu  ri  posadh  i.' 

"N  tk/  osa  Fionn,  *cha  ghabh  mise  i  sin  bhuat.  Acb/ 
OS  esan,  *rud  a  dh'  iarras  mi  oirbh  mo  chur  do'n  Eilean 
Sgiathanach.' 

Chuireadh  a  mach  an  sin  a  bhirlinn  agus  dh'  fhalbhadh 
leis  agus  dh'  fhagadh  ann  an  Sleibh^eac^A  e. 

*Nar  a  chaidh  air  tir  ghabh  e  suas  air  feadh  Shleibhte  agus 
chunnaic  e  na  bothagan  a  bh'  ann  an  sin  agus  chaidh  e  gu 
ruige  t^  dhiubh.  Cha  robh  creutair  an  sin  ach  teine  beag 
agus  shuidh  e  air  pluic  na  rudeigin  agus  cha  b'  fhada  bha  e 
ann  an  sin  'nuair  a  thainig  Ian  na  bothaig'  dhachaidh  dhe  na 
Fiantaichean,  aon  fhiadh  beag  bldeach  aca  eatorra. 

Mar  a  chaidh  Fionn  ann  an  seanchas  ris  na  Fian- 

TAICHEAN's  mar  a  DH'iNNIS  IAD  DHA  MAR  A  MHARBHADH 

'Athair,  Cumhal 

Rug  iad  air  an  fhiadh  is  bhruich  'ad  e  agus  'nar  a  bha  e 
bruich  'se  aona  ghreim  dhe  shithionn  r^inig  air  na  bha  'stigh 
agus  aona  bhalgum  dhe  shiigh. 

'  Seall  orm,'  osa  Fionn,  '  an  e  sud  an  seol  bidhe  a  th'  agaibh 
daonnan  ? ' 

'  'N  tk,  se,'  OS  asan,  '  os  cionn  ghreiseadh.' 

*  Gu  de  a  chuir  cho  beag  'sin  sibh  ? ' 

'N  tk  bhuail  'ad  air  caoineadh  feadhain  diubh. 

*  'N  t^,'  OS  asan,  '  'nar  a  bha  sinne  cruinn  ann  a  so  bha  aon 
duin'  againn  'na  righ  agus  bha  Eirinn  fo  'smachd  uile.  Cha 
ghabhamaid  bacail  o  dhuine  'sam  bith.  Rinn  sinn  an  sin 
lagh,  duine  'sam  bith  dhianadh  cron  dhe  na  bh'  againn,  gun 
cuireamaid  air  falbh  bhuainn  e.  Fhuair  sinn  a  sin  fear  dhiubh 
laighe  le  mart  agus  chuir  sinn  bhuainn  am  fear  sin  agus  krca 
na  bk  mu  'amhaich.  Dh'  fhalbh  e  bhuainn  agus  rkinig  e 
righ  Eirinn  agus  fhuair  e  bho  righ  Eirinn  abhuinn  cheud  air- 


THE  FIONN  SAGA  357 

son  iasgaich  agus  air- son  iasg  tir  a  chumail  ris  an  righ.  Mu'n 
d'  fhuair  e  sin  bho  'n  righ  cha  'n  fhaigheadh  e  sion  gos  an 
innseadh  e  ciamar  a  gheibheadh  'ad  Cumhal  a  chur  gu 
bks.' 

'  An  ta/  OS  Area,  '  cha  do  ghabh  Cumhal  gaol  air  gin 
riamh  bho  nach  robh  boirionnach  ro  bhriagh  ann.' 

*  'N  t^/  OS  an  Righ,  '  's  ann  agam-sa  tha  'm  boirionnach  as 
briagha  tha  ri  fhaighinn  agus  's  ann  as  fhearr  dhuinne  litir  a 
chur  ga  'ionnsuidh.' 

Sgriobh  righ  Eirinn  litir  e  thighin  ga  'ionnsuidh  's  gun 
robh  e  maithte  aige  gach  sion  a  rinn  e  riamh  air.  Fhuair  Cumhal 
an  litir  agus  leugh  e  i.  Dh'  fhalbh  e  ga  Pailios  Righ  Eirinn 
agus  'nar  a  rh-inig  e'm  pailios  bha  lamhan  sgaoilte  romh 
Chumhal,  leithid  a  dhuine  ruighinn. 

Chuireadh  dinneir  mh6r  gu  feum  dhaibh  agus  shuidh  'ad 
mu  'n  bhbrd  agus  bha  nighean  a  Righ  mu  choinneamh 
Chumhail's  cha  robh  Cumhal  a'  leigeil  na  sul  di. 

'  Cha  chreid  mi  fhein,'  os  an  Righ,  '  a  Chumhail,  nach  eil 
thu  air  gaol  a  ghabhail  air  mo  nighinn.' 

'  'N  tk,  thk,'  osa  Cumhal,  *  is  i  an  aon  te  a  b'fhearr  leam 
agam  dhe  na  chunnaic  mi  riamh.' 

Bha  nighean  i-fhein  debnach  air-son  Chumhail  a  phbsadh 
is  chuireadh  fios  air  pears'  eaglais  ('se  sagairt  a  bha'nn  'nuair  sin 
tha  mi  cinnteach).  Phos  'ad  agus  oidhche  na  bainnse  chuireadh 
Area  am  falach  'san  t-seomar  as  an  robh  asan  dol  a  chadal. 
'Nar  a  chunnaic  Arcaidh  'n  so  an  t-am  aige  e-fhein  eirigh  rug 
e  air  Mac-A-Luin  a  bh'  aig  Cumhal  is  thug  e  'n  ceann  bharr 
Chumhail.  Ghrad  bhuail  ise  na  basan,  nighean  an  Righ. 
'Stigh  ghabh  'ad  dha'n  t-se6mar  is  bha  Cumhal  an  deigh  an 
ceann  a  thoirt  deth  agus  thog'  blith  air  ad  a  mach  e. 

Thuirt  an  Righ  an  so  ann  an  ceann  nan  tri  raithean  nam 
b'  e  gille  bhiodh  aig  bean  Chumhail  gu  marbhte  e,  agus  nam 
b'  e  nighean  a  bhiodh  ann  gum  biodh  'ad  coma  air  a  son, — nach 
togadh  a  nighean  torachd  a  h-athar  gu  brkch.  Dh'  asaideadh 
an  sin  i,  os  na  Fiantaichean,  air  p^isde  nighinn  agus  dh'  innis 
'ad  so  a  h-uile  car  mar  a  thachair  's  mar  a  rugadh  Fionn,  mar 
a  tha  air  a  chur  sios  agaibh  ann  an  toiseach  na  sgeulachd  a 


358  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

cheana.  Rinn  an  gille  so,  os  asan,  mbran  marbhaidh  ann  an 
ceann  a  sheachd  bliadhna  agus  thog  ar  cridhean  ^  'nar  a  chuala 
sinn  a  leithid  a  bhith  ann.  Agus,  os  asan,  *s  ann  air  sgoilearan 
bh'  aig  Easbuig  gan  ionnsachadh  rinn  e  sgaid  a  bha  'n  sin. 
Thuirt  an  t-Easbuig  a  sin,  's  e  'coimhead  a  mach  air  uinneig : 
*  Co  leis  tha  'n  gille  Fionn  tha  'bkthadh  mo  chuid  sgoilearan  ? ' 
Thuirt  a  mhuime  'n  uair  sin  's  i  air  a  chill :  '  Tha  'dhiol  uisge 
timchioll  is  tha  mo  mhac-sa  air  a  bhaisteadh.'  '  Thk,'  os  an 
t-Easbuig,  '  Fionn  mac  Cumhail.' 

Cha  'n  eil  ach  bha  e  cbmhla  riutha  an  oidhche  sin  anns  a 
bhothaig  gus  an  tainig  ^  an  latha  la-na-mhk.ireach. 

An  t-sealg  a  rinn  Bran 

'Nar  a  thainig  an  latha  dh'  fhalbh  iad  dha  'n  bheinn-sheilg 
agus  dh'  fhalbh  Fionn  comhla  riutha  ann.  Rainig  iad  innis 
nam  Fiadh.  Chunnaic.iad  dream  dhe  na  feidh  a'  dol  seachad 
orra. 

'  Nach  tilg  sibh,'  osa  Fionn,  '  orra  sud  ? ' 

'  O  cha  tilg,'  OS  asan,  '  cha  'n  'eil  a  chridhe  air  ar  cluais 
tilgeil  orra,  ach  's  suarach  an  dream  ud  seach  an  dream  a  tha 
'tighinn  as  ar  deaghaidh.' 

Thainig  sin  an  Ikn-dhamh,  an  fheadhainn  mhora. 

'  Nach  tilg  sibh  orra  sud  ? '  osa  Fionn.  '  Cha  tilg,'  os  asan. 
'  Cha  'n  eil  a  chridhe  againn,  ach  an  aon  fhear  as  dona  th'  air 
deireadh  a  spoil  'n  an  deidhidh  so.' 

'  Nach  fhaigh  mi  cead,'  os  Fionn,  '  mo  chti  leigeadh  unnta 
so — na  daimh  mhora  bhr^agha  tha  'dol  seachad.' 

'  Gu  de,'  as  asan,  '  ni  do  chil  dona  orra  ?  Nach  lig  thu 
a?' 

Leig  Fionn  Bran  gu  siubhal  is  chanadh  an  dala  fear  ris 
an  fhear  eile  :  '  0  nach  collach  ^  a  dh'  fhalbhas  e  ri  Bran.' 

'  Mar  e  Bran  'se  bhr^thair  e,'  os  fear  eile  dhiubh.  Air  a 
chiad  dhol  m'  an  cuairt  a  rinn  Bran  orra  leag  e  naoi  l^n  daimh 
le  bun  iorbaill  agus  air  an  ath  dhol  m'  an  cuairt  leag  e  naoi 
eile  agus  bhuail  Bran  air  an  leagadh  gus  na  dh'  iarradh  air 
Fionn  an  ch  a  chasg.     Chaidh  iad  so  far  robh  na  feidh  is 

*  Plural  of  mdfc«,  used  by  reciter.         *  Pronounced  rfitnty.         '  =Coltach, 


THE  FIONN  SAGA  359 

dh'  fhoighneac  Fionn  diubh :  '  Gu  de  nisd,'  os  e  fhein,  '  an 
t-eallach  bu  mhua  bheireadh  cu  leis  ? ' 

'  Bheireadh,'  os  na  Fiantaich,  '  naoi  Ian  daimh  dhiubh  sin. 
Bheireadh  e  leis  sin  air  a  mhuin.  Bheireadh  Bran  leis  naoi 
eile  a  l^n  daimh  air  bun  iorbuill.  Gad  'imide  (bhitheamaide) 
Ian  bidhe  is  dihheadh  bha  ar  diol  againn  a  dha  's  a  thri  thoirt 
leinn  diubh.' 

Cheangail  Fionn  naoi  lh,n  daimh  do  Bhran  agus  cheangail 
e  naoi  Ian  daimh  eile  dha  fhein  agus  thug  each  leo  aon  fhear 
agus  an  cbrr  cha  b'  urra  dhaibh  thoirt  leo  leis  cho  lag  's  a  bha 
'ad. 

Mar  a  dh'  innis  Fionn  do  na  Fiantaichean  gu  'm 
b'  esan  Fionn  Mac  Chumhail 

Chaidh  'ad  dhachaidh  agus  thug  ad  lamh  air  a  choire  mh6ir, 
am  fear  nach  tugadh  lamh  air  bho  mharbhadh  Cumhal. 
Lionadh  le  feidh  e  agus  bhruich  'ad  na  bh'  ann  an  sin. 
Thbisich  iad  air  iche  's  a  h-uile  fear  mar  'iodh  e  Ian  bheireadh 
e  dealg  daraich  as  a  bhroinn.  Thilgeadh  'ad  a  dh'  iochdar  na 
bothaig  i. 

'  'N  taing  do  'n  t-Sealbh  cha  robh  sinne  cho  Ikn  bho 
mharbhadh  Cumhal 's  a  tha  sinn  a  nochd.  Mar  a  tig  fodha  so 
f  hathasd ! ' 

'  Ciod  a  rud  a  thig  fodha  ? '  osa  Fionn.  *  An  t^,'  os  asan, 
'  clann  peathar  Fhinn.  Chuireadh,'  os  iad  fhein,  *  os  ar  cionn 
an  so  'ad  gus  na  feidh  'chumail  bhuainn  ach  am  fear  bu  dona 
air  a  ghreigh.' 

'  Siuthadadh  sibhse  agus  ithibh  'ur  diol  is  cha  'n  eil  ann 
an  Eirinn  na  bheil  a  chridhe  facal  a  ghradh  ribh.  'S  mise 
Fionn  mac  Cumhail.' 


(To  be  continued.) 


360  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 


SOME  SUTHERLAND  NAMES  OF  PLACES 

W.  J.  Watson 

The  Norse  occupation  of  Sutherland  and  Caithness  lasted 
from  about  880  to  1200  a.d.,  when  William  the  Lyon  finally 
established  the  authority  of  the  Scottish  crown  in  these 
northern  parts.  The  names  from  this  source,  therefore,  may 
be  over  1000  years,  and  cannot  be  less  than  700  years  old. 
While  it  is  true  that  Norse  names  may  be  found  almost  any- 
where in  Sutherland,  even  in  its  very  centre,  there  are  several 
indications  that  the  occupation  was  not  nearly  so  complete 
as  it  was,  e.g.,  in  Lewis.  There  the  old  Celtic  names  have 
suftered  a  clean  sweep ;  almost  all  the  Gaelic  names  are 
'  phrase-names '  of  the  type  of  Allt  na  Muilne.  In  Suther- 
land, on  the  other  hand,  there  survives  quite  an  appreciable 
number  of  Pictish  names,  dating  long  before  the  advent  of 
the  Norsemen.  We  also  find  a  free  use  of  suffixes  in  forming 
Gaelic  names — such  as  -acli  with  its  old  locative  -aigh ;  -lack, 
-an  -f  ach,  and  other  combinations  of  an  antique  cast,  which 
could  hardly  have  been  formed  after  1200,  and  probably  date 
much  earlier.  The  Norse  element  is  very  strong  on  the  north 
coast,  much  weaker  in  the  interior  and  in  Sutherland  proper. 
It  is  noteworthy,  however,  that  many  of  the  principal  hills 
and  dales  are  Norse.  Fresh-water  lochs  are  mostly  all  Celtic, 
as  also  rivers.  Village  names  are  divided,  with  a  preponder- 
ance in  favour  of  Norse  which  does  credit  to  their  choice  of 
site.  The  evidence  of  the  place-names,  then,  goes  to  show 
that  the  Norsemen  held  the  whole  of  Sutherland  as  its  over- 
lords, but  did  not  occupy  it  to  the  extent  of  displacing  the 
native  population  or  their  language.  At  the  same  time,  it  is 
highly  probable  that  there  was  a  good  deal  of  bi-lingualism 
during  this  long  period  of  300  years ;  this  also  is,  to  some 
extent,  reflected  in  the  names. 


SOME  SUTHERLAND  NAMES  OF  PLACES    361 

We  shall  take  first  the  principal  terms  found  in  com- 
bination : — 

d,  river,  genitive  dr,  appears  terminally  in  Brora,  G.  Brura,  N. 
Briiar-a,  Bridge- water,  a  name  found  in  Iceland ;  also  in  Borgie, 
Fort-water.  The  genitive  case  is  seen  in  Arscaig,  ar-skiki, 
'  river's  strip,'  with  which  we  may  compare  Ascaig, '  river-strip.' 
Amat  (Oykell  and    Brora),    G.  amaid,  is   a-mot,  '  river-meet,' 

*  confluence,'  found  also  in  Ross.  Calda  Beag  and  Calda  Mor 
are  two  parallel  streams  that  flow  into  Loch  Assynt:  kald-a, 
Coldstream.  The  district  between  them  is  Edrachalda  for 
Eadar-dha-Chalda,  '  between  two  Coldstreams.'  Abigil,  G. 
abigil,  may  be  a^bse-gil, '  river-stead-gully.'  Aberscross  is  in  G. 
abarscaig  and  abairsgin ;  in  1512  Abbirskor,  1525  Estir  and 
Westir  Abbirschoir ;  1563  Westir  Abberscors,  showing  the 
modern  English  form  to  be  a  plural.  The  G.  abarscaig  would 
represent  a-biir-skiki,  'river-bower-strip';  in  Iceland  there  is 
Bura,  '  bower-stream ' ;  but  in  view  of  the  variant  forms  the  last 
syllable  must  be  held  uncertain.  In  any  case  the  initial  long 
vowel  shows  that  we  are  not  dealing  with  a  Pictish  aber,  as  has 
been  commonly  supposed. 

BakJd,  a  bank,  is  seen  in  Ekkiallsbakki,  Oykell-bank.  Hysbackie  is 
hus-bakki,  'house-bank,'  and  Coulbackie,  G.  Callbacaidh,  is 
kald-bakki,  'cold-bank.'  The  first  part  of  Crasbackie  is  not 
clear.     Backies,  near  Golspie,  is  an  English  plural.  Banks. 

Bolstadr,  hoi,  a  homestead,  is  not  uncommon.  Arnabol  is  either 
'Ami's stead,'  or,  less  probably,  'eagle  or  erne  stead.'  Gylableis 
gilj-a-bdl,  'gully-river-stead.'      Erribol,   G.   eiribol,   is   eyrr-bdl, 

*  gravel-beach-stead.'  The  Gaelic  of  Embo  is  also  eiribol,  but  it 
appears  as  EthenboU,  circ.  1230 ;  EyndboU  1610  ;  and  may  mean 
'  Eyvind's  stead.' 

Unapool  in  Assynt  is  Una's  or  Uni's  stead.  Kirkibol  and 
Crosspool,  Churchstead  or  Kirkton,  and  Roodstead,  are  two  of  the 
few  Norse  church-names  in  Sutherland.  Leirable,  1563  LyriboU, 
occurs  in  Kildonan,  apparently  mud-stead,  N.  leir,  whence  in 
Lewis  Lurebost.  With  it  may  be  compared  Duible,  1527  Doy- 
puU,  perhaps  from  dy,  '  a  bog,'  '  bog-town.'  Colaboll  is  either 
'  Kol's  stead,'  or  '  charcoal  stead.'  Scrabster  appears  in  the 
Orkneyinga  Saga  as  Skara-bolstadr,  '  seamew-stead.'  Torboll 
in  Dornoch  and  Torrobol  in  Lairg  both  represent  Thori's  stead. 
Eldrable,  G.  Eildirebol,  1563  AltreboU,  1610  Eltribol,  has  been 
explained  as  Altar-stead,  but  more  probably  contains  a  proper 
VOL.  II.  2  A 


\ 


362  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

name  such  as  EUdjarn.  The  N.  altari,^'  altar,'  is  late  and  Chris- 
tian. Skelbo  means  '  shell-stead,'  the  Gaelic  Sligo  and  Sligachan. 
Skibo,  G.  Sgiobul,  appears  about  1230  as  Scitheboll,  which  may 
be  either  '  Skithi's  stead,'  or,  from  skid, '  firewood-stead.'  The 
local  authorities  take  it  from  G.  sgiobal, '  a  barn,'  but  the  ancient 
spelling  has  to  be  taken  into  account.  Ribigil  is  in  1530  and 
1610  Regeboill,  which  might  be  reyka-bol,  'reek-stead,'  but 
though  reykr,  'reek,'  is  common  in  Icelandic  names  it  seems 
always  to  be  applied  to  places  near  hot  springs.  A  suggested 
derivation  is  rygjar-bol, '  housewife's  stead ' ;  the  difficulty  here  is 
that  Norse  g  between  vowels  would  certainly  have  been  aspir- 
ated. Ulbster  in  Kildonan  is  probably  Ulfr's  stead,  but  may  be 
Ulli's  stead,  UUi  being  a  pet  form  of  Erlend. 

Borg,  a  fort,  appears  in  Borve  Castle,  Farr,  G.  Borgh;  here  G.  gh 
must  have  been  sounded  v,  a  pronunciation  which  we  know 
from  other  instances  to  have  been  formerly  common,  and  which 
is  still  heard.  Near  it  is  Borrogeo,  borgar-gjd,  'fort  creek.' 
Borrobol  is  '  fort-stead ' ;  there  is  a  broch  within  about  a  mile  of  it. 
Burragaig  Bay  in  Durness  appears  to  be  borg-vik,  'fort-bay.' 
There  is  also  Loch  Borralaidh,  from  borg-hlid,  '  fort-slope.'  In 
Assynt  in  Loch  Borrolan,  at  Altnacealgach,  borgar-land,  'fort- 
land.'     The  river  Borgie  is  '  fort-river.' 

Dalr,  dale,  is  found  terminally  in  many  names.  Armadale  in  Farr, 
is  'Arm  dale'  or  'Bay  dale.'  Mudale,  G.  Muthadail,  1570  Mow- 
daill;  1601  Mowadale,  is  possibly  modadalr, '  muddy-river  dale.' 
Strathalladale,  a  hybrid,  is  helga-dalr, '  holy  dale ' ;  the  personal 
name  Helgi  is  also  possible.  Trantlemore  and  Trantlebeg,  1527 
Trountal,  contain  the  name  Thrond,  the  full  genitive  of  which 
appears  in  Trotternish,  Skye,  G.  Trondairnis,  Throndar-nes. 
Langdale  is  simply  Longdale.  Rimsdale,  1630  Rimbisdale,  and 
Achrimsdale  are  from  rymr,  roaring, '  roaring  dale.' 

Scalmasdale  in  Kildonan  is  hard  to  dissociate  from  Skalmar- 
dalr,  '  sword-dale ' ;  '  cloven  dale,'  in  Iceland.  Skelabosdale  is 
skela-bolstadr-dalr,  'shell-stead  dale.'  Strathskinsdale  is  from 
skinn,  skin,  cf.  Skinnet  in  Caithness.  Oulmsdale  is  the  present 
equivalent  of  Ullipsdale,  'Ulfr's  dale.'  Keoldale,  G.  Cealdail, 
1559  Kauldale  is  possibly  Kaldi-dalr, '  Cold-dale.'  Torrisdale  is 
'Thorir's  dale.'  Astle  or  Asdail  in  Dornoch  is  in  1222  Askes- 
dale,  1275  Haskesdale,  meaning  'Ashdale.'  Swordale,  G. 
Suardail,  1275  Swerdel,  is  'sward-dale.'  Ospisdale  is  probably 
for  Ospak's  dale;  Spinningdale,  G.  Spainigdail  (long  n),  1464 
Spanigidill,  1467  Spainzidell,  1546  SpangzedailL     It  has  been  re- 


SOME  SUTHERLAND  NAMES  OF  PLACES    363 

ferred  to  spong,  gen.  spangar, '  a  spangle/  which  would,  however, 
result  in  Spangadail.  The  second  syllable  ig  is  doubtless  vik, 
'  a  bay ' ;  the  first  may  be  spann, '  a  pail '  or  '  measure,'  possibly  with 
reference  to  the  shape  of  the  small  bay  on  which  Spinningdale 
stands.  Migdale,  G.  Migean,  1275  Miggeweth,  1561  Mygdaill, 
an  obscure  name.  Helmsdale  is  known  from  the  Sagas  to  be 
Hjalmund's  dale. 

Ey,  an  island :  Boursa  is  biirs-ey,  '  bower- isle.'  Soyea,  sauda-ey, 
'sheep-isle.'  Handa,  sand-ey,  'sand-isle,'  with  s  aspirated. 
Calbha  Bheag  and  Calbha  Mhor,  'calf-isle,'  a  name  commonly 
applied  to  small  islands  standing  off  the  shore.  Howga  of  1570 
is  in  1601  Haga,  now  Hoan.  Oldaney,  G.  Alltanaidh,  though 
applied  to  the  island  is  really  a  mainland  name,  and  probably 
Gaelic;  the  island  is  Eilean  Alltanaidh,  the  Isle  of  Oldaney. 
It  is  supposed  to  represent  Jura  of  Ferchar  Leighich's  charter 
of  1386;  dyr-ey;  'deer  isle.' 

Erg,  shieling ;  borrowed  from  O.G.  airge ;  now  airigh.  The  classical 
instance  is  Asgrim's  ergin  {Orkneyinga  Saga),  which  is  now 
Askary,  in  Caithness.  In  Sutherland  it  is  rather  common 
terminally  as  -ary.  Piscary,  in  Tongue,  is  'fish-shieling,'  and 
about  a  mile  from  it  is  Ach-an-iasgaich,  '  fishing-field.' 
Toscary,  from  tosk,  a  tooth,  tusk,  means  'tooth-shieling.' 
Scottarie  comes  from  skot,  a  shot;  'shot-shieling,'  cf.  skot- 
bakki,  shot-bank,  i.e.  butt.  Modsary  probably  contains  a  con- 
tracted form  of  a  personal  name,  e.g.  Motull,  and  so  with 
Kedsary,  which  may  be  Ketill's  shieling.  Halmadary,  famed 
for  the  legend  of  Tuiteam  Halmadairigh}  is  most  likely  '  Hjal- 
mund's shieling.' 

Sleasdary,  in  Creich,  is  doubtful.  Creag  Thorairigh  is  'the 
rock  of  Thori's  shieling.'  Scourie,  G.  Sgobhairigh,  is  probably 
from  skdgr,  a  shaw,  wood ;  '  shaw-shieling.' 

Fjall,  a  hill,  fell,  has  in  several  cases  been  replaced  terminally  by 
G.  heinn,  as  has  happened  elsewhere,  e.g.  Goatfell  is  in  G. 
Gaodabheinn;  so  Blaven,  'blue- fell,'  and  others.  In  Suther- 
land Sulven,  G.  Sulabheinn,  is  for  Sula-lQall,  'pillar-hill.' 
Fashven,  G.  Faisbheinn,  with  its  tapering  peak,  is  hvass-:Qall, 
'  pointed  fell.'  Sgribhisbheinn  is  not  clear  as  to  its  first  part ; 
perhaps  it  contains  sgri^a,  a  landslip,  scree.  Foinaven,  G. 
Foinnebheinn,  may  be  pure  Gaelic,  meaning  'wart-hill,'  from 

''         its   peaks.      On   the   other  hand   it   may  represent  vind-fjall, 
'windy-fell,'  just  as  vindauga,  'wind-eye,'  becomes  fuinneog, 
^  Inverness  Gael.  Soc.  Trans.,  xx.  99. 


364  THE  CELTIC  EEVIEW 

uinneag,  window.  It  has  been  thought  that  fjall  has  also  been 
replaced  by  G.   meall,  lump,  in  Farrmheall,  as  for  Fser-fjall, 

*  sheep-fell  * ;  but  the  name  is  more  probably  pure  Gaelic  mean- 
ing 'projecting  lump';  cf.  Farrlary.  At  least  four  hills  in 
Sutherland  are  called  Maovally,  G.  Maobhalaidh  with  old 
people ;  now  becoming  Mao'alaidh ;  1564  Mo  veil.  All  these 
present  the  same  rounded,  semi-elliptical  appearance,  and  I  take 
them  to  be  from  maga-fjall,  'maw-fell'  or  'paunch-fell';  the 
aspirated  g  would  be  sounded  v  as  in  Borve  above.  Another 
name  which  recurs  three  or  four  times  is  Saval,  G.  Sabhail. 
There  is  a  Saval  near  Lairg,  and  in  Assynt  are  Saval  Beag  and 
Saval  Mor,  with  a  gap  between  called  Bealach  eadar  dha  Shdh- 
hail.  Eastward  is  Lurg  an  t-Sdbhail.  Sabhail  seems  to  be  a 
Gaelic  form  of  ha-fjall, '  high-fell.'  Norse  initial  h  before  a  vowel 
is  usually  treated  in  Gaelic  as  if  it  were  an  aspirated  t ;  thus 
ha-bakki,  'high-bank,'  becomes  in  Lewis  Tabac.  But  this  h 
might  equally  well  be  taken  to  stand  for  aspirated  s,  and  of 
this  we  have  one  certain  instance  in  Hjaltland,  Shetland,  which 
becomes  in  Gaelic  Sealtainn.  It  may  be  noted  that  Sutherland 
names  happen  to  present  no  clear  instance  of  Norse  initial  h  be- 
coming t  in  Gaelic,  Ben  Loyal,  west  of  Loch  Loyal,  near  the 
Kyle  of  Tongue,  is  in  G.  Beinn  Laghal ;  1601  Lettirlyoll.  As  far 
as  phonetics  go  this  may  represent  laga-fjall,  'law-fell,'  or  laga- 
vollr,  'law- field.'  Another  suggestion  is  leid-fjall  or  leid-voUr, 
'  leet-fell '  or  '  leet-field,'  i.e.  places  where  certain  public  meetings 
were  held ;  but,  though  this  makes  good  sense,  it  would  become 
Laoghal,  rather  than  Laghal  in  modern  Gaelic.  Ben  Arkle, 
where  the  deer  in  Sir  Robert  Gordon's  time  had  forked  tails,  is 
G.  Airceil,  and  is  thought  to  mean  'ark-fell,'  'chest-fell,'  from 
its  shape.  It  may  equally  well  be  Gaelic  airceal,  a  hiding- 
place,  a  name  which  occurs  in  Lochbroom.  In  any  case  it 
can  hardly  be  erg-fjall,  'shieling-fell,'  as  has  been  sometimes 
suggested.  Beinn  Smeorail  is  'butter-fell,'  or  'butter-field,' 
(vollr). 

Fjordr,  a  firth,  appears  in  Loch  Inchai-d,  G.  Loch  Uinnseard,  probably 
engis-fjordr,  '  meadow-firth,'  and  in  Loch  Laxford,  G.  Lusard, 
'salmon-firth.'  Strath  Dionard  probably  contains  the  Norse 
name  for  the  Kyle  of  Durness,  into  which  it  opens,  and  may  be 
dyn-fjordr, '  noisy-firth.' 

Gardr,  a  garth,  yard,  court,  occurs  as  -gary,  -chary  :  Odhrsgaraidh  is 

*  Ogr's  garth.'  Ach-cheargary  is  from  kjarr,  copse ;  '  field  of  the 
garth  by  the  copse.'     Griamachary,  at  the  foot  of  Ben  Griam,  is 


SOME  SUTHERLAND  NAMES  OF  PLACES     365 

'Grim's  garth.'  Halligary  may  be  either  'sloping  garth'  or 
'  Hallr's  garth.' 

Gil,  a  ravine,  gully,  is  so  common  that  only  examples  can  be  given. 
Fresgil,  in  Durness,  may  be  from  fress,  tomcat ;  fraes,  noise, 
*  noisy  gully,'  has  also  been  suggested.  Eirigil,  from  eyrr,  means 
'gravel-beach  gully.'  Baligil,  balagil,  is  'bale  or  flame  gully.' 
Abigil  (a)  seems  to  be  a-bse-gil,  'river-stead  gully.'  Allt 
Thaisgil  is  from  hals-gil,  '  hause  (throat)  gully ' ;  cf.  Gob  Thais 
in  Lewis,  and  Thaisgil  in  Gairloch.  Achridigil,  field  of  Ridigil, 
probably  rjota-gil,  'rowting  or  roaring  gully,'  Achurigil, 
Rosehall,  is  not  to  be  compared  with  Loch  Urigil,  in  Assynt, 
which  has  the  initial  vowel  long,  and  may  be  from  lirr,  wild  ox. 
The  Rosehall  Urigil  is  rather  from  urd,  'a  heap  of  stones.' 
Achriesgil  is  from  hri's,  copse ;  '  field  of  the  copse  gully.' 
Connagil  is  from  kona,  woman,  Sc.  quean;  cf.  Cuniside,  G. 
Caonasaid,  qvenna-setr,  showing  the  genitive  plural.  Breisgil 
may  be  explained  as  breid-ass-gil,  'gully  by  the  broad  rocky 
ridge.'  Allt  Thoirisgil  means  '  burn  of  Thorir's  ravine.'  Sgrigil 
is  '  scree  or  landslip  gully ' ;  Traligil, '  thrall's  gully.'  Reigil,  1601 
RaygiU  is  given  as  Gaelic  of  Rhifail,  and  has  been  given  me  also 
as  Rifagil,  The  double  form  may  be  explained  as  rifgil  or  regil, 
'big  gully.'  Suisgil  in  Kildonan,  G.  Sisgil,  1527  Seyisgil,  1545 
Suisgill,  has  been  referred  to  seydisgil,  '  seethe-gil.'  With  it 
may  be  compared  Gisgil, '  gushing  gil,'  from  geysa,  gush,  whence 
geysir,  gusher.  Lastly  may  be  taken  Dun  Dornadilla  in  Strath- 
more,  in  Gaelic  Dun  Dornagil,  which  may  well  be  Thorna-gil, 
'  thorn-gully.' 

Gjd,  a  creek,  has  been  taken  over  into  Gaelic  as  geodha,  and  appears 
terminally  as  -go  or  -geo  in  Port  Vasgo  for  hvass-gja, '  tapering 
creek ' ;  Lamigo, '  lambs'  creek ' ;  Borrogeo,  '  fort  creek ' ;  Sango, 
'sandy  creek';  Glaisgeo,  (?)  'glass  creek,'  but  it  may  be  G. 
'  green  creek.' 

HUd,  a  slope,  genitive  hlidar,  occurs  in  Swordly,  'sward-slope.' 
Leathad  Darnlaidh  is  probably  '  hillside  of  the  thorny  slope.' 
Tuirsligh  is  for  Thursa-hlid, '  giant's  slope ' ;  cf.  na  Tttrsaichean  in 
Lewis,  applied  to  the  standing  stones.  Rudha  Armli  is  '  Cape  of 
the  bay  slope,'  cf.  Armadale,  and  Borralaidh  is  'fort-slope.' 
Fastly  is  probably  hvass-hlid,  '  pointed  slope,'  cf.  Faishven. 
Flirum,  a  rocky  islet  off  Durness,  is  probably  hlidar-holm, 
'  sloping  isle ' ;  Rob  Donn  has  leac  Fhllrutn. 

Nes,  a  headland,  cape,  occurs  only  thrice :  Melness, '  bent-grass  cape ' ; 
[Jnes,  1275  Owenes;  1566  Unis;  G.  Jimeas;  often  mentioned  in 


366  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

connection  with  the  '  ferry  of  Unes,'  now  the  Little  Ferry,  am 
Port  Beag,  at  mouth  of  Loch  Fleet.  Durness,  G.  Diuranais, 
'  deer-cape ' ;  cf.  Diurinish,  Skye,  and  elsewhere. 

Setr,  a  stead,  shieling,  appears  in  Sutherland  terminally  as  -said, 
which  becomes  in  English  -side.  Caonasaid  has  been  noted 
above;  1601  Kennyside.  Linside,  G.  Lionasaid,  is  for  lin-setr, 
*  flax-stead.'  Loch  Staonsaid  is  from  stein-setr, '  stony  shiehng' ; 
Loch  Coulside,  G.  Culasaid,  is  kiilu-setr, '  knob-stead,'  from  kulu, 
a  rounded  hill ;  cf.  Culbo,  in  the  Black  Isle.  Horasaid  is  '  Thori's 
stead  or  shieling.'  Dionsait  may  be  'noisy  stead,'  from  dynr 
din.  Fealasaid  is  §all-setr,  'hill-stead,'  in  English  Fallside. 
Bowside,  busetr,  'dwelling-shieling.'  Bracsaid  is  brekka-setr, 
'slope-seat.'  Sandset,  now  Sandside,  is  'Sandseat.'  Clanside, 
G.  Claonasaid,  and  Clayside  are  doubtful. 

Skiki,  a  strip  :  Arscaig  and  Ascaig  have  been  mentioned.  Overscaig 
is  ofarr-skiki,  'over  or  upper  strip.'  Poulouriscaig,  G.  PoU- 
aorisgaig  and  PoU-eirisgeig,  is  from  eyrr,  meaning  '  pool  or 
hollow  place  of  the  gravel-beach-strip.'  Boarscaig  is  biidar- 
skiki,  'bothy  strip.'  Malmsgaig,  from  malmr,  sand,  with 
secondary  meaning  of  metal ;  '  sand-strip,  or  ore-strip ' ;  cf.  Malmo 
in  Sweden,  and  Mdlmey,  Iceland.  Calascaig  is  '  Kali's  strip ' ; 
cf.  Calascaig  in  Lochbroom.  Ramascaig  is  from  hrafn  or  hramn, 
a  raven :  '  ravens'  strip,'  while  Romascaig  is  rauma-skiki, '  giant's 
or  clown's  strip.'  Truderscaig  cannot  come  from  triidr,  a  juggler, 
for  d  would  drop.  It  is  probably  Throndar-skiki, '  boar-strip '  or 
'Thrond's  strip';  cf.  Trantle,  above.  Skibbercross,  G.  Siobars- 
gaig ;  1360  Sibyrs(k)oc ;  1562  Syborskeg,  Schiberskek ;  a  difficult 
name ;  possibly  sidu-bur-skiki,  '  side-bower  strip ' ;  sida,  '  a  side,' 
is  common  in  Norse  names.  Gordonbush  has  been  given  me  in 
Gaelic  as  Gar-eisgeig,  where  gar  is  Gaelic  meaning  '  copse ' ; 
^isgeig  may  be  eydi-skiki, '  waste-strip.' 

Vollr,  a  field,  gives  Carrol,  kjarr-vollr, '  copse-field.'  Rossal  is  hross- 
voUr,  '  horse-field ' ;  its  grass  is  injurious  to  cows,  though  harm- 
less to  horses.  Lang  well  is  lang- vollr,  '  long-field,'  and  Sletell, 
'even-field,'  from  slettr.  Musal,  1560  Moswell,  is  'mossy-field'; 
Marrel,  mar- vollr,  'seafield.'  Brawl,  G.  Breithal,  is  breid- vollr, 
'  broadfield.' 

Some  names  may  be  added  which  do  not  come  under 
these  headings.  In  addition  to  the  personal  names  already 
noted,  we  have  Craig  Shomhairle  and  Airigh  Shomhairle, 
'  Somerled's  rock  and  shieling.'     Poll  Amhlaibh  is  '  Olafs  or 


SOME  SUTHERLAND  NAMES  OF  PLACES     367 

Anlafs  pool,'  Druim  Manuis,  'Magnus'  ridge';  Eilean  Eglei 
is  'Egill's  ey  or  isle.'  Dalharrald  in  Farr  contains  the 
common  Harold,  possibly  in  this  case  Earl  Harold,  who 
was  defeated  by  King  William  in  1196.  Cyderhall  is  an 
interesting  name.  In  1230  it  appears  as  Sywardhoth  ;  1275, 
Sytheraw ;  and  Siddera  on  Blaeu's  map ;  clearly  *  Sigurd's 
how'  (haugr),  the  burial-place  of  Earl  Sigurd,  who  died  from 
the  eifects  of  a  scratch  from  the  buck-tooth  of  Maelbrigit, 
Mormser  of  Moray,  whose  head  he  carried  at  his  saddlebow. 
Sigurd,  says  the  Saga,  was  '  laid  in  how '  at  Ekkiallsbakki. 
The  Gaelic  is  Siara,  which  may  represent  S^r,  a  pet  form  of 
Sigurdr  :  the  full  form  would  be  expected  to  yield  Siarda  in 
Gaelic.  Asher  or  Oldshore,  G.  Aisir  (k,)  was  in  1551  Aslar, 
1559  Astlair,  and  has  been  regarded  as  a  contraction  from 
Asleifarvik,  Asleifs  bay,  where  King  Hacon  touched  in  1263. 
Leac  Bhiurn  in  Strathnaver  is  *  Bjorn's  flagstone.' 

Golspie  is  in  1330  Goldespy,  G.  Goi(ll)sbidh ;  the  latter 
part  is  bser,  b;^r,  a  stead,  village ;  the  first  part  has  been 
referred  to  gil^  a  ravine,  which  is  impossible ;  also  to  gull, 
(older  goll),  gold,  which,  in  default  of  a  personal  name,  is 
the  most  probable  explanation.  Strathfleet,  G.  Srath-flebid, 
comes  from  fljot,  flood,  a  common  stream-name.  Eilean 
Klourig  (Clobhraig)  on  the  north  coast,  is  klofar-vik,  cleft- 
bay  ;  the  island  is  cleft  right  through  by  a  narrow  channel. 
Sandwood  in  Durness  stands  for  sand-vatn,  sand-water,  the 
only  instance  known  to  me  of  vatn  in  Sutherland  and  the 
mainland  of  Boss,  whereas  it  is  so  common  in  the  Western 
Isles.  Two  parishes  bear  Norse  names.  Tongue,  from  tunga, 
a  tongue ;  and  Assynt,  ascribed  to  ass-endi,  rock-end.  The 
difficulty  with  the  latter  is  that  the  initial  vowel  of  Assynt 
is  short  in  Gaelic.  The  suffixed  article  is  seen  in  Merkin, 
the  march  (mork),  Akran,  the  acre,  Polin,  the  bol  or  stead. 
Syre,  G.  Saghair,  is  rather  uncertain.  If  we  accept  initial  s 
of  Gaelic  as  arising  from  Norse  h,  as  was  suggested  in  the 
case  of  Saval  above,  it  would  represent  hagar,  pasture- 
lands  ;  on  the  other  hand  there  is  a  Saghair  in  Ireland. 
Storr  in  Assynt,  G.  St6r,  is  usually  supposed  to  be  from  stor. 


368  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

big,  the  latter  part  of  the  name  having  dropped.  But  the 
name  occurs  in  the  Orkneyinga  Saga  as  Staur,  and  there 
is  another  point  of  the  same  name  in  the  Heimskringla, 
with  suffixed  article,  Staurinn,  both  apparently  from  staurr, 
a  stake,  point.  Ben  Hope  is  from  hop,  a  bay,  whence  Gaelic 
db ;  as  Ben  Horn  is  from  horn,  a  horn.  Ben  Clibreck  is  in 
G.  Clibric,  and  may  be  klif-brekka,  *  cliff-slope '  but  Gaelic  I 
makes  this  doubtful ;  in  any  case  the  latter  part  is  hrekka,  a 
slope.  Grumbeg  and  Grummore  are  interesting.  In  1570 
they  appear  as  Grubeg  and  Grubmore,  and  farther  back  in 
1551  Gnowb  Litil  and  Mekle,  from  gnupr,  a  peak,  common 
in  land-names.  Loch  Merkland  is  mork-land,  '  march-land ' ; 
it  is  on  the  watershed.  Strath- vagastie  appears  to  be  from 
vaka-stadr,  '  watching-stead.'  Heilem,  which  appears  in  Bob 
Donn  as  Hilleam  and  Huilleum,  is  in  1530  Wnlem,  1542 
Unlem;  1551  Handlemet ;  1601  Hunleam  and  Houndland, 
and  may  be  hund-holm,  *  hound  isle ' ;  it  is  a  mushroom-shaped 
peninsula.  Fors,  a  waterfall,  gives  Forsinard  and  Forsinain, 
upper  and  lower  waterfall  respectively.  Cape  Wrath,  G.  am 
Parbh,  is  from  hvarf,  turning-point,  cf  hvarfs-gnfpa,  Cape 
Farewell,  in  Greenland.  Solmar,  in  Durness,  is  sol-heimar, 
*  bright-ham,'  Brighton,  a  name  found  in  Iceland.  Ben 
Armin  is  from  armadr,  gen.  drmanns,  a  steward,  controller, 
whence  G.  drmunn,  a  hero.  The  Italian  looking  Ben  Stomino, 
east  of  Loch  Loyal,  is  said  on  good  authority  to  be  a  mere 
map-name.  It  appears  on  a  map  of  Sutherland  dated  1823, 
and  has  kept  its  place  since.  The  Gaelic  form  is  Beinn  Staim 
and  Loch  Staim  lies  north  of  it,  apparently  from  the  by- 
name Stami.  Druim-basbaidh  in  Farr  probably  contains  a 
shortened  form  of  a  personal  name  with  the  -by  suffix,  seen 
in  Golspie  ;  bads-bser,  '  bath-stead '  is  possible.  Drumholli- 
stan,  east  of  Strath-halladale,  is  '  the  ridge  of  the  holy  stone.' 

In  dealing  with  the  Norse  element  I  have  had  the  advan- 
tage of  consulting  a  paper  contributed  some  years  ago  by 
Dr.  A.  Macbain  to  the  Highland  News,  of  which  he  kindly 
permitted  me  to  make  use. 


THE  RUIN  OF  HISTORY  369 

THE  RUIN  OF  HISTORY 

(A  reply  to  '  The  Ruin  of  Britannia ') 

In  The  Celtic  Review  for  July  and  October  1905  Mr.  A.  W.  Wade-Evans 
aims  at  showing  that  the  De  excidio  et  conquest  Britanniae  which  bears 
the  name  of  Gildas  •  was  composed  about  700,'  and  that  the  invective  by 
which  it  is  followed  is  alone  the  composition  of  Gildas,  and  was  written  by 
him  'before  502.'  And  as  part  of  his  argument  he  seeks  to  prove  that 
Vortigern  invited  the  Saxons  in  428.  I  shall  here  show  that  the  428  date 
hopelessly  breaks  down,  and  that  each  of  Mr.  Wade-Evans's  preliminary 
contentions  also  collapses. 

He  begins  with  the  Annales  Cambrice,  '  and  the  important  event  from 
which  the  Annales  Cambrice  compute  appears  to  be  St.  Germanus's  2nd 
Advent  to  Britannia,  which  it  fixes  in  the  year  which  would  be  in  our 
reckoning  ad.  445  .  .  .  Annus  i  is  445  .  .  .  Annus  CCCLXiii  is  807,  and 
so  on.' 

Now  (1)  the  Annales  do  not  give  the  number  445  at  all,  while  both 
Mommsen  and  Mr.  Phillimore,  their  latest  editor,  reckon  their  Annus  i.  as 
444 ;  and  (2)  they  do  not  mention  Germanus  at  all.  It  is  merely  Mr.  Wade- 
Evans's  assumption  that  they  date  from  the  2nd  Advent  of  Germanus,  and, 
to  those  who  abide  by  Bede's  dating,  it  is  manifest  that  they  begin  with  the 
supposed  year  either  of  Vortigern's  accession  or  of  the  Saxon  landing. 
Finally,  the  Dictionary  of  Christian  Anticpoities  and  the  Dictionary  of  National 
Biography  both  place  Germanus's  2nd  Advent  in  447. 

He  proceeds  to  say  that  the  compiler  of  the  Annales  had  before  him 
several  chronicles  computing  from  diiFerent  eras,  and  jumbled  up  their 
entries  without  reducing  their  dates  to  a  common  era.  He  gives  '  three 
examples  out  of  the  many ' : — 

(1)  'It  is  universally  admitted  that  St.  Patrick  died  in  461.  .  .  .  Now  the 
Annales  Cambrim  place  it' — his  death — 'opposite  Annus  xiii.,  which  in  the  era  of 
445  gives  a  wrong  date,  viz.,  445-1-12  =  457  ;  but  which  in  the  era  of  449  gives  the 
right  date,  viz.,  449 -t- 12  =  461.  Therefore  this  event  was  extracted  from  a  chronicle 
which  computed  from  449.'  ^ 

Patrick's  death  was  an  Irish  event,  and  is  dated  488  by  the  Annals  of 
Innisfallen,  489  by  the  Chronicon  Scotorum,  492  by  the  Annals  of  Ulster,  and 
493  by  the  Four  Masters.     Here  are  four  divergent  dates  within  a  period  of 

1  It  was  doubtless  stated  by  tradition  or  in  some  early  chronicle  that  Patrick 
died  58  years  after  coming  to  Ireland,  and  this  was  misinterpreted  as  referring  to  his 
mission  to  Ireland  (about  432),  instead  of  his  captivity  (about  403).  I  find  that 
Prof.  Bury  has  the  same  explanation.  457  was  given  for  the  death  of  Sen  Patraic 
(Bury,  p.  284),  and  was  the  year  of  Patrick's  retirement  {ib.,  p.  206). 


370  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

six  years ;  does  Mr.  Wade-Evans  really  suppose  this  arises  from  four  different 
eras  having  been  adopted  within  that  period  ? 

A  glance  over  Dr.  Whitley  Stokes's  edition  of  Tigernach  in  the  Revue 
Celtique  would  have  shown  him  that  similar  divergences  among  the  Irish 
chronicles  are  incessant.  To  account  for  these  it  is  not  necessary  to  pos- 
tulate the  concurrent  use  of  a  number  of  eras,  varying  only  a  year  or  two 
from  each  other,  and  none  of  them  knovm  ever  to  have  been  used  at  all.  It  is 
enough  to  seek  their  origin  in  well-known  causes.  One  of  these  may  have 
been  the  different  dates  at  which  the  Roman  consular  and  the  Christian 
ecclesiastical  year  began.  Another  very  common  one  was  the  omission  or 
miscopying  of  numerals.  In  a  number  such  as  CCCLXXViii.,  for  instance,  it 
was  quite  easy  to  drop  or  repeat  a  [,  an  X,  or  an  i.  Where  ink  was  faint  or 
corroded,  or  vellum  dirty,  it  was  easy  to  read  c  as  L,  x  as  v,  L  as  i,  u  as  ii. 

If  Mr.  Wade-Evans  will  look  at  p.  145  of  Mommsen's  edition  of  the 
Historia  Brittonum,  he  will  find  in  the  various  readings  of  the  MSS.  a  seiies 
of  such  mistakes,  where  there  can  be  no  allegation  of  the  use  of  different 
eras.  The  number  of  years  between  Adam  and  the  Babylonian  transmigra- 
tion according  to  Jerome's  translation  of  Eusebius's  Chronicle — which  can 
hardly  fail  to  have  been  the  ultimate  basis  of  computation — should  be 
miDCLXX,  yet  every  MS.  on  this  page  gives  iiiidccclxxviiii,  or  adds 
another  x.  Some  scribe  had  let  his  eye  slip  to  adjacent  numbers,  from 
which  he  had  inserted  additional  figures ;  thus  the  superfluous  vim  is  the 
end  of  the  number  before  that  which  he  was  copying. 

(2)  The  Annales  place  the  death  of  Cadwaladr  opposite  Annus  ccxxxviii, 
i.e.  according  to  Mr.  Wade-Evans,  238  +  444  =  682;  according  to  Mr. 
Phillimore,  238  +  443  =  681.  Mr.  Wade-Evans  quotes  the  authors  of  TJie 
Welsh  People  (p.  127)  as  saying,  *If,  from  the  few  data  we  have  to  rely  on, 
the  matter  is  traced  out,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  year  681  is  too  late, 
and  that  in  all  probability  it  was  in  or  very  near  to  664  Cadwaladr  died.' 
'We  know  from  Nennius,'^  says  Mr.  Wade-Evans,  'that  he  died  in  a 
pestilence  .  .  .  between  642  and  670,  and  also  that  a  great  pestilence 
commenced  in  664  .  .  .  Now  Annus  ccxxxviii  in  the  true  era  of  the 
Invitation  is  428  +  237  =  a.d.  665.' 

Now  the  entry  of  the  plague  is  in  all  three  of  the  MSS.  included  in  the 
Rolls  edition  of  the  Annales,  but  the  death  of  Cadwaladr  is  only  in  A,  the 
other  two  (B  and  C)  having  instead  varying  forms  of  a  statement  that  he 
fled  to  Brittany — a  statement  taken  from  Geoffrey  of  Monmouth.  And, 
although  these  other  two  MSS.  are  of  the  late  thirteenth  century,  and  are 
only  partially  transcripts  of  the  Annales,  *  they  are  both  largely  based  .  .  . 
on  a  MS.  (or  MSS.)  of  those  Annales  that  is  now  lost,  and  was  in  places  a 

^  He  should  have  said  '  the  Historia  Brittonum,'  which  is  earlier  ;  Nennius  omits 
all  this  matter.  I  have  in  Keltic  Researches  similarly  confused  the  Nennian  redaction 
with  the  earlier  form,  and  abase  myself  accordingly  but  nothing  has  turned  on  the 
point. 


THE  RUIN  OF  HISTORY  371 

more  correct  transcript  than  the  now  unique  existing  one '  (Mr.  Phillimore 
in  Y  Cymmrodor,  xi.  p.  139).  I  suggest  that  the  original  text  of  the  Annales 
had  only  the  entry  of  the  plague,  and  that  a  later  scribe,  saying  to  himself, 
'This  must  have  been  the  plague  in  which  Cadwaladr  died,'  added  the 
statement  of  his  death. 

(3)  'Opposite  Annus  CLXXXvi  the  Annales  place  this  dark  entry — 'Guidgar 
comes  and  returns  not,'  which  Annus  makes  445  +  185  =  630.  It  obviously  refers  to 
some  early  well-known  settlement  whose  best  remembered  leader  was  'Guidgar.' 
The  only  known  settlement  of  the  kind  of  which  we  are  reminded  is  that  of  Wihtgar 
and  Stuf  in  the  Isle  of  Wight  in  514.'  And  he  proceeds  to  explain  by  what  com- 
bination of  errors  an  event  which  took  place  in  514  was  ascribed  to  630. 

It  is  really  enough  to  point  out  that  the  Annales  have  not  mentioned 
any  other  Anglo-Saxon  settlement,  that  the  elements  of  the  name  Guidgar 
{i.e.  wood-lover)  appear  in  Welsh  pedigrees  in  Guid-cun,  Guid-gen,  Cyn-gar, 
and  that  'comes  and  does  not  return'  is  far  more  likely  to  refer  to  a 
Cumbrian  or  Breton  paying  a  visit  to  Wales  and  stopping  there  than  to  a 
Jute  invading  the  Isle  of  Wight.  On  these  considerations  alone  Mr.  Wade- 
Evans's  case  ought  to  be  ruled  out  of  court. 

But  his  explanation  of  how  the  dislocation  of  116  years  was  brought 
about  is  far  too  instructive  to  be  missed  : — 

'  Two  mistakes  were  made.  A  scribe  had  before  him  the  date  '  a.d.  dcxiv,'  i.e. 
514.  The  first  mistake  was  to  read  dc  as  600  instead  of  500  (that  being  once  a 
common  way  of  writing  500).  Having  thus  obtained  the  number  614,  he  proceeded 
to  compute  in  the  era  of  St.  Germanus's  1st  Advent,  viz.  429.  In  other  words,  if 
429  is  made  the  Annus  i,  then  614  will  be  614  -  428,  which  is  Annus  clxxxvi  as 
above.  Afterwards  a  second  scribe,  neglecting  the  era,  inserted  it  without  change  in 
his  own  era  of  445,  so  that  the  event  was  thrown  116  years  out  of  its  true  date  ! ' 

Whether  any  one  ever  dated  anything  'in  the  era  of  St.  Germanus's  1st 
Advent '  we  need  not  stop  to  inquire.  It  is  enough  that  no  one  who  knew 
the  Latin  numeral  system  could  possibly  write  DC  for  500,  or  interpret  it 
as  anything  but  600.  D  stands  to  C  in  exactly  the  same  relation  as  L  to  X 
and  V  to  l,  and  Mr.  Wade-Evans  might  just  as  well  have  told  us  that  lx 
was  '  once  a  common  way  of  writing '  50,  and  VI  '  once  a  common  way  of 
writing '  5.     Here  he  has  been  misled  by  two  earlier  writers. 

He  next  shifts  King  Maelgwn's  death  from  547  to  502,  on  the  hypothesis 
that  it  was  computed  'in  the  era  of  Stilicho.'  The  sole  ground  for  disturb- 
ing the  date  is  that  St.  David  was  born  in  year  14  of  the  era  of  the  Annales 
(  =  456),  that  according  to  'genuine  pedigrees '  he  was  fifth  in  descent  from 
Cunedda,  whereas  Maelgwn  was  fourth — and  that  consequently  547  is  too 
late  for  the  death  of  the  latter. 

First  note  that  in  the  oldest  MS.  of  the  Annales  David's  birth  is  not 
mentioned.  He  only  appears  in  one  of  about  1 286,  so  that  in  their  most  ancient 
text  there  is  no  discrepancy  between  the  dates  assigned  to  him  and  to 
Maelgwn. 

The  next  thing  which  strikes  one  about  these  '  genuine  pedigrees '  is  that 


372  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

in  that  of  David  *  Cedig '  and  '  Sant '  are  not  real  persons  at  all.     The  first 

e 

seems  merely  a  faulty  repetition  of  the  preceding  name  (Cedig  i.e.)  Ceredig, 
and  the  second  simply  the  epithet  sant,  *  saint.' 

And,  if  this  be  so,  then  David,  instead  of  being  a  generation  younger 
than  Maelgwn,  was  a  generation  older,  and  the  accepted  date  of  Maelgwn's 
death  receives  the  strongest  confirmation. 

On  referring  to  the  genealogies  in  the  Harleian  MS.  3859  of  the  Annates, 
the  index  to  the  Book  of  Llan  Dav,  and  the  index  to  the  Red  Book  of 
Hergest,  one  finds  no  Welsh  name  Cedig,  and  no  "Welsh  name  Sant. 

The  article  on  St.  David  in  the  Did.  of  Natiorml  Biography  ingeniously 
observes  that  David's  father  Sant  was  '  apparently  evolved  from  the  title 
mabsant  (patron  saint),  which  admits  of  being  mistranslated  "  the  son  of 
Sant".' 

As  regards  Cedig,  the  Did.  of  Christian  Biography,  the  Diet,  of  National 
Biography,  and  Rees's  Cambro  British  Saints  all  ignore  him,  and  (though  there 
are  late  Welsh  pedigrees  which  give  him),  if  Mr.  Wade-Evans  will  refer  to 
the  very  useful  index  to  Old- Welsh  genealogies  published  by  Mr,  Anscombe 
in  the  Archiv  fur  celtische  Lexicographie,  he  will  find  that  in  the  thirteenth 
century  Cotton  MS.  Vesp.  A.  xiv  David's  alleged  father  Sant  is  twice  given 
as  the  son,  not  grandson,  of  Keredic,  even  though  in  one  place  the  MS. 
allows  this  Keredic  a  son  named  Kedic  or  Kedich. 

In  short,  so  far  as  the  evidence  before  us  goes,  there  ia  not  the  least 
reason  why  David  should  not  have  been  Maelgwn's  senior,  and  why  he 
should  not  have  been  buried  (as  Geoffrey  of  Monmouth  states)  by  Maelgwn's 
orders  at  Menevia. 

But  something  still  remains  to  be  said  about  the  Annates  and  David. 
The  oldest  MS.  has  against  the  year  157  this  entry  : — '  Sinodw/ urbi/"  legion. 
Gre-goriw/  obiit  in  christo.  Dauid  e^iscopuf  moni  in-deonim.'  It  is  com- 
monly said  that  this  is  a  statement  that  St.  David  died  in  Menevia  in 
601,  and,  if  so,  it  would  of  course  cut  the  ground  from  under  Mr.  Wade- 
Evans's  feet.  He  simply  ignores  it ;  but  I  shall  shortly  show  elsewhere  that 
the  final  place-name  should  be  moniu  aero,  and  indicates  an  earlier  seat  of 
David's  bishopric  at  Moniu  near  the  Aeron,  now  Hen  Fenyw,  'Old  Menyw.' 

He  next  sets  to  work  to  determine  to  what  era  the  date  of  Maelgwn's 
death  should  be  ascribed.  It  is  '  not  difficult  to  discover ' — nothing  would 
be  when  '  discovery '  is  conducted  on  his  methods.  And  this  is  how  he 
does  it. 

The  oldest  MS,  of  the  Annates  is  interpolated  in  the  text  of  a  copy  of 
Nennius's  redaction  of  the  Historia  Brittonum,  where  it  is  preceded  by  a 
string  of  badly  blundered  chronological  notes.  This  is  a  translation  *  of 
these  notes  from  A.D.  29  onwards  : — 

'Also  from  the  two  Gemini,  Rufus  and  Rubelius,  until  Stillitio  consul  are  373 
years.'    {They  are  only  371  ;  the  Gemini  were  consuls  in  29,  Stilicho  in  400.) ' 

'  The  Latin  is  on  p.  209  of  Mommsen's  edition  of  the  Historia, 


THE  EUIN  OF  HISTOEY  373 

'  Also  from  Stillitio  until  Valentinianus  son  of  Placida  and  the  reign  of  Guor- 
thigirnus  28  years.'     {But  V.  became  Caesar  in  424  and  Augustus  in  425.) 

'And  from  the  reign  of  Guorthigirnus  until  the  discord  of  Guitolinus  and 
Ambrosias  are  12  years,  which  is  Guoloppum,  i.e.  Catguoloph.'  {The  only  Ouitolin 
we  know  xoas  Vortigern's  grandfather,^  and  Catguoloph  means  '■free  from  battles,^  ^  which 
was  surely  not  true  of  any  12  years  of  Vortigern's  reign.) 

'Guorthigirnus  moreover  held  imperium  in  Britain  when  Valentinianus  and 
Theodosius  were  consuls '  (i.e.  425,  which  contradicts  the  '  28  years '  already  given). 

'And  in  the  4th  year  of  his  reign  the  Saxons  came  to  Britain,  Felix  and  Taurus 
being  consuls,  in  the  400th  year  from  the  incarnation  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ.'  (! ! !) 

'From  the  year  in  which  the  Saxons  came  into  Britain  and  were  received  by 
Guorthigirnus  until  Decius  and  Valerianus  are  69  years.'  {The  consulship  of  Decius 
and  Longinus  in  486,  only  58  years  after  Felix  and  Taiirus,  is  all  Mommsen  can 
suggest.) 

This  precious  farrago,  I  may  say  in  advance,  is  the  sole  authority  on 
which  Mr.  Anscombe  and  Mr.  Wade-Evans  would  have  us  throw  back 
Vortigern's  dealing  with  the  Saxons  to  428.  And  it  is  from  this,  and  this 
only,  that  Mr.  Wade-Evans  creates  an  '  era  of  Stilicho,'  from  which  he  says 
'  two  military  events  are  distinctly  computed.  .  .  .  These  are  the  words  .  .  . 
"  From  Stillicho  to  Valentinianus  and  Vortigern's  reign  are  28  years  ;  and 
from  Vortigern's  reign  to  the  battle  between  Guitolinus  and  Ambrosius  are 
12  years."' 

He  is  trying  to  make  out  that  his  so-called  '  era '  of  Stilicho  was  an  era 
in  which  military  events  were  computed.  Therefore  he  translates  dis- 
cordiam  'battle'  (!)  and  calls  Vortigern's  accession  a  military  event. 

Establishing  a  military  era  by  these  simple  means,  he  tells  us  that  in  the 
first  110  years  of  the  Annales  three  military  events  are  recorded: — 
Annus  LXXii — Victory  of  '  Badon '  won  by  Arthur. 
Annus  XCiii — Arthur's  death  at  Camlan. 
Annus  Ciil — Death  of  Maelgwn  Gwynedd. 
— where  the  death  of  Maelgwn  during  a  pestilence  is  twtured  into  a  military  event 
in  order  to  justify  the  shifting  of  its  date  into  a  supposed  military  era. 

Of  course  the  other  two  events  follow  suit — Arthur's  death  being  thrown 
back  from  537-8  to  492,  while  a  471  date  for  the  Badon  victory  'is  corro- 
borated by  the  famous  interpolation  in  the  Excidium  Britannice,  which 
computes  '  Badon '  as  the  Annus  XLIV  with  one  month  gone  [from  Vorti- 
gern's Invitation],  i.e.  428-|-43  =  47l.' 

The  'famous  interpolation'  is  in  every  MS.  of  the  Excidium,  and  has 
been  disputed  by  no  one,  so  far  as  I  know,  except  Mr.  Wade-Evans  and  Mr. 
Anscombe,  to  whose  attack  on  the  date  of  the  Excidium  it  is  fatal ! 

Next  as  to  the  computation  from  428.     C.  25  of  the  Excidium  ends  with 

1  Historia  Brittonum,  §  49.  Doubtless  the  Guethelinus  abp.  of  London  men- 
tioned by  Geoffrey  as  obtaining  help  from  Brittany  and  educating  Aurelius 
Ambrosius  (vi.  4,  5). 

2  See  Prof.  Rh^s  in  Y  Cymmrodor,  xviii.  73.  The  name  is  Vitalinus  Kymricised 
(Prof.  Rh^s). 


374  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

the  victory  of  Ambrosius  Aurelianus ;  its  actual  closing  words  are  *  quis ' 
(=quibus)  '  victoria  domino  annuente  cessit.'    The  next  chapter  begins : — 

'  Ex  eo  tempore  nunc  cives,  nunc  hostes,  vincebant,  ut  in  ista  gente  experiretur 
dominus  solito  more  praesentem  Israelem,  utrum  diligat  eum  an  non  ;  usque  ad 
annum  obsessionis  Badonici  montis,  novissimaeque  ferme  de  furciferis  non  minimae 
stragis,  quique  quadragesimus  quartus  ut  novi  orditur  annus  mense  lam  uno  emenso, 
qui  et  meae  nativitatis  est.' 

Here  '  quique — est '  is  *  the  famous  interpolation,'  in  which  there  is  not  a 
word  about  428  or  Vortigern's  invitation,  while  the  context  leaves  it  to  the 
last  degree  doubtful  whether  the  44  years  are  not  counted  *  ex  eo  tempore,' 
i.e.  from  Ambrosius's  victory,  and  not  from  Vortigern's  invitation  at  all. 

'Again,'  says  Mr.  Wade-Evans,  'as  the  annalistic  year  in  the  fifth 
century  commenced  on  September  1  with  the  indiction,  '  Badon '  was  won 
in  October  470  of  our  reckoning,  which  is  the  fact  underlying  Geoffrey  of 
Monmouth's  absurd  statement  that  Arthur  slew  with  his  own  hand  470  men.' 

Now  it  seems  easy  to  conceive  an  (imaginary)  entry  'an.  CCCCLXX 
Saxones  prostravit  Arturus  in  bello  Badonis '  being  so  misinterpreted.  Yet 
it  is  all  but  impossible  that  any  one  reading  such  entries  in  a  chronicle 
should  be  ignorant  that  the  number  following  'annus'  or  'an.'  was  the 
number  of  the  year.  Moreover,  we  do  not  know  the  date  of  Geoffrey's 
Breton  book,  but  we  do  know  that  he  did  not  write  before  about  1130. 
Now  Arthur's  feat  is  also  related  by  two  earlier  chronicles  (1)  the  Historia 
Brittonum,  not  later  than  the  eighth  century,  and  (2)  its  redactor,  Nennius, 
c.  796 — though  we  may  not  have  any  AISS.  of  these  earlier  than  Geoflfrey's 
own  time.  Well,  the  Historia  Brittonum  and  the  Latin  Nennius  do  not  give 
the  number  as  470,  and  the  various  readings  in  Mommsen's  text  are  as 
follows : — 

una  die  ccccxl     (  =  440)  N 
una   „   dccccxl   (  =  940)  M 

in  uno  „   dcccxl     (=840)  CDGLPQ  and  the  Irish  version  of  Nennius. 
„         „   dcccclx    (  =  960)  HK 
Here  there  cannot  be  much  doubt  that  the  original  was  840,  940,  or  960. 
The  470^  of  the  printed  Geoffrey  probably  arises  out  of  dcccclx^  d  being 
accidentally  dropped  (as  in  N),  and  x  accidentally  added. 

Next  Mr.  Wade-Evans  proceeds  to  prove  that  the  invective  of  Gildas  was 
written  before  502.     The  proof  is  a  single  sentence  : — 

'  Now,  as  Maelgwn  was  alive  when  St.  Gildas  wrote  his  rebuke,  the  Epistola  Gilda 
was  written  before  Maelgwn's  death  in  Annus  cm  a  Stilichione  conaule,  i.e.  a.d. 
502.' 

As,  however,  we  have  seen,  there  is  not  a  shadow  of  evidence  that 
Maelgwn  died  before  547,  and  consequently  none  for  shifting  the  date  of 
Gildas's  invective. 

^  The  very  important  twelfth  century  (Bodleian)  MS.  Rawlinson,  C.  152  reads 
460. 


THE  RUIN  OF  HISTORY  375 

We  now  come  to  the  date  of  Vortigern's  invitation  to  the  Saxons.  Mr. 
Wade-Evans  quotes  from  the  precious  farrago  I  have  above  referred  to  the 
passage  relating  to  it,  supplying  in  square  brackets  *  [vicesimo  octavo] '  after 
*  quadringentesimo,'  and  translating  '  in  the  year  of  the  Incarnation  428.' 
He  then  asks,  '  How  then  is  it  that  Bede  places  this  event  in  449  1 ' 

'In  532,'  he  says,  'Dionysius  invented  his  system  of  Christian  Chronology  which 
we  use  to  this  day.  After  a  while  this  system  was  criticised  as  follows  : — If  (it  was 
argued)  our  Lord  was  born  in  a.d.  1,  then  the  day  of  the  Crucifixion  must  be  Nisan 
15  and  March  25,  and  a  Friday,  and  the  moon  fifteen  days  old,  and  all  in  the  year 
A.D.  34.  But  as  a  matter  of  fact  it  is  not  so,  whereas  these  conditions  are  found  in 
A.D.  12.  Therefore,  argued  the  critics,  a.d.  12  according  to  Dionysius  must  be  a.d. 
34  according  to  the  truth  of  the  Gospel.  Consequently  they  introduced  a  new  system 
of  chronology,  which  they  called  that  of  Gospel  Verity,  against  the  system  of  Diony- 
sius. Now  we  find  that  in  Northumbria,  in  the  middle  of  the  seventh  century, 
Vortigern's  Invitation  was  fixed  at  460,  and  this  computation  is  quite  right  if  we  only 
remember  that  it  is  according  to  Gospel  Ferity.  In  other  words,  the  date  450  is  based 
on  the  date  428,  because  428  according  to  Dionysius  =  450  according  to  Gospel 
Verity.' 

Now  this  system  of  dating  according  to  Gospel  Verity  is  first  known  to 
have  been  used  by  the  eleventh  century  writer,  Marianus  Scotus,  and  I  have 
never  seen  a  rag  of  evidence  that  it  was  used  before  him.  In  1901  Mr. 
Anscombe  promised  to  produce  such  evidence,  but  we  still  wait  for  the 
fulfilment  of  that  promise. 

The  same  undemonstrated  assumption  leads  Mr.  Wade-Evans  to  date  the 
Excidium  after  597.     Here  is  his  argument : — 

' .  .  .  the  system  of  Dionysius  was  not  introduced  into  Britain  until  St.  Augustine 
brought  it  in  597,  and  therefore  a  criticism  of  it  would  be  meaningless  in  Britain  till 
after  that  date.  In  other  words,  the  computation,  according  to  Gospel  Verity,  was 
not  possible  in  Britain  till  after  597.  But  the  Excidium  BHtannice  (said  to  have 
been  written  by  St.  Gildas  who  died  in  554)  computes  the  date  of  the  Invitation, 
according  to  Gospel  Verity,  and  therefore  it  could  not  have  been  written  by  Gildas 
nor  before  597.  For  the  Excidium  places  the  Invitation  after  the  third  consulship 
of  Aetius  in  446  [and  in  450].' 

This  is  an  incomplete  and  misleading  statement.  The  Exddmm  does 
not  simply  place  the  invitation  after  a  consulship  of  446 ;  it  places  it  after  a 
letter,  which  it  quotes,  addressed  to  '  Agitius '  as  thrice  consul.  There  is 
no  case  of  computation,  but  of  the  correctness  of  sequence  of  an  ordinary 
historical  narrative,  fatal,  if  that  sequence  is  correct,  to  the  428  date. 

Mr.  Wade-Evans  next  passes  from  mere  chronology  to  history  in  a 
larger  sense.  Let  us  compare  what  he  tells  us  with  what  our  Keltic 
ancestors  thought  they  knew. 

According  to  the  Historia  Brittonum  (§§  31,  36-7),  Vortigern's  Saxons, 
who  had  been  expelled  from  their  own  country,  had  landed  from  three  ships, 
had  oflFered  themselves  as  mercenaries,  had  first  received  from  him  the  isle 
of  Thanet,  and  afterwards  had  had  Kent  ceded  to  them,  without  the  consent 
or  knowledge  of  its  own  king,  Virangonus. 


376  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW  ' 

The  essential  parts  of  this  account  agree  with  the  De  excidio  which 
Gildas  wrote  about  548,  and  which  even  Mr.  Wade-Evans  does  not  try  to 
put  later  than  about  700.  Therein  Gildas  (§  23)  tells  us  that  a  'tyrannus' 
of  the  Britons  and  his  counsellors,  in  order  to  repel  the  northern  nations,^ 
invited  the  Saxons,  who  came  in  three  ships,  and  at  his  bidding  first  fixed 
their  claws  in  the  eastern  part  of  the  isle. 

According,  however,  to  Mr.  Wade-Evans,  all  this  is  not  even  worth  con- 
futing. In  Vortigern's  time  '  Brittania '  merely  meant  *  Wales  +  Cornish 
Peninsula,'  having  for  eastward  boundaries  the  Dorset,  Bristol,  and  Tewkes- 
bury 2  Avons  !  '  Picts  from  Scotland,  that  is  the  Cymry  under  Cunedda '  (!) 
'  and  Scots  from  Ireland  were  pressing  on  his  little  patria  beyond  Builth.  .  .  . 
Driven  by  necessity,  he  invited  to  his  assistance  the  Saxon  kindreds  who 
dwelt  beyond  the  Avons  on  either  side  of  the  lower  Thames '  (!). 

Mr.  Wade-Evans  proceeds  to  give  reasons  why  Gildas  cannot  have 
written  the  De  excidio. 

'Inasmuch  as  the  author  of  the  Excidiicm  is  a  Roman  Britannua,  whose 
patriotism  is  kindled  by  the  memory  of  Ambrosius  ;  and  inasmuch  as  he  refers 
familiarly  to  the  topography  of  S.E.  Wales  (not  to  mention  his  reference  to  the 
Britanni  of  Armorica  in  a  manner  impossible  to  a  Cymro  or  a  Scottus,  or  a  follower 
of  Vortigern),  it  is  clear  he  is  a  native  either  of  S.E.  Wales  or  of  the  Britannic  terri- 
tory between  the  Severn  Sea  and  Poole  Harbour.  In  other  words,  he  is  not  St.  Gildas 
ap  Caw  0  Priten,  who  was  neither  a  Roman  Britannus  nor  a  native  of  Romania  at 
all.  St.  Gildas  was  the  son  of  Caw  o  Priten,  i.e.  Caw  of  Pictland  or  Southern  Scot- 
land, a  regains  "beyond  the  mountain  Bannawc"  in  Arecluta,  which  means  "on  or 
opposite  Clyde." ' 

Now  I  find  no  reference  whatever  to  S.E.  Wales  except  in  the  words 
'Aaron  et  lulium  Legionum  urbis  cives'  (§  10),  where  Caerleon  is  meant, 
nor  any  to  the  Britanni  of  Armorica  unless  in  '  alii  transmarinas  petebant 
regiones,'  etc.  (§  25).  As  Gildas  died  in  the  latter  half  of  the  sixth  century, 
he  was  obviously  not  '  a  follower  of  Vortigern.' 

Mr.  Wade-Evans  says  that  Gildas  could  not  have  written  as  he  has  done 
about  the  Picts  and  Scots  because  he  was  himself  '  the  son  of  the  Pictish 
raider '  Caw.  This  information  he  extracts  from  an  '  extraordinary  story ' 
in  the  Vita  S.  Cadoci,  §  22,  of  which  he  transfers  the  scene  from  Albania  (i.e. 
Scotland  north  of  the  Forth)  to  Anglesey,  and  which  does  7iot  say  that  Caw 
was  a  Pict.     He  does  not  mention  the  following  facts : — 

(a)  That  in  the  life  of  Gildas  by  the  monk  of  Ruys  (his  own  monastery) 
Gildas's  father  is  described  as  a  catholic  king  in  Alclyde ; 


1  i.e.  the  'tetri  Scottorum  Pictorumque  grege?'  (§  19). 

2  The  one  point  to  lay  stress  on  now  is  this,  that  the  three  rivers  called  Avon 
(Tewkesbury,  Bristol,  and  Dorset)  almost  certainly  represent  Britannic  boundaries  of 
the  fifth  and  sixth  centuries,  Avon  being  the  Britannic  word  for  '  river.'  There  is 
no  Dorset  Avon  ;  he  means  the  Avon  of  Wilts  and  Hants.  Perhaps  he  also  regards 
as  boundaries  the  Avons  which  disembogue  at  or  near  Thurlestone,  Aberavon,  Avon- 
mouth,  Berkeley,  Hamilton,  Grangemouth,  and  Ballindalloch. 


THE  EUIN  OF  HISTORY  377 

(b)  That  in  the  lolo  MSS,  (pp.  101  (496),  109  (508),  136  (540)) 

Gildas's  father  is  said  to  have  been  driven  out  of  his  country  by 

the  Gwyddelian  Picts,  and  to  have  been  the  son  of  Geraint,  the 

son  of  Erbin,  the  son  of  Custenin  Gorneu,  the  son  of  Cynfar,  the 

son  of  Tudwal  Mynwaur,  the  son  of  Cadan,  the  son  of  Cynan, 

the  son  of  Eudaf,  the  son  of  Bran,  the  son  of  Llyr  Llediaith. 

There  is  nothing  Pictish  thei'e. 

He  says  that,  'if  the  author  ,  .  .  had  been  Gildas  ab  Caw  writing 

before  502,  he  could  not  possibly  have  made  such  a  mistake  as  that  in  which 

he  tells  us  that  the  Walls  of  Antonine  and  Hadrian  were  built  after  388,  and 

also  the  nine  forts  of  the  Saxon  shore '  and  that  the  statement  that  Hadrian's 

Wall  was  built '  between  cities  which  pet-haps  had  been  located  there  through  fear  of 

enemies  ...  in  itself  betrays  the  late  date  of  the  work.' 

The  answer  is  (1)  that  Gildas  wrote  nearly  half  a  century  later,  (2)  that 
his  tradition  doubtless  confused  repairs  with  construction,  (3)  that  Hadrian's 
Wall  was  built  along  a  line  of  previous  Keltic  settlements,  as  is  shown  by 
almost  every  station  on  it  bearing  a  Keltic  and  not  a  Eoman  name,  and  (4) 
that  there  is  no  proof  that  the  '  turres  per  intervalla  ad  prospectum  maris ' 
were  *  the  nine  forts '  or  anything  more  than  conning-towers. 

'Nor  could  St.  Gildas  before  502  have  made  the  suggestion  which  the 
Excidium  does  in  chapters  11  and  12,  where  it  is  assumed  that  the  merthyr  place- 
names  of  South  Wales  are  so  called  after  supposed  Diocletian  martyrs.' 

To  this  and  the  subsequent  remarks  of  his  first  paper  it  is  enough  to 
say:— 

(a)  that  the  chapters  in  question  do  not  mention  S.  Wales  at  all,  and 

that  the  only  allusion  to  it  which  I  find  in  the  De  excidio  is  the 
statement  that  Aaron  and  lulius  were  citizens  of  Caerleon. 

(b)  that  '  merthyrs  (martyria) '  are  nowhere  mentioned  in  the  work, 

that  the  word  martyrium  is  only  used  in  it  of  actual  martyrdom, 
and  that  the  statement  that  the  Christians  of  the  early  fourth 
century  built '  basilicas  sanctorum  martyrum '  is  made  of  Britain 
at  large,  and  not  of  S.  Wales. 

I  now  come  to  Mr.  Wade-Evans's  second  paper,  on  the  date  of  cc.  1-26 
of  Gildas. 

The  work  of  Gildas  consists  of  a  denunciation  preceded  (cc.  3-26)  by  a 
historical  narrative.  The  latter  in  turn  has  a  preface  in  which  the  author 
states  his  denunciatory  purpose  (c.  1.),  but  announces  (c.  2)  that  before 
fulfilling  his  promise  ('  ante  promissum ')  he  will  give  a  historical  outline. 
No  work  could  more  clearly  proclaim  its  own  unity,  and  this  unity  is 
confirmed  by  the  extraordinarily  pretentious  and  involved  style  of  the 
whole. 

Mr.  Wade-Evans  ignores  the  testimony  of  the  work  to  itself,  ignores  the 
evidence  of  style,  and  attributes  everything  before  c.  27  to  a  later  writer  of 
about  700.     By  so  doing  he  gives  to  the  part  which  he  does  allow  to  Gildas 

VOL.  II.  2  B 


378  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

an  inconceivably  abrupt  beginning,  while  he  leaves  the  other  part  with  the 
promise  of  its  preface  unfulfilled. 

He  has  also  failed  to  notice  (or  else  ignores)  two  striking  correspon- 
dences of  phraseology  between  c.  1  of  the  narrative  which  he  rejects  as 
Gildas's  and  the  denunciation  which  he  accepts.  The  first  of  these  ^  is 
•  merito  .  .  .  dicebam  .  .  .  Stephanum  gloriosum  ob  martyrii  palmam,  sed 
Nicholaum  miserum  propter  immundae  haereseos  notam '  compared  with 
c.  67,  'Nicolaum  in  loco  Stephani  martyris  statuunt  immundae  haereseos 
adinventorem ' :  in  each  passage  there  is  also  an  antithesis  between  Peter 
and  Judas.  The  second  is  '  Habet  Britannia  rectores,  habet  speculatores,' 
to  be  compared  with  c.  27,  '  Reges  habet  Britannia,  sed  tyrannos ;  iudices 
habet,  sed  impios '  and  c.  66,  '  Sacerdotes  habet  Britannia,  sed  insipientes,'  etc. 

The  author  of  the  part  which  Mr.  Wade-Evans  rejects  has  fortunately 
given  us  excellent  clues  to  his  date.  Speaking  of  the  victory  of  Ambrosius 
Aurelianus,  he  adds  'cuius  nunc  temporibus  nostris  suboles  magnopere 
avita  bonitate  degeneravit,'  which  suggests  that  he  was  contemporary  with 
Ambrosius's  grandchildren.  This  would  be  true  of  Gildas  (whose  death  is 
placed  by  the  Annales  at  a  year  corresponding  to  570)  but  not  of  an  author 
writing  about  700.  I  grant  that  '  avita '  may  mean  simply  '  ancestral,'  but 
if  Ambrosius's  family  had  lasted  in  the  male  line  down  to  700,  it  would  be 
singular  that  his  name  is  not  in  the  Old  Welsh  Genealogies — that  no  Welsh 
family  of  note  at  the  time  when  those  genealogies  were  compiled  could 
claim  descent  from  him  in  the  male  line. 

The  decisive  evidence,  however,  is  furnished  by  the  next  paragraph,^ 
which  says  that,  '  From  that  time '  [i.e.  Ambrosius's  victory]  *  now  the 
citizens,  now  the  enemies,  were  conquering  .  .  .  until  the  year  of  the 
blockade  of  the  Badon  mount,  and  of  almost  the  latest  slaughter,  of  any 
importance,  of  the  scoundrels,  and  which  begins  as  the  forty-fourth  year,  as 
I  am  aware,  one  month  having  already  been  measured  out,  which  is  also 
that  of  my  birth.'  It  is  not  certain  whether  he  means  that  he  was  born  in 
that  particular  month,  or  in  that  particular  year,  or  whether  the  forty-four 
years  are  from  Vortigern's  invitation  ^  or  from  Ambrosius's  victory,  but  in 
either  case  the  author  may  have  been  Gildas,  who  died  in  570,  and  cannot 
possibly  have  been  a  man  who  wrote  about  700.  This  evidence  Mr.  Wade- 
Evans  cannot  ignore — how  does  he  deal  with  it  ? 

The  Annales  mention  two  battles  of  Badon  (i.e.  Bath).  The  first,  at  a 
point  corresponding  to  A.D.  516,  is  described  as  (I  translate)  'battle  of 
Badon  in  which  Arthur  carried  a  cross  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  in  3  days 
and  in  3  nights  on  his  shoulders,  and  the  Brittons  were  victors ' :  this  is 

*  I  owe  my  knowledge  of  it  to  Prof.  Hugh  Williams's  edition.  He  cites  Jerome, 
Ep.  xiv.  8  :  '  Attendis  Petrum  sed  et  ludam  considera  ;  Stephanum  suspicis,  sed  et 
Nicolaum  respice. 

2  For  the  Latin,  see  above,  p.  365. 

^  So  Bede  takes  it,  but  the  other  view  is  supported  by  the  Annales,  which  place 
the  Badon  affair  at  a  point  corresponding  to  516. 


THE  RUIN  OF  HISTORY  379 

obviously  the  battle  referred  to  by  Gildas,  The  other  is  at  a  point  corre- 
sponding to  A.D.  665,  and  is  described  as  'battle  of  Badon  a  second  time' 
(secundo). 

We  have  already  seen  that  Mr.  Wade-Evans  has  tried  to  push  back  the 
first  battle  from  516  to  470.     He  now  says : — 

(i)  That  the  battle  of  470  (i.e.  516)  was  not  a  battle  of  Badon  at  all, 

but  of  the  Mons  Agned  ! 
(ii)  That  there  was  only  one  battle  of  Badon,  that  of  665  ! 
(iii)  That  this  was  really  the  battle  of  '  Bedan-  or  Biedan-  heafod,'^ 
not  fought  by   the  Britons  at  all,   but    by   one   set  of    the 
'  scoundrels '  against  another  (Mercians  against  West-Saxons), 
and  according  to  the  A.-S.  Chronicle  in  675. 

To  maintain  (i)  and  (ii)  he  has  to  suppose  that  the  entry  of  the  Jirst 
battle  in  the  Annales  is  due  to  an  erroneous  identification  of  the  battle  of 
Mons  Agned  with  that  of  Mons  Badonicus,  and  that  the  entry  of  the  latter 
among  Arthur's  battles  in  the  Historia  Brittonum  (at  least  as  early  as  the  eighth 
century)  is  also  due  to  the  influence  of  the  narrative  attributed  to  Gildas. 

To  maintain  (iii)  he  has  to  ignore  the  difference  of  vowels  between 
'  Bedan-  or  Biedan- '  and  Badonid.  Biedan-  is  the  correct  form,  but  it  is,  I 
imagine,  certain  that  neither  in  Welsh,  nor  Cornish,  nor  yet  Breton,  would 
Bied-  or  Bed-  become  Bad-,  and  that  in  Anglo-Saxon  an  original  Badon  or 
Badan  could  not  become  Biedan  or  Bedan. 

Having  thus  transferred  his  author  from  the  middle  of  the  sixth  to  the 
end  of  the  seventh  century,  Mr.  Wade-Evans  has  still  to  explain  what  is 
meant  by  the  forty-fourth  year,  in  which  the  battle  took  place  and  the 
author  was  born.  He  says  these  words  are  an  insertion  by  some  one  who 
confused  the  battle  of  Biedan  heafod  in  675  with  the  battle  of  the  Mons 
Agned  of  470  (really  516) !  The  person  in  question  did  so  because  he  knew 
that  the  year  of  that  battle  '  was  also  the  year  of  St.  Gildas's  birth ' ! 

From  what  source  a  man  of  the  end  of  the  seventh  or  beginning  of  the 
eighth  century  is  likely  to  have  known  the  year  of  Gildas's  birth  at  all,  he 
does  not  tell  us  :  we  only  know  it  from  this  very  passage.  But  the  explana- 
tion assumes  that,  when  it  was  made,  this  historical  narrative  was  already 
attributed  to  Gildas.  Now  Bede,  in  his  Ecclesiastical  History,  which  was 
finished  in  731,  quotes  freely  from  this  very  narrative  at  the  beginning  of 
his  work.  Moreover,  he  quotes  the  very  words  about  the  blockade  of  the 
Badon  mount,  and  says  it  happened  about  the  forty-fourth  year  of  the 
arrival  of  the  Germans  in  Britain  (i.  16),  Finally,  after  a  long  quotation 
from  this  narrative  (i.  22)  about  the  Britons,  he  says  that  their  historian, 
Gildas,  had  not  exhausted  the  tale  of  their  wickedness.  So  that — although 
the  narrative  was  not,  according  to  Mr.  Wade-Evans,  written  till  Bede's 
own  lifetime  (indeed  not  before  he  was  a  full-grown  man) — yet  it  had  come 

1  Mr.  Phillimore  had  already  proposed  to  identify  this  and  the  battle 
of  665. 


380  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

to  be  accepted  as  the  composition  of  a  sixth  century  author,  and  inter- 
polated accordingly,  before  Bede  began  to  write  his  History  !  ^ 

'  Badon  Hill  is  described  ...  as  an  auxilium  insperatum.  ...  A  victory 
of  Arthur  .  .  .  could  not  possibly  be  called  an  unexpected  help.'  If  Mr. 
Wade-Evans  had  not  totally  disregarded  the  Breton  tradition  delivered  by 
GeoiFrey  of  Monmouth  (according  to  which  the  Bretons  had  a  contingent 
fighting  with  Arthur  in  that  very  year)  he  would  have  known  the  contrary. 
Arthur  was  at  or  near  Alclyde,  and  a  body  of  Saxons,  who  had  surrendered 
to  him  on  condition  of  being  allowed  to  sail  back  to  Germany,  sailed  round 
to  Totnes  instead  and  marched  on  Bath :  if  its  relief  by  a  march  from 
Dumbarton  was  not  an  auxilium  insjjeratum  Mr.  Wade-Evans's  definition  of 
the  unhoped-for  must  be  a  little  exacting.  Yet,  when  one  turns  to  the 
Latin,  one  finds  that  the  words  '  insperati  .  .  .  auxilii '  are  not  attached  to 
the  blockade  of  the  Badon  hill,  and  that  so  far  as  can  be  guessed  from 
their  context  they  more  probably  refer  to  the  victory  of  Ambrosius 
Aurelianus ! 

Finally,  in  attempting  to  connect  the  author's  theological  strictures  with 
the  adoption  of  the  Roman  Easter  by  Britons  of  Wessex  at  the  end  of 
the  seventh  or  beginning  of  the  eighth  century,  Mr.  Wade-Evans  has 
omitted  all  reference  to  the  letter  in  The  Academy  of  November  2,  1895, 
in  which  I  pointed  out  the  striking  applicability  of  the  language  of  the 
Excidium  to  the  very  time  when  Gildas  (judged  by  his  attack  on  Maglo- 
cunus)  was  writing.  That  letter  was  written  in  reply  to  Mr.  Anscombe — 
but  of  replies  to  Mr.  Anscombe  we  never  hear  anything  from  Mr.  Wade- 
Evans.  He  only  mentions  the  'minute  researches,'  'great  conquests,'  and 
'masterly  articles'  of  his  friend,  to  one  of  whose  articles,  that  on  'The 
date  of  the  first  settlement  of  the  Saxons  in  Britain,'  in  the  Zeitschrift  fiir 
celtische  Philologie,  iii.  pp.  492-514,  I  am  about  to  send  a  reply  elsewhere. 
In  it  I  shall  show  what  the  Annales  Cambrice  and  c.  66  of  the  Histoiia 
Brittonum  really  are.  E.  W.  B.  Nicholson. 


BOOK  REVIEWS 

James  Macpherson :  An  Episode  in  Literature.    By  J.  S.  Smart.     London : 
David  Nutt,  1905.     35.  6d.  net. 

*  Macpherson,'  says  Mr.  Smart, '  produced  spurious  Highland  poetry  from 
the  first  day  of  his  appearance  as  a  translator '  (p.  92),  and  in  remarking  that 
'he  is  not  the  only  man  of  mystery,'  Mr.  Smart  draws  attention  to  the 
fabrications  of  Chatterton,  of  William  Ireland,  and  of  Robert  Surtees.  A 
remarkable  letter  is  quoted  (p.  193)  wherein  Macpherson,  in  1793,  writes 

*  Mr.  Wade-Evans  himself  says,  'Bede  had  the  Excidium  in  his  hands  by  the  year 
725.'    In  that  year  he  borrowed  from  it  largely  in  his  De  temporum  ratione. 


BOOK  REVIEWS  381 

regarding  the  suggestion  of  one  Davidson,  a  friend  of  Ferguson,  that  the 
ancient  manuscripts  should  be  followed :  '  Mr.  Davidson  writes  rationally, 
but  he  seems  not  to  know  that  there  is  scarce  any  manuscript  to  be  followed, 
except,  indeed,  a  very  few  mutilated  ones  in  a  kind  of  Saxon  character, 
which  is  as  utterly  unknown  to  the  Highlanders  as  either  the  Greek  or 
Hebrew  letters.'    Macpherson  ends  this  letter  by  exhorting  his  correspondent 
not  to  communicate  it  to  Davidson  and  Dr.  Blair — '  You  will  easily  perceive 
this  letter  is  meant  only  for  your  own  eye  ;  for  few  men  wish  to  know  that 
they  have  been  so  long  deceived  on  a  point  which  the  smallest  attention 
might  at  once  ascertain.'     Mr.  Smart  holds  that,  '  in  using  the  ballads  as  a 
basis  for  his  own  compositions,  Macpherson  was  within  his  rights  as  an 
eighteenth  century  poet.      But  the  exhibition  of  his  works  as  genuine 
antiques  fifteen  centuries  old,  and  the  unreal  pretensions  which  he  wrapped 
about  them,  are  a  different  matter.     Perhaps  nothing  else  is  so  likely  to 
harden  one's  heart  against  him  as  a  careful  study  of  his  own  prefaces  and 
notes.     The  poor  Ossianic  ballads,  and  indeed  all  Highland  poetry  but  his 
own,  are  rarely  mentioned  without  a  sneer.     They  are  "  those  trivial  com- 
positions which  the  Irish  bards  forged  under  the  name  of  Ossian," — "puerile 
and  despicable  fictions," — "  trivial  and  dull  to  the  last  degree."    Such  as 
they  are,  they  were   his  own  original  materials.      Yet  this  intrepid  man 
seizes  every  occasion  to  laud  the  works  of  the  real  Ossian — himself.'    Mr. 
Smart's  book,  while  it  appeals  not  so  much  to  the  Celtic  scholar  as  to  the 
student  of  English  letters,  shows  a  well-balanced  mind,  an  informed  judg- 
ment, and  withal  a  refined  taste — altogether  a  sound  introduction,  within 
its  limits,  to  the  study  of  its  subject,  embracing  the  necessary  references 
to  the  relevant  literature,  as  one  expects  in  a  work  on  a  Celtic  literary 
subject  published  by  Mr.  Nutt.      It  but  corroborates  the  verdict  of  Sir 
Walter  Scott.  G.  H. 

Religious  Songs  ofConnacht.    By  Douglas  Hyde,  LL.D.    In  eight  parts. 
Dublin  :  Gill  and  Son,  Ltd.     Vols.  i.-v.  Is.  per  part. 

These  volumes  are  the  valuable  result  of  many  years'  toilsome  gleaning  in 
the  province  of  Connacht  by  the  President  of  the  Gaelic  League.  The  work 
does  no  small  credit  alike  to  the  patience,  zeal,  and  tact  of  the  collector, 
whose  sympathy  is  only  equalled  by  his  shrewdness  and  insight,  and  to  the 
wonderful  people  among  whom  it  was  possible  to  find  such  a  great  mass  of 
literary  material  enshrined  in  the  memories  and  living  on  the  lips  of  the 
unlearned,  in  remote  country  places,  from  generation  to  generation.  Dr. 
Hyde  says  a  true  word  when  he  remarks  in  his  interesting  notes  that  a 
knowledge  of  these  poems  is  *  almost  necessary  to  any  one  who  would  under- 
stand the  soul  of  Connacht.'  It  has  been  said  that  '  the  soul  of  a  nation 
never  finds  such  native  and  intimate  expression  in  the  work  of  its  great 
poets  as  in  the  artless  folk-songs  that  have  their  roots  in  a  people's  heart ; 
that  grow  into  articulate   melody  one   scarcely  knows  how,  that  wander 


882  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

unclaimed  and  houseless  through  the  centuries,  long  after  their  original 
makers  and  singers  are  forgotten.' 

This  is  equally  true  of  religious  songs  and  stories  such  as  we  have  in 
these  volumes.  The  hymns  and  prayers  are  full  of  passionate  devotion  and 
earnest  piety.  The  verse  is  generally  sweet  and  pleasing  with  a  noble 
simplicity.  The  thought  is  not  vigorously  intellectual  as  a  rule,  but 
devotional  and  practical.  One  of  these  books  might,  indeed,  be  mistaken 
for  a  church  manual.  But  we  miss  the  imp-imatur  on  the  title-page  !  For 
there  are  things  here  that  will  please  neither  Rome  nor  Canterbury.  Dr. 
Hyde,  the  humanist,  includes  all  that  came  his  way,  curses  as  well  as 
blessings  and  prayers,  satires  on  the  clergy,  Protestant  and  Catholic, 
heretical  opinions,  spells  and  charms,  and  weird  and  grotesque  prose  stories 
of  saints  and  common  men. 

The  guiding  principle  of  the  collector  seems  to  be  nihil  humanum 
alienum  puto.  The  result  is  comprehensiveness,  and  an  impression  of  the 
true  inwardness  of  the  Connacht  mind. 

It  is  interesting  to  compare  these  books  with  Carmina  Gadelica.  The 
number  of  pieces  that  are  identical  or  evidently  variants  of  the  same  original 
are  not  so  numerous  as  one  might  have  expected.  The  one  collection 
supplements  the  other,  and  both  combined  form  a  noble  common  heritage 
for  the  Gaelic  race. 

Dr.  Hyde's  translations  are  uniformly  well  done.  He  succeeds  in 
Englishing  the  originals  without  Anglicising  them.  On  the  whole  the  work 
has  been  carried  through  with  rare  literary  skill  and  judgment.  Our 
readers  will  look  with  interest  for  the  concluding  volumes  of  the  series. 
The  cheap  form  in  which  the  parts  are  issued  will  doubtless  help  to  a  wide 
circulation  and  obtain  for  Dr.  Hyde's  work  the  success  it  merits. 

Once  or  twice  the  author  trenches  on  the  dangerous  ground  of  religious 
controversy.  Criticism  might  be  offered,  but  we  refrain.  In  a  note  he  says 
that  the  phrase,  * "  Righ  na  Domhnaigh  "  has  not  found  its  way  into  English.' 
But  what  about  St.  Luke  vi.  5  in  the  authorised  version  1  M.  N.  M. 

Manuel  pour  servir  d,  VStude  de  VAntiquiU  Celtique.     Par  Georges  Dottin, 
prof esseur  k  I'Universit^  de  Rennes.     Paris  :  Champion,  1 906.     5  fr. 

In  358  pages  Prof.  Dottin  has  '  vulgarised,'  as  his  compatriots  say,  the 
Antiquity  of  the  Celts.  Want  of  space  makes  us  keep  to  the  linguistic  and 
philological  side  of  the  manual,  which  bears  signs  of  being  written  hurriedly. 
Witness,  notably,  the  treatment  of  such  words  as  '  maw,'  Welsh,  as  he  calls 
it  (p.  91).  The  truth  is  that  'maw,'  or  'meol,'  is  Cornish.  It  occurs, 
according  to  W.  Stokes,  as  '  mau,'  and  (in  composition)  as  '  meudaw.'  '  Mevel  * 
is  Bi'eton.  Again,  '  cwrf '  is  given  as  the  Welsh  for  beer  (p.  54 ;  in  index, 
wrongly  given  as  p.  55),  whereas  Pugh's  Dictionary  gives  'cwrw'  (as  all 
Welsh  now  pronounce  it)  and  '  cwryf,'  and  whereas  the  Welsh  Laws  seem  to 
have  called  it  'corraf.'    It  is  right  to  say  that  Prof.  Dottin  quoted  from  the 


BOOK  REVIEWS  383 

Dictionary  of  Spurrel,  and  that,  preferably,  he  gives  the  old  Welsh  forms. 
M.  Dottin  assures  us  we  were  never  called  Celts  in  these  Islands  in  the 
earliest  times,  and  lashes  the  temerity  of  J.  Rhys  and  B.  Jones  {Welsh 
People)  and  of  E.  W.  B.  Nicholson  re  the  Picts.  The  Fir  Bolg  are  only  once 
touched  on,  happily !  As  Irish  is  his  forte,  the  author  gives  us  relatively 
more  of  it.  Lyon  is  called  after  a  god  Lug,  or  after  a  crow,  or  else  is 
Endlicher's  *  delectable  mountain '  (presumably,  the  Fourvieres,  which  the 
writer  did  not  find  agreeable  to  climb).  A.  Holder,  in  the  Revue  Celtique  for 
April  1905,  wishes  to  make  the  crow  an  owl !  If  'Aiis'  (vs)  meant  a  kind  of 
oak  among  the  Galatians  (p.  68),  and  if  hob  means  a  pig,  as  l<i  does,  have  we 
here  any  explanation  of  '  hob  y  dery  dan  do  "?  On  the  same  page,  we  find 
Boudicca's  goddess  of  Victory,  Andraste  or  Adraste,  mentioned.  M,  Dottin 
finds  in  it  a  possible  Greek  word,  translating  an  unknown  Celtic  name.  But, 
for  maledictions,  Adras  is  familiar  still.  The  Irish  Urur,  '  cress,'  might  have 
had  compared  with  it,  besides  Breton  and  French,  the  W.  hervyr,  herw 
(N.  Wales),  herwy  (S.  Wales).  On  p.  92,  for  'quatre'  read  'appartenant  a 
quatre,'  for  W.  'petry-.'  The  Celtomaniacs  are  well  trounced,  p.  107.  Paris 
from  '  par-/s '  (the  submerged  town  of  Brittany)  is  particularly  fine.  [An 
Aberystwyth  correspondent  sends,  for  the  Celtomaniacs,  the  following 
equations:  'Tena  Koe'='dyna  chwi,'  *tena  Koutu'='dyna  chwithau.' 
Here  the  first  half,  in  each  case,  is  Maori,  the  second  Welsh!]  P.  126, 
'  rotten  barley  fetid  juice'  {jus  fdtide  d'orge pmirrie)  is  inexact  as  a  translation 
of  Dionysius  Hal.  (xiii.  16),  who  speaks  of  barley  macerated  in  water,  Kyoi^ijs 
aaTTeia-rjs  €v  vSan, — a  very  difi'erent  thing.  The  voluptuary,  for  instance,  in 
Athenajus  (xii.  p.  549),  using  the  same  verb,  says  he  is  himself  lean  from 
pleasure,  and  macerations  of  the  flesh  were,  or  are,  known  in  religion.  The 
possible  root  of  *  brogues '  from  ^sut-frago,'  *calf  of  leg,'  possibly  opens  up 
the  whole  question  of  whence  came  '  frock,'  '  froc '  (F.), — from  the  ninth 
century  down.  [A  question  not  discussed,  however,  here,  p.  129.]  Naturally 
the  gcesati  (p.  128)  were  armed  with  gwaywffyn,  'javelins';  and  plaid  is  due 
to  the  Gauls,  if  Pliny's  '  scutulis  dividere  Gallia  [instituit] '  bears  that 
translation  (p.  131), — for  another  meaning  is,  not  'plaid'  but,  'knitted.' 
Philologically,  uxoribus  (pi.)  is  too  weak  a  proof  of  polygamy  in  Gaul,  and 
M.  d'A.  de  Jubainville  has  practically  proved  Celtic  monogany, — tempered, 
as  he  describes  it.  H.  H.  Johnson. 

Faclair  Gaidhlig :  Lyminge :  Kent.     Ardm6r :  E.   Macdonald  &  Co.  at  the 
Celtic  Press.     6c?.  per  part. 

Nine  parts  (280  pp.)  of  this  new  Gaelic  Dictionary  have  now  appeared, 
bringing  it  down  to  criibag.  The  work  aims  at  presenting  an  approximately 
complete  vocabulary,  and  to  this  end  it  is  evident  that  no  pains  have  been 
spared  in  the  way  of  overhauling  previous  dictionaries,  as  also  printed  books 
such  as  Mr.  A.  Carmichael's  Carmina  Gadelica,  Nicolson's  Gaelic  Proverbs, 
and  Cameron's  Names  of  Plants.  In  addition  local  and  dialectic  forms  have 
been  obtained  from  Gaelic  scholars  all  over  the  Highlands.     But  the  work  is 


384  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

more  than  a  vocabulary  :  it  is  a  thesaurus  of  phrases  and  expressions  illus- 
trative of  the  word  under  discussion.  Another  most  praiseworthy  feature 
is  the  collection  under  their  respective  heads  of  the  names  of  the  different 
parts  of  composite  structures,  and  of  terms  and  phrases  used  in  con- 
nection with  specific  operations.  Under  Ihta,  for  instance,  there  are  no 
less  than  eight  columns — apart  from  illustrations — containing  names  of 
parts  and  fittings  of  boats  and  ships.  Under  coinneamh  come  six  columns  of 
terms  and  expressions  used,  or  capable  of  being  used,  in  connection  with 
meetings.  Under  caor  we  have  lug-marks.  All  this  was  well  worth 
doing,  and  for  the  result  we  are  grateful  to  the  laborious  compiler  and  his 
helpers.  We  have  observed  some,  not  many,  misprints.  The  type  used  is 
small  and  trying  to  the  eyes.  In  spite  of  the  diligence  exercised  there  are 
omissions,  of  which  a  few  may  be  noted  :  aban  occurs  in  place-names  in  the 
sense,  we  think,  of  '  backwater ' ;  sometimes  it  seems  to  mean  a  disused  or 
silted  up  channel.  There  is  Ahhan  Street  in  Inverness ;  Clach  an  hhain  in 
Petty  Bay;  and  an  aban  near  Dochfour  landing-stage  on  the  Caledonian 
Canal.  Under  hr  might  come  tigh-hir,  house  of  death,  used  in  the  sense  of 
'  lyke-wake.'  Breamhain  is  a  Sutherland  and  Easter-Ross  word  for  '  barrow.' 
A  compound  of  cabar  is  cabar-naisg,  the  post  to  which  cattle  are  tied  in  a 
byre.  Cctrn,  a  cart,  is  omitted,  as  also  the  compound  carn-fianaidh,  a  '  peat- 
phaeton' — modern  representative  of  the  Caledonian  co-vinnus — and  carn-lbbain, 
a  low-set  truck-like  cart  of  wickerwork.  Ceapair-taobJiaidh  is  used  in  the 
Reay  country  to  denote  a  '  love-piece,'  i.e.  a  ceapaire,  or  bannock,  given  by  a 
lady  to  a  man  to  conciliate  his  affections.  We  cannot  give  the  receipt ! 
Cobh  is  used  of  a  slanting  water-worn  channel  in  a  rock  face.  Coileag  has 
been  given  us  as  a  Skye  term  for  a  goal  at  shinty.  The  word  for  '  a  fence,' 
obsolete  except  in  place-names,  is  airbhe,  not  Mrbhe.  We  fail  to  differentiate 
the  sound  of  coire,  cauldron,  from  that  of  coire,  corry  :  the  latter  meaning  is 
merely  an  extension  of  the  former,  though  when  standing  as  the  first  part 
of  a  compound,  it  is  pronounced  without  emphasis,  being  unaccented. 

We  heartily  wish  the  Dictionary  success ;  it  will  be  found  invaluable  by 
all  interested  in  Gaelic.  W.  J.  W. 

Celtae  and  Galli.  By  Principal  Rh^s.  From  the  Proceedings  of  the  British 
Academy,  vol.  ii.  London  :  Henry  Frowde,  Oxford  University  Press, 
1905. 

In  this  brochure  of  sixty -four  pages  Principal  Rhys  has  managed  quite  to 
startle  the  world  of  Celtic  scholarship  by  running  counter  to  a  main  canon 
of  Celtic  philology.  For  the  last  thirty  years  at  least  it  has  been  held 
an  established  rule  that  initial  Indo-European  p  was  lost  in  the  Celtic 
languages.  Thus,  Gaelic  athair,  father,  Old  Irish  athir,  corresponds  to  Latin 
pater.  He  does  not  flaunt  his  apostasy  before  our  eyes ;  without  a  remark 
he  follows  Mr.  Nicholson,  Bodley's  librarian,  in  assuming  that  Indo- 
European  p  was  preserved  in  the  Celtic  language  of  Mid-Gaul  (from  east  to 
west),  a  territory  known  in  ancient  times  as  Celtica,  as  opposed  to  Belgica  in 
the  north  and  Aquitania  and  the  Province  in  the  south.     The  reason  for  the 


BOOK  REVIEWS  385 

Principal's  defection  is  simple.  He  maintains  that  the  language  of  Celtica 
belonged  to  the  Gadelic  branch  of  the  Celtic,  not,  as  hitherto  held,  to  the 
Brittonic.  Gadelic  changes  the  Indo-European  velar  gvittural  q  labialised 
(i.e.  qu)  into  c,  while  Brittonic  changes  it  into  ^;,  as  does  Greek.  Gadelic  is 
closer  to  Latin  (Latin  qu%  Gaelic  cia).  Gadelic,  save  in  late  developments 
of  sv,  sp,  never  had  ^  as  a  letter.  But  in  Celtica  some  important  inscrip- 
tions lately  brought  to  light  present  p  in  several  cases.  If  Celtica  was  a 
Gadelic  tongue,  then  this  p  referred  to  must  be  Indo-European  p  still 
preserved.  Mr.  Nicholson  and  Principal  Rhys  hold  that  these  p's  are  Indo- 
European.  The  proof  that  Celtican  was  a  Gadelic  language  depends  on  the 
fact  that  it  presents  many  words  containing  the  letter  qu,  the  labialised 
guttural,  the  Latin  symbol  of  which  is  qu.  Strictly  arguing,  we  should 
expect  in  this  Gaulish  Gadelic  not  qu,  but  plain  c ;  but  the  Ogam  inscriptions, 
under  Latin  influence,  give  us  this  qu  for  c. 

Principal  Rhys,  in  the  present  case,  depends  mainly  on  two  documents — 
the  Calendar  of  Coligny  (not  far  from  Lyons),  discovered  in  1897,  and  the 
lead  tablet  found  at  Rom,  in  the  midst  of  old  Pictavia  (Poitiers).  The 
Calendar  belongs  to  the  first  century,  and  the  tablet  to  the  third  or  fourth. 
Apart  altogether  from  linguistic  theories,  the  Calendar  is  an  exceedingly 
important  document  in  Celtic  history  and  philology.  Any  one  that  can 
really  throw  light  on  its  contents  is  a  benefactor  to  Celtic  philology. 
Principal  Rhys  has  undoubtedly  done  this  in  the  present  work ;  he  has  been 
so  long  working  at  inscriptions,  and  has  come  to  such  brilliant  results  so 
often,  that  indeed  we  should  have  expected  him  to  read  more  of  the  riddles 
of  the  Calendar.  The  Calendar  covers  some  five  years,  and  shows  that  the 
Celtic  year  was  lunar,  of  twelve  months,  alternating  in  30  and  29  days, 
giving  only  355  days  for  the  year.  Intercalary  months  of  30  days  were 
included  every  2|  years,  which  made  the  Celtic  year  average  367  days. 
The  old  month-names  are  interesting,  and  may  be  given  thus  : — 

The  Winter  Half 

First  Quarter :     Cutios,  30  days  =  November. 

Giamonios,  29  days  =  December. 

Simivionnios,  30  days  =  January. 
Second  Quarter :  Equos,  30  days  =  February. 

Elembivios,  29  days  =  March. 

Edrinios,  30  days  =  April. 

The  Summer  Half 

Third  Quarter:    Cantlos,  29  days = May. 

Samonios,  30  days = June. 

Dumannios,  29  days  =  July. 
Fourth  Quarter :  Rivros,  30  days = August. 

Anacantios,  29  days = September. 

Ogronios,  30  days = October. 


386  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

Some  of  the  etymologies  of  these  are  quite  easy: — Giamon  contains  the 
early  Brittonic  stem  giamo,  winter,  Latin  hiems,  Gaelic  geamhradh,  from  a 
stem  gimo,  be  it  observed — Gadelic  shows  no  giamo.  Equos,  of  course,  means 
*  horse,'  Gaelic  each ;  for  meaning,  compare  Gaelic  gearran,  gelding,  the  four 
weeks  from  mid-March  to  mid-April.  Elembiv,  the  deer  month,  Gaelic 
eilid,  Welsh  elain,  but  especially  for  stem  the  Greek  elaphos  for  elmbhos. 
Edrin  is  probably  from  the  root  aidh,  as  in  Old  Gaelic  aed,  fire  (it  is  spelled 
also  Aedrin).  Mac-Aoidh,  Latin  aestas,  summer.  Cantlos  is  referred  by 
every  writer  to  Old  Irish  cdal,  singing,  *ca7itol,  root  can ;  but  the  Gaelic  shows 
here  Cditean  for  May,  Irish  Ciad-sharnh,  gen.  C6adshaman,  '  first  of  summer,' 
by  derivation.  It  is  also  the  same  in  Old  Irish.  Samon,  of  course,  is  from 
sam,  as  in  Gaelic  samhradh.  Ogron  (October)  has  been  well  referred  to  the 
root  ogr  in  itar,  fuar,  cold.  The  month  was  divided  into  two  parts,  the  first 
containing  fifteen  days,  the  second,  called  atenoux-tion  (after-nights  T)  having 
fifteen  or  fourteen  days.  The  last  half  was  doubtless  the  wane  of  the  moon. 
Pliny  says  the  Celts  began  their  year  and  month  on  the  sixth  day  of  the 
moon.  It  is  certain  that  due  regard  was  had  to  the  solstices  and  equinoxes, 
for  the  Helvetii  started  on  their  fatal  emigration  on  the  day  of  the  spring 
equinox  in  58  B.C. 

The  Calendar  shows  three  words  containing  qu,  and  three  having  p.  The 
former  are  "Equos,  ^wtios,  beside  Cutios  and  Qumwn.  They  may  be  from  some 
Gadelic  dialect.  The  three  p  words  are,  first,  petiux,  which  Principal  Rhys 
allows  to  be  from  Brittonic  peft,  Pictish  pet,  whence  English  piece.  But  Mr. 
Nicholson  must  have  his  Indo-European  p,  and  he  refers  it  to  pitu,  food, 
Gaelic  ith,  eat !  Second,  prinnos,  which  seems  to  mean  '  market.'  Principal 
Rhys  refers  this  to  Indo-European  perna,  Irish  renim,  I  sell.  Now  there  is 
another  root  of  like  meaning — Indo-European  qrin,  which  appears  in  Welsh 
as  prynnu,  buy,  Old  Irish  crenim.  Surely  this  is  the  root.  The  third  p  word 
is  pogdedorionin,  where  possibly  po  is  the  prep,  cos,  co  of  Old  Gaelic,  pw  of 
Old  Welsh.  Principal  Rhys  speaks  of  a  po,  away,  with  Indo-European  p, 
but  he  is  obscure  on  this  point. 

The  Rom  tablet  found  in  the  land  of  the  Gaulish  Picts,  and  deciphered 
with  great  difficulty  in  1898,  shows  several  ^'s,  one  or  two  of  which  are 
simply  borrowed  {pia,  pura) ;  but  the  only  one  that  seems  to  hold  an  Indo- 
European  p  is  com--pnaio,  where  pri  is  claimed  as  Indo-European  pri,  love 
(English  /r^-end).  This  foundation  is  too  small  to  build  a  theory  of  pre- 
served Celtic  p  upon.  The  word  ciallos,  which  appears  in  the  Calendar  and 
on  the  R6m  tablet,  is  referred  to  Old  Irish  ciall,  gathering,  sense;  but 
surely  this  is  extremely  rash  phoneticising.  Old  Irish  ia  is  broken  ei,  if  not 
due  to  some  contraction.  The  phonetics  of  Giamon  show  that  our  authors 
have  lost  the  'sense  of  perspective  in  language.'  Two  other  inscriptions 
quoted  by  Principal  Rhys  'prove  naething,'  as  the  Scotsman  said  about 
Paradise  Lost.  But  one  is  really  astonished  to  find  Marcellus  of  Bordeaux 
(400  A.D.)  and  his  medical  charms  seriously  brought  forward  again.  No 
doubt  the  prosag  of  prosaggeri  has  been  too  tempting.     It  does  look  like  a 


BOOK  REVIEWS  387 

compound  of  Indo-European  pro  and  sag,  Irish  sagim,  go  to ;  but  the  Celtic 
should  be  ro-sag  in  that  case.  Marcellus's  work  contains  numerous  charms 
— various  gibberish — and  why  pick  out  one  here  and  there  and  call  such 
Celtic  1  It  is  not  business.  As  in  Italy  we  find  various  p  dialects  which 
gave  words  to  the  Latin  vocabulary  and  names  to  its  heroes,  and  likewise 
dialects  in  Greece  showing  k  for  p  (as  at  Sparta),  so  in  Celtica  and  in  Spain 
there  may  have  been  remnants  of  Gadelic  dialects  surviving  until  and  after 
the  Roman  conquest  of  Gaul.  This  was  Principal  Rhys's  position  at  one 
time,  and  I  agreed  with  him ;  indeed,  as  he  says  (p.  56),  I  have  been  the 
only  one  to  accept  this  idea.  We  must,  however,  draw  the  line  at  admitting 
that  Indo-European  initial  p  appears  in  Celtic.  Apart  from  this  heresy,  this 
work  is  very  valuable,  and  shows  no  decay  in  the  author's  brilliancy  of 
philologic  imagination.  Alexander  Macbain. 

The  Scottish  Historical  Review.     Glasgow:  Maclehose  &  Sons.     Quarterly, 

2s.  6i.  net. 

The  October  number  of  this  learned  magazine  contains  several  articles 
interesting  to  Gaels.  One  such  is  that  on  '  The  First  Highland  Regiment, 
the  Argyllshire  Highlanders,'  by  Robert  Mackenzie  Holden.  Even  more 
interesting  perhaps  from  our  point  of  Gaelic  view  is  the  account  of  the 
battle  of  Killiecrankie,  'by  an  eye-witness.'  This  'eye-witness'  was  Iain 
Lom,  and  while  we  admit  his  descriptions  of  the  battle  are  given  as  if  he 
had  been  a  witness,  we  are  not  prepared  to  accept  them  as  proof  of  his 
presence  there.  Iain  Lom  was  notoriously  lacking  in  physical  courage,  and 
the  fact  of  a  poet  describing  a  battle  as  if  witnessing  it,  when  in  reality  he 
has  never  been  even  on  the  ground,  is  a  simple  literary  device  which  proves 
nothing  except  the  poet's  dramatic  power.  It  is  not  commonly  accepted  in 
the  Highland  traditions  that  Iain  Lom  was  present  at  Killiecrankie,  and 
there  is  really  no  proof  either  way. 

Red  Hugh.     A  Drama  in  Three  Acts.     By    T.   O.   Russell.     Dublin: 

Gill  &  Son.     6(?.  net. 

An  important  part  of  the  literary  output  of  Ireland  at  present  is  in  the 
form  of  drama,  and  this  is  not  Mr.  Russell's  first  play.  The  subject  is  in 
itself  dramatic,  dealing  as  it  does  with  the  stirring  and  pathetic  life  of 
Red  Hugh  O'Donnell,  who,  if  we  remember  rightly,  began  his  experiences 
of  Dublin  Castle  as  a  prison  at  the  age  of  sixteen.  How  he  escaped,  his 
suffering  on  the  hills  in  winter,  ill-clad,  his  rescue,  his  life  of  adventure  and 
battle,  of  victory,  of  defeat  at  Kinsale,  his  death  far  from  the  land  he  loved, 
all  these  are  incidents  of  dramatic  power  in  themselves,  and  Mr.  Russell  has 
given  them  connected  and  dramatic  form  in  a  manner  which  tends  to 
increase  their  interest.  That  Red  Hugh's  mother  was  a  Highland  Macdonald 
will  not  tend  to  lessen  interest  in  the  play  on  this  side  of  the  Boyne. 


388  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

Epochs  of  Irish  Histoi-y :    Early  Christian  Ireland.      By   Eleanor  Hull. 
London :  D.  Nutt.     Dublin  :  Gill  &  Son.     2s.  6i.  net. 

This  is  the  second  volume  of  Miss  Hull's  series  of  Irish  history  books. 
It  deals  with  Ireland  under  her  native  rulers,  Ireland  as  the  'Island  of 
Saints,'  and  with  Irish  Art,  Architecture,  Learning,  etc. 

The  authoress  aims  at  being  that  most  ideal  of  historians,  one  who  lets 
the  old  records  tell  their  own  story,  and  avoids  comment.  She  has  not  only 
striven  for  this,  but  she  has  in  a  great  degree  attained  it,  and  her  little 
books  are  unbiassed  accounts  of  the  state  and  position  of  Ireland  in  former 
days.  Miss  Hull  has  given  us  no  mere  record  of  fights,  which  is  too  often 
the  historian's  conception  of  his  duty ;  but  she  tells  us  of  the  social  life  and 
of  the  arts  as  they  were  followed  by  the  people  she  would  make  us  know. 
After  all  a  nation's  life  is  not  in  its  battles,  but  in  the  quiet  of  the  un- 
recorded achievements  along  the  paths  of  peace.  Miss  Hull  also  avoids 
discussion  of  the  doctrines  and  discipline  of  the  Irish  church,  and,  wisely, 
gives  us  instead  an  account  of  '  the  remarkable  developments  in  the  national 
character  and  conditions  consequent  on  their  teaching  and  system  of  things.' 

In  the  first  section  of  the  present  volume  Miss  Hull  gives  us  the  political 
history  of  the  time  from  King  Laegaire,  son  of  Niall  of  the  Nine  Hostages, 
to  Finnachta  the  'Festive,'  and  the  close  of  the  early  Christian  period,  while 
in  the  second  section  she  gives  us  the  ecclesiastical  history  of  that  time. 
The  ecclesiastical  history  is  no  less  important  than  the  political,  for  it  was  a 
time  of  great  activity  in  the  Irish  church,  the  time  of  St.  Patrick  and 
St.  Bridgit,  of  St.  Columba,  St.  Columbanus,  and  of  Adamnan.  It  was 
during  this  time  that  Ireland  earned  the  name  of  '  Insula  Sanctorum  et 
Doctorum ' — the  Island  of  Saints  and  Scholars,  for  learning  flourished 
exceedingly  within  her  shores,  and  from  her  went  out  very  many  mission- 
aries, so  that,  as  one  great  writer  has  said,  the  Celtic  missionaries  were  like  a 
flood  over  the  continent  of  Europe.  Even  yet  one  may  hear  traditions  of 
them  and  learn  of  the  love  with  which  they  were  regarded. 

The  third  section  deals  with  Art,  Architecture,  Books,  Illumination, 
Learning,  and  with  some  of  the  Irish  scholars  who,  in  the  ninth  and  tenth 
centuries,  kept  alive  the  torch  of  learning,  and  passed  it  on  to  continental 
Europe.  Such  men  were  Sedulius,  Abbot  of  Kildare,  John  Scotus  Erigena, 
Virgilius,  Dicuil,  Dungal  and  many  others. 

Altogether  these  little  books  of  Irish  history  will  be  found  to  contain  as 
much  interest  and  information  as  could  well  be  put  into  the  space,  and  they 
are  written  in  an  easy  and  attractive  manner.  (So  little  is  known,  except  by 
specialists,  of  the  condition  and  position  of  the  ancient  Celts,  that  Miss 
Hull's  books  must  find  a  large  welcome,  which  they  well  deserve. 

Wmnan  of  Seven  Sorrows.    By  Seumas  MacManus.   Dublin :  Gill  &  Son.   7d. 

This  is  an  allegorical  drama  by  an  author  who  has  already  shown  us  his 
dramatic  powers  in  several  moods.     The  woman  of  the  title  is  Ireland,  and 


BOOK  REVIEWS  389 

her  sorrows  are  told  and  not  exaggerated.  In  the  end  she  gets  happiness, 
and  the  children  rally  round  her,  the  young  men  and  maidens  also.  There 
is  sorrow  but  not  bitterness,  and  while  the  play  is  propagandist  in  its 
nature,  it  is  not  rabid.  It  is  well  and  clearly  told,  and  is  pleasing  in  diction 
and  expression.  We  can  imagine  that  it  would  act  well ;  indeed,  it  has  been 
acted  very  successfully,  and  the  acting  rights  are  free.  E.  O'G. 

Heroic  Romances  of  Ireland.  Translated  into  English  Prose  and  Verse,  with 
Preface,  special  Introduction,  and  Notes,  by  A.  H.  Leahy.  Vol.  ii. 
D.  NuTT.     3s.  6rf.  net. 

This  volume,  handsomely  printed  and  bound,  contains  translations  of 
five  of  the  lesser  Tain  ho,  or  Cattle-raids, — Tdin  b6  Fraich,  Dartada,  Rega- 
moin,  Flidais,  and  Regamna.  All  are  preludes  to  the  great  Tjlin  b6 
Cualnge,  the  Cattle-spoil  of  Cooley,  and,  with  the  exception  of  the  first, 
have  appeared  with  German  translations  in  Windisch's  series  of  Irish  Texts. 
Readers  of  the  Celtic  Review  will  find  Tain  b6  Flidais  specially  interesting,  in 
that  a  much  fuller  and  quite  different  version  of  it  is  now  being  given  from 
the  Glenmasan  Manuscript  by  Professor  Mackinnon.  Mr,  Leahy  gives  the 
literal  prose  rendering  with  expanded  metrical  version  on  the  opposite  page, 
the  latter  serving  largely  as  a  commentary  on  the  other,  which  is  often 
laconic  to  obscurity.  Both  are  well  done  in  their  respective  styles.  The 
prose  version  will  be  found  useful  by  students  of  Middle  Irish,  and  if  in 
the  verse  translation  occasional  liberties  are  taken,  these  are  largely  a  matter 
of  taste,  and  can  readily  be  checked  by  reference  to  the  left-hand  page. 
Mr.  Leahy's  method  of  dealing  with  Irish  proper  names  is  apt  to  mislead 
the  purely  English  reader.  In  the  prose  version  he  very  properly  keeps,  as  a 
rule,  the  Irish  form.  In  the  other  he  is  not  consistent,  sometimes  giving 
Irish  forms  in  the  text  with  so-called  pronunciations  in  footnotes,  sometimes 
vice  versd.  It  should  have  been  made  clear  that  the  suggested  '  pronuncia- 
tions '  are  far  from  being  phonetic ;  e.g.  mac  Fiachna  was  not  sounded 
mac  Feena,  Firbolg  is  not  adequately  represented  by  Feer-bol,  nor  Loegaire 
by  Leary,  though  the  latter  is  the  modern  Anglicised  form.  Neither  is  it 
correct  to  say  that  mag  was  pronounced  maw,  though  this  may  come  near 
magh  in  modern  Irish.  A  little  care  under  this  head  would  have  saved 
English  readers  from  amazement.  Mr.  Leahy  has  done  well  in  adding  a 
specimen  of  Irish  text  with  exact  interlinear  translation.  The  volume 
should  do  much  to  popularise  the  study  of  Irish. 

Contribution  a  la  Lexicograjphie  et  VMymologie  celtiques.    By  J.  Loth.     Macon  : 

Prolat,  1906. 

Professor  Loth  in  this  is  less  impersonal  than  usual,  less  Homeric.  He 
indulges  in  light  badinage  at  the  expense  of  Professors  Anwyl  and  Zimmer, 
with  a  side  glance  at  Mr.  Wh.  Stokes  and  Professor  d'A.  de  Jubainville 


390  THE  CELTIC  REVIEW 

occasionally  re  '  Preceltisme,'  Celts'  lip-courage,  the  word  *  glas '  in  Erse, 
and  '  Ligurianism,'  respectively.  Professor  Morris  Jones  is  not  forgotten 
(has  the  '  Appendix '  been  continued  to  the  world  of  letters  in  the  Rhys- 
Jones  Welsh  People  1).  *  EuUyn '  (p.  1 1 )  last  year  exercised  the  Western  Mail 
readers :  here  it  is  scientifically  explained  in  the  driest  of  '  dry  light.' 
'Cromlech'  (p.  15)  is  ill-understood  by  Bretons  ;  p.  21  has  the  Rennes  altar 
inscription ;  *  reinyat '  is  a  dog  in  Welsh  (as  llatur  was,  before,  a  mare  in 
Cymric), — the  Jaffrennou  'druids'  or  'ovates'  (pp.  22  and  35,  respectively) 
must  look  to  their  laurels.  H.  H.  J. 


NOTE 

Notes  on  the  Study  of  Gaelic  : — cmimued — Third  Year's  Course 

The  work  of  the  third  year  will  be  directed  (a)  to  filling  in  gaps  in  the 
departments  of  grammar  and  syntax ;  (6)  to  reading,  prose  and  verse ;  (c) 
to  exercise  in  continuous  composition. 

With  regard  to  the  first,  it  may  be  repeated  that  grammar  and  composi- 
tion are  not  ends  in  themselves,  but  means  towards  securing  correctness  of 
expression.  They  are  subservient  to  composition,  and  what  is  not  strictly 
necessary  for  that  purpose  may  safely  be  omitted.  This  will  exclude,  except 
by  way  of  side  reference,  the  philology  and  history  of  the  language,  and  the 
philosophy  of  its  syntax.  At  this  stage  we  are  concerned  mainly  with  the 
facts ;  the  explanation  of  them,  where  it  is  not  absolutely  required  for  intelli- 
gent appreciation,  belongs  to  a  more  advanced  stage.  It  will,  however, 
include  a  careful  comparison  of  the  usage  of  English  and  Gaelic,  an  exercise 
which  should  prove  a  valuable  training  in  observation  and  judgment. 

Special  attention  should  be  given  to  the  usage  of  the  Gaelic  article,  to  the 
treatment  of  nouns  in  apposition,  and  to  the  construction  typified  by  such 
a  phrase  as  jpiuthar  bean  a'  ghobhainn,  the  smith's  wife's  sister,  where  bean  a' 
gJwbhainn  is  treated  as  a  composite  indeclinable  noun.  These  and  other 
points  will  be  found  adequately  and  succinctly  treated  in  Dr.  H.  C.  Gillies's 
chapter  on  syntax,  which  deserves  careful  study  on  the  part  of  teachers. 

As  illustrating  the  connection  which  it  is  important  to  bring  out  as 
between  grammar  and  syntax  on  the  one  hand  and  composition  on  the 
other,  two  points  may  be  dwelt  on  here.  Gaelic  has  no  present  or  perfect 
participle,  its  only  participle  being  the  passive  in  -te,  -ta.  The  want  of  this 
is  to  some  extent  supplied  by  ag  and  air  with  the  verbal  noun  ;  e.g.  tha  e  ag 
iarraidh,  he  is  asking ;  air  dha  dirigh,  he  having  risen.  But  in  many  cases 
the  English  present  participle  is  better  turned  by  means  of  a  clause,  e.g.  he, 
answering,  said  to  them,  fhreagair  e  agus  thubhairt  e  riu.  Here  the  construc- 
tion with  ag  would  be  inadmissable.  Allowance  must  also  be  made,  as  in 
Latin,  for  the  ambiguity  of  the  English  present  participle,  which  is  more 
often  a  perfect  than  a  true  present ;  in  other  words,  its  time  is  often  prior  to 
the  time  of  the  principal  verb.     The  second  point  worth  noting  is  the  treat- 


NOTE  391 

ment  in  Gaelic  of  the  absolute  case.  In  Gaelic  this  construction  is  used  in 
the  case  of  *  attendant  circumstance ' ;  e.g.  I  went,  my  heart  almost  breaking, 
dh'  fhalbh  mi,  mo  chridhe  an  impis  sgaineadh.  Very  often  this  absolute  con- 
struction is  introduced  by  is,  a  thoroughly  Gaelic  idiom  :  ino  chridhe  bg  's  e 
hriste,  my  young  heart  and  it  broken.  This  Gaelic  idiom  appears  in  two 
classic  poems.     Burns  has  : — 

'  How  can  ye  chant,  ye  little  birds, 
And  I  sae  weary,  fu'  o'  care.' 

And  in  the  '  Burial  of  Sir  John  Moore '  we  have  : — 

*  The  foe  and  the  stranger  will  tread  o'er  his  head, 
And  we  far  away  on  the  billow.' 

But  elsewhere  it  must  be  rendered  by  a  clause,  e.g.  this  said,  they  separ- 
ated, air  dhoibh  so  a  radh,  sgaoil  iad.  The  points  of  contrast  between 
English  and  Gaelic  methods  of  expression  are  of  course  practically  endless ; 
the  above  will  suffice  to  indicate  the  lines  that  may  be  followed. 

(5)  Eeading  may  be  made  to  serve  three  purposes.  It  should  serve 
as  an  exercise  in  idiomatic  English  expression,  through  translation ;  it 
will  serve  to  enlarge  the  Gaelic  vocabulary,  and  it  will  form  the  most  prac- 
tical means  of  illustrating  grammar  and  syntax.  At  this  stage  it  should  be 
as  a  rule  no  longer  necessary  to  read  aloud  and  translate  the  whole  of  a 
passage  in  detail.  It  should  suffice  to  note  and  write  down  new  words,  and 
to  read,  translate,  and  comment  on  parts  presenting  any  difficulty  or 
unusual  feature.  Finally,  a  paragraph  should  be  written  out  in  English, 
special  care  being  taken  that  the  English  translation  is  exact,  adequate,  and 
idiomatic.  On  such  a  plan  it  will  be  possible  to  combine  breadth  of  reading 
with  exactness,  while  no  time  is  wasted  on  unnecessary  mechanical  work. 

(c)  Composition  will  require  much  attention.  I  have  already  tried  to 
indicate  the  way  in  which  syntax  and  grammar  may  be  made  to  help. 
Composition  should  be  closely  correlated  with  the  reading  and  largely  based 
on  it.  This  may  be  done  in  several  ways.  In  the  earlier  stages  of  continu- 
ous composition,  nothing  can  be  better  than  a  re-translation  into  Gaelic  of 
the  piece  that  has  been  done  from  Gaelic  into  English,  the  method  practised 
by  Roger  Ascham  in  the  case  of  Latin.  Later  on  the  teacher  can  make  up 
exercises  based  on  the  reader,  or  he  can  select  passages  similar  in  type. 
Occasionally  it  will  be  well  to  vary  this  by  setting  easy  pieces  quite  uncon- 
nected with  the  reading,  e.g.  from  J.  F.  Campbell's  translations  or  Dr.  Mac- 
leod's  Reminiscences  of  a  Highland  Parish,  Teachers  who  use  the  Uirsgeulan 
Gaidhealach  may  utilise  the  Butterfly's  Wedding,  as  translated  in  the  sixth 
number  of  the  Celtic  Review.  From  time  to  time  there  may  be  essays  or 
letters  prescribed  as  exercises  in  free  composition.  In  order  to  ensure 
familiarity  with  the  Gaelic  calendar,  each  exercise  should  bear  the  date  in 
Gaelic,  including  day  of  week.  Bealltainn,  Lunasdainn,  Samhain  should  be 
known,  also  luchar,  Faoilteach,  Gearran. 


392  THE  CELTIC  EEVIEW 

The  process  of  turning  English  into  Gaelic  resembles  translation  into 
Latin  in  that  it  requires  a  considerable  power  of  dealing  with  the  material, 
of  getting  behind  the  words  to  the  thought.  In  this  respect  it  is  probably 
a  better  discipline  than  translating  English  into  French  or  German.  Like 
Latin,  Gaelic  is  concrete  rather  than  abstract ;  but  unlike  Latin  it  does  not 
lead  itself  to  long  or  involved  sentences. 

Something  may  be  said  on  the  possibility  of  correlating  the  Gaelic  lesson 
with  other  work.  In  doing  the  geography  of  Scotland,  for  instance,  it 
would  be  easy  to  give  the  Gaelic  names  of  such  places  as  the  teacher  knows, 
a  process  which  would  at  the  same  time  drive  home  a  valuable  lesson  in 
Scottish  history.  Why  is  Edinburgh  known  to  us  as  Dun-eideann,  Arbroath 
as  Obair-bhrothaig  ?  Gaelic  names  of  foreign  countries,  too,  should  be 
known.  In  English,  again,  a  useful  alternative  to  the  weary  paraphrase 
would  be  translation  from  Gaelic  prose  or  poetry  into  English,  unseen. 
There  is  no  reason  why  even  Latin  should  not  be  translated  into  Gaelic,  while 
for  English  into  Latin  Gaelic  is  often  useful  in  deciding  doubtful  points.  It 
has  been  found  infallible,  for  instance,  in  differentiating  the  so-called  de- 
pendent question  from  the  ordinary  relative  clause,  which  beginners  find  so 
hard  to  distinguish,  e.g.  I  asked  him  what  he  had  been  told,  dh'  fhoighnich 
mi  dheth  ciod  e  a  chaidh  radh  ris;  ex  eo  quaesivi  quid  ei  dictum  esset;  he  did  what 
he  had  been  told,  rinn  e  na  chaidh  iarraidh  air  ;  id  fecit  quod  facere  iussus  est. 
There  are  many  other  similar  ways  in  which  Gaelic  will  help.  It  has  been 
already  hinted  that  boys  reading  Caesar  should  be  brought  to  know  and 
understand  that  those  Gauls  were  their  own  kinsmen  in  race,  language,  and 
customs,  and  that  their  names  are  still  significant  to  us  now. 

W.  J.  Watson. 


QUERY 

Sanct  Oormoo 

In  Dr.  D.  Hay  Fleming's  St.  Andrews  Kirk-Session  Register  (p.  227), 
(The  Scottish  History  Society),  occurs  this  extract: — 'The  quhilk  day 
(25th  October  1564),  Schyr  Ihon  Stephyn  delated,  and  summond  be  the 
Superintendentis  letteres  to  this  day  and  session  to  underly  disciplyn,  for 
dayly  ministracion  of  the  sacramentis  and  solemnizacion  of  mariageis  on  the 
Papisticall  fasson  in  the  chapell  of  Sanct  Gormoo.'  Who  was  St.  Gormoo "? 
In  the  above  extract  his  name  evidently  appears  in  a  corrupted  form. 
In  the  list  given  in  Forbes's  Kalendars  of  Scottish  Saints  there  is  none 
resembling  it.  J.  M.  Mackinlay. 

Will  *  Northern  Celt '  kindly  send  his  name  and  address  1 


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