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THE CELTIC REVIEW
THE
CELTIC REVIEW
m
PUBLISHED QUARTERLY
Consulting Editor : PROFESSOR MACKINNON
Editor: MRS. W. J. WATSON
(MISS E. C. CARMICHAEL)
VOLUME IX
MAY 1913 TO APRIL 1914
EDINBURGH: WILLIAM HODGE & CO., 12 BANK STREET.
LONDON : DAVID NUTT, 17 GRAPE STREET, NEW OXFORD STREET.
DUBLIN : HODGES, FIGGIS & CO., LTD., 104 GRAFTON STREET.
582310_
it"4rs4
Bdiaburgh : T. and A. Constable, Printers to HiB MtiJMtjr
CONTENTS
PAOB
A Concise Old Irish Grammar and
Reader, ....
Aoibhinn an Obair an t-Sealg,
Ciuthach, ....
Dan Cuimhne,
Deirdre — The Highest Type of
Celtic Womanhood,
Feasgar Samhraidh,
Henry Whyte — ' Fionn,' .
Ireland's Share in the Folk Song
Revival, ....
La is Bliadhna leis na h-Eoin,
Lord Archibald Campbell, .
Neil Macleod,
Notes, ....
Reviews of Books :
Julius Pokomy, Ph.D.,
{Vienna), 81, 178, 270, 350
W. J. Watson, LL.D.,
. 156
W. J. Watson, LL.D.,
. 193
G. P. T. MacRae, .
. 310
Miss A. C. Macdonell,
41
Mac-iUe-Mhuire, .
. 149
M. M.,
. 332
Alfred Percival Chaves, . 128
Coinneach MacLebid, 247, 324
Rev. Gillespie Camypbell, . 65
Professor Mackinnon, . 151
77,344
The Battle of Bannockbum : A Study in Mediaeval Warfare {reviewed by
Evan M. Barron) ; Poems from the Welsh {reviewed by Sir E. Anvryl) ;
The Story of an Ancient Parish, Breage with Germoe ; A Book of
Manx Poetry ; The Royal Highland Regiment : The Black Watch,
formerly 42nd and 73rd Foot : Medal Roll 1801-1911 {reviewed by
vi THE CELTIC REVIEW
PAOK
Andrew Ross, Ross Herald) ; Dictionary of the Irish Language ;
Learning in Ireland in the Fifth Century and the Transmission of
Letters ; Zur Keltischen Wortkunde III. ; Alt-Celtischer Sprach-
schatz ; Antiquarian Notes : a Series of Papers regarding Families
and Places in the Highlands {reviewed by W. J. W.); Zur Keltischen
Wortkunde IV. ; An Tre6raiche, Leabhran Sgoil a chum Feum
na Cloinne le Calum Mac Pharlain ; Dain Thaghte a chum Feum an
Sgoilean naGaidhealtachd : fo Ughdarras a' Chomuinn Ghaidhealaich ;
An Comh-thr^oraiche, Leabhran Sgoil le Calum Mac Pharlain ; Com-
panach na Cloinne, Leabhran Sgoil le Iain Mac Phaidein fo L^imh
Chaluim Mhic Pharlain ; Uilleam Uallas, Iain Knox agus Bob
Ruadh le Eachann Mac Gill-Eathain fo Liiimh Chaluim Mhic Phar-
lain ; Am Briathrachan Beag — School Gaelic Dictionary ; Uirsgeulan
Gaidhealach, an dara clo-bhualadh, fo IMmh Chaluim Mhic Pharlain
Seanchaidh na Traghad, le Iain Mac Cormaic, fo l^imh Chaluim Mhic
Pharlain ; Seanchaidh na h-Airigh, le Iain Mac Cormaic, fo l^imh
Chaluim Mhic Pharlain ; Elementary Course of Gaelic {reviewed by
W. J. Watson, LL.D.) ; Five Irish Homilies from the Rennes MS.
{reviewed by A. 0. A.) ; Prince Charlie's Pilot : a Record of Loyalty
and Devotion {reviiwed by Donald A. Mackenzie) ; Egyptian Myth
and Legend {reviewed by D. M^C. ) ; A Welsh Grammar, Historical
and Comparative (reviewed by Sir E. Anwyl).
74, 168, 259, 356
Some Knotty Points in British
Ethnology, . , .A. MacDonald, Inverness,
1,97
The Admiralty at Cromarty, . Dcmald A. Mackenzie, . 56
The Claim of Celtic Studies upon
the Lowland Scot, . . Professor Mackinnon, . 252
The Feileadh-Beag in the Seven-
teenth Century, . . .J. Reoch, . . . 289
The Gaelic Version of the Thebaid
of Statius, . . . Professor Mackinnon,
16, 112, 210, 292
The Highland Widow, . . Donald A. Mackenzie, 34
CONTENTS vii
FAGB
The Macdonalds of Keppoch, . Rev. A. Maclean Sinclair, 48
The 'Pied' and 'Scotti' in the
Excidium Brittaniae, . . Rev. A. W. Wade-Evana, 314
The Romani in the Excidiv/m
Brittaniae, . . . Rev. A. W. Wade- Evans, . 35
Twenty-one Years of Irish Art and
Thought, . . . T.W. Rolleston, . . 226
Walter Biggar Blaikie, LL.D., . D. A. Mackenzie, . .71
THE CELTIC REVIEW
AUGUST 1913
SOME KNOTTY POINTS IN BRITISH ETHNOLOGY i
Alasdaib MacDonald (Inverness)
Considering all that has already been accomplished in
the field of British Ethnology, it may be deemed more or
less unnecessary and unprofitable to go further into the
subject at this time of day ; but I feel that certain questions
having vital connection with the subject, and for years
past studied by many of the ablest and most distinguished
ethnologists, still offer a considerable field for discussion.
I have selected for my subjects on this occasion a few
important points in British Ethnology which have already
been largely elaborated, but which still present some diffi-
culties— as can be gathered from frequent references in the
press and elsewhere — which it would be well worth while
making some effort, however feeble, to remove. My
subjects are : —
(1) The non- Aryan (including the nigritic) element
in the constitution of the British races.
(2) The Celts — who or what are they ?
(3) The Picts of Scotland — who or what were they ?
(4) The Scottish kingdom : its national constitution,
more particularly in relation to Celticism
generally.
^ Read at a meeting of the Inyemess Scientific Society and Field Club.
VOL. IX. A
2 THE CELTIC REVIEW
In taking up the first of these, I know that I am dealing
with a subject that has not been by any means exhausted.
It is, however, one of vast importance, because the deter-
mination of the value of it in the sum-total of the racial
constitution of our Island nation would seem essential to a
proper understanding of the various elements which enter
into our population as a whole. It may be foimd to be a
fundamental quantity — much or little as it may as such be
— in the great evolution of our Island kingdom racially.
If we were to accept the authority of certain Kymric
antiquities we should have no difficulty with the history of
Britain at aU. They say that ' there were three names
given to the isle of Britain from the beginning. Before it
was inhabited it was called Clas Merddin (the sea-girt green
spot). After it was inhabited it was called Y vel Ynys
(the honey isle), and after the people were formed into a
commonwealth by Prydain (the son of Aedd Mawr) it was
denominated Ynys Prydain (the Isle of Prydain or Britain) ;
and none has any right to it but the tribe of the Cymry, for
they first settled on it ; and before that time no persons
lived therein, but it was full of bears, wolves, and bisons.'
Though this savours much of comparative modernity there
is a suggestion of antiquity in it, and the reference to the
name is interesting. Broadly speaking, British history
usually begins with the advent of the Romans under Caesar,
about 55 B.C., but, on the other hand, ethnologically the
commencement of it is generally placed back to a period
when it is considered probable that the Celtic races arrived
in the country — a, period that can only be at best roughly
guessed. It is surely not, however, at all unreasonable
to contend that there must have been a people, if not
indeed peoples, in Britain long before the Celts had ever
set foot on British soil. My own firm belief is that the
country had been comparatively densely populated for
many centuries prior to the coming of the Celts — by which
time the world had arrived at a great age — and that a
certain degree of a civihsation — primitive perhaps, but yet
KNOTTY POINTS IN BRITISH ETHNOLOGY 3
progressive — had existed, and had become indeed more or
less old when the newer conditions set in.
There is no reason to conclude that the British Isles
may not have been inhabited by a race that might be
considered aboriginal, at any rate since after the ice age.
This would have been quite possible though little trace of
such should now be obtainable ; the very old beliefs in
cave-dwellers, and in a species of being half-human, half-
supernatural from which the existence of fairies and such
creations appears to have arisen, are very suggestive, and
probably have a solid background behind them. The idea
has found quarter among some excellent authorities that a
race of somewhat indefinite characterisations from the very
earliest times inhabited the central and northern latitudes
of Europe, and that under pressure of unfavourable cir-
cumstances they broke up eventually into possibly some
nine or ten sub-varieties. These are frequently referred
to under the common name of ' Turanians.' They seem as
a whole a sort of mongrel population. Their languages
are classed as agglutinative. In one word, they are gener-
ally considered the peoples found inhabiting certain parts of
Europe and Asia, which are classified as not pertaining to
either of the two great race-divisions known as Aryan and
Semitic respectively. To them are said to belong in the
northern regions the Finns and Lapps, and probably the
Eskimos, among some other peoples including the Mongols ;
and in the southern regions, for instance, the well-known
people called the Basques. It is not without great interest
and importance in this connection that quite appreciable
traces of at any rate some of those peoples — more par-
ticularly of the Finns, the Basques, and the Mongols — are
believed to have been met with as more or less persistent in
this country. The late Dr. Beddoe, one of our greatest
authorities, says : ' If our palseolithic race were really the
ancestors of the Eskimos, or at least their near relations,
as Boyd Dawkins would have them to be, it is at least
possible that they may have left descendants behind them
4 THE CELTIC REVIEW
to mingle their blood with the neoUthic races and their
descendants of to-day. Now, I think, some reason can be
shown for suspecting the existence of traces of some mon-
goloid race in the modern population of Wales and the
West of England ' {Races of Britain). He then proceeds
to give particulars with regard to thirty-four persons whose
features he noted as indicative of Mongoloid blood, and
quotes Dr. Mitchell as mentioning the ' obliquely-set eye '
in his description of one of his Scottish types, ' The Irish
Celt or Fin,' though he did not himself recognise any resem-
blance in this t3rpe to the Finns of Finland. In regard to
the language aspect of this question he says : ' Anthro-
pologists had long been crying out for the remains of an
Iberian or pre-Celtic language in the British Isles before
their philological brethren woke up to the consciousness
of their existence. Mongolian or Ugrian types had been
recognised, though less distinctly, and now Ugrian gram-
matical forms are being dimly discerned in the Welsh and
Irish.' He further refers to a certain Welsh t3rpe, the whole
aspect of which was ' suggestive of a Turanian origin,' and
to a similar type he had seen in Ireland, as of a ' Turanian
aspect.' These types would appear to have been at least
among the earliest inhabitants of Europe as a whole, and
it must be remembered that the country would probably
have then been one large continent, including the British
Isles within its geographical confines.
I am, besides, satisfied in my own mind that there are
traces of another non- Aryan race, or races, to be met with
in the British Isles. Though there may not be anything
approaching an individuality of race or type in this direc-
tion, there are, in my opinion, strong indications of there
having been a people, or peoples, differing considerably
from those I have been referring to. These latter would
appear to have been upon the whole more nigritic than the
former. This was perhaps one of the most outstanding
differences, and is now most noticeable as regards the hair
and the eyes, though there are other features which betray
KNOTTY POINTS IN BRITISH ETHNOLOGY 5
distinctions, such as a distinctive prominence of mouth.
I should be disposed to identify in these traces of the type
which Dr. Beddoe provisionally calls ' Africanoid,' and as
to which he says : ' While Ireland is apparently its present
centre, most of its lineaments are such as lead us to think
of Africa as its possible birthplace.' Others also have from
time to time referred to at least one type that would seem
to have been descendants of those, such as the ' Sancho
Panza ' of the late Hector MacLean ; and the type as a whole
would seem to me to be largely identifiable with the race
whom Mr. RoUeston, in his recent excellent work on The
Myths and Legends of the Celts, describes as the * Megalithic
people,' and of whom he writes : ' The earliest people
inhabiting Celtic territory in the west of Europe of whom
we have any distinct knowledge are a race without name or
known history, but by their sepulchral monuments, of
which so many still exist, we can learn a great deal about
them. They were the so-called Megalithic people (from
Greek megas, great, and lithos, a stone), the builders of
dolmens, cromlechs, and chambered tumuh, of which more
than three thousand have been counted in France alone.'
. . . ' The language originally spoken by this people can
only be conjectured by the traces of it left in that of their
conquerors, the Celts. But a map of the distribution of
their monuments irresistibly suggests the idea that their
builders were of North African origin ; that they were not
at first accustomed to traverse the sea for any great dis-
tance ; that they migrated westwards along North Africa,
crossed into Europe where the Mediterranean at Gibraltar
narrows to a strait a few miles in width, and thence spread
over the western regions of Europe, including the British
Islands, while on the eastward they penetrated Arabia into
Asia. It must, however, be borne in mind that while
originally, no doubt, a distinct race, the Megalithic people
came in the end to represent, not a race, but a culture.'
It will be seen that Mr. RoUeston makes those North
African immigrants the first to people our country of whom
6 THE CELTIC REVIEW
there is any distinct trace ; and if they were there should
perhaps be more nigriticism in the country than there is.
But that there is a perceptible proportion seems indisput-
able. There would be nothing strange in these people from
Northern Africa, though not all necessarily by any means
negroes, having among them, at least, a very pronounced
element — perhaps numerically a predominance — of nigritic
characteristics. It is, in any case, I think, quite the fact
that very clear indications of such a prehistoric element
in the constitution of the races of Britain still survive. I
have myself noticed such traces frequently in persons —
negroes largely, except in colour of skin. There are the
unmistakable signs — the woolly hair, scanty on lower part
of face and dry ; the long massive skull ; the receding
forehead and projecting jaws ; the broad-based nose, with
much distended nostrils ; the non-sensitive nervous system ;
and the dulness to physical feeling. There are also the
religious characteristics, such as a certain element of fetish-
ism, disguised, of course, by altered circumstances ; certain
survivals of superstitions and beliefs ; and many other
points of resemblance. All these are not, of course, observ-
able in one instance, nor probably any two of them, but they
all exist. Most frequently perhaps, they betray them-
selves in the nose, the lips, and the jaw, while the rest
of the face may be quite British. It might, of course, be
contended that these characteristics have been recently
imported, but they have been noticed in various localities
where importation had always been, so far as could be
ascertained, practically out of the question. There is also
little doubt that to the extent to which British place-names,
for instance, have not been explained it is most probable
that the difficulties are attributable to these being survivals
of a language or languages of which the key has not yet
been found to the construction and meaning. This is
believed to be particularly the case as regards place-names
associated with certain deities and places of worship. Pro-
fessor Anwyl suggests in this connection ' the possibility
KNOTTY POINTS IN BRITISH ETHNOLOGY 7
that the local gods are older than the settlement in the
places where they are found of the Aryan-speaking Celts
themselves' {Inverness Gaelic Society Transactions, vol.
xxvi.).
While there is not much necessity for considering that
the earliest peoples of Europe — particularly the Aryans —
came from Western Asia, it need not be contended that
there may not have been some migrations into Europe
from the countries bordering with it — north, east, and south.
This, however, is a point of considerable difficulty, for
various reasons. But migrations and invasions are probably
long-standing institutions among the human race ; and
there is no saying whether these countries may not have
sent colonists westwards and northwards from time to time
during the early stages of European development. Yet, if
so, such colonists seem somewhat difficult of identification,
as to any great extent differing from the prevailing European
types.
As is well known, ethnologists have long identified
certain forms of head with the various stages of man's
development in Europe, such as the ' Cro-Magnon,' the
' Canstadt,' the ' Neanderthal,' etc. The terms ' dolicho-
cephaUc ' (long-headed), ' brachy-cephalic ' (broad-headed),
' ortho - cephalic ' (right - headed), and ' mesa - cephalic '
(medium-headed), are used to denote various head
forms. Generally speaking, however, heads are usually
referred to in this connection as ' long ' or ' short,' as the
case may be. There has been an idea among certain
scientists that long heads and long barrows and round heads
and round barrows have generally been found to follow each
other, and there may be something in this ; but I do not
think it has yet been established that there has ever been a
race of which it could be said that they were either long-
headed or broad-headed, except to at most a predominating
extent. Thus the place of a race or of an individual in the
scale of head-formation is best determined by the applica-
tion of what is known as the cephalic index, which ' means
8 THE CELTIC EEVIEW
the proportion the breadth of a head bears to its length.
Thus a cephahc index of seventy-five means that the breadth
of a skull giving that index in its measurements is in the
ratio of three-fourths to its length.' A skull with an index
of over eighty is ' broad ' ; one with an index of under
seventy-five ' long ' ; and one with an index of between
seventy-five and eighty ' medium.' But it must be obvious
that the formation of the skull — ^though admittedly per-
sistent— is subject to circumstance and environment like
any other part of the human constitution. Man is made
up of systems, and these systems are certain to develop or
become more or less disused under the influences of the
conditions regulating the life of a person or a people. After
all is considered, there is not so much, perhaps, in head form
as has been made of it. The true test is one of mentality.
There are usually a few leading ideas which actuate a man
or a nation, and, in the latter case, the crowd, whatever the
various physical features, as a rule follow the leader, and
contribute to the general character of the civilisation which
prevails. At the present moment in the British Isles the
principles of civilisation which certainly have sprimgfrom
the fairer people among us appear to be in the ascendency,
while it is suspected strongly that the prevalence of nigres-
cence— of which also an index (the calculations of which are
on a basis of greater or lesser darkness of skin, eyes, and
hair) has been made and applied — is increasing. It is from
the impress of mind only that the true places of the various
peoples that have given birth and growth to any civilisation
can be properly and correctly determined. Thus the old
and once popular divisions of the human race into * Caucasian '
or white ; * Mongolian ' or yellow ; * Ethiopian ' or black ;
* Malayan' or brown ; * American ' or red, while serviceable
enough as a geographical classification, must be considered
as falling short of the anthropological system now in vogue,
which addresses itself to the interpretation of the mind of
races as well as to the observation of physical features. It
is found thus that civilisation is really a product of mind,
KNOTTY POINTS IN BRITISH ETHNOLOGY 9
that ebbs and flows, that has its cycles and its periodocities
— always making for improved adaptations of knowledge
and experience, and for the elevation of the plane on which
humanity exercises its functions from age to age. In this
process, while one form of civilisation always seems to
prevail, contributions to it from diverse sources are of
enormous importance ; and this has been the case in the
British Isles in a pre-eminent manner by the influence of
the Celtic mind from time to time upon the developments
of Saxonic civilisation as it grew.
I now come to my second subject — The Celts, who and
what are they ? — a question which has puzzled ethno-
logists for ever so long, and one in regard to which there
would seem still to be considerable differences of opinion.
The difficulty chiefly arises from the circumstance that the
Celts of history — the people referred to by early writers as
Celts even down tiU within the Christian era — are generally
described as fair or akin thereto in physical features, where-
as, as is well known, the Celt of more modern times has
been found to partake more of the darker features found in
the country as a whole. Mr. Rolleston says : ' To take a
physical characteristic alone, the more Celtic districts of
the British Islands are at present marked by darkness of
complexion, hair, etc. They are not very dark, but they
are darker than the rest of the kingdom. But the true Celts
were certainly fair. Even the Irish Celts of the twelfth
century are described by Giraldus Cambrensis as a fair
race.' The same author in the same paragraph says : ' To
begin with, we must dismiss the idea that Celtica was ever
inhabited by a single, pure,'and homogeneous race. The true
Celts, if we accept on this point the carefully studied and
elaborately argued conclusions of Dr. T. Rice Holmes [the
American anthropologist, in Ccesar's Conquest of GauT]y
supported by the unanimous voice of antiquity, were a tall,
fair race, warlike and masterful, whose place of origin (as
far as we can trace them) was somewhere about the sources
of the Danube, and who spread their dominion both by
10 THE CELTIC REVIEW
conquest and by peaceful infiltration over Mid-Europe,
Gaul, Spain, and the British Isles. They did not exter-
minate the original prehistoric inhabitants of these regions —
palaeolithic and neolithic races, dolmen-builders and workers
in bronze, — but they imposed on them their language, their
arts, and their traditions, taking, no doubt, a good deal from
them in return, especially, as we shall see, in the important
matter of religion. Among these races the true Celts formed
an aristocratic and ruling caste. In that capacity they
stood alike in Gaul, in Spain, in Britain, and in Ireland, in
the forefront of armed opposition to foreign invasion. They
bore the worst brunt of war, of confiscation and of banish-
ment. They never lacked valour, but they were not strong
enough to prevail, and they perished in far greater propor-
tion than the earlier populations whom they had themselves
subjugated. But they disappeared also by mingling their
blood with these inhabitants, whom they impregnated with
many of their own noble and virile qualities. Hence it
comes that the characteristics of the peoples called Celtic
in the present day, and who carry on the Celtic tradition
and language, are in some respects so different from those
of the Celts of classical history, and the Celts who produced
the literature and art of ancient Ireland, and in others so
strikingly similar.' While this is a most excellent presenta-
tion of a difficult question, I respectfully submit that I
believe that the people or peoples with whom originated,
and who developed, the characteristics which have all along
been associated with Celticism, are still with us in very
large proportions. It is certainly difficult to reconcile
Celticity as a whole with the ethnic features of the peoples
with whom it has been found, and stiU is found, associated.
But the difficulty is greatly exaggerated if we attempt to
account for Celticism as the product of anything approach-
ing an individual, comparatively unmixed race, or for Celts
as represented by any single people. Since, at any rate,
the evolution of the Celts west of the Danube — and that was
not yesterday — I think it is absolutely certain that they
KNOTTY POINTS IN BRITISH ETHNOLOGY 11
have been a mixed race in a very considerable measure.
Mr. RoUeston makes a very significant note in connection
with his summing up which is of interest here. He says :
' The ancients were not very close observers of physical
characteristics. They describe the Celts in almost exactly
the same terms as those which they apply to the Grermanic
races. Dr. Rice Holmes is of opinion that the real differ-
ence, physically^ lay in the fact that the fairness of the
Germans was blond, and that of the Celts red.' It is almost
certain that the ancient writers were not close or accurate
observers. They frequently used mere local names for
tjrpical purposes. Caesar's well-known reference seems
fairly definite, but it has been pointed out that it is only
partially applicable. He says : ' All Gaul is divided into
three parts, one inhabited by the Belgae, another by the
Aquitanians, and the third by the people who give them-
selves in their own language the name of Celts. They all
differ from each other in language, customs, and laws.'
This, it is obvious, is much more territorial than ethnologic
in analysis, and the reference is only helpful after all. There
is an unfortunate degree of insufficiency about it as to the
mental aspect of the question ; and this is the real test.
It is the culture strain that actually counts in determining
raciological results. The most probable solution of this
great historical puzzle seems to be that the Celts in very
early times were a strong nationality occupying very largely
the great strip of country extending from the Danube to
Spain, not by any means an aboriginal or an individual
race, but, as I should think, essentially a mixed and well-
blended population. I say essentially, because their terri-
tory lay between the basin of the Mediterranean in the south,
and the basin of the Baltic in the north, which at a period
in the world's history, long prior to any we can now form
an approximate conception of, were distributing centres
of social, economic, and political activities. From these
centres ramified in various directions — north, east, south,
and west respectively, streams of immigrants and colonists
12 THE CELTIC REVIEW
from time to time, and to those movements of human
families must be ascribed the peopling of Europe, in any
case with the races now found there, except to the extent
that the non- Aryan elements already dealt with entered
into the racial constitution of the country. This would
seem to be borne out in great measure by the requirements
of ethnological science. There are, broadly speaking, in
Europe as a whole just two predominating or fundamental
colours — the dark and the fair. All others are simply
differences, and shades of differences, between these two.
It is well known that an attempt has been made to estabhsh
an individuahty for red among the hair colours of Europe,
but I do not consider that a good case has been made out
for the contention by any means. Of the Mediterranean
nations it has always been found characteristic — and still
is — that nigrescence in the matter of colours prevails there ;
while of the Baltic regions it is equally true that the fairer
peoples have always been — and still are — found associated
therewith. There are exceptions, of course, such as a con-
siderable representation of the fair in certain parts of Italy,
for instance, and similarly a distinct and pronounced ele-
ment of the dark types in the northern latitudes. Who has
not heard of the swarthy Vikings ? But these are trace-
able to settlements and migrations, and go far to confirm
the truth of the contention that the peoples of Central
Europe mainly must have been undergoing a process of
race mixture and evolution from a period far back into the
prehistoric past. It is not at all impossible that there may
have been frequent admixtures of what might be considered
typically fair, dark, or xanthous (red) peoples from neigh-
bouring mountains and plains — peoples that from a certain
degree of isolation may have developed a peculiarity of in-
dividuality all their own. This, indeed, is quite consistent
with some of the best theories in the field, but their
effect upon the people who made up the big bulk of the
population now under review would have been compara-
tively small. I think something similar may be postulated
KNOTTY POINTS IN BRITISH ETHNOLOGY 13
as to the languages of Europe. The Aryan tongues divide
themselves naturally into the Latin tongues of the south,
roughly speaking, and the Teutonic of the north, excluding
those languages already referred to as non- Aryan.
It would seem, then, not far from probabihties that the
Celt on the Continent, let us say, was a product of racial
evolution partaking of the dark and fair colours more or
less pecuUar to Europe, in varying proportions — fairer
roughly the further eastwards and northwards they are
found, and darker the nearer they come to the south and
the westerly coast — the latter partaking more of the features
of the earlier inhabitants, whose myths, legends, religious
beliefs, customs and superstitions had survived in sub-
stantial and material measure, while their language would
not have all disappeared though being largely superseded
by the Celtic, which, as has always been indicated — and
Dr. Rice Holmes confirms the suggestion — is more closely
akin to Latin than to the Teutonic as a tongue. We may,
perhaps, leave the continental Celts here now, postulating
that they were, on the whole, a well-mixed people, and that
mention of them by ancient writers as fair and red had
reference to the more inland and northerly, while the darker
and those inhabiting the westerly and coast countries were
substantially the Celtiberians, or the Ibero-Celts, of the old
world.
After all that has been explained in regard to the Celts
on the continent of Europe, it wiU be fairly easy to follow
me in what I have to say as to Celticism in the British Isles.
But to get a start I must once more touch hghtly on con-
tinental history. To account for the peopling of the British
Islands by the principal elements entering into their present-
day population, we must understand that these came here
in successive movements from across the Channel. It is
most probable that the darker people were the first to
arrive. For one thing they were nearer. But why should
there be a movement at all ? Well, that is an important
question. I believe the movement was necessary. If we
14 THE CELTIC EEVIEW
study those movements of peoples from time to time to our
own islands we find, I think, that in most cases the darker
people gave way before their fairer conquerors. This is
the general rule, at any rate in regard to the earlier race-
movements we know of. In continental Celtland, peace
did not always reign. There are traces of early disturb-
ances in the more northerly provinces which eventually
would appear to have led to a rupture with their Teutonic
neighbours, and I believe that in course of time, and when
the golden age of the Celts had passed, the Teutons pressed
the Celts from the north westwards. The fairer or xanthous
Celt, after contact with his more practical enemy, in turn
pressed the darker and more dreamy Ibero-Celt, who made
way into this country, to be followed in turn by the other
and driven from the plains and the best land to the hills
and the forests. This would appear to have been the order
and sequence of those events. Long after the time now
referred to the Romans came in the same fashion ; the
Saxons, the Danes, and Normans followed, each driving
the earlier invader further and further into the mountain
fastnesses. Those dark incomers, who first most likely
came over to Britain, brought with them a civilisation and
a language which possibly differed considerably from those
possessed by the later and fairer followers — the language
in dialect and minor features principally. This later in-
comer had in his constitution more of the race elements
which developed Saxonic characteristics of a still later time.
While not by any means Teutonic to begin with, he had
mixed largely with the Teuton, and had imbibed something
of his more practical and more worldly-wise ways and means
of life. Pressed westward by the Teutonic aggrandise-
ment and influence — and the Teuton's expanding propen-
sities have always been a prohfic source of history-making —
he carried with him something of what he had learned ; and
when he arrived in Britain he was in possession of a much
more advanced degree of civihsation than his darker and
more peaceful brother. He might not indeed inaptly be
KNOTTY POINTS IN BRITISH ETHNOLOGY 15
designated the Germano-Celt as distinguished from the
Ibero-Celt. He was himself — or at any rate included the
type that was — the progenitor of those tall, reddish men —
the Caledonians — described by Tacitus, and of that type of
strong, powerful variety found numerous in Central Scot-
land, and distinguishable till this day. He may not have
come into Britain at the same place as the earlier settler.
He would probably have landed further north.
Ireland might be considered as entitled to some separate
treatment here ; but as I shall be dealing somewhat more
fully with that island later on, I will only now say that
Erin was peopled at the time by a population substantially
the same as in Britain, except that the fairer Celts or the
Caledonians did not enter so largely into its racial con-
stitution unless perhaps in the north, and that its peoples
included probably a larger proportion of the earlier colonists
from the Continent, and not impossibly a direct incursion,
or more than one, from Northern Spain. Ethnologic ally
the elements were otherwise fundamentally much similar
in Britain and Ireland.
16 THE CELTIC REVIEW
THE GAELIC VERSION OF THE THEBAID
OF STATIUS
Professor Mackinnon
{Continued from vol. viii. page 233)
GAELIC TEXT
Imthusa imorro na Tiabanda. Ro gabh ecla adbul
mor ciniuda cathracha Cathim o t' cualadar ler tinol na
n-Grec da n-indsaigi. Ro^ thochastail iarum Etiocles co
h-admall ^ anindech na Tiauanda do chosnum a cathrach
Foi. 9b 1. ris na Grecaib. Acht chena, ni ua subach so-menmnach
lucht na Tebi re tindscetal in tachair sin. Acus ni roibi
algius cathaigti ac duini do Tiauandaib in tan sin, uair ua
senta so-thoglaigi muir a cathrach. Acus batar snima
aile imda ^ orro do neoch ua mid * an imshnim inna cath
do chur. Acus ge ead ^ ar abba sin tanic conf ad catha na ^
crideadaib na Tiauanda do chosnum a ciniuda. Acus ni
do medugadh airechtais in rig Etiocles air ua miscais leo
uiU'' e in fer na' tocla .t. Polinices. Acus ua h-e samail
Etiocles mar bis fael craesach confadach itir ceithrib ar n-a
comach and. Dar les ar teiched conlenfatais oegaireaga
na tret tre n-marbtha sin e uaden.
Acus ua tuillead re h-adfuath do na Tiauandaibh in
clu digair dian-scelach ac scailead seel na n-Grec ^ doib.
Uair ro indisfead fear ann marc-sluag gasraige Grec do
roctain co bruach srotha Asopis, no co sHab so-imthechta *
Citeron, no co tulchaib tond-glasa Temeson i comfhocus na
Tebi. Acus ro linsadar derb-airdedda ^° duaibsecha dirimi
in talmain uili, conf aictis ^^-sium na srotha 'na sruthanaib
f ala tre thaidbsib n-aislingthi, acus conlabraidis torathair
balba bruidide ac tairgi ^^ tren-uilc do Thiauandaib as gach
* Eg. omits. * adhbaZ. 3 imda aile. * mbid.
' cidhedh. « a. 7-7 imun fer ina. ' o Grecaib.
• Eg. omits. '" airighedha. " confaicidh. " tairngire.
THE THEBAID OF STATIUS 17
ENGLISH TRANSLATION
Now ^ as to the proceedings of the Thebans. Very great
fear took possession of the tribes of the city of Cadmus
when they heard of the great muster of the Greeks to
attack them. Thereupon Ethiocles with unstable and dis-
turbed mind summoned the Thebans to defend their city
against the Greeks. But the people of Thebes did not con-
template the entering upon that struggle with a joyous or
light heart. There was not at the time a man among them
who had any desire for war, for the walls of their city were
old and easy to destroy. And many other cares occupied
their minds, which increased their anxiety regarding this
war. Yet though this was so, a rage for war took posses-
sion of the minds of the Thebans to defend their people.
They cared not about extending the dominion of Etiocles,
for they all hated him more than they did the invader
Polinices. And Etiocles (himself) was Uke an open- jawed
furious wolf among herds after he had devoured them.
He thought that if he ran away the very herds of the flocks
which he destroyed would pursue him and slay him.
It was an addition to the horror of the Thebans, the
alarming quickly-spreading report that circulated the move-
ments of the Greeks among them. One related that the
cavalry of the Grecian host had (already) reached the
bank of the river Asopis, or the easily traversed hill
of Cithaeron, or the green knolls of Teumeson, nigh to
Thebes. Ominous and numerous tokens of evil filled the
whole land. They saw in visions of the night the rivers
1 Th., iv. 345.
VOL. IX. B
THE CELTIC REVIEW
Fol. 9b 2.
aird. Acus adclos daibsium tre thaidbsi ban-sacart dasach-
tach do muntir Baich, do dei in fhina, ac faistine sechnon
na cathrach con-ebairt : ' Is olc a n-(d)enai,^ a Baich,' ^
ar si, *na h-eicne-sea do lecun ^ ar na Tiabandaib. Acus
adchiu-sa da tharb trena tnuthacha concindet * oen cenel
acus oen atharda ac tachar acus each dib ac marbad a ceh.
.t. Etiocles', ar si, ' is olc a n-denai tachar ua n-ni nach
duthchu dit na do ^ brathair .t. do Polineces.' Acus ro
bai 'na tast as a h-aithli sin.
Acht cheana ra sir Etiocles celgcach crithnaigthech
faistine do denam do ar in fisid. Acus is airi ro furail air
cunnail cian-aesta .t. ar Tiresias. Acus ge m-mad dall in
dnii sin ua deg fhisig. Acus is airi ro dalladh ® in duine
sin : ' bliadna ro bai-sium 'na mnai tre mirbail na n-dei
CO tarla ^ imresain itir loib acus lunaind, ban-dei na toili
coUaigi — ingen do Saturn in n-Iunaind ^ caem cumachtach —
CO n-ebairt loib comma mo algius sar-thoili nam m(b)an
na na fear. Adrubairt imorro lunaind roppa brec. Acus
ro aentaigset ua oen fhiadain .t. Tiresias, uair ro bai-sium
sel 'na mna acus sel 'na fhir. Acus adrubairt rabba mo
ailgius nam m-ban na ailgius na fer. Acus ua fergach ri
h-Iunaind sin, acus ro bean a shuili uada-sum. Acus
tucastar loib fis faistine do-sum 'na agaid sin. Nocho tre
enaib na tre idbartaib ar altoir do nid in fer sin faistine, acht
tre tuduscad ^^ anmand a h-ifren, uair is mo ro creitfea doib.
Et ro erig Tiresias acus a ingen Manto acus Ethiocles
araen ^^ ris, acus tangadar is ^^ an fidnemed ^^ f asaig ua
comnesa doib. Acus imun fidnemid ^^ sin ^* ro bai in mag ar
silastair Cathim mac Agenoir fiacla na nathrach feacht
riam roim(e). Acus contechit duine ^^ acus indili tres in
seiselbi n-demnaig n-adfuathmair bis fos is a n-inat sin.
Acus da roindi Tiresias ix clascha comleathna and sin,
acus ro linaid leis iad do chaerchaib duba dath-chaema in
' denaidh.
5 Eg. adds do.
• Eg. adds sin.
»3-" Eg. omits.
« Baith.
• Ed. MS. da .». uad.
^* thoduscad.
^* Eg. adds a.
' ligen. * concindedh.
^ Eg. omits. * contarla.
" araen Etiocles. " MS. as.
^^ daine.
THE THEBAID OF STATIUS 19
running blood. Dumb brutish monsters spoke and pro-
phesied great disaster to the Thebans from all quarters.
There was a rumour that a furious mad priestess of
Bacchus, the god of wine, was prophesying throughout the
city and saying : ' Evil you have done, Bacchus,' said she,
' to have permitted these calamities to fall upon the
Thebans. I see two strong contentious bulls sprung from
the same stock and the same soil fighting, and each of them
killing the other. And Etiocles,' said she, ' you act unjustly
towards your brother PoUnices in quarrelling with him about
what is not more yours than his.' She was silent thereafter.
Howbeit^ the wily, trembling Etiocles sought prophecy
from a seer, and he whom he consulted was the wise and very
aged Tiresias. Though this wizard was blind he was a
good prophet. The cause of his bUndness was thus :
during a year in which he was, through a miracle of the
gods, a woman, there arose a disputation between Jove
and Juno the goddess of lust. A daughter of Saturn was
this beautiful and powerful Juno. Jove said that the love
pleasures of women exceeded those of men. Juno, on the
other hand, declared that it was not so. They agreed
to refer the matter to one umpire, Tiresias, seeing that
he was for a period a woman, and for a period a man.
He declared that the pleasures of women were greater than
those of men. Juno was wroth at this, and she plucked
out Tiresias's eyes, but Jove gave him the gift of prophecy
by way of compensation. It was not by birds nor by
sacrifices upon altars that Tiresias made prophecy, but
by raising the souls (of the dead) from hell, for he had
greater faith in these.
Then arose Tiresias with his daughter Manto and Etiocles
along with him, and they went to the desert sacred grove
nearest to them. It was around this sacred grove that the
field in which Cadmus, son of Agenor, sowed the dragon's
teeth a long time previously, was. Men and cattle avoided
it because of the devilish horrid din that ever was in that
1 TL, iv. 406.
20 THE CELTIC REVIEW
n-onoir na n-dei n-ifrennaidi.^ Ac us ba h-olc re lucht in
tiri a met da chaithead d'a ceithrib ris na h-idbartaib sin.
Acus ro doirtestar T(i)resias fleda fina ar na clasachaib
comlinta sin. Acus ro bai ac eadarguidi na n-dei n-ifrenn-
aidi n-aduathmar .t. Oirc, acus Proserpiana a ban-chele
ind fhir sin, acus Tresifone aslaicthe chur uada, acus Caroin
co(m)thnuthach port-immarchoirthid na n-anmannand dar
sruth Stig,^ co-tudusctis anmanna do Tiresias d'indisi ^
firindi do. Acus ro gab aduath adbal Ethiocles ri dasacht
Tiresias ac iarraid aitgi ar muntir n-demnaig n-ifrind.*
Acus o ra airig Tiresias sin ro fergaiged e re muntir n-ifrind,
ar a fhat leis ro bai gun nech da chur da^ indsaigid a
h-ifrinn. Acus ro labair in ban-shacart, a ingen .t. Manto :
' Ac so chucut ' ar si, 'an disi ^ airechta adbana esfhuiligi
d' anmandaib i comfhocus da a h-ifrenn, acus ro h-oslaicit
clusala aduathmara'^ ifrind anosa acus adchim-sea sosta
sir-dorcha,*^ acus aitdeda ^ anaibne ichtir ifrind, acus
adchim-si,' ar si,^ ' srotha suaibrenacha sruth-glasa ifirn .t.
Acheron acus Flegedon acus Stix, adciu-sa dan ^^ Pluton
acus Prosserpina acus brithemain ecerta ^^ ifirn .t. Minos ^^
acus Eacus ^^ acus Rodomantus, tri meic loib. Acus is
amlaid co beraid bretha .i. cilamd ^* comthomais acco acus
lecana finna ann acus lecan(a) duba, acus in tan ticed in
lecan find annis ^^ ar tus ua fir in fuigell, acus in tan ticed
in lecan dub annis ^^ ua h-anfhir in breth. Acus is lor
indisin,' ar si ^^ Manto, ' do thoratharaib ifirn dit.' ^^ ' Is leor
imorro, a ingen,' ar si ^^ Tiresias, * cia nach fitir in fian ata
ar in 20 coraid ar Sisfiphus^i a. cloch muilind do chur an
agaid shlebe acus a toitim ina cend dorisi.^^ Tifius coraid ro
triall eiccin for mathair Apaill .t. ar Latona,^^ isi a plan an
ifirn sebac aca crem a cridi ac forbairt ann. Gair chucaind,
a ingen,' ar se, ' na h-anmanda Grecda acus Tiauanda fuil
1 n-infernda.
2 Stix.
^ iansin.
* n-ifernaidhi.
* dan.
•^ anosa.
^"^ Eg. omits.
^ aigeda.
9 MS. se.
*" Eg. omita.
" egaracha.
12 Miaios.
" Echus.
^* ciulurnn.
*° ann.
1^ ann.
" ar sa.
»8 deit.
** ar sa.
^ Eg. omits.
31 Sisphus. 22 Eg. dorididhi. 23 Ed. has the name in red ink.
THE THEBAID OF STATIUS 21
place. Tiresias made nine trenches of like breadth there,
and filled them with black sheep of beautiful colour in
honour of the gods of hell. The people of the place grumbled
at the number of their cattle that were consumed in these
sacrifices. Tiresias further poured out banquets of wine and
filled these trenches, and was praying the horrid gods of
hell, i.e. Orcus and his wife Proserpina and Tersiphone, to
issue their commands and to order grim Charon, the ferry-
man of souls across the river Styx, to rouse up souls who
should reveal truth to Tiresias. Vast terror took hold of
Etiocles when he saw the frenzy of Tiresias when praying
to the devilish inhabitants of hell. When Tiresias observed
this he became angry with the folks of hell because they
delayed so long in sending one to him from thence. Then
his daughter Manto the priestess spoke : ' There approach
you now,' said she, ' noble (?) bloodless companies of
souls quite near from hell. The dread prisons of hell have now
been opened, and I see the ever dark dwellings and joyless
abodes of lowest hell ; and I see the smoking (?) grey rivers
of hell, Acheron, Phlegethon and Styx ; and I see besides
Pluto and Proserpina and the unjust judges of hell, Minos
and Aeacus and Rhadamanthus, three sons of Jove. And
these deliver judgments after this manner : ^ they have
urns of equal size in which there are little stones, some white,
some black. When a white stone comes out first the judg-
ment is just ; when a black one the decision is unjust.
And that suffices,' said Manto, ' to tell thee of the horrors
of hell.' ' It suffices indeed,' ^ said Teresias, * for who does
not know of the punishment of the champion Sis3rphus,
who must roll a millstone up hill which ever falls back
again ; and of Tityos the hero who offered violence to
Latona, the mother of Apollo, and whose punishment in
hell is a hawk pecking at his heart, which maintains its
vigour. Call to me, girl,' said he, 'the souls of Greeks
^ This passage is interpolated ; cf. Irische Texte, iv. p. 191, where three stones are
used, white, black, and speckled, the last denoting half-guilty.
* Th., iv. 536.
22 THE CELTIC REVIEW
ann, acus indis dam an delb acus an denam, acus cuich as
neasa dib.' ^ ' Atat ^ ann,' ar si,^ ' Cathim mac Agenoir acus
Ermione a ban-chele, acus ceithri h-ingina Cathim .t. Semile
p«i. lOa 1. acus Antonoe acus Inno acus Agabe co n-a clandaib. Acus
atcim-si,' ar si, ' mairb truaga na Tiuanda and so acus na
n-Grec ar chena.'
Et o darat Manto teist acus tuariscbail na n-anmand
leith ar leth, ro erig Tiresias acus ro chraith a chend, acus
nir gab lorg 'na laim ger bo senoir. ' Bi tast,* a ingen,' ar
se, ' da uiccim-sea ^ in ni bias do Grecaib acus do Tiauan-
daib uair ^ de sin, acus bid mesa do Grecaib,' ar se, ' in
tachar-sa na do Tiauandaib. Uair is toirrsech,' ar se, ' a fuil
do rigaib Grec a n-ij&rn ac tairrngiri thoirrsech da fuil beo
dib.' Acus as iat so na riga '^ ua toirrsech in n-ifirn in tan
sin .t. Appas garb gruganach, acus Foraneus cendais cumach-
tach, acus Pelops crechtach cendtescta, acus Oenamaus
feochair fir(f)eargach, ocus Portus occal eccendais. Acus is
do side^ ro ban-cheU Stenobe® darad grad da les-mac .t.
do Belorofons.i^ Acus o ro emig in gilla comriachtain ria
ro chosait-si re athair ^^ e, acus a dubairt eiccen do thobairt
fuirri. Acus to fergaided Pontus re Pellorofons cor cuir^^
e d'innsaigid athar Stenobe. Acus ro bai torathar aicci
side .t. Cimera. Acus ro cuired Ballorofons ar in n-eoch,
ar Pegais, d'ag(b)ail a oigeda do cum Chimera. Acus
adrochair an torathar sin ^^ lesium. Ra h-easchrad ^* e da
eoch fein, acus adbath.'
Atchondairc Tiresias in caecaid ^^ curad ro marb Tid
do Tiauandaib, ocus ^^ adchondairc-sium Laius mor, athair ^^
Eidip, itir na h-anmandaib. Acus ro bai ac iarraid faistine
fair do denam d'atiib .t. do Eithocles, do rig na Tebi, acus do
Pohneces mac Edip. Acus ro lauair Laius : ' cid 'ma
n-iarthai ormsa, a Tiresias, faistine do denum do lucht na
Tebi, uair is adbul d'ulc do ronsat rimsa, acus gidid,' ar se,
' indesait ^^ daibsi a n-a cuala o deib ifrind ma dala na
^ Eg. adds dam. * Ata. ^ ^g „ se. * Ba tost. ^ tuicim-ai.
^ Eg. omits. "^ righdha. * siden. • Seaobe. " Pelarofons.
" h-athair. " cur o ro cuir. *^ Eg. omits. ** eacradh.
»* 1. at. '« Ed. has .1., Eg. has 7. i^ mac. ** innesat.
THE THEBAID OF STATIUS 23
and Thebans that are present, and tell me their form and
build, and which is nearest to me.' ' There are here,' said
she, ' Cadmus, son of Agenor, and Hermione his wife, and
the four daughters of Cadmus, Semele, Autonoe, Ino, and
Agave, with their children; and I see,' said she, * the wretched
dead of the Thebans here, as also those of the Greeks.'
When ^ Manto gave the character and description of
the souls on either side, Tiresias rose up and shook his head.
He did not take a staff in his hands, though an old man.
' Be silent, girl,' said he, ' I perceive what will happen to
Greeks and Thebans in this conflict. The Greeks will fare
worse,' said he, ' than the Thebans in this encounter. For
the Grecian kings who are in hell,' added he, ' are sad,
presaging the mournful fate of those living. And these
are the kings who were grieving in hell at the time — viz..
Abas, fierce and stern ; Pheroneus, gentle and powerful ;
Pelops, full of wounds and decapitated; Oenomaus, fierce
and wrathful ; and Proetus, cruel and merciless. Proetus's
wife was Sthenoboea, who fell in love with her stepson
Bellerophon. When the youth declined her advances she
accused him to his father, alleging that he offered violence
to her. Proetus was wroth at Bellerophon and sent him
to the father of Sthenoboea. He had a monster named
Chimaera, and Bellerophon was put upon the horse Pegasus,
in order to come by his death in fighting Chimaera. But the
monster fell by his hand. (Bellerophon) was (afterwards)
thrown by his own horse and he perished.'
Tiresias saw the fifty Theban champions whom Tydeus
slew. And he saw the great Laius, father of Oedipus,
among the dead, and he asked him to prophesy regarding
his grandsons, Etiocles, king of Thebes, and Polinices, son
of Oedipus. And Laius said : ' Why should you ask me,
Tiresias, to make prophecy to the people of Thebes ? for
vast are the evils which they have done to me. Still,'
said he, ' I shall tell what I heard from the deities of hell
> Th., ir. 579.
24 THE CELTIC REVIEW
Tiauanda. Is ^ cinti tra,' ar se, ' concingit laich lutJimara
Lerna .i. na Grecci dirma di-airmidi do chathaib commora
do thogail Tebi. Et ^ is cinti coscor ac Tiauandaib do
thurus gasraide Grec do gairiud ^ na Tebi. Acus ni lecfet
Tiauanda do na Grecaib aitt na h-inad do lose ad na d'
adlacad * do neoch marfer ^ dib i tir na Tebi. Acus na bid
a ecla ® ortsu,' ar se ' Laius, ' a Ethiocles, rigi do gobail
dat brathair, do Polineces, uair gid feochair fuabartach in
fer sin, noch ^ ua ri ar in Teb co brath.' Acus o ra labair
Laius sin atrochair in n-(i)firind,® acus ro fhac co cummas-
cadha cundabartacha scela na n-Grec da eis.
Imtusa imorro na n-Grec do berar os aird. And so
tangatar reompo co coiUtib nua-glasa Nem. Acus ua
dirmi di-fhoillsigud in deag-sluaig sin im trascrad acus im
Foi. lOa 2. thogail na Tebi leo. Baich, imorro, dei in n-fhina, ro tinoil
sideic na ciniuda gaimschedacha Geittecda ^® o sleib Eim ^^
acus o sliab Otras ^^ acus o sleb Rodoip do chum na Tebi da
forithin, uair ropi Semile, ingen rig na Tebi .t. Chathim
meic Agenoir, mathair Baich. Uair in tan ro loisced Semile
ac comriachtain do loib ria ir-richt tened ro thairring loib
Baich as a broind ar tesbaid ^^ mis da h-inbaid,^* acus ro
h-ailestar loib Baich a m-bun a sliasta co cenn mis, acus tuc
do lucht na Tebi da h-altrom ar sin e.^^ Conid imi sin ro bai
Baich ac fortacht na Tebi. Acus is amlaid ro bai-sium
is na long-portaib sotla so-mescada sin acus nathracha
nemnecha ac imarchur carpait Baith. Acus ua curita
lucht carpait Baich, acus at e and so a n-anmand .t. Nert
acus Fuasnad, Ferg acus Faitcius. Acus o t'chondairc
Baich na cloichtigi cumascda ciach acus na neoill lan^^-dorcha
luaitherda re trethan in t-(s)luig os choilltib croeb^'-glasa
Nem, acus dellrad na n-arm sliptha sleaman-gorm ri ruithnib
na greni glan-shoillsi ua socht mor leosum ^^ gan tendad
a ^® tinoil tachair in agaid Grecach. Acus adubairt Baich
1 as.
2 0CU8.
^ do egairug.
* anac.
^ muirbhfhither.
* h-ecla.
^ Eg. omits.
* nocha.
® anirn.
" Getecda.
» Ein.
" Otris.
" t«8tail.
" mvaadh.
« MS. l
»6 Eg. omits.
^^ inam.
'* leisim.
19 in.
THE THEBAID OF STATIUS 25
regarding the affairs of the Thebans. It is certain, then,'
said he, 'that the intrepid heroes of Lerna, i.e. of Greece,
will advance in numberless multitudes arranged in huge
battahons to destroy Thebes. And it is certain that the
Thebans will conquer the Grecian braves in their march to
the destruction of Thebes. And the Thebans will not give
to the Greeks a place or stead in which to burn or bury
those who will be slain in Theban land. And Etiocles,'
added Laius, ' be not afraid to keep possession of your
brother Polinices's kingdom, for fierce and formidable
though that man be, he shall never be king of Thebes.'
When Laius thus spoke he descended into hell, and left
behind him the story of the Greeks in confusion and doubt.
The proceedings of the Greeks are related now.^ By
this time they proceeded forward to the fresh and grey
woods of Nemaea. And the strong hosts were confident
from their great numbers (of their ability) to raze and destroy
Thebes. Bacchus, however, the god of wine, collected the
tribes of wintry Getae from the hill of Haemus, and from
the hill of Othrys, and from the hill of Rhodope, to Thebes
to aid it. For Semele, the daughter of Cadmus, son of
Agenor, king of Thebes, was Bacchus' s mother. When
Semele was burnt by the embrace of Jove in the guise of
fire, Jove drew Bacchus from her womb, her period having
failed by a month, and nourished him in the thick end of
his thigh for a month. Thereafter he gave Bacchus to the
Thebans to be reared. Whence it was that Bacchus aided
the Thebans. And thus was Bacchus among these haughty,
easily excited camps, with venomous serpents drawing his
chariot. Brave were the attendants upon his chariot, and
these are their names, — Power and Wrath, Rage and Fear.
When Bacchus saw the confused masses of mist and the
very dark and flying clouds caused by the march of the
hosts over the grey forests of Nemaea, and the gleam of the
burnished smooth-blue weapons from the rays of the bright-
shining sun, he was greatly tempted to collect his forces
' Th., iv. 646.
26 THE CELTIC REVIEW
ri ^ muntir : ' Bid bar tast, a oco,' ^ ar se,^ * acus caiscid bar
seiselbi. Ro cindsead na Grec(a),' ar se,^ ' dianscailiud na
Tebi imum-si,' * ar se,^ 'acus is i mo les-mathair-sea^ lunaind
chomoras na catha sin chucum-sa. Acus da rigne ulcu
aili ^ rim remi .t. mo mathair Simile do loscad, acus ata
anosa ac ^ techt co Teib da milliud. Dober-sa, ^ imorro,'
ar se, ' indnell ^ furig ecin ar na slogaib.' Acus tanic-sium
remi co dian tindeasnach * ar in mag in n-agaid in t-(s)loig.
Acus ba medon don lo ind n-uair ^^ sin. Acus ua tend tesbach
in talam ri taidlanig na greni and sin. Ra gairit dei acus
ban-dei na n-es acus na n-abann cuicci acus adubairt riu :
' tabraid,' ar se, ' fial falaig dar inbearaib uisci na Greci ^^
uili coma lathraid Ian tirma a n-inada da n-eis. Acus di-
chlethid ^^ uirri choUti Nem ar tus. Acus dober-sa a chomain
chomadais daib-si a ris,' ar se. Acus ni luaithi adrubairt-
sium sin na ra tirmaidit lacha acus luath-aibne, tobair acus
turlaigi in tiri, coma caeiti conairi inada na n-uisceda .t.
Lerna acus Larceus, Inacus acus Caradrus, Erasinus acus
Asterion. Acht chena ro bai oen smith ^^ ua clithir diam-
ruib na coilliud gan a uisci do tradad^* .c. Langia.^^ Acus
ba h-uathad eolaig in n-usci sin.
Cid tra acht rogabastar itai ^^ adual na Grecu co na
fetais ^' a sceith do chongbail na (a) luirecha lasamna d'imur-
cur,i8 acus ni faeltais ^* a n-eich an imochur na miled sin ris
in la,sud lan-itad bai orro itir ech(a) acus du(i)ni. Acus ro
F»i. lOb 1. chuir Adraist taiscelta ar gach leth d'iarraid usci .i. co
sruth n-Amemon acus co Sien siblach sir-uar.^'^ Acus ni
fuaradar ba(i)nni usci i n-inud dib. Acus ro ailsed ar na
deib usci, acus nir sailsed uisci ^^ das ^^ na derthain ^^ ar tal-
main tre bithu.
Acus 2* ind ua(i)r 2* da uadar ar sechran sechnon na cailli
1 Eg. adds a.
" occa.
^ Ed. has si.
* umum-sa.
« si.
* Eg. omita.
7 a.
^~' Eg. omits.
* dasachtach.
10 tan.
^' na n-Grec.
»2 dithl-id.
" smth.
1* traghad.
*^ Eg. adds a ainm.
" itu.
" fetfadis.
" imcur.
>» fetfadis.
^ fuar.
" Eg. omits.
" dfds.
" d'ferthain.
24-24 mar.
THE THEBAID OF STATIUS 27
and attack the Greeks. And Bacchus addressed his folk
and said : ' Be silent, youths,' said he, ' and restrain your
clamour. The Greeks have resolved to destroy Thebes
because of me,' added he, ' and it is my stepmother Juno
who has mustered these battalions against me, as she has
done many evils to me heretofore, such as the destruction
of my mother Semele by fire. And now she is advancing
upon Thebes to destroy it. But I shall devise,' concluded
he, ' some scheme to delay the hosts.' Bacchus then fared
forward vehemently and hastily on the plain to meet the
hosts. It was midday at the time, and the earth was firm
and hot by the beat of the sun upon it. He summoned the
gods and goddesses of the waterfalls and rivers and said
to them : ' Draw ye,' said he, ' a covering screen over the
estuaries of the whole of Greece, that their surfaces become
thereafter perfectly dry places, and cover the borders of
the Nemaean forests first. I shall thereafter make a suit-
able return to you,' added he. No sooner had Bacchus
spoken than the lakes and swift rivers, the wells and winter
lochs of the land were dried up, so that the beds of the
waters became passable roads, — in Lerna ^ and Lyrcius,
and Inachus and Charadrus, Erasinus and Asterion. And
yet there was one stream in the secret recesses of the forest
whose waters were not dried up, viz., Langia. Few were
they who knew of that stream.
Now terrible thirst seized the Greeks so that they
were unable to hold their shields or carry their flaming
hauberks. Nor could the horses endure the burden of the
warriors, such was the burning thirst which seized horse
and man. Adrastus sent scouts in every direction to
search for water, — to the stream Amymone and to the
swift, ever-cool Syene, but not a drop of water could be
found anywhere. They asked the gods for water, but one
would not think that water ever flowed or rain ever fell on
the earth.
While they were wandering up and down through the wood
» Th., It. 711.
28 THE CELTIC REVIEW
atchoncadar mnai n-alaind n-ilcrothaig co dubach do-
menmnach .t. Ipsifile, acus dalta derrscigthech ^ di 'na
Uaim .L. Archemurus mac Ligurguis,^ Ofeltes ainm aili
don mac sin. Acus ua rignaigi ro delb na h-ingine sin ger
b'olc a h-indell acus a h-etgud. Acus ro socht ^ Adraist ac
a faicsin, acus adubairt : ' A ban-de * coem cumachtach,'
ar se, ' uair dar lind nocho do ^ delb, acht mad dellrud
diada, tobair ^ foirithin eolais uisci oraind. Acus ni
thobair ' loib fortacht foraind. Acus tamait ^ ac tocht do
thogail Tebi, acus ni cath marbas sind, acht mad o enerti ®
ittad. Acus is lor lindi do loib thussu d'ortacht uisci
oraind. Acus comdaingnig-siu ar curpu-ni do chum in
chatha. Acus dobertar aisceda cruid creichi^^ dit, acus
dogentar idbairt ^^ gacha tuaithi dit.' Acus nir leic ind
n-itu 12 dermar do-folachta labra secha sin don rig Adraist.
Acus ba bana buaidirthi ^^ na n-Grec uiU ri h-eicin na h-itad
sin.
Acus ro cromastar a gnuis acus adbert : ' Bid ban-dei
daibsi me a Grecu, acus dan,' ar si,^* ' ata mo chairdes ris
na deib ; ^^ acus ata athair maith acus atharda acum ar
bunad ; ^^ acus ni lem fen in macan-sa atchithi im' laim ;
acus ni ^^ biu ni is f aiti co bar f urrech,^^ acht ticid lem co
h-obund co sir-sruth so-ola .t. Langia na ^^ traigend ri tart
na re tesbach, acus ^^ ro chuingid ^^ druidi ^^ do thragad ar
met 21 22 jg coiserctha e.' Ro chuir si a dalta uaithi ar lar
gu na 23 fuirged na firu. Acus ro bai ac brecad 2* na noiden
sealad co roibi in a tast, acus tanic reompo 'na deagaid
sin. In maccoem sin imorro ro bi sideic ac hrisiud ^^ in
n-(fh)eoir 26 ua chosaibh each re feacht, acus ro bid 2^ ac
' deTTsgnaithech.
2 Ed. gives the form Ligiirgus in Nom. and Ace, with Ligurguis frequently bat
not uniformly in Gen. The form in Eg. is almost invariably Ligurius.
3 thocht. * baindi. ^ Eg. omits. ^ tauair. "^ tauair.
' atamaif. » enerte. "> acus cetradh. " idhbarta. ^^ in ita.
" a word like gniiis or ag{h)aid{h) must be supplied.
" MS. ar siad. _ "-is Eg. has athardha 7 mrdha acum.
16-16 biu-sa nis faidi ga uar feach. " nach. ^^ Eg. adds ni.
" cumaing. 20 draighthi. " anf. " gg ^dds acus.
»' conach. 24 pagod/i. *s brisiugud. *^ znfeoir. *"' uai.
THE THEBAID OF STATIUS 29
they saw a beautiful, handsome woman, named Hypsipyle, in
sad and despondent mood, and holding by the hand a noble-
looking nursling, Archemorus, otherwise named Opheltes,
son of Lycurgus. Queenly was the figure of that lady,
although her attire and habit were mean. Adrastus became
silent at seeing her, and then spoke : ' Benign ^ and power-
ful goddess,' said he, ' for it seems to us your form is not
human but a divine effulgence, help us to find water, for
Jove does not aid us. We are come to destroy Thebes,
and now we are being slain not in battle, but through the
weakness due to thirst. We shall be satisfied, though
Jupiter has failed us, if you provide water for us, so that
our bodies may be strengthened for battle. Gifts of cattle
taken in foray will be given to you, and every tribe will
make sacrifice to you.' The very great unendurable thirst
did not suffer King Adrastus to speak further, and all the
Greeks were pale and confused by the violence of that
thirst.
Hypsipyle bent her head and said : ' I seem a goddess
to you, O Greeks, and indeed,' said she, ' I am allied to the
gods. I have, moreover, a noble father and a goodly
ancestral heritage. This cliild which I hold by the hand is
not mine. I shall, however, no longer delay you, but come
with me quickly to the ever-flowing delicious river Langia,
which dries not in drought nor heat. And Druids have
not power to dry it up, inasmuch as it is a consecrated
stream.' She laid her fosterling on the ground so as not to
delay the men, and she kept soothing the infant for a little
until it became quiet. Thereafter they fared forward.
As for the darling boy, he was now pressing the grass
under his feet, and again running about and searching and
ever calling out for his nurse's breast; for at his age the
little boy knew naught of avoiding danger or seeking safety.
As for the Greeks, they made straight for the water by
(such) paths (as they could find) through the dense, im-
passable wood. Nor did they allow the girl to go in front
1 Th., iv. 753.
30 THE CELTIC BEVIEW
siubal acus ac ^ sirium acus ac ^ sir-eigium ag iarraid
chithi a muimi ^ in fecht aili. Acus ua h-aineolach d'im-
gabail uilc in macan sin na d'iarraid maithiusa in tan sin.
Na Grec(a) imorro tanic ua comair dibseic ar a caethib
d'iarraid in ^ n-usci ar fat na cailli dluithi do-imtheac(h)ta.
Acus ni tosach sligid ro * leiged don ingin do chum in n-usci.
Acus ua samalta coma focraach ifirmamint re nuall subachais
in t-(s)loig sin re h-eas na h-aband, amal ^ naird acano
comadug ^ in tan concingid calad. Ro thoimsed ar in
n-usci na Grec(a) gan discrit cen delugad, gan uaisli gan
onoir, do neoch dib da ^ cheli, cu na '^ leigtis an n-eich na
(a)n arad torlem da tigemaib, ri tindenus ola in n-usci. Acus
Foi. lOb 2. ua dirim trethan na tonn ri tachim ^ in tren sluaig sin ac
ibi in n-usci, coma bristi na bruaichi acus coma salach sir-
buaidirth(i) in n-abaind o'n cind co cheli. Acus ua h-imda
deoch iarmarta ac a h-ol ann sin. Acus ua samalta coma
seselbi catha 'c a commorad buredach ^ na ^^ buidne sin ac
ol in n-usci. Acus labair ri do na rigaib sin ar lar medon
na h-abann, acus ro bai ^^ ac beandochad in n-usci acus ac
taescelad in n-inaid ir-roibe, acus ro bai 'g a molad co mor,
acus adubairt: 'Ni fhacamar,' ar se, 'usci bad fherr ina
in t-usci-(si), na coill uad chaime ina in choill ina (f)uil,
agus nir coir,' ar se, ' sruth do chor 'na cheand.'
Et o ra chaisced a n-itaid-sium ^^ is in sruth ^^ sin ro
f hacsad in n-aband, acus da ronsad sruth lecud^* da n-eachaib
acus coimling da coisigib co subach so-menmnach ar na
bruigib fond-glasa fermara, gor gob brig acus brogad acus
borrfad, at acus annindi^^ na Grecu,^® amal concuirtis cath
in n-uair sin. Acus do rindit catha dib dorisi,^'^ acus each
ina inad uadein do reir uird, amal ro uadar remi. Acus ro
imluaigsed imthecht coma luaithred lan-salach na moigi na
imtigdis,^^ acus contaidlitis ruithni ro glana os na cath
choilltib ar m-batar uastu.^^
'"* Eg. omits. ^ buimi. 3 jjg omits. * do.
'"' Eg. omits. ^ buimi. 3 jjg omits. * do.
^"^ nuall nouiredha lea combaghadh. * tar a. ^ conach.
8 toichestal. ' buaidreach. ^o nam. " ni.
*2 itu. " t-sruth. " lecon. *^ animine,
>^ na Grec. '^ doridhi. i* imchidis. *^ uadesta.
THE THEBAID OF STATIUS 31
of them on their way to the water. The joyous shout of
the host as they came in sight of the waterfall made the
firmament ring again, just like the shout of a ship's crew (in
danger) of being drowned as they come in sight of harbour.
The Greeks swooped down on the water indiscriminately,
without respect or reverence one to another, so that neither
horses nor charioteers made way for their masters, — such
was their eagerness to drink. Very great was the rush
of waves on the approach of the mighty host to drink the
water, so that the banks of the river were trampled down,
and the water from side to side became dirty and foul.
Many a thirst-quenching draught was drimk there. The
commotion of the host as they drank was as the din of a
battalion being put in battle array. One ^ of the kings
in the very centre of the river spoke and blessed the water
and surveyed the place where he stood, and praised it
greatly and said : ' We have not seen,' said he, ' better
water or fairer forest than we have here ; and it is
not meet,' added he, 'that (another) stream should mix
with it.'
After they had quenched their thirst in the stream they
left the river, and gave their steeds a loose rein (?), while
their infantry raced joyously and vigorously along the green
swards and grassy plains. The Greeks became strong and
powerful and elated and proud and fiery, as if they were
fighting a battle at that moment. Thereafter they were
arranged in battalions, with each man in his proper place
as formerly. They resumed their march, and the plains
they traversed became a surface of filthy dust, and very
bright shafts of light from the serried woods in which they
were beat down upon them.
Then ^ Adrastus alighted at the foot of a tree, and
stood in the midst of the host leaning on the spear of his
son-in-law Polinices, and inquired of the girl Hypsipyle :
' Who is your father ? ' said he, ' and what is your native
» Th., iv. 831. > Ibid., v. 17.
32 THE CELTIC REVIEW
Is and sin imorro ro thoris Adraist im bun chroind acus
gai a clemna Polineces ace a conguail ina theasam ^ ar lar
in t-(s)luaig, acus ro iarfaid don ingin, Ipsifile : ^ ' Cia
th'athair, a ingen,' ar se, ' acus ca crich is dual dit ? ' Ro ^
recair in n-ingen dosum co truag * acus co * toirrsech : ' A
uasail Adraist,' ar si, ' is cruaid na gnima furailes orum
d' indisin mar ro marbsad mna indsi Leimin a firu, acht
misi ^ m' oenur,' ar si, ' nir marbus m' athair. Acus is lor
sin do indisi,® uair ata tindenus orbsi do chum in chatha.
Acht chena, is e Toaint mac Baich m' athair-sea, acus
Ipsifile m' ainm fen. Acus an doiri atu ac Ligoric, do uar
munter-si.' Tucadar each d' a n-airi h-i, acus ro b' ^ onorach
algiusach leo a scela do cloistecht. ^Atrubairt Adraist
ria-si : ' Innis do scela uili cein ^ no co roithset na daescar-
shluaig tres in coilli, uair is do-imthechta h-i.
^ tseasam. - d' Ipsifile. ^ Acus ro fregair. *"'' Eg. omits.
'' Eg. adds a. '^ innisin. '' p'. ^ Eg. adds Acus.
^ gen.
THE THEBAID OF STATIUS 33
land ? ' The girl answered him sadly and mournfully :
' Noble Adrastus,' said she, ' cruel are the adventures
which you enjoin me to relate, — how the women of the isle
of Lemnos slew their men folk, save I alone,' added she, ' I
did not slay my father. And it suffices to tell so much, for
you haste to the war. And yet, Thoas, the son of Bacchus,
is my father ; my own name is Hypsipyle, and I am here
in bondage to Lycurgus, one of your people.' Every one
observed her closely, and each considered it an honour and
pleasure to hear her story. Adrastus said to her : ' Tell
us all, while the populace are running through the wood
which is difficult to traverse.'
VOL. IX.
34 THE CELTIC EEVIEW
THE HIGHLAND WIDOW
Donald A. Mackenzie
A LONELY wife is Mary Beg —
Old Mary of the Moor ;
' I 'm stopping here myself,' she said,
' Yes, maybe I '11 be poor —
My house it wasna empty
In days that are gone by —
John, my man, he took me here,
It 's here myself will die.
' Oh, few come nigh to see me now —
There 's few I '11 ken aright ;
But the fairies of the moorland come —
The fairies of the night ;
They '11 bring me tidings sad and glad
From many a distant shore ;
And when there 's some one hastening here
They '11 hasten on before.
' Long ere a friend will reach my house
With news across the moor,
I '11 hear the sound of footsteps, ah !
I '11 think it 's some one sure :
I '11 hear a knocking, knocking . . .
A voice I ken will call —
I '11 rise and open wide the door
When no one 's there at all.
* Oh, many a night when by the fire
I 'm spinning all alone,
I '11 hear their laughter on the wind —
Maybe I '11 hear them moan.
They '11 flit away like shadows.
Or shine the death-come light —
The fairies of the moorland,
The fairies of the night.
* They cried aloud yon wild Yuletide
When John was drowned at sea ;
Of my fine lads in foreign lands
They 're whispering aye to me —
THE HOMA-^l m TUE EXCIDIUM BRITTANIAE 35
Oh, never a joy my heart knew,
And never a sorrow drear,
But the fairies of the moorland
Were first to bring it here.'
THE ROMANI IN THE EXCIDIUM BRITTANIAE
Rev. a. W. Wade-Evans
The kings of the Romani, says the author of the Excidium
Brittaniae^ in chapter v., had acquired the empire of the
world, and by their conquests had secured in the East
their prima Parthorum pax, their first peace with the
Parthians. This we know was in B.C. 20. Wars ceased
in almost every land.
In the west, however, the advance of the Romani could
not be checked even by the ocean. Crossing the channel
they subjugated the whole island of Britain (what is now
Scotland as well as England and Wales), meeting with no
resistance owing to the unwarlike character of the Brittani,
who inhabited it. This can only refer to the well-known
Roman conquest of southern Britain, which was taken in
hand during the reign of Claudius Caesar in a.d. 43. After
subduing the whole island, not with swords but with threats,
the Romani returned to Rome owing, as they said, to inopia
cespitis, the poverty of the soil, leaving behind rectores,
^ The work commonly attributed to Gildas and now divided into a hundred and
ten chapters comprises, in my opinion, two distinct books whose present connection
is as follows : —
Epistola Gildae. Excidium Brittaniae.
(Written about a.d. 600). (Written about a.d. 700).
Ch. 1. Prefatory remarks. Ch. 2. Table of Contents.
Chs. 27-63. Denunciation of princes. Chs. 3-26. How the Brittani lost the
Chs. 64-110. Denunciation of clergy. island of Britain till God granted
them victories and peace.
The ' Table of Contents ' of the latter work has been ingeniously inwoven with the
preface of the former, whilst its typical formal ending has been blurred in order to
make it read smoothly into the opening of the Epistle. I have changed my old view
that chapter i. belonged to the Excidium Brittaniae.
36 THE CELTIC REVIEW
rulers, in order to confirm the sovereignty. It is thus the
idea of the author of the Excidium Brittaniae that a Roman
army came to conquer the island and, having subdued it
throughout its length without any fighting but merely by
frightening the inhabitants, went back to the imperial city
in Italy, leaving only officials behind.
But the Brittani were not only unwarlike ; they were
also faithless. Full of resentment against their conquerors,
they yielded them only a skin-deep obedience, so that when
the Romani were gone, they rose in rebellion against the
rectores and slew them. On hearing this, the Roman
Senate despatched an army a second time with speed to
take vengeance on the islanders, who again made no military
preparations but showed their backs and held forth their
hands to be bound like women, so that it became a proverb
and a derision that the Brittani were neither brave in war
nor faithful in peace. The Romani slew many of the faith-
less ones but reserved some for slavery lest the land should
be reduced to utter desolation. Then inasmuch as Britain
was lacking in wine and oil, they withdrew as before to
Italy. It is to be observed that the Brittani were now
reduced not merely to political subjection as formerly, but
to actual slavery. Praepositi^ overseers or taskmasters,
were set over them, chosen from the Roman army ere it
returned. These were to be as scourges for the backs of
the natives, as a yoke for their necks, to make the epithet
of Roman slavery cling to their soil, to harass them not so
much with military force as with whips, and to apply the
sword to their sides, should occasion call for it ; henceforth
the island was no longer to be regarded as Brittania but
Romania, and all that it possessed of copper, silver, or
gold was to be stamped with the image of Caesar. The
Brittani are treated as being so unwarlike and timid that
military taskmasters could keep them in servile subjec-
tion apart from any such army of occupation as we know
from history to have held Roman Britain for three and a
half centuries.
THE ROMANI IN THE EXCIDIUM BRITTANIAE 37
In this state of servitude the author leaves them until
the usurpation of Maximus, which occurred in a.d. 383.
Between his story of the second subjugation and that of
the revolt of Maximus, the only reference to the Roman
domination of Britain is in his accomit of the martyrdom
of St. Alban, which he supposes to have taken place
during the persecution of Christians under the emperor
Diocletian, in 303-312. He says that Alban was wonderfully
adorned with miraculous signs in the presence of the impious
men who at that time were carrying with hateful pride
Romana stigmata, the marks or signs of Roman power.
Who were these men ? From what we have already been
told we would suppose them to be the "praepositi, whom
the second Roman army had left behind to keep the people
in bondage. But one suspects that our author is here
drawing from some Passio Albani, which recognised the
presence of a Roman army in the island, and that conse-
quently the impious men carrying the stigmata were legion-
aries or at least some of the auxiliary troops. Our author
mentions here Urbs Legionum, the city of legions, an in-
accurate translation of our Caerlleon (= urbs legionis, the
city of the legion), but he nowhere plainly shows that he
knew of any legions as permanently stationed in Britain.
Whilst tyrants were springing up throughout the Empire,
Britain, although retaining the Roman name, cast off the
Roman morals and law, for the island set up a tyrant of
its own, to wit, Maximus, who proceeded to the Gauls with
m<igna satellitum caterva, a great crowd of followers. Our
author now again uses expressions which contradict the
trend of what he has hitherto said. Maximus is started on
his rebellious career by tumultuans miles, a turbulent
soldiery. He takes away with him omnis armatus miles,
all the armed soldiery, militares copiae, the military supplies,
the praepositi (now called rector es), cruel though they had
been, and the able-bodied youth. In the words tumultuans
miles, armatus miles, and militares copiae, history seems
to be peeping through our author's narrative, as though he
38 THE CELTIC REVIEW
were for the moment quitting his own fancies and quoting
from some sober rehable document. Nevertheless nothing
is said about legions, and the general impression left,
though disturbed by the above expressions, is that Maximus
drained the whole island of Britain of every able-bodied
man, whether Roman or British. This mighty host never
returned ; hence the exposure of the island for the first
time to the forays of two barbaric nations from over
the water, the Scotti from Ireland and the Picti from
some transmarine land beyond the extreme north of
Scotland !
Britain now remained for many years groaning under
the attacks of the Picti and Scotti. At length the Brittani
in despair sent an embassy to Rome asking for soldiers, and
vowing loyal uninterrupted submission to the Roman power
if the enemy were kept out of the island. A legion is forth-
with prepared, which crossed the sea to Britain and expelled
the foe. The Brittani were bidden to build a wall across
the island from sea to sea : as it was made of turf, it proved
of no advantage to the leaderless rabble. Such is our
author's explanation of the origin of the Wall of Antonine,
which we know to have been really erected not after the
revolt of Maximus in the last decades of the fourth century,
but about two hundred and fifty years previously, that is,
about A.D. 143.
When the legion had returned home from Britain as
aU Roman armies are made to do in the Excidium Brittaniae,
the Picti and Scotti recommenced their attacks. Again
suppliant messengers are sent to cringe for Roman pro-
tection. The Romani, moved by their appeal, come the
second time and sweep the enemy once more across the
sea. But they warn the islanders that this will be the last
occasion of their coming. The Brittani . must fight for
themselves. Another wall is constructed, this time of
stone, by public and private contributions, between urhes^
cities, which had been there placed together, perhaps
through fear of enemies. Patterns are left for the manu-
TRE ROMANl m TRE JEXCIDIUM BRITTANIAE 39
facture of arms. And towers are built at intervals on the
sea-coast towards the south, where the Roman ships were
anchoring. The wall is really that of Hadrian, first begun
about A.D. 120 ; the towers are the forts of the Saxon
shore, all built before a.d. 306. The Romani, then, bid
the natives farewell and quit the island for ever. As the
date of the tjrrant Constantine's departure from Roman
Britain is a.d. 407, the two armies sent from Rome after
the usurpation of Maximus (383-388) must be supposed
to have arrived before that date.
The Picti and Scotti are now made to seize the whole
of northern Britain as far as the Wall of Hadrian to the
exclusion of the Brittani, so that henceforward the Brittani
are confined to what is now England and Wales south of
the Wall. A third piteous appeal is sent to the Roman
government, addressed to Agitius, that is, Aetius. They
begin thus : ' To Agitius, in his third consulship, come the
groans of the Brittani.' But it is of no avail ; Roman aid
is gone for ever. Aetius was consul for the third time in
A.D. 446.
A lengthy interval is now made to elapse after a.d. 446,
wherein occur a famine, a decisive victory, growth of wealth
and luxury during snatches of peace, election and deposition
of kings, a fresh invasion, and a deadly pestilence, until
at last we reach the year of the first coming of the Saxones
into Britain. The Saxones struck root first in the ' eastern
portion of the island,' and after a while bundled the Brittani
in one mighty sweep from ' the eastern portion ' into the
mountains, forests, and sea-islands of Wales and the west.
Here the poor Brittani were suffered to recover breath,
when they achieved their first victory over the Saxones
under the leadership of Ambrosius Aurelianus. With
Ambrosius Aurelianus our author's notice of the Romani
in Britain comes to an end.
Ambrosius is described as the last Roman surviving in
the island, his parents being doubtless (so says the author)
people clad in the purple. We are to suppose, therefore.
40 THE CELTIC REVIEW
that down to Ambrosius's time (that is to say, no smaU
interval after a.d. 446) there lingered among the Brittani,
but quite distinct from them, some families of Roman race.
In our author's own day (which was of course considerably
later), the Romani had entirely ceased in Britain, unless
the descendants of Ambrosius might be deemed such,
whom our author describes as having sadly degenerated
from their ancestral nobleness. And even these, on our
author's own showing, are to be sought, not in the more
Romanised lowlands of south-east Britain but amid the
less civilised uplands of Wales and the West.
We may sum up as follows. The author of the Excidium
Brittaniae appears to know of no Roman legions with their
auxiliary forces in permanent occupation of Britain. Between
B.C. 20 and a.d. 407 he makes a Roman army enter Britain
four times, but in every case it returns to Italy after doing
its immediate work, whether of overawing the timid and
treacherous Brittani, as at first, or of expelling the Picti
and Scotti, as afterwards. The Brittani according to him
so lack courage that the Roman government is able to
keep them in servile subjection by means of mihtary over-
seers, who wield whips rather than swords.
The Brittani are differentiated from the Romani
throughout, the former being the native population, con-
quered and enslaved, and the latter the official alien class
placed in power by the Roman government.
The Brittani are made to throw off Roman rule under
the usurper Maximus in 383 a.d. Britain is drained of all
Roman officials together with every man capable of bearing
arms and all military supplies, so that the island, bereft
of rulers and fighting men, is exposed to the invasions of
Picti and Scotti. It appears, however, from the account
of Ambrosius Aurelianus that some families of Roman race
lingered on until long after a.d. 446, but even these ceased
to exist after the Saxones had driven the Brittani into
Wales and the West, with the exception of Ambrosius
DEIRDRE 41
himself. Unless, then, the degenerate descendants of this
man are to be deemed Romani, there was no Roman sur-
viving in Britain in our author's own time.
DEIRDRE
THE HIGHEST TYPE OF CELTIC WOMANHOOD
Alice C. Macdonell
PART II
' Take a blessing from me eastward to Alba ; good is the
sight of her bays and valleys ; pleasant was it to sit on
the slopes of her hills when the Sons of Usnach used to
be hunting.'
So sang the sweet Dearshula, Darthula, the name they
knew her by in Alba on account of her dark blue eyes.
When she spoke the above words, she was far from the
home of her choice, with a heart sick for sorrow.
The first resting-place of the lovers when they fled
from Erin was undoubtedly on the shores of Loch Ness,
which some assert takes its name from Naoise. Tradition
says that their castle was where the ruins of Urquhart
Castle now stands. And I for one would prefer to go by
the traditions of a country rather than by many a written
document.
A fairer spot they could not have chosen, with the silver
birches and dark pines casting deep shadows on the waters.
But here, alas ! occurred the first and only misunderstand-
ing between these two.
Naoise and his brothers were asked to attend the court
of the King of the North at Inverness. The prudence of
the three deemed it unwise to let Deirdre be seen there,
on account of her fatal beauty and fascination. Indeed
they were careful to keep her hidden as much as possible
from all stranger eyes.
Our heroine has been compared to Helen of Troy — that
42 THE CELTIC REVIEW
the beauty of both caused a great war is a simiUtude — there
the resemblance ends. The beauty of Helen was seemingly
her chief asset. It is hke comparing the glare of the foot-
lights to one of the constellations. Cleopatra, that ' serpent
of old Nile,' might have matched Deirdre's intelligence, but
her character repels instead of attracting interest.
In Deirdre we have beauty, learning, and virtue all
united in one person.
Naoise goes, then, to the court at Inverness, dressed in
his bravest : ' A cloak of bright purple fringed with gold ;
a coat of satin with fifty hooks of silver ; a brooch on
which were one hundred polished gems ; two blue green
spears of bright points ; a dagger with the colour of yellow
gold upon it, and a hilt of silver.' Little wonder was it,
then, that the lovely Highland maid, daughter to the Lord
of Duntreoir, fell a victim to his fascinations. She gave
him her heart's love, and to the day of her death would
hear of love from no other man. And he, as he expresses
it himself, gave her ' A pog gun fhios ! ' A flimsy enough
excuse. But his subsequent visit to her was not at all
' gun fhios ! ' Nor was it * gun fhios ' that, as Deirdre
says, ' He presented her with a frightened wild deer, and
a fawn at its feet.'
When Deirdre hears of this, no reproach or violent
words escape her. Her wound was too deep, and her
character too high. She takes her ' curach,' without sail,
without oar, and launches out on the stormy waters of
Loch Ness, hoping that its waves might close over her pain,
neither caring to live, or to return.
When the brothers learned what had become of their
sister, so dearly loved that they never cared to look at
any other woman, they set out immediately to find her.
It was Ainle the beautiful who rescued her from the bitter
cold waters of the loch, swimming with her on his shoulder
to the shore.
We may take it that Naoise' s remorse and repentance
was thoroughly sincere, as Deirdre tells us : ' Naoise
DEIRDRE 43
swore upon his arms he would never put vexation upon
me, until he would go from me to the hosts of the dead,'
a knightly vow he nobly kept, as we see in his subsequent
wanderings. For Naoise was a true Celt, with his im-
passioned love of home deep in his heart, yet with the
restless, wandering spirit of the race strong upon him, the
spirit that drives us all out to seek the flower of the world
and its mysteries.
In one of these wanderings by sea, he falls asleep in
his ship too near the coast of Norway, when he is taken
prisoner by its king. But the daughter of Norway's lord,
having once cast eyes on him, gives her heart to the all
too fascinating Naoise, and determines to aid his escape.
At great peril to herself she wins over the court smith,
and one dark night of rain and storm they succeed in enter-
ing the prison, file off the chains that bound the prisoners,
and leading them down to the sea, put them upon their
own ship again.
The Norwegian Princess begs him to take her back
with him to Alba, for no man's love will she have but his.
Naoise, with the remembrance of that luckless ' pog gun
fhios ' and its consequences fresh in his mind, and also
because he loves Darthula above all creatures, answers,
* If you are content to be second in the house, as no other
shall be first save Deirdre.' He sails back without her to
Scotland, to be reproached by Darthula for his carelessness
in going to sleep on his arms so near the enemy's country.
A fuller perusal of her history will show the overtures
of the King of the North in his absence, and of the false
steward Naoise left in charge of the household, and the fine
scorn and contempt with which the high-minded queen
met them all.
As to the fair daughter of Duntreoir, that fatal ' pog
gun fhios ' left so deep an impression that she refused every
offer made to her by other men.
Deirdre, after her first natural indignation was over,
felt nothing but pity for her. At that supreme moment
44 THE CELTIC REVIEW
of sorrow, when she stood by the grave of her dead hero,
she could spare in her tenderness of heart a thought to her
one-time rival. ' Ochon ! ' she sighed. ' If the daughter of
Duntreoir knew to-night Naoise to be under a covering of
clay, it is she would cry her fiU, and it is I would cry along
with her.' Here is true nobility of soul. No resentment
for the mortal wound her own heart had received, and
which she felt to the last hour of her life.
The second home of Naoise and Deirdre was by the
side of Loch Etive, when he thought it prudent to remove
from the too pressing attentions of the King of the North,
who sent the three Sons of Usnach into every possible
danger, hoping that they might get killed, and that he
would thus secure the fair Deirdre for himself.
I am told that a century ago the old inhabitants of
Glen Etive could point out the apple trees of Naoise, of
Ainlee, and of Ardan in their own garden, but that even
the place of it is now unknown. Here, as Deirdre reminded
Naoise : ' Here you are king ; in Erin you would have to
serve.'
Why, then, did he not listen to her wise counsels, rather
than to the cry of that man of Erin that came over the
hills, himself deluded by the subtler brain of King Conor.
How vividly that scene rises before the mental vision !
the towering mountains of Glen Etive — Beinn Ceitlin, Stob
Dubh, Coire Dionach, the Buachaile Beag, and the Bua-
chaile Mor and the Grianan, with all that splendid range
just as they stand to-day — the still black waters of Loch
Etive stretching far away into the distance — the cry of the
wild swans, and the bell of the stag in the forest.
The lovers were playing at chess when they were
startled by a loud cry coming over the hills. Deirdre's
white hand trembles as she lifts king or pawn for the next
move. Well she knows what that cry may mean for her.
Her efforts to attribute the cry to anything except what
she knows it actually to be are pathetic in the extreme.
At the third cry Naoise springs up, refusing to be deluded
DEIRDRE 45
any longer. ' It is the cry of a man of Erin,' he shouts,
as he, Ainle, and Ardan rush down the hill to meet the
treacherous King Conor's messenger, Fergus Roy, with his
two sons.
Even to the last Deirdre tells Naoise of the dark visions
that come to her in the night, in the hope that he will
renoimce the fatal voyage. ' I see,' she tells him, ' a
vision of night before me. I hear the howling of dogs.
I see Fergus away from us. I see him caught with hidden
hes. I see Deirdre with tears. I see Deirdre with tears.'
To which Naoise makes answer : ' Lay down your
dream, Deirdre, on the heights of the hills. Lay down
your dream on the sailors of the sea. Lay down your dream
on the rough grey stones. For we will give peace and we
will get it from the Lord of the World and from Conchubar.'
A trust in which he was all too soon to be disillusioned.
Here Fergus cries out in irritation, fearing lest Deirdre's
influence might frustrate his mission, and so cast a slur
upon his honour. ' I ever disliked the howling of dogs,
and the melancholy of women.' A most ' mi-mhogail '
speech.
Well, indeed, for them had they listened to the wise
counsels of the fair and wise Deirdre. And well might
she herself sing : ' Dear to me is that land in the East,
the home of the sun in Glen Etive,' for there the sun of
love and happiness had shone for her as never in the land
of her birth.
Even her last counsels were rejected, to go to Rechrainn
or Rathlin, between Erin and Alba, until such time as
they could ascertain the real intentions of Conor, or to go
to Dundealgan, and put themselves under the protection
of Cuchullain. Some authors assert that he was the uncle,
others the cousin, of the Sons of Usnach. Certainly there
could have been no very great distance of age between
them, as they all studied about the same time in the Lady
of Dun Sgathaich's school for warriors in the Isle of Skye,
where the ruins of her castle stand to this day overlooking
46 THE CELTIC REVIEW
the shores of Loch Slapin. A sister of King Conor,
Dechtire, is said to have been the mother of Cuchullain,
and another sister the mother of the Sons of Usnach.
It was only when Naoise, Deirdre, and his brothers were
lodged in the house of the Red Branch, and not at the
palace of Emamia, that he realised the truth of Deirdre' s
warnings. Some accounts tell how all the Red Branch
Knights were laid under a spell, and could neither raise
hand nor arm in their defence; others, that the knights
were sent away on different missions, and that the house
was occupied in their absence by a band of mercenaries.
I incline to believe this latter account as being the most
probable.
As we know, the aged Lavarcum was sent by King
Conor to look through the keyhole and report if the lady's
beauty remained the same. If not, the king was loth to
risk a war by the murder of the flower of his knights.
The faithful lady goes and warns her nursling and the
brothers to bar and bolt the doors and windows against
an attack. Going back, she reports to the king that
Deirdre retained none of her former charm. The king,
doubting, sends a second messenger, the gay Gealban, son
to the King of Lochlan, who, finding the windows and doors
barred against him, climbs to the roof, where one tiny
window had been forgotten.
Naoise sees, as he moves the pawns on the chessboard,
the red flaming in Deirdre' s cheek, as it always did when
any one looked upon her. With a well-aimed cast he
throws one of the dice, putting out the eyes of the peering
Gealban. On his return to the king, Gealban, with char-
acteristic impudence, remarks : ' Although he had put
the two eyes out of me, I should consider myself well
repaid for the sight of the fairest creature they had ever
beheld ' ; which provokes the retort from the king that :
' The hand that threw the dice aims too well to live so near
a throne.'
The last scene of this fatal drama closes with the death
DEIRDRE 47
by treachery of the three. When all efforts to overcome
them by natural means failed, Conor sent for Cathbad
the Druid. When the house of the Red Branch was in
flames, the Sons of Usnach fought their way out, bearing
their queen on their shields, and would have escaped,
only that the Druid's spell made a field of corn appear to
them as a raging sea through which they tried to swim in
vain.
Ochon ! what need to dwell on it. The three peerless
Sons of Usnach were slain. And Deirdre the broken-hearted
mourned them three nights and three days before she died
on her hero's breast.
Both Lady Gregory's and Dr. Carmichael's account say
that she went down to the shores of the sea, and taking
a knife from a man working there, put out to sea in a
small boat, where she stabbed herseK, throwing the knife
to the right that no man might be accused of her death.
I think this part of botii narratives to be wrong. Suicide
was, and is, a form of cowardice unknown to our race,
and in direct contradiction to what we know of the char-
acter of Darthula.
It was to Cuchullain that Deirdre told the tale of the
murder of the Sons of Usnach, for he loved Naoise above all
men. As she mourned by the grave of her hero. King
Conor sent messengers to try to induce her to listen to his
suit. To them she made answer : ' Though sweet to you
are the sounds of pipes and of trumpets, truly, I say to
the king, I have known music that is sweeter,' alluding to
the beautiful singing voice of Naoise. She who mourned
her ' three hawks of Slieve Culeen, her three pupils that were
with Sgathach,' had no harsh word even for this traitor.
Her two little children — little Gaiar, the boy, and
Aoidhgreine, of the sunny face — she left in the charge of
Mannanan, son of Lir, in Emain of the apple trees. Bobaras
the poet gave learning to Gaiar, and Aoidhgreine Mannanan
gave later in marriage to Ruin, son of Eochaidh luil. King
of the Land of Promise.
48 THE CELTIC REVIEW
This paper is given, not, indeed, as a consecutive whole,
but rather as an inducement for deeper study into this
most fascinating tale, and others of a like nature, lying
almost unknown in our Celtic storehouses, and it may also
add a yet deeper interest to the beautiful country around
Loch Ness and Loch Etive.
Do not the mists of the fair Deirdre, Naoise, Ainle,
and Ardan still hover around far Glen Etive, giving a
more mysterious glamour to its hills and its waters ? There
the deHcate shadowy form with the deep starry eyes seems
to look down on the foaming waters of the ' Eas,' hard by
her own ' grianan,' while the sound of her sweet voice yet
wakens the birds hidden in the quicken trees ; or the sound
of her feet passing lightly stirs the deer lying close under
the bracken.
The shout of Naoise and the ring of the blue-grey
steel echo still through the old royal forest of Dalness ;
and the rich voice of him rises and falls in song on the
dark waters of Etive.
Sweeter the bloom of the heather, and fresher its per-
fume ; more pungent the smeU of the wild bog myrtle,
whiter the cotton grass, and greener the soft wet mosses
^ for the memory of the fairest flower Glen Etive has ever
seen — Deirdre, our highest type of Celtic womanhood.
THE MACDONALDS OF KEPPOCH
Rev. a. Maclean Sinclair
SoMERLED of the Isles married Ragnhildis, daughter of
Olave the Black, King of Man, and they had three sons,
DugaU, Reginald, and Angus. Dugall was the progenitor
of the Macdougalls ; Donald, son of Reginald, was the pro-
genitor of the Macdonalds. Donald had two sons : Angus
Mor, his successor, and Alister Mor, progenitor of the
Macalisters of Loup. Angus Mor had three sons : Alexander
Angus Og, and John Sprangach. Angus Og succeeded his
THE MACDONALDS OF KEPPOCH 49
brother Alexander as chief of the Clan Donald. John
Sprangach was the progenitor of the Maclans, or Mackeens
of Ardnamurchan. Angus Og married Agnes, daughter of
Guy O'Cahan of Ulster, and had by her John, his heir. He
had Iain Fraoch, or John of the Heather, by a daughter of
Dugall MacHenry or Henderson in Glencoe.
John, son and successor of Angus Og, married, first,
Amy Macrory, his third cousin, and had by her Ranald
and Godfrey or Gorrie. He divorced Amy in 1360 and
married Margaret, daughter of King Robert n. By his
second wife he had Donald, John Mor Tanistear, and Alasdair
Carrach of Keppoch. John was the first Macdonald who
styled himself Lord of the Isles.
I. Alasdair Carrach, first Macdonald of Keppoch, was
Lord of Lochaber at least as early as 1394. He married
a daughter of Malcolm, Earl of Lennox, but had no children
by her. He had a natural son named Angus, probably, as
Macvurich asserts, by a daughter of Macphee in Glenpean.
I have seen it stated that in a charter granted in 1463
Angus is described as a lawful son of Alasdair Carrach. In
the charter referred to he is described simply as Angus,
son of Alexander of the Isles.
II. Angus, son of Alasdair Carrach, was known as
Aonghus na Feairte, or Angus of Fersit. He had two sons,
Donald and Alexander, and a daughter named Mariot.
The daughter was married to Allan Cameron of Lochiel.
We find Angus mentioned in 1463.
III. Donald, son of Angus, appears on record in 1478.
He was killed in a clan fight with the Maclarens and Stewarts
of Appin in 1497. Dugald Stewart of Appin was also
killed. Donald was succeeded by his only son Iain Alainn,
or Handsome John, who was bom probably about 1470.
Iain Alainn was deposed from the chieftainship of the
Macdonalds of Keppoch in the course of a year after his
succession to it, or about 1498. He seems to have been a
good man ; but he was not sufficiently warlike to suit his
followers.
VOL. IX. D
50 THE CELTIC REVIEW
IV. Alexander, second son of Angus of Fersit, was
chosen as successor in the chieftainship to John Alainn.
He was known as Alasdair Mac Aonghuis. He was killed
by a Cameron at Carn Alasdair, or Alister's Cairn, in Loch-
aber, in 1499.
V. Donald Glas married a daughter of Allan Cameron
of Lochiel, and had by her Ranald Mor. He died about
1513.
VI. Ranald Mor married Agnes, natural daughter of
Lachlan Badenoch Mackintosh. He had two sons by his
wife, Alexander and Ranald. He had a natural son, John
Dubh, by a daughter of Lachlan Cameron, Lachainn Mor
Mac a Bhaird, or Lachlan Mor son of the Bard. In 1547
Wilham Macintosh, chief of the Mackintoshes, arrested
Ranald Mor and Ewen Allanson of Lochiel, and delivered
them to the Earl of Huntly, who had them both immedi-
ately executed at Elgin.
Alexander, son of Ranald Mor, succeeded his father
as chieftain of the Macdonalds of Keppoch. In 1554
a battle was fought at Bologne between Alexander and
Ewen son of Allan of Lochiel. The Camerons were defeated,
but Alexander of Keppoch was severely wounded and died
shortly afterwards at Kingussie.
VII. Ranald, second son of Ranald Mor, succeeded his
brother Alexander. He was known as Ranald Og and also
as Raonall Gorach.
Alasdair Crotach of Dunvegan married a daughter of
Allan Cameron of Lochiel, and had three sons and two
daughters. Allan of Moidart, son of John Murdeartach,
married the elder daughter and had one son, Allan Og,
his heir. Allan and his wife paid a visit to Duart. He
left his wife and took with him to Moidart Janet, daughter
of Hector Mor Maclean of Duart. He kept Janet as his
wife and had by her John, Angus, Donald, and others.
John died at an early age. Angus murdered Allan Og,
his father's eldest son, in or about 1588. Angus succeeded
his father, but was killed shortly afterwards. He was
THE MACDONALDS OF KEPPOCH 51
succeeded by his brother Donald, a worthy representative
of the Clan Ranald.
Ranald Og of Keppoch took to live with him as his wife
the daughter of Alasdair Crotach. She was the lawful wife
of Allan of Moidart, but as Allan had deserted her Ranald Og
had no hesitation in taking her to live with himself as his
wife. He had three sons by her, Alexander, Ranald of
Inch, and Donald of Fersit. He died in 1587.
VIII. Alexander, son and successor of Ranald Og, was
known as Alasdair nan Cleas, or Alexander of the Tricks.
He seized in a very treacherous manner three of the sons
of John Dubh of Bohuntin, and put them to death by
drowning them. He was a greedy man and wanted to get
possession of their lands. He married Janet, daughter
of Macdougall of Dunolly, and had three sons, Ranald Og,
Donald Glas, and Alasdair Buidhe. He assisted the Earl of
Argyll in persecuting the Macgregors, and received from
the Government a grant of one hundred pounds. He sup-
ported Sir James Macdonald of Islay in 1615, and, being
outlawed, found it necessary to seek refuge in Spain. He
was pardoned and allowed to come to London in 1620.
He was permitted to return to Scotland in 1622. He
died at his home in Keppoch in 1635.
IX. Ranald Og, son and heir of Alexander of the Tricks,
murdered his uncle, Ranald of Inch, at Achadh-an-Doire.
He died about 1640, and was succeeded by his brother
Donald Glas. If we can credit the Keppoch traditions,
Ranald Og was the most valiant of all the Keppoch chief-
tains. Angus, his only son, was killed at the fight of Stron-
a-chlachain in 1640.
Donald Glas married a daughter of Forrester of Kil-
beggie, and had Alasdair Mor, Ranald Og, and a
daughter. Alasdair Mor succeeded his father.
X. Alasdair Buidhe, third son of Alexander of the Tricks,
had five sons, Allan, Gillespie, Alexander, Donald Donn, and
Ranald. In September 1663 Allan and Donald, assisted
by a number of other wicked persons, slew Alasdair Mor
52 THE CELTIC REVIEW
and his brother Ranald. By this villainous act Alasdair
Buidhe became chief of the Macdonalds of Keppoch. He
was drowned in the river Spean in 1669.
XI. Archibald, second son of Alasdair Buidhe, succeeded
his father as chieftain of the Macdonalds of Keppoch. He
married a daughter of MacMartin of Letterfinlay, and had
by her four sons and several daughters. He died in 1688.
XII. Coll, son and successor of Archibald, defeated the
Mackintoshes at the battle of Mulroy in 1688. He died
about 1729.
XIII. Alexander, son and successor of Coll, had a
natural son named Angus. He married Jessie, daughter
of Stewart of Appin, and had by her Ranald and Alexander.
Angus, his eldest son, was known as Aonghus Ban Innse,
or Angus Ban of Inch. Alexander of Keppoch was killed
at Culloden in 1746. Donald, his brother, fell in the same
battle. They were both excellent men.
XIV. Ranald, son of Alexander, was a major in the
74th Regiment. He died in Keppoch in 1788. He was
married and had two sons, Alexander and Richard, both
of whom died unmarried in Jamaica.
The Macdonalds of Killieohonate
I. Iain Alainn, or Handsome John, fourth chieftain of
the Macdonalds of Keppoch, was born probably about the
year 1470. He was deposed from the chieftainship about
1498. He was married and had two sons, Angus and
Donald, or possibly Donald and Angus.
II. Angus hved probably in Killiechonate.
III. John, son of Angus, was the representative of the
family in 1548.
IV. Alexander, son of John, had four sons, John,
Angus, Donald, and Ranald.
On August 4, 1602, Alexander of Keppoch, Donald
and Ranald, his brothers ; John Dubh, Allan and Angus,
his sons ; AUster Mac Ian vie Angus ; John, Angus, Donald,
THE MACDONALDS OF KEPPOCH 53
and Ranald, his sons, and others to the number of two
hundred persons, entered Glenisla and carried away 2700
cattle and 100 horses. The invaders were attacked
on their way home by John Robertson of Straloch and
others, and defeated. The fight took place at Ennoch
Dhubh. When the Macdonalds found that their assailants
were too numerous for them, they killed as many of the
cattle and the horses as they could.
As the names in the foregoing historical statements
are copied from the Records oj the Privy Council, they are
undoubtedly correct.
V. Angus, second son of Alexander, succeeded his
father.
VI. Alexander, son and successor of Angus, was bom
probably about 1605.
VII. Angus, son of Alexander, was a follower of Coll
of Keppoch in 1691. He was succeeded by his son James,
who was succeeded possibly by his son Angus.
One of Iain Alainn's sons, probably Angus, received
a tack of some lands from Mackintosh and became banner-
man to him. In 1727 Angus Macdonald, a descendant
of Iain Alainn, and apparently his representative, received
from Lachlan Mackintosh, Captain of the Clan Chattan, a
tack of the lands of Murlagan and Glen Glaster, and bound
himself to support Lachlan with all the fencible men on
the lands given to him, and all the other fencible men of
his family, commonly called Sliochd Dhomhnaill Mhic
Aonghuis. — Antiquarian Notes by Charles Fraser- Mackintosh,
p. 165.
I do not find it stated who the Angus of 1727 was. It
is possible, however, that he was a son of James, son of
the Angus of 1691. It is, at all events, strongly probable
that he was a grandson of Angus, and that he was thus
reaUy what he claimed to be — the representative of Iain
Alainn.
Iain Alainn was deposed for being too young, too good,
or too soft ; but his descendants have the satisfaction of
54 THE CELTIC REVIEW
having given to the Macdonalds of Keppoch the greatest
man of whom they can boast — Iain Lom.
The Descendants of Donald, son of John Alainn
Where Donald, son of Iain Alainn, lived I do not know.
It is possible, however, that it was at the place known as
An Urchair. He was succeeded by his son John, who was
succeeded by his son Donald, who was succeeded by his
son John, who was succeeded by his son Donald. The
last-named Donald was the father of John MacDonald —
Iain Lom mac Dhomhnaill mhic Iain mhic Dhomhnaill
mhic Iain Alainn.
Only for Muireachan's reply to John Lom it would be
impossible to give the names of John Lom's ancestors.
Iain Luim mhic Dhomhnaill mhic Iain,
'S mor do dhith bidhe is cadail.
Dh' itheadh tu uiread ri dithisd,
Leis an amhaich fhior fhada.
I have searched in several books for these lines but I
cannot find them. I am pretty sure, however, that I have
given them as I saw them. Muireachan's genealogy is
correct as far as it goes. It goes back, however, only to
Iain Lom's grandfather. Of course, Muireachan's object
was not to give a genealogy, but to abuse Iain Lom.
Domhnall mac Iain had at least two sons. He was
killed at the skirmish of Stron-a-chlachain in 1640. His
eldest son was also kiUed there. Iain Lom was present,
but took no part in the fight. It is said that he was left
along with other yoimg men to take charge of the horses. It
is certain that he was a man of courage. It is equally
certain, however, that he was by nature a politician and
not a warrior. Alexander Hamilton, one of the greatest
men that America has ever produced, was a writer, a fighter,
and a statesman. It would have been better, however, for
THE MACDONALDS OF KEPPOCH 55
himself and for his country if he had left fighting alone,
especially his last fight.
Iain Lorn was probably the greatest of all the descend-
ants of Alasdair Carrach. He was born about 1620
and died in 1709. He had a son who was killed in a duel
with Donald Donn of Bohuntin about the year 1690.
I have seen it stated over and over that Iain Lorn
went to the top of Inverlochy Castle and remained there
whilst the battle was going on. That statement is absurd
and contrary to historic facts. It is true that it is to be
found in Turner's Collection of Gaelic Poetry, which was
published in 1813. The lines in which it occurs are these : —
Dhirich mi, moch maduinn D6mhnaich,
Gu b^rr caisteal Inbhir L6chaidh.
Dr. Maclean's Collection of Gaelic Poetry was in Dr.
Johnson's hands in 1773. That collection was brought to
Nova Scotia by my maternal grandfather in 1819, and has
been for a number of years in my possession. The fines
that I have quoted from Turner's book are given in it as
follows : —
Dhirich mi moch maduinn che6raich
Gu br^igh' caisteal Inbhir Ldchaidh.
There is a very great difference between barr and
braighe ; the one means top, whilst the other means height.
The place to which Iain Lom went was not the top of the
castle of Inverlochy, but a height overlooking the castle.
The CampbeUs were at Inverlochy before Montrose and
his army arrived. As they had just as much common
sense as their opponents, it is altogether likely that they
took possession of the castle. In Grant's Memoirs of
Montrose we are told that ' the castle of Inverlochy was
occupied by fifty musketeers of the Stirlingshire regi-
ment, whose fire swept Montrose's lines as they advanced '
(p. 221). Some persons may foolishly imagine that it was
the wonderful strength and swordsmanship of Alasdair mac
Cholla and his men that won the battle. There were
56 THE CELTIC REVIEW
strong men and good swordsmen on both sides. What
won the battle, at all events what won it in so short a time,
was the military genius of Montrose, and the lack of skilful
leadership on the part of the Campbells.
THE ADMIRALTY AT CROMARTY
Donald A. Mackenzie
If it were proposed to erect a powder factory on Ellen's
Isle, Loch Katrine, or to lay out a shooting range for Terri-
torials at the Brig o' Doon, Scotland would be stirred to its
depths. A mighty agitation would be raised, and there
would be no lack of funds to support it, seeing that the
romantic associations of these Meccas of literature have
been so thoroughly commercialised by tourist agents and
hotelkeepers. Perhaps it is because quaint Cromarty is
isolated from the beaten tourist track that we hear so little
at present regarding the vandalism which is proposed to
be perpetrated there. The Admiralty, with characteristic
wilfulness, has undertaken to erect ugly fortifications on
those two noble headlands, called the ' Sutors,' which shelter
the narrow entrance to the deep and spacious anchorage
of the Cromarty Firth. Immemorial rights-of-way are
being closed : the public is to be denied access to familiar
haunts rich in literary and antiquarian associations, and
at least one ancient sacred well is threatened, although it
bears the name of St. Mary. No doubt, it can be proved
to the satisfaction of naval experts, that these fortifications
are a national necessity. Even if they are, we cannot
help lamenting the desecration of one of the beauty spots
of Scotland. Nothing is left for us but the hope that no
unnecessary vandalism will be committed. It is to be
feared, however, that there are good grounds for the appre-
hensions which are entertained in this regard. Vandalism
invariably results from ignorance, and it comes as a shock
THE ADMIRALTY AT CROMARTY 57
to patriotic Scotsmen to discover that in official circles
the Cromarty hills, which are not unknown to Grerman
writers, are regarded as of as little accomit as the slag heaps
which surround Lowland and English industrial towns.
Recent questions regarding the projected defence works
have elicited disquieting and amazing official answers in
the House of Lords and the House of Commons, which
show, among other things, that it is apparently possible to
pass through the schools and universities of England with-
out hearing aught of that picturesque figure. Sir Thomas
Urquhart, the genius who translated Rabelais, or that great
prose stylist, Hugh Miller, the father of modern geology,
and the earliest scientific folk lorist of these islands. Both
were natives of Cromarty, and Miller, especially, made
town and hill famous in his Schools and Schoolmasters,
Scenes and Legends, Old Red Sandstone, etc. And yet, it
seems, certain of our Government officials are ' not aware '
that Cromarty hill has any particular associations or
interests worthy of their exalted attention. In the House
of Lords, Lord Balfour of Burleigh, who, like a true Scots-
man, showed praiseworthy concern about the Miller country,
was asked if he were not really referring to Scapa Flow,
which happens to have no place in literature. The gentle-
man who, in response to the query of Mr. Robert Munro in
the House of Commons, expressed his entire ignorance
regarding Cromarty, had not even taken the trouble,
apparently, to consult a commonplace gazetteer. One might
imagine that this ancient burgh, which used to send its
member to Parliament when Glasgow was slumped with
another town, was situated in some remote part of the
British Empire, and was not one of the famous places of
our national literature. No wonder our antiquaries are
feeling uneasy regarding the official mind.
The history of Cromarty begins with MacBeth, who
was its Thane, and takes note of WiUiam the Lion, who
erected a castle opposite the town, the site of which is
likely to be excavated, of Sir William Wallace who fought
5a THE CELTIC REVIEW
a battle on the hill (according to local tradition), of James iv.
who hunted on the hill when he paid his annual pilgrimages
to Tain, of Charles ii., who landed at Cromarty, and of
Sir Thomas Urquhart, who set forth with his ' rightful
king ' to overthrow Cromwell, followed by his ' seven
portmantles' of manuscripts, which were scattered over
the fatal field of Worcester. But, perhaps, of more import-
ance is the pre-history of the district. There is no part
of Scotland richer in folk lore associations, and of more
promise from the point of view of the archaeologist. Almost
every yard of the south ' Sutor ' hill is reminiscent of the
physical and intellectual life of past ages. First come the
caves, which are all named and belong to a series extending
all round the jutting nose of the Black Isle promontory.
One of these, situated near Rosemarkie, was recently
excavated and yielded important archaeological finds, in-
cluding human skeletons, which possess special features of
interest to ethnologists, and a large number of primitive
artefacts belonging to an early period in the Late Stone
Age. Below the heap of accumulated deposit was also
found a large smoke-blackened fireplace of similar con-
struction to those which have been unearthed in Late Palaeo-
lithic caves in France and Switzerland. Nothing older
has been discovered elsewhere in Scotland. Other caves
of this particular series promise to yield important results
also. Not far from the site of the Cromarty fort is the
* Dropping Cave.' Attached to it is a local folk tale about
a fabled inner cave with a waterfall, which is the abode of
a demon. The description of this curious inner cave, it
is of importance to note, tallies with that of the famous
cave of Typhon in Sheitan Dere (Devil's Glen), Cilicia, Asia
Minor. Of special interest is the fact that similar folk
beliefs are associated with both widely-separated caves, to
which Strabo and other classical authors make no reference.
Boys in Cilicia at the present day and at Cromarty, until
quite recently, have been in the habit of hghting fires at
the mouth of one cave and hastening across the hill to
THE ADMIRALTY AT CROMARTY 59
another cave to see if the smoke found outlet there. It is
evident that this and other far-travelled customs came
with ancient invaders who localised their beliefs ; and these
may, perhaps, be identified with the skeletons of the Bronze
Age graves which were discovered on a ridge of Cromarty
hill towards the close of the eighteenth century. Accord-
ing to the Statistical Account of the parish, some of the
skeletons were ' seven feet in length.' There were evidently
giants of the Alpine or Armenoid Race in these days.
In addition to the caves, some of which will be included
in the ' prohibited area,' there are ancient sacred weUs
and mounds and groves. St. Mary's Well, to which we
have referred, is situated near the site of the proposed fort
on Cromarty hill. It was believed to be of special potency
on Beltaine Day, and the custom of drinking from it on
account of its ancient sanctity is not yet obsolete. To not
a few it has many tender and dearly remembered associa-
tions. Below this well is a httle flat-topped promontory,
jutting abruptly half across a deep ravine, which is called
' Charlie's Seat.' Whether ' Charhe ' was a giant, or a
smuggler, or Charles ii., is now quite uncertain, but the
beaten right-of-way leading to it is evidence of its popu-
larity which has been increased by the writings of Hugh
Miller. Beyond the Well of Mary is the ' Look Out,' the
ancient gathering place on the mom of Beltaine, where the
magicians of other days were wont to read the omens of
the rising sun. Its May dew is believed to be possessed of
special protective qualities. The ' Look Out ' is the grassy
summit of a high cliff overlooking the Cromarty and Moray
Firths. It commands a magnificent panorama of sea and
mountain scenery unsurpassed elsewhere in Scotland. Hugh
Miller has covered it with a halo of romance : it brought
forth from his pen some of the noblest passages in descrip-
tive English prose which appear in any anthology. In
close proximity to the ' Look Out ' are the ' Wallace
Mounds,' which are associated locally with the tradition
that here Scotland's great hero attacked the fleeing remnants
60 THE CELTIC REVIEW
of an English force and drove them over the cUffs. BHnd
Harry makes reference in his famous poem to this story.
It may be that the mounds are much older than Wallace,
and that the tradition of a remote conflict was attached
to the name of our popular hero here as elsewhere. Ere
these mounds are disturbed by the pick and shovel of the
navvy, it is to be hoped that the Government wiU have
afforded facilities to skilled local and other archaeologists
to investigate them. It is not sufficient to promise, as
has been done, that any articles which may be discovered,
will be carefully preserved. In these matters we cannot
trust the judgment of men who have no experience in
scientific excavation work. What may seem trivial to a
labourer, or even a Government official, may be invested
with great significance to an experienced archaeologist.
The services of such a man should be retained by Govern-
ment during the whole period of digging or excavation. He
should be constantly on the spot as in Palestine and else-
where. He should be Scottish : he should further be local
if possible, but at least in close touch with local authorities.
Should a workman happen to stumble across any evidence
of horde or burial, nothing should be touched except under
the direction of the expert. In the not remote past, one
regrets to have to record, not a few graves containing urns
have been ruthlessly plundered on the Cromarty hill. One
yielded a beautiful gold armlet of the Bronze Age, which
unfortunately is not referred" to in the transactions of any
scientific society, although it is still in a private collection.
If the urns found in the parish of Cromarty during the
present generation had been happily preserved, they would
have stocked a local museum sufficiently weU to give it
some importance.
The big guns of the Cromarty ' Sutor ' fort will
bellow from a sacred grove, called the 'Big Dungeon.'
The 'Little Dungeon' with its fairy mounds lies lower
down the hill.
Beyond the ' Look Out ' is the hill moorland of Navity,
\
THE ADMIRALTY AT CROMARTY 61
which was part of the ' church lands ' of Fortrose Cathedral.
Like other ' church lands,' the moor of Navity was at one
time sacred to the animistic ancestors of the natives of the
Black Isle. As is emphasised in Gaelic myth and legend,
a section of the ancient inhabitants of Scotland were
worshippers of the Earth Mother. One characteristic
reference runs : —
' An uair a dh' aithris e dhaibh gach allabain, is miomh-
adh is droch-ghiollachd a fhuair e, agus cruadal a sheas e
bho'n a dhealaich iad, thog iad socag thalmhuinn, 's dh'eubh
iad "Aichmheil."'
' When he rehearsed to them each wandering and insult,
and bad treatment he had got, and hardship he stood since
they had separated, they lifted a little 'piece of earth and
shouted " Vengeance." '
Below the moor are the sites of early Christian chapels
and also St. Bennet's Well, which stiU attracts visitors, as
is testified by the fluttering rags on the overhanging tree.
The sanctity with which the moor was anciently invested
is emphasised by an interesting Cromarty story. It was
believed that the Last Judgment would be held at Navity,
the ' seat ' of the Earth goddess of the pagans. A Cromarty
man, named Sandy Wood, had been wronged by a land-
grabbing neighbour and, having a stutter, he could never
voice his grievance to his own satisfaction. He desired
that he should be buried outside St. Regulus churchyard,
which lies on the lap of the hill, so that he might reach
Navity at the Last Day and relate his grievance to the
Judge of all, before the man who wronged him would be
able to climb the kirk-yard waU. His gravestone, which
relates his story, still lies outside the burial-place, and may
be deciphered by the curious who can also be referred to the
fourteenth chapter of Miller's Scenes and Legends for fuller
details. Beyond Navity Moor is Eathie bum. In its deep
and woody ravine fairies still dance on moonlight nights,
and the Banshee haunts one of its pools. Here the story
of Ulysses and the Cyclops is localised as a fairy story.
62 THE CELTIC REVIEW
* No man ' being rendered as ' Me mysel'.' In several of
his works Hugh Miller deals with this romantic dingle both
as a geologist and as a folk lorist.
The varied interests of Cromarty hill and its vicinity
cannot be fully dealt with here. My purpose will be ful-
filled if I simply show that it is of more importance to
antiquarians and Scotsmen generally than the Government
officials would have us believe. The immemorial rights-
of-way which intersect the hill, and lead, like other Scottish
rights-of-way, to places anciently sacred and still full of
charm to the public at large, are eloquent of the real char-
acter of this haunt of antiquarians, which teems with
evidences of the intellectual life of our remote ancestors.
Space forbids me from dealing with the many tales of
Vikings and Danes. Reference should, however, be made
to the divination tree, and the ' spitting stone.' Boys
were wont before attempting to chmb the cliffs or visit
the romantic caves to test their luck at the ' rock tree.'
They threw stones, as the writer has ofttimes done, at its
hollowed side. If one darted aside, the boy shouted ' The
danger goes past,' but if it came back to him, he at once
left his companions and returned home, believing that if he
accompanied them he would meet with dire misfortune. The
* spitting stone ' is one of the ' Bethels ' which has been thrown
down. Among certain of the ancient peoples it was believed
that the vital principle was contained in the ' moisture of
life ' or ' water of life.' The Eg3rptian gods wept ' creative
tears ' which gave origin to trees, human beings, etc., while
the tears of demons were productive of all that was evil.
Consequently the worship of rivers, wells and trees sur-
vived in Egypt, even after the introduction of sun-worship.
The sun-rays were the ' tears of Ra,' the sun god, and Ra's
well and tree are still reverenced in Egjrpt. Attached to
this ' well of the sun ' at the village of Matarieh (Heliopolis),
is the legend that the Virgin Mary washed in it the swaddling
clothes of the infant Christ on the occasion of the flight
from Herod into Egjrpt. In India the god Prajapati also
THE ADMIRALTY AT CROMARTY 63
weeps * creative tears,' and in ancient Babylon similar
beliefs were prominent in connection with water worship
and rain-getting ceremonies. As the people who worshipped
fire made vows before a fire (this custom is still common in
India), and other people who believed that the vital prin-
ciple was in the ' life blood,' signed their vows and com-
pacts in blood, so did those who had conceived that life was
in body moisture conclude bargains by spitting. Among
agriculturalists the spitting ceremonies still survive. Dealers
spit on their hands and on their money for ' good luck,'
and then their word is their bond. Resolutions to fight
were made by spitting over an extended arm, and boys
still perpetuate this custom. The Cromarty ' spitting
stone' indicates the antiquity of a practice which is as
interesting as it may be disgusting : it evidently goes back
to the time when there was ' worshipping of stones,
before the coming of Patrick of Macha.' A spitting stone
is to be seen near Forres.
The hill, like other headlands round the east coast of
Scotland, has its giant : another giant has his ' seat ' on
the hill opposite, the ' North Sutor,' or ' hill of Nigg,' which
is the ' hunting hill of the Fians,' as readers of Hugh Miller's
My Schools and Schoolmasters will be aware. Higher up on
the ridge of the Black Isle is the great ' Grey Cairn,' which
was visited some years ago by a few scholarly pilgrims from
Denmark. Local legend associates it with the last desperate
battle fought by a * black prince ' from across the North
Sea. Its vicinity has yielded many beautiful artefacts of
the Late Stone Age, and certain mounds still await excava-
tion. Not many years ago a number of old graves contain-
ing urns and skeletons were destroyed while ' new land '
was being ' taken in.'
In addition to the forts, Cromarty is to get a light railway
which will run over a fairy mound and the ' giants' graves,'
and cut off the ' Morial's Den,' to which Hugh Miller devoted
the second chapter of Scenes and Legends. Ere this work
of desecration is perpetrated, it is to be hoped that the
64 THE CELTIC REVIEW
expert local archaeologists will obtain concessions from the
Government, whose generous grant and loan will make
possible the construction of this superfluous line. As
archaeologists who have operated in northern Scotland
are aware, almost every mound which has yielded j&nds has
its folk-lore associations. The Brahan Bronze Age grave,
for instance, was discovered in a fairy mound, from which
the folks were wont to pluck alder berries for protection
against evil spirits. In Sutherland there is an unexcavated
moimd which is called the ' Mound of My Wish.' It is a
heaped stone circle, and according to local tradition contains
graves. If these are desecrated, the ' vandal,' it is believed,
will die of some mysterious disease. When a description
of this mound was submitted to the late Andrew Lang, he
referred to it as a ' Homeric grave.' Hugh Miller makes
reference to a tradition that a half-witted man, who ex-
cavated a grave moimd at the Morial's Den, in search for
treasure, met with a speedy death, and a similar tale is
attached to the Sutherland ' Mound of My Wish.' Ere the
Cromarty Light Railway is constructed over the ' giants'
graves,' it is to be hoped that they will be excavated by
archaeologists so that the results may be recorded before
opportunity to do so may have passed away. We who
moraUse over the vandahsm of Turks in Asia Minor and
Arabs in Egypt should not now neglect the opportunities
afforded at Cromarty of minimising and preventing where
possible the vandahsm of twentieth century officials, to
whom the ancient sites associated with Scottish myth and
legend and literature are apparently of so little account.
LORD ARCHIBALD CAMPBELL 65
LORD ARCHIBALD CAMPBELL
Rev. Gillespie Campbell
The fiery cross never carried its startling message of
war more swiftly than the news sped through the glens
of the Campbell country that Lord Archibald of Argyll was
dead. We all knew for many days that the end could not
be far off, yet when the tidings came rushing upon us that
one more chieftain of the mighty race of Diarmid had fallen,
it was also borne to us that the Celtic race at large would
feel the blow, for in their cause his arm had been strong,
and his heart had been leal and true.
Lord Archibald, the second son of George, eighth Duke
of Argyll, and of Lady Elizabeth of Sutherland, was born
in London on the 18th December 1846, within the walls of
the historic mansion known as Stafford House.
The untiring energy which always characterised him
urged him into business circles at an early age. He gained
his first experience by connecting himself with the Bordeaux
wine exportation traffic. Subsequently he expanded his
knowledge in the London tea trade, and in the Liverpool
cotton industry, finally becoming affiliated with the world-
famed firm of financiers — Messrs. Coutts and Co., London.
In the year 1869, he married Miss Janey Se villa, daughter
of James Henry Callendar, Esq. of Ardkinglas and Craig-
forth. Two children were born, Niall Diarmid, and Elspeth
Angela, both of whom together with Lady Archibald
survive him. Possessed of a keenly observant mind, and
a wonderful faculty of adaptation to any environment,
and able with ease to identify himself with the associations
and sympathies of all races of men with which he came
in contact. Lord Archibald made his travels and varied
experience of life a source of much attraction and a fountain
of educative enjoyment. The keen-wittedness of the race
from which he was sprung, the intellectual power of that
vol. IX. E
66 THE CELTIC EEVIEW
family, the rare rapidity of perception which he inherited,
the absolute comprehension of all the circumstances in-
volved in the subject-matter of his talk, all made conversa-
tion with him a thing of dehght. The listener could with ease
discern the setting of the scene, as with graphic utterance
he swiftly delineated the picture in thought — portraying
the characters, and the incidents such as they might be —
the gravity, the danger, the excitement, the beauty of
scene, or excellence of action — the solemnity and pathos
of circumstance — and suddenly as some humorous side-
issue appealed to him — ^like a glint of sunshine on one of his
own beloved lochs — a ripple of merry laughter would break
from his lips as he quaintly retailed the cause of his mirth.
He made an ideal Highland home for himself at Rudha-
na-Craige, Inveraray, beautifully situated on the shores of
Lochfyne, and commanding a view of the slopes of the hills
of Strathlachlan and Cowal. His Ubrary bore ample
evidence of his versatility in art and literature. His own
writings were various, among which may be mentioned :
Eecords of Argyll, 1885 ; Children of the Mist ; Notes on
Swords at Culloden, 1894 ; Highland Dress, Arms, and
Ornaments, 1899 ; Armada Cannon, 1899 ; Reveries, Poems,
1902 ; Argyllshire Galleys. For folk-lorists the several
volumes of Waifs and Strays of Celtic Tradition which Lord
Archibald inspired stand out as an important contribution
to a subject of which he understood the value.
The present generation of Celts can testify how Lord
Archibald proved himself worthy of his forebears, and
showed himself a veritable Sir Galahad on behalf of the
rights and the language and the traditions of his country,
when these were threatened with total extinction, and
when none of his rank in Scotland dared even to lead a
forlorn hope in their defence. A noble tale is always worth
reteUing, and Highland hearts will ever beat high when
the story of the ever memorable scene in Stafford House
is told again and again. It so happened in the year 1881
that certain officials of high rank in the War Office boldly —
LOED ARCHIBALD CAMPBELL 67
or in pretentious boldness — made a strong attempt to
deprive the Highland Regiments of their distinctive dress
and tartans. Lord Archibald commandeered a gathering
in Stafford House of Scottish peers and gentlemen of high
rank, and there within these very walls where he first saw
the light of day, a scene was enacted more than worthy of that
depicted in Ardtornish's towers by Sir Walter Scott, when
Barcaldine's arm was high in air,
And Kinlochaline's blade was bare,
for, in no figurative sense, but with thrilling realism, the
dirk of Archibald of Argyll flashed from its sheath, and
none less ready did gleam the weapons of the noblemen
present, and each and all kissed the cold steel, and swore
that the Highland Regiments would never submit to such
degradation. As of old, their opponents gave way, and
honour was saved. Less known are his manifold efforts
on behalf of the temporal welfare of the people of the High-
lands and Islands, but none the less effective in their
results. Lord Archibald served his day and generation
faithfully and never ceased to hope and work for that day,
when the glens would be filled again by a * bold peasantry,
their country's pride.'
In the closing years of the last century a group of High-
land gentlemen meeting together expressed in words the
thoughts which were even then stirring the bosom of the
Gael, and they determined that an association should be
formed to foster the language and customs of the Gael,
and so preserve the identity of the race. Many ardent
Celts supported the movement, but few dared to hope that
it would, as time passed, assume its present proportions.
It was at this juncture that Lord Archibald rendered the
greatest possible service to the cause of Gaelic literature
and music. He was called to preside at the first mod
held at Oban, and the writer recollects the feeling akin
to amazement which was in the minds of Celts on
beholding the gifted Highlander, a scion of an ancient
race, exerting himself to the utmost of his ability to
68 THE CELTIC REVIEW
procure the advancement of the Gaehc national move-
ment. He had been a familiar figure in the western
Highlands — well known at gatherings — where he always
appeared garbed as a Celt in the tartans and homespuns of
his race ; but few apart from his intimates realised that
within his breast there surged such a tide of passion for
all matters Highland. Even so it was, and when the
opportunity came, Lord Archibald was prepared to take
full advantage of it. He was possessed of a winning manner
and a warm Highland heart, and when he applied himself
to awaken patriotic feelings which had long lain dormant
in the breasts of brother Celts, his charm was irresistible.
It is said that the Golden Age of Celtic Scotland ended
with the death of Alexander ni., but who would doubt its
return any longer when one came in contact with this ardent
Celt, affectionately known among his Highlanders as ' Lord
Archie,' and who caused every Gael whom he smiled upon
to stiffen his back instinctively, and to realise that not only
was he (the Highlander) a brave soldier, but that he was
also a gallant gentleman, and by descent the inheritor of
a noble language, a rich culture, an immense store of in-
valuable traditional lore, and a history of which the bravest
of the brave might be proud. Under the spell of this
historic renaissance, the Celt of a literary turn of mind
took up his pen. Archives were ransacked, charter chests
became mines of treasure, musty libraries were eagerly
searched ; volumes on Celtic history, poetry, and tradition,
known only to the cultured few, became a means of culture
to the many, and in ways infinitely too varied to mention
within the narrow limits of these pages the long dreamed of
Gaelic Revival became an actual reality.
One is justified in asking what influence aroused Lord
Archibald's Celtic soul. Unquestionably the unseen influ-
ence was that of that prince of Highlanders — John Francis
Campbell of Islay, popularly known in Gaelic circles as Iain
Og He. Lord Archibald was a near kinsman of John of
Islay, and at an early age the young Gael formed a life-long
LORD ARCHIBALD CAMPBELL 69
friendship with the renowned Gaehc scholar and folk-lorist.
Campbell's Popular Tales of the West Highlands were a
revelation to Celtic scholars, and the hearts of many longed
for a realisation of the vivifying influence which they felt
emanating from the pages of that wonderful work. In Lord
Archibald's case, to the literary influence was added the
personal influence of Iain Og.
On a bright spring afternoon when the sun was fill-
ing the dells of Glenaray with light and splendour, and the
woods and upland lawns gave promise of the advancing
floral glory of summer — in the midst of it all — the warm
heart of the Highland chieftain ceased to beat. On the
Sabbath following the body lay in state, guarded by the
members of his own pipe band, and slowly and sadly friends
passed through the room to say farewell. Preparations
were made to carry the dust of this heir of the ArgyUs to
the Chauntry Chapel at Kilmun, ' the sacred storehouse of
his predecessors, and guardian of their bones ' ; and on the
morning appointed for the funeral the roads to Inveraray
were filled with mourners wending their way to the solemn
ceremony. We grouped ourselves in silence in the Town
Square, and Dunquoich shimmered in the morning haze,
unmoved by the changes in human life. Shortly the dirge
of the pipes arose on the air, and the muffled beat of the
drum as the cortege passed up the avenue, the bier borne
by his comrades of the Reserve contingent, flanked by the
local Territorial company pacing with arms reversed, and
led by their commanding officer — a tail scion of the race
of Art — who walked in stately pensiveness, with his clay-
more held athwart. The Provost bore in front the house
flag of the deceased Highlander, and behind him came Miss
Elspeth Campbell garbed in a plaided cloak of the dark
tartan of her clan. Beside her walked her brother Mr. Niall
Diarmid, followed by the other members of the Argyll family.
It was a deeply moving and never-to-be-forgotten sight,
to behold the stately cortege and the open display of grief
intensified by the throbbing notes of ' Lord Lo vat's Lament.'
70 THE CELTIC REVIEW
The kilted lads advanced slowly to the church door, sharp
and clear rang the words of command — the troops fell
asunder — and stood with reversed arms. The coffin was
borne into the church, and laid on the dais, and the large
building filled rapidly to its utmost capacity. The service
proceeded, impressive — yet devoid of gloom or shadow — an
interesting item being a portion of Psalm ciii. sung in Gaelic
to the tune of Coleshill, by special request of Mr. Niall.
At the close the choir burst with triumph into music in the
words of the old Paraphrase, ' How bright these glorious
spirits shine ! ' and as the last notes were dying away Lord
Archie's dust was borne forth on its last journey. Outside
the building the mournful notes of the ' Crusaders' March '
were sounded by the pipe band, and again the procession
moved to the pier.
Under the silent and skilful guidance of Archibald and
John Macint3n:'e — whose ancestors had carried home the
dead body of the Argyll who fell at Flodden — the while
the strains of the pipes awoke the echoes of Glenaray and
Dunquoich, the modern Birlinn slowly moved away, leav-
ing behind, as of old, the sorrowing women and children,
and once more the hills of Cowal beheld the passing of
Archibald of Argyll. The Duke of Argyll and many friends
met us at Kilmun, and with Celtic funeral rites the remains
were laid with kindred dust in the Holy Rood of the Argylls,
there to await the breaking of the eternal day.
The shadows were falling on Glenaray as we arrived at
the pier on our return. In silence, amid the falling rain,
we separated at the old Cross, and as some of our party
sped homeward past the hallowed ground of Kilmalieu,
Dunquoich loomed heavily above us in the shadows, and
the Aray murmured its sympathetic requiem. Yes he
sleeps, and the Celtic world may say tritely, that it is
poorer by his loss. Not so, the Celtic world is vastly
enriched and ennobled because Archibald of Argyll Uved.
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i
Iki'
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WALTER BIGGAR BLAIKIE, LL.D. 71
WALTER BIGGAR BLAIKIE, LL.D.
D. A. Mackenzie
Among the letters of congratulation received by Mr. Blaikie
when pubHc announcement was made that Edinburgh
University was to confer upon him the honorary degree
of LL.D., none could have touched him more deeply than
' Cummy's.' Everybody knows who ' Gummy ' was — that
kindly and well-remembered old woman, Alison Cunningham,
the ' second mother ' of Robert Louis Stevenson, who
became the homely Muse of his Child's Garden of Verse, and
who will ever be the shadow-nurse of thousands of children
all over the world. Three years before the half-elfin Louis
was born, ' Gummy ' had had placed in her care Walter
Biggar Blaikie, whose mother was also a member of the
Balfour family. In after years she followed his career with
watchful interest, and he remained one of ' her boys '
until the end. Not many days before death called her,
she learned with pride of his University honour and penned
to him, in a wonderfully firm hand, a characteristic letter
of restrained and motherly affection and approval. She
had lived to see her two boys achieve distinction in their
separate spheres of life, and even by a strange coincidence
to be brought into close association in the world of litera-
ture, for the great books which the one had written were
printed by the other in the famous Edinburgh Edition.
Mr. Blaikie is the son of the late Rev. William Garden
Blaikie, D.D., LL.D., professor in New College, Edinburgh.
He was born in 1847, and educated at Edinburgh Academy
and Edinburgh University. Like Stevenson, he began his
life's work by studying engineering. He was trained by
Messrs. Blyth, and afterwards held appointments in India
between the years 1870 and 1879. Then he returned
home to become the ' artist printer ' to whom his friend
W. H. Henley dedicated Lyra Heroica. This fine com-
pliment was well deserved, for, as a partner in the printing
firm of Messrs. T. and A. Constable, Mr. Blaikie has done
72 THE CELTIC REVIEW
signal service in developing the artistic side of printing
by paying much attention to the effective arrangement
of type, to producing good title-pages and providing light
paper on which the impression of type is always consist-
ently clear and crisp and beautiful. Many of the books
planned by him have attracted collectors all over the
world. One has only to refer to the Tudor Translations
and the Folio Shakespeare in addition to Carmina Gadelica
and the Edinburgh Edition of Stevenson to emphasise the
importance of Mr. Blaikie's contributions to the art of
which he is so distinguished an exponent.
Mr. Blaikie's energies have been by no means wholly
confined to business. His printing knowledge, which has
made him a progressive force in his profession, has also
been of important service to the cause of scholarship, for
it has enabled him to decipher some obscure historical
facts which only an expert could undertake to deal with,
and especially one with his mental leanings and special
equipment. He is himseK a man weU endowed with the
historical instinct. The study of his country's annals
has ever appealed to Mr. Blaikie, and he has accomplished
important and original work in connection with the fascin-
ating Jacobite period, on which he is regarded as the chief
authority. In 1897 he wrote for the Scottish History
Society the Itinerary of Prince Charles Edward Stuart,
which is the standard book on the subject of that un-
happy Prince's life and doings and adventures in Scot-
land. He has also contributed numerous articles and
notes to the literature of the period. These include five
articles in the Marchioness of TuUibardine's The Military
History of Perthshire — namely, ' 73rd Regiment,' ' Perth-
shire in the '15,' ' Perthshire in the '45,' ' Lord George
Murray,' and ' Stewart of Garth.' Two articles on ' Lord
Elcho ' appeared in the Scotsman. At present students of
history are looking forward to the publication of his
promised article in the Booh of the Old Edinburgh Club.
His contributed notes in the Scottish Historical Review
have been helpful and elucidatory. Mr. Blaikie has also
WALTER BIGGAR BLAIKIE, LL.D. 73
lectured on Jacobite subjects — ' Edinburgh in the '45,'
and ' Jacobite Ladies,' occurring freshly to one's memory —
and he did much active work on the committee of the
Jacobite section at the Glasgow National Exhibition.
While engaged in dealing with Prince Charlie's wander-
ings and experiences in the Scottish Highlands and Western
Islands, he personally visited most of the places where the
Prince is reported to have taken shelter. He re-discovered
a cave in which the royal fugitive is known to have con-
cealed himself; and everywhere he went he took photo-
graphs to compile a pictorial record of the Prince's
wanderings. In this connection he had the assistance of
the late Dr. Carmichael, who possessed so extensive a
knowledge of the traditions of the Outer Hebrides. He
also came into intimate association with the late Father
Allan Macdonald of Eriskay, with whom he formed a close
friendship which continued to the end of the life of that
revered Highland priest. Mr. Blaikie's name is remembered
in Eriskay in a manner which is almost reminiscent of
Jacobite times. He presented Father Allan with a set of
excellent bagpipes for the use of the people of the island,
and it is from this that he is known there with simple
affection as Fear na Pioba-moire, the man of the bagpipes.
So careful was the reverend gentleman of the pipes that
when they were lent for a ceilidh or wedding they remained
in the house of festivity only as long as the priest was there
also. When he left for home the bagpipes went with him,
and one can picture the good Father on a winter night
being played homeward under the bright stars by one loth
to take his fingers off the half-magical chanter. A more
permanent record of Mr. Blaikie's friendship with Allan
Macdonald is the bell which he presented to the church of
St. Michael, which the Father built on the promontory that
dominates the Sound of Eriskay, a bell which not only
summons the islanders to prayer, but which is also useful
in guiding the fishermen in stormy and misty weather to
the safety of their harbour.
It was while wandering through the Outer Hebrides
n THE CELTIC REVIEW
with his friend, spending nights at luaidh — waulkings, or
Hstening to waulking songs, to Ossianic recitations and to
stories of olden time (always translated to him by his
mentor like an echo), that Mr. Blaikie became profoundly
interested in Celtic literature and traditions still preserved
in the islands, but rapidly disappearing. He was also
much impressed by the life-work of his friend, Dr. Alexander
Carmichael, which culminated in Carmina Gadelica. It
seemed to him a necessity that what still remains of Celtic
lore should be carefully collected and preserved, and that
an organ should be established for this purpose. The
outcome was the founding of The Celtic Review, of which
Professor Mackinnon and Miss Carmichael, now Mrs.
Watson, willingly accepted the responsibility of editorship.
Dr. Blaikie is comiected with many literary and scientific
societies, being a fellow of the Royal Society of Edin-
burgh, the Royal Scottish Geographical Society, the Society
of Arts, the Society of Antiquaries, the Bibliographical
Society, the Scottish History Society, and the Astronomical
Association. For the last sixteen years he has annually
produced a series of astronomical maps which have a
wide circulation. He was for some years chairman of the
Edinburgh Chamber of Commerce ; he is also one of the
Governors of- the College of Art, and a Manager of the
Royal Infirmary.
Dr. Blaikie has lived an active and useful and, in the
best sense, a profitable life. He has indeed ever been more
concerned to do good work than to seek the distinctions
attaching to it ; nevertheless few possess in a greater degree
the confidence and the affection of their fellow-citizens and
their fellow-countrymen, who hope that there are many
years of activity and public usefulness still in store for him.
BOOK REVIEWS
The Battle of Bannockburn, A Study in Mediceval Warfare. By W. M.
Mackenzie, M.A, Glasgow : James Maclehose and Sons, 2s. 6i.
For centuries the Battle of Bannockburn has been shrouded in mystery,
and much ink has been spilt in endeavours to elucidate the true tale of
BOOK REVIEWS 75
what happened on that historic day. In the little volume before us the
mystery seems to us to be finally dispelled, and we are not overstating the
truth when we say that the author, Mr. Mackenzie, has succeeded where all
former writers have failed, and has given us a narrative of Bannockburn
which is at once illuminating, convincing, and, in some ways, surprising.
It is, indeed, a really excellent piece of work, and one of which the author
may well be proud.
To students of mediaeval Scottish History Mr. Mackenzie's work is
already well known. His edition of Barbour's Bruce, published some four
years ago, is easily the best of the many editions of that poem, and is simply
invaluable to students of the period. It was natural, therefore, that Mr.
Mackenzie should continue his investigations into the chief event of the
period, and should devote a special volume to the study of Bannockburn,
concerning which a highly suggestive appendix and a number of valuable
notes appeared in his edition of The Bruce. For such a work he had all the
necessary equipment, enthusiasm, an unrivalled knowledge of the history of
the time, a keen, critical faculty, and a well-balanced judgment ; and it is,
therefore, not surprising that he should have been able to unravel with skill
and ludicity the tangle into which the whole story of Bannockburn had got,
and to tell the tale anew in a manner which, as we have already remarked,
is as convincing as it is astonishing.
Indeed, when one reads Mr. Mackenzie's pages one wonders how Scottish
historians could have for so long so utterly misunderstood the battle, and
have raised up for themselves so many difficulties which ought never to have
had any existence. For Mr. Mackenzie has simply done what every his-
torian should do. He has gone to the contemporary sources, or the nearly
contemporary sources, for his information, and to these alone. The result
is that all the confusion arising from the ignorance of later writers vanishes,
and the extraordinary fact emerges that for fully four hundred years
Bannockburn has been misrepresented and misunderstood simply because
those authorities, who alone were of any value, were disregarded or lightly
passed by. That Mr. Mackenzie's book should have been necessary at all
is, indeed, a grave reflection on the historians who have written with
assumed authority on the Battle of Bannockburn.
The most striking fact which Mr. Mackenzie brings out, and proves in
the most conclusive manner, is that, contrary to all modern versions of the
battle, the Scottish army did not stand on the defensive on the 24th of June
1314, but were actually the attacking force. Arising out of that is the
scarcely less striking fact that the battle was not fought on the presently
accepted site — we can hardly call it the traditional site, for Mr. Mackenzie
showj that as late as 1777 there was no tradition in Stirlingshire assigning
the battle to any particular place — but on a site to the east thereof between
the Bannock Burn and the loops of the Forth. On the 23rd of June the
Scottish army occupied a position corresponding roughly to the hitherto
accepted site, and on that day the English launched two attacks against the
76 THE CELTIC EEVIEW
Scots — Clifford's attempt to relieve Stirling Castle, which was so signally
repulsed by Randolph, and the advance of the English vanguard, which
ended with the death of Henry de Bohun at the hands of Bruce. During
the night the English army marched eastwards, and, crossing the Bannock,
encamped on the Carse, a flat, marshy plain encircled on three sides by the
Forth and the Bannock. At daybreak on the 24th Bruce took stock of his
enemy's position. His skilled eye saw that they had placed themselves in a
situation which, if the Scots took prompt advantage of it, would neutralise
the English superiority in numbers. For hemmed in, as they were, on both
sides and on the rear by the Forth and the Bannock, they could neither
deploy nor attempt to outflank the Scottish army ; while if the Scots attacked
they could, so to say, close the neck of the bottle in which the English had
placed themselves, and so compel them to fight in a confined space and over a
narrow front. So the Scots did attack, as all the fourteenth-century authori-
ties, either directly say or unmistakably imply, and by that attack and
the consummate generalship which directed it the Battle of Bannockburn was
won. Gone, therefore, are all the glowing accounts which have been written
of the English horse breaking themselves on an impregnable Scottish line
standing firmly on the defensive, and instead we have a battle which reflects
much greater credit on the fighting ability of the Scots and on the military
genius of Bruce.
It is impossible here to follow Mr. Mackenzie in the many other details
of interest which he brings out — among them the fact that the camp
followers were not on the Gillies' Hill but in a hollow to the rear of the
Scottish army — but we many say frankly that we do not see how his facts
can be controverted in any particular. In only two matters are we inclined
to disagree with him. In the first place, by a series of deductions he places
the strength of the English army at 20,000 men and that of the Scots at
7000. It is, of course, impossible to dogmatise on such a matter, and Mr.
Mackenzie does not do so. But we think that 7000 errs on the small side
for the Scottish army, and that, when all allowance is made for the circum-
stances he mentions, the English numbered possibly from three to five
thousand more than the 20,000 he allows them. That, however, is merely a
matter of opinion, for on the material available the numbers must vary
according to the allowance for absentees, etc., judged reasonable by each
individual critic. Our second point is this. Mr. Mackenzie asserts that the
vanguard was assigned to Randolph, Earl of Moray, ' with whom was the
general mass of men of higher rank.' He does not quote his authority for
the latter part of this statement, but probably bases it on Barbour, who says
that * for to maintain his banner, Lords, that of great worship were, were
assigned with their men into his battle for to be.' But in addition to these
Randolph already had, as Barbour also tells us, his own men, who were of
course the men of the Earldom of Moray, who had already done so much for
Bruce and the cause of freedom. Moreover, Sir Thomas Gray tells us
specifically that the vanguard under Randolph, which routed Clifford, were
NOTES 77
on foot and were armed with pikes, which can only mean that the force was
composed, with few exceptions, of men who were not lords or knights. ' The
general mass of men of higher rank ' were of course mounted knights, and
they naturally were with the cavalry army under Sir Robert Keith,
These matters, however, do not affect the general accuracy of Mr. Mac-
kenzie's volume, or minimise in any way the value of his general conclusions.
His book is beyond doubt the ablest critical account of Bannockburn which
has yet been written, and must take rank as the best, if not the only modern
authority on the subject. It seems to us, in fact, that all other modern
accounts of Bannockburn must be discarded forthwith, and that Mr. Mac-
kenzie's book can alone be regarded as a safe guide to the story of the battle.
"We congratulate the author cordially on a very able and a very stimulating
piece of work. We rejoice that he has had the courage to cast oflF the bonds
which have too long held those who have written on the War of Independ-
ence, and that he has shown in his study of the subject a praiseworthy free-
dom from the fetters of tradition, prejudice, and miscalled patriotism.
Evan M. Barron.
NOTES
Sir Lancelot du Lake and Vinovia
Reasons were given in a previous note for equating the name of Lancelot
with *Wlanciloth, and among the names advanced with the object of estab-
lishing this hypothetical compound was ' Vinoviloth.' This occurs in the
Getica of Jordanes in the following passage : —
'Sunt ex his exteriores Ostrogothae, Raumaricae, Raugnaricii, Finni
mitissimi (Scanziae cultoribus omnibus mitiores) nee non et pares eorum
Vinoviloth[i], Suethidi, Cogeni in hac gente reliquis corpore eminentiores
. . . etc'
The name Vinoviloth occurs in the manuscripts without the plural end-
ing. It is a very strange name to find in Gothic traditions. It is readily
divisible into four vocables, viz. virio-, -vinovi, viloth, and -loth. Both vin and
loth might be Germanic, but the medial syllable -vi-, whether we take it
with Fino- or with -loth, creates unavoidable difficulty. No connection with
the Anglian wlh, West-Saxon weoh, ' idol,' a frequent theme in names of
men, can be supposed to have existed. The form -ve- in Mero-ve-as, Chlodo-
ve-us, Hioth-ve-z, is quite distinct. Moreover, the form is not at all
irregular, inasmuch as the practice of adding i to the stem of a prototheme
is frequent in Gothic : cf. Ach-i-ulf, Ber-i-mund, Gaut-i-goth, Hun-i-mund,
Theud-i-mer, and many more. But the prototheme Viii-ov- itself cannot be
Gothic. It is actually Celtic in a Latin dress, as I shall show presently.
With this solution of the problem in view, the identification, I am
about to advance, though at first sight it may appear hazardous, will be
found in the sequel to draw so many remarkable coincidences in its train
78 THE CELTIC REVIEW
that it will be acknowledged that & prima facie case has been made out for a
new departure in the investigation of the Lancelot legend.
In the Britannias, at the close of the period of Roman occupation, there
were several place- and tribe -names which present the syllable -ov-.
Among these we find the adjectival forms Ord-ov-ices and Delg-ov-icia,
with which may be compared the Gallo-Roman Bell-ov-&ci. There were
also the place-names — Corn-ov-ium, Con-ov-ium, and Vin-ov-ia. It is with
the etymon of Vinovia that I would identify the stem of the prototheme in
Vinov-i-loth.
Now what connection, other than a verbal one, can there possibly be
between Vinovia and Vinoviloth? — that is to say, between a Komano-
British town and a Gothic chief (or a Gothic tribe).
No attempt that has been made hitherto to prove intercourse between
the Goths and the Britannias can be regarded as successful. Setting on
one side, but with all respect, the theories of modern writers, we find that
the West-Saxon informants of Bishop Asser in 885 were quite sure that a
Gothic invasion of the Britannias had taken place in the fifth century.
Speaking of King Alfred's maternal grandfather, Asser reports that : —
'Oslac Gothus erat natione ortns, enim erat de Gothis et Jutis, de
semine scilicet Stuf et Wihtgar.'
A faint note of Gothic interest is also heard in one of the letters of Pope
Gregory the Great, wherein the name of Eadbald, King of Kent, appears
with the Gothic diphthong as ' Audubaldus,' Some seventy years earlier
than this, suggestions were made, according to Procopius, that the Ostro-
goths should be allowed to occupy the Britannias. And in the Gdica of
Jordanes {scr. c. 560) we find a curious statement made about a Germanic
tribe called ' Hunugari ' (S) to the eflFect that it had been overcome once
upon a time in Britain, and had ransomed itself for the price of a single
horse.
These points of doubtful value must now yield place to analysis of the
various forms of the prototheme of Vinov-i-loth that have come down to us.
1. Vinovi-a 4. Guinue -an
2. Ovivvovt -ov 5. Ruoihm ( = Guoinui)
3. Guinui -on 6. Binchester.
Vinovia is a station on the road from Cataracto to Remenium. It is
xxii. m.p. from the former and xlviii. m.p. from the latter. Cataracto is
the ' Cair [Cajdraithon ' of the ' Nomina Ciuitatum ' in the Historia Brit-
tonvm, and the Catterick of Modern English. It is believed that the
distance of 22 m.p. from Catterick falls at Binchester, and that the first
syllable of the Romano-British word Vinovia is reflected in the modern
name.
The Ovivvoviov of Ptolemy may be either Winrmion or fFinnoimon.
This form is represented in Early Welsh by— Guinui-on. This is coupled
in the ' Arthuriana ' in the Historia Brittonum with the word 'Castellum.'
NOTES 79
A misreading, to wit, gunnion, infects all the manuscripts. In the Irish
Nennius ' Castellum Guinnion ' is rendered — ' Les Guinneain.' In this
name *les'=%s, 'palace,' ' court,' and 'Guinneain,' represents the posses-
sive case of *Guinuean treated as a man's name. The eighth victory of
King Arthur is recorded in the ' Arthuriana ' as follows :
' Octavum contra barbaros egit bellum iuxta Castellum Guinuion in quo
idem Arthur portavit imaginem Sanctae Mariae Dei Genetricis semperque
virginis super numeros suos, et tota ilia die Saxones per virtutem D.N.I. C.
at S.M. matris ejus in fugam versi sunt, et magna clade multi ex illis
perierunt.'
It may well have been after this defeat that the Saxons of the race of
Hengist withdrew from the neighbourhood of the Picts' Wall and settled
down in Kent, under -^sc. That the first settlement of the Jutes really
was in the North is clear from what the Historia Brittonum says (cap.
xxxviii. p. 178) :
*. . . da illis {sc. Hengisti filio et fratrueli suo) regiones quae sunt in
aquilone juxta murum qui vocatur Guaul. Et jussit ut invitaret eos, et
invitavit Ochtam et Ebissam, et venerunt et occupaverunt regiones plurimum
ultra murum [MSS. mare\ usque ad confinium Pictorum.'
(Ruoihm) In chapter xxxi. (p. 171) this clear indication of the primary
position of the Saxons in the pay of Vortigern is confused, and we are
told that
' Guorthigirnus tradidit eis insulam quae in lingua eorum vocatur Tanet,
Britannico sermone Ruoihm.'
This is quite erroneous, and is an adaptation of the misunderstood
legend to the facts of a later time. In the Zeitschrift filr celtische Philologie,
vol. v. p. Ill, I have shown that this impossible form is really Guoinui.
This would permit us to locate the ' Goths and Jutes ' at Binchester, as I
intimated just now.
This identification responds well to the political requirements of the
fifth century, and to the legendary ones of the Historia Brittonum. The
particular battle occurred after the ' Cat-Coet Celidon,' ' the battle of the
Wood Celiddon,' which was situate in the West Riding of Yorkshire. It
may be dated A.D. 466, four years before ' Mons Badonicus.'
The displacement of u in Uinnouion by b in Binchester is not an unusual
phenomenon. We find the Forth called Avon Werid, Borda, and *Boredia ;
Gwasgwyn=Vasconia, Baskland ; Lacus Vulsiniensis is now Lago di
Bolsena, and 'Ebissa,' in the passage quoted just now, represents
*Euissa, the Giwis of the West-Saxon pedigree, and the eponymous hero
of the Geuissae.
We have now reached another stage in our journey. The name of
Lancelot has led us to a Germanic Wlanci+loth and a Gothic Vinai+loth ;
the prototheme of the last has been discovered, rightly or wrongly, in the
name of a Roman fortified station — namely, Vinovia, the Early Welsh
Guinuion and the Greek Oviwoviov ; and that station has been located at
80 THE CELTIC REVIEW
Binchester. The great importance of Binchester in the fifth century, when
the regio administered from it was neither in Bernicia nor in Deira, is
obvious from the reference made to it in the Historia Brittonum of c. 837.
We are, therefore, postulated at Binchester, and we now have to show the
connection between that city and *Wlanciloth or Lancelot.
The twelfth book of Malory's Morte d' Arthur, the one about Sir Lance-
lot's madness, tells us (chap, vii.) how he came into the country north of the
Humber (x. Ixiv.) like a madman, with dogs and boys chasing him through
the city of Corbin, ' Cor ' (o) is the equivalent of ' Car ' (a), the English
form of the Early Welsh * Cair.' (Old English a for ai of other languages,
or dialects is quite in order.) Hence Corbin = Binchester word for word.
Alfred Anscombe.
Biabhach
As applied to cattle, etc., means 'brindled' (adj.), greyish, grizzled. In
A.TTdin.= Bxiidheglas, yellow grey. To land, etc., Dalreoch, Teanga riabhach, grey,
rough, grizzled, spotted. As a subst. masc. a grey or grizzled person, not
attractive. The devil (inter alia) is ^An Biabhach Mbr,' the great brindled
or singed one ! Among other places into which the word enters, in Skye,
for instance, is Baile Mhic Illeriabhaich — Township of the grey or grizzled
lad, etc., or rather of the son of, etc. This name has been much corrupted
by English or Lowland scribes.
According to Dr. M'Laren M'llwraith of Sheffield, the M'llwraiths
belonged to those lands, and a bond of manrent between them and the Lord
of the Isles (or Macdonald of the Isles) was signed at Castle Camus (Knock),
Sleat, Skye, on August 13, 1632. The original is (or was) in possession of
A. J. Macdonald Williamson, who says it means, and is, the village of the
M'llwraiths. Their patronymic was * Clann Ileirich,' and when asked to
write, they always wrote 'MacDonald.' See Book of Clan Donald. 'Clann
Domhnull Riabhaich' were hereditary Bards to Macleod of Dunvegan,
then to Macdonald of Sleat. ' Darroch ' is said to be the same.
In the work written by Thomas Whyte on the Bethunes of Skye, two of
that family at least, Angus and Ewan, held the title of ' Donnelrich,' i.e.
Domhnull Riach or Riabhach. They were bold,, fierce-looking, soldierly
men, as well as medical specialists, hence probably the sobriquet.
In the Contents of vol. viii. of The Celtic Beview, the author of 'Dr.
Haverfield and the Saxon advent in Britain ' should be the Rev. A. W.
Wade-Evans.
Reviews of a number of books, etc., are held over owing to want of
space, but will be given in the next issue.
PHONOLOGY 81
A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR AND READER
By Julius Pokorny, Ph.D., LL.D. (Vienna)
{Continued from page 384)
Note. — Certain instances of compensatory lengthening before
m are very scanty and occur only in the case of gutturals,
e.g. for-6m{m)id * he is unable ' fr. *-ek{s)-med-et; cf. Welsh
meddu 'to be able.' {ksm has very early become km).
Loss of Consonants by Haplology
§ 110. In words of more than two syllables an intervocalic
consonant may be thrown out when followed by the same con-
sonant. When the last consonant stood between o and e, i, the
diphthong oi is produced.
e.g. for-roichain 'he has taught' fr. -*{p)rd-ke-kan-e,
-*ke-kn-e; ir. for- chain 'teaches.'
coim(')n)thecht ' accompaniment.' (com-iTriTH-thecht.)
Note. — In words like
foil ' mission ' instead of *foidiuth (ending *-ltus)
both dentals have coalesced, while the vowel of the second
syllable has been thrown out. The t represents the voice-
less stop (§ 1, 4), just as in -tuit (§ 210, note 3). Cf. § 86.
This treatment seems to be confined to dentals.
Semi-Vowels
§ 111. I, E. j disappears in O. Ir.
e.g. ode ' young ' fr. *jovnko-, *jevn-ko, Welsh ieuanc ; cf
Lat. juvencus, Engl, young,
-tdu ' I am ' fr. *sthd-jo; cf Lat. stare ' to stand.'
When immediately preceded by u, v, or a consonant it had de-
veloped an i before it. Hence unstressed syllables preceded by a
post- vocalic consonant (or u v) -\-j are never entirely thrown out.
e.g. coire ' cauldron ' fr. *b'arijos, *k''rjos, Welsh pair ; cf Skr.
daru.
Onj in final syllables, cf. § 46.
§ 112. V is thus dealt with :
1. Initial v appears as /.
e.g. fid ' tree ' fr. *vidus, Welsh gwydd, O. High German
witii.
VOL. IX. F
82 A CONCISE OLD IKISH GRAMMAR
2. I*ost-consonantal v disappears except after aspirated d, I,
n, r, where it is written h (pronounced v).
e.g. ardd ' high ' (with unaspirated d), fr. *fdhvos of. § 105.
but fedb ' widow ' (with aspirated d) fr. *vidhvd, Welsh
gweddw ; cf Engl, widow.
On mv, see § 103. On sv, see § 98. On d{h)v, see § 94.
3. As regards intervocalic v (also when from mv, § 103) pre-
ceded by a stressed vowel, the treatment varies according to the
quality of the surrounding vowels.
We must distinguish between
(a) V before a final palatal vowel, with which it had coalesced
already before the loss of final syllables,
(13) V before a lost « or o in final syllables,
(y) V before a lost i% (also u from 6, § 118) in final syllables,
(8) V in the interior of dissyllabic words (after the loss of final
syllables),
(e) V in the interior of words of more than two syllables (after
the loss of final syllables).
a. av (9v) appears
(a) as oi.
e.g. ad-doi ' kindles ' fr. *ad-d9v-U, cf. Greek Batco ; Skr.
davah ' fire.'
(/8) and (7) as du, later do, 6.
e.g. gdu, gdo, g6 ' lie ' fr. *ghdva ; cf. Greek 'x,avvo<s.
(B) probably regularly as 0 (older du, e.g. due ' descen-
dant,' later 6{a)e, u(a)e) ; in later 0. Ir. this 6 becomes
u before preserved final vowels (§§ 44-46).
e.g. soid ' turns ' fr. *sav-Ui.
god, later gud, fr. *gh9vds, ace. pi. of gdu.
(On the quality of the following vowels, see §§ 44-46, 58.)
(e) before o as u.
e.g. gti- fr. *gh9vo-, compositional form of gdu (in gu-
brithemnacht 'false judgment,' etc.).
b. dv (fr. I. E. dv or ov) appears
(a) as oi.
e.g. Tioi, fr. *ndvi, *ndvdi, dat. sg. of ndu ' ship ' ;
(yS) as du (later d).
e.g. gnd (older *gndu) ' beautiful, active,' fr. *§ndvo- ; cf.
Lat. (g)ndvu8.
PHONOLOGY 83
(7) as 6 (older 6u).
e.g. gno (older gnou), dat. sg. masc. of gno (fr, *gnavu,
*^ndvdi) ;
(8) as 6.
e.g. nde fr. *ndvjds, gen. sg. of ndiL
C. e-y has very early become ov and is treated like that.
d. ev has very early become Iv and is treated like that.
e. After O. Ir. ^, ia (fr. I. E. ei) v disappears without leaving
any trace.
e.g. de fr. *deivi, gen. sg. of dia ' god.'
dia fr. *deivos, Lat. c^ivus, Skr. devds.
f. I. E. w appears
(a) as i.
e.g. 6i fr. *gHvi, gen. sg. of 6eo ' alive.'
(y8) as e'u, eo.
e.g. 6eu, 6eo fr. *bevos, *gnvo8, Welsh hyw ; of. Lat. vlvus.
(7) as iu.
e.g. 6m fr. *bivu, *gnvdi, dat. sg. of 6eo.
(8) as i.
e.g. /iJu8 ' I shall fight ' fr. *vi-vik-s-d, 1st sg. fut. oifichid ;
cf. Lat. vincere, 0. High German wihan.
(On the quality of the following vowels see §§ 44-46, 58.)
(e) before d, 6 as e, before e, I, u as i.
e.g. hethu ' life ' fr. *bevothu *g'ivo-tut-s, Welsh byivyd.
g. After O. Ir. i (fr. I. E. e, i) v disappears without leaving
any trace.
e.g. li ' colour ' fr. Hlvis, Welsh lliw ; cf. Gaulish Llvius.
h. ov and ev appear,
(a) as ol
e.g. 6oi 'he was,' fr. *bhove.
(/8) as 6.
e.g. 6d fr. *g''ovo8, gen. sg. of 6d ' cow.'
(7) as u.
(8) before d, o as 6, before e, % -a as u.
e.g. cZo-co2;c2 ' he went ' fr. *-cbvdde, * -k<ym-vddh-e ; pres. dichet
' he can go.' Cf. rule 4 below.
niie ' new ' fr. *nevijo-, Welsh newydd ; cf. Lat. novus.
84 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR
The treatment before e varies,
e.g. 6'dc 'youth,' of. § 111.
but JiiJir * preparation ' f r. *u(p)o-v€r-om ; f r. fo-fera ' prepares.
(On the quality of the following vowels, see §§ 44-46, 58.)
(e) before d as 6.
e.g. do-c6tar ' they went ' fr. *cbvdd . . . *kom-vodh . . .
before o as 6, iia or u ; before u probably as u.
e.g. duilgine 'reward' fr. *de-vo-ldg-ine (cf. § 55 11. note).
tdbae ' cutting ' fr. *to-vo-be, older *-u(p)o-bhijovi.
tuaichle ' slyness ' fr. *to-vo-celle, older -*k'eisl(i)Jd.
The treatment before e, i presents likewise many difl&culties.
On the one hand we have (with vowel-contraction) toisech ' leader '
fr. *to-vid-tjdkos ; cf . Welsh tywysog fr. *to-vid-takos ; (Ogam gen. tovisdci),
root vid 'to know,' on the other hand (with syncope of the second
syllable) :
Mid. Ir. wdna ' famine ' fr. *novinjd *nevinjd, Welsh newyn (fr. *iw'wyn) ;
cf. Goth. nauj>s. The 0. Ir. ndine (Thes. ii. 256), is very puzzling to me.
(cf. further § 126.)
i. uv appears.
(a) as ui.
e.g. drui ' druid ' fr. *dru-vid-s.
(/3) as 6, (7) as "ul. Certain instances are very scanty.
(8) before e, I, 'Su, j, as u, before d, o as 6.
e.g. drudd fr. *dru-vid-os, gen, sg. of drui,
(On the quality of the following vowels see §§ 44-46, 58.)
(e) The material is very scanty. There is the same diffi-
culty as in the case of ov. uvu gives of course u.
4. After unstressed vowels in final syllables intervocalic v has
vanished without leaving any trace.
e.g. cualae ' he has heard ' fr. *Jcu-Iclov-e.
But in the interior of a word it had absorbed in certain cases the
preceding vowel or had vanished already before the time of syncope.
Thus kove gives k'e.
Examples : airde ' sign ' fr. *are-vid-jom, Welsh arwydd ; root md
'to know.' -dichet 'he can go' fr. *di-k''ed, -*kovedet, *^om-
vedh-et (on the final t see § 84 d, note) ; root vedh ' to lead ' ;
cf. Lith. vedii ' I lead.'
PHONOLOGY 85
Short Vowels
§ 113. I. E. d and a (also a Avhich has been developed in
Celtic from I. E. r, I, m, r?, §§ 105, 106).
appear
1. regularly as a.
e.g. aile ' another ' ; cf. § 46.
athir ' father ' fr. * (p)9ter, Lat. pater, Skr. pitd.
2. By the end of the archaic period au — which had been developed
from a, preceded by Z or a labial or guttural (+r), and followed by u
coloured consonants — became u.
Examples : mug, arch. 0. Ir. maug ' slave ' fr. *magus, Cornish maw ;
Ingu, arch, laugu, 'smaller,' fr. *lagu, *hgh''j6S) cf. § 65, 3.
3. a preceded by a labial or guttural (+r) appears before certain
palatal consonants as o or u. It is very difficult to make out the
definite rules governing this change, which is later than the change of
0 to u.
Examples : coire 'cauldron' cf. § 111.
muig fr. * mages, dat. sg. of m^g 'field.'
4. as a or c; cf. §§ 54, 107-109.
5. on av see § 112, 3 a.
6. The 0 in loch 'lake' fr. Hakus, cf. Lat. laeus, Greek Aukkoc 'pit,'
is very peculiar.
§ 114. I. E. e (also e which has been developed in Celtic from
I. E. m, n, §§ 105, 106).
appears
1. as e.
a. in old monosyllables where the final consonants have not
been lost (§ 43).
e.g. -hert ' he carried ' fr. *hher-t.
b. when the following syllable contained d, o, o which had
not become u (§ 48), or e (but not e in hiatus — i.e. e{s)-, e(j)-,
6(2?)-+ vowel — nor e preceded by ng) provided these vowels were
preceded by consonants (but cf. §§ 107-109).
e.g. cerd 'craft' fr. *Icerdos, Welsh cerdd, Greek /cejoSo?.
berid ' carries ' fr. *hher-e-ti ; cf. Lat. fero, Greek (pepw.
Tnedo (gen. sg, of mid ' mead '), fr. *'inedo, *nnedhous.
c. when the following syllable contained e in hiatus or u, i,
j, provided those were preceded by voiceless t(t), s(s), th, ch or
86 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR
by a group of two or more consonants, with exception of ng
TKih, nd and perhaps some other groups. (But cf. §§ 107-109.)
e.g. eich fr. *ekvi, gen. sg. of ech ' horse.'
inescae'dT\iJikenuess'fr*medh-sk{i)jd; cf Greek fieOvo-Koy ;
serbu (comparative of serb ' bitter,' Welsh chwerw;
cf Greek ^epos;) fr. *servju, *kservjd8.
2. as S.
St,, in the case mentioned in | 54.
b. when the e was originally followed by o or a coloured
consonants which caused compensatory lengthening of a pre-
ceding vowel (§§ 107-109).
e.g. tr^n 'strong' fr. *treg-no-; cf. O. Norse prek 'strength';
set 'way' fr. *sentus, Welsh hynt, 0. High German
sind 'journey.'
(On 4u, 4o, iu, see rule 4 below.)
3. as i.
a. in hiatus (resulting from the loss of vowel-flanked p, j, s),
before all vowels, but before e only when this was originally pre-
ceded hyj.
e.g. lack (gen. sg. of eo, ' salmon ') fr. *eoch, *esok-os,
Welsh eog.
Note. — Every e in hiatus had become {i)j in unstressed syllables,
e.g. ad-suidi ' keeps back ' f r. *-sbdijet *sodejet.
b. when the following syllable contained ^, j, u (also when
from 6), u or e in hiatus, provided these were preceded by single
consonants (except voiceless t{t), s{s), th, ch), or the groups nd,
mb, ng.
e.g. mid ' mead' fr. *medhu-, Welsh medd, Greek fiedv, Skr.
mddhu.
niTYie (gen. sg. of nem ' heaven ') fr. ^nemjos, *nemeo8,
*ne7nesos.
siniu ' older ' fr. *senjds, Lat. senior,
c. when the following syllable contained e preceded by ng.
e.g. cingid ' steps,' fr. khengeti, cf. 0. High German hinkan
' to limp.'
4. as eo, du, iu when short e was originally followed by palatal or
u coloured consonants, the dropping of which has been discussed
PHONOLOGY 87
in § 109. But the diphthong appears only in final syllables or in
stressed non-final syllables.
e.g. trSuin, triuin fr. *treg-ni; gen. sg. masc. of tren
' strong.'
The u (o) is a rest of the lost consonant.
cen4uly ceniul fr. *kenetlo(i), dat. sg. of ceriel ' race.'
(On this u, see § 49 exception.)
5. as a under conditions which are not quite clear. It seems
that the change took place only after certain consonants before
a palatal g.
e.g. taig fr. Heges, dat. sg. of tech ' house.'
graig ' herd ' fr. an oblique case of Lat. grex, gen. gregis.
but lige ' bed ' fr. *leghjom.
6. On ev, see § 112, 3 c.
§ 115. I. E. i (also i which has been developed in Celtic from
I.E.r,l,m,v, §§105,106).
appears
1. as i.
a. in old monosyllables where the final consonants have not
been lost (§ 43).
b. when the following syllable contained e or 4 (also u from
0), ^.^(butcf. §§ 107-109).
e.g. ith ' corn ' fr. *pitus, Welsh yd, Skr. pihi-S ' nourish-
ment.'
fir fr. *vire, voc. sg. of/er 'man.'
c. when the following syllable contained d, o-, or o, provided
these vowels were preceded by the consonant group nd or ndn.
e.g. find ' white ' fr. *vindo-, *vindd, Welsh gwynn, fem.
gwenn, Greek IvSdWofjLac I appear.
ro-finnadar ' he knows ' fr. *-vind-nd-tro.
d. in hiatus in dissyllabic words.
e.g. sciad (gen. pi. of sc^ * hawthorn ' fr. *sk%jat-8) fr.
*sA;"i;a^om, Welsh ysbyddad; cf. Lith. akujci 'pointed
leaf.'
2. as e.
a. when the following syllable contained d,ooTo which had not
become u, except when these vowels were preceded by nd or ndn.
88 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR
e.g. fedo (gen. sg. oijid ' tree ' fr. vidus) fr. *vido, *vidous.
fer ' man ' fr. ^viros, Welsh gwr, Lat. vir.
3. as e.
a. when e which had been developed from i according to the
rule given above (2. a) came into final position (cf. § 54.)
e.g. cl^ ' left ' fr. *Jclijo-, /clija-, Welsh cledd, Lat. cliviua
' unlucky.'
b. when (stressed or unstressed) e which had been developed
from i was originally followed by consonants causing com-
pensatory lengthening of a preceding vowel (§§ 107-109).
e.g. cuilen ' whelp ' fr. *kulegno, *kulignos, *kolignos, Welsh
colwyn.
4. as i.
a. when the i which had not been changed to e (see above,
2 a) was originally followed by consonants which cause compen-
satory lengthening of a preceding vowel (§§ 107-109), except in
the case mentioned in rule 5 below.
e.g. richtu 'reaching'; see § 108.
b. in the case mentioned in § 54.
5. as iu.
when the i which had not been changed to e, was originally
followed by consonants, the dropping of which has been dis-
cussed in § 111. The diphthong appears only in final (stressed
or unstressed) syllables or in stressed non-final syllables.
e.g. cuiliuin (nom. pi. of cuiUn, 3 b) fr. *kulignl, *koligni,
*kolignoi.
6. as u.
when originally preceded by k'r- and followed by a palatal
or u coloured consonant.
e.g. cruim ' worm ' fr. *k''rimis, *kymis, Welsh pryf, Skr.
kfTTii-S.
cruth ' shape, manner ' fr. *k''ritus, *kytus, Welsh fryd ;
cf. Skr. sa-krt ' once.'
7. on iv, see § 112, 3 f.
§ 116. I. E. 0 appears.
1. as 0.
a. in old monosyllables where the final consonants have not
been lost (§ 43.)
PHONOLOGY 89
e.g. ort ' he slew ' fr. *orcht, *org-t ; 3. sg. pret. of orgaid.
b. when the following syllable contained d, o, o, which had
not become u (§ 48) or e (but not e in hiatus nor unsyncopated
e preceded by single aspirated h or m) provided these vowels
were preceded by consonants (but cf. §§ 107-109.)
e.g. torad ' fruit ' fr. ^to-ret-om ; cf. rethid ' runs,'
gort ' garden, field ' fr. *ghortos, Welsh garth, Lat. hortus,
Greek ')(ppTo^.
c. When the following syllable contained e in hiatus or u, i,j,
provided these were preceded by voiceless t(t), s{s\ iJi, or by a
group of two or more consonants except Qnh, nd, {m)7nl, {7n)7nr,
ggr (cr), ggl (cl), and the aspirated groups ml, mr (but cf. §§ 109-
111.)
e.g. roiss (gen. sg. of ross ' wood ' *pro-sthoin, Welsh rhos,
Skr. prasthas) fr. *pro-8thi.
rose (dat. sg. of rose ' eye ' fr. ^pro-shortx ; the same root with
a different vowel gradation in sechithir ' follows,' Lat. sequitur)
fr. *pro-sk'"di.
The treatment of -och- followed by i%, t, j is doubtful. Cf. Mid. Jr.
scuchaid ' departs' besides 0. Jr. fo-scoichet they go away, Welsh ysgogi,
' to stir.' Cf. also § 65, 2, note 1.
2. as 6
(which had become ua in the course of the O. Jr. period
except in final position and some other instances).
a. in the case mentioned in § 54.
b. when the o was originally followed by consonants which
cause compensatory lengthening of a preceding vowel (§§ 107-
109).
e.g. huain ' reaping, striking ' fr. *bhog-ni-s ; cf. apaig § 94.
sr6n ' nose,' see § 109.
3. as u.
a. when the following syllable contained i, j, u (also u from
o) or e in hiatus, provided these were preceded by single con-
sonants (except voiceless t{t), s{s), th) or the groups mh, nd,
{m)'ml, ('m)mr, ggr (cr), ggl{cl), and the aspirated groups ml, m/r.
e.g. ad-suidi ' he delays ' fr. *ad-sodijet, *-sodejet ; the
same root with a different vowel-gradation in Welsh
sedd ' seat,' Lat. sedeo, etc. Cf § 130.
90 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR
slund (dat. sg. of slond ' appelation ') fr. *splonddi ; the same
root with a different vowel-gradation in Lat. splendeo ' I shine.'
guin ' wounding ' fr. ^g^hon-is ; cf. Greek 4'6vo<i.
On ch see above, rule Ic.
b. when the following syllable contained unsyncopated e
preceded by single aspirated b or m.
e.g. cuman ' recollection ' *ko7n-meno- (cf. § 103.) The same
root in toimtiu *to-7nen-tjo ' opinion.'
asriibart ' he has said ' (^arch. -rubert) fr. *eks-pro-bher-t.
4. as a
(though 0 is often analogically restored).
a. under certain conditions which are not quite clear, when
the next syllable contained or contains d.
e.g. do-rat ' he has given ^ ; ni tdrat (fr. Hbrat) ' he has not
given.'
robatar ' they have been ' ; ni rdbatar (beside analogical
rhbatar) ' they have not been.'
b. when preceded by / and followed by palatal consonants
before old e.
e.g. fa(i)dirc ' conspicuous ' fr. *fodirc, *u(jp)o-deric-is.
5. On ov, see § 112, 3h, on op see § 91.
(On I. E. ot;see§ 112, 3 b.)
§ 117. I. E. u appears.
1. as u.
a. in old monosyllables where the final consonants have not
been lost (§ 43).
b. when the following syllable contained e or 4, (also u from
o)^",i.
e.g. sruth ' river ' fr. *srutus, Welsh ffrwd ; cf. Skr. sravati
' flows.'
buith (dat, sg. of both 'to be' fr. *bhuta) fr. *bhuti,
*bhutdi.
2. as u.
a. in the case mentioned in § 54,
e.g. tru ; see § 54 ; cf. Lat. trux.
b, when the u (in the case of § 109 only u which had not
become o, see rule 3 below) was originally followed by con-
PHONOLOGY 91
sonants which cause compensatory lengthening of a preceding
vowel (§§ 107-109).
e.g. Crdnuin (gen. sg. of Cronon fr. *Crdnugnos) fr.
*Crdnugni (proper name), perhaps fr. older *kroknu-gn% ; the
same stem in cron 'yellow, swarthy,' fr. *krokno-; cf. Greek
Kp6K0<;.
3. as 0
when the following syllable contained a, o or o which had not
become u.
e.g. cloth ' fame ' fr. *fdutoin, Greek k\vt6v ; cf. Welsh clod
fr. *fdutd.
both ' hut ' fr. *bhutd, Welsh hod ; cf. Lith. hutas.
4. as 6, (which became ua during the course of the 0. Jr.
period except in final position and some other instances).
a. when the o which had been developed from u according to
the rule given above (3.) came into final position,
b. when o, which had been developed from u was originally
followed by consonants, which cause compensatory lengthening
of a preceding vowel (§§ 107-109).
e.g. hrdn ' sorrow ' fr. *bhrughnos, Welsh brwyn ; cf. Greek
/3/>u%&) ' gnash the teeth.'
ciialae ' he heard,' arch, cole, fr. *fcufclove, Welsh cigleu ; 3 sg.
perf. of ro-cluinethar ' hears ' ; cf. Greek kXvco.
Note. — Before intervocalic pI.E.u has fallen together with v ; hence
*upo gives *vo, 0. Ir. fo 'under.'
Long Vowels
§ 118. I. E. d and o appear both as d. (This d has been
shortened^ before r, I, m, 71+ consonant and treated like old a.)
e.g. fdith ' poet ' fr. *vdtis, Welsh gwawd ' song of praise,'
Lat. vdtes ' prophet.'
gndth ' usual ' fr. *gndto-, Welsh gnawd, Lat.
(g)notus, Greek yv(or6<;.
meit 'size,' Welsh maint, fr. *7nanti, older
*md-ntl] the same root in mdr 'great,' Welsh
mawr, fr. *md-ro-.
Final stressed 0, and 0 in unstressed final syllables (except
before m, n, § 45, exception) have become u.
e.g. cu ' dog ' fr. tcvo, Welsh ci ; Skr. svd.
92 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR
jiru (ace. pi. of fer ' man ') fr. *virdns ; voc. pi. Jlru fr.
*vir6s.
(On dv, 6v, see § 112, 3 b.)
§ 119. I. E. e and % appear both as I. (This % (from e) has
been shortened ^ before r, ^, m, 71 + consonant, and treated like
old i.)
e.g. lin ' number ' fr. *plenu- ; cf. Lat. plenus ' full.'
rim ' number ' fr. rimd, Welsh rhif, 0. Engl. Htti.
In certain unstressed syllables S seems to have been shortened before
it could become i,
e.g. cbmaln{a)ithe {-de, § 72) 'fulfil' fr. *kom-ldnd-thes ; 2 sg. imper.
of comaln{a)ithir 'fulfils.'
(On I. E. ev, Iv, see § 112, 3 d, g.)
§ 120. I. E. u appears as u.
e.g. run ' secret ' fr. * rund, Welsh rhin, 0. Engl. riin.
Short Diphthongs
§ 121. u diphthongs.
I.E. au, eu, ou appear as 6. In the course of the O. Ir, period
this 6 gradually becomes ua. Cf. § 116, 2.
e.g. luad 'talk' fr. HdudoTn,; cf. Lat. laus, gen. laudia
* praise.'
tuath ' people ' fr. *teutd, Welsh tud, Goth. })iudq,.
ruad 'red' fr. *roudho-, Welsh rhudd, Lat. rufus,
Lith. rauda ' red colour.'
Note 1. — In hiatus (produced by the loss of intervocalic^, s, j)
au eu ou are treated like av-, ev-, ov-. (Cf. § 112.)
e.g. du, 6 ' ear ' f r. ams, *ausos ; cf . Lat. aurii, Goth.
auso, dat. sg. oi, de fr. *aves. *anses.
Note 2. — Final stressed au is preserved in 0. Ir. as du, later do, 6.
Note 3. — Final unstressed -au, -eu^ -ou had early become u and act
like u upon the preceding consonants.
But -aus, -eus, -ous had become os and are preserved in 0. Ir. as -o,
later -a.
e.g. betho (gen. sg. of bith ' world '), fr. *gH-tous.
1 The shortening of long vowels before liquid + consonants must be later than
the loss of nasals before s (§ 107).
Hence ace. pi. jiru fr. *virOs, older *virona. A form *vxrQn» would have given
O. Ir. * fe.ro; cf. *»tchtmogo *70' fr. * ifptmmo-domi-t.
PHONOLOGY 93
§ 122. i diphthongs.
I.E. ai appears as ai (de).
e.g. cdech ' one-eyed ' fr. *kaiko-, Welsh coeg ' empty,' Lat,
caecus ' blind.'
I.E. 01 appears as oi (6e).
e.g. oin, den ' one ' fr. *oino-, Welsh un, 0. Lat. oino, Goth.
ains.
Already during the 0. Ir. period ai (de) and oi (de) have fallen
together.
e.g. main beside moin ' treasure ' f r. *moinis ; cf . Lat. munus, Goth.
ga-mains ' common.'
I.E. ei appears before palatal consonants as e, before non-
palatal consonants as ia. (arch, ^a, e.)
e.g. sciath 'shield,' see § 98;
gen. sg. sceith fr. *skeit%.
The treatment of final ei varies
e.g. cia ' who ? ' fr. k'ei,
but -te (S sg. pres. subj. of -tiag, ^steigho 'I go') fr.
*-steigh-s-t.
Note. — Unstressed final -ai, -ei, -oi act like i upon the preceding
consonants.
e.g. fir ' men ' fr. *mn, older *viroi.
(On a, e, o before liquid + consonant, see §§ 101-104, 107, 108.)
Long Diphthongs
§ 123. In most cases long dipthongs have been shortened very
early and are treated like the corresponding short diphthongs.
e.g. tuaith (dat. sg. of tuath ' people ') fr. *teutai, older
*teutdi ; sia ' longer ' (compar. of sir ' long ' fr. *se-ro-),
fr. *seis, older *seis (stem se-H compar. ending -is);
Welsh hwy, cf. Lat. serus ' late.'
Note 1. — This shortening is later than the change of o to a or u.
e.g. fiur (dat. sg. oifer 'man') fr. *viru, *virui, *viroi (cf. § 124.)
Note 2. — In final stressed position du, ou become du (later do, 6) ; iu
becomes iu ; di, oi become ai ; ei becomes i.
e.g. ddu ' two,' fr. *dv6u, Welsh dau, Skr. dvdu.
Note 3. — In hiatus (produced by the loss of intervocalic p, s, j) du,
du are treated like dv- ; eu is treated like iu-.
e.g. ro-hrid (3 sg. subj. of bronnaid, *hhrus-nd-ti, ' hurts ') ; fr.
94 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAE
*-bnv-dt, *bhrev^sdt; cf. Welsh briwo 'to hurt.' Cf. § 121,
note 1,
§ 124. Under certain conditions the second element of long
diphthongs has been dropped. This dropping is much older
than the shortening of the first element.
e.g. die 'day' fr. *dijes (see § 119), Welsh dydd, Lat. dies,
older *dijsus, Skr. dijdus ' sky.'
(On d, e, 0 before liquid + consonant , see §§ 118-120.)
Vowel Contraction
§ 125. When two vowels came together in O. Ir. owing to
the loss of an intervocalic j, s, p (on hiatus produced by the loss
of intervocalic v, see § II23), these vowels either kept their
proper syllabic function and remained in hiatus, or they coalesced
(provided the second vowel was not thrown out by syncope).
In the latter case two identical vowels give the corresponding
long vowel: d-\-e, % gives ai {de)\ (I + Ogives o; d-f it gives du,
later Ao,6\ e+S,u gives eo, eu; i+U gives iu\ D + d gives d\d+e
I gives oi (6e) ; u+l gives ui. i+a and u-\-a coalesce only (but
cf. note.) in proclitic position ; the result is a diphthong ia, ua,
with short i and u, while the i and u in the diphthongs ia and
ua (from e and o) are long.
Note. — The quantity of stressed hiatus-vowels varies at different
periods. At the beginning of the 0. Ir. period all long vowels had
been shortened in hiatus, e.g. at-tdam ' we are ' (fr. *ad-sthd-jo-mos) ; but
in the course of the 0. Ir. period all hiatus-vowels have been lengthened
without regard to their original quantity. Towards the end of the 0. Ir.
period all hiatus-vowels have been contracted, i-f a in stressed syllables
becomes ia.
§ 126. We must distinguish between
1. Vowels in the interior of words of more than two syllables
{after the loss of final syllables). Here we should regularly
expect the loss of the second vowel by syncope.
e.g. fochaid ' tribulation ' fr. *fo-saigid, *u(p)o-sagidis.
There remain, however, some doubtful instances. See § 112,
3 h, c.
Note 1. — Vowel-flanked p has been dropped very early, so that the
surrounding vowels have in some instances coalesced already before
the time of syncope.
PHONOLOGY 95
e.g. cdera ' sheep' fr. *kaper-aks; of. Lat. caper 'goat.'
but iimme ' heat ' fr. *temmijd, older *iepesmijd ; of. t4 ' hot '
fr. *tepens.
Note 2. — In compounds the second vowel has sometimes been
restored by influence of the respective simple words.
e.g. htoasc beside regular htosc ' pressing out ' (*ess-to-fasc).
Note 3. — Vowels between which no consonant has been lost have
sometimes been contracted before the time of syncope (see rule 4 below),
e.g. ara-folma ' that he may assume ' fr. *-fo-ema, *-u(p)o-em-dt.
2. Vowels in words ending in a consonant which were dis-
syllabic after the loss of final syllables. Here, as a rule, no
contraction takes place (cf. § 125 note), but when the lost con-
sonant was p, certain short vowels which are liable to contraction
(§ 125) seem to have coalesced.
e.g. d^ec, later dSdc ' ten ' fr. *dvei-penk'om (' twice five ').
siilr ' sister ' fr. *svesdr.
scidd, see § 115, 1 d.
but iar" ' after ' fr. *er, *eperom ; cf Goth, afar, Skr. apara.
Note. — In proclitic position contraction takes place very often,
though not regularly.
e.g. diar cobair ' to aid us.' (Fel.)
3. Vowels in words ending in a vowel (or a consonant which
had been dropped according to the rule given in § 43), which
were dissyllabic before the loss of final syllables. Here contrac-
tion is regular in the case of d-f any vowel, (^+'^, S, u; l-f i, 4;
^-fg, I, o; u+l,'ii, and perhaps some other instances which
owing to the want of material cannot be properly ascertained.
The following vowels were never (but cf § 125 note) con-
tracted: 6-\-d\ 0 or ^(when from an u diphthong or Old Celtic
d, 0 -f -y) -j- any vowel; x + d, e, 6.
This contraction is older than the loss of final syllables; a word
like 0. Celtic esoks ' salmon ' would have given *4 and not 4o.
e.g. -tail, -td ' I am ' fr. tdju, *sthdjd ; hiu ' I am wont to be '
fr. *hhvijo.
Note 1. — Monosyllables which are the result of vowel-contraction
are often made dissyllabic by analogy.
e.g. friv, ' towards them ' (beside regular friu) by influence of
frie ' towards her,' etc.
96
A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR
Note 2. — Vowels which cannot be contracted in stressed dissyllabic
words may coalesce in proclitic words,
e.g. dia chorpdn ' to his body ' (F61.).
4. In genuine compounds the final vowel of a prefix has been
thrown out before an immediately following vowel {orp + vowel),
e.g. siar {so-iar § 126, 2) 'to the west'; tadall {Ho-ad-pelnom)
' visit.'
In later formations contraction may take place, cf. § 126
note 3,
ERRATA
Vol. viii. No. 31 : Pokorny
1. 4, for -derki- read -derki-.
. 271, note, for pr(r)e read *pre.
5, for *aralro7i read *ar9trom.
22, note 2, for *heru read y'erw.
43, for *reg8 read *re^s.
44, for *traghets read *trdghets.
46, read : Final unstressed syllables
preceded by a postvocalic consonant.
46, for *com- read *kom-.
. 281, footnote, line 6, for The read In.
49, exception, for *katii8 read *katus.
50, for *r9trom read *ar9troin.
's Concise Old Irish Grammar
§ 53, 2* for "C07J read con".
§ 54, leave out (Cf. p. 29, note 1).
§ 55, I., for *to-mentio read *to-mentjd.
§ 55, I., Note c, for *aratron read
*aritrom.
§ 55 II. , for *regvjdi read *regnjdi.
§ 57, b, 1, for *are-mentid read *{p)are-
tnentjo.
§ 57, c. 2, for *ver-ono- read *verono-.
§ 59, for *n-kom-derkis read *n-Kom-
derkis.
§ 60, for *r9trom read *ar9trom.
Vol. viii. No. 32
i 63, note, read : e.g. the nom. sg.
mlegun (by mlegon) may . . .
64, note 1, read : e.g. do-tiagat 'they
come. '
I 65, line 8, read *ad-sthdjo-.
65, 3, line 9, after *lagi8amo8 insert
*hg^hi-8inog.
I 65, 4, line 4, after *ad-ello-n insert
*ad-pel-no-m.
65, 4, exception, for *vlatjomos read
*vldtjomos.
I 68, line 3, read *to-bhertjd8. •
i 69, line 6, read: e.g. doaissilbi (witli
palatal ss), tabartae (with broad b).
i 70, line 5, read : (fr. *t:om-(p)ldn . . .)
'be it fulfilled.'
[81, exception 3, read *tov(ji).
\ 85, line 7, read *tophennath, older
*to-8vend-n9-to.
! 93, line 15, read *vrt-grjd.
\ 98, line 11, read *skeitos.
< 98, line 1 7, for tiagure&A -tiag.
103, line 15, read *-Kom-v6dhe.
i 104, line 5, read . . . {*en-ld-mo-) . . .
{*ad-u[p)o-ld-mo-) instead of {en-lam)
, , . {ad-fo-lam).
§ 104, line 8, read : accented syllables
except before consonants, in . . .
§ 104, line 13, read *grendhnet, line 14,
read *srenk-ndti.
§ 105, line 3, leave out (Cf. arathar,
§60).
§ 107, last line, read *regns.
% 108, line 10, read *icom-1catus.
§ 109, line 2, after ' stop ' insert : ■vrhen
aspirated.
§ 109, after line 10, insert: nil 'cloud,'
fr. *nebhlos, Welsh ni(f)wl ; cf. Lat.
nebvla.
% 109, line 15, instead of: 'The treat-
ment of b{h)l is doubtful,' read : r.retar
' relic,' fr. *kredhrd, Welsh creir; cf.
Lat. celeber (fr. *cereber).
In the old group d(h)r the d re-
mained un-aspirated, hence it was pre-
served ; in words like dram 'number'
fr. *ad-rimd the d had already become
aspirated before the time when the com-
pound was formed, hence it fell out with
compensatory lengthening.
THE CELTIC REVIEW
NOVEMBER 1913
SOME KNOTTY POINTS IN BRITISH ETHNOLOGY
Alasdair MacDonald (Inverness)
[Continued from vol. in., page 15)
I AM satisfied thus that the puzzUng inconsistency
between what have been described as Celtic physical
features according to the historians of old and Celtic
characteristics of modern times is explainable in the way
herein indicated, or in a manner somewhat on these lines.
From close study and observation for years I have myself
stuck to the belief that these two Celtic types exist
among us ; and from the way in which the two colours
are found blended in the country it is impossible to dis-
sociate the fairer Celt from the darker to the extent that,
for instance, a typical Saxon differs from the latter. The
fair and the dark are found so mixed and intermixed among
the people now known as Celts that it seems to me out of
the question to attempt individualising the one or the other
as more or less truly Celtic. Types of the one and of the
other exist side by side in the same family, even individuals
have certain of their features from the dark tjrpe and
others from the fair. And these characteristics are not
modem developments. They are old. In the story of
VOL. IX. Q
98 THE CELTIC KEVIEW
Clan Usneach Deirdire's lover has hair as black as the raven,
cheeks and lips as red as blood, and skin as white as snow ;
and even in a love lyric of the olden time we find the very
suggestive expression :
* M'ulaidh 's mo ghradh
Fear dubh agus hkn.'
(' My treasure and my love —
One dark and fair.')
Physically, the principal points of difference between these
dark and fair types in these islands were that the early
Celts had dark hair, dark eyes, dusky skin, and smaller
limbs generally, while the fair or xanthous Celts were of fair
or flaxen hair, blue eyes, or light grey, clearer skin, and
larger limbs. They were of course mixed, and may have
each had a percentage of the opposite features in their
respective compositions. Certain it is that they each in-
cluded long heads and round heads in proportions difficult
to assess.
In the matter of mentality there are distinct points
of difference between the two types. The dark Celt on the
whole is more artistic, more imaginative, more poetic, and
more spontaneous. He is not so much a worker as a dreamer.
He is idealistic and visionary rather than practical. He is
passionate ; easily discouraged or encouraged, as the case
may be ; is proud and independent, and fond of freedom.
He possesses great intuitive force, and is metaphysically
inclined. He takes long to mature. The fair Celt is very
much the opposite in all these qualities. He acts rather
than dreams. He cultivates and improves. He is an
organiser, a plodder, a builder on the material foundation
of concrete fact ; in a word, possesses more of the Germanic
or Saxonic qualifications. He ripens earlier in life. Of
the two t3rpes, I am of the opinion that the people in history
known as the Britons included more of the dark than of
the fair. Everything points to that conclusion ; and per-
haps the population of Wales includes in it as good types
KNOTTY POINTS IN BRITISH ETHNOLOGY 99
of the early British as can now be identified, though this
must not be taken to imply that the Welsh are quite free
from an admixture of non- Aryan blood. The early Britons
were, however, undoubtedly composed mainly of the two
Celtic types I have been dealing with, plus a substratum
of the earlier population they found before them in the
country, to begin with. Later, of com'se, several diverse
— but fundamentally related — peoples came into the
islands, and materially affected the ethnic composition aU
round.
Celticism, then, I believe, as we know it in early history,
to be the product of the fusion of these two great race
divisions — the Mediterranean and the Baltic — into one
combined whole, after absorbing the best of whatever per-
tained to the peoples whom the Celts subjugated from time
to time, which must have been more considerable than has,
perhaps, been estimated. It is too often concluded that
when a people overcome another by conquest the con-
querors impose themselves and their civilisation, with all
its accessories, absolutely upon the conquered. The truth
probably is, however, that the conquerors pick up and
acquire, in some respects at any rate, more than they
impart. I cannot account for the myths and legends which
the whole world believes to be Celtic, except upon the
considerations that the darker Celts, who unmistakably
originated with the smmy south of Europe, contributed
very largely at least to the combined whole, and that a
great deal of the spirit and manner of these beautiful old
tales are survivals of such as we associate with the classic
nations of Southern Europe, as their distinctive creations
and heritage. Is it not, indeed, the case that a number of
our Celtic myths are, as it were, replicas of those of ancient
Greece, built on the same plan, and very likely intended to
convey similar messages ? Then there are various religious
customs and survivals which point to the same conclusion,
while the similarity of the Gaelic to the Latin tongues —
already mentioned — is significantly suggestive. It seems
100 THE CELTIC REVIEW
to me on the whole necessary to conclude that while the Celts
may properly enough be considered as composed of a sub-
stantial Germanic element, they must at the same time be
considered as very largely consisting of the dark races
found associated with them, and particularly with their
civilisation, throughout their history. Having regard to
the mind aspect of this question, I am not quite certain
indeed that the more typical Celt should not be of the
darker type after all. I have dealt with this question on
main lines only, discarding the numerous side-issues and
points which might be introduced as meantime of secondary
importance.
The next part of my subject — The Picts of Scotland
and of Ireland — who or what were they ? — has been another
conundrum, and a prolific source of discussion among
historians and ethnologists in the past ; but for some years
back there has been evidence that the question as to the
racial identity of this people is being determined in a manner
which promises to meet with general acceptance. The
name ' Picts ' drops into British history in a way which
leaves much to be explained as to its meaning and historic
significance. It is often, as is well known, supposed to be
from the Latin Pictus, paint, and to indicate, or at least
suggest, that the people to whom it is found applied dis-
played something in the nature of colour sufficient to
attract attention. While this is quite possible, it is not at
the same time impossible that the Latin word may have
been derived from the name by which the Picts called
themselves. The name is at least uncertain to base a
satisfactory theory on as to race. One thing fairly certain,
however, is that there are few, if any, scientific or historic
grounds on which to establish an individuality of race in
the case of the Picts. The Pictish people substantially
consisted of the early settlers in Britain who were pushed
northward, principally by the Romans, and possibly
augmented by stray drifts of fairish xanthous immigrants
from the regions of the Baltic, including Danes. There
KNOTTY POINTS IN BRITISH ETHNOLOGY 101
probably would have been among them a very perceptible
proportion of the Ibero-Celtic type, and probably of the
aborigines of the country. The word ' Picts ' is understood
to have first occurred in a panegjrric to a certain Roman
emperor in which the Caledonians and other ' Picts ' are
referred to. Early in the third century the tribes mentioned
two hundred years previously by Tacitus as the Caledonians
are found divided into two nations — the Caledonii and the
Maeatse, or, as is supposed, Decalidonse and the Verturiones,
but there is little doubt that the Picts at one time possessed
the most of northern Britain now known as Scotland — both
north and south — with the exceptions of the portion held
by the Britons of Strath-Clyde and the Scots, which extended
across mid-south Scotland — except Galloway — into Argyle
and neighbouring isles. Roughly, the Grampians divided
northern and southern Pictland. The Picts made them-
selves thoroughly obnoxious to the Romans, as would be
expected, and a good deal is heard of them between the
third and ninth centuries, during most of which period they
carried on a fierce war with the Scots who had come over
from Ireland into Scotland early in the sixth century, and
were making headway in the south-west and the Isles,
The Picts practised certain rites and observed numerous
customs and laws at that time more or less peculiar to
themselves, but which, it is interesting to note here, became
absorbed in those of the Scots in a manner which goes far
to show that there was a degree of kinship between the two
peoples which points to practically an identity of parental
stock. In the eighth century the Picts are referred to b}'^
Bede as one of the four ' Nations or provinces of Britain,
divided into four languages, namely the Britons, the Picts,
the Scots and the English.' It would be a mistake, however,
to suppose that they spoke a different language from that
of the country. Different their dialect decidedly must have
been from that of the Scots, but that they spoke an early form
of Gaelic or British, and possibly to a considerable extent
Celto-Iberian must, I think, be considered as open to no
102 THE CELTIC REVIEW
question at all. It was at most a different branch of the
same parent tongue, and probably more akin to the Cymric
than to the Goidelic branch of the Celtic, which eventually
superseded it in Scotland. In Gaelic the Picts were called
' Cruithne,' a word that appears to have baffled satisfactory
analysis. They confined themselves in Ireland mostly to the
north, and it would appear most likely that they crossed
to the sister isle and may have landed there when their
brethren came to North Britain. There was a strong colony
of them in Galloway, and Dr. Beddoe refers to that district
in a manner which is interesting as confirming in a measure
at least that the Picts included a considerable element of
the Mediterranean type. He says : ' In Lower Galloway
(Wigtownshire especially) the ethnology is complicated by
the presence of a population formerly called Pictish, and
who appear to have crossed over from Ulster. Their clan
nomenclature resembles that of the Highlands, but they are
oftener dark-eyed than the true Highlander. This is what
we might expect to find, if the Cruithne or Picts were really
Iberians.' The district had by this time, however, been
influenced ethnologically by the Scottish people, who I
think must have included among them a large percentage
of the darker race. It might perhaps be interesting to
mention, as pointing that way, that among the retinue of
Conary, one of the high Kings of Erin, were three ' huge
black and black-robed warriors of the Picts' {Myths and
Legends of the Celts).
The historical record of the Picts is set forth in their own
national history — The Pictish Chronicle ; also in certain
of the literature of Wales, the writings of Bede, and others.
They were certainly a ruling nationality when at the height
of their glory — particularly in Northern Britain. Their
seat of government appears to have been sometimes in the
north — probably at Inverness, and sometimes in the south —
probably at Scone.
The Picts made several raids into Northumbria. But it
would appear that they were — at least the southern Picts —
KNOTTY POINTS IN BRITISH ETHNOLOGY 103
rather seriously checked from time to time by the kings
of that province. They came off conquerors, however,
in the important engagement of Dunnichen in Forfar-
shire, in or about the year 685. Less than two hundred
years later they were brought under subjection by the
Scots under Kenneth MacAlpine, and the country came
to be known thereafter as Scotland. Pictish rule, cus-
toms, and laws did not, however, disappear at once.
The union was really an amalgamation of interests and
civilisations in which the Scottish — because it had the
advantage of contact with Ireland — prevailed, but which
were fundamentally both much alike and materially
akin.
Lastly, I should like to make a few observations regard-
ing the origin and early development of the Scottish king-
dom, with a view to indicating the relation between these
and the people known in history as the Scots, who came over
from Ireland early in the sixth century, and with a view
more particularly to tracing the continuity of Celticism in
this connection. I am not satisfied that these matters do
not yet present considerable difficulties when considered
in the light of Scottish history generally. We have seen
how the British Isles appear to have been peopled, and how
the various peoples were probably disposed as at the time
of the union of the Pictish and Scottish crowns, about the
middle of the ninth century. But who were those Scots
who are credited with having conquered the northern por-
tion of Britain and given it the name by which the country
has since been known ? and to what extent did they influ-
ence Scottish sentiment, nationality, and civilisation, as a
consolidated force ? Were the Scots Celts, or what ? I
am of opinion that there is something here which has not
yet been fully appreciated, but I must step aside a little
to explain. It would seem not impossible to show that
until a comparatively recent time there never was a really
consolidated Scottish kingdom. Certain it is that the
Isles held out for independence all along till even consider-
104 THE CELTIC REVIEW
ably subsequent to the faU of the great House of Clan
Donald, about the close of the fifteenth century, and that
during the period of the MacDonald ascendancy the Isles
were unmistakably a kingdom by themselves, to all intents
and purposes independent of the central Scottish authority
and the crown. There is also some reason to suspect that
the northern Picts at any rate did not by any means fall
into line with the south of Scotland immediately on the
amalgamation of interests by the union. Thus there would
have been for centuries probably not less than three more
or less separate kingdoms in Scotland. Apparently the Isles
held out longer for Home Rule ; and tradition is strong on
the point that the battle of Harlaw, in 1411, was, if not a
bold bid for the Scottish crown, at least an experiment in
that direction. It was certainly the outcome of inde-
pendent authority, with probably the continuity of such
independence in view ; and it is not without great interest
that the islanders and their retainers and followers were, of
all the people of Scotland at the time, those who had stuck
most closely to the manners and customs, the laws, the
religions and superstitious beliefs, and the civilisation
generally, which are believed to have been brought into
the country by the Scots, also which has since, in the
Island Kingdom and elsewhere been identified with the
* Celts,' and characterised as ' Celtic' Who then were
the Scots ? and what did they contribute to national
development ?
There are two accounts of the origin of this people — ^the
traditional-historic, and the ethnologic. The former is in-
teresting, and it is not at all impossible that it may con-
tain considerable elements of historic fact ; but to get at
it, even briefly, requires an excursion into the history of
Ireland — that home of so much that is of vital interest in
the constitution and development of British history as a
whole. It is within its confines that Celtic civilisation,
institutions, art, and literature, and the latest surviving
form of the Celtic language have flourished. The myths
KNOTTY POINTS IN BRITISH ETHNOLOGY 105
of Ireland, according to historians generally, embrace the
following events :
The period of Partholan.
The period of Nemed.
The period of the Fir-Bolg.
The invasion of the Tuatha-de-Danaan.
The invasion of the Milesians.^
The first of these goes back probably to about two
thousand years before the Christian era, and is, along with
the three following, generally characterised as mythical ;
but I am firmly convinced that behind each myth is a kernel
of fact, and that those so-called mjrths are really descriptive
of historic events which have faded into shadowy propor-
tions, but have been touched up by the imagination of a
poetic and emotional people, characteristically susceptible
to the glamour of the past. There would appear to have
been wars and rumours of war in those far-off old times,
and, as always happens, the later incomers conquered and
subjugated the former population. Here is where the facts
which crystallised into those beautiful myths — some of
them the finest in the world — are to be looked for. There
is a persistent tradition that the children of Miled came
into Ireland from Spain. The ancient story — which pro-
bably is only a story in so far as the connection with Egjqpt
at any rate is concerned — is to the effect that the Milesians
were originally Greeks. There was one among them who
had a son. This son went to Egypt, where he married a
daughter of one of the Pharaohs. Her name was Scota.
Descendants of these and some followers eventually settled
in Spain. Ith, the grandfather of Miled, discovered Erin,
but was slain by the Danaans, who then ruled in Ireland.
The children of Miled came across to wreak vengeance, and
eventually settled in the country. Celtic traditions in
Scotland confirm this ; but, of course, that may be attribut-
^ See Myths and Legends of the Celts.
106 THE CELTIC REVIEW
able to the circumstance that it was quite common with
those in the Western Isles — the cradle of these traditions
in Scotland — who aspired to any education, to pass a period
of their youth in Ireland. In the MacDonald ancestry by
the Macvurichs (see Reliquice Celticce) Mile is distinctly
entered as having come from Spain (' Mile of Spain '), and a
much later poet says :
' Aig gach linn mar a dh'fhalbh dhiubh,
Dheth na Milidh le seanachas —
B'ann diiibh Art agus Cormaic,
Siol Chuinn a bha ainmeil,
'S sliochd nan Collaidhean garga,
Leis'n do chuirte cath gailbheacb,
'S DomhnuU Ballach nan garbh-chrioch.
Rinn Tigh-nan-Teud aig Leith Alba 'n a chrich,' —
a statement in Gaelic rhyme which tersely connects the
princely House of MacDonald with the Milesians direct,
and the closing lines of which are confirmed by the fact that
Tigh-nan-Teud, which can still be pointed out in the vicinity
of Killiecrankie, in Perthshire, is locally referred to as
marking the centre of Scotland.
The ethnological account, for which our authority is
MacFirbis, an Irish genealogist of the seventeenth century,
says: 'Every one who is white (of skin), brown (of hair),
bold, honourable, daring, prosperous, bountiful in the
bestowal of property, wealth, and rings, and who is not
afraid of battle or combat ; they are descendants of the
sons of Miledh in Erin.' He also has given similar descrip-
tions of the Tuatha-de-Danaan, whom he describes as
' fair-haired,' and of the Fir-Bolg and other peoples of
ancient Eirinn, whom he classified as 'black-haired,' but
adds cautiously : ' This is taken from an old book. How-
ever, that it be possible to identify a race by their disposi-
tion, I do not take upon myself to say ; though it may have
been true in the ancient times, until the races subsequently
became repeatedly mixed.' The fact would appear to be
that those peoples, as in every other case of European
KNOTTY POINTS IN BRITISH ETHNOLOGY 107
population, were mixed since known to myth, legend, or to
history. But it would seem, all things considered, most
probable that the Milesian stock consisted to a very large
extent of the people known as the Scots, who came over
from Ireland to Scotland in the sixth century. There were
among them also a substantial proportion of immigrants
from England, Wales, and Scotland, who had crossed into
Ireland, as well as a considerable sprinkling of Picts. But
in the mass, judging from the ethnic features common in
the track of their subsequent movements in the country, it
would seem beyond dispute that there was a very important
majority of the dark races among them ; that these
probably formed the bulk of the invaders ; and that they
brought with them those distinctive characterisations
generally which have been all along identified with the
Celtic individuality and nationality alike. Particularly do
I consider this to be true as regards the hterature, art,
music, and such economics as the Celts possessed ; also as
regards the dialect of the Celtic tongue which prevailed.
Thus the particular type of Aryan civilisation known as
Celtic would appear, at any rate at this time, to have been in
the keeping of the predominantly darker race ; while we
have seen that all along there has been no reason to deny
them continuous association with it as a heritage and a
possession ; which I think leads inevitably to the conclu-
sion that the Scots were at least pre-eminently Celts. The
events which followed the arrival of these peoples are well
enough known nowadays, and do not require to be retold
here ; but what does not seem to be quite well enough under-
stood is the extent to which they influenced the country as
a whole. Subsequent history no doubt goes to show that
another Scotland — one different in many respects from
that instituted and established by the Scottish conquest —
emerged in course of time ; but that is quite an explainable
development. That the Scotland which grew from more
unto more from the eleventh century onwards was not
the same, socially, politically, or economically as that which
108 THE CELTIC REVIEW
existed previous to that time, need not by any means be
taken as belittling the earlier nationality. What appears
to have happened would seem to be somewhat thus : After
the conquest the Scots, whom I have made an efiEort to show
to have been the Celts, or Gaels, of British history then,
spread themselves over the south and south-west of Scot-
land and the Isles, mixing freely with the Picts, and with
the Britons of Strath-Clyde — those peoples being really
all much related the one to the other racially. They im-
posed their language and their civilisation generally upon
the whole of North Britain ; also gave the country the name
of ' Scotland,' by which it has since been known in English,
though not in Gaelic. But central authority in those
times could not have made its power — whatever that may
have been — felt all over the country. It is, as a matter of
fact, practically certain that there were numerous more
or less separate independencies within the realm including,
towards the seventh and eighth centuries, the beginnings
of an English settlement which was afterwards to become
a mighty power in Scotland. Thus in the reign of Malcolm
Canmore (the eleventh century), while south, south-east,
and south-west, also parts of Central Scotland formed the
Scotland proper, the Isles and the northern districts largely
would have been independent principalities. The Isles,
after practically exterminating the Norsemen, eventually
succeeding in establishing a kingdom of their own — which,
as already shown, maintained a substantially separate
existence till a comparatively recent time. But the Scot-
land which has, however, prevailed and which historically
has superseded all round is that which has grown around
the central power. And there is in that Scotland, as already
indicated, an element which bulks largely in this connection.
That is the Saxonic. There can be no doubt that the
followers of Queen Margaret must have been numerous
and influential. Not only did the Scots or English
tongue spring into greatly increased use in their time, but
they must have tremendously influenced the principles of
KNOTTY POINTS IN BRITISH ETHNOLOGY 109
that civilisation which the English introduced into the
country, and which has always been materially different
from the civilisation which we identify with the Celtic
races. I do not think there is a period in European history
which so clearly and effectively illustrates the parting of
the ways between the Celt and the Teuton or Saxon — who
is just a modified Teuton — as that we have now arrived at.
Up to this stage we have fundamentally the Brittonic civilisa-
tion, roughly speaking, in all the British Isles — or the Ibero-
Celtic, plus the Grermano-Celtic of somewhat later date —
with certain ethnic characteristics predominating in certain
divisions of the Islands as a whole — but now the more
purely Celtic — by which term ought to be understood the
older and less matter-of-fact, less practical and less material,
but the more spiritual, the more romantic, the more artistic,
and the more picturesque civilisation, which had been slowly
differentiating for a time, branched away to the more out-
lying parts in Scotland — as it had previously done in Eng-
land and Ireland — and made way for the later civilisation
to which the Romans, the Saxons, the Danes, the Normans,
and some other less important incomers had all contributed,
and which had developed through England. The influence
of the Norsemen in the western and northern isles was
scarcely civilising at all, though, at the same time, its effect
on the language, the people, and otherwise are distinctly
traceable there. ' The history of the British Isles,' says
Dr. Beddoe, ' is that of an irregular or intermittent current
of invasion from the neighbouring continent, invasion of
ideas, of customs, and of arts, even more than of human
beings. Anthropologically, Britain has been always a
stage further back in development than the continent,'
and Schlegel, the German historian, has, with considerable
success, traced and followed the ' stream of civilisation '
from Egypt and the East towards the West. Now, the point
with regard to Scotland is that while the people are funda-
mentally composed of those elements which at one time
culminated in the predominance of a Celtic race and a Celtic
no THE CELTIC REVIEW
civilisation, yet the newer civilisation — which might with
all justice be termed the Saxonic — has all along been on the
increase. It made way, as shown in the natural order of
things, from England — part of which (Western North-
umbria) became part of Scotland in the tenth century.
As already indicated, with that civilisation must be associ-
ated a very large influx of the Saxonic element of race into
Northern Britain. Here, however, let me introduce a small
point for passing consideration. It is fairly clear that if
there is any difference of importance between any two or
more main races in the country, it is here that it must be
found. But I incline to the belief that such difference is
not so much as has been frequently thought. That the
Saxon incomers as a whole were of the fairer races is, I
think, undeniable, and that they included a less proportion
of the darker races is equally true. But taking them and
the other peoples mentioned all over they were a strong
mixture ; and thus not by any means so very different
racially from a considerable section of the native inhabitants
— more particularly the Germano-Celtic. Both these had
migrated from pretty much the same regions of continental
Europe, and there was a sub -stratum of fundamental
relationship all round. Thus the difference that is, as a rule,
supposed to have sprung up at this period between Celt and
Saxon is after all one principally of civilisations. But that
certain social and economic differences have all along been
in evidence is, I should say, unquestionable, and that the
older order of things has had exceptional vitality is con-
clusively proved by its survival and persistence still — though
of course in modified fashion. What is required now to be
fully understood is that to aU intents and purposes these
peoples are all within historic times very nearly related in
flesh and blood, and that the blending of them and their
interests into one homogeneous whole is an evolutionary
necessity in the natural order of things. To the extent
that they have fused and blended the result has been un-
alloyed improvement. I cannot myself conceive anything
KNOTTY POINTS IN BRITISH ETHNOLOGY 111
more likely to produce and maintain a great and prosperous
nationality than the free fusion of the two illustrious repre-
sentative elements of the racial constitution of Britain —
the Saxon and the Celt. What progressive civilisation owes
to both in Europe — and now indeed all over the world —
is simply incalculable ; and while day unto day uttereth
speech and night unto night showeth knowledge may it
be decreed that they be found together, carrying in the one
hand the flag of freedom, and in the other the torch of
light.
112 THE CELTIC REVIEW
THE GAELIC VERSION OF THE THEBAID
OF STATIUS
Professor Mackinnon
(Continued from page 33)
GAELIC TEXT
Et do chuaid i cend in sceoil : ' Inis Leimin,' ar si, * ata ^
ar in muir anbtheanaig, — Egeta, acus sliab n-Ethna do
thaib di acus sliab Athos do'n taib aili di, acus in Tracia ob
ri h-od ^ ria, acus feda croeb-glasa comora inti, acus imat
gacha maithisa inti da dainib acus d'indmasaib. Acusni
ferr innis Saim na inis Deil ^ na inis da raibi ar muir Eig
uili na an n-inis (s)in. Acht chena, ni dearnsamar idbairt
do Venir ban-dei na * toili riam. Acus ua fergach Uenir de
sin, ^co ra adand ^ bruth acus dasacht ar ^ lucht na h-indsi
uili. Ni subach so-menmnach na bid ar sloigi ' aidchi ac ^
lucht na h-indsi sin, acht mad anindi ^ acus esoenta, cein
Foi. I la 1. no ^ CO tanic ar menmain do laechraid lan-diumsaig tocht
do togail tiri na Tragia. Acus ge rauadar ^° a meic acus a
munter 'ca n-astad,^^ nir ansad aco. Na mna imorro ^^ ua
toirrsech iat side don turis inna fer sin uathib. Acus ua h-oc
an-arsaid misi in tan sin, acus ni roibi snim ar mo menmain.
Na mna aili, imorro, ro bi each dib ac com-dingnad a cheli
ac feichim ^^ na Tracia uathib, ait ir-rauatar a munter a
cathugad. Et oena fecht da rauamar-ni and', ar si ^*in
ingen,^* ' a medon lai atchualamar cetre bresmadmanda isin
n-aeor ^^ os ar cind, co ra ^^ crithnaigestar ^^ uamanda indsi
Lemin ^^ acus in mur,^^ mar bad gaeth con-garbad, acus ua
fidgrad fir-ulc sin. Uair is and sin ro erig bean uasal oirphi
* Eg. omits. ^ ob. ' Deol. * Ed. repeats na.
6-6 giir gabh. ^ Eg. omits. '^~'' maithe acainne.
' alnmine. ^ Eg. omits. i° ge do. liatar. " ag a fosdad/t.
" Eg omits. 13 feithim. "-" Eg. omits. "^ aer.
'*> gur. " crithnaigsiter. n-n ann.
THE THEBAID OF STATIlTS 113
ENGLISH TRANSLATION
And (Hjrpsipile) began the Tale : ^ ' The Isle of Lemnos,' ^
said she, ' is situated in the tempestuous Egean Sea. The
hill of Etna is on one side of it, and Mount Athos on
the other, while Thrace is right opposite.^ Trees large
and tall abound therein, with abundance of everything good
for men, and much wealth. And neither the isle of Samos
nor the isle of Delos nor any other in all the Aegean Sea is
superior to Lemnos. Nevertheless we never made sacrifice
to Venus, the goddess of lust. Venus was angry thereat, and
she kindled passion and fury in all the islanders. The in-
habitants did not pass their nights in merriment and good-
humour, but in quarrels and disputations, until at length
the very haughty, valiant Lemnians resolved to invade the
land of Thrace. Their children and their folk tried to
detain them, but stay they would not. As for the women
they were grieved when their husbands departed on that
expedition. I was very young at the time, 'and no
anxious thought disturbed me. But for the other women,
each used to comfort the other as they gazed on Thrace
in the distance where their people were fighting. As we
were thus,' * continued the girl, ' on a certain day at
noon, we heard four times repeated a dreadful crashing
sound in the air right above us. The caves of Lemnos
1 This instalment relates the adventures of Hypsipile.
2 Th., V. 49. ' ob ri h-od. Evidently a familiar phrase.
* Th., V. 85.
VOL. IX. H
114 THE CELTIC REVIEW
do mnaib indsi Lemin, acus ro gob bruth acus dasacht
h-i, CO roibi ar foluamain ac buaidred in baili, ar letred a
h-aigthi ^ d'a h-ingnib. Acus ro tinoil in baili co h-oen
thech ro bai a mullach acus adbert : ' Daingniged uar
crideada acus bid aicend ^ fearda fuapartach accaib ; acus
marbaid uar firu uili, maccaib, braithrib, aithrib ; acus
cuimnigid in miscais tucsad uar fir ^ oraib, ri re tri m-bliadan
anosa. Acus, a thruagu,' ar si, ' na chualabair Brogna,
bean Tir, do marbad a meic fen .t. Ites, a thabairt ir-richt *
feola aili d'a athair ar bithin eiccni ^ tuc Tir ar a derb-shiair-
si .t. Pilomena a h-ainm. Acus ro bean-sum barr a tengad
di na h-indised fair. Acus ro scrib in a breit ^ d'(f)uil a
tengad sin, acus ro taisben d'a siair iar tain. Conid imi sin
ro marb Pergna ' a mac. Acus cid daib,' ar si Polixo, ' nach
mairfed sib uar mic ^ acus uar fir ? ^ Acht mad misi, tra,
mairfed mo mac acus mo fer. Acus ata,' ar si, *Venir ac
a rada rind a marbad uili, acus do bera si ni ua ferr duinni
an at-som.' Acus ua h-en menma ac mnaib insi Lemin
uili m'an ^° comairli sin Polixo do denum, acus ro chindestar
a firu uli do marbad itir oc acus sen.
* Is i sin oes acus uair do riachtadar laechrad insi Lemin
o thogail na Tragia moiri. Ro bai, imorro, fid-nemed dorcha
do-imthechta is in t-(s)leb ^^ ua comnesa doib, acus da chuad-
ar mna insi Lemin d'iarraid (f)recra ar na deib. Acus
tangadar badba beU-derga ichtair ifirn d'a m-buaidred-som
CO n-ici sin. Acus ro uai Uenir uan-cumacht ^^ acus Emo
urbadach, siur Mairt, dei in chatha, ac furail uilc ar na
mnaib sin. Acus is amlaid ro bai Polixo, ben Charoip,
acus taidbsi a meic 'na f arrad ann sin. Acus do rindseadar ^^
comluigi CO murfedis a firu. Acus ro gab adfuath adbul
mise,' ar si Ipsiphile, ' ac faicsin na m-ban sin, amal aid
Foi. iia 2. n-allaid ^* tim tecthech ^^ itir cuanairt croes-oslaicthi con-
f adach da chonaib aUta.
' aidhchL * algnead. ^ g^y 4 ^ richt.
° inh-ecin. * brefdin. ^ Brogna. ^ macu. ' firu.
" uan( = fa'n). " t-slighidh. " cumachtach. " rigsiter,
" Ed. aid na..uaid. Eg. digh nalt. lo teichedh.
THE THEBAID OF STATIUS 115
and the rampart shook as if agitated by wind, and this was
regarded as a presage of great evil. Then a noble, mature
woman of Lemnos rose up, seized with frenzy and fury, and
tearing her face with her nails went about here and there
exciting the whole place. She gathered the city to one
house which was in its highest part and said : " Harden
your hearts and assume the daring nature of men, and slay
all your menfolk — sons, brothers, fathers. Call to mind
the aversion which your husbands have shown towards
you during these three years. Wretched ones ! " continued
she, " heard ye not how Procne, the wife of Tereus, slew
her own son Itys and served him up to his father in the
guise of other flesh, because Tereus had offered violence
to her sister Philomela, and cut off the tip of her tongue,
so that she could not tell of the outrage. But she wrote
the story on a leaf with her tongue's blood, and afterwards
showed it to her sister. Whence it was that Procne slew
her son. And why should not you also," added Polixo,
" slay your sons and your husbands ? As for me, I shall
slay both my son and my husband. And," added she,
"Venus tells us to slay them all, and she will provide us
with better men than they." All the women of Lemnos
with one mind agreed to carry out this counsel of Polixo ;
and they resolved to slay all their men-folk, young and old.
' That was the time and season that the chivalry of
Lemnos returned from the invasion of Thracia Major.
Now there was a dark, impassable sacred grove in the hill
nearest to them, and the women of Lemnos went to seek
guidance from the gods. And the red-lipped furies of
lowest hell came thither to tempt them. And the powerful
Venus and the dread Enyo, sister of Mars, the god of war,
were enjoining evil on these women. Now thus was Polyxo
the wife of Charope with the apparition of her son beside
her there. They bound themselves by an oath that they
would slay their husbands. Great horror took hold of me,'
continued Hjrpsipyle, ' as I beheld these women, like a hind,
timid, desiring to flee, among a pack of gaping, furious wolves.
116 THE CELTIC REVIEW
* Cid tra acht tangadar na fir sin as a longaib, acus da
ronsad idbarta ecsamla imda, acus ro leicset re h-ol acus
re h-aibnius iat comdis mes(c)da mertnecha uili. Acus o
ra (t)hoit a suan sirchotalta ar ^ ' na sluagaib tangadar a
mna fegi furuagra ^ da n-indsaigid da marbad, cunsaeset ^
fuithib amal saga gera gortacha leoman da culenaib ac
inred alma acus indili. Acus, a athair inmain, (a) Adraist,'
ar si Ipsifile, ' ni fetar ca h-olc dib indesaid * duid ar tus.
Acht ro marb Gorge arnaid aineolach a fer ann sin .t. Elemus.
Acus is amlaid ro bai-sium acus a da laim impi-si co ro said
in cloideb ind cor' gab arrindi ^ in a chorp fen. Acus ro
bai-seom fos ac a pocad-si, acus a lama im a bragaid. Acus
ni fhetaim-sea a n-airium uili gach ar marbad ann sin.
Acht cena indesaid * becan da maithib uodein .u Mirmedon.
Ro marb imorro ^ Epopea a mac ^ uadein, acus ro marb
Licase a derbrathair comaesta' uodein .t. Cidomon, acus
ro ui ac ciu os a chind. Acus ro marb ^ Alcimiden acus ro
beanad a cheand de. Acus adchondarca ^ sin, rogab ecla
acus adfuath me, acus tanac-sa badba ^^ buaidertha co tech
m'athar i.e. Toaint. Acus ger' ^^ fata a mach o'n baili in tech
ir-roibi ro bai ac a iarfaide '* ca raet ^^ in mum ^^," ar se, " ar
atcluineam ^* is in baili ? " Acus ro indis uli da h-athair ^^
sin. " Erig a athair inmain," ar si, "uair da m-bertar
oraind muirfer ^^ sinn aroe(n)."
* Acus ro erig Toaint ar sin acus Ipsiphile a ingen. Acus
tangadar ar chaethib diamra in baili a mach co n-riachtadar
conicci in arbach,i' acus ro badar co dicealta 'ca descain.^^
Acus ot'chondcadar na firu foena fiar-letarthi ^^ ina lepthaib
ar n-a marbad da mnaib fen tre aslach Uenire ^^ forru, acus
na cloidmi cro-derga tre na cnesaib acus na slega ar n-a
sar-brisiud treompo, acus co n-snaetis ^^ na copana caema
comola ar na lintib fala fir-mora batar ann re h-aidbli in
* for, 2 furfhuagra. 3 consoigsit. * indesat.
^ urrann. «-* Eg. transposes. " coimnesta. ^ Ed. omits.
9 0 do chondairc-sa. lo im Midhbh. " Eg. adds b.
" carat. " jjd. mum or marn. Eg. muirn. ** ro cluineam.
*'' do m'athair. i" muirfider. " aruich. " gdd fecsain.
" marbhtha. 20 Uenir. « snai^hd.
THE THEBAID OF STATIUS 117
' Howbeit the men left their ships and they made many
and diverse sacrifices, and they gave themselves over to
drinking and enjoyment until they were all drunk and ex-
hausted. When the hosts fell into deep sleep their fierce
and furious wives approached them to slay them, and they
fell upon them like a fierce, hungry lioness attacking herds
and flocks for her cubs. O beloved father, Adrastus,'
continued Hjrpsipyle, ' I know not which of these horrors
to tell you of first. But the unfeeling, insensate Gorge slew
her husband Elymus there. And thus he was with his
two hands around her as she plunged the sword into him,
and the point of it pierced his body, while he was still
kissing her with his hands about her neck. But I am not
able to recount each individual that was there slain. How-
beit I shaU name a few of their chiefs — the Myrmidones.
Epopea slew her own son. And Lycaste slew her twin
brother Cydimos, and was weeping over him. Alcimede
slew (her father), and his head was cut off. When I saw
these things fear and horror seized me, and I betook
myself wildly and frantically to my father's house, viz.
Thoas. And although the house in which he dwelt was far
out of the town he was asking, " What means this uproar,"
said he, " which I have been hearing in the town ? " She
told it all to her father (and added) : " Arise, beloved father,"
said she, " for if we are caught, we shall both be slain."
* Thoas thereupon rose accompanied by his daughter
Hypsipyle, and they proceeded by the secret paths of the
place until they reached the scene of the slaughter, and
they were viewing it under cover. There they saw hus-
bands mangled and prone in their beds, slain by their own
wives at the instigation of Venus, with the blood-red swords
through their bodies, and spears quite broken in the trans-
fixed corpses, so that the beautiful drinking-cups could
float in the great pools of blood made by the terrible mas-
118 THE CELTIC REVIEW
airlig, uair batar seanoraig ar na sitled and sin, acus oic ar
na n-airlech, acus miccaim ar na mugad. Acus adchond-
airc Ipsipile tai(d)bsi Baich ua tri ag iarraid a mic Toaint .t.
a h-athar-si. Acus tucastar Ipsipile aichne ar Baith and sin,
acus ro labair Baich riu : ^ " Dean ^ imtheacht, a mic," ar se,
" acus facait inis Lemin. Acus is lor a fhat ris na deib ^ata
inis Lemin acut.^ Acus a ingen," ar se, " ber let t'athair,
acus cuir ina curach e, baili * i teit in mur is in muir moir a
mach, acus dober-sa fortacht fair ar sin." Ro imthig Baich,
acus ro fhacaib comartha sliged doib.^ Acus tangadar-
Foi. lib 1. sum reompo sin sligid, acus ro chuir in ingen a h-athair ar
in muir. Acus ro badar aroen . . .' ^ Acus tanic in n-ingen
ar culu uada, acus ro uid '^ ac silliud ar n-a h-ais co minic
ar a h-athair.
* Acus o thanic la co n-a Ian soillsi adchondcadar na
mna insi Lemin na h-uilc sin do ronsad fen .t. a fir da marbad.
Acus ba h-aithrech leosum sin. Acus rangadar, acus ro
uatar a gul acus a gol-gairi uastu. Acht ua saidbir soch-
onaig d'erraib acus d'armaib acus d'indmasaib in t-oilen
sin conici sin. Acus na ^ uadar na mna sin o sen a mach
nama gan tirecor ^ gan trebaire gan ar gan buain gan fhiru
caema ga chomditin.
Imthusa ^^imorro Ipsipile ^^ : do ronni tenid n-idbarta
i tig a h-athar. Acus do thocaib airm acus etgud a h-athar.
Acus ro bai claideb ^^ in rig ^^ Ian d'fuil in a laim mar bad ar
marbad a h-athar no beth acus ar n-a adluccun.^^ Acus
tucad ^%nd sin ^* ferann a h-athardi .t. aireochus indsi
Leimin uili. ^^ Ua minic lesi acus re Polixo cumnigud ^^
in chuil sin, acus ro bidis co tairrsech taetenacha acca tuireom
eturru.^'
' Acus o rauatar mna insi Lemin amlaid sin dareis a fer
adchoncadar in long luchtmair lan-moir amal o(i)lean do ^^
learaib in mara, no amal sliab lethan lan-mor ar met. Acua
' ria. * dena. '-' atai in Lemin. * in baili. ^ acti.
* Eg. reads : acomcai coma dal. Ed. is indistinct : achomchui coma i.
^ "oi. ' ro. » tireg«r, »o-io Eg. Ipsipile imorro.
" claidem. " a h-athar. " adlacadh. "-" Eg. omits.
'* Eg. adds acus. ^^ cumniugud. " Eg. omits. *® don.
THE THEBAID OF STATIUS 119
sacre. For old men were there drained of their blood, and
youths mangled, and boys destroyed. Hypsipyle ^ saw
three times the apparition of Bacchus seeking his son Thoas,
her father. And Hjrpsipyle recognised Bacchus, and the
latter spoke to them : " Depart, son," said he, " and leave
the isle of Lemnos, for the gods deem that you have pos-
sessed the island long enough ; and you, girl," said he, " bring
your father with you, and put him in his coracle, where the
wall abuts upon the open sea, and I shall afterwards aid
him." Bacchus went away, and left with them the direc-
tion of their path. They fared forward on that road, and
the girl put her father on the sea, and both were
. The girl then turned back from him, but
was frequently looking behind her at her father.
* When day with its full light came, the women of Lemnos
saw their evil deeds in slaying their husbands, and they
felt sorry therefor. They were weeping and wailing over
them. Now up to that time that island was rich and pro-
sperous in warriors and arms and treasures. But these
women from that time forth were without agriculture or
husbandry, without tillage or harvest, without loving
husbands to guard it all.
As to the (further) proceedings of Hypsipyle : she made
a sacrificial fire in her father's house, and she took her
father's weapons and armour, and she held the king's
sword all covered with blood in her hand, as if she had slain
her father and buried him. The patrimonial inheritance
was there and then given (to her), that is, the rule of all
Lemnos. She and Polyxo used frequently to recall that foul
crime, and mournfully, sadly, both used to weep together.
' When things ^ were thus with the Lemnian women after
the death of their husbands, they saw a very large well-
equipped ship, in size like an island on the sea expanse, or
1 Th., V. 265. * Th., v. 335.
Fol. lib 2.
120 THE CELTIC REVIEW
is ^ ro bai ^ and sin in benn fhata badb luath ^ cet long in
betha^ .t. Argo, acus rigrad glend ^-mer glan-armach
Grec innti, in tan do chuadar d'iarraid in croicind orda
CO tir na Colachetta.* Acus o ra scuirsedar da n-imrud^
acus ro bai ®in muir ina toighleich® adchualamar,' ar si
Ipsifile, 'guth oen duni as in luing. Acus is e robai and sin .t.
Oirfeus "^ ceolbind cruitire, mac Oeager, acus a gualu ris
in seol-crann ac arfidiud ^ do lucht na lunga comad lugaiti
snim na sar-sluag re saethar in imrama. Acus ba samalta
lindi coma h-iat lucht na Tragia do thogail indsi Leimin
oraind. Et ro ergestar as a h-aithli sin sestan acus seiseilbi
mor i toegib ^ indsi Leimin. Acus do chuamar-ni ar sin
i toraib ro arda ro mora acus i crandocaib comdaingin ^^^
claraid os ^^cind na cathrach.^^ Acus ro tinolsetar mna
croda crithnaigthecha indsi Lemin cairrgi cruaidhi com-
amais, acus bera fata fir-gera, acus airm troma toirrsecha a
fer uadein no ^^ marbsad remi sin. Acus ro gabsad a ^^ claidbi
for-ruamanda fuilidi ina lamaib. Acus ro gabsad a lu(i)-
recha i* salcha ^^ snadmandacha ma corpaibh acus a cath-
bairr ^^ caema cathaigi ma ^"^ cendaibh. Acus ba samalta linni
tra coma^^ torathar fir-mor for-granna fairrgi na beth and
sin d'aithi ^^ acus do dighail ^^ ar n-uilc ^^ acus ar n-ecorach
oraind,^^ acus nar ba long luchtmar lan-alaind. Is ann sin
tra adracht ^^ gaeth gott-shnimach ^3 glorach ^^ co ra srain-
eastair in luing sin urcur saigte sith-guirmi o tir acus o
tracht a mach. Acus ro cumaiscseadar and sin neaill com-
(fh)liucha ciachmora na firmaiminti cor uai dorchata ^^ dluith
iter muir acus tir, acus contoguadis ^^ na tonda tren-mora
na longa ^^ uar barr 2%en acus uar ^^ uachtar doib, acus
coleictis dib sis in feacht n-aill co grian acus go ganem
n-glas-ruad ar n-ichtar. Acus ger ba tenda talchara tra na
*~* uof. 2~' Eg. omits. ^ gloinn-, * Colchetta. '^ imrum.
«-« Ed. indistinct. ^ Orefeus. « airfidedh. " tighibh.
^^ comdaiugne. '*"" cennaib is in Kathraig. '^ acus ro. " Eg. omits.
" Eg. adds lasamna. ''' MS. salka. ^^ cathbarra. '^ uma.
1* cumadh ima. '" dd ithe. ^o jjg. adds orainn. ^^"^i Eg. omits.
22 do riachtatar. ^3 goid-shnimacha. ^* gloracha. ^^ dorcha.
»« Ed. indistinct. 27 in long. ^-^ &o. Eg. Ed. indistinct.
THE THEBAID OF STATIUS 121
like a great broad mountain. This was none other than the
long, wildly -swift, foremost ship of the world, the Argo.
And the rashly daring princes of Greece in gleaming armour,
who went in search of the golden fleece to the land of Colchis,
were on board. When they ceased rowing and the sea
shone resplendent we heard,' said Hj^sipyle, ' the voice of
one man from the ship, and this was the melodius harpist
Orpheus, son of Oeagrus. His shoulder leant against the
mast as he entertained the noble crew to ease their toil
in their labour at the oars. It seemed to us that they
were the Thracians coming to take the isle of Lemnos over
our heads. Thereupon arose a din and uproar in the houses
of Lemnos. We betook ourselves to very high, large towers
and to very strong, wooden buildings above the city. The
cruel, trembling Lemnian women collected there hard stones
fit for hurling, and long, very sharp-pointed stakes, and the
heavy, efficient weapons of their husbands whom they had
previously slain. They grasped in their hands the very
red, blood-smeared swords, and fitted on their persons the
foul linked hauberks, and put on their heads the beautiful
battle helmets. And now it seemed to us that it was a very
large and hideous sea monster that had come to punish and
avenge our evil deeds and crimes, and not a very beautiful,
well-equipped ship. And now arose a withe-twisting,
blustering wind which drove that vessel the cast of a long
blue arrow out from land and beach. There were heaped
on each other very wet and misty clouds of the sky, so that
thick darkness fell on sea and land. And the mighty billows
now hurled the ship aloft on their crests, and then sunk her
down to the red-grey gravel and sand of the abyss. Stout
and sturdy though the mighty men on board that ship were,
they were unable to withstand the onset in that hour —
such was the fury of the storm. The very tall and large
mast of the ship was swaying violently and in danger of
122 THE CELTIC REVIEW
tren-fir ro uadar is in luing sin, nir ba tualaing ursclaidi na
h-engnoma iat is in n-uair sin re met na mor ^ ainb thine. ^
Acus ro bai a seol-crann sir-fada sir-mor na luingi sin ac a
dian-scailiud acus ad adrad brisiud^ ar a met acus ar a
ro-airdi ac toenail acus ac toirniub * re sitgail na saeb-
gaithi sin in uair sin. Acus dan ^ ro bamar-ni ac dibrucud
acus ac dichur uaind na luingi sin do leth aile, co telcmais
armu aith-gere urnocta in n-agid na miled sin .u in tren-
fer thalchair Tailemon, acus Peleus mac Aicuis, acus Aercail
mac Ampitrionis. Acus ua h-adual saethar na sar luingi sin
re h-ainfine in mara acus re' r cathagud-ni do'n leth araill.
Acus badar drem am do na deg sluaga(i)b sin ac dain-
gnigud acus ac diden a luingi acus scell-bolga do sciathaib
in * timchell, acus drem aili ac telad ^ acus ac taescad a h-uisci
as a h-ichtar, acus drem am a cathughadh calma chroda os
a cind. Acus ro telctea ^ atorra ^ and sin' ar si, 'cetha ^^
cumasctha cruad-arm coma samalta re frasaib cruaidi
clothnechta ^^ in n-amsir gairb gemridh na bera rind-gera
ro-mora, acus na clocha cruindi ^^ comdibhraicthi, acus na
saighdi snasta so-dibraicti, acus na slega lasamna lan-gera
tre n-aroile is in nuair sin.
' Et ^^ asahaithli sin ro ergedar gathana glan-ailli greni
acus ruithnigud ro ^*-soillsi coma for nell acus for reill duind
na sluaigh robadar is in luing. Acus o d'chondcamar iad
uan samhla sin ro thuitsetar ar n-airm as ar lamaib, acus
tanic ar n-aicned boeth banamail uadein duinn. Acus
adchondcamar-ni amh and sin Peil mac Aicuis acus Taile-
mon mor mac Aacms acus Anatheus tent^^ tomaithmech
acus Ifiton data deag-lamaig. Acus ba foUus os na sluagaib
snimacha sin archu n-eangnam in domuin .t. Ercoil mac
Amp(it)rionnis. Ro claenad-som and sin each m-bord acus
gach lita[?] ^^ do'n luing as a ticed re fiuchmad na fergi fir-
moiri ac saeigtin ^' cus (na) ^^ sluagaib. Acus gid b' lason mac
Eso(i)n imorro ba luthmor (le)tmech ^® sin ^^lunga sin,^^ acus
' Eg. omits. ' h-ainmfine. ' brisadh. * toirnedh. ^ Eg. omits.
* in a. ^ telach. * thelgthedha. ' adraina. *° cetedhusa (?).
" clothstii. '^ cruaidhi. " Eg. omits. " na. *'' tenn.
•8 leth. " saigin. is ^S. 7. " leidmech. *>-^'> ia in luing.
THE THEBAID OF STATIUS 123
breaking because of its size and excessive length, swinging
this way and that with the fury of the whirUng blast in that
hour. We, on the other hand, were also doing our best to
repel and keep that ship away from us. We hurled very
sharp, bare weapons against these warriors, the strong and
sturdy Telamon, and Peleus son of Aeacus, and Hercules
son of Amphitryon. Great was the struggle of that excellent
ship fighting both against the sea tempest and our attack.
Some of that splendid crew were strengthening and defend-
ing the vessel under cover of overlapping shields, some were
baling and emptying the bilge from her hold, others were
fighting bravely and valiantly above these. There were
discharged from either side,' said she, ' commingled steel
weapons which seemed like hard showers of hail in rough
winter weather, very large, sharp-pointed javelines, and round
powerfully hurled stones, and polished well-aimed arrows,
and flaming very sharp spears.
* Thereafter ^ the bright, beautiful rays of the sun appeared
and a brilliant radiance so that the men of the ship became
very clear and manifest to us. When we saw them in that
guise our weapons fell from our hands, and our wayward
womanly nature asserted itself. We beheld there in sooth
Peleus the son of Aeacus, and great Telamon son of
Aeacus, and Antaeus, stout and menacing, and Iphitus,
handsome and dexterous. Conspicuous among these anxious
men was the resolute war hound of the world, Hercules, son
of Amphitryon. He bent every plank and taffrail on which
he stepped, such was the fury of his great wrath to attack
his foes. Jason, too, son of Aeson, nimble and active in
the ship was he, and Oinides (Meleager) reckless and high-
spirited, and Idas gallant and renowned, and Talaus stout
» Th., T. 394.
124 THE CELTIC REVIEW
Oenides mer mor-menmnach, acus Idas uaUach allata, acus
Talabus talchar tairisi, acus da mac ^T(er)inda togaidi
tindam, acus ^ Castor acus Pollux, acus da mac beoda
Foi. i2ai. borrfadecha Borria .t. Setiusa^ acus Eiliais.^ Acus ba
drem * do deg dainib na lunga sin in lucht sin.
' Batar tra fan rim-la sin ac fras-imram in mara acus ac
dibrucan^ in mur uathib. Acus dan^ ro uai in luamairi
fosaich fir-eolach inte .t. Tifis, ac stiuradh na lunga sin
^ da leicet a brisiud ' im chairrgib cend-garba in mara mor-
ainbthenaig. Acus ro uadar-som is in n-eicin cein co erig
lason mac Eson acus craeb alaind ola-craind ina laim acus ^
comartha sida. Acus isi seic ro bid il-laim Inopus,® taisig
da muinter, acus ro bui ag iarraid sida oraindi.
* Acht chena nir ba miad re lucht na luingi in ro raid Jason.
Acus ni chualamar-ni acht fogur bas ^° acus ^^ gotha ris in
n-gaith chucaind. Et^^ is an sin ro erigedar in coeca^^
tren-fher ua teinn(e) acus ua tresi is in luing, acus ro gabsad
ruadh-ramada ro-mora 'na lamaib, acus ro raeset co
fortren feramail in luing sin do chum chuain acus calad-
puirt. Acus ba so-charthanacha re silliud is in n-uair sin
chena gnuisi gruad-so(i)llsi na curad croda re fornert in
n-imroma acus ri fiuchad na fergi fir-moiri adracht intib.
Acus ^* ba samail Hnni in sluag sin acus ba ^^ dei uaisli adhar-
tha tiastais ^® do dindgnaib ro glana ^^richid uan ^^ talTnain.
Et ^^ is ann sin adchonncamar Teis mac Eig meic Nephtuin
ac erge as ^^ in luing. Acus ua diumsach in deg laech sin
ahaithU thogla^^ na cathrach .t. Marathon. Acus adchond-
camar dano ^^ ann sin in righ uasal Admeon.^^ Acus ad-
chondcamar ^3 in criutire ceol-bind na Tragia .t. Orfeus.
Acus ro bui ann sin din in miled Meleager mac rig na Calidone,
acus Peleus mac Aicuis, acus lies ^* mac Ercail acus airm
na laim.
'"' tenna toghaidhi tinnair .t. ^ Qg^^mga ' Calias.
♦ Eg. adds am. * dibrugan. " Eg. omits.
''''' conach leged a badh-brisedh. « .i. * Eg. omits.
" bais. » a. " Eg. omits. » MS. .1.
" Eg. omits. '6 tain del " tisdia.
"~" righthighi liar. " Eg. omits. >9 is. ** fhogla.
" MS. .t. Eg. omits. 22 j^<jmet. »« Eg. omite. " Ilos.
THE THEBAID OF STATIUS 125
and loyal, and the two excellent resolute sons of Tjnidareus,
Castor and Pollux, and the two spirited proud sons of
Boreas, Zetes and Calais. These are some of the excellent
men who formed the crew of that ship.
* Now they were during that live-long day vigorously
whipping the sea and driving the ship through it. The pilot
Tiphys besides was on board, staid and skilful, and steering
the vessel to save her from being broken on the rough-
headed rocks of that tempestuous sea. They were in that
extremity until Jason, son of Aeson, arose with a beautiful
branch of an olive tree in his hand, which was the emblem
of peace, this very branch Inopus, a chief of the people,
carried in his hand, and he besought peace from us.
* Howbeit the crew did not relish what Jason said, but we
heard nothing save the clapping of hands and a (meaningless)
voice carried to us by the wind. Then there rose up the
fifty strongest and sturdiest men in the ship, and they took
very large and stout oars in their hands and impelled the
vessel forcefully and manfully to shelter and harbour.
Very kindly and pleasant to look upon at that time were the
bright countenances of these brave champions after their
exertion at the oars and the boiling of the great wrath which
they cherished. To us they seemed to be noble, adorable
gods who had come from the bright dwellings of heaven
upon the earth. Then we saw Theseus, son of Egeus, son
of Neptune, coming out of the ship, and a proud man was
that stout hero after the taking of the city of Marathon.
We saw besides the noble king Admetus, and the sweet
harpist of Thrace, Orpheus. There were there also the
warrior Melaeager, son of the King of Calydon, and Peleus,
son of Aeacus, and Hylas,^ son of Hercules, with weapons
in his hands.
1 Hylas was a companion of Hercules ; v. Th., r. 443. Hyllus, a son of Hercules,
is mentioned later, Th., viii. 507.
126 THE CELTIC REVIEW
* Cid tra acht,' ^ ar si, ' ro h-oslaicidh lindi doirrsi ^ tiged
ris na damaib sin. Acus ni demaid idbarta na suan na
sadaiUi acaind o ro marbusamar ^ ar firu co h-aes na f uairi *
sin. Ro gobh gach fer dib sin ac toga ^ thochmairc uaindi
in lin ro bamar. Acht chena tuigim-se na dei nar ua cedug-
adh no comairle dom uadein fes re^ h-Iason is in naidchi
sin ger ua sochraid so-charthanach re '^ mnaib aili 6.
Acus ro uatar-som co cend m-bliadna comlaine acaind is
a n-indsi sin cen co rucait clanna suarca so-cenelcha daib.
Acus rucu-sa da mac ann sin ^ do lason mac Esoin .t. Toas
acus Eumas a n-anmanna. Acht chena ^ ni f hetar an ord
na n-aidhid,^^ uair is fichi ^^ bliadan co h-aes na f uairi ^^-sea
o rus facus ac a n-aileamain acus 'g a n-altrom ac in rigain
lam-gil, ac (L)ichasta.i^
' Acus i cind na bliadna sin tra ro gob lason a gresacht a
muintiri um ^* an indsi d'facbail, of chondairc in mur co
taighhgi.^5 Acus ge ra gell-sium ^® and sin techt a ris do
Foi. 12a 2. m'indsaigi-sea co h-inis Lemin ni ra comaill a ni sin. Cid
tra acht o ra airig Tifis, luamairi na luingi sin, ruithne grene
^^do glan-shoilHgud ^^ ro trellaim tacur ^^ a luingi. Acus
. ro chomergedar na sluaig, acus ro gob lason a armo re ^^
each ann sin, acus ro facbadar amlaid sin in indsi. Ro
bamar-ni 'ga ^ofeithem acus 'ga fegair-si ^^ cein con-dechaid
ar seg as ar suilib 'ga sithellad.
* Asahaithli sin tra adchualadar ^^ mna indsi Lemin
m'athair-sea do beth i rigi indsi Chio, indsi dear-brathar do
.c. Cuus mac Baich. Acus ba h-olc leosum sin gan a marbad
acus gan a mugugad dam-sa, amal ro marbsad fein a fir ^^
acus a n-aithrecha. Acus ro cindead leo mo marbad-sa
ind. Of chuala sin imorro,' ar si, ' ro elus m'aenur uathib
re taeb in mara. Acus o na ^^ f uarus nech re setugud sliged
dam 2* d'innsaigid m'athar .t. Toaint, tucat me in dairi acus
in dochraidi do chum bar crichi-si, a Grecu.'
' Ed. repeats acht. ^ j;g. adds ar, ' Ed. oromarosamar,
* h-uairi. ^ Eg. adds a. ^ le. "^ la.
* Ed. repeats ann sin. ^ Eg. omits. '^ oighedha. " MS. xx.
*2 h-uairie. *^ locusta^ ** Ed. 7 u. Eg. man.
>'' Ed. tai i. eg ligi. Eg. teighlty/u. '^ Ed. adds = . Eg. omits.
17-17 gian soillsi do techt. '^ tachar. *' ria.
20-20 fegadh. " do. chualamair-ne. 22 gpu. 23 ^ach. 24 Eg. omits
THE THEBAID OF STATIUS 127
* Now,' said she, ' we opened the doors of our houses to
this company. We offered no sacrifices, nor did we sleep
or rest since we slew our husbands until that hour. Each
man of them took to choosing a partner from among those
of us who were present. And I understood from the gods
that I had neither permission nor counsel from them to wed
Jgtson that night, loving and kind to other women though
he was. These men were with us for a full year in that
island. And we bore them weU-favoured children of good
hneage. And I bore to Jason, son of Aeson, two boys there
who were named Thoas and Eunios. However, I know not
of their condition or their lot, for there are now twenty
years since I left them to be nurtured and reared with the
white-handed lady, Lycaste.
* Now ^ at the end of the year Jason began to urge his
people to leave the island when he saw the sea quiet and
bright. And although he promised to return again to me
to Lemnos, he did not keep his promise. Moreover, when
the pilot of the ship, Tiphys, observed the rays of the sun
shining in full strength he made ready the ship. The hosts
arose as one man, and Jason was the first to take to his
weapons. Thus they left the island. We were watching
them and gazing after them until our vision failed us after
our long looking.
* Thereafter ^ the women of Lemnos heard that my
father was king of the island of Chios, an island that
belonged to his brother, Chios (?) son of Bacchus. They
were angry because I had not slain and destroyed him
as they slew their husbands and fathers, and so they re-
solved to slay me. Now when I heard that,' added she,
' I slipped away alone by the side of the sea, and when I
found no one to point the way to my father Thoas, I was
taken in bondage and slavery to your country, O Greeks.'
» TL, V. 468. 2 xh., V. 486.
128 THE CELTIC REVIEW
IRELAND'S SHARE IN THE FOLK SONG REVIVAL ^
Alfred Percival Graves
A revival is ' a living again,' and suggests an active
anterior life. This certainly was true of Irish folk song
in the past. In Ireland's dim traditionary dawn, music is
reputed to have been introduced into the country by the
Tuatha Da Dannan, whom an early legend describes as
coming up from Greece along what is known as the Amber
route, to the mouth of the Elbe, across Lochlann, now
Norway and Sweden ; thence across the centre of Alba or
Scotland into Erin. And remarkably enough, inscriptions
of the same kind as are found upon the tombs of these
Da Dannan kings, inscriptions which a party of us from
the Irish Literary Society saw there a few summers since,
are to be found, as pointed out by Mr. George Coffey, the
celebrated Irish antiquary, all along the line of the Amber
Route, and in a belt of Norway and Sweden and Scotland
and in Ireland and nowhere else in Europe.
What was the nature of the music that this early people
brought with them to Ireland ? According to Dr. Petrie,
our leading Irish musical antiquary, it consisted of plough
tunes, lamentation airs and lullabies. And these would be
accounted for in the weird old folk tale which describes how
the harper of the Tuatha Da Dannan recovered his magical
harp from his Fomorian foes by playing upon it the Goltree
(Gultraigh) airs which turned their fury to weeping, and the
Soontree (Suaintraigh) tunes which sent them all to sleep, so
enabling the Harper Uaithne to escape unscathed with the
Daghda's harp. But the old tale also states that the harper
played upon another of the feelings of the Fomorians, by
turning their weeping into laughing before they fell asleep,
^ An address given with musical illustrations by Mr. Plunket Greene and Miss
Jean Stirling MacKinlay, at the Botanic Theatre of University College, London, on
the occasion of the Coming of Age Celebration of the Irish Literary Society, June 10,
1913, by its President, Alfred Percival Graves.
IRELAND'S SHARE IN FOLK SONG REVIVAL 129
through his performance of the Gentree (Geantraigh) or
mirth-provoking music. If the old tale speaks truth, the
class of Irish music which to this day is to be heard upon
the harp and violin, setting us all dancing or quick-steppihg,
and raising our spirits as well as our toes and heels, is of very
early origin. And, indeed, this may be well believed by
students of the manners and customs of the early Irish who
were not, as some of our poets suggest, a merely mystical
or melancholy people, but a joyous and festive race — at any
rate in the intervals of hard fighting.
Dr. Petrie points out that the Irish lullabies are curiously
like in character to Indian and Persian hush songs, and
this would tend to support the belief in their early Eastern
origin. The plough tunes similarly suggest a primeval
origin by their character and intervals ; and this is true of
some of the earlier laments, such as the ' Return from
" Fingal " ' or the realm of the Dublin Danes, by the vic-
torious Dalcassians, chanting the death dirges of Brian Boru
and his son Murrough who had just fallen at the battle of
Clontarf. It may be here mentioned that as a rule the
Irish marches are quick-step marches. We have a number
of these, and Mr. Arthur Darley, oui famous Irish violinist
is, I am glad to believe, engaged in collecting them in a
volume of Irish clan marches which should be exceedingly
interesting to all our O's and Mac's. These quick-step
marches have been further quickened into jig tunes, whether
in f or f time, and clan marches may be recovered
through this dance medium.
Irish music was now in the hands both of the bards and
the ecclesiastics, and the national instrument was the harp
of from thirty to sixty strings. To this instrument the
bards of the princes and chieftains, even upon the battle-
field, would recite the achievements of his fathers as an
incitement to his hereditary lord. It is stated, indeed, that
the bard thus chanted on the old Irish battlefield, surrounded
by a group of harpers who accompanied him almost with
the effect of a military band. In the Fenian tales there is
VOL. IX. I
130 THE CELTIC KEVIEW
reference made to the Dord, which would appear to be a
concerted cry or chorus, a cry of warning if not a war cry.
As early as the close of the sixth century we gather
from a passage in Adamnan's Life of St. Columba that the
Irish monks sang canticles in counterpoint. St. Cellach,
a student of Bangor, Co. Down, the name implying ' fair
choir ' or ' chief choir,' gave his name to the monastery of
St. Gaul in Switzerland, which became like that of Bangor,
a famous music school. Again, St. MaildufE, the Irish
founder of Mailduffsburgh or Malmesbury in England,
flourished in 670 and composed many beautiful hymns.
I may add that Dr. Joyce told me some years since that a
Latin hymn by Sedulius, whose Irish name was Shiel, is still
sung at the Irish College in Rome to a very early Irish air,
probably contemporary with the sixth century Latin hymn.
Ireland, indeed, at this time was full of music ; for besides
the harp, we had as musical instruments the war pipes
blown through the mouth by marching pipers, not played
as are our beautiful union pipes, by the hand, the wind being
suppUed by bellows held under the arm while the musician
remains seated. Great sums of money were paid to bards
and minstrels for their songs — in those days ' not worth a
song ' had no meaning in Ireland. There were hereditary
families of minstrels, instrumental players and singers,
and their names have come down to us, thus the word
Ward is bard, Cronin has to do with the word Cronavm, the
crooning of a song, Crotty is connected with the Irish Cruit,
the Welsh Crwth, the English Crowd, and so forth.
Irish music was heard abundantly during the Crusades.
Dante speaks with admiration of the Irish harp, and, indeed,
there is a chorus of praise for Irish minstrelsy all through early
and mediaeval times, abroad and in this country, which may
well be summed up by Drayton's lines in his Polyolhion ; —
The Irish I admire
And still cleave to that lyre,
As our Muse's mother ;
And think till I expire
Apollo 's such another.
IRELAND'S SHARE IN FOLK SONG REVIVAL 131
When Henry viii. became overlord of Ireland, though not
king, the Irish harp was added to the English arms, and
his daughter. Queen Elizabeth, took the greatest pleasure
in Irish music. Sir Henry Sydney, in a letter to her in
1569, waxes enthusiastic over the dancing of Irish jigs by
the ladies of Galway, whom he describes as very beautiful,
magnificently dressed, and excellent dancers. This, as
Dr. Grattan Flood points out, disposes of the suggestion
that the jig-dance was borrowed from the Italians in the
latter half of the seventeenth century. Meantime Ireland
had become the music school of Scotland and to a large
extent of North Wales. There had always been much
passing backwards and forwards of minstrels from the
north of Ireland and that part of Scotland which in early
times had been conquered by Ulster warriors, and Griffith
ap C3nian, Prince of North Wales, had, through his Irish
mother and residence in Ireland brought Irish minstrels
and bards over to his country. There is considerable
dispute as to how far North Wales was ever actually con-
quered by the Irish. Sir John Rhys maintains that there
is good evidence of this. Certainly somehow or other,
as will be mentioned later, there is a great deal in common
between what are believed to be the earliest Welsh airs
and early Irish ones.
Of Shakespeare and Irish music Dr. Grattan Flood has
written an interesting chapter in his History of Irish Music.
There is no doubt that Irish music was, as he states, much
in vogue in England during the sixteenth century and was in
favour at court during the last year of Queen Elizabeth's
reign ; for the Earl of Worcester writes on 9th September
1602 to the Earl of Shrewsbury in these terms : ' We frolic
here in court, much dancing in the Privy Chamber of
country dances before the Queen's Majesty, who is exceed-
ingly pleased therewith. Irish tunes are at this time most
pleasing.'
What are these dances ? They are referred to as the Hey,
a coimtry dance or round, long known in the Irish Pale,
132 THE CELTIC REVIEW
and which is the origin of the English round or country-
dance, according to Dr. Grattan Flood; and Trenchmore,
an Anglicised corruption of Rinnce Mor or the Rinnce Fada,
that is the long dance, the Hey being danced in a circle.
One of the earliest Heys is stated by Sir John Hawkins to
be ' Sellenger's Round,' which Sir Anthony St Leger or
Sellinger saw danced in Ireland in 1540, and brought back
with him to England in 1548, where its popularity was so
great that it was arranged by the famous master Dr. William
Byrd. Two Irish tunes mentioned under various names
by Shakespeare had previously been identified by Malone,
Petrie and others. Dr. Grattan Flood claims to have
identified nine others. * Callino custurame ' (' Chailin og a
stinir thu mi ? ' * Young girl, wilt thou guide me '), or ' Col-
leen oge asthore ' ' Little girl of my heart,' and ' Ducdame '
' diuca tu ' ' Will you come ? ' are the earlier pair of finds.
Dr. Flood claims ' Fortune my Foe,' ' Peg a Ramsay,' and
* Bonny Sweet Robin,' ' Whoop, do me no harm good
man,' referred to in Wintefs Tale twice over, but better
known in Ireland as ' Paddy Whack,' and adapted by
Moore to his melody ' While History's Muse.' * Well-a-
day' or 'Essex's last Good-night' is also claimed by Dr.
Flood, though I think somewhat doubtfully, but ' The
Fading,' mentioned in the 4th Act of A Winter's Tale, is by
William Chappell's testimony, the Irish dance tune of the
Rincce Fada, a dance to this day called The Faddy in Corn-
wall. I have not so much faith in Dr. Grattan Flood's
claim to ' Light o' Love,' and * Come o'er the bourn, Bessie,
to me,' but ' Yellow stockings ' would appear to be the
Irish ' Cuma Liom,' ' It is indifferent to me' or ' I don't care.'
Moore set to it his song ' Fairest put on awhile.'
We now pass through a period of stress and struggle
in Ireland. Its chieftains, in spite of notable rallies made
by the O'Neills, Owen Roe O'Donnell, and the Geraldines,
the Norman Irish Lords who became more Irish than the
Irish, had less and less time to devote to the poetical and
musical arts, and gradually, though very gradually, the Irish
IRELAND'S SHARE IN FOLK SONG REVIVAL 133
bard, famous for the three feats of solemn, gay, and sleep-
compelling music, degenerated under the stress of the
internecine conflicts between Saxon and Gael in Ireland,
into the strolling minstrel, and finally into the itinerant
piper or fiddler or the street baUad singer.
The Irish Jacobite poems and songs, though one of them,
the ' Blackbird,' is of great musical beauty, do not, for
very good reasons, show that passionate attachment for
the Stewart cause that pulses through Lady Nairne's
beautiful Scottish Jacobite lyrics.
But some of them, such as the ' Slender Red Steed,'
and the ' Dawning of the Day ' are full of patriotic fervour.
Perhaps, however, the * Lament of the Irish Maiden for her
Lover,' who has gone to serve the Stewart cause abroad,
which is found in various Anglo-Irish versions under the
titles ' Shule Agra ' or ' Shule Aroon,' or ' I wish I were on
yonder Hill ' is for passionate melancholy the best musical
exempHfication that could be given of these Irish Jacobite
songs.
We now come to an important epoch in Irish folk and
national music — that of the Granard and Belfast Meetings
of harpers — promoted with the object of reviving the taste
for Irish music, which had begun to decline during the
Hanoverian period, under its German musical influences.
These meetings, which took place between the years 1792
and 1800, were very successful, and awoke in the distin-
guished Belfast musician Mr. Bunting such an enthusiasm
for Irish music that he henceforth devoted his main efforts
to its collection and publication. Of the Belfast meeting
he writes thus vividly: 'AH the best of the old class of
harpers, a race of men then nearly extinct, and now gone
for ever, were present : Hempson, O'Neill, Fanning and
seven others, the least able of whom has not left his equal
behind. Hempson, who was more than a hundred years
old at the time, realised the antique picture drawn by
Cambrensis and Galilei, for he played with long crooked
nails, the left hand above the right, and in his performance
134 THE CELTIC REVIEW
" the tinkling of the small wires under the deep notes of the
bass " was particularly thrilling.
' He was the only one who played the very old music of
the country, and this in a style of such finished excellence
as persuaded me that the praises of the old Irish harp
in Cambrensis, EuUer, and others, were no more than a
just tribute to that admirable instrument and its then
professors.'
Bunting's first collection, consisting of sixty-six
hitherto unpublished pieces, was brought out in 1796, and
its success, combined with the establishment of the Irish
Harp Society in Belfast as a consequence of the meeting
of harpers in that city, attracted the attention of Thomas
Moore. He was at the time still a student at Trinity
College, Dublin, and it is recorded that when he played
the tune of the ' Fox's Sleep ' to his friend Robert Emmet,
that young patriot strode about the room exclaiming
' Heavens ! what an air for an army to march to.' Moore
then set himself to work to write words to Irish airs, chiefly
derived from the Bunting collection, but had long to go
a-begging with the MSS. of his earliest Irish Melodies.
It may have been that English publishers of music,
however ready to own the beauty of the airs and their
accompanying words, did not think them likely to pay, or
possibly regarded some of them as perilously national for
publication so soon after the Rebellion of '98. But Moore
eventually secured the support of a compatriot in Power
the publisher, and the assistance of a stiU more important
Irishman in Sir John Stevenson, the arranger of the Irish
Melodies : we know now with what a remarkable result.
Power in his first announcement mentions the promise
of assistance in the work from ' other literary characters '
besides Moore, though he does not specify them by name.
But these writers would appear to have given way to
Moore, whose strong zeal for his share of the work is shown
in a letter to Stevenson of the year 1807, from which I
quote an important passage : —
IRELAND'S SHARE IN FOLK SONG REVIVAL 135
' Our national music has never been properly collected
and while the composers of the Continent have enriched
their operas with melodies borrowed from Ireland, very
often without even the honesty of acknowledgment, we
have left these treasures to a great degree unclaimed and
fugitive. Thus our airs, like too many of our countrymen,
have, for want of protection at home, passed into the service
of foreigners. But we are come, I hope, to a better period
of both Politics and Music ; and how much they are con-
nected, in Ireland at least, appears too plainly in the tone
of sorrow and depression which characterises most of our
early songs.
' The task which you propose to me, of adapting words
to these airs, is by no means easy. The poet, who would
follow the various sentiments which they express, must
feel and understand that rapid fluctuation of spirits, that
unaccountable mixture of gloom and levity, which com-
poses the character of my countrymen, and has deeply
tinged their music. Even in their liveliest strains we find
some melancholy note intrude — some minor third or flat
seventh — which throws its shade as it passes, and makes
even mirth interesting. If Burns had been an Irishman
(and I would willingly give up all our claims upon Ossian
for him) his heart would have been proud of such music,
and his genius would have made it immortal.
' Another difficulty (which is, however, purely mechani-
cal) arises from the irregular structure of many of those
airs, and the lawless kind of metre which it will in conse-
quence be necessary to adapt to them. In these instances
the poet must write, not to the eye, but to the ear ; and
must be content to have his verses of that description which
Cicero mentions, Quos si cantu spoKaveris nuda remanebit
oratio. That beautiful air the "Twisting of the Rope,"
which has aU the romantic character of the Swiss Ranz des
Vaches, is one of those wild and sentimental rakes which
it will not be very easy to tie down in sober wedlock with
poetry. However, notwithstanding all these difficulties,
136 THE CELTIC REVIEW
and the very little talent which I can bring to surmount
them, the design appears to me so truly National, that I shall
feel much pleasure in giving it all the assistance in my
power.'
The melodies appeared in groups of sixteen at a time,
and immediately found favour, but not with the populace,
whom they very gradually reached. It was in the drawing-
rooms of the upper classes, where Moore himself sang his
melodies with a small voice, but exquisite feeling, that the
Irish melodies first became famous.
Moore was before his time in recognising the artistic
value of brevity in the modem song and ballad. More-
over his knowledge of lyrical perspective is unrivalled, his
thought is pellucid, never obscured by condensation or
dimmed by diffuseness. But he most asserts his mastery
in song-craft by the apparent ease with which he handles
the most intricate musical measures, and mates the striking
notes of each tune to the words most adapted to them
both in sound and sense ; to say nothing of the art with
which he almost Italianises English speech by a melodious
sequence of varying vowels and alliterative consonants
which almost sing themselves. Yet whilst Moore has, in
addition to this vocal quality, the very perfection of playful
wit and graceful fancy, as in * Quick ! We have but a
Second,' and now and again real pathos, as in ' O breathe
not his name ! ' * She is far from the land ! ' and again an
irresistible martial spirit as in ' O the Light Entrancing ; '
and ' Avenging and bright falls the swift sword of Erin ! '
many of his melodies are not standing the test of time.
This is either because our fine airs have been altered in time
or character by him and Stevenson, and so depreciated,
or have been assorted by Moore with the sentimental,
metaphorical, and pseudo-philosophical fancies that took
the taste of the English upper classes half a century ago,
or because the tunes to which some of his finer lyrics are
set are not of the first-rate quality.
If a great national collection of Irish melodies is to be
IRELAND'S SHARE IN FOLK SONG REVIVAL 137
formed it will be our plain duty to divorce these ill-matched
lyrics from their present partners, and to mate them to
worthy airs in the Petrie and Joyce collections and in
Bunting's last volume, which came after Moore's last
melodies, and of which he was so ill-advisedly contemptuous.
It is as plain an obhgation to slip out of their golden settings
Moore's occasional bits of green glass and to slip into them
the occasional emeralds of his contemporaries and suc-
cessors.^
The collections of Bunting may be said to have brought
about the first revival of Irish Folk music. His last volume
— from which Thomas Moore drew nothing, and of which
he spoke with unjustified contempt — considering the
popular success of some of its melodies in Sir Charles Stan-
ford's hands — appeared as late as 1840. For Bunting had
long survived the romantic days of the northern Rebellion,
when the ' Parting of Friends ' was very sadly and, as it
proved, significantly sung in the presence of Wolfe Tone,
and that noble Irishman, Thomas Russell, both of whom
expiated their acts of rebellion against British authority
by the death penalty.
It had long been a matter of wonder that the Irish
verses to which these airs had been sung were not forth-
coming, although English renderings from them by Miss
Balfour and others were published in this de luxe volume
of 1840. The mystery has been solved quite recently by
the energetic secretary of the Irish Folk Song Society,
Mrs. MiUigan Fox, under remarkable circumstances. Call-
ing at Morley's, the harp makers, she learnt that one of his
customers had recently ordered an Irish harp on the ground
that his grandfather had been a collector of Irish music.
Mrs. Fox inquired his name and address. The purchaser
proved to be Dr. Louis Macrory of Battersea, who gener-
ously put a great amount of unpublished material inherited
* The above criticism of Moore's powers as a lyrical writer is quoted from the
introduction to my Irish Song Book, one of the volumes in the New Irish Library,
published by Mr. Fisher Unwin.
138 THE CELTIC REVIEW
from his grandfather, James Bunting, at Mrs. Fox's disposal.
He furthermore added to her deUght by informing her that
there were other Bunting papers in a box in Dublin. This
proved to contain a great number of the Gaelic originals
of the tunes in the Bunting collection. Why had they lain
neglected for fifty years or more ? Because Patrick Lynch
who had collected them round the country had turned
king's evidence against Russell, one of his employers, upon
this quest. Russell was sent to the gallows, the friendly
company of folk-song collectors was broken up, and there
was a strong feeling against the publication of manuscripts
collected by Lynch the informer, and hence their sup-
pression tiU their discovery by Mrs. Milligan Fox. They
have been in part translated into English by Miss Alice
Milligan, Mrs. MiUigan Fox's brilliant sister. Their entire
translation and publication may be looked for in the early
future.
George Thomson, the music publisher of Edinburgh,
who had drawn Robert Burns into writing words to Scottish
airs and had levied a free impost upon Irish melodies for
Scottish lyrical purposes, began to look around for fresh
material, and in the year 1809 made a serious attempt,
with the assistance of John Parry (Bardd Alaw) to fit the
Welsh harp melodies with words. Delighted — writes
Dr. Lloyd Williams, the editor of the Welsh Folk-Song
Journal — with the beauty and peculiar character of these
airs, he formed the resolution to collect and adapt them
for the voice, to procure masterly accompaniments and
characteristic English verses, and to render them in all
respects as interesting as possible. The airs were sent to
him by friends from different parts of Wales, and he also
traversed Wales himself in order to hear the airs played
by the best harpers. The total absence of English poems
to the melodies surprised Thomson immensely. His
astonishment was further increased when he was told by
the Bard of Snowdon that there were hardly any lyrics
even in Welsh. Thomson accordingly went to English
IRELAND'S SHARE IN FOLK SONG REVIVAL 139
and Scottish lyrical writers for the words to these Welsh
airs, and finally asked three famous German composers,
Haydn, Kozeluch and Beethoven, to arrange them. When,
in addition to this, it has to be stated that Thomson
altered many of the melodies to suit his own taste (and
that his taste did not equal his enthusiasm, is evinced by
the bitter complaints of Irish and Scottish writers of the
gross injustice done to their countries' melodies), it cannot
be wondered at that the whole result, from an artistic and
particularly from a national point of view, was a decided
failure. ' It would be exceedingly difficult,' adds Dr.
Lloyd WiUiams, ' to find a better object lesson in national
music than this presents to us. Here we have an enthusi-
astic Scotchman, who mutilates many of the Welsh airs
which he desires to glorify ; we have a number of English
and Scotch poets, most of whom failed to fit the airs with
words that express either the rhythm or sentiment of them,
whilst the foremost musicians of Europe write excellent
arrangements, which yet lack the subtle something which
breathes out the national feehng. All this shows us clearly
that it is essential that both the poet who writes the words
and the musician who sets the accompaniments, should be
completely imbued with the national feeling, in order that
the melody may retain its power of appeal to the hearts of
the people that gave it birth.'
Mutatis mutandis this wise judgment appUes to the
English words to Bunting's airs written by Scottish and
English writers, and to the German versions of Scottish
and Irish, as well as Welsh airs, with German verse trans-
lations even of such Anglo-Irish humours as ' Paddy
O'Rafferty.'
Thank goodness that bad time has gone by, and I think
we of the four Folk Song Societies may congratulate our-
selves upon having done something in our day to re-
nationalise, instead of de-nationalise, English, Irish, Scottisli
and Welsh airs, by simple and yet artistic settings of them,
and by providing them with reverently restored versions of
140 THE CELTIC REVIEW
their old folk words, and where this is not possible, with
lyrics which are worthy partners for them.
It may here be stated that the Irish and Highland airs
seem most akin, not only owing to the remarkable alter-
nations in feeling noticeable in different parts of the same
air, but because of their melancholy, their passion and
their exhilaration. Again the English and Welsh airs have
some family likeness, though the fiery character of some
of the old Welsh marches, and the melancholy of such a
lamentation as the ' Marsh of Rhuddlan ' are more Irish
than English. But certainly, whilst the Welsh music has
a strain of its own, whether it be derived from the works
of mediaeval harpers or from the modal folk-songs of the
Cymric peasantry, there is about much of it a simpler,
or, if I may put it, a less unexpected quality than is to be
found in Gaelic music, and which relates it to the British
Celtic music of Devon, Somerset and Cornwall, if it is
wanting in the more robust qualities of the general body
of English folk song.
The Isle of Man, conquered in turn by the Irish, Norse,
Welsh, Scottish and English, has airs of all kinds, and yet
there are half a dozen Manx airs such as the ' Sheep in the
Snow,' and some of the Carvels or Carols which are sui
generis^ indeed, individual to a degree.
To revert to Dr. Petrie and that distinguished Irish-
man's great services to his country's folk songs. When
Dr. Joyce was quite a young man he sent Petrie some
beautiful folk songs which he had as a lad collected in his
native Glenosheen. Petrie was delighted with these, and
Joyce became a frequent caller at the doctor's house and
heard his songs sung by Petrie' s daughter Mary, who in
her youth was very beautiful ; Sir Frederick Burton's
picture of the ' Blind Girl at the Well ' is an admirable
likeness of her at that period. ' How well,' writes Dr.
Joyce to me, ' I recollect the procedure when I returned to
Dublin for my vacation. One of the first things was to
spend an evening with the whole family, the father and the
IRELAND'S SHARE IN FOLK SONG REVIVAL 141
four daughters, when Mary went through my new collection
on the piano with the rest Ustening, especially Petrie him-
self, in wrapt delight, as she came across some exquisite air
he had not heard before. But of all the airs he was most
delighted with the " Wicked Kerry Man," now in my
Ancient Irish MusiCy page 84.'
Here is an anecdote of Petrie recorded by Dr. Joyce in
another communication to me, showing how early his love
for Irish music had been : ' When Petrie was a boy he was
a good player upon a little single-keyed flute. One day
he and another of his young companions set out for a visit
to Glendalough, then in its primitive state of solitude.
While passing Luggelaw they heard a girl near at hand
singing a beautiful air. Instantly out came paper and
pencil and Petrie took it down and then played it on his
little flute. His companions were charmed with it ; and
for the rest of the journey, every couple of miles when they
sat down to rest, they cried, ' Here, Petrie, out with your
flute and give us that lovely tune.' That tune is now known
as * Luggelaw,' and to it Thomas Moore, to whom Petrie
gave it, wrote his words (as lovely as the music) : —
No not more welcome the fairy numbers
Of music fall on the sleeper's ear,
When half awaking from fearful slumbers,
He thinks the full choir of heaven is near, —
Than came that voice, when, all forsaken,
This heart long had sleeping lain,
Nor thought its cold pulse would ever waken
To such benign, blessed sounds again.
And this brings us to George Petrie's famous collection
of Irish music, in the gathering of which he had been en-
gaged with passionate interest from his seventeenth till
after his seventieth year.
At first he freely gave these folk airs to Thomas Moore and
Francis Holden, and even offered the use of his whole col-
lection to Edward Bunting. But finally, for fear that the
priceless hoard might be neglected or lost after his death,
142 THE CELTIC REVIEW
and also as a protest against the methods of noting and
dealing with the airs pursued by Edward Bunting and
Moore and Stevenson, respectively, Petrie agreed to edit
his collection for the Society for the Preservation and
Publication of the Ancient Music of Ireland, which was
founded in December 1851.
One volume of this collection, comprising, however,
only about a tenth part of it, saw the light in 1857. A
supplement contains thirty-six airs, some of which Dr. Stokes
tells us were sent to Petrie by personal friends, such as
Thomas Davis the patriot, William Allingham the poet,
Frederick Burton the painter, and Patrick Macdowell the
sculptor ; ' whilst physicians, students, parish priests, Irish
scholars and college librarians all aided in the good work.
But most of Petrie' s airs have been noted by himself from
the singing of the people : the chanting of some poor ballad-
singer, the song of the emigrant, of peasant girls while
milking their cows, or performing their daily round of
household duty, from the playing of wandering musicians,
or from the whistling of farmers and ploughmen.' And this
description is typical of the method by which the airs were
obtained, in this instance on the islands of Aran : —
' Inquiries having been made as to the names of persons
" who had music," that is who were known as possessors
and singers of the old airs, an appointment was made with
one or two of them to meet the members of the party at
some cottage near to the little village of Kilronan, which
was their headquarters.
' To this cottage, when evening fell, Petrie, with his
manuscript music-book and violin, and always accompanied
by his friend. Professor Eugene O' Curry, the famous Irish
scholar, used to proceed.
* Nothing could exceed the strange picturesqueness of
the scenes which night after night were thus presented.
' On approaching the house, always lighted up by a
blazing turf fire, it was seen to be surrounded by the islanders
while its interior was crowded by figures, the rich colours of
IRELAND'S SHARE IN FOLK SONG REVIVAL 143
whose dresses, heightened by the firelight, showed with a
strange vividness and variety, while their fine countenances
were all animated with curiosity and pleasure.
' It would have required a Rembrandt to paint the
scene. The minstrel — sometimes an old woman, sometimes
a beautiful girl or a young man — was seated on a low stool
in the chimney comer, while chairs for Petrie and O' Curry
were placed opposite, the rest of the crowded audience
remaining standing. The singer commenced, stopping at
every two or three bars of the melody to permit the writing
of the notes, and often repeating the passage until it was
correctly taken down, and then going on with the melody,
exactly from the point where the singing was interrupted.
The entire air being at last obtained, the singer — a second
time — was called to give the song continuously, and when
all corrections had been made, the violin, an instrument
of great sweetness and power, was produced, and the air
played as Petrie alone could play it, and often repeated.
' Never was the inherent love of music among the Irish
people more shown than on this occasion : they listened
with deep attention, while their heartfelt pleasure was
expressed, less by exclamations than by gestures ; and
when the music ceased, a general and murmured conver-
sation, in their own language, took place, which would
continue till the next song was commenced.'
Some further airs drawn from the Petrie collection, after
the publication of the volume of 1857, have appeared in the
form of piano arrangements by Francis Hoffmann, and in
vocal settings in Songs of Old Ireland, Songs of Erin, and
Irish Folk Songs, published by Boosey and Co., and in Irish
Songs and Ballads, published by Novello, Ewer and Co.
Now, however, the entire collection of about eighteen
hundred airs in purely melodic form, exactly as they were
noted down by Petrie, a vast treasure-house of folk song,
has been published by Messrs. Boosey and Co. for our Irish
Literary Society under the editorship of Sir Charles Villiers
Stanford.
\
144 THE CELTIC REVIEW
Of living collectors of Irish folk songs the longest at
work, the most learned, most indefatigable, and the most
enthusiastic — at any rate on this side of the Atlantic Ocean
— is Dr. Patrick Weston Joyce, who forty-one years ago
published Ancient Irish Music, containing a hundred airs,
never printed before. At the age of eighty, he published, in
1909, with Longmans Old Irish Folk Music and Songs, a
collection of no less than eight hundred and forty-two Irish
airs and songs, hitherto unpublished, with a masterly preface
dealing with the * Forde ' and ' Pigot ' collections contained
in his volume, the characteristics of Irish narrative airs, the
origin of various settings of Irish airs, the relation between
Irish and Danish music, the question as to how far harmony
existed amongst the ancient Irish, the various kinds of
dance tunes, the pace at which different kinds of Irish
music should be played, and the total number of Irish airs,
probably some five thousand, in existence.
This volume is a mine of beautiful airs and of interesting
Anglo-Irish song and ballad words, and it is amazing to
think that it may yet be followed by another collection of
the kind from the hands of our Nestor of Irish music.
Mr. Francis O'Neill, for long Chief of Police in Chicago,
is another living Irish collector of folk music. This en-
thusiast, beginning by setting down the Irish airs, learnt
at his Irish-speaking mother's knee, and then through a
course of years tapping the memories of fellow-country-
men who had drifted to Chicago from all the four corners
of the Green Isle, has succeeded in getting together a col-
lection of some eighteen hundred and fifty Irish airs, of
which at least five hundred had never been before in
print. The great value of this collection consists in
the number of instrumental airs which it contains. Levy's
book of Irish dance music is dwarfed beside it. But
to go back a little. A good selection from the Petrie
collection, harmonised for the pianoforte but without
words, was published after Petrie's death by Piggott
of Dublin. The music was arranged by Hoffmann a
IRELAND'S SHARE IN FOLK SONG REVIVAL 145
German resident in Dublin. The brothers Frank and
Joseph Robinson also arranged Irish airs, and so did Sir
Robert Stewart. But the first serious departure in this
direction was made by Sir Charles ViUiers Stanford in his
arrangements of Irish airs, chiefly from the Petrie collection,
to my words, in three volumes Songs of Old Ireland and
Songs of Erin, published by Boosey, and Irish Songs and
Ballads, published by Novello. Dr. Charles Wood and I
have also done a collection with Boosey entitled Irish Folk
SongSy and we have a volume of fifty more Irish folk songs
in the press, half the l3rrics of which are by Thomas Davis,
Gerald Grifiin, Ferguson, Allingham, MacCall, and other
well-known Irish song writers, the remainder being from
my pen. Latterly Mr. Herbert Hughes has brought out
his Songs of Ulla and Songs of Connaught, with lyrics by
Mr. Joseph Campbell, Mr. Padraic Colum, and others,
while Mrs. Milligan Fox, in conjunction with her sister Alice
Milligan and her poetic friend Ethna Carbery and others,
has arranged several groups of beautiful North Country
Irish airs, besides putting the musical public much in her
debt by her Annals of the Irish Harpers.
There has been indeed a gradually growing demand for
Irish folk music, but this has been largely due to the appear-
ance of several notable Irish folk singers. One of them, a
truly great and versatile singer of folk songs, Denis O' Sulli-
van, has, alas! passed from our midst, but we have, if I
may say it in his presence, the most remarkable interpreter
of Irish songs, tragic, impetuous, dreamy, rollicking, who
has appeared in my day, Mr. Plunkett Greene. And not
only is he a great singer, but a fine teacher, as anybody
who has studied his volume on The Interpretation of Song
must acknowledge. To every folk singer I commend what
he says about the right way to sing folk songs, for with
him precept and example are finely identical. Other fine
singers of Irish songs have been Mr. Ledwich, better known
as Herr Ludwig, and of course Joseph O'Mara ; but since the
days of Katherine Hayes, I know no woman singer likely
VOL. IX. K
146 THE CELTIC REVIEW
to take the laurels which she is so fast winning as a singer
of Irish baUads and dramatic songs as Miss Jean Sterling
MacKinlay, the daughter of Antoinette Sterling, to whom
Dr. Charles Wood and I owe so much for her beautiful
interpretation of so many of our songs.
The establishment of Folk Song Societies in the United
Kingdom arose with the foundation (caused by a conver-
sation between Mr. Plunkett Greene, my brother Charles,
and myself) of the Folk Song Society, whose object was the
collecting and publishing of folk songs, ballads, and tunes.
Its first meeting, with Mr. Fuller Maitland in the chair,
was held in Adelphi Terrace at the rooms of the Irish Literary
Society, of which I was then Hon. Secretary. Its Hon.
Secretary was that delightfully accomplished musician and
enthusiastic folk song collector, Mrs. Kate Lee. It was
intended to be representative of the four nations, its presi-
dent was, and is, an Englishman; its vice-presidents. Sir
Hubert Parry, Sir Alexander Mackenzie, and Sir Charles
Stanford, represent the sister countries. It coUects English
airs chiefly, but not long ago Miss Lucy Broadwood, one
of its most active members, and for some time its secretary,
published an interesting find of Waterford airs in its journal,
including one by quite a young girl who sang it to her.
Folk songs are indeed still being composed in Irish-speaking
Ireland and Welsh-speaking Wales, if not in Gaelic-speak-
ing Scotland. The Folk Song Society has also recently
brought out a remarkable collection of Highland airs,
collected by Miss Tolmie.
But Ireland in its Home Rule tendencies needed special
treatment, and an Irish Folk Song Society is now flourishing
with Mrs. Milligan-Fox as its enthusiastic secretary. The
Welsh Folk Song Society, which owes so much to the acti-
vities of Dr. Lloyd Williams and Mrs. Mary Davies, took
its origin at a meeting of the Cymmrodorin section at the
Carnarvon National Eisteddfod of 1906, where papers were
read by Principal, now Sir Harry, Reichel and myself, in
which we urged the formation of a Welsh Folk Song Society
IRELAND'S SHARE IN FOLK SONG REVIVAL 147
to collect the perishing Welsh melodies. A handsome
response was made, and now we have a most active and
successful Welsh Folk Song Society, which is gathering
Welsh Folk Airs of aU kinds in hundreds, nay thousands,
up and down the Principality with pen and pencil and
phonograph. One of my daughters has been thus engaged
at Harlech quite recently, and has there bagged two inter-
esting and long-lost Irish airs, ' What shall we do with the
herring ? ' and ' Little Jimmy Murphy,' the first a rather
unusual instance of an Irish cumulative song, the other
a quaint pathetic Irish execution ballad, besides a dozen
or more fresh versions of Welsh folk songs. The Dunedin
Musical Association recently formed is also collecting
Scottish folk songs. I hope they will prove as beautiful
as the finds of Miss Murray, Mrs. Kennedy Fraser, and
Mr. Kenneth Macleod in the Hebrides.
The Gaelic League has not been idle in the collection
and singing of folk songs. They have reintroduced the
singing of Irish-Gaelic into the concert room and collected
many traditional songs and pipe and fiddle airs. The Feis
Ceoil, the Irish Musical Festival, which sprmig out of
lectures on Irish folk song, delivered before the National
Literary Society of Dublin by Dr. Annie Patterson and
myself, encourages Irish National music by prizes for
singing in Irish and English, and some of its members have
taken down songs and pipers' and fiddlers' tunes from the
phonograph, but the Feis Ceoil does not, like the Welsh
Eisteddfod, offer prizes for collections of folk songs. In
Wales and in England there is a folk play departure which
is helping to popularise Welsh and English folk songs, and
Mr. Cecil Sharp and Miss Mary Neal have been doing
splendid work in reintroducing the English Morris and
country dances into the villages. I have heard the village
children of Winchelsea in Sussex singing folk tunes in
the course of their folk plays, and I have no doubt that
the Hildenborough players, the Dorchester and Norwich
players and the boys of Sawston in Cambridgeshire, as well
148 THE CELTIC REVIEW
as the performers in the Boxford Pastoral Masques and the
Grasmere Dialect Plays are benefiting by the folk song
and the folk dance coming in amongst them, and will
thereby help to make England ' merrie ' again. I com-
mend this excellent departure to the ' United Irishwomen '
who are now doing their best to brighten Irish village life.
I have myself been a delighted witness of and listener to a
Welsh village play, full of newly-discovered Welsh folk
songs in the beautiful village hall erected by Mr. Davison
at Harlech.
What is to be the outcome of this now generally diffused
folk song movement ? Surely out of the four treasure
houses of our folk songs — the English, Irish, Scottish and
Welsh — national schools of music should spring as surely
as they have sprung up on the Continent. For has not
every national school of music in Europe been built up
from the foundation of its country's folk songs. One need
but recall the names of Smetana in Bohemia, GHnka in
Russia, Grieg in Norway, and the great composers of
Germany, Schubert, Beethoven, Brahms, all of whom con-
tinually acknowledged their indebtedness to German folk
song. Already the leaven is working in this country.
Norman O'Neill, Percy Grainger, Vaughan Williams and
others are founding themselves upon the imexpected
treasure trove of English folk song, Scotsmen, Irishmen
and Welshmen will surely not be far behind. Indeed Sir
Charles Stanford has already made notable essays in this
direction. I hope the time is not far distant when he may
crown his work by a really great Irish opera founded upon
one of our noble heroic tales.
Note. — The above paper was read to the Irish Literary Society (London) on the
twenty-first anniversary of its foundation.
FEASGAR SAMHRAIDH 149
FEASGAR SAMHRAIDH
Mac-ille-Mhuire
* Cha'n fhacas air talamh learn sealladh as boidhch'
Na a' ghrian a' dol sios air taobh siar Eilein Leodhais.'
Tha e fhathast maille ruinn, am bard a ghleus a chlar-
sach a chur an ceill cliu Eilein a ghraidh. Na sheann aois
am meadhon baile mor na h-Alba tha a smaointean gach la
a dol dhachaidh gu Eilean an Fhraoich, agus ged nach 'eil
an comas aige an diugh 's iomadh ceum a tha a chasan a
fagail air mointeach agus raon ann an Eilean a' chuain
an iar. Cha 'n 'eil baile no dachaidh, tigh no airigh, beinn
no tom, loch no 6b air nach eil e mion eolach. Agus gu ma
sona a bhitheas a bhruadair aig crioch a latha, oir thug e
dhuinn oran nach diochuimhnichear cho fada 's a bhitheas
cridhe ann an com a' Ghaidheil. 'S iomadh ni a thug luchd ar
foimeirt uainn, ach so aon ni air nach b' urrainn iad an
lamhan granda a leagail. 'S leis a' Ghaidheal a chridhe
fhein gu brath !
Bha mi air mullach na beinne aig am dol fodha na greine
'n uair a thainig gu m' aire briathran a' bhaird. Bha mi air
mo chuairteachadh air gach taobh le gloir na cruinne, agus
smaoinich mi gu de an t-aoibhneas a chuireadh e ann an
cridhe an t-seann duine a bha dunadh a latha ann an gleadh-
raich a' bhaile mhoir na 'm b' urrainn da an sealladh so
fhaicinn aon uair eile 'na anmhuinneachd. Ach tha suilean
a' bhaird aige agus tha e 'ga fhaicinn.
B' e sealladh e a dhuisgeadh cridhe neach sam bith
aig nach robh a shuilean duinte. Am bheil gu cinnteach
sealladh air thalamh coltach ri gloir Eileanan a' Chuain
an iar ? Cha ruig mi leas innseadh gu de an t-Eilean air
an robh mi air an fheasgar so, 'na m' aonar air mullach na
beinne, a' faireachduinn nach robh deo air fhagail 'na m'
150 THE CELTIC REVIEW
chridhe aig meud maise agus sgeimh an t-seallaidh. Cha
mhor nach robh mi a' faicinn a' chuain uile gu leir mu m'
thimchioU. Aig aon aite a mhain bha e air a dhunadh
bho m' shealladh, far an do dh' eirich beinn bheag thairis
air nach b' urrainn domh faicinn. Cha robh i ach mar
chnoc an coimeas ri beanntan an Tir-mhoir, a bha togail
gu h-ard am muUach air taobh thall a' chaolais, a' dearrsadh
le dathan uaine agus gorm agus dearg ann an solus na
greine.
Ach 's ann air a chuan a bha m'aire, agus bha fhois
fhein air a bhroilleach air an fheasgar so. 'S iomadh la
a chmmaic mi sealladh eile air, 'nuair a bha na tonnan, a'
briseadh geal thairis air Copaidh, agus 'g a thoirt as mo
shealladh. Ach a nis cha robh gluasad no braon air
aghaidh na mara, eadhon aig Spuir. Bha Spuir 'na laighe
air uachdar a' chuain mar leomhann aig fois, gun ni air bith
a' cur dragh air, agus a spogan sinte mach roimhe. 'S
ann direach ris a sin a tha Spuir cosmhuil — creag anns a
chuan eadar mi agus Hiort. 'S iomadh sealladh eile a
chunnaic mi air Spuir. 'S iomadh latha a fhuair am maraiche
am muir sleamhuinn aig Spuir. Gu de cho trie, 'nuair a bha
mi 'na m' bhalach, a leum mo chridhe do m' bheul, agus a
ghleidh mi m' anail a' faicinn nan tonn a' briseadh geal
thairis air na h-eathraichean a bha togail nan cliabh !
Cha'n e h-uile latha a thogadh am maraiche na cleibh aig'
ann a Spuir. Ach mu sin la eile.
Am falbh seirm na mara as mo chluasan gu brath ?
Nach 'eil mi cluinntinn bron a' Chuain-an-iar anns an oidhche
'nuair a tha carbaid na smuid a' gleadhraich seachad ! Nach
'eil eigh agus taladh a' chuain am fhuil, agus mi ag iarraidh
faicinn gu de a tha air taobh thall nam beann a tha 'g
iathadh orm air gach taobh. Tha sealladh cho fada thairis
air aghaidh na fairge a toirt samhchair do'm chridhe.
Thionndaidh mi do'n Airde 'n ear a dheas, agus bha
sgiathan an fheasgair 'g am pasgadh fhein thairis air
Maighdeanan Mhic-Leoid os cionn Dhuin-bheagain. Bha
Eilean a' Cheo mu m' choinneamh le bheanntan arda, gorm,
NEIL MACLEOD
NEIL MACLEOD 151
agus anns an dubhar, na'b fhaide air falbh 's an Airde 'n
ear, beanntan na Mor-thir, ag eirigh gu h-ard am measg
nan neul. Bha beanntan na h-Earadh agus Dunarain
a' boillsgeadh ann an solus na greine, agus Tur Chliamain,
a bha cho f ada re nan linntean 'na Thigh-soluis do'n t-sluagh,
'na aon lasadh oir, a' glacadh ghathan deireannach na greine.
Ach cha robh gloir na h- Airde 'n ear ri bhi ri-ri! an
coimeas ri gloir na h- Airde 'n iar, 'nuair a thionndaidh mi
rithist m'aghaidh ris a' ghrein. Bha i direach a' beantuinn ris
na h-uisgeachan, anns an robh a solus a' deabachadh ann an
iomadh dath. Tha e seachad air comas duine ailleachd
an t-seallaidh a chur an ceill. An Cuan an iar air a lasadh
suas leis an teine so a bha anns an adhar — buidhe, agus
dearg, agus gorm, agus geal, uile gu leir dealrach.
Bha Hiort air a comhdach leis a' ghloir, 'ga cumail mar
nach bu mhiann leatha dealachadh ris an solus. Ach, uidh
air n-uidh chaidh i sios do'n chuan. Ach bha a gloir 'na mo
shuilean, agus seirm a' Chuain-an-iar 'na mo chluasan,
agus na reultan a' toiseachadh ri priobadh a nuas orm,
agus 'na m' chridhe smuaintean nach urrainn dhomh a
sgriobhadh.
NEIL MACLEOD
Professor Mackinnon
Only five short years ago the Highlanders of Edinburgh
were proud to reckon among their number three men who
stood foremost in the front rank of the Gaelic authors of
their day. The three were Islesmen bom : Donald Mac-
kechnie in Jura ; Dr. Alexander Carmichael in Lismore ;
and Neil Macleod in Skye. And now, although talented men
and women remain, those of us who knew these three well,
their work, ideals, and aspirations, feel that life in the
' grey metropolis ' will never again be quite the same
without them.
Neil Macleod, the last of the three, passed away on the
152 THE CELTIC REVIEW
sixth of September last. He was born in Glendale, Skye,
in March 1843. His birth was not registered, registration
in out-of-the-way parts was at the time very irregular,
and until quite recently the man himself believed that he
was a couple of years older. But he is entered in the Census
of 1851 at eight years of age, and the entry, in the absence
of more definite evidence, must be taken as conclusive.
The poet's father, Donald Macleod, otherwise Domhnall
nan Oran, was a well-known Gaelic poet in his day. He
published a volume in 1811, and a few pieces composed by
him at later dates, were printed by his son some years ago.
The father was a merchant on a small scale in Glendale.
He also occupied a small farm or croft, which he held rent
free in virtue of his hardship, with succession to his widow,
very probably the last tenure of the kind in Scotland.
The sept of Macleods to which the poet belonged showed
in our own day talent, energy, and enterprise in various
directions. A cousin founded a large commercial firm in
Edinburgh and London, another rose from the ranks to
be Major in the British army, while a third was leader of the
land movement in Skye. In all of them, men and women,
a gift of pointed and expressive speech, relieved by wit
and humour, was conspicuous.
The futiu-e poet received such school education as the
village supplied, which at the time did not count for much.
StiU it enabled him to read and write English fairly well,
and that to a lad of parts meant a great deal. He passed
his boyhood much like the other lads of the glen, in rural
occupation varied by herding and fishing, and of evenings
attending the local ceilidh when song and story went round.
These meetings, and not the village school, were the chief
factor in the intellectual, moral, and aesthetic development
of the future Bard. To hear him recall in after years, in his
own inimitable way, a meeting of this ceilidh, and to read
his views upon social, traditional, and literary questions,
one has no difficulty in tracing the genesis and growth
of Neil Macleod's ideas.
NEIL MACLEOD 153
The poet came South some forty-five to fifty years ago
and found employment with his cousin, the late Mr. Rode-
rick Macleod, in Edinburgh. Shortly afterwards he became
one of the travellers of the firm, embracing Argyllshire,
Skye and neighbourhood, and some southern counties in
his ambit. He remained at this wearing work until the
weight of advancing years made it advisable for him to
retire. Constitutionally he was sound and strong. But
a bad fall from a trap when on his rounds some years ago,
followed soon afterwards by a cowardly assault on his own
stairhead by a couple of ruffians, permanently affected his
health, and, it is to be feared, shortened his life.
Macleod's poetical gifts developed early. He became
known as the Skye Bard in early youth. A few of his best
known compositions appeared from time to time in the
Highland Press. From the encouragement thus received,
and upon the advice of friends on whose judgment he
relied, he published, in 1883, under the title of Clarsach
an Doire, his principal compositions up to that date. The
result was most gratifying. Highlanders at home and
abroad hailed Macleod as the poet of Gaeldom, and not
merely of Skye. A second edition, much enlarged, and
with four tales in prose added, appeared in 1893, a third in
1902, and a fourth in 1909. This constituted a record in
Scottish Gaelic Literature. No other secular author saw
a fourth edition of his own work. This success was no
doubt due in part to the Gaelic revival in recent years, but
it was mainly due to the merits of the volume.
It may, I think, be safely affirmed that since Duncan
M'Intyre died no Gaelic poet took such firm hold of the
imagination of Highlanders as Neil Macleod was able to
do. But it can hardly be said with truth that we had
not in the interval Gaelic bards of poetic gifts equal if not
even superior to his. Among such most people would
name at least three — William Ross, William Livingstone,
and Donald Mackechnie. Ross was, at his best, as e.g. in
the poem in praise of Marion Ross of Stornoway, the most
154 THE CELTIC REVIEW
melodious of modern Gaelic poets. But he was very
imequal, and unfortunately his editor, John Mackenzie,
printed more than one unworthy piece which he attributes
to this poet. Livingstone again undoubtedly possessed
strength of intellect and imagination, with great command
of expressive diction. But although he could infuse music
as well as passion into his verse, as in the powerful com-
position entitled Fios thun a^Bhdird, his poems are as a rule
rugged, uncouth, and he remains largely unread. Donald
Mackechnie is such an admirable writer of Gaelic prose
that the merits of his verse are apt to be overlooked. Still
some poems of his — ' The Bard,' ' The Brook,' ' The Voice
of the Sea,' with others, are of the very highest order.
Macleod, on the other hand, shows a combination of
gifts that enables us to imderstand his popularity beyond
others of equal talent. There is as a rule a happy selection
of subject. The treatment is simple, unaffected. You
have on every page evidence of the equable temper and
gentle disposition of the author, — gay humour or melting
pathos ; happy diction ; pure idiom ; exquisite rhyme. His
compositions are not all of equal merit, but in all of them
there is one quality which never fails — read them with
a touch of the Skye accent, and you are at once brought
captive by the melody of the versification.
Our poet has hardly left a chord of the Highland lyre
untouched, and from each he has brought forth sweet music.
His poetical compositions number in all about ninety.
Among them are songs which will be sung as long as the
language endures. Where has the charm of the old home
been more tenderly and sympathetically expressed than in
'My Native Glen'? Did 'The Cottar's Saturday Night'
suggest the pervading sentiment of it ? Even if it were
so the poem will not suffer much by a comparison. ' Annie
and I ' is a worthy counterpart to ' John Anderson, my
Jo.' John Campbell of Ledaig on one occasion sent to
his brother poet a sprig of heather, a daisy, and a prim-
rose. Macleod' 8 acknowledgement is in verse — five stanzas
NEIL MACLEOD 155
in all. One can hardly conceive a happier or more appro-
priate reply, whether in conception or expression. Here
is the first stanza (p. 127) : — ^
Ciad ikilt' ort fh^in, a bhadain fhraoich,
Bho thir nan aonach ^rd —
An tir a dh' araich iomadh laoch,
Ge sgaoilt' an diugh an al ;
Tha snuadh mo dhiithcha air do ghruaig,
Seasaidh tu fuachd is births,
'S e mheudaich dhomh cho mor do luach
Gu'n d'fhuair mi thu bho'n Bh^rd.
The humour of the poet finds frequent expression in his
verse. He was a master of good-natured ridicule and chaff.
Indeed if the man had done nothing else than raise Gaelic
satire from the pit of coarseness and scurriHty in which it
had lain from the dawn of our literature he would have
deserved our lasting gratitude. I have always regarded
' The Song of the Old Maid ' as his happiest effort in this
department. The humour of the whole composition is ex-
quisite, while the character of the old maid, thoroughly
womanly, but with her sturdy independence and self-
respect maintained in face of her numerous disappoint-
ments, is a unique conception in Scottish Gaelic Literature.
If one could divest one's self of old-fashioned prejudice one
would be prepared to say that this piece is worthy of
Horace at his best.
The Bard was a man of great charm of manner. His
presence at social gatherings was eagerly sought after.
He was not averse to the platform, where his racy speech
and fund of anecdote always told. But to know the man
well, one must needs meet him at his own happy fireside,
or in the company of one or two congenial spirits in the
house of an attached friend. His countrymen honoured
him on many occasions. He was Bard to the Celtic Society
of the University of Edinburgh, and to the Gaelic Society
of Inverness. On his retirement from business his ad-
mirers presented him with an illuminated address written
156 THE CELTIC REVIEW
in Gaelic, and a handsome purse of sovereigns collected
in all parts of the world, but mainly in Scotland and South
Africa. A memorial was sent at the same time to the First
Lord of the Treasury, signed by some fifteen or sixteen
men and women — peers, ex-moderators, clergymen and
scholars who knew the man and his work, and who were able
to speak of him as the greatest living GaeUc poet, praying for
the grant of a pension from the Civil List, but, to the great
disappointment of the memorialists and the poet's numerous
friends, the claim was not entertained.
The Bard was married to Katherine Stewart, daughter
of the late Mr. Stewart, teacher at Kensaleyre, Skye. To
the sorrowing widow, her two daughters and son, the deep
sympathy of Gaelic-speaking people in all parts of the
world has gone forth for the loss of the husband and father,
a man as good as he was great.
AOIBHINN AN OBAIR AN T-SEALG
William J. Watson
The hunting of the deer of old in Scotland was conducted
on a scale and in a manner very different from that now
in vogue. To illustrate this, take the following extract
from the distinguished English traveller and antiquary,
Thomas Pennant, to whose acute observation we owe so
much information as to our own country in the middle of
the eighteenth century. The scene is near Dunkeld.
' Walk through a narrow pass, bounded by great rocks.
One retains the name of the King's Seat, having been the
place where the Scottish monarchs placed themselves, in
order to direct their shafts with advantage at the flying deer
driven that way for their amusement. A chase of this
kind had very nearly prevented the future miseries of the
imhappy Mary Stuart. The story is well told by William
Barclay in his treatise Contra Monarchomachos ; it gives
AOIBHINN AN OBAIR AN T-SEALG 157
a lively picture of the ancient manner of hunting, and in
that account will perhaps be acceptable to the reader in an
English dress.
' In the year 1563 the Earl of Athol, a prince of the blood
royal, had with much trouble and vast expense, a hunting
match for the entertainment of our most illustrious and
most gracious Queen. Our people caU this a royal hunting.
I was then a young man, and was present on the occasion.
Two thousand Highlanders, or wild Scotch, as you call them
here, were employed to drive to the hunting ground all the
deer from the woods and hills of Athole, Badenoch, Mar,
Murray, and the countries about. As these Highlanders use a
light dress, and are very swift of foot, they went up and down
so nimbly that in less than two months' time they brought
together 2000 red deer, besides roes and fallow deer. The
Queen, the great men, and others, were in a glen when all the
deer were brought before them. Believe me, the whole body
of them moved forward in something like battle order. This
sight still strikes me, and ever will, for they had a leader
whom they followed close wherever he moved. This leader
was a very fine stag, with a very high head. The sight
delighted the Queen very much ; but she soon had occasion
to fear, upon the Earl's (who had been accustomed to such
sights) addressing her thus : — " Do you observe that stag
who is foremost of the herd ? There is danger from that
stag ; for if either fear or rage should force him from the
ridge of that hill, let everyone look to himself, for none of
us will be out of the way of harm ; for the rest will follow
this one, and having thrown us under foot, they will open
a passage to this hill behind us." What happened a
moment after confirmed this opinion, for the Queen ordered
one of the best dogs to be let loose upon a wolf ; this the
dog pursues, the leading stag was frightened, and he flies
by the same way he had come there, the rest rush after him,
and break out where the thickest body of Highlanders was.
They had nothing for it but to throw themselves flat upon
the ground and allow the deer to pass over them. It was
158 THE CELTIC REVIEW
told the Queen that several of the Highlanders had been
wounded, and that two or three had been killed outright,
and the whole body had got off had not the Highlanders,
by their superior skill in hunting, fallen upon a stratagem
to cut off the rear from the main body. It was of those
that had been separated that the Queen's dogs and those
of the nobility made slaughter. There were killed that day
360 deer, with five wolves and some roes.'
An even fuller description is that given by Taylor, the
Water Poet, who for a wager visited Scotland on foot and
without a coin in his pocket in 1618. He came through
Glen Esk to Braemar. * There did I finde the truely noble
and right honourable Lords John Erskine, Earl of Marr,
and others. For once in the yeere, which is the whole
month of August, and sometimes part of September, many
of the nobility and gentry of the kingdome (for their pleasure)
doe come into these high-land countries to hunt, where they
doe conforme themselves to the habits of the Highland men,
who for the most part speake nothing but Irish, and in former
time were those people which were called the Red shankes.
Their habite is shoes with but one sole apiece : stocking
(which they call short hose) made of a warm stuff of divers
colours, whiche they call tartane : as for breeches, many of
them, nor their forefathers, never wore any, but a jerkin
of the same stuffe that their hose is of : their garters being
bands or wearthes of hay or straw, with a plaid about their
shoulders, which is a mantle of divers colours, much finer
and lighter stuffe than their hose, with blue caps on their
heads, a handkerchiefe knit with two knots about their
necke ; and thus they are att3n?ed. Now their weapons are
long bowes and forked arrowes, swords and targets, harque-
busses, muskets, durks and Loquhabor-axes. With these
armes I found many of them armed for hunting. As for
their attire, any man of what degree soever that comes
amongst them must not disdaine to weare it ; for if they
doe they will disdaine to hunt or wilUngly to bring in their
dogges, but if men be kind unto them, be in their habit, then
AOIBHINN AN OBAIR AN T-SEALG 159
are they conquered with kindness, and the sport will be
plentif ull. This was the reason that I found so many noble-
men and gentlemen in those shapes. But to proceed to the
hunting. My good Lord of Marr having put me into that
shape, I rode with him from his house, where I saw the
ruines of an old castle, called the castle of Kindroghit. It
was built by King Malcolm Canmore (for a hunting house),
who reigned in Scotland when Edward the Confesor,
Harold, and Norman WiUiam reigned England. I speake
of it because it was the last house that I saw in those parts ;
for I was the space of twelve days after, before I saw either
house, corne field, or habitation for any creature, but deere,
wilde horses, wolves and such like creatures, which made
me doubt that I should never have scene a house againe.
Thus the first day we travelled eight miles, where there were
small cottages built on purpose to lodge in, which they call
Lonquhards. I thanke my goode Lord Erskine, he com-
manded that I should always be lodge in his lodging, the
kitchin being always on the side of a banke, many kettles
and pots boyling, and many spits turning and winding with
great variety of cheere : as venson bak't, sodden, rost and
sten'de beefe, mutton, goates, kid, hares, fresh salmon,
pidgeons, hens, capons, chickens, partridge, moorecootes,
heathcocks, caperkellies, and termagantes ; good ale, sackes
white, white and claret tent, or allegant, with most potent
Aquavite. All these and more then these we had continually
in superfluous abundance, caught by faulconers, fowlers,
fishers, and brought by my lord's tenants and perveyers,
to victuall our camp, which consisteth of fourteen or fifteene
hundred men and horses. The manner of the hunting is
this — five or six hundred men do rise early in the morning,
and they do disperse themselves divers ways, and seven,
eight, or tenne miles compasse, they do bring in or chase
in the deere in many herds, two, three, or four hundred
in a herd, to such or such a place, as the noblemen shall
appoint them. When the day is come the lords and gentle-
men of their companys doe ride or goe to the said places.
160 THE CELTIC REVIEW
some times wadeing up to the middle through bournes and
rivers ; and then they being come to the place, do lye
downe on the ground til those four said scouts, which are
called the tinckhell, doe bring down the deere ; but as the
proverb says, as bad cooks, so these tinckhell men do lick
their fingers, for besides their bows and arrows which they
carry with them, we can hear now and then a harqubusse
or a musket goe off, which they seldom discharge in vain ;
then after we had stayed three hours or thereabouts, we
might perceive the deer appear on the hill round about us
(there heads making a show like a wood), which being followed
by the tinckhell are chased down to the valley where we lay.
Then all the valley on each side being waylaid with a hundred
couple of strong Irish greyhounds, they are let loose as
occasion serves upon the herd of deere, that with dogges,
gunnes, arrowes, durkes, and daggers in the space of two
houres four scores off fat deeres were slain, which afterwards
are disposed of, some one way and some another, and more
than enough for us to make merry with all at our rendezvous.
' Being come to our lodging, there was such baking,
boyling, roasting, and stewing, as if cook Ruffin had been
there to have scalded the devils in their feathers, and after
supper a fire of fir wood as high as an indifferent may pole ;
for I assure you that the Earl of Marr will give any man that
is his friend, for thanks, as many fir trees (that are as good
as any ship's masts in England) as are worth if they were
in any place near the Thames or any other portable river
the best earldome in England or Scotland either. For I
dare affirme he hath as growing there as would serve for
masts (from this time until the end of the world) for all the
ships, carrackes, hoyes, galleys, boats drumlers, barkes and
water crafts that are now or can be in the world these forty
years. This sounds like a lie to an unbeleiver ; but I know
that I and many thousands do know that I speak within
the compass of truth, for indeed they do grow so far from
any paswage of water, and withal in such rocky mountains
that no way to convey them is possible either with cart,
AOIBHINN AN OB AIR AN T-SEALG 161
horse, or boat. Thus having spend certain days in hunting in
thebrea of Marr, we went to the next county, called Bagnoch.'
In connection with the above extracts may be taken
two which are older, from the Description of the Western
Isles, ' compyled by Mr. Donald Monro Deane of the Isles
1549.' Dean Monro, it may be noted, was a Ferindonald
man, a native of Kilteam. With regard to Duray (Jura)
the Dean states : —
(There) ' is twa Loches meitand uthers throughe mid
lyle of Salt watter to the lenthe of ane haff myle ; and all
the Deire of the West pairt of that forrest will be callit be
tainchess to that narrow entres and the next day calht west
againe be tainchess through the said narrow entres, and
infinit Deire slaine ther. This lyle, as the ancient lyl-
landers alledges should be called Deiray taking the name
from the Deire in Nome Leid quhilk has given it that
name in auld times.'
Here ' tainchess ' is used for ' tinchells ' ; ' meitand '
for ' meeting ' is still regular in Avoch ; ' leid ' means
' speech.' The ' ancient lyllanders ' were right as regards
the derivation of Jura.
The other passage from the Dean treats of Rum, mis-
spelled in my copy as Ronin (for Roum).
' Ane forest of heigh montains and abundance of litle
Deir in it, quhilk deir will never be slaine dounewith, bot
the Principall saitts man be in the heigh of the hill because
the Deire will be calht upwart ay be the Teinchell or with-
out t3nichals they will pas upwart perforce.'
In both these passages ' callit ' means ' driven,' moderr
Scots ' ca' ' e.g. ' Ca' the yowes to the knowes.' The deer
of Rum, it is to be noticed, refuse to be slain on the flat ;
they will pass uphill. So says Duncan Macintyre of the
doe of Ben Doran : —
Air chaisead na leacainn, cha saltradh i comhnard.
The old Statistical Account of the Small Isles, printed
in 1796, contains a valuable description of deer-hunting,
VOL. IX. L
162 THE CELTIC REVIEW
which does not appear to agree with that given by Dean
Monro. The writer, the Rev. Donald Maclean, says : —
' In Rum these were formerly great numbers of deer ;
there was also a copse of wood that afforded cover to
their fawns from birds of prey, particularly from the eagle.
While the wood throve the deer also throve ; now that
the wood is totally destroyed, the deer are extirpated.
Before the use of fire arms, their method of killing deer
was as follows : On each side of a glen, formed by two
mountains, stone dykes were begun pretty high in the
mountains, and carried to the lower part of the valley,
always drawing nearer, till within 3 or 4 feet of each other.
From this narrow pass, a circular space was enclosed by a
stone wall, of a height sufficient to confine the deer ; to this
place they were pursued and destroyed. The vestige of
one of these enclosures is still to be seen in Rum.'
Information as to the details of the great huntings in
AthoU, their organisation and rules is given in Mr. Charles
Ferguson's series of papers in the Transactions of the Inver-
ness Gaelic Society entitled ' Sketches of the Early History
of Strathardle,' in particular vol. xxiii. p. 177. In vol. xx.
p. 263, he states that in ' August of 1582 King James held
a grand royal hunt amongst the hills of AthoU and Strath-
ardill. The great meeting-place, to which all the deer
were driven, was at the hill of Elrick, on Dirnanean Moor
{Doire nan Eun)^ which hill, as its name indicates, had been
for ages before one of the noted hunting-places of Atholl.
... As a proof of what a hunting country Strathardle
must have been in olden times, I may mention that my late
uncle Robert Forbes (than whom none better knew these
hills), told me that he knew twelve elrigs in the district
above Kirkmichael.'
For the description of an elrig we are indebted to
Dr. Robertson of Callander, who in his work on the Agri-
culture of the County of Perth, 1799, p. 328 (quoted by
Mr. Ferguson) writes thus : —
' The natives hunted the deer by surrounding them
AOIBHINN AN OBAIR AN T-SEALG 163
with men, or by making large enclosm'es of such a height
as the deer could not overleap, fenced with stakes and inter-
twined with brushwood. Vast multitudes of men were
collected on hunting days, who, forming a ring round the
deer, drove them into these enclosures, which were open on
one side. From some eminence which overlooked the en-
closure the principal personages and others who did not
choose to engage in the chase, were spectators of the whole
diversion. The enclosures were called in the language of
the country elerig, which is derived from another word
signifying contest or strife. One of the farms in Glenlochy
of Breadalbane is called ' Craggan-an-Elerig,' a small rock
which overhangs a beautiful field resembling the arena
of an ampitheatre, probably the first that was cleared of
wood in that district, and admirably adapted for this
purpose by the natural situation of the adjacent ground.
There are elerigs in various parts of the country.'
The purpose of the elrigs (or elricks) is by no means
forgotten in Perthshire at the present day, naturally, seeing
that the great huntings continued on into the eighteenth
century. Some years ago I talked with AthoU men who
knew about them and mentioned several in AthoU, such as
Eileirig an Tdisich, used by Mackintosh of Glen Tilt, and
Eileirig nan Gobhach, the Gows' Elrick. The meaning of
the term is therefore not in doubt. The Elrick was an en-
closure, usually in relatively low ground, into which deer
were driven by the ' tinchell.' The derivation of eileirig
has long been a puzzle. That it is of the feminine gender
appears by such expressions as Tom na h-Eileirig. Dr.
Robertson's ' Craggan-an-elerig ' should certainly have been
Cragan na h-Eileirig, to judge by the modern instances.
Dr. MacBain, who gave the question much consideration,
ultimately regarded it as formed from eilear, a deer-walk,
and the best spelling would therefore, on that theory, be
eilearaig, a locative of eilearag, literally, a small deer-path.
In certain districts, outside of Perthshire, the term is pro-
nounced iolairig, and indeed till I came to Perthshire, this
164 THE CELTIC REVIEW
was the prormnciation familiar to me, as applied to Elrick
in Strathnairn. The variant naturally led to a folk-
etymology from iolaire, an eagle ; but an Elrick is, as a
rule, the last place where one would expect eagles to haunt,
and, in any case, to call a place ' a little eagle,' ' an eaglet '
would be absurd. The variation is one of dialect, but
it may have been helped by the supposed connection with
iolaire, for otherwise it is difficult to see how the slender I
could have become broad. Dr. MacBain's derivation is
certainly plausible, and it may be right. There is one fact,
however, which is seriously against it. In the Book of Deer
is recorded : Malcolum mac Moilhrigte dorat indelerc, Malcolm
son of Mael Bride, gave ' indelerc' MacBain, who edited
the Gaelic text, and all others have read this last in delerc.
I think that it should be read as ind elerc, ' the Elrick.'
Now in the ' Letters of procuratorie and resignacioune of
the Abbaice of Deir,' dated 1587, there appear as part of
the patrimony of the Abbey the lands of Littill Elrik and
the lands of Meikle Elrik, and at the present day there are
Mains of Elrick, Elrick Hill and Elrick moss about five or
six miles southwest of the church of Deer. It will be found
that the possessions of the Cistercian abbey of Deer, as set
forth in the document mentioned, include (apart from the
Elricks) four or five places recorded in the Book of Deer as
having been granted to the old Celtic monastery, and I
would identify indelerc of the Book with the Elricks of
1587, and the modern Elrick. If this is accepted, then we
have in elerc the oldest form by far, and however it may be
analysed it is certainly not a diminutive form. For elerc
becoming eleirig, compare Old Gael, loarcc. Mod. Gael.
Idirig ; teasairg, pronounced frequently teasraig ; Lanark,
pronounced Lanrick. (The two Perthshire Lanricks are
both in Gael. Laraig, with ar nasal.) I have not met the
word elsewhere in Gaelic literature. Dr. Joyce does not
record it as occurring in Ireland, nor does Father Power in
his highly intensive study of the place names of Decies.
The Strathnairn Elrick is near the east end of Loch
AOIBHINN AN OBAIR AN T-SEALG 165
Ruthven, on the low ground, where there is a pass or small
glen, overlooked by a ' cragan.'
The Elricks are found from the Moray Firth to the Solway
especially in Aberdeenshire and Perthshire. There is none
known to me north of Inverness. We should have ex-
pected to find Elricks in Monar, the scene of the great
huntings of the Lords of Lovat, in Freevater, where the
Earls of Ross and later the Lairds of Balnagowan were
wont to hunt, and in Sutherland. None, however, appear
on record, and the old tradition has largely gone with the
people who once knew the ground in connection with their
shielings and grazings.
North of Inverness, but not confined to that region,
we find another term, namely eileag. Travellers between
Lairg and Lochinver know Mointeach Eileag ' the moss of
eileags.' This term also was long puzzling. The solution
came when I was told the tale of Eileag Bad Challaidh, a
place near Amat, Strathcarron, somewhere about Sal-
lachy. Very few now seem to know the exact spot, and
though I know the locality fairly well I have not seen it.
The tale goes that in the old times the people of Strath-
carron were often hard pressed by the Lochlannaich,
which, in view of the place names Dibidale, Amat, and
Alladale at the head of the strath and Gruinzeord at its
foot, is no doubt correct. At such times, two places were
of great importance, Cairidh Ginn-Chdrdain the weir of
Kincardine, near the parish church, for the catching of
salmon, and Eileag BadChallaidh in the heights, for deer.
The eileag^ according to my informant, was an arrangement
very like that described in the 0. Stat. Ace. as once prevalent
in Rum for catching deer. There are about half a dozen
names in Ross known to me involving eileag, and about the
same number in Sutherland. The term is based on Old Gael.
ail, stone, whence eileach, a mill lade, Craigellachie, na h-
Eileachan Naomha, etc., and the true eileag would be of
stone as described in Rum. The stone structure would be
resorted to where wood was scarce, or for permanency.
166 THE CELTIC REVIEW
In Sutherland there are the remains of a number of old
walls constructed of stones and earth running across moor,
mountain and glen in a very remarkable way. One of
these, which I have seen, begins at Ben Vr aggie, runs up
part of Dunrobin glen, then strikes across the hill on the
north side of the glen, and comes out at Altnaharra. An-
other is said to connect Loch Brora and Loch Shin. The
length of one is said to be nearly thirty miles. In Boss
similar walls occur. One runs between Loch Maree and
Loch Torridon, another runs right through Coigach. An-
other runs east and west on the high ground between Loch
Broom and Little Loch Broom ; a burn which crosses it
is called Altnaharrie, and the wall runs up to a hill called
Maoil na h-Eirbhe. I have explained eirhJie elsewhere to
be the old word for a fence or wall. The purpose of these
walls has never been considered, and indeed antiquaries
seem to be unaware of their existence, but when they do
come to be mapped out and studied, a connection with the
great deer-hunts is one of the possibilities that might be
considered.
The term ' tinchell ' which recurs so often in connection
with the hunts, of course means the body of men, sometimes
numbering thousands, who drove the deer into the elrig or
eileag, and seems to be a rather loose use of timchioll, a
circuit. The drive usually took place in August, before
harvest began, when the men were free. The time occupied
appears to have usually been about a week or a little more ;
the hunt got up for Queen Mary's visit to AthoU must have
been exceptionally magnificent, if it involved two months'
preliminary driving. The Duke of AthoU on 1st August
1710 orders the fencible men of Glen Fernate and Glen
Brierachan to meet him at the foot of Ben Vurich the
following night, with a day's provision, for a deer hunting
the day after. On 12th August similar orders were sent
to Blair and Struan, Kirkmichael, Moulin, Cluny, Glen
Almond, Logierait, Weem, Dull, and Fortingall. Invitations
were sent to Farquharson of Inverey and Mackenzie of
AOIBHINN AN OBAIR AN T-SEALG 167
Dalmore to come with ' some pretty men,' and as many
dogs as they can provide. The vassals and tenants met
on the Green of Blair, and on 23rd August the men were
drawn up on Druim na h-Eachdra (Ridge of the Expedition)
at the head of Glengirnaig. There the orders were read out
to all the officers before the tinchell was sent out viz. —
1. That none shall ojffer to fire a gun or pistol in the
time of the deer-hunting.
2. That none shall offer to break up a deer, or take out
a grealloch, except in His Grace's presence, where they are
to be disposed on.
3. That none be drunk or swear an oath.
These details are taken from Mr. Ferguson's paper,
where stiU more may be had.
When the last great deer hunt in the old style took
place I have not ascertained, but imagine that the ostensible
hunting held in the end of August 1715 by the Earl of
Mar in Braemar must have been among the last. They
passed with the passing of the Stuarts.
It is a matter of regret that our extant Gaelic literature
contains but scant, if any, references to those great huntings,
which must have stood for much in the life of the people.
The older poetry of Atholl, Aberdeenshire, Ross and Suther-
land has all gone ; had it survived, we might have some
idea of the feelings of the man in the tinchell. Rob Donn
knows only the modern method of stalking and shooting ;
so also Dimcan Macintjrre needs only man, gun and dog.
In Oran na Comhachaig we seem to get back to the grand
style when with regard to Creag Ghuanach at Ceann Loch
Treig the hunter poet of Lochaber says : —
A' chreag mu'n iathadh an fhaghaid
Bu mhiann learn a bhi 'ga tadhal,
An uair bu bhinn guth gallain gadhar
A' cur graigh gu gabhail chumhann.
The rock around which rolled the hunt ;
It was my desire to visit it
When sweet was the baying of hounds
Driving a herd to a narrow pass.
168 THE CELTIC EEVIEW
There are other touches in this poem — surely one of
the finest poems in any language — ^which are decisive of its
antiquity,^ and there can be little doubt that it contains
references to the great huntings in Lochaber, by distin-
guished chiefs of the West Highlands.
A complete account of what is to be known of these
great huntings from Otterburn in 1388 to Braemar in 1715
would make an interesting book, and add a valuable
chapter to the history of Scotland. The notes given above,
fragmentary as they are, may serve to direct attention to
the subject.
BOOK REVIEWS
Poems from the Welsh. Translated into English Verse by H. Idris Bell,
with some additional renderings by C. C. Bell. Carnarvon : The
Welsh Publishing Co., Ltd., 1913.
This volume does great credit to the skill and poetic feeling of the trans-
lators, and renders at the same time a genuine service to the poetry of
Wales. The authors of the work have caught the true spirit of the Welsh
muse, and have bestowed as much care upon the verse of their translations
as if they had been composing for the most cultured English readers. It is
a strong temptation to translators from Welsh poetry to imagine that their
English renderings best represent the spirit of Welsh poetry if they are
characterised by some measure of roughness and uncouthness. It is this
feature that leads the English reader to imagine that Welsh poetry is
marked by a certain barbaric wildness, whereas the exact contrary is really
the case, for the conception of finished form is a dominant one in Welsh
poetry. The first poem (in four parts) is one by Mr. W. J. Gruffydd called
'The Old Bachelor of Tynymynydd,' 'The Old Quarryman,' 'The Old
Sailor,' and ' The Young Poet.' This striking poem should be a revelation
to the non- Welsh reader of the inner spirit of W^ales, and Mr. Bell has well
interpreted that spirit in his fine translation. The next poem is a trans-
lation of a fine ode by Islwyn on ♦ Y Dylanwad.' Mr. Bell translates this
by ' Inspiration,' and this is perhaps the nearest English rendering, but ' Y
Dylanwad ' refers specially to the eflFect of religious feeling, not so much on
an inspired speaker as on a body of hearers. The poem which comes third
* DomhnuU Mac FhionDlaidb nan Dan, the reputed author of the poem, was a con-
temporary of Donnchadh Dubh (Sir Duncan Campbell of Glenorchy), who died at
Bealacb in 1631.
BOOK REVIEWS 169
is called 'The Empty Nest at BroGynin,' and is the work of one of the
ablest of modern European poets, T. Gwynn Jones, a writer of rare genius.
The translation of Ceiriog's * Nant y Mynydd ' is accurate and melodious, but
it is hard to produce by means of English words the eflfect produced by the
original, since to a Welshman the objects described are far more familiar
and intimate than they would be to an Englishman of the plains, while the
peasants of the English mountains never dream of writing poetry. A poem
called 'By the Pacific,' by R. Silyn Roberts, gives us a vivid picture of a
Welshman's feeling when in another land. Another poem by Richard Hughes
introduces the Welshman as well as the Englishman to a poet from Lleyn
who lived at the end of the sixteenth and the beginning of the seventeenth
century. The Love-Song by Wil Hopcin has been well translated, but it is a
hard task to reproduce the rare charm of the original in its exquisite sim-
plicity. We have next a translation of Penillion gracefully rendered by
C C. Bell, and afterwards a pleasant rendering of a poem called ' Eilonwy,'
by Talhaiarii. A song by Elphin as here translated is a faithful and not
inadequate rendering of the original. The next song that follows is one
called ' The Well,' a translation of a poem by the Rev. E. Pan Jones, Ph.D.,
who was the pioneer of the movement of Welsh students to German
universities. The poetic power of this clear-sighted bard, whose poems have
the ring of reality, has never been fully recognised by the Welsh people,
and Wales has reason to be grateful to Mr. Idris Bell and others for reveal-
ing his greatness. A poem called 'By the Sea,' by Eifion Wyn, introduces
us to one of the most gifted of modern European poets, and this is followed
by a pleasing translation called ' The Cloud,' by Professor J. Morris Jones.
Poems called ' Memory ' and ' Night on the Sea ' reveal the poetic skill and
at the same time the modern spirit of T. Gwynn Jones. A small poem
called ' The Sea,' by Islwyn, translated by C. 0. Bell, deserves quotation : —
The sea hath many graves, but no gravestone ;
In its vast bosom sleep the dead unknown.
A stormy graveyard this, like none, save life alone.
A fine poem by ' Awen Mona,' called 'A Summer Evening,' is a delight-
ful exposition of the Welsh spirit. ' The City ' reveals the poet W. J.
Gruflfydd as an observer of humanity under the conditions of modern life.
It is a noticeable feature of modern Welsh poetry that the poet seeks to
give expression not only to the life of the country, which has a traditional
and an honoured place in Welsh poetry, but also to that of industrial Wales,
with all the problems which to the older men were unknown. Islwyn's
poem, ' The Angel,' translated by C. C. Bell, is a fine representation of the
less modern spirit in the poetry of Wales. 'The Messenger,' by T. Gwynn
Jones, is a fresh and striking poem describing the poet's recovery of his
religious faith through his child. The next is a fine poem called 'The
Cloud,' by Sir T. Marchant Williams, well and gracefully rendered. The
170 THE CELTIC EEVIEW
hymn by Ann Griffiths is well translated, but it is well-nigh impossible for
any translation to represent the marvellous power and beauty of her hymns,
and the same may be said of the translation of a well-known hymn by leuan
Glan Geirionydd. The poem called ' The Palace of Darkness ' is an excellent
translation and brings out the mystic charm of the poetry of Silyn Roberts,
and the poem 'Tempora Mutantur' well renders the more direct poetic
power of W. J. Gruflfydd. In a poem called ' The Little River,' we see the
attitude of J. Morris Jones towards Nature, and his lucidity of expression.
The sonnet by Elphin brings out the poet's modernness of spirit and his
struggle with the problems of the mind of to-day. W. J. Gruflfydd further
shows the richness of his mind in his poem on ' The Spirit,' ' Ode to Autumn,'
'Tristan and Iseult,' 'In Memoriam Sororis Meae,' 'Stanzas in Imitation of
Omar Khayyam,' and 'Rest.' There can be no doubt that this gifted poet,
like others in modern Wales, is winning a high place in the roll of European
poets. The authorship of a poem called ' Disillusion ' is uncertain, but it is
clear that the author was a true interpreter of the spirit of his age. It is
gratifying to find among the poets represented here the classical Dyfed,
whose poem, ' The Shadow of Death,' well maintains the central tradition of
Welsh poetry. Islwyn's splendid ' Dawn on the Mountain ' has been trans-
lated before, and has been published in Young Wales and in Welsh
Characteristics, but there is ample room for two versions of this fine poem.
In ' Dawn-joy ' we are introduced to a very able poet J. D. Richard, whose
poems well repay translating. The next poem, 'The Jewish Cemetery,'
contains a powerful satire by Dr. Pan Jones, the pioneer of modern Welsh
poetry. Islwyn's ' Vale of Clwyd ' again reveals that keen-eyed poet in a
descriptive mood, and this fine translation is followed by some ' Penillion '
and by a charming translation by C. C. B. of a poem by Eifion Wyn entitled
' Birds at Evening.' That young and much lamented poet, Ben Bowen, is
represented by a short stanza on ' The Wind,' and this is followed by a
poem called 'The Seagulls,' by J. Morris Jones. Poems by Ceiriog,
T. Gwynn Jones, Elfed, E. Pan Jones, Elphin, Eifion Wyn, R. Silyn Roberts,
and a number of fine ' Englynion ' are also included, but perhaps special
mention should be made of a poem on St. David's Day by Sarnicol (the
chaired bard of 1913) and of a beautiful Epithalamion by a poet of exquisite
skill, J. Glyn Davies. The translators deserve the highest praise for their
translations, while they have further helped the reader by giving short
bibliographical accounts of the poets whose verses they translate.
E. Anwyl.
The Story of an Ancient Parish, Breage with Germoe. By H. R. Coulthard,
M.A. Camborne: Cornwall. 3s. Gc?. 162 pp.
The Vicar of Breage has done good service in collecting and arranging
the memorials and traditions of this Cornish parish. The first chapter, which
deals with the Celtic period, is the least satisfactory. The statement, for
BOOK REVIEWS 171
instance, that the Druids used the stone circles for purposes of astronomical
observation involves two propositions that are so far unproved. Indeed
such knowledge as we possess of the stone circles indicates an origin long
prior to Druidical times, if we accept Druidism as Celtic. The information
that the people of each Cornish parish possessed a nickname, such as
Wendron goats, Madron bulls, St. Agnes cuckoos, is interesting. Mr.
William Mackenzie, in a valuable paper contributed to the proceedings of
the Gaelic Society of Glasgow, records the same practice as prevalent over
the Highland area. The Norsemen found the tribe of the Cats in the north
on their arrival there, and Ptolemy records the Caireni or sheep folk in the
north-west of Sutherland at end of the first century. This, however, need not
imply totemism, as Mr. Coulthard suggests. Christianity, Mr. Coulthard
considers, probably came to Cornwall either by way of the tin trade routes
or in the wake of the Roman legions. The first definite tradition bearing
on the history of the parish is the arrival from Ireland (Munster) of St.
Breaca and St. Germoe (Sancta Bryaca, Sanctus Gyrmough, 1346) about 500
A.D., in company with between seven hundred and eight hundred Irish saints,
among them Gwythian, Cruenna, Wendron of Wendron, Moran of Modron,
la of St. Ives, Levan of St. Levans. In ancient deeds the church of Breage
is referred to as Eglos Pembroc, i.e. the Church on the Hill of St. Breaca, a
name surviving as Plembo. The Cornish people of the time according to
tradition did not welcome the Irish missionaries, an attitude with which
Mr. Coulthard sympathises. The legend, however, is probably to be taken
together with the undoubted Gaelic conquest of Cornwall towards the end
of the Roman occupation.
No record or vestige of Saxon churches in the parish occurs. Norman
churches were built at Breage and Germoe, possibly about 1100 a.d. In
1219, William, son of Humphrey, was made vicar on the resignation of
William, son of Richard. Thenceforward the list of vicars is complete, the
present incumbent being the thirty-fifth in the succession. The present
church of Breage dates from the fifteenth century, and is carefully described.
The general history before the Reformation is succeeded by a chapter
bringing things up to the end of the Commonwealth, when a chapter follows
dealing with recent times. These afibrd interesting and varied information.
• The name of Angus Macdonald appears in the Germoe registers after the
'"Forty -Five.'" A descendant of his still living in the parish informed
Mr. Coulthard that he married a Breage woman soon after his arrival. He
had plenty of money, was a man of high station in his own country and
had a price set on his head. He disappeared suddenly, leaving his Cornish
wife and family behind.
A chapter is devoted to the great family of Godolphin, and another to
the Arundells, de Pengersicks, Militons and Sparmons. 'Worthies and
Un worthies' form another interesting chapter. The book concludes with
a chapter on local place-names and superstitions, which might have been
172 THE CELTIC REVIEW
much fuller. There is a good index. A map would have added to the
interest.
A Book of Manx Poetry. William Cubbon. Illustrations by Alan
C. KissACK and the late Professor E. Forbes. \s. 6rf. 101 pp.
This interesting little book contains of Manx two poems, a dozen
proverbs, and the Lord's Prayer. The rest is English, with an occasional
Manx word or phrase, and includes a number of really good pieces as well
as some middling and some poor ones. All are by Manxmen or deal with
Man, the editor's work has been selection, and the addition of biographical
notes on authors deceased. The work was worth doing. The Isle has
produced at least one poet of distinction in T. E. Brown (1830-1897), who
is represented by eleven pieces. Eliza Craven Green, the authoress of
' Elian Vannin,' which has become the national anthem, though not a Manx-
woman by birth, lived in Man. Edward Forbes (1815-1854), born in
Douglas, and educated at Edinburgh University, became a scientist of great
reputation and Professor of Natural History in the University of Edinburgh.
He is represented here by some charming poems and a number of sketches.
The frontispiece is a drawing of ' Gorry, King of Man, circa 947 ' {i.e. Godfred
Crovan), after a design by E. H. Corbould, KA., made in 1860, and intended
for a monument to be erected in Douglas. Mr. Cubbon has made two errors
which are worth noting. The Manx motto ' Quocunque ieceris stabit ' he
translates as 'Whatever circumstances may come, I stand.' The meaning
of course is, • In whatever direction you throw him, he will stand ' — with
reference to the three-legs of Man. The Manx version, given on p. 94,
is correct, 'Raad erbee cheauys oo eh, hassys eh.' The other error is in
connection with the Fenian ballad on p. 1, a version of the well-known
episode of the burning of the Fenian women by the hero, Garaidh Mac
Morna. In the Manx (English) version Garry becomes Gorry, and Mr.
Cubbon, taking him for ' a prince of the royal line of Norse rulers,' remarks
with justice that ' it is difficult to explain the anachronism of introducing
Fin Mac Couil and Prince Gorry as contemporaries.'
As to tone, some of the poems, while showing forth an orthodox dislike of
the Saxons, are apt to leave one in doubt as to which ancestry the writers
affect, Gaelic or Norse. The book is well got up in respect of printing,
illustrations and binding.
The Royal Highland Regiment. The Black Watch, formerly i2nd and 13rd Foot.
Medal Roll 1801-1911. Edinburgh : William Brown. Price 21s.
The history of the 42nd Foot, the Black Watch, is yet to be written.
Whoever ventures to undertake the task will find his life's work cut out for
him. Since its establishment in 1667 the title of the Regiment has been
altered six times. Its character and reputation have remained unchanged
BOOK REVIEWS 173
throughout, and the stories of its deeds are household words among us. The
bibliography of such a corps is naturally extensive. Cannon's Historical
Record is but a meagre complication, and many copies in circulation want
pp. 197-98, correcting the author's account of Corunna, and printed by him
after the issue of his volume. One Of the most interesting of the late
additions to the bibliography is an elaborately illustrated work giving an
account of the deeds of the Regiment at Ticonderoga, issued about two years
ago by Mr. Frederick B. Richards, secretary of the New York State Historical
Association. Now we have this handsome quarto of three hundred and
fifty pages entirely devoted to the Medal Lists of the 42nd and 73rd.
The labour in compiling these must have been immense, and it is a melancholy
consideration that even as they stand they do not do justice to the prowess
of the corps. The general service medal for the Peninsula and Egypt was
only issued in 1847, nearly half a century after the services commemorated
began, and then only to the oflBcers, non-commissioned officers and men who
survived. Even so, 475 medals were issued. Had they been sent out with
the promptitude which marks modern usage, and then as now to the relatives
of those slain in battle or who died of their wounds, some idea of the length
to which the roll would have extended may be gathered from the fact that
in Egypt and the Peninsula the 42nd had 239 officers and men killed in
action and 1216 wounded. There is at present no material available to per-
mit of any estimate being formed of the number of men who passed through
the ranks of the 42nd during the Peninsular war, and whose names had
they survived until 1847 would have appeared on the list. We do not
observe in the work any reference to regimental medals. There have been
eleven issues of these in the case of the Black Watch, a record only equalled
by another Highland regiment, the 71st. There have been eight such dis-
tributions in the 5th Foot, and two or three regiments such as the 2nd, 37th
and 40th Foot have had seven. The names of the recipients of such medals
might well have appeared and no clear reason for their exclusion is apparent.
As it is, the volume contains the names of the officers and men who received
medals over a period of one hundred and one years, and they number some-
where between fifteen and twenty thousand. It is a marvellous record. To
a few — for the world is made up of all sorts of people — the work may
appear but an arid list of names, but to leal-hearted men every page with
its infinitude of detail will recall episodes in the history of the nation which
will cause the cheek to flush and the eye to sparkle. The volume is the
only one of the kind we have met with in the history of the British Army,
and, we take it, is unique among regimental monographs. Captain Stewart
has laid not only his corps but the nation at large under a sensible obligation
by producing a work which recalls in so striking and dramatic a form the
valour and the endurance of the Highland soldier.
Andrew Ross, Ross Herald.
174 THE CELTIC REVIEW
Bidionary of the Irish Language, based mainly on Old and Middle Irish
materials, published by the Royal Irish Academy under the Editorship
of Carl J. S. Marstrander, Professor of Celtic Philology in the
University of Kristiania. Fasciculus i., D-deg6ir. Dublin : Royal
Irish Academy ; Hodges, Figgis and Co., Ltd. ; London : Williams
and Norgate. 8s. 6c?. net. 7s. to subscribers.
The present fasciculus forms the first instalment of the Royal Irish
Academy's projected Bidionary of the Irish Language. The aim is to
provide a thesaurus of the Irish language, arranged on historical principles,
from the earliest period down to the present day. The work is based
upon material collected by the Academy during many years past, drawn
from printed literature and manuscripts, and frequently supplemented by
illustrations from the spoken language. When Professor Kuno Meyer
undertook the editorship in 1907, in succession to Professor Robert Atkinson,
it was decided that as the letters A to Dn had already appeared in Professor
Meyer's Contributions to Irish Lexicography, the Dictionary should begin with
the letter D, leaving A to C to the end. It is estimated that the Dictionary
when complete will fill three volumes of about 1000 pages (of two columns)
each. The price to subscribers will be Is. per sheet of 16 pp., post free ; or
large paper edition, of which only a hundred copies will be printed at Is. 3d.
per sheet. The page is large quarto. The print is exceedingly clear, the
matter is well displayed, without any feeling of crowding, and the paper
appears to be all that could be desired. The work is largely conceived. It
will be an inestimable boon to students of the language. Its inception
marks an important stage in the study of the language. Henceforward the
linguistic knowledge painfully garnered by scholars since the time of Zeuss,
recorded in many publications, here a little and there a little, in form of note,
translation, or glossary, as well as in lexicographical collections specially
made for the Dictionary, will all be available to the student in an orderly
systematic fashion. It will no longer be necessary to hunt up the meaning
or usage of a particular word in the great array of unrelated publications.
The present fasciculus contains seven sheets, or 223 columns, a volume will
contain about nine such fasciculi. The intervals at which the parts may
be expected are not stated, but on a quarterly basis the complete work
would take about seven years to produce.
Learning in Ireland in the Fifth Century and the Transmission of Letters.
By Kuno Meyer. Dublin. Is. net.
In this pamphlet is printed a lecture delivered by Professor Kuno Meyer
in 1912 before the School of Irish Learning in Dublin. It deals with the
problem of the causes which led to that remarkable outburst of classical
learning which appeared in Ireland at the end of the sixth century. It has
BOOK REVIEWS 175
long been recognised that this learning could not have been the result of the
labours of St. Patrick, who was undoubtedly no scholar, as he himself so often
admits. It has been suggested that these studies were brought to Ireland
by Gauls or Britons who accompanied Patrick. This, says Professor Meyer,
is not at all probable. He does not believe that the introduction or promo-
tion of classical learning was due to any missionaries. ' The origin of that
wide culture embracing not only the study of Plautus, Horace, Ovid, Persius,
Sallust, etc., but also grammar, metrics, and other sciences, such as astronomy,
must be traced to a much deeper and broader influence.' The solution of the
problem accepted by Professor Meyer is due to Zimmer and was found
among his papers after his death. Zimmer made use of a document printed
in 1866, containing, amid a glossary of Latin words, a note in Latin stating
in effect that in consequence of the devastation of the Roman Empire by
the Huns and other barbarians, the learned men of the Continent fled away,
and in regions oversea, i.e. in Hiberia and elsewhere, brought about a very
great advance of learning to the inhabitants of those regions. This entry,
according to Zimmer, was written not later than the sixth century in the
west of Gaul. Hiberia is a scribal confusion for Hibernia. Professor Meyer's
lecture is devoted to elucidating and establishing the position that here at
last a flood of light is thrown upon one of the darkest yet most important
periods in Irish history, and a new starting-point for investigation is provided.
He draws attention to a passage in St. Patrick's Confession which appears to
refer to pagan rhetors from Gaul resident in Ireland. He further shows
how, in all probability, the Latin oratory practised by these rhetoricians
influenced the form and rhythm of early Irish composition. It is pointed
out that here yet another field of study is opened up which needs skilled
workers to explore it.
Zur Keltischen IFoiikunde iii. KuNO Meyer.
In this contribution to the proceedings of the Royal Prussian
Academy of Sciences, Professor Kuno Meyer has seventeen short articles,
some of them of unusual interest. In No. 41 he deals with Ptolemy's
Epidion Akron. This has long been equated with the Mull of Kintyre, and
Dr. MacBain assigns the tribe of the Epidii to Kintyre and Lorn. The
root is epos, horse ; the Epidii were the ' horse folk,' and significantly
enough Kintyre in historic times has always been claimed as the habitat of
the MacEcherns, from Ech-tigern, ' horse-lord.' Professor Meyer's contribu-
tion to the question is the identification of Epidion Akron with a place-name
occurring in the Irish saga 'Aided Chonr6i, the Death of Curoi.' There
mention is made of a hero called Echde who lived in Aird Echdi i Cinn Tire,
and Professor Meyer points out that Ard Echdi is simply the Gaelic form of
Epidion Akron.
In No. 42 Professor Meyer notes the occurrence on Scottish soil of the
ancient names for Ireland — Eriu, Banba, Elg, and F6tla — a point already
176 THE CELTIC REVIEW
noticed by Skene and others more or less completely. Eriu, genitive Erenn,
undoubtedly appears in the various stream names Earn, of which we
have at least five, one being in Renfrewshire. Under Banba Professor
Meyer notes Banff in Banffshire, and Bamff in Perthshire. There is another
Banff in Kincardineshire. The word forms the base of the Banavie burn
which flows by Blair Castle in AthoU, and there is another Banavie burn
and Loch Banavie in Sutherland. Professor Meyer mentions a Banavie in
Argyll, of which I have not heard. He is mistaken in thinking that
Banavie, near Fort-William, is a stream name : it is a place-name.
F6tla occurs in AthoU, which has been repeatedly and rightly explained
as New Ireland.
Elg occurs in Elgin. This also has been pointed out more than once,
but Professor Meyer considers Elgin to be a diminutive in -in of Elg, and
therefore parallel to Atholl. The fact of the Gaelic form being universally
Eilginn is against this view. We have also to reckon with Glen Elg, in
Gaelic Gleann Eilge and its derivative Eilginneach, which points to Eilginn
being a locative formation. There is a stream Allt Eilgnidh in Sutherland.
Professor Meyer suggests that the occurrence of these names in the east
of Scotland may point to a direct occupation from Ireland in early times.
This is a suggestion well worth considering on various grounds, but, as I
have pointed out, the Elg, Banba, and Eriu names occur also on the west
coast.
The other articles are on : ar-cridiur, Cathdir, Diwrnach, esclae, the root
S'ljel in Irish, minne, etrain etrdnaim etraigim, all=a. hall, cennmar, bruinnim,
aiste, cnatur-ldrc, facht gwaeth, inellgim, Uanaind.
Alt-Celtischer Sprachschatz. Von Alfred Holder : Leipzig.
This, the twenty-first part of Dr. Holder's great work, continues the
additions and corrections. It runs from Cabillus to Corhdcum, being 225
columns of additions to an original of about 450 columns.
Antiquarian Notes; a Series of Papers regarding Families and Places in the
Highlands. By Charles Eraser-Mackintosh. Second Edition, with
a life of the author, notes, and an appendix on the Church in Inverness,
by Kenneth Macdonald, Town Clerk of Inverness (xxxii+462 pp.).
Stirling : Eneas Mackay. 21s.
Dr. Charles Eraser-Mackintosh's Antiquarian Notes needs no recom-
mendation. The Notes contain a vast amount of accurate information
regarding the Highlands, and no one interested in Highland history or
genealogy can afford to neglect them. For some time copies of the first
edition, issued in 1865, have been rather diflScult and expensive to obtain,
and this new edition will be welcomed. The editor has done his part with
care and competence. The life of the author, with an excellent portrait of
BOOK REVIEWS 177
him prefixed, is succinct and full. His was a life that deserves remem-
brance, and the pious duty has evidently been congenial to the editor, who
writes with the authority of contemporary acquaintance. The editor has
also supplemented the text with notes illustrative and occasionally corrective,
which add considerably to the interest and value of the book. The appen-
dices on Smuggling and the Church in Inverness are also by the editor.
The latter is a particularly full and able piece of work, embodying the
result of prolonged research, consideration, and discussion. It is impossible
in a brief notice to give an adequate idea of the amount and variety of
matter brought together in Antiquarian Notes. The valuation roll of the
SheriflFdom of Inverness, including Ross, for 1644 is a treasure in itself.
Among similar documents are given the rental of the forfeited estates of
Cluny ; the rental of the Bishopric of Moray for 1641 ; rental of the Scot-
tish Bishoprics 1692 ; list of the writs of the lands of Kheindoun in Urray ;
the titles of the Urquharts of Cromarty ; the rental of the Scottish counties
1649; the rental of the Bishopric of Ross, 1691; list of the heritable
jurisdictions in Scotland and sums asked for their abolition, 1751; valuation
roll of Inverness-shire 1691. These are, all of them, most valuable docu-
ments, and they form but a part of the collection, which runs to one hundred
and one headings. We have noticed some points that look like slips.
On p. 404 the editor in dealing with Robert Ingerami, treats Ingerami
as a regular surname. Surely the meaning is 'Robert son of Ingram,'
just as on the same page David Senescalli means David son of the Senescal
or Steward. On p. 379 it is stated that the brave Alexander MacGillivray
who fell at Culloden ' was reddish haired and a great frequenter of markets,
being termed Alastair ruadh na feile.' The epithet na fiile means ' of
hospitality,' 'hospitable'; so Duncan Campbell of Glen Lyon, who lived in
the middle of the sixteenth century, was called Donnchadh ruadh na fdile,
' Red Duncan of hospitality.' In the note referred to, f6ile, the genitive case
of fial^ is confused with f6ill, a market. It may be added that ' red Alex-
ander of the markets ' would be Alastair ruadh nam fMltean. On p. 382,
and again on p. 397, the name Ay is equated with Adam. This equation
may be correct in these particular instances, but it needs proof, for else-
where, as is well-known. Ay (or Y) stands for Aodh or Aoidh, both as a
personal name and in the surname Mackay, MacAoidh. On p. 251 a note
states ' Ballifeary is not Town of the Watchers,' as Dr. Fraser-Mackintosh
interpreted it. This is doubtless true, but in view of the spelling Balnafare,
1244, it would be bold to say that Ballifeary does not mean "Town of the
Watch' (Baile na /aire), the view which had the support of Dr. MacBain.
These, however, and suchlike are small points which only very slightly
detract from the value of an excellent and well-edited work. W. J. W.
VOL. IX. M
178 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR
A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR AND READER
By Julius Pokorny, Ph.D., LL.D. (Vienna)
[Continued from 'page 96)
Vowel Gradation or Ablaut
§ 127. I.E. roots containing e (ei, eu), or d {di, du), e (ei, eu), o
(oi, du) show several grades of vowels. The vowels and diph-
thongs mentioned represent the chief instances of the so-called
noTTnal vowel grade.
e.g. seiss, ' he will sit ' fr. *sed-8-ti
nnel{a)i'}n ' I grind ' fr. ^onel-o-'mi ;
'Hag ' I go ' fr. *{s)teigh-o ;
-tdu ' I am ' fr. *sthd-jd ;
sil ' seed ' fr. *se-lo-m ;
ddn 'gift' fr. *do-nu-8.
§ 128. In I.E. unstressed syllables the root vowels take the
reduced vowel grade. There are several grades of reduction ;
the most common reductions are the following : e is thrown out •^
(hence ei and eu become i, u ; er, el, em, en become f , I, m, n ^),
while d, e, o are reduced to d. This d may be still further reduced
to zero. (Long diphthongs show likewise several grades of reduc-
tion ; a well-known change is that of the long i diphthongs to I,
i and of the long u diphthongs to il, u.)
e.g. net ' nest' fr. *ni-zd-os, older *ni-sd-os; cf. seiss, § 127
(normal vowel grade).
mlith 'grinding' fr. *ml-ti-s; cf. melim § 127 (normal
grade).
techt 'going' fr. *{s)tigh-td; ci-tiag § 127 (normal
grade).
' It seems certain, that in some positions the short e was not entirely thrown
out but was reduced to a kind of murmured vowel, which was different from 9.
This reduced e appears in O. Ir. before liquids as a, otherwise it has fallen
together with the I.E. unreduced e (§ 114).
2 Other grades of reduction are denoted by f , Z, m, n, but there is much con-
troversy about these sounds. Cf. § 105 (plnos) and the following notes, r, I, m, n
before vowels (e.g. tldmo, § 105) are sometimes written rr, II, etc. They are best
taken as mere symbols denoting r, I, m, n, preceded by a kind of reduced e (see
the preceding note).
ACCIDENCE 179
ross ' promontory ' fr. *pro-sth-om : cf. -tdu § 127 (normal
grade).
aaithe 'swarm' fr. *89-tJos; cf.sil § 127 (normal grade)
ciil 'back' fr. *kul-os; cf. Greek ktjXt) fr. *kdul-d
(normal grade).
§ 129. Under certain conditions which are hard to define, the
normal vowel grade is changed to the deflected vowel grade, that
is, e (ei, eu) becomes o (oi, ou), while e and d become o.
e.g. suide 'seat' fr. *sod-jo-7n; cf. seiss § 127.
mol 'mill-shaft' fr. *mol-08; cf. melim § 127.
moidid ' boasts ' fr. *moid-Ui ; cf. miad ' honour ' fr.
*7neido- (normal grade).
Greek a.<f)€(OKa 'I have sent away' fr. *a7r-eQ)/ca = *se-
so-ka; cf. sil, § 127 (normal grade).
§ 130. From e (normal grade): o (deflected grade) must be
distinguished the so-called lengthened vowel grade e: o which
appears in syllables whose normal vowel is e.
e.g. the suffix ter (lengthened normal grade) in athir
' father ' fr. *p9-ter
-.tor (lengthened deflected grade) in Greek a-irdrcop
' fatherless ' fr. *-p9-tdr ; cf. the normal grade ter in
ace. pi. aithrea fr. *p9-ter-ns.
sid ' peace ' fr. *sed-os (lengthened normal grade)
:sdidid 'fixes' fr. *sod-Ui, 0. Slav, saditi 'to plant'
(lengthened deflected grade); cf. seiss § 127 (normal
grade), suide § 129 (short deflected grade).
§ 131. In I.E. dissyllabic roots the vowel gradations are
limited by the rule, that at least one of the root-syllables must
appear in the reduced vowel grade, though it is possible that
both syllables have a reduced vowel grade. A good example
for such a root is, for instance, I.E. pelo (with normal grade of
the first syllable: pie (with normal grade of the second syllable)
' to fill.' In applying the rules of vowel-gradation to this root,
we get the following forms : pel(d), pol{d) ; pie, plo ; pi, pi, pi.
e.g. il ' much ' fr. *pel-u ; cf. Goth. filu.
uile ' all ' perhaps fr. *pol-jo- ; cf Greek ttoWo^ ' much.
180 A CONCISE OLD lEISH GRAMMAR
Un 'number' fr. *ple-nu-; cf. § 119.
Idn ' full ' fr. *pl-no-} Cf. § 105.
It is to be noted that in dissyllabic roots whose second syllable is
(when in the normal grade) a long vowel or long diphthong, the vowel
of the first syllable can never appear in the lengthened vowel grade.
e is regularly thrown out before an immediately following vowel, e.g.
il, fr. *pel-u, older *pel9-u. «
C— ACCIDENCE
The Definite Article
§ 132. Paradigm of the article.
Singular
masculine
neuter
feminine
nom.
in, int (before
vowels)
a"
in(d) ',2 int
(before a)
gen.
in(d) ', int (before a)
inna
dat. (after preps, ending
in a vowel)
(after other preps. )
— n(d) ', — 7it (before s)
— {8)in{d) ", — {a)int (before S}
ace, (after of)
(after other preps.)
— (s)»n"
— a"
— (s)o"
— («)m"
^ Some scholars deny the possibility of 1 giving Id and postulate an I.E.
*pld-no-, assuming a vowel gradation e : d. The whole question is very compli-
cated. The same difficulty arises in the case of f, m, n, cf, § 105. It is indeed
very peculiar that Z should have given sometimes al and sometimes Id. This
dififerent treatment may perhaps be explained by assuming a different I.E.
accentuation. A satisfactory solution has not yet been offered. There is how-
ever no doubt that f, I, etc., are in many cases mere symbols, denoting r, I, m, n
preceded by a kind of reduced e (cf. the preceding notes) and followed by 9.
Here a different secondary I.E. stress may have caused the different treatment
alluded to.
'^ ' indicates that the form aspirates.
ACCIDENCE 181
Plural
nom.
in{d) ', int (before s) inna, na
gen. (of all genders)
t?ina", na"
dat. ,,
— {i)naib (only after prepositiona)
ace. ,,
inna, na, — ($)na (after preps.)
The final -d of the article remains only before vowels or aspirated /,
/, 71, r (in Wb. also occasionally before aspirated b and m.) Before the
numeral da, di ' two ' the article appears in the nom. gen. and ace. of
all genders as in, in the dat. after prepositions ending in a vowel as -n,
after other prepositions probably as -{s)in.
The Noun
A. — Vocalic Stems
§ 133. -0- stems. Masc. fer ' man ' (fr. * vivos). Neuter acel
' story ' (fr. *sk"etlom.)
Singular
Primitive Endings
m.
n.
m.
n.
N. fer
scd
-OS
-om
G.fir
sceuil, sc4oil
-%
-I
D. fiur
sceul
o{i)
-o(^)
A. fer
seel
-om
-om
Y.fir
seel
-e
-e
182 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAE
Plural
N. fir
scSl^
G. fer
seel
D. fer{a)ih
scel(a)ih
A. firu
scd"^
V. firu
8C4l
-01
-a
-dm
-dm
-obhis
-obhis
-ons
-d
-OS
-d
-ai>
-a
-d
-a
-obhim
-obhim
Dual
NA. fer scd
G. fer 8c4l
D. fer(a)ib scel(a)ib
^ The frequent bye-form scSla has taken its -a from the nom. ace,
pi. of the fem. -a- stems,
§ 134. -jo- stems, Masc. comarp(a)e ' heir ' (fr, *kom-orbjo8).
Neutr. cride ' heart ' (fr. *}crdjom).
Singular Primitive Endings
The endings are those of
the -0- stems, preceded
by j, which developed
an i before it, when fol-
lowing u (v) or a con-
sonant.
m.
n.
N.
comarp(a)e
cride
G.
comarpia)i
cridi
D,
A,
V.
comarpu
comarp{a)e
comarp{a)i
Plural
cridiu
cride
cride
N.
G.
D.
A.
V.
comarp{a)i
comarp{a)e
co7narp{a)ib
comarpu
comarpu
Dual
cride
cride
cridib
cride
cride
N.A
G.
D.
comarp(a)e
comarp{a)e
C07narp{a)ib
cride
cride
cridib
^ The I.E. ending -ou has been replaced by Celtic -a, which was taken from the
corresponding numeral da (older da), where the -a had been developed inproclitie
position from I.E. -ou ; cf. the ace, pi. of the article imia fr, *8in-dds.
ACCIDENCE
183
§ 135. -a- stems. Fern, dram ' number ' (fr. ^ad-rima) and
the irregular hen ' woman ' (fr. g'end).
Singular
Primitive
Primitive
Endings
Forms of ben
N. dram
hen
-a
g^en-d
G. dirme
mnd
-jds, -jes
g^n-ds
D. dr{a)im
mnai
•di
g'n-di
A. dr{a)im.
mnai
•em
[Analogy to
V. dram
hen
-9
the dat. sg.}
g'en-d
Plural
N. dirmea
mnd
-d8
g'n-da
G. dram
han
-oTn
g^n-om
D. dirmib
m,ndib
-dhhia
g^n-dhhis
A. dirmea
mnd
-dns
g'n-dns
V. dirmea
mnd
-as
g'n-da
Dual
N.A. dr{a)i7n
mnai
-di
g"n-di
G. dram
han
-d
g'n-d
D. dirmib
mnd'ih
-dbhim
g"n-dhhim
136. -ja- stems. Fem. guide 'prayer' (fr. g'hodhjd), ungae
* ounce ' (fr. Lat. uncid).
Si
ingular
Primitive Endings.
N. guide
ung{a)e
-jd
G. guide
ung{a)e
-jds
D. guidi
ung{a)i
•jdi
A. guidi
ung(a)i
[-jrii or -jem]
V. guide
ung(a)e
Plural
-P
N. guidi
ung{a)i
-ejes
G. guide
ung{a)e
-jom
D. guidih
ung{a)ih
-jdbhis
A. guidi
ung(a)i
'ins
V. guidi
ung(a)i
-ejes
184 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR
Dual
guidi ung{a)i -j&i
-ja
-jabhiTTi
N.A
G. guide
D. guidib
ung(a)e
ung(a)ib
§ 137. -i- stems. Masc. fdith ' prophet ' (fr. *vdtis) ; fern,
nouns (e.g. flaiih ' sovereignty ' fr. *vl9tis) are declined in the
same way. Neut. guin ' wound ' (fr, *g'honi).
Singular
Primitive
Endings
m.
n.
m.
n.
N. fdith
guin
-is
-i
G. fdtho^
gono^
[Analogy to -u- stems]
D. fdith
guin
-ei
-ei
A. fdith
guin
-im
-i
V. fdith
guin
-i
-i
Plural
N. fdithi
guine
-ejes
-ij9
G. fdithe
guine
-ijom
-ijom
D. fdithib
guinib
-ibhis
-ibhis
A. fdithi
guine
-ins
-ij9
V. fdithi
guine
-ejes
-ij9
Dual
fdith guin
fdtho ^ gono ^
fdithib guinib
-i 'I
[Analogy to -u- stems]
-ibhim -ibhim
^ Also fdtha, gona with change of final -o to -a.
§ 138. -I- stems. Fem. rigain 'queen' (fr. *regn'i). In
I.E. there were i:jd and %:je stems. This distinction cannot
be upheld in 0. Ir., where both classes of -%- stems have fallen
together.
ACCIDENCE
Singular
Primitive Endings
N.
rig(a)in
-I or -I
G.
Hgn(a)e
-jas „ -jes
D.
rign{a)i
-jai „ -jei
A.
rign{a)i
-jin » -jem
V.
rig{a)in
Plural
-I „ -I
N.
rign(a)i
[Analogy to - i- stems]
G.
rign{a)e
-jom „ -jom
D.
rign(a)ih
-jabhis „ -jehhis
A.
rign{a)i
[Analogy to -i- stems]
V.
rign(a)i
Dual
[Analogy to -i- stems]
N.V.
rig(ayin
[Analogy to -i- stems]
G.
Hgn{a)e
-ja „ -ja
D.
rign(a)ib
jdhhim „ -jebhim
185
Note. — Already in 0. Ir. some nouns belonging originally to this
class have gradually passed into the -a- (e.g. nom. sg. mdt beside regular
mSit 'size' fr. *md-nil; dat. sg. mdit instead of *m^{i)ti, etc.) or -i-
declension (e.g. gen. sg. inseo beside regular inse, nom. sg.inis 'island';
dat. ace. luib instead of *lu(i)bi, nom. sg. luib ' plant,' etc.)
§ 139. -u- stems. Masc. auth ' offspring ' (fr. *sutu8), neut.
dorus ' door ' (fr. *dhvorestu).
Singular Primitive Endings
m.
n.
m.
n.
N.
8Uth
dorus
-us
-u
G.
sotho ^
doirseo ^
-oua
-oua
D.
auth
dorus
-eu or -u
-eu or -u
A.
suth
dorus
-um
-u
V.
auth
dorua
-u
-u
186 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR
Plural
N.
soth(a)e '
dorus '
-eves
-u
G.
soth{a)e *
doirse
[Analogy to
'i- stems]
D.
8oth{a)ib
doirsib
-ovobhis
-ovobhis
A.
euthu
dorus ^
-uns
'U
V.
(I have no examples.)
Dual
N. A.
8Uth
dorus
-u
-u
G.
sotho ^
doirseo ^
[Analogy to the gen. sg."
D.
8oth(a)ih
doirsib
-ovobhim
-ovobhim
^ Also sotha, doirsea with change of final -o to -a.
2 Already in Wb. so^^(a)« could occasionally (before affixed pronouns)
become sotha (cf. § 41). Another by-form soth{a)i owes its ending to
the influence of -i- stems, though the preceding consonants have kept
as a rule their non-palatal colour.
8 The by -form doirsea (fr. *doressd) owes its final a to the influence
of 0 stems {e.g. nom. ace. pi. n. sc4la beside sc4l).
* The endings of the -i- stems hare been added to the primitive
form *sotho (fr. *sutovom, *sutev67n) ; the vowel of the first syllable and
the consonant before the ending, however, have kept their older quality ;
the same occurs in monosyllabic neuters, e.g. rend(a)e, gen. sg. of rind
' star ' (fr. *rendu).
§ 140. -u- stems. Such are deug 'drink' (fr. *degu; the e instead of
t is due to the influence of -&- stems, where every t had to become e in
the nom. sg. ; cf. § 115), gen. sg. dige; mucc 'pig.' The nom. sg.
ended originally in -u ; in the oblique cases they follow the declension
of -a- stems ; the v that originally preceded the oblique case-endings
had vanished after most consonants (§ 112, 2) e.g. dige fr. *degvjds.
§ 141. Stems in a diphthong.
bd masc. fern. ' ox, cow.'
Singular
Primitive Forms
N.
*bdu, b6
g^ou-s
G.
bo (arch. b6u)
g^ov-os
D. A.
boin
[Analogy to coin § 145]
V.
bd
g'ou
ACCIDENCE
Plural
N.
G.
D.
A. V.
*boi, bai
bdu, bdo,
buaib
bu
Dual
bd
g'ov-es
g^ov-om
g^ou-bhis
g^o-na
N. A.
G.
D.
*boi, bai
bd
buaib
g^ov-e
g^ov-d
g^ou-hhim
187
B.— Consonantal Stems
§ 142. General Remarks.
The dat. sg. has in most cases two forms : a long one (primi-
tive ending -i or -ai) and a short one (formed from the mere
stem). The short form of the dat. sg. occasionally replaces that
of the ace. sg., e.g. ace. sg. traig (=dat. sg. traig fr. *trdghet)
beside regular traigid (fr. Hrdghet-m).
The vocative has in the singular the same form as the
nominative, in the plural the same form as the accusative.
Hence it is unnecessary to give it in the following paradigms.
§ 143. Guttural stems. Masc. ri ' king ' (fr. ^re^-a), aire
'prince' (fr. *prjok-s), li{a)e 'stone' (fr. Hevank-a), 4,0, eu
'salmon' (fr. *esok-s; cf. § 126 8.); fem. sail 'willow' (fr.
*salik-s), nathir 'snake' (fr. *ndtrik-s), cdera 'sheep' (fr.
*ka(p)erak-s).
1
Singular
Primitive
m.
f.
Endings
N. ri
aire
nathir
-a
G. rig
airech
nathrach
-OS
D. rig
airig
nathr(a)ig,
nathir
-{a)i, — ,
A. rig
airig
nathr{a)ig
-m
188 A CONCISE OLD lEISH GRAMMAR
Plural
N. rig airig 7iathr(a)ig -es
G. rig airech nathrach -om
D. rig{a)ib airech(a)i¥ nathrach{a)ib ^ -obhia
A. riga airecha ^ naihracha ^ -ns
Dual
NA. rig airig nathr{a)ig -e
G. rig airech nathrach -a
D. rig(a)ih airech(a)ib^ nathra^h(a)ib^ -obhim
^ The preservation of the vowel of the second syllable is due to the
fact that *prjok- had become *arijok- before the time of syncope.
2 *natrikobhis and *natrihis should have regularly given *naithirchib
and *naithirchea (§§ 55 II., 59, 69.) ; their present forms are due to the
analogy of the other cases.
§ 144. Dental stems.
Masc. car(a)e ' friend ' (fr. *k9rant-s), cin ' fault * (fr. *k'inut-8),
jili ' poet ' (fr. *velet-s), bethu ' life ' (fr. *gHvo-tut-8), fiado ' Lord '
(fr. *veidont-8)\ fern, traig 'foot' (fr. *tr9ghet-s); neut. dSt
' tooth ' (fr. *dnt.)
The primitive endings of the masc. and fern, are the same as
those of the guttural stems.
Singular
m.
I
n.
N. carae^
Jili
traig
det (fr. *dnt)
G. carat
filed
traiged
det
D. carait
filid
traigid, traig
deit
A. carait
filid
traigid
det (fr. *dnt)
Plural
N. carait
filid
traigid
det (fr. *dnt9)
G. carat
filed
traiged
det
D. cairtib^
filed{a)ib '
traigthib
det{a)ib
A. cairtea^
fileda ^
traigthea
det (fr. *dnt9)
ACCIDENCE 189
Dual
N.A. carait filid traigid deit{ii.*dntl)
G. carat filed traiged det
D. cairtib^ filed{a)ih^ traigthib det{ayib
1 Final -ants seems to have given -e ; the non-palatal colour of the
preceding r is probably due to the influence of the verb caraid 'loves.'
2 -ant- had become -edd- (§ 108) before the time of syncope (of. § 55
II.) J hence e.g. cairtea fr. *kareddas, *kdrant7is (cf. § 107); also the
spelling cairdea, cairdib occurs (§ 1, i.).
^ We should have exTpected JiUib,f,ltea; cf. § 55, I., note b.
§ 145. Masculine and feminine nasal stems.
Masc. brithem 'judge ' (fr. *bhrt{i)jamd, full stem %hrt{i)-
jamon-), menm{a)e ' mind ' (fr. *menmen-8} gen. sg. menvian
fr. *men7n,en-os) ; fem. derucc 'acorn' (fr, *derunkd, full stem
*derunkon-), gen. sg. dercon, if oi-m^m ' meaning ' fr. *to-me7i-t{i)jd,
full stem *toment{i)jo7i-) bru 'belly' (fr. *bhruso, the oblique
cases from the stem bhrusn- ; the nom. sg. is used as the short
dative), cu ' hound ' (fr. *fcvd, full stem Icvon- ; gen. sg. and pi.,
probably also dat. and ace. pi. and gen. and dat. dual are formed
from the weak stem Icun-).
The oblique case-endings, which are those given in § 142, have been
as a rule added to the full stem ; in I. E. only the nom. voc. ace. loca-
tive (=0. Ir. dative) sg., the nom. ace. dual and the nom. voc. pi. were
formed from the full stem, but in 0. Ir. the weak (unstressed) form of
the stem had been replaced by the full stem in most instances.
Singular
m. f.
N. brithem'^ toimtiu cA
G. brithemon toimten con
D. brithem{u)in,^ brithem toimtin, toimte * coin
A. brithem{u)in toimtin coin
190 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR
Plural
N. hrithem{u)in^
toimtin
coin
G. brithemon
toimten
con
D. hrithemn{a)ih
toimten{a)ib
con{a)ib
A. brithemna
toimtena
cona
Dual
N.A. brithem,{u)in* toimtin coin
G. brithemon toimten con
D. brithemn{a)ib toim,te7i{a)ib con{a)ib
1 The unrounded quality of the m is peculiar (cf. talam, § 105).
2 Also hrithemain (§ 61).
8 Also toimtiu ; the nom. sg. has sometimes been used as a dative.
Note. — aiiam 'soul' (fern.) fr. *an9md, full stem an9mon-, is regularly
declined in the plural ; in the singular it has been influenced by
ainm{m) 'name (§ 145) and by the Lat. anima. Hence the m is un-
aspirated in the sg., while n and m are sometimes made palatal; the
gen. sg. anm{a)e seems directly taken from ainm{m). In the nom sg.
appear the forms anam{m), ainim{m), an{a)im(m), in the dat. and ace.
sg. appears anim{m) beside the regular anin{u)in, anm{a)in.
§ 146. Neuter nasal stems.
gairTn ' call ' (fr. *grsmn), ainm(m) ' name ' (fr. wmn), c4imm
' step ' (fr. *knhsmn, older *kng-smn), reimm ' course ' (fr.
*reid-smn), imb ' butter ' (fr. *ngo-n).
Singular Primitive Forms
N.
gairm
grsnnn
G.
garmae
grsmen-s
D.
garm{a)im{m ^),
gairm
grsmen-i, grsmen
A.
gairm,
Plural
grsmn
N.
G.
D.
A.
garm^n(n)
gar7nan{n)
garman(n)aib ^
garman{n)
grsmn-9
grsmnr-om
grsmn-obhis
grsmn-9
^ The gen. dat. and ace. pi. seem to have been formed from the weak stem
*inenmn: In the gen. sing, the full stem *menmen- seems to have been analogi-
cally introduced ; fr. *menmnos one would have expected *menmon (§ 60).
ACCIDENCE
191
Dual
N. A, gairm
G. garman(n)
D. gar7nan{n)aih '
[Analogy to the nom. sg.]
grsmn-d
grsmn-obhion
1 The final -mm {*grsmeni would have given *garmain) is due to the
influence of the short form.
2 The second a {*grsmnohkis would have given *garmnaib) is due to
the influence of the other cases.
Note. — In words like cdimm, rdimm the palatal -mm- has been analogi-
cally introduced into the plural forms {dimmenn, rdimmenn, etc.).
§ 147. Neuter -s- stems.
sliab ' mountain ' (fr. *8leibos), mag ' field ' (fr. *magos), tech
' house ' (fr. *tegos).
N. A
G.
D.
N. A
G.
D.
N. A
G.
D.
sliab
sleibe
sleib
sUibe
sleibe
sleibib
sliab
sleibe
sUibib
Singular
Plural
Dual
Primitive Forms
*sleib-08
*sleib-esos
*8leib-es
*8leib-es9
*sleib-esdm
*sleib-esobhis
*sleib-d
[Analogy to the gen. sg.]
sleib -esobhimn
Note. — The masculine -s- stem mi ' month ' (fr. *mens), gen. sg. mis
(fr. *mens-os) is inflected like the guttural stems. The nom. sg. is
analogically used as nom. ace. dual.
§ 148. Nouns of relationship in -r-.
Masc. ath(a)ir 'father' (fr. *p9ter), brdth{a'yir 'brother'
(fr. *bhrdter); fem. mdthair 'mother' (fr. *mdter), s'iur 'sister'
(fr. *svesdr).
192 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR
Singular
Primitive Forms
N.
ath{a)ir ^
pdter
G.
athar
p9tr-08
D.
ath{a)ir ^
pdter-i
A.
ath{a)ir ^
Plural
pdter-m
N.
aithir
p9ter-es
G.
athr(a)e '
pdtr-ijom
D.
athr{a)ih ^
pdtr-hhis
A.
aithrea
Dual
pdter-ns
.A.
aithir
pdter-e
G.
athar
pdtr-d
D.
athr{a)ib ^
pQtr-obhim
^ The non-palatal quality of the th is due to analogy.
2 Also aithre, aithrib with analogical palatalisation of the th.
Note. — siur ' sister ' forms the dat. ace. sg. and nom. ace.
dual
(sieir) from the regular stem *svesor- ; the other cases (e.g. gen. sg.
sethar, nom. pi. sethir) owe their th to the influence of ath{a)ir, mdth{a)ir,
brdth{a)ir.
The Adjective
§ 149. '0- and -a- stems.
sen ' old ' ; masc. fr. *s€n-os ; fem. fr. *sen-d ; neut. fr. *sen-07n.
Where the adjective is used substantively it has the same
inflexion as the noun (§§ 133, 135). It is only the attributive
and the predicative adjective that call for special discussion:
a. Dissyllabic adjectives whose second vowel was originally
palatal take in the nom. ace. pi. of all genders the ending of the
-i- stems.
e.g. uasal ' high ' (fr. *oupselo-), nom. ace. pi. uaisli.
b. Towards the end of the eighth century the ending of the
ace. voc. plur. fem. and neut. spread to the masculine, though
also the regular ending -u may still be found.
e.g. isna lucu arda (Ml.) ' into high places.'
c. In the nom, ace. plur. neuter only the longer form in -a is
found (§ 133, note 1).
THE CELTIC REVIEW
JANUARY 1914
CIUTHACH
William J. Watson
At the present day in Lewis one expresses admiration of a
young fellow's vigour (tapachd) by the expression ' Bu tu
fhein an Ciuthach,' ('It's yourself that's the Ciuthach').
In the parish of Uig, in Lewis, there is an ancient fort on
Borronish (i.e., borgar-nes, fort-point), near the manse of
Uig, called Ditn a' Chiuthaich, and in the same locality a rock
called Creag a' Chiuthaich. The legend connected therewith
is stiU current in Uig, and has been written down by the Rev.
Malcolm Maclennan, Edinburgh, who has kindly com-
municated it to me, as follows : —
An uair a bha an Pheinn an Eadar-a-fhaodhail chaidh iad aon 1^
a mach a shealg, agus dh' fhag iad Fionn agus na mnathan agus a'
chlann aig an tigh. Bha duine a' tamh faisg orra ann am Boronis d'
am b'ainm an Ciuthach. Tha dun ann an sin gus an la an diugh
ris an abrar Dun a' Chiuthaich.
An uair a chuala an Ciuthach gu 'n d'f halbh an Fheinn gu leir ach
Fionn agus na mnathan agus a' chlann, chaidh e far an robh e agus
thoisich iad air sabaid. Bha e dol cruaidh ri Fionn agus dh' iarr e
dail bheag air a' Chiuthach gus an deanadh e tiomnadh do bhalachan
beag a bha 'n a ogha dha, agus sh6id e 'n fheadag.
'S ann gu beannaibh Barbhais a stiiiir Oscar a chursa, agus thug
e leis gille agus Mac an Luinn. Thachair duine riu anns na beannaibh
sin agus claidheamh aige air an robh truaill mhaiseach. Nise 's e
truaill ghrannda a bha air Mac an Luinn. 'S ann a rinn Oscar agus
an duine cumha gu 'n deanadh iad iomlaid anns na claidhmhean gun
an toirt as na truaillean. 'S e claidheamh meirgeach a thachair a bhi
anns an truaill bhreagha. An uair a thainig an oidhche laigh Oscar
agus an duine sios agus chaidil iad, ach cha do chaidil gille Oscair.
VOL. IX. N
194 THE CELTIC EEVIEW
An uair a bha each 'n an cadal chuir an gille Mac an Luinn anns an
truaill bhreagha agus mar sin bha e aig a mhaighistir air ais.
Anns a' mhaduinn chuala iad feadag 'g a seideadh. Dh'aithnich
Oscar gur i feadag a sheanar a bha ann, agus thuirt e :
' Tha cath 'g a chur is tha feum air fir,
Tha gaoth bharr sluaigh ach is truagh gun Mhac an Luinn.'
An uair a bha iad aig sruth Linseadair chuala iad an fheadag a ris,
agus thuirt Oscar mar a thuirt e an uair a chuala e anns a' mhaduinn i.
Dh'fhaighnich an gille dheth de dheanadh e na 'm biodh e aige.
' Chuirinn treas earrann a' chath,' thuirt Oscar. Ghabh iad air an
aghaidh agus aig sruth Locha Rog chuala iad an fheadag a ris.
Thuirt Oscar mar a thuirt e an uair a chuala iad an toiseach i.
Dh'fhaighnich an gille de dheanadh e na 'm biodh Mac an Luinn
aige. Thuirt Oscar gu 'n cuireadh e da thrian a' chath. Bha iad a'
gabhail rompa agus aig Lag na Clibhe chuala iad an fheadag a ris
agus thuirt Oscar mar a thuirt e roimhe. ' De dheanadh tu,' ars'
an gille, ' na 'm biodh e agad ? ' ' Chuirinn an cath 'n am aonar,'
arsa Oscar. ' Tha e agad,' ars' an gille, ' agus cha 'n e thu fein a
choisinn dhuit e.' Tharruinn Oscar an claidheamh a mach as an
truaill a shealltuinn an e a bha aige. A chur dearbhaidh air, sgud e
'n ceann bharr a' ghille — ^gniomh bu duiliche leis a rinn e riamh.
Ach ghabh e air aghaidh agus an uair a rainig e an t-aite anns
an robh a sheanair bha e 'n a sheasamh agus a dhruim ri creig agus e
ri cumail dheth a' Chiuthaich. ' Sgoch a mach a sheanair agus leig
mi fhein greis 'n a d'aite,' arsa Oscar. Ghabh e aite a sheanar, agus
chuir e an ceann bharr a' Chiuthaich le aon sguab de 'n chlaidheamh
agus dh'fhalbh e (an ceann) tri iomraichean treabhaidh, 's e sin mar a
their sinne tri feannagan.
(When the Fiann were in Eadar-a-fhaodhail,^ they went out one
day to hunt, and they left Fionn and the women and the children at
home. A man lived near them in Borronish called the Ciuthach
[Kewach). There is a fort there to this day, called the Ciuthach's
fort.
When the Ciuthach heard that all the Fiann were gone, except
only Fionn and the women and the children, he went where Fionn
was, and they began to fight. It went hard with Fionn, and he asked
the Ciuthach for a little delay till he might make a will (testa-
mentary dispositions) to a little lad who was his grandson, and
he blew the whistle.
It was to the hills of Barvas that Oscar had shaped his course, and
^ ' Between two fords,' called in English Ardroil.
CIUTHACH 195
he had taken with him a lad and Mac an Luinn (i.e., Fionn's magic
sword). In those hills a man met them who had a sword with a
goodly sheath. Now it was an ugly sheath that was on Mac an Luinn.
Oscar and the man agreed to exchange swords without taking them
out of the sheaths. It fell out that it was a rusty sword that was
in the fine sheath. When night came, Oscar and the man lay down
and slept, but Oscar's attendant did not sleep. While the others
slept he put Mac an Luinn in the fine sheath, and so his master had
it back.
In the morning they heard a whistle blow. Oscar knew that it was
his grandfather's whistle, and he said : —
* Fight is on foot, and need is of men,
Wind blows from host, but it is sad without Mac an Luinn.' ^
When they were at the stream of Linshader, they heard the whistle
again. Oscar said as he had said when he heard it in the morning.
The lad asked him what he would do if he had it. 'I would take on
me the third part of the battle,' said Oscar. They went on, and at
the current of Loch Roag they heard the whistle again. Oscar said
as he had said when he heard it first. The lad asked, what he would
do if he had Mac an Luinn. Oscar said that he would take on him
two-thirds of the battle. They were going ahead, and at Cliff Hollow
they heard the whistle again, and Oscar said as he said before.
' What would you do,' said the lad, ' if you had it ? ' 'I would
fight the battle alone,' said Oscar. ' You have it,' said the lad, ' and
it was not yourself that won it for you.' Oscar drew the sword forth
from the sheath to see if it was it he had. To prove it, he swept the
head off the lad — the deed of all the deeds he ever did that he was
most sorry for.
But he went on, and when he came to the place where his
grandfather stood, he was standing with his back to a rock
trying to keep the Guthach off him. ' Slip out, grandfather,'
said Oscar, ' and let myself a while in your place.' He took his
grandfather's place, and sent the head off the Ciuthach with one
sweep of his sword, and it shot over three rigs of plough-land, that is,
as we say, three lazy-beds.)
The Rev. Malcolm Macleod, Broadford, who belongs to
Uig, writes that Creag a' Chiuthaich is on a machair across
a faodhail (sea-ford) from the Dun. Four or five miles
* Compare J. F. Camphell's West Highland Tales, ill. 360.
196 THE CELTIC REVIEW
away, and not far from Gallon Head is Uaigh a' Chiuthaichf
the Ciuthach's grave, ten feet long or more, also called
Uaigh Og righ Bhdsainf In local tradition, says Mr.
Macleod, the Ciuthach was a giant and a real hero, a man
not only of great size but of great dignity. ' Cha bu diu
leis lamh a chur ann an duine cumanta,' ' he would scorn
to lay hand on a common man.' When the Feinn came,
Fionn and his band came opposite the Dun, and offered
the Ciuthach ' cogadh no cumhachan sithe,' ' war or con-
ditions of peace.'
Cha do chuir e 'dhiu annta na sheall e an taobh a bha iad,
ach thainig e a mach as an Dun agus morgha aige 'n a laimh, agus
chaidh e sios an traigh a mharbhadh leobag a bhial na tuinne,
Chaidh so air aghart fad seachdanach, Fionn is an Fheinn a' toirt
diilan dha is gun esan a' cur a dhiu annta na shealladh e an taobh
a bha iad. Ach fa dheireadh bha e air a thamailteachadh leis a*
ghraisg a thainig a chur dragh air, agus smaoinich e a' mhaduinn so
gu'n d'rachadh e agus gu'n deanadh e sgoltadh a' chudaig air
buidheann no dha dhiubh. Chunnacas a tighinn e, ach bha moran
de an Fheinn air falbh anns a' bheinn sheilg, agus bha iad a smaoin-
eachadh nach tigeadh an Ciuthach an taobh a bha iad. Thainig
e nuas am machair, is mar a bha iad a tachairt ris, bha e sgudadh
a' chinn dhiubh gus 'na rainig e Fionn, ceann na Feinne, ach chur
esan stad air. Ach ma chuir, cha b'fhada, is e gun Mhac-an-Luinn.
Bha Osgar is gaisgich eile a deanamh cluich airm le Mac-an-Luinn
air Cnoc na Cuthaig. Agus, ma bha, cha b' fheairrde Fionn sin.
Bha an Ciuthach 'g a chur gun sgur an comhair a chuil. ' Anta,*
arsa esan, ' bu mhaith a nise Mac-an-Luinn ' ; is sheid e an fheadag.
Is ma sheid, leum Osgar is dh' eugh e, ' tha mo sheanair an teinn,
ach ma tha, cha bhi fada. . . . Sguch a mach, a sheanair, is leig
mi fhein le Mac-an-Luinn 'n ad aite.' Bha Mac-an-Luinn ag gearradh
is a' leon is thoisich an Ciuthach a' do! an comhair a chuil, is b'e
sin an d^ latha. Rinn e air a' chiad chreig a b'fhaisge dha gus
tac fhaighinn, ach leis an t-sion a bha air is Osgar le Mac-an-Luinn
'n a dheidh, chaidh e troimhe 'n chreig, agus tha l^rach a mh^is
is a dhk shlinnean an Creag a' Chiuthaich gus an latha an duigh.
(He cared not for them enough to look their way, but he came
out from the Fort with a fish-spear in his hand, and he went down
to the strand to the wave-mouth to kill flounders. This went on
for a week, Fionn and the Feinn challenging him, while he cared not
CIUTHACH 197
for them enough to look their way. But at last he was affronted
by the rabble that had come to trouble him, and he bethought him
that on this morning he would go and would cuddy-cleave a troop
or two of them. They saw him coming, but many of the Feinn
were away in the hunting hill, and they thought that the Ciuthach
would not come their way. He came down through the plain, and
as they met him he slashed off their heads till he reached Fionn,
the chief of the Feinn, and he stopped him. But if he did, it was
not for long, since Fionn was without Mac an Luinn. Oscar and
other warriors were at weapon-play with Mac an Luinn on Cuckoo
Hill. And, if they were, Fionn was none the better of that. The
Ciuthach was driving them backwards without stop. ' Well,' said
Fionn, ' good now would be Mac an Luinn ' ; and he blew the
whistle. If he did, Osgar leaped and cried, ' My grandfather is in
straits, but if he is, he will not be so long. . . . Slip out, grand-
father, and let me with Mac an Luinn in your place.' Mac-an-Luinn
was cutting and wounding, and the Ciuthach began to go back-
wards, and that was a new thing for him. He made for the nearest
rock for support, and what with the impetus of him with Osgar and
Mac-an-Luinn after him, he went through the rock, and the mark of
his buttocks and his shoulders is in the Ciuthach's Rock to this day.)
Mr. Macleod adds : ' Of course no man could overcome
the Ciuthach: it was the "uncanny" Mac-an-Luinn that
kiUed him, and not wholly that : it was his own impetus
and strength against the rock that killed him. The impres-
sion of him left on my mind (through these Uig sgeulachdan)
is that of a "big" man with a big soul, a man of great
strength and prowess, conscious of his own capacities and
strength, yet never showing them ofiP.'
It is to be noticed that both the tales given above are
current in the parish of Uig : both versions are known to
each of the gentlemen who have written down the tradition
for me. Yet the conception of the Ciuthach's character
differs. In the former he is the aggressor, taking a rather
mean advantage of an old feeble man. In the latter he is
a proud and noble personage, slow to anger, but pitiless
when roused. So far as I can make out, there may be said
to be a pro-Ciuthach and an anti-Ciuthach feeling in Uig.
As to the tradition of Eigg, Mr. Kenneth Macleod says :
198 THE CELTIC REVIEW
* I remember distinctly two old people in Eigg — dead some
twenty years — talking about " an ciuthach a bha fuireach
anns an uaimh " (the ciuthach who once lived in the cave).
When in Eigg last summer I tried to find out something
more about the ciuthach, but nobody even recognised the
word, except one man who said : " Theirinn ciuthach ri blast
de dhuine " (I would apply the term ciuthach to a beast of
a man). I have heard the word used in that sense else-
where : " Nach b' e an ciuthach e ! " (Is he not a ciuthach !)
It is possible that the two Eigg men who spoke of the
ciuthach in the cave used the word in the sense of " wild
man." In Cromarty the word ciutharn is applied by the
fisher-folk to an unkempt or unpleasant sort of person.'
The Ciuthach is still remembered in Barra, but my sailor
informant — a young man — could not give details of the
tradition. I have found no tradition of him with Skye
people, nor with the people of the mainland. That he was
at one time known on the mainland, however, appears from
the following statement by Alexander Graham of Duchray,
written in 1724 : ' On the north side of the Loch (Loch
Lomond) and about three miles west from the paroch
church,^ upon a point of land which runs into the Loch called
Cashell is the mines of an old building of a circular shape,
and in circumference about sixtie paces built all of pro-
digious big quhinstone without lyme or cement, the walls in
some places of it are about nyne or ten foot high yet stand-
ing. And its incredible how such big stones could be reered
up by the hands of men. This is called the Gyants Castle
and the founder thereof said to be one Keith Maclndoill or
Keith the son of Doillus, who is reported to be contemporary
with the famous FinmacoeU and consequently to have lived
in the fifth century of the Christian Epocha.' This Keith,
according to Graham, was also credited with the construc-
tion of * ane artificiall Island ' in Loch Lomond at a little
distance from the point on which the old castle stands.^
' i.e. of Buchanan,
* Macfarlane's Geographical Collections, i. 346.
CIUTHACH 199
The ruins of this ancient fort may still be seen on
Strachashell Point opposite Inchlonaig. It was excavated
by Mr. David MacRitchie, and found to contain chambers,
Hke those of the brochs. Its waUs and door also resemble
those of the brochs, but whether it possessed galleries seems
uncertain. Mr. MacRitchie states, on the authority of
Buchanan of Auchmar, that the fort was also called Caisteal
nam Fiann, of which Duchray's ' Gyants Castle ' is possibly
a translation.^ In the light of what follows it will be seen
that ' Keith Maclndoill ' is to be read as Ciuthach (or
Cithich) mac an Doill. Thus the tradition of the fort on
Loch Lomond side agrees so far with that of the fort on
Borronish in Lewis. Both are named after Ciuthach, who is
made contemporary with Finn mac Cumhail.
In the tales of the Fionn-cycle the Ciuthach plays a part
in the story of the elopement of Diarmad and Grainne.
J. F. Campbell's Leahhar na Feinne contains two versions of
the ballad ' Is moch a ghoireas a' Chorr,' wherein Diarmad
reproaches Grainne for faithlessness in deserting him for the
giant. In the second of these Diarmad says : —
An te dhibir righ na Feinne
'S a thug sp6is do 'n Fhamhair mh6ir (p. 155a).
(The woman who forsook the king of the Fiann
And gave love to the great giant.)
Grainne replies : —
Ge do dhibir mise Fionn
0 na b' annsa learn do ghl6ir,
Cha do thaobh mi am Famhair treun :
Is m6r a b' eibhinne do che6l.
(Though I did abandon Fionn
Since I preferred your speech,
1 did not turn to the mighty giant :
Pleasanter far was your music.)
The first version concludes with the lines, in the mouth
of Diarmad : —
Gabhaidh mi riut fein mar mhnaoi,
Ged roghnaich thu am Fomhair m6r.
* Compare : Tubernafeyne of the grett or kemppis men callit ffenis is ane well (glosa
on charter of Alexander ii. to the monks of Kinloss, dated 1221).
200 THE CELTIC REVIEW
(I will accept you as my wife
Though you did choose the great giant.)
•
The giant's name is not mentioned in the ballads. The
arguments prefixed to them, however, give the tradition on
that point. ' They [Diarmad and Grainne] came over to
Scotland, and on their travelling they found a cave at
Lochow side in Argyleshire where a Giant was living named
Ciach, meaning fierceness. He and Diarmad began to play
on dice ; the Gigantic gained the play, and took from
Diarmaid his wife (for she rather stay than be travelling any
more with Diarmaid), and since he had nothing more to give.*
After this Diarmid wandered about like a beggar, and at
last came back to Ciach' s cave, where he was recognised by
Grainne, fell out with Ciach and killed him. In the fight
Grainne took the giant's side and stabbed a knife in Diarmid' s
thigh. Diarmid went away, leaving Grainne. She followed
him, and having overtaken him at Sliabh Gaoil in South
Knapdale begged to be forgiven and taken back.
The above is the story of the argument to the first baUad.
In that to the second ballad, the giant is called Cithich mac
Daol, and the cave is not located.
In August of 1913 my wife and I were taken by Dr.
MacArthur, Aberfeldy, to see some forts on the family
property of Barbreck on the north side of Loch Awe, near
Taychreggan. Two of these are named Dun Mhungain Mor
and Dun Mhungain Beag.^ The third is called Dun
Chuthaich or Dun Chaoich (both heard). It is on an
eminence right at the back of Taychreggan Hotel. The
remains are slight, and neither it nor the other forts seem
to have been places of importance. Somewhere near the
foot of the hill there is a cave on the loch-side, which is
reputed to issue at the Pass of Brander {Cumhang a' Bhrann-
raidh). We heard no further tradition, however. An
eminence to the north of Dun Chuthaich is called Barr na
h-Uamha (Cave-ridge).
In Tales of the West Highlands (vol. iii. p. 49), Campbell
» Mungan mac Seirc (Gillies, p. 317), or mac Seireein {Bd. Cd., i. 284) was killed
by Oscar.
CIUTHACH 201
gives a prose version of the tale. In this version the couple
go to Carraig an Daimh near Cille Charmaig in Knapdale. The
giant is ' bodach mor cragach ris an abradh iad Ciof ach mac a'
Ghoill' (' a great thickset old fellow called Ciof ach, son of the
stranger.') Ciof ach and Grainne agreed to kill Diarmad, but
Diarmad overpowered Ciofach, whereupon Grainne stabbed
him in the thigh. Diarmad left, came back after a time, was
recognised by Grainne and killed Ciofach. He then left, and
Grainne followed after him.
On p. 65, another version says ' a ciuthach came into the
cave, and Diarmad killed him with a spear, for Grainne was
unfaithful even to her lover. When Diarmad gave out the
cry of death after his wounding by the poisoned bristle of the
boar, Fionn said to Grainne, ' Is that the hardest shriek to
thy mind that thou hast ever heard ? ' ' It is not,' she said,
' but the shriek of the ciuthach, when Diarmad killed him.'
In a note Campbell adds, ' pronounced kewach, described in
the Long Island as naked wild men living in caves.'
Independent versions got by the Rev. J. Gregorson
Campbell give the same tale with some variation of locality
and incident. In one the cave is in Kenavarra Hill in the
west end of Tiree. The giant is Ciuthach mac an Doill
(Ciuthach, son of the blind man). In the other, Ciuthach and
Diarmad played tdileasg in the Uamh Mhor and Ciuthach
won. As his prize he asked the woman. Diarmad took ofiE
the Ciuthach' s head. On the death of Diarmad, Grainne
is questioned by Fionn and answers as above, whereupon
she is buried alive. ^
The New Statistical Account of Argyllshire mentions
(p. 400) that ' Dun Chifie about the middle of Gigha appears
to have been a strong fortification. Keefie, the king of
Lochlan's son, who occupied this stronghold, was kiUed
there by Diarmid, with whose wife he had run away.' This
statement serves as a connecting link with the references
that foUow to Ciofach, Ciothach, or Ciuthach mac righ
Lochlann.
The earliest mention of this character that I have come
* The Fians, pp. 53 teqq.
202 THE CELTIC REVIEW
across is in the Irish tale entitled ' the Chase of Sid namBan
Finn ' (written in 1419), edited by Professor Kuno Meyer
in the Todd Lecture Series, where he is called Cedach
Ciothach.^ He comes to avenge his brothers on Fionn and
the Fian ; but on seeing the hounds and men of the Fian he
fell in love with them and stayed with Fionn. He fought
on Fionn' s side, and finally Emer Glunglas son of Aedh son
of Garadh and he fell at each other's hands.
In Leahhar na Feinne are given four versions of Turns
Fhinn do Lochlann, Fionn' s expedition to Lochlan. Manus,
King of Lochlan, asks : —
An d'thug sibh am ionnsuigh Cithich nam buaidh ?
(Have you brought to me victorious Cithicli ?)
Is mise a mharbh Cithich nam buaidh
Thubhairt Mac Cumhail nan arm ruaidh
Air an traigh tha shiar mu thuath
Am Feinne far an do thuit mor shluagh (p. 84a).
('Twas I slew victorious Cithich,
Said Mac Cumhail of red weapons,
On the western strand in the north
Among a warrior troop where many fell.)
In the second version (p. 84 b), the question of Manus is: —
Co mharbh mo mhac-sa Ciothach nam buadh 1
(Who slew my son, victorious Ciothach 1)
And GoU replies that it was he who slew him. The third
version (p. 85 b) gives Ceothach, slain by GoU. In the
fourth version the name is given as Cithuch and Ciuthich,
and he is slain by Diarmad, in a fray {an iorghuill).
Another version of Turns Fhinn is printed in Reliquice
CelticcBy vol. i. p. 405, from Sir George Mackenzie's Collec-
tion, from which I quote the following :
Sin 'n uair thuirt Eigh Lochlain ruinn,
' Fhinn, an d'thug thu leat mo chuid mhac 1
An d'thug thu leat Ciothach mo mhac,
No an d'thug thu leat Beatoir buineach
No Lann nam beud mo mhac eile.
Am feidhnigh phropadh an iorghail 1 '
» Cf. Ceudach mac Righ nan Collach (Cedach, son of the king of the men of Coll),
The Fians, pp. 12, 28, 229.
CIUTHACH 203
('Twas then said the king of Lochlan to us,
' Have you taken with you my sons 1
Have you taken Ciothach my son,
Or Beatoir buineach.
Or Lann of deeds, my other son,
Who in a warrior band would support the fray 1 ')
The king is told that Ciothach has been slain by Raoine,
Beatoir by Diarmad, —
Air traigh Chliathan fuidh thuath
Am feidhnigh mu'n do thuit am m6r shluagh.
(On Clian strand in the north,
Among a warrior band around whom
fell the great host.)
Lann, who is now called an Lann, was slain by Oscar.
Yet another version appears in the ballad of An t-Athach
lodhnai^ the argument prefixed to which states : ' 'S ann
tamull beag an diaigh latha Blar na traghad a thachair an
eachdrui so a leanas,' (The events in the following account
took a little time after the day of the Battle on the Shore,
i.e. traigh Chhathan). Here the name of the King of Loch-
lann's sons are Ciochnais, Gormshuil, am Biugal-briagha,
slain by Goll, Oscar and Diarmad respectively.
The tale or ballad of the Battle on the Shore, in which
the King of Lochlann's sons were slain, is printed in Rel.
Celt, i. 415-419, from Sir George Mackenzie's Collection, and
also in the MacCallum Collection, p. 171. In the former it
is entitled Dan Eihhin dh (sic). The argument prefixed
states : ' Thachair an Fhein air la araid ri gaisgich ro-mhoir
g'am b'ainm Eibhin agus Trostan is thug iad cath fiadhaich
ri cheil air traigh Chhan,' ('The Feinn on a certain day
happened on (two) exceeding great warriors called Eibhin
[Eyvind] and Trostan, and they fought a fierce battle on
the shore of Clian '). The ballad begins : —
Air bhas gus an deach' an Fhiann
Cha d'thug i ceum teichidh riabh
Ach nodag beag air an traigh
Air an taobh siar do dhun Gallan.
» Bel. Celt., i. 256.
204 THE CELTIC REVIEW
Cha d'f huair sinn Ciuthach 's an duin
Nam faigheadh bu mhiste dhuinn ;
Fhuair sinn iomanadh agus gr^in
Bho Eibhin agus bho Throstan.
(Till the Fiann-band died, it never took a step in flight, save only a little
nodag on the shore westward of Dun Gallan. We did not find Ciuthach in
the fort ; had we found him, it had been the worse for us. We got driving
and horror at the hands of Eibhin and Trostan.)
The MacCallums' version is styled Dan Chiuihaich. It
has no argument, beyond a comparison of the Fiann with
Wellington and Buonaparte, to the disadvantage of the latter
commanders. The two versions are similar, except for a
slight difference in arrangement and that the MacCaUums'
version ends in a ' Macphersonic ' style with reference to
' Seallama ' ' Ardbheinn ' and ' slige creachainn.' In brief
the ballads run as follows : GoU engages Eibhin ; Oscar
engages Trostan. Eibhin and Trostan get the better not
only of GoU and Oscar, but of the rest of the Fiann — Clanna
Moma, Clanna Sgainne, Clanna Ceardal, Ryn mac Fhinn, and
the (three) Bailbh. The Fiann retreat. Oscar goes against
Mac an Nuamharan (Mackenzie) or Mac Nuadh-rain
(MacCaUum), and slays him. Goll bids Oscar take the head
to Fionn. Oscar refuses, and buries head and body in a
grave seven feet deep. The Fiann in general, including
Ossian, threaten Oscar ; the general melee which is imminent
is avoided through Oscar's self-restraint, aided by Fergus
(Filidh). Ciuthach (returns, and fmding his comrades or
brothers slain) sends a message to Fionn demanding the
heads of Oscar, Goll, and Conan. This he demanded for
seven days. (Meantime Oscar is absent elsewhere.)
Ciuthach and Fionn fight (or are about to fight). Oscar
returns on the seventh day at the critical moment, and
addressing 'Ciuthach mac an Nuamf hir ' (or ' C. mac
Nuarain ' in the MacCallums' version) declares that it is he
(Oscar) who has slain his brothers and the clan of his grand-
mother, and though Ciuthach were the name of each and
every man who came across the sea eastward, none would
escape him. Thereupon Oscar smites Ciuthach' s head off
CIUTHACH 205
in presence of the Fiann of Erin. Incidentally it appears
that Ciuthach had carried off Emer, the wife of Ossian.
When Emer saw the head of Ciuthach on the moor she wept
tears of blood. The MacCallums' version has it that the
Fiann sailed to the city of Nuaran, and Oscar had to wife the
king's daughter. Sir George Mackenzie's version mentions
Dun Chiuthaich, the other does not.
From the above resume it is, I think, evident that the
Uig Fenian tales, as given above, in which Oscar comes
to succour Fionn against the Ciuthach, are survivals of
the heroic ballads recorded by Sir George Mackenzie and
Hugh and John MacCallum, which latter, it should be stated,
was communicated to the MacCallums by George Mackenzie
in Gruineard, Lochbroom.
The spellings of the name are as follows : Cithach
(Ciothach) {Sid na mBan Finn) ; Cithich, Ciach, Ciothach,
Ceothach, Cithuch, Ciuthich {Leabhar na Feinne) ; Ciofach,
Ciuthach {West Highland Tales); Ciuthach {The Fians) ;
Ciochnais {Eel. Celt, i. 258) ; Ciothach (^6., i. 407) ; Ciuthach
{ih., 1 415-419) ; Ciuthach (MacCallum) ; Keith {Macfarlane's
Geog. Coll, i. 326) ; Keefie {N. Stat. Ace. of Argyll, p. 400) ;
Ciuthach (present day).
At the present day, and once in the W. H. T. and once in
the MacCallum Collection, Ciuthach is used as a generic term
or common noun, with the article. Elsewhere it is a proper
noun. In the expression Cetach Ciothach, the latter term
is an adjective.
The name of Cormac Mac Art's chief druid was
Ciothruadh or Cithruadh.^ Cioth Fiann is the name of a
mythical king of Ireland, who is yet to reign. ^ In Gaelic,
these are two words cith, one meaning ' a shower,' the other
' rage, ardour.' The names Cithruadh and Cioth Fiann
both apparently mean ' red wrath.' If our hero's name is
GaeUc, it may be from this latter, meaning * the wrathful
or raging one.' But it may be suspected to lean rather on
Welsh go-gof (g'o=sub, +cof, cave) ; ceu, a cave ; Breton
keo, a cave, with the meaning ' cave-man,' ' troglodyte.' It
1 O'Curry. « lb.
206 THE CELTIC REVIEW
is possible that {f)ach of Ciuthach, Ciofach should be com-
pared with the ending -veccas in the Ogham Luguwecca,
Gauhsh — vic~es ; O. Ir., fichim, fight. ^
The Ciuthach is described as : Cetach Cithach mac rig
Lochlann {Sid na mBan Finn) ; Cithich mac righ Lochlunn
{L. na F., 84, 86) ; Cithich mac Daol {L. na F., p. 154) ;
Ciofach mac a' Ghoill {W. H. T., iii. 51) ; Ciothach mac righ
Lochlann {Rel. Celt., i. 407) ; Ciuthach mac an Nuamhfhir
{ih., 418, 419) ; Ciuthach Mac Nuarain (MacCaUum, 175) ;
Ciuthach mac an Doill {Fians, 53) ; Keith mac Indoill, a
giant {Macf. Geog. Coll., i. 346) ; Keefie, the king of Loch-
lann's son {N. Stat. Ace. of Argyll, 400) ; foghmhair mor, f.
treun, a great giant, a mighty giant {L. na. F., 154, 155). ^
J. F. CampbeU records that in the Long Island the Ciuthaich
were regarded as naked wild men dwelling in caves {W. H. T.,
iii. 65). The tradition of Eigg, as given by Mr. Kenneth
Macleod, bears this out. In the Diarmad story the
Ciuthach is a cave-dweller. On Loch Lomond side he is
connected with a broch-like structure, possessing chambers,
which are elsewhere called in Gaelic uamh.^ In Uig, Lewis,
his name goes with a fort which Mr. David MacRitchie
describes as being similar in plan and structure to the Loch
Lomond fort.* The Gigha fort is not known as a broch.
Diarmad when living with Grainne in the Ciuthach' s cave
complains : —
Mar a bhios an uaimh thaisgte
Dhomhsa ni aobhar gMire,
Ag coimhead uamha bige :
Do mhilleas mis', a Ghrainne.
(The way in which I am stowed in a cave
To me is no cause of laughter,
Guarding a little cave :
Thou hast undone me, 0 Grainne.^)
^ Cf. John MacNeill, Notes on Irish Ogham Inscriptions.
2 Ceothach, Gillies's Collection, p. 251 ; Ciothach Duanaire Finn, p. 26, both
warriors of the Fiann, but without further designation.
^ JE.g. in Ach na h-uamhach, cave field, so called from the broch near the farm-
house ; now Birchfield, Strathkyle, Ross-shire.
* The Antiquary, December 1906. ^ Dean of Lismore, Bel. Celt., L 89.
CIUTHACH 207
Here one recalls the incidents of the occupation of the
broch of Mousa in Shetland by eloping couples, first by
Bjom Brynulfson and Thora, Roald's daughter, before 900
A.D. ; second by Earl Erlend Ungi and Margaret, widow of
Maddad, Earl of Athol, more than two hundred years sub-
sequently. We may compare also the expression of Gildas.
who writes : ' De artissimis foraminum cavernaculis fusci
vermiculorum cunei, tetri Scottorum Pictorumque greges,'
(swarthy columns of vermin from their little caves of very
narrow outlet, loathsome hoards of Picts and Scots). ^ A
somewhat later writer than Gildas speaks in the same strain
of ' popuh bestiales Pictorum,' the beastly tribes of Picts, as
issuing from the bags and sacks of the North, ^ expressions
curiously similar to the Eigg man's description of a Ciuthach.
Among the phrases descriptive of the Ciuthach, that of
Mac an Nuaimhfhir may certainly mean ' the Giant's son.' ^
But the writers, and probably also the reciters, of the tales
clearly had in their minds ' son of the Cave-man ' as the
meaning.
In the ballads, Ciuthach of Dun Chiuthaich is associated
with Eibhinn and Trostan. One of these heroes, apparently
Trostan, is designated Mac an Nuamharan, which makes
him Ciuthach' s brother. Trostan is a distinctively Pictish
name. It occurs in at least two place names in Lewis.
There was a Trostansfjord in Iceland. Eibhinn is
Norse Eyvind. A chief of that name accompanied King
Magnus Barelegs on his famous expedition to the Sudreyar
in 1098, when he fought a battle in Lio'Shus (Lewis) and
harried the country. This Eyvind, called Olnbogi, was the
king's high steward.* A younger contemporary of his was
^ Gildas, ed. Mommsen, p. 35.
2 Eddi's Life, of St. Wilfred (c. a.d. 700) ; quoted by Skene, Celt. Scot., i. 261.
3 Compare Tigh 'n Fhuamhair, Giant's House, the Gaelic of Novar, in Koss-
shire.
* In this expedition it is recorded that Magnus seized Logman Guthrodson, king
of the Western Isles. It seems fairly certain that it is this Logman who is referred
to in the ballads as Laomunn Mdr ^Big Lamond). He is designated Mac Coineal
(Bel. Celt, i. 395) — {i.e. Mac Dhomnnaill) and Laomunn mdr mac an Nuamhfhir
208 THE CELTIC EEVIEW
Eyvind Melbrigdi's son, a chief evidently of Celtic descent
on his father's side, who followed the banner of Earl Paul
Hakonsson. The name Eyvind must have been well
known in the west.
The geography of the Battle of the Shore, where Eibhinn
and Trostan were engaged, is vague. It was fought on
Traigh Chliathan {Ret. Celt, i. 407) or Traigh Chlian (^6., 415),
on the west side of Dun Gallan, in the north. In one of the
baUads of Leabhar na Feinne it is located.
Air traigh a' Chliabhain fa thuath
Siar o rudha na mdrchuan.
(On the beach of Cliavan in the north,
Westwards from the point of the great seas (1 inlets)).
This sounds as if meant for Ardnamurchan.^ Traigh
Chliathan recalls Tonn Cliodhna, Cleena's wave, but this
celebrated wave was in the very south of Munster. Uig, in
Lewis, possesses both Dun a' Chiuthaich and Gallon Head,
westwards of it, also Uaigh a' Chiuthaich, but I have not
heard of Dun Gallan or Traigh Chliathan there. The diffi-
culty is not lessened by the expression put in Oscar's mouth
in Dan Chiuthaich or Dan Eibhinn : —
6e bu Chiuthach ainm gach fhir
'S na thainig dhiubh air akile soir.
(Though Ciuthach were the name of each man,
For as many of them as have come on sea eastwards. )
Unless, indeed, we may translate * on the eastern sea.' It
{ibid., 420). In Gillies (p. 302) the title of the ballad is ' Laoidh Laomuinn Mhic
an Uaimh-fhir.'
Laoch a chuir Alba fo chiin
Le neart a dha laimh 's a chleas.
(A hero who put Alba under tribute
By the strength of his two hands and his feats.)
In the Campbell collection {Rel. Celt., i. 214) he is styled 'mac Righ nuaidh.' In
Gillies, p. 301, * Laomunn mac Roidh ' (? mac Goraidh). Laomunn, Ciuthach, and
Trostan are the only heroes designated as Mac an Nuamh fhir. Laomunn M6r was
killed by Oscar, according to the ballads.
* The popular, though erroneous, explanation of Ardnamurchan is * Point of the
great seas.' The cape is called, pleonastically, Rudha Aird-na-murchan.
CIUTHACH 209
is remarkable that among the forts of Colonsay there are
Dmi Eibhinn and Dun Gallan. On the north side of the
latter is a beach, where, according to Colonsay tradition, a
great battle was fought. The men of Colonsay used faggots
of blackthorn in the fight, whence it is called ' Latha
Chatha nan Sguab,' the day of the battle of the Sheaves.
This beach must on no account be dug, for it contains
quantities of human bones. There is Dun nan Gallan in
Loch an Duin, Bornish, South Uist, also Dun a' Ghallain in
N.W. of North Uist. The ultimate reference may be to the
battle fought by King Magnus in Lewis. But perhaps it is
useless to try to locate the site of this *dim battle in the
West.'
Ciuthach's relations with the Fiann, of whom he is always
made a contemporary, are hostile, except that in Sid nam
Ban Finn, Cithach (if indeed he is to be equated with
Ciuthach) becomes a friend. In the Diarmad tale he carries
off Grainne. In Ddn Chiuthaich he carries off Emer, the
wife of Ossian. Both ladies prefer him to their own lords.
In view of the fact that traces of Ciuthach are found, one
may say, from Clyde to the Butt of Lewis, it is clear that at
one time he played a great role in the traditions of the West.
Among all the confusion of the traditions as they have come
down to us, there may be, and probably is, an ultimate
historical basis. It may not be unreasonable to surmise
that the Ciuthach was a broch-dweller, who degenerated in the
tales, and perhaps in fact, into a cave-dweller. His appearance
as Mac righ Lochlann may be due to confusion with another
personage altogether, or to the tendency on the part of the
Gael to rank all their opponents on the west as Lochlannaich.
Throughout the references to him there runs the feeling
that Ciuthach was a hero, or the hero, of a race different
from the Gael. This feeling comes out most clearly in the
second of the two Uig tales given above, which seems to
have originated among his admirers. The other accounts of
him are rather from the standpoint of his enemies. The con-
clusion suggested is that Ciuthach was a hero of the Picts.
VOL. IX. O
210 THE CELTIC REVIEW
THE GAELIC VERSION OF THE THEBAID
OF STATIUS
Professor Mackinnon
(Continued from page 127)
GAELIC TEXT
Acus o ra bai Ipsipile amlaid sin a comrad ris in rig
n-uasal re h-Adraist acus ^ ni tuc d'a h-aire a daltan dath-
alaind d'acbail is in choillegh da h-eis. Acus in tan do
chuaid d'iarraid ui(s)ce ris na Grecaib, acus ro fhacaib-si
imorro ^ in mac beci sin, ro thuit a suan rem-cotalta air ar
lar ind (fh)eoir acus in airthind. Acus in am ro bai ann sin
tanic nathair adhuathmar urbadach da indsaigid. ^Is
amlaid ro bai i(n) nathair sin acus * ruisc dimora dub-glasa
'na c(a)end co n-uanfad neimi ba ^ glomar a crais,^ co tri
tengthaib tendtidi ac taidligud im'' a carbad, acus co tri
srethaib d'(f)iaclaib croma cruad-gera in a cind. Acus
ua coissechartha ^ du loib in nathair sin. Acus ^ is and ro
catlad^o ^^fecht and^^ i timchuU na tempall sin caeim-
choiserca^^ j^o m-bidis i comfhoch-raib di. Acur ro gluais-
eth si na railgi ro mora as an ait acus as an inad, acus na
clacha com-thenda a tendtaib talman in tan ro comerged.^^
Acus tanic rompi d'iarraid usci co dian acus co dasachtach,
acus a croes ^^urgranna osloicthi^* uirri ac sugad^^ gaithi
aideoir ^^ in darna f echt, in f eacht aih imorro ac ithi in n-eoir
acus in n-airthind, do chase a h-itad. Acus ru-s-bean bem
d'a h-eirr gan airigut ^' di do'n maccaem sin co ru-s-facaidh
cen anmain.
O t'chualaig tra Ipsifile scret in meic ac a marbad ro
eirich d'a iarraid, acus ro bai 'ga gairm o na^^ fuair h-e.
' Eg. omits.
^ Eg. omits. 3 jjg prefixes acus.
* Eg. omits.
^ ua. * craes.
^ in. ^ cuserca. ' Eg. omits.
10 collad.
"-" Eg. omits.
12 cusracta. " regadh. "-" Eg. transposes
1° dugadh.
*^ acus aeoir.
" ariugud. 18 nach.
THE THEBAID OF STATIUS 211
ENGLISH TRANSLATION
As Hypsipyle was thus conversing with the noble King
Adrastus, she forgot that she had left her beautiful little
fosterling behind her in the wood. Now when she went
with the Greeks in search of water and left the little
boy behind, he suddenly fell asleep among the grass and
herbage. While he was there a horrid destructive dragon
approached him. Thus was that dragon, with very large
dark-grey eyes in its head, with a foam of venom around
its great, gaping mouth, with three fiery tongues gleaming
in its jaws, and with three rows of curved, hard, and sharp
teeth in its head. The dragon was sacred to Jove. It
used to sleep betimes around the beautiful, consecrated
temples that chanced to be in its neighbourhood. It could
move very large oaks from their roots and overturn huge
stones from their earth grip, when it rose up. It went for-
ward furiously, madly in search of water, with its hideous
gaping mouth open draining the air of heaven at one time,
and eating up grass and herbage at another, to quench its
thirst. And it heedlessly gave a lash of its tail to that boy
and left him lifeless.
Now when Hypsipyle heard the death shriek of the boy
she ran to search for him, and was calhng for him when she
212 THE CELTIC EEVIEW
Acus o t' chondairc in nathraig ro iacht acus ro eig co
cualadar Greic uili golgairi na h-ingine. Is and sin ro gres-
astar rig oc ^ na h-Arcaida .t. Partanapeus a eocho fo'n
egem ar n-a radh d'Adhraist, do'n aird-rig ris. Acus o t'
chualaich fochond in guba ro indis da chach. Acus o ra
FoL 12b 1. indis ro gabh Ipomedon ^ airegda cairrig comthruim comnert
a tenntaib talman, acus tuc ro-n-urchair d'indsaigid na
nathrach. Acht chena ni derna acht scenm disi sin. Tanic
imorro asaithli sin Capaneus ar cind conaire di acus gae
suainmech so-dibraicthi in a laim acus is ed ro raid ria : ' ISIi
ba h-inand,' ar se, ' in t-urchar o chianaib ; ni(f )uil ac * deib
nime a thairmeasc imamsa* gan du marbad dam.' Acus
ro dibraic in ^ f aga di 'na diaid sin, co ro ben in craisech,® co
ro tregdastar a h-ucht acus a h-indi, co ro torchair marb cen
anmain. Ba ferg imorro le h-Ioib '^ an ni sin .t. ^ nathair do
marbad do Chapaneus, acus ro triall saegnen tened do lecud
d'an indsaigid and sin. Acus geded ro thairmisc gus sin cath
ar n-uair.
Imthusa Ipsifile: in tan ro bui ac iarraid in macaim,^
adchondairc an fer frasach forderg d'fhuil na naiden, acus
tanic d'a indsaigid co dubach dian ^^ do-menmnach, acus ro
boi ac pocad in meic. Acht chena ro saed ^^ a delb acus a
dath is in uair sin cu nar fhurusa aichni a chuirp ar n-a
cruad-ledrad o ruich ^^ nemi na nathrach. Acus is amlaid
ro bai si 'na timchell and sin amal bis ethaid foluaimneach
im 13 net ar n-a ^^ choU do nathraid impi. Acus ro gab in a
h-ucht h-e. Ro chomglan crechta a chnis da fult fhata
f hir-alaind. Acus tuc a f aig ^^ fir-guil os aird, acus is ed ro
raid : * Truag sin, a Arsemaris inmain,' ar si ; ' is tu i* ba
clann damsa tar eis mo mac, acus ua comdignad dar eis
m' atharda. Acus a mic,' ar si, ' caidi in gnuis glan gruad-
alaind, acus na briathra gota gairechtacha batar let na^''
tuictid 1^ daeini aile acht mad misi le sir-chlechtad ? Uch
^ ri 6g. 2 Eg, adds ard. ' Eg. adds na. * umamsa.
6 Eg. omits. « Eg. adds di. ' loib. ' Eg. adds a.
9 Eg. adds accus. i° Eg. omits. " soadh. ^^ driuch
13 um a. " Ed. repeats ar n-a. ** faidh.
1 Eg. adds ua tocha lium acus. " nach. " tuicdis.
THE THEBAID OF STATIUS 213
did not find him. And when she saw the dragon she yelled
and shouted so that all the Greeks heard the wail of the
girl. Parthenopeus the young king of Arcadia spurred his
horses on hearing that cry in obedience to the high King
Adrastus's order. When he heard the cause of grief he told
the rest. And when he did so, the renowned Hippomedon
pulled a very heavy, massive boulder from its earth fastenings,
and made a terrible cast with it towards the dragon. But
that merely caused it a start. Thereafter Capaneus went
and crossed its path with an easily hurled, thong-fitted spear
and addressed it thus : ' (My) cast will be different from
the one you endured just now. The (very) gods of heaven
cannot prevent me from slaying you.' Then he hurled the
javelin at it, and the spear pierced its breast and entrails
and it fell dead, lifeless. Jove was wroth at Capaneus for
slaying the dragon, and he seized a thunderbolt to hurl at
them there and then. Nevertheless he withheld it mean-
while until the war (was in progress).
As to Hypsipyle, when she was seeking for the boy she
saw the grass wet and red with the blood of the infant, and
she approached him sadly, vehemently, dispiritedly, and
was kissing the boy. But indeed his shape and colour had
quickly altered, so that it was difficult to recognise his body
after it had been so thoroughly smeared by the venom
of the dragon. And thus Hypsipyle was hanging about
him as a fluttering bird about its nest after it has been
robbed by a serpent. She took him in her lap, and thoroughly
cleaned the wounds of his skin with her long, lovely hair,
and raised her piercing wail of lament, and spoke thus :
* Woe is me, beloved Archemorus,' said she. ' You have
been a child to me in place of my own boys, and a solace to
me for the loss of my country. And, boy,' continued she,
*. where now are the bright face, the beautiful cheek, and
214 THE CELTIC BE VIEW
tra, is truag in turus do chuadu-sa uait dar a ^ dermaitus
tu. Acus a Grecu,' ar si, ' marbaid-si misi co na ^ faicuir
athair in meic so .t. Ligur(g)us, acus co na ^ fa(i)ciur a
mathair .t. Eruididse. Uair is am bandama ^ di deis a
meic do milliud acum. Acus is taisci tra aidlecar * misi na
daber a mac ba'n ^ samlaid-sea 'na h-ucht.'
Atclos imorro na scela sin bachetoir co tigib lethna lan-
mora Ligurguis .t. athair in meic. Acus is amlaid ro bai
* seic edon ar ® n-(d)enom edport i sleb Peris. Acus is ed
ro raided ris and sin com(b)a d'a muntir ro murfithea in cet
duine do Grecaib ar in cathugud Tiauanda. Is de sin tanic-
seom CO toirrsech tindesnech do chum na sluag o t' chualaig
na stucu coema comairic ac a senm. Ipsifile imorro o ra
bui acus an mac marb ac a imarchor aici, is and dorala
a mathair di na h-aigid acus airechta cend ''-coema corp-
glana do mnaib 'na farrad acus dirmanda deg-sluaig a
FoL 12b 2. caeiniud in meic sin. Ligurgus imorro, ar ferg acus ar f ualang
da chuaid an scela sin do,^ tanic remi co dian dasachtach
acus adbert : ' Caide,' ar se, ' an bean i * roibe mo mac-sa ^*
laim ? Acus tabraid cucum, a fhiru,' ar se, ' in colaig
confadaig co ro marbar h-i i cinta mo meic. Acus ^^ cuma
ro raid sin, acus tanic d'a h-indsaigid acus claideb ^^ urnocht
'na laim.
Is and sin tuc in tren-fer n-atharda nem-lesc .t. Tid
mac Oeniuis in sciath ar scath na h-ingine, acus adbert :
' A duni dasachtaich,' ar se, ' leic aenur ^^ in mi-gnim trialla.'
Acus ^* do riachtadar as ahaithli sin Capaneus acus Ipamedon
acus Partonopeus mac Eremandtu(i)s acus a claidbi ^^ nochta
'na lamaib, co ro iadsad im Ligurgus da marbad acus da
mugugadh, da saraiged iad ma n-ingin. Is and sin ro
comergedar munter Ligurguis do gliad re Grecaib. Acus
ro bui in t-aird-rig Adraist ga n-astad^^ ga n-irrdedail.
Atbert (d)no ^' Ampiaruss in sacart : ' Leicid as a fhiru,' ar
se, ' uar fich acus uar n-gliad uair is facus uar coibnes acus
' Eg. omits.
^ nacL
' baa-mama-sa.
* adhlacar. ^ uan.
'"« sideg ir.
^ Eg. omits.
^ Eg. adds acus.
* ac a. '° Eg. adds na.
" Eg. adds is.
" claidmi.
" uait.
" Eg. omits. ^* claidme.
^' ga fastad.
^^ Eg. omita.
THE THEBAID OF STATIUS 215
the broken, smiling words which you learned and which no
one, save myself from long experience, could understand.
Alas ! pitiable is the errand for which I left you and neglected
you. And, O Greeks,' added she, ' do ye slay me, that I
may not see Lycurgus the father of this boy, nor Eurydice
his mother. For I shall be an enemy in her eyes, when her
child has been destroyed while under my charge. And as
for me, sooner shall I be buried than place her son in her
lap in this condition.'
These tidings were forthwith reported to the large
spacious dwellings of Lycurgus, the boy's father. He was
at the time in the hill of Perseus ^ after having offered
sacrifice. He was told there that the first Greek killed in
the Theban war would be one of his people. Wherefore he
went sadly and hastily towards the hosts when he heard the
kindly war trumpets sounded. Moreover as H3rpsipsyle
was carrying the dead boy (home), the mother of the child,
accompanied by numbers of fair and handsome women,
with a multitude of her noblest attendants mourning
for the boy, met her. Lycurgus again was wroth and
angry when he heard the tale. He went forward vehe-
mently, furiously, and said: 'Where is the woman who
had charge of my child ? Bring to me, O men,' said he,
* the wicked, unnatural woman that she may be slain for
the death of my son.' As he spoke thus he approached
her with an unsheathed sword in his hand.
Thereupon the powerful, patriotic, ever-ready Tydeus
son of Oeneus raised his shield to protect the girl, and said :
'Madman,' said he, 'let the evil deed that you contem-
plate pass.' Thereafter Capaneus and Hippomedon and
Parthenopeus son of Erymanthus went forward with their
unsheathed swords in their hands, and they closed round
Lycurgus to slay and destroy him, if they were to be out-
raged because of the girl. Then rose together Lycurgus's
people to fight the Greeks. The high king Adrastus was
restraining them and keeping them apart. Then the priest
1 Th., T. 640.
216 THE CELTIC EEVIEW
uar cairdeas.i Nir ^ua ail^ tra re Tid mac Oeniu(i)s in
n-irgail do thairmesc, acus is ed ro raid : ' Is dana dit a
Ligurgu(i)s,' ar se, *in ni triallai .t. in ben do marbad ar ar
faesum acus ar ar comairci. Acht is lor dit bith ^i socra
acus i ^ sadaili ac cainiud do meic dar n-eis-ne, * cein bem *
ac tachar ris na Tiauandaib.' Ro fhrecair tra Ligurgus
do-som, acus is ed ro raid : ' Ni fheadar ^ -sa am,' ar se,
* comad buidni bidbad do thogail Tebi sib. Acus masead
as ail lib tra, millig misi, uair ni fhuilim lin tachair daib.'
Acus is amlaid ro ui-sium ac a rad sin, acus mi-run ^ acus
aninni ^ mor aici. Acus ro bui a fegad ^ a cathrach uad, co
cualadar comorad catha agus irgaili is in cathraig thaU. Is
at ro h-indised do beth and sin marc-sluag gasraidi Greci
ac inrud in tigi sin Ligurgu(i)s. Uair is ed ro h-indised is in
dunad uilc acus ecora do denam do Ligurgus i muich ris na
sluagaib. Acus ro eirgedar de sidi ^ na Greic ^^ ro uadar
thall ^^ is in baili acus aithindeda ^^ luatha lasamna 'na lamaib
do loscud tigi Ligurguis, acus da breth co n-an altoraib ailli
adartha^^ leo in dairi acus in dochur.^* Ba buaidirthi tra
tegdais in tren-fhir sin o gul acus o gair ban acus mac ac a
milliud inti. Is ann sin imorro tanic in ri uasal Adraist,
acus tuargaib Ipsifile i fiadnaisi in t-(s)luaig, acus adbert : ^^
' Traetar uar ferga acus uar ficha, a firu,' ar se, ' acus na
dentar lib olc Ligurgu(i)s, uair ac seo in bean tuc in t-uisci
daib, acus si slan gan crecht(n)uchud.
Foi. 13a 1. Ba h-e tra samail sluaig Grec ^^ in tan sin in muir acgarb
anbthenach acus na gaetha garba gatnimacha gatinn ^'^ 'ga
cumasc acus 'ca combuadred gunud^^ cith anfad garb
gemreta in lear longach lan-adbul as gach aird, cein ^^ co
n-eirigi^ in ri uasal onorach .t. Nephtuin, co cuireand in a
tast acus an a teigli ^^ h-i. Acus an tan ro badar Greic ^^
fa'n samla sin, is and sin tangadar da mac Ipsiphile acus
2^Iason meic Eson^^ o inis Leimin an diaid a mathar co
^ caradrus. ^~^ furail. 3~' a.
*~* gein bia. ^ fhitir, " Ed. omits, ^ ainmine. ^ fegain.
* slden. " Grecaidh. '^ Eg. omits. " aithenna. ^^ ordha.
" docraidi. '•'' Eg. omits. '^ in t-sluaig Greca. " gaidsnimacha gatme.
" conadh. i^"" curairig. ^o ^^q]^ 21 Grecidh. 22 -2j lasoin meic Esoin,
THE THEBAID OF STATIUS 217
Amphiaraus said : ' Allay your fury, men,' said he, ' for you
are closely related in friendship and alliance.' But Tydeus
son of Oenius did not wish the contention to cease, and he
spoke thus : ' You attempt a daring thing, Lycurgus,' said
he, ' to slay the woman while under our safeguard and pro-
tection. Surely it ought to suffice for you to remain behind
us in leisure and at ease lamenting your son, while we are fight-
ing the Thebans.' Lycurgus then replied to him in these
words : ' In truth,' said he, ' I knew not that you were
hostile troops on the road to invade Thebes ; and if you so
desire it you can destroy me, for my friends are too few to
fight you.' He spoke thus entertaining great hatred and
ill-will, and was looking towards his city, where there was
heard the tumult of battle and strife, over in the city.
It was reported that these were the cavalry of the Grecian
warriors sacking the house of Lycurgus. For it was told
in the castle that Lycurgus had caused evil and harm to
be done to the hosts outside. Because of this the Greeks
who were in the town quickly took flaming torches in their
hands to burn Lycurgus' s house, and to carry the inhabitants
with the beautiful sacred altars away with them in slavery
and bondage. Greatly perturbed indeed were the people
of that mighty man by the wail and shout of women and
boys as they were massacred in their dwellings. At this
juncture the noble king Adrastus went and raised Hjrpsipyle
in view of the host and said : ' Calm your wrath and rage,
men,' said he, ' and do no harm to Lycurgus, for here is the
woman who found water for you safe and unwounded ! '
A meet comparison to the Grecian host at that moment
is the wild, tempestuous sea when the rough, withe-twisting
winds are agitating and perturbing it as one sees from every
direction the ship-sailing, hugely vast ocean in wild, winter
weather, until the noble, honourable king, Neptune, reduces
it to silence and stillness. It was while the Greeks were in
this wise that the two sons of Hypsipyle and of Jason son
of Aeson came from Lemnos in search of their mother to the
house of Lycurgus. Lycurgus was told that the two sons
218 THE CELTIC REVIEW
tech Ligurgius. Acus ro h-indised do Ligurgus an dias
(s)in do thorachtain d'a tig .t. da mac Ipsifile. Acus
tangadar ua chetoir i fortacht ^ acus i forithin ^ Ligurgu(i)s
gan fhis acus gan aichne doib.^ Acus o t' ^ chualadar imrad
n-insin * Leimin acus Ipsifile ingine Toaint ra s(g)ailset
na sluaga sar-echtacha cein co rangadar airm a roibe a
mathair, acus co r' iadsad a lama luath-glasta ^ impi. O t'
chondairc si imorro erred acus indtamail ^ a n-athar in a "^
sciathaib coema commora, acus a airm ^ urnochta in a
lamaib, ro hoit ^ si ann sin co h-anband esirit ^° re ro-met na
failti ^^ ro gob ac faicsin na mac sin.^^ Acus ru-s-^^ snigestar
frasa diana der dar gruadib di. Na Greic^* imorro ro
leigedar a ferga re ^^ lar. Acus ro labair in rig-sacart uasal
Ampiarus, acus is ed ro raid : ' Eistet ^^ rim-sa, (a) gasrada
Grec, acus (a) Ligurgu(i)s coroindisiur daib a n-ebairt^'' Dea^^
na faistine .t. Apaill rim co buigbed sibsi, a Grecu, na
^^ h-airrdi urbada-sa ^^ ar cae ^^ uar conairi ac techt ^^ in tir-
sa,^^ conid airi sin is choir daib uar ferga do thairmesc, acus
uar n-airm do chur uaib, acus idbarta uaisli imdai, acus
cluicheda suarca subacha in onoir in meic mairb-sea .t.
Arsemair meic Ligurig, co mairet^^ sin co forceand saegail
acus CO dered in domuin. Uair is ^^ ferr dosum comshaegul
re Neastur cunnail cian-aesta no re Laimedon lan-saeglach
na h-aeidid ^* na samla-sa 2* fair. Uair airemthar dosum itir
deib e da eis.' Tanic tra ind adaig fae sin, acus deisitar
in a long-portaib is in n-aidchi sin.
Adclos imorro ua chathrachaib na Greci gart-gloin na
Greic do com(mo)rad cluichi chaintig in onoir acus in
n-airmitin meic Ligurgu(i)s.^^ Acus is les do rondad ar tus
riam a mac-samlai in cluichi sin le h-Ercail mac Amprionis
in n-onoir Peloip meic Thantail.
^"* Eg. omits. 2 Eg. omits. ' do. * innsi. ^ gasta.
• inntsamlachta, "^ is na. « ^n n-airm. ' toit. " eiseirt. " faillte.
*' h-i. " ro. " Grecidh. is ^r. is eistidh. " debairt.
^' Dei. 19-19 airdhena urbadach-sa. 20 jjg omits. 21-21 g^ turusa.
22 CO mairend acus co mairfed. 23 ^]^ 24-24 g, meic-samladh sin.
^ Thus were instituted the famous Nemaean Games, a description of which
follows.
THE THEBAID OF STATIUS 219
of Hjrpsipyle had arrived at his house. They came forth-
with without the knowledge or recognition on their part to
his aid and assistance. When the story of the Isle of
Lemnos and of Hjrpsipyle daughter of Thoas was heard the
very vahant hosts made way, (and the youths went forward)
until they came to the place where their mother was, and
speedily locked her in their arms. Now when she saw the
habit and likeness of their father on their fair, very large
shields, and his naked weapons in their hands, she fell down
there in weakness and debility from the great joy she felt
at seeing these sons, and swift showers of tears coursed
down her cheeks. As for the Greeks they laid their wrath
aside. And the noble, royal priest Amphiaraus spoke and
said thus : ' Listen to me, warriors of Greece, and you (too),
Lycurgus, and I shall tell you what Apollo the god of pro-
phesy said to me, — viz., that you Greeks would meet with
these tokens of disaster on the path of your march in coming
to this land. Therefore you ought to check your anger
and lay aside your weapons and (offer up) many noble
sacrifices and (celebrate) pleasant and cheerful games in
honour of this dead boy Archemorus son of Lycurgus, the
memory of which shall remain to the close of time and the
end of the world. For his violent death in this manner
is better for him than if he attained to the age of the wise
and very old Nestor or the long-lived Laomedon. For he
shall hereafter be numbered among the gods.' Night fell
thereupon, and the hosts betook themselves to their camps
that night.
It 1 was reported through the cities of fair-faced Greece
that the Greeks were to celebrate funeral games in honour
of and respect for the son of Lycurgus. And the first who
ever held games to equal these was Hercules son of Amphi-
tryon in honour of Pelops son of Tantalus.
1 Th., vL 1.
220 THE CELTIC REVIEW
O thanic tra solus trath eirgi do lo ar n-a marach acus ^
ro erig grian glan uaUach in a miU cro chomderg^ seach
imeU-bord^ talman, co ro ruithnig a gathanna glana glan-
shoiUsi uar tuaithebrachaib in talman ro chomergedar
*na sluaig* itir thall acus a muich, comma fograch na^
fid-nemid ^ acus na f eda f oithremra coillted Neim re seastan
FoL 13a 2. acus re seiselbi na sluag sin a comergi do chom(6)rad na
cluiched cainthech sin. Ro bui imorro Ligurgus in a rig-
suidi acus a ban-cheli Eurididse 'na farad acus bantrochta
buaidirthi badb-chaintech maraen ria, a cainiud'' a meic.
Ro chomnuaUsad leo is in n-uair curaid acus cath-milid^
acus latha gaili Grec i tigib rigda ro-mora Ligurgu(i)s.
Acus ge ra chainsed Greic * in mac sin ro airigsetar a miscais
CO mor ac lucht in baile. Is and sin ro gab Adraist ard-ri ^^
Grec a comdingnad Ligurgu(i)s do scur a cuma^^ acus a
thoirrsi. Ni chualaig-sium sin^^ tra re confad na cumad
acus re fiuchad na fergi.
Acus ^^ as ahaithli sin ro comecrad leo-som comrair do'n
mac sin do'n fhid chuanna chuiprisc acus d' (f )ualascaib ali ^*
uraidi, acus do luibib barr-glana bolathmara nach leictis
lobud no lochrad^^ do na corpaib im a cuirtis .t. sinomum
acus baUsam acus mirr acus tuis. Acus ro choraigid^^
etaigi caema corcor-glana thiri na Sithriu taris a muich
anechtair, ar n-a inlecur do snath alaind orda, acus do
gemaib cruindi carrmogail. Acus ro ordaig a athair and
sin a airm chaema chosmaili in meic beic sin, acus f adb arm
a sen-athar do thabairt do chum in chuirp sin, d' a n-idbairt
acus d'a comloscud leis. Uair "is ed^'^ ua bes accu-sum
and sin na cuirp onoracha do loscud, acus d'edbairt do na
deib adartha.
Is and sin ro erig in fisid fir-eolach Ampiarus acus Greic ^^
ar cheana do'n leth ele. Acus ro comecrad leo teni taidlech
taeb-lasamuin coma sonai(r)ti ^^ so-imthechta, acus coma
* Eg. omits.
« derg.
' bordaib in.
*-* sluaig Grec. ^ Eg. omits.
^ fid-nemedha.
" cainedh.
^ cath-miledha.
" Grecidhi. ^^ aird-rig.
" cumadh.
" Eg. omits.
" Eg. omits.
" aille. " luaithredh.
" choraigsit.
" Eg. omits.
18 Grecidh.
" sonairt.
THE THEBAID OF STATIUS 221
Now when the first light of day came on the morrow, and
when the bright, glorious sun rose in a blood-red mass past
the border of earth's circuit, and its pure, bright rays shone
on the various tribes of the world, the hosts far and near
rose as one man, so that the din and uproar of the multi-
tudes as they set forth to celebrate these funeral games
resounded through the sacred groves and rich woods of the
forests of Nemaea. But Lycurgus sat on his throne with
his wife Eurydice beside him. Around her were her lady
attendants, distracted and loudly weeping, lamenting her
son. The champions and battle warriors and heroes of
Greece joined in the wail in the royal spacious halls of
Lycurgus. Still though the Greeks lamented the boy they
felt the great enmity with which the people of the place
regarded them. Then Adrastus the high king of Greece
took to comforting Lycurgus, asking him to cease his mourn-
ing and sorrowing. But he heard him not — such was the
violence of his grief and the seething of his wrath.
Thereafter they prepared a coffin for the boy of fine
cypress and beautiful fresh woods, and with bright blossomed,
fragrant herbs, which preserved from putrefaction and
decay the bodies enveloped in them, such as cinnamon and
balsam and m3rrrh and frankincense. Beautiful garments
of pale purple from the land of S3n:ia, embroidered with
lovely golden thread and adorned with round gems of
carbuncle, formed his outer covering. Then his father
ordered the beautiful toy weapons of that little boy, and
the arms which his grandfather won in warfare, to be
brought beside the body to be offered up and burnt along
with him. For it was their practice at the time to burn
their honoured dead in sacrifice to the adorable gods.
Then on the other side the sagacious seer Amphiaraus
and all the Greeks went and built up a blazing, side-
flaming fire (of such magnitude) that the thick, impassable
222 THE CELTIC REVIEW
caeiti comredi na feda dluithi do-imthechta da n-eis. Acus ^
o thairnic leo-sum in teini sin ro suidiget acu altoiri da deib
nua-glana nime acus da deib aduathmara ifrind. Acus ro
sendit fetana cuasmora ceol-bindi do gach leith acus da
gach thaib dib. Acus ro chomergedar vii rig Grec im
Ligurgus do commorad in ^ chainte sin.
Ro eirgedar buidne bithi banamla maroen re mathair
in meic ^ .t. Eurididse, acus dirmanda doescur-(s)luaig
impi-si .t. * a buimmi acus * ma buimi in meic sin ^ fa
Ipsiphili acus da mac Iaso(i)n maie Eso(i)n ^maroen ria®
a da chomalta. O da riacht imorro Eruididsi a. mathair
in meic dar dorus in baili a mach ro lob air "^ o guth mor "^
acus is ed ro raid : ' A meic,' ar si, ' ni h-i seo aeided ^ ro
faelin-sa ort, acus dursan dam aithne do t'oileamuin ^ acus
do t'altrom do'n ^^ mnai ^^ meblaig mi-briathraig do lucht
indsi Lemin. Acus a Grecu,' ar si, ' na cathig uar seoid
na bar n-indmasa elaiscib na h-idbarta-sa ina sia. Acht
loiscther lib in bean 'g ar ^^ miUead in mac .t. Ipsiphile, acus
loiscther misi maroen ria.
Acus ^^ o thairnic di-si sin do rad, ro erig Ligurgus acus
ro chuir a erred acus a etach uasal idbarta de, acus ro these
Foi. 13b 1. a fholt, acus ro chuir is in tenid iat dib li ^* chomarthai in
broin acus do-menman, acus is ed ro raid : ' A loib,' ar se,
' is mi-briathrach ro uadais rim a cetugud mo meic do
marbad. Uair bam sacart uasaP^ idbarta dit mad gus a
n-(d)iugh.'
Is and sin ro erig f athraid ^® acus fidren ruad-lasrach ro
moire ^"^ do thenid inna h-idbarta, acus ba snimach do
Grecaib astog^^ Ligurgu(i)s acus a ban-cheli gan dul daib
da loscud is in tenid sin. Rop adbul tra in tan sin, ^^ acus ba
fograch leca ^^ logmara ag a loscud ^° inti 'ca loscud, ^^ acus
aircet aen-gel aithlegtha, acus or ac snidi ^^ dar etaigib rigda
* Eg. omits.
2 Eg. adds cluithi (t for c being the common spelling of the word in Eg.).
3 Eg. adds sin. *~* Eg. omits. ^ Eg. omits. ""^ Eg. omits.
'''"' Eg. omits. ^ aighidh. ^ ofleanus. *** do. " MS. mnuL
12 agar.
'3 E^. omits.
1* diblinib mar.
15 Eg. omits.
1" fobrann.
1^ MS. moira.
1* asodh.
10-" lumut leac.
20-20 accu.
21 snighL
THE THEBAID OF STATIUS 223
woods after (supplying the material) were levelled and
cleared and became smooth paths. When the fire was
built they placed altars to the bright gods of heaven and
the horrid gods of hell, and they played on widely hollowed,
sweetly sounding reeds all around. The seven kings of
Greece all rose around Lycurgus to raise the wail.
Around Eurydice, the mother of the boy, were bands
of gentle, sympathising women ; multitudes of the common
people also accompanied the boy's nurse Hypsipyle as well
as the two sons of Jason son of Aeson, (the boy's) two
foster brothers. Now when Eurydice the boy's mother
passed outside the gate of the palace she spoke in a loud
voice and said : ' Son,' said she, ' this is not the end I
anticipated for you ; and woe is me that I entrusted your
nurture and rearing to the shameless, evil-spoken woman
from the isle of Lemnos; and, ye Greeks,' added she, 'do
not waste any more of your wealth and treasures on this
sacrifice, but burn the woman, through whom the child was
destroyed, viz., Hypsipyle, and burn me also along with
her.'
When (the queen) had ceased speaking, Lycurgus arose
and laid aside his armour and his rich, sacrificial robes. He
then cut his hair and cast them together in the fire in
token of his grief and sorrow and spoke thus : ' Jove,'
said he, ' ill hast thou dealt with me in permitting the slay-
ing of my son, for until this day I have been an honoured
priest offering sacrifice to thee.'
Then leapt up with rushing, bursting sound a very great
red flame from the sacrificial fire, and the Greeks had an
anxious task in restraining Lycurgus and his consort from
throwing themselves in that fire to be burned. Very great
at that time was the crackling of precious stones as they
burned in the fire, and of pure-white refined silver, and of
224 THE CELTIC REVIEW
ro ailli acus fin acus ^ full ac a fiuchud i tulchomaib cuanda
comdaingne.
Is and sin ro ergedar vii n-dirmanda do marc-sluag
Grec ma 2 vii rigaib ro beoda. Acus tucsad tri graifne i
timchell na tendted sin.^ Ro buailfedar basa leo, acus ro
thuairgid ochta acus ur-bruinndeda ann sin. Acus ro
h-id braid alma* acus cethra d'iarraid fhesa acus eolais,
^ amal ba bes ^ accu-sum. Ra caithed tra in la sin leosum
re comram in cluichi sin, no co ro luaithred lan-min ar
lasad na tenti taeb-lasamna re h-irthosach ^ na h-aidchi.
Is in maitin ar n-a marach ro comergedar uili acus do
rignead leo ^ tempoU suaichnich soineamail ma ^ luaithred
chuirp in meic sin .t. Arsememarus, acus tairnic leo e co
cend ix la acus ix n-aidchi. Ro rindad acus ro h-ecrad im
slesaib in tempaill sin .t.^ delb Ipsifile ac irraid uisci do
Grecaib in tan ro ^° bad ar ^^ in n-itaid remi sin, acus ^^ delb
gae ^^ Capaneu(i)s ^^ da ro ^^ marb in nathair.
^ Eg. omits. 2 um na. ^ tinedh. * albha.
6-6 Eg. omits. ® h-urthosach. '' Eg. omits.
* im. ^ Eg. omits. lo-io uatar.
^* Eg. adds dealbh Arsimairfs agus na natrach ro marb e, acus.
^2 Eg. omits. ""^^ acus a gai dar.
THE THEBAID OF STATIUS 225
gold dropping from royal very beautiful raiments, and of
wine and blood boiling in beautiful, strong caldrons.
Then sprang up seven large bands of the cavalry of
Greece around the seven high-spirited kings, and they raced
three times round these fires. They clapped their hands,
and elevated their breasts and chests, and offered up flocks
and herds, seeking signs and knowledge, as was their custom.
That day was spent by them contending in that game, and
the great flaming fires after burning down became finely
ground ashes by nightfall.
On the morning of the morrow they all arose and built
a conspicuous, magnificent temple around the ashes of the
body of the boy Archemorus. They took nine days and
nine nights in finishing this work. They carved and cut
upon the sides of the temple the figure of Hypsipyle search-
ing for water for the Greeks, when they were in great thirst
some time before, and a picture of the spear of Capaneus
which slew the dragon.
VOL. IX.
226 THE CELTIC REVIEW
TWENTY-ONE YEARS OF IRISH ART
AND THOUGHT!
By T. W. Rolleston
The inauguration of the Irish Literary Society of London,
whose twenty-first birthday was celebrated to-day, may
be said to have taken place in the formal and official sense
on 1 2th May 1892 when, at a meeting held under the presi-
dency of Mr. W. M. Crook, its first committee and officers
were elected. But the foundations were laid before that :
— they were laid on a night of rain and storm when a faith-
ful few attended an informal gathering at the house of
the chairman of our present meeting, in Chiswick, and
decided that an earlier body, which had done ten years of
excellent work in London, the Southwark Irish Literary
Society, should be asked to merge itself in a new body with
a new name, more central premises, and larger aims. That
was on the 28th December 1891. The infant society re-
solved to make no public appeal until its resources and its
programme were sufficiently developed to give a prospect
of enduring success. Its first president, Sir Charles Gavan
Duffy, with whom I had the honour to work as first hon.
secretary of the Society, had planned that this body, to-
gether with its sister society in Dublin, should be powerful
instruments in carrying out a large scheme of literary and
educational work in Ireland — a scheme partially, but only
partially, embodied in the enterprise known as the ' New
Irish Library.' The taking of adequate premises, which
should form a social as well as a fiterary centre for Irish
residents in London, was also a part of our plan. The
organisation and co-ordination of all our various interests
* This lecture was delivered in the Botanic Theatre, University College, Gower
Street, on June 10, 1913, on the occasion of the celebration by the Irish Literary
Society, London, of the twenty-first year of the life and work of the Society. Mr
W. B. Yeats occupied the Chair.
/ IRISH ART AND THOUGHT 227
took time ; and it was not until March 1893 that the first
public meeting was held, and the inaugural lecture de-
livered to a large and enthusiastic audience by the Rev.
Stopf ord Brooke.
Among the speakers on that occasion was Dr. Douglas
Hyde. He was then President of the National Literary
Society of Dublin. The Gaelic League was still in the
future — though a very near future — but one of the an-
nouncements which the Society was able to make at this
inaugural meeting was the immediate formation of classes
for the study of the Irish language, a feature of our pro-
gramme which I need not say received the warm bene-
diction of Dr. Hyde. When, however, Mr. Brooke's in-
augural address came to be printed and submitted to pubHc
criticism in Ireland, a note of dissent was speedily heard
and a controversy opened, in which the last word has not
yet been spoken. The subject of the address was the
' Need and Use of getting Irish Literature into the English
Tongue.' It was a summons to Irish scholars to make the
literature of ancient and mediaeval Ireland as familiar to
English readers as Morris, Vigfusson, Dasent and others had
made the great saga literature of Scandinavia. ' Poetry,'
said Mr. Brooke,
* has always wanted, along with the present, an imaginative
world in the past into which to dip for subjects ; and we have here
in England pretty well exhausted the old realms of human story.
The tale of Arthur will have to lie fallow for a time. We have had
enough of the Greek stories of late ; enough of the Italian
mediae valism, whether its tales be of saints or sinners. The Norse
tales will also for a time be laid aside ; and though they have a
powerful humanity, they have Uttle love of Nature. We have been
even forced of late to go to India for our subjects. But the Irish
stories are as yet untouched ; and they have imagination, colour,
romance of war and love, terrible and graceful supernaturalism, a
passionate humanity, and a vivid love of natural beauty and
subUmity.'
That scholars should give us more and more of these tales
228 THE CELTIC REVIEW
and poems, translated with grace and vigour, and that poets
should use them as a mine of new material, a well of new in-
spiration, seemed to Mr. Brooke the great need of the moment.
And when we recollect that at the time when he spoke SilvOr
Gadelica had not been published, and that Mr. A. H. Leahy's
Heroic Romances of Ir eland , Miss Hull's The Cuchullin
Saga, the two well-known volumes of Lady Gregory, prac-
tically all the best work of Kmio Meyer and of Alfred Nutt,
Hyde's Literary History of Ireland, and the thirteen stately
volumes of the Irish Texts Society — to name only a few of
the outstanding works — were still to come, we can realise
something of the richness of the inheritance which for
modern Ireland, twenty-one years ago, still lay unexplored,
unknown, and, except to a very few scholars, inaccessible.
For the sake of all readers and writers of English the
' need and use ' of getting this literature into the English
language was mideniable. StiU, as I have said, a note of
dissent was heard — it was heard from those who had
embraced in its extremest form the programme of the
Gaelic League. It was urged that the great need of the
moment was not to make Irish literature available to
readers of English but to create readers and writers of Irish,
who would form a new national literature in that tongue.
If the ancient literature was to be translated at all, then
modern Irish, not English, was the proper vehicle for it.
Mr. Brooke had definitely named it as the object of his
address to consider ' in what way we can best make the
English language the instrument of Irish literature.'
Naturally enough the declaration of this object provoked
criticism from those who cherished the hope that the lan-
guage of Irish literature was to be Irish. I shall recur to
the subject again, for the present I merely wish to make
clear the position of the Society. That position is one of
cordial welcome to all sincere expression of thought on
Irish problems. Two subjects indeed are barred to us —
we may not discuss either party poHtics (as that word is
usually understood in Ireland) or religion. On other
IRISH ART AND THOUGHT 229
matters, we know that the light of truth is often struck
out in the clash of opposing convictions. ' Give me,' said
Milton, ' the liberty to know, to utter, above all liberties.'
The Society accords to its members that liberty in very full
measure, but it takes no responsibility for their opinions;
the responsibility belongs solely to those who utter them.
I wish to emphasise this, for I am dealing to-day with a
period which bristles with points of controversy, and if I am
to treat it as I wish to treat it, and as I think you would
wish, frankly, critically and definitely, I may have to say
some things on which opinion in our Society and throughout
Ireland is very sharply divided. I welcome keen discussion :
I do not enjoy controversy, but I would rather stir contro-
versy of the kind which compels people to face facts and to
test the foundations of their beliefs than merely echo the
popular opinions of the day ; only I wish to have it clearly
understood that I speak for myself alone. The Society has
done me the honour of putting me in the position of speak-
ing to you to-day, but it has not given to me either my
text or my sermon.
Now let me recall for a moment the state of affairs in
Ireland at the opening of the period which we are to discuss.
In 1891 the most tragic event within our memory had taken
place. Parnell had gone down in the convulsion of a fierce
political struggle. His death had no effect in reconciling
the combatants. Nationalist Ireland had been an army
moving like one man towards one end — an end to be ob-
tained, and only to be obtained, by means of political action
and through the agency of the Parliament at Westminster.
Now it had become the scene of a civil war, the army had
resolved itself into two hostile factions. At Westminster
Ireland was helpless ; and such was the absorption of the Irish
mind in politics that to be helpless there seemed equivalent
to utter prostration. The famous phrase, coined by Sir Charles
Gavan Duffy, some thirty years before, was at this time often
recalled to the memories of men — Ireland seemed to be ' a
corpse on the dissecting table.' But while the politicians.
230 THE CELTIC REVIEW
according to their different camps, or their different personal
temperaments, were busy either in lamenting the degrada-
tion of their comitry, or in triumphing in it, or in adding
to it, a group, or rather a number of groups, of Irish men and
women, who were not poHticians, were making, and acting
on, the startHng discovery that poUtics was only one branch,
and perhaps not the most important branch, of patriotism,
and that if Ireland could for the time being achieve nothing
at Westminster, there was in Ireland itself an immense and
almost virgin field for work of national significance, work
for which Irishmen, whether under the present or any pos-
sible form of government, would have to rely on voluntary,
personal effort. I have said that these men and women were
not politicians, but I do not by that mean to say that they
were indifferent to politics. Their political opinions were
often very strong ; they were also very divergent, for they
were not people who were accustomed to ' thinking in
platoons.' But with few exceptions they were persons
who had never been heard of in the political arena, the
only stage on which, up till then, it had been possible for
an Irishman to attract the serious attention of his fellow-
countrymen ; and one and all were agreed that for all
Irishmen who understood and valued the moral, spiritual
and industrial nationaHty of Ireland, there was a field in
which they could work in cordial co-operation, whatever
their differences might be as to the outward forms of
nationality.
Out of this spirit were born the literary societies of
Dubhn and of London : out of it came, almost at the same
time, the most potent moral force of the epoch, the Gaelic
League. These were followed a little later by the Irish
Industries Association, which proved a most valuable agency
for the preservation of certain important Irish handicrafts,
such as lace-making and cottage weaving; by the Feis
Ceoil, of whose magnificent work for the spread of musical
culture in Ireland it would be hard to speak too warmly; by
the Irish Folk Song Society, with which our own Society
lEISH ART AND THOUGHT 231
has been intimately associated, and which you will hear
more adequately dealt with this evening ; by the Irish Texts
Society, also an offshoot of this body, which has given us
thirteen volumes of important Irish texts with translations,
and the first scholarly dictionary of the Irish language ; and
by the great dramatic movement originated by the genius
of our present Chairman, and maintained largely by his
resolution, his insight and his persistence on a level of
aim and of achievement which has attracted the attention of
the whole world of culture. I must mention also among
the kindred forces which sprang into activity during this
period for the building up of a new Ireland, the co-operative
movement. Originally called forth by the imminent neces-
sity of rescuing the Irish dairying industry from foreign
exploitation, it has now, through a thousand societies with
a turn-over of two or three millions a years, and working
in practically every branch of rural industry and economics,
rooted the co-operative idea firmly in the land — an idea
which may yet prove to have very far-reaching effects in
providing the true solution for the problems of industrial
organisation which loom so threateningly ahead of the path
of European progress. I cannot conclude this brief survey,
which of course is merely suggestive and not exhaustive,
without a reference to yet another institution which in
point of time came earlier than all the rest, which cannot
therefore be reckoned as a product of the period I am
dealing with, but which does embody some characteristics
of the spirit of that period. I refer to the Gaelic Athletic
Association. The value of this institution in organising
manly open-air games among the masses of the Irish people
can hardly be set too high, but it forms an exception to
the other movements of which I have been speaking in that
it had from the outset a strong poUtical character. That,
of course, is entirely its own affair, still looking at it as a
national institution the results of its policy are open to
criticism. Athletics might have been a most valuable
unifying force in Ireland : it has, on the contrary, been
232 THE CELTIC EEVIEW
made a dividing force ; its management has on several
points of detail been, I think, less wise and far-seeing than
that of other organisations of the period.^
Strangely enough, the sphere of the arts and handi-
crafts, in which Ireland might have been expected to excel,
has shown itself perhaps less touched by the spirit of the
new epoch than any other. There are certainly some Irish
painters like Mr. William Orpen and Mr. Lavery who have
risen to high distinction. Mr. Orpen at least had his early
training in Ireland, and has done much distinguished work
there. Then, and also on Irish soil, we have Mr. Nathaniel
Hone, a painter of elemental power, one of the greatest
we have ever produced, but he began, of course, long before
our period opens, and traces his artistic ancestry to France.
Mr. Jack B. Yeats is certainly racy of Irish soil, and has
shown us our country and its types through the medium of
a temperament keenly responsive to what is characteristic
and vivid in the life of the Irish countryside. Mr. Francis
Walker in his mezzotints has given us some fine renderings
of Irish scenery. Mr. Dermod O'Brien and Mr. J. B. Yeats,
father of our chairman, have done work both in portraiture
and other departments which must always be valued. On
the whole, however, I do not think it can be said that the
past twenty-one years have been signalised by any notable
advance in the fine arts. In the region of decorative art
and handicraft we have had, as I already remarked, some
really good work in the departments of lacemaking and
home-weaving, though neither of these crafts originated
during this period. The well-planned and successful under-
taking of Captain Cuffe and Lady Desart, known as ' the
Kilkenny Woodworkers,' has indeed created or recreated
an industry of great importance, but it can hardly be said
^ Thus the adoption of special so-called ' Gaelic ' rules for football in addition to
the two codes which already held the field had the effect of isolating Gaelic Ireland
from the helpful stimulus of international competition and comparison, and the silly
opposition to cricket, on the ground that it is an ' English ' pastime, has had the effect
— besides missing the opportunity of bringing all classes to^^ether in the wholesome
arena of open-air sport — of leaving Irish Ireland without a suitable summer game.
IRISH ART AND THOUGHT 233
to have broken as yet any fresh ground in the way of ex-
pressing a new feeUng or ideal. The Dundrum group of
industries, Dun Emer and the Cuala Press, must also be men-
tioned as centres of sound and thoughtful work ; but only
the fringe of the problem has been touched as yet. No great
prolific centre of the decorative handicrafts can yet be said
to exist. Pre-eminent in the decorative crafts, however,
stands out the stained-glass industry founded by Miss Purser
in Dublin. Here we have something of genuine originality
and of masterly achievement, something which never
asks us, as so much of modern Irish art work does, to forgive
its want of thought, and its easy-going handling for the sake
of its excellent intentions.
On the whole, however, looking back at the period under
review, one must be filled with hope at the manner in which
the Irish spirit rose to the occasion under the circumstances
which I touched on at the beginning of this discourse. A
mighty reverse had been experienced, a great tract of Irish
life, and one on which practically the whole hope and effort
of the nation had been concentrated, had been suddenly
laid waste ; the energies of the nation in the fuU tide of
advance had been rudely flung back on themselves, and
there battled chaotically, disastrously, in a gulf from
which there seemed to be no outlet. And it was just then
that from many different quarters — different in point of
religion, of class, of early training, of political opinion, but
obeying one common impulse — thronged forces of whose
existence none but a few visionaries had ever dreamed, to
fill up the vacancy, and to begin the work of building up a
national life in Ireland upon a far surer foundation than any
which an Act of Parliament could either sanction or deny.
Those who lived in the midst of the creative struggles of
that epoch, and took part in them, had often, I think,
little appreciation of their real significance. We see that
significance best when we look at them as a whole, and from
some distance of time. We see the wonderful proof which
they gave of some vital, elastic force which had been slowly
234 THE CELTIC EEVIEW
accumulating in Ireland, slowly ripening against the hour
of need. We see now that the darkest hour that Ireland
has known in our recollection — and I say this in a sense in
which I think it can be echoed by every Irishmen whatever
view he may take of the objects of the Parnell movement —
we see now that the darkest hour was the herald of a dawn
in whose stormy Hght we still live, and which with the
help of the young men and women of Ireland to-day, by
their sincerity, constancy, courage, and toil, is to brighten
into the perfect day.
I have spoken of the light of this dawn as a stormy
light, and this is no mere phrase ; almost every movement
in which the new spirit was incorporated has had to fight
hard for its right to express and to realise itself. Even
the ' New Irish Library,' one of the least aggressive of
literary ventures, got into hot water with its second volume.
This was Mr. Standish O' Grady's Bog of Stars, the best
book, I venture to think, that Ireland has ever produced
in the way of historical fiction. A dangerous newspaper
controversy arose over this volume, when it came to light
that, in some previous work with which the series had no-
thing to do, Mr. O' Grady had criticised unfavourably certain
episodes in the lives of St. Patrick and St. Columbkille.
This was nothing, however, to the storm-centre which
developed in connection with the dramatic movement on
the production of Mr. Yeats' s Countess Cathleen. The
triumphant success of the first performance in spite of the
imposing array of hostile forces marshalled against it was
felt by all who witnessed it to be a turning point in the
history of the Irish mind. It was a bold claim for that
freedom of sincere expression without which art cannot
live, and the claim was made with success. Later on the
same battle had to be fought over The Playboy of the
Western World. It was fought with the same uncompromis-
ing determination and with the same result. I need not
dwell upon other instances of the struggle which the new
spirit has had to make in order to assert itself — the struggle
IRISH ART AND THOUGHT 235
of the Gaelic League for essential Irish in the Universities,
the struggle of the co-operative movement to realise the
triple ideal which the farmer has to pursue in every
European country where farming is a success — the ideal
expressed in the words ' better farming, better business,
better living.' We are in the thick of some of these struggles
still — it will be long before the sword can sleep in our hands.
But I say this not to lament it — very far from that. What-
ever some distant and unimaginable future may bring
about, for our day war in some form or other is the final
touchstone of sincerity and strength. I need not go so far
as Nietzsche, who, in opposition to the current morality on
the subject expressed by saying that a good cause might
justify war, put forward the maxim that a good war might
justify any cause. But this, at any rate, one can say with
perfect truth, that a cause which has never had to fight its
way to victory has missed many of the best fruits of victory
— those that one picks up on the way to it — the rich experi-
ence, the training and hardening of character, the rude and
wholesome contact with life. A people who are fighting
on any side in any cause, are at any rate live people, and ^V/-*
with life all things are possible.
I now come to deal in rather more detail with the two
most prominent forces at work during the period I am dealing
with. These forces are, first, the literary, in which I in-
clude the dramatic movement ; secondly, the revival of
Gaelic.
By the Irish literary movement I mean the impulse to
seek for Irish themes, to treat the history, scenery, legen-
dary literature and current life of our country with the en-
nobling touch and the revealing insight of poetry ; in general,
to express the Irish imagination in an Irish way. Of course
this impulse did not begin within the period I am treating
of. Clarence Mangan felt the first stirrings of it sixty years
ago and more. The best work of Sir Samuel Ferguson,
and the still better and ever-memorable work of Mr. Standish
0' Grady, were done before our period opens, and before it
236 THE CELTIC REVIEW
too came Mr. Yeats's Wanderings of Oisin. But it was not
long before the literary impulse embodied itself in one
special form which is the notable feature of the time. This
was the dramatic form. Much as I should like to speak,
and much as there is to say, of the lyrical work of Mr. Yeats,
of A. E., of the prose and poetry of James Stephens, of the
briUiant and thoughtful journalism of the Irish Homestead,
of Miss Alice Milligan, of * Ethne Carbery,' and many more,
I shall never bring this survey to an end unless I concen-
trate myself on the biggest and most significant body of
literary work which has been done during the past twenty-
one years, and this has undoubtedly been done in drama.
It is impossible, I think, to overrate the importance, poten-
tial or actual, of this development. Ireland had never
had a drama. Ancient Irish literature is full of drama in
solution ; and Ireland had of course produced many play-
wrights whose contributions to English literature and the
English stage were of high distinction and importance.
But a native Irish drama did not exist, nor a company of
Irish actors, and it was imperative that both should be
called into being. First, because the drama is a popular
form of literature, a form which above all others visibly
and effectually unites men in a common sentiment and can
make itself equally at home in the cultured city and in the
country village ; and, secondly, because the drama is a
training in expression which it seems almost essential for
a literature to pass through if it is to achieve real greatness
and force of style. In the Western world at least one finds
almost universally that every new epoch of literature is
ushered in by a strong dramatic movement : one conspicuous
exception of course is the English poetic renascence at the
beginning of the nineteenth century, but then English litera-
ture had had its dramatic training very thoroughly in days
gone by. The fact that in the drama the author can never
appear to explain, interpret, or justify the action ; that
everything he wants to say has to be said through appro-
priate speech and appropriate action of the characters
IRISH AKT AND THOUGHT 237
on the stage ; and that all must be said or done in such
a way that on a single hearing its significance, or at least
its main significance, shall go straight home to the hetero-
geneous crowd on the other side of the footlights ; these
conditions, if a playwright understands and abides by them,
involve a kind of athletic discipline in expression and
design. If a Hterature has never undergone that discipline
it has missed something very hard to replace.
Well, Irish hterature, thanks to Mr. Yeats, to Lady
Gregory, and the other protagonists of the dramatic move-
ment, is getting that most valuable discipline. In doing
so it has gradually evolved a school of acting which, by
universal admission of competent critics, is, within its own
range, the finest exponent of the art of acting to be found
on the English-speaking stage of this day. The dramatic
movement in Ireland is not comprehended entirely in the
Abbey Theatre. It is the great merit of that undertaking,
and the earlier and tentative project from which it sprang,
that it gave an impulse which has started dramatic societies
and representations all over Ireland, and has held up to
them a high and severe standard of achievement. It is in
a sense the parent and model of dramatic organisation
for Ireland, and because it is that, because it, as it were,
stands for Ireland in a sense in which no other similar body
can be said to do so, that pubhc criticism of its aims and
character has a special significance and justification. This
criticism — I do not refer to hostile criticism, although there
has been plenty of that — I refer only to the kind of criticism
which is intended to be helpful — has directed itself prin-
cipally to two points. In the first place it is said that the
Abbey Theatre drama concentrates itself overmuch on one
of the social classes of which Irish life is composed. It has
produced a series of peasant dramas ; it has left almost
wholly untouched the problems, tragedies, romances, foibles,
of the ordinary educated men and women of modem Ireland.
The people who fill the seats of the Abbey Theatre never
see themselves on the stage. It might be said ' so much
238 THE CELTIC REVIEW
the better for their peace of mind.' But their peace of
mind is not a concern of art. It is one of the functions of
art — applying that word in its widest sense to all impassioned
and sincere activity of the mind — to keep on breaking up
the crust of prepossession and convention that gathers over
the ideas of every class, every interest, every group or com-
mimity, when left too long undisturbed. And these people,
to whose nature the Abbey Theatre never holds up the
mirror, are after all the people in Ireland who really matter.
It is they who form the standard of thought and manners
who make or break organisations, who represent whatever
of pubUc opinion Ireland can be said to have. And I notice
too that at the very beginning of the dramatic movement
in the remarkable plays of Mr. Edward Martyn, it was
precisely this class of people whose lives and thoughts were
studied and portrayed. Why, after coming to the surface
in this way, have they now sunk below it ? Is it because
these people, the people who matter in Ireland, really
matter too seriously, and that the presentation of them
and their doings is too thorny and dangerous a subject for
the young drama of Ireland to tackle ? I don't know. I
have no explanation to offer. I only call attention to a gap
which needs to be filled before the modern Irish drama can
be said in any broad sense to stand before the world as the
interpreter and revealer of Irish life as a whole.
And to come to my second point of criticism. We hear
it urged from every Irish platform, in every article or essay
in which the Irish drama is reviewed, that its portrayal of
the province of Irish life which it does attempt is almost
imiformly gloomy, bitter and dispiriting. Ireland appears
here to reflect with added intensity the pessimism which
with Ibsen, Strindberg, Hauptmann and Tolstoi has thrown
its shadow over so much of Continental literature. Instead
of the old, and undoubtedly vicious and insincere, glorification
of everything that passes for t3rpically Irish, we have now
a mordant criticism, sparing nothing in its passion of
destructive analysis, and giving us picture after picture of
IRISH ART AND THOUGHT 239
disillusionment, frustration, and ignobility, of moral weak-
ness collapsing with hardly a struggle under the burden of
untoward circumstance. I am speaking very broadly, of
course, but it is said, and I think with some justice, that this
is the general effect of the more serious of the plays presented
by the Abbey Theatre. Unlike most critics, however, I do
not think this tendency is expressed in the plays of Mr.
J. M. Synge. These stand apart. In his characters, in
spite of aU the outward barbarism and C3niicism, I at least
feel conscious of a certain lift, an luidulating force, like the
swell from an invisible ocean of life, which marks these
people out as the destined conquerors, not the victims of
circumstances. They may shock us, they have shocked
a great many worthy people, but they can never discourage
and depress.
In general, however, I think it will be agreed that the
Abbey Theatre plays, or at least the more serious ones,
do not cover anything like the whole of Irish life either ex-
tensively or intensively. They paint one class alone and
that only in one aspect. Are these two deficiencies really
one and the same ? Is it perhaps the case that the hardness
and toughness of fibre, combined with the capacity for an
ideal passion, which can alone yield the stuff for great
drama, is not to be found in Ireland except in the class
from which the Irish drama, so far, averts its gaze ? Again, I
don't know, I don't profess to explain. One sees that plays
of a certain kind turn up and that others as a rule do not.
The mind of young Ireland, so far as it is sincerely and
strongly inspired, appears to express itself mainly in one
way, and of course it is idle to teU these writers that they
ought to seek for different ways. They must write accord-
ing to the vision they have received. If any one has a
different vision, and can express it with equal passion and
sincerity, I have no doubt the Abbey Theatre will welcome
any work he may send in to it. In the meantime the great
and indispensable work of liberation is being done. We
have seen a new and astonishing thing: the critical in-
240 THE CELTIC EEVIEW
telligence of Ireland is coming to life, the crusts are being
broken up, the current of Irish intellectual life is being set
free to follow, whithersoever it may caU, the mysterious
gravitation of national destiny. But I hope I am not
touching on any forbidden topic when I say that there is
one great sphere of Irish life still almost wholly untouched
by the new spirit, and which needs to be conquered and
taken possession of by it. I mean the political sphere. I
am not speaking of any one party, of any one conception
of Ireland's future ; what I say I hold to be true of the whole
complex of current politics in Ireland, when I state that the
application of intellect, of sincere thought, to Irish politics
is one of the most urgent needs of our time — something for
the want of which it may well be that we shall have to pay
very dearly and very soon.
However, this is not the time or place to elaborate this
suggestion. I pass on to what wiU form the concluding
section of these remarks — a discussion of the Gaelic move-
ment which took organised and effective form about twenty
years ago. Nothing more remarkable has been witnessed
in our time than the manner in which this movement has
laid hold of the Irish mind. For, you wiU observe, it is a
movement which had nothing to offer, except a purely ideal
and spiritual aim, and which invited its adherents to hard
work, hard fighting, and self-denial for an object incapable
of being measured and valued by any material standard.
Founded on this basis the Gaelic movement is now a vast
organisation working through many hundreds of branches
and administering a sum of about £7000 a year. It has
also laid hold of the machinery of the State to an extent
which, I think, is not generally realised. Irish is now a
subject of instruction in 2800 schools, and the number of
children under instruction appears from the latest returns
which I have procured to be in round numbers no less than
170,000.1 A gujn of about £14,500 a year is supplied from
^ Since these words were written, later returns have appeared which show less
favourable results. The extension of Irish teaching in the schools, it must be noted,
depends mainly on the willingness of parents and of managers to adopt it.
IRISH ART AND THOUGHT 241
Imperial sources to the carrying out of this system of in-
struction. This does not include the considerable sums
which cannot be disentangled from the Board's accounts,
and which are paid to Irish inspectors, or the capitation
fees of £5 a head which are given for every qualified teacher
turned out by the voluntary training colleges. This repre-
sents a very notable degree of State encouragement ; and
whatever may be said as to the past, it does not appear as
if Gaelic interests in the present day had much to complain
of on this score. As regards the number under instruction
through voluntary agencies, such as Gaelic League Branches,
I know no way of getting at exact figures, but we can
arrive at some results in this way. In the province of
Leinster there are practically no native speakers of Irish.
But the Census of 1911 shows 40,000 in that province able
to speak both English and Irish. Of course all children
and others imder instruction, and aU who have even a very
limited knowledge of Irish will put themselves down, quite
rightly, as bilingual : there is nothing in the Census to define
the degree of mastery of either language which is supposed
to be conveyed by such an entry. Well then, there are 431
schools in Leinster teaching Irish. These account on an
average for 60 pupils each, or 26,000 children, and the
balance of the 40,000, i.e. 14,000, must be put down to the
Gaelic propaganda carried on by voluntary efforts. That
is for Leinster alone. Now we have seen that there are
some 170,000 children under public instruction in all Ire-
land. I think it wiU be a very low estimate if we take it
that between public and private agencies at least 200,000
persons are at present more or less acquainted with Irish,
who would be purely English speaking if twenty years ago
the language had been left to take its chance without any
special attention either from the State or from voluntary
organisations. In reckoning up the achievements of the
movement, we must not forget the invaluable School of
Irish Learning in Dublin, whose primary purpose it is to
give to Irishmen in their own land, and where possible to
VOL. IX. Q
242 THE CELTIC REVIEW
native Irish speakers, the training in dealing with ancient
texts for which formeriy they would have had to have
recourse to foreign and chiefly Continental miiversities.
The Gaelic League has also, as we know, captured the National
University, to the extent at least of securing that a know-
ledge of Irish shall be an essential subject for matricula-
tion— a provision which I heartily wish could be introduced
into every Irish University. And here it would indeed be a
great and ungrateful omission not to mention what is being
done for Irish studies within these walls. The great Celtic
library collected by Dr. Whitley Stokes, was presented to
University College, London, by his daughters, and that
noble gift initiated the establishment here of a school of
Celtic studies, which is kept going by a small endowment
fund raised by Mrs. Alice Green, Professor Kuno Meyer,
and Professor W. P. Ker. The Provost, Dr. Gregory
Foster, has kindly given me some information on the sub-
ject. He writes : ' We were able, with the help of this
fund, and with the help of additional subscriptions specially
obtained, to arrange this year for a general course by
Professor Kimo Meyer, and special classes both in Irish and
Welsh. The class in Irish was so enthusiastically received
that we have arranged for its continuance during the
current term under the direction of Mr. R. Flower.'
He adds : ' It is the desire of the University, as speedily
as possible, to establish a permanent Readership in Celtic
subjects, and to convert that, as soon as funds are avail-
able, into a professorship.'
But now let us turn to ask, ' What does all this effort
really amoiuit to — what has actually been achieved by it,
and what does it promise for the future ? Here I shall have
to say some things which wiU, I doubt not, provoke dissent.
But I do not care if I do that if, at the same time, I can pro-
voke thought upon a question which I think we ought, and
after twenty years of propaganda are now able, to look more
squarely in the face than we are in the habit of doing.
The Gaelic movement, so far as it deals with the modem
miSH ART AND THOUGHT 243
language, really has before it two different goals, which we
ought to keep sharply distinguished from each other. In
the first place, there is the installation of Irish as an essential
subject of study for all Irish youth, so that every one of us
should have some acquaintance with the refined and beauti-
ful structure of this language, should learn what Irish
literature was hke in its original and native form, should
understand the meaning of the place-names which so often
embody a perception of natural scenery, or carry down
through the ages some message of heroism or romance from
the legendary or historical past of our race. Any Irish-
man who has acquired sufficient Irish for these purposes,
even though he goes no further, has a great, an inestimable
gain. He will feel at home in his native land, intimate
with her inmost soul, in a way impossible of attainment by
any other means. In addition, it would be consonant with
this conception of the goal of the Gaelic movement that
the language should be used on certain solemn and cere-
monial occasions, and for epigraphic purposes — very much
as the Jews who had abandoned Hebrew as a spoken tongue
long before the Christian era, still keep themselves mindful
of the language in which the earliest ideals of the race were
conceived and proclaimed. That, I say, is one goal which a
Gaelic movement might consciously set before itself, and I
hold it to be an altogether worthy and admirable, and also
an attainable, goal.
But this goal, which I may call the national study of
Irish, is a very different thing from the national adoption of
Irish as the current language of literature, journalism, com-
merce and social intercourse which is set before us by those
who direct the policy of the Gaelic League. Is this desir-
able, and if so is it attainable ? I think it is a question on
which we should make up our minds, and surely the question,
what is to be the language of Irish literature, is well worthy
of being brought to the consideration of an Irish literary
society. It, moreover, is a question of much practical
and immediate importance. We see Ireland all round us
244 THE CELTIC EEYIEW
busy in creating a national literature in English, doing the
very thing which Mr. Brooke twenty-one years ago described
as ' adapting the English language ' to the purposes of
expressing the Irish mind, the Irish imagination, in an Irish
literature. The tj^ical Gaelic Leaguer has always looked
upon this movement with mistrust, and even at times with
hostility, and his attitude from his point of view is thoroughly
justified — indeed it hardly goes far enough. For it is per-
fectly clear that the better the Irish mind succeeds in ex-
pressing itself, in English, and the more the ideals, imagina-
tions, the higher thought and feeling of the nation come
to be associated with this medium, the greater becomes the
difficulty of changing it for another, especially when that
other can only with much difficulty and reshaping be
adapted to the needs of the modern world.
But if, on the other hand, the language of Irish literature
is to be in the future what it is now, namely English, and the
true goal of the Gaelic movement is to be what I described
as the national study of Irish, then it is equally clear that
many great abilities and much devoted energy are at present
being expended in Ireland in following up a false track, and
are being withdrawn from the real literary need of the day,
that of developing for Irish purposes the medium of which
alone the great mass of the Irish people are at present in
possession.
After having seen the lapse of twenty years of zealous
and active propaganda, I repeat that we are now in a position
to face this question, and that it behoves us to make up our
minds about it. And first, as to the abstract desirability
of the adoption of Irish, for my own part I think it a deplor-
able thing that the language ever was allowed to die, and if
by the proverbial stroke of a pen it were possible at this
moment to eradicate the knowledge of English from every
Irish mind, and to place Irish there instead, I would at once
place that pen in the hand of Dr. Douglas Hyde. But
this thing cannot be done with a fairy wand, or with the
stroke of any legislative pen ; it cannot be done by force of
any kind. It can only be done with the goodwill of the
IRISH ART AND THOUGHT 245
people concerned, by the spread of the language, which
may be helped no doubt by schools and other organisations,
from the centres where it is still living. The language of
a people's literature must be the familiar language of their
business and bosoms — isolated from common life it is merely
a waxen flower which will never strike root nor bear fruit.
How, then, does Irish fare, after these twenty years of pro-
paganda, in the districts where it is still at home ? For
practical purposes these districts may be taken to lie within
the Provinces of Munster and Connaught, for although
native Irish may be foimd in Donegal and elsewhere, it
forms so small a proportion of the speech of the people in
Ulster and Leinster that it is in those provinces a negligible
quantity for our present purposes. Now if we turn to the
Census returns for 1891 we find that in Mimster and Con-
naught 551,249 persons were returned as speaking both
English and Irish — those who speak Irish alone are, of course,
a rapidly vanishing remnant, and I disregard them in the
inquiry. At the Census of 1911 this figure was reduced to
443,015, or a loss of more than 100,000 Irish speakers.
These figures are much worse even than they seem on the
surface, for you must recollect that 2800 schools over all
Ireland, of which about 2000 fall within the provinces I have
named, not to mention the numerous branches of the Gaelic
League, are all busy in creating the material for bilingual
entries in the Census returns ; and the entries thus accounted
for, however valuable for certain purposes, have, in the
vast majority of cases, little or no importance in relation
to the adoption of Irish. It may be said, of course, that
much of the gross diminution in Irish speakers revealed by
the census returns is to be accounted for by emigration.
I do not think that the most Irish districts are those that
contribute most to swell the emigration returns, but however
that may be, an examination of the figures shows that while
the decline of population in the two provinces amounted
in round figures to thirteen per cent., the decline of Irish
speakers ran to twenty per cent.
The tale told by these figures, in the face of the heroic
246 THE CELTIC REVIEW
efforts, the lavish expenditure of money and energy which
have been made to turn the ebbing tide into a flowing one,
is to my mind unmistakable. The question of the future
language of Irish literature seems to me, out of the mouth of
Ireland herself, to be res judicata. There are plenty of
people, no doubt, here and elsewhere, who will contest the
conclusion. Still I put it to you that the Celtic revolt
against the despotism of fact may be carried too far, that
there are better things to do with facts than to revolt against
them, namely, to make use of them ; and that the truest
patriotism under present circumstances is to work for the
cultivation of the Irish spirit with the instrument we have
got, the only one that Ireland will give us, and one in the
use of which we can all imite.
The task that lies before Irish literature, and Irish
artistic expression generally, is very great and enormously
difficult. That task I take to be the spiritual unification
of Ireland. The source, it seems to me, of nine-tenths of our
present troubles, and of our weakness even in the material
world, is not that we have so many divisions in Ireland, but
that aU the divisions run one way. In England the divisions
cross each other in so many different directions that a very
substantial measure of national imity and homogeneity
is attainable. A man may be divided from another by social
position, but united by religion — he may be divided in
religion but united by politics — divided by politics but
imited by social ties or by business interests. In Ireland,
owing to unhappy historical circumstances, the divisions
of creed, of class, of politics, of racial origin, of occupation,
all in a great measure coincide, and the gulf they plough
between two sections of the Irish people is both wide and
deep. Until that gulf is bridged, the ideal of Irish nation-
hood in the inward and spiritual sense can never be fully
reaMsed. More than one force can be utilised to this end,
but I know of none more likely to bridge the gulf effectively
than the community of feeling produced by art, and above all
by the art which makes the widest and most popular appeal,
LA IS BLIADHNA LEIS NA H-EOIN 247
the art of imaginative literature. That art knows nothing
of class, party, or creed as divisive principles, it knows
them only as the material for presenting what is eternally
great and enthralling, the drama of human life. To set
forth, to illuminate, to interpret this drama, especially as
we see it played in our own day and land, to lift it into the
region of high significance and beauty — to do all this not
only with the magical allurement, but also with the keen
unshrinking sincerity of art — this is one of the ways, and
perhaps the most effective way, in which the Irish spirit
may come to its own, and may ultimately take peaceful
posesssion of every heart in Ireland.
LA IS BLIADHNA LEIS NA H-EOIN
COINNEACH MacLeOID
Tha mi 'ga mheas 'na bhuannachd nach beag gu'n do
dheonaich Ni Maith dhomh, a dh' aindeoin drip an t-saoghail,
la is bliadhna de mo bheatha chur seachad comhla ris na
h-eoin. Riamh o'n chaidh innseadh dhomh, an tus m'oige,
gu robh mi ' cho gorach ris na h-eoin,' bha m'fhuil a'
teoghadh ri m'fhine, agus mo chridhe ghnath an geaU air
a'chairdeas agairt. Theagamh, na'm bithinn 'gam shloiri-
neadh fein, gur h-ann do na h-eoin-mhara as ro-chairdiche
mi ; ach cha'n 'eil mi idir a' gearan, is cha bu chomain domh,
gur h-ann an luib nan eun-monaidh a dheonaich ni maith
mo chur. Cha robh mi buileach gun eolas orra roimhe.
Co-dhiu, bhiomaid a' beannachadh d'a cheile air an rathad
mhor, is anns a' choille-chno ; agus a thuilleadh air sin,
bu chaomh leam riamh a bhi leughadh eachdraidh na
h-ealtainn a reir nan ollamh. Ach is eol domh nis nach
ionnan idir an da ni, aithne gun chomaidh agus caidreabh
taobh an nid. Bha mi uair anns a' bheachd gu robh na
h-oUamhan na b'eolaiche air nos na h-ealtainne na bha na
h-eoin fhein, ach cha'n 'eil mi buileach cho daingeann anns
248 THE CELTIC REVIEW
a' bheachd sin an diugh. Co-dhiu, chunnaic mi na h-eoin
a' neadachadh am badaibh, agus ag itheadh troileis, a bha
calg-dhireach an aghaidh gach riaghailt a leugh mise riamh
anns na leabhraichean. Gun teagamh, tha cion na Beurla
fagail nan eun deireasach an iomadh doigh ; is e sin as
coireach nach do thuig iad fhathast, gur h-e an t-ollamh
nach d'ith boiteag riamh, is nach do shuidh riamh air nead,
as fhearr fios ciod tha maith do chreutairean beaga ta
deanamh an da chuid. A mach uaithe sin, f aodar a radh le
firinn nach 'eil clann-eunlaidh agus clann-daoine, maith ris
a' mhaith agus olc ris an olc, na's eu-coltaiche ri cheile na
tha bo mhaol odhar agus bo odhar mhaol — ach direach gu
bheil na h-eoin beagan na's gUce anns a' ghoraiche, agus na
daoine beagan na's goraiche anns a' ghUocas.
Is iomadh uair, is mi 'nam shuidhe air cHabh aig ceann
an tighe, a smaointich mi nach robh an Calaman idir cho
neo-chiontach ri choltas, is gu robh dealan beag de 'n
chrochaire a' boillsgeadh air uairibh 'na shuil. Nis o'n
bha mi thall is a chunnaic mi, tha mi ag iarraidh maith-
eanais air a' Chalaman. Is fheudar domh aideachadh gu
bheil e direach mar tha e, 'na mhoigein laghach neo-chion-
tach, nach cumar gu brath oidhche 'na dhuisg le luasgan
eanchainn. Mheall a' Chailleach-oidhche orm cuideachd.
Bha mi an duil riamh gu'm bu bhoireannach maith i ; agus
cha robh uair a bhlaomadh i a da ghlog-shuil nach robh i
toirt 'nam chuimhne latha-traisg, no ni-eigin eile ceart cho
crabhach. Tha fios agam a nis gu bheil ise cuideachd direach
mar tha i — is cha'n ann mar a shaoil ! Chunnaic mi na
h-eoin eile call an luiths leis a' ghaireachdainn, is a' chail-
leach a' dol troimh 'n chomhradh ainmeil a bha eadar i
fhein agus Domhnull Mac Ehionnlaigh bochd a bha'n
Loch abar. ' Is ann mar so a bha,' theireadh ise, is i 'na
seasamh air tobhta ceardaich a bh'ann. ' Thuirt Domh-
null rium fhein, is mi cur seachad an fheasgair comhla ris :
•' Nis o'n a tha thu aosda."
Bha e leth-char dall, an duine bochd !
LA IS BLIADHNA LEIS NA H-EOIN 249
" Deansa t' fhaosaid ris an t-sagairt,
Agus innis dha gun euradh
Gach aon sgeula g'a bheil agad."
Chrom mi fhein mo cheann gu baintidh grimi, is rimi mi
osnadh mor, is chuir mi caoin shliom bhoidheach air mo
ghuth, is rinn mi osnadh eile nach bu mhiosa na chiad fhear,
agus arsa mi fhein :
" Cha d' rinn mise braid no breugan,
Cladh no tearmad a bhristeadh,
Air m' fhear fhein cha d'rinn mi iomluas,
Is cailleach bhochd ionraic mise." '
Ach thusa, Chailleach-oidhche ! Bha fior-shannt orm eolas
na bu dluithe fhaotainn air an Fheannaig, ach gu tubais-
teach thachair gu robh ise fo choill anns a'cheart am —
co-dhiu, fad na ciad leth-bhliadhna. Bha sealgair ur air
tighinn do'n duthaich, agus bha de chron air, comhla ris gach
cron eile, gur h-e an t-eun air an cuimsicheadh e a leagadh e ;
ni nach 'eil idir cumanta am measg luchd-seilge, oir cha'n
fhaca mi riamh nach e an t-eun a bhiodh iad a' seachnadh,
bu dluithe rachadh air a' bhas. Chuala mi an Dreathann
Donn ag radh, gu'm bu mhisde an duthaich gu leir fogairt
na Feannaige — agus gu'm b'fheairrde cuideachd ! Cha'n
'eil mi ag radh nach robh an Dreathann ceart. Cha toigh
leam a bhi 'ga innseadh, ach cha robh am Fitheach ana-
barrach aoigheil rium idir. Tha an t-ainm aige bhi glic ;
agus ma's fior na theirear, is cliabh chlach air an druim an
gliocas. Fhad's a bha mi anns an ealtainn, cha deachaidh
fois air an duine thruagh o mhoch gu dubh, ach a sior-
chanranaich gu robh deireadh an t-saoghail am fagus, agus
gu robh na seachd deamhain cheana mu sgaoil. Theagamh
gu bheil e miomhail dhomhsa an rud aithris, ach cha'n
fhaca mi, a dh'aindeoin giorrad na h-uine ! gu robh cail an
Fhithich gu roic dad na bu mhiosa na bha i roimhe. Cha
bu toigh leam a' Chuthag riamh, is cha toigh leam fhathast
i. Tha i olc, olc. Tha cuimhne agam aon mhaduinn, is mi
fann le cion mo bhrochain, gu'n d'rinn i diol cho sgreadaidh
250 THE CELTIC EEVIEW
orm is nach robh mi gu maith fad na bliadhna as a dheidh.
Is tha i cho breugach ris na fir-chlis. Chuala mi ghogaid
uair is uair a' gugail gu ladurna gu robh an samhradh air
tighinn, agus mi fhein 'gam dhubh-reothadh leis an fhuachd
ri taobh braidseal mor teine. Is tha fios aig a' bhaile gu
leir gu'm bi a' bhaobh ri leughadh nan cupannan, ged tha
meomhair na faidheadaireachd g'a dith. Dh'innis i dhomh
fhein o chionn corr is fichead bhadhna nach faicinn ach da
noUaig eile ; dh'innis i dhomh an uiridh, is aodann oirre
cho fada ris a' chlobha, gu faicinn a dha dheug eile. Ach
nach diomhain domhsa bhi leudachadh air caithe-beatha na
Cuthaige. Mar thuirt an Calaman bochd, is ceann-crom
air leis an naire : ' Am faca tu fhein riamh eun laghach sam
bith a' breith uighean an tighean chaich — ar learn nach 'eil
e dacent ! ' Chuir na h-eoin eile mi fo gheasaibh, gu'n
innsinn do chloinn-daoine gu bheil cairdeas na Cuthaige
do'n ealtainn a mach air an fhicheadamh glun ; agus
ceart cho luath 's a dh'fhosglas i a gob, gu'n aithnich neach
sam bith gu bheil bias na Beurla air a cuid Gaidhlig. Tha
an Dreathann Donn anns a' bheachd gur h-ann an Cali-
fornia thaU a bhios i cur seachad a' gheamhraidh, is gur
h-e sin as coireach i bhi cho suarach coma c'ait an tilg i
smugaid. Bha amharus agam roimhe gu'm b'fhior-gheop
a' Chathag, agus nach robh an Clacharan fad air deireadh
oirre, is gu'm biodh iad le cheile bodhradh chaich o mhoch
gu dubh le'n cuid boilich. Ciod tuiUeadh a th'annta a
bharrachd air geop is air boilich, cluinnear 'na dheidh so.
Cha'n 'eil agam ach teist mhaith ri thoirt air an Smeorach
is air an Uiseig ; tha iad le cheile cho maith ri'n ceol, agus
foghnaidh sin. Cha'n ann 'ga ailis air an Smeorach a tha mi,
ach saoihdh mi nach 'eil e buileach cho neo-shaoghalta ris an
Uiseig, agus gu bheil beagan a bharrachd de'n deamhan ann :
da ni nach misde neach sam bith a ta f uireach an ath dhorus
ri Sionnach no ri Cailleach-oidhche. Cha bhiodh ann ach
ladumas dhomh am Bru-dearg a mholadh. O bharr a
ghuib gu barr na h-earr-ite, cha'n fhaighear aon ghaineamh-
an de'n fhoill ann ; agus cha'n 'eil eun eile anns an ealtainn
LA IS BLIADHNA LEIS NA H-EOIN 251
gu leir as urrainn a thilgeadh air, gu'n do dhiochuimlinich
e riamh c' ar son ata bhroilleach dearg. Bidh e f hein is an
Calaman, na truaghain, a' deanamh an dichill, a dh'aindeoin
buirt is magaidh, gu tomhas de stoldachd is de chrabhachd a
chur anns na h-eoin eile. Ach mar thuirt an Dreathann
Donn riutha : ' Tha sibh tuilleadh is anmoch, a chairdean
ionmhuinn. Na robh thusa, Chalamain, air an aire a chur
fodha, bhiodh an saoghal cuibhiseach maith an diugh.' Tha
so 'gam thoirt gus an dileas dheireannach — mo chaomh-
charaid, an Dreathann. An da chuid an leirsinn is an
duinealas, is e iochd ar n-achd righ na h-ealtainne ; an
coimeas ris, cha'n 'eil anns an lolair ach cridhe na circe ann
an gob na h-airee. A' chiad uair a bhruidhinn mi ris, bha
e air an iteig dhachaidh, agus smuid aige air port :
' Tha mi 'n diiil gu'm bi mi nochd
Ri taobh mo ghaoil, ge b'ann air sop,
Tha mi 'n diiil gu'm bi mi nochd
Air taobh a bhos na h-aibhne.'
Dh'innis mi dha, anns a' Ghaidhhg a b'fhearr a bh'agam,
gu'm b'e mo run la is bhadhna chur seachad comhla ris na
eairdean ; agus gu'm bithinn fada 'na chomain, na'n
gabhadh e mi f o a sgeith fhad's a bhithinn anns an ealtainn,
is gun annam ach leirist de choigreach. ' Mata, a choig-
rich,' ars' esan, ' cha'n 'eil barail choir sam bith agam fhein
air cloinn-daoine ; a' chuid nach 'eil straiceil dhiubh, tha
iad olc, agus a' chuid nach 'eil olc, tha iad cho gorach ris
na cruimheagan. Ach o'n thainig thu, charaid, is gur
teotha fuil na uisge, fhad 's a bhios cosag no boiteag agamsa,
bidh cosag is boiteag agadsa.' Mur do chum, is mur do
sheachd-chum, esan ri ghealladh, cha'n 'eil solus anns a'
ghrein no doimhneachd anns a'mhuir. Ged gheibhinn saogh-
al na b'fhaide na tha diiil agam ris, cha leig mi as mo
chuimhne gu brath an Dreathann is e 'na sheasamh air
stob, sop feoir 'na bheul, goic 'na cheann, is e meomhrachadh
air fir is air coin, is air nithean diomhair an domhain. Is an
uair a chnuasaicheadh e nithean gu dheoin, chaireadh e an
sop air an stob, is dheanadh e an t-suil bheag rium fhein.
252 THE CELTIC REVIEW
' Faodaidh gu bheil mi neonach,' theireadh esan, * ach is
iomadh rud a chunnaic mi, a dhuine.' Agus gu cinnteach
b'fhior dha, o'n a b'fhior uaithe. Ge mor am facal e, cha
dana dhomh radh, gu'n cuireadh e h-uile mac mathar de na
h-ollamhan Gearmailteach ^ amis na crannaibh seilich le
feallsanachd is le diomhaireachd. A charaid bhig mhoir,
cha'n ami a chionn gu robh thu coibhneil rium a tha mi 'ga
radh, ach na faighinn triuir am dhuthaich, a thigeadh an
gaoith do sgeithe an gUocas, an uaisle, an duinealas, cha bu
nead cuthaige mo dhuthaich. Is cha'n iongantach leam,
ged is iongantach uam ! t'fhacail rium anns an dealachadh :
' O'n chuir mi eolas ort, a charaid, cha'n abair mi gu bheil
clann-daoine cho olc 's a bha mi an diiil — ach, O bhoiteag
chridhe, tha iad pailt na's goraiche ! '
(R^a Leantainn.)
THE CLAIM OF CELTIC STUDIES UPON THE
LOWLAND SCOT 2
Professor Mackinnon
Keeping in view the practice followed at this time-honoured
function of our university life, it has occurred to me that I
might invite your attention briefly to a phase of our educa-
tional problem seldom if ever discussed, but which has not
infrequently occupied my thoughts : The Claim of Celtic
Studies upon the Lowland Scot. To my mind the claim is
a very important one. During the last sixty years a large
and increasing number of eminent scholars in Europe and
America have been studying the Celtic languages, to the
great benefit of linguistic science and the increase of know-
ledge in several directions. But one confesses to a feeling of
profound disappointment to find when the role of Celto-
logues is made up that it hardly contains the name of a single
non-Gaelic-speaking Scot. Surely this is not as it ought to
^ Ach feumaidh gu bheil mi cli am bheachd— gabhaidh bloighean de fheallsanachd
an Dreathainn tuigsinn.
' Being the substance of an Address to the Arts Graduates in the University of
Edinburgh, on July 4th, 1913.
THE CLAIM OF CELTIC STUDIES 253
be. For many long years now, we, the inhabitants of this
kingdom. North and South, have been proud to bear the
name of Scot.
How came we by the name ? Scientists teU us that a pre-
Celtic race or races originally possessed these islands. They
are not agreed as to the race-relationship of these tribes.
But while it is allowed that their names, their dialects, their
beliefs and customs may have disappeared beyond recall
we are assured that their blood so far lives in the peoples that
succeeded and conquered, but did not exterminate them.
Within historic times we have had in Scotland as more
or less clearly defined types the Pict, the Briton, the Scot,
and the Saxon. Then came later the strenuous Norsemen
who settled permanently on our northern and north-
western shores. After the battle of Largs it would appear
that a number of these settlers returned to Norway, while
others remained and amalgamated in blood and language
with the native population. Orkney and Shetland con-
tinued, by treaty, under Norse rule for many years after-
wards, and very probably a strip along the shore on the
north and east of Caithness retained the Norse speech until
it^ was replaced by the Scots tongue. Nor must the influx
of Saxon and Norman knights during the eleventh and
twelfth centuries be lost sight of. This movement pro-
foundly affected the national policy, and introduced a large
admixture of foreign blood, especially among the upper
classes. None of these settlers were of pure stock when
they came to these parts ; and they became still more mixed
in our land. The Picts and Britons with their name, their
language, and institutions were absorbed by Scot and Saxon
centuries ago. The Scot came to us from Ireland and
brought the home name along with him, as did also the
monks of the mission of Columbanus to the Continent of
Europe, where they with their books and writings were uni-
versally known as Scotti. In Ireland they were more
commonly known as Goedels, now Gaels. It is not known
when the Gael first came to Scotland, probably very early.
But a colony of them settled permanently in Argyll in the
254 THE CELTIC REVIEW
second century. There were no doubt additions from time
to time, and there was a considerable immigration in the end
of the fifth or beginning of the sixth century. The Scots
or Gaels prospered in Argyll and founded the kingdom of
Dalriada, this name being also imported from Ireland.
Later, with the powerful aid of the monks of the Columban
mission, they Gaelicised a large portion of Pictland. So far
as known to me, it is to the Northmen we owe the formation
of the hybrid name Scotland. The Norse pirates named the
belt of sea now called The Minch Skotlandsfiord, the firth
opening on the land of the Scots of Dalriada, as contrasted
with Petlandsfiord, now the Pentland Firth, leading to the
country of the Picts. Thereafter the name Scotland came
to be applied to the territory ruled by Kenneth the Scot,
when that enterprising prince captured the Pictish throne,
and subsequently to the whole country when it became con-
solidated into one kingdom. Thenceforward the terms
Scot, Scotsman, and Scotland became the national designa-
tions in the south, with their Gaelic equivalents Gaidheal,
Alhannach, and Alba (or Alhainn) in the Gaelic-speaking area.
But it has to be observed that while the Gaelic terms Abba
and Albannach embrace the whole of Scotland, North and
South, Scot and Scottish, on the other hand, are, in the
usage of Southern writers, becoming exclusively confined
to the lowland Scot, and especially to his language.
It will thus be seen that the Southern Scot is a person of
very composite blood — Teutonic indeed, but with strains of
varied strength from the mixed races who occupied the land
before him, as well as from the adventurers who followed him
from time to time. Nor is the Gael less of a mongrel, re-
presenting as he does the Scot of Dalriada, largely mixed
with Norse blood, the Pict with all which that race de-
signation implies, and a dash of British. It is a comforting
reflection that these composite breeds have both in North
and South produced a race of men exceptionally fitted in
body and mind to stand the strain and stress of fife all the
world over. The struggle for supremacy in Scotland between
Saxon and Gael was long and severe, and it would be idle to
THE CLAIM OF CELTIC STUDIES 255
attempt to apportion too nicely to either its share of blame
for past misdeeds. More pleasant it is to recall that in our
country's greatest straits, in her strenuous struggle for
existence as an independent nation, the Celt bore his full
share, while in recent times he has been equally to the front
in extending and upholding the strength and fame of the
Empire.
The Southern Scot has as a rule given credit to the Gael
for being a good fighter, and of recent years he seems pre-
pared to acclaim him as an eloquent preacher. But as it
seems to me, with his good conceit of himself, as his many
excellent and capable qualities entitle him to entertain, the
Lowlander has always shown a singular indifference to
the usages and beliefs of the peoples whom he has super-
seded. In this respect he compares unfavourably with the
Highlander. In especial he has always shown a feeling akin
to contempt for the language, literature, and institutions of
the Gael. This is much to be regretted. The Saxon has
entered largely into the heritage of the Pict and of the Gael.
It is in the Gaelic language and literature that we find our
chief sources of information regarding these peoples. But
the Lowland Scot writes his histories of them without con-
sidering it worth while to examine these authorities at first
hand. The late Dr. Skene is practically the only author who
read a Gaelic MS., before he wrote of the early history of
Scotland. The fact is not to the credit of the Lowland Scot.
Knowledge of old Gaelic does not solve questions of race-
relationship nor clear up obscure historical problems.
Peoples change their language, but man cannot change the
colour of his eyes nor the shape of his skull. Archaeology,
and especially anthropology, are often of greater weight than
language in dealing with race origins. StiU the evidence
from language is not to be Hghtly set aside. The scientific
student of the Celtic dialects will find them a branch of the
Aryan family of languages, but with traits of their own which
suggest that the Celt in his wanderings must have sojourned
with non- Aryan tribes long enough to have his speech per-
manently modified by them. One may refer, among other
256 THE CELTIC REVIEW
characteristics, to the initial changes in words, which per-
plex the Celtic student ; to the welding of the preposition
and pronominal object into one indissoluble word ; and to
the position of the verb at the head of the sentence.
And if one turns to Gaelic literature, while much the
greater part has been produced and preserved in Ireland, it
is the case that Gaelic has been spoken and written con-
tinuously in Scotland since the days of Saint Columba, if
not earlier. One would have wished that the fragments
which remain contained a greater amount of historical matter
than they do, but enough has survived to show that no full
and reliable account of Scottish history can be written with-
out a knowledge of the contents of GaeUc literature. No
one is obliged to write history ; but surely no one ought to
attempt to do so without previously examining all the avail-
able sources. What value would one put upon a history
of Rome written by a person who did not know the Latin
language and literature ? For my part I place much the
same value upon a history of the Highlands by one who
does not know Gaelic literature.
It is an easy matter to show how, through ignorance or
prejudice or both combined, the Southern historian misre-
presents the character, the literature and institutions of the
peoples whom he regards as now represented by the Gaels.
Take e.g. the account given by Lord Macaulay of the state
of the Highlands at the time of the Revolution. As a
literary effort the chapter is one of the most brilliant which
the author ever wrote, and it is much to be feared that this
was its chief merit in the great writer's own eyes. This is
what he writes about it in his Diary : ' My account of the
Highlands is getting into tolerable shape. To-morrow I
shall begin to transcribe and to polish. What trouble these
few pages will have cost me. The great object is that after
all this trouble they may read as if they had been spoken off,
and may seem to flow as easy as table talk. We shaU see.'
Fine writing, not truth, is the ' great object ' of Lord
Macaulay when writing about his Highland ancestors.
As it happens, the extant Gaelic literature of the period
THE CLAIM OF CELTIC STUDIES 257
proves to demonstration that the picture of the Highlander
which Macaulay paints in such lurid colours is so dis-
torted as to make it historically worthless. And if one
turns to the latest history of Scotland written on a large
scale one meets on every page with the same ignorant
and contemptuous treatment of everything Gaelic and
Celtic. Mr. HiU Burton must needs discuss the famous
Ossianic controversy. True, he knows only one of the two
languages involved, but that to him is a small detail. He
pronounces upon the merits more confidently than I would
venture to do after laboriously wading through the texts in
both languages. Had the man only known it, there lay
to his hand an argument of infinitely greater force than all
the learning and all the rhetoric expended on this foolish
controversy. How stand the facts ? James Macpherson
printed so-called translations of twenty-two poems purport-
ing to be by Ossian the son of Fingal, a reputed Gaelic bard
of the third century a.d. To this day only eleven of these
twenty-two poems have appeared in Gaelic. Again, a
favourite dictum of Mr. Hill Burton is that the Gael knew
nought of the beauty of his own land until the lesson was
taught him by a Saxon. The slightest knowledge of Gaelic
literature is sufficient to prove that no statement could be
more ridiculously untrue. The one subject which a Gaelic
poet never loses sight of is the beauty of his own land. One
wonders, indeed, whether the magician who revealed the
charm of Highland scenery to the world was not himself
inspired by a Gael.
Akin to this is the habit of belittling things merely
Gaelic. It would be attaching too much importance to
them to quote or write them correctly. One cannot believe
that Sir Walter Scott did not know that the Gaelic
patronymic of the Duke of Argyll was Mac-Cailein, and yet
the great wizard wrote Mac-Calum. Smaller writers of this
type by lapsing into definite assertions and giving illustra-
tive examples, not infrequently expose themselves to ridicule.
Some thirty or forty years ago a capable clergyman wrote a
VOL. IX. R
258 THE CELTIC REVIEW
very interesting volume descriptive of the county of Perth.
The author goes to KiUin in search of material, and when
there he hears a great deal about the Gaelic poet Duncan
M'Intyre. To add a touch of colour to his page the writer
gives sixteen lines from M'Intyre' s poem on Beinn Dorain
in the original. And now recalling the fact that the mass
of his readers like himself did not know Gaelic, he prints
as translation two stanzas in English verse. The so-called
translation is from a different poem !
As an example of what might have been, had our his-
torians made themselves better acquainted with the life of
the Gael in the past, I give in outhne a chapter from West
Highland history which is not found in any Scottish history
seen by me. It is known that in ruling his extensive
domain the great Lord of the Isles was assisted by a Council
which sat in Islay. The Records of this Council were
regularly kept, and the total disappearance of them is an
irreparable loss not only to the history of these parts, but
to the history of Scotland. The administration of the
Principality was, for the times, enUghtened and compre-
hensive, and, so far as one can gather, efficient. From the
position of political independence which the great chief
assumed it was essential that his people should be not
only numerous but healthy and strong. Accordingly we find
among his many officials a Chief Physician of the Isles who
was highly remunerated and highly honoured. In addition
to fees and perquisites he held lands which are now valued
somewhere about £600 per annum. The Chief Physician
ranked next to the leading chiefs of the Hebrides. From
the central home in Islay, physicians spread to the principal
islands and to certain stations on the mainland. Traditions,
which may in many cases be exaggerations, survive of the
great knowledge and skill of these men. But there is an old
and persistent one to the effect that upon one occasion, when
the life of the prince of Scotland was despaired of, the Islay
doctor was sent for, and that he effected a cure when the
court physicians, who unworthily tried to baffle him, failed.
Certain it is that grants of lands were made to Ferchard
BOOK REVIEWS 259
Leche ' the physician,' as is beheved in gratitude for the
services rendered on this occasion. Be that as it may, the
Gaelic physicians in Ireland and Scotland made translations
of the principal medical treatises in use throughout Europe
in the middle ages, and the number of such manuscripts now
stored in the Advocates' Library and elsewhere in this city
are an abiding proof of the learning and zeal of these men.
Perhaps enough has been said to show that if the Lowland
Scot had studied his neighbour's language, literature and
institutions he might have written his histories of Scotland
in a different spirit, and have added an interesting chapter
or two to his story.
BOOK REVIEWS
Zur Keliischen Wortkunde IV. KuNO Meyer.
In this continuation (No. 59 to No. 76) of his valuable notes contributed
to the Royal Prussian Academy of Sciences, Professor Kuno Meyer deals
with 0. Ir. agent-terms in -em ; Ir. accrlch ; accal ; Gaulish Coivbilium
(It. corr-bile) ; Ir. cadla ; Gael long-phort in place-names ; Ir. faenic, ' Phcenix ';
Ir. Benn-chor ; Cym. Ban-gor ; O. Ir. Alpe, Great Britain {Alba) ; traces of
dialect in 0. Ir. ; Ir. -irne in personal names ; grammatical terminology in
0. Ir. ; Ir. credem, gnaw; Gaul. Conginna, a woman's name (Ir. Congenn) ;
Gaul. Viro-cantus (Ir. Fer-chete) ; 0. Ir. nched {*ngo-$edon) ; ' ghost-names '
(Unnamen) of persons occurring in the first fasciculus of the new Irish
Dictionary ; 0. Ir. retaire (reader ; A. S. rcedere).
Longphort is a compound of long, ship, and port, harbour, place, both of
which Professor Meyer regards as loans from Latin. Ptolemy's river Ao'yyos,
Norse Skipafjor^r (ship-firth), now Loch Long, suggests that the loan, if it
is a loan, was taken into Celtic at a very early period. In Ireland longphort
becomes Longford in English. In Scotland there is, as Professor Meyer
states, no Longford. There is, however, Longformacus, c. 1340 Langeford
Makhous (Johnston). Zimmer connects the Irish Longfords with Viking
influence, and Professor Meyer refers to Luncarty, Perth, the scene of
a defeat of the Danes in 990 A.D. Though longphort does not take the form
Longford in Scotland, the term occurs frequently in other forms, as was
pointed out in Place-Names of Boss and Cromarty and elsewhere. The list
of them from Am Faslaghart (foslongphort), in Sutherland, southwards
would be fairly long. The term, however, seems to occur very rarely, if at
all, in the Western Isles, and on the mainland it is usually found well inland.
260 THE CELTIC EEVIEW
For the meaning attached to it in the seventeenth century, see Celtic Review,
ix. 159. The second part of Benn-chor is equated with cor (from cuir, place),
seen also in cleth-chor, ' a row of stakes ' (of. huachar). Thus Benn-chor would
mean ' a row of points or peaks, hill-peaks or rock-peaks, spikes, battlements.
It is common in Scottish topography (v. Celtic Review, v. 339). No. 75, on
'ghost-names,' i.e. names that are no names, will be read with special
interest.
An Trebraiche, Leahhran Sgoil a chiimFeum na Cloinne le Calum Mac Pharlain.
Third Edition. Stirling : Eneas Mackay. 40 pp. 3d.
Dhin Thaghte a chum Feum an Sgoilean na Gaidhealtachd : fo Ughdarras a'
Chomuinn Ghaidhealaich. Stirling : Eneas Mackay. 47 pp. 3d.
An Comhrthr^oraiche, Leahhran Sgoil le Calum Mac Pharlain. Stirling :
Eneas Mackay. 64 pp. 6i.
Companach na Cloinne, Leahhran Sgoil le Iain Mac Phaidein fo Laimh Chaluim
Mhic Pharlain. Stirling : Eneas Mackay. 86 pp. &d.
Uilleam Uallas, Iain Knoz agus Rob Ruadh le Eachann Mac Gill-Eathain fo
Laimh Chaluim Mhic Pharlain. Stirling: Eneas Mackay. 116 pp. Is.
"We have pleasure in drawing attention to the above series of books
intended for use in schools. The two first mentioned, an Trebraiche and
Dain Thaghte are well known, and, we believe, are used in most of the schools
— regrettably few in number — where Gaelic is taught. The third and fourth
on the list. An Comh-threbraiche and Companach na Cloinne are equally deserv-
ing of recognition. They are beautifully printed, though not always
perfectly machined, and misprints are few. Still better, the spelling is on
sound principles, and, so far as we have noticed, it is consistent with itself.
The editor generally observes the rule, which may be recommended to all
who write Gaelic, of avoiding unnecessary contractions. This simple rule,
if carried out in its fulness, has the eflFect at once of greatly reducing the
number of apostrophes and also of adding to the clearness and intelligi-
bility of the text. Thus, for instance, it is always better, in prose, to write
an uair than 'n uair, anns a' bheinn than 's 'a bheinn, fhreagair e is thuirt e
than fhreagair e 's thuirt e. Equally praiseworthy is the avoidance of the
provincialisms and dialectic forms which disfigure the pages of too many
Gaelic writers. The use of such, except of course, when the writer aims at
reproducing dialect as dialect, is usually an indication rather of illiteracy
than of independence. The aim of all who write Gaelic for ordinary literary
purposes should be to adhere in all respects to the literary standard,
as is done in these books.
The subject-matter of An Trebraiche, An Comh-threbraiche, and Companach
na Cloinne is for the most part original. The books do not err on the side
of ease in respect of language, nor indeed in respect of thought. It is
difficult to appraise exactly the quality of a school book without having actually
used it, but we incline to think that both An Trebraiche and An Comh-
threbraiche attempt rather too much in vocabulary to be quite suitable for
BOOK REVIEWS 261
young children, and that their matter lacks sustained interest, being too
discontinuous. This does not apply to the Companach, which consists mainly
of stories of fair length. It would be found suitable as part of the reading
for the first or second year of the Intermediate course. Some of the pieces
in Dain TJmgkte, excellent in themselves, are of distinctly Higher Grade
standard, both in thought and expression, e.(j. Evan MacColl's fine poem in
praise of Loch Duich and Angus MacEchern's on Coire Bhreacain.
The accounts of William Wallace, John Knox, and Rob Eoy Macgregor
are by that master of Gaelic style, Lachlan Maclean. They are most suitable
for reading in the Intermediate course, or in supplementary classes. Their
matter is excellent, and the same remark applies to their form, with one
qualification. Lachlan Maclean, who was a native of Coll, was not properly
acquainted with the Gaelic forms of names of places east of Drumalban,
and in consequence made them into Gaelic out of the debased forms current
in English. The present edition contains these heart-breaking errors passim
and for the benefit of future editions we give a list of them : p. 8, Dun-d^
should be Dun-dhagh (Dun-de, we believe, is sometimes heard) ; p. 9, Cill-ma-
Earnaig for Kilmarnock is more than dubious in view of the early spelling,
Kilmaronnok, which strongly suggests Cill-mo-Iibnaig ; p. 14, ' coille Methven ;
should be Coille Mheithinnigh ; p. 22, ' Forfhair,' should be Farfar ; p. 23
*Mont-r6s' should be Mon-ros. On the same page we have 'Abhainn
Forchu' for the Forth, which is most interesting if it could be believed
current in Maclean's time; p. 25, 'larla an Leamhanaich ' ; read 'Leamh-
naich; the mas. gender is curious here; p. 41, ' Bannockburn ' is usually,
rightly or wrongly, in Gaelic Allt nam Bonnach; p. 73, *Dun-eabhais,'
Duneaves, should be Tigh Neimhidh; p. 74, 'Gleann Airtnidh ' for Glen
Artney is not heard : the Gaelic varies between Gleann Artain and Gleann
Artair; ' Aird-mhoirlich,' Ardvorlich, is called in the district Aird-mhurluig ;
• Baile-chuidir,' Balquhidder, should be either Both-chuidir or Both-fuidir, the
latter is the older attested form,, and is still in use in Glendochart and west-
wards; the former is the one used in Balquhidder and district; p. 78,
' Comhair,' Comar, should be Comair; p. 80, ' Loch-Ceatharn,' Loch Katrine,
should be Loch Ceiteirein. On p. 87, 'Abhainn F^rn' apparently means the
R. Earn, of which the present day Gaelic is Abhainn Eir' ; ' Crion-laraich,'
Crianlarich, should be Crithionnlaraich ; p. 102, 'Uachdar-tire,' should be
Uachdar-thlre ; p. 114, 'Mac Neill Bharra,' better Barraigh. Apart from
this, print, paper, and editing leave little to be desired.
Ara Briathrachan Beag — School Gaelic Dictionary. By MALCOLM Macfar-
LANE. Stirling: Eneas Mackay. 192 pp. 2s. Qd. boards; 3s. Gd.
cloth.
This Dictionary, which is stated to contain 5000 words, is meant
primarily as a companion to the series of school-books noticed above, but it
is stated also to contain many other words in common use. It is thoroughly
262 THE CELTIC REVIEW
suitable for its purpose, being accurate and well printed with the words
explained standing in bold type. It is unfortunate, however, that the
erroneous forms of place-names noted above should be here repeated. The
last sixty pages of the book contain a variety of information. A capital list
of the best forms of words liable to be erroneously spelled should prove
useful, if only writers would take the trouble to consult it. To this list
might be added ionnsuigh (not ionnsuidh), and inbhir, or inbhear (not ionbhar,
which form is used by the editor himself against his better judgment).
P. 142 gives a list of national names, in which 'Sgott, Sgottach,' 'Scot,
Scottish,' look odd and unnecessary. 'Albannach ' suffices for all purposes.
In the list of personal names ' Mac C6druim ' should be, so far as we have
ever heard, Mac Codrum; Maclennan should be Mac Gill-Fhinnein, not 'Mac
Gill-Fhionnain ' ; in ' Mac Liilaich ' the «, being short, should bear no
accent mark ; ' Mac an Easgair ' (Fisher) should be Mac an lasgair. The
notes on pp. 160, 161, on inflection of nouns and adjectives should be most
useful to those who desire to write correctly. The supplement contains
also a large number of Gaelic expressions for English technical terms con-
nected with literature, counting, or numeration, punctuation marks, marks
of reference, etc., all of which, if people choose to use them, seem to be
quite suitable for their purpose. The book finishes with instructions for
proof-reading, and an example of proof-correcting. There are very few who
would not find it to their advantage to have this book at hand when
writing Gaelic.
Uirsgeulan Gaidhealach, an dara clo-bhualadh, fo laimh Chaluim Mhic Pharlain.
Stirling : Eneas Mackay. 64 pp. 6d.
Seanchaidh na Trhghad, le Iain Mac Cortnaic, fo laimh Chaluim Mhic Pharlain.
Stirling: Eneas Mackay. 64 pp. Qd.net paper; Is. net, cloth.
Seanchaidh na h-Airigh, le Iain Mac Coi-maic, fo laimh Chaluim Mhic Pharlain.
Stirling: Eneas Mackay. 61 pp. Qd. net paper ; \s. net, cloth.
The first of these three little books has reached a well-deserved second
edition. It consists of tales which gained prizes at the M6d competitions
ol An Comunn Gaidhealach, and it is an excellent specimen of the success
attained by the efforts of the Comunn to encourage Gaelic writing. If one
may single out one of the stories herein contained for special mention,
where all are good, it would be Pbsadh an Dealain D6 (the Butterfly's Wed-
ding), a delightful fairy fantasy by Hector MacFadyen, which so charmed
the present writer that he translated it for the Celtic Review. The editing is
done with Mr. Macfarlane's usual care. The booklet should be widely
read, and should be used in schools for the Intermediate course in Gaelic.
The two books of tales written by Mr. John MacCormick, and edited by
Mr. Macfarlane, contain much racy idiomatic Gaelic. The subject-matter
varies. There are smuggling and poaching stories, a tale of the China seas,
a pathetic tale of a tragedy of sea-fishing on the West Coast, and other
BOOK EEVIEWS 263
tales, all of which are exceedingly well told. Mr. MacCormick has made his
mark as a writer of Gaelic prose. His style has the essential qualities of
simplicity and naturalness. It might occasionally be improved by pruning,
for he tends to overdo adjectives — an old weakness of Gaelic prose — and he
might with advantage leave more to the imagination. 'The unelaborate
magic of the Celt ' consists largely in this very thing — in suggesting more
than it expresses, in preferring understatement to overstatement. The late
Mr. Donald Mackechnie knew this, or at any rate acted on the principle.
His Gaelic prose — it is a great thing to say — reminded one of Plato's Greek.
Mr. MacCormick's vein differs from Mackechnie's : he has an individuality of
his own. But he has this much in common with that fine writer of Gaelic
prose, that he can make common things interesting, and that he rings true.
It is an infinite pity that work like Mr. MacCormick's should not be read
widely by the youth of the Highlands. The difficulty, alas, is that our
Gaelic-speaking young people are not able to read their own language, and
their parents are too apathetic to insist on teachers for them. There is yet
time, not much time, but enough to remedy this. In the meantime all
honour and encouragement are due to those who, like Mr. MacCormick, use
the Gaelic language as a medium of literary expression. They, at any
rate, are doing what they can.
Mr. Macfarlane is due his own meed of praise for the care and compe-
tence with which these books and the others above-mentioned are edited.
Elementary Coarse of Gaelic. By Duncan Reid. Re-arranged and enlarged
by Norman Macleod, Gaelic Master, Glasgow High School. Glasgow :
Archibald Sinclair, ' Celtic Press.' 208 pp. Is. net.
This Elementary Course is published by An Comunn Gaidhealach. The
first edition, by the late Mr. Duncan Reid, was found useful by many. The
new edition is practically re-written. Mr. Norman Macleod has done his
work with the precision that might be expected from a scholar whose native
language is Gaelic, and who has studied Gaelic systematically, qualifications
which are, both of them, essential for the man who would instruct students
in the modern language.
In addition, Mr. Macleod's experience as a teacher of Gaelic is reflected
in the selection and arrangement of the matter. He is to be congratulated
on having produced a book that cannot fail to be most serviceable for begin-
ners, whether they start with a colloquial knowledge of Gaelic or not. The
book is meant to be worked on the Direct Method, and it is well suited for
that purpose. The essential feature of the Direct Method is that the pupils
shall from the beginning use the language as a medium of expression both
in speaking and writing. It is therefore based on phonetics : ear, tongue,
and brain must work in harmony. Mr. Macleod might with advantage
have laid more stress on the importance of phonetics at the outset. From
the beginning the ear should be trained to distinguish between broad and
264 THE CELTIC REVIEW
slender consonants, between single and double consonants, between the
letters c and g, t and d, h and p. Attention should be drawn to the peculiar
long sound of liquids before certain consonants, e.g. seilhh, m^anhh, dearg.
The rg group should be contrasted with the re group, e.g. dearc, dearg;
mairc, mairg. Similar attention must be given to the vowel sounds. Most
of the above points may be introduced in the first year's course. The whole
theory of Gaelic spelling depends on such points, and as they are mastered,
it comes to be seen that Gaelic spelling is in a real sense phonetic, consistent,
and adapted to represent the sounds of the language. Loose talk of its
' weirdness ' is mere ignorance. The proper use of the Direct Method
demands on the part of teacher and pupil an acquaintance, exact so far
as it goes, with Gaelic phonetics. This implies an approximation, as close
as may be, to a literary standard of pronunciation, and the avoidance of
provincialisms in set speech. A teacher who fails to keep these things
constantly in view misapprehends the basic principle of the method. It is
sometimes supposed that th'e Direct Method avoids or dispenses with
grammar. This is an error which receives no countenance from Mr.
Macleod's book. The facts of grammar have to be learned as rigorously on
the Direct Method as on any other. The point is that these facts, whether
learned by set paradigm or by induction, should be constantly exemplified
in the spoken words of the learners, followed up by written composition.
For this the book presents abundant openings and materials. There is a
Avidespread delusion that the Direct Method is easy. It is, on the contrary,
diflBcult, for it makes heavy demands on skill, resource, imagination, and
preparation on the part of the teacher, and on intelligence and alertness on
the part of pupils. It has, however, the advantage of being a living
method. Some experience of the teaching of languages has shown the
above remarks to be necessary. Mr. Macleod has wisely contented himself
with a limited vocabulary. The essence of a language is idiom, not words,
and the best results in the early stage are obtained by frequent turning over
of a comparatively small vocabulary until the learner gets the ' feel ' of the
language (Sprachgefiihl).
There are one or two statements that one would like to see expressed
differently. On p. 4 'monosyllables ending in lb, Ibh, Ig [etc.] are sounded
as two syllables; thnsfearg (fearug), dealbh (dealuv),' etc. Apart from the
apparent contradiction in terms involved here, it is the fact that 'fearug'
is not a good phonetic rendering of fearg, for what is heard is a rolled or
long r plus a glide on to the g, which might be represented by fef^g. On
p. 76 with regard to the plural of sruth, it is stated that sruthan is sometimes
used in singular to mean 'a streamlet,' hence a more distinct plural would
be sruthannan. But sruthan, streams, and sruthan, a streamlet, are identical
only to the eye. To the ear no ambiguity is possible, for the a of the
former has the dull, indeterminate sound, while the a of the latter is open.
The difference would be expressed visually in Irish — sruthan, streamlet.
BOOK EEVIEWS 265
It is to be hoped that this excellent book, on which much care and
thought have been bestowed, will receive the welcome it deserves and be
widely used wherever Gaelic is taught. W. J. Watson.
Five Irish Homilies from the Bennes MS. Text and Translation, by Rev.
James A. Geary. Reprinted from the Catholic University Bulletin,
vol. xviii., nos. 2-5, 1912.
This is a further publication from the contents of the manuscript that
contains the Irish Mandeville. The Homilies and Confession appear to date
from the time of wTiting of the manuscript, about the end of the fifteenth
century.
These Homilies are not very remarkable in subject or style. The
editor traces in prefaces and notes most of the models and authorities used ;
he gives also notes on the language of the Homilies, and an Index Verborum
Rariorum, in which, however, most of the rarities are irregularities of
spelling.
The subjects are The Resurrection, Poverty, The Conditions of Confession,
a Model of Confession, and The Eucharist.
The Homily on Poverty is composed of a series of quotations from
early writers and the Scriptures. The model confession purports to be
made in accordance with the principles laid down by Thomas Aquinas.
It follows the old safe-margin plan, more prudent than truthful, of con-
fessing more faults than have been committed. A quaint note added later,
that ' Scarcely a man in Ireland makes his confession as this book says,'
was believed by J. H. Todd to be in the handwriting of Charles O'Connor.
A. 0. A.
Prince Charlie's Pilot : a Record of Loyalty and Devotion. By Evan MacLeod
Barron. Inverness : Robert Carruthers and Sons. With map and
frontispiece. Pp. 205. 5s.
Some of our historians affect a dull, heavy style, which they are pleased
to call 'technical.' The result is a compilation with all the merits and
defects of an oflScial Blue Book, which may satisfy the pedantic reviewer
but must fail to make appeal to a wide circle of readers. Mr. Barron is not
a historian of this order. His story of Prince Charlie's pilot is a good
story, almost as entrancing as Kidnapped, and it is good history. It is
written with refreshing enthusiasm and commendable frankness. The
author is not ashamed of his Jacobite, or perhaps we should say his Highland,
sympathies. He has not written as a Jacobite so much as a Highlander, who
has good reason to be proud, as all true Highlanders are, of the part played
by the folk of the glen and the isles in the disastrous but not inglorious
' 'Forty-five.' The ' Rising ' brought out into bold relief, in those ' unhappy
far-off times,' the finest qualities of the Highland people as a whole. When
success attended the Jacobites they displayed great chivalry and humane-
266 THE CELTIC EEVIEW
ness : there are no gloomy memories of their march to Derby : their gallantry
inspired many sweet songs, which still echo amongst us. On the other
hand the deeds of their opponents after Culloden are recorded on what Mr.
Barron calls ' the blackest page in British history.' The Highlands were
swept by fire and the sword ; the innocent perished with the guilty, women
and children even were not spared, and prisoners were treated with a
degree of callousness and cruelty that one associates rather with Turkey
than with eighteenth century England. The atrocities committed by
Cumberland were bad enough, but those of the Government which allowed
the prisoners to be starved and tortured to death in the filthy hulks lying
in the Thames were undoubtedly the most shocking and most degrading
in the history of British warfare. *God forgive them,' said old Donald
MacLeod, 'but, God, let them never die till we have them in the same
condition they had us, and we are sure we would not treat them as they
treated us. We would show them the difference between a good and a
bad cause.' Donald was a better and truer man than any of his persecutors.
He was one of the many Highlanders, including Jacobites and anti-Jacobites,
to whom thirty shillings was a large sum of money, but who scorned to
betraythe hunted Prince Charlie for the enormous reward of £30,000.
This fact alone makes one proud to be a Highlander. After the time of
persecution ended and re-action set in, it made most Scotsmen and English-
men proud of men like Donald MacLeod and women like Flora MacDonald
also. Heroism must triumph in the end, be the cause good or bad.
Like the late Queen Victoria, we are all Jacobites nowadays. Bonnie
Prince Charlie is one of our national heroes, and in history there are no
nobler figures than the good and true men who suffered and died for him.
Among these Donald MacLeod takes a honoured place. We have not
heard much of him from the Blue Book historians. Yet, but for him, the
story of Charlie would have had as miserable an ending as that of poor
Mary Queen of Scots. It was to Donald that the Prince owed his escape
to the Hebrides. But for Donald he would never have been rescued by
Flora MacDonald. Mr. Barron is to be commended for introducing this
heroic figure to the general public. His book draws upon contemporary
evidence, and especially the long-neglected manuscript of Bishop Forbes,
which contains an interview with this old man of sixty-eight who was the
Prince's friend and guardian for ten weeks after Culloden. Beside Donald
stands his son, a boy of fifteen, who fought at Culloden and pulled an oar in
the Prince's boat in tempest and darkness and before the swiftly pursuing
warship. Here is a story at once thrilling and picturesque and inspiring,
in which Robert Louis Stevenson would have revelled. It has been told by
Mr. Barron once and for all with fine detail and from sound authorities.
We are confident that his readers will at length understand why so many
men and women were attracted by Prince Charlie who, in this fine volume,
appears in a new light, that is, to modern readers, and yet in the light
BOOK REVIEWS 267
which inspired the unknown poets of his time to cover his name with a
glory which no crown can ensure. To old and young Mr. Barron's book
makes an equally strong appeal. Donald A. Mackenzie.
Egyptian Myth and Legend. By Donald A. Mackenzie. London :
Gresham Publishing Company. 7s. Qd. nett.
Professor Frazer in the Scapegoat volume of the ' Golden Bough '
remarks that his analysis of certain festivals ' seems to point to a remark-
able homogeneity of civilisation throughout Southern Europe and Western
Asia in prehistoric times. 'How far,' he adds, 'such homogeneity of
civilisation may be taken as evidence of homogeneity of race is a question
for the ethnologist.' In his volume on ancient Egyptian mythology and
civilisation, Mr. Mackenzie deals with this aspect of an engrossing and
popular study. He shows that the views of the ethnologists regarding
early races agree with the evidence afforded by well-developed folk beliefs
and customs in areas of racial control. The old theories about the complete
extermination of aboriginal peoples in these islands and elsewhere by
energetic and conquering intruders have now been abandoned. Present
day cranial evidence demonstrates to a remarkable degree the fact that
even Late Stone Age man is still represented by numerous descendants
thoughout Europe : indeed, the tendency towards reversion of type is quite
pronounced in some districts. Mr. Mackenzie has accumulated much in-
teresting data to show that the pre-Dynastic Egyptians were of the same
racial type as the Pelasgians, Cretans, Italici and Iberians. The last named
were the Neolithic people of these islands, the aborigines of the Late Stone
Age. As even the most primitive folk in our own day have an intellectual
life, Mr. Mackenzie looks for traces of the beliefs and conceptions and
practices of the representatives of the Mediterranean Kace in Britain as
well as in Egypt. He shows that the racial aspect of early beliefs, ' which
was connected with fixed and definite ceremonies,
is illustrated in the Egyptian Stone-Set myth. The black pig was Set (the devil)
ia Egypt ; pork was taboo, and the swineherd was regarded as an abomination, and
not allowed to enter temples. The Gauls and Achaeans, on the other hand, honoured
the swineherd and ate pork freely, while in the Teutonic Valhal and the Celtic
(Irish) Paradise, swine's flesh was the reward of heroes. In Scotland, however, the
ancient prejudice against pork exists in localities even at the present day, and the
devil is the ' black pig.' Professor Sir John Rhys, in his Celtic Folklore, records that
in Wales the black sow of All- Hallows was similarly regarded as the devil. Even
in parts of Ireland the hatred of pork still prevails, especially among certain families.'
' This evidence,' Mr. Mackenzie adds, ' considered with that afforded by
the study of skull forms, suggests that Mediterranean racial ideas may not
yet be wholly extinct in our own country.' He suggests that the Gaulish
treatment of the boar was Asiatic, and shows that Brahma, the supreme
Hindu deity, had a boar form as ' lord of creatures ' at Creation when he
268 THE CELTIC REVIEW
* raised the earth with his tusks from the primordial deep.' Europe,
according to the ethnologists, was invaded at the close of the Stone Age by
Asiatic ' broad heads,' who formed a human wedge between the representa-
tives of the Mediterranean peoples in Britain and those of Southern Europe
and Egypt. This devil-pig myth is one of the several folk-lore links which,
the author considers, connect the ' Iberians with the intellectual life of the
early Egyptians.' Egypt received the 'Asiatic folk-stream' at the dawn
of history and during the early Dynasties, as Professor Elliot Smith has
found, and Mr. Mackenzie has compiled several interesting folk-lore
parallels in this connection, which link Siegfried and Thor and Indra with
certain Egyptian gods and heroes. He suggests that the changes in
Egyptian religion were not uninfluenced by the intruding Asiatics, who in
Europe also coloured the intellectual life of the Mediterranean peoples they
subdued.
Mr. Mackenzie gives the Egyptian myths and legends an historical setting,
and traces the rise of the Nilotic civilisation from pre-Dynastic times till the
Graeco-Eoman Age. He deals with the various deities chiefly at the periods
in which they came into prominence as a result of the political ascendency of
the peoples who worshipped them. In this way the study of Egyptian
religious beliefs and folk-tales is greatly simplified. The reader is also kept
in touch with the civilisation of Babylon, Crete, Asia Minor and Palestine,
and two chapters deal largely with Egypt's relations with the Hebrew
kings : there are numerous quotations from the Bible. The folk- tales
distributed through this volume make interesting reading; they are
arranged so as to throw light on Egyptian manners and customs, and are
compared with European and Asiatic tales of similar character. A feature
jof the book is the metrical renderings by Mr. Mackenzie of Egyptian love-
Bongs and philosophic poems, which were copied on papyri and laid in
tombs so that the dead might sing them in Paradise. A representative
lyric, which is a close rendering of the original, is sung by a girl who snares
birds in the Delta jungle.
With snare in hand I hide me,
I wait and will not stir ;
The beauteous birds of Araby
Are perfumed all with myrrh —
Oh, all the birds of Araby,
That down to Egypt come,
Have wings that waft the fragrance
Of sweetly smelling gum.
She calls on her lover to come to her, and sings,
I '11 take thee and I '11 keep thee
Within the snare of love.
The old Pharaoh Amenem Set, whose ' Instruction ' is rendered in full,
advises his heir to
BOOK REVIEWS 269
Live apart
In stern seclusion, for the people heed
The man who makes them tremble.
In the ' Lay of the Harper ' the living are advised to * eat, drink and
be merry,' because ' no soul comes back to tell us how he fares,' and it is
best to 'let our minds forget of this and dwell on better things,' The
Egyptian poet proceeds —
Never weary grow
In eager quest of what your heart desires —
Do as it prompts you . , . until that sad day
Of lamentation comes, when hearts at rest
Hear not the cry of mourners at the tomb,
Which has no meaning to the silent dead.
Then celebrate this festal time, nor pause —
For no man takes his riches to the grave ;
Yea, none returns again when he goes hence.
As will be seen, this book makes appeal from a literary as well as an
historical point of view. It unfolds the story of Egyptian life in its most
human aspects; it deals with love-making, marriage and adventure, as well
as Pyramid and Temple building, with temperance lectures as well as mytho-
logical theories, and it is written by one who is an enthusiastic and close
student of early civilisations and comparative religion. There are a number
of beautiful coloured plates reproduced from pictures l)y Professor Greiffen-
hagen, which illustrate the folk-tales, while Sir L. Alma-Tadema and others
are also represented. Numerous photographs of Egyptian deities, monu-
ments, royal mummies, etc., are distributed throughout the volume, which
is handsomely bound and beautifully printed. We commend this book to
our readers, and we observe that it is being followed by one dealing with
Indian myths and legends from the same pen. D. M'C.
270 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR
A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR AND READER
By Julius Pokorny, Ph.D., LL.D. (Vienna)
{Continued from page 192)
§ 150. -jo- and -jd- stems.
uile ' all ' ; masc. fr. *poljos ; fern. fr. *poljd ; neut. fr. *poljom.
The inflexion is the same as in the noun. (On aile, alaiU, see
§ 171).
Only in the nom. ace. voc. plur. of all genders the ending
is -i (taken from -i-stems; the neuter has this ending also in
substantival use).
But in the ace. plur. masc. when the adjective is used substan-
tivally, the ending is -(i)^i as in the noun.
§ 151. -i- stems.
7)iaith ' good ' ; masc. fr. *mdt-is, fern. fr. ^ifridt-l, neut. fr. *m9t-i.
a. In the gen. sg. the endings are those of the -o- and -d- stems;
these forms are also used substantivally.
b. In the gen. pi. there appears, beside the regular forms in
-e (maithe), a short form without any ending (maith) ; it seems
that only the longer forms could be used substantivally.
c. In the nom. ace. pi. neut. the ending -i is regular; but
when the adjective is used substantivally the ending -e may
occasionally be employed.
§ 152. -u- stems.
duh ' black ' ; masc. fr. *dhuhh-us ; fem. fr. *dhtLbh-u ; neut, fr.
*dhubh-u.
In the gen. sg. of all genders and the dat. sg. fem. the endings
are those of the -o-, -d- stems, while all plural-forms are inflected
like -i- stems.
§ 153. Consonantal stems.
There are very few examples, e.g. U'hot' (Hepents), nom. pi.
Uit {*tepent-es).
§ 154. Comparison of adjectives.
There are two comparisons :
ACCIDENCE
271
1. The comparison of equality (old suffix *-tria), which is
followed by the ace. of the noun).
e.g. dian 'hasty ' : denithir ' as hasty.'
il ' much,' mdr, mdr ' great ' and lethan ' broad ' have irregular
comparatives : lir, m^d'ir, lethidir.
2. The comparison of superiority, which has three degrees :
the positive, the comparative, and the superlative.
The comparative is formed by an old suffix *-jos
e.g. sen ' old ' : siniu ' older ' (fr. *8en-jos)
ard ' high ' : ardu ' higher ' (fr. *fdhv-jos ; cf. § 105).
The superlative is formed by an old suffix *-is-mo-
e.g. sinem (fr. O. C. *sen-i8amo-, I.E. *sen-is-mo-), ardam.
Note. — Some adjectives form their comparative and superlative
from the mere root, losing the suffix of the positive, e.g. sir 'long'
(fr. *se-ro-), comparative sia fr. *se-is, superlative sidm. Such adjectives
have also a different suffix in the comparative. In some instances the
comparative and superlative are formed from another root.
Examples of irregular comparison : —
Positive
Comparative
Superlative
accus, ociis ' near '
nessa
nessam
becc ' small '
il ' much '
l(a)ugu
lia
lugam, Haigem (cf. § 65, 3)
lethan * broad '
letha
1
maith ' good '
mdr (mdr) ' great '
ddc ' young '
ok ' bad '
ferr
mdo, md,
6iX
messa
mda
deck (deg)
mdam, mdam
6dm
messam
trdn ' strong '
tressa
tressam
§ 155. Adverbs from adjectives.
Every adjective may become an adverb by putting the article
before the dat. sg. n. of the required adjective, e.g. in raaith
' well,' in hiucc ' little.' The adjectives and participles in -de,
-the take the ending -id, -ith, e.g. ind aicnetid ' naturally ' (fr.
aicnet(a)e). In later O. Ir. adverbs are occasionally formed
with the help of the preposition co ' to,' e.g. commaith ' well.'
Only leir ' diligent ' may also take the preposition di before it.
272 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR
The comparative and superlative degrees are formed by putting
the dat. sg, of the article before the comparative or superlative
form of the respective adjective, e.g. int serhu ' more bitterly.'
(fr. Serb) ; in messam ' most badly ' (fr. olc).
Numerals
§ 156. Cardinals.
den ' one ' is uninflected and enters into composition with a
following noun. (On den ' same,' see | 169, 2.)
da (eld, p. 29, footnote), ' two.' (When unaccompanied by a
noun, ddu, do.)
masc. fem. neut.
N. A. da di' da"
G. da' da' da"
D.
dib", deib'\
tri {tri, p. 29,
footnote), '
three.' (When
unaccompanied by a
noun tri.)
masc.
fem.
neut.
N.
tri
teoir, teora
tri'
G.
tri"
teora"
tri""
D.
trih
tSor(a)ib
trib
A.
tri
teora
tri'
cethir ' four.'
masc.
fem.
neut.
N.
ceth(a)ir
cetheoir, cetheora
ceth(a)ir
G.
?
cetheora"
?
D.
? '
cetMor{a)ib
?
A.
ce(i)thri
cetheora
ceth(a)ir'
coic ' five,' se ' six,' secht"- ' seven,' ocht" ' eight,' noi" ' nine,' deicTv"
' ten,' are uninflected. For the genitive of deich" the form deec,
(later deac fr. *dvei-penk''dm) is used.
The numerals 2-10 when unaccompanied by a noun or the
article take the particle a before them.
The numerals ficJie ' 20,' tricho (tricha, p. 15, footnote) ' 30,'
*cethorcho ' 40,' *coico ' 50,' *8esco ' 60,' sechtmogo ' 70,' *ochtmogo
ACCIDENCE 273
' 80,' *n6cho ' 90/ cet ' 100,' mile ' 1000/ are substantives govern-
ing a following noun in the genitive, mile is fern., c^t is neut.,
while the tens are masculine.
The other numbers above ten are expressed in different ways.
e.g. a secht fichet ' 27/ s^ Jlr trichat ' 36 men/ sesco ar chet
* 160/ a ddu nochat ar dib cdtaih ' 292.'
§ 157. Ordinals.
cetn{a)e ' 1st ' (before tens oenmad), tdn(a)ise (aile) ' 2nd/ trisa,
tress ' 3d/ cethraTnad ' 4th/ coiced ' 5th/ se{i)ssed ' 6th/ sechtmad
' 7th/ ochtmad ' 8th/ ndmad ' 9th/ dechmad ' 10th/ fichet-mad
' 20th/ trichat-mad ' 30th/ etc., cetmad ' 100th.'
In expressing other ordinal numbers above ten the unit digit
only is an ordinal number, the tens being added in the genitive
case, the hundreds by means of the preposition ar.
e.g. in sechtmad cethorchat ' the 47th/ ind ochtmad rann
Jichet ' the 28th part.'
Pronouns and Adjectives connected therewith
§ 158. Personal pronouns.
Sing. 1st per. ')ne ' I,' emphaticform me{i)8se
2nd pers.iu 'thou,' „ „ tussu
3rd pers. {h)4 ' he,' „ „ {h)e-som (-sium), {h)e-side
si ' she,' „ „ sissi, si-ede
(h)ed' it' „ „ (h)ed on, (h)e{d)-se
Plur. 1st pers. sni ' we,' „ ,, snisni, snini, sisni, sinni
2nd pers. si ' you/ „ „ sissi, sib
3rd pers. (i^y they' „ „ {h)e-sidi, {hy-se
§ 159. Infixed personal pronouns.
I. 11. III.
Sg. 1st pers. m(my tom\ tum\ tam(my, dom\ dum\ dam{m,y
doni, dum, dam(my
2nd pers. f tot\ tat\ f dit\ daf
3rdpers.masc.a", -" t" (ta") (i)d'', {did"), d'\ -\ {da")
fem. s", s ta, da da
neut.a ,-' f (i)d^, {did^), -
VOL. IX. S
274 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR
Plur. 1st pers. n{n) ton, tan{n), don din, don, dun, dan(n)
2nd pers, h (/) tob, tab, dob, dub dib, dob, dub, dab
3rd pers s", s to, da da
a. After tlie negative particle na (nad) the infixed pronouns
appear in the following forms : sing. 1. nachim- (nacliarrC -),
2. nachit- (nachat-), 3. m. nacli"-, f. nacha-, n. nach'- (nachid'-,
nadid'-); plur. 1. nachin- (nachan-), 2. nachib- (nachab-), 3.
nacha-.
But in the 3rd pers. sg. and pi. of relative verbal forms which
are capable of eclipsis (§ 28), when eclipsis (which is not obliga-
tory) takes place, the infixed pronouns which follow the eclipsing
n appear in the sg. m. as d", f. as da, n. as d', in the pi. as da.
b. Class I. is used after prepositions and particles ending
originally in a vowel (ro-, no-, do-, ar-, imm-, etc.) which
is elided before a and a". But ni-\-a gives ni. Old dis-
syllabic prepositions, as ar-, imm- {*pre, *mbhi), keep their final
vowel before infixed pronouns beginning with a consonant. The
quality of this vowel (which appears as a, e, i, or ^^,) depends on
that of the surrounding consonants, but is often changed by
analogy. (Of. § 81.)
Class II. is used after the preverbal prepositions ad-, aith-,
com-, ess-, etar-, for-, frith-, in-, ad-, ess-, in- become with
the dental of the pronoun at-, while coin- and frith- become cot-,
frit(t)-, and aith- becomes at(t)-.
Class III. is regularly used after i" ' in which,' after prep.+rel,,
after the conjunctions ara"; dia", con"", co" and after the
interrogative in- (§ 165).
It is further very often used when the verb is relative (that is
to say, when the subject or object of the verb is emphatically
brought forward with the copula — e.g. is Crist pridches ' it is
Christ who preaches' — or in the cases mentioned in § 28),
though in the first and second persons the forms of Class I. and
II, prevail.
c. After the conjunctions da (ce, ci), ceni, ma, mani, followed by an
ACCIDENCE 275
indicative, (i)d^ is regularly infixed unless there be an infixed pronoun.
Simple verbs take no- before them which serves to infix the d'. The
infixed pronoun of the 3rd sg. masc. and neut. appears after the
mentioned particles as {i)d.
d. The infixed pronouns are regularly inserted immediately
before the stressed syllable (§ 53). When simple verbs are not
preceded by (unstressed) no-, ro-, or one of the particles men-
tioned in § 53, 2 b-e, the particle no- is prefixed in order
to infix a personal pronoun. See further § 29. But the
infixed pronouns follow the forms of the copula ; in this case
Class III. is used for the third person.
Examples : —
ad a. con-nachn-ing6uin ' so that he knew him not,' ar-nacha-iisa
* lest they should come to them,' na-n-da-tiberad ' that he would not give
it ' (le. the flesh ; /Ml is fem. in 0. Ir.). Cf. § 28 g.
ad b, I. ni-m-charai-sa 'they do not love me,' ni-cheil 'he does not
hide it ' (but ni-ceil ' he does not hide '), r-a-lUic ' he left him ' (cf. § 34
note), aro-h-roinasc, 'I have betrothed you,' immu-s-duinetar (with
eclipsed c, i e, (7) ' they hear one another.'
II. atam-grennat (fr. ad-greinn or in-greinn), ' they pursue me,' cotn-
erha, 'he entrusts himself ,' for-dob-moinetar, 'they envy you.'
III. in-dii-moide 'in which thou shouldst boast,' amail imm-i-n-d-rditset
(see § 29) ' as they were thinking of him,' con'{d)id-molathar ' so that
he praises Aim,' in fer do-da-aidlea (fr. -ad-ella) 'the man who visits her,'
in gnim ar-id-gair 'the deed which he forbids.'
ad c. mani-d-chreiid 'if you do not believe,' ce no-d-chara 'though he
loves,' ci as-id-beir ' though he says it'
ad d. amal for-n-da-cbn-gair, 'as he orders them,' ni-ru-m-chhrn-ar-
Uicis ' thou hast not permitted me,' d-a-gnhi-sa ' I do it,' issa-t-icen ' it
is necessary for thee' {issa-t in proclitic position fr. *esti-\-tu ; cf. § 81),
iss-idn-aithrech 'it is repentant for him, i.e. he repents.'
§ 160. Suffixed personal pronouns.
I. After verbs.
Sg. 1. -um, 2. -ut (-at), 3. masc. neut. -i (after the 1 and 2 pi.
-it), fem. -us.
PI. 1. -unn, 3. -us.
276 A CONCISE OLD lEISH GRAMMAR
e.g. beirthi ' he carries him ' (fr. older *beretM= I.E. *bhereti+
im), guidmit ' we pray for it,' beirthius ' he carries them ' (fr.
older *berethisu = I.E. *bhereti + sons).
These suffixed pronouns are used only after the simple verbal
forms.
II. After prepositions.
Most of the simple prepositions combine with the disjunctive
forms of the personal pronouns. The primitive order of things
has been much disturbed by the working of analogy. All
the combinations may take an emphatic suffix.
A. Prepositions governing the dative : —
a ' out of '
di 'from'
do ' to '
flad ' in pre-
sence of
Sg. 1.
dim
dom, dam
fiadam
2.
essiut
dit
duit, dait, d(e)it
3. m. n.
ast
de
ddu, d6 (dossom)
f.
e(i)ssi, e(i)88e
di {dissi)
di {dissi)
PI. 1.
din(n)
diln(n)
2.
dib
diiib
fiadib
3.
e{i)s8ib
diib, dib
do(a)ib, duaib, d6ib
fiad(a)ib
iar ' after ' \ is ' below '
1
oc ' at '
re" ' before '
Sg. 1.
3. m. n.
f.
PI. 1.
2.
3.
iarmut
iarum
is(8)um
*ocum
*ocut
oc(c)o, oc{c)a
occ(a)i, occae
ocunn
*ocaib
occaib
*remum, rium
remut, *riut
riam
remi
*remunn, riunn
remib
i(« (6) ' from '
■ixxs (ds) 'above
Sg. 1.
2.
3. m. □.
f.
PI. 1.
2.
3.
(h)iiaim{m)
(h)iiait
{h)iiad, (h)iiaid
{hi'&adi, {h)iiade
{h)iiain{n), h'dan(n) (dn-ni)
lh)ilaib
ih)tia{i)dib (ddib)
tiaaum
{*iia80, *«icwa.')
68ib(Wh.)
ACCIDENCE
B. Prepositions governing the accusative : —
277
amal 'like'
cen ' without '
CO 'to'
eter 'between'
Sg. 1.
samlum
ciiccum
etrum, etrom
2.
*8amlut
cenut
cuc(c)ut
3. m. n.
saml(a)id
cen{a)e
cuc(c]i
etir, itir
f.
cucae, cutcce
PL 1.
cucunn
etrun{n), etron(n)
2.
cenuib
cuc{c)7iib
etruib
3.
aamlaih
cenaib
cuccu
etarru, etarro
fri ' towards '
imvi ' about '
la ' with '
Sg. 1.
frim(m),frium{m)
immum
lem{m), lim(m),lium{m)
2.
frit(t),friut(t)
immut
lat{t)
3. m. n.
friss
imbi
leiss, less, laiss
f.
frie
wipe
lee (laee, Id)
PI. 1.
frinn
tmmunn
linn
2.
frib
immib
lib
3.
friu
impu, impo
Uu, Uo
seek ' past '
tar (dar) ' over '
tri (tre) ' through
Sg. 1.
*seckui7i
*torum
trium
2.
*sechut
torut
triut
3. m. n.
sechix
tarais
triit, trtt
f.
*secce
*tair8e
tree
PL 1.
*torunn
triun{n)
2.
triib
3.
seccu
tairsiu
tr4u, tr6o
C. Prepositions governing the dative and accusative : —
ar (*pre) ' for '
ar (*perd) ' for'
fo ' under '
for ' on '
Sgr.l.
airium
erum
form, forum
2.
3. dat. m. n.
dat. f.
1
1
emit
1
1
f6uj6
fort
fuiri
3. ace. m. n.
atrt
foi
fair, foir
ace. f.
*f0(B
forrae
PL 1.
erunn, eronn
fomn, fm-un{n)
2.
3. dat.
airib, airiu(i)b
1
eruib
1
foih
fuirih, fo{i)rib
for(a)ib
3. ace.
airriu
emi, emu
forru
* The accusative forms of ar are also used for the dative.
278 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAK
i" 'in.'
Sg. 1. indmm(m), 2. *indiut, 3. dat. m. n. and f. indi, 3. ace. m. ii.
ind, f. inte.
PI. 1. indiunn, 2. indib, 3. dat. indib, 3. ace. intiu.
§ 161. Possessive pronouns.
Sg. 1. mui ' mine,' 2. *^ui (?) ' thine,' 3. ai (de) ' his,' ' hers.'
PL 1. athar, dr (cf. § 79) ' ours,' 2. sethar, sdr 'yours,' 3. ai
{de) ' theirs.'
§ 162. Possessive adjectives ( = unstressed forms of the
pronouns).
Sg. 1. vnd (mu'), ' my,' 2. do' (du), ' thy,' 3. m. n. a\ ' his, its,'
3. f. a, ' her.'
PI. 1. ar", ' our,' 2. for^, far"", ' your,' 3. a^ ' their.'
The vowels of mo and do are elided whenever they follow for or a pre-
position ending originally in a vowel (after tar, dar, the usage varies),
or when they are followed by a word beginning with a vowel (or —
from the ninth century onwards — •/ ). But in the latter case the vowel
may be preserved as well. When the vowel is elided, d becomes t,
which is liable to aspiration ; wi' is never aspirated. After preposi-
tions ending in -r, or in a vowel, far" may appear as &ar" (^^var").
e.g. form chiunn ' upon my head,' t'airde or do airde ' thy token,'
ar bar n-imniud ' on account of your trouble.'
§ 163. Interrogative pronouns.
Sg. m. f. cia ' who ? ' n. cid ' what ? ' gen. coich ' whose.'
PI. cit n-e ' who are they ? ' ' what are they ? ' (cit = cia -f 3 pi.
of the copula ; cf. § 31).
The interrogative pronoun always comes first in a sentence, while
the following verb must be relative (§ 158 b).
I 164. Interrogative adjectives.
Sg. m. cia (ee, ci), f. ce-si ci-si' ' which ? ' n. ced' {cid')
' what ? '
PI. cit 7i-e ' what are . . . ? '
In some instances cesi, ced are replaced by cia, e.g. c{ia) indas,
' how ? ' {indas ' state, kind ' is n.).
ACCIDENCE 279
cote, cate ' what is ? ' coteet, cateet, cateat ' what are ? '
secM ' whosoever,' ' whatsoever,' pi. sechit{at)n-e. ( = sechi+
3 pi. of the copula; cf. § 31).
On the interrogative adjectives before the copula, see § 193.
§ 165. Interrogative particles.
m" (before h:im), 'whether,' -in" — m'^ ■in" — ha( = va), fa
' whether — or.'
cani (before proclitic ro- : cain) is used where an aflSrmative
answer is expected.
§ 166. Relative pronouns.
In 0. Ir. there is only one proper relative particle -C6" or -sa''
which is used after prepositions
e.g. lassa" ' with whom, with which,' fora" (or foraa"") ' on
whom, on which.'
The prepositions do and di with the relative become dia"*, fo
becomes foa", fua" or /o", while i" is used for the simple preposi-
tion as well as for prep. + rel.
a" ' what,' ol-suide m. f. ' which,' ol-sodain n. ' what ' serve
only as the subject or the object of the verb.
On relative inti (ani, etc.), nech, ni, nani, each, see §§ 168, 170.
On relative construction, see §§ 159 b, 28, 26, 17.
§ 167. Emphatic particles.
The emphatic particles may be used with the possessive adjec-
tives, the personal pronouns and verbal forms. They are not
attached immediately to the possessive adjectives or to the
forms of the copula, but come next to the following fully-stressed
word. Mofit of them have broad and slender forms according
to the quality of the final sound of the words to which they are
attached,
broad slender
Sg. 1. -sa -se (sea)
-Slum
2.
-su,'^ -so ^
-siu
3. m.
-som ^ (-suTYi ^ -sam ^)
-sem.
f.
-si
-si
280 A CONCISE OLD IBISH GEAMMAR
n.
-8om ^ {stum ^ -sam ^)
s6n, on
-sem,
-sium
PL 1.
-ni, -nai
-ni
2.
-si
-si
3.
-som^ ,
-sem,
-sium
^ These broaxl spellings are also used after slender final sounds ; in
the third persons the broad spellings prevail even after slender sounds.
Examples: am rise '1 am a king,' as-blr-so (or -su, -siu)
' thou sayst/ a flaith-som (or -sem, -sium) ' his sovereignty,' do-
ssom ' to him ' (§ 160 II. a).
In the 3 sg. n. with forms of the copula only son, on can be
used.
sdn, 6n may also be used in explanations in the sense of * that is to say.'
e.g. intan imme-romastar sdn nach nuib 'that is, when any saint
sins.'
See further § 168, 5.
§ 168. Demonstrative Pronouns and Adjectives.
1. The article, when combined with a following affixed -{h)i
e.g. m. int-i (f. ind-i, n. aii-i, g. sg. m. n. ind-i, f. inna-hi,
etc.) has the meaning ' he, the aforementioned,' before
a relative verb ' he who.'
e.g. inti Dia * God,' ani as maith ' that which is good.'
2. The pronouns so, sa (after words ending in a palatal sound
mostly se, seo, sea) 'this,' sin 'that,' tall, ucut 'yonder, there'
are used after a noun preceded by the article
e.g. in fer sin ' that man,' ind eich se {seo, sea) ' of this
horse.'
Note. — i-siu (not i-se, i-seo), i-sin, i-thall serve as the emphatic forms
of the aforementioned pronouns. They may also be used substan-
tivally without an accompanying noun, preceded only by the article,
e.g. in fer i-siu 'this man,' inti thall 'that yonder,' innahi-siu
do-mmeil * those things which he eats.'
3. inso (inse), so (se) ' this,' insin, sin ' that ' are used as
ACCIDENCE 281
subject or object of a verb, after prep. + sufF. pron., and after the
comparative of equality. When forming predicate nouns they
must be preceded by a personal pronoun of the third person,
e.g. do-gni {in)sin ' he does that,' airi (in)sin ' on account
of that,' is lerithir {in)so ' it is so diligently,' is si rn^it
(in)sin ' that is the extent.'
4. In prepositional phrases se ' this ' is used as accusative
neuter, siu (or sund) as dative, while sin ' that ' is used for both
cases.
e.g. co-sse ' up to this,' de-Hu or di-sund ' from this,' iar-sin
' afterwards.'
Note. — siu, sund, sin may also be used adverbially, meaning 'here.'
sin may be used after the comparative
e.g. mdo sin 'greater than this.'
5. The dat. and ace. of suide ' he, she, this ' are fully stressed
and regularly inflected, though the dat. pi. may be sometimes
used for the accusative. For the accus. sg. neut. the form
8od{a)in is used. The dat. and ace. are used with prepositions
and after the comparative,
e.g. la 8od{a)in ' therewith,' do suidiu ' to him,' moo suidiu
' greater than this.'
The nom. and gen. are enclitic and may serve as emphatic
particles.
(a.) nom. sg. m. side (sede), f. side, ede, ade (ide), de n. side ;
pi. sidi, side, adi, di, ade (ide), de.
These forms are used as the subject of a verb or they are
attached to the third persons of the personal pronoun ; they
may be further attached to a verb, going with an infixed
pronoun.
e.g. do-heir side ' he gives ' ; nirbu litir ade ' it was not a
letter ' ; is d-side as-heir * he says ' (i.e. it is he who
says) ; ni-sn-dirmim sidi ' I reckon them not.'
(b.) gen. sg. m. n. sidi, adi (idi), di, (ade, de) f. ade (ide), de
pi. m. f. n. ade (ide), de (adi, di).
These forms are attached to a noun preceded by a possessive
282 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR
pronoun e.g. a iress sidi * his faith ' ; a dilde ade ' her beauty,'
a thorh{d)e de ' his profit.'
§ 169. Definitive pronouns and adjectives.
1. ' Self is expressed by diiferent forms in different persons.
Sg. 1. f4in,fad6in, cHn, caddin;
2. fMn, fadiin ;
3. m.n. /e(i)ssi7i, fd{i)sin, fdin, fesine, fade{is)sw, fad6ne, cesin,
cadesin ;
f . fe{i)sine, fiisne, feissin, Jissin, fadisin.
PL 1. fesine, fanisin, canisin;
2. fiisne, fi(i)sin, fadiisne, fadisin ;
3. fisine, fiisne, fe{is)sin, fade{i)sine, fad4{i)sne, fadesin, fedesin,
cadesne, cadisin.
The quantity of the internal e seems uncertain, except in the 1. and
2. pers. sg.
2. 'The same' is expressed by the undeclinable innonn,
innunn {sinnonn, sinnunn) or by the declinable din (den)
which precede the respective nouns or by cetn{a)e (§ 156) which
follows its noun.
The substantive ' the same ' is expressed by the neuter case
of din (oen) preceded by (s)innonn, {s)innunn.
§ 170. Indefinite pronouns.
1. necli 'any one, anything,' nom. ace. n. ni or na-ni, gen.
neich, dat. neuch, neoch. For the plural the forms of alaile
(araile) ^ are used, nech is often used before a relative verb e.g.
do neuch as maith ' concerning whatever is good.'
2. nechtar de or nechtar n-ai ' either of them ' (uninflected).
3. each (nom. dat. ace.) ' every one,' gen. cdich ; n. each (cech) ni.
When used before a relative verb it takes the article before it.
4. cechtar de or cechtar n-di 'each of them' (later also
cechtardae diih).
5. alaile {araile) ^ m. f. ' another,' n. alaill (araill)} ace. pi. m.
alailiu (arailiu),^ gen. sg. f. ala-aile, gen. pi. ala n-aile, nom.
pi. ala-aili or alaili.
Note. — Instead of alaile : aile (n. aill) may be used preceded by the
article or by nach (n. na) 'any.'
' The r arose by disBimilation, due to the foUowbig I.
ACCIDENCE 283
6. indala n-ai ' one of the two ' (uninflected).
7. ' a chele ' ' the other,' is likewise uninflected.
§ 171. Indefinite adjectives.
1. nacfi 'any/ nom. ace. n. na; dat. gen. sg, ra. and n. nach;
gen. sg. f., pi. nom. ace. f. n. and ace. m. nucha ; pi. dat. nach.
2. each, cech 'every'; dat. m. n. cech, each; gen. m. n. cech,
each (caich); gen. f. cecha, caclia {cache); plur. in all persons
cacha, cecha or each, cech.
each {cech) Sen ' every one ' ; each n-de, each de, each {h)de,
each he (or cech n-de and) ' each of them/ later also each de diib.
3. aile ' another/ n. aill, follows its noun.
alaile, n. aXaill {araile, araill) ^ ' a certain ' stands before its
noun. (Very seldom it has the meaning ' another).
indala — aile, alaile 'the one — the other, plural alaili —
alaili ; with distributive meaning, each-la . . . aile ' the one — the
other.'
e.g. indala fer — in fer aile, or indala fer — alaile ' the one
man — the other ' ; eaeh-la cein — in cein n-aili ' at one
time — at another time.'
§ 172. Adverbs of place.
Rest
Motion towards the
speaker
Motion from the speaker
east, in front
t-air
8-air
an-air
west, behind
t-iar
s-iar
an-lar
north, left
iuaid
fa-thtiailh
{sa-thilaid)
an-hiaid
south, right
dess {less)
fa-des8 (sa-dess)
an-des8
here
sund
i-lle(i)
de-alu
over there, yonder
t-all
mn-onn, iim-unn
an-all
above
t-icas
s-i'ias
an-iias
below
t-is
s-is
an-is
outside
di-an-echtau'
s-echtar, s-echtair
an-echiar, {di-)an-
echfair
Examples : it hi sin inna ranna as-ruhart Mas ' those are the parts
which he has mentioned above ' ; Uii stlas * he goes upwards ' ; doW
an'ua.s 'he comes from above.'
In prepositional use : fri Emuin andess ' south of Emain//r/M antijuid
'to the north of them//n tech am'ias 'above the house.'
284 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GKAMMAR
THE VERB
§ 173. General Remarks.
1. According to the formation of the stem, we can distinguish
between weak verbs (formed mostly from nouns or adjectives)
and strong (or radical) verbs.
The former show after their root a vocalic suffix -a- or -%- of
various origin (-a- and -I- verbs). This suffix can clearly be
seen in the compositional form of the 3. sg. pres., e.g. ni-marba
* he does not kill ' (fr. O. C. *-marv-d-t), or ad-rimi ' he reckons '
(fr. O. C. *-rim-l-t), ad-suidi ' he keeps ' (fr. O. C. *-sod-l-t),
while the compositional 3. sg. pres. of radical verbs has lost
its ending in O. Ir. e.g. ni-ben{d)id ' you do not strike ' (fr.
I.E. *-hhi-nd-te), as-beir 'he says' (fr. I.E. *-bher-e-t).
On the hiatus-verbs, whose root ended in a vowel in 0. Ir.,
see § 181.
2. Every verb has short (compositional) and long (non-
compositional) endings. ^
The short endings are found in compositional verbal forms, i.e.
(a) in compound verbs, whether they are stressed on their first
element (genuine compounds) or not (non-genuine compounds)
cf. § 53.
(b) in simple verbs, when these are preceded by a preverb,
i.e. the verbal particles ro-, no-, or any of the particles and
conjunctions (mentioned in § 53, 2 and § 211) with which
they enter into so-called non-genuine composition.
Special relative endings are only found in the non-composi-
tional active 3. sg., 1. and 2. pi. of indicative and subjunctive
present, future and preterite of single verbs, while in the third
persons of non- compositional passive and deponent forms of
single verbs, as well as in the 1. pi. of deponent verbs, the
relative endings are identical with the endings of the corre-
sponding compositional forms.
In the non-compositional passive preterite of simple verbs,
only the non-compositional forms are also used in a relative
sense. In the non-compositional active 1. and 2. sing, and 2. pi.
ACCIDENCE 285
of the pres. ind., pres. subj. and fut. of simple verbs, when they
are used relatively, the particle no- is prefixed.
3. The passive has special forms only for the third persons
singular and plural. The other persons are expressed by means
of the 3. sg. with infixed pronouns, e.g. no-m-berar * I am
carried/ no-n-berar * we are carried/ etc.
4. In later O. Ir. the deponential inflexion gradually gives
way to the active; in the imperfect indicative, past subjunc-
tive, and secondary future, as well as in the 2. pi. of all moods
and tenses, and in the 3. sg. imperative active inflection only is
found.
§ 174. Preverbal Particles.
1. The particle no- {nu-, § 116, 3) is used
(a) regularly with the imperfect indicative, past subjunctive
and secondary future of simple verbs, when they are not preceded
by any of the particles and conjunctions (so-called ' proverbs,'
§ 53, 2 and § 211) which enter into so-called non-genuine
composition with the following verbal form.
(b) under similar conditions, in other parts of the simple
verb, in order to infix a personal pronoun or relative -n- (cf. the
note below).
(c) in some parts of the verb in a relative function, see
§ 173,2b.
2. The particle ro- (ru-, ra-, § 116, 3, 4) is used as follows: —
(a) It converts a preterite (ind. or subj.) or narrative tense
into a perfect, while an imperfect is turned into a consuetudinal
perfect, e.g. as-bert ' he said ' ; as-ru-bart ' he has said.'
(b) In a dependent clause of a general sentence it gives a
present (ind. or subj.) the force of a perfect, e.g. in in nuall
do-n-gniat ho ru-maith fora ndimtea remib ' the cry that they
make when their enemies are routed by them.'
(c) It gives a pres. subj., which is used in a future sense, the
force of a future perfect, while a past subjunctive is turned into
a pluperfect, e.g. dia n-erbalam ni, ni-bia nech 'if we shall
have died, there will be no one.'
286 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR
(d) It expresses possibility (except in the ind. pret. and impf.)
e.g. cia ru-bd cen ni diih, ni ru-bai cenaib huili ' though it can
be without some of them, it cannot be without all of them ' ; ni
d-a-r-genat ' they will not be able to do it.'
(e) With the subjunctive it is regular
(a) in wishes ;
(^) after acht ' provided that/ re-siu ' before ' ;
(7) after co'\ cotV^ ' until ' when following a negative sentence.
(f) It is also occasionally found with other subjunctives
where the usage is less defined and the force of the particle ro- is
less obvious.
(a) in negative commands, e.g. ni to-r-gaitha ' he should not
defraud him.'
(^) in indefinite relative clauses and relative clauses ranging
from possibility to purpose, e.g. na maith ro-be ' whatever good
there is'; boi ni ro-glante and 'there was something to be
purified there.'
(7) in final clauses; also after adjectival expressions, like 'it
is necessary, meet, fitting,' etc., e.g. arna ro- chretea ' that he may
not believe ' ; is huisse ce ru-samaltar fri Crist ' it is right that
he be compared to Christ.'
3. In some verbs other particles are employed instead of ro-,
such as ad- (frequent in compounds beginning with com-), e.g.
con-scar ' destroys ' : con-ascar ; cotyi-, e.g. as-oirg ' smites ' :
as-com-ort ' has smitten ' ; ess-, e.g. ibid ' drinks ' : as-ib ' has
drunk.' A double preposition appears in do-essid {*de-eks-sesod-e),
perf. of saidid ' sits,' which has for its preterite siasair.
Sometimes a different root is employed, e.g. do-rat ' has given,'
do-bert 'gave,' to do-heir 'gives'; ro-ld 'has thrown,' fo-caird
' threw,' to fo-ceird ' throws.'
In some verbs there is no distinction between ro- forms and
ro-less forms, e.g. in all compounds of -ice (do-ice ' comes,'
con-ice ' is able,' ro-icc ' reaches,' etc.), ro-fitir ' knows,' ad-bath
' died,' etc.
Note. — In the future and secondary future of the substantive verb
(under the conditions given in § 174, 1. a) ro- serves to infix a personal
pronoun.
ACCIDENCE 287
On the preverbal prepositions see § 211. On the other
preverbs see § 53, 2.
4. In ad-ci ' sees ' and ro-cluinethar ' hears ' the narrative
tenses are expressed with the aid of co", e.g. co-cualcie ' he heard ' ;
but CO" is dropped after the particles and conjunctions men-
tioned in § 53, 2 be.
On the Formation of the Moods and Tenses
§ 175. The Present Stem.
From the present stem are formed the present indicative, the
imperfect indicative, and the imperative.
While the present stem of the weak verbs (§ 173, 1) is
identical with the common verbal stem, the present stem of
radical verbs is formed from the common verbal stem in four
different ways :
1. By adding the thematic vowels e (in the 2. and 3. sg. and
2. pi.) and 0, in the 1. sg. o.
e.g. as-heir ' he says ' fr. I.E. *eJcs-bher-e-t, as-beram ' we say '
fr. I.E. *eKs-bher-o-7nos.
2. By infixing an n before the final <^ or g of the stem and
adding the thematic vowel e/o.
e.g. bongid 'breaks' fr. I.E. *bho-n-g-e-ti, root *bhog.
3. By adding palatal suffixes.
e.g. gaibid ' takes ' fr. I.E. *ghabh-i-ti, gaibit ' they take ' fr.
I.E. *ghabh-i-nti, midithir 'judges ' fr. 0. C. *med-je-trai.
4. By adding a suffix -na- (fr. *7ia) or -nu-,
e.g. -ren(a)id 'you sell' fr. I.E. *pr-n9-te; do-lin ' flows 'fr.
O. C. Ho-li-nu-t, 3. pi. do-linat fr. 0. C. Ho-li-nu-nt (0. C. li-
fr. I.E. >^, § 132).
§ 176. Present and Past Subjunctive.
In O. Ir. there are two types of subjunctive :
1. The s- subjunctive, formed from radical verbs, whose root
ends in a dental, a guttural or nn (fr. *ndn, nkn, etc. ).
Its stem is formed by adding an s- which becomes assimilated
to the final consonant of the root ; with the exception of the 3. sg.
288 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR
active and deponent and 2. sg. deponent a thematic vowel e/o
appears before the ending just as in § 175, i.
e.g. saidid ' sits,' 3. sg. pres. subj. seiss, fr. *sed-8-ti, composi-
tional form : -s4 fr. *sed-s-t.
Note. — The subjunctive stem shows occasionally a different vowel-
gradation from the present stem ; as a rule the normal vowel-grade is
found ; the verbs beginning with /- show an analogical e
e.g. dingid ' crushes ' f r. *dhi-n-§h-e-ti ; 3. sg. subj. d4is fr. *dheigh-s-
ti ; ad-fiadat ' they tell ' fr. I.E. *ad-veid-o-nt, 3. pi. subj. ad-fessat fr. O. C.
*ad-ved-S'0-nt. (As the full root is veid, the reduced form would be vid
as in fiss f r. *vid-tus ; the e is due to the influence of e- verbs, like fedid
' leads.')
2. All the other verbs have the a- subjunctive.
Its stem is formed by adding the suffix -a- to the common
verbal stems; of course the thematic vowel, the nasal and
palatal suffixes, and the infixed -n-, which are used in forming
the present stem of radical verbs, do not appear in the subjunc-
tive-, future-, and preterite- stem.
e.g. be{i)rid ' carries,' 3. sg. pres. subj. her(a)id fr. *bher-d-ti,
compositional form -bera fr. *bher-d-t ; -ben{a)id ' you strike,'
fr. *bhi-nd-te, compositional 3. sg. pres. subj. -b'ia, fr. %hi-d-t;
gaibid 'takes' fr. *ghabh-i-ti, 3. sg. pres. subj. gab(a)id fr.
*ghabh-d-ti.
Note 1. — The final -a in the compositional 3. sg. pres. subj. of the
weak i- verbs is due to the influence of the other verbal classes,
e.g. *ad-nm-i-a4 (3. sg. pres. subj. of ad-rimi 'reckons') would have
regularly given *ad-rime (cf. § 46) and not ad-rimea, as we- have it in
O. Ir.
Note 2. — In Mid. Ir. mairnid 'betrays' and at-haill 'dies* the
subjunctive stem has the normal vowel grade mer, g'el, while in the
present the reduced vowel grade mf, gH appears, mairnid and at-haill
are analogical transformations of older *marnaid (I.E. *mf-na-ti) and
*ad-ball (0. C. ad-halnat, *ad-gH-nd-t). Similarly those radical verbs,
which form their present stem by means of a palatal suffix (§ 175, 3)
and show a reduced vowel grade in the present, as gainithir (fr.
*gn-je-trai) * is born ' or the compounds of -moinethar (fr. *-inn-je4ro),
show the normal vowel grade {^en, men) in the subjunctive.
THE CELTIC REVIEW
APRIL 191 4
THE F^ILEADH-BEAG IN THE SEVENTEENTH
CENTURY
J. Reoch
In the Journal of John Aston ^ which relates his experience
as ' a privy chamber-man extraordinary ' to Charles I.,
when the king was with the English army during the cam-
paign of 1639, known as the First Bishops' War, there
occurs a graphic description of the Highlanders attached
to the opposing Scots army. Aston, whose journal shows
him to have been a cultured and intelligent gentleman,
of an observant disposition, visited in person the encamp-
ment of the Scots on Dunse Law, so that his testimony is
that of an eye-witness. The following is the passage referred
to (I quote it in full, as it is of great interest and not at
all well known) : —
'Most guessed them [the Scots army] to bee about 10
or 12,000 at the most, accounting the highlanders, whose
fantastique habitt caused much gazing by such as have
not scene them heertofore. They were all or most part
of them well timbred [well-made] men, tall and active,
apparrelled in blew woollen wascotts and blew bonnetts.
A paire of bases of plad, and stockings of the same, and a
paire of pumpes on their feete : a mantle of plad cast over
the left shoulder, and under the right arm, a pocquett
before for their knapsack, and a pair of durgs [dirks : or
possibly intended for dags, i.e. pistols] on either side the
VOL. IX. T
290 THE CELTIC REVIEW
pocquet. They are left to their owne election for their
weapons ; some carry onely a sword and targe, others
musquetts, and the greater part bow and arrowes, with a
quiver to hould about 6 shafts, made of the maine of a
goat or colt, with the haire hanging on, and f astned by some
belt or such like, soe as it appeares allmost a taile to them.
Theise were about 1000, and had bagg-pipes (for the most
part) for their warlick instruments. The Laird Buchannan
was theire leader. Theire ensignes had strange devices
and strange words, in a language unknowne to mee, whether
their owne or not I know not.'
This passage is especially interesting in that it contains,
so far as I know, the earliest distinct reference to the wear-
ing of the kilt and shoulder plaid as separate garments,
as distinguished from the belted plaid. The words, ' a
paire of bases of plad and stockings of the same ... a
mantle of plad cast over the left shoulder and under the
right arm,' clearly point to this. The word bases signified
a plaited skirt, reaching from the waist to the knee, appended
to the doublet or secured to the girdle. It was sometimes
worn over armour, and the expression, * a pair of bases,'
occurs in this sense in Shakespeare's Pericles , ii. 1. It is
evident that Aston here uses the term to describe the
feileadh-heag, and there could scarcely be clearer evidence
of the incorrectness of the story that the kilt as a separate
garment was the invention of two Englishmen, viz. Raw-
linson, the manager of an ironfoundry at Invergarry, and
Parkinson, an army tailor, about the year 1728. This
story, which did not appear in print until 1785, has obtained
wide currency — even such well-informed writers as the
brothers Stuart (so-called), authors of The Costume of the
Clans, accepted it as correct; and, in spite of its inherent
improbabihty, it reappears time after time, although the
mere fact that it never saw the light of day until half a
century after the supposed inventors were said to have
manifested their ' stroke of genius,' as it has been described,
is surely sufficient to bring it imder suspicion. And no
FEILEADH-BEAG IN SEVENTEENTH CENTUEY 291
contemporary, nor indeed any independent, evidence has
ever, so far as I am aware, been produced in its support.
In confirmation of Aston's description, we have the
testimony of Thomas Kirk in 1677, in his account of his
tour in Scotland in that year, in a passage also pointing
to the kilt and plaid as separate garments. He describes
them as follows : ' A sort of breeches, not unlike a petticoat,
that reaches not so low, by far, as their knees, and their
stockings are rolled up about the calves of the legs, and
tied with a garter, their knee and thigh being naked . . .
a plaid over the left shoulder and under the right arm,' etc.
The frequently quoted passage from Taylor, the ' Water
Poet,' descriptive of the Highland dress in 1618, is scarcely
clear enough to justify one in assuming that he refers to
the use of the feileadh-heag at that time ; although, if his
description is intended to apply to the belted plaid, it seems
strange that he does not mention its most characteristic
feature, the belting of the plaid in folds round the waist,
seeing, more especially, that he actually wore the costume
himself.
There is also, in Sir William Brereton's account of his
visit to Scotland in 1635, a passage which, though vague
in its terms, might be read as referring to the feileadh-beag.
He says : ' Many Highlanders we observed in this town
[Edinburgh] in their plaids, many without doublets, and
those who have doublets have a kind of loose flap garment
hanging loose about their breech, their knees bare,' etc.
From this one might infer that it was only those who had
doublets who wore the ' loose flap garment,' as distin-
guished from the plaid, and it would almost appear that
it was by the well-to-do (' those who have doublets ') that
the kilt as a separate garment was first worn, while the
poorer had to content themselves with the plaid, which
served them for upper clothing during the day and a
blanket at night.
292 THE CELTIC REVIEW
THE GAELIC VERSION OF THE THEBAID
OF STATIUS
Professor Mackinnon
{Continued from page 225)
GAELIC TEXT
^ 0 THAiRNic tra in saethar sin do denam tangadar senoraig
croma cian-aesta, acus macaim ro ^-bega rebacha, acus daes-
car(s)luaig denmech ^ deaith * do chomorad aenaich in
n-onoir in meic sin aroen re gasradaib Grac. Acus ro be
inad in n-aenaich .t. glend glas fherach ^ comred, acus feda
foithremla ® fir-glana 'na thimchell itir da sliab cruindi
chomarda. Acus ra suidetar buidni croda cathacha nan
Grec i mucha do lo acus do laithi and sin. Acus ro h-airim '
each a shochraidi and.* Acus o ro h-airmed ^ tuc ^° chucu
cet do buaib data deig-remra acus a comlin da tharbaib
comaesta comdatha daib-si.^^ Acus tucad chuca as ahaithli
sin delba rindta ro-ailli a n-athar acus a senathar d'urgaird-
igud aicenta orru ^* is in n-oenach.
Acus ro leigit leosum and sin ar tus greda ^^ diana deg-
retha srian-ailli socra sluagda so-ermaig dar moigib min-
reidi in n^*-aenig sin.
As i tra cet n-ech ^'^ tucad and sin .t. Arion, ech aibind
allmarda ^^ Adraist ind n-airdrig. Ba suaichnich am egcosc
in n^'-eich sin .t. gabair^* gorm-glasa gasta gualand-tiug
badba bir-cluasach socair saemind so-ermach, co moing
Fol. 13b 2. cairn corcar-glain, co n-erball comtroma comdatha, do
bunad cenel eich Neptuin, Dea in mara. Uair is cuma con-
riadad-si muir 7 tir. Acus ni b'anndsa ^^ le nech aili do
lecud 2^ on f urri, achd mad Adraist in t-ardri a oenur. Acus
* The Nemaean Games continued — The Chariot Races.
' Eg. omits. ' denmacha. * dedh-gnimacha. ^ ferach. • foithremra,
'' h-airimedha ic. ^ Eg. adds sin. ® airmedha. ^'^ tucad.
" Eg. omits. ^2 Eg. omits. *' greadha. " Eg. omits. ^^ cetna ech.
" allbarrda. " Eg. omits. ^^ gauar. " ba miadh. ^o lecan.
THE THEBAID OF STATIUS 293
ENGLISH TRANSLATION
When this task was completed, there came forward
old men bent and very aged, and boys very small and
playful, and common people industrious and skiKul, to
celebrate the games in honour of that boy, along with the
Grecian troops. The site of the fair was a green, grassy,
level glen, surrounded by bosky, bright woods, between two
round hills of equal height. The brave, fighting troops of
Greece used to take their seats there day by day early.
Each counted his following, and when this was done they
took a hundred beautiful fat cows and a like number of
bulls of the same age and colour. Thereafter were brought
thither very beautifully carved likenesses of their fathers
and grandfathers, to gladden their spirits at the fair.
And, to begin with, they ran there over the smooth, level
plains of that course, swift, speedy, richly-bridled, steady,
numerous, easily ridden steeds. ^ Now the first horse that
was brought there was Arion, the spirited, over-sea horse
of the high king Adrastus. Conspicuous indeed was the
appearance of that horse, — a steed blue-grey, gallant,
thick-shouldered, wild, with pointed ears, quiet, gentle,
easily-ridden, with a fair pale-purple mane, and a bushy
tail of like colour. Of the stock of Neptune the sea-god's
horses was she. She rode indifferently over sea and land.
She disdained to carry any one save only the high king.
Nevertheless Adrastus gave her to his son-in-law Polinices
1 Th., ri. 301.
294 THE CELTIC REVIEW
gided tuc-som da cliamain in la sin h-i do chum in n-oenaig
.t. do Polinices, 7 is ed ro raid sin : ' Na buail co menic
t'ech, a gilla,' ar se, ' 7 coimgsic^ each, 7 is lor do gresacht
si,^ 7 reithfid in mag amal ro reithset eich grinni Faoaetan ^
mic Apaill.
Acus ro erig Ampiarus and sin .1. sacart mor na Greci'
do chum na comlingi cetna 7 da ech ail(l)i * oengela foe
con-niach ^ a chomdatha ® immi i comartha a sacherdoiti.'
Acus ba do shil eich Chastoir .t. Sillarais do na h-eachaib sin.
Acus ro comerig 'na diaid sin Ademetais ^ (tais)ech *
na Tesailli 7 lairthecha ^° dana diana deig-retha f ae, 7 siad
aiUi alad-breca.
Acus is iad ba comnesa do sin da mac lasoin meic Eson
7^^ Ipsifile .1.^2 Toas 7 Eumos,^^ 7 ua cosmail tra delba
na desi,^* itir armaib 7 echaib 7 etaigib.
Tangadar 'nan diaid sin and Coromis 7 Ipodomus.
i^Cromis imorro ba do shiP^ h-Ercoil mic Amphitrionis ^'
do, 7 Ipodomus ba do sil Onamaus rig Pissa do, 7 ni gre-
sised ^8 nech dib sin a eocho sech aroili.
Acus eich Diomit rig nan Greittecda ^^ ua Cromis. Acua
is e in Diemidi 2° sin do beread a aigeda da echaib co marb-
dais 7 CO n-ithidis ^^ iad, cein no ^^ riacht Ercoil ar aigedacht
da thig, 7 CO tard ^s Ercail eisum fen daib, 7 co ru-s-marbsad.
Ipomonus imorro eich a athar .t. Inomaus ro badar foe
seic. Acus is e in t-Enomaus ro focrad comrith n-echda ^
ar gach fer ticed d'iarraid a ingine fair, 7 o teigtis a eich-
sum dib ro marbdais ^^ aici in lucht sin fochetoir. Acus is
amlaid ro badar na h-eich sin 7 broen fola na fer ro marbaid
dib ar a carput i comartha coscair.
Cid tra acht ro suidiged^^ leosum and sin crich 7 co-
martha cu sa leicfitis an n-eocho, 7 dair barr barr-lom
bun^Methan ro* bai i cind in muigi, 7 carrach tren-mor
'* furrisi sin. ^ Faidetan. ' nan Greca. * aillidh. ^ co n-edach.
• comdalta. '' scacerdoiti. ^ Admet. ' taisech. *" larthacha,
" Eg. adds d'. »2 Both MSS. have 7. » Euenfos. " Eg. adds sin.
»6 Eg. adds 7. 1* MS. thil. " Amprionis. " gressidh. " Eighetagha.
w {endidh. 21 ethadhdis. 22 gg. add co. 28 condart. 24 n-echa.
^ romarbtha. ** suidhedh. 27 buinn.
THE THEBAID OF STATIUS 295
that day for the race, and charged him thus. ' Do not
strike your horse often, lad,' said he, ' but keep abreast of
the others. Your urging will suffice, and she will scour
the plain with speed equal to the choice steeds of Phaethon
son of Apollo.'
Then Amphiaraus, the great priest of Greece, entered for
the same race, driving two pure white steeds, their colour
matching that of his official robes as priest. These horses
were of the blood of Cyllarus, Castor's horse.
After him came Admetus king of Thessaly, with bold,
spirited, swift mares ; beautiful and dappled these.
Next to him came the two sons of Jason son of Aeson
and of H3rpsipyle, Thoas and Euneos. These two were
aUke in appearance and arms and horses and dress.
Chromis and Hippodamus followed these. Now Chromis
was of the blood of Hercules, son of Amphitryon, and
Hippodamus was of the race of Oenomaus king of Pisa.
Neither of these urged his steeds past the other.
Chromis drove the horses of Diomede king of the Getae.
It was this Diomede who used to give his guests to his
horses, who killed and devoured them, until Hercules went
there as guest, and gave himself to the horses, and was
thus slain.
Hippodamus, on the other hand, drove his father
Oenomaus' s horses. It was this Oenomaus who used to
challenge every one who came to seek his daughter (in
marriage) to an equestrian race, and when his horses won
he killed the defeated suitors forthwith. And thus were
these horses with a drop of the blood of the men who were
slain on their chariot in token of victory.
And now they fixed the goal and mark to which the
horses were to run — a bare-topped, thick-trunked oak
which was at the end of the plain, and a very great, firmly-
296 THE CELTIC REVIEW
thuindi^ in n-aird aili and, 7 ed cheithri n-urchur saigdi
sith-guirmi eatorra sin.
Is i tra amser i raibi Apaill mac loib ac sir-senm a 2
chruiti 7 i muUach slebi Barnaps ac admolad nan Dei.
Acus atchondairc uad na Grecu ^ for in moig mor reid ar a
rabadar, 7 robai ac tobairt aichne ar each *oen ba* leth
dib. Acus adchondairc and sin Admeit, ri na Tesailli, 7
Ampiarus uasal-sacart. Acus bad caraid coemtha ^ am
dosum in dia(s) sin, uair ro bui 'na h-aegairi thret ^ do fhir ®
dib ,L. do Emit' in tan ro h-athuired as a deacht e, 7 ua
sacart uasal idbarta do Ampiarus. Acus o ra bui ag fegad
amlaid sin is ed ro raid : ' Cia itir,' ar se, ' in dea ro ^ gres
na caraid-sea (f)uil acam-sa do chum chathraigi na Tebi ?
Acus ra^ fuil som^^ n-grada acum uar in dis sin, uair is
tigerna 7 is cara bunaid Adiemit, ri na TesaiUi ; Ampiarus
imorro ro fitir fein ga(ch) ni asfas do cur ind.' Acus is cuma
ro raid sin, 7 romuidsed frasa ^^ der dar gruaidib do, 7 tainic
mar saegnen tened no mar saigid a sreing no co rainic i
coillid Nem.
Is in uair sin ro bai Porteus ^^ a cur crandchair a chathbarr
ma n-indaib comlenga, 7 ro coraiged iad-sum ban samla
sin. Ro bui tra ailgius 7 tindinis mor ac na feraib 7 ac na
h-echaib uan comrith. Ua h-adbul imorro re h-eistecht
sitrech 7 setfedach na n-ech sin 7 a lemenda re glomraib
na srian ac a n-imastad.
Acus *^ asahaithli sin ro leicit in en fhecht 7 an en uair
do chum a retha. Ua dluith deinmech ^* am ^^ do cuas and
sin. Acus nir ba suaichnich so-aichnid neach dib seach
aroile re daithi 7 re denmidi dochuadar uaithib. Acus ua
dicheltai uiU na dirmanna sin do na ^^ h-aichthib comdorcha
cumascda^' ro chomerig dib re snuad-allus na h-erma, re
dendgail na roth, re h-analaib n-each 7 na curad ic im-
chosnam thosaich is in chomhng. Acus ua h-ilbrecca
ildathach na moigi min-reidi ris na cethaib coimgela cubair
' tuinighthi.
^ Eg. omits.
^ Grecidh.
*~* Eg. omits.
* cumtha.
«-^ Eg. omits.
^ Adhmet.
8 MS. re.
• ni. ^^ soine.
" Eg. adds diana.
'* Partanopeus.
'' Eg. omits.
" denmnedach.
^^ Eg. omits.
'<' Eg. omits.
^^ comuscha.
THE THEBAID OF STATIUS 297
fixed pillar the other mark, the distance between which
was four casts of a long blue arrow.
Now at that moment Apollo son of Jove was on the top
of the hill Parnassus, playing his harp, entertaining the
gods. He saw in the distance the Greeks on the great
level plain on which they were, and he was recognising
each individual of them. He saw there Admetus king of
Thessaly and the noble priest Amphiaraus, both of whom
were dear friends of his. For he served Admetus as
shepherd when he was expelled from the godhead, and
Amphiaraus served as a high priest at his altar. And as
he was viewing them thus, he spoke as follows. 'Which
god,' said he, ' I wonder, who urged these friends of mine
to the city of Thebes ? Nevertheless they are both dear
friends of mine, for Admetus king of Thessaly is my lord
and my constant friend, while as to Amphiaraus, he him-
self (already) knows what the result will be to him.' As he
spoke thus, showers of tears broke down his cheeks, and
he went like a thunderbolt or an arrow from string until
he reached the woods of Nemaea.
At the time Prothous was casting the lot in his helmet
for the respective positions (of the combatants) in the race,
and they were placed according as the lot assigned. Horses
and men were intensely eager about the race. Terrible
indeed it was to listen to the panting and snorting of the
horses, and to see them spring as they were held in check
by the bits of the bridles.
At length at the same moment they were started for
the race. Close together and vehement in sooth they ran.
It was difficult to distinguish or recognise one of them from
the other, because of the speed and ardour with which they
passed. The whole crowd of them was quite covered, and
their faces became obscured and confused, by the sweat of
the riding, the grinding of the wheels, and the breaths of the
horses and champions as they struggled for the foremost
place in the race. Variegated, and of divers colours, were
the smooth, level plains by the showers of very white froth
298 THE CELTIC REVIEW
consnigtis re h-6ilib^ na h-eachraidi ac fo senm na srian
mireno ^ is in uair sin, 7 ua fogradach ^ firmamint and sin
re gresacht na curad comrumach uar na h-echaib ailli all-
marda.*
Is and sin tra ro arig Ai6en^ .t. ech Adraist, marcach
coem comuithech* do bith furri .t. Polinices. Acus ro gab
dremni 7 dasacht 7 daebili ' 7 ro bui ac iegad ^ a tigema
fen 7 aca iarraid ar fud in muigi mor adbail. Acus ge
* ra bui ^ do chuaid sin 1° urcur saigti sithguirmi and sin
do Gregaib glan ailli Grec.^^ A(m)piarus imorro ba nessu
d'Aroen, 7 ba fada etorru. Acus in marcach Tesalta .t.
Ademet ina diaid sec.^^ Acus iad ua nesa do siden ^^ dan
da mac lason .t. Enunios 7 Tous; 7 nir greis nech dib
side a eochu sech araili do chomuU a charadraid. Cr6mus
acgarb imorro 7 Ipodamus ana ^* cheil f odeoid, 7 a meit na
railed sin da n-eachaib 'g a n-imarcur is ed ua dera sin.
Ampiarus ro gob seic ^^ ar athgairid na conairi da tairecht-
ain tosaich, 7 is ed an^® a cetna dorone Admeit, ri na
Teasailli. Acus ba denmech in marcach i i' sin, uair is cuma
no lenad do thaeib 7 do ^^ druim a eich. Aroen imorro, in
FoLi4a2. t-ech ro bui fa Polinices, ro bui co siblach sechranda, uair ni
cumaing a certugadh cein no cu rue Ampiarus tosach de.
Acus ua h-e Admeid ua comnesa do side, cein no cor impa ^'
Aroen ech Adraist 20 a ris ar^o set na sliged. Acht chena
ni gresed Polinices 7 ni astadus,^^ acht ro bui ina tham 7
ina thaisi in n-ichtar in carbaid in n-uair sin.
Is and sin ro acsad a ris na h-ech diana denmecha sin ^^
caethi ^^ a comretha. Acus do chuadar ia dol conairi co ro
gabsad a carpaid caema cumaidi^* i cend aroili 7 a cheli.
Acus gided nir ba lor les na curadaib gresacht na n-ech
o sporaib athgera ianiaide no co n-dernsad o gothaib
moraib 7 o n-anmandaib dilsi uadein. Ro gres tra Admeit
and sin Polinices [sic] 7 Siris [sic] a da each. Ro greis
* h-oih\ibh.
^ mirenn.
^ focrach.
* allbarda. •'' Arion.
* comuidech.
'' debeile.
8 fegain.
9-" do uai. ^'' son.
*i Eg. omits.
^2 sideig.
" sideig.
" an ai. *^ sideg.
w in.
^^ Eg. omits.
'8 Eg. omits.
" impo. *<>"**' ar sar.
«i faado i.
22 Eg. adds na.
2' Eg. adds sin.
2^ cumaiachta cumdaidh.
THE THEBAID OF STATIUS 299
falling from the jaws of the horses through the chafing of
the bridle bits ; and resonant was the air with the voices
of the competing champions as they urged on the shapely
foreign steeds.
Then Arion, Adrastus's steed, felt that she carried a
gentle, strange rider, to wit, Polinices. Ardour and fury
and impatience took possession of her. She was looking
for her own master, and scanning the whole great vast
plain in search of him. Though this was so, she out-
distanced the (other) bright, sleek steeds of the Greeks
by a cast of a long blue arrow. Now, Amphiaraus was
nighest to Arion, although far in rear. Next to him, but
behind, came the Thessalian rider Admetus. The two sons
of Jason, Euneos and Thoas, were next in order. Neither
of these pressed his horses past the other — (such was their
desire) to maintain their friendship. In the rear the furious
Chromis and Hippodamus went together — the reason lay
in the weight of the warriors whom their steeds carried.
As to Amphiaraus, he took a short cut in order to get
the foremost place ; and so also did Admetus king of
Thessaly. A very expert rider was he, for he could cling
to the side of his horse with the same ease as he could
ride on his back. But Arion, which Polinices drove, was
careering swiftly and aimlessly, for he could not be guided
until Amphiaraus passed him. Admetus was now the
nearest to Amphiaraus until Arion, the steed of Adrastus,
swerved once again to the direct course. Still during this
time Pohnices neither urged nor restrained his steed, but
sat quietly and silently in the bottom of the chariot.
Then the ardent, vehement horses again left the race-
track, and they ran right headlong until their fair, shapely
chariots got locked in each other. Nevertheless the
champions were not satisfied with urging their horses by
very sharp, iron spurs; with loud voice they called upon
each by his individual name. Thus Admetus pressed on
Pholoe and Iris, his two steeds ; and Amphiaraus the
beautiful, swift Aschetos, and the pure-white, thick-
300 THE CELTIC REVIEW
(d)no ^ Ampiarus Asceton datha deig-retha et Sicnus ^ gle-
gel gualand-tiug. Ro gres^ imorro Cromis Strimon. Ro
bui Echion ua Uneos mac lason. Ro gres (d)no ^ Ipodomus
Cidona. Ro gres Tohas mac lason Podarsen.* Nir labair
Polinices ris in n-ech bui fai .t. re •* h-Areon, uair nir lam
a guth do cloistecht di. Et* ba cimtabartach coscar co
fada and sin itir na h-echaib.
Is and sin tra ro ast' Toas mac lason Admeit, ri na
Tesailli, in tan ro ui ac dul secha. Acus ni thuc a brathair
Eunios fortacht fair, uair ro gresestar Ipodomus gasta
gruad-solus a eochu etorru. Tuc dno Cromis mac Ercail
astod ^ f oreigni ar Ipodomus dar eis caich, comtis sinti • a
srian mirenda a ech, 7 co ra bris a charput. Acus 1° o ra
brisead amlaid sin carput Ipodomus ro impaised^^ a eich
ris fochetoir da ithi ^^ o ra bui ^^ 'na loigi, amail ba bes leo
remi sin daine do ithi. Et o do chondairc in tren fer calma
Cromis sin ro treic a buaid comretha, 7 ro impo d'indsaigid
Ipodomus, 7 ro anaich ^^ e.
Tanic tra Apaill and sin d'(f)ortacht 7 d'(f)oirithin do
Ampiarus do thobairt buad^* comlenga do. Acus is e ni
do r(o)ni ^^ torathar fir-gran(n)a feosach ^^ do deilb ^' 7 do
denam^' and sin ar lar in n-aenaig, congebtais amaiti^^
aduathmara ifirn grain 7 ecla reimi. O t' chonnairc tra^*
Areon an ni sin ro gob aduath 7 urecla h-i 2° remi, co-s-erig
a mong co sesmach sir-garb os a gualaind, 7 co ro thairring
a carbad le 7 in n-ech ^^ aili bai fai, 7 co ro thoit Polinices
as in charpad, co roibi bristi buaidirthi 22 ar lar in n-aenaich
dar eis. Acus ro bui-sium isin ^3 loigi sin cein co n-dechaid
carpat Impiarus in t-sacairt, 7 carpad Admeit ri na Teasailli
secha, 7 lucht na comlenga ar chena. Ro thocaib-sium a
chend co h-anband eneirt 2* asahaithli sin, 7 ^5 ro erig do
dechain ^^ na comlenga.
* MS. h ' Eg. adds gle-glan. ^ Ro ghabh. * Ipasen.
6 Eg. omits. 8 7. 7 fhost. 8 fasto.
8 sinnta snfthi, 'o Eg. omits, ^* impo. ""'^ 7 odconnairc.
" anaig. ^* buada. ^^ do roine. ^* feosagach. i^"" Eg. omits.
" aifiminti 7. '» Eg. omits. 20 jjg. omits. ^i Jq t-ecb. 22 buaidirtha.
23 ann sa. 24 eisirt. 26 j;g. omits. ^e dfechain.
THE THEBAID OF STATIUS 301
shouldered Cygnus. Moreover, Chromis urged on Strymon.
Aethion carried Euneos son of Jason. Hippodamus, besides,
pressed on Cydon, and Thoas son of Jason Podarces. But
Polinices did not address Arion the steed that carried him ;
he would not venture to let his voice be heard by her. And
the victory among the steeds was for a long time doubtful.
Then it was that Thoas son of Jason gave check to
Admetus king of Thessaly, as the latter was passing him.
His brother Euneos was unable to aid him, for the handsome,
bright-cheeked Hippodamus drove his steeds between the
two. But Chromis son of Hercules, coming behind the
others, violently pulled up Hippodamus so that the reins
and bits of his horses were wrenched, and his chariot was
broken. When Hippodamus's chariot was broken in this
fashion, his horses forthwith turned upon him to devour
him where he lay, as was their custom heretofore to devour
men. When the mighty and brave Chromis observed this,
he gave up the contest and turned towards Hippodamus,
and saved him (from the horses).
Apollo now comes to help and aid Amphiaraus and to
win for him the victory in the race. What he did was to
fashion and make a hideous, bearded monster in the centre
of the course, at sight of which the horrid hags of hell
would take loathing and fear. Now when Arion saw that
thing horror and great fear took hold of her. Her mane
rose rigid and very rough above her shoulder. She dragged
the chariot and the companion horse along with her.
Polinices fell out of the chariot, and lay thereafter bruised
and stunned in the middle of the course. He lay thus
until the chariot of Amphiaraus the priest and the chariot
of Admetus king of Thessaly and all the competitors in
the race passed him. He raised his head weakly and faintly
thereafter, and then rose to view the race.
302 THE CELTIC REVIEW
Foi.i4bi. Is and sin ro opair Ampiarus imchosnum tosaich re
Ar6on f uascrach ^ fir-luath ce ^ ra bi cen marcach furri.
Acus^ ro chomgres a eocho 'na diaid, coma luaithigter ri
sidi n-glas-fuar n-gaithi in n-amsir gairb* geimrid a deini
7 a dedgairi ^ ro comlai'nan diaid cona ^ roibi nech roime.
Acus ' ro bo ' taisci ^ and sin d'echaib Ampiarus ina d'
Arieon, mani gressed ^ Nephtuin dea in mara in n-ech ^o sin,
cor ba le tosach na comlenga. Acus ger ua taisci ^ Arieon
' .t. ech Adraist, and sin, ba coscrach Ampiarus.
Tuc tra in t-ard ri Adraist tairbert^^ set 7 maine da^^
Ampiarus .t. don t-sacart mor,^^ ar buaid ^* na comlenga sin
da breith .t. copan alaind orda as a n-ibead Ercail mac
Ampitrionis fleada fina. Acus ro batar and sin ar na
rindad delba na Ceanntuiri cosnomoch, 7 na Lafitecda,^^
7 delb Marsibiea,^* rigan na cich-loisce,^' o tuc Ercail na
h-airm ingantacha, .t. each ri do chid ^^ h-i cind chatha fuil
ro churead tar a bel 7 dar a sroin ; tam 7 taisi, teiched ^* 7
timi ticed do na sluagaib echtrand do-s-cid a cur chatha
eturru fen, 7 delb na coscar comrumach do rigne Ercail ar
chena sechnon in domuin. Acus tucad d'Admeit ^^dno,
(do) thaisech naTesailli,leandchaem corcor-glan, con-delbaib
imda ar na inlecur do snath ^^ inti. Acus o thuc Adraist na
h-aisceda sin i comartha a choscair do ^^ lucht sin, ro bui a
comdi(n)gnad a cleamna, 7 tuc banchumail ^^n-aeir do seic.^s
* Et 24 as ahaithli sin ro nert ^^ Adraist drem do na sluagaib
coisigib do choimling chomretha 'na fiadnaisi. Ro frecrad
esium im ^^ an n-gnim sin. Acus ^^ ro erig Idas re chach.
Acus is amlaid ro bui 7 coroin ^s coscair comlenga rue i sleb
Olimp im a chenn. Acus as iad ba sloig doson lucht ^^ Pisa
7 EUus^^ .t. na cathrach sin. Ro erig imorro 'na diaid sin
Alchon croda coscrach a Sitsion. Ro erig 'na diaid sin
' fuaisgrech. ^ ge. ^ jjg, omits. * Eg. omits. ^ doighaire.
* connach. ''~^ rop. ^ taesca. • gr«issedh. *'^ t-ech.
^' toirberta. ^^ mained do. '' Eg. adds nan Grecaidh. ** m-buaid.
'" Laipetagadha. *^ Mairsibisibea. ^' loiscedha. " adcidh.
w Eg. omits. 20 i^js_ jna^ n gnaithi. 22 (Joq, J3-23 n-doir do sidheic.
♦ The Foot Races,
2* Eg. omits. *» nertaigh. 26 yj^ v gg ©mits. ^ cosolin.
M-29 Pissa 7 Elis.
THE THEBAID OF STATIUS 303
Then Amphiaraus made great effort to get in front of
the frightened very swift Arion, who was now without
a driver. He urged his steeds after her with the speed of a
tempestuous, grey-cold wind in rough winter weather, and
such was the vehemence and fury with which he pursued
them, that there was now no one in front of him. The
horses of Amphiaraus would have been at the goal before
Arion, were it not that Neptune the god of the sea urged
forward that steed. The first place in the race was hers ;
still although Adrastus's steed Arion was foremost, Amphi-
araus was the victor.
Thereupon the high king Adrastus gave to the great
priest Amphiaraus who won the victory in that race a gift
of jewels and wealth, i.e. a beautiful golden bowl from
which Hercules son of Amphitryon used to drink at wine
feasts. On it were carved pictures of the contentious
Centaurs, and of the valorous Lapithae, and the figure of
Marsepia queen of the Amazons, from whom Hercules
took the wonderful weapons, which represented every
king whom they saw engaged in battle as emitting blood
from mouth and nose; quiet and stillness, flight and
panic seizing all foreign hosts who saw them fighting
against each other ; and pictures of the other triumphs
which Hercules won throughout the world. There was
given moreover to Admetus, chief of Thessaly, a beautiful
mantle of bright purple, with many figures interwoven
with thread therein. After Adrastus gave their prizes in
reward of victory to these, he took to comforting his son-in-
law, and gave to him an Achaean female slave.
^ Thereafter Adrastus urged some of the foot soldiers to
run a race in their presence. The proposal was responded
to. First Idas stood forward ; and thus was he with a
chaplet round his head which he won for racing on Moimt
Olympus. His people were from the cities Pisa and Elis(?).
After him came forward the brave and victorious Alcon
from Sicyonia. Then came Phaedimus who won the race
» Th., vi. 550.
304 THE CELTIC REVIEW
Pedemus. Ba coscrach comretha fado in fer sin i traig
Ismis. Ro erich Dimas ar na ^ cintis ech ^ i comreathaib in
tan ba h-oc, acht chena ^ fa for-aesta ^ and sin h-e.
Ro erig dno ^ Parthanapeus * no Parthanap * rig na
h-Arcaidi. Acus ua subach sluaig in aenaig ris in gilla sin.
Acus ua dual am deig rith don fir sin o mathair .t. o Athal-
annta. Acus ba do ^ luth anw ^ f hir sin brith ar na h-alltaib
diana deig retha ar luas 7 ar lan-rith. Acus in t-urchur
focherded riam remi conclised ar a chind ria siu ro shoichead
talmain, Et ® is ann sin ro thaithmig in t-(s)iblaind n-alaind
n-orda ro bui is in bruth ' caem chorrtharach, 7 ro cur de
h-e. Acus ro foruamnad corp daith-gel deig-denmach in
deg laich a h-ola. Acus ro foruamnad dno ^ Idas 7 Dimas
FoLi4b2, ban rimla^ cetna. Acus ba h-e Idas ba derrscaithi delb
is in chomlingi sin acht Partanapeus ^^ aenur. Acus ba sine
Idas ina Parthanapeus.
Rouadar tra na fir sin ac fromad ^^ a luith resiu donetis
a comling. Acus ro coraiged ^* comartha in chomretha
accu.i3 Ro reithset ua chomaird chomluith no cor scuch
each secha araili dib. Acus ro chosain Parthanapeus
tosach dib uiH sin n-uair sin. Acus ba luaithitir re sidi ^*
n-gaithi n-gemreta in tethad ^^ 7 in tenad rue o chach.
Acus is e ua nesu do Idas athlom, aduathmar ; Pedimus 7
Dimas 'na n-diaid seic, 7 ua gairit etorru. Ua athlom
imorro ^^ Alcon an ^' diaid na fer sin. Is amlaid tra ro bui
Parthanapeus and sin 7 a fholt dualach dearrscaigthech
scailti dar a formna siar sechtair. Acus o rainig ^^ Idas cend
na comlenga i comfacus do 7 Parthanapeus ac doul uad
chuici is e ni do roinni, ro sin in laim 7 ro gab ar bun in
n^^-fhoilt fhada find-buidi sin h^O-e, 7 ro trascair chuici ^idar
ais. ^^ O t' chondcadar imorro na h-Arcaidi sin ^^ ro f reagratar
d' innsaidi Idas da airlech.22 Ro ergedar sluag Pisa 7 Elis
dia frithaileam sideic.^^ Acus is de sin fa mesc^* buaidirthi
*~^ cinndis eich. '"' ua h-aesta in fer. * MS. 1. *~* Eg. omits.
*-^ luas in. ^ Eg. omits. ^ brot. ^ MS. t. ^ samla.
^° Eg. adds a. " fromhadh. ^^ coraigsit. ^^ jjg. omits. ^* sithe.
15 teehudh. ^^ Eg. omits. " MS. nan.! '» airigh. '^ Eg. omits.
** Eg. omits. '^"^^ data ais e. ^2-22 jjjj omits. " san. 2* mescadha.
THE THEBAID OF STATIUS 305
long previously on the strand of Isthmia. Thereafter
Dymas stood up, whom in his youth a horse could not out-
run, but at this time he was very aged.
Parthenopaeus king of Arcadia also came forward,
and the hosts on the plain cheered that youth. He indeed
had racing blood in him from his mother Atalanta. Such
was the agility of the man that he could catch the vehement,
swift deer by pure speed and running ; and the arrow which
he used to shoot straight in front of him, he could catch up
by the point before it reached the ground. Then he re-
moved the beautiful, golden clasp which fastened the fair,
fringed mantle, and laid it aside. Then the white-skinned,
well-shaped body of the goodly hero was stained with oil ;
and Idas and Dymas were treated in the same fashion. Idas
was the most distinguished figure in that race, save Partheno-
paeus alone ; Idas was also older than Parthenopaeus.
The men were now testing their agility before beginning
the race. The goal was then fixed for them, and they ran
with equal pace and agility, until each of them began to
separate from and pass the other. Parthenopaeus then
took the lead of them all, and as swift as a blast of winter
wind was the flight and rush with which he passed them.
The nimble, terrible Idas was next him. Phaedimus and
Dymas followed these, with short space between them.
The active Alcon was besides in the rear of these. Thus
was Parthenopaeus with his glorious wavy hair spreading
out wide from behind over his shoulders. When Idas
reached up towards the mark with Parthenopaeus gaining
upon him, what he did was to stretch forth his hand and
grasp the long, pale-yellow hair (of Parthenopaeus) by the
root and pull him backwards towards him to the ground.
Now when the Arcadians saw this they promptly made for
Idas to attack ^him. The hosts of Pisa and Elis rose to
VOL. IX. u
306 THE CELTIC REVIEW
in t-aenach, 7 ro-triallsad ^in t-aenach uili^ do buaidred
CO mor.
Et o t' 2 chualaig Adraist in t-ard ri sin ^ ro erig ^ do
thairmesc in tachair, 7 is ed ro raid : ' Traethar bar ferga, a
fhiru,' ar se, ' 7 caiscid bar comruc. Acus dentar in comrith
a ris, 7 na lecar i comfhacus sib, (7) na tuca nech uaib
celc ma cheli.' Do ronnud tra leosin sin 7 tuc Parthanapeus
buaid na comlenga les in darna fecht, 7 ba samulta na
taidled in taiimain ar a luas do rethad.
O ra scuirsed * sin ro tidnaiced seoid ^ 7 maine doib log
am buada, .t. ech aibind do Parthanapeus, 7^ sciath alaind
ael-gel do Idas, saeigti 7 saiged to chach ar cheana.
* Et as ahaithli sin ro comtriallad ' leo cluichi disci do
denum .t. cluichi meisi.^ Acus is amlaid do nithea in
cluichi sin, mias adbul mor iaraind no umaidi ar uaitnedaib
iaraind 'na lamaib, 7 a h-impod ^ ima ^^ cuairt, 7 a dibrucad
i clethi aeoir 7 firmaminti. Acus mina f rithailtea ^^ a ris
uar (r)ind (i)nd n-uaitni cetna ro marbad 7 ro mugaiged
each aen ro bid fuithi.
Is and sin ro gab Adraist lama^^ ar Perelass im^^ ergi
do chum in cluichi sin. Ro erich tra 7 ro chuir in mes ^* co
fersecha fir-ard uada. Acus robadar Grec ^^ sel fada 'c a
fegad. Acus is iad so do erig da frithaileam ar sin, .t. dias
a h-Aichis, 7 triur a h-Efir, 7 oen fer a Pisa, 7 ua h-e in
.vii. mad ^^ fer Acharnan.^^ Ro erig imorro as ahaithli sin
Fo].i5ai. Ipomedon gruad-solus 7 mias adbul mor aile ina laim, 7
is ed ro raid : ' A ocu,' ^^ ar se, ' gebig in meis moir-sea in
bar lamaib, uair is mo is feidm nert ^^ a tocbail 7 a tuimem
inna ni triallaid, 7 bid rethi togla ar tohocht ^^ don chath-
raid co saigthi .t. don Teib. Acus ro dibraig^i ^s ahaithli
^~' ui(le) don aenach. * do. ^~^ Eg. omits. * scuirsit.
* seid. c Eg. omits. ^ comtriallsat.
* The Quoit Game.
*• mesi. The Gaelic translator rendered discus by mias, a loan from the Latin
mensa, and originally as in Latin applied to 'table,' 'altar,' etc. In the modern
language the word means 'plate,' 'platter,' 'a shallow dish.'
" impo. i» ma. » frithailted/i. ^'^ lam. ""^ um.
" meis. '^ Grecidh. '" Eg. omits. ''' MS. Achannam ; Eg. AcharnamuB.
18 occa. '" nertmar. 20 toighecht. ^i diubratc.
THE THEBAID OF STATIUS 307
meet them. Because of this the assembly became a
tumultuous crowd, and in the whole gathering there was
great commotion.
When Adrastus the high king heard this he proceeded
to check the quarrel, and spoke thus : ' Calm your wrath,
men,' said he, ' and restrain your wrangling. Let the race
be run again ; keep not too near each other ; and let no
one practise treachery upon his fellow.' They did so ; and
Parthenopaeus won the race the second time ; and such
was the speed of his running that he seemed not to touch
the ground.
When the contest ceased jewels and treasures were
gifted to them in guerdon of their victory, — a gallant steed
to Parthenopaeus, a beautiful, lime-white shield to Idas,
arrows and an arrow to the others as well.
^ Thereafter they engaged to play the game of the
discus, i.e. the quoit game. Now that game was played
thus : they held a great, huge quoit of iron or copper fixed
on iron pedestals in their hands, and after whirling it
round they shot it straight up in the air and sky, and if it
was not caught in its descent on the point of the pedestal
it would kill and destroy every one that happened to be
under it.
Adrastus then ordered Pterelas to commence that game.
He stood forth and hurled the quoit with great force very
high above them. The Greeks were for a long time watch-
ing it, and these are they who stepped out to receive it,
viz. two from Achaea, three from Ephyre, one from Pisa,
and the seventh was Acarnan.^ Thereafter bright-faced
Hippomedon stood forth with another large, huge quoit in
his hand, and spoke thus. ' Warriors,' said he, ' take this
great quoit in your hands, for the lifting and letting it down
again is a greater test of strength than any that has been
1 Th., vi. 646.
2 On the top margin of Fol. 15a 1-2 is the following note : Is mor in magadh do
Gregaib ar millset da maithus 7 da maoinibh ar son leiniph big. ' What great fools
the Greeks must have been to have wasted so much of their means and substance on
account of a little child.'
308 THE CELTIC REVIEW
sin, 7 nir an 'g a h-urnaigi ^ aroen ris na Grecaib acht mad
ilegias 7 Menestius a h-Achain, uair ba h-ecail leo tuind-
seom 2 7 truma na mesi sin ar a met. Acus ar ae ^ ro
frithail Flegias calma comrumach 'na diaid sin in mes. Ra
roith * 7 ro chuir an aird i co nar ba ler itir ^ nellaib frasacha
firmor ^ firmaminti i ^ ar a h-ardi ro chuir, co ro seol a nuas
iar sin do chum thalman co domuin inti. Acus robadar
Grec 8 ac molad in giUi ^ co mor is in n-uair sin. Acus ro
triaU a ris in fer sin a dibrucad 7 ni riacht les uair ro thoit
uad^° h-i cen cumus gan cetugad do. Ro erig Menestius
ar sin 7 ro dibraic co h-athlom 7 co h-ard h-i. Ipomedon
imorro ro gab ar sin h-i, 7 ba h-airdi ro athchuir ^^ uad
ina gach duini riam romi.
Acus o thaimic in cluichi sin tucad crocend taidlech
tigri ^2 7 cimas do derg or fair 'na timchell do Ipomedon.
Acus tucad boga garb-chuar Gnoisecda^^ do Menestius.
Tucad dan^* claideb lethan lan-ger ac Pilasceius, ac sen-
athair Adraist, do Plieigias, luag a cluichi mesi.
1 furnaigi. ^ tuindsim. ^ ai. * Eg. adds in meis.
^ Eg. adds na. ^ firmora na. ^ Eg. omits. ^ Grecidh.
^ Eg. adds sin. ^'^ uada. " achuir. ^^ tigre.
^^ Gnoisegada. " din.
THE THEBAID OF STATIUS 309
tried, and there will be a race for plunder on reaching the
city of Thebes to which ye are bound.' Thereafter he hurled
it (aloft), and no one of the Greeks remained with him to re-
ceive it except Phlegyas and Menestheus from Achan, for
the mass and weight of that quoit made them afraid because
of its size. The valorous, contentious Phlegyas then caught
the quoit. He whirled and hurled it aloft with such force
that it was invisible among the very great showery clouds
of the sky. It shot down thereafter and sank deep in the
earth. The Greeks greatly lauded that youth on that
occasion. He again attempted to hurl it, but in vain, for
it fell from his hand without power or capacity on his part
to hold it. Menestheus then stood forth and hurled it
quickly aloft to a great height. But Hippomedon there-
after took it, and threw it a second time to a greater height
than any man ever did before.
When this game ended, a glossy tiger skin, fringed all
round with red gold, was given to Hippomedon, and a
rough, curved Gnossian {i.e. Cretan) bow to Menestheus.
There was given besides a broad, very sharp sword, which
belonged to Pelasgus the grandfather of Adrastus, to
Phlegyas in guerdon of his quoit play.
310 THE CELTIC REVIEW
DAN CUIMHNE
G. P. T. MacRae
Where the gurgling burnie softly
Croons of old, forgotten years,
And the wistful branches murmur
Faint and low of hidden fears ;
All amid the Silent Watchers
Of the husht entranced glen.
Fairies dance their old-world measures
Till the dawn creeps o'er the ben ;
Then they vanish to their hillocks
Hid in yonder cave-deep glade.
And the fresh'ning winds of morning
Reimbue each trampled blade.
Then again the secret voices
Of the noonday's wistful hour
Tell of long-forgotten stories
Of the harper's mighty power ;
Tell how in a distant castle
Fell his notes in dulcet strains,
How he sang of Eilidh's wooing,
Eilidh, Spirit of the Plains ;
Tell how war-marked clansmen trembled
At the throbbing notes that fell
From the singer as he chanted
Of the death of Iseabal ;
Iseabal, the Queen of Summer,
She who journeyed far away.
When the snow-chilled winds of winter
Crushed too soon the autumn day ;
How in foreign climes she wandered
Seeking for a home to rest,
Never finding what she longed for,
Never more by love caressed ;
There she pined for yonder castle
On the glenside far away,
But the bonnie, tender spirit
Died ere came the new-born day.
Once again the Harper's music
Fierce and loud resounded clear,
For he sang of war and conflict
Surging, pressing ever near ;
DAN CUIMHNE 311
Told of ancient feuds revived,
Told of clansmen bold and brave
Who were marching, proud, exultant,
To a hero's war-girt grave ;
Told how Colla marched to meet him,
Eachann Mor from far Glendale,
Told of mighty feats accomplished,
Told of forays doomed to fail.
For when Eachann, proud, compelling,
Launched his kinsmen to the charge
They were beaten back defeated.
Claymores fell on waiting targe.
Noble Colla ! he of poems,
Watched his enemies track the plain.
As they marched in ordered measure
To the confines of the glen ;
And the valiant Eachann waited,
Ready armed ; his eyes were cold,
Waited he with proud demeanour.
With his wariors brave and bold.
There was ne'er such battle royal
As was witnessed in the glen
When the fighting sons of Colla
Scattered far all Eachann 's men.
Now the music changed to sadness,
Wailing in its every beat,
For the gallant kerns who perished.
Scorning refuge in retreat !
Harper ! Harper ! how thy chanting
Rends the heart with sorrow's moan !
Bonnie maidens, sweet and comely.
Mourning, keening, left alone.
When the Harper's song had ended
Rose a man of fair renown.
Telling by the oak-leaf circlet
That he bore a royal crown ;
And the clansmen, tense, impatient.
Gathered round in martial might,
Knowing that their chieftain's honour
Always held him to the right : —
' A Chlann mo Ghraidh ! ' and silence falleth,
' Children all of gallant men,
When we hear the fateful challenge
We will up and march again ;
312 THE CELTIC REVIEW
We shall leave our dear loved mountains,
Leave our bonnie, sheltered glens,
Leave our darlings when the summons
Calls us o'er the distant plains ;
Far across the raging billows
"We shall sail in proud array ;
Eachann's clans shall never conquer,
Never triumph in the fray.
Yes, my sons ! 'mid Skye's wild comes,
Where the wind is sweeping free,
Some will sleep their last long slumber,
Some will die for Gleannachridhe.
We shall triumph ; we shall conquer
And our glens with joy shall ring.
When the pibroch's thrilling echo
Reaches forth on hast'ning wing.'
Thus he spake, this hero Colla,
He whose story poets told
At the ' ceilidh ' fires o' winter,
When the snows lay deep and cold
Colla, loved of women dearly,
Colla, Prince of Gleannachridhe,
f He who ever fought in battle
For the cause of liberty.
Once again the echo brought me
To the fairy burnie's flow,
And I gazed in mystic wonder
At the Green Fire in its glow ; —
All around me naught but silence.
Portent sure of spirit-charms.
Nodding branches waving sadly
Heavy, weary, burdened arms ;
But around, above, upon me.
Fairy-whispers strangely sweet
Told me of the happy region
Where they held their lost retreat ;
Where their king on milk-white charger
Roamed the forest's midnight peace
Calling lonely travellers follow
Where life's joy would never cease :
To a realm of sparkling splendour
Where the Wee Folk hold their sway,
Radiant in their green, green mantles.
Crimson-capped in bright array ! —
DAN OUIMHNE 313
0 Finvarra, King of Faerie !
Call me to thy mystic ring,
Lead me where the merrie dancers
Sweetest melodies do sing.
So the echoes, clear, insistent,
Still compel me to the stream
Where the fairies after sundown
Circle in their mystic dream.
Echoes ! Echoes ! I can hear them
Call me in the midnight's rest
Where the ' clachan's ' brooding silence
Weighs upon a heart distressed,
For I hear my kinsmen's voices
Beckon from a far-off shore,
Where the old, old dreams are cherished
Of a day that comes no more ;
1 can hear their voices calling,
I can list their wistful sigh,
'Tis the dawning morn that bringeth
Absent ages ever nigh.
But there 's no one now to wander
Through the bonnie, flowery glens ;
No one now to leave their footprints
On the slopes of grassy bens ;
Mayhap in the mountain's silence
Where the lonely shieling stands ;
Mayhap in the hill-wrapt valley
Where there lie no favoured lands ;
Mayhap there an old-world dreamer
Rests upon a distant past,
Calling gently to the shadows
As the night-clouds overcast.
But the Highland glens are empty,
And their children scattered far
By the cruel hand of exile.
Sterner, fiercer yet than war.
0 my people ! ye who linger
By the ' lochan ' in the glen,
Let the throbbing breath of ages
Tell of happy days again ;
Let the soothing, wistful echo
Break upon your list'ning ear, —
Then the glory of tradition
Like a star shall burn most clear.
314 THE CELTIC REVIEW
THE 'PICTI' AND SSCOTTI' IN THE EXCIDIUM
BRITTANI^^
Rev. a. W. Wade-Evans
The Excidium Brittanice brings its story down in chapter
xiii. to the death of Maximus the usurper at Aquileia, which
event is known to have taken place in the summer of a.d.
388. In the following chapter it is stated that as a result
of this rebellion Britain, i.e. Scotland as well as England
and Wales, was drained of all its armed soldiery, its military
supplies, its cruel rectores, rulers (or praepositi, overseers, as
they were called before) and its able-bodied youth, so that
there was literally no human material left in the island
capable of defending and ruling it, whether officer, soldier,
or civilian ; or even a single weapon. The Excidium
Brittanice would have us believe that Maximus, in this
supreme effort of his hfe, exhausted the island of Britain
of every available source of defence and authority, and
that what he took away with him never returned. This
incredible statement is actually emphasised as the narrative
continues. The citizens, having no able-bodied men, were
in need of soldiers ; having no soldiers, had to send for
them ; having no rectores, rulers or overseers, failed to hold
the Wall of turf ; having no weapons, had to have patterns
left them for their manufacture. Britain, thus helpless,
became exposed for the first time to the attacks of two
savage nations from across the sea, the Scotti from the
north-west, and the Picti from the north, and remained
prostrate under these attacks for many years.
We are told that the Picti and Scotti differed partly in
^ The above article is to be read in conjunction with that entitled ' The Romani
in the Excidium Brittanics,' which appeared in the Celtic Review for August 1913
(pp. 35-41). In these two articles the facts are submitted to a fresh examination, so that
everything previously written by me on this subject should be checked by reference
to this new series of essays. Also every prior essay should be checked by reference
to a later.
'PICTI'-'SCOTTI' IN EXCIBIUM BRITTANIM 315
their customs, but were alike in their thirst for blood, and
also in a preference for covering their hang-dog countenances
with hair rather than the least decent portions of their
bodies with decent clothing.
The Scotti were natives of Ireland,^ and that they are
regarded as such in the Excidium Brittanice is shown in
chapter xxi., in which they are distinguished from the Picti
as grassatores Hiberni, Irish freebooters. Where, however,
the author of the Excidium Brittanice supposed the habitat
of the Picti to be is uncertain. All he says is that they
were a transmarine race, who came to Britain over the sea
from the north, shared with the Scotti in the capture of
' Scotland ' as far as the Wall in and after a.d. 407, and
began to settle for the first time ' in the extreme part of the
island ' subsequent to their defeat by the Brittani after
A.D. 446. He may have supposed them to have come from
the Orkney Islands or Scandinavia ; ^ in any case Britain
was not exposed to their attacks until the revolt of Maximus
late in the fourth century, nor was the island ever occupied
by them until the fifth.
Both Picti and Scotti are described as transmarine,
attacking an island which was wholly Romano-British,
nomen Romanum tenens, retaining the Roman name, from
John o' Groat's to Land's End. ' Borne by wings of oars,
by arms of rowers, and by sails bulging with wind, they
break across the bounds.' When defeated by the Romani,
it is trans maria, beyond the seas, that they are put to flight,
* The Scotti appear for the first time in history under this name in the account by
Ammianus Marcellinus (xx. 1) of an invasion of Roman Britain by the Picts and Scots
in the year 360. ' They were probably mixed bands of Goidels, Cruithni or Picts of
Ireland, and Fir Ulaid or True Ultonians. These last had been crowded into the
north-east corner of that island in consequence of the conquest of Oriel or southern
Ulster some years previously by Celts from the direction of Meath.' It is probably
from the northern half of Ireland that we have the name Scotti. — Celtic Britain,
3rd ed., 243 ; The Welsh Peoi^le, by Ehfs and Brynmor-Jones, 87, 101-2.
2 ' The Picts came and occupied the islands, which are called Orcades, and after-
wards from the islands devastated many regions and occupied them in the northern
part of Britain, and they remain there to the present time, holding a third part of
Britain.' — Historia Brittonum, ch. xii. Bede thought that the Picti had come
originally from Scythia, i.e. Scandinavia. — Hist. Eccl., i. 1.
316 THE CELTIC EEVIEW
and it is trans maria, beyond the seas, that they accumulate
the plunder acquired by them year by year ; and in
chapter xix. we read how ' the foul hordes of Scotti and
Picti eagerly come forth from the coracles in which they
sail across the sea,^ as when the sun is high and the heat
is increasing dark swarms of worms emerge from the narrow
crevices of their holes.'
When a legion had arrived from Kome in answer to an
appeal from the citizens for help, and had driven out the
foe with great slaughter, it commanded the citizens to build
a Wall across the island between two seas, which Wall
being made of turf proved of no advantage. This Wall, of
course, is really that of Antonine, built from Clyde to Forth
about A.D. 143. Thus, although the foe had been com-
pletely cleared out of Britain, the supposed building of this
Wall, sometime after a.d. 388, must have meant to the
author of the Excidium Brittanice that the defence of the
north of Scotland was now abandoned. Such is the story
of the first devastation of Britain by the Picti and Scotti.
Whilst the legion was returning home, the Picti and
Scotti again come over the water to commence their second
devastation, and again do the Romani arrive in answer to
another appeal from the citizens and drive the invaders
with great slaughter ' beyond the seas.' The Romani,
however, will not be troubled any further by such laborious
expeditions, for which reason they leave Britain for ever.
Before departing they cause another Wall to be built in a
straight line from sea to sea, this time of stone, which Wall
historically is that founded by Hadrian about a.d. 122 ;
and they also place towers on the sea-coast towards the
south against other enemies, which towers of course are the
forts of the Saxon Shore, all built before a.d. 306.^ The
* The original has trans tithicam vallem, across Tethys's valley, which is a poetical
way of describing the sea. Tetbys was a sea-goddess, wife of Oceanus, and mother of
water deities. Compare the expression which follows — in alto Titane, when the sun is
high, from Titan, the sun-god.
2 Constantius Chlorus, colleague and representative of Diocletian in Britain,
formed a coast defence of forts, some old, some newly erected, extending from the
'PICTI'-'SCOTTI' IN EXGIDIUM BRITTANIjE 317
building of the second Wall must imply that now the
defence of the whole country north of it was surrendered.
Such is the story of the second devastation.
In chapter xix., as the troops of the Romani were leaving
for ever (the tyrant Constantine left Britain in A.D. 407),
the Picti and Scotti renew their attacks over the water
for a third devastation and seized the abandoned country
north of the Wall in place of the inhabitants. It is impor-
tant here to give the exact words, which are these : omnem
aquilonalem extremamque terrae partem pro indigenis muro
tenus capessunt, they seize the whole of the northern and
extreme part of the land as far as the Wall instead of the
inhabitants. From this we are to beheve that, whereas
the Brittani had been the masters (under the Romani) of
the whole island of Britain till a.d. 407, from that year
the northern part of the island as far as the Wall of Hadrian
was taken over by two foreign nations, the Picti and Scotti.
Although these nations, however, seized the country north
of the Wall, they did not as yet settle in it, but proceeded
at once with their attack on southern Britain.
The Picti and Scotti being now, a.d. 407 and shortly
after, in possession of Britain, north of the Wall, the object
of the citizens was to ward them off the country to the
south of it. To this end (so the text would seem to read)
the Wall was manned. The wording is somewhat curious :
' There is stationed in edito arcis, on the height of the
citadel,^ an army, slow to battle, unwieldy for flight, inept
by reason of its quaking heart, which languished day and
night in its foolish watch. In the meantime the hooked
weapons of their naked enemies are not idle, by which the
Wash to the Isle of Wight. It consisted of some nine, each planted on a harbour and
garrisoned by a regiment of horse or foot. The new system was known, from the name
of the chief assailant, as Litus Saxonicum, the Saxon Shore. — Dr. Haverfield in Social
England, 103, and Cambridge Medieval Ilistory, i. 378.
^ This expression seems hardly adequate to describe a manning of the Wall of
Hadrian throughout its whole length. We may have here a covert reference to
some particular part of the Wall, and possibly a place-name, Pencaer, Pendinas, or
what not. (Uxelodunon or Uxelodunion, at the mouth of the Ellen on the Cumberland
coast, means high fort or high town. — Rhfs, Celtic Britain, 3rd ed., 2.?4.)
318 THE CELTIC REVIEW
wretched citizens were dragged de muris, from the walls,
and dashed to the ground. . . . Why should I say more ?
They abandon their civitates, cities, and their murus celsus,
high Wall.' There were flights, dispersions, massacres. The
citizens are butchered like so many lambs. Their very
existence becomes like that of the beasts of the field, for
they even preyed on one another for barest necessities.
In addition to these external calamities there were civil
tumults, for food became so scarce throughout the whole
country that none was obtainable except such as was
acquired in the chase. Thus did famine follow in the wake
of the third devastation.
Whilst this double horror of war and famine was still
prevailing, the miserable remnant of the Brittani make a
final appeal to Rome, despatching a letter to the powerful
Aetius.^ They begin thus : To Agitius in his third consul-
ship come the groans of the Brittani. But the appeal proves
of no avail. Now Aetius was consul for the third time in
A.D. 446.2
The famine, severe and well remembered, continues to
press the wandering and vacillating people, which forces
many of them to yield for the sake of a morsel of food.
There were others, however, who would not yield, but
issuing from mountains, caves, defiles, and thickets, carried
on the war unceasingly. They would not yield, and at
last, trusting in God, won a signal victory, which checked
for a space the audacities of the foe. This victory was the
1 We know from Constantius's Life of St. Germanus (Bk. ir. ch. i. § 62) and from
Bede (Hist. Ecd., i. 21) that about this time St. Germanus of Auxerre went to
Eavenna to intercede for the peace of the Armoricans, against whom Aetius had
enlisted the services of the Alani. As St. Germanus had only just returned from
Britain, he may well have acted as emissary on behalf of the Brittani on the same
occasion. Mr. Anscombe thinks that the letter was sent by the Brittani of Armorica
and not by those of Britain, and that the author of the Excidium Brittanice ignorantly
referred it to the insular Britons.
2 ' Aetius might be addressed ter consul not only in 446, but in any year thereafter
until his fourth consulship and death in 454.' — J, E. Lloyd's History of Wales, 99,
n. 25. The chief point, however, is this, that a.d. 446 is the earliest possible date
for the despatch of the letter.
*PICTI'-*SCOTTI' IN EXGIDIUM BRITTANI^ 319
first ever inflicted by the Brittani on the Picti and Scotti,
and terminated the third devastation.
It is clear that this third devastation begins in a.d. 407
with the capture of north Britain as far as the Wall, continues
at once with the breaking down of the defence of the WaU,
and the subsequent ravaging of southern Britain, and
ends sometime after a.d. 446 with the first triumph of the
Brittani. This means that the third devastation lasted
at least forty years from a.d. 407.
The northern nations now withdraw. What did they
do ? Here again the exact words are all-important, which
are these : revertuntur ergo impudentes grassatores Hiberni
domos post non longum temporis reversuri, Picti in extrema
parte insulae tunc primum et deinceps requieverunt praedas
et contritiones nonnumquam facientes — the shameless Irish
freebooters, therefore, go back to their homes, to return
again before long. The Picti, then, for the first time,
settled down in the extreme part of the island and continued
to do so, with occasional pillagings and devastations.
Let us see precisely what these words are meant to
convey. We have been told that the Picti and Scotti had
captured northern Britain as far as the Wall at least forty
years previously. Capessunt pro indigenis, they took it in
place of the natives. And yet not until after their defeat
subsequent to a.d. 446 did the Picti begin to settle in the
country they had taken; and as for the Scotti, they are
made to go back to their homes in Ireland, as the use of
the word Hiberni, Irish, at this point indicates. Whereas
settlements of Picti iii north Britain are mentioned, we are
not told of any such on the part of the Scotti, but rather
the contrary: revertuntur grassatores Hiberni domos, the
Irish freebooters go back to their homes. Our author's
idea seems to be that the Picti and Scotti were so engaged
in ravaging south Britain for the forty or more years from
A.D. 407 that they in the meantime neglected north Britain,
so that not until their defeat sometime after a.d. 446 did
the Picti busy themselves with making north Britain their
320 THE CELTIC REVIEW
permanent home, and as for the Scotti they withdrew to
their native Ireland. The Scotti left Britain alone to
return again before long ; the Picti indulged in occasional
foragings and depredations.
These occasional forays must have extended over no
very small period of time, for during the pauses between
them ' the island was becoming rich with so many resources
of affluence that no age remembered the possession of
such before, with which resources of every kind luxury
also grows.' And again during such pauses 'kings were
anointed not in the name of God but such as surpassed others
in cruelty, and shortly afterwards were put to death by
the men who anointed them, without any inquiry as to
truth, others more cruel having been elected.'
All this went on until it was suddenly announced that
the old foes of the Brittani had again arrived with the
intention of thoroughly destroying the country, and of
dwelling in it from one end to the other as was their custom.
The exact words are : penitus delere et inhahitare solito more a
fine usque ad terminum regionem — thoroughly to destroy and
to dwell in the country from end to end as was their wont.
This is the only indication given us that the Picti and
Scotti had inhabited southern Britain from end to end as
well as ravaged it. We have been told that they had made
three devastations, that they had seized the abandoned
northern portion as far as the Wall, and that one of them,
the Picti, had colonised ' the extreme part.' It now appears
that they had also inhabited from end to end. Neverthe-
less, although the Picti and Scotti had inhabited the land
from end to end, yet on their defeat which terminated the
third devastation both of them are distinctly said to have
withdrawn, the Irish freebooters to their native Ireland,
and the Picti to Scotland to colonise ' the extreme part.'
Unfortunately no details are given of this fourth
devastation, but it will be borne in mind that it commenced
no very small interval after a.d. 446, and that no Scotti
have been made to settle permanently in the island. It may
*PICTI'-'SCOTTI' IN EXCIDIUM BRITTANI^ 321
indeed seem strange that the Picti and Scotti should seize
Scotland as far as the Wall with the final withdrawal of
Roman troops in a.d. 407, and that not until after a.d. 446
should the Picti begin to settle for the first time, no mention
being made of any permanent settlements of Scotti, ^ but
rather the contrary ; nevertheless, this is clearly what the
narrative implies.
Whilst the announcement of this beginning of a fourth
devastation is still in their ears, the Brittani are afiiicted
by that deadly and well-remembered pestilence, ' which in
a short time without any sword lays low such a multitude
of them that the living are unable to bury the dead.' ^
' According to the traditional account the Scotti did not begin settling in
Scotland until about the close of the fifth century. ' It was in 502 (according to the
Annals of Ulster) or 496 (according to the Four Masters) that Feargus Mor mac Earca
cum gente Dalrisda partem Britanniae tenuit (Tigernach).' — Nicholson's Keltic
Researches, 80. The Scotti ' took up their abode in Cantyre and the island of Islay,
the part of Ireland from which they came being the nearest district to Cantyre and
known as that of Dal-Riada. The migration began during the last years of the fifth
century, under a prince called Fergus mac Ercae ; and it was not long before the new-
comers spread themselves orer much of what is now known as Argyle.' — Rh^s, Celtic
Britain, 3rd ed., 156-7. Bury, on the strength of the Epistola Patricii, argues that
there were settlements of Scotti in north-west Britain before the middle of the fifth
century. — Bury, St. Patrick, 315-16. However this may be, the Excidium BrittanicB
implies no such settlements previous to a lengthy interval after a.d. 446. It is
unfortunate that no details are given of the fourth devastation, but one may surmise
that now for the first time the Scotti are intended to commence settling.
* This pestilence, which synchronised with the arrival of Picti and Scotti for the
fourth time, no small interval after a.d. 446, and which inflicted such havoc among
the Brittani, was famosa, well known. It is recorded as a local and a completed
incident which occurred prior to the calling in of Saxon aid, so that there can be no
question of confounding it with the celebrated European plague which raged for so
many years during Justinian's reign in the mid-sixth century. Such a local pestilence
among the Brittani was that in which Maelgwn, king of Gwynedd, died. Details of
it are given in the Book of Llan Dav, 107, 110, 131, 144. It is known there as y
dylyt melen, the yellow plague, because it made yellow and bloodless all whom it
attacked. It well-nigh reduced the country to a desert. The Brittani fled before it
to Ireland and to the Continent. Amongst those who fled was Teilo, bishop of
Llandaft", who went to Brittany, where he met his nephew, Oudoceus, who succeeded
him at LlandaflF as bishop. The time of the pestilence (considerably post-dated in the
Annales Cambrice) may be determined in this wise. Maelgwn, king of Gwynedd,
and St. Teilo were both contemporaries of St. David, who was born in a.d. 462. That
St. David was born in a.d. 462 and flourished in the last half of the fifth century is
one of the most assured facts in early Welsh history (see my ' Rhygy varch's Life of
St. David' in Y Cymmrodor, xxiv. 1-73). And that Maelgwn, king of Gwynedd
VOL. IX. X
322 THE CELTIC REVIEW
Finally, an assembly is held to deliberate as to the best
and safest means of repelling the irruptions of the Picti
and Scotti. All the counsellors, together with the superhus
tyrannus,^ proud tyrant, agree that the Saxones should be
introduced into the island. After this we hear no more
of the Picti and Scotti.
The Excidium Brittanice does not teU us the number of
years which elapsed between the Letter to Aetius and the
advent of the Saxones. But as we know from the contents
of the Letter that it could not have been written earlier
than A.D. 446, the Saxones must have been admitted into
the island some interval after that year. And the interval
must have been a long one to have included the victory
which terminated the third devastation and the unpre-
cedented growth of wealth and luxury which followed.
The conclusions may be summed up as foUows. The
Excidium Brittanios is clear as to the Picti and Scotti that
they were both extraneous nations, who attacked the island
of Britain from over the sea, the Picti from some transmarine
quarter in the north, the Scotti of Ireland from the north-
west. They differed partly in their customs, but were
alike in their appearance, wearing hair on their faces and
scant clothing about their legs. No mention is made of
their being painted or tattooed. They sailed the sea in
coracles.
Not until A.D. 383 was Britain exposed to the attacks
of these foreign barbarians, but between that year and
A.D. 407 they devastated the island twice, with the result
that the defence of Scotland as far as the Wall of Hadrian
was abandoned.
In A.D. 407, with the final departure of Roman troops,
flourished contemporaneously with him in the same period is also indicated by the
well-known fact that his famous descendant and successor in the Jifth generation, to
wit Cadwallon, perished at Rowley Water in 634. The plague, therefore, that carried
off Maelgwn, must have occurred about the early sixth century.
* superhus tyrannus, proud tyrant, is commonly taken to be a covert reference to
Vortigern, whose name resolves itself into vor + tigem, over-lord.
'PICTI'-'SCOTTI' IN EXCIDIUM BRITTANI^ 323
they commenced their third devastation with the capture
of Scotland as far as the Wall. Capessunt pro indigenis,
they took it instead of the inhabitants. They then pro-
ceeded at once to break down the feeble defence of the Wall,
and to ravage southern Britain without mercy, and to dwell
in it from one end to the other. This they continued to do
until after a.d. 446, when they met with their first decisive
check at the hands of the citizens. The Picti and Scotti
withdrew, and so terminated the third devastation, which
lasted at least forty years from a.d. 407.
During the third devastation the Picti and Scotti had
had no leisure to deal with Scotland. Now, however, the
Picti began to settle in north Britain for the first time,
whilst the Scotti went home to their native Ireland. As yet
there do not appear to have been any settlements of Scotti
in Scotland.
After the third devastation, which terminated subse-
quently to A.D. 446, there followed no very small interval
of time during which the Brittani became more affluent and
luxurious than ever before in their history. The Picti,
however, made occasional raids.
This interval of imprecedented wealth and luxury was
brought to an end by the arrival of Picti and Scotti for a
fourth devastation. No details are given.
Simultaneously with this fourth arrival there fell upon
the Brittani a famosa pestis, famous plague, which carried
ofi so many of them that the Hving were unable to bury
the dead.
Finally, the Brittani, with the superhus tyrannus, proud
t5nrant, determined to call in the aid of the Saxones. How
long this was after the Letter to Aetius in a.d. 446 we are
not told, but the narrative of the Excidium Brittanioe from
chapters xx. to xxiii. postulates no small period of time.
324 THE CELTIC EEVIEW
LA IS BLIADHNA LEIS NA H-EOIN
COINNEACH MaoLeOED
Air leantainn bho t, d. 252
An Dreathann agus an Iolair
Bha an Dreathann 'na sheasamh air stob, sop 'na bheul,
goic 'na cheann, is e meomhrachadh, mar bu ghnath leis,
air nithean diomhair an domhain. ' Is mithich dhuit, a
laochain, an sop chur as do bheul,' ghlaodh an Uiseag ris,
is i deanamh direach air an stob. ' A bheil dad cearr, a bhuin-
neag ? ' ' Cearr ! nach faca tu, no mur faca nach cuala
tu, an Clacharan is a' Chathag air an dearg chaothaich
feadh a' bhaile — fhuair iad naidheachd mu dheireadh.'
'A dh' innseadh na firinn,' ars' an Dreathann, ' bha mi
gabhail iongantais, is nithean annasach cho gann mu'n
trath so de'n bhliadhna, nach robh mi cluinntinn fathann
idir air an nathair-mhara, no air na boiteagan mora, no air
na seilcheagan reamhra. Ach ciod a tha iad ag radh, a
bhuinneag ? is ciod a chunnaic iad ? is co an t-suil gheur
a lorgaich ? is co am beul firinneach a dh' aithris ? ' Mu'n
d'fhuair an Uiseag a gob fhosgladh, co bha air tighinn ach
an Smeorach. ' Cuir an sop 'nad bheul, a Dhreathainn,'
ars' esan, ' nach 'eil fios air tighinn o Iolair na Creige Moire,
gu bheil i am beachd tigh-samhraidh a thogail air an iosal,
agus gu bheil i an dochas gu'm bi sinn uile 'gar reamhrachadh
fein fa chomhair a teachd.' 'Nach eibhinn i,' ars' an
Dreathann. ' Eibhinn, a dhuine ! is ann a tha i miomhail
ladurna, agus mur b'e gu bheil an Calaman air tighinn,
theirinn gu bheil i rud eile.' ' Nach dean thu fead, a
ghraidhein ! Cha'n fhaca tu riamh, o'n nach fhaca tu
riamh, rud cho inntinneach no cho feumail ri fead. Tog-
aidh fead soirbheas, agus leagaidh fead soirbheas. Bha
mi meomhrachadh an diugh ' — ' Cha'n ann a' cur casga air
do chainnt a tha mi,' ars' an Smeorach, ' ach ciod ata sinn
dol a dheanamh ? Nach 'eil thu fhein a' faicinn, ma thig
an Iolair, gu feum sinne falbh ; agus ma dh'fhanas sinne.
LA IS BLIADHNA LEIS NA H-EOIN 325
nach faod ise tighinn.' ' Mar bha mi dol a radh, an uair
nach do chuir an Smeorach casg air mo chainnt, bha mi
meomhrachadh an diugh air uabhar is air aimideas an t-
saoghail. A bheil thusa, Chalamain, a' creidsinn an t-
seanfhacail, " Beag moiteil is mor toirteil " ? ' ' Cha'n
'eil mi 'gad thuigsinn, a Dhreathainn.' ' A bheil thusa 'gam
thuigsinn, a Smeoraich ? ' ' Tha thu ciallachadh, nach
'eil ? gur h-e boireannach siobhalta laghach a th'anns an
lolair, a chionn gu bheil i mor spagach.' ' Theagamh, a
ghraidhein, gu bheil an seanfhacal 'ga chiallachadh, ach
cha'n 'eil mise. Cha'n abradh tu gu bheil mi fhein am
dhuineachan ro-mhor — co-dhiu, cha'n 'eil mi buileach cho
mor ris an lolair — is tha mi cearta coma ged bhiodh h-uile
gille beag anns a' bhaile ruith as mo dheidh, is a' magadh
orm. Nis, cha'n abrainn sin a thaobh na h-Iolaire moire
spagaiche.' 'Ach ciod a ni sinn ? ' ars' an Uiseag. ' Ciod, a
chaomhag, ach an rud a tha mi ag radh — cuiridh sinn eagal
nan gillean beag air an lolair.'
Bha sgaoth mhor de na h-eoin cruinn comhla a nis, agus
chuartaich an Dreathann a' chuideachd le a shuil. * Cha'n
fhaic mi a' Chailleach-oidhche,' ars' esan. ' Cha'n 'eil i
tighinn idir,' ars' an Clacharan. 'Chuir i am bodach 'na
h-aite,' arsa Chathag. 'Tha mi tuigsinn,' ars' an Dreath-
ann, ' ach lolair ann no as, cha'n fhaigh am bodachan
bas an da latha so. Ach so ! so ! an ceann gnoth-
uich sinn. Nis, a mhnathan-uaisle is a dhaoin-uaisle, tha
fadal oinm air fad gus an tig an lolair; agus tha am fadal
sin cho acrach is gu'n cuir sinn 'ga h-iarraidh an ceart ghrad-
aig an ama. A Chlacharain, tha thusa maith gu bruidh-
inn.' ' Mata, Dhreathainn, o'n thubhairt thu e, cha
bhiodh e ach miomhail dhomhsa cur 'nad aghaidh. Cha'n
'eil mi ag radh nach 'eil a' Chathag pailt cho fileanta, ach
cha chuir i loinn air rud mar chuireas mise.' 'A Chlacharain,
ni sinn dudaire dhiot ; cuiridh sinn do'n Chreig Mhoir thu
le teachdaireachd.' ' Cha ruith leam ach leum, a Dhreath-
ainn.— " theid is gu'n teid mi le sugairt agus aoigh " ' —
' Theid thu le teachdaireachd, a ghraidhein.' ' A dh'inn-
326 THE CELTIC EEVIEW
seadh na firinn, a Dhreathainn, bha bloighdeag amharuis
agam gu'm biodh agam ri oraid a dheanamh air rud-eigin,
agus bha smuid agam air te fad an latha — direach anns an
earalas. Cha bhi agam ach facal no dha atharrachadh, is
freagraidh an oraid do rud sam bith, o'n lolair gus a'Ghlais-
ein.' 'Cluinneam, a ghraidhein, mar dh'iarras tu air an
lolair tighinn.' ' larraidh mi oirre mar so — " Air feasgar
aluinn earraich bha ghrian a' cromadh thmi an aird-an-iar,
agus bha ghealach is na reultan a' dol 'nan culaidh-oidhche
lasraich sheudagaich, chum an dleasdanais abhaistich a
dheanamh ann an gorm-bhrat nan speur. Bha na h-uillt
bhoidheach bhinne cronanaich thun an traigh, agus bha
calltuinn an fhaile chubhraidh a' toirt phog dhaibh 'san
dol seachad. Bha ceo nam beann air an leitir ud thall,
a'sgaoileadh, le lamhan min-gheal, sroil-shithe de shneachda-
briiadair air tulaich nan sliabh ; agus bha coin bhuchall-
acha bhachallacha nan geug, mar ris an neoinean dhiblidh
is mar ris an t-s6bhraich fhinealta, air an lionadh le gair-
deachas mor fa chomhair ailleachd an t-saoghail ta ann.
Ach, O ! astraiche nan speur, eadhon mar thaomas beum-
sleibh o na sgairnichean gruamach ard, no mar bheucas a'
bheithir 'nuair theid tein' agus uisge gu stri, eadhon mar sin
thainig t' fhios thim an ealtainn ud shios, gu robh thusa los
tighinn le lamhachas-laidir nan daoi, a thoirt uainne na
dachaidh a f huair sinn le beannachd o shinnsir nach maireann
'san am — eadhon ar fonn, ar fearann, ar fasach fein. Ach,
O ! a spuinneadair nam bantrach, a chreachadair nan nead,
a mhortair nan uan, eisd a nis ri mo bhriathraibh fiosnacha,
foisneacha, fior-ghlic, fior-eolach, agus — " ' ' Cha chuala
mi riamh a leithid,' ars' an Dreathann, ' cha'n e bruidhinn
tha sin ach bardachd.' ' Cha'n e fhein a rinn e,' arsa
Chathag, ' chuala mi h-uile facal deth roimhe.' ' Tha mi
coma CO rinn e,' ars' an Dreathann, ' cha chuala mi riamh
sgleogaireachd cho sgiolta ris. Ach is e tha cur an dorrain
orm nach cluinn sinn ciod a their an lolair.' ' Nach innis
mise dhuibh,' ars' an Clacharan. 'Cha'n innis, a ghraidh-
ein; bidh tusa an crochadh ris a' chraoibh as airde th'
LA IS BLIADHNA LEIS NA H-EOIN 327
anns a' Chreig Mhoir.' ' O chiall ! cha teid mi aim idir, a
Dhreathaimi.' ' Theid thu ami gmi teagamh, a Chlacharain,
ach fagaidh tu an sgleogaireachd aig an tigh, is bheir thu
leat crioman beag de m' shop-sa.' ' Ciod a their mi, mata ? '
* Mu'n abair thu diog, a ghraidhein, ni thu beic. Agus
bheir thu an ceart aire do d'ghuth. Feumaidh e bhi iosal,
agus feumaidh e bhi fosgarra, agus feumaidh crith bheag a
bhi ann cuideachd, direach a leigeadh fhaicinn gu bheil fios
agad CO ris a tha thu bruidhinn. Agus an uair a their mo
Bhaintigheama, " Tha cead labhairt agad, a dhudaire,"
their thusa : "A Bhaintigheama urramach, tha eoin na
h-ealtainne cur failt oirbh. Tha e 'na aobhar gairdeachais
dhuinn, gu bheil sibh am beachd, leis an anabarr iochda,
tigh-samhraidh a thogail air an iosal, agus is e lan-durachd
ar cridhe, gu'm bi sibh cho sona 'nar measg, is gu faod sibh
a radh an ^m dealachaidh, gu'm b'fhearr leibh gu mor a bhi
f uireach na falbh. Ach a Bhaintigheama urramach, tha bhur
seirbhisich dhileas a' guidhe oirbh, sgriob a thoirt do'n iosal
an diugh, ma's e is gu'm bi sin freagarrach dhuibh, a chum
gu'n innis sibh dhuinn, ciod an seorsa nid a b'aill leibh sin a
dheanamh, agus ciod an seorsa bidh is annlainn a b'aill leibh
sinn a chruinneachadh, fa chomhair latha mor bhur teachd.
Agus bidh bhur seirbhisich dhileas do ghnath a' guidhe." '
' O chiall ! ' ars' an Clacharan, ' cha'n urrainn domhsa an goil-
eam-oilean sin a thogail. Nach 'eil fhios agad, a Dhreath-
ainn, gu bheil e anabarrach duilich do theangair rud nach
d'rinn e suas ionnsachadh air a theangaidh. Nis, na leig-
eadh tu leam fhein ' — ' Bu mhaith a dh' ionnsaich thu an
oraid sgleogach eile, ged nach tu rinn i,' arsa Chathag.
'Trobhad so, a Chlacharain,' ars' an Dreathann, 'agus abair
an goileam-oilean facal air an fhacal, direach mar bheir
mise dhuit e. "A Bhaintigheama urramach, tha eoin na
h-ealtainne cur failt oirbh." ' ' " A Bhaintigheama urra-
mach"— ach am feum mi seasamh air mo leth-chois fhad 's
ata mi 'ga radh ? ' ' Nach 'eil fios gu feum, a ghraidhein —
o nach urrainn duit seasamh air t' eanchainn, Abair na
facail a nis. ... A rithist .... A rithist. . . . Ro-
328 THE CELTIC REVIEW
mhaith, a dhudaire. . . . Cha'n 'eil thu cho maol, a ghraidh-
ein. . . . Aon iteal eile. . . . Cha'n 'eil mi an duil nach
'eil e agad air fad a nis, a ghraidhein, ach direach gu'n d'rinn
thu aon iomrall beag anns na facail mu dheireadh.' ' Ciod
a thubhairt mi ? ' ' Thubhairt, gu robh na seirbhisich
dhileas ris na guidheachan. Nis, a ghraidhein, cha'n 'eil
mi ag radh nach e sin as firinniche, ach cha'n e as modhaile,
agus air son na chunnaic thu riamh, na leig a' chraobh as
t' aire.' 'A Dhreathainn,' ars' an Calaman, is e air ur-
chlisgeadh a duiseal beag cadail, ' a Dhreathainn, cha toigh
learn an gnothuch so — cha'n 'eil moran de'n fhirinn ann.'
' Ud, a dhuine,' ars' an Smeorach, ' cha chreid lolair na
Creige Moire firinn, ach creididh i breug cho luath 's a dh'
itheas mise boiteag.' ' Cha toigh learn na breugan,' ars' an
Calaman. ' Saoil, a charaid,' ars' an Smeorach, ' am marbh-
adh tu fhein am Bru-dearg laghach leis an fhirinn, na'm
b'urrainn duit a shabhaladh le bloigh breige.' ' Cha'n 'eil
mi idir a' creidsinn, a Smeoraich ionmhuinn, gu bheil an
fhirinn cho marbhtach 's a tha thu ag radh.' ' Tha i marbh-
tach gu leoir, a Chalamain, ma thig i 'na h-Iolair.' ' So !
so ! a chlann, bithibh soitheamh,' ars' an Dreathann — ' tha
mise lan-chinnteach, a mhnathan-uaisle is a dhaoin-uaisle,
gu bheil mo bheachd fhein agus beachd a' Chalamain calg-
dhireach an eagaibh a cheile, ach direach nach 'eil esan a'
tuigsinn mo bheachd-sa. Cluinn so, a Chalamain. Cha'n
'eil sinn idir dol a thoirt rud a chreidsinn air an lolair, is ann
a tha sinn dol a thoirt oirre rud a chreidsinn, agus nach 'eil
thu fhein a' faicinn nach ionnan idir an da ni.' ' Cha'n
urrainn domh radh gu bheil, a Dhreathainn ; agus, co-dhiu,
cha toigh leam gUong nam facal.' ' Mata, Chalamain,
cuiridh mi a' phuing air leithid de dhoigh is gu'n tuig eadhon
an t-isean anns an ugh mi. Na'n abrainn-sa riut fhein, rud
nach abair, ach abair gu'n abradh, Biodh e dubh no geal no
grisionn (ma tha e dubh no geal no grisionn) gur neo-thoigh
leam fhein (na'm bu neo-thoigh leam fhein) Nebuchadnesar,
bhithinn, na'm bithinn, a' toirt rud a chreidsinn ort ; ach
ma their mi, rud a their agus a dh'fhaodas mi radh, Biodh
LA IS BLIADHNA LEIS NA H-EOIN 329
e dubh no geal no grisionn (ma tha no nach 'eil e dubh no
geal no grisionn) gur ro-thoigh learn fhein (o'n as ro-thoigh
learn fhein) Nebuchadnesar, cha'n ann, o nach ann, a' toirt
rud a chreidsinn ort a tha mi, ach a' toirt ort rud a chreid-
sinn. Nis, nach 'eil thu tuigsinn sin ? ' * Cha'n 'eil, sran-
nadh dheth ! ach, O Dhreathainn, is caomh le mo chluais
caoin nam facal. Abair a rithist e.' ' Biodh e dubh no
geal no grisionn, gaol mo chridhe Nebuchadnesar.' ' Tha
mi 'gad thuigsinn a nis. Ach stad gus an smaointich mi.
Biodh e dubh — no geal — no — no — no an rud eile — tha
gaol mo chridhe agam air Nebuchadnesar. Tha thu ceart,
gun amharus tha thu ceart, a Dhreathainn, agus tha mise
lan-riaraichte — is e sin ri radh, ma tha am Bru-dearg
riaraichte.' Chlisg am Bru-dearg a teis-meadhon bruadair.
' An robh sibh a' bruidhinn rium, a chairdean ? ' ' Tha
an Calaman is mi fhein a' cur romhainn,' ars' an Dreathami,
' gu'n innis sinn an fhirinn, an fhirinn uile, gun aon hde ach
an fhirinn, do lolair na Creige Moire. A bheil dad agad an
aghaidh sin, a ghraidhein ? ' ' An ann agamsa ! Is caomh
leam fhein an fhirinn, a Dhreathainn,' agus chaidh am Bru-
dearg air ais d'a bhruadar. ' Nis o'n tha sinn uile lan-
riaraichte,' ars' an Dreathann, ' is mithich do'n dudaire bhi
sgaoileadh nan sgiath. Ach aon fhacal riut anns an deal-
achadh. An uair a thig thu air t'ais o'n Chreig Mhoir, is an
lolair agad air roineig, feumaidh tu bhi cho sgith, a ghraidh-
ein, is nach tig aon bhiog as do ghob.' ' O chiall ! am feum
mi bhi cho sgith sin ? ' ' Feumaidh, a ghraidhein ; is an
uair a bhios an spors uile thairis, innsidh tu dhuinn ciamar
a chaidh dhuit anns a' Chreig Mhoir.' Chuir an Clacharan
car-a-mhuiltein deth fhein tri uairean. ' Hu hhk hidil a, hu
bha hidilan ! nach ann aig a' Chathaig a bhios am farmad
rium. Cha'n 'eil mi an diiil nach toisich mi, an larach nam
bonn, air an oraid a dheilbh.' ' A Chlacharain,' ars' an
Dreathann, ' cluinn so, agus cluinn e air a' chluais as buidhre.
Gus an ruig thusa Chreag Mhor, na biodh a chridhe agad —
a bheil thu cluinntinn, a ghraidhein ? — na biodh a chridhe
agad smuain no smuain altrum 'nad cheann, ma's ceann
330 THE CELTIC REVIEW
gogan, ach an da smuain so — an teachdaireachd agus a
chroich. Turus maith leat, a dhudaire.'
Chuir an Dreathann a shop 'na bheul, is thoisich e air
cnuasachd. Dh' fhan na h-eoin eile, a' Chathag is gu leir,
'nam balbh-thosd, gus am bu deonach leis fhein bruidhinn.
An ceann treise chairich e an sop air an lar. ' A mhnathan-
uaisle is a dhaoin-uaisle, faodaidh gu bheil mi neonach,
ach is iomadh rud a chminaic mi, agus mur h-eil mi air mo
mhealladh, chi mi rud an diugh cuideachd. A Chathag, tha
thusa maith air na rolaistean — tha dreuchd beag agam
dhuit.' ' Ciod a thuirt thu ? ' ars' an Calaman. ' Bha mi
direach dol a radh, o nach trie leis a' Chathaig an fhirinn
innseadh, gu'n toir sinn cothrom dhi an diugh an fhirinn
innseadh do lolair na Creige Moire.' ' Ro-mhaith, a charaid
ionmhuinn. O'n tha cuisean dol air an aghaidh cho firinn-
each ceart, cha'n 'eil mi an duil nach bi norrag bheag
agam fhein air an tolman ud thaU. Ach feuch gu'n toir
thu sanas dhomh, a Dhreathainn, ma thig ar bana-charaid
urramach, a' Bhaintighearna. B'fhior-thoigh leam aon
fhacal maith a radh rithe — direach anns an earalas.' ' Cha'n
'eil mi ag radh nach biodh e iomchuidh, a Chalamain, ach
tha eagal orm nach biodh e modhail, facal maith a radh ri
Baintighearna — co-dhiu, a' chiad latha. Ach an ath uair
a thig i, ma thig ! faodaidh tu fhein is am Bru-dearg, a dha
chreutair gun lochd, dalladh oirre fad an latha leis na clachan
is leis na facail mhatha. Cadal maith dhuit, a ghraidhein.'
Mu'n gann a bha Chathag air a ceart oileanachadh aig
an Dreathann, chualas foirm agus toirm anns an adhar
shuas. Co bha so ach lolair na Creige Moire, agus an
Clacharan anns an ospagaich as a deidh. Dh'eirich na h-eoin
uile 'nan seasamh, agus rinn iad beic do'n Bhaintighearna.
Rinn a' Bhaintighearna beic do na h-eoin an comain na
beice ceudna. Rinn na h-eoin beic eile do'n Bhaintighearna
an comain na beice comaine — agus chaidh iad an sin an
ceann gnothuich. 'A Bhaintighearna urramach,' arsa
Chathag, ' chuir sibh urram nach beag air coin na h-ealtainn
an diugh, agus is fiachan oirnne moit ar cridhe dhearbhadh
LA IS BLIADHNA LEIS NA H-EOIN 331
is a lan-dearbhadh le gniomharan ar lamh. Ach, a Bhain-
tigheama urramach, mu'n cuir sinn nithean eile 'nur cead,
bu mhaith leinn aon fhathann beag ainmeachadh 'nur
lathair. Cha ghabh sibh gu h-olc e, oir cha'n e olc ach eud
a ta 'nar n-amharc, ach tha na gillean beaga ag eigheach
air an rathad mhor, nach dluithe theid lolair na Creige
Moire do'n ghrein, na an Dreathann beag sin ata nis cho
diblidh a' deanamh beice 'nur lathair.' ' Mata, Chathag
bhochd,' ars' an lolair, ' cha bu bheag an tamailt learn fhein
gu'm biodh na gillean beaga ag eigheach bhreug as mo
dheidh. Na'm b' fhirinn e, cha'n 'eil mi an duil gu'n nochd-
ainn m'aghaidh gu brath tuilleadh shios air a' chomhnard.
So ! so ! a Dhreathainn, bheir sinn na speuran oimn.'
Thionndaidh a' Bhaintighearn a h-earr ris na h-eoin, agus
sgaoil i a mach a sgiathan. Ghrad-spion an Dreathann
badan coinnich a tolman, is gearrar sinteag bheag bhoidh-
each gu druim na h-Iolaire. ' Glug-glog, glog-glug,' ars
ise, is i bruidhinn rithe fhein, ' cha'n 'eil mo leithid ann gu
streup na gaoithe — nach miomhail na gillean beaga ! '
An earalas gu'm bristeadh a ghair air, stob an Dreathann
am badan coinnich 'na bheul, agus o nach robh an corr aige
ri dheanamh anns a' cheart am, thoisich e air cur thoimh-
seachan air fhein. An ceann treise sguir an glugail-glogail,
agus thoisich an ospagaich. ' Tha mi an duil gu bheil mi
air fior-bharr mo chomais,' ars' an lolair rithe fhein, ' is
mithich dhomh tearnadh. Glug-glog, glog-glug, c'aite bheil
thu, Dhreathainn Duinn ? ' ' Fada, fada, os do chionn,' ars'
an Dreathann, is e toirt sithidh bhig bhoidhich an aird. Thug
an lolair aon chlisg-shuil os a cionn, agus an sin, gun ghuth
mor, gun droch fhacal, sheol i air falbh do'n Chreig Mhoir.
An an rathad gu talamh co thachair ris an Dreathann ach
an Clacharan agus a' Chathag, is iad air tighinn a dh'aon
ghnothuch 'ga choinneachadh anns na speuran. ' Is e
latha mor a bha 'n so,' ars' an Clacharan. ' Is e latha de na
laithean a bha 'n so,' arsa Chathag. ' A bheil fhios
agaibh,' ars' an Dreathann, * co air a bha mi smaointinn, an
uair a bhuail mo dhosan anns a' ghealaich ? ' ' Is e naidh-
332 THE CELTIC REVIEW
eachd a bhios an so,' ars' an Clacharan. ' Is e naidheachd
a rireabh a bhios an so,' arsa Chathag. ' Mata, an uair a
bhuail mo dhosan anns a' ghealaich, bhuail an smuain
so gu laidir ri m'inntinn, gu'm bu dubh is gu'm bu dona
saoghal peacach gun phuirt-a-beul. Cha'n aithne dhomh
fhein ni eile cho inntinneach no cho seaghail riutha. An
cuala tusa, Chlacharain, no thusa, Chathag, rud riamh cho
laghach no cho inntinneach ris a' phort so :
Tha mi 'n diiil gu'm bi mi nochd
Hi taobh mo ghaoil, ge b' ann air sop,
Tha mi 'n diiil gu'm bi mi nochd
Air taobh a bhos na h-aibhne.
Slan leibh, a chairdean.'
(R^a Leantainn.)
HENRY WHYTE— 'FIONN'
M. M.
By the death of Mr. Henry Whyte the small company of
Gaelic writers has lost one of its most active and capable
members. For a period of almost forty years his pen name
of Fionn has been familiar to all lovers of Gaelic literatm'e
and music. His acquaintance with the literature, the
history, and the music of the Highlands was wide and
minute, while his own contributions to Gaelic literature in
prose and verse, though not extensive, possess real merit
and have won considerable popularity. One can still recaU
the joy with which his early publications — the * Celtic Lyre '
and the ' Celtic Garland ' — were hailed by aU lovers of Gaelic
song. The ' Celtic Lyre ' gave an impetus to the popular
study of Gaelic music which has not yet exhausted itself,
and helped to create a demand for similarpublications which
is being very competently met, one is glad to note, by
devoted and accomplished workers in that field. Probably
no individual worker in recent times has contributed more
to diffuse a knowledge of and create a love for Gaelic. music
than Fionn. Not alone by his books but even more by his
HENRY WHYTE— 'FIONN'
HENRY WHYTE 333
lectures, by his magazine and newspaper articles, and by his
extensive private correspondence he has fed the fire of
devotion to our national music which is burning so brightly
in our day. His own contributions to Gaelic song, though
not numerous, are of full average merit, and some of them
have achieved widespread popularity. Two of them at
least — ' Ochoin a Righ si mo ribhinn donn ' and ' Dhealaich
mise nochd ri' m' leannan ' — are well-established favourites
and are often heard on our concert platforms. He was
particularly happy in his translations of Gaelic songs into
English. In these translations, while always faithful to the
substance and spirit of the original, he exhibited remark-
able skill in reproducing its measure and rhythm, so that his
versions are usually capable of being sung in English to the
Gaelic tunes. This faculty, as also the power, hardly less
marked, of turning English verse into Gaelic, he shared with
his brother John, whose recent death removed a most
useful worker from the Gaelic field. A large proportion of
the most successful translations in the Kelly collection of
Gaelic hymns are from the pen of Mr. John Whyte, under
whose editorial supervision the volume was issued.
For many years Mr. Whyte found a congenial sphere for
his energies in the varied operations of An Comunn Gaid-
healach. While actively interesting himself in all its
schemes, he rendered notably valuable assistance in con-
nection with the important and difficult work pertaining
to the Annual Mod. For this particular service his intimate
acquamtance with Gaelic music and song, combined with
musical attainments of no mean order, very specially fitted
him. But it was perhaps as a journalist — as a writer on
subjects connected with the history, folklore, poetry and
music of the Highlands — that his most important work was
accomplished. This work, suffering the common fate of
its kind, is buried in the files of newspapers and in the pages
of magazines, and is consequently in danger of falling into
neglect and forgetfulness. He was constantly writing on
such subjects as these, and writing with knowledge and
834 THE CELTIC EEVIEW
accuracy. He had a rich store of information to draw upon,
and was ever ready to put his information at the service of
others. He seemed never to grudge time or trouble in
answering the innumerable inquiries addressed to him on all
sorts of questions concerning song-origins, clan and family
histories, and kindred subjects. He was applied to from all
quarters on every variety of Highland topic, and if he
happened not to possess the required information himself,
as sometimes occurred even in his case, he spared no pains
in the endeavour to obtain it. In these respects he was one
of the most obliging and good-natured of men.
He had an excellent command of expressive and
idiomatic Gaehc, and wrote it clearly and forcibly. He
wrote at times on subjects that do not usually engage the
pens of GaeUc writers, and showed how in the hands of a
master the Gaelic can be easily adapted to meet modem
requirements. For example, he translated the Crofters
Act into good serviceable Gaelic, and in doing so, not only
conferred a real benefit on his fellow-countrymen, but
proved that the mother tongue was capable of reproduc-
ing clearly and accurately the involved, and cumbrous,
phraseology of parhamentary enactments. Like most
Gaehc writers, he had the gift of humour, and he used it
effectively in his writings. This is more noticeable in his
prose compositions, particularly in those short stories which
appear in that excellent collection of Gaehc readings
' Leabhar na Ceihdh.'
In his earlier years especially Mr. Whyte was a keen
pohtician, and took an active part in the agitation which
led to the passing of the Crofters Act. The writer has often
heard him tell of the hard things he had to endure at that
time because of the prominent part he took in the movement
and because of his pubhcly announced sympathy with the
national aspirations of the Irish. No one could deny him
the courage of his convictions, and the attempts to silence
him at that time, some of them very unworthy, had the effect
rather of provoking him into greater activity. He was a
HENEY WHYTE 335
good Highlander, whose interest in the past of his countrymen
did not absorb him to the exclusion of all concern for their
present condition and needs. He knew most of the men
who had helped to make Highland history during the last
forty years — in politics, in the Church, and in literature —
and his reminiscences of these were most interesting. He
was a capital raconteur, and his entertaining stories of men
and things, told with infinite relish and with the liveliest
appreciation of their humour, made an evening spent in his
company a delightful experience. Full of sentiment though
he was, he never allowed his sentiment to run away with
him. He was a man of cool and critical judgment and never
indulged in ' gush.' His appreciations were usually re-
strained in tone and temperate in expression, well-balanced
and judicial. His writing was always marked by sound
judgment and good taste, and nothing ever came from his
pen to which the most fastidious could object. His services
to Gaelic Uterature were recognised some time ago by the
conferring upon him of a civil list pension. His brother
John also held one of these pensions, and together they
furnished the unique spectacle of two members of the same
family simultaneously enjoying State rewards for con-
spicuous service in the field of Gaelic letters.
FionrCs death leaves a blank which will be difficult to
fill. In some respects he occupied a position which was
unique. The sum of his original contributions to Gaelic
literature, so far as these are available in book form, is not
great, but if his translations from the English are added, and
his innumerable articles in Enghsh on Gaelic subjects taken
into account, the extent of our indebtedness to him will be
better realised. He was a most industrious and intelligent
gleaner, and was not content to lock up in his own breast the
vast store of information he had gathered, but shared it
freely with all who were interested. Above all, grateful
acknowledgment must be made of the valuable service he
rendered in popularising our national music and in pro-
claiming by voice and pen the beauty and the worth of the
Highlander's heritage of poetry and song.
836 THE CELTIC REVIEW
Mr. Whyte was a native of Easdale, but spent the
greater part of his hfe in Glasgow, in which he was for
more than a generation the most widely known Highlander.
During the later years of his life he devoted himself entirely
to journalistic work. He was the representative in Glasgow
of the Ohan Times, and contributed weekly articles on High-
land topics to other well-known newspapers.
BOOK REVIEW
A Welsh Grammar, Historical and Comparative, by J. Morris Jones, M.A.,
Phonology and Accidence. Oxford, at the Clarendon Press, 1913.
Pp. xxvii, 477. Price 13s. 6rf.
The appearance of this volume has given great joy to the Welsh people
and to students of Celtic Philology ; nor is the joy any less of that band of
students of the Science of Language who delight in seeing the principles of
that science successfully and brilliantly applied to the study of any tongue.
It may be stated at the outset, that the philology of Professor J. Morris
Jones's grammar is of the most advanced and scientific character, while,
moreover, it has not been written by one whose knowledge of the language
is purely philological, but by one who has an admirable command of the
living Welsh tongue. Wales is, therefore, naturally proud to have the first
volume of a grammar which analyses her language with consummate skill,
and which puts on record to all time the central tradition of literary Welsh.
As a worker for many years in the same field, the writer cannot but com-
mend this new volume with ungrudging praise.
The comments which follow must not be regarded as inconsistent with
the profoundest admiration for this classic work, but are to be viewed as
means of raising points for discussion for the purpose of still further
advancing Welsh scholarship. Many of them allow of legitimate difference
of opinion, and, possibly, a closer study of the older literature and of
the dialects will provide fresh means for deciding some of them. The
following are, in the opinion of the writer, points that deserve fresh con-
sideration. On p. 4, the author holds, that the form Brydein, in the ex-
pression milguir Brydein, found in the Black Book of Carmarthen, is a
radical and not a mutated form ; but the writer well remembers the expres-
sion of an opinion by Sir John Rhys, that, in Welsh, there was once a
mutation after masculine nouns in the plural, and it is possible that we
have here an instance of that mutation, as in the expression milwir orvith in
the Black Book of Carmarthen, poem iii. Though orvith is an adjective,
the principle of the two mutations is the same. On p. 5, it is definitely
BOOK REVIEW 337
stated that 'the Picts were Britons.' There is much to be said for this
view, as Dr. W. J. Watson has shown, but, in a work of the scope of the
present, there ought to be some reference to the view so ably defended by
Sir John Rhys, that the Picts were a pre-Celtic race, and that the British
and Gaelic words found in their language were borrowed. The question is
far from being a simple one, for the interpretation of the Ogam Inscription
of Scotland is by no means easy. Nor, again, does the author (on p. 6)
refer to the suggestion of Sir John Rhys relating the name Maelgwn, which
was found a few years ago on the Nevern ogam inscription as Maglicunas.
As proper names on such inscriptions are oftenest in the genitive case. Sir
John Rhys has suggested that the original form of the nominative was
Maglicu, and not Maglocunos, as has been generally assumed, and that
Maglicunas is in the genitive case. At the same time, it has to be
admitted, that the author might well argue, that instances of the proper
name in the nominative are known. It is stated (on p. 14), that the sound
« of Welsh is very similar in its effect upon the ear to the French u. There
is, perhaps, a slight resemblance, and, historically, u of Welsh has developed
from a sound practically identical with the French u, but the protrusion
of the lips required for the French u gives it an unmistakably different
character from the Welsh u. Again, the author seems to depart from his
usual scientific precision of statement, where he says, that * the Welsh y is
an i pronounced further back.' It is also too much to say (on p. 18), that
the Welsh t is usually more dental than the English t. The dental / is not
unknown in Wales, notably in some of the Arvon dialects, but the pro-
nunciation of the people who use it is in that respect noted by the people
from other parts as different from their own. On p. 19 it is said, that h
may be ' a voiceless form of the vowel that follows it,' but it is truer after
all to hold that A is a preliminary breathing to the vowel, since (except in
whispering) there cannot be a voiceless vowel, vibration of the vocal chords
being necessary to a spoken vowel. There is a reference (on p. 22) to the
t which was used, chiefly in the twelfth century, to represent the sound of
modern dd. This sound, the author says, is represented ' rather illogically
by t.' So it would seem, but it is not improbable that t is here the remnant
of th, and, in the Black Book, ill., urthen is iound=urdden, and, perhaps (in
poem ix.), forth =ffordd, and (in poem v), oeth = oedd.
On p. 23, it might perhaps have been well to add, that ng is sounded
to-day as ng-\-g in South Wales, in words like dangos. In the explanation
given (on p. 27) of forms like enmeituou, the old form for amneidiau, it is
possible that a more probable view than that given by the author is, that it
was the labial o immediately after it, that turned i (in the suffix iou) into u.
For the sake of clearness (on p. 32, § iii), it might be well to add, after ' The
present sound of the form ei,' the words 'in the first syllable of a dissyllabic
word,' and, also, for the sake of the non- Welsh reader, it might be well to
write 'corr.' in full as 'corrupted,' lest he should inadvertently think that it
VOL. IX. Y
338 THE CELTIC EEVIEW
stands for ' corrected.' In the fourth line on p. 33 the word mae has been
too widely spaced. On p. 36, for the sake of clearness (in § iii, 2), it would
be well to add after the words ' in fact the yw in cywydd,' the words ' as pro-
nounced by many.' The line — Nid vid iscolheic nid vid eleic unhen, from the
Black Book (on p. 50) does not necessarily prove that -eic is monosyllabic,
since the line may be corrected into its original form as Nid vid scolheic nid
vid leic unhen. It is stated (on p. 51, line 1), that the accent in words like
cyhyd is on the first syllable, but, at the present day, most people pronounce
this word with the accent on the last syllable. A small point (on p. 55)
relating to English usage is the use of ' Oh ' in address, in the expression
' Oh God,' while the more usual practice at the present day is to write ' 0 '
in address, and ' Oh ' in the expression of emotion. On p. 60, we find the
accentuation Pentyrch, but it might have been well to add that the form
Pdntyrch is to be found in North Wales. In spite of the frequent use in
the Llyn district of the corrupted English name 'The Rivals,' for the
Carnarvonshire mountain 'Yr Eifl,' it is to be regretted that so patriotic a
Welsh scholar as Professor J. Morris Jones should have sanctioned the
practice. On the same page, it would be well to add tibym, pdu and ffdu.
In § 61 on the same page, melfoch is translated as 'suckling pigs,' while the
usual English expression is ' sucking pigs.'
On p. 77 it might have been well to state that the old word pryfder in
Welsh is nothing but a corruption of the late Latin form prebiter (for
presbyter), and the Irish form given is a form borrowed and modified from
this. On the same page (§ 63), it is not made sufficiently clear to the non-
expert reader how hvdd- corresponds to sod- in the root of the word huddygl.
On p. 80, it is said that duw has been changed from dwyw, which is identical
with the first syllable of the word dwyfol, but it is more probable that it is
from another grade of the root, namely, diu-, the y of dyw being labialised to
u, as in Med. duw, ' day.' In Mediaeval Welsh byw (to live) was also occasion-
ally spelt buw. Since tad is the Welsh derivation of the Indo-European
term of endearment tata, it is probable that in the Welsh child's word tada,
the ' a ' has been added. The author rightly calls attention to the history
of Latin s in Welsh, but, in view of hestavyr (from sextarius), and most
probably hwyr (from sera), and hagr (from sacrum), it seems impossible to
avoid the conclusion that initial s of Latin sometimes became h in Welsh.
On pp. 81 and 84, the author gives his own derivations of hvryr and hagr ;
but it might have been well to state that there was room for difierence of
opinion. On p. 83 it might have been advisable to say that pl-o-n-, being
the 6- grade form corresponding to the Latin e- grade from plenus, was the
original form of the root of Welsh llaum. It would be possible to add
(on p. 88), that the pronunciation neuodd has a wider range than Anglesey,
for it is found at any rate in the Llyn promontory of Carnarvonshire.
There is a diflFerence of opinion between the author and Sir John Rhys
in connection with the development of words like lleidr. The author holds,
BOOK EEVIEW 339
like Zeuss, Strachan, and others, that the 6 at the end of latro turned to m,
and after that to I. Sir John Khys holds that the vowel was aflFected in
lleidr, owing to a British mispronunciation of latro as lairio. There was a
tendency to turn a long o at the end of a Latin word to a short o, and by
the fourth century, at least, a long o at the end of a Latin word was com-
pletely lost. In spite of that, it is quite possible that the Britons, like the
Gauls, had turned a final long o to m, as we know the Gauls to have done
from the form Frontu for Fronto on a Gaulish inscription. It may be noted,
also (on p. 91), that the author derives the name Selyf ( = Solomon) from
the form Salomo, and not from Selemio, as is done by Sir John Ehys in his
Lectures on Welsh Philology. If the author's view regarding the treatment
of long 0 at the end of a word be correct, the derivation given is perfectly
natural. On p. 94, it is said that the word Chwefror is ' generally sounded
Chwefrol ' : it is true that it is so pronounced in some dialects, but the more
usual pronunciation is certainly Chwefror. It might have been stated on
p. 95 § (2) that aw had begun to change to o early in the Middle Ages,
since we find in the Black Book of Carmarthen (poem iv.) the form caffod for
caffawd, without mentioning dywod. It is not unlikely that o and aw in
terminations lived side by side for a considerable period. In the Welsh of
the Bruts are found incorrect forms like manachlawc, which would not have
been written, were it not usual to write aw where o was sounded, until the
correct form manachloc came to seem too colloquial and unliterary. In § iv
on the same page, it would have been well to note that the forms cronni,
ffynhonnau and Meirionnydd are old misspellings. It would have been
interesting to the reader to have it stated (on p. 96, § 73 (2)), that there is
in the Welsh place-name another form of the word du, namely dyw, which is
found in. the name Dowlais (for Dywlais), a parallel form to the usual
Dulais. In § 74, with reference to the word lluosog it might have been well
to state that u has come from i before the labial sound o.
It is suggested (on p. 99) that oe in the Latin coena has turned to toy in
cwyn (an old word for cinio), but the truth is that the correct spelling of
this Latin word is cena, a word which comes from cesna. The wrong spelling
coena was invented through the false view that it has come from the Greek
KoivT^, On p. 100 it would not have been uninteresting to mention the
South Wales form harn for haearn, which has sprung from the same root as
haearn, but with the accent on the syllable -drn-. It would have been
interesting, too, to add (on p. 101) the dialect form chmd for hwyaid, or
rather for the Mediaeval hwyeid. On the same page esdk- is given as the root
of the word eog, but there is some doubt about the original form, since esoz
was the form taken by this word, when borrowed into Latin from Celtic.
The author very plausibly derives the Welsh name Cai (Cei in Med.
Welsh), the name of one of Arthur's chief companions, from Latin Caius ;
but it is a well-known fact that in this word the Romans continued to write
C for G, since the name was really pronounced as Gains, and this name, as
340 THE CELTIC REVIEW
is stated by Lindsay {The Latin Language, p. 252), stands for Gavius. Again,
on the same page, it might have been said that there is considerable doubt
about the derivation of the name Owain (Owen), for it is quite as easy to
derive it from Eugenius as from Esugenios. On p. 105, it might have been
stated that there is in Italian a form rovina of the Latin ruina, which was
formed on the same principle as the Welsh word rhewin. It would have
been possible to add on p. 109, that in South- West Wales the forms tewill
and tewi are said for tywyll and tywydd. Again, the author derives to from
togia (the original of the Irish tuige), while the Welsh form could come
equally well from a Celtic toga, the exact equivalent of the Latin toga. As
for the word gwUu (p. 119), it is not impossible that Welsh had once a form
gwela by the side of gwely, just as we have eira and eiry. In North-East
Cheshire, according to the late Mr. Thomas Darlington, there was a local
expression, 'to go to the goela,' for 'to go to bed,' where go'ela is probably
the Welsh by -form gwela. On p. 125 it is stated that tanc is from the same
root as the Latin pax, pango, but it is more likely to have come from the
root of the Latin tango, in the sense of touching or striking the hand as a
symbol of peace. The whole theory of the author as to interchange of
mutes in Indo-European roots is very hypothetical. The attention of
philologists is certain to be drawn to § 3 on p. 125, and, owing to its rather
novel features (some of which possibly further research may justify), it is
certain to give rise to much discussion. On p. 131, after the word angar, it
might have been well to inform the reader, and especially the non-Welsh
reader, that even the North Wales pronunciation is ang-\-gar. Nor would
it have been inadvisable to add (on p. 138) the Latin tortus as the derivation
of the word torth, a derivation that is quite as probable as that from the
Celtic form given. In § 101 on this page the author makes suggestions that
are worthy of close attention.
On p. 156 he says, that Latin lad- stands for slad-, and that for sglact-,
but it is exceedingly probable, that lad- stands for glad- (from the same root
as the Greek yaXaKT-). Possibly Professor J. Morris Jones has a theory to
identify the two forms slad- and glad-, but, if he has, it should be more
explicitly stated. As to the history of the word indulgens in Welsh (p. 160),
it might be well for the author to give further consideration to what has
been written by Sir John Ehys about the Manx ennoil and the inscription
form Andagelli. On p. 161, the derivation of archen from the Latin arcenda
(from arceo), like peden from petenda, and offeren from offerenda appears much
more probable than that given by the author. He may well be too ingenious
also, in deriving ymlddd from a source different from ym and lladd. The
word llygru (on p. 166) is also ingeniously explained, but a more probable
derivation is that from Latin lucrum, suggested by Mr. John Lloyd Jones,
M.A., one of the author's ablest pupils. In addition to what is said (on
p. 172) about /y, it might be added, that the form yn iov fy (n) is still used in
some of the South Wales dialects, as in the expression yn llygad for fy llygad.
BOOK REVIEW 341
On p. 178, the author regards gwirion in the Black Book of Carmarthen, as
standing for the Old British form virgones, but in the line where it occurs,
it is more probable that is the plural of gmr in the sense of 'true ones,' or
'faithful ones.' The form gwerydd, too, probably stands for gweryf, and the
form gweryddon is probably only the plural form of this word. It is stated
(on p. 178), that it was through analogy that the '/' came into llefydd and
brofydd, but it not improbably stands for a spirant g from a momentary g.
In connection with cyfan and cyfa (p. 181), it might have been stated, that
ma is probably not a contraction of mann, but a separate form from an older
magos. The same would apply to yman and yma. In felly it seems more
probable, that we have the equivalent of fel-\-hy, with an old demonstrative
hy, rather than that the -nn of hynn should have been dropped. It is not
clear, either, why the author derives the name Gwenlliant from gwenn and
the foreign word bliant. On p. 184, it is said that the misspelling set for
Latin sed in a Welsh MS, is a proof, that the copyist was in the habit of
writing t for d at the end of a word, but it is equally likely that he was
thinking of et. To the example given on p. 1 86 of the change of / back to
h, it might at first sight have seemed possible to add dadebru, with a deriva-
tion of ebru from Latin ebrius, but possibly the long e of the Latin word is a
hindrance. On p, 187, it is said, that Harlech springs from Arddlech, but it
is quite as likely that the simpler derivation from hardd and llech is adequate.
To the instances given on p. 188 of the use of the mutated as the radical
form, it would be possible to add olwyn for golwyn or gwolwyn, from the same
root as the Latin volvo. On p. 193, the words Kir llawr eirccheid (in the
Black Book of Carmarthen, poem x.) are translated 'beside the suppliants,' as
if it were to be read Kir Haw r eirccheid, but a more probable translation is
'beside the lowly suppliants,' llawr being used adjectively. With regard to
the derivation of y lleill (p. 194), it is not improbable that it comes from
allallii, and, similarly, y Hall from alldllos, while arall (for alall), comes from
alallos. On p. 216, it is said that the plural form broder was turned to brodyr
as a further indication of the plural, but there is also found (cf. Black Book,
poem X.) the form llyther by the side of llythyr. The modern form dynes is
condemned on p. 223, and it is said that dyn means 'man' or 'woman.'
This was undoubtedly once the case, but the usage of the language has now
changed. There is a tendency to speak of the older linguistic usage as still
existing on p. 236, where it is said — 'But adjectives in -ig, -og, -ol have
plurals in -ion.^ It is true that this was once the case, but the older usage
has now been modified. The author states (on p. 246), that the origin of the
word cynffon is cynh-ffon, but it is quite as probable that it stands for cynh-fon
(from cynt and bon). It is said (on p. 256), that the ending -dde is never
found at the end of adjectives in prose, but it certainly does occur once in
the name Dinas Ffaraon Dandde, which is found in the story of Lludd and
Llevelys.
The author says (on p. 266) that dir- in dirfawr is the same word as dir
342 THE CELTIC REVIEW
(certain). This is, indeed, a possible derivation, but the derivation from
di-\-ry+fawr is equally likely. To words containing the root eJ-(on p. 267),
it is possible to add ehran (eb+rhan) and Epynl (eb-^hynt). An instance of
the form emhennyd {=ymennydd) is given from 'Meddygon Myddfai,' but
another example might have been added from ' Brut y Brenhinoedd ' {Red
Book of Her g est Bruts, p. 140), namely emhenyd. On p. 279, the words ^nid
annuyd hawdit hetiw' are translated 'there shall not be for us (a summer
day),' but the true rendering is, ' To-day is not of the nature of a summer
day ' ; annuyd, being the Black Book equivalent for the later annwyd. In
the words ^an im roted par, par is translated as 'existence,' but it probably
means, as usual, a spear, and the whole line may be translated, ' when a
spear was put into me.' The word ae, found in the line given on p. 285,
E beteu ae gulich y glav, is difi&cult of explanation. It may be, as the author
thinks, an old form of the relative pronoun, but the e of ae may not im-
possibly be a personal pronoun. Again, it may be admitted, that htm in yr
hwn was originally demonstrative, but how old the tendency is to regard yr
hwn as relative may be seen from the fact, that hirunn exists as an eighth or
ninth century gloss on the Latin quern. Like one of his predecessors as a
grammarian, Emrys ap Iwan, the author rightly condemns the use of yr oil
for 'the whole.' It is difficult to understand why he derives the word ami
(in Med. Welsh amhyl) from a hypothetical Celtic form amhilos, rather than
from the Latin amplus. The Med. meaning ' abundant ' is confirmatory of
the derivation from Latin. As for the word sesuinad (from the Black Book
of Carmarthen), the present writer once held, like the author, that it was one
word, and a reduplicated form, but he now holds it to be two words, and
translates the words pan im se suinad as ' when my seed was created.' The
word se is a doublet of he, and occurs several times in the older poetry. The
writer may be right where he says (on p. 333), that caran comes from caren,
but it may have been formed by analogy with the third person plural. As
for the explanation which the author gives of the words ac y haruetud (in the
Black Book of Carmarthen), where he proposes an emendation, it seems to the
present writer, that the words as they stand may be right, and that they
are to be translated, ' And thou wouldst purpose ' ; aruetud being from a
verb, which, in Modern Welsh, would be arfeddaf. In connection with the
verb caf, there may be added to the forms given a form cawdd for cafawdd,
which is found in the line of Dafydd ab Gwilym Y milwr gynt, mawlair
gawdd. At the bottom of p. 350, also, the form cymwd might have been
added, as one containing the form hwd for the more usual hod. On p. 364,
the form ymda, too, might have been added, as it doubtless stands for ym-\-
dy-\-a. The author deserves special praise for his explanations of the many
difficult problems connected with the history of the Welsh verb. On p. 370,
the author expresses his view, that gwad- in gwadu is due to a dififerent
vowel gradation of the root gwed- of dywedyd, but, though this ingenious
derivation is possible, a more probable view is the simpler one, that gwadu
BOOK REVIEW 343
stands for go-\-adu. To the forms given on p, 375 may be added the form
digonsynt, found in the elegy on Cynddylan attributed to Meugant. On
p. 397, the author expresses the view, thoX-ediw is a modification of -adwy, in
words like telediw and meiiediv, but it appears more probable, that -ediw
contains the old ending -t'luos, which is found in the Latin captivus.
The author (on p. 410) says that one should read ym ach mur Kaer Loyw,
in E. M. 131, with ach as an old preposition, but a more probable reading is
ymach, that is, 'in the curve or bend.' It is also stated (on p. 415) that
Ivjrw i ben is said in South Wales, but, as a matter of fact, the expression used
is Itoyr i hen for Iwry i ben. In certain relative clauses, the author says that
ry contains the relative pronoun, but it is more likely that in such sentences
there is no relative pronoun, in accordance with a tendency often seen in
Irish to dispense with a relative pronoun. It would have been possible (on
p, 438) to add the form 4rioed (with the accent on the first syllable), which
is found in Dafydd ah Gwilym (poem xcviii.) : —
' A'r gaeaf oeraf erioed
Hirddu cas, yn hyrddio coed.'
On p. 217 defynnau has been wrongly printed for defnynnau, and there is a
misprint of a vocalic i for a consonantal i on p. 100, v. (4). In the Phono-
logy, too, where the writer mentions the change of Indo-Eur. qu in Greek
into T, the case of this change before i, as in ns and tIvw, requires mention.
As will be seen from the foregoing comments, the doubtful points are
mostly of a minute character, and in no wise impair the quality of the work.
A consideration, however, arises to the mind of the philologist, while read-
ing the book, as to the direction in which Welsh philology should develop.
The work of Professor Morris Jones aims at presenting the reader with an
account of the tradition of literary Welsh, and it aims also at the inculcation
of this tradition as the standard of correct Welsh composition. It is no less
normative than descriptive. From its pre-occupation with the literary tradi-
tion, it tends, at times, to speak of past practice as if it were still binding at
the present day. Every literary Welshman will sympathise with the author's
conservatism, because the Welsh literary tradition has a strong conservative
bent, but however much those of us who are familiar with the nuances of
the older forms of the tradition may sympathise with a tendency to regard
the standard of correct Welsh as comparable in fixity with that of Attic
Greek and Latin of the Golden Age, we cannot fail to realise, from time to
time, that, to the average literary Welshman, it is practically impossible to
write with perfect accuracy in what the author of the present grammar
would regard as classical Welsh. Moreover, all forms of literature, even in
Welsh, cannot be equally conservative. Hence the question arises, whether
certain concessions may not be made to modern writers, so as to allow the
admission into the written language of the present day of non-classical
forms which have entered into general use, like dweyd and gvmeyd. The
344 THE CELTIC REVIEW
danger of too rigid an insistence on the minuiice of the classical tradition is
to deter young writers from attempting composition in Welsh at all.
What will be wanted in the future will be normative grammars, which will
indicate what forms may be used in different styles. The Cynghanedd poetry
may well cling to older forms, when the freer song and lyric, the novel and
the drama have adopted a literary language less removed from the practice
of the best public speaking. A careful reader of Professor J. Morris Jones's
classic work will find much that will suggest new developments in both the
descriptive and the normative grammar of the Welsh tongue. Professor
J. Morris Jones has done well to bring out the significant fact, that there is
in Welsh an elevated literary tradition in the use of the language, and this
will be a very valuable piece of information for philologists who tend to
concentrate attention only on the forms and the vocabulary of Welsh.
Evidence of great acuteness and labour on the part of the author is visible
on every page, and his teaching is already having its effect on the present
day writing of Welsh, though there are also signs of a misapprehension and
misapplication of his teaching. The Grammar, of which the first volume
has now appeared, will ever be a standing monument to his patriotic zeal
and knowledge of the Welsh tongue. E. Anwyl.
NOTES
'An Biabhach M5r'
Referring to the note on the word riabkach, which appeared in your issue
of August last, is it not possible that this sobriquet for the devil is really a
corruption of ^An Beabhach Mbr'1 In Irish the word reabhach (from
reabh=a. wile, trick) signifies 'one who plays tricks, the devil.' When this
word became obsolete in Scottish Gaelic, and its import was forgotten, it
would naturally in such an instance, by a process common to all languages,
be replaced by riabhach, a word almost identical in form and still in every-
day use: hence 'An Biabhach Mbr' (=the great grizzled one) instead of
' An Beabhach Mbr ' (=the great trickster, the great devil).
MacGilleriabhaich.
Further Remarks on the 'Ciuthach'
Dr. Watson has made such a close study of the Ciuthach, as his article
in the Celtic Beview of January 1914 suflaciently demonstrates, that it seems
almost unnecessary to supplement his statements. But it may be interesting
to add a third version of the Creag a' Chiuthaich story, as recorded by me in
a paper called ' The Kewach's Castle,' which appeared in The Antiquary of
July 1908. 'The Kewach's Castle' formerly crowned a little islet that
stands out from the shore and overlooks the broad sands of Uig Bay, in the
west of Lewis. To-day, all that remains of the stronghold is an irregular
NOTES 345
circle of stones. But tradition tells us that this was once the home of a
redoubtable giant, known as Kewach, son of Nuaran, or Nu-ag-aran.^ This
Kewach was one of four brothers who then dominated the whole of that
neighbourhood. Two of them dwelt in the island of Berneray, the ' Borva '
of Black's Princess of Thule. Of these, one brother, named Glom, had his
seat at Barra-Glom; while the castle of the other was known as Teeda-
Borra, that giant bearing the peculiar name of Teeda, or Teed. The
fourth of the sons of Nuaran was called Dearg, or the Ked One, and his
tower, which stands upon a rocky eminence above the eastern entrance of
Loch Eoag, was styled Dearg's Castle, or Biin Deirg. Its modern name is
the Doon of Carloway (Gaelic, Dibn Charlobhaigh), from its situation beside the
township of Carloway. The distance between Dearg's tower and that of his
brother, the Kewach, is twelve miles ; the two other brothers occupying
positions about midway. In the opinion of the late Captain Thomas, who
had made a study of such structures, the strongholds were essentially alike,
although differing in detail. . . .'
The Kewach of Uig and his three brothers are all described as enemies
of the legendary race of the Fians. It was at their hands that Dearg met
his death, in the island of Skye. And they slew his brother of Uig, also,
near his own castle ; in proof of which the Kewach's Grave (fourteen feet
long) is shown to this day. Some time before his death, however, the Kewach
performed a remarkable feat. He had been assailed all day long by a Fian,
shooting at him from the opposite or southern shore of the bay. The
Kewach, of course, responded ; but apparently neither of them possessed
great skill in archery — although it must be admitted the distance was great.
At last the Kewach wounded his enemy. He was quick to avail himself of
this advantage. Leaping down from his castle wall, he strode across the
broad sands and up the slope where his disabled enemy stood, supporting
himself against a small cliff. Him the Kewach seized in his arms, and then
thrust against the face of the cliff with such supernatural violence that he
actually crushed him into the solid rock ! Evidence of this amazing
climax is still visible, for the Kewach's Rock (Creag a' Chiuthaich) yet retains
the impression of the flattened Fian, whose outlines, however, are vague
beyond recognition. I may add that I took a photograph, which I still
have, of this phenomenon. It is really a ' fault ' in the rock, different in
colour and character from the rest of the cliff. It has no resemblance to a
human figure.
Here we have the Fian and not the Ciuthach represented as defeated
and crushed. It may be that, as a mere bird of passage, I did not pay
sufl&cient attention to the details. However, my version was written down
while it was still fresh in my memory. There can be no harm in stating
^ 'Nu-ag-aran' is probably the ' Nuamharan ' of Celtic Review, Jan. 1914, p. 207,
written according to English phonetics. Uamh acquires a guttural sound in some
districts, as uaigh and uag.
346 THE CELTIC REVIEW
that I was in the company of Mr. Macrae of Timsgarry, and other friends,
on that occasion, although I would not saddle anybody else with an
inaccuracy of which I may be guilty.
Dr. Watson's suggestion that the Ciuthach may have been a broch-
dweller is supported by the Lewis tradition, which assigns a broch, or a
building akin to a broch, to each of the four sons of Nuaran. The Ciuthach
appears, however, in another connection, not necessarily inconsistent with
the idea that he was a broch-dweller, in the story of the flight of Diarmaid
and Grainne. This incident is also referred to by Dr. Watson in his
Ciuthach article. But it is useful to supplement his remarks by a further
quotation from the Antiquary article already cited. It will be remembered
that the Ciuthach, or a ciuthach (for the term is certainly generic in some
cases), intruded himself upon Diarmaid and Grainne when they were living
in a large cave by the sea-shore, whether at Carraig an Daimh, in Kintyre,
or at Kinvarra, in the west of Tiree, or elsewhere. ' He came to them on
a night of mist and storm and sleet, a night so wild that even Diarmaid,
" the third best hero of the Fians," did not venture to stir from the cave.
The Ciuthach came to them, says the story, from out of the Western ocean,
in his skin-boat or curachan, propelled by two oars ; and one version has the
prosaic addition that he brought with him a string of fish. In he came to
their sea-cave in his light skiff, which he drew up and laid upon a shelf of
rock. At first he was hospitably received by Diarmaid and by Grainne
alike, who entertained him for several days. According to one account,
Diarmaid and his self-invited guest amused themselves by playing at
taileasg, otherwise "wedges" or dice. The Ciuthach won; and he
demanded Grainne as his prize. Some versions denote that he had already
won this wanton lady, without any difficulty ; and all are agreed in saying
that, up to this point, Diarmaid had coldly repelled the advances made to
him by Grainne. Be this as it may, there was a sudden and fierce struggle
between the two men, which ended by Diarmaid slaying the Ciuthach.'
In this incident, assuming it to have a basis in fact, there is one
specially interesting feature. This is the picture of the Ciuthach in his
curachan, or light skin-skifF, emerging out of the Western ocean on a night
so wild that even Diarmaid was afraid to venture from the cave. There is
only one kind of skin-boat that can live in such a stormy sea as the story
indicates, and that is the decked canoe formerly used in the north-east of
Scotland by people known as Finn-men. The only surviving specimen of
such a canoe, used in Scottish waters, is preserved in Marischal College,
Aberdeen. It was propelled, not by two oars, but by a double-bladed
paddle, and if the Ciuthach used such a paddle to propel such a canoe, he
could weather almost any storm. Much has been written about the curach,
but nothing so far about the curachan. Perhaps a study of this latter word
may bear out the theory that the Ciuthachs who lived in brochs and caves
made use of the same kind of skin-canoe as the people remembered in
Orkney and Shetland as Finn-men. David MacRitchie.
NOTES 347
Some Highland Pedigrees : a Correction.
Rev. A. Maclean Sinclair in his paper on the MacNeills of Argyll (vol. vi.
p. 55, etc.) makes out, or rather strongly suggests, that they were an
early offshoot of the MacLeans. There is no doubt that they come from
the same original stock as the Lamonts, MacSuibhnes, alias MacEwens
of Otter and Castle Swein, and the MacLachlans. (Vide my paper on
the Mac Suibhnes : Celtic Review, vol. vii. pp. 272-283.)
Then in vol. v. p. 70, etc., in his paper on the Clan Cameron, he
touches on a Clan Sorley who lived about Glen Nevis, and who were sprung
from a common ancestor with the Cameron, viz. Martin Mor. He then
proceeds to identify these Mac Sorlies or Mac Somarlies of Glen Nevis with
the Clan Sorley whose pedigree is given in Collectanea de Rebus Albanicis
(lona Club), p. 56, and in doing so asserts boldly that it may be regarded
as an unquestioned fact that this pedigree is that of the MacSomarlies of
Glen Nevis and also asserts, ' there were no other Mac Somarlies or Mac
Sorlies in the Highlands who possessed lands of their own and constituted
a distinct Clan.'
Skene equally failed to identify the following pedigree, which runs
* Donald son of Gillespie son of Angus son of Donald son of Sorlie son of
Ferchar son of Dunslave.'
1. Now every one at all versed in the old Highland pedigrees ought to
have quickly seen that Ferchar and Dunslave are the names which occur in
the Lamont pedigree. 2. The pedigree which immediately precedes is that of
the MacLachlans, and might have given the necessary hint to writers.
Sir Norman Lamont of Knockdow, on my pointing out this clue to him,
was soon able to definitely place them as a very old branch of the Clan
Lamont, who eventually, after for centuries witnessing as Mac Sorley, and
MacQuorley alias Lamont, entirely adopted or resumed this latter name.
In the Inventory of Lamont Writs, which Mr. Lamont is shortly to publish
through the Scottish Eecord Society, full proofs of this statement will be
found from the progress of the Lands of Monydrain in Glasrie, Argyll, which
is where these Mac Sorlies were seated, and which proves their descent for
many additional generations. I do not for a moment believe that the Mac
Sorlies of Glen Nevis spring from Somarlie son of Ferchar son of Dunslave.
If they did, then they were of a common origin with the Lamonts, MacLachlans, and
Mac Suibhnes ; and the fact is Sorlie has always been a common name.
Mr. A. M. Sinclair on p. 73 protests about Allan Mac Olony by the blunder-
ing of some scribe being converted into Allan Mac Ochtry, a name * which
never existed among the MacGillonies or any other Highland clan. All I
can say on the subject is that a race called MacUchtre, who are designated
as of ' Garvie,' long held these lands which are in Glendaruel of the Earls of
Argyll in the Middle Ages, so it certainly did exist as a name in the
Highlands. Uchtred MacDowall, Lord of Galloway, is another instance of
the use of the name, and no doubt the original progenitor of these
348 THE CELTIC REVIEW
MacUchtres who gradually anglicised their name to Ochiltrie (Argyll
Charters, passim), was a person of the name of Uchtred, which is a well-
known early Saxon name, and is kept up to this day by the Kay-Shuttle-
worth family in England. Niall D. Campbell.
The MacSuibhne (MacSween) Pedigree
Since writing the article on this old Celtic clan, I have acquired a facsimile
of the famous Book of Ballymote, and find from it that the identity I
suggested between the Mac Suibhnes and the clan afterwards known as
MacEwen of Otter in Argyll is fully proved. On folio 77 begins the great
pedigree of the O'Neils, which extends over two closely written columns.
In the third column, at line 15, a small heading caught my eye reading, (I
employ the Eoman instead of the Gaelic lettering and expand these names
which are contracted so far as I am sure of them) : —
' De g(ene)l(ach) cl(an) Suibhne fanadaig an so ' (viz. Here follows the
genealogy of the Clann Suibhne of Fanadach (now Fanat in Donegal,
Ireland).
' Toirdolbach M'' maelmuire M'= moroch oig M*' moroch mir ' (viz. moir)
* M*' maelmuire M<= moroch M'^maelmuiri M<= Suibhne a quo cl(an) Suibhne.'
Then comes another line of descents thus : —
'Toirdelbach ogh M<=Eogain connrug' (this epithet may be connrag),
* M'' donchaidh moir M*^ moroch oig M*^ moroch mir ' (viz. moir) who appears
above.
Then comes in faint yet plain letters in another square bracket : —
* G(ene)l(ach) M'^ suibhne otraige ' (viz.) the Genealogy of M'= suibhne of
Ottir.
It starts with six brothers who are termed the clan Eoghain or Ewen,
viz. : —
' Toirdelbach (agus Eoin agus donchadh agus dubgall agus Gofrig agus
Dondslebi clann Eogain) M" dubgaill M'^ maelmuiri M*" moroch mor M'= mael-
muiri M*= moroch M<= maelmuiri M*= suibhne a quo clann cruibh[?J or is it
0'suibhne['?] M<=Edha alaid renabarta burre M*=andrathan M'^aeda athloan
cacomraig (cl. neill) M'= flaithbertaig itosai [1] M<= muirchertaig M'= demnaill
M'' muirchertaigh [whom I omitted in my last article] M*= neill glundubh.'
This last is Niall Glunbubh, high king of Ireland, slain by the Danes on
17 Oct. 917, whose ancestors are well known for centuries, and are to be
found in the O'Neill main stem in this MS.
The five brothers above named may be calculated to have flourished about
the year 1420, as we know that Maelmuiri son of Suibhne appears as a
witness in 1262 (Paisley Charters), but the Duggall son of Sewen who
appears in 1261-62 (ibid.) evidently does not appear in the Book of Ballymote,
as he can hardly be the Dubgaill who was one of the five brothers, nor
Dubgaill who was their father.
Another problem is this, we know that Iain or Ewen, Terrealnanogh and
Murquocgh were three brothers and sons of Suibhne in 1310. Yet, strange
NOTES
349
to say, the Ballymote Book does not seem to notice them, though its Toirdel-
bach oig son of Eogain connrug son of Donchaidh moir son of Moroch oig
son of Moroch Moir might be meant for the second brother were it not that
he obviously is one descent younger than the five brothers of the Irish
pedigree, who presumably flourished about 1420.
Thus the early kinship of these ancient clans may be best set forth as
follows.
Aedh Alain of Buirche
I
Giollachrist
I
Lachlan
ancestor of the
M°LachIans
Niall
ancestor of
a elan of
M-'Neills,
probably those
of Tayniah
and Gighw.
Dunsiebhe
(omitted in Ballymote)
Ferchar
Suibhne who built
Castle Sween in
Knapdale, ancestor
ef the MacSweens
of Fannad and
MacEwens of Otter
GioUacoluim
died 1238
I
SirLadhman, Kt.,
vivens Oct. 1269
also Feb. 1292-3.
Ancestor of the
Clan Lamont
Duncan
vivens 1238
I
Sir David
a canon of
Argyll in 1270
Duffgall
vivens 1261
Maelmure
vivens 1262
Angus MacFerchar
vivens 1270-1292-
1296
4
M^Ewen of Otter
Sorley, ancestor of the
MacSorleys or M'^Quorlies or
Laments of Monydrain in
Glasrie, Argyll, as they later
called themselves
Dunsleve lived
1262, ancestor
of M<=Dunslave
Moroch Mor
vivens 1262-1267.
Died in prison
I
M<'Sweens of
Fannad
This survey shows us an exact reproduction among the clans of Scotland
of what is true of district after district in Ireland, viz. that as a rule where
clans of different names occupied adjacent territories, they sprang from a
common ancestry. It may be therefore quite true that the Campbells of
Lochow, the MacNachtans of that Ilk, and the Drummonds and Mac-
Arthurs are also sprung from the O'Duibhnes as is recorded in the traditional
genealogies of the Senachies, the dates of their divergence from the main
stem being so remote that it was before the surname of Campbell had
become fixed.
We have an illustration of this practice in the case of the MacSorleys of
Monydrain. They knew well enough that they were sprung from a
common ancestor with the Lamonts, and both for some generations bore the
patronymic Mac Fhearchair from Ferchar the son of Dunsiebhe son of Aedh
Alain, yet when Lamont or Lawmont crystallised as the clan name, those
septs, even though derived from a generation older than Sir Ladhman of
1269, did not hesitate to adopt that surname ultimately, however long they
may have clung to their sept name as an alternative before doing so.
Niall D. Campbell.
350 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR
A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR AND READER
By Julius Pokorny, Ph.D., LL.D. (Vienna)
{Continued from page 288)
§ 177. The Future and Secondary Future.
Of the future there are three types :
1. The f- future
is formed from almost all weak verbs and some radical verbs, as
e.g. the compounds of -ice, -moinethar, etc.
Its stem is formed by adding a suffix, whose consonant appears
as / or h { = v). The h is always found in final position ; /
appears regularly in the interior of a word after consonants,
while in vowel-flanked position either h or f may be found.
The / (h) shows in most instances palatal quality ; only occa-
sionally in %- verbs, more frequently in a- verbs, broad quaUty
may be found.
2. The s- future
is a reduplicated form of the s- subjunctive. A sigmatic future
and a sigmatic subjunctive regularly go together. Only the
compounds of -ic{c) have an s- subjunctive and a h- future. The
reduplication-vowel is -%-. Thus, e.g. claidid ' digs,' 3. sg. subj.
cldis fr. *kldd-s-ti : 3 sg. fut. cechlais fr. *ki-kldd-8-ti, composi-
tional form -cechla fr *ki-kldd-s-t ; guidid ' prays,' 3. sg. subj.
geiss fr. *g''hedh-s-ti : 3. sg. fut. gigis fr. ^g^hi-g^hedh-s-ti,
compositional form -gig fr. g'hi-g'hedh-s-t ; cf. further saigid
' makes for,' compositional 3. sg. subj. -sd fr. *sdg-s-t and composi-
tional 3. sg. fut. -sia fr. *si-sdg-s-t; ad-fdt 'tells,' 3. sg. subj.
ad-fe : 3. sg. fut. ad-fi fr. *ad-vi-v. . . .
If the root begins with a vowel, it contracts with e or ito i;
before o it remains, e.g. org{a)id 'slays,' compositional 3. sg.
subj. -orr : compositional 3. sg. fut. -ior, -iarr (§ 64).
Note 1. — No trace of reduplication is found in some compound
verbs, containing at least two preverbal prepositions, e.g. con-rig
'binds,' compositional 2. sg. fut. -riris fr. *ri''rig-s-ei, but ar-fmrsef, 3.
pi. of ar-fuirig, 'detains.'
ACCIDENCE 351
Note 2. — In some verbs, as rethid 'runs,' saidid 'sits,' etc., the
subjunctive forms serve to express the future tense.
3. The reduplicated and e- future.
a. The reduplicated future is a reduplicated form of the d-
subjunctive, the reduplication vowel being i.
Thus, e.g. gainithir ' is born ' (fr. *gn-je-trai), 3. sg. pres. subj.
genaithir (fr. *gen-d-trai) : 3. sg. fut. gignithir (fr. *gi-§en-d-
trai) ; canid ' sings,' compositional 3. sg. pres. subj. -cana :
compositional 3. sg. fut. cechna (fr. O. C. *ki-Jcan-d-t).
b. The e- future is in origin only a particular kind of redupli-
cated future. It arose regularly in verbs whose future-stems
go back to a time when the reduplicated future was still
formed from the reduced root form, e.g. celid 'conceals,' 3. sg.
fut. c4l{a)id (fr. *^i-^l-d-ti), fo-geir ' inflames,' 3. sg. secondary
fut. fo-gerad (fr. ^upo-g^hi-g^hr-d-to), and thence spread more
and more as a convenient type. Hence be(i)rid ' carries,' 3. sg.
fut. ber{a)id, gaibid ' takes,' 3. sg. fut. g&){a)id, etc.
Note. — The na- and nu- verbs (§ 175, 4) have in the composi-
tional 3 sg. fut. the ending -i e.g. len{a)id 'follows' (fr. 0. C.
*li-na-ti) ; compositional 3. sg. fut. -lili. 0. C. *-li-li-a-t, the reduplicated
form of the subjunctive *-li-art, 0. Ir. -lia, would have given *-lile.
ben{a)id ' cuts ' shows no trace of reduplication in the future, e.g. 3.
secondary fut. no-b'iad.
§ 178. Active and Deponent Preterite and Perfect.
Of this tense there are three types.
1. The s- preterite and perfect
is formed from all weak verbs (and some radical verbs, as
gaibid ' takes,' ad-glddathar ' addresses,' etc.).
Its stem is formed by adding -ss- to the short form (§ 128) of the
suflSx (§ 173, 1 ), e.g. car(a)id 'loves' (pres. stem car-d-): 3. sg.
pret. carais (fr. *carassi, 0. C. *kar-d-s-ti), compositional form
-car (fr. *carass, O. C. *kar-d-s-t).
On the hiatus- verbs, see § 181.
2. The t- preterite and perfect
is formed from radical verbs in -I, -r and from some in -m and
-g. There is no deponent inflexion.
352 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR
Its stem is formed by adding -t-, thus e.g. do-meil ' consumes '
3. sg. pret. do-melt (fr. Ho-rml-t), contracted form (after the
particles and conjunctions mentioned in § 53) -tomalt (fr. *-tb-
mel-t) ; berid ' carries,' compositional 1. sg. pret. -biurt, fr. 0. C
*ber-t-o ( = I.E. 3. sg. *bhert + d).
3. The reduplicated preterite and perfect
is formed from all the other radical verbs.
There are two types,
(a) really reduplicated forms. The reduplication vowel was
regularly e, but in roots ending in i this vowel seem to have
been introduced as reduplication vowel; in roots ending in a
consonant the root vowel appears in the deflected vowel grade
(§ 129), thus e.g. ligid 'licks' (fr. I.E. *li^h-e-ti), 3. sg. perf.
ro-lelaig (fr. I.E. le-loigh-e; the i of the present stem is the
reduced vowel grade of ei), cingid 'steps' (fr. I.E. *kheng-e-ti),
3. sg. perf. ro-cechaing (fr. I.E. *pro-khe-khong-e), while in roots
ending in a vowel, the root-vowel has been lost, e.g. -len(a)id
' you follow ' (fr. I.E. Hi-nd-te) : 3. sg. perf ro-lil (0. C. *ro-li-l-e),
-cren(a)id ' you sell ' (fr. I.E. ^k''ri-n9-te) : 3. sg. perf. ro-ciuir (fr.
0. C. *ro-k%-k'r-e, cf. § 115) etc.
(b) Forms without reduplication.
The root-vowel appears as d (fr. I.E. o) or i (fr. I.E. e) in
O. Ir., e.g. te{i)chid 'flees,' 3. sg. pret. tdich (fr. I.E. *tdk-e);
guidid 'prays,' 1. sg. perf. ro-gdd (fr. I.E. *pro-g''hodh-a) ;
midithir 'judges,' 3. sg. perf. deponent ro-rnidair, etc.
Note. — ben{a)id 'cuts' forms its preterite from the aorist-stem
0. C. *bl, e.g. 3. sg. perf. ro-M, fr. 0. C. *ro-bl-e ; 3 pi. perf. ro-b4otar, fr.
*ro-bl-(mtro.
For the preterite of Uagu ' I go ' the aorist-stem I.E. *litdh is used,
e.g. -luid ' went ' fr. 0. C. *lud-e.
The perfect of ro-cluinethar 'hears' is c'i!cal{a)e fr. *fCu-klov-e, with
analogical ?/.
4. The perfect ^ is commonly distinguished from the preterite
by the addition of ro- or other particles (see § 174). The pre-
terite is the narrative tense. Further, it is used in indirect
^ This short section (4) is taken from Strachan's Selectiona, p. 61.
ACCIDENCE 353
speech to represent a present of direct speech ; it is used in a
modal sense, e.g. ni hoi ' there were not ' ; further after nnad-
*well,' e.g. mad-genatar ' blessed are' and after 6 'since.'
The perfect marks the occurrence of an action in past time
from the point of view of the present. Such action may fall
within the recent experience of the speaker (or the person
spoken to), or within his more remote experience, or it may fall
in an indefinite past. In subordinate clauses, the perfect may
denote action prior to the action of the main verb.
§ 179. Passive Preterite and Perfect.
There is only one formation. The non- compositional forms
(originally identical with the passive participle ?) may have been
formed by means of the old suflfix -tjo-, -tjd, e.g. marbaid ' kills ' :
marhthae, fr. *inrvd-tjo-{-tjd) ; the e and the broad th in brethae
(fr. berid * carries ') would be due to the influence of the com-
positional forms. The latter are formed by means of the suffix
-to-, -td-, e.g. ro-breth ' he has been carried ' fr. *pro-hhr-to-s ; in
the plural the feminine form is used for all genders, e.g. ni-
marbtha ' they have not been killed ' (fr. ^mrvd-tds), do-hretha
' they have been given ' fr. *to-bhr-tds. Other examples are
bong{a)id ' breaks ' : -bocht (fr. *bhog-to-) ; ad-fet ' tells ' : ad-fess
(fr. *-vid-to- ; cf. § 94.) ; do-moinethar ' believes ' : do-inet (fr.
*to-7nii-to-) ; ad-ci ' sees ' : ad-cess (fr. *ad-k%8-to-), etc.
Note. — In radical verbs the root originally always showed the
reduced vowel-grade, as in ro-cleth (fr. *pro-Kl-to-) fr. celid 'hides,
ro-breth, etc. But through the influence of other verbal forms the
normal vowel grade has often been restored.
§ 180. Passive Participle and Participle of Necessity.
These participles are (verbal) adjectives and hence always
stressed on the first syllable. The participle of necessity looks
in most instances like a dat. sg, fern, of the passive participle,
though it is of different origin, e.g. do-eim ' protects,' part. pass.
dite (fr. *de-e7n-tjo-) : part. nee. diti ; guidid ' prays,' part. pass.
gesse (fr. ^g^hedh-tjo-) : part. nee. gessi ; ad-rimi ' reckons,' part.
pass. dirTThithe (fr. *ad-rim%-tjo-) : part, nee. dirmithi, etc.
VOL. IX. Z
354 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR
Note. — The part. nee. cannot be inflected. The dative plur.,
which occurs thirteen times in Ml, e.g. betis imgabthib (fr.
im-gaib) ' that they should have been avoided/ is an artificial
formation.
§ 181. Hiatus-verbs.
In hiatus-verbs, i.e. verbs whose root ended in a vowel or
s, V, j, p which have been dropped in vowel-flanked position,
the inflexion of radical and weak verbs has been mixed up very
early. Thus, e.g. ad-ci ' sees ' (fr. *ad~h%s-e-t), contracted form
-aicci though being in origin a radical e/o verb, looks in the
present like an i- verb ; hence it has an a- subjunctive (deponent
inflexion), while in the contracted ^ passive the forms of the old s-
subjunctive have been preserved.
Otherwise all hiatus-verbs (except do-goa ' chooses ') seem to
have only an a- subjunctive, though some forms show the
influence of the s- subjunctive, as e.g. the compositional 1. sg.
-gneu (-gneo) fr, gniid ' does.'
In the future tense gniid ' does,' the cpds. of -goa and -ci
(but in the passive the latter have an s- future) and some other
verbs have the reduplicated future, while most of the hiatus-
verbs have probably an /- future.
In the preterite many verbs, as the cpds. of -ci and -goa, did
•weeps,' etc., have the reduplicated preterite, gniid shows a
mixture of the reduplicated and s- preterite (stem geniss, fr.
Pr. Ir. *ge-gnlss-),
e.g. do-genis * thou didst ' fr. Pr. Ir. *dl-ge-gnl-ss-e (I.E. *ei).
Not a few of the hiatus-verbs have, however, the s- preterite,
thus, e.g. ad-roillis (fr. Pr. Ir. *ad-ro-sli-ss-e) ' thou hast
deserved,' 1. sg. pres. ad-roilliu; ad-noi 'entrusts' I.E.
*ate-nev-e-t : 3. sg. perf. ad-ro-n{a)i, etc.
In such verbs as ad-roilli (3. sg.) the final vowel has been pre-
served, as only the various sufiixes (§ 173, i.) were shortened in the
^ Most compound verbs have contracted and uncontracted forms. The con-
tracted forms are used after the particles and conjunctions mentioned in § .53,
2. be, after ro- and in the imperative. Thus, e.g. aa-htir 'says' (fr. *t1c8-})heret),
but n\-epir *he does not say' (fr. -^ics-bhtret).
ACCIDENCE 355
preterite (§ 178, i), but not the root-vowels, while in such verbs
as ad-ro-n{a)i, the final vowel results from two subsequent
hiatus-vowels ; <id-ron{a)i instead of *ad-ro-n(a)e fr. O. C, *ad-ro-
nove+s-t is due to the influence of ad-roilli, etc.
Use of the Subjunctive Mood
§ 182. The subjunctive is used:
1. In principal and subordinate clauses as a subjunctive of
wish and will, and as a potential subjunctive ; further after hes
' perchance.'
2. In relative, temporal, conditional and concessive clauses
and in clauses of comparison (occasionally also in indirect
questions), when the action is to be marked as hypothetic,
prospective or general.
3. After re-siu ' before ' and acht ' but that, provided that.'
4. In final clauses.
5. In 'that-' clauses after verbs of effort, fearing, rejoicing,
grieving, wondering, happening, etc., and after certain imper-
sonal expressions denoting ' it happens, it is possible, necessary,
right,' etc.
Note. — But to express a fact or result the indicative is used. After
verbs of saying, thinking, showing, etc., the subjunctive is used only
when the ' that '- clause belongs to one of the categories given above
1-4.
6. In relative clauses of the form ' if it be they who do it,'
'let it be this that they do,' where the copula is in the subjunc-
tive or imperative, the following verb is also put in the sub-
junctive, e.g. hat he berte (subj.) bretha lib ' let it be them who
give judgments among you ' ; bad hed dogneid ' let it be that
that ye do,'
PARADIGM OF WEAK VERBS
§ 183. Only the regular verbal-forms are given below. The
a- verbs are represented by scar{a)im{m)^ '1 separate' (fr.
*skrd-'mi), the i verbs by Uciin{m) ^ ' I leave,' the deponent
* The unaspirated -mm of the 1. sg. is due to the influence of the copula am
(with unaspirated m), fr. *imm, *tsmi (§ 81).
356 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR
inflexion by suidigur ' I place ' (i-verb ; an example of an d-
verb would be comalnur ' I fulfil ').
Indicative
§ 184. Non-compositional Present.
Sg. 1. scaraim{m)
Ucmi{'m)
auidigv/r
2. scarai
led
suidigther
3. scaraid
lecid
suidigidir
rel. scaras
Idces
suidigedar
PI. 1. scarmai
Uicmi
suidigmir
rel. scarmae
Uicme
suidigmer
2. scarthae
leicthe
suidigthe
3. scarait
Ucit
Buidigitir
rel. scardae, scaraife
leicde,lecite
suidigetar
§ 185. Compositional Present.
Sg. 1. -scaraim (7n), -scaru -leci7n{m), -Uc{i)u -suidigur
2. -scarai -led -suidigther
3. -scara -led -suidigedar
PI. 1. -scaram -lecem -suidigmer
2. -scaraid -Udd -suidigid
3. -scarat -Ucet -suidigetar
§ 186. Imperfect. (Only compositional forms, § 179, la.)
Sg.l.
-scarainn
-Udnn
-suidiginn
2.
-scartha
-leicthea
-suidigthea
3.
-scarad
-Uced
-suidiged
PLl.
-scarmais
-leicmis
-suidigmis
2.
-scarthae
-leicthe
-suidigthe
3.
-scartais
-leictis
-suidigtis
§ 187. Non-compositional Future.
(The a- verbs are mostly inflected like i- verbs, § 177, i.)
Sg. 1. [The cpds. of Uicfea suidigfer
2. scaraid have leicfe suidigflder
ACCIDENCE
(
3. the e- future leicfid
suidigfidir
rel. like strong verbs,] leicfes
suidigfedar
PI. 1. leicfimmi
suidigfimmir
rel. UicfimTne
suidigfemmar
2. leicjide
suidigfide
3. Uicjit
suidigfitir
rel. Uicfite
suidigfetar
§ 188. Compositional Future.
Sg. 1. -Uc{i)nh (§ 62)
-suidigfer
2. -leicfe
-suidigfider
3. -leicfea
-suidigfedar
PI. 1. -leicfem
-suidigfeTYhTnar
2. -leicfid
-suidigfid
3. -leicfet
-suidigfetar
357
§ 189. Secondary Future. (Only compositional forms,
§ 174, la.)
Sg.l.
2.
3.
PI. 1.
2.
3.
-leicfinn
-leicfeda
-leicfed
-leicfiTnmis
-Uicfide
-Uicfitis
-suidigfiTiTh
-suidigfeda
-suidigfed
-suidigfimmis
-suidigfide
-suidigfitis
§190.
Non- compositional Preterite.
Sg.l.
scarsu
Uicsiu
?
2.
scarsai
leicsi
?
3.
rel.
PL 1.
scarais
scaras
scarsaiTnmi
lecis
leces
UicsimTni
suidigistir
suidigestar
?
rel.
scarsaimme
Uicsimme
?
2.
?
?
?
3.
rel.
scarsait
scarsaite
Uicsit
leicsite
suidigsitir
suidigsetar
358 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR
§ 191. Compositional Preterite.
Sg.l.
-scctrus
'Uc{i)us (§ 62)
-suidigsiur
2.
-scaraia
-lecis
-suidigser
3.
-scar
-Uic
-suidigestar
PL 1.
-scarsam
-Idicsem
-suidigsemmar
2.
-scarsaid
-leicsid
-suidigsid
3.
-scarsat
-Uicset
Subjunctive
-suidigsetar
§192.
Non-compositional Present.
Sg.l.
scara
lecea
suidiger
2.
scarae^
lece
suidigther
3.
scaraid
lecid
suidigidir
rel.
scaras
leces
suidigedar
PI. 1.
scarTnai
leicmi
suidigmir
rel.
scarmae
leicTne
suidigmer
2.
scarthae
Uicthe
suidigthe
3.
scarait
Ucit
suidigitir
rel.
scardae,scaraite Uicde, lecite
auidigetar
§193.
Compositional
Present.
Sg.l.
-scar
-Uic
-suidiger
2.
-scarae
-Uce
-suidigther
3.
-scara
-Ucea
-suidigedar
PI. 1.
-scaram
-Uceiii
-suidigmer
2.
-scaraid
-Ucid
-suidigid
3.
-scarat
-lecet
-suidigetar
§194.
. Preterite. (Only compositional :
forms, § 174, la.)
Sg.l.
-scarainn
-Ucinn
-suidiginn
2.
-scartha
-Idicthea
-suidigthea
3.
-scarad
-Uced
-suidiged
PL 1.
-scarinais
-leicmis
-suidigmis
2.
-scarthae
-leicthe
-suidigthe
3.
-scartais
-Uictis
suidigtis
ACCIDENCE 359
Imperative
§ 195. (No distinction is made between compositional and
non-compositional endings.)
Sg.2.
scar
leio
suidigthe
3.
scarad
Uced
suidiged
PI. 1.
scaratn
Uceini
suidigmer
2.
scaraid
Ucid
suidigid
3.
scarat
Ucet
suidigetar
PASSIVE
(On the relative forms see § 173, 2.)
Indicative
§ 196. Non-compositional Present.
Sg. 3. scarthair Uicthir suidigthir
PI. 3. 8cartair,searaitirUictir,lecitir suidigtir
Compositional Present.
General form -scarthar -leicther -suidigther
PI. 3. -scartar,-scaratar -leicter,lecetar suidigter
Imperfect (Only compositional forms, § 174, la.)
General form -scarthae -leicthe -suidigthe
-scartais -leictis -suidigtis.
§ 197. Non-compositional Future.
Sg. 3. (See § 187.) leicjldir suidigfidir
PI. 3. Uicjitir suidigfitir
Compositional Future
General form -Uicfider -suidigfider
PI. 3. -Uicfiter -fetar -suidigfiter -fetar
Secondary Future (Only compositional forms, § 174, la.)
General form -Uicjide -suidigfide
PL -leicfitis -suidigfitis
360 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR
§ 198. Non-compositional Preterite
Sg. 3. (and rel.) scarthae leicthe suidigthe
PI. 3. (?) (?) (?)
Compositional Preterite
General form -scarad -leced -suidiged
PI. 3. scartha -leicthea -suidigthea
Subjunctive
§ 199. Non-compositional Present
Sg. 3. scarthair Uicthir suidigthir
PI. 3. scartair,scaraitir Uictir, lecitir suidigtir
Compositional Present
General form -scarthar -leicther -suidigther
PI. 3. -scartar, -scaratar -leicter, -Ucetar -suidigter
Preterite (Only compositional forms, § 174, la.)
General form -scarthae -Uicthe -suidigthe
PI. 3. -scartais -leictis -suidigtis
Imperative
§ 200. (No distinction is made between compositional and
non-compositional endings.)
General form scarthar leicther suidigther
PI. 3. scartar leicter suidigter
Passive Participle]
§ 201. scarthae Uicthe suidigthe
Participle of Necessity
§ 202. scarthai leicthi suidigthi
ACCIDENCE
361
PARADIGMS OF RADICAL VERBS
§ 203. melid ' grinds' ('/„ verb, § 175, i.)
As the complete paradigm cannot be restored with certainty, some
Present Indicative
Imperfect
non
Sg.l.
2.
3.
-compositional
7nelim{7)i) ^
*meli(l)
Tnelid
compositional
{-hiur)
(-bir^)
-meil
only compositional
-melinn
?
-meled
rel.
meles
PI. 1.
TnelTYiai
-Tnelam,
-meilmis
rel.
melmae
2.
meilte (§ 84 b.)
-melid
?
3.
melait
-melat
-me(i)ltis
rel.
Tneldae, -toe
Note 1. — Occasionally the ending -u is found, e.g. biru 'I carry,'
Uagu ' I go.'
Note 2. — Many verbs have -i also in the compositional form, e.g.
ar-rethi 'thou assailest'; the i in -bir 'thou earnest' (0. C. -*bere,
fr. I.E. *bherei) is due to the influence of the 1
e-Future
;. -biur.
Secondary Future
Sg
non-compositional
compositional
-tnel
-Tnelae
-mSla
1. Tnela
2. mdae
3. melaid
rel. melas
PI. 1. mJlmai
rel. melmae
2. mdtae (§ 84 b.) -melaid
3. melait -melat
rel. mAldae, -tae
-mdaTTi
^Preterite
non-compositional
Sg. 1. ?
2. ?
compositional
-miult
-m,eiU
only compositional
-TYielainn
-'inelta (§84 b.)
-melad
-mdm^ais
-Tneltae (|
-Tneltais
84 b.)
Perfect
contracted forms
-ru-mult
-ru-mj{a)iU
362 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR
3.
rel.
PI. 1.
rel.
2.
3.
rel.
(hirt)
-melt
-ru-malt
meltae
? -meltaTnmar -ru-maltmar
TneltamTYiar
? -meltaid -ru-7naltaid
? -meltar, meltatar -ru-7nalt(at)ar
meltar, meltatar
Present Subjunctive
non-compositional
Sg.l.
2.
3.
rel,
PI. 1.
rel.
2.
3.
mela
onelae
m^elaid
melas
melm^ai
melmae
meltae {\
melait
compositional
-mel
-melae
-mela
Past Subjunctive
only compositional
-onelainn
-melta (§84 b.)
-melad
-melam
-melmais
84 b.)
-melaid
-melat
-meltae (\
-meltais
84 b.)
rel. meldae, -tae
Imperative
(No distinction is made between compositional and
non-compositional endings.)
Sg. 1. PI. 1. melam
2. vieil 2. melid
3. meled^ 3. melat
Note 3. — The ending -ad appears occasionally instead of -ed (fr. *-e-to)
through influence of the 3. pl. {-at, fr. *-ont).
Note 4. — From tiagu *I go,' comes a 1. sg. ipv. tlag with the sense of
' I will go.'
PASSIVE
(On the relative forms see § 173, 2.)
Present Indicative Imperfect
non-compositional compositional only compositional
Sg. 3. melair -melar -meilte (§ 84 b)
PI. 3.
'melair
meltair
-melar
-meltar
-7Yie{i)ltis
ACCIDENCE
363
e- Future Secondary Future
non-compositional compositional only compositional
Sg. 3. meltair (§ 84 b) -meltar (§ 84 b) meltae (§ 84 b)
PI. 3.
mdtair
■meltar
Preterite
non-compositional compositional
Sg. 3. mlethae -mleth
PL 3. (?) -mletha
-TTieltais
Perfect
contracted forms
-ro-Tnlad
-ro-malta (§67)
Present Subjunctive Past Subjunctive
non-compositional compositional only compositional
Sg. 3. meltair (§ 84 b) -meltar (§ 84 b) -meltae (§ 84 b)
PI. 3. meltair -meltar -meltais
Imperative
(No distinction is made between compositional and
non-compositional endings.)
General form (3. sg.) melar
PI. 3. m^eltar
Passive Participle Participle of Necessity
mlithe mlithi
§ 204. caiiid ' sings ' {e\o verb, § 175, i).
In the Present and Imperfect Indicative Active, as well as
in the Present and Past Subjunctive Active, it is inflected like
melid (§ 203). In the 1 sg. compositional pres. the non-com-
positional canaim{m) is used besides the regular -cun (fr.
*-caun).
Reduplicate
id Future
Secondary Future
non-compositional
compositional
only compositional
Sg. 1. cechna
-cechan
-cechnainn
2. cechnae
-cechnae
-cechnatha
3, cechnaid
-cechna
-cechnad
rel. cechnas
364 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR
PI. 1. cechnairami (?) -cechnam
rel. cechnairriTne (?)
2. cechnaithe (?) -cechnaid
3. ceehnait -cechnat
rel. cechnaite (?)
Reduplicated Preterite
-cechnaimTnis (?)
-cechnaithe
-cechnaitis
compositional
-cechan
-cechan
-cechain
Perfect
contracted forms
-roichan
-roichan
-roichain
■cechnamTnar -roichnammar
non-compositional
Sg. 1. cechan (?)
2. ?
3. cechain
rel. cechnxie
PI. 1. cechnaimTnir (?)
rel. cechnammar
2. ?
3t cechnaitir
rel. cechnatar
The Present and Past Subjunctive as well as the Imperative
Active are inflected like melid.
-cechnaid
-cechnatar
-roichnid
-roichnatar
PASSIVE
(On the relative forms see § 173, 2.)
In the Passive the Present Indicative and Subjunctive, the
Imperfect, and the Past Subjunctive and Imperative are
inflected like melid.
Reduplicated Future
non-compositional compositional
Sg. 3. cechnaithir -cechnathar
PI. 3. cechnaitir -cechnatar
Secondary Future
only compositional
-cechnxiithe (?)
-cechnaitis (?)
Preterite
non-compositional compositional
Sg. 3. cetae -cH
PI. 3. (?) -c^ta
Perfect
contracted forms
-ro-chet
-ro-cheta
ACCIDENCE
365
Passive Participle
cete
Participle of Necessity
ceti
§ 205. guidid ' prays' (§175, 3).
In the Present and Imperfect Indicative Active it is inflected
like an vverb (Idcid) except in the compositional 3 sg. pres.
ind. (-guid fr. ^g'hodh-i-t ; of. § 173, 1).
In the non-compositional 1 sg. pres. ind. the form guidiu ' I
pray ' occurs beside the regular guidiin(m).
s-Future Secondary Future
non-compositional compositional only compositional
Sg.l.
2.
3.
rel.
P1.1.
rd.
2.
3.
rel.
gigsea
gigsi
gigis
giges
gigsimmi
gigsimme
gigestae
gigsit
gigsite
-gigius
-gigis
-9^9
-gigsmn
7
-gigsed
-gigsem
-gigsimmis
-gigsid
-gigset
-gigsitis
a-Preterite (§ 178, 3b.)
non-compositional compositional
Sg.l.
2.
3.
rel.
PI. 1.
rel.
2.
3.
rel.
gdd (?)
?
gdid
gdde
7
gddaTnmar
7
7
gddatar
-gdd
-gdd
-gdid
-gddammar
Perfect
contracted forms
-ro-gad
-ro-gad
-ro-gaid
-gddid
-gddatar
Present (s-) Subjunctive Past Subjunctive
non-compositional compositional only compositional
Sg. 1. ?^ -ges8 -gessinn
2. gessi -geiss ?
/
366 A CONCISE OLD lEISH GRAMMAR
-ge -gessed
3.
geiss
rel.
gess
PI. 1.
gesmai
reL
gesmae
2.
7
3.
gessait
rel.
gestae
-gessain -gesmais
7
-gessid
-gessat -gestais
Note 1. — The only example I have of the non-compositional 1 sg,
is tiasu, pres. tlagu ' I go.' Perhaps the other verbs had the ending -a
as in the s- future (§177, 2).
The Imperative Active is inflected like lecid.
PASSIVE
(On the relative forms see § 173, 2).
The Present Indicative, the Imperfect and the Imperative
are inflected like lecid.
s-Future Secondary Future
non-compositional compositional only compositional
Sg. 3. gigsithir -gigsethar -gigeatae
PI. 3. gigsitir -gigsetar -gigsitis
Preterite Perfect
non-compositional compositional contracted forms
Sg. 3. gessae (?) -gess ?
PI. 3. (?) -gessa
2
Present Subjunctive Past Subjunctive
non-compositional compositional only compositional
Sg. 3. gessair -gessar -gestae
PI. 3. gessaitir -gessatar -gestais
Passive Participle Participle of Necessity
ge{i)8se ge(i)ssi
ACCIDENCE
367
§ 206. renaid 'sells' {-na- verb; § 175, 4).
Present Indicative Imperfect
non-compositional compositional only compositional
Sg. 1. renaim(7n) -renairMjn) -renainn
2. renai -renai -renta
3. renaid -ren -renad
rel. renas
PL 1. renmai
rel. renmae
2. rentae (§ 84 b)
8. renait
rel. rentae, -dae
-renam
-renaid
-renat
-renmais
-rentae (§ 84 b)
-rentais
Reduplicated Future
non-compositional compositional
Sg
1.
2.
3.
rel.
PL 1.
rel.
2.
3.
rel.
rire
7
rires
rirmi (?)
rirme (?)
rirthe (?)
ririt
rirte
-ririu
-rire
-riri
-rtrem
-ririd
'riret
Secondary Future
only compositional
-rirthinn (?)
-rirthea (?)
-rired
-rirmis (?)
-rirthe (?)
-rirtis (?)
Reduplicated Preterite
non-compositional compositional
Sg. 1.
2.
3.
rel.
PLl.
rel.
2.
3.
reL
2
?
rir (V)
rire
1
7
1
7
rertar, -dar
-rer (?)
-rer (?)
-rir
-rertar, -dar
Perfect
(Of contracted
forms I have no
examples.)
368 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR
Present Subjunctive
Past Subjunctive ^
non-compositional
compositional
only compositional
Sg.l.
?
-reu
-r'ieinn (?)
2.
viae (?)
-viae
?
3.
r'ieid (?)
-r'ia
-r'iad
rel.
r'ias (?)
PI. 1.
reimmi (?)
-r'iam
-remTYiis (?)
rel.
reiTnme (?)
2.
reitke (?)
-r'ieid (?)
?
3.
rmi (?)
-riat
-retis
rel.
reie
The Imperative Active is inflected like scaraid.
PASSIVE
(On the relative forms see § 173, 2).
Present Indicative Imperfect
non-compositional compositional only compositional
Sg. 3. renair -renar -rentae (§ 84 b)
PI. 3.
rentair
-rentar
-rentals
Reduplicated Future Secondary Future
non-compositional compositional only compositional
Sg. 3. rirthir -rirther -ririhe (?)
PI. 3. rirtir (?) -rirter (?) -rirtis (?)
Sg.3.
PL 3.
Preterite
non-compositional compositional
rithae -rith
(?) -ritha (?)
Perfect
(Of contracted
forms I have no
examples.)
^ The subj. stem r'ia- is a later formation, due to the influence of cria (fr.
crenaid ' buys ') ; there are still traces of the old subj. stem em- (inflected like
the subj. of melid), formed from the full root *per[d) (of. § 176, i,note.). But em-
has a dififerent meaning, e.g. ro-era ' may he grant,'
ACCIDENCE 369
Present Subjunctive Past Subjunctive
non-compositional compositional only compositional
Sg.3.
PI. 3.
rethir
retir
-rether -rethe
-reter (?) -retis
The Imperative Passive is inflected like melid
Passive Participle
rithe
Participle of Necessity
rethi (?)
§ 207. gainithir 'is bom' (deponent verb, § 175, 3).
(On the relative forms, see § 173, 2)-
Present Indicative Imperfect
non-compositional compositional only compositional
Sg.l.
2.
3.
PL 1.
2.
3.
gainiur -gainiur
gainter (§ 84 b) -gainter (§ 84 b)
gainithir -gairiethar
gainimmir -gainemmar
gainte (§ 84 b) -gainid
gainitir -gainetar
-gaininn
1 etc.
The inflexion is
the same as in
active verbs. (Of.
guidid, § 198.)
Reduplicated Future
Secondary Future
non-compositional compositional only compositional
Sg.l.
2.
3.
PI. 1.
2.
3.
gigner -gigner
gignither -gignither
gignithir -gignethar
gignimmir -gignemmar
gignithe -gignid
gignitir -gignetar
-gigninn
etc. (§ 173, 4).
Reduplicated Preterite
Perfect
non-compositional compositional
(Of contracted
Sg.l.
2.
3.
? -g4nar
? -genar
gdnair -gdnair
forms I have no
examples.)
VOL.
IX.
2a
370 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR
PL 1.
?
-gdnammar
2.
?
-genaid
3.
?
-gdnatar
Present Subjunctive Past Subjunctive
non-compositional compositional only compositional
Sg. 1. genar -genar
2. gentar (§ 84 b) -gentar (§84
3. genaithir -genathar
PL 1. genaimmir (?) -genammar
2. gentae (§ 84 b) -genaid
3. genaitir -genatar
-genainn
> b) etc. (like melainn)
Imperative
Sg. 1. PL 1.
2. gainte (§ 84 b) 2.
3. gained 3.
gainem, -emmar
gainid
gainetar
The Passive of deponent verbs is formed exactly like that of
active verbs of the same class.
Thus, e.g. do-7)ioinethar ' thinks ' : compositional 3. sg. pres.
ind. pass, do-mointer (fr. O. C. *to-man-i-toro) like fo-gaibther
(0. C. *vo-gah-i-toro) fr. the active fo-gaib ' finds.'
§ 208. THE SUBSTANTIVE VERB
Indicative Mood
Present
Imperfect
Sg. 1. (atytdu,
-to
-biinn
2. -tai
7
3. 'td
-bith
PL 1. -taam
7
2. -ta{ayid
7
3. -taat
•bitis
As the relative form the impersonal j^i^, {feil, fel, fail) and jile
ACCIDENCE
371
{fele) are used ; -fil (but not file) is also used after the particles
and conjunctions mentioned in § 53, 2,c,d, e, except before an
infixed pronoun expressing a dative relation (e.g. ni-m-thd ' I
have not,' but ni-nn-jil 'I am not'), further in answers and
(archaic) in order to bring forward emphatically any part of a
sentence. In composition {for-td ' is upon,' do-es-ta ' is wanting,'
etc.), only -td can be used.
Note 1. at-ta has no contracted (§181 footnote) forms; after the
particles and conjunctions mentioned in § 53, 2, be, the preverbal
preposition ad- is always dropped (§ 210, note 2).
Note 2. There is also a non-compositional 3. sg. tdith, which is
in poetry and sometimes in prose used with suffixed pronouns.
Consuetudinal Present
non-compositional compositional relative
Sg. 1. hiuu -biu
2. ? -bi
3. h'iid -hi his
PI. 1. bimmi -hiam bimme
2. ? -hiid (?)
3. Hit -b'iat bite
Imperative
Sg. 2. bi PI. 1. hiid
3. bith 2. but
Future (cf. § 174, 3, note.) Secondary Future
non-compositional compositional only compositional
Sg. 1. b'ia ? -beinn
2. biae -b'iae (?) ?
3. bie{i)d -b'ia -biad
rel. bias
PI. 1. he(iymmi -hiam, -bemmis
2. be(i)the{^) -bieid ?
3. b%e{i)t -b'iat -hetis
reL be(i)te
372 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR
Preterite ^
Perfect
non-compositional compositional
contracted forms
Sg.l.
? -bd
-ro-ha
2.
? -U
-ro-ba
3.
boi -boi
-ro-b{a)e, -ra-h(a)e
rel.
hoie
PI. 1.
? -bd'minar
-ro-bammar
2.
? -baid
-ro-baid
3.
hdtar -hdtar
-ro-batar, -ra-batar
Subjunctive Mood
Present
non-compositional compositional contracted forms
(with -ro)
Sg. 1. heu (beo) -bdu (-beo) ?
2. bee ? ?
3. beith held, heth -he -roi-b
bed
rel. hess
PL 1. he{i)')nmi -hem -ro-bam
2. be(i)the -beith, -beid -ro-b{a)ith
3. belt -bet -ro-bat
rel. hete
Past Subjunctive
Sg. 1. -heinn PI. 1. -bemmis
2. -hetJia 2. -bethe
3. -heth, -bed (contracted : ro-bad) 3. -hetis (contracted :
-roi-btis)
PASSIVE (Impersonal Forms)
Present Indicative : (at)-tdthar ; rel&tiYe: filter.
Consuetudinal Present: non-compositional hithir; composi-
tional -hither.
^ The 3. sg. is from I.E. *bhove, the other persons are formed from I.E. stem
*bhvd-.
ACCIDENCE
373
Preterite and Perfect: non-compositional hothae-, composi-
tional -hoth.
Present Subjunctive: non-compositional hethir; composi-
tional -bether.
Participle of Necessity : buithi.
I 209. The Copula.
Present Indicative
non-compositional
compositional
Sg. 1.
2.
3.
rel.
PI. 1.
2.
3.
rel.
am (fr. *esmi)
at (it)
ia
as
ammi {armnin(n))
adib (idib)
it
ata [at)
I.
II.
ni-ta -da
ni-ta -da
ni
ni-tam -tan -dan
ni-tad -dad
ni-tat -dat
-da
-da
-d, -t, —, ■(d)id
-dan
-dad
•dat
Note 1. — The compositional forms in the first column are used after
the negative ni 'not,' after c<mi 'ia notr and sechi 'whosoever is'
(3. pi. also sechi-t).
In negative relative clauses in the 3. sg. ndd, in the 3. pi. nafat are
found ; under the conditions mentioned in § 28, the 3 sg. shows the
forms nanf, nan{d), nat, ndt, ndich, ndch, nach, in the 3. pi. the form
nandat.
Note 2. — The compositional forms in the second column are used after
a relative which includes a preposition (also after i" ' in which '), after
the conjunctions mentioned in §53, 2d, the interrogative particle in
and in the relative first and second persons after an eclipsing (§ 28) no-.
The a of the relative preceded by a preposition is changed to i when
preceded by a consonant.
Examples of the 3. sg. are : arndid, arin ' for which is ' ; diandid,
diant 'to whom is'; in{n) 'is he?'; lassin{n) 'with whom is'; condid,
conid '80 that is,' etc.
374 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR
Note 3. — With ce (cia) 'thougli' and ma 'if the copula appears in
the 3, sg. as cesu (ciasu), ceso (daso), masu, maso (with negative : manid,
canid) ; in the 3. pi. as cetu, ceto, 7)iatu.
For the Consuetudinal Present the shortened forms of the
substantive verb are used, e.g. ni-bi, ni-pi 'he is not wont
to be.'
Imperative
PI. 1. ban (badn Wb. 5 d 22)
2. bad, bed
3. bat
Sg. 1.
2. ba
3. bad, bed, pad
Future
non-compositional compositional
Sg. 1. be ?
2. ? -ba
3. bid, bith -ba, -pa
rel. bes, bas
PL 1. be7nm% bimmi
ba(7n)mi
2. ? ?
3. bit -bat, -pat
rel. beta — ^
Preterite (and Imperfect)
Secondary Future
Sg. 3. -bad, -pad
PI. 3. -btis, -ptis
Unlike other verbs
there is also a non-
compositional 3 sg. bed.
non-compositional
Sg. 1. ba-sa
2. ?
3. (and rel.) ba
PI. 1. ?
2. ?
3. batir, batar
rel. batar
compositional
-b-sa, -p-sa, -sa, -b
-b-sa, -sa
-bo, -po, -bu, -pu
bovimar, bwnnmar
7
-btar, -ptar, -tar, -dar ni-rii-btar beside
con-narbtar
negative Perfect
ni-r-b-sa
ni-r-b-sa
ni-r-bo, ni-r-bu
ni-r-boi7imar
1
Note 4. — The compositional forms of the preterite and the com-
positional perfect-forms are also used after ce {da) ' though.' -sa is the
emphasising pronoun. On the elision of the vowel of to- in the forms
ACCIDENCE 375
of the perfect see § 77. The b (p) is dropped (§ 103) after eclipsing
particles (§§ 28, 30), e.g. a {r)romtar (ro-m-htar) * when they have been,'
otc.
Present Subjunctive
non-compositional compositional
Sg. 1. ba -ba, -jpa
2. ba
-ba
3. ba
rel. bes, has
PI. 1. ?
•b, -p, — , -dib, -dip (-bo, -po, -bu, -pu)
-ban
2. bede
3. ?
rel. 6e^e, beta.
bata
bad (-baid)
-bat, -pat
Note 5. — In the 3. sg. the usual form is -h, -p. The form -dib, -dip is
found after ara^ ' in order that ' (a(i)rndip beside arim{p)), i" ' in which,'
the interrogative in {indip beside iin{b), imp) and cd^ 'so that, until';
also after na (nadip beside nap, nab), robo, nipo, etc., are rare beside
the regular rop, nip, etc.
ceni 'though not,' mani 'if not,' ara" 'in order that* are shortened
to cin, main, a{i)r'" (ar"*) before syllabic compositional forms.
Note 6. — With ce (cia) ' though ' and ma ' if ' the copula appears in
the 3. sg. as cid (cith, ced, ceith), mad, in the 3. pi. as cit, mat. But with
the interrogative ce (cia) the copula appears in the 3. sg. as dp, cib
(' whosoever it be,' etc.).
Past Subjunctive
non-compositional compositional
Sg. 1. ? -bin, -benn
2. ? -ptha
3 (and rel.). bid, bed, bad -bad, -pad, -bed
PL 1. bemmis, bimmis -bim(m)is
2. ? ?
3. betis, bitis -btis, -ptis, (-dis, -tis)
Note 7. — Unlike other verbs the past subj. of the copula has also
non-compositional forms, ara'" 'in order that,' mani 'if not' are
shortened to a(i)r"*, main. The b (p) is dropped after eclipsing
particles (§§ 28, 30, 103), e.g. com,tis (co m-btis) 'so that they might be' ;
376 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR
by the side of armad (ara^+had), airmtis, occur forms like arhed, ardis
(see p. 10, footnote).
Note 8. — With ce (cia) ' though ' and ma ' if,' the copula appears in
3. sing, as cid, mad, in the 3. pi. as matis.
Miscellaneous Paradigms of Radical and Irregular Verbs
§ 210. (Where not otherwise stated, only the 3. sg. has been
given.)
ad-ci, -aicci 'sees' (§ 181), 1. sg. ad-ciu, pass, ad-cither,
-accastar; subj. ad-cethar, -accathar, sg. 1 ad-cear, -accar, pass.
ad-cether, -accastar; past. subj. ad-ceth; fut. ad-cichi, pass.
ad-cichestar ; preterite cou-accae, cf. § 174, 4; perf. ad-con-dairc;
pret. pass, con-accas, -accas; perf. pass, ad-cess, -accas (§ 179).
ad-fet (§ 84 d, note) 'relates,' pi. ad-fiadat; subj. ad-fe
(§ 176, 1), pi. adrfessat ; ro- subj. (174, 2 e) 1. sg. ad-cdns, -4c{i)u8
(§ 62 note), pfiss. -ecestar; fut. ad-fi (§ 177, 2), pi. ad-fessat; perf.
ad-c^aid, -dcaid ; pret. pass, ad-fess ; perf. pass, ad-coas.
aingid 'protects,' -anich; imp v. 2. sing, ain; subj. -a-in, pi.
-amsei(§ 176, i); fut. § 177,2, note 2; pret. -anacht (§ 178, 2),
pass, -anacht
henaid 'strikes, slays,' -hen (§ 175, 4); subj. -h'ia, end. -he
(§ 176, 2); pret. -hi, end. -h{i), pi. -heotar (§ 178, 3, note), pass.
bith'y part. pass, hithe, part. nee. bethi.
herid ' carries,' -heir, pass, -herr, -herar ; ro- present (§ 174, 2 b),
ro-uc{c)ai, -ruc(c)ai ; subj. -hera ; ro- subj. (§ 174, 2 e) -ruc{c)a ; fut.
-hera; pret. -foer^, pass, -hreth; perf. ro-u'ic(c), ro-uc, -rue, pi.
-rucsat, pass, ro-ucad, -rucad. Cf. note 1.
hongid ' breaks ' (§ 175, 2), -hoing ; subj. -&o, pi. -6osai ; fut. 1 sg.
6i&sa, -bihus (§ 177, 2) ; pret. hehaig, pass, -hocht
-cuirethar ' throws, puts' (-i- verb, § 173, 1), imperative 2. sg.
cuirthe, cuire, pi. cu-iWc?; pres. subj. -corathar (176, 2); perf.
-corastar; the future tense and the ro- forms (§ 174, 2) as well
as the non-compositional forms of the other tenses are supplied
from fo-ceird. The cpd. do-cuirethar, when used in the sense of
' takes to himself, invites,' has a future 1. sg. do-cuirifar and a
perfect do-rochuirestar.
ACCIDENCE 377
ccm-ic(c) • is able,' -cwmaing, [S. pi, con-ecat, -cumcat (fr.
*cumngat, -p. 10, footnote) ; subj. con-i, -cwmiai), pi. -cuimset',
fut. 1 sg. con-icub, -cumguh; sec. fut. con-icfed, -cumcaihed;
pret. and perf. (§ 174, 3) con-dnacuir, -coiTnnacuir. (Only ad-
cumaing ' it happens ' has the active inflexion in the pret.
ad-comnicc.)
do-heir ' gives,' ' brings,' -tabair, is inflected like herid. In the
sense of 'brings' it has a ro- present (§174, 2b) do-uccai,-tuccai ; ro-
snhy -tucca ; perf. do-uic, -tuic(c), -tuc, pi. do-ucsat, pass. -tuc{c)ad,
-tuiced. There is also an imperative tuic (2. sg.) beside the
regular tabair. Cf. note 1.
In the sense of 'gives' it has a ro-present (§ 174, 2b) do-rati;
ro- subj. do-rata, -tarta ; perf. do-rat, -tar at, pi. do-ratsat, -tartsat
and -tartisset, pass, do-ratad, -tardad.
do-gni 'does,' -denai (§ 181), ro-present do-ronai, -dernaiy
1. sg. do-gniu, -denaim; impv. 2. sg. ddnae; subj. do-gn4, -d4na\
ro- subj. do-r6na, -derna; hit. do-gina, -dignea] pret. do-geni,
-digni; pass, do-gnith, -ddnad; perf. do-rigni, do-rigeni,
-deirgeni, -deirgni -derni (§ 181), pass, do-ronad, -demad ; part,
nee. deinti, dAntai.
do-ic{c) 'comes,' -tic{c), pi. do-ec(c)at, -tec(c)at; subj. do-i,
-ti, pi. do-isat, -tisat; fut. do-icf(e)a, -ticf{e)a; pret. and perf.
(174, 3) do-dnaic{c), -tdnaic{c). Cf. note 1.
do-te(i)t ' comes,' pi. do-tiagat is generally inflected like te(i)t
' goes,' save in the 2. pers. impv, (sg. tair, pi, toi^ 1 ^^-^^ • • •
becomes tai . . . (§ 110) in contracted forms, e.g. do-tiag 'I come'
(fr. Ho-tegil, older *-(s)teigho) : -taig, do-te{i)t 'comes': -tait, etc.
In the future the contracted form of do-rega, do-riga is -terga,
-tirga through influence of the reduplication-vowels of other
verbs. Cf note 4,
do-tuit falls, -tuit, pass. tuiter\ subj. do-toth, -toth (fr. *-to-
tud-s-t), pi, do-todsat, -todsat; fut, do-tdeth, -tSeth (fr. *-to-ti-
tud-s-t) ; pret. do-cer ; pref. do-rbchair, -tbrcha{i)r. Cf note 3.
fo-ceird 'throws' (cf. -cuirethar) ; subj. fo-ceirr-, ro- subj.
-raZa; fut. fo-cicherr, -foicherr (§ 110); pret. /o-c(i^r(Z (§§ 118,
178, 3 b). pass, fo-cress; perf ro-Z(i, -ra^ae, pass, ro-laad,
-ralad.
378 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR
fo-gaih 'finds'; subj. fo-gaha; fut. fo-gdba', pret. and perf.
(§ 174, 3) fo-fuair, -fuair, pass, fo-frith, -frith. Cf. note 2.
Tnidithir 'judges' (§ 175,3); subj. 1. sg. messur, 2. messer,
3. ffiestir, -mestar, 1. pi. messimir, -messamar, 2. meste, -messid,
3. messitir, -messatar, pass. sg. ')ness{a)ir, -messar, rel. mestar,
pi. messitir, -m,essatar; the fut. is identical with the subj. except
the 3. persons sg. miastir, miastar- (act. and pass.) ; pret. -midair,
pass. -Tness, part. pass. me{i)sse, part. nee. me(i)8si.
ro-cluinethar 'hears' -cluinetJiar; subj. ro-cloathar; fut. ro-
cechladar, pass, ro-cechlastar ; pret. co-cualae (fr. * -tcu-1dov-e),
pass, co-closs (-cloth) cf. § 174, 4; perf. ro-cualae, pass, ro-closs
(-cloth). Cf note 2.
ro-fitir 'knows, knew,' pres. and pret. 1. sg. ro-fetar, 2.
-fetar, 3. -^<ir, 1. pi. -Jitemmar, -fetammar, 2. -^i^cZ, 3. -fitetar
-fetatar, fetar, pass, ro-fess; consuetudinal pres. ro-finnadar ;
impf. ro-finnad; im-pv. finnad; subj. and fut. go exactly like
TTiidithir (ro-festar, ro-fiastar, etc.); part. nee. /ssi Cf
note 2.
saigid 'makes for,' -sai^r, pi. -segat; subj. -sci, pi. -sdsai; fut.
-e?a, pi. -sessat, pret. -s'iacht.
t6it ' goes,' -;ie('i)i ; in the other persons appears the stem teg-
tia^- (§ 122); ro- pres. (§ 174, 2) -dichet; impv. 1 sg. iiagf
(§ 196, note 4), 2. eirg(g), 3. ie^, 1 pi. tiagam, 2. erg(g)id, 3. tiagat,
pass, tiagar; subj. (cf § 198, note 1) ie'-is, -<^, pi. i^asa< ; ro- subj.
and fut. do-coi (fr. Ho-lcom-vedh-a-t), -decha, -dich, -dig, pi.
do-coiset, -dichset ; past. subj. -te(i)sed; past, ro- subj. and sec.
fut. do-coised, -dichsed; fut. -regra, -rigra (inflected like an
a-subj.), sec. fut. -regad, -rigad; pret. luid, pi. lotar, pass.
ethae; perf do-coid, -dechuid, 1. 2. sg. do-c6od (-coad), -dechud,
3 pi. do-cotar (du-cuatar), -dechutar, pass, do-cdas.
tongid 'swears' (§ 175,2), -toing; subj. -M, pi. -<o'sa<; fut.
2. sg. -tithis ; pret. -tethaig ; perf do-cuitig.
Note 1. — In compound verbs, as e.g. ro-icc 'reaches,' do-iec, do-uccai
(see dobeir), ro-uccai (see berid), do-adbat ^ shows,' fo-accaib 'leaves,' etc.,
where the verbal stem beginning with a vowel is preceded by do (fr.
*to), ro- or fo-, the contracted forms are often used in principal and
relative clauses (except when there is a relative -n- ; § 28) instead of
ACCIDENCE 379
the uncontracted forms, e.g. tdn(a)icc sam • summer has come,' ani riecu
a less ' that which I need ' (also do-dn{a)icc, ro-iccu).
Note 2. — Some verbs, as e.g. ad-dgathar ' fears,' ro-fitir, ro-cluinethar,
fo-fuair (see fo-gaib), have no contracted (§ 181 footnote) forms, the
preverbal preposition being dropped after the particles and conjunc-
tions mentioned in § 53, 2 be.
Note 3. — The uncontracted forms of some verbs have been altered
by the influence of the corresponding contracted forms. Thus, e.g.
*do-til (fr. *to-tud-s-t), 3. sg. pres. subj. of do-tuit has been altered to
do-toth by the influence of the contracted -toth (fr. *-td-tud-s-t). Similarly
the final -t{t) of do-tuit {*to-tud-i-t gives regularly *do-tuid) has been taken
from the contracted -tuit. On the other hand the vowel of -tuit is due
to the influence of the uncontracted form. (*-tb-tud-i-t gives regularly
-*toit; §110, note).
Note 4. — Tho quality of the diphthong in -tait, etc. (fr. *to-te- one
expects *toi-, § 110) is very peculiar.
The Preposition
§ 211. Preverbal and Simple Prepositions.
1. ad- (*ad) * to, up to.'
(a) Under the stress (§ 53, 2) ad-, liable to various changes
before consonants (§§ 94, 109, 112, 2). Under the influence of
auo'- the form aud- occasionally appears.
(b) Before the stress (§ 53, 3) ad- ; occasionally as- is sub-
stituted, e.g. as-roilli ' deserves ' besides the regular ad-roilli.
ad- occurs only in compounds.
2. air- {*pre) 'for, on account of (see § 160).
(a) Under the stress (§ 53, 2) air-, before -7^0- : air- or ar-,
before -fo- and -uss- : aur-, e.g. aurlara ' ready ' (air-fo-lam).
(b) Before the stress (§ 53, .3) ar-, in relative sense ara-.
In prepositional use (with dat. and ace.) ar.
3. aith- (*ate) ' re '-.
(a) Under the stress: aith-, aid-, occasionally ath-, ad-
(§ 55 II. exception).
(b) Before the stress : ad-, before infixed pronouns at- ;
aith- occurs only in compounds.
380 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR
4. amal ' like ' (older amail, § 81), with ace. (see § 160).
5. cen ' without,' with ace. (see § 160).
6. cenmithd, cenTnathd {cenmd) ' besides, except,' with ace.
7. c^t- (^/cTjita) ' with:
(a) Under the stress : cet-.
(b) before the stress : ceta-, cita-.
cet- occurs only in compounds.
8. CO ' to, up to,' with ace. (see § 160).
In compounds ad- is used.
9. coTTi- {*1com) ' with ' ;
(a) Under the stress : cotti-, liable to various changes before
consonants. (§§ 103, 107, 108).
For coTTi-: cuon- is often found (§ 116); in late compounds
the -m is regularly preserved ; coTn-imm- gives coimm- (§ 110).
(b) Before the stress : con-, for which cot- is substituted before
infixed pers. pronouns.
In prepositional use (with dat.) co", cu\
10. di-, de- (*cZe) 'from' (see § 160).
(a) Under the stress : d4,-, di- (§ 125, note), de- ; with following
-fo-: dii-.
(b) Before the stress : do-, du-, occasionally di-, (de-).
In prepositional use (with dat.) di, de, seldom do.
11. echtar (*efcs-tris) ' outside,' with ace.
It occurs also in nominal compounds.
12. er- {*perd) 'for, on account of (see § 160).
(a) Under the stress : er-.
(b) Before the stress : ar-, in relative sense ara-.
In prepositional use (with dat. and ace.) ar. See further
below, 22, note.
13. ess- {*eL) ' out of (see § 160).
(a) Under the stress: ess- (seldom ass-), liable to various
changes before consonants (§§ 97, 109).
(b) Before the stress : ass-, for which ad- is substituted before
infixed pers. pronouns ; hence ad- is sometimes used instead of
ACCIDENCE 381
as- and vice versa. Even under the stress ad- may appear for
ess-, e.g. -aparr ' is said ' beside regular eperr (0. C. *ek{s)-ber-ro).
The form aasa- appears occasionally in relative and non-relative
use.
In prepositional use (with dat.) a, before proclitic words as,
e.g. as mo . . . ' out of my ' . . ., etc.
14. etar-, eter- (*entris) 'between, among' (see § 160).
(a) Under the stress : etar-, before vowels etr-,
(b) Before the stress : itir- (§ 81, exception 2), iter-, eter-, etar-,
etir-.
In prepositional use (with ace.) iter, itar, etir, eter, etar.
15. fiad ' in presence of,' with dat. (see § 160).
16. fo- {*upo-) ' under ' (see § 160).
(a) Under the stress: fo-,fu-,fa- (§ 116); before a following
vowel : /-. In late formations contraction is regular.
(b) Before the stress : fo-, fu- ; before vowels occasionally /-.
In prepositional use (with dat. and ace.) fo, fu.
17. for- {*vor, an analogical transformation oiver, fr. I.E. *uper)
'upon '(see § 160).
(a) Under the stress: for-, seldom fur- (§ 116).
(b) Before the stress : for-, occasionally fur-, far-.
In prepositional use (with dat. and ace.) for, occasionally
far.
18. frith- {*vrt) ' against, towards (see § 160).
(a) Under the stress : frith-, liable to various changes before
consonants (§ 93), in later compounds the -th is regularly pre-
served, frith-ess- gives fress-, frith- ess-ind- : freisn- ; fress-
spread analogically to other forms.
(b) Before the stress: friss-; before infixed pers. pronouns
frit-, only before the rel. 3. sg. m. and n. friss-.
In prepositional use (with ace.) fri.
19. iar- iarm- {*eperoin) ' after ' ;
(a) Under the stress : iarm-, iar-,
(b) Before the stress : iarmi- (iarmu-, iarma-)
In prepositional use (with dat.) iar^.
382 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR
20. imh-, imm- {*mhhi) ' about ' (see § 160).
(a) Under the stress: i^nb-, im(m)- (§ 103), before s: imp-
(§ 88).
(b) Before the stress : im{m)-, in relative sense imme- imma-.
In prepositional use (with ace.) im{'m).
21. in- {*eni), en- (*en), ind- ' in ' (see § 160).
(a) Under the stress : in- remains unchanged ; en- is liable to
various changes before consonants (§§ 104, 107, 108.); it appears
occasionally as in- under the influence of in- {*eni); ind-
appears before most consonants as in- (§ 104), before s as int-
(§ 88).
(b) Before the stress : in- ; before infixed pers. pronouns ad-,
only before the rel. 3. sg. m. and n. ass- ; hence ad- and ass- are
sometimes used instead of in-, e.g. ad-greinn ' pursues,' beside
in-greinn, etc.
In prepositional use (with dat. and ace.) i«.
22. ir- {*eru, fr. I.E. *perd) 'for, on account of;
(a) Under the stress : ir-
(b) Before the stress : ar-
In prepositional use (with dat. and ace.) ar.
Note. — Compounds which have er- (12.) are older than the change
of final -6 to -u (§ 118), hence the -6 of *perd has been treated like old o
in the interior of a word. In those compounds, however, which were
formed at the time when *per6 had already become eru (iru § Hi), the
preposition appears as ir-. The forms er-, ir- (with u- coloured r), air-
have frequently fallen together and may interchange in the same
word.
23. is {*ped-su, a locative pi. of the I, E. *ped-s ' foot ') ' below,'
with dat. (see § 160).
24. la (arch, le) ' with, by,' with ace. (see § 160).
25. 6, ua ' from, by' (see § 160) and uss-.
(a) Under the stress: before vowels uss-, oss- (§ 117); before
l,n,r: 6, ua ; before other consonants u, o without any effect
upon these. As this u, o looks like aspirated /u, fo, an / has
ACCIDENCE 383
often been prefixed to it, when not preceded by an aspirating
preverbal preposition (§ 18), e.g. ni-tuissim (*-to-u . . . -sem-et)
' he does not create,' but do-fuissim ' he creates ' (instead of
do-uissim). In later compounds appears the form uad-.
(b) Before the stress : ass- or ad-, before infixed pers. pronouns
ad-.
In prepositional use (with dat.) d, ua.
26. oc * at ' (see § 160).
(a) Under the stress: oc-, e.g. ni-ocman ' he does not touch'
(the m through influence of com-).
(b) Before the stress : oc(c)ik-, e.g. ocu-ben * touches.'
In prepositional use (with dat.) oc(c) (uc, ac).
27. ds, lias ' above,' with dat. (see § 160).
28. rem- 'before' (see § 160).
(a) Under the stress : reTn-.
(b) Before the stress : remi-, in relative use also reme-.
In prepositional use (with dat.) re", ri", Ha".
29. ro- (see § 174, 2).
(a) Under the stress: ro-, ru-, ra- (§ 116), before vowels r-
only with the prep, uss- (fr. *u . . -) (2.5) it is contracted to
ro-; between consonants we have -ar-, -or- (fr. r: §§59, 66-71).
(b) Before the stress: ro-, ru-, before vowels occasionally r-
through influence of the stressed form.
ro- occurs only in compounds.
30. sech, ' past, beyond ' (see § 160).
(a) Under the stress : sechm-,
(b) Before the stress : sechmo- (sechmi-).
In prepositional use (with ace.) sech.
31. sechtar {*s{o)-efcstris), ' forth from,' with ace.
32. tairm-, tar, dar, ' over ' (see § 160).
(a) Under the stress : tairm-, tarm-,
(b) Before the stress : seldom tarm,i-, regularly tremi-, trimi'
(34).
In prepositional use (with ace.) tar, dar (§ 80).
384 A CONCISE OLD IRISH GRAMMAR
33. to-, do- {Ho) ' to ' (see § 160).
(a) Under the stress : to-, tu-, ta- (§ 116), before vowels t-, only
with the prep, uss, *u . . . (25) it is contracted to to-, tua- ;
similarly to-fo-, to-for- give to-, tua-, tor-, tuar-. In late com-
pounds the form do- appears.
(b) Before the stress : do-, du- (§ 80), before vowels occasionally
t- through influence of the stressed form.
In prepositional use (with dat.) do, du.
34. trem-, tri, tre * through ' (see § 160).
(a) Under the stress : trem- {tre-).
(b) Before the stress : -tremi-, trimi-, in relative use also treme-.
tris-gataim ' I transfix ' is due to the influence of friss- (18).
In prepositional use (with ace.) tri, tre,
§ 212. Compound Prepositions.
Some examples are: ar bdaih 'in presence of; ar chiunn
and ar chenn 'in front of; ar chuit 'with regard to';
fo bith, fo hithin 'because oV; i n-arrad ' with' ] i n-dead, i
n-diad, and i n-degaid^, i n-digaid ' after,' tar 4isi^ ' instead of.'
Note. — All compound prepositions govern the genitive ; the
genitives of personal pronouns ( = possessive pronouns) are inserted
after the first preposition, e.g. di rdith Di ' for (instead of) God/ i n-a
dead 'after him,' ar do chuit ' with regard to you.'
CONCLUSION OF GRAMMAR.
Dr. Pokorny's Concise Old Irish Grammar will be published
immediately in book form by Messrs, Max Niemeyer, Halle A. S.,
and Messrs. Hodges, Figgis & Co., Ltd., Dublin. Price 5s. net.
It will be dedicated to Professor Ernst Windisch, who has done
so much to further Celtic scholarship. Ed. C.R.
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