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One Hundred Years in the Union 







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TILDEN FC-rOnl j>^S 
R 19'>6 L I 

Copyright, 1921, . 

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Imperial Missouri 

On the Fair Grounds at Columbia, August lo, 1897, Champ Qark delivered 
an address on the state and the people. He staCmped perrnanent coinage on "Im- 
perial Missouri." He made what, in the o^ihion of those who heard him, was his 
greatest speech. Among other things he said : 

"What is the saise of going to California to see the mammoth redwoods 
when by going to Stoddard county, in Southeast Missouri, you can see a gigantic 
oak that measures twenty-five feet in diameter and pierces the clouds with its 
lofty crown? 

"Why travel thousands of miles to gaze upon the 'deep blue sea' which Byron 
loved to apostrophize, when down in Crawford county, only a short day's journey, 
you can see the Blue Spring, which discounts the sky cerulean hue and whose 
depth no plummet has ever fathomed? 

"Why sigh for the distant beauties of the Alps when the beauties of the 
Ozarks are almost in sight, and yet unfamiliar to your eyes? 

"Why wander abroad like Don Quixote in quest of adventures when you can 
behold the largest nurseries in the world and the largest d)mamite mill on earth 
by going down to Pike county ? 

"Why rave about the horses of Arabia when Audrain county produces the 
finest saddlers in all creation and sells equines in Kentucky — a performance which 
twenty years ago would have been considered as preposterous as sending coals 
to New Castle? 

"Why hanker after a view of the Hudson when the Meramec and the Osage 
are just as picturesque and almost in the range of vision from your own win- 

"Why go a thousand miles to see the far-famed wheat fields of North Dakota 
when you have never seen the largest orchard on the face of the earth, which is 
in Howell county ? 

"Why spend time and money in visiting the battlefields of Chickamauga, 
Vicksburg or the Wilderness before you have seen the fields of action at Wilson's 
Creek and Lexington, where the Blue and the Gray contended with each other 
for the mastery and enriched the land with their blood? 

"Why go into raptures over the royal mummies of Egypt, when, by stepping 
into the museum in Columbia, you can behold the most perfect mastodon's head 
now in existence — a curiosity worth a king's ransom, which every scientific society 
on earth yearns to possess? 

"Why roll as a sweet morsel under your tongue the phrase, 'There were giants 
in those days,' when by going to Scotland county you can gaze upon a Missouri 
woman nearly nine feet in altitude and still a-growing? 

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"In the short and beautiful One Hundred and Thirty-third Psalm, King David 
embakned Aaron's beard in immortal verse — ^as every preacher and every Free 
and Accepted Mason knows; but if the sweet singer of Israel had lived down 
in Pike county, he would have written a poem as long as Paradise Lost or Don Juan 
about the beards of two of her citizens living in one township— one of whom has 
a beard nine feet two inches long, and the other seven and one-half feet long. 

"Why risk your life in searching for gold in Alaska, when you can grow tobacco 
in Lincoln county and get $1.25 a pound for it? 

"There is a little Klondyke in every quarter-section in Missouri if you will 
only dig for it. 

"Why send your children to Yale, Harvard, Princeton, Ann Arbor, Johns Hop- 
kins or Virginia, when, at your very doors, is the University of Missouri, where 
a boy or girl can be thoroughly educated and at the same time form thousands 
of acquaintances and friends who shall be serviceable to them as long as they 
shall tabernacle in the flesh? 

"Why go five hundred miles to get lost in the MammoA Cave, when you can 
perform that unpleasant caper in the great Hannibal Cave — ^the scene of the re- 
markable exploits of Tom Sawyer and Huckleberry Finn?" 

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List of lUustrations 

The New Capitol of Missouri : Frontispiece 

St. Louis University in 1858 2 

Missouri Medical College and Christian Brothers, i860 2 

Concordia Collie in i860 9 

First Schoolhouse in Columbia 9 

Professor Edward Wyman, Founder Wjmian's Academy 17 

Professor Sylvester Waterhouse .- 17 

Professor B. T. Blewett, Early Educator 17 

James S. Rollins, Father of State University ' 23 

State University, Columbia, 1874 23 

Central Female College at Lexington in Early Days 31 

Elizabeth Aull Seminary, Original Building 31 

Normal School, St. Louis, Before Civil War 37 

St. Louis High School, in i860 37 

Wayman Crow, Author Washington University Law 45 

Rev. Dr. W. G. Eliot, Founder Washington University 45 

Washington University, St. Louis, 1861 45 

James Smith, Benefactor, Washington University 51 

James Richardson, Father St. Louis Public Library 51 

"Saying Her Piece," Qosing Day in Ozark School 51 

Oaibome F. Jackson, Governor, 1861 .' 64 

Hamilton R. Gamble, Governor, 1861-64 64 

Willard P. Hall, Governor, 1864 , 64 

Thomas C. Fletcher, Governor, 1865-69 64 

Joseph W. McQurg, Governor, 1869-71 64 

B. Gratz Brown, Governor, 1871-73 64 

Dr. Edwin B. Smith, Eminent Physician, in Early Days 71 

Dr. S. Gratz Moses, Founder First Free Dispensary 71 

Dr. Philip Weigel, Surgeon in Civil War 71 

Dr. John B. Johnson, Who Never Sent a Bill ^ 71 

Dr. B. G. Farrar, Eminent Surgeon of Pioneer Days 71 

Dr. Charles A. Pope, Head of Pope's College 81 

Old Pope College, in 1865 81 

McDowell's Old Medical Collie, First Structure 81 

In the Arcadia Valley, Charming Scene of the Ozarks 94 

Chouteau Pond, 1840, Mill Creek Valley 94 

Joseph Smith, Second President, Mormon Church lOi 

Joseph Smith, Martyr, Founder Mormon Church loi 


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Mormon Temple at Nauvoo, as Planned for Independence loi 

Hyrum and Joseph Smith, from Old Daguerreotype '. loi 

Official Emblem, Latter Day Saints. . . . .^ |li . 

Mormon Exodus from Nauvoo to Salt Lake. 1 1 1 

Jefferson Memorial Arch and Statue of Jefferson. 126 

Home of Pierre Chouteau, Sr., Main Street. 135 

Home of Pierre Chouteau, Jr., Main Street 135 

Old Russell Farm, Ninth and Russell Avenue 145 

Sugar Tree in Smithton, Boone Circuit Court 145 

Richard P. Bland, Fac Simile of Signature 151 

John W. Noble, Secretary of the Interior 157 

Edwin O. Stanard, "Blaine's Boy'' \ 157 

Ethan Allen Hitchcock, Secretary of the Interior 157 

David H. Armstrong, U. S. Senator 173 

Erastus Wells, Member of Congress 173 

Trusten Polk, U. S. Senator 173 

Jefferson Memorial, Home of Missouri Historical Society 183 

Brunswick, before the Civil War 193 

Grand River Valley, Fertile Section 193 

Bluffs of the Missouri in October, Ankeney 203 

"Beautiful Valley," in the Ozarks 203 

Broadway, Columbia, 1864 213 

An Ozark Invention for Picking up Stones 229 

On the Missouri, Roustabouts' Leisure Hour 229 

Great Fire at St. Louis, 1849 .' 243 

Veteran Volunteer Firemen of St. Louis • 243 

Captain Thomas B. Targee, Hero, Fire of 1849 247 

J. A. Reavis, Inventor of the Peralta Qaim 259 

Baking Johnny Cake, of the Pioneers 259 

General Richard Gentry, Commander of Rangers 269 

Robert Campbell, Fur Trader and Merchant 269 

Gabriel Cerre, Friend of George Rogers Qark 269 

George Rogers Clark, of Kaskaskia Expedition 269 

General Stephen Watts Kearny, of Mexican War 275 

General A. W. Doniphan, of Mexican War Fame 275 

Doniphan's Expedition to Mexico 275 

John J. Anderson, Soldier and Banker 285 

D. D. Mitchell, Leader of Chihuahua Advance 285 

Fort Zahar, of Doniphan's Elxpedition 285 

General Alton R. Easton, Commander of Legion 293 

Lieutenant General John C. Bates 293 

St. Louis Militia, before Civil War 293 

Silas Woodson, Governor, 1873-75 303 

Charles H. Hardin, Governor, 1875-77 303 

John S. Phelps, Governor, 1877-81 303 

Thomas T. Crittenden, Governor, 1881-85 303 

John S. Marmaduke, Governor, 1885-87 303 

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Missouri's Corn Pavilion at World's Fair, 1904 314 

Breaking Prairie, in 1835 321 

\ Farm Adviser in the Field, 1920. /. 321 

Conspirator, a Famous Missouri Horse 329 

Sales Day at L^ington, Typical l^issouri Scene 329 

Reclaiming the Land of Southeast Missouri 335 

Finished Drainage Canal near Morehouse 335 

Old Menard Home at Ste. Genevieve 341 

Train of Com Wagons from One Southeast Missouri Farm' 341 

Primitive Agriculture in the Ozarks 347 

A "Truck Patch" in (he Ozarks 1 347 

Jules Valle, Pioneer Promoter, Missouri Mineral 355 

James Harrison, Who Developed Iron Mountain 355 

Moses Austin, Pioneer Lead Smelter 4 355 

An Ozark Prospector and His Specimens .* 355 

Charles P. Chouteau 361 

Pierre Chouteau, Jr 361 

Mining at Iron Mountain before Civil War 361 

Laclede Statue in City Hall Square 377 

Marble Falls in the Ozarks 377 

Young Squirrel Hunter of the Ozarks 377 

Mail Carrier of the Ozarks 377 

Thomas Allen, Builder, Iron Mountain R. R 391 

Henry T. Blo>y, Pioneer, White Lead Industry 391 

Pilot Knob, Vast Deposit of Iron Ore 391 

A Honey Ranch in Missouri 405 

Felix Street, St. Joseph, 1873 405 

Headquarters, American Fur Company, 1835 428 

Kenneth McKenzie, Official, Fur Company 428 

Ramsey Crookes, Official, Fur Company 428 

John B. Sarpy, Commissioner, Bank Subscriptions 435 

Louis A. Benoist, Pioneer Banker 435 

First Benoist Residence, Main and Elm Streets 435 

John OTallon, Manager, Branch, U. S. Bank 443 

John Mullanphy, First Missouri Millionaire 443 

Henry S. Turner, Banker, i860 * 443 

James H. Lucas, Banker, i860 443 

T. B. Edgar, Banker .*.... 451 

D. K. Ferguson, Banker 451 

George K. Budd, Banker 451 

George S. Drake, Banker ; 451 

R. J. Lackland, Banker 451 

Main Street St. Louis, before Civil War 459 

Edward Walsh, Pioneer Banker of St. Louis 459 

Willian) H. Thompson, Treasurer of World's Fair 459 

John R. Lionberger, Banker 467 

Thomas E. Tutt^ Banker 467 

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Charles Parsons, Banker ' < 467 

Joseph O'Neil, Banker 467 

Marie P. Le Due, Whose Vote Elected Benton 475 

Missouri Hotel, \yhere First Legislature Sat 475 

Temporary Capital at St. Charles 475 

Manuel Lisa, Fur Trader and American Patriot 485 

Russell Farnham, First Astor Fur Trader in West 485 

Home of Manuel Lisa, St. Louis * . . 485 

Albert P. Morehouse, Governor, 1887-89. . v 497 

David R. Francis, Govemot, 1889-93 497 

William J. Stone, Governor, 1893-97 497 

Lon V. Stephens, Governor, 1897-1901 497 

A. M. Dockery, Governor, 1901-05 497 

Signing Ratification of Suffrage Amendment 505 

State Capitol Built in 1838, Burned 1911 505 

Mule Day in Central Missouri 513 

Kansas City Live Stock Exchange, 1871 513 

Ozark Folks 525 

Old Fashioned Missouri Log Bam 525 

A "Deadening" in the Ozarks 525 

Bessehl's Charity Ball in the Seventies 540 

Chart of Bessehl's Charity Ball 541 

Kansas City, in Steamboat Days, 1855 551 

Bolduc Home, Built in 1785, Ste. Genevieve 565 

An Emigrant Camp, from an Old Wood Cut 565 

Funeral Notice of Pioneer Times 573 

A Pioneer Industry of Missouri 573 

A Pioneer Ferry in the Ozarks 581 

Quilt Airing Day, an Ozark Custom 581 

Type of Robidoux House, First Newspaper Office 587 

William Hyde, Many Years Editor, The Republican 587 

Joseph B. McCuUagh, Twenty Years Editor, Globe-Democrsit 587 

Adam Black Chambers, Pioneer Editor 595 

John Knapp, Publisher Missouri Republican 595 

Richard Edwards, Author, Edwards Great West 595 

Charles W. Knapp, Twenty Years Editor, The Republican '603 

John Schroers, One of Founders, St. Louis Times 603 

Isaac S. Taylor, Director of Works, World's Fair 603 

Halsey C. Ives, Founder, School of Fine Arts > . . . i 603 

Walter B. Douglas, Lawyer and Historian 609 

F. A. Sampson, Historian and Bibliographer 609 

William Marion Reedy, Editor and Author 615 

Nathaniel Paschall, Editor, Missouri Republican, 1861 615 

Colonel William F. Switzler, Editor and Historian , 615 

Missouri Building, Worid's Fair, 1904 625 

Mark Twain, from Photograph Late in Life 637 

Eugene Field, Poet 637 

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Mark Twain and D. R. Francis, Unveiling TaJ)let 637 

First City Hall of St. Joseph 647 

St. Joseph in 1850 647 

Mrs. Mary F, Scanlan, Miss Mary F. Christy 669 

Mrs. Caroline O'Fallon, Miss Caroline Schutz ' 669 

Mrs. Margaret A. E. McLure, Miss M. E. Parkinson 669 

Mrs. Virginie S. Peugnet, Miss Virginie Sarpy 669 

Mrs. Mary Ann Edgar, Miss Mary Ann Boyce 6^ 

Volunteer Firemen Assembling for Parade 681 

Lucas Place, St. Louis 1854 « 681 

Elder T. P. Haley, "Dawn of the Reformation*' 695 

Elder T. M. Allen, Pioneer Preacher 695 

Rufus Easton, First Postmaster 707 

William Oark, Lewis and Clark Expedition 707 

Daniel Boone, from Portrait by Harding 707 

Meriwether Lewis, Lewis and Clark Expedition 707 

J. G. Lindell, Upbuilder of St. Louis 715 

Peter Lindell, Upbuilder of St. Louis , 715 

Henry Kayser, Upbuilder of St. Louis. 715 

David Nicholson, Upbuilder of St. Louis 715 

General Ethan Allen Hitchcock 715 

Adolphus Busch, Upbuilder of St. Louis 723 

George D. Capen, Upbuilder of St. Louis 723 

Theophile Papin, Upbuilder of St. Louis , 723 

W. A. Hargadine, Upbuilder of St. Louis. 723 

Ralph Sellew, Upbuilder of St. Louis * 723 

Dr. Enno Sander, Revolutionist. 731 

Colonel Jay L. Torrey, Original Rough Rider 731 

William Carr Lane, First Mayor of St. Louis 731 

Charles Gibson, Defender of Montesquieus 731 

William R. Nelson, Founder, Sni-a-Bar Expjeriment 739 

Botanical Garden of Dr. Saugrain 747 

Doc. Carr, Inventor of the Cob Pipe > 747 

Henry Shaw, Founder, Missouri Botanical Garden 747 

Room of the Bums' Gub, St. Louis 759 

D. S. Brown in His Orchid House 765 

The Veiled Prophet 773 

Given Campbell, Lawyer ^ 7^5 

Warwick Hough, Lawyer 7^5 

John H. Overall, Lawyer 7^5 

Elias Michael, Merchant 7^5 

Hudson E. Bridge, Manufacturer 795 

Eads Bridge in Course of Construction 795 

Samuel Gaty, Manufacturer .' 795 

Giles F. Filley, Manufacturer 795 

James Ranken, Jr., Founder Ranken Trades School 805 

R. P. Tansey, Transportation Manager 805 

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Richard M. Scruggs, Merchant and Philanthropist : 895 

W. M. Sentei*, Father of the Cotton Exchange 805 

Jacob S. Merrell, Founder Merrell Drug Company 817 

Oliver A. Hart, Builder * 817 

Odon Guitar^ Union Leader in 1861 817 

Gerard B. Allen, Manufacturer 817 

William J. Lewis, Banker 829 

John D. Perry, Banker and Railroad Builder 829 

Headquarters, Junior Chamber of Commerce 829 

J. E. McKeighan, Lawyer 839 

Sen^ra N. Taylor, Lawyer 839 

J. G. Woemer, Lawyer and Author 839 

Samuel H. HoUiday, Lawyer 839 

xCorwin H. Spencer, Vice President World's Fair 847 

Safhuel M. Kennard, Vice President World's Fair 847 

Daniel M. Houser, Vice President World's Fair 847 

Cyrus P. Walbridge, Vice President World's Fair 847 

Seth W. Cobb, Vice !President World's Fair * 847 

Charles H. Huttig, Vice President World's Fair 847 

August Gehner, Vice President World's Fair 847 

Pierre Chouteau, Vice President World's Fair 847^ 

Joseph W. Folk, Governor, 1905-09 ^ ■. 855 

Herbert S. Hacjley, Governor, 1909-13 855 

Eliott W. Major, Governor, 1913-17 855 

Frederick D. Gardner, Governor, 1917-21 855 

Arthur M. Hyde, Governor, 1921 855 

General John J. Pershing, Commander A. E. F 917 

Major General Enoch H. Crowder, of Selective Service Fame 923 

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A School for Every Township — Potosi Academy — "Religion and Morality and Knowledge" 
^Riddick's Ride^Nolody's Land "Reserved for the Support of Schools"— The First 
Mayor's Appeal— Kemper College-— Bishop Dubourg's College— Evolution of St, Louis 
University — The Jesuits Walked to Missouri— Heroic Mother Duchesne — First School^ 
houses— Pioneer Schoolmasters— Daniel Wehster^s Visit— A Whipping and a Shooting 
—Professor Love's Strenuous Time in Callaway— Pedagogy in Boone— Bonne Femme's 
Ambitious Curriculum — First Free Schools— How the Maintenance Tax was Carried 
—Beginning of Kindergartens — Wyman's Missouri "Rugby"^-The State's Support of 
Education — Benton on Teaching — Seminary Lands Speculation — The State University 
—Higher Education Widespread — Governor Francis' Great Opportunity— Normal 
Schools— Harris and Greenwood, Foremost Educators— "Bob-tailed" Spelling— Rural 
School Betterment— First in Coeducation— Lindenwood's Modest Foundation — William 
Jewell's Distinction — Elisa' Ann Carleton and "Hickory Cabin"— The ParkvUle Self' 
help Experiment— Cockrell's Log House Alma Mater— Washington University's Non- 
Sectarian and Non-Political Principles— O' Fallon Polytechnic— The Practical Idea- 
Manual Trainings-Education as a Business— Poor Boys and Mechanic Princes— Wit- 
liam GreetUeaf Eliot, the Useful Citiscn 3 



The Physician's Duty to the Woman in Travail — Coming of Saugrain — Father Didiet^s 
Homely Remedies— First Cases of Smallpox — Pioneer Patent Medicines— Farraf's 
Famous ^Operation — Sanitary Progress — First Student and First Lecture — Heroes of 
the Epidemics — Beaumont and St. Martin's Stomach — Early Medical Literature — Home 
Educated Doctors — First Free Dispensary — Dr, S, Grata Moses and His Public-Spirited, 
Associates— Beginning of Sisters' Hospital — One Doctor for 274. People— Sappington's 
Pills — Introduction of Quinine — A Record Cure — Governor Jackson's Three Wives — 
Missourfs Redemption from Malaria — McDowelVs College — Eccentricities of the 
Founder— Fourth of July Celebrations— Pope's College— Its Courteous Head—Hodgen, 
"the Beloved"— A Profession of Many Nationalities — The, Era of Numerous Medical 
Colleges — Raising the Standards — Post-Graduate Work — Luedeking, "the Students' 
Friend" — International Surgical Fame of Bemays — Missouri Climate and Health — A, 
Record of Three Generations— Homeopathy Introduced — The Eclectic School— A Con- 
gressman's Border Remedy in the Camps — Wyman's Work as Health Officer of 
World-Wide Fame — The Free Cancer Hospital — George D. Barnard, Public Benefactor 
— Progress of Medical Education — Dentistry's Development — Itwentions by Mis- 

sourians 65 


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'^Tampering with Our Slaves"— An Unpardonable Sin iH Missouri— The Independence 
Uprising— Printing Office Demolished— "Stripped, Tarred and Feathered Liberally"- 
The Offending Publication — "Free People of Color"— Driven from Jackson County- 
Appeal to Jefferson City— Suits Started — Governor Dunklin's Stand — Conferences at 
Liberty— The Ferry Tragedy— Arrival of a Mormon. Army— Segregation Planned— A 
County Set Apart— Rapid Spread of the Sect North of the River— A Regiment of 
Mormon Militia — Captain Fear Not— Election Rioting at Gallatin — The Danites— Dis- 
sensions in the Church — Battle of Crooked Creek — State Forces Ordered Out — The 
March on Far West — Governor Boggs' Instructions— Extermination or Exodus — Sur- 
render of the Leaders — Wholesale Executions Ordered — Doniphan's Stand for Humanity 
— "The Treaty" — Holcombe's Painstaking Search for Truth of History — Massacre at 
Haun's Mill — Eighteen Bodies Buried in a Well— John B, Clark's Wise Course in a 
Crisis — The Midivintir Flight to Illinois — Prohibition at Nauvoo — Emancipation of 
Slaves Advocated — Murder of Joseph and Hyruin Smith — Brigham Young's Heresies 
— Reorganization of the Church — Judge Philips' Decision — Return to Jackson County — 
Revolution of Public Sentiment— Present Day Creed and Growth 95 


The First Electors in 1820 — A Hot Protest and a Compromise — Lehmann on Missouri's 
Anomalous Position^— The Casting Vote in 1824 — Missouri Elected a President — Eccen- 
tric but Highly Popular John Scott — Atchison's One Day Presidency — Benton's Chance 
in i848^ohn B. Clark, a National Figure — The Fight Against John Sherman — Demo- 
cratic Split at Charleston — Missouri, the Balance of Power — Close Relations of Lin- 
coln and Blair — Border States Policy Bom — Gradual Emancipation — Bates in the i860 
Convention — A Missouri Movement Against Lincoln in 1864 — The Radicals at Baltimore 
— A Stormy Convention Scene — Blair and the "Jacobins" — Blair at the End of the 
War— The Broadhead Letter of j868— Liberal Republican Movement— B, Grats Brown 
at Cincinnati in 1872 — Missouri Confederates in the Tilden-Hayes Contest of 1876 — 
The Striking^ Down of Bland — Suppression of a Telegram — Secret Influences — Blaine's 
Boy Stanard — The Cockrell Opportunity in jgoo — Champ Clark at Baltimore in igi2 
— Nine Times the Choice of the Majority — William J. Bryan's Desperate Tactics — A 
Slander Challenged — William /. Stone as a Campaign Manager — Sinister Origin of the 
Two-Thirds Rule — Benton on Calhoun's Undemocratic Scheme — When a Missourian 
Entertained a Tired President — Patronage Stories — How Certain Cabinet Selections 
Came About — Vest's Contribution to History 127 


Benton Line and Barton Line — Nullification Issue — High Places in Benton's Career— De- 
fense of Jackson — Expunging Resolution — The Great Salt Speech — Conservation 
Policies— Clay's Conversion — The Feud with Webster— A Political Suicide — Galusha 
Grow on Benton — Linn, Father of Oregon and Model Senator— Gey er^s Senatorial 
Career— Atchison's Difficult Position — B lairds First Term—Barrett-Blair Contest--^ 
Thirty-Nine Days for Shields— Bland and "the Crime of '7f' — Champion of the People 
— Byars' Estimate of the Missouri Commoner— Missouri and the Speakership — Why 

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Phelps was Put Aside-^Admission of Oregon — Hatch Denied the Solid Delegation — 
Champ Clark's Distinction— The Patronage Certificate of 1885— "Pub, Docs/'—Champ 
Clark and the New Member — Vest's Scathing Rebuke of Presidential Interference — 
Martin L, Clardy's Discovery — Advice to Young Men — Drafts on a Congressman — 
Morgan's Tariff Problem — The Lead and Zinc Issue — Vest on M-issouri Industries— 
The Cockrell Brothers — Missouri's Tidal Wave of 1894— Dock cry's Monument — Bar^ 
tholdfs Exceptional Career — The Torrey Act — CockrelVs Arraignment of Cleveland — 
Cobb, a Favorite at the White House — Tarsncy and the Lobbyist — Reed and Missouri 
Precedents — Stone's Public Life without Parallel — "The Unfortunate Senatorial 
Line" 171 




The New Mculrid Earthquake — Experiences of Eye Witnesses— Effect on the Mississippi — 
Two Months of Terror — Senator Linn's Report — Investigations by Scientists — Congres- 
sional Relief — The Worst Land Frauds in Missouri History — McGee's Conclusion — Sed- 
iment Broke the Valley's Backbone-Slicker Wars— Pioneer Justice Imported from 
Tennessee — Uncle Nattie McCracken's Recollections— rA Duel with Scythes — Extermina- 
tion of the Factions — War^on Horse Thieves North of the Missouri — The Battle at 
TumbulVs Fort — Flood of 1844 — "Head Disease" — Data of the Government — American 
Bottom Submerged — The Great St, Louis Fire — Targee, the Hero — Cholera Epidemics 
— Government by Committee in 1849 — A Thorough Sanitary Campaign — Last of Chou- 
teau's Pond — The Gasconade Disaster — Experience of G, B. Winston — The Big Freeze 
and Consequent Steamboat Disasters— Grasshopper Plague of 1875 — Missouri's Losses, 
$iS,ooo,ooo — A Banquet on Locusts and Honey — Riley's Important Conclusions — Fasting 
and Prayer Proclaimed — Barony of Arizona Fraud — A Missourian's Stupendous Scheme 
— Lawyers and Capitalists Deceived — "Sons of the Golden West" — Ramifications Country 
Wide — Joseph K, Rickey's Philosophic Statement — The Claimant's Conviction and Con- 
fession of Guilt 227 


Battle of the Everglades — The Gentry Family — When the State Compelled Military Service — 
Benton's Mexican Plan — A Political Ballad of '46 — Missourians Start for Mexico With^ 
out Orders — The Army of the West — Doniphan's Marching and Fighting — Sterling 
Price's Memorable Part — The Revolt of the Pueblos — Sergeant Drescher^s Ride for 
M^rcy — Execution of the Revolutionists — The Battle at Rosalia — William Cullen Bryant's 
Tribute to Doniphan's Expedition — New Mexico Annexed by Kearny — The Doniphan- 
Hall Legislature — New Mexico's Territorial Birth — Doniphan's Tribute to His Men 
— The Nerve of the Rangers — Homeward Bound — A Missouri Welcome — Long Live 
Governor Lane — The Historic Brass Cannon from Mexico — Troubles on the Kansas 
Border— John Broivn's Invasion of Missouri — William Hyde, War Correspondent — The 
Southwest Expedition — Trophies of the Civil War— Shelby's Story of His Expedition — 
, What Lincoln Planned for the Confederates — Negotiations with Maximilian — Missouri 
and the War with Spain — Bland, Dockery and Cochran — Sedalia's Object Lesson in 
Loyalty — Grant and Doniphan on Mexico — Mullanphy and the Cotton Bales — The Amer* 
ican Spirit in Upper Louisiana — George Rogers Clark's Tribute — Francis Vigo, the 
Patriot— Battle of Pencour—The British Plans to Take the Mississippi Valley— SU 
Louis in the American Revolution — Captain Beausoleil's Expedition 267 

Digitized by 





"The Most Enlightened Instruction"— The Model College of Agriculture^Rise of the 
Rooster—Evolution of a $5o,ooo/>oo Industry— When a Hen Was Only a Hen— The 
Coop Car and the Central Plants—Science of "Extras'* and "Seconds"— Missouri Feed 
Lots— Com on the Hoof to Market— Latter Day Economies— The Place to Kill the 
Porker— Make Beef of the Steer Where He is Primed— The Model Stockyards of 
St. Joseph— Packing Plants Up-to-Date—Fine Art in Poultry Handling— Rules of 
Cleanliness and Economy— The Awakening of Rufus Hatch^-" Cattle Paper^'— Honor 
among Live Stock Men— A Kansas City Illustration— Pioneer Allen's Recollections— 
"Missouri Bacon"— Country Curing Processes— Dr. Waters on the Sieve's Great Prob- 
lem— Hardeman's Garden— Henry Shaw on Conditions of Climate— George Catlin's 
Word Picture of Missouri— The Myth of "the Sunk Lands''— A Redeemed Section^ 
Champ Clark's Treat— Some Famous Fruits— The Ben Davis and Its Habitat— Pioneer 
Farming — The Once Despised Prairies— Experimental Farming in 1830-40— What Major 
Higgins and Rev. Henry Avery Demonstrated— How William Muldrow Turned the Sod 
— Missouri Valley Opportunities — Secretary J, Sterling Morton on Normal Industries-" 
Missouri at the Columbian Exposition 315 



Iron Mountain^/ ames Harrison's Start— The Gift to Joseph Pratte— Valley Forge— Plank 
Road and Toll Gate Days— A Five Dollar Bill in Every Ton— From Mountain to Crater 
—Cleaning the Ore — One of the World's Wonders— Scientific Speculation— Little Moun- 
tain — The Iron Industry of St. Louis— Pilot Knob— Surface Deposits Exhausted— Coke 
from Illinois Coal— A New Era for Missourir—Ore Banks of Crawford County— Model 
Management of the Midland— Governor McClurg's Venture — The Tragedy of Knotivell 
— Missour^s Iron Furnaces— ^Taney County's Iron Mountain — The Twelve Minerals of 
Mine La Motte-^-Coppet Smelting in Franklin — Theory About Gossan — Prodigious Banks 
of Coal — Geology Confounded in Morgan — Shale-Made Brick — Missouri Manganese in 
Demand — CantwelVs Forecast — Evolution of the Yellow Cottonwood — Senator Rosier^s 
Protest — De Soto's Search for Silver in the Osarks— Later Came Antonio and then 
Renault — The Mississippi Bubble and Missouri Silver— Traditions of Hidden Mines — 
An Ounce of Silver to a Ton of Lead — Schoolcraft's Exploration — The Deceptive White 
Metal — "Flickers" — Geology Against the Precious Metals — A Scientific Investigation — 
The Second Cornwall — Tin Mountain's Collapse — "Silver Mountain" — Madison County 
Discoveries^— The Garrison Cave — Radium Possibilities — The Granite Mountain 
Bonansa •. 353 



Lead from Herculaneum for Washington's Army — Customs of the. Pioneer Miners — Uncle 
Sampson Barker^s Bullets — Revelation of Zinc — Granby's Awakening — Burton's Bear 
Hunt — Tom Benton, the Reporter— Moses Austin's Arrival — How the Connecticut Man 
Smelted — Renault, the Pioneer Miner — A Century Old Claim — Mine La Motte's Vicissi- 
tudes — The Golden Vein — Lead for the Defeat of Braddock — The Valles and the Roaiers 
— Dry Bone Turned to Account — The Flat River Country — La Grave and the Dissemi- 
nated — Bonne Terre's Beginning — Evolution of the St. Joe Enterprise — Parson's Policy 

Digitized by 



— Gophering at Valle Mines— Dr, Keith's Reminiscences — Matrimony Under Difficulty — 
The Granby Company — Herculaneum's Era of Prosperity — The Maclot Shot Tower 
— Missouri Lead for Jackson's Army — The City that Jack Built — Joplin's Site a Cattle 
Ranch — Moffett & Sargent — Some of the Lucky Strikes — A Show and a Fortune — 
Bartletfs Inventions-White Lead from Smelter Fumes — Early Praspectors — Ten O'Clock 
Run — Webb City and Carterville — The Story of Two Farms — Morgan County's Fam^ 
Before the War— How Oronogo Got Its Name— "The Chatter^' — Geological Opinions 
Revised — Rise of the White Lead Industry — Unfortunate Use of Castor Beans — 
Methods of Th^ophilus Guide Missouricns— Judicial Tribute to Made in St. Louis — 
Galena the Inspiration of Many^ Industries 399 


Colonial Currency — When "Bons" Were Exchanged — Auguste Chouteau's Credit/ and 
Debits— The "Plus" and the "Pack"— Earliest Banks in Missourir— Benton's First Les- 
sons in Paper Money — Duff Green's Investigation — How London Drained the West of 
Specie — The Loan Office Experiment — A Plunge in Financial Theory — What it Cost the 
Young State — Jackson's Smcish of. the United States Bank — A Great Day in St, Louis — 
John O'Fallon, Bom Banker — Overshadowing Issue in Politics, 1835-45 — Bank of the 
State of Missouri— Popular Wishes Denied— Days of "Dog" Notes— Panic of 1837— 
Missouri's First Bonds— 'X>ld Bullion," the "Hards'' and ike "Softs"— Professor Mc- 
Clure's Illuminating Monograph — Santa Fe Cartwheels^— Boom Days of '49 — A Legisla- 
tive Inquiry — Law of 18 5T— Beginnings of Great Institutions — A Mysterious Loss — 
Strenuous Experiences of the War Years^-The Archbishop's Bank— Evolution of the 
Clearing House — A Midnight Redemption Journey — Boone County's Record — The Era 
of Many Small Banks — Panic of 1873 — Missouri's Distinction — A Lead in Financial 
Reform — Introduction of Pennies— Banking Temperament — State Bank Note Tax in 
Politics— Cleveland's Repudiation of a Plank — Wildcat Days Recalled — Passing of the 
Bank Note Reporter— Missouri Finance in History — Four Presidents of the American 
Bankers Association 429 



Missouri's Governors — First General Assembly — Low Cost of Living at St, Charles — 
McNair^s Distinctions — A Legislator's Shipwreck — Author of the First Book — Why 
Lafayette was not Officially Welcomed — Direct Election of President Recommended 
— Jefferson City Preferred to Cote Sans Dessein — The first State House — Later 
Capitols — Some Pioneer Legislatiour—The Day of Lottery Charters — When Missouri 
Led in Moral Reform — The Plank Road Myth Exposed— Jackson's Veto a State Issue 
— Eighth of January Observance — Imprisonment for Debt — The Shortest Act — The 
Pillory — Governor Reynolds' Suicide — The Atchison Appointment — Hards and Softs 
in 1844 — "Hoss Allen" — A Governor^ s Sarcastic Expense Account — Deadlock on Sen- 
atorship — Polk's Brief Term — Hancock Johnson the Successor by • a Parliamentary 
Coup — Eccentric Bob Stewart — Extraordinary Exercise of Clemency — First Thanks- 
giving Proclamation — Woman Suffrage Proposed in 1867 — Fletcher^s Ignored Op- 
portunity to Profit — B. Gratz Brown on Prison Reforntr— Governor Hardin's Pardon 
Record— Political Prophecy by Waldo P. Johnson — Rapid Healing of War Differ- 
ences — Hatch, Cockrell and Vest, as Candidates — State Finances — Missouri Bonds — 
School Fund Certificates— Diplomacy of Francis— Use of the Seal in Missouri— Tax 
on Bachelors — Champ Clark on Benton's First Election — Ratification of the Prohibi- 

Digitized by 


xviii ' CONTENTS 

Hon and Equal Suffrage Amendments— Missouri Women's Long Fight for Political- 
Enfranchisement ^ j 473 



The Celebrated Mule Case — Five Years Litigation over Five Dollars— "The Missouri 
Mule Takes after His Dam and not His Sire'* — Benton's Favorite Play upon Names — 
The Perryville Speech — Bully Pitt, Orator of International Fame — The Birch vs, Benton 
Slander Suit — '*A Sheep-killing Cur Dog"— Nine Years in the Courts and No Finish^ 
Vest on the Dog— "The one absolute, unselfish. Friend^'— How Wells H. Blodgett Won 
a Case — Immaterial John Jameson — When Missourians Voted for Jackson — The Man 
Higher Up— "Life and Twenty Years"— A Notable Record on the Bench— "I'm from 
Missouri; you'll have to Show Me" — Authorities on the Origin — "P, K. Price's Kav' 
airy"— "Pat" Dyer and "Pat" Donan — Missouri Proverbs Coined on the Bench — The 
Speech that Elected Vest — Pioneer Vocabulary — Miles Vernon and His "Old Johnny 
Congress" — The Jayhawkers Tradition — Newcomers had to Learn the Missouri Lan- 
guage — The Shortest Campaign Speeches — Brevity and Success— A Traveling Preach- 
er*s Discoveries — Rings and Rings — A Tribute to the Possum — Jack Pierce, Champion 
Butter — The Epic of Chouteau's Ram — An Historic Event *» 5V. Louis^ Early 
Period 5" 



Fearless John Smith T, — The Aaron Burr Expedition — A Ste, Genevieve Sequelr-'The 
Sheriff Whipped Nine Grand Jurors— Hospitality in Saline— Major Jack Anderson, 
Surveyor and Joker— Com Taylor's Patch Test of Thrift— Some Tricks of Joker Jones 
— Cave Wilson's Natural Mausoleum — A Home in a Log — How Shumate Settled with 
His Doctor— Chief Justice Taney's Brother— The Anathema of Jesse Range Bayles— 
Hermit of Town Branchy-Giving the Cemetery "a Good Start"— A Cow Trade Ex- 
traordinary— Leistendorfer's Sleight of Hand Performance— Missouri Philosophy-^An 
Annual Oration — The Eloquence of Adam Cobb— Aubrey's Amazing Feat— A Warrant 
Served on a Dog-— Sam, Thompson's Plea for "Queen"— Summons and Judgment 
Against a Bull— Van Bibber's Moving Speechr—Fate of Mike Fink, Bully— Pioneers of 
Cote Sans Dessein—The Man Who Talked to Snakes— How Bennett Outwitted Fort 
Leavenworth — The Solomon of St, Charles— Squire Colvin's Indian Trap — Cass 
County's "Firsts"— How Political Campaigns Were Won— Dr. Shewe, Most Versatile 
St. Louisan— Benton's Tutor in French^A War of Words in Lincoln County— Uncle 
Blandy's Court of Last Resort— No Appeals in "Plain Cases"— All-night Trial at Badger 
Settlement— The Astonishing Will of Ira Nash 537 



The Armstrong Mill — Commerce by the Longhorn — Fording the Missouri— Ste. Genevieve's 
Richest Manr—Life on the Gasconade— A Captain of Militior— Stocking Up to Keep 
Tavern — Major Ashby and the Chariton Monopoly — 4 Bluff Called — The Cabin 
Home— Greased Paper for Windows— Folding Beds of One Hundred Years Ago—No^ 
Nails, Hinges or Locks— Pioneer Experiences on Labaddie Creek— The Fodder Pen 

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When Visitors Came — First Settlers in Newton — "No Road Further IVesf'—Evolution 
of Milling at Smithville — Fourteen Hundred Miles Afoot for Machinery — Eighteen 
Bee Trees in One Day — The Fall of Shelby's Bastile—Low Cost of Living in the 
Forties — Preaching Suspended to Kill a Wildcat — A Ringer on May's Prairie-^amps 
of the. Forty-niners at St. Joe — Punishment by Banishment — Cooper^s Prophecy in the 
Legislature — "Nobody Died Until a Doctor Came" — Horse Racing on Lane's Prairie — 
County Fair Premiums for Oxen — Waiting for thf Grist — The Diplomacy of Jacob Ish — 
Cooperation Along the Trail— Coffee Sunday Mornings — The Bee-Gum Post Office — 
"Going to MiW at Palmyra in the Thirties-^A Batch of Home News— Taxes Paid With 
Wolfs Ears— Modern Improvements — The "Hoss" Mill— Sacred Fire of Kentucky — 
The Houn' Dog— How the-Harrisons Got Settled— The Year the Stars Fell— Dr. Bar- 
low's Eccentricity — Howard County Races — Dandy Bob Allison's Disaster 563 



James G, Blaine's Reproach Removed — Motive of the Jefferson Memorial — Louis Houck's 
Estimate of the Missouri Historical Society's Collections — The State Historical Society 
— Missouri History in University and Colleges — The Work of the Missouri Historical 
Review — Unparalleled Newspaper Coltections^-Centennial Celebration at Daniel Boone 
Tavern — "Old Packingham" and "Calomel" — The Greatest Cofitribution to Missouriana 
—Coming of Joseph Charless— Missouri s "Vestal Fire" — The Pioneer Editor's Side 
Lines — "Truth without Fear" "Principles not Persons" — Art in Advertising One Hun* 
dred Years Ago — Religious Notices — Slaves of the Best Caliber — A Literary Barber — 
When St. Louis Was Slandered — Versatility in Vocations — Advertising Imprisonment 
for Debt — Leistendorfer's Plan of Currency Reform — Lotteries and the Editorial Con- 
science — Winter of the Deep Snow and No News — Making Sport of Porkopolis^—Jour- 
nalism before the Civil War—Huntsville's Independent Missourian — Bold Bacon Mont- 
gomery — Jeff Buster's News Sense — James O, Broadhead's Search for a Newspaper 
Name— Ben, Franklin Russell's "Nuggets of History" — Clay County's Centennial— 
Henry Clay McDougal's Reminiscences — Mark Twain's Funny Brother— Secret Political 
History of 1896— Republican Financial Plank Written by a Missourian— A Democratic 
Friend Elected McKinley 585 



Colonising Texas — Standard Time — A Lesson in Courtesy at Washington — Missouri the 
Mother of States — Sponsorship for Oregon — F, N. Judson's Comments — The Four 
Sublettes—A Mighty Bear Hunter — Benton on the Lyceum Platform — Stephen B. 
Elkins and the Guerrillas— Impressions of Quantrell—A Divided Family— The Case 
of Juan Gid— Misadventures of a Colony— Four Missourians in Statuary Hall- 
Oregon's First Senator— A St, Louis Boy's Ambition — Pat Donan of Devil's Lake — 
Missouri's Greatest Poet — Eugene Field, Editor and Actor — "Most Studious Designer 
of Pranks" — The Real Tom Sawyer's Recollections — Private Sam Clemens in the War 
— Professor of Anecdote — Missourians as Constitution Makers — Ten Members of 
Washington's Conventionr—The Left Wing of Price's Army— Governor Samuel T. 
Hauser— Ashley, the Explorer— First Knowledge of Utahr—Jim Bridger—The Duke 
of Cimarron— Flush Days on the Maxwell Grant— Kit Carson — The Discovery of 
Yellowstone Park — John Colter's Veracity — Missouri Diplomats — Law and Order in 
Montana— Judge Alexander Davis and the Vigilantes— The Court of Alder Gulch — 

Digitized by 



Death Penalty for Contempt of Court — IVhat a Home-Coming Would Mean — Emily 
Grant Hutchings' Suggestions — The Missouri Spirit Epitomised — Britton's Missou- 
rians in Revieuf' — Dr. Wainwright in Japan — A Missourian's Pilgrimage to Bos ton,. 619 



"Patient Servitors of Civilusation" — Historic Families of a Century Ago — Madame Chou- 
teau's Thousand Descendants — '*The Loveliest Woman*' in i8iz — "Mimi** Little Pigeon — 
Benton's Debt to Home Influence — Social Customs of the Newcomers — House Raisings 
and Com Huskings — "Chicken Pie" on the Fiddle — Van Bibber^s "Contrary Stick" — 
Squaw or Wife, Question of Precedence — PcUsy Millsap's Romance — Fashions and 
Food fit the Dawn of Statehood — The Popular Linsey Woolsey — Happy Days for 
Cabin Brides — When Love Laughed at Language Differences — Rapid Courtships — 
The Good Matured Charivari— ^A Wedding Across the Creek — Report of a Society 
Event-^The Missouri Lochinvar—Fleur-de-Lis at Sweet Springs—A Women Laid the 
Foundation of Fortunes — Mary Phelps^ Rescue of Lyon's Body — Heroic Women of 
Civil War Times — Mary Ann Boyce Edgar and Margaret A. E. McLure — The Swamp 
Fox Outwitted — Liszie Chambers Hull's "Missouri" — Daughters of the American Rev- 
olution — Missouri's Remembered Patriots — First Bride of Jackson County — A Woman 
and "The Thermopylae of The West" — How Sedalia was Saved — Coming of the 
Morrisons — Days of Theological Discussions — Copies and Lard at Brunswick — Elder 
Creath's "Jack" — A Baptism at Rocheport — Church Goers Encouraged to "Talk Back" 
— Elder Haley and the Colonel — The Family Burial Place 667 


Early Blending of the Population — The Beamese — Virile Home Owners — Laclede's Land 
Policy— A Strong Scotch-Irish Strain — Cavaliers Well Representedr^"The Boston^*— 
Evolution of the Typical American — Jefferson Builded More Wisely than He Knew—^ 
Missourians as Travelers Found Them a Century Ago — Observations of Brackenridge* 
and Flint — Official Integrity in 18 ig — American Immigration — The Salt Industry — Daniel 
Boone's Selection of School Books — Kentucky's Tardy Recognition — Boone, the Law 
Giver — Lorimier^s Public Service — The Missourian, Politically and Physically — At the^ 
Columbian Exposition — Major John N. Edwards on Missouri Courage — Jefferson's Grand- 
son Heard the Declaration of Independence — The Pocahontas Strain in Missouri — Jeffer- 
son's Descendants — The "Scotch Tom" Nelson Clan — Most Finished Scholar When La- 
fayette Came — Personal Honor and Justice — The Richest Man in Franklin — Experiment, 
the Show Place in Saline — Hospitality to Visiting Chiefs — Lincoln's Missouri Friend-^ 
"The Missourian, a Fighting Man"'-rJohn F. Philips^ Tribute — Pioneer Free Masons-^ 
Jefferson's Secret Emissary — When Loyal St, Louisans Rebuffed Aaron Burr — Pioneer 
Science — Dr, Saugrain's Laboratory — The Missourian a Home Lover — Father of the 
Naval Academy .* 701 



Conservation of Humanity — Inspiration of a Great School of Medicine — Washington Uni" 
versity's Forward Stride — Verdict of the Belgian Commission — Evolution of Barnes Has* 

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pitai^A Credit l,ike Bread an the Waters^Segitmings of Two Fortunes — How Adolphus 
Busch Repaid Robert A. Barnes — St, Louis Universitys New Medical Standards — The 
James Campbell Bequest — A Well Guided Secret — Another Poor Boy's Contribution td 
Philanthropy-^The CUnic Refined— St. Louis, the Nation's Nerve Center-^E, C. Simmons, 
the Man of an Hour — The Prosperity Movement— Roosevelt's Indorsement — Two Original 
Missouri Industries — Genius and Geography — International Fame of the Sage of the 
Osage — Missouri, Habitat of True Americanism — The St, Louis Educational Movement 
— A Butterfly Farm — Nelson's Sni-a-Bar Object Lesson — Making Ten Pounds of Beef 
Where One Grew Before — A School of Healing — Weather Forecast — The Record of 
Ravenswood — Missouri's Loan to Great Britain — Birth and Home of Manual Training-^ 
Sir William Mather's Tribute— The Bum^ Club—Missouri s Vital Part in Currency 
Reform — Genesis of the Federal Reserve System — Henry Shav/s Vision Come True^^ 
— The Veiled Prophets — Forty-two Years of Pageants — Secrets of Success — The Order's 
Place in the Life of St. Louis-^Rural Spread of the Salvation Army— Beginning of the 
German Evangelical Synod — Aboriginal Road Making — Invention of the Drag — Some 
Missouri Marvels 735 


Roads to Success Traveled by Missourians — The Commercial Club of St. Louis — An Assay 
of Membership — Two Industrial Marvels — A Declaration of Independence in Business 
Rules — The Creed to Govern — Leaders of the State's Thought — Missourians Who Have 
Done Much for the World— Marvin, the Bishop, and Bingham, the Artist — A Supreme 
Court Judge's Autobiography — Thomas Allen's Twenty Dollar Start — When James B. 
Eads Sold Apples — The Controversy with Jefferson Davis — Great Rh)er Problems 
Solved — When Missouri Lawyers Walked — Henry Lamm's Professional Debut — 
y James S. Rollins, Useful Missourian — The Com King and His Kingdom — Oppor- 
tunities in Missouri Soil — Leduc's Twenty Offices — The Crisis of 1877 — When Champ 
Clark Learned to Read the Bible — Missourians in the Public Eye, 1830-^ — Abiel Leon-^ 
ard's Plea for the Union— A Visit with John B. Clark— Old Bustamente's Recollections-^ 
General Shields and Irish Nationality — Land of Steady Habits — Ninety Years in Sunday 
School— Edward F. Swinney's Guide Post to Success — From Ranks to Captains of Indus- 
try — The First Trade Catalogue — Evolution of Cupples Station — Bricklayer and Bishop 
— Records in Railroad Management — From Flatboatman to Bank President — Judge John 
W. Henry's Retort — Professor See^s Discoveries — Radio Telegraphy Accounted For—* 
John B, Henderson's Gift of Speech — Father of Street Transportation — Grand Old Mis- 
sourians of 1895 — A Virginia Triumvirate — Author of the Jackson Resolutions — Benton's 
Deathbed Plea for the Union — Secret Marriage of Fremont and Jessie Benton — Three 
Cousins Who Became Missourians — Vest, Newspaperman, Hunter, Lawyer, Statesman — 
Bland, Ahe Missouri Commoner — Tragedy of James S. Green's Career — Missourfs Junior 
Movement , 783 


Mobilisation of the State— The Coliseum Mass Meeting— "Partisanship Sinks Out of Sighi 
in the Face of a National Danger^' — The Voice of Missouri— Governor Gardner^s First 
War Proclamation — The Council of Defense— Systematic Organisation— Recruiting the 
"Army at Home"— County, Township and Community Councils — President Wilson's 
Good Word— Patriotism Tvithout Pay — The Home Guards— Farewells to the Honor 
Men — The Women's Part— Troop Train Service— First Food Conservation — Camp Com- 

Digitized by 



munity Good Work — The Drive for the Navy — "A Nursery of Greatness" — From^ Four- 
teenth to Fifth in Crops — Some Marvelous Results — Ideal Organization Pledges-^ 
What Missouri Boys and Girls Did—^n the Vocal Firing Line — Missouri First in Food 
Saving — The Food Administrators — Widely Varied War Services — The Home Insti- 
tutes^The Motor Corps^Y, M. C. A. and Y, W. C. A, Activities— The Red Cross-^ 
Board of Religious Organisations — The Missouri Mule — Liberty Loan Records Made — 
The Loyal Lutherans— Patriotic Missourians of German Descent — Practical and 
Complete Answers to Some Foolish Talk — A Defect in the Suffrage Clauses of the 
State Constitution — The Voice of the Bar — Missouri's Militant Spirit — The Price of 
Patriotismr— Golden Stars for Every County — The Record of Casualties 853 



**We Go to Serve" — Barnes Hospital Unit — The Farewell at Christ Church — Collepia9is for 
the Ambulances — Service Flags by the Thousands — Missouri's^ Boy Soldiers — Twelfth 
Engineers in London — Kansas City's Hospital Unit — Gold Stars Appear — First MiS' 
saurian Decorated — "Catling Gun^' Parker — Missouri War Inventions and Strategy-^ 
The Thirty-fifth and Eighty-nin^ Divisions— In Bantheville Wood— Missouri Giant$ 
in "the Greatest Battle"— At Vauquoi^ and Cheppy— General Traub's Thrilling Story- 
Adjutant General Clark on the Nqfwnpl Guardsmen— Forty Per Cent of the Thirty* 
fifth's Officers Killed or Wounded — Stories of Some Decorations— Hauling Supplies 
Through Death Valley — Surgery at the Front — How Colonel Rieger Prepared — What 
Gassing Meant — Missouri Welfare Workers Overseas-Chauffeur Danforth—The Creep- 
ing Barrage — War Emergency- Missourians-^Mia Stimson's Experience* — Pershing, Bay 
and Teacher— "Coolest' Man Under Fire"— The Title of "General"— A Chaplain's 
Tribute— Provost Marshal General Crowder^-When Cleveland Promoted a Republican — 
An Historic Letter^Violette's Pen Picture— Admiral "Bob" Coonts—From Mule Driver 
to Head of the United States Navy — Admiral Palmer, Kid Gloved Missourian — A Won- 
derful Accomplishment in Recruiting — Ambassador Francis Stricken at His Post— A 
Voice Raised Early for Preparedness — Years of Fighting German Intrigue — America's 
Dominant Diplomatic Figure— Facing Petrograd Mobs— Timely and Incessant Warning 
Against Bolshevism ^ 883 

Digitized by 



Vol. n— 1 

Digitized by 


Ninth Street and Washington Avenue 

Eighth and Gratiot streets, St. Louis, 1860 

Digitized by 


Centennial History of Missouri 



A School for Every Township — Potosi Academy — *' Religion and Morality and Knowledge" 
—Riddick's Ride-^Nobody's Land "Reserved for the Support of Schools''— -The First 
Mayof^s Appeal—Kemper College — Bishop Dubourg's College — Evolution - of St. Louis 
University — The -Jesuits Walked to Missouri — Heroic Mother Duchesne — First School" 
houses— Pioneer Schoolmasters—Daniel Webster's Visit— A Whipping and a Shooting 
— Professor Love's Strenuous Time in Callaway — Pedagogy in Boone — Bonne Femme's 
Ambitious Curriculum — First' Free Schools — How the Maintenance Tax was Carried 
— Beginning of Kindergartens — Wyman's Missouri "Rugby" — The State's Support of 
Education — Benton on Teaching — Seminary Lands Speculation — The State University 
—Higher Education Widespread — Governor Francis* Great Opportunity— Normal 
Schools— ^Harris and Greenwood, Foremost Educators — "Bob-tailed" Spelling — Rural 
School Betterment — First in Coeducation^Lindenwood's Modest Foundation — William 
Jewell's Distinction — Elisa Ann Carleton and "Hickory Cabin" — The Parkville Self" 
help Experiment — CockrelVs Log House Alma Mater — Washington University's Non^ 
Sectarian and Non-Political Principles— O' Fallon Polytechnic — The Practical Idea — 
Manual Training — Education as a Business — Poor Boys and Mechanic Princes — WiU* 
liam Greenleaf Eliot, the Useful Citiaen. 

One school or more shall be established in each township, as soon as practicable and necessary, where 
the poor shall be taught gratis. — From the first constituiion of the State of Missouri, adopted l8io. 

Three years before statehood, the Potosi Academy for higher education was 
incorporated. It was to be conducted by seven trustees elected annually. The 
charter provided that "Every free white male inhabitant, of twenty-one years and 
upward, who shall have subscribed and paid five dollars toward said academy, 
and have resided in the county one year preceding such election, is entitled to 

Religion, Morality and Knowledge. 

In a room on Market street, near Second, George Tompkins opened the 
first English school. He was a young Virginian, coming to St. Louis in 1808. 
His journey exhausted his resources. The school was planned to make the 
living while Mr. Tompkins studied law. In time Mr. Tompkins became Chief 
Justice Tompkins of the supreme court of Missouri. While he was teaching 
school he organized a debating society which held open meetings and afforded 
a great deal of entertainment to visitors. The members and active participants 
included Bates, Barton, Lowry, Farrar, OTallon and most of the young Amer- 
icans who were establishing themselves in the professions. 

"The most trifling settlement will contrive to have a schoolmaster who can 
teach reading, writing and some arithmetic," a traveler in the Louisiana Pur- 


Digitized by 



chase wrote from St. Louis in 1811. The next year the Missouri territory came 
into political existence with this declaration adopted by the territorial body 
which met in St. Louis : 

"Religion and morality and knowledge being necessary to good government 
and the happiness of mankind, schools and the means of education shall be en- 
couraged and provided from the public lands of the United States Jn the said 
territory in such manner as Congress may deem expedient." 

Riddick's Ride. 

Thomas Fiveash Riddick was an enthusiast. When Third street was the 
limit of settlement he told people St. Louis would some day have a ^million of 
population. Thereat, the habitants smiled. Riddick's enthusiasm prompted him 
to works. Coming from Virginia, a young man just past his majority, he was 
made clerk of the lands claims commission in 1806. His duties revealed to him 
lots and strips and blocks of ground, in various shapes, which nobody owned. 
Instead of capitalizing his information, forming a syndicate and acquiring these 
pieces of real estate, Riddick was true to his inheritance. That was a high 
sense of public duty. The Riddicks of Nansemond county for generations, 
through the colonial period, through the Revolutionary years, through Virginia's 
early statehood, had been patriots who made laws or fought in war as the con- 
ditions demanded." Pro bono publico nlight have been the family motto. Thomas 
Fiveash Riddick was true to the strain. He started i^i agitation to have all of 
this unclaimed land in the suburbs of St. Louis "reserved for the support of 
schools." The situation called for more than mere suggestion. Speculators 
already had their plans to buy these scattered lands at public sale. That gen- 
eration was too busy taking care of itself to give serious consideration to the 
next. Quietly Riddick got together the data, mounted his horse and, in winter, 
rode away to Washington. Before Edward Hempstead, the delegate for Mis- 
souri in Congress, Riddick laid the proposition. Hempstead was Connecticut 
bom and educated. He took up Riddick's idea and coupled it with a general 
bill to confirm titles to portions of the common fields and commons in accordance 
with rights established by residence or -cultivation before 1803. And he added 
a section that the lands "not rightfully owned by any private individual, or 
held as commons" shall be "reserved for the support of schools." Riddick 
remained in Washington until assured that this legislation would pass. Then he 
mounted his horse and rode back to St. Louis. All of this he did of his own 
motion and at his own expense. 

In his inaugural message to the board of aldermen, the first mayor of St. 
Louis, William Carr Lane, advocated public education. "I will hazard the 
broad assertion," he said, "that a free school is more needed here than in any 
town of the same magnitude in the Union." In P838, the people of St. Louis 
were said to have "better facilities for educating their children, agreeably to 
their own taste, than the people of any other city in the United States." That 
year public schools had been established and had become immediately popular. 
Kemper College opened on the 15th of October under the direction of Rev. 
P. R. Minard. It was given supervision by seventeen trustees, and had the 
support of the Episcopal church. St. Louis University had increased its faculty 

Digitized by 



and was offering advantages in higher education not equaled in any other city 
of the Mississippi Valley. The Convent of the Sacred Heart was affording un- 
usual opportunities for young women. 

Bishop Dnbourg's College. / 

**Bishop Dubourg's college" was the name commonly bestowed upon the 
first institution for higher education established in St. Louis. The first build- 
ing occupied was where the log church stood on the block Laclede reserved 
for religious and burial purposes. When the college opened in 1820, the news- 
papers annovmced this faculty: 

Rev. Francis Niel, Curate of the Cathedral, President. 

Rev. Leo Deys, Professor of Languages. 

Rev. Andreas Ferrari, Professor of Ancient Languages. 

Rev. Aristide Anduze, Professor of Mathematics., 

Rev. Michael G. Saulnier, Professor of Languages. 

Mr. Samuel Smith, Professor of Languages. 

Mr. Patrick Sullivan, Professor of Ancient Languages. 

Mr. Francis C. Guyot, Professor of Writing and Drawing. 

Mr. John Martin, Prefect of the Studies. 

Two years earlier than this, Rev. Francis Niel with two other priests had 
conducted "an academy for young gentlemen" in the house of Mrs. Alvarez. 

In the desire of the Monroe administration to start an Indian school, St. 
Louis University had its inception. John C. Calhoxm was President Monroe's 
secretary of war. Indian affairs came under his supervision. The President 
and the secretary had hopes of beneficial results from education of Indian boys. 
The secretary opened correspondence with Bishop Dubourg at St. Louis. The 
result was the coming of Father Van Quickenborne and his party to establish 
tJie school at Florissant. 

The little band of Jesuits who established St. Louis University walked to 
St. Louis. Rev. Charles Van Quickenborne, as superior, headed the party. 
He and his assistant, Rev. Peter J. Timmerman, rode part of the way in the 
one-horse wagon which conveyed the light baggage. F. J. Van Assche, who 
half a century later became known widely in St. Louis as "Good Father Van 
Assche;" P. J. De Smet, the "Father De Smet" of international fame as an 
Indian missionary; J. A. Elet, F. L. Verreydt, P. J. Verhaegen, J. B. Smedts 
and J. De Maillet were young men. They trudged across the Alleghanies to 
Wheeling. Leaving "the floating monastery" as they called their flat boat, at 
Shawneetown, they walked across the prairies of Illinois 140 miles, spreading 
their blankets at night in house or bam as the opportunity offered. 

' Charles Van Quickenborne, iPeter J. Verhaegen, John Elet and Peter J. De 
Smet, .the faculty, raised $4,000 and started St. Louis University on the Connor 
lot. The first building was forty by fifty feet fronting on Green street. It 
was opened for students in November, 1829. Within four months the uni- 
versity ha() fifteen boarders and 115 day students. Two years later the build- 
ing was enlarged with a wing. Two years after that a second wing was added. 

In 1829 the St. Louis University was founded. Father De Smet, who 
had been ordained two years before, was made a member of the faculty. He 

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went out to the Flatheads with the annual fur trade caravan in 1840. "In a 
fortnight," he reported, "all knew their prayers." He called them his "dear 
Flatheads." Father De Smet was not a large man, physically, but he was 
very strong. He could bend a five-franc piece, a silver coin about the size of 
the dollar, between his fingers. A copy of Father De Smet's map of the 
Columbia river and Puget sound region is among the historical treasures of 
St. Louis University. Father De Smet made the original. He carried it with a 
letter of introduction from Bryan MuUanphy to President Polk. The inter- 
national controversy with England over the northwestern boundary had aroused 
the whole United States. The cry was "Fifty- four, Forty, or Fight." The map 
was important evidence. 

In 1836 the closing of the college of St. Achenil in France gave St. Louis 
University the opportunity to purchase chemical and philosophical apparatus 
of great value. A fourth building of thie group housed this acquisition which 
was the finest west of the Alleghanies. The institution took at once and has 
always maintained high scientific rank. A museum of natural history was in- 
stalled. In 1840, St. Xavier's, "the college church," as the community knew it, 
w^ begun. Building after building was added until the two blocks of ground 
became crowded. In 1854, csLvrying out the plan formed by President John 
B. Druyts, the university erected at Ninth street and Washington avenue an 
imposing structure with 'towers one of which was the observatory. This build- 
ing afforded better room for the museum, the philosophical apparatus and 
provided an exhibition hall. 

Two Missouri institutions celebrated the centennial of statehood by placing 
' their own alumni in the presidency. Dr. David J. Evans became the president 
of William Jewell College in 1920, just twenty-five years to a day from the 
time he entered that institution. He had been a Carroll county farm boy until 
he preached his first sermon in Livingston county, in 1894. Connection with 
William Jewell as professor of Biblical literature and dean of the school of 
theology preceded Dr. Evans' elevation to the presidency of his alma mater. 

St. Louifl Uniyersity's New President. 

To the presidency of St. Louis University, William F. Robison came in 
1920. Born in St. Louis, a student in St. Louis University when it was located 
on Ninth and Washington avenue in what is now the wholesale district. Father 
Robison pursued his classical studies in the Jesuit Normal school at Florissant. 
He had intensive training with the French Jesuits, visiting the universities of 
Louvain, Innsbruck, Valkenburg in Holland, Rome and Naples. A part of 
Father Robison's preparation for his present high office was obtained as a pro- 
fessor of English at the University of Detroit and at Loyola University, Chi- 
cago. As professor of ethics at St. Louis University he became familiar with 
all departments of the university. For the past five years preceding his eleva- 
tion to the presidency he was professor of fundamental theology in the divinity 
department of the institution. Year after year Father Robison has given Lenten 
courses in the College church, drawing audiences of 2,000, recalling the profound 
impression which Kenrick made upon St. Louis more than half a century ago. 
His books, "Christ's Masterpiece," "His Only Son," "The Bedrock of Belief 

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and "The Undying Tragedy," met with the interest which prompted later edi- 

The civic activities of President Robison have been notable. During the 
World war, Father Robison spoke frequently and trained others to speak for 
the Liberty loans, for the United War Work campaign and for other public 
and patriotic movements. More than 3,000 of the faculty, alumni and under- 
graduates of St. Louis University were in the service. With President Rob- 
ison's accession to the presidency, a movement headed by Julius S. Walsh, an 
alumnus, was launched to raise an endowment fund of $3,000,000, the income 
from half of this sum to be used in increasing the salaries of the professors 
of the several departments of the university. The plans for the use of the other 
half of the fund, as announced by President Robison, include notable expansion 
in buildings and equipment. Speaking of the plans to make the institution greater, 
President Robison said: 

"St. Louis University was founded in 1818, three years before Missouri became a state 
in the Union, at a time when St Louis was a struggling frontier town of only 3,000 inhab- 
itants.' It brought medicine as a professional branch of study to the Middle West years 
in advance of any other institution. It introduced the school training of law west of the 
Mississippi. It maintains the only Class A school of dentistry in this section of the cotm- 
try and it was a pioneer in starting a school of commerce and finance. Each of the schools 
of St. Louis University has struggled to pre-eminence in the world of learning. Each of 
t{iese schools has been placed in Class A by the rating agencies of the country. This stand-* 
ing has been won and maintained without a large, fixed, financial endowment. Endowed 
the university has always been, abundantly endowed, but not with money. Its endowment 
has been and still is in loyal devotedness s^d the uncounting self-sacrifice of its Jesuit 
teachers and the many lay professors of different religious creeds who occupy its faculty 
chairs. It has done its work financed only by the modest fees of its student body and the 
occasional small gifts of its appreciative friends. 

Mother Duchesne. 

Convent education to the earlier generations of St. Louis womanhood meant 
more than book teaching. It was association with teachers who knew all about 
the pioneer life. Five sisters of the Sacred Heart arrived in St. Louis from 
France in August of 1818. They were the first of the order. Their coming 
was the answer to an urgent appeal of Bishop Dubourg. The superior was 
Phillipine Duchesne. With her were Sisters Octavie Berthold, Eugenie Ande, 
Catharine Lamarre and Marguerite Manteau. A year's trial of teaching at St. 
Charles- failed to show that the school would be supporting. The sisters, for 
economy, moved to a farm at Florissant. Mother Duchesne described the mov- 
ing: ' > 

Sister Octavie and two of our pupils next embarked. I was to close the march in the 
evening with Sister Marguerite, the cows and the hens. But the cows were so indignant 
at being tied up, and the heat was so great that we were obliged to put off our departure 
to the cool hours of the nwrning. Then by dint of cabbages which we had taken for them 
in the cart they were induced to proceed. I divided my attention between the reliquaries 
and the hens. We crossed the Missouri opposite Florissant. On landing Marguerite and I 
drew up our charges in a line — she the cows and I the hens — ^and fed them with motherly 
solicitude. The Abbe Delacroix came on horseback to meet us. He led the way galloping 
after our cows when, in their joy at being untied, they darted into the woods. 

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Upon the farm these sisters lived and toiled. They planted and raised corn. 
They gathered their own firewood. They cared for their cows. "The bishop 
riding by at milking time, smiled and asked Sister Ande "if it was atT^Iapoleon's 
court she had learned to milk cows." 

After a year on the farm, the house in Florissant was ready. Driving 
their livestock before them the sisters moved one cold day in December with 
snow knee-deep. Mother Duchesne wrote of that experience: 

Having tried in vain to lead with a rope one of our cows, I hoped to make her follow 
of her own inclination by filling my apron with maize, with which I tried to tempt her on; 
but she preferred her liberty and ran about the fields and brushwood, where we followed 
her, sinking into the snow, and tearing our habits and veils amidst the bushes. At last 
we were obliged to let her have her will and make her way back to the farm. I carried 
in my pocket our money and papers, but the striilgs broke and everything, including a watch, 
fell into the snow. The wind having blown the snow on my gloves, they were frozen on 
my hands, and I could not take hold of anything. Eugenie had to help me pick up my bag, 
and also my pocket, which I was obliged to carry under my arm. 

Pioneering did not end with that first year on the farm. After the opening 
of the school in Florissant, Mother Duchesne wrote: "There was a moment 
this month when I had in my pocket only six sous and a half, and debts be- 

Cooper County's First School. 

There were fifteen children in the first school established in what became 
Cooper county. The schoolhouse was not a house. It was two logs a short 
distance from Hannah's Fort. The children sat on one log and the teacher sat 
on another log facing them. John Savage was the teacher. He received a 
salary of one dollar for each pupil, payable in whatever the settler had to give. 
The fifteen children were Benjamin, Delany and William Bolin, Hiram and 
William Savage, Hess and William Warden, John and William Yamall, John 
and William Jolly, Joseph and William Scott, John and William Rupe. 

One of the early teachers in Dade county invented his own method of cor- 
poral punishment. He would compel one of the boys to carry on his back the 
culprit, and to march arotmd the room. As the pair went past the teacher, the 
latter applied the switch to the one who was being carried. To make the pun- 
ishment as formal as possible, this Schoolmaster Gregg announced before the per- 
formance began what number of strokes would be applied. The boys conspired 
to make the affair even more entertaining. While young Renfro was carrying 
young Ragsdale, he pretended to stub his toe on the puncheon floor and fell just 
in front of the teacher. The next time around the boy who was horse fell again. 
The whole school laughed. The teacher, before the boys could get up, used the 
whip on them until he wore it out. 

When the Rev. Ebenezer Rogers, a Quaker, kept an academy in Chariton 
county, there was rivalry between his boys and those of another school near by. 
This led to occasional clashes. Master Rogers forbade fighting, and, with the 
aid of a heavy ferule, tried to enforce peace by whipping his boys when they 
came out of these fights with black eyes and bloody noses. William Harrison 
Davis, of Keytesville, afterwards prominent in Missouri affairs, was one of the 

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On Carondelet Road, south of the Arsenal 


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Quaker's star pupils. But he returned to the academy one day with the marks 
of conflict plain upon him. Master Rogers, ferule in hand, met him at the door. 
Young Davis burst out with, "I met one of their big boys, si^, and he said you 
was a Tory and an ass. And I couldn't stand for that, so I gave him a good 
thrashing." The Quaker laid aside the ferule and proceeded with extraordinary 
kindness to administer first aid to his young champion. 

The First School House in Howard. 

Walter Williams, describing the first school house in Howard county, said: 

**It was built of round logs, the space between them chinked and then daubed 
with mud. About five feet from the west wall on the inside, and abouf five 
feet high, another log was placed, running clear across the building. Puncheons 
were fixed on this log and on the west wall on which the chimney was built. 
Fuel could be used any length not greater than the width of the building, and 
when, it was burned through* in the middle the ends were crowded t<^ethter. 
In this manner was avoided the necessity of wood chopping. There was no 
danger of burning the floor, as it was of earth. The seats were stools or benches 
constructed by splitting a log and trimming off the splinters from the flat side 
and then putting four p^s into it from the round side for legs. The door was 
made of clapboards and there were na windows. Wooden pegs were driven 
into a log running lengthwise, upon which was laid a board that constituted the 
writing desk." 

One of the pioneer schoolmasters was Buar Harrison. He taught from the 
'introduction to the English Reader,'' "The English Reader," "The Moral In- 
structor," which contained many of the sajrings of Benjamin Franklin. Har- 
rison also used in his curriculum "Walker's Dictionary" and "Smiley's Arith- 
metic." Harrison left the tradition of his expertness in making goosequill pens 
and ink from copperas and maple bark. 

A St. Charles schoolmaster of the period was Michael J. Noyes, who estab- 
lished a reputation for wit. One day on the ferryboat a traveler opened con- 
versation with the pedagogue : 

"I, sir, have certainly seen you at some time, but although your face is famil- 
iar, I remember not the timd, place, circumstance or your name." ♦ 

"My name, sir," said the schoolmaster, "is Contradiction." And with that 
enigmatic reply, he left the traveler guessing. The explanation was in the di- 
vision of the name into two syllables, — No-yes. 

Noyes afterwards moved to Illinois and established a newspaper which he 
named "The Illinois Sucker." Thereby he perpetrated what he called a "double 
agreement," to offset his "contradiction." But the double agreement mystified 
strangers until they learned the interpretation of the Indian "lUini." 

Daniel Webster at St. Louis University. 

The most notable feature of the visit of Daniel Webster in 1837 was his 
reception at St. Louis University. To the St. Louis Republic this account of 
the reception was given by Julia M. Bennett, as she received it in 1882 from one 
who had been a student at the university at the time of Webster's visit : 

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Mr. Webster was ^t this time making a political tour through the Western States, and 
on his arrival at St. Louis was entertained with a banquet and other festivities given in his 
honor. The president of the St. Louis University held Mr. Webster in much esteem for 
his intellectual attainments and he extended him an invrtatiori to visit the institution, inti- 
mating that he would be received not as a politician, but as a scholar and a distinguished 
citizen of the United States. 

Mr. Webster and the attending committee were met by Father Verhaegen, the presi- 
dent, and the whole party, Mr. Webster and the president, side by side, leading the way, 
advanced between the lines of students, who cheered as the visitor entered the grounds 
and continued their demonstrations until he had passed the main doorway of the college 

The body of the hall was filled to overflowing with an ardent, expectant crowd of 
young men alive with interest and eager to have a further look at the "lion" of the day. 

On Mr. Webster's entrance, the assemblage, as one person, rose and remained standing 
and cheering, until ihe guest and his party were seated. One of the students then stepped 
forward and delivered a short address in Latin. 

He was followed by a young Mexican named Carnagel, a handsome fellow, possessed 
of engaging manners. In musical tones he addressed Mr. Webster in the Spanish language. 
Although the distinguished guest could not, as he afterward said, keep pace word for word 
with the speaker, he seemed, nevertheless, to take in his meaning. 

Oscar W. Collett, the third and last of the youths who had been selected as the orators 
for the occasion, addressed a beautiful welcome to the great statesman. Not only did the 
audience applaud the young speaker, but Mr. Webster himself, who had so often listened, 
apparently untouched, to the impassioned eloquence of great orators, seemed for the moment 
thrown off his guard. Remembering his own boyhood days, with their many associations 
and the joyousness of his young life he was visibly touched and moved. 

Rising slowly as soon as young Collett had made his bow and the applause had died 
away, his eyes wandered around the hall. He peered into the faces of the students; passed 
onto the faces of the black-robed Jesuits; for a moment he seemed to be musing on what 
was before him. He then delivered a short address, which was allowed by those whose 
good fortune it was to be present, to be one of the happiest efforts of his life. His meas- 
ured flow of sentences, the eager, upturned faces of his youthful audience held spcllboimd 
by his utterances; the grave, decorous attention of the professors; the absolute stillness, 
which served to emphasize every word that dropped from his lips, made a scene that lin- 
gered forever in the memory of those who were present. 

In concluding, Mr. Webster turned to the president and professors and said: "The 
work of the painter will molder in time; the sculptor's cunningly wrought images will 
perish; but your work, gentlemen, though invisible to the natural eye, will endure forever, 
for its subject is the immortal spirit, which can never be extinguished: You form, you 
mold, the intellect, the soul and they will survive the ruin no matter what the destruction 
of the visible universe." 

Mr. Webster was immediately surrounded by an eager crowd, everyone desiring to get 
near him and a din of many voices filled the hall. He enjoyed all that was passing around 
him and Conversed indiscriminately with every one that approached him, for a while, until, 
at a given signal, the meeting dispersed and the visitors departed. 

Professor Love's First School. 

Professor James Love in his ninety-fourth year gave Ovid Bell in the Fulton 
Gazette his recollections of school teaching in Callaway county about 1845. He 
had just come from Kentucky to Missouri when he learned that "Peg-Leg Davy" 
Dunlap, the Fulton schoolmaster, had left town. He promptly opened a private 
or "subscription" school. The first year he had about fifty pupils at $5 to $10 
apiece, netting about $300 for his year's work. A good teacher received only 

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$8.33 a month in Kentucky then; so he remained in Fulton seven years, estab- 
lishing an academy which grew into the present Westminster college. 

The first year Prof. Love whipped one of his pupils, a son of Dr. Nathan 
Kouns. The doctor shot the teacher in the shoulder. Prof. Love tried to 
"draw," but the irate parent was too quick for him. 

"Selling liquor was as respectable in those days," said Prof. Love, "as sell- 
ing dry goods or groceries. Few persons hesitated to go into a saloon. Why, 
I was taken into a saloon when I was shot, and I was a member of the Presby- 
terian church and a Sunday-school teacher ! Most of the stores always -kept a 
barrel of whisky on hand for the free use of their customers. There was no 
ban on gambling, either. Gaming had not been prohibited by^ law. There were 
numerous persons who played cards for money, and they made no concealment 
of the fact." ^ 

Prof. Love was graduated from the University of Missouri in 1853. But 
for his difference with the doctor who shot him he might have remained in Ful- 
ton and been a member of the first class from Westminster college. , The diffi- 
culty with the doctor forced him to go armed all the time. He said to Mr. Bell : 

"It was nothing unusual for me to walk into my schoolroom, unbuckle my 
pistol belt and lay my arms down on the desk before my pupils. I had to go 
arme'd when I went to the postoflSce or to church. I never passed Dr. Kouns 
without watching every move he made, and he was equally vigilant. When we 
met we turned as we passed and watched each other out of pistol range. Liv- 
ing in such a way became irksome to me, and finally I announced when my school 
closed in 1849 that I would not reopen it. I told the pupils my reason and said 
they might call it cowardice, or what not, but I did not want to live in a place 
where it was necessary for me to have a bodyguard when I went to the post- 

Dr. Kouns was fined $500 for shooting Prof. Love, but the governor of Mis- 
souri promptly remitted the fine. 

Pedagogy in Boone. 

One of the pioneer school teachers of Missouri was Judge Jesse A. Boulton. 
Almost within earshot of where the great University of Missouri is today. Judge 
Boulton in 1840, according to Walter Williams, had this experience: 

'The trustees of the William Maupin school district in Boone county in 1840 were 
Joshua Lampton, William Maupin and Benjamin Conley. The highest wages that they 
had paid for a teacher previous to this time was $20 a month, and I told them that 1 
would not teach for that price, but would teach for them a trial term of four months for 
$110, to which they agreed. The time set for the commencement of that term was Novem- 
ber, proximo. I started from home to the schoolhouse on the morning of that day, and, 
after leaving the north boundary of the farm on which we Ihred, I followed a dim path 
through thick underbrush to within fifty yards of the school house. I frequently saw deer 
in going to and from my school. The school house was built of round logs, the cracks 
stopped with split wood and then plastered with mortar made of the black soil. It had 
a stick chimney and rock fireplace wide enough to receive a stick of wood S feet in length. 
The upper joists were barked hickory poles, with sheeting plank laid on them. The house 
was 20 feet square, with four windows, each window with twelve panes of glass, 8 by 10 
inches the size. The benches were made of split logs of about i foot in diameter. Legs 
for the support of these benches were put in from the round side. The upper side had 

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been trimmed with a drawing knife until all splinters were removed. When my pupils came 
on the first morning of the school I had the greatest variety of reading books I ever saw 
in one school in my life. The school had never been classified. 

"I remember the names of two books which were brought by the children of Reynard 
Pigg. One was a copy of Jack Halyard and another on astronomy, which looked as if it 
had arrived with the Pilgrims on the Mayflower. I gave each pupil a hasty examination, 
in order to learn his attainments. I then jotted down the names of the books which I 
wanted them to get. Reynard Pigg's children were two daughters and two sons, the oldest 
son being about twenty years of age. I gave him the list of books, as I did to the other 
children, and as they came into the schoolroom the next morning, I would ask them if 
their father intended getting the books desired. In due time I asked the oldest Pigg boy 
what his father said about getting the books. His answer came promptly, *Dad says we've 
got enough books for us children.' I then told the Piggs to take their .seats, and I did not 
call on them for recitation during the day. Some time between the dismissa( of my pupils 
that afternoon and the assembling of the school on the following morning the books had 
been bought in Columbia and were on hand for use. Mr. Pigg was a boisterous man, and 
after the close of that school, when I encountered him at a sale or a muster, he would come 
up and slap me on the back and cry out loud enough to be heard a hundred yards distant, 
*Well, Boulton, I have said it to your back and I can say it to your face, you are the best 
teacher ever I saunt to.' At the expiration of my first school they were anxious to con- 
tinue me for five months, but I demanded $200 for the term, which they refused to give. 
I then took the Bear creek school, which paid me $47-50 per month. One hour after taking 
the Bear creek school, Joshua Lampton, the trustee of the former school, came to me and 
offered me the sum demanded, but was too late. The trustees of the Bear creek school 
district were Samuel Hanna, Walter R. Lenoir and Andrew Spence. Ashby Snell, a drum- 
mer for the school, visited a patron of the school named Levi Parks, who will be remem- 
bered as the old constable of Columbia township. Mr. Parks being absent from home, his 
wife answered Mr. Snell by saying, *We won't send our children to the school. We never 
sent them a day in their lives, and they have just as good health as our neighbor's children.' 
At the close of the Bear creek school, Gen. Thomas D. Grant and Thomas M. Allen, one 
of the pioneer Christian preachers of Missouri, offered me $500 for a ten months' school 
and board for myself and my horse." 

Bonne Femme's Ambitious Cnrricnliun. 

No longer satisfied with elementary schools, the well-to-do residents of the 
vicinity determined upon the establishment of Bonne Femme Academy. They 
organized trustees and in 1829 advertised in the Intelligencer, which had just 
been moved from Franklin to Fayette : 

"The undersigned trustees of the Bonne Femme Academy are desirous of emplo)ring 
an instructor to take charge of that institution, competent to teach reading, writing, arith- 
metick, geography, the mathmaticks, some of the more ordinary branches ©f Belleslettres, 
and the Latin language. The schoolhouse is a very commodious brick building with two 
rooms of twenty-two feet square and situated in a healthy, highly moral, and very respecta- 
ble neighborhood, possessing perhaps as many advantages for such an institution and oflFer- 
ing as many inducements for boarders from a distance as any in the country. The trustees 
have fixed the rate of tuition per year, to consist of two sessions of five and a half months 
each, at eight dollars for reading, writing and arithmetick ; twelve dollars for grammar, 
geography, the mathematicks, etc.; and eighteen dollars for the Latin language. It is 
expected that the number of scholars will be so numerous as to require the principal to 
procure a competent assistant in the lower branches. All applicants for the above situation 
will be punctually attended to, and their claims generously and impartially considered." 

The First Free School. 

"The first free school west of the Mississippi" was opened in the basement 
of the Unitarian church on the site of what is now the building of the Missis- 

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sippi Valley Trust Company, Fourth and Pine streets. At the first communion 
service, on Easter Sunday, 1836, eight members raised $200 for philanthropic 
work. With this the school was started to give instruction for those who could 
not afford to pay tuition. Within a few weeks the school had an attendance 
of 100 children. Dr. EJiot soon inaugurated a movement in the interest of free 
public schools. He became an active member of the school board in 1848. At 
that time there were in operation fii^e public schools with 2,000 pupils, while 
the census showed 8,000 children of school age. The^city had been growing 
with marvelous rapidity. The board of education had property, a considerable 
amount of it, but no income or funds from which to build the needed school 
houses. Henry Ware Eliot, Jr., has told the story of a forward step by St. 
Louis, to which the later splendid development of the public school system owed 
much : 

"Dr. Eliot drafted a memorial to the Missouri legislature asking for a tax of one- 
tenth of one per cent for the maintenance and increase of the public schools. The legis- 
lature passed an act to that effect and it was submitted to a vote of the taxpayers of St. 
Louis in June, 1849. 

"The time was particularly unpropitious for the passing of such a measure, because 
Asiatic cholera had broken out in St. Louis in the preceding January. The cholera had 
been brought by immigrants from New Orleans, and while the greater part of the mor- 
tality was among the immigrants themselves, the toll of the plague was ten per cent, or 
6,000 out of the 60,000 inhabitants of the city. In May of that year, moreover, a great fire 
had broken out on the levee and had burned twenty-three steamboats, and fifteen blocks 
of buildings in the business portion of the city, the loss totaling $5,000,000. Shortly after 
this came trertiendous rains, which caused the river to rise, overflowing the lowlands of t^ e 
Mississippi Valley. The citizens might well have thought the world was coming to an end. 

"On the morning of the day when the vote was to be taken, five short articles from 
the pen of Dr. Eliot, urging taxpayers to go to the polls, were published in the papers. 
The members of the church went from house to house canvassing, and on the day of the 
election got the people out to the polls, so that the final vote was two to one in. favor of 
the tax." 

This was practically the beginning of the present public school system of 
St. Louis. Dr. Eliot and those associated with tiim established in the beginning 
the principle that the system should be free from sectarian teaching. 

The same organization which raised $200 to start the first free school west 
of the Mississippi, which canvassed the city of St. Louis house by house to 
secure the vote imposing the first tax for school purposes, also furnished the 
seventeen charter members of Washington University and .contributed four- 
fifths of the $478,000 which laid the foundations for this institution with its pres- 
ent $15,000,000 plant and endowment. Some members of that church group 
gave from fifteen to thirty per cent of all they were worth. One gave sixty 
per cent of his whole fortune. 

The Early Pnblic Schools. 

Six teachers and two schoolhouses composed the public school system of 
St. Louis in 1842. One school was on Fourth, the other on Sixth street. Sal- 
aries were not munificent. Three of the teachers were men. One of them 
received $900 a year, the others $500 each. One of the young women, the 

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principal, was paid $500 a year. Her assistants received $400 each. The school 
board in 1840-1850 was con;iposed of two members from each ward. These 
directors served without compensation. They had a superintendent and they 
elected the teachers. In 1854, the 97,000 people were served with twenty-five 
schools. The children attending were- 3,881. They had seventy-two teachers. 
The first school houses were small. But in 1854 the city took pride in the pos- 
session of several three-story buildings "with ample provision for ventilation 
and heated by furnaces properly constricted." 

The high school on Fifteenth and Olive was in course of construction. It 
was to be "an ornament to the city, a monument to its liberality and a perfect 
adaptation to the purposes for which it is designed." It was located "near the 
present western limits of the city." This high school was to be "for the use of 
those scholars of the public schools who have demeaned themselves the best, 
made most proficiency in the studies taught below and whose parents or guardians 
may desire them to acquire the higher rudiments of education." 

The kindergarten in St. Louis had its origin when Robert J. Rombauer, 
William D'Oench and Thomas Richeson recommended the acceptance of Miss 
Susie Blow's proposition. The daughter of Henry T. Blow had become inter- 
ested in kindergarten work. She offered to give her time to the supervision if 
the school board would assign one teacher and set apart a room. The offer 
was accepted and the "play school," as the school board called it, was started 
in 1873 ^t *h^ I^^s Peres school with Miss Mary A. Timberlake as the paid as- 
sistant to Miss Blow. 

Wyman, the Bom Master. 

Edward Wyman began his English and Classical High School in 1843 
with one pupil, occupying a small room for which he paid eight dollars a month. 
He built Wyman's hall on Market street opposite the . court house for the 
accommodation of his growing institution. Afterwards this became known as 
the Odeon and was used for public entertainments. When the founding of 
St. Louis was celebrated in 1847, the spectacular feature of the procession was 
the marching of the cadets from Wyman's High School. When the head of 
the school went into other business in 1852 he had over 300 students, many 
of them from outside of St. Louis. One of "Wyman's boys," was Edward 
Lawrence Adreon, who went into the office of the city comptroller on a month's 
trial and remained twenty years, eight of them as the city's chief financial offi- 
cer. To three generations of St. Louis boys. Dr. Wyman was preceptor; 
except during two periods when ill health compelled him to change temporarily 
his vocation he taught boys for forty-five years. When he died he was con- 
ducing Wyman's Institute. The zenith of this bom master's career was when 
he conducted the City University at Pine and Sixteenth streets. Three full 
companies of cadets splendidly drilled carried the university banner through 
the streets of St. Louis. The enrollment of the university reached 600 students 
at a time when St. Louis had about one-third of the present population. The 
master came to St. Louis from the home of his colonial and revolutionary an- 
cestors at Charlestown, Mass. When he died in 1888 "Edward Wyman's boys" 
numbered many thousands. They were in places of influence and importance 

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Founder and principal of Wyman's Academy 

Who left his estate to Washington Uni^ 

versity to be held in trust one hundred 


One of the early Missouri educators 

Vol. II— 2 

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throughout the southwest. The preceptor knew and followed the career of every 
boy. He taught more than books contained. He trained character. 

Education in Missouri ^ 

"Parsimony in education is liberality in crime," said Governor Thomas T. 
Crittenden in his inaugural address. 

"In Missouri about $10,000,000 is spent every year on public education — nearly four > 
times as much as it costs to maintain the state government," said Governor Joseph W. 
Folk. "Missouri's tax rate is lower than that of any state of the Central West or in the 
South, and yet Missouri's permanent school fund is greater than that of any other state 
ijj the Union. There is a schoolhouse within reach of every Missouri child, and the per- 
centage of school attendance in Missouri is greater than that of any other state in the 
Union. The percentage of illiteracy is less by nearly fifty per cent than the average in the 
United States. In every state there are some counties where illiteracy rules. That cannot 
be said of Missouri. There is not a county in this state that can be said to be illiterate. 
More newspiapers and periodicals circulate in Missouri in proportion to the population 
than in Massachusetts. More books are read from the public libraries in Kansas City than 
in Boston. Everywhere virtue is honored and God is worshipped." 

' • . ^'^'V ^ _ 
High Tributes to the Educator. ^ " "• ^f 

Blair told what Benton thought of the vocation of teaching. 

"It was Woolsey's praise that h^ \jra^ the founder of Oxford University. 
^ "... so famous",' * -. , 

So excellent in art and -RtiJl so rising 
, That Qiristendom shall ever speak his virtue. 

'It is a larger merit in our democratic statesman that he aided in the noble 
system of public schools in our city, and he was, as I am informed, the first 
secretary of its board. I have often heard him say that he had mistaken his 
vocation — that he would have accomplished more as a school-master than he 
had done— that he would have trained many to greatness. It is certam that 
this was genuine feeling for he found time amid labors, which would have 
overwhelmed almost any other man, to become the successful {instructor of his 
own children." 

To an assemblage of teachers, Champ Clark once said: "In looking back 
to my career as a teacher, I have one abiding consolation, and it is this : Wher- 
ever my pupils are, by land or sea, and in whatever occupation they are em- 
ployed, they are my sworn friends. That glory cannot be taken away from 
me. I hear one of them preach occasionally, and I take pride in the fact that 
some people say he speaks like me. When I was in the crisis of my political 
career, another, voluntarily and without being asked, sent rne more money than 
any other three men in the state, and wouldn't take my note as evidence of 
the debt. Such pupils are a joy forever. I sometimes regret that I ever quit 
teaching, for while I have succeeded fairly well in both law and politics, a 
lawyer is not always certain that he has rendered the state a service by acquitting 
his client, and a Congressman, through ignorance or inadvertence, may vote in 
such a way as to adversely affect the fortunes of 70,000,000 people; but a 
teacher knows that he is doing good when teaching the alphabet, the multiplica- 

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tion table, and the rudiments of grammar and geography. It is only when he ' 
strikes history that his feet get into the quicksands." 

The State XTniversity. 

When Missouri was admitted to the Union, Congress granted to the state 
two townships of land for "a seminary of leatuing.'' This was the beginning 
of the Univer^ty of Missouri. The sections were well selected, as valuable in 
respect to fertility as any in the state. They were called ' **seminar}' lands." 
After waiting ten years the legislature in 1832 sold the lands. The price was 
tod cheap. The amount realized was only $75,000. This money was put in 
the bank of the State of Missouri and allowed to grow by added interest until 
the fund reached $100,000. Then came the questions of character and location 
of the seminary. The legislature passed an act for a central institution with 
branches in different parts of tjie state. The provisions were ambitious but 
not practical. The scheme was too elaborate. , 

Switzler's History of Boone county is authority for the statement that when 
the seminar>^ lands granted by Congress were to be offered at public sale, a home 
land ring was formed to hold down the bidding. An investor from Virginia, 
named West, came out to Missouri for the purpose of buying considerable land. 
The ring made him a prisoner and threatened his life if he bid at the sales. Mr. 
West appealed to Judge John F. Ryland, but the mob threatened to confine the 
judge if he interfered. The Virginian was told that he could have some land 
if the settlers did not bid on it, but he must not bid against the settlers.. The 
result, according to Colonel Switzler, was that of some 25,000 acres of the" 
seminary land in Jackson county, much that ought to have brought twenty dol- 
lars an acre, sold for less than half that amount. This occurred in the late 
thirties. " 

Higher education in Missouri received an impetus from Dr. John Gano 
Bryan of Potosi, according to Bryan Obear, the St. Louis historical writer. 

"In the year 1837-38; Dr. John Gano Bryan had correspondence with a number of dis- 
tinguished gentlemen in Virginia and North Carolina, whom he was endeavoring to persuade 
to remove their families to Missouri. Many of them objected to coming on the ground- of 
inadequate educational facilities for their children. In order to overcome this objection, 
Dr. John Gano Bryan called upon Bishop Jackson Kemper, Episcopal bishop of the Diocese 
of Missouri, and requested him to conduct a school. The bishop assented to the t>roposal, 
and Dr. Bryan had a subscription list circulated amongst the Episcopalians by his attorney, 
Trusten Polk, to see how much they would give to a first class school — one to be established 
at Boonville, and the other in St. Louis county, in order that they might be accessible to all 
residents of Missouri. 

"Dr. Bryan guaranteed the subscriptions of all subscribers, and built the schoolhouses 
at Boonville and in St. Louis county. Bishop Kemper and Mr. Menard, as superintendent, 
prepared a curriculum for the school, and when Dr. Bryan saw the course of education 
mapped out, he objected to it on the grounds that he did not want a theological college, 
but a school of common tuition, and said, *if Bishop Kemper is going to run a theological 
college, I will run a medical college.* And to that end he requested Dr. J. W. Hall to call 
on the bishop and propose a medical department to 'Kemper's school.* Bishop Kemper 
accepted the proposition of Dr. Hall for a medical department. Dr. Bryan then erected a 
medical college on Cerre street and placed Dr. Joseph Nash McDowell in charge to superin- 
tend it. 

"Kemper's school at Boonville and in St. Louis county did not meet the requirements. 

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and Dr. Brjan requested his attorney, John S. Phelps, of Springfield, to draft a bill for a 
university of the State of Missouri. The bill was read before a vparty of influential citizens 
in the office of Judge Geyer, of St. Louis, and after its appraval, was given Captain M. 
Hickman of Boone county, with the request that he submit it to Judge David ^Todd and 
Dr. A. W. Rollins of' Columbia, and if approved by them, have it introduced in the legis- 
lature. Section i of ^ the bill appointed Peter Bufdett of Clay county, Chauncey Durkee of 
tewis county, Archibald Gamble of St. Louis county, John Gano Bryan of Washington 
county, and John S. Phelps of Greene county' a committee to select a site. John P. Morris 
of Howard county was requested by Captain Hickman to introduce the bill! On Friday, 
Dec. 7, 1838, Mr. Morris, pursuant to notice, leave being first given, introduced *a bill for the 
establishment of a university.' 

"The committee met June 4, 1839, at Jefferson City, and Dr. John Gano Bryan was 
elected chairman. The committee located the university at Columbia. Dr. John Gano 
Bryan served as a member of the board of curators from -the establishment until his death, 
August 10, i860. During his administration he met from his private funds deficits of the 

James S. Rollins was a member of the legislature at tlie time of the passage 
of the university bill and participated in the argument over the measure. The 
original measure underwent some amendment. As finally passed it provided 
for a state university, which must have a site of at least fifty acres within two 
miles of the county seat of Cole, Cooper, Howard, Boone, Callaway or Saline. 
It was an ingenious proposition and at once popular. The six central counties 
at once became competitors for the university. When the five commissioners 
met at Jefferson City in June, 1839, ^^^y found that Boope had outbid the other 
five with a bonus of $117,500. On the 4th of July, 1840, about one year after 
the commissioners had located the university at Columbia, the comer stone was 
laid. The address was delivered by James L. Minor of Jefferson City. 

Practical in his zeal to improve the educational system of Missouri was the 
father of James S. Rollins. Eh-. A. AV. Rollins was a schoolmaster in Kentucky 
after he had by a hard struggle acquired sufficient education to teach. He saved 
from his salary as a teacher enough to carry him through college and to become 
a physician. When he died in Boone county his will disclosed the following: 

**Having f eU the great disadvantages of poverty in the acquisition of my own education, 
it is my will that my executors, herinafter named, shall, as early after my death as they shall 
deem it expedient, raise the sum of $10,000 by the sale of lands of which I may die siezed, 
and which I have not especially bequeathed in any of the foregoing items, which sum of 
$10,000 I desire may be set aside for the education of such poor and indigent youths of 
Boone county, male and female, as are not able to educate themselves." 

The Opportunity of David B. Francis. 

In his administration as governor came the opportunity to David R. Francis 
'to do what, next to his World's Fair contribution, may be considered his great- 
est benefit to the greatest number. For several sessions antagonism on the part 
of legislators toward the state university had been growing. The Federal gov- 
ernment paid to the state $600,000, being the long delayed refund of direct tax. 
Many bills to dispose of the money were introduced. Economists wished to 
buy and cancel state bonds. Governor Francis sent in a message urging the 
needs of the university and asking that the money be given as endowment. He 
pointed out that the condition of the university at that time was not in keeping 

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with the dignity of the state. The recommendation gained headway slowly. 
The first bill to give the money to the university carried with it the provision 
that it should not be available until changes were made in the personnel of the 
university management. Employing all his powers of persuasion to ca^y the 
appropriation, Governor Francis started legislation which reorganized the man- 
agement. He sent in a measure which created a bi-partisan board of nine 
curators, only five of whom could be of one party, and only one' of whom cguld 
be from a congressiorlal district. This broke up party and clique control of 
the university. Another reform of Governor Francis provided that when the 
legislature rpade an appropriation for the university the money must remain 
in the state treasury until needed and drawn in proper form by voucher for 
actual expenditures. 

The old custom had been to transfer the appropriations as soon as avail- 
able to some favored bank in Coltunbia or elsewhere. The management under- 
went prompt changes. At the instance of Governor Francis, Doctor Jesse was 
secured for president of the university. The institution had entered upon a 
new era with encouraging prospects, when in February, 1892, the main build- 
ing burned. Immediately Governor Francis called a special meeting pf the 

Taking the first train for Columbia, he addressed the students, advising 
them to remain and go on with their studies in temporary quarters. He prom- 
ised them rebuilding should begin at once. For years successive legislatures 
had been threatening to separate the agriculture college and move it from 
Columbia. Such was the hostility occasioned by previous unpopular manage- 
ment that there was grave danger the fire might cost Columbia either the uni- 
versity or the college of agriculture. The special session was convened as 
quickly as the legal limit permitted. Governor Francis recommended an ap-* 
propriation of $250,000 to rebuild, and the measure was passed promptly. From 
that day the University of Missouri has forged ahead in strength and influence 
at a rate that has been the surprise of educators everywhere. For his policies 
and his acts as governor, David R. Francis was called "the second father of the 
university." He ranked with James S. Rollins as one of the two men who had 
done most for the institution. 

Normal Schools. 

As early as 1845 the president of the state university presented to the people 
of Missouri the need of normal schools. Not until 1871 did the legislature take 
action establishing such schools. One of them was located at Warrensburg. 
The county voted $128,000 in tonds, the city of Warrensburg contributing $45,- 
000 and private citizens giving a campus of sixteen acres. 

The first state normal school of Missouri grew out of the experiment of Dr. 
Joseph Baldwin. It was established originally as a private school to train 
teachers. Dr. Baldwin was an enthusiast on education. He started the school 
in 1867 at Kirksville, making Mr. and Mrs. James M. Greenwood members of 
his faculty. At that time Mr. Greenwood had taught several country schools 
in Northeastern Missouri. One of tl?e traditions is normal training was so 
lightly regarded that when the first teachers' institute was held in that part of 

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Father of the XJnivenity of Missouri 


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nUtM ftHMJIXTlt^- 



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Missouri the only attendants for several days were Baldwin, Greenwood and 
Rev. J. Daniel Kintner. Nevertheless these three met day after day and car- 
ried on the institute with as much zeal and apparent interest as if they had a 
full house. 

Public School Management. 

The two chief cities of Missouri \<rere singularly fortunate in the men who 
developed their public school systems.^ A few years after Williapi T. Harris 
came to St. Louis, James M. Greenwood accepted the position of superintendent 
at Kailsas City. William T. Harris made th6 public school system of St. Louis 
famous by introducing the first successful cQUrse of nature study in the country. 
He also gave the kindergarten its start in the public schools of St. Louis by 
encouraging the volunteer work in that direction of Miss Susie Blow. In an 
unusual manner Professor Harris combined very practical, ideas in public edu- 
cation with his love for speculative philosophy. As the result of this unusual 
combination Professor Harris was able to give place to practical studies without 
lessening the historical and classic. - ' T. > . , - 

James M. Greenwood was born a schobfittastir. Th^ first money he got — 
It was for taking a dose of bad-tasting, medicine — ^he bought a spelling book 
for his sister, a primer for his brother and a second reader for himself. He 
worked on his father's farm and acquitj^: a cat^' With the money the calf 
brought, the boy bought a Virgil, a La^in grammar, a Spanish book, Butler*s 
Analogy, Olmstead's Philosophy, and Davies' Algebra, Geometry and Surveying. 
As the nearest school was several miles away, the boy studied at home. When 
he was sixteen he took a school and taught. 

"Last year,*' said Superintendent Greenwood in one of his reports, "I gave 
much patient thought to the subject of corporal punishment; not with the avowed 
purpose of excluding it entirely from our schools, because such action would, 
in my opinion, have been injudicious and subversive to the endssougjit to be 
accomplished; but to regulate its administration in such a manner as to make 
it beneficial, if possible, whenever it should be inflicted. Careful investigation 
and practical experience convince me that in nine cases out of ten in which 
corporal ptmishment (whipping) is inflicted either the parent or teacher ought 
to be whipped instead of the child. This is a harsh sentence, yet it is true." 

Superintendent Greenwood once said: "Ex-Governor Hardin was fully 
impressed with the importance of the teacher's position when he once said it 
required more skill and judgment to manage properly all of the interests of a 
large school than to govern the State of Missouri. While this may be a strong 
figure of speech, it nevertheless contains a great deal of truth." 

Oreenwood on Spelling Beform. 

The late J. M. Greenwood left to the school teachers of Missouri what may 
be considered a farewell message. The subject was reform spelling. The mes- 
sage was written in April, 1914. In the straightforward, commonsense words 
always characteristic of him, this dean of Missouri educators traced the history 
of the English spelling and of the various proposed reforms. He told of one 
failure, in which he participated, to introduce "simplified* spelling." In 1897 

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William T. Harris, then commissioner of education, Louis F. Soldan, the St, 
Loids superintendent, and Thomas M. Balliet of Springfield, Massachusetts, 
were appointed a committee by the National Educational Association to report 
on the spelling of some words which in their judgment might be abbreviated. 
The next year the committee recommended these changes: Program (pro- 
gramme), tho (though), altho (although), thoro (thorough), thorofare (thorr 
oughfare), thru (through), thruout (throughout), catalog (catalogue), prolog 
(prologue), decalog (decalogue), demagog (demagoguie), pedagog (pedagogue). 

After much discussion the directors of the National Association voted in 
favor of the report, i8 to i6. Dr. Greenwood was one of the eighteen. 

"This change," he said, "was recommended nearly sixteen years ago, and 
outside of school journals it has made little headway in the United States, and 
practically none among other English-speaking 'people. 

"And now the conclusion is we can afford to let such writers as Artemus 
Ward, Josh Billings, Orpheus C. Kerr, Petroleum V. Nasby, Mr. Dooley, and 
occasionally a college or university professor, through ignorance or mental 
deficiency, take phonetic liberty with the spelling of our language, but beyond 
this narrow field the abbreviation freaks should be tied to a hitching post. 

"The object oJ the Missouri State Teachers* Association is to reform or 
improve school methods, school Organizations and school instruction and man- 
'agement. When we get through with these questions it will be time to chase 
'bob-tailed spelling' shadows." 

Oreenwood't Ideals. 

In the plainest words Professor Greenwood set forth his ideals of public 
school education. As to superintendents, teachers, pupils and even boards of 
education he held these ideals and was not slow to put them in his annual reports 
and addresses: 

"Sound sense is the best qualification in a superintendent. He should know when to 
undertake a new scheme without bankrupting the community; when to take a dog by the 
ears to avoid getting bit, and when to let said dog loose and hie to the mountains of 

"If a pupil is kept in after regular school hours, it should be only for discipline, not to 
learn lessons he had failed to prepare. Study as a means of punishment is radically wrong. 
Study must come from glad and voluntary effort. Any other kind of study is unnatural, a 
delusion and a fraud. Interest in books cannot be awakened by detaining classes after 
school hours. ' 

"The most important and responsible duty the board is required to perform is the 
selection of competent teachers. The best talent salary will command should be employed. 
It is a peremptory duty to the children and also to the public to secure the services of well 
qualified, skillful and judicious teachers. No system of schools having incompetent teachers 
can achieve real success. As the teacher is, so will the school be, the stream never rising 
above its fountain. 

"In an economic point of view, the poor teacher is dear at any price. It is not only a 
reckless waste of money to employ such, but the positive injury inflicted upon the children 
cannot be estimated in dollars and cents. At times, it requires all the heroism of a martyr 
for members of a school board to say *Nol' when besieged by applicants for positions. 
Rather than employ incompetent teachers, it would be far better to make charitable dona 
tions to such and advise them to follow some other vocation. 

"Low ideals produce poor schools, and just in proportion as the teacher's notion of 

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what good teaching is will the school improve or degenerate in quality. The only motto 
we have is 'to gather in the best there is in teaching in* the whole country, and use it in 
our schools. 

"There is but one way to keep the schools up to the standard of excellence they have 
already obtained, and that is to employ teachers competent to do the work. 

"How can a teacher inspire children with a burning thirst for knowledge unless the fire 
first burnt with a fervent glow upon the altar of ^ teacher's heart? How can a teacher 
go forth each year to the conquest of new realms of thought without enthusiasm and an 
insatiable desire to extend the boundaries of knowledge. Would that all the teachers in 
this broad land of ours could be touched by some .magic wand that would arouse them to 
the most intense activity, and fill their souls with a thirst for knowledge that dims not with 
declining years! 

"Managing and teaching require tact aiid skill: tact in management and skill in impart- 
ing instruction. The teacher must know what to do and how to do. Novices and experi- 
menters should practice upon other material than mere school children. Teachers learn how 
to teach either in a regular training school, or after years of experience in the school-room. 
To enumerate the essential qualifications of the successful teacher would exceeS the limits 
of this article, but among other considerations the f ollqwing are perhaps pre-eminent : 

"i, common sense; 2, ability to manage and to harmonize conflicting interests; 3, 
adaptability to school-room work ; 4, a good knowledge of what education means and what 
it is ; 5, knowledge of the branches to be taught ; 6, skill and ingenuity in imparting instruc- 
tion; 7, a deep and abiding interest in the welfare of the children; 8, a cultivated voice and 
manner; 9 a love for the work." 

MiBSOuri'i Most Secent Forward Step. 

The winter of 1913 brought what educators pronounced the best Work done 
for the public schools of Missouri in a generation. Governor Elliott W. Major, 
speaking of the results accomplished as shown hy the first year, said : 

"The last legislature accomplished more for the cause of education than ^ 
had been accomplished in any previous period of twenty-five years. The effi- 
ciency of our system of popular education is the beginning and the way of true 
progress. Missouri now is unquestionably in the forefront in educational inter- 
ests. The special aid given is in addition to the $1,644,651.22 distributed last 
year from the state's revenue to the public schools, and that without any increase 
whatever iu the rate of taxation." Analyzing this legislation the governor con- 
tinued : 

"The first of these new acts, the Carter-Brydon law, provides special state aid for 
weak rural school districts. Whenever the funds of such districts under the maximum rate 
levied, plus the public school moneys distributed, are insufficient to provide eight months' 
school, then the state will make up the deficit, thereby guaranteeing to the boys and girls 
in every country district *an Opportunity for eight months' school work in each scholastic 
year. Last year, under its provisions, the state gave special aid to 1,745 rural school dis- 
tricts, giving the total sum of $150,730.60. If there were only thirty pupils to the district, 
this means the state gave special aid in weak rural districts to 52,350 boys and girls. This 
service reached practically every portion of rural Missouri, because districts were aided in 
113 of the 114 counties. 

"The Wilson-McRoberts law provides for aid in the weak town, city or consolidated 
school districts organized as village schools, thereby enabling such districts to maintain an 
approved high school, and provides special aid in sums ranging from $200 to $800 per 
annum. Such districts must maintain at least two years of approved high school work and 
an approved course of at least one year in agriculture. The state gave special aid to 167 
town and village schools, giving therefor $85,169.58. There were 'sixteen counties in the 

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state without approved high schools in 191 1, and now there are only six, and before the 
close of the present year there will be none. 

"The Buford-Colley law provides for the establishment of rural high schools, opening 
th€ way and providing the means for the young men and ^omen in rural Missouri to have 
the benefits of a high-school education without leaving their homes. Under this law the 
state will give $2,000 for building and equipping a central high school building, and give a 
minimum of $300 per annum for its maintenance. This law had been in efiFect since March, 
1913, and thirty-six rural high schools have been formed under its provision. 

"The Crossley-Snodgrass law provides for the establishment of a teachers* training 
course in high schools, to be selected by the state superintendent of public schools. Not 
more than two can be established in ^ny one county. The state will give special aid to such 
schools, providing the teachers* training course, in the sum of $750 per annum, and if two 
are selected in the same county, then $1,200 per annum, or $600 for each school. Under this 
law last year seventy-three first-class high schools have added the teachers' training course, 
and more than 1,500 ypung men and women are taking the course. We have 10,000 public 
schools, 500 of which are high schools, with an attendance of 975,000 children, instructed 
by some 18,700 teachers. 

"The Crossley-Orr law provides for free text-books. A proper proportion of the county 
foreign insurance tax moneys received from the state will be placed to the credit of the 
incidental fund of each district, for purchase of free text-books for the children. Before 
the enactment of this law, there were only five districts in the state that had free text-books 
— to-wit: St. Louis City, two districts in Wa5me county, and two in Oregon county. Free 
text-books are now supplied in Kansas City, Chillicothe, Cape Girardeau, Hancock school 
in St. Louis county, Cuba, Graniteville, Mountain Grove, Minden Mines and forty-three 
rural school districts." 

Newspaper campaigning had not little to do with this forward step in educa- 
tion by Missouri. In 1912, at the City Club, David F. Houston, then chancellor 
of Washington University, sought Paul W. Brown, then editor of the 9t. Louis 
Republic, and said: 

*'I Avant to talk to you about the rural schools of Missouri and their needs. 
There are 10,000 rural schoolrooms in Missouri; 6,000 of these have not the 
same teachers they had last year, and next year 6,000 of them will not have 
the same teachers they have now." 

For nearly an hour the chancellor talked of the deficiencies of rural educa- 
tion in Missouri. He laid the foundation for an intelligent ijewspaper cam- 
paign which supported insistently these rural school bills drawn up by Missouri 
educators and introduced in the general assembly at the following session. 

Some of the Higher Institutions. 

In 1875 Missouri had twenty universities and colleges and twelve institu- 
tions of higher education for women. 

"The oldest Protestant college in the Louisiana Purchase" was the early 
description given the institution now known as Lindenwood. Maj. George C. 
Sibley, one of the commissioners who laid out the Santa Fe Trail, and his wife, 
Mary Easton Sibley, were the founders in 1828. A tract of twenty-nine acres 
on the high ground overlooking St. Charles was cleared. A log house was 
built and in that the college was started. The number of linden trees on the 
site suggested the name. Major and Mrs. Sibley conducted the institution more 
than twenty years. Girls from well-to-do families at St. Louis and along the 
Missouri river were sent to Lindenwood. For a number of years the college 

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was under the control of the United Presbyterian Synod of Missouri. After 
the Civil war the northern branch of the Presbyterian church took charge. Rev. 
Dr. Samuel J. Niccolls of St. Louis was a member of the board of directors 
for forty years or more. Major Sibley and his wife and Judge John S. Watson 
were large contributors to the endowment. Notable givers of the present gen- 
eration were James Gay Butler and his wife. Hundreds of 'alumnae are proriii- 
nent women in Missouri, Illinois, Arkansas, Kentucky, Indiana and Kansas. 

Drury College at Springfield has forged rapidly to the front with the new 
spirit of the Ozarks. It has taken high rank among institutions under denom- 
inational auspices. 

The Athens of Missouri. 

Lexington came well by its early name of "the Athens of Missouri." Baptist 
College had its beginning there about 1845. ^^ occupied at^that time what was 
considered the finest building in the state outside of St. Louis and St. Joseph. 
Soldiers occupied this structure in war time and vandalism completed the wreck. 

Central College at Lexington was originally Masonic College, established by 
the order long before the Civil war. In the college building and on the high 
ground surrounding, Mulligan stood a siege by Price's army for several days. 
Hot cannon balls, rolling bales of hemp, a ton of powder in the basement added 
interest to ordinary war. After the war Masonic College became Central Female 
College under the Methodist church. South. 

Elizabeth Aull of Lexington left $20,000 to found the "Female Institute" 
which was given her name. The institute was chartered in i860. The first 
building was the residence of Robert Aull. 

Wentworth Military- Academy was added later to Lexington's extraordinary 
group of institutions for higher education. It was founded by Stephen G. Went- 
worth and obtained high rank as a preparatory school for university courses. 

Hardin College at Mexico owed much to Governor Charles H. Hardin. The 
ex-governor left between $60,000 and $70,000 in the form of endowment, but 
provided that from year to year forty per cent of the income should be returned 
to the endowment until that fund should reach $500,000. Hardin College was 
established about 1875. ' ' 

Another successful educational enterprise was due largely to ex-Governor 
Hardin. In 1889 the citizens of Mexico, headed by the ex-governor, raised a 
considerable sum to purchase twenty acres of ground on which was built and 
equipped one of the most complete military schools of the country, the Missouri 
Military Academy. 

Central Wesleyan College at Warrenton was founded by the German Metho- 
dists, and is under the patronage of the St. Louis German and Western German 
conferences. The equipment embraces a well-selected library of about 4,000 
volumes, a large and scientifically arranged museum, a carefully stocked labora- 
tory for chemical study and an astronomical observatory. Music, always a 
favorite' study with the Germans, is an emphasized feature in the curriculum. 
There are pianos enough scattered about the buildings to drive a nervous man 
wild during "practice hours." The college has both classical and scientific 
courses, and without any aid from the state is flourishing. "It is denomina- 

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tional, bu^ not sectarian," the catalog says. "It is Christian from principle, 
because it believes that Christianity is the highest form of the divine revelation 
to man, and destined to become the absolute religion. It is Christian from policy, 
because without exhibiting and teaching the Christian religion, the best types of 
broad culture, pure morality, and active philanthropy can not be realized." 

Missouri the Pioneer in Co-education. 

Missouri pioneered the way in co-education. When Christian University 
was established at Canton in 1851 it received from the state a charter granting 
to women the right to co-equal, co-ordinate education. The board which organ- 
ized the institution was composed of James' S. Green, who obtained a national 
reputation as an orator in the United States Senate, D. F. Henderson, Samuel 
Church, John T. Jones, John Jameson, R. A. Green and David Stewart. These 
men opened the university to young men and young women, making it the first 
institution of its class to adopt the principle of co-education. The movement 
proved so popular and promising that in 1856 James Shannon, president of the 
State University, took the presidency of Christian University. The war hit hard. 
The principal college building was lised to house troops. An endowment of 
several hundred thousand dollars was lost through the failure of investments. 
In 1919-20, through the generous gifts of Robert H. Stockton and Mrs. Culver 
this institution was enabled to enter upon a greatly enlarged career of useful- 
ness, taking the names of the two benefactors. 

The city of Marshall in Saline county gave $120,000 to establish Missouri 
Valley College under the control of the Cumberland Presbyterian Church. The 
main structure is one of the most artistic college buildings in the state. 

St. Vincent's College at Cape GirsCrdeau was founded with a charter from 
the Missouri legislature giving it the authority to confer all degrees usually 
granted by universities. In its earlier history St. Vincent was attended by 
Catholic youth from all parts of the South. The explosion of the steamboat 
Sea Bird with 1,500 barrels of gunpowder just opposite the college in 1849 dam- 
aged the buildings considerably. 

How William Jewell College was Located. 

There was strong competition in the* early years for the location of colleges. 
Liberty obtained William Jewell as the result of a masterly speech and shrewd 
diplomacy of Alexander W. Doniphan. The meeting to decide upon the place 
was held at Boonville. In a sketch presented to the Missouri Historical Society, 
L. M. Lawson wrote: 

"Just when the balloting was about to begin, Dr. William Jewell, of Columbia, 
proposed to the convention an additional subscription of ten thousand dollars^ to be paid 
in lands situated in Mercer, Sullivan and Grundy counties, in the State of Missouri, the 
subscriber to have the corresponding number of votes on the question of the location of 
the college and the right to bestow a name upon the new institution. This proposition 
was earnestly supported by the Boonville delegation and others, but was strongly opposed 
by General Doniphan and his allies. It was believed that Dr. Jewell was favorable to 
Boonville as the home of the college. General Doniphan's opposition was most vigorous. 
He demonstrated the injustice of permitting the votes which represented an arbitrary 
valuation of unimproved and uncultivated land to weigh against the votes of subscriptions 

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From an old picture made in the early days of the college 

The original building in which the institution was started at Lexington 

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which represented available funds, He^ kindled in the breasts of his allie's the same 
■ardbr that burned in his own. The justice of his contention was recognized, his argu- 
ments availed with a majority of the conventidn, and the proposition Of Dr. Jewell was 
rejected. ^ ^ . ' 

*Then came the balloting upon the choice among the places in nomination. An 
entente cordiale had long existed between the counties of Howard and Clay. The terri- 
tory of the latter was formerly a^ part of Howard county, and there were close family 
comiections between t^em. Clay county had the largest subscription in the list, and How- 
ard county the smallest. Under the influence of Doniphan, and the ties of friendship and 
consanguinity tha^ bound the peoples together, Howard county made common cause with 
Clay, and the two joined made an absolute majority for Liberty, and the location was 

The next day Doniphan made another adroit speech proposing that the insti- 
tution be called William Jewell College. The resolution was carried and Mr. 
Jewell gave one-third of his fortune. 

' The pride of William Jewell College is the private library which, Spurgeon, 
the' famous London preacher, was a lifetime in cbllecting, It numbers 7,chx) 
volumes and is pronounced by theologioaf^scholars the, finest collection of books 
on Puritan theology in the worfd. > ^ ., . ,^ . 

William Jewell College might be said to Tiave specialized in theology, with- 
out being limited in its scientific and classical training. As early as 1869, a 
department of William Jewell vyajs kneiwn as the Jeremiah Vardeman school of 
theology, and this developed into the AATiIUarti/ Jewtell school of theology. This 
combination of theology, with the usual college departments has given a dis- 
tinctive character to the institution, so much so that there have been many years 
when William Jewell has had a larger proportion of ministerial students in 
attendance upon the regular collegiate classes than any other college in the 
United States. (From the beginning, on January i, 1850, there has not been a 
year when a large percentage of the students of William Jewell did not belong 
to the ministerial class. From this Missouri institution have gone out ministers 
to every p^rt of the United States. One of the interesting evidences of the 
character of William Jewell dates back to a period in the fifties when financial 
difficulties threatened suspension. The faculty continued the college v^ithout 
salaries until better times warranted the trustees in resuming their functions. 

The Decade of Colleges. 

"The decade. of colleges" would 'describe in* one way the ten years of Mis- 
souri history from 1850 to i860. More than twenty institutions of higher edu- 
cation, with authority to confer degrees, were chartered by the state in that 
period. Every denomination felt that it must have at least one college in Mis- 
souri. Strong bodies, like the Baptists, the Presbyterians, the Methodists, the 
Christians, established from two to four colleges .in Missouri, with due reggird 
to the claims of the several sections of the state. Every ambitious commvmity 
aspired to have a college or a seminary. When a new. institution was projected 
there was lively competition by cities and towns to secure the location.* Cash 
and land and buildings were offered. Business interests and local pride co- 
operated with religious zeal in the bidding. Several interior cities of the state 
secured more than one institution. Co-education was exceptional before the 

, Vol. n— 3 

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Civil war. In several instances, the location of a college for young men 
prompted the establishment of a college for young women in the same com- 
munity. Half a dozen of these interior cities, like Lexington, Columbia, Fayette, 
Fulton, became rivals for the title of "the Athens of Missouri." 

Perhaps the most significant fact about these colleges of the fifties, as it 
relates to the Missouri spirit of that day, is that so many of them survived the 
paralyzing effect of the Civil war. More than half of them are not only still 
in existence but with buildings, endowments and attendance greatly increased. 
They will celebrate their seventieth anniversaries xbetween 1920 and 1930. One 
of these is Westminster, at Fulton, established in 1853. 

The Presb3rterians of that generation, so the records show, felt that the time 
had* come for them to have a college in Missouri. The Rev. Dr. Potts was 
especially active. He was a minister of great personal popularity, so great that 
he was once described as "all the rage" in St. Louis. Dr. Potts aroused interest 
among St. Louis Presbyterians. The dty made no claim for location but prom- 
ised financial aid. The selection was left to the interior of the state and the 
synod received propositions. Richmond, Boonville, St. Charles and Fulton 
were the competitors. The synod received the bids but before taking action, 
prayer was offered. Fulton offered $15,391 cash, eighteen acres of land, a 
building known as Fulton college and an unfinished two-story house and won 
the location. . 

The Begimung of Westmiwter. 

St. Louis Presbyterians were not laggard in extending the assistance prom- 
ised. But linked historically with this beginning of Westminster College was a 
tragedy which shocked the state. Joseph Charless, the banker, had been especially 
interested in the college movement. He was the son of the founder of the first 
newspaper west of the Mississippi, the son of the good woman who was one 
of the nine persons Ayho organized the first Presbyterian church in Missouri. 
Mr. Charless undertook the work of organizing St. Louis Presbyterians to raise 
the endowment for Westminster. He had called a meeting for that purpose 
when he was shot and killed by Joseph W. Thornton. As ^ director of the 
bank in which Thornton had been employed, Mr. Charless had testified in the 
prosecution of Thornton. The trial had resulted in conviction. Thornton, of 
good family and high spirited, brooded over the disgrace until in his desperation 
he armed himself and shot Mr. Charless. The plea of insanity failed to save 
him and he was executed. 

Upon the settlement of the Charless estate, an only daughter, Mrs. LeBour- 
geois, joined with her husband in a letter to the trustees of Westminster asking 
"the privilege" of carrying out the intention of her father and making a con- 
tribution to the endowment. The sum of $20,000 was given and was recognized 
Sn the establishment of "the Charless Professorship of Physical Science.^* 

Associated with the history of nearly every one of these Missouri colleges 
is something of general human interest. Thus Westminster pioneered the way 
in finding the solution of the problem of college discipline, a very interesting 
question and one on which there was much agitation in that day. Dr. S. S. 
Laws was for some years in the early period the president of Westminster.. 

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He had the old theory of college discipline and he enforced it with iron rule. 
One thing he insisted on was that a student although innocent himself must 
give information against his fellow students if he had knowledge of any infrac- 
tion of the rules. Dr. Laws expelled two students for refusing to tell on other 
students. In one year he dismissed six seniors. The students appealed to the 
synodical body which was the higher government of Westminster. The synod 
sent to colleges throughout . the United States and sought information as to 
policies in cases of discipline. They learned that the old policies were under- 
going change; that the honor system was dawning; that college discipline was 
becoming Americanized, so to say. The synod summed up the conclusions in 
this form: ^ 

Resolved, that the law of Westiuittster college, requiring students "to give all the 

information in their possession respecting any occurrence or misconduct affecting the good 

" order of the institution" is hereby abolished, leaving the faculty the rights given in the 

common law of colleges to be exercised in such extreme cases, as may seem to demand a 

resort to testimony so obnoxious to the feelings of our youth. 

Six cases of dismissal were reversed. Dr. Laws resigned. The trustees 
accepted the resignation with a tribute to his scholarly character, but Westminster 
joined the ranks of American colleges recognizing the personal honor of the 

The graduation of the third generation was Westminster's distinction in 
1920. No other college in Missouri, and few in the United States has such a 
record of alumni. When Robert McPheeters, bearer of a family name historic 
in Missouri, took his degree, he was following his father and his grandfather. 
The father, Colin A. McPheeters, was a member of the faculty. The grand- 
father. Judge McPheeters, one of the early graduates of Westminster, was for 
years probate judge of Callaway county. 

Westminster long ago passed out of the class of small and struggling col- 
leges. When comparison was made some time ago, Westminster ranked with 
the first twelve of the thirty-nine Presbyterian colleges. Westminster was elev- 
enth in age, thirteenth in income and expenditure, ninth in permanent endow- 

Westminster celebrated the centennial of Missouri statehood by a well organ- 
ized movement headed by John Paul Jones, an aliunnus, to increase the assets 
of the institution to more than $1,500,000. At the same time, the institution 
took another forward step in the announcement by President Reed of the plans 
of the new gymnasium to be one of the largest and finest in Missouri. . 

When the comer stone of Westminster was laid, it was stated that two- 
thirds of the colleges of the United States were directly or indirectly under the 
control of the Presbyterian church. It is an interesting fact that the first g^d- 
uate of Westminster, James G. Smith, became a Baptist minister. One of the 
earliest catalogues of Westminster announced that "boarding, including wash- 
ing, lights, and fires in Fulton or within a reasonable distance" could be had 
at from $1.50 to $3 a week. Fulton secured the location by a good margin, 
rieceiving thirty-two votes in the synod. Richmond was next with eighteen. 
St. Charles and Boonville received each three votes. 

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The Pioneer Problem of College Discipline. 

Discipline was a problem at the colleges for young Missburians of both 
sexes in the fifties. Parents of the girls at Lindenwood authorized the faculty 
to exercise strict censorship over private correspondence. According to one 
rule of that period, "all letters addressed to improper persons were destroyed." 
Another rule classed "tattling" as a major offense. The college, charter of 
Lindenwood, granted in 1853, declared the purpose of the institution to be to fit 
young women for "the useful life.^* 

St. Charles did not give up the eflFort to secure a college for young men 
after the defeat over the location of Westminster. When the Methodists moved 
in the matter of Central College, Marvin led the St. Charles contingent. But 
on the other side for Fayette was Caples. Marvin and Caples were the two 
great Methodist preacfiers of that day in Missouri. Fayette won and so great 
was the joy thereof that the town illuminated and fired a salute with one of the 
cannon brought back from the Mexican w^ar by Doniphan. The contest over 
the location took place about 1855 and within two years afterwards Central 
college for men was in operation. A little later, Central Female college was 

Fayette had been a center of higher education even earlier than the begin- 
ning of the two Central colleges. In 1844, the Howard High school, with Pro- 
fessor Carr W. Pritchett at the head of it, wis attracting students from all parts 
of Central Missouri. While the institution was called a high school the stand- 
ards were as high as some small colleges. The prestige of the Howard High 
school was of much advantage to the Central colleges in their earlier years. 
Among the laymen who held the leadership for Fayette in the battle for loca- 
' tion was Abiel Leonard. Among the earliest contributors to the endowment of 
the Central colleges was Robert A. Barnes, the St. Louis banker, who left his 
fortune for the establishment of Barnes hospital. Barnes was not a Methodist / 
but as he said in his will he believed that Methodists made money go farther 
than other denominations. Mr. Barnes gave Central college $25,000 to endow 
the Robert A. Barnes Chair of Greek and Latin. He added $20,000 for the 
Mary A. Barnes Chair of English and Modern Languages, a memorial of his 

"An institution of the highest order" was the expression of the Methodist 
conference sitting in St. Louis when it was decided to proceed with the location 
of Central cpUege. 

Fayette*s fame as an educational center went back to an earlier time than 
that of the Howard High school. In 1835 Fayette academy, with Archibald 
Patterson as principal was flourishing. 

- Qasgow was the gainer by the transition from Howard High school to Cen- 
tral' College at Fayette. Professor Pritchett w^as placed in charge of the old 
Masonic seminary at Glasgow. The name was changed to Pritchett Institute. 
Miss Berenice Morrison gave $100,000, one-half to endow the Institute and the 
other half for an astronomical observatory to be named the Morrison observa- 
tory. Under Professor Pritcjiett's direction the observatory took high rank 
with astronomers. 

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Seventeenth Street and Christy Avenue, before the wajr 


Olive and Fifteenth streets, in 1S(>0 

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When Miflsouri "Gave Until It Hurt." ^ 

The grand prize in the competition for "institutions of learning*' as they, 
were coipmonly called in Missouri before the Civil war, was the location of the 
state university. Congress, when Missouri was admitted had set apart two 
townships of public land fdr "a university," 46,080 acres. After four years of 
struggle in the legislature a plan was adopted by which Boone, Callaway, 
Howard, Cooper and Cole counties were to compete in propositions for the loca- 
tion. The counties selected were not only the richest in wealth but they were 
central and heavily populated. Howard county people for a long time held to 
the belief that Boone won because the representatives of that county met the 
Howard commissioners from Fayette, learned how much they were authdrized 
to bid, hurried back to their^ county and obtained authority to increase the Boone 
bid. Land and cash were offered. The value of the considerations were esti- 
mated at the following: 

Boone $117,900 

Callaway T 96,000 

Howard 94,000 

Cooper 40,000 

Cole ...; 30,000 

Whether there was anything in the Ho^tfard -tradition ^hat Boone raised that 
county's bid after learning what others were going to offer, there is no question 
that the people who won the location "gave until it hurt." Thomas Jefferson 
Lowry told of the gift of Edward Camplin who 'could neitl^er read nor write. 
Camplin subscribed $3,000 and paid it. Five young men, students at Bonne* 
Femme academy, put down their names for $100 each and paid. "Other men," 
said Mr. Lowry, "actually subscribed and afterwards paid more than they were 
worth at the time of their subscriptions, selling their farms, selling themselves out 
of house and home." 

Upon James S. Rollins, who was in the legislature, representing Boone, the 
title of "Pater Universitatis Missourienses" was bestowed by Edward Wyman, 
the head of Wyman's Academy. When President Lathrop'took charge in JDecem- 
ber, 1840, he said: 

"I accept, gentlemen, the place offered me with a mind open to the greatness 
of the trust I hereby assume, and with full determination to pursue with zeal and 
fidelity, and the ability God has given me, the high and valuable end for the 
accomplishment of which the appointment has been made." 

Some notable forward steps were taken as the university grew. In 1859, the 
university was reconstructed as to methods. The new plan adopted was sub- 
stantially that of the University of Virginia. In 1865, L. M. Lawson, an alumnus 
of 1853, induced'the curators to make their first move to add the college of agri- 
culture. A memorial on the importance of agricultural education was prepared 
and presented to the legislature, Mr. Lawson undertaking to press for favorable 

In 1882, the tombstone of Thomas Jefferson was presented to the university 
by the Misses Randolph and placed upon the campus. The stone had be^ planned 
by Jefferson and inscribed according to his directions. A more modem and 
impressive monument had taken its place. 

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Hickory Cabin College. 

In a log house, known as "Hickory Cabin," a Missouri college had its begin- 
ning. The founder was a little woman who weighed ninety pounds, — Eliza 
Ann Carleton, bom in Virginia and a resident pi Missouri from the middle 
forties. She planned to go to heathen lands as a missionary ; but one day while 
reading her Bible, the decision was made to establish an institution for the higher 
education of Missouri boys and girls. Miss Carleton had earned money, teach- 
ing a common school,^ and had graduated with the degree of master of arts at 
Arcadia college. She started her college in Hickory Cabin, eight miles from 
Farmington in 1854. Five; years later the legislature granted her a. charter. 
Four times the college buildings were rebuilt, each time larger. Throughout the 
Civil war, the college was kept open, sometimes within the sound of cannon. 
For thirty-one years Miss Carleton was president, busfness manager, teacher 
and matron of the institution. She performed these duties nine mofiths in the 
year and Spent her vacations going about and encouraging new students to come. 
In 1885, with old age coming on, Miss Carletoit deeded the college to the Metho- 
dist cl\urch and gave up some of her previous duties, but continued a member of 
the board and took au active interest in promoting the college. She lived in the 
college dormitory and died there, at. the age of eighty-nine. 

The Parkville Experiment. 

George S. Park was a veteran of the Mexican war and an anti-slavery editor 
when he bought a large .tract of land and planned Parkville to be a great city. 
He thought the elbow of the Missouri river was the predestined location for a 
metropolis, but didn't measure the civic spirit of the men who backed Kans^ 
City, nine miles to the south of him. Just forty-five years ago Dr. John A. . 
McAfee was looking for a place to locate a college which would carry out a » 
new idea. Colonel Park turned over an old stone hotel and a piece of ground 
for a five years' trial of Dr. McAfee's experiment. If the theory did not work 
out the property was to revert to the coloneF. But it did work. x\nd today Mis- 
souri shows the world' the most successful eflPort at self help toward higher 

Park College is a plant worth more than $r, 000,000. Students made the 
brick and put them into the group of halls and dormitories and othar structures. 
They have worked the farm and produced their own food. They have raised the 
hordes and the mules with which the land is tilled. Par)c College turns off the 
cattle, the hogs, the dairy and other products which pay the professors' salaries 
and all the labor is performed by the students who turn in hours of labor in 
return for tuition and board. 

An electrical shop,' a printing plant, building and engineering industries give 
opportunities to those who wish to acquire trades. The students are divided into 
families. Those who belong to ''Family One" have made exceptionally good 
records. They pay nothing but give three and one-half hours labor. Members 
of "Family Three" arc those who pay $26 and work half a day for board and 

As the purpose was to meet the needs of those unable to pay for higher edu- 
cation, the institution provided high school as well as college courses. Most of ^ 

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the students have come ^rom the farms. In 1914 Parks College had an attend- 
ance of near 500. Fifteen religious faiths were represented, Presbytel-ians and 
Methodists leatiing. The. alumni lists show that about fifty per cent of the young 
men graduates become ministers. Of the remainder many are teachers, mis- 
sionaries, doctors, sociaji service workers and farmers. 

Chapel Hill College. 

In the history of educational institutions of Missouri there is nothing that 
quite parallels the record of Chapel Hill College. Archibald Wellington Rid- 
ings came out from North Carolina bringing a large retinue of slaves with him 
and established one of the finest estates in Central Missouri'. He located on a 
sightly elevation near the southern border of Lafayette county. There he built 
what at that time was a mansion. The numerous cabins for the slaves made a 
community settlement. He had been educated at the North Carolina State Uni- 
versity and was a man fond of books. He gave the name of Chapel Hill to 
his Missouri estate. Soon after settling in Lafayette county, Mr. Ridings mar- 
ried Miss Mary J. Stapp, a sister of the first wife of Senator Cockrell. A 
brother of Miss Stapp, Milton Stapp, a boy of seventeen, met with an accident 
while hunting and lost a leg. Mr. Ridings undertook the education of the youth 
and to make the home study more interesting told him to invite two or three 
of his friends to share the lessors with him. The teacher became so interested 
in the work that he announced he would take all who wished to come at the 
beginning of the next school year in September. Ten young men presented 
themselves. Out of this beginning grew Chapel Hill college, with a stone build- 
ing for class rooms, and numerous two-room cottages with porches for dormi- 
tories for the boy students. ^ The girls who came in numbers were boarded in 
private families. The faculty increased until it numbered ten professors besides 
the president. Mr. Ridings c6ntinued to fill one of the chairs. Senator Cock- 
rell graduated from the institution and taught Greek and Latin there for a year. 
During some years before the war -Chapel Hill was one of the largest institu- 
tions for higher education in the state. The Marmadukes, Colonel Bledsoe, of 
Bledsoe Battery fame; Joseph W. Mercer, John T. Crisp, the Ja^k family and 
hundreds of others were numbered among the students. Many ^texican youth 
attended school at Chapel Hill. Some of the most eniinent divines of the Cum- 
berland Presbyterian church were educated there. Lodging, board and candles 
cost the students $1 to $1.25 a week. The tuition was on a like reasonable scale. 
On the 26th of March, 1863, when the war feeling was at its height, the cpUege 
was burned. It was not restored. 

While Cockrell was attending Chapel Hill, the college building was of logs, 
perhaps the only log college in the United States. The stone structure, impos- 
ing for its day, came later. After his graduation Cockrell taught Greek and 
Latin in that same log college. He roomed with three other young men in a 
shed, two of, them sleeping in the old fashioned trundle bed, so called because 
it was low enough to be trundled under the higher bed and thus put out of the 
^way in the day time. At the time Cockrell was professor in the log college, 
tuition was twenty dollars a year and board, largely wild game, was $1.25 a 

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week. The Cumberland Presbyterians, later, conducted the college until Civil 
war caused suspension and Chapel Hill college became qply a reminiscence. 

The Kansas City School of Law. 

The evolution of the Kansas City School of Law was one of the interesting 
things in Missouri's development of professional education.. In 1892, Edward 
D. Ellison and Elmer N. Powell got together a dozen fellow law students in a 
New York Life building office and organized the "Law Students' club." About 
three jevenings a week the members of the club met for the purpose of "delving 
deeper into the mysteries of the law," and of better qualifying themselves in 
the practice. The club continued these meetings several years studying the 
"science of jurisprudence as the collected reason of all the ages and combining 
the principles of original justice with the infinite variety of human concerns." 
From time to time, an older member of the bar was invited in to quiz or lec- 
ture. The first officers of the club were Elmer N. Powell, president; Edward 
D. Ellison, vice-president; Rees Turpin, secretary; William R. Hereford, treas- 
urer. How the club grew into the law school and what far-reaching influence 
the school has had on, the legal profession in the West are told by Professor 
Powell, of the faculty: 

"The late Colonel J. S. Bets ford, afterwards a lecturer in the Kansas City School of 
Law until his death, delivered the opening lecture before the club, as I recall. Our club 
proved helpful but we soon discovered that no lasting benefit could be accomplished with- 
out more perfect organization and systematic schedule of work. The club gave us the 
first vision of a law school leading to the degree of LL. B. In the spring of 1895,/ William 
P. Borland, John W. Snyder, Edward D. Ellison and I began the organization of the 
School of Law. First, we consulted with the more experienced, men learned in the law 
and standing at the head of the profession, — ^Hon. O. H. Dean, Judge E. L. Scarritt, H<m. 
S. B. Ladd, Judge F. M. Black, Hon. R J, Ingraham and a few others. We met with 
encouragement at the start None gave us more generously of their wise, good counsel 
, than our great, good friend. President Dean. With a modesty that is characteristic of 
such men, Mr. Dean, Judge F. M. Black, Mr. S. B. Ladd and Judge Scarritt took occasion 
to express doubt about their aptitude for teaching law. I well remember the fine spirit 
of them all in finally consenting to enter in£o the plan and become members of the faculty. 

" Well, fellows, it's a fine work you plan and if you think you need us older heads 
as much as you say, I will have to take my law books along with my fishing tackle on 
this summer's vacation,' declared Judge • Scarritt at one of our earlier meetings. And so 
it came to pass that these gentlemen, noted members of our bar at a date as early as that, 
abandoned their plans . for recreation and worked throughout the hot summer that they 
might prepare their lecture courses for the new School of Law. 

"We took out the charter in 1895, and organized with Francis M. Black, president; 
O. H. Dean and E. L. Scarritt, vice-presidents; William P. Borland, dean; Edward D. 
Ellison, treasurer, • and Elmer N. Powell, secretary. Upon Judge Black's death in 1902, 
O. H. Dean was elected president. Mr. Ellison succeeded Mr. Borland as dean when the 
latter was elected to Congress in 1906, and Mr. Powell was made both secretary and 

"Our first meeting of .the Kansas City School of Law was held in a small room of 
the New York Life building with a little band of students. Our rostrum, often referred 
to in later years by President Dean as the 'soapbox platform,' barely gave room for the 
eleven members of the faculty, but ten were present, one being out of the city. That 
first class included three ladies, one being about sixty years of age. The school's struggle 

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for existence was hard those first years, paralleled but once since and that was during 
the lean years caused by loss of students to service in the World war. The kindly, little, » 
old lady of the first year's class had difficulty in graspmg the abstruse principles of the 
law and fell out of line before graduation. She had trouble, for example, in distinguishing 
between such questions as allodial and alluvial lands'; choses in action and choses in* pos- 
session; whether being placed in jeopardy wias the act of a jeopard, and whether the rtilc 
in Shelley's case was the same as the rule in any other case because the law was no 
respecter of persons. 

"During the first years eleven members composed the faculty, as I stated. At the 
present time, there are twenty-six regular lecturers and eight special lecturers. The firjt 
year there were enrolled 57 students, and there were 27 graduates in the first graduating 
class, in 1897. The institution has reached an average attendance of 275. Removals to ^ 
larger quarters were made from time to time. The first was from the New York Life 
to the Ridge building, and from there, ten years ago, to the spacious rooms on the fifth 
floor of the Nonquitt building. To meet the demands of higher standards, the course was 
extended, in 1902, to three years. And now the faculty has arranged for an extension to 
four yea^, beginning September, 1920, making the Kansas City School of Law the equal 
to any and the superior to many law schools of the United States." 

The records of the faculty and of the graduates are of the history of Mis- 
souri. Five of the faculty have been circuit judges; two have been appellate 
judges; two have been city counselors; one, mayor of Kansas City; one, acting 
city counselor; one, member of Congress, William P. Borland; one, .United 
States district judge, A. S. Van Valkenburgh ; two, state senators ; one, probate 
judge, J. E. Guinotte; one, judge of criminal court, R. S. Latshaw; one, mem- 
ber of the Kansas City court of appeals; and eleven are ex-presidents of the 
Kansas City bar association. 

Of the graduates one has been mayor; two, prosecuting attorneys; four, 
now circuit judges of Jackson county ; several have served in the general assem- 
bly; and about thirty per cent are engaged in higher educational work. Of the 
distinction Reached by the School of La^ in respect to the alumni. Professor 
Powell further says: 

"About sixty-five per cent of the graduates have actually engaged in the practice of 
the law, wliich is about fifteen per cent in advance of the average number of law school 
graduates who practice after receiving the LL. B. degree. Our faculty has been strength- 
ened greatly by the addition of Judge Van Valkenburgh, who accepted the lectureship on 
Federal jurisdiction and procedure as successor to the late Judge John F. Philips; Hon. A. 
L. Berger, of Kansas City, Kansas, who succeeds Judge John I. Williamson, now a mem- 
ber of the supreme court of Missouri, on the lectureship of agency; and Hon. QiflFord 
Histed on damages. T. A. Costollow, who became registrar, has proven a worthy suc- 
cessor to T. L. Healy and the late Ben E. Todd. 

'The contributions of President Dean, Mr. Ladd. Wash Adams and others of valued 
law books to our little collection of law books emboldened the executive committee to 
begin a real library with the result that we have now a good working library. The use 
of the Scarritt library was continued that the students be not handicapped at all in their 
reference work. The history of our moot courts, fraternity and glee club activities may 
be mentioned as interesting features of the Kansas City School of Law. It was a good 
day for educational enterprise in Kansas City when the foundations of this School of 
Law were laid with such great lawyers of Missouri as Judge F. M. Black, Dr. O. H. Dean, 
Hon. S. B. Ladd and the others who have been mentioned." 


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Washington Upiversity's Distinction. 

By the light of a tallow candle, in his room at a boarding house of Jefferson 
^City, the session of 1853, Wayman Crow wrote the charter of Washington 
University. He did it alone and of his own motion. He was ^ a state senator. 
From time to time he' had heard Dr. EHot and others talk of the need of an 
institution above the high school for St. Louis. But no suggestion or request 
had come to him to obtain this legislation. 

The charter was very brief, not as long as a lawyer might have written. 
But it went to the Supreme Court of the United States and was sustained. It 
gave the institution this distinctive character: 

No instruction, either sectarian in religion or partisan in politics, shall be allowed in 
any department of said university, and no sectarian or party test shall be allowed in the 
election of professors, teachers or officers of said university, or in the admission of scholars 
thereto, or for any purpose whatever. 

The creators meant what this non-sectarian, non-political section said. They 
provided for the strongest possible enforcement. In the very next section, the 
' charter provided that if any violation of the foregoing was reported an investi- 
gation must be made. Any officer offending in the matter of political or sectarian 
instruction must be removed and he would be, thereafter, ineligible to any office 
in the university. If the board of directors failed to enforce the prohibition of 
sectarian and political instruction, the St. Louis circuit court wa? made com- 
petent to compel the board by mandamus to act. 

Marshall S. Snow, coming up from Nashville, where he had been teaching, 
stopped over in St. Louis with Frederick N. Judson, in 1870. Mr. Judson was 
about to locate as a lawyer. Mr. Snow was willing to spend a few days en 
route to his New England home for vacation. The two young men made the 
acquaintance of Dr. Eliot. Almost before he realized it, Professor Snow found 
himself engaged as a member of the faculty of Washington XJniversity. He 
suggested that, possibly, Dr. Eliot might wish to make some inquiries about 
him in Nashville, but Dr. Eliot assured him he was ready to close the matter 
if the professor was. Then, when the arrangement had been closed. Dr. Eliot 
remarked : 

''May I ask what church you attend? I never ask that question until after 
a member of the faculty has been engaged." 

That was the non-sectarian spirit of Washington University in its practical 
application. Upon two men in those early days Dr. Eliot leaned for what he 
called "the intramural affairs'* of the institution. These men were ^Snow and 
Woodward. To Professor Snow the relationship with Washington University 
recalled student memories of peculiar interest. Snow had been a 'student at 
Exeter under Hoyt, the much loved preceptor, and Hoyt had come west to be 
the first chancellor of Washington University, dying in- the harness. During 
two considerable periods of the^ university's history Dr. Snow was called upon 
to perform the duties of chancellor in addition to the duties of his own pro- 

Fourteen men contributed the $38,000 endowment with which Washington 
University was started as an 'Institute". in 1854. They were Wayman Crow, 

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Author, of the legislation which created 

Washington University 

Unitarian, founder of Washington 

Washington Avenue and Seventeenth Street' 

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Til Fiw Ton 


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Jas. Smith, Wm. H. Smith, John Tilden, George Partridge, John Cavender, 
Geo. P^^ram, T. R. McCreery, Wm. Glasgow, Jr., John How, R. M. Renick, 
Giles F. Filley, C. Rhodes, Col. John OTallon. 

The Practical Department. / 

Original in its theory, Washington University at the very beginning at- 
tempted the solution of the new problems in education. "The Practical depart- 
ment" was the first organized. That was the name which Dr. Eliot gave to this 
branch at the inauguration of the university in 1857. St. Louisans knew it as 
the O'Fallon Polytechnic Institute. John How, who was president of the board 
having special charge of the Practical department, explained the new field of 
education which his associates hoped to occupy and cultivate in St. Louis: 

Our desire is to establish here in St Louis an institution that shall have all of the 
advantages of the mechanics' institutes of our country, with those of the polytechnic 
institutes of Berlin, Vienna, and other cities of Europe; to have a building where, besides 
the library and reading rooms usually found in the mechanics' institutes, will be found a 
place for the model of the inventor, with the engine to work it, and for a school of design. 
The professors of the various branches of science treat of the mechanic arts, and there 
kre few of these arts which do not need for their successful prosecution a scientific 

Time has proven that the germ which jT)hh How, Jc^n O'Fallon, Samuel 
Treat and their associates, more than half a century ago sought to develop, was 
one of great possibilities for good. Financial stress, following the inauguration 
of the university, Civil war, misjudgment in the construction of a building in 
the wrong location were handicaps the idea encountered. The university never 
abandoned the theory but the practice of it did not begin to attain hoped for 
results until Calvin M. Woodward took hold of it. Professor Woodward was 
backed by a new generation of business men imbued with the same public spirit 
as the John O'Fallons of the fifties. Foremost among these friends of engineer- 
ing and manual or "hand-and-head" education was Samuel Cupples. Other 
notable contributors whose gifts enabled Professor Woodward to perfect his , 
manual training plans were Edwin Harrison, Gottlieb Conzelman, Carlos S. 
Greeley, Ralph and Timothy G. Sellew, William L. Huse, William Brown, Wil- 
liam Barr and Emiline F. Rea. 

Manual TraixiiBg and Oo-education. 

Far beyond tlie perhaps dim theory of those who started the polytechnic 
idea in St. Louis, Professor Woodward carried his plans until the "Practical" 
features of Washington University became of more than national renown. The 
innovation was received with skepticism and even with some ridicule. Dr. Eliot 
was prompted to say of those who opposed: 

A carpenter's shop and blacksmith's forge seemed to them a singular appendage to 
the college "humanities" and the schools of philosophy and advanced learning which 
dignify the university career. It seems to have been forgotten that the word "university" 
was itself borrowed from the "guilds" or trade associations which were known as univer- 
sities two or three hundred years ago, as the "university of bakers," of smiths, of watch- 
makers, etc., in Rome and London. Already the prejudice is passing away and it is 

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recognized as a proper American-republic idea that skilled labor may command the same 
respect with intellectual development, and that the two should, so far as possible, go hand 
in hand. 

As the experiment of manual training established beyond question its merits, 
Dr. Eliot said: 

*Tt is in fact only a more systematic development of the educational ideas 
which lie at the foundation of our whole university enterprise." 

"In a republic," he continued, "the head cannot say to the hand: I have 
no need of thee ; nor can the hand say it to the head. The dependence is mutual, 
and the more frankly we recognize it the better for all concerned. If we can 
bring educated brains to the work-bench, and at the same time respect for 
skilled labor into the daily thoughts of the student, we shall be doing the best 
work of an American university." 

"Surely," Dr. Eliot concluded, "it is not beneath the dignity of a western 
university, however high its standard, to inaugurate a' new order of things by 
elevating skilled labor to its due respect among educated men." 

Co-education came naturally"" as a principle of Washington University in 
view of the relationship of the institution to the public school system of St. 
Louis. ' . 

"Equal advantages and the survival of the fittest should everywhere be the 
rule," was Dr. Eliot's theory and practice in respect to* educational relationship 
of the sexes. 

The practice was illustrated in the full graduation of a woman as LL. B. 
by the University Law School, the first instance in this country. As early as 
1870, a St. Louis girl was a member of the freshman class of the college. ' 

Education as a Business. 

A business study of the subject of education w^as what Robert S. Brookings 
set about when he found himself at the head of the trustees of Washington 
University. Mr. Brookings was sixteen or seventeen years of age when he came 
out from Maryland to enter business life in St. Louis. He joined his brother 
who had preceded him in the house of Cupples & Marston. The secret of 
Robert S. Brooking's success in business is said to have been his habit of mak- 
ing a most thorough investigation and then of working intelligently. Mr. Brook- 
ings, Mr. Cupples said, never went into anything until he had given it an exhaus- 
tive inquiry. Satisfied as the result of his examination he w^ent ahead with 
perfect confidence. This business trait Mr. Brookings applied to his investiga- 
tion of educational matters. He made a study of the workings of American 
universities so thorough and so complete that his knowledge and conclusions 
have surprised many professional educators. Few men have such complete 
information of the operations of the higher institutions of this countiy as has 
Mr. Brookings, the result of hfs personal, tireless investigation. Upon a great 
chart, the president of Washington University has before him at all times the 
compiled information of what all of the large institutions are doing. 

"A poor boy's college," President Brookings of the corporation recently 
called Washington University. And he told in glowing words how Washing- 
ton University had supplied the advantages of higher education to boys of lim- 

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ited means from the high schools and from the Manual Training School who 
wanted to go on and who have become eminent in their callings. It was a story 
to stimulate the pride of all St. Louisans. 

•*A Poor Boy's CoUege." 

Washington University is **a poor boys' college" in a sense other than that 
Robert S. Brookings had in mind when he, in terse, graphic sentences, told of 
the alumni and their achievements. The university stands today, in the majesty 
of its granite quadrangles, a monument to the honor and glory of "poor boys" 
of St. Louis who began with their unskilled hands in the industries, who swept 
out stores, who succeeded without the advantages of liberal education, who 
determined that any boy of St. Louis coming after them should have the oppor- 
tunity to start better equipped than they did. ^ 

Late one night Dr. Eliot was preparing to retire. He had taken off coat 
and vest. A ring called him to the door. There stood James Smith holding a 
bundle in^ his hand. Between the doctor and the merchant, who had been warm 
friends for years, it was "William" and "James." 

"Why, what is the matter, James? Is Persis sick?" asked Dr. Eliot. 

"Persis" was Mrs. Smith. The young professors of Washington Univer- 
sity called her "Aunt Persis." 

"No," said Mr. Smith, "Persis is well. But Persis and I have been think- 
ing and talking tonight about the university and its needs. We have concluded 
we ought to do something now. Here is the Boatmen's bank stock. I can't 
sleep and Persis can't sleep until it is in your hands. So I have brought it over 
to you." 

In that singular manner one early donation of thousands of dollars came 
to Washington University. 

For the first quarter of a century of its existence the largest individual con- 
tributor to Washington University was James Smith. With his brother, William 
H. Smith, and his brother-in-law, John Cavender, James Smith came from New 
Hampshire to St. Louis in 1833. The three young men started the grocery 
house of Smith Brothers & Co. It is tradition that the partners in the strug- 
gling period were not above doing any part of the work. They, handled the 
goods, waited on customers and kept their own books. The house they founded 
became nearly twenty years later Partridge & Co. When James Smith died 
childless, it was found that he had bequeathed one-half of his estate to his wife 
and the remainder, except minor bequests, was left to William G. Eliot without 
conditions or instructions. This was in accordance^ with an understanding that 
the greater part of the property should go to Washington University. It was 
a fine illustration of one St. Louisan's absolute confidence in another. Smith 
Academy perpetuated the memory of James Smith. William Henry Smith, the 
brother of James Smith, was the founder of one of the best endowed lecture 
courses, giving $27,000 for this purpose. 

James Smith had the New England thrift in material things and the New 
England hunger for education. Circumstances of his youth had prevented him 
from satisfying that hunger. He lived and worked to make possible for other 

Vol. 11-4 

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young men what had, been denied him. The Smiths lived on Olive street near 
Seventeenth. One day Dr. Eliot called there and was met by Mrs. Smith. 

"Persis, where is James?" the doctor asked. 

"You'll find him in the cellarway blacking his boots," said Mrs. Smith, 

Sure enough! There was James Smith, who was giving more than any 
other man in St. Louis to place Washington University on its feet, putting a 
polish on his boots. 

"Why, James," exclaimed Dr. Eliot. ^'Why don't you let one of the servants 
do that?" 

"Well, William," replied the old son of New Hampshire, with a little smile, 
"the servants are so wasteful with the blacking." 

Wayman Crow and Other Oivers. 

Wayman Crow was a giver to the university from the beginning. He sub- 
scribed $10,000 in i860. He gave $138,000 to establish the Art Museum. He 
sustained the indefatigable Halsey C. Ives in the creation of the Art school. 
He established a scholarship fund. He provided other funds for special pur- 
poses. How often and how much he helped when emergencies arose during 
the many years he was a director will, perhaps, never be known. The men who 
were Mr. Crow's partners and successors in business gave. They had started, 
as he had, from 'the ground, even below the first round of the mercantile ladder. 
As early as i860 William A. Hargadine and Phocion McCreery were two of 
twenty who subscribed $192,500 to the support of the young university. Hugh 
McKittrick, of the same house, began giving a little later, but with the same 
sense of devotion to the institution. It was a frequent act of Dr. Eliot to hand 
to the treasurer a check with the remark: "Mr. McKittrick has given me 

Wayman Crow had at least one experience which convinced him that college 
education does not spoil a young man for business. In 1857 ^^ employed an 
Illinois youth, from Beloit College, as office boy. In eight years the young man 
won his way, grade by grade, to a junior partnership in the great house of 
Crow, McCreery & Co. He was David Davis Walker, born of English and 
Maryland parents on a farm near Bloomington, named for David Davis, the 
friend of Lincoln and the eminent jurist of United States Supreme Court fame, 
whose home was in Bloomington. With Frank Ely and others, David Davis 
Walker added, in 1880, to the group of wholesale houses the Ely & Walker Dry 
Goods company. ^ 

From the so-called border states, neither north nor south, came some of the 
men who became the most successful merchants in St. Louis. The Crows were 
of North Irish origin; the Waymans were an English family; but Wayman 
Crow was from Kentucky, the son of a Virginia father and a Maryland mother, 
his name combining those of the two families. He was the youngest of twelve 
brothers and sisters. His education was begun in a log cabin. When he was 
twelve years old he was apprenticed to what was in 1820 "assorted dry goods, 
grocers and hardware," at Hopkinsville. He slept on a cot in the store, carried 
water from the spring, opened, swept and closed. For his services he received 

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Who blacked his own shoes and gave a for- 
tune to establish Washington University 

Father of the St. Louis Public Library 

i£i?^'^ • • >^ 


Closing day of the school term in the Ozarks 

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ni KlWTOflf I 

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"victuals and clothes." When his apprenticeship ended he was considered by 
his employers to be worth $300 a year to them. 

With his Kentucky experience, Wayman Crow, having for a partner his 
cousin, Joshua Tevis, started at St. Louis, in 1835, the dry goods house of Crow 
& Tevis. This house passed successfully through six national panic periods. 
In 1857 Mr. Crow borrowed money at 2>4 per cent a month and pledged his 
fortune to protect the firm's obligations. In an address to his creditors he 
wrote : 

To us our commercial honor is as dear as our lives; to preserve jt we are prepared 
to make any pecuniary sacrifice short of impairing our ability to pay ultimately every dol- 
lar we owe. 

Every year Wayman Crow postponed departure for his summer home in 
order that he might attend the closing exercises of all of the departments of 
the university. As he came out, after the distribution of the diplomas and the 
other formalities, he would say to Dean Snow or to some other member of the 
faculty : 

"Well, professor, another baby spanked."- 

Regularly the trustees of the pioneer period attended the commencement 
exercises. They could be depended upon for the lecture courses. ^ Watching 
over the finances, making up the deficits by no means fulfilled their obligation 
or satisfied their interest. If now and then, one slept peacefully through a 
Fiske lecture on American history, it did not deter him- from attendance at the 

A Bed Letter Day. 

A red letter day in the calendar of Washington University has been the 
22d of February. When that day in 187 1 came around, Hudson E. Bridge 
arose at a meeting of the board and announced a gift from himself of $130,000. 
This was one of several complete financial surprises which have come in the 
history bf the university. Not a hint had Mr. Bridge given of his intention. 
He divided the gift — $100,000 to endowment and $30,000 toward the pol)rtechnic 
or scientific department for building purposes. 

Hudson E. Bridge left his New Hampshire home with $6 in his pocket. 
To economize he walked to Troy. There he worked in a store until he had 
saved enough to take him to Columbus. His early career in St. Louis was a 
curious but marvelously successful combination of vqiture and caution. Mr. 
Bridge pioneered the way in the stove manufacturing business by bringing the 
plates from the Ohio river and putting them together in a little foundry attached 
to the store with which he was connected. Old stove dealers in St. Louis said 
the experiment was foolish and tried to discourage young Bridge. Foreman 
and salesman by day and bookkeeper by night, Mr. Bridge went on making 
stoves until he had proven his theory to be profitable. But while he was ven- 
turesome in experiment of manufacturing, he would never borrow capital for 
his growing business. 

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When Herchants Divided Earnings. 

Some of these early friends of the university gave in large amounts, evi- 
dently after careful deliberation. Others carried their interest in the university 
as a continuous or current obligation. There was George Partridge, who was 
"always giving." He was a sterling business man, but was never classed as 
wealthy. Keeping in close touch with the university's needs, Mr. Partridge 
would come around just at the time when Dr. Eliot felt the situation becoming 
urgent and give his check. These timely gifts ran as high as $5,000. In the 
aggregate, Mr. Partridge gave about $150,000 to Washington University. One 
of his last gifts was a house and lot on Washington avenue. 

When George Partridge came to St. Louis, about 1840, he' formed a com- 
pany in the wholesale grocery business. One of the stipulations in the articles 
of partnership was that the house should never sell any alcoholic liquor. Mr. 
Partridge had built up a larger business in Boston, starting with a capital of 
$13, and working at first for $50 a year and board. He had gone through the 
panic of 1837 without breaking, but he had discovered that a wholesale grocer 
in Boston at that time must sell liquor if he wanted to hold his own in the trade. 
He sold out, came west, and kept groceries which did not include "wet goods." 

Looking backward, after Washington University had been firmly established, 
Dr. Eliot said: 

At that first meeting, when the seventeen incorporators were called together in a * 
private parlor, they had not a dollar in hand; there was little or no wealth among them; 
their conjoined property would not have reached half a million in value; they had no 
social or religious organization to back them;, no definite plan of action; no reasonable 
assurance of success. There was probably not an individual outside of their own number 
who thought they would succeed, and the most sanguine among themselves were only half 
convinced. But beginning with a grammar school on a small scale, they worked with just 
enough faith to keep them alive, and by deserving success gradually gained it. 

Mechanic Princes. 

"Mechanic princes," Dr. Eliot once called a class of self-made St. Louisans. 
When he looked around the room on the first board of directors, or trustees, 
assembled to give life to Washington University, he saw only here and there 
one who had received educational advantages. The most of them had been 
"poor boys" who had gone from a few months in the log school house to learn 
trades, to sweep out stores. Stephen Ridgely, whose memory is preserved in 
the library building of Washington University, taught the rest of the country 
the use of "spirit gas." This was a preparation made from alcohol by Mr. 
Ridgely. It was used in lamps with tin tubes two inches high, through which 
ran long wicks. This St. Louis spirit light was a great improvement on the 
lard oil which was used in lamps. It was popular until kerosene came into use. 
Profits of the spirit lamp are represented to the amount of $60,000 in the present 
library of the university. 

The four sons of George Collier united in a gift of $25,000, which was made 
an endowment bearing their father's name. In token of their esteem for Pro- 
fessor Waterhouse, the endowment was made applicable to the chair of Greek 
until such time as the university might require it for other purposes. The Col- 

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liers chose Washington's birthday, the fifteenth anniversary of the granting of 
the charter, as the date to make their gift. 

Individuality entered into the condition governing some of the donations. 
Professor Sylvester Waterhouse, who filled the chair of Greek for many years, 
by strict economy and careful investment acquired considerable means. He 
gave $25,000 to the university to be held and invested until it had increased 
to $1,000,000, when it would become available. The professor carefully esti- 
mated that the gift would be multiplied by forty if principal and compound 
interest were preserved one hundred years. The Waterhouse fund is now about 
$40,000 and growing. 

With perhaps two exceptions, the financial support of Washington Univer- 
sity has come through individuals or families from fortunes acciunulated in 
St. Louis. Mrs. Mary A. Hemenway was one of the exceptions. This excel- 
lent Boston lady took deep interest in American history. She founded in her 
city the famous Old South lecture course. Desiring to extend the interest in 
the history of this country, Mrs. Hemenway gave to Washington University 
$15,000 for a lecture course, stipulating that so long as he lived. Professor John 
Fiske should deliver the lectures. During twenty years Professor Fiske came 
to St. Louis almost annually .to deliver these lectures. To found the Tileston 
professorship of political economy as a memorial for her father, Mrs. Hemen- 
way gave $25,000. Nathaniel Thayer, the Boston philanthropist, was the other 
non-resident contributor, giving $25,000 in i860. In recognition of this sub- 
stantial gift, "The Nathaniel Thayer Professorship of Mathematics and "Applied 
Mechanics" was created in 1870. Professor Calvin M. Woodward held this 
position for forty years. 

A Twenty-five Tears' Review. 

Twenty-five years after the inauguration, Dr. Eliotj speaking of the finan- 
cial support given by the friends of the university, said: 

In all the years since our beginning, an annual deficiency, varying from $2,000 to 
$10,000, Has been made up by gifts for that purpose. The men who have done this are the 
true founders of the university, although their names have been scarcely known. 

He told of one supporter of the institution, who, not having the principal 
to give, regularly paid 7 per cent on $10,000. There were professional men 
like John R. Shipley, who gave from current income almost as regularly as 
the years rolled around. Henry Hitchcock presided over the law school. For a 
long period he turned back into the university treasury the sum allowed him 
for his services. And in addition when special funds were to be raised, he 
gave generously. In 1871 the university faced a crisis before which even Dr. 
Eliot quailed. He said: "There seemed to be a gulf of difficulties that we 
could not pass. But from unexpected sources, unsolicited, there came, in the 
three months that followed, gifts amounting in all to $215,000." 

A Host Usefnl Oitisen. 

Two generations of St. Louisans gave Dr. Eliot the credit of being the 
most useful citizen to raise money for the puWic good. But Dr. Eliot's ways 

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were not those of direct solicitation. They were more effective. They aroused 
interest. They inspired the first step. They fostered the habit of giving. 

•'Gentlemen," Dr. Eliot would say to the l;K)ard at the end of the year, "I 
am sorry to tell you we have an alarming deficit. I don't know how we are 
to meet it, but I trust Providence will provide some way." 

Th^n those business men would go over the accounts methodically, arriving 
at the exact financial situation. One after another of them would write a check. 
The university would enter upon another year out of debt. 

Late in his career, Dr. Eliot remarked that he had never asked any one 
dii^ectly for money in behalf of Washington University. The look of question- 
ing surprise which met this assertion the good doctor answered with a trace of 
a smile and a story about a friend who held that it was sometimes ''necessary 
to economize truth." The doctor sajd he thought it was at least "very handy 
sometimes to economize truth." And with that he let his declaration about rais- 
ing money for the university rest. 

At one annual meeting of the board, after congratulations on the fine progress 
of the year, the doctor concluded: 

And yet, to prove how the ghost of the impecuniousness will not "down," the treas- 
urer reports the usual skeleton in the closet, a deficiency of $5,ooo, upon which the usual 
tuiguent of charity must be poured. 

The Non-Sectarian Principle. 

This generation does not realize the boldness of the non-sectarian position 
taken by the founders of Washington University. In that period state univer- 
sities, with perhaps a single exception, were little known. The leading colleges 
of this country were under denominational control or patronage. This Wash- 
ington University movement was viewed as dangerous by many good people. 
Public sentiment was apprehensive that non-sectarianism might mean irreligion. 
The first graduating exercises were opened with prayer. Dr. Eliot pronounced 
the invocation. The newspapers of St. Louis estimated that action as perhaps 
the feature most interesting to their readers. Dr. Eliot was requested to write 
out the prayer and he did so. The prayer was printed with the newspaper com- 
ment that it expressed "the spirit of the institution." Dr. Eliot prayed thus: 

*'May the principles upon which this university was founded be sacredly 
regarded and inviolably kept. From these walls may all party spirit and sectional 
strife be forever banished while the duties of patriotism and loyalty are faith- 
fully and plainly taught. From these hallowed precincts may all disputes of 
sectarian zeal be kept away, while the authority of the Divine Master is daily 
acknowledged, and the laws of Christian morality and righteousness (rectitude 
and holiness) are held supreme. May the teachers and scholars of this univer- 
sity thus learn to walk at liberty, by keeping Thy precepts." 

Washington University is the gift of individuals to the cause of education. 
In the more than fifty years of its life, the institution has received nothing 
from public funds, national, state or municipal. No money has come from 
denominational sources. The givers have been numerous. There have been 
several princely contributions to buildings and endowments, such as those of 
Samuel Cupples, Addlphus Busch, Robert S. Brookings, William K. Bixby, the 

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Liggett family, the McMillan family, and Mrs. Graham. But the university 
has received in the past two generations from several hundred St. Louisans 
donations aggregating a great amount. The multitude of supporters has included 
every creed and every nationality represented in the city's population. The 
amounts have varied with the abilities of the contributors. But the long lists 
attest a good will toward the university, a civic pride, a devotion to the highest 
and best in education. 

In 1854, Washington University was started with a fund of $38,000. In 
1920, the property and endowment of the university were $14,580,299.14. The 
two original departments had been increased to eleven, with 3,257 students and 
271 professors and instructors. Upon a campus of 160' acres were twenty col- 
lege buildings forming the most notable group of distinctively educational archi- 
tecture in the United States. The new school of commerce and finance and 
the evening courses testified to the development of \ht original purpose to pro- 
mote the most practical forms of education. With such encouraging develop- 
ment of the institution, public spirited citizens entered upon the movement to 
add $2,000,000 to the endowment in order that the university "shall retain the 
desirable men already here and that it shall bring to St. Louis, in the future as 
in the past, men who are leaders in their respective fields." 

One of the Few Lost Colleges. 

The pride of the Grand River country seventy years ago was Grand River 
College. The institution was at Edinburgh, one of the most promising towns 
in that part of Missouri. The college was well on the way to take rank with 
the leading colleges of Missouri when fire destroyed the main building in 1853. 
In 1859 the college was reestablished and flourished for nearly two decades. 
It graduated many men who became prominent in North Central Missouri. One 
of the graduates was Enoch M. Crowder, who, as provost marshal-general, cre- 
ated the selective service system for the United States army in 191 7, making the 
success of it which amazed a doubting Congress. Grand River College won 
wide fame for its action in admitting young women. The railroads left Edin- 
burgh to one side. The college dwindled. It was removed to Gallatin, but too 
late to revive its prestige, and permanent closing followed. It is an interesting 
fact that comparatively few of the institutions of higher education in Missouri 
have gone down. Some have been moved from original locations and some 
have changed their names^ but most survive and flourish. 

The Porter School. 

An eastern woman looking for notable solutions of present day problems 
in education discovered one in Missouri and described it at length in her book, 
"New Schools for Old." Near Kirksville, one of Missouri's centers of progrressive- 
ness in things educational, is the Porter school, a township school, where Emily 
Dewey found methods and a spirit which were revolutionizing rural educa- 
tion. The proof of the Porter school is found in the fact that, as stated by the 
teacher, Mrs. Mary Turner Harvey, "Not one boy or girl has been lost to the 
community since the school was started in 191 2. Prior to that not one stayed 
in the community." The broad theory of the Porter school is to make rural 

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life so fascinating to the children that they will not feel the lure of the cities. 
Mrs. Harvey took fifteen of her children to Farmers' Week at Coltimbia in 1920 
to let that great gathering from all parts of Missouri judge of the results of the 
Porter school methods of teaching. With almost a decade of experience in 
this new kind of school behind her, Mrs. Harvey said: 

"There is opportunity for as great social service in saving the childhood of 
Missouri as there was for work in France, but we are closing our eyes to the 
responsibility before us and are wasting children by the thousands." 

"Send the Whole Boy to School." 

Of Calvin M. Woodward and several other Missouri pioneers in educational 
reform, Dr. John R. Kirk, president of the Kirksville Normal School, gave this 
personal reminiscence: 

"In the early nineties, -when Dr. Woodward was making his plea for 'sending the 
whole boy to school,' many school and college men scoffed at him. Only a few radicals 
and iconoclasts were encouraging him. Many conservatives yet living can remember 
how they called Dr. Woodward a man of one idea. Certainly in his earlier pleadings 
Dr. Woodward could not set forth all the phases of the many-sided education for service 
in which at th^ present time the public schools of St. Louis take such high rank. But 
Dr. Woodward had visions. He dreamed of more than benches, anvils, lathes and instru- 
ments of engineering. His mental states were never static. In his later pleadings his 
expanding sympathies reached into fine arts, household economics, commerce and agri- 
culture. With him 'sending the whole boy to school* came ta mean stimulating the con- 
sciousness of all the young mortals of school age so as to make immediate and continuous 
connection between school educalion and the experiences of . home and street and shop 
and store and playgrounds. When Dr. Woodward began his innovations we didn't have 
even the terms in which to express the practical school activities of the present time. 

"Fine arts and school music were needless ornaments. Literature in the grades was 
a whim of the eccentric. Women's clubs were few and without influence. The college 
of agriculture was laughed at by farmers and stock raisers. Traveling lecturers sent out 
by the university and the state board of agriculture were called 'the menagerie.' Educa- 
tion hadn't taken hold of common life. Kansas City opposed manual training. St. Louis 
called it a fad. But the old manual training school at Eighteenth street and Washington 
avenue kept hammering away and Dr. Woodward kept dreaming. Do we not all rejoice* 
that he lived long enough to see his dreams coming true? 

"In the late nineties Prof. Gilbert B. Morrison of Kansas City began to have dreams. 
The Hon. R. L. Yeager, then president of the board of education at Kansas City, had an 
awakening. Superintendent Greenwood of Kansas City was willing to try experiments. 
The state superintendent of schools was traveling by day and by night heralding the plea 
of Dr. Woodward, then a curator of the University of Missouri. President Jesse of the 
university gave warm support 

"Then it was that a few men planned a programme and Dr. Woodward delivered his 
message to Kansas City. Almost at once that progressive city voted to 'send the whole . 
boy to school.' Prof. Morrison was installed principal of the manual training high school 
of Kansas City, the first of its kind in the Middle West. Dr. Woodward and Gilbert B. 
Morrison were genuine educational pioneers." 

Knral Educational Reform. 

A shock came to Missourians in the centennial period when a comparative 
study of state school systems gave Missouri the thirty-fourth place. This was 
the finding of a department of education maintained by an eastern "Founda- 
tion." It showed that the West had been coming up rapidly in edttcational 

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efficiency, but the Center State had been dropping behind. Illinois was given 
twenty-fourth place. Montana, where the expenditure Was $14.40 per pupil, 
took the first place on the list of states. California was second; Arizona, third. 
But Missouri trailed far behind with an average annual expenditure per pupil 
of only $5.26. 

Investigation by the state, on the direction of the governor, did not fully 
sustain the findings of the foundation survey but it did not restore public con- 
fidence in Missouri's educational system. The results of the survey gave Mis- 
souri thirty-second place among the states. Analyzed in detail, the investigation 
seemed to indicate wherein the deficiencies lay. These were some of the con- 
ditions that awakened public sentiment: 

'That Missouri stands twenty-eighth from the top in the length of the school term. 

"That Missouri is twenty-ninth in number of days attendance by pupils. 

"That Missouri is twenty-ninth in the percentage of high school pupils to the total 
school population. 

"That Missouri is twenty-ninth in the expenditure per capita of the total population. 

'That Missouri ranks thirty-first in the average school expenditure per capita of all 
children between five and eighteen years of age. 

"That Missouri ranks twenty-fifth in the average value of school property per child. 

"That Missouri ranks twenty-second in the average salary of all teachers, thirty-fifth 
in the average salary paid to city superintendents, and fortyrthird in the average salary paid 
to county superintendents." 

Missourians found difficulty in accepting such results. In the early days, 
Harris in St. Louis and Greenwood in Kansas City had put the public schools 
of the cities in the foremost rank. Their successors, men like Soldan and Blew- 
ett, had maintained the progressive pace. Eastern cities had borrowed Ittner, 
the architect who had developed St. Ix)uis public school architecture until it 
attracted national admiration. Kirk and others had given the teachers' colleges 
high reputation for pedagogic education. Three great universities had grown 
into commanding positions and were drawing students not only from other 
states but from foreign countries. Eleven y^ars of successful operation had 
shown wonderful progress made by the school of mechanical trades established 
with the fortune of David Rankin, Jr. Starting with twenty students and' the 
purpose to give to the trades educated mechanics, the school had reached an 
annual enrollment of more than 1,500, two-thirds of them in night classes meet- 
ing the needs of employed youth. Facilities had been increased by further 
endowment provided in the will of Eli Hillis Larkin. In addition to the three 
imiversities with students numbering in the thousands, Missouri had thirty-four 
collies, most of them under denominational auspices, incorporated by the state, 
authorized to confer degrees upon young men and young women, and all of 
them apparently firmly established and doing well. No other state, seemingly, 
could show more ample provision for higher education. Where then were the 
deficiencies which gave Missouri such low rank in education? 

The Plans to Bemedj Deficiencies. 

The answer came quickly. Missouri's rural schools had pulled down her 
educational averages. The movement to remedy became state-wide. The fed- 

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eration of farm bureaus, women's clubs, the state grange, all other farmer or- 
ganizations joined with the teachers' association in the movement. They soon 
realized that while the city and town schools were being conducted in accord- 
ance with the advanced methods of 1920, the country schools were two gen- 
erations behind the times. The latter were not supported financially on the 
basis of the former. While the city and town had been empowered to vote for 
public education ninety cents on the $100 assessed valuation, the rural district 
could levy only sixty-five cents. By comparison of the total assessments of 
cities and towns with the assessments of the rural districts it appeared that the 
assessed valuation of the rural property was one and one-half times greater 
for the rural school child than the assessed valuation of city and town was for 
the city and town child. So it was apparent that the poorer support of the 
rural schools was not due to the poverty oi the niral property holder. 

But an element of wastefulness in the rural school system was found. In 
the school year of 1919 there was spent for teachers' salaries the sum of $1,500,- 
cxx) to keep open schools which had from three to five pupils. Such schools, 
by the up-to-date methods of other states, are consolidated, and, so far as neces- 
sary, free transportation is provided for children living too far to walk. State 
Superintendent of Instruction Baker gave the information that in the last school 
year 1012 Missouri schools had fewer than ten pupils. 

A telling defect in the state's rural school management was the system which 
made the school district the unit for the levy of the school tax. A wealthy dis- 
trict, by this method, could raise, on the legal basis, enough or more than enough, 
to give it a good school, while in the same county would be districts so low in 
assessed valuation as to pay only starvation wages to a teacher. 

Comparison of educational results showed glaringly the defects of the sys- 
tem. It was discovered that eighty-three per cent of the rural school children of 
Missouri do not reach the eighth grade, to say nothing of high school advan- 
tages. City children, it was found, completed their eighth grade in seven or 
eight years. The less than seventeen per cent of the rural pupils who get 
through the eighth grade, as bright naturally as the city children and with less 
to detract from mental application, take ten years to acquire this common school 

The plans of reorganization to#remedy these lamentable defects in the rural 
education of Missouri take on several forms. It is proposed to make the county 
the unit for school taxation, just as it is for all other taxation purposes. Under 
the present system the wealthy communities or sections of a county obtain from 
the state apportionment almost enough to support their schools while the poorer 
parts of a county cannot raise enough by their local levy to carry on decent 
schools. If the county was taxed as a whole the entire wealth of the county 
would, by the same rate of taxation, be able to put its schools on a better basis. 

Reorganization of the Old Sjrstem. 

Another reform proposed is the redistricting of the county so that there 
will be high schools, consolidated schools and one-room schools, all planned 
to give the country child systematic advancement through the grades to the 
higher branches. This reform is already in operation in many other states. 

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After six years study of the educational system of Missouri the Carnegie 
Foundation for the advancement of teaching, in an elaborate report, gave 
out the conclusion that unity is the necessary thing for the public schools in 
Missouri and in all other states as well. The. report urged that the public 
schools be made a state matter in detail. The state now collects a school 
fund and distributes it, but beyond that the public school system is left mainly 
to local control. The report recommended that the education of teachers be 
made a state matter; that the teachers' colleges, the state university, the high 
.schools be so unified as to establish a system of state pedagogical education. 
This carried out and the financial support given which will command good teach- 
ers, the quality of rural education which Missouri owes its rising generation 
outside of the cities and towns would be assured. The findings of the Carnegie 
Foundation gain added interest to all Missoiirians from the connection of a native 
of Missouri therewith — educated in the institutions of the state, Dr. Henry S. 
Pritchett, son of one of the best known pioneer educators of Missouri. 

That public sentiment has been aroused to remedy the low standing of Mis- 
souri, educationally, Superintendent Baker was able to furnish evidence in the 
fall of 1920. In 325 cities and towns of the state, all but two from which the 
superintendent had received reports, teachers' salaries had been increased from 
fifteen to twenty- five per cent. 

Changes in the present constitution and legislation by the general assembly 
will be necessary to carry out some of the reforms. Hopeful indications of 
better quality of rural education in Missouri are many. In the summer of 1920 
the largest apportionment of school funds ever made in Missouri was announced 
from JeflFerson City. It was $2,887,622, an increase of $226,233 over the pre- 
ceding year. The amount would have been half a million dollars more but for 
the collections of state income taxes and corporation franchise tax withheld 
pending litigation. 

Missouri in 1919 had 914,255 school children. Revelations of the census of 
1920 showing decreases of population in the country districts of many counties 
were interpreted quickly as having close relationship to the educational de- 
ficiencies and stimulated the movement toward reforms. 

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C. F. Jackson, 1861 

H. R. Gamble, 1S61-1864 

Willard P. Hall, 1864 

Thomas C. Fletcher, 1865-1869 

Joseph W. McClurg, 1869-1871 

B. Gratz Bromi, 1871-1873 


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The Physician's Duty to the Woman in TravM-^Coming of Saugrain — Father Didier^s 
Homely Remedies— First Cases of Smallpox — Pioneer Patent Medicinft-^Farrar's 
-Famous Operation — Sanitary Progress— First Student and First Lecture— Heroes of 
the Epidemics — Beaumont and St. Martin's Siomach— Early Medical Literature — Home 
Educated Doctors — First Free Dispensary — Df, S, Gratz Moses and His Public-Spirited 
Associates— Beginning of Sisters' Hospital — One Doctor for 274 People— Sappington's 
Pills — Introduction of Quinine — A Record Cure — Governor Jackson's Three Wives — 
Missour^s Redemption from Malaria — McDoweWs College — Eccentricities of the 
Founder— Fourth of July Celebrations— Pope's College— Its Courteous Head—Hodgen, 
"the Beloved" — A Profession of Many Nationalities — The Era of Numerous Medical 
Colleges — Raising the Standards — Post-Graduate Work — Luedeking, **the Students' 
Friend"— International Surgical Fame of Bemays— Missouri Climate and Hkalth—A 
Record of Three Generations— Homeopathy Introduced — The Eclectic School— A Con- 
gressman's Border Remedy in the Camps — Wyman's Work as Health Officer of 
World-Wide Fame — The Free Cancer Hospital — George D. Barnard, Public Benefactor 
— Progress of Medical Education — Dentistry's Development — Inventions by Missourians, 

The doctor wheu at the bedsidjc cf the woman in labor almost meets his God, and that dutx, the 
stem duty of Godi must be evoked every moment and hour in her travail. Give your strength to the 
laboring mother. Fill her with hope; it may be light diet but it will be very stimulating; it awakens 
courage. If the doctor ever is at the service of any one he must be at the absolute service of the 
lying-in woman. Be thoughtful of her in her agony of pain. Encouragement 19 everything. It well 
becomes Go^s most exalted creature. To relieve distress is not only human but it is. Godlike; and 
thrice blefted is that man who relieves a single maternal pain. — The teaching of Dr. Moses M. PaUen as 
Dr. Warren B. Outttn, one of his pupHs, recalled it. 

To St. Louis, in 1800, came a physician and scientist who was to leave his 
impression on the community. Dr. Antoine Francois Saugrain may be called the 
father of the medical profession of St. Louis and the profession may feel hon- 
ored thereby. He came to the United States on the advice of Benjamin Franklin 
when the latter was minister to France. The young Frenchman, bom in Ver- 
sailles, highly educated and with developed taste for scientific investigation im- 
pressed Mr. Franklin as the kind of a man to make a valuable American, His 
first experience in this country was rather disheartening. After living nine years 
with the unfortunate French colony of Gallipolis on the Ohio river, Dr. Saugrain 
floated down the Ohio and made his way to St. Louis four years before the Amer- 
ican occupation. With the Saug^ains came the Michauds of Gallipolis. Dr. 
Saugrain had married Genevieve Rosalie Michaud, eldest of the daughters of 
John Michaud. Two little girls, Rosalie and Eliza Saugrain, made the journey. 
They became the wives of Henry Von Phul and James Kennerly,*the merchants. 
Other daughters of Dr. Saugrain married Major Thomas O'Neil, of the United 
States army, and John W. Reel, the St. Louis merchant. Descendants of the 
Saugraihs and Michauds are numerous in this generation of Missourians. 
VOL n-5 65 

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Homely Remedies. 

Possibly the reason that the medical profession had attracted so little atten- 
tion up to the coming of the Saugrains was because of the good health which the 
community enjoyed. The eldest daughter of the doctor remembered that when 
the family first came to St. Louis there were few cases of sickness. When Dr. 
Saugrain came, he discovered that the habitants were accustomed to go to Father 
Didier, the priest, when they feh bad. Father Didier would fix up teas from 
herbs and give simple remedies, without professing to be educated in medicine. 
Dr. Saugrain was a botanist. He depended largely upon vegetable compounds 
and upon brews from herbs which he grew in a wonderful garden that surrounded 
his house, or gathered in the wild state. 

Paupers and Indians Vaccinated Gratis. 

The first case of smallpox appeared in St. Louis the year after Dr. Saugrain 
came. With it came a problem that appealed to the scientific mind. The virtue 
of vaccination was accepted by Dr. Saugrain. As soon as he could supply him- 
self with the material. Dr. Saugrain began a campaign of education. He pub- 
lished cards in the Gazette e:jplaining the preventive. He in formed- "such physi- 
cians and other intelligent persons as reside beyond the limits of his accustomed 
practice that he will with much pleasure upon application furnish them with vac- 
cine infection." But especially noteworthy, and characteristic of the medical 
profession in St. Louis in all its history, was the philanthropic position taken by 
Dr. Saugrain toward those so unfortunate as to be unable to protect themselves. 
"Persons in indigent circumstances," he wrote to the Gazette, "paupers and In- 
dians will be vaccinated and attended gratis." 

Congh Drops and Bilious Pills. 

"Patent medicines" followed the American flag into St. Louis. They were 
here when Colonel Charless began to publish the Gazette. Within a month after 
the inaugural number, the Gazette was advertising cough drops, balsam of honey, 
British oil, bilious pills, essence of peppermint. Four years later, Dr. Robert 
Simpson, a young Marylander who had come to St. Louis as assistant surgeon 
in the army, opened the first drug store 4n St. Louis, associating with himself 
Dr. Quarles. Dr. Simpson became postmaster and in the fifty years of his life 
in St.^Louis had a varied experience. He went into local politics and held the 
offices of collector and of sheriflF. In his more active years it was s^id of him that 
he knew personally everybody living in St. Louis and most of the people in the 
county. He engaged in mercantile life, was cashier of the first savings bank, the 
Boatmen's, was chosen comptroller of the city several times and went to the legis- 

Marvelous Surgery. 

The distinction of being the first American physician and surgeon to establish 
himself permanently west of the Mississippi belongs to Bernard Gaines Farrar. 
Bom in Virginia and reared in Kentucky, young Dr. Farrar, on the advice of his 
brother-in-law, Judge Coburn, came to St. Louis to live two years after the 
American occupation. He was just of age. Dr. Charles Alexander Pope de- 

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scribed Farrar as a man of most tender sensibilities, so tender-hearted that he 
seemed to suffer with his patients. And yet, before he had been in St. Louis three 
years, Dr. Farrar performed a surgical operation which for a generation was a 
subject of marvel in the settlements and along the trails of the Mississippi valley. 
The patient was young Shannon, who had made the journey to the mouth of the 
Columbia with Lewis and Clark. Going with a second government expedition to 
find the sources of the Missouri, Shannon was shot by Blackfoot Indians. He 
was brought down the river to St. Louis, arriving in very bad condition. Dr. 
Farrar amputated the leg at the thigh. Shannon recovered, went to school, became 
a highly educated man and served on the bench in Kentucky.' He never failed to 
give Dr. Farrar the credit of saving his life. The St. Louis surgeon went on per- 
forming what in those days were surgical miracles. Older members of the St. 
Louis profession always believed that Farrar antedated Sansom in the perform- 
ance of a very delicate operation on the bladder, although Sansom, by reason of 
making publication first, is given the credit in medical history. Dr. Farrar died 
of the cholera in the epidemic of 1849. He was the man universally regarded as 
the dean of the medical profession of St. Louis in that day. It was said of Dr. 
Farrar that he was the physician and surgeon most devoted to the duties of his 
profession ; that he took very little recreation ; that he did not indulge in the sports 
of fishing and hunting which were common. Dr. Charles A. Pope pronounced 
before the medical association a eulogy in which he declared that the acts of 
benevolence and the charity performed by Dr. Farrar at the time when there was 
no hospital or asylum in the city were "unparalleled." 

Sanitary Warnings. 

From the days when St. Louis chose a doctor for the first mayor of the new 
city, the medical profession has done for St. Louis far more than to prescribe for 
physical ails. That first mayor, Dr. William Carr Lane, in his inaugural message, 
1^23, said: "Health is a primary object, and there is much more danger of dis- 
ease originating at hortie than of its seeds coming from abroad^ I recommend 
the appointment of a board of health to be selected from the body of citizens, 
with ample powers to search out and remove nuisances, and to do whatever else 
may conduce to general health. This place has of late acquired a character for 
unhealth fulness which it did not formerly bear and does not deserve. I am 
credibly informed that it is not fnany years since a fever of high grade was rarely, 
if ever, seen. To what is, the distressing change attributable? May we not say 
principally to the insufficiency of our police regulations ? What is the present con- 
dition of yards, drains, etc. ? May we not dread the festering heat of next stun- 
mer?" If this early warning had been heeded, St. Louis might have escaped or 
minimized the series of terrible cholera epidemics which began in the next decade. 

Progress in sanitary conveniences was%hown by the newspaper announcement 
in 1829 that "the new bathing establishment of Mr. J. Sparks & Co. has about 
thirty-five visitors, and of that number not one has experienced an hour's sick- 
ness since the bathing commenced ; we should, for the benefit of the city, be glad 
there were more encouragement, and, as the season is partly over, tickets have 
been reduced to one dollar the season." 

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Medical Education Begun. 

The first medical student west of the Mississippi was Meredith Martin. He 
was a young Kentuckian who came to St. Louis and read medical books in the 
office of Dr. Farrar in 1828. There was no medical school here. . After he had 
read the books, Martin went to Philadelphia and took a degree. He came back 
to St. Louis to practice and had a strenuous beginning. Almost immediately he 
was given a, commission to go to the Indian Territory and vaccinate the Indians. 
This was a work of months. Dr. Martin returned to St. Louis to find the city 
passing through its first terrible visitation of cholera. He lived to be one of the 
oldest physicians in St. Louis and was three times elected president of the St. 
Louis Medical society. 

The first medical lecture delivered west of the Mississippi was by Dr. John 
S. Moore, from North Carolina. On the basis of a fine classical education he 
started for Philadelphia, at that early day the center of medical education in the 
United States, to complete his studies and "get a diploma." Meeting Dr. 
McDowell, he was induced to stop in Cincinnati, and became a member of the 
first class of the Cincinnati Medical college, graduating in 1832. As the youngest . 
member of the faculty of the medical department of Kemper college, with which 
medical education began in St. Louis, Dr. Moore delivered that first lecture. 

Heroic Service in Epidemics. 

The cholera epidemics developed heroic qualities in the medical profession of 
St. Louis. Dr. Hardage Lane, a cousin of the first mayor of St. Louis, Dr. Wil- 
liam Carr Lane, devoted himself day and night to cholera patients in 1849, until 
he was overcgme with physical exhaustion, dying after a brief illness. 

Dr. Edwin Bathurst Smith, a Virginian, member of an old family of that state, 
before he came to St. Louis had been one of the founders of the Louisiana Medi- 
cal college. He had been the first physician to give yellow fever patients cold 
drinks to allay the fever. He went through the first cholera epidemic of this 
country, that of 1832, and won high reputation as an authority. After settling 
in St. Louis he devoted the most of his attention to the sciences and was one of 
a coterie which half a century ago gave St. Louis worldwide fame in scientific 

A highly educated son of Maryland who joined the medical profession in St. 
Louis, a representative of one of the families of Revolutionary patriots, was Dr. 
Stephen W. Adreon. He came in 1832. After some years of practice he, like 
many other members of his profession, took an interest in civic matters and served 
as a member of the city council under three mayors, Kennett, King and FiUey. 
As president of the board of health, Dr. Adreon had much to do with the develop- 
ment of that department of the municipal government. He was also, toward the 
close of his active career, health officer^and one of the managers of the House 
of Refuge. 

Beaumont's Discoireries in Digestion. 

Connection with the army brought to Missouri notable members of the medical 
profession. The most distinguished of these, probably, was a surgeon of Con- 
necticut birth. Dr. William Beaumont had been a surgeon in the regular army 

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about twenty years when, after stationed for some time at Jefferson Barracks and 
the arsenal, he resigned and made his home in St. Louis. That was about 1832. 
While he was living here Dr. Beaumont brought out a book which gave him 
worldwide fame. He called it "Physiology of Digestion and Experiments on the 
Gastric Juice." That wasn't a title to arouse much curiosity among laymen, but 
when the story got into circulation, interest was not confined to the profession. 
During the time that Dr. Beaumont was at an army post on the Canadian frontier 
he was called upon to attend . Alexis St. Martin, a boatman. Martin had been 
shot in such a manner as to leave a hole in his stomach. The wound healed, but 
the hole did not close. Dr. Beaumont carried on a long series of experiments. 
He observed the operation of digestion under many conditions. St. Martin ate 
solids and drank liquids under the doctor's directions. The doctor looked into 
the stomach, watched and timed the progress. He was able to give from actual 
observation the effects produced by various kinds of foods and drinks upon the 

Some of these young physicians who settled in St. Louis combined sound 
business qualifications with professional standing. Dr. Alexander Marshall, who 
was born eight miles from Edinburgh, Scotland, made a careful tour of observa- 
tion of American cities before he decided upon St. Louis in 1840 as his perma- 
nent location. He had $600 when he came here and gave himself six months to 
live on that while making acquaintances. But before the half year of probation 
was up, Dr. MarshaU had not only become self-supporting on his practice, but 
had added $600 to his nestegg. He continued to practice in St. Louis and accu- 
mulated an estate of $300,000. 

Henry Van Studdiford was intended for the ministry by his New Jersey rela- 
tives, but his natural bent and education took him into the profession of medicine. 
He came to St. Louis in 1839, invested the 'surplus earnings from his practice in 
real estate. He did this so judiciously that he became one of the wealthiest mem- 
bers of his profession in this city. He married a daughter of Colonel Martin 
Thomas, the army officer who established and commanded the St. Louis arsenal. 

Early Hedieal literature. 

The medical profession before the Civil war drew upon Kentucky bom men 
for some of its strongest characters. Besides Joseph Nash McDowell and M. L. 
Linton, John T. Hodgen, E. H. Gregory and E. S. Frazier were from Kentucky 
stock. Dr. Moses L. Linton came from Kentucky in 1842. A graduate of 
Transylvania University, perfected in his profession by study abroad, he had a 
short time before moving to St. Louis announced his conversion to the Roman 
Catholic faith. Then had ensued a sharp controversy between Rev. Robert 
Grundy, a distinguished Presb)rterian minister, and Dr. Linton, running through 
a series of pamphlets and attracting a g^eat deal of attention. Dr. Linton wrote 
with much spirit and in an attractive style. The high standard of medical edu- 
cation in St. Louis owes a great deal to that farmer's son in Kentucky. Dr. Lin- 
ton took a course in Europe at a time when few American doctors did that. He 
was associated in his studies abroad part of the time with Dr. Charles A. Pope. 
That association had much to do with Dr. Linton's decision to settle in St. Louis, 
where he was invited to take a chair in the faculty of the medical department of 

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St. Louis University. The St. Louis Medical Jouimal, established in 1843, owed 
its banning to Dr. Linton more than to any one else. Dr. McPheeters was asso- 
ciated with Dr. Linton in the editorial management of the Journal. "Outlines of 
Pathology" was the title of one of the first medical books published by an author 
west of the Mississippi. In that book Dr. Linton gave to the profession what 
served for students in the way bf general instruction many years. 

Home Educated Doctors. 

Between 1850 and i860 St. Louis began to produce her own professors. One 
of the first of these was Dr. T. L. Papin, a descendant of the founder of the set- 
tlement. In 1852 he became a member of the faculty in the Missouri Medical 
college. The greater part of his career he was a teacher of medicine. St. John's 
Hospital owed its origin to Dr. Papin and the connection of the medical college 
with the hospital was largely brought about by him. The Nidelets, James C. and 
Sylvester, were descended from the Pratte family. They completed their educa- 
tion in St. Louis and entered the medical profession here. The father of the 
Nidelets was of San Domingo birth, but of French descent. He \vas Stephen F. 
Nidelet. He came to this countrj^ while a boy and became' a merchant of Phila- 
delphia. While on a visit to St. Louis he made the acquaintance of Celeste E. 
Pratte, a daughter of General Bernard Pratte and a belle of the decade of 1820- 
1830. Marriage followed. Some years afterwards the Nidelets removed from 
Philadelphia to St. Louis and made this their home. 

The decade 1840-50 gave to the medical profession of St. Louis notable char- 
acters. These men were not only strong personalities but they brought to their 
practice and to the educational work in which they engaged the advantages of 
study and observation far beyond the ordinary. And this inheritance of knowl- 
edge and thought they passed down to the thousands of young men who came 
to the medical schools of St. Louis. To these physicians and surgeons, coming 
from other countries and from various states, St. Louis owes much for her fore- 
most position among cities in the philanthropy which has to do with physical ails. 

Pioneer Free Dispensary. 

S. Gratz Moses, born in Philadelphia, had enjoyed classical education and 
medical training before he went to Europe as physician to Joseph Bonaparte, the 
eldest brother of Napoleon. His connection with the Bonaparte family^ brought 
him into friendly relations with the great men of his profession in Paris. Return- 
ing to this country, Dr. Moses came to St. Louis in 1841. The next year he, with 
half a dozen young men in his profession, started something that was new in this 
city and one of the first of its class in the United States. That institution was a 
dispensary for treatment of those unable to employ physicians. Mrs. Vital M. 
Garesche suggested this dispensary and worked zealously for its establishment. 
The support came from churches and private subscriptions. The Mullanphy 
family gave generously toward this as they did toward other movements to relieve 
the unfortunate. At that time the Unitarian church was on Fourth and Pine 
streets. With his spirit of cooperation in all public spirited enterprise, Rev. Dr. 
William G. Eliot gave rooms to the dispensary office in the basement of his church. 
Associated with Dr. Moses in this work were Dr. William M. McPheeters, Dr. 

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Founder of the first free dispensary west 
of the Mississippi. One of the first in the 
United States. 



The St. Louis physician who never sent a 

bill for professional services 


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nL»CM f«lf M»ATIOMS 

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J. B. Johnson, Dr. Charles A. Pope, Dr. J. L. Clark, Dr. George Johnson and 
others. These men carried on the dispensary for seven years until the city' 
assumed this as a municipal function and opened a public dispensary. 

Horseback and Saddle Bags. 

Those were primitive times. It is said that the only one of these practitioners 
in the early forties who rode in a buggy to visit his patients was Dr. Qark. The 
others rode horseback. Dr. John B. Johnson was of Massachusetts birth and of 
Harvard education. He came from the position of house surgeon of the Massa- 
chusetts General hospital to enter practice at St. Louis. A man of splendid ap- 
pearance and fine manners, Dr. Johnson obtained almost immediately a profes- 
sional standing among the leading families. One of his earliest friends was 
. Theron Bamum, who kept the City hotel in the days when the leading hotelkeeper 
of St. Louis ranked close to the mayor in public estimation. It was said of Dr. 
Johnson that for many years he did nqt send a bill for services, relying upon his 
patients to come around and settle when they felt so disposed. 

Dr. Moses M. Fallen, the head of the Fallen family ii\; St. Louis, was a Vir- 
ginian by birth, educated at the University of Virginia. He practiced in Vicks- 
burg several years before coming to St. Louis in 1842. He was a student of the 
sciences as well as a physician and was one of the^coterie which gave high char- 
acter to the St. Louis Academy of Science In its early days. 

Hnllanphy Hospital 

Dr. E. H. Gregory, bom, bred and educated in Kentucky, joined the profes- 
sion at St. Louis in 1852. He became the surgeon-in-chief of the Sisters' Hos- 
pital. That was the first hospital west of the Mississippi. Sister Francis Xavier, 
with three other members of the order of Sisters of Charity, which had been 
founded at Emmitsburg, Maryland, in 1809, came to St. Louis in 1828- and started 
the hospital in a modest way on a strip of ground 100 feet wide running from 
Fourth to Third street along the south side of Spruce. The lot was a donation 
for the purpose by John Mullanphy, who set a fine pace for philanthropy in St. 
Louis soon after the American flag was hoisted. The first building was small. 
It left room for an orchard and a garden. The institution grew until crowding 
commerce prompted removal, July, 1874, to a large block of ground on Mont- 
gomery street east of Grand avenue. Around him Dr. Gregory gathered a staflF 
composed of such specialists as N. B. Carson, Paul Y. Tupper,. S. PoUak, W. C. 
Glasgow, L. L. McCabe. 

Charles W. Stevens was a member of the Kemper college medical faculty. 
He was one of the first graduates of that institution. Coming west from his New 
York home to be a civil engineer and surveyor, when he was about of age, Stevens 
found that profession unpromising and took up the study of medicine. Diseases 
of the nervous system became his specialty and he was superintendent and phy- 
sician of the St. Louis Insane Asylum. Kemper college was located where the 
asylum was afterwards built. Dr. Stevens went to his charge of the city's wards 
on the same hilltop in southwest St. Louis where he had studied medicine and 
had lectured a qi;arter of a century before. The first class of young doctors grad- 

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uated at Kemper included Dr. E. S. Frazier, a young Kentuckian, who married 
a sister of Dr. John S. Moore and joined the pi-ofession in St. Louis. 

From Prague, in Bohemia, came to St. Louis, in 1845, a highly educated 
specialist in the person of Dr. Simon Pollak. He had already given study to the 
branch of medicine which was to place him among the leaders in ophthalmology. 
Joining the coterie of physicians and surgeons who had established the dispen- 
sary, Dr. Pollak pioneered the way for what has become one of the city's most 
beneficial institutions. In 1852, Dr. Pollak started the movement which by private 
subscriptions founded the Missouri Institution for the Education of the Blind. 
This was supported five years by the contributions of citizens and was then made 
a state institution. 

A Medical Census. 

In 1845, according to the Medical and Surgical Journal published here, St. 
Louis had 146 "persons who are endeavoring to obtain a livelihood by the practice^ 
of the healing art in this city, which includes the homeopathists, botanies, Thomp- 
sonians, etc." The population was 40,000. There was a doctor of some kind for 
274 people. The Journal stated that about one-third of these doctors enjoyed 
lucrative practice and that many of the others were leaving and settling in sur- 
rounding towns. 

Distinguished among the writers on medical subjects in this country was Dr. 
R. S. Holmes, a native of Pittsburg, who left the position of army surgeon to 
make his home in St. Louis about 1849. Dr. Holmes not only contributed a great 
deal that attracted attention in medical literature but he became widely known 
as a magazine and newspaper contributor. He popularized subjects more or less 
connected with his profession. He wrote on "Beauty," "Use of the Hair Among 
the Ancients," and like topics. He contributed "Sketches of American Character." 
His great work in his profession was his study and treatment of malignant, climatic 
fevers. He led in the use of large doses of quinine to overcome malaria. Visit* 
ing Europe he brought home to St. Louis the finest microscope that had been seen 
here and entered upon minute researches with the powerful lens. 

Dr. George S. Case, then a young student, was one of the passengers on the 
first omnibus trip made in St. Louis with Erastus Wells as driver. He adopted 
medicine as his profession and before he graduated he startled the doctors at a 
meeting of the St. Louis Medical society with a declaration of the existence of a 
cholera bacillus. That was shortly after the fearful cholera epidemic of 1849. 
Dr. Case, then not quite of age, not only made his point about the bacillus but he 
showed the doctors that men employed about the omnibus stables and other places 
where ammonia fumes abounded were immune. 

Dr. Sappington of Anti-Fever Pill Fame. 

About 1850 the most popular medicine in Missouri was Sappington's anti- 
fever pills. Most of the people lived along the creeks and in the river bottoms. 
They suflfered from malaria. Dr. Sappington invented pills in the preparation of 
which quinine was used. He also wrote a book called "Sappington on Fevers," 
which had wide sale. A copy of the little leather-bound volume was in the pos- 
session of the late Dr. Frank J. Lutz. It was one of the objects of chief interest 
at the exhibit of medical history of Missouri given by the Missouri Historical 

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Society in 1914. With the relic, Dr. Lutz supplied this information about Dr. 
Sappington : 

"In 181 7 he removed to Missouri, settling near Glasgow, where he practiced medicine 
for several years. Then he removed to Saline county and built 'Fox Castle/ his country 
home, near Arrow Rock, where he resided until his death. 

"Dr. Sappington was one of the most remarkable pioneer citizens and prominent physi- 
cians of Central Missouri of his day, his practice covering a wide area, including half a 
dozen counties and requiring an occasional visit to Arkansas. His reputation as a physician 
extended all over Missouri. 

"In 1804 Dr. Sappington married Miss Jane Breathitt of Russellville, Ky., a sister of a 
former governor of that state. She died in 1852. They had nine children. Of these, three 
daughters — Jane, Louisa and Eliza — ^became in succession the' wives of Clairborne Fox 
Jackson, governor of Missouri. 

"It is related that on the governor's asking him for the third daughter, the doctor 
replied: *Yes, you can have her on this one condition, that if you lose her, you will not 
come back for her mother.' 

- "Dr. Sappington introduced the then new remedy— quinine — into the Mississippi Valley. 
This he used largely in his practice, and so great was his success in the treatment of malarial 
and other fevers that to fill the demand he compounded and placed in the market a remedy 
which became widely known. 

The Introduction of Quinine. 

"Quinine formed a^ considerable constituent of these pills and for years the sale was 
so large indeed as to have yielded to the doctor what in those early days was considered a 
very large fortune. One of his orders for quinine exhausted the entire stock of a wholesale 
company in the East and yet was not sufficient to fill his saddle b?igs. 

"This shows that the remedy was not fully established. While other physicians in the 
frontier region were tentatively prescribing quinine, with Dr. Sappington its use was quite 
general find satisfactory. 

"Dr. Sappington was a man of untiring industry, for in addition to his wide practice 
he managed several large farms. The principal product of these farms was corn, which he 
sold at the uniform price of 35 cents a bushel. 

"Dr. Sappington wa^ a man of eccentricities. Several years before his death he had a 
leaden coffin made for himself and this he kept under his bed. For some time previous he 
had occasional attacks of asthma, and whenever he thought of himself as lying in this air- 
tight casket there was a recurrence of the trouble. After a time he had a couple of holes 
made in the head of the coffinj so that he *could breathe,' and, it is said, thereupon his 
asthmatic attacks ceased. 

"Dr. Sappington left behind him a reputation as a man of wide and generous benevolence. 
To crown his charitable works he bequeathed $20,000, known as the 'Sappington School 
Fund/ to be used in the education of the indigent orphan children of Saline county. By 
good and careful management this fund has grown to be more than three times the original 
sum, although $90,000 has been expended under the bequest and great good accomplished." 

WJiile Sappington's pills were composed in the main of quinine, they were a 
compound with additions of blue mass and pepsin. 

The fame of Sappington^s remedy was not limited to this state. At the time 
Missouri was reducing its death rate through the use of quinine compounded, an 
Illinois newspaper contained the following advertisement : 

**Blow ye the trumpet blow! 
"Fever and ague. 
"Look out for your shake-ism ! Just received a fresh supply of Dr. Sapping- 
ton's Fever and Ague Pills.'* 

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The present generation does not realize what a scourge malaria was in the 
western country at the time Dr. Sappington cornered the quinine supply. Dr. 
Victor C. Vaughan, of the University of Michigan, a specialist of nation-wide 
fame, born in Mt. Airy, Missouri, about the middle of the last century, told the 
City Club of St. Louis in April, 1920, that Missouri's death rate, largely because 
of malaria, was 21 per thousand of the population. This had been reduced to 14 
per thousand. The average term of life of the Missourian, Dr. Vaughan said, had 
been increased ten years. That is to say, the average in the time of prevalence 
of malaria was between 30 and 33 years. It is now between 42 and 45, Dn 
Vaughan recalled the successful fight which had been made to eradicate malaria. 
He expressed confidence that tuberculosis might be decreased by diflferent methods 
but by like zeal in the field of prevention. He predicted that the death rate of 
Missouri would be brought down to 7 per thousand, or one-half the present rate. 
As to methods for combatting and decreasing tuberculosis in Missouri, bis native 
state, Dr. Vaughan urged comprehensive and thoroughgoing surveys; discovery 
and publicity of housing conditions and causes of tuberculosis; sanatoriums on 
farms for the treatment of incipient cases and tendencies toward the disease; 
hospitals for the open or advanced cases, and training schools for workers in the 
cause of overcoming the white scourge. Analyzing local conditions of site and 
climate, Dr.! Vaughan told the City Qub there was nothing to prevent St. Louis 
from becoming the healthiest city in the world. 

Beccnrd Cure with Sappington's Pills. 

In a paper which Mrs. Ed. Helber read before the Fortnightly Qub of Farm- 
ington this incident of the early days in Southeast Missouri was narrated : 

"On account of the dense forests, with only a farm cleared here and there, the early 
inhabitants were subject to attacks of ague or chills and fever. Old Aunt Sallie Elvins was 
'a chilling' as she called it. Mr. Elvins came to town and bought a box of Sappington's 
pills, a. new remedy. There were twenty-four pills in the box. When Mr. Elvins returned 
in the evening he found Aunt Sallie sitting in the chimney comer. He handed her the box 
and went to the barn to feed his horses. When he came to the house he said, 'Sallie, hare 
you taken any of the pills yet?' Well, Elvins,' Aunt Sallie replied, *I have swallowed all 
but two of them and for the life of me I can't get them down.' Thirty-five years after- 
wards,' Aunt Sallie told this story and added* 'Believe me, I haven't had a chill from that 
day to this.' " 

The first settler in Sullivan county, according to tradition, was Dr. Jacob Hol- 
land. He was known far and wide on the frontier as an Indian fighter and phy- 
sician who compounded his medicines from Missouri herbs. 

A medicine of high sounding name which was sold in large quantities was 
"Dr. Bragg's Celebrated Indian Queen Vegetable Sugar Coated pills.'* 

Dr. John Wolfskill, one of the earliest practitioners in Livingston county 
was called to prescribe for a lady who told him he was "the first doctor ever on 
the place." He gave her some powders "to be taken in water." Af^er he had 
gone the lady with much protesting climbed into a barrel of water and took a 
powder. The next time the doctor called the patient was so much improved he 
discontinued the powders. 

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Pioneer Prescriptions. 

Dr. Samuel Bender was one of the Dade county Missourians of strong in- 
dividuality. It was his custom to catch polecats and extract the perfume from 
the animal's glands, keeping on hand a bottle. The doctor was a foe to the use 
of tobacco. If a man smoking a cigar entered his office, the doctor would uncork 
the bottle, sprinkle some of the contents on the floor and remark : "You like your 
stink. I like mine. Nuff sed." Dr. Bender was one of the first physicians. 
Medicine was scarce. A popular form in many parts, of the Ozarks was the 
walnut pill made from the bark of the white walnut tree. If the bark was peeled 
upward the pill's action was that of an emetic. If the bark was peeled downward 
it yielded a pill which acted as a physic. 

Dr. Thompson arrived in the- Grundy county section early enough to have 
his name taken for Thompson's Fork. He combined sense with science in his 
practice. Having been called into the country to treat a man who was in a very 
nervous condition, Dr. Thompson examined the premises. It is not recalled 
whether he looked under the bed as part of the diagnosis, but he did make an 
examination of the door. After the usual form, the door was made of two pun- 
cheons on end, fastened together and hung to the side of the house with wooden 
hinges. When the door was moved it gave out a screech that could be heard a 
long distance. "The first thing I will prescribe," said Dr. Thompson, "will be 
a pint of hog's fat. Melt it and give it to me now." The wife of the patient 
brought the fat. The doctor took it and poured it down the sid^ of the door and 
over the hinges, whence the creaking proceeded. Then he turned to the patient. 

Eccentric Joseph Nash McDowell. 

In the fall of 1838 Dr. Joseph N. McDowell began to lecture to the students 
of Kemper college. His subject was the history of man. He illustrated his talks 
with skulls of the different races. The lectures were fascinating. Students 
wanted more. Dr. McDowell built a medical college, not the great pile of masonry 
which looked like a massive fort; that came later. Tl^e first McDowell college 
was a small brick building. There the young men of St. Louis flocked to him for 
medical education. Architecturally, McDowell's college was as original as the 
founder. A large stj)ve in the amphitheater of his first college building gave Dr. 
McDowell the suggestion of an octagon building. This plan was carried out as 
far as means would permit. The octagon building was to be eight stories in 
height. It was started with foundations eight feet thick but never reached the 
height designed. In the center was a column of masonry which was to form the 
peak of the roof. In this massive column Dr. McDowell intended to have niches 
in which to place the copper cases containing the bodies of members of his family. 

McDowell's Americanism. 

From the Christian Brothers' academy, northward toward the city was open 
space. It extended toward Mill Creek and the famous mill. The creek ran 
imder a culvert where Seventh street crossed. This open space Dr. McDowell 
appropriated for his patriotic celebrations. He encouraged his devoted medical 
students to make much of Washington's Birthday and of the Fourth of July. 
Several cannon were included in the equipment of McDowell's Medical college. 

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They had been obtained originally for moral effect at a time when popular 
prejudice was easily inflamed against dissecting rooms. And when a national 
holiday came around, the head of the institution took evident satisfaction in 
showing the commimity that he and his constituency knew how to shoot them. 
The cannon were not mounted upon wheeled carriages biit that did not deter 
Dr. McDowell. Wearing a three-cornered hat of the continentals, with feathers 
bristling from it, having a large cavalry sabre strapped to his waist, McDowell 
would lead his students carrying the cannon to the vacant space. The guns were 
placed on sawbucks for support. Dr. McDowell superintended the loading and 
firing. In loud and emphatic language he gave his orders, encouraging much 
cheering and telling his followers to "make Rome howl." That was one of 
the doctor's favorite forms of appeal. 

Those days of patriotic outburst by Dr. McDowell and the medical students 
were observed in very different spirit by the Christian Brothers and their pupils. 
Brother Jasper was in charge of the playground. The coming of the medical 
body was the signal for Brother Jasper to assemble the students of the academy 
and to marshal them to a place of safety. The Brothers, viewing the reckless 
manner in which Dr. McDowell conducted the salutes in honor of the day, had 
no doubt there would sometime be an explosion, with loss of life or limb. There 
was strong suspicion that the evident apprehension of the Brothers stimulated 
Df. McDowell to louder and more violent language and to greater demonstrations 
on his holidays. The more marlced the disturbance of the Brothers became, the 
greater seemed the satisfaction of the doctor. And yet it was not malevolence, 
for Dr. McDowell would speak well of his neighbors. One day returning from 
the celebration on the vacant space, the doctor thrust his head in at an open 
window of the academy and loudly declared with unquotable emphasis that if 
he had a boy young enough to go to school he would send him tp the Brothers. 

Dr. Warren B. Outten, the surgeon, was a boy student at the Christian 
Brothers' academy, as it was called in the decade of 1850-60. His recollection of 
the militant head of McDoweirs Medical college remained vivid through all of 
the years that followed : 

He was a tall, slim man, with clean cut features and cleanly shaven face. His hair 
was gray and combed straight back from his forehead after the m^ner of Calhoun. Dr. 
McDowell was to each and every student of the academy a marked and wonderful char- 
acter. His intensity and tendency toward profanity, his high pitched voice, his swaggering 
and independent bearing made him always interesting, awesome and peculiar. I can well 
remember how the Brothers viewed him. To them he was a vice regnant deputy of His 
Satanic Majesty. Brother Valgen, who was master of dormitory for fifty years, a man of 
mild, timid character, if he could see Dr. McDowell a square off, would cross himself and 
hunt for cover. 

McDowell, the Orator. 

Great reputation locally as an orator, had Dr. McDowell. His language was 
always picturesque and often lurid. His commencement addresses drew to his 
college large audiences. The late Dr. Montrose A. Fallen could describe graphi- 
cally one of these commencement days at McDowell's collie, for he was present 
although a student of another institution. The manner and words of McDowell 
made a lasting impression on Fallen's memory. On that commencement day, 

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Dr. McDowell came down the center aisle of the amphitheater, carrying his violin 
and bow. When he reached the amphitheater table he turned and facing the 
expectant throng began to play. After sevefal tunes, he laid down the violin 
and spoke in his high pitched voice : 

Now, gentlemen, we have been together five long months. Doubtless, some of these 
months have been very happy months, and doubtless some have been very perplexing ones. 
Such is the eternal fate of workers and students. But now, gentlemen, the saddest of all 
sad words must be uttered, namely, farewell! Here retrospection takes her sway, either 
gladdened or saddened, as idiosyncrasies hold the mind. We have wandered in the 
labyrinthian way of anatomy. We have floated in the ethereal atmosphere of physiology. 
We have waded knee deep, nay, neck deep, into a sea of theory and practice; ground, 
filtered, pounded and inspected elements of materia medica, and slowly pounded in the 
endless crucible of chemistry. As we say farewell! it is needless for me to say that I 
hope God may, in His infinite mercy, bless you as you deserve. But remember that labor 
omnia vincit. No man under God's blue sky need hope that success can, or will come 
without labor, for God has ordained that all of us must earn our living by the sweat of our 
brows. Nature only recognizes the laborer, and eternally damns the rich man, by satiety and 

Doubtless one of your number, in this class, will come back to the great city of St. 
Louis with the snow of many winters upon his hair and walking upon three legs instead 
of two, as Sphinx has it. As he wanders here and there upon its streets amidst the crowded 
and eager throng, noting the wondrous improvement here and the change there, suddenly, 
gentlemen, it will occur to him to ask of one of the eager passers-by, **Where is Dr. 
McDowell?" "Dr. McDowell? Dr. McDowell?" he will say, "what Dr. McDowell?" 
"Why," he will tell him, "Dr. McDowell, the sufgeon!" "Oh, yes. Dr. McDowell, the 
surgeon. Why ! He lies buried close to Belle fontaine." 

Slowly, gentlemen, he will wend his way thither, and there amidst the rank weeds, he 
will find a plain marble slab inscribed, "J. McDowell, Surgeon." While he stands there 
contemplating the rare virtues and eccentricities of this old man, suddenly, gentlemen, the 
spirit of Dr. McDowell will arise on ethereal wings and bless him, aye! thrice bless him. 
Then, suddenly, gentlemen, this spirit will take a swoop and as he passes McDowell's college 
he will drop a parting tear. But, gentlemen, when he gets to Pope's college, he will spit 
upon it. Yes, I say, he will spit upon it. 

Into his peroration Dr. McDowell would throw almost frenzied emphasis. 
When he concluded there would be a hurricane of cheers and yells. Dr. Fallen 
was a student at Pope's college, but, as did many of the students of tlie rival 
institution, he went to hear Dr. McDowell's address to his graduates. 

"Old Sawbones." 

McDowell wore his hair in an iron gray mane thrown back and falling almost 
to the shoulder. He had great natural power as an orator, but he cultivated 
rather familiarity than dignity. Standing at the front of the courthouse to 
address a public gathering he was greeted by some one in the crowd as "old saw- 
bones." "Yes," he answered back, in his high pitched voice, "I am 'old saw- 
bones' and look out that I don't saw your bones." 

Dr. McDowell was a fascinating lecturer. He had stories to illustrate every 
assertion. His students were in the habit of saying that Dr. McDowell could tell 
a story to go with every bone, muscle, nerve and vessel of the human body. Dr. 
McDowell was not a successful business man. The college passed through 
financial straits. The doctor held St. Louis University responsible for his money 
troubles because the faculty permitted another medical college to be organized 

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under the auspices of the uiiiversity. He lectured against the Jesuits. And then 
he professed to feel that he and his college were in danger of attack. Wearing a 
brass breastplate made according to his own design and carrying arms, Dr. Mc- 
Dowell turned his medical college into a fortress. He bought 1400 condemned 
muskets from the United States government, pa)ring $2.50 apiece for them. 
These he stored in the basement of the college. From old brass, which he bought, 
and from the college bell Dr. McDowell had cast for him six cannon. He talked . 
of recruiting from his students a force to march across the plains and capture 
some Mexican territory. When the Civil war came Or. McDowell went south 
and gave his cannon to the Confederacy. He died in 1868. 

Pope, the Courteous Gentleman. 

Altogether unlike McDowell was that other dominant figure of early medical 
education in St. Louis, Charles Alexander Pope. In leisure hours, Dr. Warren 
B. Outten attained marked facility with the brush. He painted a portrait of 
Dr. Pope, under whom he had been a student when Pope's college was known 
throughout the country. Dr. Outten has given a pen picture of Dr. Pope. He 
describes him as " a very handsome man, about five feet, nine inches tall, having 
a well shaped head with dark blue eyes, well turned eyebrows, an expression of 
thoughtful gentleness about the eyes. It was a face such as to win anyone on 
first sight. Dr. Eope had a general appearance of elegance and culture. His 
voice was quick, incisive and agreeable in tone. His movements were quick and 
graceful. Dr. Pope was unconsciously polite and courteous. He was in my 
estimation, in every respect, a most perfect gentleman. He never descended to 
anything little, petty or mean. No one ever heard a vulgar or profane word 
come from his lips, nor did he ever utter abuse or gossip about a professional 
confrere. Always eager to commend and always full of good advice and en- 
couragement, he made the world around him better for his having been in it." 

From such a picture of Dr. Pope it is not difficult to understand the strong 
and lasting impression he made upon his profession in St. Louis. Dr. Pope was 
from Alabama. He had studied under Drake at Cincinnati, had graduated from 
the University of Pennsylvania, had spent several years in medical schools in 
France, in England and in Ireland, coming to St. Louis in 1842. Within a year 
he entered the faculty of the St. Louis Medical college as professor of anatomy. 
In 1846 Dr. Pope married Caroline O'Fallon, the daughter of John O'Fallon. 
Proud of his brilliant son-in-law, John O'Fallon built on Seventh and Spruce 
streets the medical college which in its architecture and appointments was without 
equalin the United States, outside of New York and Philadelphia. Around him 
Dr. Pope drew a faculty of great strength. In 1854 he was elected president 
of the American Medical Association. 

Coming back to St. Louis from Europe in 1870, Dr. Pope received a recep- 
tion such as has been given to few citizens after an absence. To the faculty, 
newly organized, of the St. Louis College of Physicians and Surgeons, at a ban- 
quet, Dr. Pope made an address in March, 1870. Four months later, this man 
of splendid faculties, with a record of inestimable usefulness to his profession 
in St. Louis, was dead by his own hand. It was one of St. Louis' mysteries. 

Pope's College survives, with its strenuous traditions and its honorable 

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Seventh Street and Clark Avenue, 1865 

OoortMy Miaaourl Historical Society 

The first structure erected at Ninth and Oerre streets in accordance with the designs of 
its eccentric founder with provisions for defense against mobs. The later and larger college 
-was at Eighth and Gratiot streets and was used as a military prison during the Civil war. 

Vol. II— 6 

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record in the history of medical education of St. Louis. It has been, in its life^ 
time, the medical department of two universities. It h^s stood alone as the St. 
Louis Medical college. Uniting with the Missouri Medical college, it was merged 
in the Washington University medical department. 


John T. Hodgen's Sensibilitiefl. 

Strikingly unlike his preceptor, McDowell, was John Thompson Hodgen, 
who was born in a rugged part of Kentucky near the birthplace of Abraham 
Lincoln. After he gp*aduated under McDowell, Dr. Hodgen became iirist demon- 
strator and then , professor in the institution. When the war came and Mc- 
Dowell's college was turned into a military prison, Hodgen was chosen surgeon- 
general for the Western Sanitary commission. Later he was surgeon-general 
for the State of Missouri. He tried to keep alive the old medical school but 
finally joined the faculty of the St. Louis Medical college. The American Medi- 
cal Association drew upon the St. Louis profession repeatedly to fill the office of 
president. Orie of those drafted was Dr. Hodgen. 

The beloved surgeon of St. Louis in 187080 was John T. Hodgen. He 
used but few words. He acqepted no familiarity. Addressed as "Doc," he would 
respond, "If you want me to answer y9u politely, don't call me 'Doc.' There 
is no such word. Call me 'Doctor' and there wilfbe no trouble, but I will not 
answer to the call of 'Doc.' " And no man once receiving this rebuke required 
another warning. Dr. Hodgen could put an astonishing effect into his few words. 
His assertions uttered before his students were remembeted and quoted for years 
afterwards. One who studied under him, said; "He could say *I don't know/ 
in such a manner as to convey the idea that there was a profundity of knowledge 
back of it." 

Men of strong sympathy, fine sensibilities and great charity have ennobled 
the medical profession of St. Louis. It is told of Dr. Hodgen that in driving 
up to the residence of a patient, where the case was desperate, he would some- 
times say to the one with him : "^Look out and see if crape is on the door. I am 
afraid to look." If crape was on the door the doctor drove on quickly; if not, 
Dr. Hodgen was out of the buggy in a hurry and with a bright face, his lips 
forming for a pleasant little whistle showing the pleasure he felt, he went into 
the house. 

Composite as to Nationality. 

The medical profession of St. Louis early became composite as io nationality 
and as to education. One of the German patriots of 1848 who became prominent 
in the medical profession of St. Louis was Dr. G. Fischer. Edward Montgomery 
from near Belfast, Ireland, settled in St. Louis in 1849 ^o practice medicine* 
He became widely known as a writer on medical subjects. About the same time, 
three other young men established themselves as physicians in St. Louis, coming 
from widely separated parts of the world. Louis Ch. Boisliniere was from the 
Island of Guadaloupe, descended from one of the oldest families of that West 
Indian paradise. He had been educated in France, had traveled extensively 
in South America and had been for some time a guest of Henry Clay and other 
eminent Kentuckians before he chose St. Louis as his permanent home. Under 

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the auspices of the Sisters of Charity Dr. Boisliniere took prominent part in 
giving St. Louis the honor of establishing the first lying-in hospital and foundling 
asylum in the United States. H^ was the first physician to hold the office of 
coroner in St. Louis. That was in 1858. Dr. BoisUniere's recreation was singing. 
He delighted in classical music and those who heard him in the rendition of 
church masses never forgot the fervor with which he sang. Dr. F. Ernst. Baum- 
garten began to practice in St. Louis contemporaneously with Dr. Boisliniere. 
He was from the kingdom of Hanover and had edited a surgical journal in Ger- 
man before he came to St. Louis. He became one of the founders of the Ger- 
man Medical society of St. Louis, a very strong professional organization. The 
third of these young doctors -was Thomas O'Reilly, who came from County 
Cavan, Ireland, with the best medical education that Dublin could give him. All 
of his life in St. Louis he was devoted to the political advancement of his native 

Many Medical CoUegefl. 

The St. Louis College of Physicians and Surgeons came into existence in 
1879. The movement was of considerable strength and resulted in the erection 
of a modern college building. The Beaumont Medical college cultivated close 
relations with hospitals, the Alexian, St. Mary's and the Missouri Pacific. It 
had its origin wjth a group of younger members of the profession, desiring to 
spread the benefits of hospital experience. Marion-Sims Medical college was 
started in 1890 and the Rebecca hospital was established in connection with it. 
The Barnes Medical college was inaugurated with a board of trustees including 
some of the most prominent citizens of St. Louis. For this institution was 
erected a handsome five-story building on Garrison avenue and Chestnut street, 
very complete in appointments. The medical colleges of St. Louis for several 
years graduated from 600 to 750 students annually. 

Alfred Heacock, who came from Pennsylvania, after a few years' practice 
in Ohio and Indiana, lived to be the oldest practitioner m St. Louis. When 
he was eighty years of age, the St. Louis Medical society made him a member 
for life without payment of dues. In earlier years before the days of railroads, 
Dr. Heacock crossed the Mississippi by the upper ferry and attended patients 
in the American bottom and as far east as Collinsville, making the travel on 

At a meeting of the Alumni Association of the Missouri Medical college, 
Professor C. O. Curtman, in 1895, introduced the X-ray discovery to the medical 
profession of St. Louis. 

Post-graduate Work Ex^couraged. 

In the decade of 1880- 1890 a new generation took up the traditions and car- 
ried forward the prestige of the medical profession of St. Louis. Medical educa- 
tion for which St. Louis had won widespread fame was still farther advanced. 
The St. Louis Post-Graduate School of Medicine, the first institution of the kind 
in the country, was established. Its purpose was to encourage the g^duate 
to go' on with his study and researches. A moving spirit in this development 
was Herman Tuholske, who had come from his home in Berlin, with a classical 

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education in the gymnasium to enter upon professional life^ in St. Louis not long 
after the Civil war. Graduating from the Missouri Medical college, Dr. ' Tu- 
holske perfected himself by study In. the schools of London and the European 
capitals. He attracted much attention by the reforms he instituted as the physi- 
cian in charge of the St. Louis dispensary. He >vent through epidemics with 
credit for hi^ personal courage and professional skill. When he began to agitate 
the movement for advance in the standard of medical education in St. Louis he 
was joined by such men as Robinson, Michel, Steele, Hardaway, Glasgow, Spen- 
cer, Fischell and Engelmann. In response to this St. Louis movement the State 
of Missouri required' three years' atteAdance upon lectures for license to practice. 

Bemays' International Fame. 

The first successful operation of the Caesarean section performed in St. 
Louis or Missouri is credited to Dr. A. C. Bemays. This was in 1889. Dr. 
Semays was a young man, in the thirties. He was the first American to receive 
at Heidelberg the degrfee of Doctor of Medicine "Summa cum laude." He be- 
came famous internationally for the originality of his surgical operations, many 
of which were classed as daring by the profession. His surg\cal experiences he 
published in a serie« of pamphlets bearing the title, "Chips from a Surgeon's 

"The students' friend," Dr. Robert Luedeking was called. He was a native 
St. Louisan. When he died in 1908, at the age of fifty-five, he had honored his 
profession and his city. The title bestowed upon him had been earned by his 
devotion to the cause of medical education. Dr. Luedeking received the very 
best of advantages at Heidelberg. He endeavored to advance the standards in 
his teaching which began with a professorship in the St: Louis Medical college 
and was concluded with several years of invaluable service as dean of the medical 
<|epartment of Washington University. Dr. Luedeking was more than an in- 
structor, he was the adviser and helper of the young men who came to St. Louis 
to prepare themselves for the profession. Through Dr. Luedeking's efforts and 
influence, Adolphus Busch was inspired to lend his aid to the material increase 
of facilities for instruction in St. Louis — facilities which placed this city with the 
best of centers of medical education. ^ 

Rainfall and Sickness. 

In 1893 Dr. W. John Harris of St. Louis made public some of the results of 
the relation of rainfall to disease. He said : 

"By looking up the records of this city, I find that the heaviest rainfalls since 1838 
have occurred in June. I find that when the June rainfall is excessive a3 compared with 
the average Jun^ rainfall, amounting, say, to 10 and in some instances to 17 inches, and is 
followed by high temperature in July and August, St. Louis is in for an unusually Un- 
healthy fall. Malarial diseases are prevalent and malignant under these conditions. The 
average rainfall at St. Louis in June is 6 or 7 inches. When it goes to 10, 15 or 17 inches 
the increase in malarial diseases in the fall months following is marked. Remittent fevers 
of malignant type are then frequent The heaviest June rainfall St. Louis ever had was 
in 1848. Seventeen inches fell. After that we had the cholera epidemic of 1848 and 1849. 
Another peculiar thing I have found is that when we have two wet Junes together, the fall 
months in the second of the two years are attended by greater mortality than those of the 

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first. Last year was an illustration. We had excessive rainfall in June and a very bad 
fall following it for malarial diseases. The wet and dry Junes do not alternate as a rule. 
We have two or three wet Junes in succession, and in them the rainfall is nearly double 
that of other years. I know it is the general impression that the overflow of the rivers is 
caused by the meltirig of snow on the mountains. My investigations convince me that the 
unusually high water comes with the excessive rainfall in June. The hot summers follow 
and then we have the heavy mortality from malarial causes in the following September." 

Baising the Standards. 

The Academy of Medical and Surgical Sciences was one of the forms that the 
motive to raise the standard of the profession of medicine took. This association 
was formed in 1895 by Drs. James M. Hall, Wellington Adams, Emory Lamphear 
and others. 

The coming of the Alexian Brotherhood to St. Louis was fifty years ago. 
Five members of this order arrived here in 1869 to establish a monastery and a 
hospital. The institution has grown to possess buildings which cost '$250,000 
in which 1,500 patients are cared for yearly. 

Introductioii of Homeopathy. 

Dr. John T. Temple, a Virginian by birth, a graduate in^medicine of the Uni- 
versity of Maryland, introduced the practice of Homeopathy in St. Louis in 1844. 
He participated in the founding of the Homeopathic Medical college of Missouri 
in 1857. Dr. J. T. Vastine came from Pennsylvania in 1849. His son, Dr. 
Charles Vastine, succeeded him. A homeopathic physician who early achieved 
general acquaintance in St. Louis was Dr. Thomas Griswold Comstock. He was 
descended from one of the Mayflower families which settled in Connecticut. Dr. 
Comstock studied and graduated in 1849 at the St. Louis Medical college. In 
1851 he went to Philadelphia and studied Homeopathy. He practiced a short 
time in St. Louis and then went to Europe, where he spent several years in the 
medical schools of the continent. Returning to St. Louis in 1857 Dr. Comstock, 
while* classed as a homeopathic physician, was an independent practitioner. He 
was early recognized as one of the most learned and best read men in the 
medical profession of the city. He was perhaps the most proficient linguist here 
for years. The Comstock residence, on Fourteenth and Washington avenue, con- 
tained some of the choicest works of art as well as one of the finest private 
libraries in St. Louis. Riding behind one of the best carriage teams of the city 
was Dr. Comstock's recreation. 

Dr. Augustus H. Schott was an infant in arms when his parents left Han- 
over, Germany, in 1851, to come to America. He was educated at Shurtleflf 
college and at the Homeopathic Medical College of Missouri. After several years' 
practice at Alton he came to St. Louis and soon after took a professorship in the 
Homeopathic Medical college. Dr. E. C. Franklin came from Dubuque, Iowa, 
in 1857, and soon after joined the coterie engaged in carrying on the Homeo- 
pathic college. About the same time Dr. William Tod Helmuth came .from 
Philadelphia. Helmuth, a dozen years later, Xvent from St. Louis to become 
famous as a surgeon in New York. Franklin joined the faculty of the Homeo- 
pathic medical department of the University of Michigan. Dr. George S. 

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Walker was of Pennsylvania birth. He did not become a homeopathic practitioner 
until eight years after he made his residence in St. Louis in 1852. 

The Eclectic school of medicine in 1873 founded the American Medical col- 
lege. The leaders in the movement were George C. Pitzer, John W. Thrai^kill, 
Jacob S. Merrell, Albert Merrell and W. V. Rutledge. The college graduated 
about 1,000 students. , • 

Congressman Cochran's Border Prescription: 

"Take care of yourself," was the parting injunction of friends on the border. 
It also applied in days of going to war. Take care of yourself was the first lesson 
the Spanish- American? volunteers had to learn. Fortunate was the regiment which 
included on its roster a sprinkling of veterans who served in the Civil war, or had 
learned through life in the Far West the first lessons of self-reliance and resource- 
fulness. When Congressman Cochran went out to Camp Alger to see his soldier 
constituents from St. Joseph and the Platte Purchase, he found an epidemic of 
bowel complaints prevailing. The regimental medical staflF was in despair. To 
Major Whittington the Congressman said: 

"When I was a printer's devil I was given an advertisement of a sure cure 
for cholera, to put in type. I have forgotten how long ago it was, but there was 
cholera somewhere in the world. That day I had a bad case of gripes. I copied 
the 'sure cure' and took it across the street and got the druggist to fill it. The 
medicine did the business. It was so effective that I have remembered the pre- 
scription. Years afterwards I was out on the plains with Ben Holliday's over- 
land trains. There was almost universal suffering among the men from the 
usual effects of drinking alkali water. I remembered my 'sure cure' and had 
some of it put up. I cured everybody who tried it.* Now, if you will give it to 
the boys I'll send out a lot of it when I get back to Washington." 

Major Whittington said he would be only too glad. The medical staff had 
been unable to draw supplies from the medical bureau, and had spent $50 of 
personal funds for medicines, while the troubles still continued. Congressman 
Cochran had a Washington druggist prepare two gallons of this compound: 

Two parts tincture of rhuhirb. 
Two parts of spirits of camphor. 
One part tincture of opium. 
Dose, a teaspoonful. 

Congressman Cochran's sure cure obtained first place in the pharmacopoeia 
of the 4th Missouri. With it the boys were prepared to. brave all changes of 
water and climate in Cuba or the Philippines. 

Health Officer of World Wide Fame. 

The surgeon-general who developed the Marine jHospital Service into its 
latter day importance was bom in St. Louis. General Walter Wyman, son of 
Professor Edward Wyman, graduated at Amherst and at the St. Louis Medical 
college. He entered the Marine Hospital service as an assistant surgeon in 
charge of the St. Louis Marine hospital in 1876 and almost immediately began 
to attract more than local attention by his efforts to improve the conditions of 

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the deck hands of western rivers. Congress was prompted by the movement 
which General Wyman fostered to pass a law for the better treatment of deck- 
hands. Then came the enlargement of the Marine Hospital service to meet the 
problems of epidemics with government authority — first cholera, then yellow 
fever and plague. To General Wyman's fearlessness and intelligence the country 
owed its escape from threatened visitations of contagious diseases. The surgeon- 
general's successful conduct of the service encouraged Congress to transfer, 
step by step, to this department the various government functions relating to the 
public health. The quarantine system grew into its effective status under Gen- 
eral Wyman's investigations and recommendations. With the Spanish-American 
war, the service came into greatly increased responsibilities. It was extended 
over Cuba and Porto Rico. Geheral Wyman aimed at control of the yellow fever 
situation in the West Indies and he achieved it. He promoted the establishment 
of a great sanitarium for the treatment of consumptives on the plains of New 
Mexico. The extension of American influence in the Pacific brought the study 
of leprosy, and of the bubonic plague within his jurisdictign. This Missourian 
lived to become recognized as the greatest health officer in the world. 

Oeorge D. Barnard, Public Benefactor. 

Cancer is an ailment people do not' like to talk about. In the winter of 
1905 a St. Louis physician who was shut in with the grippe 'received a visit from 
two fellow practitioners. Conversation rather curiously drifted to the depressing ' 
topic of cancer. All three doctors were men with wide experience. They 
knew that cancer wa^ one of the diseases which the usual hospital management 
does not welcome and for which facilities of treatment are not possessed by many 
institutions. They told experiences with cases where cancer patients were poor 
and where neglect in the earlier stages had meant a lingering death. The three 
doctors agreed th?it there was nothing St. Louis needed more; with its variety 
of eleemosynary institutions, than a free cancer hospital. When the case of 
grippe reached the convalescent stage, these doctors got together a small group 
of public spirited men and women in the parlors of Mrs. J. M. Fi^anciscus. They 
went over the ground. They oflFered all of the medical service free, providing 
the laity would do the rest. 

The next step, in February, 1905, was a little gathering in the offices of the 
Third National Bank. Those present were Charles H. Huttig,\who became presi- 
dent of the organization formed, W. J. Kinsella, J. M. Franciscus, John Schroers, 
Doctors W. E. Fischel, H. G. Mudd, M. F. Engman, and George Gellhorn. 

Then followed 2^ canvass to see if five years of experiment would be justi- 
fied. Some people gave cash^ contributions and others pledged themselves to 
annual payments for five years. It was agreed that "if a five years' test of our 
plans proves them impracticable, or at least not productive of the results desired, 
we should then be willing to close the establishment." 

In 19 ID the patients in the rented building were moved into a building owned 
N by the association and equipped with facilities not only for treatment, but for 
research work upon skin and cancer diseases. 

There is no other fekin and cancer hospital in the United States which in 
laboratory, in wards, in operating rooms, in provision for clinics can compare 

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with the St. Louis institution. Grounds and building and equipment represent 

The temporary quarters for the five years* experiment provided beds for 
only a limited number of patients. Such was the pressure that some had to 
be acc6mmodated with cots. The permanent hospital takes care of more than 
twice the number who pould be accommodated in the temporary hospital. Dur- 
ing the five years of trial no patient was permitted to pay anjrthing. The doctors 
redeemed at par their promises to give service absolutely free. They agreed to 
continue to serve in the new hospital at the same rate, and the management 
proclaims that the rule of no pay from patients will be adhered to.. Grounds 
and building were the gift of one man — George D. Barnard. The new hospital 
is known as "the George D. Barnard Free Skin and Cancer Hospital." 

No institution in the world is better prepared than the new Barnard hospital 
to do pathological work. Even during the experimental or temporary period 
of five years the hospital accomplished results which attracted attention not only 
in this country but abroad. Notably has this been the case in the acetone treat- 
ment, which originated with a member of the staff of the St. Louis institution. 
This treatment is now generally accepted by the medical profession in the United 
States and in other cotmtries as the best method' of treating a certain class of 

When representatives of the Barnard hospital went abroad they were wel- 
comed and shown great consideration by such men as Dr. Basham of the London 
Cancer hospital, which is the largest institution of the kind, and by Professor 
Czemy, who had given up a professorship of surgery at Heidelberg to devote 
himself to cancer research, endowing the hospital for cancer treatment at Heidel- 
berg with $100,000. At Berlin the representatives of the Barnard hospital were 
shown special courtesies and their work commented upon. One of the new ideas 
which has been tried with remarkable results in the St. Louis institution is the 
**fulguration'* treatment. This consists in the application of a direct spark of 
electricity upon the surface of the cancer.. The apparatus for the application was 
obtained in Europe by Doctor Frank J. Lutz, and was presented by him to the 
x-ray department of the Barnard hospital. 

Medical Education. 

St. Louis had at one time eleven medical colleges. Going east in 1893 to 
address the almuni of a medical college, the then chancellor of Washington Uni- 
versity; Dr. W. ^. Chaplin, gave this testimony to the progressiveness of medical 
education in St. Louis : 

Some thirty years ago the faculty of one of these medicdl schools formed an organ- 
ization which was a hard and fast agreement thiit they would turn qver every dollar of 
profit to a fund, put it out of their control entirely and devote that fund to furthering medi- 
cal education. As a result of this they built one of the very best educational buildings I 
know of. It has large laboratories; it has splendid lecture rooms. It has every feature of 
the most modern methods of teaching. And that has been built and equipped out of the 
self-sacrifice of members of the medical profession. I believe it is a lone example of such 
self-sacrifice. I know of no other profession that can boast of such an example; nor do I 
know of any other school in the medical profession that can show it: 

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Upon Dr. Johi^ Green, the chancellor bestowed, in large measure, the credit 
for the movement. 

Dr. Eugene R. Lewis, a Missourian by birth, gave Missouri railroads the 
credit of developing the pioneer railway surgic?il organizations in the United 
States. This was done in 1882. Dr. Lewis adopted railway surgical work as a 
specialty in 1874. He became one of the chief officers of the National Organi- 
zation of Railway Surgeons. • 

**The first organized railway medical service I know of," said Dr. Lewis, "w2|s oa the 
Central Pacific road between San Francisco and Sacramento, and then extended East. 
The Missouri Pacific Railway sent Dr. J. W. Jackson to the Pacific Coast to investigate 
the three systems of caring for railway injured, ahd, on his return, organized a system 
of care for its men which grew rapidly and became about the best equipped department, 
with possibly the Wabash Railroad excepted, in the United States. . Dr. .W. B. Outten, of 
St. Louis, at the head of the Missouri Pacific Railway Medical Department, was a co- 
worker with Dr. Jackson, and did more to perfect railway surgical service than any other 
man of his time. 

Dentistry in Missouri. 

Dentists began to announce their presence in Missouri within two years after 
the first newspaper was published. Dr. Paul, likely the first practitioner in St. 
Louis, advertised in 1809, in "The Missouri Gazette" that "A well-bred surgeon- 
dentist Dr. Paul, has the honor of informing his friends in particular and the 
public in general, that he is prepared to practice in all the branches belonging to 
his profession, viz, extracting, cleaning, plugging and strengthening the teeth, also 
making artificialones." 

With the coming of Dr. Isaiah Forbes in 1837 the dental profession took 
on new character. The year after he came Dr. Forbes constructed upon plans 
of his own a dental chair which was a great improvement to those in use. A 
dental society was formed, "The Missouri Dental Journal" was organized 1869. 
St. Louis dentists advanced new ideas and invented new methods. 

Dr. John S. Clark of St. Louis was one of the first if not the first in the 
country to use rolled cylinders of gold foil for filling teeth. 

One of the most noted fathers of the dental profession in St. Louis was Dr. 
Henry J. McKellops. A New Yorker by birth who located here in 1840. He 
was a page in the Missouri legislature and with the money thus earned attended 
the state university at Columbia. He became famous in his profession, all over 
the world as an expert operator and for the introduction of the mallet to pound 
into solidity gold filling. TJiat was over fifty years -ago. At that time the pro- 
fession was not organized. Dr. McKellops led in a movement which established 
national, state and local societies of dentists throughout the country. He was one 
of the organizers and first president of the Missouri State Dental Association, 
1865, and president of the American Dental Association in 1878. In his years 
of travel and investigation he assembled what was regarded as the most complete 
dental library in the world, at the time of his death. 

The Morrison Brothers became noted among dentists in 187080. Dr. James 
B. Morrison invented a dental chair of iron with wonderful range of motion, 
which came into quite general use. He devoted a great deal of attention to a den- 
tal engine and invented a dental bracket. 

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The Missouri Dental college was organized in 1866, and developed largely 
through the influence of Dr. Wm. M. Morrison. It required the students to take 
certain regular courses of study in a medical college in addition to the dental 
course. Other dental colleges adopted this Missouri idea. Dr. Forbes was thiB 
first president of the dental college. Down to the present day the dental profes- 
sion of Missouri. has maintained the progressive spirit and the high standards 
which characterized' these pioneers. In 1909 the American Dental association, 
the organization representing the profession throughout the country^ looked to 
Missouri for a, president — electing to that high position Dr. Burton Lee Thorpe, 
not only a practitioner of repute but a contributor of national reputation to the 
literature of the profession. He was president of the Missouri State Dental 
Association in 1901-2 and president of the National Dental Association in 1909- 
10. Other Missouri pioneer dentists of note in the early days of the profession 
were Homer Judd, W. H. Eames, C. W. Spalding, H. E. Peebles, H. S. Chase, 
A. H. Fuller and George A. Bowman. 

St. Louis was honbred for years as being the home of Dr. Edward H. Angle 
the greatest living teacher and practitioner of orthodontia, the science of regu- 
lation of crooked teeth of children. 

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riLiSAW /•VMftATIOMft 

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Gourtacj Missouri HlstorlcA Society . 

Known later as Mill Creek Valley. Now occupied in large part by Cnpples Station. 
Anniversary of the Battle of Lake Erie was celebrated on this pond in the forties. Building 
of first railroad toward the Pacific begun from upper end of this pond. 

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"Tampering with Our Slaves"— An Unpardonable Sin in Missouri— The Independence 
Uprising-iPrinting Office Demolished— "Stripped, Tiirred and Feathered Liberally"— 
The Offending Publicationr^'Tree Pebple of Color'*— Driven from Jackson County— 
Appeal to Jefferson City— Suits Started— Governor Dunklin's Stand— Conferences at 
Liberty— The Ferry Tragedy^Arrvval of a Mormon Army— Segregation Planned— A 
County Set Apart— Rapid Spread of the Sect North of the River— A Regiment of 
Mormon Militia— Captain Fear Not— Election Rioting at Gallatin— The Danites— Dis- 
sensions in the Churchr^Battle of Crooked Creek— State Forces Ordered Out— The 
March on Far West — Governor Boggs' Instructions— Extermination or Exodus—Sur- 
render of the Leaders-^Wholesale Executions Ordered— Doniphan's Stand for Humanity 
—"The Treaty"— Holcombe's Painstaking Search for Truth of History— Massacre at 
Haun's Mill— Eighteen Bodies Buried in a Well— John B, Clark's Wise Course in a 
Crisis— ^The Midwinter Flight to Illinois— Prohibition at Nauvoo — Emancipation of 
Slaves Advocated-^Murder of Joseph and Hyrum Smithr^Brigham Young's Heresies 
—Reorganisation of the Church— Judge Philips^ Decision— Return to Jackson County — 
Revolution of Public Sentiment— Present Day Creed and Growth. 

The people of Missouri, 

Like a whiriwind in its fury. 

And without judge and jury. 

Drove the saints and spilled their blood. 

— By a Mormon Poet. 

It is cold blooded murder. I will hot obey your order. My brigade shall march for Liberty tomorrow 
morning at 8 o'clock; and if you execute those men I will hold you 'jpersonally responsible before an 
earthly tribunal, so help me God! — A, W. Doniphan's reply to the, order of his commanding officer to 
shoot the Mormon leaders in the public square at Far West, ' 

The unpardonable ' sin of the Mormons in Jackson county was opposition 
to slavery. On the i8th of July, 1833, a call was circulated for a mass meeting 
at Independence. It was signed by one hundred citizens of the county. It 

'*We, the undersigned citizens of Jackson county, believing that an important crisis is 
at hand as regards our civil society, in consequence of a pretended religious people that 
have settled and are still settling in our county, styling themselves Mormons, and intending 
as we do to rid our society peaceably if we can, forcibly if we must, and believing as we 
do that the arm of the civil law does not afford us a guarantee, or at least a sufficient one 


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against the evils which are now inflicted upon us and seem to be increasing by the said 
religious sect, deem it expedient and of the highest importance, to form ourselves into a 
company for the better and easier accomplishment of our purpose — a purpose, which we 
deem it almost superfluous to say, is justified as well by the law of nature as by the law 
of self-preservation." 

' 'Fanatics or E^naves." 

Then followed a general criticism of the religion of the Mormons with reflec- 
tions on the characters of the members of the despised s6ct: 

"It is more than two years since the first of these fanatics or knaves (for one 
or the other they undoubtedly are) made their first appearance amongst us, and pretending 
as they did and now do to hold personal communication and converse face to face with 
the most high God; to receive communications and revelations direct from heaven; to heal 
the sick by laying on of hands; and, in short, to perform all the wonde'r-working miracles 
wrought by the inspired apostles and prophets of old. 

"We believed them deluded fanatics of weak and designing knaves, and that they and 
their pretensions would soon pass away; but in this we were deceived. The arts of a 
few designing leaders amongst them have thus far succeeded in holding them together as 
a society, and since the arrival of the first of them they have been daily increasing in 
numbers, and if they had been respectable citizens in society, and thus deluded, they would 
have been entitled to our pity rather than to our contempt and hatred; but from .their 
appearance, from their manners, and from their conduct, since their coming among us, we 
have every reason to fear that with very few exceptions, they were of the very dregs of 
that society from which ^hey came; lazy, idle and vicious. This, we conceive, is not idle 
assertion, but a fact susceptible? of proof, for with these few exceptions above named, they • 
brought into our county little or no property with them, and left less behind them, and 
we infer that those only yoked themselves to the Mormon car who had nothing earthly or 
heavenly to lose by the diange; and we believe that if some of the leaders amongst them 
had paid the forfeit due to crime, instead of being chosen ambassadors of the Most High, 
they would have been inmates of solitary cells. But their conduct here stamps their char- 
acters in their true colors." 

"Tampering with Our Slaveg/' 

Then followed the specific ground of offense which, in the judgment of the 
one hundred citizens, justified the extraordinary action of appeal to force: 

"More than a year since it was ascertained that they had been tampering with our 
slaves and endeavoring to sow dissensions and raise seditions amongst them. Of this their 
Mormon leaders were informed, and they said they would deal with any of their members 
who should again in like case offend. But how specious are appearances ! In a late number 
of the Star, published in Independence by the leaders of the sect, there is an article inviting 
free negroes and mulattoes from other states to become Mormons and remove and settle 
among us. This exhibits them in still more odious colors. It manifests a desire on the 
part of their society to inflict on our society an injury that they know would be to us 
entirely insupportable, and one of the surest means of driving us from the county; for 
it would require none of the supernatural gifts that they pretend to, to see that the intro- 
duction of such a caste amongst us would corrupt our blacks and instigate them to 

"Ulterior MovementB." 

The address concluded with further criticism of the religion of the Mormons, 
reiterated the chaise that "degrade^ and free negroes" were to be brought in, 
and pledged the signers of the address "to use such means as may be sufficient 
to remove" the saints: 

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"They openly blaspheme the most high God and cast contempt on His holy religion by 
pretending to receive revelations direct from heaven, by pretending to speak unknown 
tongue? by direct inspiration, and by divers pretense derogatory of God and religion, and 
to the utter subversion of human reason. 

"They declare openly that their God hath given them this county of land, and that 
sooner or later they must and will have ^the possession of our lands for an inheritance, and 
in fine they have conducted "themselves on many other occasions in such a manner that we 
believe it a duty we owe ourselves, to our wives and children, to the cause of public morals, 
to remove them from among us, as we are not prepared to give up our pleasant places and 
goodly possessions to them, or to receive into the bosom of our families, as fit companions 
for- our wives and daughters, the degraded and corrupted free negn'oes that are now invited 
to settle among us. 

"Under such a state of things even our beautiful county would cease to be a desirable 
residence, and our situation deplorable! We therefore, agree, that, after timely warning, 
and receiving an adequate compensation for what little property they cannot take with them, 
they refuse to leave us, we agree to use such means as may be sufficient to remove them, 
and to that end we pledge to each other our bodily powers, our lives, fortunes and sacred 

"We will meet at the courthouse at the tpwn of Independence, on Saturday next, 20th 
inst, to consult ulterior movements." 

'ITarred and Feathered Liberally." 

On the 20th of July four hundred of the non-Mormons — Gentiles they were 
called by the saints — ^met in Independence. The meeting adopted a "solemn dec- 
laration in regard to the singular sect of pretended Christians." This declaration 
ordered that the Star be suspended; that no more Mormons settle in the county; 
that those then resident give a pledge to remove within a reasonable time. 

"It requires no gift of prophecy/' the declaration continued, "to tell that the 
day is not .far distant when the civil government of the county will be in their 
hands; when the sheriff, the justices, and the county judges will be Mormons, 
or persons wishing to court their favor from motives of interest or ambition.'* 
The declaration concluded with this significant and somewhat sarcastic mention of 
the possible penalty for disregard of it : "That those who fail to comply with 
these requisitions be referred to those of their brethren who have the gift of 
divination and of unknown tongues to inform them of the lot that awaits them." 

Following action on the address, the Gentiles appointed a committee to wait 
on the Mormon leaders and took a recess of two .hours to hear the report. Joseph 
Smith was in Ohio. Bishop Partridge and other leaders asked for delay to hear 
from the founder of the church. This was refused. The committee went back 
and reported. The meeting adopted a resolution that the Mormon printing office 
must be destroyed. This was done, the press, type and paper being scattered 
far and wide. Some of the material was carried down to the river and thrown 
in. "Ulterior movements" did not stop with vengeance on the inanimate 
print shop. The Gentiles took Bishop Partridge and Charles Allen to the public 
square, stripped them naked, tarred and feathered them, "liberally" the account 
says, and turned them loose. "One paddle of tar was thrust into Partridge's 
mouth and he was nearly suffocated." It is further stated that "Lieutenant Gov- 
ernor Boggs was in the vicinity, had full knowledge of the lawless proceedings 
and refused to interfere." Boggs was governor five years later and issued the 
instructions to the militia that the Mormons must be exterminated or removed 
from Missouri. * 

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The Agreesnent to Leaye. 

On July 23rd, three days after the destruction of the newspaper plant, the 
Gentiles reassembled at Independence. They were armed and displayed a red 
flag. A committee called on the Mormon leaders to deliver the ultimatum. The 
result was an agreement on the part of the Mormons that one-half of them would 
leave Jackson county on or before the first day of January, 1834, and that the 
other half would be away by the first of April. On the part of the non-Mormons 
'the committee agreed to use their influence against further acts of violence. Rich- 
ard Simpson wits chairman of the citizens' body. The secretaries were S. D. 
Lucas and J. H. Fleumoy. It was part of the agreement that the publication of 
the Star would not be resumed. On the part of the Gentiles this was written 
into the agreement : 

"The committee pledge themselves to use all their influence to prevent any 
violence being used as long as a compliance with the precedii^ terms is observed 
by the parties concerned." 

An Appeal to fhe State. 

Instead of carrying out their part of the agreement the Mormons sent a dele- 
gation to Governor Dunklin at Jefferson City, presented a long memorial and 
asked for protection. In October, after consultation with the attorney-general. 
Governor Dunklin answered the memorial, saying the non-Mormons had ho right 
to take the troubles into their own hands. He recommended the Mormons to 
appeal to the civil courts. On this advice the Mormons engaged four of the most 
prominent attorneys of Western Missouri, Doniphan, Atchison, Reese and Woods, 
to defend them and to prosecute the Gentiles. The non-Mormons now decided to 
expel by force. On the last day of October fifty armed men went to a Mormon 
settlement on Big Blue river, destroyed ten houses and whipped some of the men. 
The next day another party of non-Mormons went to a settlement twelve miles 
southwest of Independence, captured a party of sixty Mormons assembled by 
Parley P. Pratt after a fight in which two men were hurt. That same night the 
Mormons in Independence were attacked. Their houses were stoned and doors 
broken down. The Mormon store was entered and the goods thrown out into 
the street. A party of Mormons came to the rescue, made charges against Richard 
McCarty and asked for a warrant. Justice Samuel Weston refused to issue a 
warrant. Attacks on the Mormon settlers continued. Application was made to 
the circuit court at Lexington for protection. Sunday came bringing rumors that 
there was to be a general massacre of Mormons. Large parties of both sides 
assembled at central points. A battle occurred on the prairie some miles south- 
west of Independence. Hugh L. Brozeal and Thomas Unville, of the Gentiles, 
were killed and a Mormon named Barber was fatally wounded. During the eariy 
part of November there were frequent encounters between Mormons and non- 
Mormons. The citizens, to the number of several hundred from all parts of the 
county, came into Independence. The Mormons assembled an armed body of one 
hundred men about a mile west of Independence. A battle was iippending when 
the militia was ordered out with Colonel Pitcher in command. The colonel noti- 
fied the Mormons they must give up their arms, surrender certain of their number 
to be tried for murder and the rest must leave the county at once. The Moimons 
yielded and delivered about fifty guns. Colonel Pitcher took the men accused 

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of being in the battle on the prairie, held them prisoners twenty-four hours, con- 
ducted them into a com field anrt said to them, "Clear out." The exodus of the 
Mormons from Jackson county proceeded rapidly, most of the fugitives crossing 
the Missouri into Qay county. 

The EzodiiB. 

The departure was hurried. Leading down through the bluffs from Inde- 
pendence to the Missouri river was a rode road which, tradition says, was built 
by the Mormons and was the first hard surface highway in Missouri. Bloodstains 
from the feet of the Mormons were left on the broken limestone of that road, 
tradition further adds. According to one non-Mormon account of the exodus, 
''a number of the houses at Independence and in other parts of the cotmty were 
plundered, and much Mormon property was forcibly taken and appropriated rival- 
ing, if not surpassing, the worst excesses of the Kansas jayhawkers and Missouri 
bushwhackers during the Civil war." I 

Joseph Smith's BevelatioiL 

Mormon settlement began in Jackson county in 1831. It was preceded by a 
visit of Joseph Smith who traveled through Central Missouri looking for a loca- 
tion. He visited Saline and Lafayette counties and then found what pleased him 
in Jackson county./ Independence had been laid out in 1827, on a tract of 240 
acres. It was comparatively new. Settlements in the surrounding cotmtry were 
sparse. Local history has it that there were sixteen fine flowing springs of clear 
limestone water on the townsite. The men who located the town were David 
Ward, Julius Emmons and John Bartleson. The first cburt was held in a log 
cabin. A new courthouse was built by Daniel P. Lewis on a contract for $150. 
(About three hundred settlers were in and about Independence when Joseph Smith 
came on his search. The fertile and watered lands were being settled by planters 
emigrating, with their slaves, from Kentucky and other southern states. Inde- 
pendence was coming into prosperity as an outfitting and starting point for the 
Santa Fe Trail. Joseph Smith decided that Missouri was to be the home of the 
Mormons. He announced a revelation received at Independence which he 
re-named Zion : 

'Hearken, O, ye elders of the church, saith the Lord, yoar God, who have assemUed 
yourselves together, according to my commandments, in this land, which is the land of 
Missouri, which is the land I have appointed and consecrated for the gathering of the saints : 

''Wherefore, this is the land of promise and the place for the City of Zion. And thus 
saith the Lord your God: If you will receive wisdom here is wisdom. Behold, the place 
which is now called Independence is the center place and the spot for the temple is lying 
westward upon a lot which is not far from the courthouse, wherefore it is wisdom that it 
should be purchased ))y the saints, and also every tract lying westward, even to the line 
running directly between Jew and Gentile. And also every tract bordering by the prairie 
inasmuch as my disciples are enabled to buy lands. That they obtain it for an everlastmg 
inheritance." | 

The Ooming of the Mormoiiji. 

On his return to Kirtland, Joseph Smith sent an advance colony of one hun- 
dred to Missouri. His instructions to these colonists were to proceed to the 
borders of the land of the "Lamanites." That was the name the founder bestowed 

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on the Kaw Indians. /The first notable arrival of Mormons m Jackson county 
was about July, 183 1. After that the saints came rapidly and in greater numbers 
than non-Mormon settlers. They bought a tract of sixty-three acres in the name 
of tKe church. This land lay a short distance west of the Independence courthouse 
square. They gave out that a great temple was to be erected on the tract. They 
became aggressive. Some of the less discreet talked of the time when Mormons 
would outnumber the Gentiles and control the county. Not a few of these Mor- 
mons were from New England states and were abolitionists. Some of them let 
their sentiments on slavery be known, so much so that the non-Mormons went 
to the leaders of the church and complained. They were promised that the Mor- 
mons would be law abiding and would not interfere with the "peculiar institution" 
recognized by the constitution and statutes of Missouri. * A further complaint of 
the Gentiles was that there were some lawless men claiming to be Mormons who 
acted on the belief that "the Lord had given the earth and the fullness thereof 
to his people." They did little work, prowled about the scattered settlements and 
helped themsfelves at com cribs and hog lots of those who were not of their faith. 
This they called "milking the Gentiles." 

[ When the Mormons had come in considerable numbers, Joseph Smith with 
several leaders arrived at Independence. ' He had the revelation that the "great 
temple" must be erected on a site three hundred yards west of the courthouse. 
The next day the leaders proceeded to the site and with great ceremony dedicated 
it. JM-ore Mormons arrived from Ohio and the first "general conference" in their 
new "Land of Zion" was held. During the conference Joseph Smith had another 
revelation to the effect that the whole land should be theirs and that it might 
come into their possession "by purchase or by blood," so the non-Mormons 
claimed. I 

I After this the Mormons became more numerous and more aggressive. -When 
they saw "Gentiles^' improving their farms they told them that their work would 
be useless as the Lord intended the whole of Missouri to be occupied by them. 
A church store was established in Independence, occupied by Bishop Partridge. 
Immigration of Mormons was so rapid that it threatened to outnumber the Gen- 
tiles. Some stones were thrown at houses and some fences were broken down. 
It was reported about that Mormons had talked of a coming contest which would 
be "one gore of blood from the Mississippi to the border." But nothing very 
serious occurred until the summer of 1833 when the Mormon population in the 
county was estimated variously at from 800 to 1,200 men, women and children. 

The Evening and The Morning Star. 

I In April, 1832, a press and printing material were received in Independence. 
A prospectus announced the coming publication of "The Evening and The Morn- 
ing Star." The press was set up with religious ceremonies.! In July the first num- 
ber appeared. It was well printed. The contents were in the main devoted to the 
upbuilding of the church, but some space was given to general news of the world. 
/"The Evening and The Morning Star" continued to appear monthly until July, 
1833. Up to that time nothing about slavery had been printed. ) 

The article headed "Free People of Color," which prompted the action of the 
Gentiles, appeared in the July issue of "The Evening and The Morning Star." It 
was a carefully worded statement, not especially encouraging immigration of free 

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Son of Joseph Smithy the founder. Presi- 
dent of the Reorganized Church of Jesus 
Christ of Latter-day Saints until his death 
in 1914. 


Founder of the CSiurch of Jesus Christ of 

Latter-day Saints 

Built upon the plans designed for In- 
dependence previous to the expulsion of the 
Mormons from Missouri. 

The founder of the Mormon church and 
his brother as they were dressed when they 
went to the Carthage jail where they were 
murdered. From an old daguerreotype 
which belonged to their sister, Catharine 
Smith Salisbury. 

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THE Mormon war and after loa 

N^^roes to Missouri, but showing the course which must be pursued if such people 
came. To this end, the statement quoted the statutes of Missouri. These laws 
had been enacted to put into effect the requirement of Congress as a condition of 
the admission of Missouri into the Union. After Congress had passed the enabling 
act and after Missouri had set up and put in operation a complete state govern- 
ment, Congress had demanded as precedent to admission "a solemn act" whereby 
Missouri was bound to admit any citizen of another state. Missouri, in its first 
constitution, had provided a prohibition against the coming of free negroes. Con- 
gress had taken the ground that Missoiu-i must not be admitted if the new state 
barred citizens of any other state. \ The article in the Mormon paper which pro- 
voked th^ action of the Gentiles is given in its entirety : 

''Free People of Color." 

'To prevent any misnnderstanding among the churches abroad, respecting free people 
of color, who may think of coming to the western boundaries of Missouri, as members of 
the church, we quote the following clauses from the laws of Missouri: 

" 'Section 4. Be it further enacted, That hereafter no free negro or mulatto, other 
than a citizen of some one of the United States, shall come into or settle in thb state under 
any pretext whatever; and iipon complaint made to any justice of the peace, that sudi 
person is in his county, contrary to the provisions of this section, he shall cause such person 
to be brous^t before him. And if upon examination, it shall appear that such person is 
a free negro or mulatto, and that he hath come into this state after the passage of this 
act, and such person shall not produce a jcer&ficate attested by the seal of some court of 
record in some one of the United States, evidencing that he is a citizen of such state, the 
justice shall command him forthwith to depart from this state; and in case such negro 
or mulatto shall not depart from this state within thirty days after being commanded so 
to do as aforesaid, imy justice of the peace, upon complaint thereof to him made, may 
cause such person to be brought before him, and may commit him to the common gaol of 
the county in which he may be found, until the next term of the circuit court to be holden 
m such county. And the said court shall cause such person to be brought before them, and 
examine into the cause of commitment ; and if it shall appear that such person came into the 
state contrary to the provisions of this act, and conthiued therein after being commanded 
to depart as aforesaid, such court may sentence such person to receive ten lashes on hit 
or her bare back, and order him to depart the state; and if he or she shall not so depart, 
the same proceedings shall be had and punishment inflicted as often as may be necessary, 
until such person shall depart the state^' 

** 'Section 5. Be it further enacted. That if any person shall, after the taking effect 
of this act, bring into this state any free negro or mulatto, not having in hb possession a 
certificate of cstizenship as required by this act (he or she) shall forfeit and pay, for every 
person so brought, the sum of five hundred dollars, to be recovered by action of debt in 
the name of the state, to the use of the university, in any court having competent jurisdic^ 
tion; in which action the defendant may be hdd to bail, of right, and without affidavit; 
and it shall be the duty of the attorney-general or circuit attorney of the district in which 
any person so offending may be found, immediately upon infdrmation given of such offense, 
to commence and prosecute an action as aforesaid.' 

"Slaves are real estate in this and other states, and wisdom would dictate great care 
among the branches of the church of Girist, on this subject So. long as we have no special 
rule in the church, as to people of color, let prudence guide; and while they, as well as we, 
are in the hands of a mcrtiful God, we say: Shun every appearance of evil." 

"While on the subject of law, it may not be amiss to quote some of the constitution 
of Missouri. It shows the liberality of opinion of the great men of the West, and will 
vie with that of any other sUte. It is good; it is just, and it is the citizens' right 

"'4. That all men have a natural and indefeasible right to worship almighty God 
according to the dictates of their own consciences; that no man can be compelled to erect, 

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support or attend any place of worship, or to maintain any minister of the gospel or teacher 
of religion; that no human authority can control or interfere with the rights of conscience; 
that no person can ever be hurt, molested or restrained in his religious professions or senti- 
ments, if he do not disturb others in their religious worship. 

"'That no person on accotant of his religious opinions cail be rendered ineligible to 
any office of trust or profit under this state; that no preference can ever be given by law 
to any sect or mode of worship; and that no religious- corporation can ever be established 
in this state.' " 

^On another page of this issue of "The Evening and The Morning Star" 
appeared a paragraph touching upon the same subject. It was embodied in an 
address of "The Elders stationed in Zion to the Churches Abroad, in Love, 
Greeting." Zion was the name given to Western Missouri, especially Jackson 

"Our brethren will find an extract of the law of this state, relative to free 
people of color, on another page of this paper. Great care should be taken on 
this point. The saints must shun every appearance of evil. As to slaves we have 
nothing to say. In connection with the wondei^ful events of this age, much is 

doing toward abolishing slavery, and colonizing the blacks in Africa.**] 


Befuge Found in Olay Ooontj. 

fin these publications the non-Mormon Settlers found their provocation for 
immediate action. There was no further publication of "The Evening and The 
Morning Star." The office was destroyed; part of the printing material was 
thrown into the Missouri river; the Mormon leaders were stripped, tarred and 
feathered. And when the agreement to leave Jackson county was broken the 
expulsion followed. Describing the exodus, as he gathered the information from 
old settlers, Holcombc, the historian, said: 

"Affrighted and almost terror-stricken, the Mormons crossed the river and sought safety 
in Clay county. November 7, the crossing began. There was great discomfort and misery 
among the fugitives; the weather was cold and rainy; and the plundered, half dad women 
and children suffered severely. But the people of Qay county received the newcomers 
kindly. They allowed them to remain, rented them houses, fumbhed them provisions, and 
gave numbers employment. For this the Clay county people were long intensely hated by 
their Jackson county neighbors. Some of the Mormons fled to Cass county (then Van 
Buren), but were again driven and compelled to flee." 

When Cass and Jackson counties, in the Civil war, were depopulated by 
Ewing's Order No. 11, the Mormons declared it a Divine judgment on those 
counties for the persecution of the saints thirty years before. 

Much was made by the Gentiles of the threats, or alleged threats, by some 
of the Mormons that possession of the land vras to come about by force and 
bloodshed. The leaders of the Mormons disclaimed any such purpose. In 
July, 1833, the elders put out a warning against such policy. In their instruc- 
tions to the churches outside of Missouri they printed the following: 

"But to suppose that we can come up here and take possession of this land by the 
shedding of bfood would be setting at naught the law of the glorious Gospel and also 
the word of our great Redeemer. And to suppose that we can take possession of this 
country without making regular purchases of the same according to the laws of our 

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nation, would be reproaching this great Republic in which the most of us were bom, and 
under whose auspices we all have protection." 

This declaration was published in the same month that the Gentiles met in 
mass meeting and put forth their statement of objections to the Mormons and 
their demand that tfiey leave Jackson county. I 

The State Gtovemment Acts. 

p"here was a strong disposition manifested at Jefferson City to secure for the 
' Mormons pa)rment by the Jackson county people on account of damage inflicted 
in the loss of property. The attorney-general wrote to the lawyers employed 
that in case the Mormons desired to be reinstated in Jackson county there was 
no doubt the governor would send them military aid. He even suggested the 
Mormons might organize a force and receive arms from the state for their 
^defense. Some scattered settlements of Mormons remained in Jackson county 
after the first general exodus but before the end of the year they were driven 

Encouraged by the position of the state adnunistration the lawyers for the 
Mormons started suits in Jackson county. Mormon witnesses were stunmoned. 
They were met at the ferry by the Liberty Blues under command of Captain 
Atchison and escorted to Independence. Attorney-General Ira W. Willis was 
there to investigate in behalf of the governor and to conduct prosecutions. 
After consultation it was decided that nothing could be done in the way of 
criminal prosecutions. The Mormon witnesses were intimidated. Public senti- 
ment in Jackson county was overwhelmingly against them. The judge discharged 
the proceedings. Captain Atchison and the Blues escorting the witnesses marched 
away to the Missouri river, the fifers and drummers playing Yankee Doodle. 

In April, 1834, the Mormons sent a memorial to the President of the United 
States, setting forth their treatment in Jackson county. The secretary of war, 
I-ewis Cass, declined to interfere. Governor Dunklin wrote that the arms that 
had been taken from the Mormons in November, 1833, must be returned. About 
that time a large body of Mormons prepared to move from Ohio to Missouri. 
This encouraged -those who had been driven out of Jackson county to believe 
they might return and defend themselves with force. In June Governor Dimklin 
wrote a letter declaring that the Mormons had a clear and indisputable right to 
return to Jackson county and live on their lands. He said, "If they cannot be 
persuaded as a matter of policy to give up that right, or to qualify it, my course 
as the chief executive officer of the state is a plain one." In conclusion the gov- 
ernor suggested and advocated a compromise by which the non-Mormons in 
Jackson county should pay the Mormons for the lands taken. The gov- 
ernor issued another order for the return of the arms. In the meantime the 
Mormons from Ohio, with a number from Michigan, arrived at Salt river, Mis- 
souri, on their way to the western part of the state. They numbered 205 men, 
were organized, armed and drilled. 

The Ferry Tragedy. ^ 

Judge John F. Ryland went to Liberty and met the elders of the Mormons 
and the citizens of Clay county on the i6th of June. A committee of citizens 

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came from Jackson county. The meeting was attended by nearly one thousand 
men. A proposition was presented that Jackson county people purchase the 
lands and improvements of the Mormons, the value to be determined by arbitra- 
tors. While this was being discus^d it developed that there was bitter feeling 
against the Mormons in Qay county. Rev. M. Riley, a Baptist minister, made 
a speech in which he said "the Mormons had lived long enough in Clay county 
and must either clear out or be cleared out." The chairman, Mr. Tumham, 
replied, "Let us be republicans, let us honor our country and not disgrace it like 
Jackson county. For God's sake don't disfranchise or drive away the Mormons. 
They are better citizens than many of the old inhabitants." General Doniphan 
endorsed this position. Suddenly a fracas stiarted outside the courthouse door. 
A man named Catbert stabbed a man named Wales. That broke up the meeting. 
The Mormons withdrew, stating that they would return an answer in a few days. 
They pledged themselves that the army headed by Joseph Smith which was on 
the way from Salt river, Missouri, should not invade Jackson county. Five days 
after the meeting the Mormons made answer declining the proposition of pay 
for their Jackson coqnty farms. At the same time they said there would be no 
invasion. The Jackson county delegation started home by way of the Missouri 
river ferry. About a dozen men and as many horses were taken aboard. Near 
the middle of the river the boat suddenly filled and went down. Several of the 
men were drowned. S. V. Nolan could not swim but he caught the tail of his 
horse and was hauled safely to the Jackson county side. Samuel C. Owens 
floated down the river a mile, landed on a sand bar, took off all his clothes except 
his shirt and got ashore. He fotmd a cow path and walked to Independence four 
nules. Smallwood Nolan nearly reached the Clay county side and caught a tree 
which had fallen into the river. Others who had succeeded in getting ashore 
built a fire and encouraged Nolan to hold on till morning. When daylight came 
and the men went out to rescue him they found the water was only waist deep. 
Nolan could have waded ashore with ease if he had known it. 

The rumor was that the Mormons had bored holes in the boat above the 
water mark so that when loaded it would sink to the holes and then fill. No 
evidence was found to support this. One of the men drowned was James Camp- 
bell. He had been bitter in his speech against the Mormons and was quoted as 
having said he intended to kill Joseph Smith and "give his body to the buzzards." 
Campbell's body floated down the river and when found it had been disfigured 
by buzzards. Joseph Smith used the incident. He said that Campbell had 
brought on his fate by threats against "the prophet of the Lord." 

/Arrival of the Hormon Army. 

Joseph Smith and his army reached Richmond on the 19th of June. They 
camped between the branches of Tishing river. There they were informed that 
non-Mormons from Ray, Clay and Jackson counties were to meet and attack them. 
If there was any such plan it was frustrated by a terrific wind and rain storm 
which raised the creeks and flooded the bottoms. The next day the Mormon 
army moved out on higher ground and camped. Three men of Ray county headed 
by Colonel Sconce came to learn their intentions. Joseph Smith answered that 
they were there to help their brethren in the way of supplies and clothing and to 
reinstate them in their rights but without any intention to molest other people. 

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The sheriff of Clay county, Cornelius Gflliam, was the next visitor in the Mormon 
camp. He called on Joseph Smith and gave him advice to avoid trouble. On the 
23d of June, the Mormon army started toward Liberty. Smith was met by Gen. 
Atchison and others six mSles out of town and told of the excitement ag^nst 
them. On the advice of the general the army turned to the left and camped on 
the bank of Rush creek where a Mormon named Burghardt had a farm. There 
the negotiations for a settlement of the Jackson county trouble were resumed. 
Another proposition was made that the damages incurred by the expulsion should 
be paid by the Jackson county people. On the 25th of June Joseph Smith divided 
the army into small squads and scattered them among the Mormon residents. 
He told General Doniphan, General Atchison .and Colonel Thornton what he 
had done, and pledged himself to "follow a course that would in any wise be 
required of them by disinterested men of repuWican principles." It will be 
remembered that "republican principles" in those days did not mean the belief of 
the Republican party formed twenty years later. The elders sent a long letter 
to Giwemor Dunklin representing the situation in Qay county and telling of 
visits to the houses of a number of their members in that county. They said 
guns had been taken during the absence of the men folks and the women had 
been threatened^ The proposal to settle with Jackson county made by the Mor- 
mons was rejected. Cholera broke out in a party of sixty-eight on Rush creek 
and thirteen died. Sheriff Gilliam pgiUished in the Enquirer on the ist of July, 
1834, an account of his visit to the Mormon canq> and gave this as the declara- 
tion made by the Mormons: 

'^e wbh to become permanent citizens of this state, and bear our proportion in 
support of the government and to be protected by its laws. If the above propositions 
are complied with, we are willing to give security on our part, and we shall want the 
same of the people of Jackson county, for the performance of this agreement' We do 
not wish to settle down in a body, except where we can purchase the land with money; 
for to take possession by conquest or the shedding of blood is entirely foreign to our 
feelings. The shedding of blood we shall not be guilty of, until all just and honorable 
means among men prove insufficient to restore peace." > 

A Period of Peace and Proq>erit j. 

^This declaration was signed by Joseph Smith and other leading men among 
the Mormons. About the same time an appeal to the people of the United States 
was printed aiid sent broadcast. Some time afterwards leading men with the 
Mormons went to Richmond and asked whether citizens would be willing for 
them to settle in that part of Missouri. They received no definite answer. Assum- 
ing that silence gave consent they formed settlements in Clay, Ray and Daviess 
counties. One of their centers of population was at Far West ; another was on 
Grand river in Daviess county. ' The Mormons gave that place the name of Adam- 
on-Di-Amon. They claimed it was the grave of Adam. 

I Smith went back to Ohio and did not return .to Missouri for three years. 
Beiore he left he publicly advised his followers to make no violent attempt to 
recover the New Jerusalem, to which he assured them the church would be re- 
stored "in God's good time." 

The spread of the Mormons in the Grand river country was phenomenal. 
These people did not hesitate to take the prairie claims which up to that time 

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were rather avoided by other settlers who preferred the lands along the creeks 
and in the woods. Gentiles held that the prairies were "fit only for Indians and 
Mormons." This sentiment gave the Mormons their opportunity. In three 
years the saints had spread in Qay, Ray, Daviess, Carroll, Livingston and Cald- 
well coimties. In the summer of 1838 it was said there were 5,000 settlers in 
Caldwell, of whom 4,900 were Mormons. The countv seat was Far West The 
Mormons called Far West "the second Jerusalem."/ 

Doniphan's Plan of Segregation. 

jSegregation was proposed as a remedy for the Mormon troubles in Missouri. 
In 1836 Alexander W. Doniphan, who hiid been attorney for these people in 
some of their troubles, introduced a bill in the legislature by which Caldwell 
cotmty was to be organized. It was understood that the Mormons would be 
permitted to move in and organize the new county. The bill passed. The Mor- 
mons left the other counties and took possession of Caldwell. They were to 
have their own county government and a representative in the legislature. They 
were not to settle in any other coimty except by permission of two-thirds of 
the residents of the township in which they desired to locate. This seemed to 
be a compromise that satisfied both sides. Many non-Mormons who had already 
settled in Caldwell sold to the Mormons. Far West was laid out for the capital. 
In the center was the site of the temple to be erected.^ There were four great 
thoroughfares 132 feet wide. The other streets were 82j4 feet wide. \Excava- 
tion was begun for the foundations of the temple. Court was established. The 
Mormons organized a well-drilled and well-armed body of militia under the laws 
of the state and the officers obtained commissions from the governor. The 
officers of the Mormon regiment were given queer titles by the faithful.] Colonel 
Hinkle was known as "The Thimderbolt." Colonel Wright was referred to as 
"The Intrepid." 

General Doniphan not only drew the bill which created CaHwell and Daviess 
coimties but he chose the names. The father of the general was a member of a 
famous company of Kentucky scouts and, Indian fighters commanded by a Captain. 
Caldwell. The father said so much about the bravery of the captain that it made 
a strong impression on the son. It occurred to the general when he was draft- 
ing the bill that there was a good opportunity for Missouri to honor the old 
Indian fighter. Kentucky had a Caldwell county named in honor of the same 
Captain Caldwell. Daviess was named for Colonel Joseph H. Daviess who fell 
at the battle of Tippecanoe and who was a personal friend of the elder Doniphan. 
) But when it seemed as if peace had been obtained, there arose friction in 
new places. All of the Mormons did not leave the other counties. Several 
families went to De Witt in Carroll county and settled there to obtain a Missouri 
river landing for Far West. Carroll county people held meetings and served 
notice to leave. A force of 150 armed Mormons under Colonel Hinkle marched 
to De Witt to protect those who had been threatened. Several hundred citizens 
assembled, organized a regiment and got ready to attack. Two prominent men 
of Howard county, James Earrickson and William F. Dunnica, came forward 
with a compromise. The De Witt Mormons received bade what they bad paid 
for land, loaded their household goods into wagons and marched away to Far 
West, f 

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iThe settlements were called "stakes." Occasionally there was a dispute be- 
tween a Mormon and a non-Mormon but there were no general troubles. Some 
cases were taken into court It was claimed that tfie judgments were influenced 
by the officers of the courts, some of whom were Mormons and others non- 
Mormons. Bitterness increased^ 

Dissensions in the OhurdL 

(As the church flourished dissension occurred among the members. In Jime, 
1838, Sidney Rigdon preached a sermon in 'which he denounced vigorously those 
Mormons who disagreed with the elders. At the same time he attacked the non- 
Mormons generally. This sermon caused wide excitement and was considered 
by many to mean war. On the Fourth of July, 1838, Rigdon deliverfed an oration 
in Far West. He announced that if a mob came and disturbed the Mormons it 
would be a war of extermination "for we will follow them till the last drop of 
their blood is spilled or they will have to exterminate us for we will carry tfie 
seat of war to their own houses and their own families and one party or the 
other shall be utterly destroyed." 

A man named Avard tried to organize what he called "The Danites," to wreak 
vengeance on the Gentile^ whenever trouble came. This movement represented a 
radical militant faction. There were other differences among the leaders at Far 
West. Whitmer, G)wdery, and Harris, who had been active in the foundation 
of the church, were expelled. \ They withdrew from Far West and moved to 
Richmond where Cowdery died in 1850. Whitmer lived until 1887. 

The War Bemewed. 

I After three years absence in Ohio, Joseph Smith came back to Missouri and 
tried to stop the troubles in and out of the church. He adopted a conciliatory 
policy* but was too late. Election day at Gallatin in August, 1838, Mormons 
tried to vote. The Gentiles opposed them. There was fighting in which two 
Gentiles were killed. Half a dozen participants were wounded. A body of two 
hundred marched from Far West into Daviess county to investigate the trouble. 
They put the justice, Adam Black, tmder oath not to molest the Mormons. Other 
disturbances followed in rapid succession. Major-General Atchison at the head 
of a thousand men of the third division of militia went to Daviess county. He 
fotmd the citizens and Mormons assembled, armed and ready for a fight. 
He dispersed both sides and reported to the governor that no further depreda- 
tions were probable but almost immediately there were uprisings in Carroll and 
Caldwell counties, the citizens being determined to drive the Mormons out of the 
state. Some prisoners were taken and held as hostages. The legislature ap- 
pointed a committee to investigate the Mormon troubles. General Atchison and 
General Doniphan and General H. G. Parks went from place to place as reports 
reached them. They obtained the release of hostages and quieted both sides but 
only temporarily. The Mormons sold out in Carroll county and left. Atchison 
reported on the continued troubles saying, "Nothing in my opinion but the 
strongest measures within the power of the executive will put down this spirit 
of mobocracy." A month before this, Atchison had written from Liberty to the 
governor: "I have no doubt your excellency has been deceived by the exag- 

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gerated statements of designing or half crazy men. I have found there is no 
cause for alarm on account of the Mormons; they are not to be feared; they are 
very much alarmed." 

Urgent petitions were sent from Livingston and Daviess c{^t}nties to Jefferson 
Qty demanding the removal of the Mormons^ from the state. 


The Battle of Orooked Greek. 

fin Ray county Captain Samuel Bogart took the field with "the patrols," 
went through the townships hunting up the Mormons and sending them pver 
into Caldwell. Word reached Far West that Bogart's company intended to 
march against Far West. Captain "Fear Not" Patton with fifty of the "destroy- 
ing angels" went down to repel the invasion. The patrols were camped on 
Crooked creek in the, northwestern part of Ray county. The Mormons marched 
at night and at daybreak chatiged the camp. Patton wearing a white blanket- 
overcoat was in front. After the manner of the Jews he shouted "The sword 
of the Lord and Gideon," and then "Charge, Danites, charge 1" Bogart's patrols 
were driven back but not until Captain "Fear Not" had been mortally wounded. 
Two other Mormons were killed and several were wounded. The fight was hand 
to hand. The Mormons used com knives for swords. In the confusion and 
darkness two of the Danites fought with each odier and were badly cut. One of 
Bogart's company Was killed and six were wounded. Samuel TarwBter wmt 
horribly hacked with com knives. His head was cut so that the brain was 
exposed. ' A slash across the face severed the jaw bone and struck out the upper 
teeth. Tarwater also received a severe gash in the neck but after six months 
he partially recovered and lived many years. He received the only Mormon war 
pension voted by the legislature. The monthly stipend was $8.50. One prisoner, 
Wyatt Craven, was taken by the Danites. On the way back to Far West, his 
captors told Craven to go home. As the patrol walked away, Parley P. Pratt, 
one of the "Twelve Apostles," toc^ deljberate aim and shot him in the back. 
Craven was left for dead but recovered. ^ Captain "Fear Not" was given a great 
funeral at Far WestS 

Extenninatioii or Exodus. 

iThe battle of Crooked creek opened the last chapter and crisis of the Mor- 
1 war. Stating that he had "information of the most appalling character," 
Govemor Boggs called out four hundred men from each of the first, fourth, 
fifth, sixth and twelfth divisions of militia under Doniphan, Atchison, Qark and 
other generals. He directed that the forces converge on Far West, the Mormon 
capital, and said in his letter of instructions "Mormons must be treated as 
enemies and must be exterminated, or driven from the state, if necessary for the 
public good. Their outrages are beyond all description." The instructions set 
forth that the Mormons were now "in the attitude of an open and armed defiance 
of the laws and of having made war upon the people of the state.*\ 

The Mardi on Far West. 

I Doniphan's brigade composed of Oay, Qinton and Platte Purchase militia 
was ordered out by Atchison and started for Far West. Lucas, whose divisicm 
was south of the Missouri river, called out Graham's brigade in Lafayette and 

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if »^ 




Jo g « 


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tioj *: 


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Jackson counties. The two bodies of tropps met at the Log Creek crossing 
between Richmond and Far West. They numbered i,8oo men. Atchison left 
the army and went home. One report was that he refused to be a party to the 
governor's policy because he considered it inhuman. Lucas took command. On 
the 30th of October the army moved on to Goose creek, a mile south of Far West 
and found the Mormons well protected by breast works.) The sun was about 
an hour high. Parks' and Wilson's brigades had joined the army en route. 
Other detachments were arriving. \ It was cjecided to postpone the fighting until 
morning.^ Among the troops was Gilliam's company from the Platte Purchase, 
painted and dressed as Indians. They called themselves "the Delaware Amaru- 
jans"; they whooped and danced and acted the part. Gilliam was dressed as a 
Delaware chief. Among other commands were Odell's Tigers and the Jackson 
County Rangers. | On the morning of the 31st, General Lucas had a force of 
2,500 or 3.000 militia. Colonel Hinkle, the Mormon commander, Jn^ Kentuckian 
and a man of acknowledged bravery, worthy of his title "The Thunderbolt," 
sent a message asking for a conference. \ Lucas agreed and at two o'clock in the 
afternoon, accompanied by Generals Doniphan, Wilson and Graham, went to a 
hill where Hinkle had raised a white flag. The Mormon lekder asked if a com- 
promise was possible. He was outnumbered five to one. A battle would mean 
wholesale slaughter of his men. Lucas read the governor's orders. • 

Terms of the "Treaty." 

These orders of Governor Boggs are referred to in official records and cor- 
respondence as the "treaty" made with? the Mormons. They read: 

"i. The Mormons to give up Joseph- Smith ahd the leaders of the church to be tried 
and punished. 

"2. To make an appropriation of the property of all who had taken up arms to the 
payment of their debts, and to make indemnity for the damages they had done or occa- 
sioned (which latter claim was held to mean that the Mormons should pay all of the 
expenses of the war against them). 

"3. To give up their arms of every description to be receipted for. 

"4. All those not held for trial or legal process to leave the state and be protected 
out by the military; but to be permitted where they were, under protection, until further 
orders were received from the commander-in-chief." 

The Execution Averted. ^ 

Hinkle accepted the terms but asked time untir morning to make the formal 
answer. I-ucas agreed to this but demanded that Joseph Smith and other leader^, 
should be surrendered as hdstages. Hinkle went back to Far West and induced 
Smith and the leaders to go to the Gentile camp, telling them that General Lucas 
wanted to confer with them. Lucas disposed his troops and was ready to attack 
when the Mormon leaders carrying a white flag came out to meet him. He made 
them prisoners and marched his troops back to camp at Goose creek. That night 
a council of the principal officers was held and it was the sentiment of the major- 
ity that the. prisoners should be shot the next morning. About midnight Lucas 
sent'Dpniphan this order: 

**Brigadicr-General Doniphan.— Sir : You will take Joseph Smith and the other 
prboners to the public square of Far West and shoot them at 9 o'clock tomorrow morning. 

"Major-General Commanding." 
Vol n— 8 

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Doniphan immediately sent the reply : 

"It is cold blooded murder. I will not obey your order. My brigade shall 
march fot* Liberty tomorrow morning at 8 o'clock; and if you execute those 
men I will hold you personally responsible before an earthly tribunal, so help 
me God." 

There was no execution although for several hours the prisoners believed they 
were passing their last night alive and devoted the time to prayer. 

In 1874, thirty-six years later. General Doniphan was in Salt Lake City and 
was received with demonstrations of gratitude by the Mormons for his act of 
humanity at Far West. 

The Mormoii Surrender. 

Smith and his associates proposed to General Lucas that they would accept 
the governor's terms and would send word to their followers to surrender their* 
arms. This plan was carried out.- On the morning of November i the army 
proceeded to Far West and formed as if to attack. Hinkle raised the white 
flag, marched out the Mormon regiment and formed a hollow square. He rode 
to General Lucas, saluted and delivered his sword and pistols. Returning to the 
regiment he said, with tears rolling down his cheeks, "Boys, it's all over; it had 
to be done." The arms ^were surrendered, about 630 guns. The men were held 
as prisoners. "In order to gratify the army," as he afterwards reported, Gen- 
eral Lucas marched around and through the town. 

^Official records of Missouri show that it was due largely to Doniphan and 
Qark that the Mormon war ended without more bloodshed and suffering than 
it caused.- General Lucas who issued the order for the shooting of the leaders at 
Far West was one of the secretaries of the organization formed at Independence 
to expel the Mormons from Jackson county. As to the number who would have 
been shot but for Doniphan's pointblank refusal to carry out the order there is 
no definite information.^ One report seems to show that the number of Mormons 
who had been taken into custody at that time was no fewer than eighty. Gov- 
ernor Boggs was in Independence at the time of the expulsion from Jackson 
county. He was at that time editor of the non-Mormon paper. He succeeded 
Dunklin as governor. Doniphan told Holcombe that the instructions of Gov- 
ernor Boggs on which Lucas based the *'treaty" and the order for the shooting 
of the prisoners were in a letter received the 30th of October. "The letter was 
very dentmciatory of the Mormons and declared among other .things, that they 
must all be driven from the state or exterminated."- 

Oen. John B. Clark's Advice. 

On the 4th of November Major-General John B. Clark, who commanded the 
first militia district, arrived under orders from Governor Boggs to take charge 
of the situation. He had 2,000 men. For several days he held the Mormon 
people prisoners in Far West. Then he massed them in the public square and 
announced that the orders pf the governor were that they should be exterminated 
unless they left the state. 

/'The orders to tne were that you should be exterminated, or not allowed to contini^ 
in the state; and had your leaders not been given up, and the treaty complied with before 
this, you and 3rour families would have been destroyed, and your houses in ashes. There 

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is discretionary power vested in my hands which I shall try to exercise for a season. I 
do not say that you shall go now ; but you must not think of staying here another season* 
or of putting in crops, for the moment you do the citizens will be upon you. I am sorry, 
gentlemen, to see so great a number of apparently intelligent men found in the situation 
that you are; and, oh I that I could invoke the spirit of the unknown God to rest upon 
you, and deliver you from that awful chain of superstition, and liberate you from those 
fetters of fanaticism with which you are bound. I would advise you to scatter abroad, 
and never again organize with bishops, presidents, etc., lest you excite the jealousies of 
the people, and subject yourselves to Uie same calamities that have now come down 
upon you. You have always been the aggressors, you have brought upon yourselves these 
difficulties by being disaffected, ^nd not being subject to rule. And my advice is, that 
you become as other citizens, lest by a recurrence of these events, you bring upon your- 
selves irretrievable ruin." • / 

Holccmibe's Historical Work. 

Missouri history owes a debt to Return I. Holcombe. A native of Ohio, the 
boy of five years was brought to Scotland county, Missouri, by his parents in 1851. 
When the Civil war came, young ^Holcombe enlisted as a drummer boy in the 
Union army. According to an autobiognq)hical note, Holcombe, after the war, 
"published Democratic newspapers in Iowa for ten years, taking no part in poli- 
tics except to skirmish with the enemy in barrooms and on drygoods boxes.*' 
He returned to Missouri in 1880, and for ten years delved in local history. The 
results were embalmed in scores of newspaper articles and in several voltuninous 
county histories of thirty-odd years ago, now out of print and hard to find, save 
in the collections of historical societies. 

In 1885, while engaged on the coimty histories of Caldwell and Livingston 
counties. Major Holcombe made an exhaustive investigation of the circumstances 
attending the expulsion of the Mormons from Missouri. In a private letter, writ- 
ten from Chillicothe he said he had prepared "A complete account of the Mormon 
war — ^the longest, toughest job I ever struck." He described himself as a 
"Democrat of the Old Bourbon states right strict construction type." He also 
spoke of having served three and one-half years in the Union army. Major Hol- 
combe took up his residence in Minnesota about 1890 and was engaged in his- 
torical work there imtil his death a few years ago. 

Although it had been nearly fifty years since the expulsion of the Mormons 
from Missouri, Holcombe found many old settlers still living, with vivid recol- 
lections of the "war." He was entertained at the home of the widow of the Con- 
federate general, W. Y. Slack, who was killed at Pea Ridge. General Sladc 
had been a writer of history and an authority on the Grand river country. Hol- 
combe saw and talked with Doniphan and with others who had been active par- 
ticipants in the campaign. He met some of the dissenters from the Mormons 
who had been allowed to remain in tfie state. He had exceptional opportunities 
to obtain infonriation. And when he had completed his work of months of care- 
ful investigation he felt justified in saying: 

In the hope of assisting future historians as well as of interesting and informing 
the present citizens of Caldwell county, the writer has been at great pains and consid- 
erable expense to compile the account herein presented, and ofiFers it as the most complete, 
elaborate and authentic narrative of the Mormon war ever published." 

^t is interesting to note that the Missouri l^slature, at the time of the state's 
chief activities against the Mormons, prohibited the publication of "the orders. 

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letters, evidences, and other documents relating to the Mormon disturbances/* 
The legislature further forbade the secretary of state from "fumishiiig or per- 
^ mitting to be taken copies of the same for any purpose whatsoever." But two 
ye^rs later the ban on publicity was lifted. 

ICommenting on the so-called "treaty" with the Mormons, Holcombe said: 

"What authority General Lucas had to make such a 'treat/ and to impose such condi- 
tions is not clear. It would seem that he regarded the Mormons as composing a foreign 
nation, or, at least, as forming an army with belligerent rights, and with proper treaty 
contracting powers. The truth was they were and had not ceased ~^to be citizens of 
Missouri, amenable to and under the jurisdiction of the laws. If they had committed 
any crime they ought lo have been punished, just the same as other criminals. There was 
no authority for taking their arms from them, except that they were proved to be 
militia in a state of insubordination. There was no sort of authority for requiring them* 
to pay the expenses of the war. There was no sort of authority for requiring them to 
leave the state. It was monstrously illegal and unjust to punish them for offenses for 
which they had not been tried and convicted. It would be a reasonable conclusion that 
in making his so-called treaty* General Lucas was guilty of illegal extortion, unwarranted 
assumption of power, usurpation of authority, and flagrant violation of the rights of man." i 

The Hann'8 Mill Battle. 

' • The Mormon war was not to end without serious bloodshed. On the 30th 
of October, the day that the Gentile army arrived at Goose creek, occurred 
"the Haun's Mill Massacre." Mormon families living at the mill on Shoal 
creek had decided to remain there rather than take the advice of Joseph Smith 
and move to Far West. These Mormons had organized a company under David 
Evans, a Danite. They* had maintained a gutard several days but had entered 
into a truce with one of the Livingston county companies and felt saffe. Under 
the agreement Evans was to disband his company. He did not do so but did 
withdraw a picket post. The Mormons had planned to use the blacksmith shop 
for a fort. The attack came suddenly about four o'clock in the afternoon: 
Evans rallied his company in the blacksmith shop and returned the fire. The 
Mormons wounded three of the Livingston county militia. There were large 
cracks between the logs of, the blacksmith shop. Through these the Gentiles 
fired upon the Mormons huddled together. Seventeen were killed. 

A sworn report of the battle of Haun's Mill was made by Joseph Young, a 
brother of Brigham Young, after the' Mormons reached Illinois. It is preserved 
in the church records at Salt Lake City. 

"On Swiday, the 28th of October, we arrived about twelve o'clock at Haun's Mill, 
where we found a number of our friends collected together, who were holding a council 
and deliberating upon the best course for them to pursue to defend themselves against 
the mob, who were collecting in the neighborhood under the command of Col. Jennings, of 
Lh'ingston, and threatening them with house burning and killing. The decision of the 
council was that our friends should place themselves in an attitude of self-defense. Accord- 
ingly about twenty-eight of our men armed themselves and were in constant readiness 
for an attack of any small body of men that might come down upon them. 

"The same evening, lor some reason best known to themselves, the mob sent one of 
their number to enter into a treaty with our friends, which was accepted, on the condition 
of mutual forbearance on both sides, and that each party, as far as their influence extended, 
should exert themselves to prevent any further hostilities upon either party. At this time, 
however, there was another mob collecting on Grand river, at William Mann's, who were 
threatening us, consequently we remained under arms. 

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"Monday passed away without molestation from any quarter. On Tuesday, the 3otii, 
that bloody tragedy was acted, the scenes of which I ^hall never forget. More than three- 
fourths of the day had passed in tranquillity, as Smiling as the preceding one. I think there 
was no individual of our company that was apprised of the sudden and awful fate that 
hung over our heads like an overwhelming torrent, which was to change the prospect, the 
feelings and circumstances of about thirty families. The banks of Shoal creek on either 
side teemed with children sporting and playing, while their mothers were engaged in 
domestic employments, and their fathers employed in guarding the mills and other property, 
while others were engaged in gathering in their <:rops for the winter consumption. The 
weather was very pleasant, the sun shone clear, all was tranquil and no one expressed any 
apprehension of the awful crisis that was near us — even at our doors. 

"It was about four o'clock, while sitting in my cabin with my babe in my arms, and my 
wife standing by my side, the door being opened, I cast my eyes on the opposite bank of 
Shoal creek, and saw a large company of armed men, on horses, directing their course 
towards the mills with all possible speed. As they advanced through the scattering trees 
that stood on the edge of the prairie they seemed to form themselves into a three square 
position, forming a vanguard in front 

"At this moment, David Evans, seeing the superiority of their number, there being 240 
of them according to their own account, swung his hat and cried for /peace.' This not being 
heard, they continued to advance, and their leader, Nehemiah Comstock, fired a gun, which 
was followed by a solemn pause of ten or twelve seconds, when all at once, they discharged 
about TOO rifles, aiming at a blacksmith's shop into which our friends had fled for safety. 
They charged up to the shop, the cracks between the logs of which were sufficiently large to 
enable them to aim directly at the bodies of those who had there fled for refuge from the 
fire of their murderers. There were several families tented in the rear of the shop, whose 
lives were exposed, and who, amidst a shower of bullets, fled to the woods in different 

"After standing and gazing on this bloody scene for a few minutes, and finding myself 
in the uttermost danger, the bullets having reached the house where I was living, I committee^ 
my family to the protection of heayen, and leaving the house on the opposite side, I took a 
path which led up the hill, following in the trail of three of my brethren that had fled from 
the shop. While ascending the hill, we were discovered by the mob, who immediately fired 
at us, and continued so to do till we reached the summit In descending the hill, I secreted 
myself in a thicket of bttshes, where I lay till eight o'clock in the evening, at which time I 
heard a female voice calling my name in an undertone, telling me that the mob was gone 
and there was no danger. I immediately left the thicket and went to the house of Benjamin 
Lewis, where I found my family, who had fled there, in safety, and two of my friends 
mortally wounded, one of whom died before morning. Here we passed the painful night in 
deep and awful reflections on the scenes of the previous evening. 

"After daylight appeared some four or five men, with myself, who had escaped with our 
lives from the horrible massacre, repaired as soon as possible to the mills to learn the con- 
ditions of our friends, whose fate we had too truly anticipated. When we arrived at the 
house of Mr. Haun we found Mr. Merrick's body Ijring in r^ar of the house. Mr. McB ride's 
in front was literally mangled from head to foot. We were informed by Miss Rebecca 
Judd, who was an eye witi^ss, that he was shot with his own gun after he had given it up» 
and then cut to pieces vfkh a com cutter. Mr. York's body we found in the house. After 
viewing these corpses j^ immediately went to the blacksmith's shop, where we found nine 
of our friends, eight/of whom were already dead, the other, Mr. Cox, of Indiana, struggling 
in the agonies of ^eath, who expired. We immediately prepared and carried them to the 
place of intermen^ This last ofiice of kindness, due to the relics of departed friends, was not 
attended with the customary ceremonies or decency, for we were in jeopardy every moment, 
expecting to bjf fired upon by the mob, who we supposed were lying in ambush waiting for 
the first opportunity to dispatch the remainmg few who were providentially preserved from 
the slaughteur of the previous day. 

"Howerer, we accomplished without molestation this painful task. The place of burying 
was a vauri in the ground, formerly intended for a well, into which we threw the bodies of 
our friends promiscuously. Among those slain I will mention Sardius Smith, son of Warren 

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Smith, about 12 years old, who, through fear, had crawled under the bellows in die shop* 
where he remained till the massacre was over, when he was discovered by a man who pre* 
sented his rifle near the boy's head and literally blew off the upper part of it The number 
killed and mortally wounded in this wanton slaughter was eighteen or nineteen.'l 

Exiled from KiBSOiiri. 

I The exodus was b^^n in December. It continued all winter. Many fam- 
ilies walked from Far West to Illinois. Those who could exchanged their farms 
for wagons and tcfeuns. VOne Mormon traded his home for a blind mare and a 
clock. ( Good land in Kidder township was sold for fifty cents an acre. In 
Daviess cotmty some who did not start promptly had their houses burned and 
were turned out in deep snow. The number who moved was said to be 12,000. 
Farms and other property which could not be moved were sold for what they 
would bring. In long wagon trains the Mormons moved throu^^h the northern 
part of Missouri, crossed the Mississippi and settled at Nauvoo.A 

With very little trouble General Qark disbanded the Mormon army, taking 
away the arms. Joseph Smith and the other leaders were held as prisoners. 
General Lucas took them to Independence. Thence they were sent to Richmond. 
Indictments for treason, murder, robbery, receiving stolen goods, resisting legal 
process and various other offenses were found. Not a conviction was had. One 
after another the prisoners "escaped.** When the Mormons reorganized in Illinois 
they turned on Hinkle and charged him with having betrayed them at Far West. 
Cut off from the church, the once "Thimderbolt" moved to Iowa and died there. 
In the final official report the casualties of the Mormon war were stated : "The 
whole number of Mormons'Tcilled through the whole difficulty, as far as I can 
ascertain, are about forty, and several wounded. There has been one dtSwn 
killed and several wounded.** 

A Pratest Against the Peneention. 

Sentiment, even in Western Missouri, revolted against the treatment of the 
Mormons. To the Clay county members of the general assembly M. Arthur, of 
Liberty, addressed a memorial urging that the state stop the persecution by law- 
less bands and provide protection for "that imfortunate race of beings called 
the Mormons" until they could leave Missouri. The memorial continued : 

'They arc now receivmg treatment from those demons that makes humanity shudder, 
and the cold chills run over any man not entirely destitute of any feeling of humanity. 
The demons are now constantly strolling up and down Caldwell county, in small com- 
panies armed, insulting the women in every way and plundering the poor devils of all die 
means of subsistence (scanty as it was) left them, and driving off their horses, cattle, hogs, 
etc, and rifling their houses and farms of everything therein, taking beds, bedding, ward- 
robe, and all such things as they see they want, leaving the poor Mormons in a starving 
and naked condition. 

'These are facts I have on authority that cannot b^ questioned, and can be main- 
tained and substantiated at^ any time. There is now a petition afloat in our town, signed by 
the citizens of all parties and grades, which will be sent to you in a few days, praying die 
legblature to make some speedy enactment applicable to their case. They are entirely 
willing to leave our state as soon as this inclement season is over, and a number have already 
Ml) and are leaving daily, scattering themselves to the four winds of the earth." 

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Attempted Asaasaiiiatioii of Ctovmior Boggs. 

A sequel to the Mormon war was the attempted assassination of Governor 
Boggs. Some time after the exodus a man who called himself Porter appeared 
at Independence and sought work. He was employed by. several citizens and 
remained in the vicinity until quite well acquainted. One day he said he was 
leaving but would be back. A few days later Governor Boggs was shot in the 
head and badly wounded. The man who did the shooting escaped on horsebadc 
and crossed the Missouri river. Some time later Orrin P. Rockwell, a rather 
prominent Mormon, was arrested in St Louis on suspicion of being concerned 
in the shooting. He was taken to Independence and identified as "Porter.** 
But while awaiting trial in the jail he sawed the shackles from his ankles and 
escaped. He was caught and returned to jail. A change of venue was taken. 
When Rockwell's case came up for trial, there was no prosecution. In later 
years Rockwell was a handy mjin for Brigham Young in Utah. 

Oen. John B. Clark's Narrative. 

Years after the Mormon war General Qark gave the writer this narrative 
of his part in it : 

"GowemoT Boggs ordered out the militia and he appointed me to take conmiand. The 
instructions he gave me were peculiar. They were to 'expel the Mormons from the state 
or exterminate them.' Those were the words he used. There had been trouble and the 
Mormons had committed outrages, but the situation did not warrant any wholesale butchery. 
I was laid up with rheumatism when the order came, and they had to lift me on my 
horse. It was in November. Snow fell a foot I rode to Keytesville and started the 
troops that night for Far West. The Mormons had been driven from Jackson county 
previously, and they had also been run out of Carroll. Far West was their stronghold. 
There they had built their temple and dedared they would never leave. They must have 
numbered a thousand men; had their forts built and their cannon mounted. At one time 
I thought we'd have a battle. Smith refused to give up at first, the troops paraded and 
were ready to fire when Sihith finally surrendered. Smith, Rigdon and twenty others 
of the leaders were made prisoners. King, who afterwards became governor, was then 
judge at Richmond. We made a contract with the prisoners that they were to leave the 
state in April or I would proceed to carry out the governor's order of extermination. 
I had an undersUnding with King that they were to be put in prison, but were not to be 
guarded too closely, and if they got away and left the state, they would be allowed to go. 
Most of them did break jail. An attempt was made to unpeach Boggs for that order, but 
the articles were rejected. I made a report showing not a life lost on the side of the militia. 

*1 was the youngest general of militia in point of rank, and when Governor Boggs 
directed me to take command I thought there might be a political scheme in it. I was a 
Whig, and of course opposed to Boggs. If the campaign turned out wrong, Boggs wanted 
to lay the blame on the Whig party. That was the way it looked to me. So I wrote to 
Judge Earrickson, who was state treasurer, to be my adjutant. I got Alfred Morrison to 
be quartermaster. In short I appointed my whole staff from Jackson men, all but one. 
Morrow. Atchison, who was really older as a general than I was, attempted to direct 
things. I issued an order for him to retire. He took exception to Boggs' order. Atchison 
was a member of the legislature at the time, and he went down there and made quite a 
fuss over it, but I had the legal position. Boggs was a man of ordinary ability, and was 
too decided, too fast. Afterward Rockwell attempted to assassinate Boggs and shot 
him in the head but didn't kill him. I told Boggs afterward: That Mormon didn't know 
you as well as I do. He didn't know you had no brains, or he wouldn't have shot you 
up there.* While we were on that campaign at Far West I saw Mrs. Morgan, the widow 
of the abducted Mason there was so much stir about. She had joined the Mormons. 

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She came to my headquarters several times. Her appearance was rather striking. She 
was of more than ordinary size, resolute in her manner and good looking." 

The Mormon Prohibitionists. 

The Mormons in the thirties and forties were not only abolitionist but they 
were among the piotie^ prohibitionists. The council at Far West, composed of 
the first presidency, the high coimcil and the Bishop's court, including all of 
the highest officials of the church in Missouri, adopted the following resolution: 

"That we use our influence to put a stop to the selling of liquors in the city of * 
Far West, or in our midst, that our midst may not be filled with dnmkenness." 

To this temperance resolution was added: "And that we use our influence 
to bring down the cost of provisions/' 

. After being driven from Missouri, the Mormons went even farther in tem- 
perance reform. They astounded popular sentiment in Illinois by securing from 
the Illinois legislature an act of incorporation for a hotel at Nauvoo which con- 
tained this provision: 

"Section 9. It is moreover established as a perpetual rule of said house, to be observed 
by all persons who may keep or occupy the same, that spirituous liquors of every descrip- 
tion are prohibited, and that such liquor shall never be vended as a beverage, or introduced 
into common use in said house." 

Probably, the first temperance ordinance passed by a city council in Illinois 
was that adopted at Nauvoo February 15, 1841. This ordinance forbade the 
giving as well as the selling of liquor in small quantity. 

"That all persons and establishments whatever, in this city, are prohibited from 
vending whiskey in a less quantity than a gallon, or other spirituous liquors in less than 
a quart, to any person whatever, excepting on the recommendation of a physician duly 
accredited in writing by the 'chancellor and regents of the University of the City of 
Nauvoo;' and any person guilty of any act contrary to the prohibition contained in this 
ordinance shall, on conviction thereof before the mayor or municipal court, be fined in 
any sum not eKceeding twenty-five dollars, at the discretion of said ' mayor or court ; ' 
and any person who shall attempt to evade this ordinance by giving away liquor, or by 
any other means, shall be considered alike amenable, and fined as aforesaid." 

When this ordinance was under discussion by the city coimcil of Nauvoo, 
Joseph Smith, the fotmder of the church, "spoke at great length on the use of 
liquors, and showed that it was unnecessary, and operates as a poison in the 
stomach, and that roots and herbs can be found to eflfect all necessary purposes.'* 

The Mormons who remaiined in Ohio had at even earlier date, put in opera- 
tion temperance regulations, adopting at Kirtland a resolution "that we dis- 
countenance the use of ardent spirits, in any way, to sell, or to be brought 
into this place for sale or use." 

The Mormon church in those early days, went far in imposing regulations 
of life on the saints. The "covenants and commandment" set forth these rules 
for what the church conceived to be proper habits for the faithful : 

"That inasmuch as any man drinketh wine or strong drink among you, behold it 
is not good, neither meet in the sight of your Father, only in assembling yourselves together, 
to offer up your sacraments before him. 

"Tobacco is not for the body, neither for the belly, and is not good for man, but is 
an herb for all bruises, and all sick ^cattle, to be used with judgment and skill. 

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Tea, flesh also, of beasts and of the fowls of the air, I, the Lord, hath ordained for 
the use of man, with thanksgiving. Nevertheless they are to be used sparingly; and it 
is pleasing unto me that they should not be used only in times of winter, or cold, or 

"All grain is ordained for the use of man and of beasts, to be the staff of life, not 
only for man, but for the beasts of the field and the fowls of heaven, and all wild animals 
that run or creep on the earth." 

Pioneer Abolitionists in Illinois. 

* After they had re-established themselves at Nauvoo the Mormons became 
outspoken in their position as abolitionists. In a public address, the founder of 
the church, Joseph Smith declared: 

"In the United States, the people are the government; and their united voice is the 
only sovereign that sfiould rule; tfie only power that should be obeyed; and the only 
gentleman that should be honored at home and abroad, on the land and on the sea. Where- 
fore, were I the President of the United States, by the voice of a virtuous people, I 
would honor the old paths of the venerated fathers of freedom; I would walk in the 
tracks of the illustrious patriots who carried tiie ark of the government upon their 
shoulders with an eye single to the glory of the people, and when that people petitioned 
to abolish slavery in the slave states, I would use all honorable means to have their 
prayers granted, and give liberty to the captive; by giving the southern gentleman a rea- 
sonable equivalent for his property, that the whole nation might be free indeed!" 

The Mormon leader further outlined his plan for compensation of the slave- 
holders. He said: 

"Petition also, ye goodly inhabitants of the slave states, your legislature to abolish 
slavery by the year 1850, or now, and save the abolitionist from reproach and ruin, infamy 
and shame. Pray Congress to pay every man a reasonable price for his slaves out of 
the surplus revenue arising from the sale of public lands, and from the deduction of pay 
from the members of Congress. Break off the shackles from the poor black man, and- 
hire them to labor like other human beings; for *an hour of virtuous liberty on earth, 
is worth a whole eternity of bondage I'" 

These utterances were delivered at Nauvoo on the 15th of May, 1844. In 
the following month, on the 27th of June, Joseph Smith and his brother Hyrum 
were shot to death by a mob at Carthage, the county seat of the county in which 
Nauvoo is situated. 

Brigbam Young's Usurpation. 

The United States circuit court for the western district of Missouri decided 
that the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints was the origi- 
nal church founded by Joseph Smith, the martyr. Judge John F. Philips rendered 
this decision in 1913. He said: "There can be no question that Brig'ham Young's 
assumed presidency was a bold and bald usurpation." 

Judge Philips found that Brigham Young, "a man of intellectual power, 
shrewd and aggressive, if not audacious," introduced polygamy after leadii^ his 
followers from Nauvoo to Utah. "Its first appearance as a dogma of the church," 
the judge said, "was in the Utah church in 1852." The Mormons who did not 
follow Young continued to reaffirm after his departure, in their Book of Doc- 
trine and Covenants "We believe that one man should have but one wife, and 

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one woman one husband." This declaration, the court pointed out was in the 
edition of 1856, and was continued in the reorganized church. 

"The Utah church further departed from the principles and doctrines of the original 
church by changing in dieir teaching the first statement in the Article of Faith, which was, 
We believe in God the Eternal Father, and in his Son, Jesus Christ, and in the Holy 
Ghost,' and in lieu thereof taught the doctrine of 'Adam-God worship,' which as announced 
in the Journal of Discourses by Brigham Young is as follows: 

'"When our father Adam came into the Garden of Eden, he came into it with a 
celestial body, and brought Eve, one of his wives with him. He helped to make and 
organize this world. He is Michael, the Archangel, the Ancient of Days, about whom 
holy men have written and spoken— He }S our Father and God, and the only God with 
whom we have to do.' 

"It has introduced societies of a secret order, and established secret oaths and cove- 
nants, contrary to the book of teachings of the old church. It has changed the duties of 
the President, and of the Twelve, and established the doctrine to 'Obey Counsel,' and has 
changed the order of 'Seventy, or Evangelists.'" 

Judge Philips further pointed out that Brigham Young, before his usurpa- 
tion was only president of the "twelve" a traveling council. 

"The book clearly taught that the succession should descend lineally and 
go to the firstborn. 'Joseph Smith so taught and, before his taking off, publicly 
proclaimed his son Joseph, the present head of the complainant church, his suc- 
cessor, and he was so annointed." 

The year that Brigham Yotmg announced polygamy at Salt Lake City the 
saints who had refused to follow him and who had looked to Joseph Smith, 
the son of the founder, as their head, reorganized at Beloit, Wisconsin. One of 
the early utterances of the reorganized church was: "Inasmuch as this Church 
of Christ has been reproached with the crime of fornication and polygamy, 
we declare that we believe that one man should have one wife, and one woman 
but one husband, except in case of death when either is at liberty to marry 

John F, Philips could speak from personal acquaintance as well as legal 
knowledge on these Mormon issues. He was a child when the Mormon war 
occurred, but he studied law in the office of John B. Clark to Whom Governor 
Boggs entrusted his policy of extermination or expulsion from Missouri. Living 
in Jackson county in later years, after the Civil war, Judge Philips had wit- 
nessed the return of the Latter Day Saints to Missouri. He understood the 
distinction to be drawn between these Missouri Mormons who had kept the 
faith and forms of the founder, and those who had gone to Utah to be misled 
by Brigham Yotmg into polygamy and other false doctrines, invented to further 
the ambitions of the would-be "American Mahomet." Judge Philips' decision 
is to be read in the light of his personal acquaintance with the Latter Day Saints 
and thereby historical significance is added to its legal weight. 

Latter Day Sratiment. 

Public sentiment has undergone revolution. Nowhere is Hits more maiiced 
than in Jackson county, scene of the first persecutions eighty-seven years ago. 
When Joseph Smith, son of the martyr, died at Independence, December 10, 
1914, the Kansas City Journal said : 

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"But in the death of the late ^venerable head -of the Reorganized Church of Jesus 
Christ of Latter Day Saints the country loses an interesting and useful citizen. Joseph 
Smith was considerably more than a powerful churchman into whose keeping has been 
committed the destinies of one of the great denominations of the world. 

"Those who ignorantly confounded the Reorganized Church with Mprmonism, in 
the objectionable acceptation of that term, will not appreciate the theological distinctions 
between the two nor understand that nothing was more hateful to Joseph Smith than the 
doctrines of Brigham Young, with their polygamous teachings and all the other features 
which make Utah Mormonism obnoxious in the eyes of the average American. 

"He was the prophet, but first of all he was the Christian gentleman and the good 
citizen. As such he lived, as such he died, as such he will be remembered by all outside 
the h6useho]d of his faith. * * * 

"Kindly, cheerful, loyal to his own creed, tolerant of those of others, standing for 
modesty, simplicity, good citizenship, embodying in his private and public life all the 
virtues which adorn a character worthy of emulation — ^such is the revelation which Joseph 
Smith leaves to the world, as the real interpretation of an ecclesiastical message translated 
into terms of human character." 

Mrs. Carrie Westlake Whitney, in her excellent History of Kansas City, 
pves further evidence of the judgment the present generation of Jackson county 
passes on the treatment of the Mormons in the thirties: 

'The original settlers of Jackson did not like their prosperous Mormon neighbors, 
and trouble followed They made many charges against the Mormons, the principal one 
of which was that they were abolitionists. The editor of 'The Evening and The Morning 
Star/ organ of the Icings and priests of the most high God,' were mobbed, tarred, feathered 
and beaten for condemning slavery and for maligning and threatening Gentiles." 

The Oreed Today. 

The present creed of the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day 
Saints is given officially as follows: 

We Believe- 
In God the Eternal Father, Creator of the heavens and the earth. 

In the divine Sonship of Jesus Christ the Savior of all men who obey his gospel. 

In the Holy Ghost, whose function it is to guide all men unto the truth. 

In the gospel of Jesus Christ, which is the power of God unto salvation. 

In the six fundamental doctrinal principles of the gospel: Faith; repentance; baptism 
by immersion in water, and the baptism of the Holy Ghost, the laying on of hands 
for the healing of the sick, conferring of the Holy Ghost, ordination, and blessing of 
children; the resurrection of the dead; and the eternal judgment 

In the justice of God, who will reward or punish every man according to his works, 
and not solely according to his profession. 

In the same kind of organization that existed in the primitive church: Apostles, 
prophets, evangelists, pastors, teachers, elders, bishops, seventies, etc. 

In the word of God contained in the Bible, so far as it is correctly translated. 

In the willingness and ability of God to continue the revelation of his will to men 
until the end of time. 

In the powers and gifts of the gospel: Faith, discernment of spirits, prophecy, reve- 
lation, healing, visions, tongues and their interpretation, wisdom, charity, temperance, broth- 
erly love, etc. 

tn marriage as instituted and ordained of God, whose law provides for but one 
companion in wedlock, for either man or woman, excepting in case of death or when 
the marriage contract is broken by transgression. 

In the Book of Mormon declaration: 'There shall not any man among you have 
save it be one wife; and concubines he shall have none." 

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Four periodicals are issued by the publishing house of the Latter Day Saints. 
Many books are printed. One of these, "The Higher Powers of Man," by 
President Frederick M. Smith, recently from this press, has received widespread 
attention by reason of the research shown and of the original and forceful con- 
clusions presented as to possibilities in education and religion. The wife of the 
head of the Qiurch of Latter Day Saints is a lady of high culture and known 
nationally as a brilliant lecturer. 

The Latter Day Saints in 1920. 

"The blood of the martyrs was the seed of the church." Missouri's centennial 
finds the Latter Day Saints firmly established in Jackson county. The return to 
Zion began in 1867, within two years after the issue of slavery had been buried 
forever by the Civil war. In 1920 there are in and about Independence 5,000 of 
the followers of Joseph Smith, with Frederick M. Smith, grandson of the founder, 
in the presidency. The great stone church fronting on the "Temple, Lot," has 
capacity for 3,000 worshipers. In the spacious grounds is a lofty wireless tower 
for communication with the publishing house, the college, the home for the aged 
and other institutions of the church at Lai^ni in Iowa, for many years head- 
quarters after the breakup at Nauvoo. A moving picture outfit with accommo- 
dations for 5,000 people is part of the equipment at Independence. The offices 
of the church fill to overflowing one of the notable old mansions of Jackson 
county. There, in fireproof vaylts, are, the title deeds to more than twelve hun- 
dred churches owned by the saints. There are the records showing membership 
o^f more than 100,000. From these offices are being carried on missionary activi- 
ties in many parts of the world. Tithing is still a cardinal principle, as in the 
beginning, — one-tenth to the Lord. And that inculcation of religious doctrine 
has wrought its influence in making the saints average high in material thrift. 
A directory of Jackson county business and professional activities shows the 
presence of the Latter Day Saints in large numbers. 

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Unveiled by descendant of Thomas Jefferson, April 30, 1913 

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The First Electors in 1820 — A Hot Protest and a Cotnprotnise — Lehtnann oH Missouri's 
Anomalous Position — The Casting Vote in 1824 — Missouri Elected a President— Eccen- 
tric hut Highly Popular John Scott— Atchison's One Day Presidency— Benton's Chance 
m 1848— John B. Clark, a National Figure — The Fight Against John Sherman — Demo- 
cratic Split at Charleston — Missouri, the Balance of Power — Close Relations of Lin^ 
coin and Blair— Border States Policy Bom — Gradual Emancipation— Bates in the i860 
Convention — A Missouri Movement Against Lincoln in 1864 — The Radicals at Baltimore 
— A Stormy Convention Scene — Blair and the "Jacobins" — Blair at the End of the 
War— The Broadhead Letter of 1868— Liberal Republican Movement— B. Grata Brown 
at Cincinnati in 1872— Missouri Confederates in the TUden-Hayes Contest of 1876 — 
The Striking Down of Bland — Suppression of a Telegram — Secret Influences — Blaine's 
Boy Stanard — The Cocktail Opportunity in 1900 — Champ Clark at Baltimore in 1912 
^-Nine Times the Choice of the Majority — William J, Bryan's Desperate Tactics— A 
Slander Challenged — William J. Stone as a Campaign Manager— Sinister Origin of the 
Two-Thirds Rule — Benton on Calhoun's Undemocratic Scheme — When a Missourian 
Entertained a Tired President — Patronage Stories^-How Certain Cabinet Selections 
Came About — Vest's Contribution to History. 

If it should at any time appear that my candidacy is an obstruction to the nomination of any candi- 
date who is acceptable to the free coinage delegation, or one more acceptable than myself, I wish my 
name at once withdrawn from further consideration. Put the cause above men. — Richard P. Bland's 
Telegram to the Missouri Delegation at Chicago in 1896. 

In February, 1821, Missouri was still waiting on Congress for admission. 
The state government was running. Presidential electors had been chosen in 
1820. Missouri's electoral vote was presented in Washington when the Senate 
and House met in joint session to canvass the returns. What should be done 
about it? Fortunately, whatever was the decision, Missouri's electoral vote would 
not affect the result. It was proposed that the president of the Senate should 
announce the total vote cast for President as a certain number if Missouri was 
counted and a certain other number if Missouri was not counted. But when the 
harmless program was about to be completed a member called out : 

"I object to receiving any votes for President and Vice-President from Mis- 
souri, because Missouri is not a state in this Union." 

This started trouble. Many members tried to be heard. The senators arose 
and filed out leaving the House in parliamentary turmoil. After some time a 
request was sent to the senators to come back. The program was carried out 
with protests. Monroe and Tompkins were declared elected President and Vice- 

. Addressing the Missouri Historical Society in 1914, Frederick W. Lehmann 
told of the extraordinary part Missouri had in a Presidential election before 


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her admission as a state. He was reviewing the long drawn out contest in Con- 
gress over the Missouri Compromise : 

"It is a singular circumstance that at this very time of bitter and heated controversy 
over the slavery question, there should occur what never happened before or since, except- 
ing in the case of Washington, a unanimous election to the Presidency. Every Presidential 
elector chosen in 1820 was pledged to Monroe and all voted for him excepting Plumer of 
New Hampshire, who voted for John Quincy Adams for the sentimental reason that only 
Washington was entitled to the honor of a unanimous election. When the time came to 
count the electoral vote, the question of the status of Missouri necessarily arose. Was 
she a state or was she not a state? It was at last agreed that if objection was made to 
counting the Missouri vote the announcement should be, *Were the votes of Missouri to be 
counted the result would be for James Monroe for President of the United States, 231 
votes ;^ if not counted, for James Monroe for President of the United States, 228 votes; 
but in either case James Monroe is elected President of the United States/ A like formula 
was prepared for the Vice-President. But even this simple and non-committal program 
was not carried through without great tumult and disorder." 

When BUssouri Elected the Presideiit. 

Missouri's opportunity to elect a President came about in 1824. The elec- 
toral vote gave Jackson 99; Adams, 84; W. H. Crawford, 41 and Clay, 37. John 
Quincy Adams received only about one-third of the popular vote. The election 
of President went to the House, each state having one vote. Missouri had but 
a single representative. John Scott was an admirer of Henry Clay and a close 
friend of Senator Barton. Missourians quite generally urged that the state's 
vote be given to Jackson. They brought the greatest possible pressure to bear 
on John Scott. Some of the most intimate friends of the Missourian urged him 
to respect the sentiment of the state. Scott uniformly replied that he considered 
it dangerous to put a soldier in the White House. He voted for Adams and 
never held public office after that. At the next general election Edward Bates 
was elected the representative of Missouri. 

As delegate and representative, Scott was in Congress eleven years. He 
was a Virginian by birth, educated at Princeton. With Barton and Benton he 
formed the political triumvirate of Missouri. When he ran 'for delegate to Con- 
gress in 1816 he led Rufus Easton by fifteen votes. Easton charged fraud and 
the seat was declared vacant by Congress. The next election gave Scott a large 
majority. It passed into history as one of the most exciting in that generation. 
The soldiers came down from Fort Bellefontaine. They paraded the streets and 
escorted voters to the polling place with fife and drum. Near the polls was a 
shed tmder which were tables with whiskey, bread and meat for those who sup- 
ported "the true Republican nominee," as Scott was called. Easton men resented 
the activities of the soldiers. Qubs and knives were used. But Scott, although 
living in a rival community, carried St. Louis county by 150 majority. He was 
re-elected four times. 

A newspaper writer described John Scott as "a logical and impressive speaker, 
and a man of quick perception and unbounded resources, which he could^ always 
command in a sudden emergency. He was of a very nervous temperament, quick 
an(I active in his movements, and very rapid in his entmciation. He was much 
given to profanity, the presence of ladies not affecting him in the least, and was 
very eccentric in his dress and manners. He always wore pantaloons four or 

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five sizes too large for him, a little black cloth cap pulled down over his eyes, and 
invariably carried a big, green bag, in which he kept his books and papers, like 
the English lawyers in olden times. No matter where he went, that green bag 
went with him. He was also in the habit of carrying an assortment of pistols and 
knives, in order to be prepared for an emergency, and if occasion required he did 
not hesitate to use them, for he was a man of great courage. With all his eccen- 
tricities, he was endowed with the most generous and noble impulses, and the 
people of Ste. Genevieve idolized him." 

John Scott died at the age of eighty in June, 1861, just after the beginning 
of the Civil war. He was uncompromisingly against secession. It is said that 
near his end he called for a pistol and that his last words were, "Show me the 
traitor that wants to destroy this great government." When shortly before his 
death John Scott was urged to seek religion his answer was, "I have served the 
devil all my life and it wouldn't be right to desert him now." 

Missouri Whigs for HarrisoxL 

Friendly as Missouri whigs had been to the fortunes of Henry Clay who 
owned a Missouri farm, they were for William Henry Harrison in 1840. They 
took the lead so aggressively in the preli^iinary campaign that Missouri was 
credited with much influence in bringing about the nomination. The St. Louis 
Bulletin was the first metropolitan paper to come out for Harrison. Most of the 
whig papers favored Clay. What made the Bulletin the more conspicuous in the 
pre-convention campaign was the fact, that the writer of the vigorous editorials, 
which attracted the attention of the country, was a Kentuckian — Samuel Bullitt 
Churchill, born and brought up near Louisville. Churchill was a young man who 
had come to St. Louis to practice law and had taken up journalism. He was 
a personal friend and an admirer of Qay but held the position that Harrison 
was the man with whom the whigs could win. During his residence in St. Louis, 
Churchill was a conspicuous figure in Missouri politics. He held the office of 
postmaster and was a member of the legislature. In 1861 he opposed secession 
but held to the belief that the border states should preserve neutrality between 
the North and the South and try to prevent war. When this policy failed, 
Churchill went back to Kentucky. A feature of the preliminary campaign in 
Missouri was the organization of "the whig vigilance committee" to bring about 
the nomination of Harrison. A prominent member of the committee was John 
B. Sarpy, whose home, occupying a quarter of a block at Sixth and Olive streets, 
was the rendezvous of whig leaders while visiting St. Louis. 

A Missourian, Alexis Mudd, wrote some of the most popular campaign songs 
for the Harrison whigs. He was a merchant at the time, a member of a family 
which was to become widely known. What was esteemed the best effort of Mr. 
Mudd was the "Log Cabin Raising." At the beginning of the Civil war, Alexis 
Mudd became major of "the Lyon regiment," as the Nineteenth ]\Iissouri was 
popularly known. 

A Missonrian President for a Day. 

An eastern periodical of high standing printed, in 1918, this interesting con- 
tribution to presidential history: . 
Vol. 11—9 

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"In the list of presidents of the United States the name of David R. Atchison does not 
appear. Yet in the opinion of many authorities on constitutional law Atchison was cer- 
tainly the incumbent of the high office for one day only. That day was March 4, 1849. It 
fell on a Sunday, and Gen. Taylor, the president-elect, refused to be inaugurated on the 
Sabbath. In those days the president pro tern of the United States senate was in line for 
the presidency in succession to the vice president and president. 

**David R. Atchison, senator from Missouri, after whom the city of Atchison, Kans., 
was named, was then the presiding officer of the senate, and hence, by this circumstance, 
became president of the United States from noon of March 4, 1849, to noon of the follow- 
ing day, when Gen. Taylor took the oath of office. President Atchison was bom in Frog- 
town, Ky., and died in 1866." 

Benton in 1848. 

Champ Clark once speculated on what might have been tremendous conse- 
quences if Benton could have obtained the rank of lieutenant-general for the 
Mexican war, a rank which up to that time had been held only by Washington. 
The bill reviving the rank passed the House but was lost in the Senate by three 
votes. The defeat, Mr. Clark said, was attributed Jo the opposition of three mem- 
bers of Polk's cabinet, — all of whom had presidential aspirations. If the rank 
had been created and given to Benton, as was the understanding, Benton would 
have come out of the Mexican war a military hero. Champ Clark said that would 
have made Benton President in 1849, because the election of Zachary Taylor, the 
whig candidate, was successful only through the def ectioir of Martin Van Buren. 
Taylor defeated Cass. Van Buren helped to defeat Cass as revenge for the 
action of Cass in defeating him for the nomination at Baltimore in 1844 by one 
ballot. Van Buren was the friend of Benton and would have supported him and 
woidd have made his election certain. If Benton had been elected President in 
1848, Champ Clark reasoned, "he would have been reelected in 1852, for any 
democrat could have been elected in 1852. A stronger Union man than Col. 
Benton never lived. He was more Jacksonian than Jackson himself. Had he 
been President from 1849 ^^ ^857, there would never have been any Kansas ques- 
tion to vex mankind, the Civil war would have been postponed for years, perhaps 

John B. Clark's Fight Against Sherman. 

A Missourian whose name was put forward by newspaper mention for the 
Presidential nomination before the Civil war was John B. Clark of Fayette. 
General Clark's prominence as a national figure at that time, in 1858, grew out 
of the active part he took in the deadlock over the organization of the House of 
Representatives. In a reminiscent talk at his home, not long before his death, 
the aged soldier and statesman told the writer how this mention by the press was 
inspired : 

"It was about the time I made a hard fight against the election of John Sherman as 
Speaker. Helper, a North Carolina man, had written a book called The Impending Crisis.' 
He argued that "slavery must soon come to an end. John Sherman wrote a letter, and it 
was put in the book, recommending the circulation of it as a good work, embodying true 
principles. I was delayed in getting to Washington until Monday, the day of opening, by a 
railroad accident. Our caucuses were held then on the Sunday before the opening day 
and I had missed them. Sherman had been nominated for Speaker by the republicans. The 

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democrats had selected Bocock, and the twenty-eight know nothings had agreed upon 
old Pennington of New Jersey. The know nothings, or the American party as they called 
themselves, wouldn't vote with either the democrats or the republicans. I ran up to the 
Capitol just as soon as I got to Washington, and found the House swearing in the mem- 
bers. As soon as I learned what had been done, I sat down and wrote out a resolution 
declaring that *no one who recommends the circulation of the Helper book is fit for Speaker 
of this House/ 

**We fought on it for sixty-four days, putting off the organization of the House and 
the transaction of business all that time. I made several speeches. J would read that por- 
tion of the book justifying the killing of masters by negroes, and then I'd read Sherman's 
recommendation. If there was any weakening, that would brace 'em up. Nearly ever>' 
night I would get a hat full of letters threatening to kill me if I didn't withdraw the resolu- 
tion and let the House organize. There was no way of getting appropriations, you see, and 
a 'good many were feeling the need of money. My wife was scared, but I paid no attention 
to the threats." 

General Clark stopped for a few moments. When he restmied his narrative 
it was not to recall the mention of him as a Presidential possibility but to tell the 
origin of a story which afterwards became a political and legal classic even beyond 
the borders of Missouri. Colonel D. P. Dyer used the illustratioa most effectively 
in one of his speeches during his prosecution of the whiskey ring in St. Louis 
in 1875 and 1876. 

"So it went on. One time in a speech I alluded to the know nothings and said I'd 
smoke 'em out before I got through — make 'em come over and support the democratic 
nominee. Finally the fight came to an end by the republicans going over to the know 
nothing candidate, Pennington, and electing him by a majority of five. Just before it was 
done I knew something was coming. Judge Morehead, of Pennsylvania, got up and said: 
'I wonder what the gentleman from Missouri will think now about his smoking-out process. 
We expect today to elect a Speaker and organize the House,' ' 

'They went on and organized, and while they were doing it Tom Corwin, of Ohio, 
came over and sat by me. My Seat was close by Sherman. He asked me what I was going 
to say in reply to Morehead's mean attack. I said I didn't see that there was anything to 
say. He thought I must say something. So I got up and spoked *I said I would smoke 
'em out, and I have done it. The know nothings and the republicans have joined and 
organized the House, which they might have done a month ago; but they have all virtually 
agreed to my resolution, which they should have done at first. Look at Sherman,' I said^ 
turning to where he sat, near me, long-legged and pale-faced. *He recommended the cir- 
culation of a book which was full of assassination and murder. He recommended that 
book to the country, and then wanted to be Speaker. Instead of being Speaker he ought to 
be hung. Gentlemen, I feel like a hunter did out in my country, who went out in the 
woods and brought down a big long-legged turkey. The bird fell from the tree and the 
hunter laid down his gun and ran up towards it. But the turkey was only winged. He 
bobbed under some brush, then into a patch pf briers, with the hunter after him. Finally, 
after a hard chase, the turkey got the start. The hunter stopped on the top of a hill and 
looked after the turkey which was half way to the bottom. **Darn ye I" said the hunter to 
the turkey, '*you kin go, but ye'll have to roost low the balance of yer life."* 

^hen I got through speaking Corwin said to me: 'Clark, where was you raised?' 
'Out in Missouri,' I told him. 'Where did you hear that story?' he asked. 'Nowhere,' 
said I, 'but you told me I had to say something and that seemed to fit the case.' It was 
after this fight against Sherman that some of the papers began to talk about me for the 

BC88Qnri'& Part in the Gharleaton Split. 

General James Craig of St. Joseph once told of the important part John B. 
Gark performed in the democratic convention at Charleston in i860. He said 

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that the cbmmittee on platform was so evenly divided that "Old Bustamente/' 
as he called Clark, had the casting vote. The party split. The northern Demo- 
crats held another convention at Baltimore and nominated Douglas. Speaking 
of the Charleston convention, General Clark said to the writer: 

"Governor Bradley was on the committee, William W. Avery, H. B. Payne and others, 
I don't remember all of them now. Each state had one member of the committee, I was 
chosen for Missouri. The committee was divided into Douglas and Davis men. The 
Davis men wanted a platform which pledged the United States government to sustain slave- 
holding in the territories with bayonets if necessary. The Douglas men wanted the question 
left to the territories to settle for themselves — 'squatter sovereignty.* We were in session 
trying to agree upon a platform two or three days. Our room was crowded and there were 
a great many speeches made. Whether the committee was equally divided on the question 
I can't say. My impression is that it was not. There was a great deal of feeling shown 
in the discussion." 

"Were there any personal difficulties?" 

"Yes, I remember one in particular. What was the name of that man they dlled the 
*spoon tl^ref?' Yes, Butler. Ben Butler was the Massachusetts member of the committee. 
His position was a peculiar one. He was anti-Douglas, and he really sided with the Davis 
men, and advocated secession. I had letters from him afterwards and kept them until my 
troubld came on, and I was unable to take care of my papers. He explained that the 
reason he took the stand he did at Charleston was that he wanted to see slavery broken 
up, and he thought that would be the result if the southern states seceded. There was a 
man in the convention from California named Smith, a son of General Extra Billy Smith, 
of Virginia, you've heard about. He created a good deal of excitement one night by 
slapping Butler's jaws. The offense was a speech that Butler had made in the committee 
room about California. We had been in session two or three days trying to agree on a 
platform, and Butler had made a speech in which he said California had been making more 
fuss than she had any business to. He said California hadn't any right to be heard. She 
'hadn't been admitted in a legal manner as a state; she was a bastard. Smith heard the 
language and crossed over to where Butler was and slapped him. At the same time he 
said : Tf it wasn't for your bald head I'd cut your throat.' 

"I don't recollect," General Clark went on, aiter a short pause, "about the different 
resolutions. There were a great many resolutions before the committee. The rule of the 
convention was that all resolutions should go to us without debate. We finally found it 
impossible to agree on a report, and made two. The convention rejected the Davis resolu- 
tions and several of the southern states withdrew from the convention. We adjourned to 
Baltimore and I was late getting there. I had to attend to some business in Washington, 
but I recollect I was a Douglas man there, and made a speech pledging myself to support 

Benton and the Republican Nomination. 

Benton once refused the nomination of Vice-President, preferring the Mis- 
souri senatorship. At another time he declined the appointment of chief justice 
of the United States Supreme Court. In the spring of 1856 there were Mis- 
sourians who thought of Benton for national leadership, notwithstanding the 
futile efforts to elect him United States senator and notwithstanding his defeat 
in 1854 for Congress. Out of the wreck of the whig party and between the 
free-soil and proslavery wings of the democratic party it seemed possible to form 
a new national party. The educated German patriots were especially alert for 
the new party alignment. Alexander Kayser, the St. Louis lawyer, representa- 
tive of the best German thought and tendencies in the West, sought from Benton 

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an expression whether he would accept the Presidential nomination from the new 
party — the republican party that was to be. Benton wrote back from Washing- 
ton on the I2th of March, 1856, telling of his literary plans and concluding: 
'This work is enough for me and of more dignity (to say nothing of anything 
else) than acting a part in the slavery agitation, which is now the work pf both 
parties and which, in my opinion, is to end disastrously for the Union, let which 
side will prevail. A new man unconnected with the agitation is what the country 

Fremont in 1856. 

When Fremont set out on the expedition which resulted in the acquisition 
of California, Jessie Benton Fremont remained in St. Louis. The secretary of 
war was James A. Porter, a Pennsylvanian. It was Mrs. Fremont's business to 
forwacrd mail from St. Louis to Fremont at Leavenworth where the expedition 
was preparing to leave. Secretary Porter sent an order directing the lieutenant 
not to take a howitzer. Mrs. Fremont held the order at St. Louis. Fremont 
took the cannon and went on to the conquest of California. The moral effect 
of the cannon was very great. Fremont came back to St. Louis a national 
acter, to bear through the rest of his life the title of "The Pathfinder," to be 
chosen the first republican nominee for President of the United States. He 
made great use of the opportunity to explore, but that opportunity came about 
through a conversation between President Tyler and Dr. Silas Reed, then sur- 
veyor general of Missouri. The President was trying to organize his Tyler 
party. Henry Clay would have none of it. Dr. Reed suggested to President 
Tyler that he might conciliate Senator Benton and obtain his support in the 
senate by doing something for Lieutenant John Charles Fremont, Although the 
young army officer had run away with the daughter. Dr. Reed argued that the 
senator would be pleased if Fremont was sent to explore the Rocky Mountains. 

Lincoln and Blair. 

As early as the spring of 1857, six months after the election of Buchanan, 
Abraham Lincoln and Francis P. Blair were planning. Herndon, the law partner 
of Lincoln, wrote from Springfield, Illinois, to Theodore Parker of Boston, aboli- 
tionist, on the 8th of April, 1857 : 

"I had a most entertaining conversation on yesterday with one of the leading 
emancipationists of Missouri, and one of the leading republicans of this state. 
Do not ask who they are — will tell you about it ere long. This is the substance 
of it; The Missouri Democrat is to open and bloom for republicanism in i860. 
The Louisville Journal i^ to follow, and some paper in Virginia is to fall into 
the trail, all of which is, as it were, to happen accidentally. The Democrat is 
simply to suggest ; the Journal is to suggest still stronger, and at last all are to 
open wide for republicanism. As these two men said, *We are to see the devil in 
these border states in i860.' These two men are more than ordinary men; 
the conversation was in my office, and was confidential; therefore I keep dark 
and request you to do so on the Missouri man's account — don't care for the 
Illinois man. You know the Illinois man." 

The two men to whom Herndon referred were Lincoln and Blair. Benton 
heard of the planning. 

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"I wish you to get the St. Louis Democrat— change its name and character — 
for no useful paper can now ever be made of it. I will be in St. Lou^ in April 
and assist you. The paper is given up to the slavery subject, agitating state 
emancipation against my established and known policy." 

Thus Benton wrote from Washington to one of his wealthy and influential 
friends in St. Louis in 1857. Back of this letter of "the old Roman" is a story 
of journalism and politics with Abraham Lincoln as one of the principals. Be- 
tween the law office in Springfield and the printing office in St. Louis was growing 
a relationship which was of far reaching influence. Benton realized that new 
forces were at work. He failed to measure them. Bentonism was waning rapidly. 
A new master hand in the making of public sentiment was in the field. Benton 
in his third of a century of political success had never minimized the importance 
of newspaper support. Lincoln had Benton's respect for the power of the press 
and more than Benton's facility for making use of it to form public sentiment 
as the political and newspaper evolution at St. Louis showed. 

Not all of Benton's remarkable letter on the subject of the Missouri Demo- 
crat has been given. The demand that the paper be obtained and changed was 
preceded hy this : ' 

"My friends told me that these persons would turn out for abolition in the 
state as soon as the election was over but I would not believe them. For persons 
calling themselves my friends to attack the whole policy of my life, which was 
to keep slavery agitation out of the state, and get my support in the canvass by 
keeping me ignorant of what they intended to do is the greatest outrage I have 
experienced. Those who have done it have never communicated one word to 
me in justification or explanation of their conduct; for it is something they can 
neither /explain nor justify." 

Benton's protest was of no avail. The next year, 1858, the Missouri Democrat 
was openly fighting the battle of Lincoln against Douglas in Illinois. The files 
of 1857 show adroit editorial steering. B. Gratz Brown continued to combat 
vigorously the charges of other papers that the Missouri Democrat stood for 
abolition of slavery. But, at the same time, the editorials, as was Lincoln's policy, 
committed the paper against slavery in the territories, especially Kansas. And 
no occasion was missed to proclaim, "the Union must be preserved." 

Oradual Emancipation the Political Doctrine. * ^ 

The time was most opportune for Lincoln and Blair, the latter with his Mis- 
souri emancipation following, to get together. Lincoln and Blair were in close 
agreement on the slavery question. Each in his state had taken pfonotmced 
stand against extension of slaver}'. Both believed that "a house divided against 
itself cannot stand." Neither was an abolitionist. Neither was strongly anti- 
slavery in the moral sense that inspired many northerners. But, viewing the 
issue as the great political and economic issue which must be settled peaceably, 
both of them looked to Missouri and the other border states as the field in which 
to work out the solution. About the time that Lincoln and Blair were holding 
their earliest conferences Mrs. Lincoln wrote to her sister in Kentucky: "Although 
Mr. Lincoln is, or was, a Fremont man, you must not include him with so many 

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Main and Market streets, on lot given to him by his mother 

A record price for residence realty in St. Louis about 1850 

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rai Niir TOM 



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of those who belong to that party, an abolitionist. In principle he is fan from 
it. All he desires is that slavery shall not be extended. Let it remain where it is." 

And about the time of these Lincoln-Blair conferences there appeared in Mis- 
souri an authorized biographical sketch of Blair, when he was a candidate for 
Congress, which defined his position on slavery: 

"He i^ no believer in the unholy and disgusting tenets advocated by abolition 
fanaticism but advocates the gradual abolition of slavery in the Union, and the 
colonization of the slaves emancipated in Central America, which climate appears 
to be happily adapted to their constitutional idiosyncrasies." 

Consolidating the Bord^. 

Missouri was an encouraging field to start the propaganda which Lincoln and 
Blair thought might consolidate the border in the next Presidential campaign, — 
that of i860. In the first place, the slave population of Wfissouri was compara- 
tively small, — 114,935 slaves of a total census of 1,182,912, about one in ten. 
In the second place, most of the Missouri slaves were in the old settled, contigu- 
ous counties along the Missouri river. Gradual emancipation became a growing 
issue in Missouri. Blair and the other emancipation leaders made much of the 
economic argument. They insisted that slave labor was holding back the develop- 
ment of the state. Blair went over into Illinois to help Lincoln in the Lincoln- 
Douglas campaign of 1858 for the senatorship. At Springfield and Jacksonville, 
Lincoln and Blair rode in the same carriage, and, according to the Missouri 
Democrat's correspondence, were given a reception "cordial and magnificent." 
Significant were the impressions which Were conveyed in the Missouri Democrat's 
correspondence as Blair rode through Central Illinois on this political visit. 

"No resident of a slave state could pass through the splendid farms of Sanga- 
mon and Morgan," the letter ran, "without permitting an envious sigh to escape 
hipi at the evident superiority of free labor. In the slave states, it would seem, 
the man and the soil which he cultivates are enemies. It would seem that he 
must extort its products as the tax gatherer extorts tribute from a conquered 
but hostile people. In the free states, on the contrary, the soil seems to shower 
its wealth upon the cultivator with a most generous and royal bounty. It brings 
forth kindly all abundance and smiles upon him in all four seasons. The dumb 
earth itself seems to wear a cheerless aspect, and to yield its wealth charily 
and reluctantly to slave labor." 

Lincoln and Missouri 

From the time of the Illinois senatorial campaign of 1858, Lincoln's relations 
with the Missouri emancipationists grew closer, and the Missouri Democrat's 
campaign against slavery on economic grounds was continuous and persistent. 
The Democrat's correspondent at Springfield was John Hay, then a young law 
student, afterwards secretary of state at Washington. John G. Nicolay, then a 
country editor, afterwards Mr. Lincoln's secretary at Washington and still later 
marshal of the United States Supreme Court, was the Democrat's traveling cor- 
respondent. Hay's correspondence with the Missouri Democrat was sent direct 
from Lincoln's office. It was inspired by Mr. Lincoln. One of the newspaper 
traditions is that Lincoln wrote some of the political correspondence which Hay 

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sent to St. Louis. Lincoln had the same strong appreciation for close press 
relations that characterized Thomas H. Benton. At diflferent periods he had 
written much for the Springfield Journal. 

In Missouri the emancipationists were doing their part. Peter L. Foy, who 
in later days would have been classed as a staflf correspondent, wrote for the 
Missouri Democrat; a telling series of special articles on the unfair competition 
of black labor with white labor. White labor was aroused. When Lincoln 
became President he made Foy postmaster of St. Louis. B. Gratz Brown was 
elected to the legislature at the time the Missouri Democrat, under his editorship 
was carrying on this campaign against slavery on economic grounds. He sig- 
rtalized his presence at Jefferson City with an emancipation speech which caused 
state-wide commotion. Henry A. Clover and S. H. Gardner supported Brown's 
argument. In the municipal election of 1858, St. Louis went emancipation. But 
there was much more than the mayoralty in this Missouri movement. Editorials, 
newspaper specials, speeches and local elections were incidents in the formation 
and evolution of a border states policy which was to sway the national convention 
of a new party and which was to make a president. Missourians were to have 
no small part in this. Blair, Brown and other yoimg men were in the foreground 
carrying the baimers and crying the shibboleths of free soil, free democracy, 
gradual emancipation, white labor, negro colonization. lo the background, coun- 
seling and encouraging, were some of the older Missourians who had been whig 

Edward Bates in 1860. 

A statesman of Missouri in 1850-60, one of the clearest-sighted of them all, 
was Edward Bates. He had seen the whig party go to pieces. He was in thorough 
sympathy with the work of party construction which Lincoln was doing in Illi- 
nois. He was not active in the Lincoln movement but he was a wise adviser. 
There was but very little of the republican party in Missouri outside of St. Louis. 
And in the city the interest centered at the Missouri Democrat ^office. When the 
time came to send a delegation to the Chicago convention of i860, the delegation 
went committed to Edward Bates, but, as Mr. Bates explained, not with the ex- 
pectation that he would be' nominated. The purpose was to hold the delegation 
away from an eastern candidate. Lincoln was the first choice of the Missourians 
and the vote was to be given him when it would do the most good. The border 
states plan, which Blair and his fellow emancipationists had been organizing was 
not to be uncovered prematurely by publicly committing Missouri to Lincoln. 

The Border States Surprise. 

In the collections of the Illinois Historical Society, at Springfield, is preserved 
the evidence showing in what manner the tide was turned toward Lincoln and 
the part Missouri and the other border states had in it. When the delegates came 
together it appeared that Seward had the organization. New York came with 
much shouting and drum beating. The delegates were accompanied by a small 
army of Seward men who marched and countermarched, headed by John C. 
Heenan, "the Benicia Boy," champion American pugilist of that day. Some other 

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states had favorite sons but made little impression on the uninstructed delegates. 
Deflates were about equally divided in sentiment as to policy. The easterners 
were for a grand moral campaign against slavery and for the rapid ending of the 
evil. This element seemed to turn toward Seward as its logical candidate. The 
other element was determined to prevent the spread of slavery but was willing 
to leave it within existing limits to preserve the Union and to take time to work 
out some means or method of gradual emandpation. Such was the situation 
when Blair and the border states men sprang the surprise. 

The Voice of the Border. 

The story was well told by A. G. Proctor of the Kansas delegation, said to 
have been the youngest delegate in the convention: 

"At this juncture there came to the front, from sources not before taken into con- 
sideration, a movement led by the men of the border states. This body of resolute men ' 
from Maryland, from the mountains of Virgfinia, from Eastern Tennessee, from Kentucky, 
from all over Missouri, had organized and selected Cassiue M. Clay as leader and spokes- 
man. They were a group of men as earnest as I have ever met. They asked for a con- 
ference with us, which we arranged without delay. The Kansas delegation was the first 
to receive them. It may have occurred to them that Kansas was awake to what was com- 
ing, and would more likely appreciate the full force of their logic. The company completely 
filled our room. There was something about the atmosphere of that room which seemed 
to mean business;. Mr. Clay was a man of strong personality. He had all the mannerisms 
of a real Kentucky 'colonel' — very courtly, very eames!, very eloquent in address. 
" 'Gentlemen,' he said in beginning, 'we arc on the verge of a great civil war.' 
"One of our Kansas delegates said, 'Mr. Clay, we have heard that before.' 
"Day straightened himself and, with a real oratorical pose, exclaimed, 'Sir, you un- 
doubtedly have heard that before. But, sir, you will soon have it flashed to you in a tone 
that will carry certain conviction. He went on: "We are from the South. We know our 
people well. I say to you the South is getting ready for war. In that great strip of 
border land, reaching from the eastern shore of Maryland to the western border of Mis- 
souri, stands a t)ody of resolute men, determined that this Union shall not be destroyed 
without resistance. We are not pro-slavery men. We are not anti-slavery men, but tJnion 
republicans, ready to take up arms for the defense of the border. We are intensely in 
earnest. It means very much — what you do here — ^to you and to us. Our homes and all 
we possess are in peril. We want to hold this Union strength for a Union army. We 
want to work with you for a nomination which will give us courage and confidence. We 
want you to nominate Abraham Lincoln. Mr. Lincoln ly^ bom among us and we believe 
in him. Give us Lincoln for a leader and I promise you we will push back the dislo5ral 
hordes of secession and transfer the line of border warfare from the Ohio to the regions 
beyond the Tennessee, where it belongs. We will make war upon the enemies of our 
country at home and join you in driving secession to its lair. Do this for us and let us go 
home and prepare for the conflict.' 

"No one could give a satisfactory report of that appeal. It was the most impressive 
talk that I had ever listened to. That delegation of border men, headed by Mr. Clay, made 
this appeal to most of the delegations of the different states. The effect was instandy felt. 
There was getting together of those who felt the Lincoln sentiment all along the line. This 
movement formed the group around which the earnest Lincoln men rallied and organized. 
I honestly believe that this was the movement which gave Mr. Lincoln his nomination. It 
was the turning point. It awoke all to a realization of what was before us and compelled 
recognition of a new element on which might rest great results for good or evil. In short, 
this action of the border men set us thinking." 

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Edward Bates on Lincoln. 

Lincoln was nominated. One of the earliest and most effective indorsements 
of the nomination came from Edward Bates. In a letter to O. H. Browning, of 
Illinois, Mr. Bates not only declared for Lincoln but he pointed out in his con- 
vincing way the peculiar fitness of Mr. Lincoln for the conditions confronting 
the country. He considered Mr. Lincoln stronger than the platform. He wrote : 

"As to the platform, I have little to say, because whether good or bad, that will not 
constitute the ground of my support of Mr. Lincoln. 

• "I consider Mr. Lincoln a sound, safe, national man. He could not be sectional if he 
tried. Hir birth, the habits of his life and his geographical position compel him to be 
national. All his feelings and interests are identified with the great valley of the Missis- 
sippi, near whose center he has spent his whole life. That valley is not a section, but con- 
spicuously the body of the nation, and, large as it is, it is not capable of being divided 
into sections, for the great river cannot be divided. It is one and indivisible and the North 
and the South are alike necessary to its comfort and prosperity. Its people, too, in all 
their interests and affections, are as broad and generous as the regions they inhabit. They 
are emigrants, a mixed multitude, coming from every state in the Union, and from most 
countries in Europe. They are unwilling, therefore, to submit to any one petty local stand- 
ard. They love the nation as a whole, and they love all its parts, for they are bound to 
them all, not only by a feeling of common interest and mutual dependence, but also by the 
recollections of childhood and youth, by blood and friendship, and by all those social and 
domestic charities which sweeten life, and make this world worth living in. The valley is 
beginning to feel its power, and will soon be strong enough to dictate the law of the 
land. Whenever that state of things shall come to pass, it will be most fortunate for the 
nation to find the powers of the government lodged in the hands of men whose habits of 
thought, whose position and surrounding circumstances constrain them to use those powers 
for general and not sectional ends." 

With such broad and statesmanlike views of the situation, Mr. Bates led up 
to his personal and intimate estimate of Mr. Lincoln : 

"I have known Mr. Lincoln for more than twenty years, and therefore have a right 
to speak of him with some confidence. As an individual he has earned a high reputation 
for truth, courage, candor, morals and amiability, so that as a man he is most trustworthy. 
And in this particular he is more entitled to our esteem than some other men, his equals, 
who had far better opportunities and aids in early life. His talents and the will to use 
them to the best advantage are unquestionable; and the proof is found in the fact that, iji 
every position in life, from his humble beginning to his present well earned elevation, he 
has more than fulfilled the best hopes of his friends. And now in the full vigor of his 
manhood and in the honest pride of having made himself what he is, he is the peer of the 
first men of the nation, well able to sustain himself and advance his cause against any 
adversary, and in any field where mind and knowledge are the weapons used. In politics 
he has acted out the principles of his own moral and intellectual character. He has not 
concealed his thoughts or hidden his light under a bushel. With the boldness of consciotis 
rectitude and the frankness of downright honesty, he has not failed to avow his opinions of 
public officers upon all fitting occasions. I give my opinion freely in favor of Mr. Lincoln 
and I hope that for the good of the whole country he may be elected." 

Far-reaching Besulte of the Border Policy. 

Lincoln was elected. Missouri gave him only 17,028 votes out of more than 
165,000 cast. But Missouri divided hopelessly the bulk of her votes in large sec- 
tions among three other Presidential tickets. The effect of the agitation which 
the gradual emancipationists carried on in Missouri after the Lincoln and Blair 

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conferences beginning as eafly as 1857 was not to be* judged by the Lincoln vote 
of 17,028. Its effect was to be traced in the disintegration of the great majority 
into helpless factions. Nearly the entire voting strength was brought to the 
polls by the intense interest. Douglas carried the state but by only one-third 
of the vote cast. He led the constitutional union party by fewer than 600 votes. 
The disturbing influence of the gradual emancipation movement had shattered 
party lines. It had broken the democratic organization. 

Mr. Lincoln quickly showed what estimate he put upon the Missouri move- 
ment. Edward Bates had declined a place in the Fillmore cabinet a few years be- 
fore. , He accepted the appointment of attorney general from Lincoln, so njuch con- 
cerned was he about the national situation. Montgomery Blair, brother of 
Francis P. Blair, was made postmaster general. This was equivalent to giving 
Missouri two, of the seven places in the cabinet, for Montgomery Blair had lived 
fifteen years in Missouri and had ^noved to Washington only a short time before. 

.Between the election in November and the departure of Mr. Lincoln for 
Washington in February, Blair was in Springfield for further conference with 
the President-elect: He kept Mr. Lincoln informed of every step in that game 
which was going on for the possession of the St. Louis arsenal with its 60,000 
muskets and other munitions of war, more than there was in all of the other 
slave states. He told Mr. Lincoln that if the southern rights administration of 
Missouri gained control of the arsenal and its contents, the state would be car- 
ried into the Confederacy, and with Missouri gone, the other border states would 
be lost. Blair was in Springfield the latter part of February, and from there he 
hurried to Washington to report the rumor that the Missouri secessionists^ would 
attempt to seize the arsenal on the day of Lincoln's inauguration. He went to 
urge President Buchanan to put Captain Lyon in charge of the arsenal. The 
St. Louis Minute Men allowed the 4th of March to pass without the intended 
attack. Nine days later President Lincoln gave Lyon command of the arsenal 
and the opportunity of the state government was lost. 

The BSissouri Anti-Lincoln Movement of 1864. 

Jn 1864 Frank Blair was fighting Missouri Confederates in the field and 
Missouri "Jacobins," as he called them, in Congress. In the House Mr. Blair, 
on the 24th of February, 1864, arraigned Salmon P. Chase, secretary of the 
treasury, demanding an investigation. He charged Mr. Chase with intriguing to 
defeat Mr. Lincoln for a second term. He charged that the radicals of Missouri, 
the jacobins, were in the plot to prevent Mr. Lincoln's renomination. He de- 
fended the President's border states policy: 

"Things have occurred in Missouri and the other border states not so easily under- 
stood by those who come from happier regions, unvisited by the calamities of war. In 
Missouri, at the outbreak of the war, and for a long time afterwards, the state was a prey 
to the worst disorders, the country was ravaged and destroyed, and a feeling of bitterness 
has been engendered which is almost without parallel. Upon this spirit of exasperation, re- 
taliation and revenge the radicals of my state have undertaken to build up a party. Is 
this a fit foundation for any party to rest upon?' Can peace, prosperity and tranquillity be 
expected from those who act upon such motives? Can any secure or enduring principles of 
govemment be based upon such sentiments? It may be that it is impossible for men to 
free themselves from the passion of revenge, and the desire for retaliation on those who 

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may have inflicted injuries on them or on their friends and neighbors. It may be utterly 
impossible to expect that men can free themselves entirely from such influences. But, on 
the other hand, is it natural, proper, or wise that the President and the great statesmen 
who are directing the affairs of the government, and whose duty it is to educe peace and 
good will out of these scenes of anarchy and disorder, should be actuated by the feelings of 
bitterness which have grown up among the parties to this strife. Such passions are in some 
degree excusable in those who have suffered injury; but with what face does a man set 
himself up as a statesman or party leader, who will fan such passions; who will contribute 
to the public exasperation; who will rekindle these smouldering flres; and who seeks even 
to drag into them and destroy the chief magistrate of the country, when he declines to be 
the instrument of such malignant passions. Yet this is the position of the jacobin leaders 
of Missouri and their confederate jacobins in Maryland. They appeal to the Union men of 
other states to support them in their strife in states in which the rebellion has been put 
down, instead of fighting to put down the rebellion where it still exists. They appeal to 
the Union men of other states against the President's policy of amnesty, by which the 
armies of the rebels are being demoralized and depleted, because they desire to glut their 
vengeance and their lust for spoils. They seek to make a direct issue with the President, to 
defeat his re-election, in order that they may enjoy the license of another French Revolution 
tinder some chief as malignant as themselves." « 

Blair was right in his forecast of the purpose of "the jacobins" to defeat the 
renomination of Lincoln. Shortly after he made this speech in Congress, a call 
was issued for a national convention to meet in Cleveland in May. Radical Union 
men in Missouri were active in the movement. Blair's cousin, B. Gratz Brown, 
was one of the signers of the call. The convention was attended by 350 delegates 
who did not believe that Mr. Lincoln was aggressive enough in his policies. Wen- 
dell Phillips and Fred Douglass made speeches. Three planks in a very radical 
platform were as follows: 

'That the one-term policy for the presidency adopted by the people is strengthened by 
the force of the existing crisis and should be maintained by constitutional amendment. 

"That the Constitution should be so amended that the President and Vice-President 
shall be elected by a direct vote of the people. 

"That the confiscation of the lands of the rebels and their distribution among the sol- 
diers and actual settlers is a measure of justice." 

The convention nominated General John C. Fremont for President and Gen. 
John Cochrane for Vice-President. The candidates withdrew in September. 

The call for the regular republican convention in 1864 omitted the word 
"republican." It designated the assemblage as the "Union National Convention." 

When Missouri was reached in the call of the roll of states for the nomina- 
tion of President, the chairman of the delegation, John F. Hume, arose and said : 

"It is a matter of regret that we now differ from the convention which has been so 
kind to the radicals of Missouri ; but we came here instructed. We represent those who are 
behind us at home, and we recognize the right of instruction, and we intend to obey our 
instruction. But in doing so we declare emphatically that we are with the Union party of 
this nation, and we intend to fight the battle thpough with it, and assist in carrying its banner 
to victory in the end, and we will support your nominees, be they whom they may. I will 
read the resolution adopted by the convention which sent us here: 

" That we extend our heartfelt thanks to the soldiers of Missouri, who have been, and 
are now baring their breasts to the storm of battle for the preservation of our free 
institutions. That we hail them as the practical radicals of the nation whose arguments 

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arc invincible, and whose policy for putting down the rebellion is first in importance and 

"iir. President, in the spirit of that resolution, I cast the twenty-two votes of Missouri 
for the man who stands at the head of the fighting radicals of the nation, Ulysses S. Grant." 

Before the final vote was announced Mr. Hume changed the vote of Missouri 
from Grant to Lincoln and moved that the nomination of Lincoln be made unani- 
mous. ^ 

Young as republicanism was in the state, Missouri sent one set of delegates 
to the Cleveland convention in 1864, and two other sets to the Baltimore conven- 
tion. The Missouri republicans who went to Cleveland helped to nominate John 
C. Fremont, and did all they could to damage the prospects of Lincoln for a 
renomination. The two sets which went to Baltimore contested for the seats 
with as much vigor as if the nomination depended upon which set got in. Ail 
the time it was a foregone conclusion that Lincoln would be renominated, and 
the committee on credentials besought the Missourians to patch up their differences 
and go in together on half representation. One set of the Missouri delegates was 
headed by John F. Hume and came with certificates from a republican state con- 
vention, probably the second gathering of that name ever held in the state. The 
other delegation was headed by Congressman Tom Price ; it had been made up 
at a meeting in St. Louis by the men who had control of the Federal patronage 
in the state. The Hume delegates flatly refused to accept a half-loaf as better 
than none, and in the end were admitted to the floor as entitled to represent the 
state, ^ome of the rejected set afterwards turned up at Chicago seeking admis- 
sion to the democratic convention which nominated McClellan. 

A Delegate's BecoUeetions. 

McQurg and Widdicombe were members of the Hume delegation. They 
represented the Jeflferson City district. Widdicombe was from Boonville. His 
connection with the republican party of Missouri dated back to 1861, when there 
were just nine "Radicals," as they were called then, in Boonville, and when the 
nine used to stiunble upstairs in the dark and meet by the light of a tallow candle 
in a third-story room. In 1887 Captain Widdicombe recalled the part the Mis- 
sourians took in the Baltimore convention: 

•We had caucused and agreed upon our program but not a word was allowed to slip 
about it. Lincoln's name was the only one formally presented to the convention, and as 
the roll was called each state announced its vote for him amid much enthusiasm. At 
length Missouri was reached. John F. Hume got up slowly and cast the vote of Missouri 
for U. S. Grant. Such a storm of disapproval was never started in any convention that I 
ever attended. Delegates and lookers-on howled and howled. I can remember how I felt. 
I think my hair stood right up on end. After Hume announced the vote he sat down, and 
there we were, as solemn and determined as men could look with the mob all around us 
demanding that the vote should be changed. I hadn't any doubt for a few moments but 
what we would be picked up, every man of us, and thrown out into the street. 

"Finally, old Jim Lane, of Kansas, got the attention of the convention. I suppose 
they quieted down out of curiosity to know what sort of a fate he would propose for us. 
Lane went on to say that we were neighbors of his. We had come to the convention with 
proper credentials, and had been admitted as delegates. That being the case, we had a 
right to vote for whom we pleased, and it was not republicanism to try to prevent us. 
This coming from Jim Lane and Kansas had a good effect. As soon as he sat down 

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Governor Stone, of Iowa, another good republican state, jumped up.. He was a man more 
like Sam Cox than anybody I ever "saw. He said we were neighbors of his, too, and he 
didn't like to see us treated that way. He urged the convention to show fair play. 

"That partially quieted the storm, and the roll-call proceeded, but with some grumbling. 
The last state was reached, and announced its vote as all the others had done, ^cept, 
ours, for Lincoln. Then Mr. Hume got up, before any declaration of the result could 
be made, and stated that Missouri wished to change her vote from Grant to Lincoln and 
to move that Mr. Lincoln's nomination be made unanimous. By that time the conven- 
tion saw what we were up to, and how everybody did shout! After the convention ad- 
journed our delegation came over to Washington and marched up to the White House 
headed by Gen. John B. Henderson, who was then in the Senate. General Henderson pre- 
sented us and Mr. Lincoln got off some funny remarks about our course in the convention. 
But after we went back home we never had any further occasion to complain about the 
control of the Federal patronage in Missouri so long as Mr. Lincoln lived." 

Blair and the Bro«uUiead Letter. 

In the Presidential campaign of 1868 a former Missourian headed one ticket 
— Grant and Colfax! A Missourian held the second place on the other side — 
Seymour and Blair. . t'or that campaign Francis P. Blair furnished the issue in 
what became historic as "the Broadhead letter" : 

"Washington, June 20, 1868. 
**CoLONEL James O. Broadhead: 

"Dear Colonel : In reply to your inquiries I beg to say that I leave to you to determine, 
on consultation with my friends from Missouri, whether my name shall be presented to 
the democratic convention, and to submit the following as what I consider the real and 
only issue in this contest: 

'The reconstruction policy of the radicals will be complete before the next election; 
the states, so long excluded, will have been admitted; negro suffrage established, and the 
carpet-baggers installed in their seats in Congress. There is no possibility of changing 
the political .character of the Senate, even if the democrats should elect their Presidcftt, 
and a majority of the popular branch of Congress. We cannot, therefore, undo the radical 
plan of reconstruction by congressional action ; the Senate will continue a bar to its repeal. 
Must we submit to it? How can it be overthrown? It can be overthrown only by the 
authority of the Executive, who is sworn to maintain the Constitution, and who will fail 
to do his duty if he allows the Constitution to perish under a series of congressional enact- 
ments which are in palpable violation of its fundamental principles. 

"If the President, elected by the democracy, enforces or permits others to enforce the 
reconstruction acts, the radicals, by the accession of twenty spurious senators and fifty 
representatives will control both branches of Congress and his administration will be as 
powerless as the present one of Mr. Johnson. 

"There is but one way to restore the government and the Constitution, and that is for 
the President-elect to declare these acts null and void, compel the army to undo its usurpa- 
tion at the South, disperse the carpet-bag state governments, allow the white people to 
organize their own governments and elect senators and representatives. The House of Rep- 
resentatives will contain a majority of democrats from the North, and they will admit the 
representatives elected by the white people of the South, and with the cooperation of the 
President it will not be difficult to compel the Senate to submit once more to the obligations 
of the Constitution. It will not be able to withstand the public judgment, if distinctly in- 
voked and clearly expressed, on this fundamental issue, and it is the sure way to avoid 
all future strifie to put the issue plainly to the country. 

"I repeat that this is the real and only question which we should allow to control us. 
Shall we submit to the usurpations by which the government has been overthrown, or shall 
we exert ourselves for its full and complete restoration? It is idle to talk of bonds, green- 

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About Ninth Street and Russell Avenue, residence of Thomas Allen 

s f^*^ 

Where first term of Boone circuit court was held in 1821 

Vol. n— 10 

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backs, gold, the public faith and the public credit. What can a democratic President do 
in regard to any of these, with a Congress in both branches controlled by carpet-baggers and 
their allies? He will be powerless to stop the supplies by which idle negroes are organ- 
ized into political clubs — by which an army is maintained to protect these vagabonds in 
their outrages upon the ballot. These, and things like these, eat up the revenues and re- 
sources of the government and destroy credit — make the difference between gold and green- 
backs. We must restore the Constitution before we can restore the finances, and to do this 
we must have a President who will execute the will of the people by trampling into dust 
the ^usurpations of Congress known as the reconstruction acts. I wish to stand before the 
convention upon this issue, for it is one which embraces everything else that is of value 
in its large and comprehensive results. It is the one thing that includes all that is worth a 
contest, and without it there is nothing that gives dignity, honor, or value to the struggle. 

**Your friend, 
"Frank P. Blair." 

"There is no item of that letter that I take back," Blair said afterwards, in 1871, 
when he was a candidate for United States senator, from Missouri. His action 
in regard to the taking of Camp Jackson was another matter upon which Blair 
had no apologies to make. Blair and Frost were guests at a dinner in the Floris- 
sant valley some years after the close of the war. The Camp Jackson incident 
was mentioned. Blair, addressing Frost, ^id;. "If*we had not taken you, you 
would have taken us in two weeks more/'> ' t i 

Blair's Opportunity. 

Champ Clark said pf Blair's cours€ : "Wltei he ^^tne out of the army, with 
his splendid military and civil recorcf, it may 6e ddubted whether there was any 
official position, however exalted, beyond his reach if he had remained with the 
republicans. I have always believed, and do now believe, that by ^severing his 
connection with them he probably threw away the Vice-Presidency — ^possibly the 
Presidency itself — ^a position for which most statesmen pant even as the hart 
panteth for the waterbrook. During his long, stormy and vicissitudinous career 
he always did what he thought was right for right's sake, leaving the consequences 
to take care of themselves. That he was ambitious of political preferment there 
can be no question ; but office had no charms for him if it involved sacrifice of 
principle or compromise of conscience. 

"This great man, for great he was beyond even the shadow of a doubt, enjoyed the 
distinction, unique among statesmen, of being hated and loved in turn by all Missourians, 
of changing his political affiliations violently twice, long after he had passed the formative 
and effervescent period of youth, and, while spending nearly his entire life in the hurly-burly 
of politics, of dying at last mourned by every man and woman in the state whose good 
opinion was worth possessing. Born a democrat, he served in the House as a republican, 
in the Senate as a democrat, and died finally in the faith of his fathers. 

"Believing sincerely that human slavery was wrong per se and that it was of most evil 
to the states where it existed, he fought it tooth and nail, not from sjrmpathy for the 
negroes so much as from affection for the whites, and created the republican party of Mis- 
souri before the Civil war — a most hazardous performance in that day and latitude. At its 
close, when, in his judgment, his party associates had become the oppressors of the people 
and the enemies of liberty, he left them, and lifting in his mighty arms the Democracy, 
which lay bleeding and swooning in the dust, he breathed into its nostrils the breath of life 
— another performance of extraordinary hazard. 

•"This man was of the stuff out of which martyrs are made, and he would have gone 
grimly, undauntedly, unflinchingly and defiantly to the scaffold or the stake in defense of 

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any cause which he considered just. Though he was imperious, tempestuous, dogmatic and 
impetuous, though no danger could swerve him from the path of duty, though he gave 
tremendous blows to his antagonists and received many of the same kind, he had infinite 
compassion for the helpless and the weak, and to the end his heart remained tender as a 
little child's." 

Blair in 1868 and After. 

Of the Broadhead letter and of the passing of Blair, William Hyde said: 

"Probably no politician's record contains so striking a contrast as his in its wide and 
divergent range. Denounced as an abolitionist in 1852, as an organizer of the 'black 
jaegers' in 1861, and later as a military satrap sending his old neighbors into exile, behold 
him in 1868 as the democratic nominee for Vice-President on a platform arraigning the 
party supporting Grant for its 'unparalleled oppression and tyranny,' and for subjecting ten 
of the states to *militart despotism and negro supremacy!' The war over, General Blair 
was no longer a republican. His canvass of the state in 1866, at a time when Missouri was 
ruled as with a rod of iron by Drake and Loan, and the most radical influences, was a rare 
exhibition of manly daring. At places where he had appointments to speak, notably at 
Warrensburg, Louisiana and Osceola, armed ruffians were on hand to intimidate him, yet 
not only was he not frightened from his purpose, but in the most contemptuous as well as 
the coolest manner he hurled defiance in their teeth, as he bravely spoke of the test-oath 
and the vigorous methods of disfranchisement in vogue. And as intimidation cowered be- 
fore Blair's well-directed blows, the democratic feeling, which had been crushed into the 
very ground, began to be revivified, to strengthen and to grow. 

"What has been said in relation to General Blair's propensity for strokes of policy was 
illustrated in his famous letter to Col. James O. Broadhead in 1868, just previous to the 
meeting of the democratic national convention in New York. In this fetter he spoke of the 
reconstruction acts of G)ngress, and actually declared that the democratic President to be 
elected should nullify those acts, compel the army at the South to undo its usurpations, and 
'disperse the carpet-bag state governments.' Otherwise, he said, there would be no stop- 
ping the organization of idle negroes into political clubs, to 'protect these vagabonds in 
their outrages upon the ballot.* This was the issue General Blair desired to stand upon 
before the convention; but, although he was nominated for the second place on the ticket 
with Seymour, the party came far short in their platform of going to that length. 

"Blair had reason to feel no love for at least that part of Congress which sits in the 
north wing of the Capitol. President Johnson had appointed him collector of internal 
revenue at St. Louis, and the Senate had rejected his name. He was afterward nominated 
for the Austrian mission, with the same result. Five years later, in 1871, he was elected 
by a legislature of which he had become a member to a seat among the senators, to fill 
the unexpired term (two years) of Charles D. Drake, who had accepted Grant's appoint- 
ment as judge of the court of claims. Among his official vicissitudes he had been beaten 
for the legislature by a man named Branscombe, who had been a United States mail agent, 
or something of that sort, and he had held the office of state superintendent of insurance 
and United States Pacific Railroad commissioner." 

Senator Henderson Against Impeaolunent. 

John B. Henderson's political career ended with his vote against the impeach- 
ment of Andrew Johnson. He joined the few republicans who voted with the 
democrats. The chief articles of impeachment were based on speeches which the 
President had made. Senator Hendersbn set forth his position in few words, 
defensive of the right to make even foolish speeches in the United States : 

"The Constitution provides that Congress 'shall make no law abridging the freedom 
•of speech or of the press.' The President, like other persons, is protected under this clause. 

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He» too, has the right to make foolish speeches. I do not say that there is no limit to the 
enjoyment of this right or that it might not be so much abused by a President as to demand 
his impeachment and removal from office. But, in this case, the offense is not of so heinous 
a character as to demand punishment, in the absence of a law defining the right and pro- 
viding specific penalties, and also in the face of a constitutional provision declaring that 
freedom of speech cannot be abridged by law." 

The Liberal Bepublican Movement. 

B. Gratz Brown was very early identified with the German immigration as 
a champion of that element in t\ie population of Missouri. His early free soil 
sympathies probably had much to do with this leadership of the freedom loving 
Germans. He had the distinction of making the first speech in behalf of eman- 
cipation as a member of a states' rights legislature. It was thought at the time 
that he delivered the speech at the peril of his life in Jefferson City, and that he 
sacrificed all hope of a political future. He was denounced and proscribed but 
the Germans rallied solidly to his support and sent him back to. the legislature 
before the war. Opposition and proscription only spurred B. Gratz Brown to 
greater efforts along the lines of his convictions. With Fred Muench and Emil 
Preetorius, Brown was very active in getting up the call for the first republican 
convention in a slave state. He became a United States senator after serving in 
the army, largely through the sturdy support of the Germans of St. Louis. 

Encouraged by their complete success of 1870 in Missouri, the liberal repub- 
licans and the democrats under inspiration from the St. Louis leaders attempted 
. in 1872 the same policy on a national scale. The liberal republicans, with the 
Twentieth Century coterie and the Westliche Post following, started the move- 
ment. The Missouri Republican advocated a passive policy by the national dem- 
ocratic organization. Opposition to Grant and to reconstruction measures fur- 
nished the platform. For months St. Louis was the center of political interest 
to the whole country. 

The movement gained great headway among liberal republicans, and especially 
among the Germans throughout the country. The state convention at Jefferson 
City, which elected delegates to the liberal republican convention at Cincinnati, 
was conducted practically by representatives of the Westliche Post. Joseph B. 
McCuUagh reported the convention for the Missouri Democrat. He called it 
the "Bill and Joe Convention." "Bill and Joe" were William M. Grosvenor and 
Joseph Pulitzer. 

Misfloiiri at Oincinnati in 1872. 

Missouri was conspicuously represented in the liberal republican convention 
at Cindnnati. Carl Schurz was made the permanent president. Joseph Pulitzer 
was one of the secretaries. William M. Grosvenor, as chairman of the executive 
committee, called the delegates to order. The vice-president for Missouri was 
Isaiah Forbes. When the states were called to name candidates for President 
of the United States, before the result was announced. Governor B. Gratz Brown 
came upon the platform amid much cheering and said: 

"Although a delegate to this convention, it has not been possible for me to meet with 
you until today, as I have been detained at home by official business. Now when I come 
in for the first time I find myself in an embarrassing position. Some of my good friends 

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from my own state, and many from other states^ have done me the honor to cast tfreir 
votes for me for the highest office in the gift of thisjiation. Now, I don't disguise it from 
myself that this is a worthy pride and ambition for any man on the broad face of the 
globe; but I also recognize the fact that it requires abilities, culture, experience, age antf 
many other qualities which my modesty forbids me to believe and which my judgment 
convinces me I do not possess. I therefore, after tendering to you, gentlemen, my thanks 
for the compliment which you have given me, desire to say, in brief, that I came to this 
convention with no personal end; that I am animated sincerely and solely by a desire for 
victory in this great contest, and that I want a man nominated who wil! carry the largest 
republican vote in the nation, in defiance of^the regular Grant organization; and in my 
judgment that man is Horace Greeley." 

The first ballot gave Brown 95 votes ; Charles Francis Adams received 203 ; 
Lyman Trumbull, no; Horace Greeley, 160. B. Gratz Brown was fourth; he 
received votes from Alabama, Arkansas, California, Georgia, Iowa, Kentucky^ 
Missouri, Nebraska, Nevada, New Jersey, Oregon and Tennessee. Greeley 
was nominated on the fifth ballot. Brown led on the first ballot for. Vice-Presi- 
dent and was nominated on the second. A fatal mistake was made by the demo- 
cratic national convention in failing to carry out the policy. The Baltimore con- 
vention of the democratic party in 1872 took positive action on the ticket, instead 
of adopting the passive course, which had been pursued by the democratic party 
of Missouri so successfully two years before. The result of the action' at Balti- 
more was to antagonize the liberal republicans and many of the German voters. 
The Greeley and Brown ticket failed of the support expected for it from elements 
in the republican party opposed to Grant and the reconstruction measures in 
the South. 

Missouri in the Tilden-Hayeg Contest, 1876. 

In the winter of 1877, Missouri ex-Confederates took a position toward the 
Hayes-Tilden contest for the Presidency which was of national influence. As the 
months went by with no settlement, conditions grew more threatening. Henry 
Watterson announced that there would be 100,000 Kentuckians in Washington on 
the 4th of March to sep that the right man was inaugurated. Charges and counter 
charges of fraud in the elections of several southern states were under investiga- 
tion. The electoral commission was sitting but there was apprehension that the 
Senate and House, one republican, the other democratic, might refuse to abide by 
the commission's finding. In that event the country might be plunged in civil war. 
In such a situation General Joe Shelby gave an interview to the St. Louis Globe- 
Democrat in which he declared his intention to stand by President Grant in 
whatever course he might take regarding the contest He deprecated the talk 
of violence. In the event that there was a failure to decide the election in a law- 
ful and constitutional manner and President Grant determined to exercise the 
power of the chief executive in favor of the one he regarded as duly elected, he 
proposed to support the President in his action whether that action be favorable 
to Tilden or Hayes. 

Shelby's interview was published far and wide. The next day Colonel Alonzo 
W. Slayback and Colonel Clay King, both Missouri ex-Confederates of distin- 
^ished records, came out in indorsement of Shelby's position. Other southerners 
quickly fell in line with the Missourians. The talk of organization to seat Tildea 

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by force, if necessary, quieted down. Slayback's interview was especially severe 
on the northern democrats. He said : 

'They encouraged the Confederate war. They led the southern people to believe that 
Lincoln's call for volunteers and his armed invasion of the South would be resisted by them. 
They not only falsified these pledges but wore the blue, and came on to the work of 
ravage and bloodshed with that rash zeal which is ever the mark- of new converts, trying 
to prove their fidelity to their newly adopted lojralty by acts more cruel, and military orders 
more brutal, than any that emanated from lifelong Abolitionists. All during the war they 
fed the South on vain hopes that either by riots in New York or the release of prisoners in 
the Northwest, or by assassination of leaders in Washington City, or by a general uprising 
of sympathizers all over the northern states, the government would be forced to suspend 
hostilities, and grant the South honorable terms of peace, on the basis of states* rights and 
the old constitutional safeguards for slave property. 

**These flatteries were all delusions^ They left the South to starve and bleed and die, 
and sent, as the flower of the Yankee army, the young democrats who had been promised 
as recruits for the southern army. They talked loudly all the time of what they would do, 
but when it came to performance they were terribly afraid to commit any overt act of trea- 
son, as they glibly learned to call it, and were desperately anxious to commit some overt 
act of loyalty when there was no occasion for it. 

*The men who are talking loudest about- fight noW, wop!t fight if there should be a war, 
and their braggadocio might as well stop^ a*nd 1^ honest jJfeople attend to their business.** 

The Missouri Brother d a President. . ^ 

A Missourian who did not put oir^irs becHuse -his brother lived in the White 
House was Scott Harrison of Kansas City. He didn't stop calling him "Ben" 
after this brother became President. The Missouri Harrison was a democrat. 
He was not accused of trying to exert any influence with the republican adminis- 
tration except on one occasion. That was when his personal friend, Dr. Nofsinger, 
a republican, was appointed postmaster. The exercise of influence consisted of 
telling the President that Nofsinger was "a good fellow.*' When Scott Harrison 
was in Washington, he registered at a modest hotel, and went up to see ''the 
folks." As he was leaving Mrs. Harrison invited him to remain all night. Scott 
said no, he guessed he'd better go back to the hotel. Mrs. Harrison pressed the 
inivitation, and Scott, thinking he must give some plausible excuse, said he had 
left his grip — that was what he called it — down to the hotel, and if he didn't go 
back he couldn't have any night shirt. . 

"Take one of Ben's," Mrs. Harrison said promptly. 

"I'm afraid it would be too big for me," said Scott, with equal promptness 
and a queer smile. Mrs. Harrison smiled, too. Scott went back to his hotel, rode 
up to the fifth floor and slept the sleep of a self-satisfied Kansas City democrat. 

The Defeat of Bland in 1896. 

The striking down of Richard P. Bland at Chicago was worse than a political 
blunder. It was a political crime. Standing beside Mr. Bland at Chamois on his 
trip through Missouri, Mr. Bryan said: 

"If this nomination had gone by merits it would have gone to the man who 
for twenty years has worked to keep alive the silver cause and in the hour of 
victory will be entitled to more credit than any other man living. Circumstances, 
not credit, have decided this nomination." 

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These circumstances gradually became public. "Bland is the man entitled 
to this nomination," Boies of Iowa said, sitting in his library at Waterloo, with 
the first ballot before him. He wrote a telegram directing his representatives 
in the convention to withdraw his name and to transfer the Iowa delegation 
and as many more of his sixty-seven votes as they could to Bland on the next 
ballot. The telegram did not reach the coliseum. .That was one of the "cir- 

Some who caught at only the surface results of the convention were surprised 
when they learned that Br3ran, in the regular balloting, never reached the vote 
which Bland did. He was not the sober choice of as many delegates as Bland 
was. The official roll calls showed that Bland had 291 votes at the end of the 
third ballot. Bryan at the end of the fourth ballot had 276. Yet from that point 
the conspirators carried through the stampede to Bryan. And when the stampede 
had ended vith the conclusion of the fifth and last ballot Bryan had 535 Votes. 
To nominate required 512. The margin was enough, but it was only twenty-three. 
There sat not voting 158 delegates. Had these voted it would have required 618 
to nominate. Bryan was forced upon the ticket by the influences which were not 
for him personally. One of these influences was that anti-Catholic sentiment 
which prompted the hissing when Senator Vest put Bland's name before the 
convention. Officers of the convention, assistant sergeants-at-arms, went among 
the delegates distributing cards reading: "If you want to see a confessional in 
the White House, vote for Bland." 

This was done while the balloting was in progress. For the first time anti- 
Catholic influence was shown openly in the national convention. Alone it might 
not have been strong enough to defeat Bland for the nomination, but combined 
with other influences it was potent. This was another of the "circumstances." 

The stampede to Bryan was described and was looked upon by many as a 
spontaneous movement of the majority of the convention. It was spontaneous 
on the part of perhaps an emotional third, including the young and inexperi- 
enced delegates who had been intoxicated by the brilliant speech of the day 
before. But underneath these were at work influences which made use of Bryan 
to accomplish the purposes of conspirators. 

Bland had 235 votes on the first ballot; 281 on the second; 291 on the third. 
On the fourth ballot Bryan passed him, and then three or four states which 
had been giving complimentary votes to prevent Bland's nomination went to 
Bryan. One of these was Bland's native state. The little group that defeated 
Bland did so because they did not believe they could influence him. 

The best work done by any Missourian for Bland before the Chicago con- 
vention was by Champ Clark. The Pike county orator was peculiarly happy 
in character sketching. He reverenced the sterling honesty of Bland. At the 
Peoria convention to elect the Illinois delegation to Chicago, Champ Clark ap- 
peared and spoke in Bland's interest. -The effect was electrical. The tabernacle 
was swept as with a whirlwind of enthusiasm,, and from that moment Illinois 
was practically committed to Bland. Those who have heard Champ Clark many 
times estimate that Peoria speech for Bland as the most effective thing he ever 
did. It was apparent to Bland's friends that Champ Clark was the man to place 
him before the Chicago convention. Clark was only too willing. Had the duty 

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been given to him, he would have created a scene that would have been mem- 
orable in convention history. He believed that Bland was the man to be nomi- 
nated, but Vest, weakened by the long session and lost in that great mob, was 
brought from Washington to make one of the most unsatisfactory efforts of his 
brilliant oratorical career. Years after the convention. Judge C. C. Bland wrote : 

"The influences which compassed the defeat of my brother at the Chicago convention 
were outside of, and beyond the control of, the Missouri delegation. In my judgment, 
formed at the time, and still retained, based upon the platform adopted, and from what I 
heard at the convention from influential and reliable sources, my brother was defeated be- 
cause he was an honest, uncompromising Jeflersonian democrat, not sufficiently imbued 
with populistic vagaries to command the support of the then large voting population which 
at that time dwelt in a political zone l)ring outside of cither of the two great political parties. 
To secure that vote, I thought then, and still think, the convention sowed to the wind. The 
democratic party has reaped the whirlwind." 

Blaine's Boy. 

Mention of Edwin O. Stanard, of St. Louis, in the list of eligibles for the 
Vice-Presidential nomination in 1900 had something more serious than mere 
gossip for its inspiration. The availability of Mr. Stanard with half a dozen 
others was discussed earnestly. That Mr. Stanard was from a state which had 
been casting its electoral vote for the democratic ticket with discouraging reg- 
ularity was not considered a bar. The truth was that Mr. Stdnard was estimated 
as more than a Missourian. He was recognized as a national figure by the 
leaders of the republican party, and was so treated in the measuring of Vice- 
Presidential timber. Mr. Stanard made a debut in Congress which was not for- 
gotten by men with memories. "Blaine's boy," he was called at the time, and if 
his home had been in a state riot so consistently democratic as Missouri still 
higher political honors would have been laid at his feet. In the brief service he 
saw in the House of Representatives Mr. Stanard showed great promise. He 
aroused the interest of Mr. Blaine, so much so that that open admiration which 
the man from Maine showed in the St. Louisan prompted the nickname of 
"Blaine's boy." One of the most notable achievements of a new member of 
Congress was Mr. Stanard's successful championship of the first bill for the 
improvement of the Mississippi river. The East dominated then in halls of 
legislation, and when the youthful-looking giant from out of th« West brought 
forward his measure there was manifest inclination to sit down on him. But 
Stanard was splendid in his presence, good humored and zealous. 

Mr. Blaine encouraged him with timely parliamentary suggestions. Stan- 
ard fought until he saw his bill passed by a House that had been anything but 
predisposed in its favor at the beginning. This was one of the incidents which 
Mr. Blaine liked to recall in after years. When he met St. Louisans he inquired 
about Stanard. He repeatedly expressed regret that his friend of the Forty-third 
Congress turned his back upon a political career, saying he had met few men 
whose qualities promised more in public life. And years afterwards, in the 
search for a republican who would be an ideal mate for Mr. McKinley, the name 
of Edwin O. Stanard of Missouri was included with half a dozen others. And 
It was the only name thtis mentioned from a democratic state. 

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The Opportimity tar Cockrell. 

In 1900 some Missourians were awakened to the fact that if Senator Cock- 
rell had been put forward as a candidate at the right time he would have swept 
the field, receiving the unanimous support of the eastern democrats, not only 
for the nomination, but for the campaign following. When too late it became 
clear to these Missourians that with Cockrell at the head of the ticket and an 
eastern man for second place> a former Union soldier or a Spanish war hero, 
the democratic party would have presented a ticket hundreds of thousands of 
votes stronger than Bryan. One of the shrewdest republican senators, a far- 
seeing politician, suggested the strength of Cockrell and the opportunity pre- 
sented to the democrats. He said that it was cause for marvel to him that the 
democrats had not seen that Cockrell was their strongest possible candidate for 
that campaign. It is true that the idea of Cockrell never occurred to the Mis- 
sourians until eastern democrats went to them and told them how strong the sena- 
tor would be and offered to support him in the convention if Missouri would 
bring him out. 

Bryan's Attack on Clark. 

At Chicago in 1896 one Missourian who personified the issue of his party 
was defeated by a clique of half a dozen leaders because he was not pliant. At 
Baltimore in 1912 another Missourian was deprived of the Presidential nomina- 
tion through a false issue raised by one man. Speaker Champ Qark had received 
on the first ballot 440>4 votes. His strength had increased to 556, considerably 
more than a majority, but not the two-thirds required by democratic usage. 
With Mr. Clark forging toward the nomination, William J. Bryan arose and 
assailed him because he was receiving the vote of the New York delegation. He 

"When we were instructed for Mr. Clark, the democratic voters who instructed us did 
so with the distinct understanding that Mr. Clark stood for progressive democracy. Mr. 
Qark's representatives appealed for support on no other ground. They contended that ' 
Mr. Clark was more progressive than Mr. Wilson and indignantly denied that there was 
any collusion between Mr. Clark and the reactionary clement of the party. On no other 
conditions could Mr. Clark have received a plurality of the democratic votes of Nebraska. 
The thirteen delegates for whom I speak stand ready to carry out the instructions in the 
spirit in which they were given and upon the conditions under which they were given. 

"Some of the delegates will not participate in the nomination of any man — I cannot 
say for how many I can speak, for I have not had a chance to take a poll — but some of these 
delegates will not participate in the nomination of any whose nomination depends on the 
vote of the New York delegation. 

"Speaking for myself and for any of the delegates who may decide to support me, 1 
withhold my vote from Mr. Clark as long as New York's vote is recorded for him. And 
the position that I take in regard to Mr. Clark I will take in regard to any other candidate, 
whose name is now or may be before the convention." 

The Speaker's Reply to Bryan. 

That night Champ Oark replied to Mr. Bryan with this statement : 

"Today in the national convention an outrageous aspersion was cast on me, and through 
me upon the democratic party, by one who of all men ought to be the last man to besmirch 

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Secretary of the Interior in the cabinet of 

President Benjamin Harrison . 

Known as "Blaine's Boy" while a mem- 
ber of Congress 


Secretary of the Interior in the cabinets of 

Presidents McKinley and Roosevelt 

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or betray his friends or his party. So far as I am personally concerned, it is enough to say 
that the charge which reflects upon my personal or party integrity is utterly and absolutely 
false, I might afford to iorgtt myself, but I am, by the choice of the democratic majority 
of the House, of Representatives, the ranking official deiHocrat in national public life. I 
cannot be false or corrupt without reflecting upon my party in the most serious way. 

"Any man who would entdr into an alliance with any selfish interest or privileged class 
of this country to gain the nomination for the Presidency is unworthy of the Presidency 
and of the Speakership of the House. If I have not entered into such an alliance then 
the democrat, however distinguished, who wantonly charges me with this act is a traitor 
to the democratic party and to his professed friendship to me. 

"I am not here to plead for a nomination or to attempt to influence any man's political 
action. Let every man proceed in this convention according to his convictions and Ac 
expressed will of constituents. I ask no undue consideration from any man, be he friend 
or foe, but I demand exact justice from every democrat either in this convention or 
throughout the nation. With William J. Bryan and his charge in the convention today 
the issue is proof 6r retraction. I shall expect him to meet that issue. 

"Champ Clark." 

Th» Positian of Clark's Supporters. 

Qark was the foremost candidate until the thirtieth ballot. R^iarding the 
candidate's moral claim to the nomination Senator Stone, who was leading his 
support, said in a letter addressed to Mn Qarki' 

"As a result of conferences of a large ntirfiber oi your supporters for the democratic 
nomination for President I am directed by their unanimous voice to address to 3rou the 
following communication: . ; - 

"It is a first principle of democracy fhail the-^iff* of Iji^^jbrity shall prevail. The 
two-thirds rule observed by the democratic r-fmfty in nitional convention, adopted originally 
in connection with the nomination of a candidate for Vice-President, was abrogated by 
practice long ago. Whenever, durmg^ the past sixty yeats, a candidate has received the 
majority of votes, his title to the nomination has been recognized and has been ratified 
immediately by the addition of a sufficient number to meet the technical requirements *of 
two-thii;ds. ' 

. 'The precedent thus maintained during all these years has become a party law, as 
binding in morals and in equity as if it were a written statute. No fair minded man can 
deny that; but for this fact, the two-thirds rule would have been definitely abolished yeart 
ago. Nor can anyone, in reason or in right, question the declaration that it is a point of 
honor with the party and the pkrt/s representative to sustain this tradition. 

"Even though a bare majority of the delegates had voted for you but once, the obliga- 
tion of the parly's representatives to designate you as the nominee would have been estab- 
lished. But the fact is that you held a clear majority on eight successive ballots, thus prov- 
ing conclusively that the expression of the majority was in no sense tentative, but was 
deliberate and definite. From every point of view, therefore, your title to the democratic 
nomination foir President is clear and unmistakable. 

"In view of these circumstances, we insist that you owe it to the democratic party, to 
your supporters in the convention and to your own honor to continue as a candidate before 
the convention until two-thirds of the delegates shall meet the technical requirement to con* 
firm the nomination, which, in all fairness, justice and morals, has already been conferred 
upon you by a majority of the delegates representing thirty-six states and territories of the 

"Upon receipt of assurance from. you that, under no circumstances, will you permit 
your name to be withdrawn, we heri^y pledge ourselves to vote for you' qn every ballot 
that shall hereafter be taken in the convention." 

The Speaker's Conunent on the Result. 

Wilson was nominated on the 46th ballot. Following- the result Speaker 
Clark made this statement: 

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"No set of men ever made a better or braver fight for any man in this world than my 
friends all over the country made for me. They have my heartfelt thanks. We never had 
money enough even to pay for an adequate supply of postage stamps and literature. I was 
tied down here by my duties of the Speakership. I could, therefore, aid my friends very 
little. They made the fight, gave me 200,000 majority in the states where Governor Wilson 
and I competed in the primaries, and caused me to lead on thirty ballots in the convention, 
in nine of which I had a clear majority. Nevertheless, the nomination was bestowed on 
Governor Wilson. I never scratched a democratic ticket or bolted a democratic nominee in 
my life. I shall not chapge.the democratic habit now. I am too seasoned a soldier not to 
accept cheerfully the fortunes of war. 

*T will support Governor Wilson with whatever power I possess, and hope he will be 

'T lost the nomination solely through the vile and malicious slanders >of G>1. William 
Jennings Bryan of Nebraska. True, these slanders were by innuendo and insinuation, bat 
they were no less deadh' for that reason 

"Champ Clakk.*' 

Senator Stone as a Campaign Kanager. 

Of the beginning of his campaign for the Presidential nomination, and of the 
close relation of William J. Stone to that campaign, Champ Clark has given this 
reminiscence : 

"It will be remembered that in the early spring of 191 1 newspapers began to mention 
me for the democratic Presidential nomination. The mentioning grew in volume and 
frequency until by November it was universally discussed in the public press and in private 
conversation. Senator Stone and I had never been enemies, but we had not been intimate 
friends. It will also be remembered that the public press was also mentioning Governor 
Joseph W. Folk very frequently. A more or less active argument was in prognress between 
my supporters and his, as to which of us should have the Missouri delegation. 

"In the meantime. Senator Stone spoke no word, gave no sign as to which of us he 
favored,— if either. It happened that in the last part of November Dr. Bartholdt's friends 
gave him a banquet at the Southern hotel, which he deserved and which he was anxions I 
should attend, — ^which I did. That afternoon I was out at the home of Judge Virgil Rule, 
one of my old pupils, three or four miles from the business center of St. Louis. The judge 
had invited about a dozen of my friends to be present to consult about starting my cam- 
paign. Unexpectedly, Senator Stone walked in. 

*The other gentlemen, taking it for granted that he had come to see me, after shaking 
hands with him, adjourned to another room. So soon as they had disappeared this brief 
dialogue ensued: 

"Senator Stone said, *Mr. Speaker, I came out to ask you just one question for*my own 
guidance. Are you a candidate for President?* 

"I replied, 'Senator, men do not announce for President as they do for constable.' 

"He answered, Tell that to the marines. I want to know. I have seen it in the 
papers. I have seen men who assert you are a candidate, but I never saw a man who said 
you had told him. I desire to know definitely.' 

*T said, Tes, Senator, I am a candidate.' 

'Without another word, he picked up his hat, cane, gloves and overcoat and went down 
stairs. Immediately headquarters were engaged and the fight was on. 

"From that hour until the announcement was made that Governor Woodrow Wilson 
was nominated. Senator Stone could not have worked harder for me if he had been my 
father, brother and son rolled into one. 

**He was a delicate looking man in those days, but the amount of work he did was 
amazing. I formed a deep affection for the man which will abide with me so long as life 
lasts. To speak of him is to me a labor of love." 

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Benton on ihe Two-thirds Jtnle; 

Benton cpndemned the tWo-thirds rule in, national conventions as undemo- 
cratic. As to the origin and purpose of this two-thirds rule, H. B. Branch, of 
St. Joseph, quoted Mr. Benton in a speech at Savannah, Mo., many years ago : 

"He said that it was a favorite policy of Mr. Calhoun to hold the South solid, and to 
use the patronage of the government to debauch enough northern electoral votes to keep 
possession of the government. That to aid them in this object they devised the two-thirds 
rule for our national conventions, which was a contrivance to enable the minority to worry 
the majority into a compliance witli their views; ^That this two-thirds rule- was a direct 
assault upon the right of the majority to control, and therefore undemocratic.*' 

A White House Incident. 

"I have introduced a thousand men to President McKinley," said Senator 
Stephen B. Elkins, **and I never before got so much satisfaction out of one of 
those presentations as I did when I took in John T. Crisp of Missouri.'' For- 
tunately, the introduction occurred upon one of Colonel Crisp's "cat-gut days." 
There are times when the strings of the violin snap under ordinary tensioi^, and 
when the master hand fails with them. There are other times when the strings 
will stretch and stretch and make beautiful music almost by themselves. Colonel 
Crisp went tp the White House on what he called "one of my cat-gut days." Elkins 
and Crisp were students together at the University ^of Missouri. Crisp had made 
ready to go to the University o,f Virginia. A persohal letter from Elkins, who 
li^d preceded him to the Missouri institution, changed his mind. No one was 
morfe welcome at the White House under the McKinley administration, than 
Senator Elkins. The time and manner of Colonel Crisp's introduction were 
auspicious. The President was just at the end of one of those wearying sieges 
from the long string of callers, each with his own more or less important plea 
about patronage. He had tried to fix his mind on this petty business, while all 
of the time the great overshadowing question of the relations with Spain was 
weighing hini down. He was leaning back in his chair, limp from the strain, with 
a look on the face that commanded sympathy, when Elkins and Crisp entered. 
Elkins explained, and Crisp uttered the commonplace, but in no commonplace 
manner, about simply wishing to pay his respects to the head of the nation. "I 
want to say something to the President," said Crisp, turning to Elkins with an 
inquiring look. The senator nodded, and Crisp began. 

"I have never in all my experience heard such conversation," said Senator 
Elkins, in recalling the scene. The President leaned back in his chair and lis- 
tened. The color came back in his face. The features lost th^ look of strain 
and assumed that of interest. The fire came into the eyes. Once he raised his * 
hand, stayed the flow of Crisp's speech, and, turning to Senator Elkins, said: 
*1 want to thank you for bringing Colonel Crisp here. This is doing me more 
good than you know." Then, turning back to Crisp, he said: "Go on, Colonel; 
excuse me for interrupting." The visit lasted an hour, and when Crisp retired it 
was with a hearty grip of the President's hand such as no other visitor reccfived 
that day. Of what did the Missourian talk? He told the President what the 
people at home were saying and thinking. He told him that he must not think 
the men who came to him, who surrounded hihi, who wanted this and that, and 
Vol. n— 11 

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who tried to make it appear that they were the medium of communication between 
people and President, were really that. He likened the would-be dispensers of the 
patronage to the tapeworm of, politics, devouring substance and doing the body 
no good. "I want to say to you, Mr. President, that the people believe in you. 
Outside of all political differences and considerations, they feel that you are a 
sincere man, an American and a gentleman. They feel that you are of the same 
kind." And then hfe told a story of how, two or three years ago, he came "home 
from a political meeting and found his son jtist back from another nieeting. 
The young man had been to hear McKinley. "Was it a great meeting?" the father 
asked. "There were so many people you couldn't see across them," the son 
replied. "What impressed you most?" asked the father. "Father," said the 
son, "when Mr. McKinley was speaking I felt here is a man who is one of the 
same people that I am. If he is nominated for President I believe he will be 
elected. I never felt about any of the Presidents as I do about this man." "Mr. 
President," said Colonel Crisp, when he had told the story, "that is the impression 
you made upon a young man born and reared a democrat. I want to say to you 
that I am a democrat, but in the recognition of your sincerity and of your charac- 
ter as an honest and honorable American gentleman, I am a republican ; and all of 
the people — I mean the people who are at home, who do not come here and talk 
to you about the offices, whose hearts are filled with love of their country, whose 
patriotism is not tainted with selfishness — feel just that way and they want you 
to know it. You are to them what no other President since Lincoln has been. 
They are with you in whatever may come, and they want you to know it. They 
hope' you feel it, and may not judge of their sentiment by what you may hear from 
some who claim to represent them, but whose motives are unworthy." And so 
the talk went on, pathos, sarcasm, philosophy, in quick succession, quaintly 
spoken. John T. Crisp talked for one hour in the White House library. A pri- 
vate citizen never had such an audience — ^the President of the United States and 
a United States senator, silent and interested. 

Of Missouri Ooinacfe. 

"Something equally as good" became classic in the Harrison administration. 
The phrase was u^ed many times in Washington. With every list of appointments 
sent to the Senate those who failed to get what they sought scattered and scurried 
for other places. And so went on unceasingly the hunt for "something equally 
as good." The phrase was a taking one. It lived long. The origin is not generally 
known. St. Louis had a solid republican delegation when Harrison took office. 
There was in progress the usual quadrennial distribution of the offices. The 
three St. Louis Congressmen met and agreed upon certain recommendations. 
The slate contained the name of Chauncey I. Filley. A letter was drafted con- 
taining the names of candidates and the places desired for them. It was sent 
to President Harrison. In it was the following line: "Chauncey I. Filley, for 
consul to Hankow, or something equally as good." 

Within a week the phrase had been caught up and was traveling. It was not 
allowed to rest for years. The credit for the coinage was a triple affair. The 
three names signed to the letter were Nathan Frank, F. G. Niedringhaus and 
W. M. Kinsey. When Mr. Frank saw how much that phrase was doing to pro- 

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mote the gaiety of politicians he smiled in, a Mephistoi^elian way, but said 
nothing to deprive either of his colleagues of their share in the production of a 
good thing. / 

How Hissouri Secured a Secretaryship. 

Several days after Mr. Cleveland's first inauguration in 1885, Senator Vest 
went into the library at the White House. He was in no amiable frame of mind. 
The Spanish mission had been filled, but not by the selection of ex-Governor 
Reynolds, of Missouri. The German mission had been disposed of and Sir 
Charles Gibson, of Missouri, had not been remembered. Other big appointments 
were going to the Senate every day and Missourians were not on the list. The 
senator protested. 

"We have received nothing, absolutely nothing," he said. And then after a 
rapid review of particulars in which Missouri had been ignored. Senator Vest 
added : "Even the little office of commissioner of agriculture, which we have 
asked for a citizen of our state who has been indorsed by agricultural interests 
all over the country, is not given to us." 

That was before the commissionership of agriculture had been elevated to 
the dignity of a cabinet position. As the senator spoke, rapidly and rather ve- 
hemently, Mr. Qeveland listened thoughtfully. When Mr. Vest made his cfosing 
reference to the commissionership of agriculture, Mr. Cleveland looked down on 
his desk. There lay the nomination paper of jGeorge W. Glick, of Kansas, to be 
commissioner of agriculture. It awaited only the signature of the President 
before being sent to the Senate. After pondering on the grievance of the Missouri 
senator for a few minutes the President laid aside the intended nomination of 
Glick and directed that a fresh paper be made out with Norman J. Colman, of 
Missouri, as the nominee. That was the way Missouri beat Kansas out of a 
cabinet place. It was a fine illustration of the word in political season fitly spoken. 

When Norman J. Colman learned that he had been selected by President 
Cleveland to head the department of agriculture he took it very modestly. He 
didn't begin to forecast policies in the new position but exclaimed : "What shall 
I do with my colts? They're just about ready to break." 

"Bring 'em on and break 'em here. Governor," somebody unacquainted with 
Mr. Colman's extensive interests in Missouri suggested. 

"What?" said Mr. Colman, "there are forty-one of them, all promising trot- 
ting stock." 

The esteem in which secretary of agriculture Norman J. Colman was held 
by those who served under him in the first Qeveland administration was well 
illustrated by a letter he received from a Kansas woman, Carrie Blair Thompson, 
of political faith different from the secretary's : 

"I lay down my duties as a clerk jn government employ to assume a station to which 
every woman looks forward with happy anticipation, and under such circumstances words 
of regret must indeed seem strange, yet I only express my feelings when I say that it is 
with a keen sense of that emotion that I sign my name to a document which is to close 
our official relations. 

"Your kindness at all times, your forbearance, your wisdom and your sympathy for all 
womankind, expressed in so many delicate ways, has made the department one united and 
happy household and has endeared you in the hearts of your subordinates. In leaving here 

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I feel as though going out from a happy family, and I resign duties which, because of your 
assistance, your counsel and your indulgence at all, times, have been more than plpasant. 
My heart is full of gratitude to you for all your kindly acts, and though henceforth our 
paths in life are to be apart, I shall always Teverc your memory and look back with - pleasure 
upon the happy days and hours which your noble heart has made possible. May health 
and prosperity be with you always." 

A Story on John W. Noble. 

Several months before the Harrison administration began Gen. John W. Noble 
Avrote a letter to Major Warner, then a representative in Congress, stating that 
he thought Missouri was entitled to a place in the cabinet, and asking Warner 
if he would not like to have such a position. The latter replied that he had 
decided to retire from public life, in order to devote himself to his law practice. 
He also said that it would probably be best to adhere to this determination. 
Noble then wrote another letter to Warner, stating that no doubt the latter was 
right in refusing to accept a public position. Afterwards Mr. Noble, unexpectedly 
to himself, was made secretary of the interior. When he recalled the corre- 
spondence with Warner, he at once sat down and wrote to the major as follows: 

**When I said you were perfectly right in keeping away from the house, I had 
no idea of courting the girl." 

Francis and the Cabinet. 

Few men have been boosted into cabinet place by active influences but many 
men have had good chances for appointment killed by the opposition of politicians. 
A President so independent as Mr. Cleveland showed that he was susceptible to 
that kind of negative pressure. He had made up his mind to appoint as secretary 
of the the beginning of his administration David R. Francis. A tele- 
graphed protest from three prominent Missouri democrats caused Mr. Qeveland 
to rub Mr. Francis' name off the slate. The time came when the President found 
among those most hostile to him in his party the three Missourians who had 
caused the rejection of Mr. Francis. Three years later, in the summer of 1896, 
Mr. Francis was. asked to take the secretaryship of the interior. His term of 
office was not quite one year, but in that time he added millions of acres to the 
forest reserves and instituted refoi:ms in the service which were ratified and con- 
tinued in the McKinley administration. 

How Hitchcock Broke the Precedents. 

Ethan A. Hitchcock was one of the notable surprises of his generation in 
public life. In November, 1896, a group of Missouri Congressmen en route to 
Washington stopped over at Canton. Mr. McKinley was President-elect. Mis- 
souri democrats had, two years previously, in 1894, like Peter, "gone a-fishing." 
The congressional delegation was largely republican. These representatives 
from Missouri were on their way to Washington to serve the short session of 
what was for most of them their only term in Congress. They stopped at Canton 
to pay their respects to the President-elect. "Pay their respects," has covered 
more political devilment than any other phrase in the English language. Col- 
lectively the party asked Mr. McKinley to choose from Missouri a member for 
his cabinet, and individually the party blushed modestly. Mr. McKinley was 
kind. He talked pleasantly, as he always did, and encouragingly as he did .not 

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always mean to do. But when the conversation reached particulars the President 
suddenly asked: ^ 

"Gentlemen! How would Mr. Hitchcock do?" 

The Congressmen went on to Washington and immediately confided to a news- 
paper correspondent that Mr. McKinley was "considering Henry Hitchcock for a 
place in the cabinet." And the correspondent promptly wired to his paper. The 
npxt day came rejection. Henry Hitchcock had been during the Harrison ad- 
ministration very close to an appointment on the United States Supreme bench — 
so close in fact that for some dayfe the Presidential mind had hesitated between 
the Missouri lawyer and another man. Decision in favor of the latter had been 
made only for the reason that he was a Federal judge and was from a republican 
state. It did not seem probable that Henry Hitchcock, whose tastes and qualifica- 
tions so eminently fitted him for the Supreme bench, would be under consideration 
for a cabinet appointment. The members of the Missouri group who had called 
at Canton were seen and catechised. They were asked to repeat exactly what 
Mr. McKinley had said. They agreed that he had asked them : — 

"How would Mr, Hitchcock do?" , 

Did the President-elect say Mr. Henry Hitchcock? No; they were quite 
sure he did not. Did he mention Mr. Hitchcock's first name at any time during 
the conversation ? No ; they could not recall that he did. But who else could he 
have had in mind but Henry Hitchcock? So questioned the Congressmen. 

It was no special test of memory to recall that when Mr. McKinley, as chair- 
man of the ways and means committee, was framing his famous tariff bill a few 
years before, he had sought information and advice from Ethan A. Hitchcock 
upon certain schedules. It was remembered that Mr. Hitchcock had spent some 
time in Washington helping Mr. McKinley, and that Mr. McKinley had expressed 
strongly his admiration of Mr^ Hitchcock's clear-headed, business-like ways. 
Therefore the Washington dispatches *a day later withdrew Mr. Henry Hitchcock 
from the cabinet possibility and substituted Mr. Ethan A. Hitchcock. Not until 
the correctness of this was confirmed from Canton did the Missouri Congressmen 
admit their misunderstanding. 

But in the abundance of advice Mr. McKinley laid aside his earliest impres- 
sions and intentions which were his best. He constructed a cabinet from motives 
of political expediency, and it speedily fell to pieces. Mr. Ethan A. Hitchcock 
went to Russia as ambassador only to be recalled and put at the head of the 
department of the interior, when Mr. Cornelius N. Bliss, after a few months' 
trial of the duties, had given up in disgust. 

Phenomenal is the word that describes the career of Mr. Hitchcock as a 
cabinet minister. He was secretary of the interior to two Presidents as dissimi- 
lar as any two men who have occupied the White House. He won the unreserved 
confidence and the unstinted commendation of both of them. He held one of 
the hardest places to fill in the Cabinet. He held it longer than any predecessor 
since the department was established. 

Switsler's Bec<Nrd. 

One of the notably successful officials in the first Cleveland administration 
was William F. Switzler of Missouri. He filled the position of chief of the bureau 

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of statistics. His predecessor, Mr. Nimmo, was retired because of what in those 
days was called **offensivq. partisanship." The Missourian made no such mistake. 

Scores and scores of letters, asking informaltion, came to the bureau during 
the campaign. 

"Please send me the best figures youVe got to sustain the democratic party 
on this question," was the way editors and orators wrote to Colonel Switzler, 
never doubting, apparently, that this campaign thunder would be forthcoming 
to order. 

Colonel Switzler answered all of these letters scrupulously, but the form was 
the same. . ' 

"This bureau," he wrote, "has neither democratic nor republican statistics. 
The multiplication table is non-partisan." 

President Cleveland's historic tariff reform message and Colonel Swit^^r's 
exhaustive report on the wool industry appeared almost simultaneously. This 
created much talk. The colonel had been at work and had had his agents at 
work for several Ynonths upon the investigation. He had made a wonderful 
collection of statistics and facts about wool-growing in the United States. He 
had traced analytically the relations between the tariff and the growth of this 
industry. The results he launched upon the public, as fortune would have it, 
just as the President confronted his condition and declared for free wool. 

"I suppose hundreds of people have asked me if my wool industry report 
conflicts with the President's position," said the old statistician one day. "My 
answer to them is that I don't know whether it does or not. It is not my province 
to say. I am not here to draw deductions from, or build arguments upon, the 
statistics I collate. 'Hew to the line, and let the chips fall where they may* is the 
principle upon which I gather figures." "* 

"Statisticians are bom, not made," the gray-haired Missourian continued. 
"This work calls for peculiar aptitude. Some of the ablest men in Congress 
couldn't administer, the business of this bureau. I don't suppose Senator Vest 
could fill my place three hours, and I expect he would tell you so if you asked 
him. Why? Simply because his mind does not run to figures and their meaning. 
The work doesn't call for ability so much as for a peculiar kind of mental action. 
To me figures are a delight, and always have been. I can see poetry in a statistical 
table which covers the broadside of a page. I go down and up columns of figures 
with the absorbing interest a philosopher pores over a treatise on his specialty. 
There is no novel so fascinating to me as a statistical report. I love figures.-" 

A BKssonriaii and Parcel Post. 

In the first Cleveland administration, a Missourian put into effect a new 
feature of the postal system which was of far-reaching consequence. Nicholas 
M. Bell was superintendent of foreign mails. He was a guest at the White House 
on Thanksgiving day, 1886. Postmaster General Vilas was there. It was a gath- 
ering of three. Following the dinner President Cleveland made conversation by 
asking the Missourian, "How are matters going with you, Mr. Bell?" The ad- 
ministration was only a year and a half old. If the Missourian had been the usual 
courtier, he would have answered in the usual congratulatory words; but he 
said, after the frank Missouri manner, "Everything would move off well, if only 

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this administration had a postmaster general who was Worth the po>yder it 
would take to blow him up." The President looked interested. The Missourian's 
boss looked amused as he turned the matter aside with, "Why, what is the mat- 
ter, Nick? Have you still got that Mexican parcel post on your mind?" 

The President put in an inquiry for information. And the Missourian told a 
story, a true story. He had been promoting the plan of making the North 
American continent one postal territory to the extent that two cents should carry 
a letter between all points in the United States, Mexico and Canada. In obtaining 
ratification of the necessary treaty, he had visited the City of Mexico. There 
was little or no difficulty about arranging this international agreement on letter 
mail. But on the way home, Mr.^Bell had stopped off at Chihuahua where a Mr. 
Shepherd had shown him some cburtesies; and when the Missourian had asked 
if tftere wasn't something he could do for him in the states, this Mr. Shepherd 
had said that if it wasn't too much trouble he would like to have Mr. Bell send 
him a Stetson hat. Of course the Missourian said he would. But when it came 
to sending the hat, Mr. Bell discovered that such were the tariff and other regula- 
tions of international commerce between the two countries, it would cost $20 
to get the five dollar hat on Mr. Shepherd's head. Superintendent Bell went 
to the then Mexican minister, Mr. Romero, who at once agreed that a parcel post 
treaty between the two countries was highly desirable. And with the promise 
of Mr. Romero's co-operation, Mr. Bell set to work on the preparation of the. 
treaty and kept at it two months. But when the finished treaty was laid before 
the postmaster general it stopped there, not through any special objection to it but 
because other matters seemed more important, probably. 

President deveUind heard the story through and then askted Mr. Vilas what 
objection there was to the treaty. "As a matter of fact," said the postmaster 
general, ^'I have never had the treaty adequately explained to me before." "Bring 
the draft of the treaty to the White House tomorrow," said the President. Ap- 
proval was prompt, so that on the 4th of April, 1887, mail order trade between 
the United States and Mexico was opened. Before the downfall of the Diaz 
regime in Mexico, that trade by parcel post with Mexico was estimated to be 
worth $1,000,000 a year to St. Louis alone. The Mrssourian's word in season 
at the White House that Thanksgiving day started the series of parcel post treaties 
which today enables the United States to carry on trade by parcel post with 
pretty much all of the rest of the world. 

B[i880iiri Etiquette. 

"Don't bring in any more cards," said Comptroller Mansur ^o the colored 
messenger at the door of his office in the Treasury. "If people want to see me 
tell 'em to come right in. That's what Fm here for." 

And having introduced Missouri etiquette in one corridor of the big financial 
hive the burly ex-Congressman entered upon his duties. 

The latch-string was always out. Sometimes visitors found the second comp- 
troller in his shirt-sleeves, and sometimes they found him with his coat on, but 
under all circumstances he was accessible without formalities. 

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Vest on the Hampton Roads Conf^ence. 

One ol the most impressive utterances by Senator Vest was made near the 
close of his career. It was based upon the personal information of Mr. Vest and 
it put to rest a story of the Civil war which has had much circulation. Senator 
Tillman of South Carolina liad repeated in the Senate this account of the historic 
conference at Hampton Roads in 1864 when President Lincoln, accompanied by 
Secretary Seward, met several high representatives of the Confederate govern- 
ment. According to the story whi^h Senator Tillman revived, Mr. Lincoln wrote 
on a piece of paper the words "Save the Union" and handed the paper to Alex- 
ander H. Stephens, vice-president of the Confederate government, saying, "Alex- 
ander, take this paper and fill up for yourselves the conditions of peace.** This 
story Senator Vest told the Senate he knew to be without foundation. He said : 
"If true it would place the government and officers of the Confederate state? in 
the category of criminals, because it offered the Confederacy all it ever demanded 
in the wildest hope of the most extreme partisans of that cause if they would 
only return to the Union. If true, it would mean that the Confederates could 
have placed on that sheet of paper the perpetual establishment of slavery and the 
right of secession, the most extreme demand that had ever taken locality even in 
the dream of any Confederate." 

Senator Vest went on to tell the Senate what took place at the conference as 
he had received the particulars from Mr. Stephens and Mr. Huntdr after their 
return to Richmond. 

"I am today," Senator Vest said, "the only surviving one of thfe twenty-six 
gentlemen who acted as Confederate senators." 

Mr. Lincoln. Senator Vest said, opened the conference by asking: "In the 
first place, gentlemen, I desire to know what are your powers and instructions 
from the Richmond government." Mr. Hunter told Senator Vest that Mr. Lin- 
coln avoided the expression "Confederate -states." Mr. Hunter replied to Presi- 
dent Lincoln, "Mn President, we are instructed to consider no proposition that 
does not involve the independence of the Confederate States of America." 

Mr. Lincoln ended the conference by saying: "Then the interview had as well 
terminate now, for I must say to you gentlemen frankly and honestly that noth- 
ing will be accepted from the government at Richmond except absolute and un- 
conditional surrender." 

As the Confederates retired. President Lincoln said to Mr. Stephens, as 
Senator Vest was told, "Stephens, you are making a great mistake. Your gov- 
ernment is a failure, and when the crash comes as it soon must come, there will 
bie chaos and disasters which we cannot now foresee, which must come to your 

Senator Vest Raid "this account of that interview, substantially and almost 
word for word as I have given it, came to me from Mr. Stephens and Mr. 

Senator Vest said he made this statement to the Senate from a sense of duty, 
that history might not be falsified. If Mr. Stephens arid Mr. Hunter, the senator 
added, '*had refused what was said to have beert tendered to them by the Presi- 
dent, they would have been accessories to the murder of every man who fell from 
that time in defense of the Confederate cause, and they would have given the 

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lie to the intentions which they professed when they risked e-verything that is 
heW dear among men in defense of the Confederate cause." With the close atten- 
tion of every member of the Senate present, Vest concluded : 

"It may ]>t but a very short time until I shall join the twenty-five colleagues 
I had in the Confederate Senate, and I did not want this statement to go iiito 
the record of this country without my statement of these facts and my solemn 
denial that there is a shadow of truth in this assertion which has been going the 
rounds of the newspapers of the country for the last few: years." 

Missouri's Two Cabinet Places in 1920. 

When the cabinet was enlarged by the addition of a secretary of commerce 
and labor, President Taft called a Missourian to organize and make efficient the 
new department. The idea of an . in4ependent department of the government 
devoted to commerce was not new. It had been advocated years earlier by Nathan 
Frank, of Missouri, as the conclusion drawn from his experience in Congress and 
in commercial law. Before Secretary Nagel had coippleted his four years in the 
Taft cabinet he realized that a national organization of the commercial interests 
of the country was highly advisable to make the department all that it should be 
for the country. Going to Boston on an invitation to address the chamber of 
commerce of that city, Secretary Nagel presented his plan for a national chamber 
of commerce. There had been previous efforts, not eminently successful, at na- 
tional trade organization but the Nagel plan aimed directly at cooperation between 
the national body he proposed and the departments of the government, especially 
the one which he was building up. He showed the Boston business men by illus- 
trations the opportunity which was open for such an organization holding close 
relations with the government at Washington. As the plan was made plain to 
them the members of the Boston chamber arose and waved their napkins and 
cheered with enthusiasm. Secretary Nagel received such encouragement that in 
April, 1912, he called a meeting out of which was organized the national chamber 
of commerce, which became a great force for good in the years of thev World 

Under President Wilson, Missouri had the distinction of contributing two 
members of the cabinet. At the opening of Mr. Wilson's first term. Dr. David 
F. Houston, chancellor of Washington University, was made secretary of agri- 
culture, becoming later secretary of the treasury. Near the close of his second 
term, President Wilson called to the cabinet, Joffehua W. Alexander, of Missouri, 
to be secretary of commerce. Mr. Alexander at the time was serving in the House 
of Representatives from the Third Missouri district and had made a notable 
record as the chairman of a committee having to do largely with legislation along 
commercial lines. Six months before the end of his second term he appointed as 
secretary of state, Bainbridge Colby, born and educated in Missouri, but later a 
citizen of New York. ^ 

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Benton Line and Barton Line — Nullification Issue — High Places in Benton's Career— De- 
fense^ of Jackson — Expunging Resolution — The Great Salt Speech — Conservation 
Policies-Clay's Conversion^-^The Feud with Webster—A Political Suicide — Galusha 
Grow on Benton-^Linn, Father of Oregon and Model Senator — Geyer^s Senatorial 
Career— Atchison's Difficult J^osition^—Blair^s First Term — Barrett-Blair Contest — 
Thirty-Nine Days for Shields— Bland and "the Crime of *ff— Champion of the People 
— Byar/ Estimate of the Missouri Commoner— Missouri and the Speakership — Why 
Phelps was Put Aside^Admission of Oregon — Hatch Denied the Solid Delegation — 
Champ Clark's Distinction— The Patronage Certificate of iSSs^'Tub, Docs,"— Champ 
Clark and the New Member — Vest's Scathing Rebuke of Presidential Interference-^ 
Martin L. Clardy's Discovery — Advice to Young Men — Drafts on a Congressman — 
Morgan's Tariff Problem — The Lead and Zinc Issue — Vest on Missouri Industries— 
The Cockrell .Brothers — Missour^s Tidal Wave of 1894 — Dpckery's Monument — Bar- 
tholdfs Exceptional Career— ^The Torrey Act — Cockrell's Arraignment of Cleveland- 
Cobb, a Favorite at the White House — Tarsney and the Lobbyist — Reed and Missouri 
Precedents-Stone's Public Life without Parallel— "The Unfortunate Senatorial Line." 

From that time his life w«s in the pnblic eje and the bare enumeration of the measures of which lie 
was the author and the prime mover would be almost a history of Congress legislation. The enumeration 
is unnecessary here» the long list is known throughout the length and breadth of the land — repeated with 
the familiarity of household words from the great cities on the seaboard to the lonely cabins on the 
frontier— and studied by the little boys, who feel an honorable ambition beginning to stir within their 
bosoms and a laudable desire to learn something of the history of their country. — Benton in His Auto- 
biographical Notes on His Own Career. 

Missouri has had only twenty-six United States senators and Missouri is clos- 
ing the tenth decade of her statehood. Several historical facts distinguish Mis- 
souri in the United States Senate. Missouri was the first state to send a senator 
five terms in succession. A generation later, Francis Marion Cockrell duplicated 
this extraordinary service. At the memorial exercises for William J. Stone, 
Speaker Clark said : "An examination of the dates at which Missouriins entered 
and left the Senate will disclose two curious facts in Missouri history. She is 
the first state that elected two men for five full consecutive terms to the Senate 
of the United States — *six Roman lustrtuns/ as Benton was wont to boast in his 
pompous way. These were Benton and Cockrell. The only other state to do that 
was Maine, Missouri's twin." Cockrell was in what Champ Clark called "The 
Benton Line" of Missouri senators. 

The Barton Line began with the two terms of David Barton. Then in suc- 
cession came Alexander Buckner, Lewis F. Linn, David R. Atchison, James S. 


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Green, Waldo P. Johnson, Robert ^Wilson, B. Grat^ Brown, Charles D. Drake, 
Daniel R. Jewett, Francis P. Blair, Lewis V. Bogy, David H. Armstrong, James 
Shields, George G. Vest, William J. Stone, Xenophon P. Wilfley, Selden P. 
Spencer — 18. 

In the Benton line only eight Missourians have been elected — Thomas H. 
Benton, Henry S. Geyer, Trusten Polk, John B. Henderson^ Carl Schurz, Frartcis 
Marion Cockrell, William Warner and James A. Reed. 

Politically the Missouri senators divide as sixteen democrats, one whig and 
seven republicans. The years of senatorial service have been six for the whigs, 
thirty for the republicans and 160^/^ for the democrats. During eighteen months 
in the fifties Missouri had only one senator, owing to the deadlock in the general 

The succession to Barton came to be known in Missouri political history as 
*'the unfortunate senatorial Jine." That was because for a long time the succes- 
sive holders of it were limited' to short periods compared with Benton's thirty 
years. Vest broke the record in respect to service in this line. Stone followed 
with a hold on the line broken only by his death. He was one of only two Mis- ^ 
souri governors who, after serving the state at Jefferson City, reached the United 
States Senate. The other was Trusten Polk ; but, in the case of the latter, election 
to the Senate followed quickly on inauguration as governor. In Stone's case 
there was a gap of sixty years between the term at Jefferson City and the sena- 
torship. Stone was the only Missourian to serve in both branches of Congress 
and also as governor. 

Benton's Early Prominence. 

Senator Benton became almost immediately a national figure. He took posi- 
tion on the Oregon question, arguing that the United States siiould occupy and 
hold all of the territory in dispute. Hje was for war if necessary to establish 
the boundary where the United States claimed it belonged. He offered to take 
10,000 Missourians and settle the trouble in sixty days. 

Benton was the original conservationist of the West. He wanted the great 
Indian reservations cut down and the land opened to white settlement. Under 
the prevailing policy of the government, public lands were sold to the highest 
bidder and were passing into possession of speculators. To Benton's influence 
was due largely the change in policy which provided that the land be sold at 
$1.25 an acre to actual settlers. 

Missouri was deeply interested in trade oyer the Santa Fe trail. Benton 
pushed through the act which made the trail a national highway and committed 
the government to the defense of it with soldiers. 

Benton pushed his bills to change the land laws in the interest of the actual 
settler in Congress after Congress. He not only made speeches in the Senate, 
but he had those speeches printed in newspapers throughout the West. He 
went on the stump to advocate his land policy. States which had public lands 
adopted Benton's ideas. President Jackson and President Van Buren recom- 
mended in their messages the legislation Benton championed. Gradually step 
by step were brought about the pre-emption and the homestead privileges for 
which Benton pioneered the way. 

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Ignited States senator 

Member of Congress 

United States senator 

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. ASTCI», L»W AN* 

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The High Places in Benton's Career. 

Senator Vest, who studied Benton as perhaps no other public man has done, 
said : 

"In 1828 came a great parliamentary contest in which Benton bore conspicuous part. 
Mr. Calhoun then advanced his idea of nullification by a state of Federal legislation when 
the people of that state believed the enactment of such legislation was absolutely destructive 
of their best interests. Slavery was not involved in that contest. It was a quesion of tariff 
taxation. Calhoun argued with great ability that a state could remaih in the Union and yet 
nullify an act of the Federal Congress which even the Supreme* Court decided to be con- 

"I have always regarded Mr. Calhoun as one of the greatest analytical disputants this 
or any other country has ever produced. I have studied his works; but I was never able 
to appreciate his argument in favor of nullification. Jackson, who was then President, 
looked upon it as absolute treason, and declared that if Calhoun attempted to carry it out 
he would hang him as high as Haman. Clay and Webster stood by the side of Benton in 
defending the position taken by Jackson, and although there was a compromise without 
, armed conflict between South Carolina and the general government, I have no doubt that 
the nullification contest of 1828 influenced all the subsequent career of Colonel Benton, and 
the opinions he then formed were responsible for hi$ .final foliticah overthrow in Missouri. 

"Colonel Benton, above all men — I will not say abov^all ipenj but certainly without any 
superior in the regard I am about to mention — loved the tlnion. It colored and influenced 
all his life, and he firmly believed that Mr. Calho^m was a traitor and had then inaugurated 
or attempted to , inaugurate a scheme to establish a southern confederacy based upon the 
institution of African slavery. Notwithstanding. A^ny acrJ^pnSjus d.ejbates, he renewed his 
friendship with Webster and Clay, but never forgave Mr. Calhoun! I heard him in 1856, 
when a candidate for governor of Missouri, declare emphatically • in a public address that 
if he had been President in 1828, instead of threatening to hang Calhoun, he would have 
hanged him on the eastern exposure of the Capitol, and appealed to the people of the 
United States to vindicate his action." 

The Expunging Resolution. 

"A few years after the nullification struggle came the great conflict over the old 
United States bank, when Jackson, with his usual impetuosity and setf-will, took the institu- 
tion out of the hands of Nicholas Biddle and removed the deposits. Whether he had a 
right to do that, or not, which I do not care to discuss, because it is ancient history, Jack- 
son believed that he was doing ^is duty, and the people of the United States by a large 
majority vindicated his action. Clay, Calhoun and Webster attacked the Administration on 
account of the removal of the bank deposits, and Benton, single-handed and alone, fought 
that great triumvirate day after day in the Senate of the United States until the resolution 
of censure was passed against Jackson. 

"Ordinary men would then have given up the conflict, but not so with Thomas H. 
Benton. With him the battle had just commenced. After a short pause he introduced his 
resolution to expunge the resolution of censure from the records of the Senate. The last 
night of the terrible struggle, the most remarkable in our parliamentary history, and which 
took place in what is now the room of the Supreme Court, was signalized by many dramatic 
incidents. Benton said, and I have no doubt believed, that he was to be assassinated upon 
that night from the gallery, and he stood in the chamber throwing open his coat and vest, 
and daring the bank robbers to attack him. 

'Then, as now, the Senate of the United States had no previous question, and the 
matter could be determined only by a war of exhaustion physically. Benton stocked the 
committee rooms with provisions and liquors so that starvation might not weaken his forces. 
And, singularly enough, after succeeding in expunging the hated resolution, Benton regarded 
that as the great triumph of his life. He never spoke afterwards before the people of Mis- 
souri without declaring that, single-handed and alone, Benton put this ball in motion. As a 
matter of practical and material legislation it amounted to nothing. As a personal triumph 
Colonel Benton regarded it as the crowning glory of his long and able public career." 

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Benton's Great Salt Speech. 

Very early, salt became an issue in Missouri. Benton's "salt speech" \vas his 
first great hit with his tonstituents. He made open war in the Senate upon the 
salt tax. The government had imposed a duty of twenty cents on a bushel of 
fifty-six pounds. This was to encourage an eastern ihdustry. Benton investi- 
gated, after his thorough-going habit, the manufacture of salt. He told all about 
it. He assailed the tax as fostering a monopoly largely at the expense of his 
constituents. He kept up the fight until in 1846 salt was put on the free list. 
EJihu H. Shepard, in his early History of St. Louis and Missouri tells at length 
of the importance which was attached to this speech of Benton : 

"The year 1830 was rendered remarkable for the general enlightenment of the people 
of Missouri in regard to the quality of the different kinds of salt>they were in the daily 
use of, and the immense burden that they and all the people of the western and southern 
states had long been subject to, without understanding the disadvantages under which 
they labored or knowing the weight of the burden they bore. 

"In the settlement of the western states, the first and great desideratum was a supply 
of good, wholesome salt, and necessity compelled them at an early day to manufacture 
it from fountains, more or less impregnated with other deleterious substances, and to use 
it for a long period before a good article could be procured elsewhere. 

"At length, with the improvements of the age, the article became plentiful at our 
great seaports, but covetous rulers had watched its charms, and had seized it as one of 
the most available objects from which to collect a large revenue, and imposed a tax on it 
of over two hundred per centum on its cost, and continued it fifteen years in ^imc of peace, 
until the people had despaired of relief and nearly forgotten the burden they bore, when 
they were entirely relieved of it by one of their senators. Missouri now, only in the tenth 
year of her age,- had become celebrated by the wisdom and perseverance of her senators, 
who were, at that early day, listened to as oracles in the Senate, and one indeed seemed 
at a ^ater period to have been inspired ; and the people had become enlightened as to the 
weight of the burdens they bore. But as to the qualities and cost of the salt they then 
used, experiments, science and interest had but partially informed them of the disad- 
vantages under which they were then laboring, and from which there seemed little prospect 
of relief. 

'The products of the western states were then just beginning to make their appear- 
ance in the markets of the world, and their. qualities were examined and their defects ex- 
posed in all their bearings. The immense swine crops of the western states required such 
a vast amount of salt for their preservation that its importance as a subject of taxation 
could not escape the observation of all whose duty it was to frame laws for the people; 
and that it should have been permitted to burden the pioneers and settlers of the infant 
states such a length of time under the eyes of such men as then controlled the tariff 
is one of those inexplicable blunders from which posterity may profit by avoiding, but will 
gain nothing by discussing at this late day or charging upon the selfish actions of those 
' who permitted it. 

"The speech of Senator Bentori on the salt tax, however, forms a part of the history 
of Missouri, although delivered in the senate chamber at Washuigton, as it enlightened 
the people of Missouri in regard to the quality, value and uses of the different kinds of 
salt in our markets, and added much to that knowledge which has elevated the character 
of Missouri meats in all markets where they are exposed for sale." 

Benton's Land Policji 

Upon the subject of disposal of public lands, Senator Benton once said: 

"The example of all nations, ancient and modern, republican and monarchial, is in 
favor of giving lands in parcels suitable to their wants to meritorious cultivators. There 

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is not an instance upon earth, except that of our Federal government, which made "mer- 
chandise of land to its own citizens, exacted the highest price it could obtain, and refused 
to suffer the country to be settled until it could be paid for. The promised land was divided 
among the children of Israel. All the Atlantic states, when British colonies, were settled 
upon gratuitous donations or nominal sales. Kentucky and Tennessee were chiefly settled 
in the same way. The two Floridas and Upper and Lower Louisiana were gratuitously 
distributed by the kings of Spain to settlers, in quantities adapted to their me;^ of culti- 
vation, and with the whole vacant domain to select from, according to their pleasure.^ Mr. 
Burke, in his great argument in the British parliament upon the sale of the crown lands, 
said he considered the revenue derived from the sale of such lands as a trifle of no account 
compared to the amount of revenue derivable from the same lands through their settlement 
and cultivation." 

Benton's Persuasiveness in Argument. 

The United States Democratic Review for 1858 quoted a United States 
senator on the effectiveness of Benton's speeches. A subjectj of considerable 
ihterest had been under discussion by the Senate several days. At the com- 
mencement of the debate, Senator Clay spoke against the proposition. Near the 
close of the discussion, Senator Benton took the floor and held it nearly an hour. 
He devoted most of his argument Xp answering Qay. When the vote was taken 
Mr. Clay surprised the Senate by voting for the bill against which he had spoken, 
and secured its passage. He stated frankly that he had changed his mind and 
had voted against his previous position because he "could not help it." He 
explained that Benton's speech had convinced him he was wrong in his original 
view of the question, adding he had received an impression from what Benton 
had said that he could hardly lexplain. The effect was not so much the reasoning 
of Benton as the effect produced by Benton's convincing manner of presenting 
the subject. Clay did not venture to analyze this peculiar influence but said that 
he felt it to the degree that it changed his first intention to vote against the bill. 

Congressman James T. Lloyd of Missouri, who unearthed this singulai: 
reminiscence, said that Webster was on record as having spoken in a like manner 
of the effect of Benton's speeches upon him. Mr. Lloyd hds given another view 
of Benton which is very interesting: 

"Mr. Webster is reported in Harvey's Reminiscences and Anecdotes to have said that 
Colonel Benton and he never spoke to each other for several years, but that he came to him 
one day and told him, with tears in his eyes, of being on board the Princeton in the very 
best position to see the experiment of discharging her guns. Some one in the gr^eat throng 
touched him and caused him to move his position. Shortly after the explosion occurred 
and the man was killed who stood where he had. Colonel Benton said that it seemed to him 
that the touch was the hand of the Almighty stretched down to draw him away from the 
place of instantaneous death. This circumstance changed the whole current of his life. He 
was now a different man and wanted to be at peace with every one, and for that purpose he 
visited Webster. He said, 'Let us bury the hatchet.* Webster accepted the offer and they 
were ever afterwards tlie best of friends. 

The John Wilson Incident. 

"John Wilson, of Missouri, came to see Mr. Webster on a matter of business at his 

home in Washington. Mr. Wilson was a lawyer of extensive practice and of good talent, a 

man of violent prejudices and temper, who was ever in open opposition to the course of 

Colonel Benton. It was notorious that when Colonel Benton went on the stump John 

Trt. n— 11 

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Wilson would be there to meet him and to abuse him in the strongest terms. Mr. Benton 
would return the fire. 

**Mr. Webster had not seen Mr. Wilson for many years, but he came to him now prema- 
turely old, with fortune wrecked, and told him of his desire to emigrate to California for 
his family's sake. As far as he was concerned, poverty mattered not, but on account of 
those dear to him he wished to try to mend his fortunes. He therefore desired a letter 
to some one in California which would say that Webster knew him to be a respectable per- 
son worthy of confidence. Webster said he knew no one in California. 

'•Mr. Wilson insisted that this would make no difference^ as everybody would know 
him and that therefore a certificate from him would be the most valuable testimonial he 
could have. Mr. Webster said he would write one with pleasure, but suggested that Colonel 
Benton, 'who almost owns California,' could give a letter to Fremont and others that 
would be of great benefiik to him. ■ Wilson looked at Webster in astonishment and said he 
would not speak to Benton, *No, not if it were to save the life of every member of my 
family,' that the thought of it made him shudder ; that he felt indignant at its mention, 
since Webster knew that they were unfriendly. Mr. Webster replied that he understood 
the situation, and, turning to his desk; wrote the following note to Mr. Benton : 

" 'Dear sir : I am well aware of the disputes, personal and political, which have taken 
place between yourself and the bearer of this note, Mr. John Wilson. But he is now old 
and is going to California and needs a letter of recommendation. You know everybody 
and a letter from you would do him good. I have assured Mr. Wilson that it would give 
you more pleasure to forget what has passed between you and him and to give him a letter 
which would do him good than it will him to receive it. I am going to persuade him to 
carry you this note.' 

"Webster then read the note to Wilson who promptly refused to carry it. After long 
and determined persistence on Webster's part, Wilson softened down and agreed to leave 
the letter at the door. He told Webster afterwards that he took the ;iote and delivered it, 
with his card, to Benton's servant at the door, and rushed to his apartments. To his great 
astonishment, in a very few moments a note arrived from Colonel Benton acknowledging 
the receipt of the card and note, and staling that Mrs. Benton and he would have much 
pleasure in receiving Mr. Wilson at breakfast at nine o'clock next morning. They would 
wait breakfast for him and no answer was expected. Wilson told Webster afterwards that 
it so worried him that he lay awake that night thinking of it, and in the morning felt as a 
man with a sentence of death passed upon him, who had been called by the turnkey to 
his last breakfast. 

"Making his toilet, with great hesitation he went to Colonel. Benton's house. He rang 
the doorbell, but instead of the servant the colonel himself came to the door. Taking 
Wilson cordially by both hands, he said: Wilson, I am delighted to see you; this is the 
happiest meeting I have had for twenty years. Webster has done the kindest thing he 
ever did in his life.' Proceeding at once to the dining room, he was presented to Mrs. 
Benton, and after a few kind words, Benton remarked: *You and I, Wilson, have been 
quarrelinfif on the stump for twenty-five years. We have been calling each other hard names, 
but really with no want of mutual respect and confidence. It has been a foolish political 
fight, and let's wipe it out of mind. Everything that I have said about you I ask pardon 
for.' Wilson said they both cried, he asked Benton's pardon, and they were good friends. 
Colonel Benton had meantime prepared a number of letters to persons whom he knew in 
California, in which he commanded them to show Mr. Wilson every favor within their 

Vest on Benton's ''Political Suicide." 

Of what has been called "the political suicide of Benton," Senator Vest said: 

"The question of slavery had remained not in a quiescent attitude, but not the foremost 
question in the politics of the day until after the Mexican war, when Texas applied for 
admission to the Union in 1844-45 as a slave state. Colonel Benton opposed the admission 

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of Texas and it sounded the knell of his fate in Missouri. A young, ambitious, and able 
coterie of politicians had grown up in Missouri while Benton during thirty or nearly thirty 
years had labored in Washington. His mourners were not such as, to make him popular. 
He was aggressive and almost insulting to men who differed with him. To give a single 
mstance of his manner of meeting the people: In one of the counties of my old circuit 
when I first commenced practicing law was a most excellent, learned and modest man, not a 
politician, an old Virginian of moderate estate, a gentleman of culture, and a democrat 
beyond question, who had supported Colonel Benton for more than twenty-five years. He 
saw proper to express his disapproval of Colonel Benton's course in regard to the admis- 
sion of Texas. After speaking at the county town, and when the crowd came forward, as is 
the custom today, to shake hands with an eminent speaker, this gentleman, after the press 
of the crowd had disappeared, advanced and in old Virgrinia style extended his hand and 
saluted Colonel Benton. In the presence of the crowd, who had not yet dispersed, Benton 
looked at him from head to foot without a single evidence of recognition. This gentleman 

bowing, said : Tou possibily have forgotten me. Colonel Benton ; I am Mr :.' 

Drawing himself up to his full height, Benton replied in a tone that could be heard in every 
part, of the building, 'Sir, Benton once knew a, man by that name, but he is dead; yes, sir, 
he is dead.' And so he went into every county in the state, denouncing every man by name 
who dared to oppose his political action. 

"As a matter of course, there could be but one way of determining an issue between 
Colonel Benton and those who differed with him; he made no compromise; he asked none. 
Every citizen must either agree with him or be ranked as his personal and political enemy. 
It was his nature and he could no more change it than he could change the color of his 
hair and eyes. 

"Colonel Benton was assailed by his enemies because he had advocated the admission 
of Missouri as a slave state and then opposed the admission of Tessas as a slave state. His 
reply was imperfect and not satisfactory. He said he was opposed to the extension of 
slavery; that slavery existed in the Louisiana Purchase when Jefferson bought it from 
France, but that slavery had not existed on the soil of Mexico, and therefore Texas should 
not come in as a slave state. 

"Colonel Benton advocated the Missouri Compromise, which accompanied the admission 
of Missouri into the Union. That compromise directly declared that slavery should not 
exist north of thirty-six degrees, thirty minutes, but if it meant anything it suggested that 
a state south of thirty-six degrees, thirty minutes, could be admitted into the Union as a 
slave state if the people so desired. Colonel Benton was accused by his enemies of being 
selfishly prompted when Missouri was admitted, because he expected to be a United States 
senator. It had its weight with a large ntmiber of people in Missouri, but for myself I 
never believed the charge to be true, because of all the public men I have ever known 
Thomas H. Benton considered less than any other the political effect upon himself. 

"He opposed the admission of Texas, as I believed then and believe now, because he 
thought it was a part of Calhoun's scheme to dissolve the Union. Never af^er the nullifica- 
tion fight of 1828 did Benton waver in his opinion that there was a conspiracy to break up 
the Union and establish a southern confederacy upon the basis of slavery. 

"No man who ever existed in the public life of this country more completely and ap- 
parently committed suicide than Thomas H. Benton. He knew as well as, or better than any 
other man what the prejudice and opinions of the people of Missouri w^re on the subject of 
slavery, and their sympathy with their brethren from the southern states that had gone to 
Texas, thrown off the yoke, and established an independent state. 

"But more than this, he knew there was not a family in Western Missouri that had not 
lost father, brother, husband, or son upon the Santa Fe Trail, fighting those murderous 
savages who attacked every trapper and every caravan too small to resist them, and that 
the people of Missouri firmly believed that the Mexicans had incited the Indians to make 
these attacks. It was well known that the merchants of Santa Fe, Albuquerque, and 
Tamaulipas, and the other northern Mexican states objected to the trade between Missouri 
and New Mexico. It was extremely lucrative to these Mexican merchants to have a 
monopoly of the sale of goods to their own people, and whenever any of these murderous 

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Indians were made prisoners by the Missourians there were always found amongst them 
Mexicans dressed like the Indians, appealing to their passions and prejudices and leading 
them on to these terrible outrages. 

"Colonel Benton, knowing all these things, did not hesitate. The legislature of Mis- 
souri passed resolutions censuring his course on the Texas question, and declaring Missouri 
would share the fate of her southern brethren. The challenge was promptly accepted. 
Benton came back from Washington, canvassed the state in a vitriolic campaign, such \ as 
has never been knowii. If any man amongst his opponents had a weak place in his armor, 
Benton found it out and assailed him by name. That he lived through tKls canvass was a 
miracle, for the men of the frontier were quick to avenge an insult or a wrong, and there 
was not a speech made b^ him in which drawn pistols and knives, wdre not brandished in 
his face. His personal fearlessness saved his life, for if there was one quality more prized 
than another upon the frontier it was insensibility to personal danger. 

"Benton was defeated in his appeal to the people in 1849, and Henry S. Geyer, a 
prominent whig lawyer of St, Louis, was elected to succeed him in the Senate by a fusion 
of the whigs and anti-Benton democrats." 

Benton a Friend of Young Men. 

The late Galusha A. Grow of Pennsylvania was one of the young members 
of Congress as Benton's 'career was nearing its close. Be it remembered Mr. 
Benton was "a great friend of young men." He said, "My acquaintance with him 
was perhaps as intimate as any public man I had ever known." Speaking of 
his own relations with Mr. Benton as illustrating the latter's interest in young 
men, Mr. Grow said, in 1897, in some personal recollections of public life: 

"After Benton retired from Congress, and while he was engaged on his condensation 
of Congressional debates, he sent for me one day and asked that, as I had to pass his 
house on my way from my lodgings to the Capitol, I would drop in daily and tell him 
what was going on in Congress. I did so for a long time, and so enjoyed many pleasant 
chats with him, which are among the most delightful recollections of my life. 

"On one occasion, I remember, while the repeal of the Missouri Compromise was 
under discussion, I asked him how he thought General Cass, then a senator from Michigan, 
would vote on the question. Cass had employed some one to look up the record of his 
former votes on the slavery question in order to vote consistently, and Benton, who had 
known him for many years, held him in contempt as a dodger. 'General Cass, sir,* said he, 
in answer to my question, 'don't know how he will vote on the repeal. He is a man who 
is very easily seduced. It is very fortunate for General Cass, sir,* this after a moment's 
thought, *that he was not born a woman. If he had been he would have been without a 
character before he was sixteen years old, sir.' At another time we were talking of 
Senator Douglas' position on the slavery question, and Benton said : 'They say Douglas is 
leading the democracy off; but, sir, it is the democracy that is leading Douglas off. He 
would go to hell, sir, if the majority were going there.' 

"Benton's industry was . indefatigable, his views of public service were of the most 
exalted character. So carefully did he guard against charges of favoritism and nepotism 
that during his more than thirty years in office he never allowed a relative to accent an 
appointment, and in 1856, although John C. Fremont, the republican candidate for President, 
was his son-in-law, he zealously supported James Buchanan, because he believed him best 
fitted for the office. 

"Benton until his death was a firm friend of the Union, a democrat of the school of 
Jefferson and Jackson, bold and aggressive in the support of his convictions, a stout friend 
and a good hater. He was* a very vain man, but his vanity was never offensive, and during 
his term in the House his seat was always the center of attraction for the other members." 

Benton, as he was when doing newspaper work and practicing law, before 
the beginning of his senatorial career, was described by a contemporary : "He 

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is acute, labored, florid, rather sophomorical, but a man of strong sense. There 
flashes 'strange fire'^from his eye, and all that he does 'smells of the lamp.* " 

Benton's Literary Work. 

Lucien Carr in his "Missouri, a Bone of Contention" said that Benton's liter- 
ary work "is, after all, the fot^ndation upon which his claims to remembrance 
must rest. \ 

"As a senator and in matters of national concern he was overshadowed by some of his 
compeers; and in bringing forward and advocating measures like the bills to repeal the salt 
tax, to graduate the price of the public lands, and, perhaps, some others that were of special 
service to the state and section, and which could hardly have been carried without his sup- 
port, he cannot justly be credited with originality, since he was but following in paths that 
were by no means new. The one measxire which may be said to have been peculiarly his 
own, and upon which he certainly prided himself, was the Expunging Resolution, as it was 
called; and this, to say the least, was a piece of child's play, unworthy of Benton, and beneath 
the consideration of any deliberative body that aimed at official dignity." 

Benton'^ Sense of Honor. 

Of Benton's high sense of official honor, Stephen B. Elkins, himself a 
native of Missouri, said: • 

**When elected to the Senate he was the leading lawyer of St. Louis, and engaged in 
the heaviest litigation in the state, notably that growing out of the public '4ands and grants 
' of land made by France, which was the most important and paid the best fees. After his 
election to the Senate he called his clients together and gave up all his land cases, stating 
that their interests might conflict with those of the general government and his duty as a 
senator. He did this when to have continued as attorney ^ would have made him a rich 
man for those times. He not only gave up these cases, but refused to name any lawyer to 
take charge of them. He was so sensitive in the discharge of his public duties that he 
would not appoint a relative to office, no matter how great his merit and qualifications. No 
American statesman ever advocated and proposed so many public measures that were bene- 
ficial and affected the welfare and destiny of the whole country as Benton." 

Linn, the Father of Or^on, 

"The magnificent valley of. the Mississippi is ours, with all its fountain 
springs and floods, and woe to the statesman who shall undertake to surrender 
one drop of its water or one inch of its soil to any foreign power." This was 
Benton's defiance to Great Britain in the Oregon controversy. His colleague, 
Senator Linn, was conspicuous in urging that the Oregon country be colonized 
and that it be held with force if necessary as far north as 54:40. Between ses- 
sions of Congress, Benton, at his home in St. Louis, gathered all possible infor-. 
mation about the Northwest. He invited the fur traders, the Indian agents and 
the army oflicers to his house and made himself their friend while he drew 
from them facts and impressions about the disputed territory. When he re-, 
turned to Congress he was prepared to discuss the Oregon boundary question 
and to back up the efforts of his colleague. 

"The Father of Oregon," was the title bestowed upon Dr. Lewis Fields Linn. 
Senator Silas Wright of New York once said that Dr. Linn "most certainly 
possessed more popularity than any other member of Congress."* Dr. Linn 

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turned this popularity to account in the Oregon question. As early as the 7th 
of February, 1838, he introduced a bill authorizing American occupation of the 
Columbia river and establishing Oregon territory. The bill carried an appro- 
priation of $50,000. It was referred to a select committee of which Dr. Linn 
was made the chairman. William F. Switzler said : 

"Assigned to leadership by the Senate on this important matter, Dr. Linn addressed 
himself with great industry and marked success to collecting information for his report. 
This was made on June 6, 1838, and it was an exhaustive and statesmanlike document 
The bill, however, did not pass at that session. At the next session of Congress, and on 
December 11, 1838, he reintroduced it, and it was again referred to a special committee — 
Lewis F. Linn (chairman), John C. Calhoun, Henry Clay, R. J. Walker and Franklin 
Pierce. Although iCon fronted by many difficulties and much opposition, Dr. Linn in Con- 
gress after Congress pressed this subject upon the attention of the Senate, and during the 
time made three able and exhaustive speeches, the longest of his career, in support of his 
bill. It was not passed by the Senate, however, until February 6, 1843, and then by only 
two majority — ^yeas, 24; nays, 22. Thus, after a struggle of five years, commencing Febru- 
ary 7, 1838, when he first brought the subject to the attention of the Senate, his persevering 
efforts were crowned at last with partial success. But he did not live to witness its com- 
plete accomplishment. Oregon was made a territory August 12, 1849, and was admitted as 
a state February 14, 1859." 

The Model Senator. 

At the mass meeting held by Missourians at St. Louis to pay tribute to the 
life of Dr. Linn, Senator Benton said: "But how can I omit the last great 
act, as yet unfinished, in which his whole soul was engaged at the time of his 
death? The bill fof the settlement and occupation of Oregon was his, and he 
carried it through the Senate when his colleague, who now addresses you, 
couldn't have done it. It was the measure of a statesman. Just to the settler, 
it was wise to the government. Alas,' that he should not have been spared to put 
the finishing hand to a measure which was to reward the emigrant, to protect 
his country, to curb England and to connect his own name with the fotmdation 
of an empire. But it is done. The unfinished work will go on ; it will be com- 
pleted and the name of Linn will not be forgotten; that name will live and be 
connected with Oregon while its banks bear a plant or its waters roll a wave." 

Dr. Linn was called "the model senator." He was the handsomest Mis- 
sourian of his day, according to his friends. His manners were considered 
perfect. The impression which he made upon his fellow senators at Washing- 
ton is illustrated by the story told that when Senator Linn arose, one time in the 
Senate with a roll of bills which he wished to present, Senator Buchanan 
interrupted with, "Doctor, we will save you the trouble. If you recommend 
them, we will pass the whole bundle." 

At another time Senator Linn arose in the midst of a heated political dis- 
cussion and proceeded with all his splendid dignity to correct a statement made 
by Henry Qay. The latter listened with deference and accepted the correction 
with, "It is sufficient that it comes from the senator from Missouri." 

Upon the montunent which marks the grave of Linn in the Ste. Genevieve 
Cemetery is graven, "Here lie the remains of Lewis F. Linn, the model senator 
of Missouri." 

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The Appointment of Atchison. 

General Doniphan told how the appointment of Atchison to the United 
States Senate came about : ' 

"I was in the court house engaged in a case, at Platte City, when he received his mail 
on the bench. I suspended the case in which I was engaged for the ;noment until he could 
look at his letters, and I saw, at once, from his face, that there was something very un- 
usual in one of them. He was too honest and straightforward to have any concealments, 
and his face was of the. same telltale order, suffusing readily under any excitement. I 
proceeded with the case, and when court adjourned for dinner, the judge handed me a 
letter from Governor Reynolds, tendering him the United States senatorship for the un- 
expired term of Dr. Linn, i^o had died. The tender was made, I know, from subsequent 
conversations with Governor Reynolds, who was from the same county with me from 
Kentucky, without any request from Atchison or his friends. I know that the judge 
hesitated honestly and candidly in his acceptance of the position, and offered reasons which 
were candid, and to him were forcible. After his having submitted them very fully to me 
I said: 'Judge, fortune does nqt shower her favors on-'-^jiS very often and i man should 
not turn his plate bottom upwards when it dops happen,' tju^^" should turn the right side up 
and catch all he can. Your refusal will mortif|v>G«pycrner Reynolds, and as you have some 
political ambition, you ought to accept. It is your duty to do it. We have never had any 
senator from the western^ half of the state.' The judge and I were rooming together at 
the hotel. I do not know that he did or did not cpi^^t.^ny, other person on the subject. 
He wrote a very modest letter to the governror, tK§iqWi!i^ nfm and^ accepting the position." 

♦ ' - . '-■ ■■"■''*" 

Senator Henry 8. Geyer. 

In 1850 there were elected to the legislature 55 Benton democrats, 38 anti- 
Benton democrats and 64 whigs. Intense interest even beyond the borders of 
Missouri attehded this campaign and the meeting of the legislature in January, 
185 1. Benton had served in the United States Senate thirty years, longer than 
any other United States senator. He was a national figure, looked upon by 
many as a possible candidate for the Presidency. Could he come back to the 
Senate? WilHam Hyde wrote of the result and of Henry S. Geyer's senatoriaK 
career : 

"Although in the canvass no criticism, no denunciation of the course of the anti- 
Benton democrats could be too severe for the imperious leader or his faithful followers, 
scarcely was the result of the election known before the latter began overtures for the 
votes of the recalcitrant wing of the party. The opposition of the whigs to the Jackson 
resolutions at the previous session afforded grounds, too, as they thought, for such an 
alliance a^ would result in the return of Benton to the Senate. On the other hand, seventy- 
eight votes were necessary to elect, requiring an addition of twenty-three to Benton's forces 
to effect the purpose. It was soon found that no calculation could be made upon accessions 
from the whigs. Like the Austrian phalanx they 'stood a living wall, a human wood.' 
Among the anti-Benton democrats and a leader of their forces was Robert M. Stewart, 
of Buchanan, a man of great strength of purpose and good organizing abilities. His candi- 
date was B. F. Stringfellow, and it is an anomaly of that period that whilst Stringfellow 
was <me of the most radical of states rights men, Stewart was himself among the firmest 
opponents of disunion or secession. But the times were productive of rapid and anomalous 
transformations. Atchison, who was now a fierce advocate of the repeal of the Missouri 
Compromise 'and who became a vehement, fire-eating pro-slavery leader in the border 
troubles, was, when elected senator in i843> ^md for several years thereafter, strenuously 
opposed to the extension of slavery. 

"In the ranks of the whigs who,^ in the superior numbers and organization, saw an 

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opportunity for a party triumph which had never been presented to them before, and which 
never occurred afterwards, there were no dissensions. In the person of Henry S. Gcycr 
they had all the elements of a successful candidate. He had been an officer of the United 
States army in the war of 1812; been a member of the territorial legislature in 1818; been 
five times elected to the state legislature and twice speaker of the house; been one of the 
revisers of the constitution of 1820, and left upon that instrument the stamp of his great 
legal abilities; had been offered by Fillmore the position of secretary of war; and he was 
sound on the 'previous question.* Besides, his integrity of character was stainless and 
above reproach. 

**With these entries, Benton, Stringfellow and Geyer, the contest opened, two members 
absent and one deceased since the election. The joint balloting began January 10, 185 1, and 
continued for ten or twelve days, neither party losing or gaining unles$ by temporizing 
changes, when, on the fortieth ballot, the anti-Benton democrats, under Stewart's leader- 
ship, broke, and the race ended— Geyer, 80; Benton, 55; Stringfellow, 18; scattering (anti- 
Benton), S. 

The Last of the Whigs. 

"Mr. Geyer, elected under circumstances so complimentary, reached Washington as a 
United States senator at a time when the whig party was in the throes of dissolution. 
Daniel Webster, of Massachusetts, and Thomas Corwin, of Ohio, twp of the foremost men 
of that party, whose terms would have expired about the time Benton's successor's began, 
had been called to Fillmore's Cabinet, the first as secretary of state and the other as 
s'ecretary of the treasury. John J. Crittenden returned to the Senate after a twelve years* 
absence, during which he was governor of Kentucky and attorney general under President 
Fillmore, but not till about the close of Geyer's term. Calhoun had died in March, 1850. 
Henry Clay died in June, '52, and Webster four or five months later. Edward Everett, 
succeeding Webster, was senator but a single year when he resigned. Fillmore, who had 
come into the Presidency in July, 1850, upon the death of Taylor, had signed the fugitive 
slave law, which was one of the Crittenden compromise measures, and had thereby aroused 
a storm of indignation* at the North. And thus, its greatest exponents numbered with the 
dead, its issues swallowed up in the all-devouring agitation of the slavery question, Mr. 
Geyer found himself another Marius, surrounded with wreck and more than Carthagenian 
ruins. The whig party's last convention was held in Baltimore, June 16, 1852. Its platform 
was a melange of platitudes, though outspoken in its indorsement of the fugitive slave act 
The nominees were Gen. Winfield Scott and Wm. A. Graham, the latter secretary of war 
under the Fillmore administration. They secured but 42 electoral votes against 254 for 
Pierce and King. 

"Mr. Geyer's public service closed with his senatorial term in 1857. He died in St. 
Louis, March 5, 1859, aged 69 years. The senatorial succession from the admission of 
Missouri as a state up to the close of Geyer's term was as follows: 

David Barton 182! to 1831 

Thomas H. Benton i 1821 to 1851 

Alexander Buckner 1831 to 1833 

Lewis F. Linn 1833 to 1843 

David R. Atchison 1843 to 1855 

Henry S. Geyer .". 1851 to 1857" 

Atchison's Difficult Positioii. 

Benton failed of re-election in 1850 and Atchison was the victim of the dead- 
lock in 1855. Colonel Switzler has written : 

The eighteenth general assembly, William Newland (whig), of Ralls, speaker; Sterling 
Price (dem.), of Chariton, governor, met December, 25, 1854. Atchison's terra expired on 

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the 4th of March following, and he was a candidate for re-election. Thomas H. Benton 
and A. W. Doniphan (whig) were also nominated. Many ballotings were held, generally 
resulting as follows: Atchison, 56; Doniphan, 59; Benton, 40. On the twehty-fifth ballot 
Atchison was withdrawn and William Scott, judge of the supreme court, vras substituted. 
No election. . Finally Scott was withdrawn and Gov. Sterling Price nominated. Still no 
election. Whereupon he was, withdrawn and Atchison again entered the race. After forty- 
one unsuccessful ballots the joint session, by a vote of 88 to 63, adjourned until convened by 
concurrent resolution of the two houses. No other joint meeting was held during that 
session, for on March 5 the legislature adjourned till the first Monday of November ensuing. 
It convened on that day, and on December 13 adjourned sine die, without even attempting to 
select a senator. At the next session, commencing December 29, 1856, James S. Green (anti- 
Benton dem.) was elected Gen. Atchison's successor for the short term, and Trusten Poljc, 
anti-Benton (then governor), for the long term, to succeed Senator Geyer (whig). This 
closed Atchison's senatorial service, and he retired to his magnificent estate of 1,700 acres, 
in Clinton county, beloved by his neighbors and highly esteemed by all his countrymen, a 
typical old Kentucky gentleman. 

"When he entered the Senate his colleague. Col. Bent^on, had served the people as a 
senator for nearly a quarter of a century and occupied the front rank among the most dis- 
tinguished statesmen of that body. The new senator's position, therefore, was very embar- 
rassing. He was overshadowed by the colossal reputation of a colleague whose fame was 
coextensive with the English-speaking people of the globe. Under this shadow he continued 
to the end. It is easy to see, because the logic of Atchison's career in the Senate and out of 
it disclosed the fact that he antagonized his colleague in his 'appeal' from the Jackson resolu- 
tions of 1848. During the pendency of that issue in 1849 and while Col. Benton was prosecut- 
ing his remarkable canvass. Senator Atchison addressed the people at various places, and 
generally in company with Representative James S. Greefi. Among his appointments with 
Mr. Green was one at Columbia on July ^i. Both spoke at great length and with acknowl- 
edged ability. Senator Atchison was cool and dispassionate, indulging in no denunciation or 
personal abuse, and often referred to Benton as 'your most distinguished senator.' He 
occupied much time in defending the right of instruction as a doctrine canonized in the 
traditions and principles of the democratic party, to which they both belonged, and in seek- 
ing to show that Benton's 'appeal' was at war with the doctrine." 

Frank Blair's Congressional Career. 

Francis P. Blair was elected to Congress in 1856. William Hyde, then a 
young reporter, said Luther M. Kennett, against whom Blair -ran in this first 
rade "was one of the best liked' and most popular men in St. Louis. Probably, 
with the exception perhaps of Capt. Dan Taylor, there never was one more so. 
Kennett had been mayor for three successive terms, giving the people an uncom- 
monly clean and successful administration, and, what counted for more than all 
in the way of prestige, he had only two years before defeated the great and only 
Benton in the same district. Yet the conditions were somewhat changed now. 
The free-soil party had been steadily growing, and the whig party, to which 
Kennett belonged, had been as steadily declining, until now, in 1856, it had no 
national existence, though many of its leaders had tried to perpetuate its or- 
ganization into the American or know-nothing party. Kennett followed Paschall, 
George Knapp and the Missouri Republican into the fold of- the democracy. 
Meantime the Blair party had elected John How to be mayor, and obtained po- 
litical control of the city government, which they held until Taylor's election in 
1861. The success of Blair in his congressional aspirations was a mere feature 
and incident of the revolution, clouded only by the crushing defeat of 'Old 
Bullion' for the governorship." 

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**Blair," said Hyde, '^managed to catch the Speaker's eye often enough to get 
in a few speeches on his favorite topic and to arrest the attention of the House 
by his striking views and earnest manner. He was now fairly launched upon 
the political career he had mapped out for himself, and was looked upon by his 
colleagues in the House of Representatives as a brilliant star in the galaxy 
of western republicans." 

The Blair-Barret Contest. 

**ln 1858 Frank Blair was again a candidate for Congress, and this time he had for his 
opponent Col. J. Richard Barret, or 'Missouri Dick,* as he was called. Barret, like Blair, 
was a Kentuckian. He was a fair lawyer, a tolerably good speaker, and one of the hand- 
somest men in the county. He was president of the Fair Association, and, mounted on one 
of Gen. Singleton's coal-black Morgan stallions, with a white satin rosette on his lapel, he 
was ^s commanding looking a man as ever made an appearance in the amphitheater. He 
was a general favorite, and for the occasion made an excellent candidate. The canvass was a 
hot one. For the first time there was a systematic organization of the democratic forces, 
and special attention was paid to the floating vote, which at that time, owing to the magnitude 
of the river trade, was large. When the canvass was fairly opened there were fireworks, 
torchlight processions and speaking all over the city. Every night the Levee was ablaze 
with bonfires. The steamboatmen were democrats almost without exception. Larry Wesscls 
and Capt. John A. McDonald were then the leading 'runners' on the Levee, and with Tom 
Russell and other hackmen 'ruled the roost' among the longshoremen or 'roustabouts.* These 
were promptly fixed by the democrats, and as promptly unfixed by the other side, the result 
being, as usual in such cases, a total indifference as to whether Blair or Barret won. It 
was about the close of the canvass Paschall made the prediction that Barret's vote in the 
city and county would reach 7,000 and elect him. Barret was indeed elected by a small 
majority and his vote was a trifle above the figure given> and Blair, in contesting the scat, 
referred -to Paschall's prophecy, as showing a guilty knowledge of fraudulent prepars^tions 
to stuff the ballot-boxes ! It was not till near the close of the first session of the Thirty-fifth 
Congress that the contest was determined, it being in Blair's favor; when Blair resigned, 
immediately returned to St. Louis and prepared to run for the unexpired term and also the 
full tferm of the Thirty-sixth Congress. 

"Blair's resignation was in the nature of an act to appease a pretty general feeling that 
the decision against Barret was a partisan outrage. Certain it is that public sentiment was 
greatly aroused, as the belief was not confined to democrats that 'Missouri Dick* had been 
fairly and honestly elected, and ought not to have been deprived of the fruit of his victory. 
The latter's return home was made the occasion of a stupendous popular ovation. A com- 
mittee of citizens met hin? at East St. Louis with carriages, and in great pomp escorted him 
to the city, the arrival being timed for an evening demonstration. It was by far the biggest 
political affair that had, up to that time, been witnessed in St. ^uis. He spoke of his com- 
ing to the city when but 15 years of age; of his education at the St. Louis University; of 
his admission and practi^'e at the bar ; of his service for four terms in the legislature, where 
he had the Fair Association incorporated ; of his fostering care of that institution ; and then 
launched out into a review of the malign purposes and schemes of the republican, or abolition 
party, of which Mr. Blair was the local head and prime conspirator. Of course great 
emphasis "was put upon the recent vote of the House, by which the district was deprived of 
its chosen representative, etc 

'The echoes of Barret's immense ovation had scarcely died away before diere were 
symptoms of a reaction in Blair's favor. It soon became apparent that the latter's friends 
were concentrating their efforts more or less upon the long term, though by no means 
abandoning the contest for the vacant seat. In this phase of affairs Barret was besought to 
withdraw from the candidacy for either the long or the short term, and permit an alliance 
with some man like Kennett, who could bring a support to the democratic ticket which 
otherwise was likely to go to Blair. But Col. Barret was obdurate, and would not listen to 

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the suggestion. Nothing could convince him he was not going in by a sweeping majority 
for both terms. When the returns were counted it was found that Blair had obtained the 
richest part of the honors, being elected to the full term of the Thirty-sixth Congress, 
though by their votes the people repudiated the action of the House in ousting Barret from 
his seat in the Thirty-fifth. Again, in 1862, he was a candidate, returning from the war for 
that purpose. This time ^e had Sam Knox — TCnox of Massachusetts'— and Lewis V. Bogy 
• for opponents. He obtained the certificate on a showing of some 250 plurality over Knox, 
his radical rival, but the latter contested and obtained the seat. That was the last appearance 
of Frank Blair in the political arena until after the close of the war." 

Why Father DeSmet Supported Blair. 

When Blair was elected to the Senate, after the Civil v/ar, one of his earnest 
supporters was Father DeSmet, This seemed such an unusual action for a 
Jesuit priest to take that the missionary was asked about it. His explanation 
of his interest in Blair was this : 

"In 1863, our father provincial had granted me permission to visit after long absence 
my poor children of the forest, the Flathead, and Blackfeet Indians. I had fully prepared 
for the journey when I discovered that the United States government had, for military 
reasons, drawn its line along the entire Indian frontier and it was, therefore, impossible to 
get through without a pass. I, accordingly, journe3^d to the capital, but, upon my arrival, 
found that all my friends who had been members of Congress at my last visit were either 
dead or in the rebellion. I had no other alternative but to call on General Blair who was 
then representing St. Louis in the Lower House. Having never met him, I went to his 
residence and, introduced myself, and the object of my missio;i, and asked his good offices. 
He told me to call on him the following morning, at ten o'clock, and in the meantime he 
would see what could be done. I did so, entered his carriage and was driven to the White 
House. On the route he was kind enough to say he had heard of my labors among the 
Indians, and finally asked me if I had money enough to reach my destination. I told him 
I could get sufficient to bring me to the borders of civilization and laughingly remarked 
that after that I could and would walk the rest of the way. After leaving the carriage, 
and when just about to enter the presidential mansion, he stopped me and said:' 'Father 
DeSmet, I am about to introduce you to President Lincoln, and to ask from him a favor 
for you. Please promise me that you will express no surprise at what either he or I may 
say, but that you will content yourself with thanking him if he grrants my request.' 

"I readily acceded. We found the President in his room leaning upon his hand with 
a weary expression of countenance as though he were entertaining sad thoughts. His face, 
however, lighted up at our coming, and after I was formally introduced we took chairs, 
and he opened the conversation with this remark to General Blair: 'Frank, is Father 
DeSmet trying to make a Catholic out of you, or are you trying to make a Presbyterian 
out of him?' 

" *Neither, Mr. President, but I have come to ask a favor for him from you.' 

"What is it?' 

"*Mr. Stanton tells me that the 4th Cavalry, I think it is the 4th Cavalry, is stationed 
out on the northwestern frontier, and that they have no chaplain of that regiment. I 
want you to make Father DeSmet chaplain of that regiment, and give him twelve months 
furlough, at which time he expects to return from his mission, when he can resign, unless 
he wants to go into the war.' 

"The President immediately took his pen, wrote a few lines and handed the paper to 
General Blair, saying, 'Take that to Stanton.* Before I had time to say a word, Mr. Lincoln 
took me by the hand, and bidding me adieu, remarked : 'You will do more good out there 
than all my soldiers and commissioners.' 

'There was pay attached to the position, for I believe I ranked as major, but I never 
drew it. Of course, I thanked General Blair for the handsome manner in which he had 
spoken of me, but I never, until now, had an opportunity of doing him a service in return. 
Now you know why I want to see 'him in the Senate." 

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Thirty-nine Days a Missouri Senator. 

Shields* service in the United States Senate was six years from Illinois, 
two years from Minnesota, and thirty-nine days from Missouri. Qiamp Clark 
found, after search of the records, that not only has no other man served in 
the Senate from three states, but no other man has been sent to the Senate 
by two states. There have been several instances in which a man has served 
in the House of Representatives from one state and has been sent to the 
Senate from another state. Daniel Webster had this experience. So did Rufus 
King and William R. King. Van Wyck was a representative from New York 
and a senator from Nebraska. The most interesting case, one which recalls 
early Missouri history, was that of Matthew Lyon. Like Shields, Lyon was an 
Irishman. H^ was in the House of Representatives four years from Vermont 
and eight years from Kentucky. He moved to Missouri before statehood and 
was a candidate for delegate to Congress from Missouri territory, but was de- 
feated by Edward Hempstead. The President appointed Lyon to a Federal 
office in Arkansas. Lyon ran for the position of delegate to Congress from 
Arkansas territory and was elected, but died before the time came to take his 
seat. • 

Champ Clark said that old General John B. Qark, who kept John Sherman 
from being Speaker of the House of Representatives in a notable session of 
Congress just previous to the Civil war, "hated General Shields most cordially. 

"When he heard that the latter had been elected to the Senate for thirty-nine days, 
General Qark said: Thank God! Old Shields has got a nubbin at last.' The way he 
happened to be elected for that short period was this: When Senator Lewis V. Bogy,^ — 
'Bogus/ as Colonel Thomas Hart Benton scornfully denominated him, — died in the fifth 
year of his senatorial term, Governor John Smith Phelps appointed, as a chair warmer 
for himself he hoped. Colonel David H. Armstrong, a iine old gentleman, but only a local 
St. Louis politician. 

'The man most hated in Missouri for conduct during the Civil war was General John 
McNeil. While he was in command in Northeast Missouri, it was reported to him that a 
•bushwhacker* had shot a Union man; whereupon McNeil took twelve citizen prisoners, 
charged with being Confederate sympathizers, out of jail at Palmyra and had them shot 
without even the semblance of a trial in retaliation, which performance is known to this 
day and will be forever known as 'the Palmyra massacre.' Unluckily for Colonel Arm- 
strong, while he was serving in the Senate by appointment, President Hayes nominated 
General McNeil for some position in the Indian service, which nomination had to be con- 
firmed by the Senate, and Colonel Armstrong voted to confirm him, because, as it was 
alleged, General McNeil saVed his life during the war. 

"However that may be his vote so thoroughly angered the people of Missouri that 
when the legislature met it flatly refused Colonel Armstrong the courtesy of an election 
to the Senate for the remaining thirty-nine days of the Bogy term, and gave it to brave 
old General Shields. The chances are the fact that it would confer on Shields the unprece- 
dented honor of senatorial service from three states had some influence, as he was exceed- 
ingly popular with both democrats and republicans." 

Speaking of the almost unprecedented war record of General James Shields 
Champ Clark said he once "heard him introduced to an audience as *the only man 
who ever licked Stonewall Jackson.' He began his speech by saying 'I came 
nearer licking Stonewall Jackson than anybody else ever did, but I did not do 
it by a blanked sight.' 

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"General Shields was also peculiar for a most cufiousn reason. So far as history shows, 
he was the only man to survive being shot clear through the lungs and body by a grape 
shot. That happened at Cerro Gordo. When I was a little chap my father bought a book 
about our heroes of the Mexican war. Among the illustrations was that of General Shields 
lying on the ground, with a stream of blood of such magnitude pouring from his body 
that a horse was walking through it 

"Mr. Speaker Cannon once told me that when General Shields defeated Sidney Breeze 
for the United States senatorship in Illinois in 1849, one man said : 'That wound in Mexico 
does not appear to have hurt General Shields much/ The other replied: The curious 
part is that the bullet went clear through Shields without hurting him, and killed Sidney 
Breeze, 2,000 miles away.' " 

Bidiard P. Bland's OoUeagnes. 

The Missouri delegation when Richard P. Bland began his service in Con- 
gress was composed of E. O. Stanard, Erastus Wells, William H. Stone, Robert 
A. Hatcher, Aylett H. Buckner, Thomas T. Crittenden, Abram Comingo, Isaac 
C Parker, Ira N.' Hyde, John B. Clark, Jr. 

It is not difficult to understand how Mr. Bland came to make coinage his 
specialty. 'The*" crime of '73/' ^ the venerable Senator Stewart called it on 
all occasions, the demonetization of silver, had taken place in the Congress pre- 
ceding the one in which Mr. Bland began his career. If there was an)rthing with 
which the new Missouri member felt especially familiar that subject was the 
precious metals. Shortly after he completed his education and reached his 
majority at his Kentucky home hfe Went to the Pacific slope to seek his fortune. 
He settled in what is now Nevada and mixed mining with the practice of law for 
several years. He was a county treasurer out there. Then he came to Mis- 
souri, and became his brother's law partner at Rolla, soon after settling in 
Lebanon, the extension of the Atlantic and Pacific railroad opening up that part 
of the Ozark country and making it attractive. Mr. Bland had lived in Missouri 
less than ten years when he was elected to Congress. Here was another evidence 
of the man's forcefulness of character. Without any Confederate record, at 
a time when that counted in politics, and with only eight years' residence in the 
state, at the age of 37, he was elected to Congress. 

The speaker of the Forty-third Congress was very willing to let Mr. Bland 
have the committee assignment which suited his inclination. There are two 
committees of the House which deal with forms of money — ^the banking and 
ctirrency, and the coinage, weights and measures. At that time banking and 
currency was the dominating committee of the two. Prominent upon it had 
been Judge Aylett 'H. Buckner, one of the strong men of the Missouri dele- 

The national banking and currency laws came from that committee. Coinage, 
weights and measures was one of those committees which existed for little 
more than the purpose of giving some member of the majority a chairmanship 
and a clerk. Furthermore, as the preceding Congress had revised the coinage 
laws, there was no prospect for any serious work by that committee, yet in 
three Congresses, Bland had pushed the coinage question to the front, had 
forced a transfer of the relative positions of these two committees and had be- 
gotten the Bland dollar. The sixteen years which followed steadily increased his 
prestige as the foremost advocate of free coinage of silver. The persistency 

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with which he pressed the issue made him, in the eyes of the East, a "silver 
crank,*' yet in each successive organization of the coinage comifiittee the Speaker 
' recognized the position Mr. Bland had won by making him the chairman or the 
leader of the minority of the committee. 

The Birthplace of the Issue. 

The room of the committee on coinage, weights and measures was in the 
old part of the capitol under the dome, opening on a side corridor but little used. 
It looked out on a court, and was warmed and ventilated by an old-fashioned 
fireplace with a quaintly catved Carrara marble mantel, one of only half a 
dozen to be seen in the whole capitol. There Mr. Bland was to be found when 
the House was not in session, and there was the place to hear the theory of 
bimetalism expounded at its best. In the closing months of the Fifty-third 
Congress, when, after twenty-two years of service, he had been beaten at the 
polls, and when only chaos seemed to face the democracy, Mr. Bland had no 
doubt of the ultimate triumph of the cause of silver. In a number of conver- 
sations he forecasted what he thought would come to pass. He said that the 
only hope for the democratic party to pull itself together was to take a decided 
stand for frfee silver, regardless of the rest of the world, and upon the old ratio. 
He said this must be done, and that the sooner it was done the quicker would be 
the recovery. It was suggested to him that there was a very large element in 
his party which would not follow such action. That, he thought, should not be 
considered: He wanted the party to commit itself to i5 to i because it was 
right, in his opinion. 

One day Mr. Bland was asked in the committee room what he really thought 
would happen if the United States should pass an act providing that on. a cer- 
tain date the mints would be thrown open to free and unlimited coinage of 
silver at a ratio of i6 to i. 

"I believe the other leading nations would promptly follow," said he. "We 
would have silver restored to its place, and would go on with the double 

"But suppose the other nations didn't follow; suppose the United States 
had to maintaia free coinage of silver alone, what then ?" was asked. 

"I suppose it would give our bankers atjd capitalists quite a wrench," was 
the reply, "but it would be only temporary." 

Bland as a Speaker. 

Mr. Bland was a very earnest, forceful speaker, but he occasionally indulged 
in homely illustration. When he was opposing appropriations for what he con- 
sidered unnecessary .public buildings he said : "Now, I suppose, when I read 
that a proposition for a public building at Bar Harbor was to come before us, 
that Bar Harbor was a city of probably 100,000 people, or 50,000, or at least 
25,000. Certainly I supposed it was amqng the first or second-class postoffices 
of the country. I picked up the report of the postmaster-general, and, running 
over the catalogue of first-class postoffices, I did not find Bar Harbor. Then I 
said to myself, *It must certainly be among the second-class postoffices,' and I 
examined the report two or three times to ascertain that fact, but to my utter 

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At the jnnetioii of Orand riyer iiith the Missouri. Pioneers came seventj-fiye miles to trade 

One of the most fertile seetions of Missouri, second only to the Boone's lick country in 

popularity with pioneer immigrants 

ToL n— IS 

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astonishment I did not find Bar Harbor even among the second-class postoffices. 
Then I came down to offices of the third class, and there I found Bar Harbor 
as a third-class postoffice, the salary of the postmaster being $1,700 a year, and 
not a dollar allowed for clerk hire. 

"Now, this illustrates the character of a great many of the public-building 
bills coming before us. The gentleman from Maine has been rushing up and 
down, running about the House like a cockroach on a kitchen floor [laughter], 
nursing his little bantling at Bar Harbor, and the whole excitement of the gentle- 
man as exhibited the other day and today is explained by the fact that Bar 
Harbor is here with a proposition for a public building." 

In his speech on the Mills bill Mr. Bland dwelt on the relations of the tariff 
to currency. He talked of "the burden on the people of the West and the 
South" imposed by the legislation which made import duties payable in coin and 
by the act of demonetization of silver in 1873. This was one of very few times 
in which Mr. Bland quoted poetry in a public speech. These lines from Hood 
were recited : 

"Gold! Gold! Gold! Gold! 
Bright and yellow, hard and coldr 
Molten, graven, hammer'd and rblled-;'' - * 
Heavy to get, and light to fiold'j^ 
Hoarded, barter'd, bought and sold, 
Stolen, borrow'd, squander'd, doled; 
SpiHTi'd by the young, but .hugg'd by the old 
To the very verge of the churchyard mold; 
Price of many a crime ( untold^ 
Gold! Gold! Gold! Gold! 
Good or bad a thousand-f old ! 
How widely its agencies vary — 
To save — ^to ruin — ^to curse — ^to bless — 
As even its minted coins express, 
Now stamped with the image of good Queen Bes», 
And now of a bloody Mary." 

When Mr. Bland entered Congress he had a good farm in the suburbs of 
Lebanon and he had some thousands of dollars in money. He kept the farm 
but the money went. He died poorer than on the day he first arrived in Wash- 
ington. The paternity of the silver issue was his, but it had not multiplied dol- 
lars in his pocket. Not many people knew that when Mr. Bland was serving 
in Congress there was delivered to him one day by the express company the finest 
silver service that money could buy. It came as a tribute from the mountain 
states' admirers of silver's champion. Mr. Bland barely looked into the box, 
saw what it contained, directed its return to the senders and said nothing 
about it. 

The Fight for Bemonetizajtion. 

Presenting his remonetization measure in 1876, Mr. Bland said in defense 
of it: 

"The bill I reported is a measure in the interest of the honest yeomanry of the country. 
Here is a measure proposing to do justice to whom? To the toiling millions who are today 

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earning their bread in the sweat of their face. It is a measure in the interests of the poor 
and common people of the country, and hencel it excites the opposition of these agents of 
the money sharks in these lobbies, and those who seem to be in their interest upon this 
floor. Because a measure is for once reported to this Congress, that has withm it a pro- 
vision for the welfare of the people of the country against the corrupt legislation that has 
gone on here foV the last sixteen years in the interest of the moneyed lords, it is here 
denounced as full of rascalities, and all this by a party that had perpetrated these injustices 
and brought corruptioi\, fraud, injustice and dishonor upon the country. 

"The common people cannot come to this capital. They are not here in your lobby. 
They are at home, following the plow, cultivating the soil, or working in their workshops. 
It is the silvern and golden slippers of the money kings, the bankers and financiers, whose 
step is heard in the lobbies, and these rule the finances of the country. They are the men 
who get access to your committees, and have ruled and controlled the legislation of the 
country for their own interests. If the constituents of those who are opposing this measure 
could look down from the galleries upon them, they would sink in their seats with shame 
ioT the course they are pursuing, because it is adverse to the interests of the people." 

Bland repeatedly asserted that silver was deihonetized by a parliamentary 
trick: "The bill that demonetized silver in this coimtry and perpetrated an 
injustice and fraud upon the people was passed through this House without 
even being read, in spite of the demand of the honorable gentleman at present 
serving as Speaker of the House (Mr. Kerr) for the reading of the bill. It was 
passed surreptitiously and without discussion, and was one of the grossest 
measures of injustice ever inflicted upon any people. Now, this bill simply aids 
to restore the currency of this coimtry which existed at that time; yet we hear 
objections on this floor, sometimes in the form of demands for debate, some- 
times in the form of opposition to debate.^' 

When Hale filibustered against the bill, Bland repeated his chai^ of fraud: 
"In answer to the gentleman from Maine, I wish to say that when this injustice 
of demonetizing silver was perpetrated, filibustering was not resorted to. The 
bill, sir, was not read at that desk. Gentlemen wno represent the money sharks 
of the coimtry surreptitiously carried the bill through without its reading at the 
clerk's desk, and I would be pusillanimous indeed to give up because I am 
threatened with filibustering performances. Let them filibuster and take the 

The Parting of the Ways. 

On the nth of August, 1893, when Congress had been called in special 
session to repeal the silver purchasing act, Mr. Bland made his historic "parting- 
of-the-ways" speech : 

"Will you crush the people of your own land and send them abroad 9s tramps? Will 
you kill and destroy your own industries and especially the production of your precious 
metals that ought to be sent abroad everywhere? Will you do this simply to satisfy the 
greed of Wall street, the mere agent of Lombard street in oppressing the people of Europe 
and of this country? It cannot be done; it shall not be done! I speak for the great 
masses of the Mississippi Valley, and those west of it, when I say you shall not do it! 

"Any political party that undertakes to do it will, in God's name, be trampled, as it 
ought to be trampled, into the dust of condemnation now and in the future. Speaking as 
a democrat, all my life battling for what I conceived to be democracy and what I conceived 
to be right, I am yet an American above democracy. I do not intend, we do not intend, 
that any party shall survive, if we can help it, that will lay the confiscating hand upon 

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Americans in the interests of England or of Europe. Now mark it This may be strong 
language, but heed it. The people mean it, and, my friends of the eastern democracy, we 
bid you farewell when you do that thing." 

After a pause Mr. Bland concluded : "Now you can take your choice of sus- 
taining England against America, American interests and Ameriam laborers 
and producers, or you -can go out of power. We have come to the parting of 
the ways. I do not pretend to speak for anybody but myself and my constit- 
uents, but I believe that I do speak for the great masses of the great Mississippi 
Valley when I say that we will not submit to the domination of any political 
party, however much we may love it, that lays the sacrificing hand upon silver 
and will demonetize it in this country." 

The Intellect and Influence of Bland. 

William Vincent Byars, the biographer of Bland, put this estimate upon the 
great commoner: 

'because Bland would not use it to take advantage of others or to destrc^ them t^ 
foUy, God, who never makes mistakes^in choosing His men, gave him an analytical intel- 
lect-^diat greatest and most painful gift He can give any one. By virtue of its possession. 
Bland found his way, sooner or later, to the bottom of every questi9n which engaged his 
mind. He got at the right and wrong of it as no man can do unless he loves right and 
hates wrong. At the bottom of every question, no matter how complex, is a simple ques- 
tion of ri^t and wrong. The use for which the htunan intellect is intended is to find 
this principle of right, to recognize it as the permanent reality and to give it validity. 
Obvkmsly this is impossible for those who merely make a pretense of caring for what is 
essentially right. Even if they get at fundamental principles, they do not care for diem or 
are repelled by them. It happens thus that only a good man can be really an analytical 
thinker, able to deal with enduring realities rather than with the merely transitory appear- 
ances of reality. 

'Unfortunately I am not a hero worshipper and when I say that Mr. Bland had the 
most effective intellect of any public man Missouri has yet produced, not excluding Thomas 
H. Benton, I am not expressing admiration, but merely stating a judgment as critical as I 
am capable of forming. It is based chiefly on the fact that the idea he represented has 
already revolutionized the Nineteenth century, and that it is now working, with what seems 
to me irresistible force, to control the Twentieth. I speak, of course, of the fundamental 
idea of justice and liberty which controlled his career and not of any single method by 
whkb he manifested it. I believe in free trade, in the Sixteen to One coinage of the 
precious metals in lieu of corporation paper, and in a general way in all the practical 
methods he advocated for applying the great scientific idea of evolution he represented. 
But it is because of the idea itself — not of any one or all of its modes of manifesting 
itself— that I think his influence on the last quarter of the Nineteenth century greater than 
that of any other public man of the time— in England or America." 

Missouri and the Speakership. 

John S. Phelps served eighteen years in the House of Representatives. Dur- 
ing eleven of them he was at the head of the ways and means committee, the 
place held by Mr. Mills when he was given the Speakership. Mr. Phelps was 
a candidate for Speaker. The place was his by the right of succession and by 
virtue of his standing. But as a matter of policy his party refused him the 
desired honor and elected a southern man. Going down to Little Rock to court 

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on a certain occasion, Justice Miller found himself in company with Thomas C. 
Hindman, who had been a member of Congress from Arkansas, and afterward 
a Confederate general. He asked: "Why didn't you fellows elect John S. 
Phelps Speaker? He was entitled to it, and besides he was head and shoulders 
above the man you elected." "I know it," said Hindman; "Phelps ought to 
have had it. But the truth was we were afraid we couldn't trust him; he is a 
northern man." That was the explanation, in large part at least, of Phelps' 
defeat. He was a northern man by birth, and he was a%o a Douglas man. The 
southerners couldn't accept him. Even President Buchanan used his influence 
against Phelps' candidacy for Speaker. 

Phelps was bom in Connecticut. His father was Judge Elisha Phelps, who 
codified the Connecticut laws, and his grandfather was General Noah Phelps, 
of revolutionary fame. At Ticonderoga, Noah Phelps was at the head of the 
first storming company. The day before the attack Captain Phelps had dis- 
guised himself as a farmer and had taken a load of produce into the fort to 
find out how strong the force was. He even had himself shaved by the fort 
barber, and pumped that functionary successfully as to the strength of the 
defense. And when the barber came face to face with his captor _next day he 
exclaimed: "Blank you, sir, if I had known who you was while I was shaving 
you yesterday I would have cut your throat." 

John S. Phelps lost the SpesJcership when he had earned it, because he was a 
northern man. One of the chief arguments used against Mills was that it would 
be bad policy to elect a southern man. Phelps was a giant in the House. It is 
told of him that in his long service no motion offered and sustained by him 
failed to pass. Just before the war the proposition to admit Oregon was being 
urged. Joe Lane and others were asking that the new Pacific Slope sister be 
recognized. It was finally agreed by the friends of the measure that the only 
way to insure success was to get John S. Phelps to make a motion for the admis- 
sion. Yielding to the request, Mr. Phelps espoused the cause of the wotdd-be 
state, and Oregon was admitted. Years afterwards the daughter of Mr. Phelps 
went to Oregon to live, as the wife of one of that state's leading citizens. 
Colonel Montgomery. 

Hatdi's Candidacjr. 

From Phelps to Hatch was a long period. After more than thirty years 
Missouri again had a candidate for Speaker of the House of Representatives. 
Strange to tell, there was not enough state pride in the Missouri democracy to 
insure the candidate a solid delegation. Mr. Hatch was strongly supported by 
the agricultural interests. He was chairman of the committee of agriculture of 
the House in the Forty-eighth Congress and from that time forward the farmers 
of the country were given a hearing on the floors of Congress. He secured "an 
appropriation for the collection and dissemination among the farmers of the 
knowledge obtained by the bureau of animal industry and for the distribution 
of rare and valuable seeds and plants. 

It was through Hatch's efforts begun at that time that experimental govern- 
ment agricuhure was started, which has since developed into a system of experi- 
mental stations in nearly all the states. 

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It was early -in the Forty-eighth Congress that Mr. Hatch reintroduced the 
bill to enhance the powers and duties of the commissioner of agriculture and 
make him the head of an executive department. With a tenacity that is seldom 
seen in Congress or elsewhere, Chairman Hatch of the agricultural committee 
forced this measure to the front. The opposition to the bill was bitter, especially 
in the Senate, but Colonel Hatch's tact and persistence won. The battle of three 
Congresses ended when, near the close of the Fiftieth Congress, President Qeve- 
land signed the act creating the office of secretary of agriculture. The farmers 
thus secured a place in the President's cabinet and Missouri furnished the first 
secretary of the department in the person of Norman J. Colman. 

The oleomargarine inspection, labeling and taxation bill was another of the 
measures which Hatch placed upon the statute books, after a prolonged and 
bitter contest. Aside from furnishing a large amount of revenue to the govern- 
ment, the act secured the farmers from counterfeits of dairy butter and pro- 
tected the consumers, besides Compelling manufacturers of oleomargarine to use 
wholesome materials for its compounding. The act also reduced the price. 

One member of the Missouri delegation promptly bolted the Missouri can- 
didate for Speaker. Mr. O'Neill said that he had made up his mind to vote for 
Mr. Mills, no matter what the other Missourians might do. He explained his de- 
termination on personal grounds. Said he: "When I was a candidate for the 
democratic nomination last year Mills came out openly and said I ought to have it. 
He passed through St. Louis at thei time my contest was pending. There was 
no occasion for him to do anything, but he did. He went to the prominent men 
in the party and said it would be a shame if I was not given the nomination and 
sent back. He spoke of my position and work in the Fiftieth Congress in the 
kindest manner. He did a great deal for me ; he did it without being asked, and 
I have not forgotten it. There was no occasion for him to take such an interest 
in my candidacy. Another candidate for Speaker might have said, 'This is 
something for me to let alone. I may want tha other fellow's vote.' But Mills 
didn't act that way. He came out boldly of his own accord in my behalf. It 
would be ingratitude for me to vote for any one else for Speaker under these cir- 

In this way Mr. O'Neill defended his decision to vote for Mills. A lack of 
interest in Mr. Hatch was evident on the part of several other members of the 
Missouri" delegation. The argument was being used that Mr. Mills was the 
logical candidate ; that he was entitled to be Speaker because he had been chair- 
man of the ways and means committee. Thus it appeared that the very argu- 
ment which was ignored by the party in the case of Missouri's former candidate 
for Speaker was used against Mr. Hatch. 

A Problem of Patronage. 

Just after the first inauguration of President Cleveland, in March, 1885, 
the Missouri delegation met night after night in the rooms of James N. Bumes 
at the Willard in Washington. The door was closed on all outsiders. Down in 
the lobby stood a crowd anxiously awaiting the results of these sittings, which 
often lasted until after midnight. The Missouri delegation was trying to dis- 
tribute the patronage. One after another the applicants for offices under Mr. 

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Qeveland'^ administration were taken up, discussed and balloted upon. At 
that time proceedings seemed to be of the gravest character. Seen in the 
retrospect, that programme always raised a laugh. About fifty names were be- 
fore t;he delegation, for evtryihing from the German mission down to messenger 
in the interior department. Seiiator Cockrell was elected chairman and John 
J. O'Neill was made secretary. Mr. O'Neill carried the farce to the extent of 
having printed in large type on broad sheets of imitation parchment a formidable 
looking document reading as follows : 

'This is to certify that , of Missouri, has been indorsed by the 

Missouri delegation as a candidate for the office of in the department of the 

"(Signed) F. M. Cocksell, Chairman. 
"John J. O'Nehx, Secretary." 

As the delegation voted its indorsement to the applicants, the blanks for names 
and offices were filled out, the certificates were signed officially and delivered to 
those whose names were entered. The certificates were received with great 
thankfulness by those so lucky as to receive the vote of indorsement, and were 
exhibited with much pride. They were considered as so many preliminary com- 
missions for the offices sought. Some of the certificates were delivered to the 
beneficiaries in person. Others were forwarded to the more modest applicants 
at their homes in" Missouri. Months afterward a Missouri representative went 
into a place bf refreshment in his district, and found one of the certificates 
framed and conspicuously displayed over the bar. 

Some time after the action of t^e delegation Senator Vest received one of 
the certificates accompanied by a request from the beneficiary to know what 
should be done with it. The senator sat down and wrote back to the applicant 
for information, advising him to this effect: "I recommend that you have your 
indorsement framed and then hung up in your parlor. If you have got any 
of our old Confederate money left have that framed and hung up alongside the 
certificate. They will grow in interest together as curiosities." 

After several months of waiting to have the certificates accepted by the ad- 
ministration, the delegation ignored its own action, and quietly took up candi- 
dates for office singly and pressed for appointments. It was not until this ntw 
policy was adopted that Missouri received anything worth mentioning. 

The Debut of Champ Clark. 

In his maiden speech Champ Qark took rank as one of the best story tellers 
in Washington. He achieved that distinction on a single story, for the rest of 
his speech was in a serious vein. He argued that if Congress obeyed the be- 
hests of the American bondholders and made a gold standard, in a hundred, years 
the people would be reduced to the conditions of the Russian serfs or Mexican 
peons. The bondholders would have all the money in the country, for as old 
Jim Craig, of St. Joe, used to say, "When a dollar goes down into their capacious 
pockets the eagle on it sings, 'Farewell, vain world, I'm going home !' " 

A Missouri boy at the age of three voted in the House. He was Bennett 
Clark, son of Champ Clark. He didn't say "aye" or "no." Strict rules hedge 

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the privilege of the floor. Only ex-members who are not lobbyists and certain 
high dignitaries are supposed to pass the doorkeepers. But by an unwritten law 
little sons and daughters of representatives are sometimes allowed to accom- 
pany their fathers, provided they are well behaved. Bennett Qark was always 
a iQodel of boyish dignity. One day when tellers were called for and the mem- 
bers formed to pass between them and be counted, this little boy gravely took 
his place in the line and marched down the aisle. He marched down the aisle 
twice in the course of one afternoon and passed between the tellers. He voted 
just as his father did. The tellers patted him on the back and pretended to count 
him, and the members standing around laughed an^ shook hands with him. 
The youngster smiled and accepted congratulations demurely, but he said noth- 
ing, so it was impossible to tell whether he really understood what it all 

This Missouri boy not only voted, but he figured in a speech. He was used 
to illustrate an argument. When the printing bill was up one day Congressman 
Clark made some remarks upon it. One clause of the bill proposed to distribute 
about a million government books which had been accvunulating in the basement 
of the Capitol for many years. Mr. Clark offered an amendment to facilitate 
this work and, speaking to it, he said as reported in the Congressional Record : 

"I am heartily in favor of scattering this pent-up Utica of learning and of art over a 
smiling land. I would much prefer to see this Congress pass into history as a million- 
volume Congress rather than a billion-dollar Congress. [Laughter.] 

The sudden, unexpected and simultaneous distribution of a million volumes over this 
country would have a healthy educational effect on the public mind, and is in direct line 
with that campaign of education which we have been conducting with so much enthusiasm 
for lo ! these many years in this country, and which was crowned last Noxember with such 
glorious results [laughter on the republican side], and which is now being frittered away 
somewhat [Renewed laughter.] 

"A great many people have an erroneous idea that all government publications are as 
dry as a powder magazine, a proposition in Euclid, or Tupper's poems. [Laughter.] This 
free gift of the wisdom of the fathers will explode that impression at once. Some govern- 
ment works are things of beauty and joys forever. [Laughter.] I once wrote to Senator 
Vest and requested him to send me any literature he might have in stock, and he sent me 
two large and handsome volumes on what the scientists call entomology, but what we plain 
people call bugology [laughter], each warranted to contain 10,000 illustrations. [Laughter.] 

That was certainly a big haul— 20,600 bugs out of one mail 1i)ag. [Laughter.] 

This was not all, however, that I owed to the discrhninating taste of the senator and 
to the boundless generosity of Uncle Sam, for at the same time I was the happy recipient 
of^two huge and gorgeous tomes containing a splendid steel engraving of every species of 
snake that went with Noab into the Ark. [Laughter.] 

"My little 3-year-old boy, from constant playing with these books, has come to know 
more about snakes and bugs than any gentleman who has not toyed too long with that 
seductive and bewildering beverage known as Mexican pulque. [Laughter.] 

"That brilliant and exceedingly interesting work evolved from the inner consciousness 
of 'Our Uncle' Jerry Rusk concerning hawks and owls has had such an unprecedented 
run, which can not be predicted even for Gen. Lew Wallace's 'Prince of India' [laughter], 
there will have to be a new and enlarged edition of it published to satisfy the craving of 
the people for the good, the beautiful and the true. [Laughter.] I really think, Mr. 
Chairman, that Longfellow must have had in his mind this buried literary treasure-trove 
that is concealed down here in the vaults of the Capitol when he wrote those lines: 

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"'Nothing useless is or low; 

Each thing in its place is best; 
And what seems but idle show 
• Strengthens and supports the rest* 

"I urge immediate action upon this bill. If we can not give the people that increase in 
the circulating medium of which they are in sore need [laughter], and for which they arc 
so clamorous, we certainly can give them a million books which they paid for years ago. 
I express this hope with some confidence, because I can not, to save my life, see how the 
money power has any interest in obstructing this measure. [Laughter.}" 

"Pub. Docs." were better appreciated by early Missourians than by those of a 
later period when newspapers and libraries were as numerous as the cities. 
When Congressman Thomas P. Akers, of what was then known as the Fifth 
district, remembered the judges of Henry county, this resolution was ordered 
ehtered upon the record : 

"Ordered, That the thanks of this court* are hereby tendered to the Hon. 
Thomas P. Akers, member of Congress from this district, for presenting each 
member of this court with a copy of the agricultural reports from the patent 
office for the year 1855." 

Champ Clark, Speaker. 

In 1908, Champ Clark made a series of speeches in which he arraigned the 
administration and assailed the rules of the House which enabled the Speaker 
and a little oligarchy of "ruling elders" to maintain absolute control. He had 
come to the front as the leader in the new order. When the House passed under 
democratic control a Speaker was chosen by the unanimous vote of the party 
caucus. This honor without precedent was bestowed upon Champ Clark. 

Long before he became Speaker, perhaps before he ever looked hopefully in 
that direction. Champ Clark was the champion of the new member. Possibly 
he remembered his own advent in the House of Representatives. When Hardy 
of Texas made his maiden speech, a short one, he thought he would like to 
extend it in the Congressional Record. He arose to ask that customary privilege. 
He was recognized by the Speaker. Mann of Illinois also tried to take the floor 
at the same time. He claimed that Hardy had no right to the floor. 

"Who says he has no right to the floor?" demanded Clark. "He has a perfect 
right. He has been recognized by the Speaker. He does not wish to make a 
speech; he only wants to ask permission to have his speech, already made, printed 
in the Record, which he has a right to do, and I am going to see that he has 
an opportunity to do so." 

Mann subsided with, "Oh* well ; let him go ahead." This was only one illus- 
tration of Champ Clark's frequently exercised championship of the new member. 

When the Missourian completed his eight years as Speaker he could point 
with pride to the record that but eight appeals had been taken from his decisions. 
In every case his rulings had been sustained by the House, and that, too, by more 
than the vote of his party. On one decision he was sustained by a vote of 240 to 
10. These were "records," he said, "of which I am proud, and which my chil- 
dren, and my children's children may prize foi;"ever." It may well be added that 
this record is a matter for just Missouri pride. 

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From a paintmg hj Prof. J. S. Ankenej of the Universitj of Missouri 

A historie home in the Ozarks 

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Qiamp Qark's achievement was something more than personal. It repre- 
sented the victorioas end of a long iight which he had led to give to the in* 
dividual member, of Congress more power at the expense of the autocratic rule 
of the Speaker. Committees were formed by a committee on committees instead 
of by the Speaker. This revolution in procedure was continued by the Repub- 
licans when the complexion of the House changed in 1919. 

"The Speakership," said Mr. Clark, upon his retirement, "is still a great office, 
though shorn of certain powers which should never have been attached to it. A 
Speaker fit for tht high position will always be a powerful official, as powerftd as 
any citizen of the republic should be." 

"I have the honor of being the only Speaker of the House of Representa- 
tives ever .elected in the history of the country without any opposition in his 
own party. I looked up the records on this point and I found the record of 
all the Speakers except one, and I could not find any without strong opposition. 

"I met Henry Watterson one day in Washington, and as he knows every- 
thing and is a great historian, I asked him if this Speaker, whose record I 
could not find, was elected without opposition. 

" 'Surely, he was not,' said Colonel Watterson. . *I recall that he had a vig- 
orous contest lasting two or three weeks before his elecfipn.' *' 

Public Life EducationaL 

Speaking of the educational side of publi<;, life. Champ Clark in the two 
years' hiatus of his very successful cftreer^ said: ♦'There is no such training 
school for intellectual development an}rwhere. else on earth as the lower house 
of Congress. A man whose mind does not expand there is an incorrigible fool. 
Before I went to Congress, while there and since I am out, my theory has been 
and is this : The people of any given district ought to select a man in harmony 
with their interests and political beliefs, who is possessed of industry, energy, 
integrity, and at least fair capacity, and who is young enough to grow, send him 
to Congress and give him to understand that so long as he grows and discharges 
his duties faithfully they will keep him there. With that sort of a lease on 
public life any man of even ordinary talents will develop into a dominant factor 
in Congress. Beginning at the foot of the class, as all new members must, 
through death, promotion and the vicissitudes of politics, he will in a few years 
find himself at the head of one of the great committees — which is the first 
desideratum with every Congressman ambitious for himself or for his people." 

Senator Vert's Early Ambition. 

Of Vest's earliest experiences in the United States Senate, Colonel Samuel 
W.Tordyce gave to Paul W. Brown this recollection: 

'In talking to me about his desire to become a United States senator, he said that 
every department of the government was permeated by frauds of different kinds; that if 
he got there he would commence making attacks on these frauds. When he returned to 
Hot Springs after his service in the Senate he was rather jauntily dressed. He wore a 
little shell with a diamond in the center as a scarf pin. Looking him over I said: 'Vest, 
you look to me as though you had gotten into fellowship with these Republican thieves.' 
He replied that when he got to the Senate and looked over everything carefully he found 
that there would be so much to do to unearth all these frauds that he would spend his life 

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and then not be able to break into any of them ; that Don Cameron had made him a present 
of this scarfpin and that he found out that many of these Republican senators were not 
so bad as they had been painted. He met and became very fond of General John A. Logan, 
Senator Blaine, Senator Quay and several others. His most intimate friends in the Senate 
were all Republicans. President Arthur .was extremely fond of Vest. On one occasion I 
went to Washington with the view of having a colonel in the army made a brigadier-general. 
Vest took me to see President Arthur. Arthur said: *Vest, do you want this done?' Vest 
replied : 1 certainly do ; I want anything done that my friend Fordycc wants done.' 

"At one period it required only one vote to seat Senator Quay of Pennsylvania. Quay 
and Vest were intimate friends. Vest voted against his friend and this defeated him for 
the Senate. This, he told me, was one of the bitterest pills he ever had to swallow; that 
he loved Quay like a brother, but that his record on a matter similar to that of Quay's 
contest would not permit him to vote for his friend. This, Vest told me with great pleasure, 
never affected in any way the friendship between him and Quay." 

Vest's Bebuke to the President. 

One of the most scathing rebukes of executive interference with Congress 
was made by Senator Vest. The occasion was President Qeveland's letter to 
Chairman Wilson of the ways and means committee of the House. In that 
letter Mr. Cleveland had spoken of the Senate's amendments to the Wilson tariff 
as party perfidy. The speech of Senator Vest was not a long one. The Mis- 
sourian occupied the floor scarcely twenty minutes and when he sat down there 
was a feeling on both sides of the chamber that perfect use had been made of* a 
rare opportunity. Of all the speeches Senator Vest delivered upon the floor of 
the Senate, and they were many and varied, there was none which made a more 
profound impression. After speaking somewhat in detail of Mr. Qeveland's 
criticism upon the democratic senators for placing a duty upon certain raw 
materials, Senator Vest used these words : 

'The time has come for plain speaking in regard to the matter now pressmg itself 
upon the people of the United States. I have been the consistent friend of the present 
occupant of the executive chair. I defended him in the Senate when his friends could be 
counted upon the fingers of one hand. I shall continue to defend him so long as I believe 
that his aims and objects are in consonance with the success of the democratic party, which 
I believe necessary to the glory and honor of this country. But the democratic party is 
greater than any man. It survived Jefferson, Madison, Jackson, and it will outlive Grover 
Cleveland. He does not embody all the democracy and all the tariflF reform of this country. 
He has no right to disregard the spirit of the Constitution. He has no right to trample 
upon the sensibilities and obligations of other members of his party, for any purpose 
whatever. When it reaches the limit of self-respect, I shall consider myself fettered by 
no other obligations than those of my conscience and my duty to the country. 

•*Where does the President of the United States find his right, by private letter or 
personal appeal, to influence the legislation of Congress? The Constitution of the United 
States gives him the right and imposes upon him the duty to give Congress informatiop as 
to the condition of the Union, and to suggest such measures of legislation as he may deem 
just and expedient. When our fathers declared that there should be three great co-ordinate 
departments of this government, absolutely independent of each other, did they mean that 
the President of the United States, by the use of patronage, by the shadow of the great 
office, the greatest upon earth, which the people have given him, should, in the teeth of 
the Constitution, put into the hands of conferees, instructed to have a full and free con- 
ference upon matters in dispute between the two houses, a personal appeal to his party 
friends to stand by his vi^Ws upon any public question? Mrs. Adams, the wife 6i the 
second President of the United States, in some memoirs which can be obtained in the 

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Congressional Library, gives a quaint reason why the Capitol was placed at one end of 
Pennsylvania avenue and the White House at the other. It was, said that good lady, to 
prevent the President from exercising undue influence upon the deliberations of Congress. 

"But, in a conference committee, where' the conferees are instructed to have a full 
and free conference, the President of the United States has deliberately injected his per- 
sonal appeal and personal opinion, in order, in advance, to influence the vote upon a 
measure on which, under his oath and the obligations of the Constitution, he is at last to 
pass. He is a part of the law-making power of this government, but his functions begin 
only after the houses of Congress, unswerved and uninfluenced by the executive or the 
judiciary, have passed upon the question placed before them. The President of thfe United 
States, without waiting until the Constitution places this duty upon him, in a private letter 
to the chairman of the conferees upon the part of the House of Representatives, throws 
his personal authority, the weight of his great oflice, his hold upon the American people, 
into the scales and deniands from the Senate that it shall accede to his views in regard 
to tariff reform, or that we virtually shall be unable to enter into any canvass upon a bill 
such as we think meets the demands and exigencies of the hour. 

"That portion of the letter which has struck me with more alarm than an3rthing I 
have heard during the course of my public life, since the declaration of war between the 
states thirty years ago, is the statement by the President that it was impossible, without 
treason to the party to which we belong, without perfidy to the principles which we profess, 
that a bill, adopted solemnly by one branch of the national legislature, should become a 
law by the votes of his political associates. If that can be done by the President of the 
United States, what becomes of the theory of the Constitution that each department of the 
government shall in its sphere be independent of all the others? What becomes of our 
boasted republican institutions, our freedom from all except the limitations of the Con- 
stitution? If • the President can do this, he can send his cabinet ministers to us, he can 
use his executive patronage over us, he can do as was done in regard to the silver ques- 
tion, punish recalcitrant democratic senators who did not accept his views in regard to the 
free coinage of silver. 

*^ut what mockery it is to talk of a full and free conference when one conferee has 
in his pocket at the time when he goes into conference the views, if not the instructions, 
of the President of the United States as to what shall be done." 

In concluding his speech Senator Vest referred to the defense made for 
President Cleveland by Senator David B. Hill of New York. He spoke of the 
lion and the lamb. He said : "I am not here to defend or to attack the adminis- 
tration, but I am here to defend the rectitude of my motives and those of my 
colleagues in what we have done. I shall not make the speech which was made 
by the senator from New York (Mr. Hill) in defense of the President. It 
reminded me of a desperate murder case I tried in my early life, when I was 
compelled to plead thq abnormal and unnatural moral depravity of my client to 
such an extent that he was incapable of committing crime. After I cleared him 
he came to me and said, *I am obliged to you for having gotten me off, but I 
would rather go to the penitentiary for life than to hear that speech again.' " 

Martiii L. Clardy on Political Life. 

When Martin L. Qardy was a member of Congress, he spent many an 
hour reading over the Congressional debates of earlier years. One day Mr. 
Clardy, to his amazement, heard delivered upon the floor of the House a speech 
which he had shortly before perused in a dust-covered volume fifteen years old. 
The speech-writer who had sold the product had simply copied it from the 
Record, going back far enough as he supposed to escape detection. But there 

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was another surprise in stock for Mr. Qardy. Before the recollection of the 
first incident had faded he found, away back earlier than the war« this same 
speech. Whether that was the original speech he never discovered, but he did 
learn that there had been at least two thefts of it, and that it had done duty for 
three statesmen, two of whom had probably paid well for the mechanical act of 

"My advice to young men," said Mr. Clardy, "is to keep out of politics, and 
I can speak from experience, as I have been in the swim ever since I was of age. 
The same amount of energy and perseverance that a man must necessarily be 
capable of to succeed in politics^ if devoted to any other profession in life, would 
procure him an enviable and permapent position in its ranks. Political success 
is a very shaky thing, and a man on the top rung of the ladder doesn't know 
when he will find himself down near the bottom. To a young man, a seat in the 
Congress of the United States seems to be worth years of trouble to obtain, 
but after he has been fairly elected and comes on to Washington his ideas 
undergo a radical change. He finds that he is after all only one of many; that 
he has to work harder than he ever did before and that it takes just about all 5f 
his salary to make ends meet and keep the pot boiling at home. When the time 
finally comes for him to be retired and some other fellow to step into his shoes, 
he goes home, to find all of his practice in the hands of the lucky fellows who 
have staid out of politics, and at the period of life when he ought to be enjo)ring 
the fruits of independence, he has to curtail his expenses and knuckle down to 
hard work to retrieve his shattered fortunes." 

A Former BUsiBOurian's Ideal. 

After he had acciunulated millions and while he was United States senator 
from California, Mr. Hearst, a former Missourian, gave a group of newspaper 
correspondents his view of ideal life : "If I had it to do over again I wouldn't 
be rich. There isn't much satisfaction after all in being a millionaire. Your 
money brings a lot of people about you, but I believe you are better oflF not know- 
ing them. My idea of real enjoyment is different from this. If I was starting 
again I'd go west and have a chicken ranch. I'd locate in some fertile, well- 
sheltered valley in the mountains, get a hundred and sixty acres and raise 
chickens. Just think of the satisfaction of getting up in the morning and going 
out in the splendid dear air and looking after the coops. And just think of 
sitting down to a six-weeks old chicken fried, with com bread and coffee. That 
is what I call genuine comfort." 

And then the rugged old gold hunter relapsed into' silence, wrapt in contem- 
plation of his ideal life. 

The City Congressmaa's Oalla. 

It might be supposed that a Congressman representing one of the principal 
business districts of the country would not be seriously embarrassed with the 
ordinary requests from constituents. But when Nathan Frank of the central 
district of St. Louis was in the House he had this experience : "I got a letter 
one day from a man who wanted a pension. He wrote that he was growing old 
and that he had no friends. He said that unless I did this for him he did not 

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see how he could get it done. Well, I succeeded in getting him pensioned, and 
he wrote to me expressing in strong terms his feeling of gratitude. In a few 
weeks I got another letter from my pensioner. He asked me to go to work and 
get his pension increased. A man on Chouteau avenue wrote to me asking for a 
certain, out-of-all-reason, public document. At considerable trouble I obtained 
a copy and forwarded it to him. Back came a letter thanking me for that docu- 
ment, and inclosing a list of twenty more which my correspondent wanted. A 
real estate agent wrote to me for a map. I got it for him. Now I have letters 
from eight other real estate agents. They wrote that they have seen So-aHd-So's 
map in his office, and each wants one like it. The principle that 'one good turn 
deserves another' seems to have a peculiar interpretation as applied to members of 

Oongressmaii Morgan's War Reccnrd. 

At an early period Charles H. Morgan was sent to Congress as a democrat 
to represent the lead and zinc district of Southwest Missouri. Years afterwards 
he came back as a republican from the same district, elected on a protection plat- 
form. Mr. Morgan was a very mild-mannered man, but had a record for per- 
sonal bravery. He was a Union soldier from Wisconsin and fought in many 
of the greatest battles of the Civil war. He was repeatedly captured and made 
his escape from Conf^erate prisons five times. One of his escapes was ex- 
tremely novel. He and other prisoners were locked up in a box car, to be shipped 
back into the interior of Virginia foil' confinement in one of the southern prison 
camps, of which he had experienced a foretaste on a previous occasion. A Con- 
federate guard was in the same car with the prisoners, to prevent their escape, 
and strict vigilance was kept upon every movement. Morgan and a friend, never- 
theless, managed to regain their liberty under the very eyes of the sentinel. While 
lying on their blankets they cut a hole through the floor of the car with a knife, 
conceaAing the aperture with their blankets until they had produced an opening 
hrrge enough to allow their bodies to pass through. So quietly was the work done 
that neither the guard nor their fellow-prisoners surmised the truth. As soon 
as an ppportunity presented itself, and therar was dark enough to conceal their 
movements, they opened the aperture and dropped through to the roadbed. They 
gained the adjoining woods and were furnished with provisions by an old negro 
couple. In the course of a few days they were again in the camp of a Union 

OockreU's Arraignmimt of Oleivelaiid. 

Parts of three days Senator Cockrell devoted to his arraignment of Presi- 
dent Oeveland in 1893. The speech filled fifty-four pages of the Congressional 
Record. It stood as the most unsparing attack upon the administration by any 
democratic senator. He said : 

The financial question has been brought to the front It b not the fault of Congress. 
The President had the right to call Congress together for whatever purpose he desired. 
He exercised that right, and he called us together upon the financial question, and when 
be convened us he had gone to the end of his executive power. The responsibility now 
rests with us as to what we shall do. The responsibility rests upon him for having Con- 
v«i. n— 14 

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gress here. We did not call ourselves into existence here. He brought u» here. He is 
responsible for that and we are responsible for what we do. Why should we bow to 
England? If we are going to adopt a financial policy why not adopt that of France, the 
country that stood by us in the days of the Revolution and helped us achieve our inde- 
pendence, and today is a sister republic? Why shall we bow the knee to England? Are 
we not old enough to establish a financial system? We are lOO years old. That is a great 
age. Can you find any other nation on earth that has not established its own policy?" . 

To the end of his third day on the floor, Senator Cockrell continued his 
criticism of the President. He was even satirical : 

"The President l\as had fears that these lowering clouds were about to 
swamp this cotmtry ever since 1885. There is only one man in public life who 
has more imfulfilled predictions on record than the President, and that is John 
Sherman. [Laughter.] 

"This is no disrespect to him. He is an honest and brave man, and he has 
the courage to tell us what he thinks. But, oh, how often he has been mis- 
taken! [Laughter.] There is no danger to the democratic party. When Mr. 
Cleveland and every senator here, and every member of the other House, and 
all the members of that grand old party who compose it today, shall have passed 
to that bourne whence no traveler returns, the democratic part^ will only be in 
its youthful vigor and manhood." 

Family Influences Cut No Figure. 

During the great silver debate of 1893 in the Senate, Senator Codcrell called 
attention to the innumerable petitions urging the repeal of the purchasing clause 
in the Sherman law. He read from the Springfield Democrat an editorial to 
the effect that these petitions from Missouri were inspired by circulars sent out 
from Wall street. Then he drew from his pocket a letter from a business house 
of St. Louis to country customers, requesting them to write to their senators and 
representatives to vote for immediate repeal and saying such action was "an 
absolute necessity to the business interests of the United States." 

"That," said Senator Cockrell, "is the argument and that is the reason they 
give to business men, the men who are indebted to them, why they should write 
here to their senators and representatives for the purpose of trying to influence 
them to vote a certain way. It speaks well for business men and financial inter- 
ests and communities!" 

Mr. Gray : Are those reputable people ? 

Mr. Cockrell : Yes ; my brother-in-law is a member of the firm. 

Some of Senator Vest's Experiences. 

Senator Vest was making a speech one day when Senator Peffer arose and 
interjected some remarks. Before Mr. Peffer was through Senator Sherman 
interrupted him with some observations. Mr. Vest stood amazed for a few 
moments and then called out insistently: 

"Mr. President ; Mr. President." 

The presiding oflicer paid no attention and Mr. Peffer and Mr. Sherman con- 
tinued to talk. Then Mr. Vest shouted that he wanted to make a parliamentary 
inquiry. This brought the gavel down and the presiding oflicer as soon as he 

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could get sUence said: "The gentleman from Missouri will state his parliamen- 
tary inquiry," 

"I believe I was addressing the Senate and had the floor/' said Mr. Vest, 
"but it seems that I have no longer got it. If I can't get it any other way I rise 
to a parliamentary inquiry to find out how I lost it." 

Everybody laughed and Mr. PefFer and Mr. Sherman sat down. 

In the Senate one day S^iator Vest announced, with some vigor, that he 
was going to have scwne pension legislation scrutinized hereafter. He spoke of 
the "wholesale spoliation of the treasury" and said he should insist on more 
careful consideration of all pension bills. . The clerk commenced to call the 
pension calendar. A broad smile went around the Senate chamber. The very 
first case was from Missouri. It was accompanied by a letter from Repre- 
sentative Dockery, reading: 

"The beneficiary, David R. B. Harlan, is physically helpless and financially 
dependent. I know him and trust the bill may be favorably considered." 

Mr. Harlan was of Nettleton, Caldwell county. He was captain in the 
Ninth Missouri State Militia Volunteer cavalry and served until April, 1865. 
" "I will say to the senator," explained Senator Gallinger, chairman of the 
committee, affably addressing Senator Vest, "that this ex-soldier — it is a case in 
which Congressman Dockery is greatly interested — is receiving a pension now 
at the maximum rate under the act of June 27, 1890. It is impossible for the 
pension bureau to do anything further for him. But in view of his meritorious 
services and his exceedingly necessitous condition the House of Representatives 
generously passed this bill, increasing his pension to $20 per month." 

A smile went around the chamber. The bill passed. So did every other 
pension bill presented that day. Senator Vest said not^ word. 

Senator Vest had a very trying time of it with the Kansas City and Sibley 
bridge bill. From the galleries the scene was a funny one. Again and again 
the Missouri senator rose and said, "Mr. President." Just as many times he 
was interrupted by the privileged reports from conference committees. Finally 
his opportunity came, and he got the bridge bill before the Senate. 

"Has that bill been printed?" asked Mr. Edmunds in his most exasperating 

Mr. Vest explained that the bill was all right; that it had just come from the 
House, and there fiad not been time to print it. 

"I object, then," said Mr. Edmunds. The pride of the Missouri democracy 
sank back in his chair with a look of despair. Then Mr. Cockrell got in his 
work. He and Mr. Edmunds were excellent friends. He went over and whis- 
pered earnestly in the Vermonter's ear. The engrossed bill on the great sheet of 
parchment was carried to Mr. Edmunds and he waded through it, examining 
every word. While this was going on Mr. Cockrell made three or four trips 
across the Senate chamber to whisper to Mr. Edmunds. The last time he came 
back he said in an undertone to Mr. Vest : "It's all right." 

Slowly Mr. Edmunds folded yp the parchment and said: "The bill seems 
to be in proper form. It may be passed." 

Mr. Vest drew a loAg breath and the look of relief was worth seeing. 

Senator Vest strongly supported the policy of government education for 

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Indian children. "I am a westetn man," he said. *'I came from a state which 
was called *the dark and bloody ground' on account of the terrible wars between 
the red and the white races, and my forefathers were engaged in them, and I 
lost relatives in them. I was raised with the prejudice of the men that fought 
against these Indians; but with advancing years, I trust with more charity and 
more enlargement of observation and judgpient, I say today that the proposi- 
tion that these people must be left to extinction is the most horrible that can be 
contemplated by any intelligent man." 

The Brothers CockrelL 

Not since the days of the Washbums until 1893 had there been brothers' 
in the same Congress. As Senator Cockrell entered upon his fourth term, Rep- 
resentative Cockrell began his first. Both were Missourians, but the representa- 
tive had settled in Texas and came from a district of that state. Both of the 
Cockrfells were lawyers. Both were Confederates from the beginning to the end 
of the war. Both attained the responsibility of the command of brigades. The 
elder Cockrell directed the fam6us battle of Lone Jack. The two careers illus- 
trated the luck of politics. The younger jCockrell entered the Senate without 
ever having held any previous civil office. The haf^y circumstance of defeat 
for the nomination of governor virtually sent the senator to Washington, and 
his aptitude for details of legislation, with his great industry in looking after 
the individual wants of constituents, kept him there. Champ Qark said he once 
saw a Grand Army post in Missouri turn out with band and banners to escort 
Senator Cockrell from the depot to the hotel. And when, to his astonisdiment, 
he sought an explanation of this extraordinary old soldiers' tribute to an ex- 
Confederate general, he found that the senator had been doing all the pension 
business gratis for the whole post. The elder Cockrell came to Congress by 
a series of steps up the political ladder. When the senator was reaching in one 
stride, with those astonishing long legs of his, from a law office at Warrensburg 
to the United States Capitol, the other branch of the family was issuing orders 
for road openings and creek bridges by virtue of his position as a county judge 
in Texas. After that he went to a higher bench, and so on up until he came 
to Congress to represent a district composed of just eighty great Texas counties, 
the larg^est in territory of all of the Congressional districts in the entire country. 
The senator had a regular Brother Jonathan figure and phiz. He hadn't got an 
ounce of flesh to spare. The representative-elect was broad and full-faced, of 
generous proportions, just such a man physically as Texas delights to honor. 

The Only Silyer Argnment. 

Ten long days of talk preceded the vote on the repeal of the silver piirchas- 
ing clause of the Sherman law in 1893. When it ended Mr. Carlisle, then secre- 
tary of the treasury, gave a Missourian credit for bringing out the only sound 
argument against repeal. He said: "There was just one point on the silver 
side which was strong. Everything else advanced in support of the opposition 
to unconditional repeal was weak and easily met. This one strong point was 
brought out most forcibly by a new member, Mr. Hall, of Missouri. It was that 
people who had incurred debts in depreciated currency were entitled to pay 

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those debts in depreciated currency. That is the logical argument of the situ- 
ation from the standpoint of free silver advocates, and it is the only argument 
they have got with any logic in it." 

Vest on the Income Tax Deoision. 

One of the very notable speeches of Senator Vest was delivered in January,- 
1896, previous to the first Bryan campaign. The announcement that the Mis- 
sourian would speak brought, as usual, a throng to the galleries. Speaker Reed 
and many members of the House came over and took seats on the Senate floor. 

Several times during the course of the address the Vice-President was com- 
pelled to suppress the applause, and when the senator sat down, at the con- 
clusion of his speech, the galleries broke forth, despite the repeated warnings 
which had been given. 

The principal subjects embraced in the senator's discourse were the explana- 
tion of the failure of democratic legislation; the administration's bond issues, 
and the necessity of free coinage, to remedy the present serious financial situation. 

The Supreme Court's income tax decision was bitterly scored ; Secretary Car- 
lisle's inconsistency in his financial vi^ew^ ^wjis made manifest, and the danger 
of longer permitting what the senator called 'the '^riioney autocracy" was dwelt 

What the senator said upon the* Supreipe Court decision declaring the in- 
come tax law unconstitutional was ie^jedally notable. After he had analyzed 
briefly the decision of the Supreme Court and had read from the opinions of the 
minority justices who sustained the income tax law. Senator Vest took up the 
action of one of the justices who, according to report, had changed his original 
opinion and had made the majority of one against the law. He said : 

"If I had, made the declarations which have come from these two Justices of the 
Supreme Court of the United States I should be charged with partisan maliqe and misrep- 
resentation. Coming from distinguished lawyers, holding the highest judicial positions in 
the country, of life tenure and removed from personal and political motives, I submit that 
those declarations, from that source, constitute the most fearful arraignment of this court 
of last resort found in the judicial annals of the country. 

"I have said that I do not propose to analyze this decision, nor shaH I trust myself 
to enter into conjectures as to the reasons that caused one member of the court, after 
agreeing, on deliberate argument, as to the constitutionality of the largest portion of the 
law, in two weeks afterward, upon a motion for a rehearing, to reverse his opinion and 
fasten upon the country 'the sordid despotism of wealth/ 

'This justice unquestionably had the right to change his opinion — it is the highest pre- 
rogative of a judicial officer — ^but I must say most respectfully that it is a matter of regret 
that he did not see proper to put upon record the reasons that caused him to make the 
change ; that he did not stand before the American people as the only member of the court 
really responsible for this far-reaching and terrible judicial decision. 

**The name of that justice is unknown; it is known alone to him and to his judicial 
associates. Not even the clerks of the court are able to say what individual justice changed 
the decision after the case was first argued. The reasons that controlled him are lost to 
the profession and to the country, and it is simply a matter of conjecture as to why, in 
a case like this, the most important, possibly, that ever came before the Supreme Court of 
the United States, he allowed his name and his reasons to be buried in obscurity. 

"Sir, the Senate of the United States has been ridiculed and maligned because of 
executive sessions. What would be thought of a member of this body who had changed 

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his opinion of a great question like that before the Supreme Court, and did not have the 
manhood to stand before the American people and bear his responsibility for that result? 
I can imagine now the storm of opprobrium, the charges of corruption, the whettened 
wrath of the independent press, against a senator who would dare to hide his name, in 
order to escape responsibility for a public act." 

The Tidal Wave of 1894. 

By the election of 1894 the states sent to Washington 165 representatives 
who had never before served in Congfress. Missouri did her full share in that 
political upheaval. When the returns were in the chairman of the state commit- 
tee threw up his hands ?ind exclaimed, "To think of it ! Dick Bland beaten by 
a horse doctor and Champ Clark by a piano tuner:^' 

The surprises were great enough without this exaggeration. Champ Qark 
promptly said the reference to his successor was not true : "The man who suc- 
ceeds me is Prof. William M. Treloar, of Mexico. While he has had little to do 
with politics, he is a man of fair capacity and good manners. . The newspapers 
have done him great injustice by representing him as a banjo player or piano 
tuner. He is nothing of the sort. He is, and for many years has been, pro- 
fessor of music in Hardin College, one of the foremost educational institutions 
of the West. He is also a composer of music of some reputation. The repub- 
lican nomination, so I am informed, went begging for some time, and Prof. 
Treloar was the fifth man to whom it was offered. In 1892 I received 2,592 
plurality. In 1894 Treloar beat me 132 votes, because 2,800 Democrats, thinking 
everything was safe, stayed at home. Prof. Treloar is a bright and enthusiastic 
Mason. His wife — formerly Miss Annie Silver — comes from good old Mary- 
land democratic stock." 

Col. Tom Towles, chief clerk of the House of Representatives, was travel- 
ing back to Washington after the election of 1894 in an inconspicuous and un- 
obtrusive way, when some one touched him on the arm. He turned and saw 
Senator Vest, his hat drawn down over his face, his shoulders elevated a Uttle 
higher than usual, and the tawny mustache bristling over tightly compressed lips. 
The senator didn't speak. The two campaigners eyed each other a few moments, 
and then Col. Towles asked: 

"Who are you, anyway?" 

"Blest if I know who I am," was the reply. 

"Well," said Towles, after another pause, "Senator, I congratulate you." 

"Congratulate me?" retorted the senator with a growl. "I'd like to know why 
I am to be congfritulated." 

"Because," said Towles, "from what few returns I have seen I find that 
where you made speeches in Missouri we ran about a thousand worse behind than 
where you didn't." 

The senator took a short turn down the platform, and when he came back he 

"There's too much truth in that to be amusing." 

"Well," continued Towles, "suppose we go into the car and talk it over." 

"No," said the senator positively, "we'll not talk it over. I'll not talk it over 

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with anybody. I'll not even talk to my wife about it. If I did I'm afraid I'd 
whip her." 

The senator was on his way to Hot Springs for the purpose, as he expressed 
it, "of boiling some of the disgust out of himself." 

Perhaps the most disgusted democrat in Missouri was Joseph K. Rickey, of 
Callaway county. Col. Rickey was an enthusiastic supporter of Congressman 
Bland. He went out to Missouri just before the election, and by chance met Col. 
William R. Morrison in a hotel at St. Louis the day before the election of 1894. 

"Aren't you going home to vote ?" asked Col. Morrison. 

"No," said Rickey ; "I don't think I'll go up until Wednesday. My wife wants 
me to go, but there isn't any use. Bland has got 3,000 or 4,000 to spare. There 
is no reason why I should hurry. I think I'll stay over, and go up the day after 

He did so. Callaway, which usually gives a democratic majority of 3,900 or 
more, fell short 1,100 on her democratic vote, and Bland was beaten. Rickey and 
eighteen other fellows did it. 

In the Missouri delegation to the Fifty-fourth Congress were eight new men. 
They caine as the result of a political tidal wave, temporarily engulfing some of 
the men best known in public life. Two conditions in that Congress were 
especially notable. One was the unusual niunber of members who stated in their 
autobiographical notes that they were "raised on a farm." It seemed as if an 
agfrarian movement had carried the countty. It was also quite noticeable that the 
corporals, the seamen, the non-commissioned veterans of the Civil war were 
receiving their political offices. The generals and colonels, seemingly, had had 
their day. Missouri, that year, sent to Congress several veterans. Charles G. 
Burton enlisted as a private in the 19th Ohio, in 1861. He served until disability 
forced him out of the service. Later on, he went in again and served as corporaL 
This was the highest title Mr. Burton claimed. He was only 15 when he enlisted 
first, and he was not 20 when he held the office of corporal. 

Four of the eight new members from Missouri were "liaised on farms." Mr. 
Mozley opened his eyes on a farm in Johnson county, 111., six months after the 
close of the Civil war. 

Mr. Treloar was bom on a farm in Linden county, Wis., in 1850. Mr. Tre- 
loar's name was one of the earliest called when seats were chosen. A thousand 
pairs of eyes looked curiously for Mr. Clark's successor. They saw a well- 
dressed, scholarly looking gentleman emerge from the crowd, walk down the aisle, 
and, with quiet dignity, take his seat. Of farm origin, Mr. Treloar was college- 
bred, and one of the most cultured men among the new members. The sketch 
of his life showed that, removing from Wisconsin, he attended the high school 
and Wesleyan University at Mount Pleasant, Iowa; in 1872 removed to Mis- 
souri, and taught English and music at Huntsyille; located at Mexico, Audrain 
county, in 1875, where he had since been engaged in teaching, filling important 
positions in Synodical Female College, Fulton; Hardin College (the Vassar of 
the West) and the public schools of Mexico. He had never held a political office 
prior to his election to Congress. 

John P. Tracey was another of the farm-raised Missourians. He was bom 
in Wayne county, O. He, too, enlisted as a private. After three years he came 

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out as a first lieutenant. But before hostilities were entirely over he was com* 
missioned as lieutenant colonel of a Missouri regiment. Mr. Tracey had had 
much more of a political career than most of his colleagues. He was on the Grant 
electoral ticket in 1868; republican candidate for railroad commissioner in 1878; 
candidate for elector at large on the Garfield ticket in 1880; was commissioned 
United States marshal for the western district of Missouri, February 4, 1890, and 
served until March 4, 1894. 

The only native-bom Missourian among the new members was Joel D. Hub- 
bard, "the man who beat Bland," as the democrats usually referred to him. Mr. 
Hubbard was bom near Marshall, Saline county, Mo., November 6, i860; attended 
the public school. Central College, Fayette, Mo.,, and graduated from the Mis- 
souri Medical College, St. Louis, in 1883. 

Dookery's Oongresgioiial Monuinent. 

The monument which Alexander M. Dockery left in Washington at the end 
of eight terms in Congress was a new accounting system for the treasury depart- 
ment. Mr. Dockery was chairman of what was known as the Dockery commis- 
sion. For two years he made war 'on the red tape and old cumbersome methods. 
Clerks who saw their positions endangered by the closing of useless offices joined 
in the abuse of the commission. At one time a fund was raised by these depart- 
ment people to be used against Mr. Dockery in his district. For a time the Mis- 
sourian was one of the most unpopular members of Congress. But just before his 
retirement he received letters from the comptroller and assistant comptroller and 
the five auditors of the treasury heartily indorsing the new system and expressing 
regrets that the author of it was to leave Congress. Mr. Dockery was one of the 
most vigorous supporters of the McKinley administration during the Spanish- 
American war. 

"This war is going to be worth to us all it cost," he said. "I don't mean with 
reference to acquisition of territory or in the development of our international 
relations. I mean in the effect upon us as a people, in the creations of new senti- 
ment. Why, just think of it ! I went out to Camp Alger yesterday, and there I 
found a man who fought four years in the Confederate army, now wearing the 
blue and commanding a regiment from my state. I tell you this war is a great 
thing for us without any consideration of what prompted it." 

Mr. Dockery was one of the most consistent economists in government ex- 
penditures there was in Congress, but he did not raise his voice against a war 
appropriation. Accustomed as he was to scmtinize the budgets closely, he counted 
the dollars well spent when he viewed such burial of the old issues and prejudices. 
In the nominations of officers for the volunteers the country saw that the Presi- 
dent ignored the lines. In fact, the Confederates fared in larger proportion than 
the Union soldiers. Three ex-Confederate major-generals had commands, while 
only one Union general was appointed from civil life. Down through the grades 
ran the recognition of both sides in the Presidential appointments. Mr. Dockery 
called attention to an additional phase in pointing out that the governors in Union 
states had commissioned ex-Confederates to regimental positions. Missouri was 
one of the border states where the terrible passion of war raged with an intensity 
the states further north or south did not know. But sons of Union fathers and 

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of ex-Confederate fathers were in the ranks side by side, and commanding them 
were ex-Confederate and Union officers. 

Maniur on Oklali0iiia. 

Missourians in Congress, as one man, contended for the opening of Oklahoma 
to settlement. Mr. Mansur of the Chillicothe district made the opening speech ' 
in favor of the bill. In the course of it he said : "In October and November last 
I was in attendance upon the United States court at Kansas City for nearly three 
weeks. There were then under way some fifteen buildings, not one of which 
would cost to erect less than $250,000, and several a million or more. Her citi- 
zens dig down great bluffs, bum up high cliffs of clay, fill vast sink-holes ; and 
nature in her sternest mood presents no obstacles the pluck of Kansas City can- 
not overcome. She is a new Chicago, a very behemoth, and within ten days past 
she sent forth her commands by and through a monster meeting, embracing the 
genius, the power, and moral force of the whole great Southwest, that Oklahoma 
must be opened. Kansas City is like unto 'She' — the one who must be obeyed." 

Bartholdt's Career. 

Political climate is trying. Some men have that within them which draws 
nourishment and stimulus from Congressional careers. They are not many. Per- 
haps one of the most notable Missouri cases of individual expansion and growth 
at Washington in a recent generation was Richard Bartholdt. He was bn a strug- 
gling Genpan afternoon newspaper in St. Louis. He had had some newspaper 
training as a reporter with a German paper in New York. He had been sent to 
Albany to do the legislature about the time Grover Cleveland was elected gover- 
nor. Then he drifted out to St. Louis. In those days he wore his hair rather 
long and he had some theories of government which were long-haired. He was 
"Dick" Bartholdt, a good-natured German hewspaper man, always ready to crook 
.the elbow to the stein but never willing to bend the hinges of the knee to the 
capitalistic class. Bartholdt breathed the air of public life at' Washington with 
delight to his nostrils. He filled his lungs with it. His progress was steady until 
he rdnked with the most effective men in the House. If Missouri wanted some- 
thing accomplished, there were few representatives who could do more towards 
it. Farther than this Bartholdt developed specialties in legislation which gave him 
rank as a leader. He was the acknowledged authority on questions relating to 
immigration. He became the admitted champion in Congress of international 
arbitration, with a reputation for furtherance of the cause which was more than 

The Torrey Act. 

The most persistent advocate of legislation in Washington for several years 
was Jay L. Torrey, a Missourian. As attorney for the Wholesale Grocers' Asso- 
ciation of St. Louis, Colonel Torrey became convinced of the necessity for a 
bankruptcy law. That was nearly thirty-five years ago. He began the study of 
the subject. In 1884 he was president of a convention of commercial bodies at 
Washington. The result of his studies was embodied in a bill which the conven- 
tion indorsed and christened the Torrey bill. Colonel Torrey secured its imme- 

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diate introduction. He did not miss a session of Congress after that time. He 
made it his business to. form the personal acquaintance of the members of the 
judiciary committees at both ends of the Capitol and to impress the needs of a 
bankruptcy law upon them. The secret of Colonel Torrey's success was that he 
did not claim the Torrey bill to be perfect. If he could induce the best lawyers 
of Senate and House to take up the bill and examine its provisions he was satis- 
fied. He sought objections and suggestions. For two or three Congresses the 
author did not make the effort to press the bill to enactment. He was working 
for more than temporary success. His idea was to get the best legal minds of ^ 
Congress interested in the measure and to make it, when finally adopted, some- 
thing that would stand the test of time. The bill passed one branch or the other, 
but never both branches of the same Congress, until the year of the Spanish- 
American war. Colonel Torrey felt that the crisis had come. There seemed to 
be a disposition in the judiciary committees, without r^ard to politics, to act on 
the much revised and amended measure. All objections had been met and the 
bill had developed general acceptability. The war shadow came arid Colonel Tor- 
rey, for the first time, allowed something else to receive his attention. He was 
the first man to adopt the idea that the cowboy of the West possessed pecjuliarly 
fitting qualities and training for the service in Cuba. He laid the matter before 
the President, Gen. Miles and the committees of the Senate and House. The 
response was prompt. Authority was conferred upon the President to accept three 
of these regiments of rough riders. One command was given to Leonard Wood 
and Theodore Roosevelt and another to the originator of the proposition. Colonel 
Torrey left the bankruptcy bill in the hands of the friends and champions he had 
won in Congress. He went West and devoted himself to the organization of his 
regiment from among the men he knew personally as a ranchman in Wyoming. 
While he was recruiting, organizing and getting his regiment to the coast the 
biankruptcy bill reached final passage. Colonel Torrey's life work — it might almost 
be called that — came to a successful finish while he was absent from Washington. 
The result became known as the Torrey act, but the author admitted that he made 
use of all of the advice and suggestions he could obtain in his nearly twenty years 
of labor. . 

Vest's Defense of Hissotiri Industries. 

In 1883 the mining industry of Missouri had obtained such importance that 
Senator Vest was prompted in the course of a tariff debate to declare himself in 
defense of the state's industries. He said: 

"While I believe in the general doctrine of a tariff for revenue, at the same time I 
have always held and hold now, and am prepared to defend the assertion, that inside of 
the limit of a tariff for revenue, protection, which is incidental to every tariff, should be 
given to the infant American industries. 

"The zinc industry is an infant American industry. It has grown up since the war. 
Two-thirds of the zinc produced in the United States is produced west of the Mississippi 
river, in the states of Missouri and Kansas. If the duty which the committee proposes now 
upon zinc be reduced the result will be a destruction of this industry. 

"In 1881 there were 43,000,000 pounds of lead ore produced in Southwestern Missouri 
and in Kansas, equivalent lo 15,000 tons of pig lead and 34 per cent of the total product 
of the whole United States. Of zinc ore 50,000 tons were produced in Southwestern 

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Missouri and in Kansas, or two-thirds of the total product of the United States. There 
were engaged in mining lead 2,000 persons, in lead smelting 300 persons, in zinc smelting 
450 persons, in operating pufnps, drills, etc., i,oob persons. 

^'Immediately dependent upon the industry of lead and zinc are the towns of Joplin, 
Mo., with 8,000 inhabitant^ ; Webb City and Carterville, Mo., with 4,000 inhabitants ; Granby, 
Mo., with 1,500 inhabitants, and Galena and Empire, Kan., with 4,000 inhabitants. 

"I will not go through statistics to show the effects of the tariff duty upon the pro- 
duction of lead and upon its price in St. Louis and New York but I simply say that if 
this duty be reduced now the result would be, as I am informed, an absolute destruction 
of this industry at the present time. Within the limits of a tariff for revenue I propose 
to protect thb production and this industry if I possibly can, and I shall blame no other 
senator if from his own state and his own standpoint within the limit I have mentioned 
he takes care of his people and of their industries." 

The senator from Missouri was takep to task by his own side, notably by 
Senator Ba)rard, for his so-called protective heresy, but he stoutly maintained his 
position and retorted: 

"I distinctly repudiate the assertion of the senator from Delaware that I stand 
here upon any such doctrine or platform as 'you tickle me and I tickle you.' " 

At another time during the same discussion he declared himself in the follow- 
ing emphatic manner : * 

"I am for protection up to the limit of revenue for the support of the govern- 
ment. Inside of that I intend to take care of my people. That is my business 
upon this floor." 

Senator Baed and the Preeedents. 

In both branches of Congress from the beginning of statehood Missourians 
have stood for independent thinking on public questions. Senators and repre* 
sentatives have dared to diflFer frequently with Presidents of their own parties. 
Senator James A. Reed had many precedents for his insistence on rigid scrutiny 
of administration measures in 1914. In discussing the trade bill he said: ''As 
long as I live I do not intend to vest in a board Of men the power to do something 
of great moment, great sweep and great gravity, when I do not myself entertain 
a dear idea as to the powers I have granted." In his attitude respecting currency 
measures, the tariff revision and other l^slation, the senator was following the 
traditions of Missouri statesmanship. 

Mr. Tannqr and the Lobbyist 

Over the Oklahoma legislation Congressman Tarsncy lost faith in his col- 
leagues, faith in the lobby and faith in the world generally. The Kansas City 
member waged a great fight against "the sooners" of Oklahoma. He didn't care 
particularly for the poor fellows who lay out in the brush so as to get on their 
claims as soon as 12 o'clock of the day of opening arrived. Those were not the 
kind of sooners Mr. Tarsney was after. He went gunning for another class. 
There were in the territory before the day of opening numerous deputy mar- 
shals. These fellows, as soon as 12 o'clock arrived, threw up their commissions 
and squatted on the best claims. Mr. Tarsney took the warpath for them. When 
the Oklahoma town site bill went through the House he made the fight so hot 
that an ironclad provision was inserted to catch all those who kept the letter of 

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the President's proclamation but violated its spirit. Mr. Tarsney felt good. Un- 
fortunately, the senate bill was not like the house bill. A conference was neces- 
sary. The compromise was agreed upon, and Mr. Tarsney tried to find out if 
his anti-sooner provision had been retained. He could get nothing definite from 
the committee on conference. The compromise was to appear next morning in 
the Record. Mr. Tarsney hunted through his mail. For the first time in weeks 
his Record failed to reach him. But before he went to the House the lobbyist 
of the anti-sooners came around to tell him the compromise was all right; that 
everybody was satisfied. This anti-sooner lobbyist had been there all winter. He 
had kept Mr. Tarsney posted in all that was going on among the anti-sooners, 
and had furnished not a little ammunition to fight the sooners. Ordinarily Mr. 
Tarsney would have trusted the anti-sooner lobbyist, but he was in an unusually 
suspicious mood. He went in search of some of the members who had helped 
him put in the anti-sooner amendment. Their Records had missed them, strange 
to say, that morning. Mr. Tarsney climbed the long stairway to the Capitol, with 
his suspicions growing stronger and stronger every step. He found a Record at 
length. It was as he feared. His anti-sooner provision had disappeared in the 
shuffle between the Senate and the House. Mr. Tarsney tried to rally his forces. 
Everywhere he went he found that the anti-sooner lobbyist had preceded him and 
had told all of the anti-sooner champions that the bill was all right. The false 
lobbyist was fleet of foot and nimble of tongue. He had done the damage. Mr. 
Tarsney tried to set the matter right. He was too late. The compromise was 
agreed to. Only thirty members voted with Mr. Tarsney. The bill went to the 
President without the iron-clad clause. There was nothing in it by which the 
ex-deputy marshals could be dispossessed of their choice corner lots. That even- 
ings as Mr. Tar$ney walked up the avenue, he met the late lobbyist of the anti- 
sooners, with whom he had held daily consultations for two months in the cam- 
paign to circumvent the sooners. The late lobbyist wore a new suit of clothes, a 
glossy hat and patent leather pumps. He passed the Congressman without speak- 

The MissoTurians' Day Off. 

In 1888 most of the Missouri members of Congress found themselves, by 
chance, -in the same car on the Whitney excursion to Philadelphia to see the birth 
of the new navy. The seats were hardly taken when Major Warner, in tones 
which penetrated to the ends of the car, exclaimed: 

"Gentlemen, I invite your attention to my colleague. Farmer Wade. Look at 
that silk hat. What ! By thunder, he's got on an embroidered shirt. Stand up. 
Wade, and let those New Yorkers see what a Missouri statesman can do." 

Farmer Wade stood up, bowed and sat down. 

Judge Lyman of Iowa, after some scrutiny, expressed the judicial opinion that 
it wasn't a shirt Wade had on — but only a dickey. Warner insisted that there 
wasn't anything counterfeit about his colleague. Lyman dared him to prove that 
it wasn't a dickey, and Warner appealed to Wade to exhibit himself, but the 
farmer from the Ozarks said he'd be dinged if he was going to furnish amuse- 
ment for a parcel of boys, buttoned up his Prince Albert and showed fight when it 
was proposed to force him to settle the controversy. 

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Then Warner got a glimpse of Walker, the dandy of the delegation, who was 
keeping very quiet at the other end of the car. 

"Hullo !" said lie, "there's another Missourian in a stovepipe. I say. Hatch, 
imagine Wade climbing the mountains in his district, and Walker wading the 
swamps in his, wearing those silk hats in the campaign next fall." 

This started Hatch, who said : "Wade, I'll enter into a bond right now to give 
you a suit of clothes if you'll wear that hat one day in each county of your district 
next October.^' 

"I'll take that proposition, Colonel," said Walker, coming forward. 

"No, you won't !" said Hatch. "It isn't open to you. I could afford to lose 
a suit of clothes to Wade to beat a republican, but I couldn't afford to lose it and 
sec a democrat beaten." 

"I'll wear the hat and give you a bond not to lose the district, either," Walker 
argued. Then turning from Hatch to the eastern members, who were greeting 
the sallies of the Missourians with shouts of laughter, Walker said: "I'll just 
tell you fellows that I wore the finest fitting suit of clothes I ever had when I 
was campaigning in my district. I made one speech in a town forty miles from 
a railroad, and I wore those good clothes there. I said to the people that I under- 
stood somebody had been talking about my suit, and I wanted to tell them it was 
paid for. I added that if it was discreditable in Missouri to wear good clothes, 
which were paid for, I would have to stand it, but 1 4idn't believe they thought so. 
Well, that township voted unanimously for me." 

Congressman Parker of New York said that the talk about silk hats reminded 
him of his experience on the^committee appointed to investigate the southwestern 
rs^ilroad strike two years ago. 

"We stopped off in some town in Texas," said he, "and as we left the cars the 
natives on the platform eyed us with some curiosity. I was about the third one 
out. We all had on silk hats. As I got down the steps I heard somebody say, 
quite audibly, There's another of them ministers.' " 

This prompted Mr. Stone of Missouri to tell one of his Washington experi- 
ences. He wore a good hat in his district and a wide-brimmed, white slouch 
in Washington. He said he was passing along Pennsylvania avenue one day, 
in company with another member, when a bootblack looked at him critically 
and shouted to a partner down the street: 

"Hi! Jimmy! Look at the cowboy." 

By this time Farmer Wade had reco\'ered from the shock of the onslaught 
upon his hat and shirt, and he invited attention to the diamond, as big as a 
hickory nut, on the front of Major Warner's shirt. 

"If any of you fellows think that I wear diamonds, he can lose some money 
on it," retorted Warner. "That is what that stone is there for — to catch 

Dockery volunteered the information that Bumes was probably the only 
Missourian who wore diamonds. 

"Yes," said Wade, "and did you ever hear of the speech he made up in 
his district about those diamonds? Some of his enemies started the charge 
among the /armers that he wore diamonds, thinking it would hurt him. Brother 
Bumes waited until he got out into the rural end of the district and then he 

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answered the charge. He put on that air of sincerity with which we are all 
acquainted, and he said: 'Fellow citizens — It has been charged by my enemies 
that I wear diamonds. The charge is true. I do wear diamonds, and always 
expect to wear them, and I'll tell you why. Once I sat by the bedside of a dying 
friend, holding his hand. We had been like brothers for years. Almost the last 
thing he said to me was, "J^"^» ^^^^ these and wear them to remember me by." 
I told him I would and have done so. That is my explanation. Now, do you 
blame me?' A great shout of 'noes' told that Brother Bumes was vindicated 
in the minds of the farmers. They say it is as much as a man's life is worth to 
go into that district now and talk disparagingly about Jim Bumes' diamonds." 

Then Warner told a story on Cosgfrove, which he said Stone could vouch for. 
After Cosgrove had been in Congress one winter he went out home to see about 
his fences for the next term, and somewhere down in Saline county, perhaps 
at Slater, where Hez Purdom ran things, Cosgrove made a speech. In the 
course of his remarks he had occasion to use the words "either" and "neither" 
and "route," pronouncing them "ei— ther," "nei — ther" and "root." When he 
got through he strolled around shaking hands, kissing babies and doing other 
little acts of the statesman seeking renomination, until he encountered one bare- 
headed old farmer who controlled a township. 

"Well, Uncle John, how are things down in your part of the county this 
time?" asked Cosgrove. 

"Ill be frank with you, Cosgrove," said the old man. "They, don't look very 
bright. I'm not for you this time." 

"Why, what's the matter. Uncle John?" 

"Cosgrove, when you was talking to us awhile ago you said *ei — ^ther* and 
*ne*i — ^ther' and 'root.' When a man goes to Washington, comes back in six 
months and murders the language like that I can't support him any longer." 

The next story was at Mr. Dockery's expense. Mr. Heard, it seemed, had been 
trying to make out Dockery's real position regSirding the direct tax bill during 
the late deadlock. To obtain the information, he had watched Dockery's votes on 
the various roll-calls. But sometimes Dockery voted one way and sometimes the 
other way. Finally, in a very confused frame of mind, Heard went over to 
Bumes and told him what he had observed. 

"Now," said Heard, "you can see for yourself how it goes. Here is a roll- 
call. How will Dockery vote this time, do you think?" 

Bumes looked across the chamber and studied Dockery's face a moment. 
Then he turned to Heard and replied with deliberation and emphasis : "Dockery 
doesn't know yet how he's going to vote. The probability is he won't vote at all 
until the second call, when he will know how everybody else has voted." 

And thus the Missourians made it interesting as they joumeyed to Phila- 

William J. Stone's Political Power. 

Altogether the best analysis of the character of Senator Ston^, and the best 
explanation of his wonderful political success was that given by Speaker Champ 
Clark at the memorial services for the senator in the House of Representatives : 

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**He was one of the most Skillful and successful political leaders the state ever had. 
After a long and stormy career he had attained a sort of suzerainty over the Missouri 
democrats. He did not accomplish that difficult feat by brass band methods or by using 
a meat ax. He did it by persuasion, by diplomacy by consultation and above all by being 
an exceptionally good listener. When he was in St. Louis, Kansas City, Jefferson City, 
St Joe, or any other city or town in Missouri, the most prominent democrats called on 
him in his rooms and consulted with him. 

"He preferred that way of doing things to large and boisterous crowds; and because 
he did pursue that wise and successful procedure his enemies — ^and he -possessed a large 
and enthusiastic assortment of them—fastened upon him the sobriquet of 'Gum Shoe Bill,* 
which his friends and admirers, who composed a mighty host, took up and converted into 
a term of affection. He was elected to 4he House three times, to the governorship once, 
and to the Senate three times. Notwithstanding the awful storm of vituperation which 
broke upon him in the later months of his life, I have no sort of doubt that he would have 
remained in the Senate for fifteen years more had he lived so long. Even before his death 
the storm was receding. 

"What manner of man was he? In his prime he was physically the t3rpical Ken- 
tuckian — tall, slender, sinewy, lean of flank, high of head. He always reminded me of a 
Kentucky race horse in his best estate, needing neither the whip nor spur to urge him on. 

"The dramatic quality he possessed in large degree. His long black forelock, which 
was forever tumbling into his eyes, was one of his principal properties in public speeches. 
His deft manipulation of that raven forelock was a joy to his friends and an irritation 
to his enemies. He loathed utterly a double-dealer, a hypocrite, a mountebank or a liar. 
He never pretended to be better than he was; he loved his friends, who fully returned 
his love; and, after being the stormy petrel of Missouri for a generation, grew ever gentler 
with increasing years and forgave his enemies except a very few who had treated him so 
outrageously and slandered him so maliciously that they had forfeited any claim to forgive- 

Gleveland's Favorite Missoiirian. 

"Whom does Cobb want ?" asked President Cleveland, in his blunt way, when 
a Missourian was talking to him about the internal revenue coUectorship at St. 
Louis. That same day an official of the treasury said in reply to an inquiry 
about some local patronage: 

"If you can find what Mr. Cobb is doing in the matter you can tell pretty well 
how it is coming out. The secretary will be guided a good deal by what Mr. 
Cobb wants." 

These were straws which showed how the only democratic congressman from 
St. Louis^stood with the administration. Sending a business man to Congress is 
sometimes a very satisfactory experiment. It turned out so in the case of Mr. 
Cobb, who went about getting things done while other men were helping to fill 
the Congressional Record. 

v«i. n— 15 

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The New Madrid Earthquake — Experiences of Eye Witnesses — Effect on the Mississippi — 
Two Months of Terror — Senator Linn's Report — Investigations by Scientists — Congres- 
sional Relief — The Worst Land Frauds in Missouri History — McGee's Conclusion — Sed- 
iment Broke the Valley's Backbone — Slicker Wars — Pioneer Justice Imported from 
Tennessee — Uncle Nattie McCracken's Recollections — A Duel with Scythes — Extermina- 
tion of the Factions — War on Horse Thieves North of the Missouri — The Battle at 
TumbulVs Fori — Flood of 1844 — "Head Disease" — Data tof the Government — American 
Bottom Submerged — The Great St. Louis Fire — Targee, the Hero— Cholera Epidemics 
— Government by Committee in 1849 — A Thorough Sanitary Campaign — Last of Chou- 
teau's Pond — The Gascotiade Disaster — Experience of G, B, Winston — The Big Freeze 
and Consequent Steamboat Disasters— Grasshopper Plague of 1875 — Missour^s Losses, 
$1$, 000, 000 — A Banquet on Locusts and Honey — Riley's Important Conclusions — Fasting 
and Prayer Proclaimed — Barony of Arizona Fraud — A Missourian's Stupendous Scheme 
— Lawyers and Capitalists Deceived — "Sons of the Golden West" — Ramifications Country 
Wide — Joseph K. Rickey's Philosophic Statement — The Claimant's Conviction and Con- 
fession of Guilt, y 

This gave rise to the most stupendous system of frauds ever known in the history of Missouri, and 
resulted in the acquisition by these "sufferers" of many times more land than they had lost and the 
possession of land by very many who had never lost land at all. Some of these dishonest claims were 
afterwards proven, but there were a great many fraudulent ones never traced up at all. — E. W. Stephgns 
on the Act of Congress for the relief of the New Madrid '"Sufferers." 

A colony from New Jersey came into Upper Louisiana as early as 1788. 
They laid out the city of New Madrid with wide streets and parks on plans 
which aroused the astonishment of the French fur traders. Immigrants came 
from the Atlantic coast. New Madrid was in a fair way to become the chief 
city of the Mississippi Valley. Colonel George Morgan of New Jersey was the 
moving spirit. At a time when the Spanish governor general was encouraging 
immigration, Morgan went to New Orleans and obtained a large grant of land. 
General James Wilkinson of the United States Army, who was carrying on 
secret negotiations with the Spanish officials, made charges against Morgan and 
prompted the governor general to cancel the concession. Spanish soldiers were 
sent to New Madrid. Morgan went back to the states. 

General Firman A. Rozier said that the New Madrid earthquake followed 
immediately after the appearance of a great comet. Perhaps the most accurate 
description of the earthquake was given by S. P. Hildreth. 

"The center of its violence was thought to be near the Little Prairie, twenty-five or 
thirty miles below New Madrid, the vibrations from which were felt all over the valley 
of the Ohio, as high up at Pittsburg. The first shock was felt on the night of the i6th 


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of December, i8ii, and was repeated at intervals, with decreasing violence until some time 
in the month of February following. New Madrid having suffered more than any other 
town on the Mississippi from its effects, was considered as situated near the focus from 
whence the undulation proceeded. From an eye witness, who was then about forty miles 
below that town in a ffatboat, on his way to New Orleans with a load of produce, and who 
narrated the scene to me, the agitation which convulsed the earth, and the waters of the 
river, filled every living creature with terror. The first shock took place in the night, 
while the boat was lying at the shore in company with several others. At this period 
there was danger apprehended from the southern Indians, it behig soon after the battle 
of Tippecanoe; and for safety several boats kept in company for mutual defense in the 
case of an attack. In the middle of the night there was a terrible shock and jarring of the 
boats, so that the cre^/s were all awakened, and hurried on deck with their weapons of 
defense in their hands, thinking the Indians were rushing on board. The ducks, geese, and 
other aquatic birds whose numberless flocks were quietly resting in the eddies of the river, 
were thrown into the greatest tumult, and with loud screams expressed their alarm in 
accents of terror. The noise and commotion became hushed, and nothing could be dis- 
covered to excite apprehension, so that the boatmen concluded that the shock was occasioned 
by the falling of a large mass of the bank of the river near them. As soon as it was light 
enough to distinguish objects, the crews were all up, making ready to depart. Directly 
loud roaring and hissing was heard, like the escape of steam from a boiler, accompanied 
by the most violent agitation of the shores and tremendous boiling up of the waters pf the 
Mississippi in huge swells, and rolling the waters below back on the descending streams, 
and tossing the l)oats about so violently that the men with difficulty could keep on their 
feet. The sandbars and points of the island gave way, swallowed up in the tumultuous 
4)osom of the river; carrying down with them the cottonwood trees, crashing and cracking, 
tossing their arms to and fro"as if sensible of. their danger while they disappeared beneath 
the flood. The water of the river, which the day before was tolerably clear, being rather 
low, changed to a reddish hue, and became thick with mud thrown upon from its bottom, 
while the surface, lashed violently by the agitation of the earth beneath, was covered with 
foam, which, gathering into masses the size of a barrel, floated along on the trembling 
surface. The earth opened in wide fissures and closing again threw the water, sand and 
mud in large jets higher than the tops of the trees. The atmosphere was filled with a 
thick vapor, or gas, to which the light imparted a purple tinge, altogether different in 
appearance from the autumnal haze of Indian summer, or that of smoke. 

Startling Effects on the River. 

"From the temporary check of the current, by the heaving of the bottom, the sinking 
of the banks and sandbars into the bed of the stream, the river rose in a few minutes 
five or six feet, and impatient of the restraint again rushed forward with redoubled im- 
petuosity, hurrying along the boats now set loose by the horror-struck boatmen, as in less 
danger on the water than at the shore where the banks threatened every moment to destroy 
them by the falling earth, or carry them down in the vortex of the sinking masses. Many 
boats were overwhelmed in this manner and their crews perished with them. It required 
the utmost exertion of the men to keep the boat, of which my informant was the owner, 
in the middle of the river, as far from the shores, sandbars, or islands as they could. 
Numerous boats were wrecked on the snags and old trees thrown up from the bottom of 
the river where they had quietly rested for ages, while others were sunk or stranded on 
the sandbars or islands. 

"At New Madrid several boats were carried by the reflux of the current into a small 
stream that puts into the river just above the town and left on the ground by the returning 
water, a considerable distance from the river. A man who belonged to one of the company 
boats was left for several hours on the upright trunk of an old snag in the middle of the 
river, against which his boat was wrecked and sunk. It stood with the roots a few feet 
above the water, and to these he contrived to attach himself ; while every fresh shock threw 
the agitated waves against, and kept gradually settling the tree deeper in the mud at the 
bottom, bringing him nearer and nearer to the deep, muddy waters which to his terrified 

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For picking up stones by machinery 

The roustabouts' leisure hour between landings 

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imagination seemed desirous of swillowing him up. While hanging here calling with 
piteous shouts for aid, several boats passed by without being able to relieve him, until finally 
a skiff was well manned, rowed a short distance above him, and dropped down close to 
the snag from which he tumbled in as she passed by. 

'The scenes which occurred for several days during the repeated shocks were horrible. 
The most destructive took place in the beginning, although they were repeated for many 
weeks, becoming lighter and lighter until they died away in slight vibrations, like the 
jarring of steam in an immense boiler. The sulphureted gases that were discharged during 
the shocks tainted the air with their noxious effluvia, and so strongly impregnated the 
water of the river to the distance of one hundred and fifty miles below, tiiat it could hardly 
be used for any purpose for a number of days. New Madrid, which stood on a bluff, 
fifteen or twenty feet above the summer floods, sunk so low that the next rise covered 
it to the depth of five feet. The bottoms of several lakes in the vicinity were elevated 
so as to become dry land and have since been planted with com." 

The New Madrid Clainuk 

Senator Linn in a letter to the Senate committee on commerce wrote of the 
earthquake : 

'The earth rocked to and fro, vast chasms opene4 from whence issued columns of 
water, sand and coal, accompanied by hissing sounds, caused, perhaps, by the escape of 
pent-up steam, while ever and anon flashes of electricity gleamed through the troubled 
clouds of night, rendering the darkness doubly horrible. The day that succeeded this night 
of terror brought no solace' in its dawn.. Shock . followed shock, a dense black cloud of 
vapor overshadowed the land, through yhich nt> struggling ray of sunlight found its way 
to cheer the desponding heart of man. Hills had disappeared, and lakes were found in 
their stead. One of these lakes formed" on this occasion is sixty or seventy miles in length, 
and from three to twenty in breadth. It is in some places very shallow; in others from 
fifty to one hundred feet deep, which is much more than the depth of the Mississippi river 
in that quarter. In sailing over its surface in a light canoe, the voyager is struck with 
astonishment at beholding the giant trees of the forest standing partially exposed amid 
a waste of waters, branchless and leafless. But the wonder is still further increased on 
casting the eye on the dark blue profound, to observe canebrakes coverinjf the bottom, over 
which a mammoth species of testudo is seen dragging its slow length along, while countless 
myriads of fish are sporting through the aquatic thickets." 

Recovery from the effects of the shock was slow. Timothy Flint, in his 
"Recollections," said that in 1819, eight years after the earthquake, the New 
Madrid district, "one so level, rich, and beautiful, still presented the appear- 
ance of decay. Large and beautiful orchards, left unenclosed, houses uninhabited, 
deep chasms in the earth, obvious at frequent intervals — such was the face of the 
country, alAough the people had for years become so accustomed to frequent 
and small shocks, which did no essential injury, that the lands were gradually 
rising in value, and Ne^ Madrid was slowly rebuilding with frail buildings, 
adapted to the apprehensions of the people." 

Speculation in Oertifleatw. 

Congress passed an act to help the residents of New Madrid. Under the 
provisions, the owner of land that had been damaged by the earthquake was 
given a right to locate a like number of acres in any other part of Missouri 
territory subject to entry. The government was imposed upon. There were 

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taken out 516 certificates. Most of the earthquake sufferers had sold their claims 
for a few cents an' acre. The certificates were passed from person to person. 
Only a score of those who held the land at the time of the earthquake actually 
located other lands. Most of the certificates passed into the hands of speculators 
and were for sale. One man had thirty-three; another had forty; a third had 
twenty-six. People who had never s^en New Madrid bought these certificates 
and located land with them in various parts of Missouri. Later it developed that 
some of these certificates had been obtained by perjury. H. W. Williams, the 
expert in Missouri land titles, stated- that 142 of the New Madrid claims were 
fraudulent, being granted to persons on lands they had never owned. Holders 
of the claims, good and bad, went to the best localities in Missouri and filed on 
land, in some cases attempting to make the New Madrid claims apply on land 
already entered. Litigation over these* claims afflicted two generations of Mis- 

The Scientific Theories. 

Professor W. J. McGee, who was one of the division chiefs at the St. Louis 
World's Fair, and a scientist of wide repute, made a study of earthquakes. He 
held to the theory that the New Madrid earthquake will repeat itself. He ranked 
that earthquake as "the most stupendous in history" and explained: 'It was 
caused by sediment carried down to the delta of the Mississippi river until the 
weight of the deposit broke the back of the valley, so to speak; and that condi- 
tion will recur from time to time, as long as water flows." But the professor 
quieted immediate apprehension with the expert opinion that from five to ten 
centuries will elapse between these shocks in the Mississippi Valley, 'of such 
magnitude as the New Madrid series. 

"It is difficult to realize how much sediment the Mississippi river carries to its delta. 
If one passes down the river and into the Gulf, he may get some idea of what the deposit 
is like. At the point where the river debouches, the shore line bulges into the Gulf for 
miles, and upon both sides of it is the delta, wholly made by the river mud. So vast a 
deposit has its effect. It is approximately 400 feet below St. Louis and 300 feet below the 
Sunken Lands. Whenever the weight becomes too great, the backbone of the valley snaps 
at the weak point. When this happens the crust of the earth rises in some places, slips 
down in others, grinds, wrenches, turns topsy-turvy. How long the intervals are between 
breaks we have no means of knowing. The valley has been settled but a little more than 
100 years. An3rthing that occurred before the whites came into it would not be known 
except as the geologist could detect it in the disturbance of the earth. If I were guessing^ 
which a scientist dislikes to do, I would say that between the great quakes in the New 
Madrid district there is an interval of from 500 to 1,00%) years. It may be less than that, 
and it may be more. One cannot tell. We could, if we tried, estimate tht weight of the 
deposit at the mouth of the river, but, inasmuch as we do not know what the brestking 
point up the. river is, we should gain nothing by such an estimate, and it is therefore not 
worth making, 

"The only respect in which any other earthquake in history is to be mentioned in the 
same breath with that in the Mississippi Valley is in the loss of life. Seismic phenomena 
that would have destroyed the city of London and probably killed more than half the 
people in it killed almost no one and did not destroy more than $50,000 worth of property. 
It dropped about half of the town of New Madrid into the river. Beyond that, it killed 
only a few boatmen and an occasional pioneer. Some stock which had been grazing on 
high prairie land drowned when the earth suddenly subsided and the river rushed in and 

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covered it over. People for the most part lived in log houses, which do not easily shake 
to pieces, so that even this most common cause of death in an earthquake was not present 
when the Sunken Lands were made. Indeed, it barely became historical at all. Had it 
occurred a century before we should either not have heard of it at all, or had but the most 
meagre accounts of what occurred." 

Old Settlers' Experiences. 

Dr. Berry, of Southern Illinois, many years ago, collected from the oldest 
settlers reminiscences of • the New Madrid earthquake period. He gave these 
reminiscences to the Illinois Historical Society. One of the stories he told was 
of the experience of a family which had a plantation bell mounted on a post, 
after a custom of the period. This bell rang whenever there was an earthquake 
tremor. The family took warning and ran from the house when the bell rang. 
The settler who gave his recollections as a boy to Dr. Berry said that during the 
period from December 15th to the middle of March, including the New Madrid 
earthquake, the bell rang almost every day. Some days it rang continuously for 
hours. The old settler said he was aroused so often at night by the ringing of 
the bell that he became as "spry as a cat" in jumping from his bed and out of 
the window. 

The scientists of Johns Hopkins University years ago carried on a series of 
experiments in the Mississippi Valley below St. Louis and determined that 
occasional little tremors originated in the vicinity of New Madrid and radiated 
outward from 100 to 300 miles. 

The Thirty Miles' Flight. 

Colonel John Shaw of Marquette county, Wisconsin, was visiting near New* 
Madrid the winter of the earthquake. He said that on February 7, 181 2, he felt 
the most severe shock. Nearly two thousand people fled from their houses. 
They went to Tywappity hill, thirty miles north and seven miles back from the 

'This was the first high ground above New Madrid, and here the fugitives formed an 
encampment. It was proposed that all should kneel and engage in supplicating God's 
mercy, and all simultaneously, Catholics and Protestants, knelt and oflFered solemn prayer 
to their Creator. About twelve miles back toward New Madrid a young woman about 
seventeen years of age, named Betsy Masters, had been left by her parents and family, 
her right leg having been broken below the knee by the falling of one of the weight poles 
of the rogf of the cabin, and, though a total stranger, I was the only person who would 
consent to return and see whether she still survived. Receiving a description of the locality 
of the place, I started and found the poor girl upon a bed as she had been left, with some 
water and combread within her reach. I cooked up some food for her and made her 
condition as comfortable as circumstances would allow and returned the same day to the 
grand encampment. Miss Masters eventually recovered. In abandoning their homes on 
this emergency, the people stopped only long* enough to get their teams and hurry in their 
families and some provisions. It was a matter of doubt among them whether water or 
fire would be most likely to burst forth and cover all the country. The timber land around 
New Madrid sunk five or six feet, so that the lakes and lagoons, which seemed to have 
their beds pushed up, discharged their waters over the sunken lands. 

"Through the fissures caused by the earthquake were forced up vast quantities of a 
hard, jet-black substance which appeared very smooth, as if worn by friction. It seemed 
a very different substance from either anthracite or bituminous Coal. This hegira, with 

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all its attendant, appalling circumstances, was a most heartrending scene and had the effect 
to constrain the most wicked and profane earnestly to plead to God in prayer for mercy. 
In less than three months most of these people returned to their homes, and though the 
earthquakes continued occasionally with less destructive effects,i they became so accustomed 
to the recurring vibrations that they paid little or no regard to them, not even interrupting 
or checking their dances, frolics and vice." 

Scientific Investigations. 

In 1911, on the occasion of the centennial of the earthquake, Walter Wil- 
liams wrote of the investigation made by scientists : 

'The convulsion occurred contemporaneously with one of the most fatal earthquakes 
of South America, when the towns of Guayra and Caracas were laid in ruins. Hiunboldt. 
the great geographer, has remarked that the shocks of New Madrid are the only examples 
on record of the ground having quaked almost incessantly for three months at a point so 
far remote from any active volcano. The shocks were most violent in the part of the region 
called the Little Prairie, to the northward, as far as the mouth of the Ohio river. Some 
shocks were felt in South Carolina. Although the country was thinly settled and most of 
the houses built of logs, the loss of life was considerable. 

"The cause of the New Madrid earthquake has never been definitely determined. 
'Several autjiors,' writes L. Bringier, "have asserted that earthquakes proceed from volcanic 
causes. But, although this may be often true, the New Madrid earthquake must have had 
another cause. Time, perhaps, will give us some better ideas as to the origin of these 
extraordinary phenomena. It is probable that they are produced in different instances by 
different causes and that electricity is one of them. The shocks of the earthquake of New 
Madrid produced emotions and sensations resembling those of a strong galvanic battery. 
The New Madrid earthquake took place after a very long succession of very heavy rains, 
such as had never been seen before in that country.' 

"L. Bringier, an engineer of Louisiana, was on horseback near New Madri4^ in 181 1 
when some of the severest shocks were experienced. As the Waves advanced he saw the 
trees bend down and often the instant afterward, when in the act of recovering their 
position, meet the boughs of other trees similarly inclined so as to become interlocked, 
being prevented from righting themselves again. The transit of the waves through the 
woods was marked by the crashing noise of countless branches first heard on one side and 
then on the other. At the same time powerful jets of water, mixed with sand, mud and 
bituminous coaly shale, were cast up with such force that both horse and rider might have 
perished had the undulating waves happened to burst immediately beneath them. Circular 
cavities, called sink holes, were formed where the principal fountains of mud and water 
were thrown up. 

An International Inquiry. 

"Sir Charles Lyell, president of the Geological Society of London, visited the New 
Madrid earthquake region in 1846. He described one of the sink holes as a near]y circular 
hollow, ten yards wide and five feet deep, with a smaller one near it. He observed scattered 
about the surrounding level ground fragments of black bituminous shale, with much white 
sand. Within a short distance he found five more of these 'sand bursts' or 'sand blows,' as 
they are sometimes termed, and a mile farther west of New Madrid a more conspicuous 
sink hole. This sink hole was a striking object, interrupting the regularity of a flat plain, 
the sides very steep and twenty-eight feet deep from the top to the water's edge. The 
water standing in the bottom was said to be originally very deep, but had grown shallow 
by the washing in of sand and the crumbling of the bank, caused by the feet of cattle 
coming to drink. Many wagon loads of mud had been cast up out of this hollow. 

"The British geologist investigated Eulalie lake, which was destroyed by the earthquake 
shock. The bottom of the lake was about 300 yards long by 100 yards in width and chiefly 
composed of clay, covered with trees. The trees in the lake bottom were cottonwood, 
willow, honey locust and other species. On the surrounding higher ground, which was 

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elevated twelve or fifteen feet, were the hickory, the black and white oak, the gum and 
other trees of ancient date. Lake Eulalie was formerly filled with clear water and abounded 
in fish until it was suddenly drained by the earthquake. In the clay bottom Sir Charles 
traced the course of two parallel fissures by which the water escaped. They were separated 
from each other by a distance of about eight yards and were not yet entirely closed. Near 
their edges much sand and coal shale lay scattered, which were thrown out of them when 
they first opened. This black, bituminous «hale belonged to the alluvial formation and is 
found in digging wells fifteen feet deep or sometimes nearer the surface. It was probably 
drifted down at a former period by a current of the Mississippi river from the coal fields 
farther north. 

•^ore striking mo^iuments of the earthquake were found by Sir Charles Lyell in the 
territory farther to the westward. Skirting the borders of a swamp called the Bayou St. 
John, he observed a great many fallen trees and others dead and leafless, but standing 
erect. 'After riding some miles,' said Sir Charles, 1 found my way to a farm, the owner 
of which had witnessed the earthquake when a child. He described to me the camping out 
of the people in the night when the first shocks occurred and how some were wounded by 
the falling of chimne3rs and the bodies of others thrown out of the ruins. He confirmed 
the published statements of inhabitants having availed themselves of fallen trees to avoid 
being engulfed in opei\^ fissures, and he afterward heard that this singular mode of escape 
had been adopted in distant places between which there was no communication, and that 
even childreii threw themselves on the felled trunks. My acquaintance took me to see 
several fissures stijl open, which had been caused by the undulatory movement of the 
ground, some of them jagged, others even and straight. I traced two of them continuously 
for more than a half mile and found that a few were parallel, but. on the whole they 
varied greatly in direction, some being ten and others forty-five degrees west of north. 
I might easily have mistaken them for artificial trenches, if my companion had not known 
them within his recollection to have been as deep as wells. Sand and black shale were 
strewed along their edges. Most of them were from two to four feet wide, and five or 
six feet deep, but the action of rains, frosts and occasional inundations, and, above all, 
the leaves of the forests blown into them every autumn in countless numbers have done 
much to fill them up.'" 

The Slicker War. 

"Slicking" was a word in common use among the pioneers of the Ozarks. It 
may have been brought from the Tennessee mountains. After the hunters had 
discovered a game paradise, the settlers came to make homes west bf the Gas- 
conade and south of the Osage. Many of them were mountaineers. Some poled 
the way up White river and its tributaries. Others rolled and jolted along in 
movers' wagons. One of the customs these first settlers brought with them was 
slicking. Misdemeanors were dealt with and grudges were settled in this way. 
When a man had been "slicked" he was sufficiently punished, according to the 
neighborhood code. If he behaved himself after that the past was forgotten. But 
sometimes slicking led to feuds, fighting and bloodshed. The Slicker war is part 
of the history of three Missouri counties — Benton, Hickory and Polk. In 1896 
H. Qay Neville visited the scenes of the war. At that time Uncle Nattie Mc- 
Cracken, a survivor, was living near Elkton on one of the branches of the 
Weaubleau. Uncle Nattie was a pioneer, having come from Tennessee to the 
Ozarks in 1838. He recalled vividly the origin, progress and conclusions of the 
Slicker war and gave Mr. Neville the material for this account of it : 

'The Slicker war began near Quincy, in Benton, in the summer of 1843. The first 
families involved in the feud were the Turks, Hobbses, Nowels and Joneses. Near Quincy 
was a noted gambling resort. A race track was made on the prairie by dragging a log 

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over the wild grass, and thereby marking the course for the horses. At this place the more 
reckless element of the surroundmg country gathered from week to week and tried the 
speed of their horses. There was not much money in the Ozarks at that time, but guns 
and bowie-knives, with now and then a cow or a horse at stake, gave to the races all the 
interest needed to make them very attractive to men who loved instinctively all kinds of 
outdoor sports. Card playing naturally accompanied the races, seven-up, or old sledge, as 
the game was called in the dialect of the Tennessean at that time, being very popular among 
the young men of the new settlements. 

Ise HobbB, the Athlete. 

"The Hobbses and Turks were prominent among the gamblers that visited the race track 
near Quincy, and at the beginning of the Slicker war the friendship between these two 
families had never been broken. Tom Turk became the most conspicuous representative of 
his family in the feud, and Isham Hobbs led all other participants in the war by his daring 
^irit and the deadly record of a famous deer gun, known throughout the settlement as 
Old Abram. Tom Turk was the giant of his party, measuring fully six feet and six inches, 
and weighing nearly 300 pounds. Ise Hobbs, as Uncle Nattie McCracken describes him, 
was an ideal athlete, the most perfect specimen of physical manhood in all the country. 
He was a little short of six feet in stature^ weighed 160 pounds, with a symmetry and 
litheness of figure that would have delighted an artist seeking a gladiatorial model. Uncle 
Nattie declares that he saw Ise Hobbs spring from (he ground and turn three somersaults at 
one bound. He was the fleetest runner in the settlement. 

"The gamblers around Quincy finally became very obnoxious to the , more moral 
element of the community, and the Turks and Hobbses were the objects of much of this 
enmity. At last a lawsuit before £ justice of the peace, involving a small debt, caused an 
open quarrel between the Turks and the Nowels. The Hobbs family took sides with the 
Turks, and the Jones people sy^d others joined the Nowel faction. A dispute about a land 
claim is said to have entered into the quarrel between the Nowels and Turks. The two 
factions were going to trial when the first blood was shed in the Slicker war. One of the 
Turks told old man Nowel that he could not testify in the case at issue in court, and the 
latter replied that no Turk could live near him. There were several guns in**the crowd, 
but Nowel was unarmed. When the quarrel became very hot old man Nowel snatohed 
a gun from one of the party and shot Jim Tikk. Nowel, knowing that his life was now 
in peril, put spurs to his horse and fled, pursued by the father of the dead man, who never 
stopped to see if the shot had proved fatal. Nowel, after a long race, escaped his 'pursuer 
and got home. The baffled avenger of blood went back to the corpse of his son, and over 
the grave of Jim Turk vengeance against the Nowels was vowed. 

An Epidemic of Slickixiff. 

"The feud now spread rapidly, and soon involved many new partisans. The Turks, 
Hobbses, Blues and Jamisons were the leading spirits of the Slicker faction. The Nowels, 
Joneses, Doblins and Montgomerys headed the anti-Slicker party. The field of hostilities 
widened daily, and the war extended into Hickory and Polk counties. The local authorities 
were powerless to check the growing strife, and at that time the seat of the state govern- 
ment was a long distance from the Ozark country, and no one asked the aid of the governor 
in the interest of peace. Slicking went on during the intervals between the killings, and 
nightly raids after the victims of this method of torture were common. One whipping 
would provoke another in retaliation, and thus the country was kept in constant dread of 
violence. It was the rule of each faction to order a man to leave the settlement when h^ 
was whipped, and Uncle Nattie McCracken says that sometimes the fellow slicked actually 
sold his property under the lash, one or more members of the mob purchasing the goods 
thus offered for sale. A speculative spirit in this way crept into the war, and became with 
some of the actors in the feud a secondary motive, though hatred and revenge continued 
to dominate the controlling spirits of each faction. 

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Old Abram. 

"It was about a year after the killing of Jim Turk before his death was avenged. 
Tom Turk and Ise Hobbs undettook the bloody enterprise. They went to the Nowel 
homestead one morning before daylight and waited for their victim to come in sight. Ise 
had Old Abram, the best product of the Tennessee gun shop, and Turk carried a rifle of 
smaller caliber. - About sun-up old man Nowel, the slayer of Jim Turk, came out of the 
house to w^sh for breakfast. He went to a barrel of water and dipped into it a wash 
pan. It was arranged for Turk to ^re first, but either because of^he inferiority of his 
gun or lack of nerve on the part of the giant slicker the shot was harmless,, and Nowel 
turned and looked toward the assassins. Then Hobbs pulled the trigger of Old Abram and 
the second victim of the feud dropped dead. It was long after the killing of Nowel that 
the Turks and the Hobbses told the details of the tragedy, and Uncle Nattie McCracken 
believes that Tom purposely missed the old man in order to make Ise the principal in the 
crime. He thinks that Turk doubted the loyalty of his associate and was afraid that Hobbs 
would betray him. 

"The killing of Nowel led to the supreme crisis in the Slicker war. It startled the 
whole country and called the people outsid^ of the feud to arms. The militia was mustered 
and marched to the scene of the late murder. Maj. Rains, a militia commander of local 
fame, at the head of eighty men, attempted to suppress the feud and bring the murderers 
of Nowel to justice. Turk and Hobbs were suspected of the crime at once, but there was 
no positive proof of their guilt. The militia remained in the neighborhood of McCracken's 
for several weeks, protecting the women and hunting for the murderers of Nowel. The 
women and children were demoralized with terror and followed Maj. Rains and his men 
around from place to place. The houses where the militia camped at night were called 
forts, and here the noncombatants gathered and cooked their suppers under the protection 
of government muskets. As the militia marched by the McCracken homestead one evening 
Bob Turk and Arch Blue got upon the yard fence and crowed in defiance. That was an 
old Tennessee mode of challenging an enemy to battle. That same night the militia camped 
at one of the Metcalfs. The house was full of women and children. Blue and Turk went 
to Metcalfs after dark and fired at the house. The door was shut, but Bob Turk's shot 
killed one of the men within the house. It happened that the man killed was one Dobbins, 
whose father-in-law, Nowel, had already been murdered by Tom Turk and Ise Hobbs. It 
was a mere blind shot that killed Dobbins, as Turk could see no one when he fired. The 
house in which this murder occurred is still standing, and a weather-beaten door bears the 
mark of the btillet that brought the second bereavement to the Nowel family. 

«The Militia Campaign. 

"After the shooting of Dobbins the militia continued to scout the country in search of 
the Turks and Ise Hobbs. The slicker outlaws had several hiding places. The murderers 
of old man Nowel were finally found at tlie home of one of the Cruses. They were upstairs, 
and refused to come down and surrender. The militia surrounded the house and threatened 
to set fire to the building if the slickers did not come out and surrender. The family, in 
order to save their property, persuaded Tom Turk and Ise Hobbs to give up. Then the 
militia started to Bolivar with the prisoners; It was a march full of sensational features. 
Mrs. Nowel shouldered the gun of her murdered husband and joined Maj. Rains' command 
in guarding the prisoners on the way to jail. Many of the settlers went to town to see 
what would be done with the slickers. 

"At Bolivar the prisoners were committed to jail. In a short time they were released 
by their partisan friends and the feign of terror continued. Slicking went on and many 
families left the country. Immigration to the territory affected by the war stopped, and for 
nearly two years no new homes were established on the prairie around the c^ter of hostili- 
ties. Members of the church took sides in the strife, and the few preachers in the country 
could exert no influence toward the restoration of peace. It was after the killing of Dob- 
bins that the belligerent factions resorted to all possible cunning devices to terrorize the 
country. The graves of hated persons were made and rude epitaphs written on boards 
telling of their death. 

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The Hobbs-Turk Duel with Scythes. 

"A change now came over the spirit of the war which made deadly foes of the two 
most prominent members of the slicker party. The intimacy between Tom Turk and Ise 
Hobbs, growing out of their partnership in crime, had led them to exchange many secrets, 
some of which were foreign to the conmion cause. In one of his confidential moods the 
giant slicker had used the name of a young woman of the settlement with too much free- 
dom. Whether impelled by a general sentiment of chhralry or resenting the insinuation with 
the motive of a secret lover, Ise Hobbs championed the honor of the prairie maiden, and 
challenged her accuser to the trial of battle. This quarrel occurred in a harvest field near 
the McCracken farm. The scythe was then displacing the reap hook as a harvesting imple- 
ment, and Ise Hobbs had already acquired the distinction of being the best cradler in the 
settlement. Friendly neight>ors then swopped work instead of hiring help, and several hands 
were in the field when Ise demanded that Tom Turk should take back the remark about the 
girl. The two prindpals prepared for a deadly combat, each detaching his scythe blade 
from the cradle stock, while the other men began to take sides in the quarrel. When the 
agile and daring young defender of the injured beauty advanced on his big antagonist, 
brandishing the long, gleaming blade, the courage of Tom Turk failed, and he retreated 
from the field. No one was killed in this fight, but the settlement knew that blood would 
soon flow as a result of the new turn in the tide of war. Ise Hobbs and Tom Turk could 
not live in the same neighborhood as enemies. They knew too much of each other's 

"The quarrel between the Hobbses and Turks now became the leading feature of the 
war, and everybody waited for the next fatal event. Ise and Tom watched for each other. 
Neither went out without his gun, and, as the families lived on neighboring claims, a deadly 
encounter was constantly expected. Finally, Turk decided to leave the. country. He went 
to 1 blacksmith's shop in the neighborhood one day to get his horse shod. Ise Hobbs heard 
of Tom's intention to leave, and was on the lookout for his enemy. While Turk was at 
the shop Hobbs watched him from an elevation on the prairie, and planned a scheme of 
death. He had cut a blind near the McCracken spring, a short distance from the path 
which his enemy would travel in going home. When he saw the big black horse which 
Tom Turk rode leave the shop, the assassin went to his ambush with Old Abram loaded 
for another deadly shot. The big man rode rapidly toward home, carrying his gun before 
him, and using the wooden ramrod for a switch. He passed the McCracken place about 
sundown. Galloping down the hill toward the spring the rider was soon out of sight. 
The hollow through which the little rivulet flows was then covered with a thick growth 
of young willows. As Turk entered the shadows of the valley a blaze of fire shot out 
from the fatal blind, and the assassin's bullet struck the rider under the arm. A hole in a 
homemade flax coat had guided the aim of the murderer, and the shot was almost instantljf 
fatal. The giant of the slickers dropped his gun and fell lifeless to the ground. 

The Most Impudent Act of the War. 

"A few neighbors soon gathered at the scene of the murder. A rain came up, and the 
body of Tom Turk was taken up to McCracken's house, where the inquest was held. 
Among the men who came to see the corpse was Ise Hobbs. He went up to the body, 
rubbed the head of the dead man, and said, *You have been a brave fellow, Tom, but they 
got you at last.' Uncle Nattie considers this the most impudent act of the war, as no one 
then doubted that Ise Hobbs had fired the fatal shot. 

"Jeff Hobbs was the next man killed. He was shot from a blind on Holland's creek 
while riding in a wagon with his father. It was supposed that the Turks did the shooting. 
Ise Hobbs left the country soon after the death of his brother. He went to Mississippi, 
taking with him Old Abram. There he became involved in a quarrel, and after some acts 
of violence was arrested. Eleven men started to Holly Springs with the prisoner, and on 
the way Ise made some threats and demonstrations, which caused the guard to shoot the 
desperado. His body was riddled with bullets, and then tied on a horse and taken into 
town. Months after the death of the chief spirit of the Slicker war, his gun. Old Abram, 
was sent back to the Hobbs family in Missouri. 

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Extermination of the Clans. 

"After the Turks and Hobbses were about exterminated the feud began to die out. 
John Hobbs had received a cut on the arm in a fight at Hermitage, which caused the 
amputation of the limb, and he was afterward murdered in the Civil war. When peace 
was somewhat restored and the law could be again enforced, a grand jury was summoned 
to investigate the crimes of the Slicker war. Uncle Nattie McCracken wa5 a member of 
that jury, as he had lived for three years right in the midst of the strife. He favored, 
tmiversal amnesty toward all parties connected with the feud as the best public policy. 
The chief spirits in the trouble had now passed beyond the jurisdiction of human courts, 
and many of the living participants could not be brought to justice. The counties that had 
suffered most were in debt, and the people who would have to pay the cost of the prosecu- 
tion were already impoverished. Legal proceedings would be more apt to revive the spirit 
of hostility than to strengthen the ties of peace. This counsel prevailed, and there was not 
a single indictment returned for the crimes of the Slicker war. 

"There is today but one survivor of the Hobbs family living in the vicinity of the old 
^eud. Mrs. Yoast, a sister of the noted slicker partisans, lives on the old Hobbs place. She 
is now an old woman, but can barely remember the feud in which her brothers bore such 
an active part The log house, in which Ise and Jeff molded bullets for Old Abram fifty 
years ago, has been displaced by a frame building of three rooms. This house shows the 
mark of time. All that Mrs. Yoast could remember of the Slicker war, when visited, was 
that she saw the men goin* and comin*; but did not know what they were about." 

Other Slicker Campaigns. 

Other parts of Missouri had ^'slicker'* campaigns. About the middle of the 
forties, horse thieves and counterfeiters became active and bold. One band of 
thieves operating in Lincoln county and the country adjacent ran oflf and sold 
in one season at a single sales stable in St. Louis 1,200 horses. So well organ- 
ized were the bands of thieves that those arrested could produce witnesses to 
prove alibis. Conditions were so bad that a company of regulators was formed in 
Lincoln county. Whenever a person fell under suspicion, the regulators in- 
vestigated and if convinced that the charges were well founded they went to 
the house of the suspected person and administered a "slicking" with hickory 
sprouts. The suspect was given hours to get out of the county. The principal 
thieves were disposed of in this way. One man, who had promised to go, was 
in Troy the day that his time expired. He was shot and killed, after he started 
home. John Tumbull, who lived in a log house so strongly built that it was called 
"Tumbuirs Fort," refused to be driven out of the county. There was no evi- 
dence against him and suspicion rested ori the friendly relationship between Turn- 
bull's son and one of the suspected men. The sHckers went to TumbuH's house 
and insisted that he leave. Turnbull again refused and the slicker war of Lincoln 
county was on. A charge was made on the fort. Malachi Davis, the first man in 
the door, received a bullet in the abdomen and died next day. John Davis, a 
brother fired point blank at James Turnbull, Jr., inflicting what was thought to be 
a fatal wound in the throat, but the young man lived some years in a paralyzed 
condition. Squire Tumbull, as the old man was called, received a bullet in the 
hip which caused his death some time later. One of the Tumbull girls struck 
Washington Norvell on the head with a com knife, cutting into the brain; but 
Norvell recovered with the loss of some tissue. The slickers withdreV. Then 
the anti-sHckers were organized in St. Charles county. They marched into 

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Lincoln county and escorted the J'urnbull family to Flint Hills. They estab- 
lished guards at the fords of the Cuivre river. The Slickers met and marched 
forth to give battle to the Antis but missed them. There followed some waylaying 
and shooting at night. Two of the Slickers were in the midst of a game of 
poker, as on^ of them told Joseph A. Mudd, the local historian, and one of them 
*'had three jacks and a pair of aces and — "just then shots came from the brush 
ending the game. James Shelton, captain of the Anti-Slickers, was crossing 
the river*at Chain of Rocks when a bullet fired from the bank hit him in the arm 
fracturing it. After much maneuvering on both sides, the Slickers and Antis 

St. Charles county had its organization of Slickers. This was in the days when 
small steamboats from St. Louis, notably the Bee, ran up the Cuivre river as 
far as Chain of Rocks in Lincoln county. On one of the Bee's trips a man named 
Hal Grammar landed at Chain of Rocks. Coincident with' Grammar's arrival 
there began an epidemic of horse stealing, circulation of counterfeit money and 
other crimes. Grammar drew to himself a number of associates. One day a 
peddler came to the settlement, lef/his pack in the tavern office and went into the 
dining room. The goods disappeared. Grammar was arrested but escaped. Then 
the citizens got together, formed a band of Slickers and proceeded to clean out 
the vicious elements in the county. The counterfeiters and thieves were hunted 
flown, whipped with hickory sprouts and given hours to leave St. Charles county. 
The campaigns of the regulators worked fairly well in the beginning, but some 
bad men got into the Slicker organizations and used them to carry out private 
feuds. Slickerism went out of practice in Missouri about 1850. It was brought 
into the state by settlers from the East Tennessee mountains and started with 
some of the Ozark communities. 

The Greatest Flood of the IffissoDri. 

"The Flood of 1844" has a place in history as one of the few notable disasters 
which have befallen the state. From the earliest Indian traditions to the present 
time, that stands as the greatest flood of the lower Missouri. There had been 
nothing to compare with it before. There has been nothing like it since. In 
the records of the government weather service these data about the floo4^ of 
1844 are preserved: 

"The stage reached on the present scale of river measurements was 37 feet on June 
20 at Kansas City, 16 feet above the danger line. At Boonville the river reached 33.6 feet 
two and a half days later, which was 13.6 feet above the danger line at that place. The 
flijod was caused by the coincidence of unusually heavy and protracted rains, with what is 
known as the June rise, the melted snows from headwaters. It is said that about the 
middle of April the rains began to fall in brief showers nearly every other day. After a 
few weeks it began to rain every day. It poured down for days and weeks, almost without 
cessation. The river was rising quite rapidly, but no danger was anticipated, for the oldest 
settler had never seen a general and destructive overflow, and did not know that such a 
thing could occur. The river continued to rise, however, at the rate of twelve to eighteen 
inches a day tmtil June 5, when it went over its banks, and the situation became alarming. 
The channel was full of driftwood; occasionally a log house floated down, with chickens 
and turkeys on the roof. In several instances men, women and children were seen on the 
tops of h'ouses floating hither and thither, and turned and twisted about by heavy logs 
and jams, but the people were rescued by parties in skiffs. 

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**0n June 20 the water had reached its highest point, and the next day began to fall, but 
the damage done seemed absolute and the ruin complete. The flood extended from bluff to 
bluflF, generally two miles. There was not an acre of dry land in the river bottoms from 
Kansas City to the mouth of the river. The rains subsided, and the river fell rapidly. A 
few persons moved back to their farms, in what was then a very sparsely settled region, and, 
although it was impossible to do any farming until the latter part of July, it is reliably re- 
ported that enough corn was raised that season for the people in many places to subsist on. 

**Where Kansas City now stands the flood was about three miles wide. In what is now 
known as the packing house and wholesale district, where the switching grounds are located, 
the -water was about ten feet deep. The flood extended over the present site of Armourt 
dale and Argentine, in Kansas, near 'the mouth of the Kaw, but there were few settlements ' 
at the junction of the Missouri and Kaw in those days. A deplorable consequence of the 
great flood was the season of sickness which followed and the high rate of mortality. 
It is said that it was impossible to And a well person on account of the miasma resulting 
from the decajnng animal and vegetable matter. Chills and fever prevailed in their most 
malignant form, followed in the winter by spinal meningitis, then called head disease, which 
proved very fatal. An important fact connected with this flood was that steamboats going 
up the river found it as low as usual above St. Joseph. All the tributaries of the Missouri, 
in the State of Missouri, are believed to have overflowed their banks in 1844 very exten- 
sively, although in that early day there was scarcely anything to damage along the streams 
in the way of personal property. 

"The flood level at Kansas City was determined and marked' on a pier of the Hannibal 
bridge when it was being constructed by Mr. Octave Chanute, who was supervising engineer 
of construction. The stage was obtained by the collation of eleven or twelve high-water 
marks, preserved by old settlers on both sides of the river. Mr. Chanute states that there 
was practical agreement in the well-authenticated marks. Some years after the completion 
fA the bridge a few local engineers expressed some doubt as to the accuracy of the stage, 
claiming that it was too high, but Mr. Chanute, who was then building a bridge across the 
Missouri at Sibley, about thirty miles east of Kansas City, found the high-water marks at 
that place to correspond very closely with the established mark at Kansas City, after allow- 
ing for the slope of the ri'i'er. Mr. Chanute tested all data worthy of consideration in his 
determination, so that there is nothing upon which to base a doubt of its accuracy." 

&t St. Lonis. 

The winter preceding the flood of 1844 was very severe, attended by unusually 
heavy snowstorms in the northwest. The early spring was characterized by 
/ain storms which were said to be the heaviest known up to that time. At St. 
Louis in May rains occurred during nine days, the amount of fall, according 
to a report made by Eh*. B. B. Brown, being nine inches. The steamboat Indiana, 
which went to the relief of Kaskaskia, made fast to the door of Colonel Menard's 
house and took on board the pupils and the Sisters of the Convent. Water was 
from ten to twenty feet deep in the streets. The Indiana brought to St. Louis 
several hundred people. The melting of the unusual snows in the Rocky Moun- 
tains, with the continuous rains in the upper Mississippi Valley, accounted for 
the flood of 1844. 

There was some controversy as to whether the great flood of 1844 broke all 
previous records. Mr. Ccrre, who at the time of the flood of 1844 was one of 
the oldest French settlers in St. Louis, said that inundation was higher by some 
four or five feet than the one in 1785. According to the best testimony, the flood 
of 1785 left a dry spot in the town of Kaskaskia, which spot was covered in 1844 
with water five feet deep. The steamer Indiana passed along the wagon road 
from Kaskaskia to St. Louis, finding from six to fifteen feet of water over that 
Vol. n— le 

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road. The American bottom from Alton to Cairo was submerged, the water 
covering 700 square miles of the **finest land in the world." According to Spanish 
and Portuguese historians all of the high ground on the west side of the Missis- 
sippi from the mouth of the Ohio to the Red River was under water several feet 
at the time of De Soto's expedition in 1542. In the courthouse of Randolph 
county, Illinois, there was a document dated 1725, asking for a grant of land 
for the reason that the great flood of the previous year, 1724, had overflowed 
Kaskaskia, destroying the houses and driving the inhabitants to the bluflFs. The 
bottom lands along the Mississippi from Alton to Cairo average five miles in 
width. These lands were submerged from bluff to bluff in 1785, 1824 and 1844. 
The flood at St. Louis attained its greatest height between the 24th and 27th of 
June, 1844, and was 38 fefet and 7 inches above low water mark. 

The flood of 1844 again demonstrated the wisdom of Laclede's location of 
St. Louis. Because there are alluvial bottoms on the Illinois side, opposite the 
city; and because the Missouri and the Mississippi at their confluence are bor- 
dered on the north and west by a low-l)ring prairie of great fertility divided into 
numerous farms, St. Louis is a source of flood news. The city proper has never 
suflfered seriously from high water encroaching upon it. 

When Ae snows melt in the mountains and June rains come in the valleys 
at the same time, the Missouri, the Mississippi and the Illinois reach flood stages. 
The water creeps up the levee slowly. Sometimes it reaches the line which was 
the base of the limestone cliff when Laclede came to found the settlement. More 
rarely; once in several years, the water comes over the roadway and into the 
cellars of the warehouses on Front street. At much longer intervals the flood 
covers the first floors of the business establishments fronting on the levee and neces- 
sitates removal of goods. But practically all of the sixty-one square miles of 
St. Louis area is above the highest water mark. 

The American Bottom Submerged. "^ 

The flood of 1844 was greater than any that preceded it from the time the 
first record was made. It began early in June. The Missouri boomed gradu- 
ally, covering the bottoms all of the way through the State of Missouri. At th^ 
same time the Illinois was swollen by rains. The Mississippi spread out into the 
American bottom. By the i6th the water reached the curbstones on Front 
street and ran into the cellars. Illinoistown, the part of East St. Jjoms nearest 
to St. Louis, was submerged and people moved upstairs in their homes. Steam- 
boats went a mile inland on the Illinois side. On the i8th, reports of losses of 
lives and property began to reach St. Louis. Citizens flocked to the levee. They 
crowded the roofs and windows. They stood all day observing the houses and 
barns, the trees, the fences floating by. Bad news came from the American 
bottom. Those who had left the farms and villages early were safe in camps 
on the bluffs. But others, basing hope on previous floods, had remained on the 
higher portions of the great prairie surrounded by water which hourly cut down 
the island areas. These were in great danger if the flood broke records. The 
19th of June found boats plying over the prairies and carrying farmers and live 
stock to the bluffs. The 20th of June the river level was three feet and four 
inches above the city directrix; it was rising on the first floors of Front street. 

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Cottrteqr MlMoorl Historical Soclatj 

Twenty-three steamboats and fifteen squares of the business center burned at a loss of ^ 

over $3,000,000 


From photograph taken in 1904. The hand engine is in the Boyce collection of the Missouri 

Historical Society, Jefferson Memorial, St. Louis 

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I xarrt^, LYfiox asm 


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Every boat from the Missouri came loaded with- refugees. The 21st of June 
brought a higher level and the morning of the 22nd the report was "still rising." 
Business was almost suspended in St. Louis, although the city itself was in no 
danger. Measures of relief for the people above and across the river engrossed 
attention. « 

The mayor of St. Louis, Bernard Pratte, called on the river captains in port 
for volunteers. Boat after boat was sent out on relief expeditions. They went 
inland miles over farms where the grain only a week before had been ripening 
for harvest. People were taken out of second-story windows of their houses 
in Brooklyn and Venice and brot^ht over to St. Louis. The new tobacco ware- 
house, barns, sheds, were used to shelter the hundreds of refugees. The people 
of St. Louis met at the courthouse, formed a relief committee and canvassed 
the city for money and supplies. Boats were tendered free for relief service. 
Crews of boats gave their time without compensation. Until the water went 
down and the refugees could return to their homes, the heart of St Louis sus- 
tained them. 

On the 22nd of June the upper Missouri wds reported falling. On the 24th 
of June, about noon, the crest of the flood reached St. Louis. It marked seven 
feet seven inches above city directrix. Never before since St. Louis was founded 
had there been that height. Never since 1844 has the river touched that mark. 
The unprecedented volume passed slowly. The city directrix, which is the stone 
monument by which the river levels are measured, had been covered on the 17th 
of June. It was not uncovered until the 14th of July. 

The Fire of 1849. 

St. Louis had a population of 45,000 and had grown westward to Eleventh 
street when, at nine o'clock in the evening of the 17th of May, 1849, the fire 
bells rang for flames pn the steamboat White Cloud lying at the foot of Cherry 
street, which was almost the northern boimdary of the city. The Levee was 
lined with boats. The White Qoud was at the upper landing. * The nine hand 
engines made the run to the river front. Before they could accomplish any- 
thing the White Qoud, a mass of flames, had parted her cables and was drifting 
down stream slowly, .bumping against boat after boat below, and setting fire 
to each of them. She did this to twenty-two steamboats. "Like tinder" these 
steamboats of '49 burned. They made such intense heat that the firemen were 
driven back from the Levee to the line of stores and warehouses on the west 
side of Front street. They tried to prevent the flames from reaching the build- 
ings but at Locust and Front streets a commission house caught fire. The 
fire spread southward taking store after store and cleaning up whole blocks 
westward to Main. At Olive the fire crossed Main and burned west to Second 
and south to Market. There it jumped over three squares to a large cooper 
shop and burned two more Blocks. The movement of the conflagration was 
, not markedly rapid but it was steady. The firemen fought stubbornly all night, 
pressed back and losing lengths of hose as the flames advanced. The cathedral 
lay in the path of the fire not more than a block away, when the firemen 
resorted to the desperate remedy of blowing up six buildings and stopped the 

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progress. When St. Louis took stock it was found that the losses were three 
lives and 430 houses, twenty-three steamboats, nine flatboats and barges, three 
of the principal printing offices, the post office, three banks — property valued 
at $2,750,000. 

The Hero of the Fire. 

The hero of "the fire of '49'' was Thomas B. Targee. He had come from 
his native New York City in 1836 and engs^ed in mercantile business, following 
at times the vocation of auctioneer. Joining the volunteer firemen, he became 
the head of the Missouri company and a recognized leader in fire fighting. This 
did not interfere with his activity as a churchman. He was the choir leader 
in Christ church and highly esteemed by Bishop Hawks. The^fire starting on 
the night of the 17th of May ate its way steadily down the Levee and through 
the business blocks. When morning came the volunteers were worn out. Tar- 
gee urged that the time had arrived for extraordinary methods. Hje advocated 
the blowing up of houses in advance of the flames as the most effective means 
of stopping the spread. This was agreed to. A wagon was sent to the Arsenal 
and several kegs of powder were conveyed to the southwest comer of Third 
and Market streets where it was proposed to make the stand. While the pow- 
der was being brought, Targee went to his home near Fourteenth and Mar- 
ket streets and remained a short time with his family. He told his wife what 
he proposed to do and caressed his children. He expressed the hope that 
the plan would be successful but he did not conceal the fact that it was dan- 

Going back to the place which had been selected for the use of the powder 
Captain Targee undertook the active direction of the work. He carried the 
powder into the buildings which were to be blown up, taking a keg at a time 
from beneath the tarpaulin where it had been placed to prevent explosion 
from sparks. He had blown up three structures, successfully making a gap 
across which the flames might not spread. The next building marked for de- 
struction was Phillips' music store, two doors east of Second street. Targee 
came down Market street carrying the keg of powder in his arms. He was 
just within the doors where he expected' to throw the keg and retreat before 
the fire communicated when there occurred a terrific explosion. Captain Boyce 
and other firemen who made a careful investigation always believed that some 
one had already placed a keg of powder in the music store and that its pres- 
ence there was unknown to Targee. 

Government by Committee in Cholera Time. 

In five weeks of 1832 five per cent of the population of St. Louis died 
of cholera. It was as if in 1920 the deaths from an epidemic disease had 
numbered 40,000 in a little more than a month. The visitation came in October. 
The weather was cool and cloudy. Laborers stopped work and stood on the 
street comers. Business was almost suspended. The feeling of depression was 
general. Men were seen one day and missed the next. Those who kept their minds 
occupied with ordinary affairs and made no changes in the habits of dress and 

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^B' ■ 









"^ ^^^^^^^^^^^H 

Courteay Mlnoarl Historical Society 

Chief of eompanj of volunteer firemen. Lost his life directing the fight against the great 
fire in St. Lonis in 1849. The fire burned twenty-three steamboats and $2,000,000 of business 
property. Prom a painting by Matt. Hastings. 


bv Google 

THl Kllf TOM 

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food seemed less liable to attack and had the best chance of recovery. The panic 
stricken, those who stopped work, those who doctored themselves with preventives, 
were easy victims. The epidemic of cholera which most severely afflkted St. 
Louis, which brought out the ability of the community to deal with a great 
emergency and which led to permanent measures of protection from these visita- 
tions was in 1849. The city consisted of 63,000 pedple. The number of deaths 
from cholera, according to Dr. Engelmann, was 4,317, and from other causes 4,000 
more. Mortality meant more than decimation. It carried off one-eighth of the 
entire population. St, Louiw dealt with this unprecedented affliction through a 
committee of citizens. The movement to supersede temporarily the city govern- 
ment b^^n with the mass meeting on the 25th of June, assembled at the court 
house. Leading citizens strongly criticised the municipal authorities for inaction. 
A committee of twelve, two from each ward, was appointed to wait upon the 
city council and to urge quarantine and vigorous remedial measures. The city coun- 
cil could not be found. Many of its members had left the city. A sufficient number 
was induced promptly to return to make a quorum. The council met on the 
afternoon of the day following the mass meeting. The committee presented its 
petition. Without adjourning the council pas;5e4 an qrdijance which immediately 
received the mayor's approval. By this action thqf city government was virtually 
suspended and the control of affairs was turned over to the committee of twelve. 
The members of the committee were T. T. Gantt, R. S. Blennerhasset, A. B. 
Chambers, Isaac A. Hedges, James Qemejis, Jr., ^. M: Field, George Collier, 
L. M. Kennett, Trusten Polk, Lewis Bach, Thomas Gray, and Wm. G. Qark. 

The Sanitary Campaign. 

The ordinance designated these gentlemen as "the committee of public healtli." 
It conferred almost absolute power to adopt such regulations as the committee 
should deem necessary. Any violation of , the orders of the committee was pun- 
ishable by fine up to $500. The committee of twelve was given control of the 
city during the epidemic. The power to fill vacancies was conferred upon the 
committee. The sum of $50,000 was appropriated for this emergency govern- 
ment by committee. 1* he ne:^t day, June 27th, the committee of twelve began the 
practical campaign against the epidemic. School houses were designated as 
hospitals. The committee appointed an inspector or superintendent for each block 
in the city and ordered a thorough cleansing. These "block inspectors" included 
many of the foremost business and professional men in the city, who entered 
upon their work with vigor and declined to accept any pay. 

On the following Saturday, June 30th, the committee recommended "the burn- 
ing this evening at 8 o'clock, throughout the city of stone coal, resinous tar, and 
sulphur." This was very generally adopted. The local newspaper account 
stated that "in every direction the air was filled with dense masses of smoke, 
serving, as we all hope, to dissipate the foul air wljiich has been the cause of so 
much mortality." The committee announced the appointment of Monday, July 
2d, to be observed as a day of fasting and prayer. This recommendation was gen- 
erally carried out. Sunday, July ist — ^between the day of burning and the day of 
praying — did not witness any relaxation of the effort. The block inspectors con- 

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tinued their work vigorously all of Sunday. On Monday, the day of fasting and 
prayer, the committee called upon the council to pass an ordinance, which was 
done that very day, establishing quarantine against steamboats from Ihe South. 
The work of the committee went on so effectively throughout July that on the 
first day of August was issued by the committee a proclamation declaring the epi- 
demic to be over. The accounts were closed, the committee turning back to tiie 
city treasury $16,000 of the $50,000, resigning their trust, and adjourning sine 
die, ' 

During this epidemic there was not a case of cholera among the students or 
in the faculty of St. Louis University. The institution at that time was at Ninth 
and Washington avenue, near some of the most fatal centers of the disease. In 
the vicinity of the Sheridan Exchange, on Franklin avenue, were two wells with 
only the thoroughfare separating them. It seemed as if everybody who drank 
from one well was smitten with the cholera while all who drank from the other 
were immune. One of the victims of the cholera epidemic in 1850 was General 
Richard V. Mason. He was living at Jefferson Barracks and was in charge of 
construction work there. 

The Draining of Chouteau's Pond. 

When a mass meeting called by Mayor John M. Krum was held at the court- 
house to consider what should be done in view of the cholera epidemic, one theme 
was made impressive by all of the speakers. Until that date the city had not 
moved with energy to abate the ponds scattered throughout the city and the 
suburbs. These ponds, originally of clear, pure water, had become contaminated 
with the surface drainage. There were many of them. Speaker after speaker 
dwelt upon the importance of a system of drainage which would abate the pond 
nuisance. This was the first general agitation looking to a system of sewerage. 
With the movement to provide sewers,Aiuite a controversy arose over the abolish- 
ment of Chouteau's pond. The proposition was something of a shock to senti- 
ment. Elihu H. Shepard described the feeling : 

Every old inhabitant had been fed on food from that mill. Every man and boy had 
fished from that pond. Every lady of St. Louis had perambulated its grassy and wide 
banks. To destroy this great monument of the labors of one of the gn'catest benefactors 
and first builders of St. Louis seemed an act of sacrilege which no man would have the 
temerity to contemplate. Yet it seemed inevitable; the multiplying of factories and butcher 
shops along its border had destroyed the beauty and defiled the purity of the waters. The 
pond's presence had become an ulcer and was desirable no longer. It was declared a 
nuisance and ordered drained, which was done by opening the dam and allowing the water 
to escape. Thus was removed one of the great features of St. Louis which had distin- 
guished it for the first half of the century. 

A Veteran Policeman's Recollections. 

When he had served forty-three years in the police department of St. Louis, 
Thomas William Purcell recalled as "the most vivid recollection of my life," the 
cholera epidemic in the late sixties. 

"During those gloomy days Mayor James S. Thomas had a barrel of pitch and tar 
burning on every street corner. Vegetables, particularly cabbage, were thrown away and 

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dumped into the river. Men, women and children died so rapidly that it was not possible 
to bury them as fast as they died, and many htmdreds of bodies lay on the street and in 
the houses, wherever the unfortunates had breathed their last, for weeks before being 
interred. The policemen were walking drugstores. Evepr member of the police department 
had two bottles of medicine. One was hot and blood-red, while the other was not quite 
warm, and green looking. Every person we met, that looked sick, we were to induce, 
by persuasion or force, to take one or the other. If one looked sick or pale, we admin- 
istered a teaspoonful of the dark medicine. If one had a pain in the stomach or back we 
gave the other. They were not allowed to drink water for an hour after swallowing either 
of the medicines and the cure was declared as bad as the disease." 

Purcell said that he was stricken with the disease and in a frenzy of fear 
emptied two bottles fiill of these medicines. 

The Gasconade Disaster. 

On the 1st of November, 1855, a train of fourteen passenger coaches left the 
St. Louis station, carrying the official party to celebrate the opening of the Pacific 
road to the state capital. The company included the military, musicians and St. 
Louisans representative of the entire city. Fall rains had set in. The day was 
not pleasant. When the long train reached the bridge over the Gasconade river 
the wooden trestlework between the east bank and the first pier went down. The 
fall was aboiit thirty feet. Only the last car in the train kept its place on the 
rails. Seven of the coaches made a plunge through the broken timbers; others 
rolled down the embankment. The killed and fatally hurt numbered over thirty. 
Those injured more or less seriously but not fatally were hundreds. On the 
engine were Hudson E. Bridge, who had succeeded Thomas Allen as president 
of the company, and Thomas S. O'SulHvan who had succeeded Mr. Kirkwood as 
chief engineer. The president escaped without serious hurt; the chief engineer 
was killed. Two of the best known clergymen of the city, Rev. Dr. Artemas 
Bullard of the First Presb>i:erian church and Rev. John Teasdale of the Third 
Baptist church, were among the dead. Washington King, the mayor of St. 
Louis, was badly cut. When he got back to St. Louis he made "the awful and 
inscrutable dispensation of Providence" the subject of a proclamation appointing 
Monday, the 5th day of November "a day of cessation from all labor as a tribute 
of respect to those who are most deeply stricken by this terrible blow, and a day 
of heartfelt thankfulness and gratitude to God by and on account of all who are 
saved from death." Business houses were closed and the churches were opened 
for worship. 

The Recollections of Dr. Winston. 

Dr. G. B. Winston, of Jefferson City, was one of the excursionists. In 1878, 
the twenty-third anniversary, he gave to the Jefferson City Tribune his vivid recol- 
lections of that awful November ist. • 

"I was in St. Louis at the time, when grand preparations were being made for the cele- 
bration of the opening of the Pacific railroad. Claiborne F. Jackson and Hon. G. W. Hough 
were there and both members of the board of public works. They presented me with 
the following pass, and insisted that I should come up with them on the train. The pass 
I have kept as a memento of that fearful day: 

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Pass Dr. G. B. WINSTON 

On invitation of the citizens of Jbtfbrson City. To and 

return. G<K>d f#r return on ist or id Norember. 


Eng'r & Sup't. 

Trains leave 7th Street, St. Louis, at 8:30 a. m., and 
reach Jefferson City at 3:03 p. m. 

Returning, leave Jefferson City at 6:06 p. m., and 
reach St. Louis at 12:30 a. m.; and leave Jefferson City 
on 2d Nov. at 6:00 a. m. & 3:00 p. m. 

Show this ticket on entering cars. Not transferable. 

"Engineers, members of the board of public works, judges, lawyers, legislators, divines, 
editors, reporters, business men, and pleasure-hunters composed the excursion, and the 
eleven cars iwere crowded. Judge R. VV. Wells, his wife, and son Eugene, Hon. Geo. W. 
Hough and myself were the Jeffersonians then in St. Louis, and the night before the 
excursion train was to start, while at the hotel and discussing the trip, the impetus the 
successful opening of the road would give to railroads, etc., I read that portion of my wife's 
letter just received: Don't come on the railroad. No good can come of any enterprise 
in which the Sabbath has been so recklessly violated by sinfully Working all the hands on 
that day to get ready for the excursion.' Judge Wells did not believe, much that the events 
of this world are under the control of an Overruling mind, but are left to themselves, and 
I felt like inviting his comment on the foregoing extract from my wife's letter, and in 
his pointed, laconic style, he said : It will be a fine theme for the preachers if we all go 
in the Gasconade tomorrow.' I confess that the remark added somewhat to an indefinable 
apprehension that had already taken possession of me. 

"The morning of November the ist, was indescribably gloomy, and my anxiety, alter- 
nating between hope and fear, was increased. The cheerless aspect of all nature had its 
effect upon my feelings. The gloom gradually grew into a heavy, chilling, misty rain, and 
all along the horizon low, sullen, muttering thunder was heard, which grew more and more 
alarming with the promise of evil ahead, all the way to Gasconade. The wind swelled to the 
fury of a hurricane, the at first lightly falling shower, to a perfect deluge, the distant rum- 
bling to fierce and threatening peals, the occasional flash of lightning to an almost continuous • 
blaze of electricity. The elements seemed at war and to have combined and centered upon the 
devoted train of excursionists all the vials of their wrath. As we sped on, the roar of the 
storm became almost deafening, and within the cars it was so dark that it was a hard matter 
at times to recognize one's vis a vis. 

**When we reached Hermann an additional car was attached and a company of uniformed 
citizen soldiers joined us to add to the pomp and pageantry of our entry into the state capital. 
While at Hermann I heard persons offering to bet that the train would go into the Gas- 
conade. But O'Sullivan, the chief engineer, was with us, and he was confident that all was 
safe. Besides, a heavy gravel train had passed over safely only that morning, and this, of 
itself, was reassuring. But the gravel train had slowed over, going at a snail's pace, and 
had this plan been adopted by O'Sullivan, the probabilities are that the accident would not 
have happened. But when I heard persons offering to wager on an accident befalling us, 
my apprehensions and nervousness came on afresh, and more than once I found myself 
repeating that line of my wife's letter, *Don't come on the railroad.' Prudence had all along 
suggested to me the better security of a seat in the rear car, and had I but heeded these in- 
ward promptings I would not have been injured, as the hindmost car never left the track, 
and the passengers in it suffered no injury. But I disliked very much to give cause for 
being suspected of timidity or harboring a presentiment of evil. 

"We Are in the Gkksconade/' 

"Well, we pulled out' from Hermann and forged ahead in the storm. The lightning 
flashed with startling vividness, seeming to actually run along the iron rails ahead of our 
train ; peal after peal of thunder followed each other sharply, and we could notice that even 

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the smallest rivulets and gulches had become swollen to madly rushing torrents. Suddenly, 
from out the darkness, we were all startled by the fearful cry, *We are in the Gasconade V 
In a moment, the interval was shorter than it takes me to tell it, ^ere came the terrible 
crash that seems to echo in my ears even now, and locomotive and tender and seven pas- 
senger cars made the awful plunge into the abyss of death. I was in the eighth car, and it 
hung suspended almost perpendicularly over the awful chasm, and confusion reigned su- 
preme within it. ^rief as was the period from the time the unknown voice shouted, *We 
are in the Gasconade!' until we felt ourselves going down, the noise of the crashing 
timbers and shrieks of the wounded drowning even the tumult of the elements, it seemed 
as though there flashed before my excited imagination a perfect and vividly startling pan- 
orama of my life— the piast, the present, thoughts of the future, all seemed concentered. I 
thought of the future of my then small household, even of the insurance on my life,, 
debits, credits, business matters, all in an instant of time occupied my thoughts. Passengers 
— the car was crowded — seats, grip-sacks, everything was jumbled up at the bottom of the 
car. As soon as possible J extricated myself and clambered up the aisle by means of the 
matting, and got out. Still the rain was falling in torrents ; the storm howled with unabated 
fury. In the intense excitement of the moment I was unconscious of being hurt, but after 
walking a few yards became faint, and then, feeling the trickling of blood, saw that my left 
leg had been badly mangled, and, as I afterwards found out, that two of my ribs were 
broken. The first dead person I saw taken from the wreck was Rev. Dr. Bullard, an 
eminent Presbyterian divine. He had been laid on some stones, his pallid face upturned to 
the pitiless beating rain. The rearmost car had not left the track at all, the ninth and 
tenth had turned over on their sides. I went to a little deserted hovel a few yards away, 
and the first object that met my eye was a boy, his head crushed, but he was still living. 
He had been taken from the wreck and brought there to die. 

"Back again to the railroad track and I crawled under the car that still remained in 
position, and there I remained. Peter L. Foy gave me his handkerchief to bind up my 
lacerated limb, and a member of the Hermann militia furnished me with a sword belt to 
buckle over it. Dr. J. N. McDowell, his venerable head bare, passed along, and I implored 
him, if he had a case of surgical instruments, to' dress my wounds. *l had a case,' he said, 
rather mournfully, *but it is down there,' and he pointed to the wreck. To follow the 
direction of his finger and note the appearance of the shattered cars, one could not help 
wondering how any one ever escaped with whole bones. It was a fearful sight, and the 
adventure the most thrilling episode of my life. O'Sullivan was doubtless to blame, but 
that he thought he was doing right is fully evidenced from the fact that he took up his 
position on the engine and went down with it, and was crushed to death. As soon as word 
could be sent to Hermann a train can^e up and we were all conveyed to that point. Next 
day we took steamer for Jefferson." 

For proper conception of the horror of the Gasconade disaster as experi- 
enced by St. Louis, it is to be remembered that railroad travel was just be- 
ginning. Those who had ridden any distance on the steam cars were a small 
minority in the community. The newspapers had contained accounts of very 
few railroad accidents up to that time. Richard Smith Elliott's description of 
the Gasconade disaster was graphic. 

I was sitting in the middle car, seventh from front and rear. The train was goibg at the 
rate of twelve or fifteen miles an hour. There was a bump, a check to the motion, an 
exclamation from some one near, "We're gone." Except the fizzing of the engine, there 
was a moment of dead silence, save the patter of the rain on' the roof of the car, and then 
cries and groans to rend the heart. 

The car I was in had gone down after passing the abutment and rested sloping to the 
left side on dry ground ; and another car lapped on the front side of ours, crushing to death 
fourteen persons. Dr. Bullard, Mr. Dayton and others of the best citizens of St. Louis 
among the number. I had earlier in the day occupied a seat forward of the middle of the 

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car and relinquished it to a friend who came on at Washington, Elisha B. Jeffries, who 
was killed. My politeness led to Jiis death. . Thirty-one persons in all were killed and 
a great many wounded. 

After the crash the first thing I did was to join others in trying to lift the roof of the 
car, in order to Relieve those yet alive in the front end of it. The absurdity of our efforts, 
with another car resting diagonally across ours did not suggest itself. There was only a sad 
feeling that we could for the time do nothing. Soon those of us unhurt got out through 
the windows. Strong arms were already at work to relieve the wounded, but many men 
were moving about with dazed looks, as if bereft of their senses. Ten cars had gone down, 
but the last three remained on the track and many of their uninjured occupants at once 
devoted themselves (o the sufferers. The shanties near were soon filled with men in 
agony, to some of whom death came as a relief. Judge Samuel Treat was requested to 
take command and soon brought about some degree of order. To Captain George West 
was assigned the duty of getting from the wreck of the baggage car whatever eatables 
could be rescued and also stimulants for the wounded. 

The storm, which had begun with a drizzling rain early in the day, seemed to have 
reserved its fury for the catastrophe. Fierce blasts of wind and heavy dashes of rain, 
with lightning and thunder, added to the horrors of the scene, as darkness came on; and 
imagination can scarcely picture a nighty more wretched than that of November i, 1855, at 
the Gasconade river. 

Next day the dead and wounded were all put on a train of flat and box cars, and 
started toward St. Louis. The temporary bridge at Boeuf Creek was considered unsafe, 
and the cars were pushed down by engine to be crossed by hand. As the first car, with 
several wounded men in it, was about to go on the bridge, the flooded stream swept the 
insecure structure away. The train then went back to Miller's Landing to wait for a boat. 
Another night of wretchedness, during which thirty-one rough coflins were made, and the 
bodies of the dead were put in them. In the forenoon of November 3rd a ferryboat from 
Washington arrived, the dead and wounded were put on board, and together with the un- 
injured soon reached Washington, and there took cars for St. Louis. 

**The Winter of the Big Freeze." 

The first steam fire engine introduced in St. Louis, and in Missouri for that 
matter, was hauled across the Mississippi on the ice. That was in 1856, known 
locally as "the winter of the big freeze." The rivei* closed on New Years and 
remained frozen over until March. Warm weather set in on the last day of 
February. All traffic between the Illinois and the Missouri side was on the ice 
bridge. The winter was so unusual that it was celebrated by the building of an ice 
monument on the Levee at the foot of Market street. This monument was made 
by^sportive volunteers who cut the- blocks of ice from the river. When the mon- 
ument was completed it was dedicated to Hernando De Soto, the explorer. At the 
base of the monument was inscribed "I give my body to the river and my soul 
to my Maker. In memory of Hernando De Soto.*' 

The breaking of the ice in March was attended with the greatest disaster to 
steamboats in the city's history. Along the Levee, from the sugar refinery to the 
foot of Almond street, was a fringe of boats so thick that it was possible to 
walk that distance of a mile or more by stepping from deck to deck and n6t once 
going ashore. The movement of the gorge piled ice floes in great heaps twenty 
and thirty feet high. One of the first boats carried down was the wrecking boat 
Submarine No. 4 (note the name). The Submarine crashed into the Federal 
Arch. These two went on down stream, tearing from the fastenings eight steam- 
boats — The Australia, Adriatic, Brunette, Paul Jones, Falls City, Altoona, A. 
B. Oiambers, and Challenge. With a roar that could be heard far into the 

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city, the ten boats moved down a mass of wreckage which crushed fifty canal 
boats, wood boats, and barges. The Bon Accord and Highland Mary were 
wrecked. The Di Vernon, the Louisville, the Lamartine, the Westerner, the 
Jeannie Deans — this steamboat nomenclature of 1856 is not without interest — were 
damaged. The F. X. Aubrey, the Nebraska, the Gossamer, the Luella, the Alice, 
the Badger State were pushed high on shore. Wharfboats all along the front 
were crushed. The Shenandoah, the Sam Qoon, the Qara, the Ben Bolt, the 
G. W. Sparhawk, The Polar Star, the J. S. Pringle, the Forest Rose were some 
of the others caught in the jam. Thousands of Missourians stood on the shore 
and watched the general destruction. Steamboatmen, realizing the uselessness of 
trying to cope with such tremendous forces of nature, were sorrowful spectators. 

The Grasshopper Plague. 

In the spring of 1875 Missouri was threatened with a plague of locusts. The 
year before Kansas had suffered an almost total crop loss. The grasshoppers 
came in immense swarms moving from northwest to southeast. They seemed 
like a snow storm, at times darkening the sky. Where they settled they swept 
the fields clean of almost every kind of vegetation. Moving eastward slowly they 
reached Missouri too late in the season of 1874 to do much damage to that year's 
crops. But they penetrated the state at least fifty miles and laid their eggs. Mis- 
sourians were warned that this meant grave danger in the following spring. With 
the coming of warm weather the new generation of grasshoppers was hatched. 
Appetites were as healthy as had been the case the year before. In Western 
Missouri grass and other vegetation disappeared. It was supposed that the 
plague would spread eastward and perhaps cover the whole state. Governor 
Hardin called by proclamation for a day of fasting and prayer that the visitation 
might be averted. , In June the young grasshoppers took wing and in vast swarms 
moved in the direction from which those of 1874 had come — ^to the northwest. 
That was the end of the plague in Missouri. At that time the state had an 
entomological bureau at the head of which was Professor C. V. Riley, a talented 
scientist. When the alarm was greatest in the spring of 1875, ^"d Missouri 
farmers faced the possibility of famine. Professor Riley gave out a long state- 
ment, advocating the use of the grasshopper for food. 

'Tinally, in cases where, as in some parts in Kansas and Nebraska last autumn, famine 
stares the people in the face, why should not these insects be made use of as food? Though 
the question will very generally cause the reader to smile, and the idea will seem repugnant 
enough to the taste of most. I ask it in all seriousness. It is to be hoped that none of the 
people of this grand and productive country will ever be reduced to the diet of John the 
Baptist; but it should not be forgotten that the locusts may be made use of as food, that 
they are quite nutritious, and are, indeed, highly esteemed by many people. 

"I do not intend in this connection to write as essay on edible insects, though a very 
curious and startling one might be written on the subject; but I wish to insist on the fact 
that in many parts of Asia and Africa subject to locust plagues, these insects form one of 
the most common articles of food. Our own Snake and Digger Indians industriously col- 
lect them and store them for future use. Deprived of wings and legs, they arc esteemed a 
great delicacy, — fried in oil, or they are formed into cakes and dried in the sun ; sometimes 
pounded in flour, with which a kind of bread is made. 

"Love or dislike of certain animals for food is very much a matter of habit, or fashion ; 
for we esteem many things today which our forefathers either considered poisonous or 

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repulsive. There is nothing very attractive about such cold-blooded animals as turtles, 
frogs, oysters, clams, crabs, shrimps, mussels, quahaugs or scallops, until we have become 
accustomed to them. And what is there about a dish of locusts, well served up, more 
repulsive than a lot of shrimps; they feed on green vegetation and are more cleanly than 
pigs or chickens. Who can doubt but that the French during the late investment of Paris 
would have looked upon a swarm of these locusts as a manna-like blessing -from Heaven, 
and would have much preferred them to stewed rats? And why should the people of the 
West, when rendered destitute and foodless by these insects, not make the best of the 
circumstances, and guard against famine, by collecting, roasting, and gn'Jnding them to 
flour? Surely, with modern cookery, they can improve on the Digger Indians, to make a 
locust dish that shall be attractive and palatable even to those not predisposed from sharp- 
ened appetites, to judge favorably. And in any event it would pay, under such circum- 
stances, to roast and preserve them as food for poultry and hogs." 

The Locust and Honey Banquet. 

The Warrensburg News gave this account of an actual and comprehensive 
test of Professor Riley's theory of grasshopper food : 

"Yesterday afternoon, Messrs. Riley and Straight determined to test the cooked locust 
question in regard to its adaptibility as food for the human stomach. Getting wind of the 
affair and being always in haste to indulge in free feeding, we made bold to in^ude our- 
selves on our scitntific friends. We found a bounteous table spread, surrounded by the 
gentlemen named, accompanied by Mrs. Straight and Miss Maltby. Without much waste 
of ceremony there were five persons seated, and we were helped to soup, and it was good; 
after seasoning was added we could distinguish a delicate mushroom flavor, — and it was 
better. Then came batter cakes through which locusts were well mixed. The soup had 
banished silly prejudice, and sharpened our appetites for this next lesson, and batter cakes 
quickly disappeared also. Baked locusts were then tried (plain hoppers without grease or 
condiment) and either with or without accompaniments; it was pronounced an excellent 
dish. The meal was closed with a dessert a la John the Baptist, — baked locust and honey, — 
and, if we know anything, we can testify that distinguished Scripture character must have 
thrived on his rude diet in the wilderness of Judea." 

The Losses. 

Professor C. V. Riley, who was at the time state entomologist of Missouri, 
estimated the loss from the grasshopper plague in Missouri during 1875 at $15,- 
000,000. The United States geologist, F. V. Hayden, said of the losses generally : 
"We must include as a part of the effect of locust injuries the checking of immi- 
gration and the depreciation of the value of lands. So depressing, in fact, was 
this result in some. regions as to paralyze trade, put a stop to all new enterprises, 
and disthearten the communities where the suflFering was greatest." The losses on 
crops alone were estimated at $10,000,000, and the indirect loss was thought to be 
as much more. Of the Missouri counties, Jackson suffered the greatest loss, 
$2,500,000. Lafayette came next with $2,000,000 ; then Buchanan and Cass, $2,- 
000,000; Johnson, $1,500,000. Qay, Platte and Henry, $800,000 each; Andrew, 
$500,000; Bates and Qinton, $600,000 each; Gentry, $400,000; De Kalb, $200,- 
000; Holt, $300,000; St. Clair, $250,000. Other Missouri counties which sus- 
tained losses were Barton, Benton, Caldwell, Harrison, Jasper, Newton, Pettis, 
Ray, Vernon, Worth. The estimates "are those given in Professor Riley's report. 

Missouri had had grasshopper invasions but nothing to compare with the 
visitation of 1875. As early as 1820 a grasshopper plague in Missouri was re- 
ported. The account given said, 'They came in the autumn by millions, devour- 

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ing every g^een thing, but too late to do much harm. They liten^Uy filled the 
earth with their eggs, and then died. The next spring they hatched out, destroy- 
ing the cotton, hemp, flax, wheat and tobacco crops but the com escaped unin- 
jured. About the middle of June they disappeared, flying off in a southeast di- 

In 1866, the grasshoppers appeared in Missouri to such ^n extent that "they 
were often so thick that trains were seriously delayed on account df the immense 
numbers crushed on the track." On the plague of 1875, Professor Riley re- 
ported : 

An Official Report. 

"Serious and distressing as were the ravages of this insect in 1874, when the winged 
swarms overswept several of the western states, and poured into our western counties in 
the fall, the injury and suffering that ensued were as naught in Missouri, compared to 
what resulted from the unfledged myriads which hatched out in the spring of 1875. The 
greatest damage extended over a strip twenty-five miles each side of the Missouri river, 
from Omaha to Kansas City, and then extending south to the southwestern limit of Mis- 
souri. Early in May the reports from the locust districts of the state were very con- 
flicting. The insects were confined to within short radii of their hatching grounds. The 
season was propitious, and where the insects did not occur ever3rthing promised well. A3 
the month drew more and more to a close, the insects extended the area of destruction, 
and the alarm became general. By the end of the month the non-timbered portions of the 
middle western counties were as bare as in winter. Here and there patches of amarantus 
blitem and a few jagged stalks of milk-weed served to relieve the monotony. An occasional 
out-field, or low piece of prairie, would also remain green; but with these exceptions one 
might travel for days by buggy and find ever3rthing eaten off, even to underbrush in the 
woods. The suffering was great and the people well nigh disheartened. Cattle and stock 
of all kinds, except hogs and poultry, were driven away to the more favored counties, and 
relief committees were organized. Many families left the state under the influence of 
temporary panic and the unnecessary forebodings and exaggerated statements of the pessi- 
mists. Chronic loafers and idlers even made some trouble and threatened to seize the 
goods and property of the well-to-do. Relief was, however, carried on energetically, and 
with few exceptions, no violence occurred. Early in June,. the insects began to leave; the 
farmers began replanting with a will. As the month advanced, the prospects brightened, 
and by the Fourth of July, the whole country presented a green and thrifty appearance 

The next year the counties which had suffered in 1875 raised unusually good 
crops. There was another invasion in 1876, but it was on a smaller scale, and in a 
quarter that had not suffered severely the previous year. Furthermore, the grass- 
hoppers in this second invasion came later in the year when the crops were so 
well advanced that they did not do so much damage. 

The Day of Pasting and Prayer. 

Farmers fought the grasshoppers by digging miles of trenches around fields. 
They made great fires hoping that the drifting heat and smoke would save the 
yoimg crops. Nothing availed however, according to the current reports, until 
Governor Hardin's proclamation was generally observed on the 3rd day of June. 
''On the very next day heavy rains set in. Up to that time the long continued 
drought had been general in Missouri. After the proclamation and its observance 
the rains became heavy and frequent. The grasshoppers began to go about June 
Vol. n— IT 

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II. A strong southwest wind drove them forth into the interior of the state, but 
in a day or two, the wind swept to the east and by the 15th the pests were en- 
tirely gone." 

State l^slatures in the sections afflicted with the "plague of locusts" took 
prompt action. Missouri passed a law providing a bounty of a dollar a bushel for 
grasshoppers caught in March ; fifty cents for those taken in April and twenty- 
five cents a bushel for the May crop. A bounty of five dollars a bushel for 
grasshopper eggs was payable at any time of the year. Nebraska made all road 
overseers grasshopper policemen with authority to call out every man between 
sixteen and sixty to give two days to the killing of grasshoppers in the hatching 

Professor Riley's conclusion was that these Rocky Mountain locusts as he 
named them were produced in the higher altitudes of Utah, Idaho, Colorado, 
Wyoming, Montana, Northwest Dakota and British America. "It breeds in all 
this region but particularly in the vast hot and dry plains and plateaus of the last 
mentioned territories." 

He said that driven by hunger these locusts rose in great swarms and if 
carried by winds favorable to them they reached the Missouri valley. There they 
could reproduce for two or three seasons but not longer. The change from the 
altitudes of 6,000 to 7,000 feet to the more humid and dense atmosphere Was un- 
healthy and the locusts died out rapidly. * 

A BlisBonrian'B Contributions to Science. 

While Professor Riley obtained considerable notoriety from his suggestion 
of the use of grasshoppers for food, that was only an incident in a notable career 
as a scientist. Riley established in St. Louis a periodical, the American Entomolo- 
gist, which took world-wide rank. His associate in th^ scientific enterprise was 
Benjamin D. Walsh. During a period of eight years Professor Riley held the 
ofKce of state entomologist for Missouri. His discoveries respecting the potato bug 
or Colorado beetle, the grasshopper or Rocky Mountain locust to use the more 
specific name of the dread of the farmers in the seventies, the cotton worm, the 
grape scourge or phylloxera, were highly important. His reports on these at- 
tracted attention to him and to Missouri as a field of scientific research of the most 
beneficial character. The United States government sent for Professor Riley and 
made him the head of the entomological division of the department of agricul- 
ture. The French government bestowed upon the talented Missourian a gold 
medal when he showed them that by grafting their vines on the hardier Ameri- 
can roots they could stop the ravages of phylloxera. In a single year over 
14,000,000 cuttings of American vines recommended by Professor Riley were 
exported to France. Coming down from his suburban home in Washington to 
his office. Professor Riley was thrown from his bicycle and received fatal 

Tke Barony of Ariiona. 

A Missourian, James Addison Reavis, created a fictitious grant of 13,000,000 
acres including the best of Arizona. He was twenty years in constructing the 
most marvelous land fraud of this generation. He forged archives and records 

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Inventor of the fraudulent Peralta land grant 


The corn meal batter was put on a slab which was placed at an angle in the fireplace 

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in three countries. He created, by imagination, a noble Spanish family and 
carried the descent,, lineal and collateral, through two centuries. He even found 
a portrait gallery to fit the history of the mythical Peraltas. He discovered on 
a railroad train the lost heiress to the Barony of Arizona, and married her. He 
conducted in person the most remarkable trial that has been known in recent 
years. When he was sent to jail he invited the warden to dine with him. He 
hired the foremost lawyers of the United States on contingent contracts, and 
, induced them to advance him money on his prospective success. He victimized 
the smartest lobbyists in Washington. He put on stripes with the air of a 
martyr. But he wrote a letter from the penitentiary to Matthew G. Rejmolds, 
the representative of the government who uncovered the fraud and convicted 
him. In that letter Reavis professed repentance. He said that in the solitude 
of his cell he had come to an appreciation of his errors. He felt that, instead 
of owing a grudge, he could esteem Mr. Reynolds as an instrument in the hands 
of Providence to bring him to a realization of what he had done. He declared 
his intention to lead a different life. 

Government officials estimated that the losses through the Peralta claim 
were as much as $500,000. Large sums Were paid by Arizona people to clear 
their titles to lands supposed to be covered by the alleged grant. In a variety 
of ways money was advanced by eastern capitalists who expected to realize 
handsomely when the claim was sustained. - ^Prominent lawyers gave months 
to the litigation with large fees contingent on success. A suit was instituted by 
some of these lawyers in the Court of Qaims at Washington. It was against 
the United States for between $5,000,000 and $6,000,000 'damages. The govern- 
ment had sold hundreds of thousands of acres within the limits of the Peralta 
grant. The suit was to recover for Reavis all that the government had received 
from settlers. In support of it many depositions were taken in California, 
Arizona and elsewhere. With the collection of alleged Spanish documents made 
by Reavis the evidence of living witnesses made up a case to which the United 
States could find no answer. It seemed as if on the statement which could 
not be disproven, the court must give the enormous judgment in favor of Reavis. 

At this crisis Congress enacted the law creating a court to pass on private 
land claims, espe,cially these old Spanish grants in the Southwest. The field 
was a large one, for there were many of these grants more or less vague. But 
what moved Congress especially at the time to take action was the dangerous 
position the Peralta claim had reached. The court was formed. Reavis came 
forward with his documents and depositions. The case was more than made. 
Statements of living witnesses not -only dovetailed together, but they were cor- 
roborative in the most wonderful manner of the elaborate array of alleged 
Spanish documents which Reavis had gathered in support of the claim. 

But Reavis had more testimony. He visited Los Angeles and rounded up a 
lot of new witnesses whose evidence was all to the same general effect. He 
produced so much testimony that there seemed to be no limit to it This was 
characteristic of the life work of Reavis. The claimant was indefatigable. 
Before the surveyor general of Arizona years ago the Peralta grant looked 
formidable. But at frequent intervals the claimant had come forward with 
additional material. Sometimes it was an entirely new batch of documents he 

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produced with a story of discovery among the archives of Spain or Mexico. 
At other times living witnesses were found, who, with marvelous memories, 
recalled persons and circumstances which fitted into the story. Something like 
a climax to the long run of luck was reached, however, when the baroness pre- 
sented her proud husband with twins. At least Reavis produced two babies 
and proclaimed it .was a case of twins. By a curious process of reasoning, he 
insisted that this was strongly corroborative of the alleged Peralta record which 
made his wife a twin. He had a great celebration at the christening and invited 
to it the judges and officials of the court of private land claims, sending to them 
cards printed in gilt. The babies, Reavis called "sons of the golden West." He j 
made much of the twin business as evidence of his wife's Peralta lineage. It 
was after this that the eminent lawyers who had gone into the litigation with 
zeal began to draw out quietly. Reavis said it was because they couldn't under- 
stand the case. The lawyers offered no explanations, but they all left him, and 
when, after his lifetime of preparation, the trial came, the claimant stood alone 
in court, without a solitary legal representative. 

Colonel Rickey's Philosophic Explanation. 

Joseph K. Rickey, shrewd and experienced Missourian that he was. came 
under the spell of Reavis. After the exposure and before the confession of 
Reavis, Col. Rickey gave this account of the inception and wide ramifications 
of the fraud: 

"My first acquaintance with the Peralta claim was made through the widow of Dr. 
Willing of Callaway county. Dr. Willing had, as he supposed, bought the grant from the 
heir, but it afterwards transpired that the party from whom he acquired his title was only 
one of the family and not the actual heir. Mrs. Willing came to me for assistance in the 
matter. In the meantime Reavis took hold of it. This was in 1868 or 1869. He worked 
at it for years; threw himself into it, and went West to find out all of the details. There, 
as everyone knows, he met the supposed baroness and lineal heir to the vast estate. She 
afterwards became his wife. 

"Out of friendship for Mrs. Willing I got Colonel Broadhead to investigate the Peralta 
grant. This was, I think, in 1880. Colonel Broadhead had then never seen Reavis. He, 
after examination, thought it a good case. At that time, however, there was no court in 
existence which could try the issue. This is where I became really interested. I helped to 
secure by legislation the establishment of the temporary private land court, before which 
all such cases could be tried. I also put some money into it — not a great deal, but several 
thousand dollars. Cplonel Broadhead was convinced on Mrs. Willing's statement that the 
Peralta grant was itself valid; the only question was as to the rightful heir to it. 

"Sometime, about 1883 or 1884, Reavis organized a stock company to push the claim. 
It was capitalized at $50,000,000. The stock was never put on the market, but blocks of it 
were issued to those who had advanced money. The company was formed under the laws 
of New Jersey. Robert G. IngersoU was president, and among those heavily concerned was 
the Southern Pacific railroad. In all, I should think, from $200,000 to $300,000 was thus 
invested. I thought in those days it would be worth dollar for dollar, but I have ceased to 
trouble about it. I really don't know whether or not Reavis was or is aware of the fraud 
in the case. He went into it originally in good faith, and I am inclined to believe ke acted 
in good faith all along. A« far as I am concerned, I embarked in the enterprise because 
I thought it a good thing. I am out a few thousand dollars and lots of time, and I have 
abandoned all thought of recovering an3rthing. Reavis lost nothing by marrying Miss 
Tread way, or Dona Sofia. She is a good woman, and has made him a good wife. She 

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has several times visited my house at Washington, aiid I formed a high opinion of her. 
She certainly looks like a Spaniard. 

"The special court was created four years ago, and will soon go out of existence, 
then the Peralta claim will be a memory of the past. It was a grand thing while it lasted 
It reads more like a romance than like reality. The land involved included the best part of 
Arizona, with all the water rights, taking in the town of Phoenix and the famous Silver 
King mine. Of course, Reavis reserved much of the stock for Jiimself, but he distributed 
the rest to those who helped him. He staked Werything he had on the success of the case. 
Until Attorney Reynolds made his discoveries we all thought we had a bonanza. Knowing 
Mr. Reynolds, however, to be a man of indisputable reliability, I saw all was up when he 
announced the result of his investigations. Reavis has lost every cent he had in the 
world. He was always an improvident fellow. All the lawyers once interested have re- 
tired from the case, atid Reavis now stands up alone, fighting every inch of ground with 
the courage of despair." 

Colonel Broadhead's Statement. 

James O. Broadhead, who obtained a leave of absence and came home from 
Switzerland, expecting to resign his place of United States minister and try 
this case, had in sight, it is said, a fee of $500,000. When he wsLs informed 
of the developments on the part of the counsel ,for the government he decided 
to retain the diplomatic position and cut loose from the Peralta grant. In a 
letter Mr. Broadhead said he went into the case on the strength of what the 
documents shown him by Reavis purported to be. He had no means of verify- 
ing them. He knew that if they were authentic Reavis had a perfect case, and 
he had no reason then to doubt their genuineness. Colonel Broadhead's con- 
nection with the case was undoubtedly honest. His high reputation gave the 
Peralta claim a certain standing which induced investments in it. Letters 
received from various parts of the country showed that shrewd men had invested 
considerable sums of money, impressed with the belief that there must be hon- 
esty in it if Colonel Broadhead was attorney for it. 

One after another the eminent lawyers retained by Reavis withdrew from 
any connection with the Peralta grant. The last to give it up was Mr. Knaebel, 
of Denver, who stood in the foremost rank at the Colorado bar. Mr. Knaebel, 
according to common report, had a contract with Reavis by which he was to 
receive $25,000 a year for five years and a, percentage of the expected judgment 
against the United States, which would have yielded him $250,000. Yet Mr. 
Knaebel, after the taking of testimony in Mexico and California by the govern- 
ment, refused to have his name further connected with the case. 

The Victims of Reavis. 

The ramifications of this fraud were country-wide. The victims of Reavis 
were . scattered from Pennsylvania . to California. Two letters came into the 
possession of the counsel for the government. One was from J. R. McMurran 
of Philadelphia addressed to William McGeorge, Jr., of the same city. It 
revealed the impression which the Missourian had been able to make upon 
eastern capitalists. 

"By reason of your great familiarity with land titles," Mr. McMurran wrote, 
"and especially because of your long experience in passing upon many of the 
large and important land grants of the United States, I have been advised to 

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secure your aid in establishing the title to probably the lai^est and most im- 
portant of these/* 

After rehearsing briefly the history of the Peralta claim as told by Reavis, 
Mr. McMurran continued: 

"Hon. James O. Broadhead, present minister to Switzerland, and probably the greatest 
specialist in the United States on Spanish and Mexican land titles, and Hon. Philip B. 
Thompson, of Washington, have active charge of the interests of the owners of property. 
They both state tmqualifiedly that they have examined with great care the archives and 
muniments of title, and pronounce the title perfect in the representative of Peralta. Last 
spring, Colonel Broadhead went to San Francisco and took the testimony establishing the 
identity of the present claimant, Mrs. Peralta-Reavis. Judge Reed, the chief justice of the 
court of private land claims, and Mr. Reynolds, the attorney for the government, sat with 
Colonel Broadhead when this evidence was taken, and they all agreed that the heirship 
of Mrs. Reavis was clearly established. The title has been carefully examined by some 
of the most prominent attorneys of the country; among others, by Harvey S. Brown, coun- 
sel for the Central Pacific railroad, who advised his company that the grant was good and 
bona fide, and under his advice the company some years ago paid the owners $50,000 for the 
'right of way* of the Southern Pacific railroad across the grant and to relinquish their 
interest in the townsite of Maricopa. I have made a careful examination of the entire 
matter myself, and, as far as I am able to conclude, the title is perfect." 

Mr. McMurran went on to say he had been authorized to place 2,000,000 
acres of the grant at twenty cents an acre. For this the sum of fifteen cents 
an acre was to be paid on subscription and the remainder, five cents an acre, 
after the court rendered the decree confirming the grant. In explaining the 
magnificent opportunity for profitable speculation, Mr. McMurran added: 
"About 1,000,000 acres can be put in thorough irrigation for about four dollars 
an acre; it will then be worth from $100 to $150 an acre. The suit is to be 
tried next May, and it is the opinion of all attorneys connected with it that it 
cannot be lost. There has already been about one-quarter of $1,000,000 
expended in the work of estabHshing the title, and twenty-five years of the life- 
time of a very capable man, who has worked at infinite peril to himself in attain- 
ing what has thus far been secured." 

The other letter was from Mr. McGeorge. It was addressed to a friend, and 
strongly advised the investment. Mr. McGeorge began by saying that he had 
all his life been prejudiced against putting money into such schemes, because of 
the uncertainty of title, the probable delay in litigation and the possible injus- 
tice to actual settlers. He wrote: 

"When the proposition was first made to me I was disposed to decline it, but having 
carefully examined the documentary evidence, and subsequently having exhaustively gone 
over the case with Hon. Philip B. Thompson, who has devoted so much time and spent so 
much money working it up, I was compelled to admit that these objections did not exist 
in this case. There was no uncertainty in the title, because it was derived from royal 
grant, and the existing massive ruins of 'Casa Grande' and the later 'Casa Blanca' furnish 
monumental evidence of actual and long-continued possession by the original grantees. In 
view of all these circumstances, therefore, there being no legal, or moral, or even senti- 
mental objection to joining in this arrangement to provide the funds for enabling the 
actual, and honest, and vigilant, and persevering claimants to maintain their rights, I have 
no hesitation in recommending that those who are willing and able to engage in such an 
enterprise should do so and reap the rich reward offered." 

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It came to the knowledge of the counsel for the government that a variety 
of schemes was advanced with this Peralta claim as the basis. A woman of 
means in the State of Washington wrote to the clerk of the court of private 
land claims enclosing a most amazing document. On the outside was a well- 
executed cut of Chief Justice Reed on the bench handing down to Reavis some- 
thing on which was printed the word "Decree." Within the sheet was a printed 
copy of the order of the court in involved and technical verbiage permitting Reavis 
to file an amendment to his petition. It was a formality and bore no relation 
to the considerati9n of the claim by the court. The inference an inexperienced 
person would naturally draw was that the court had done something of great 
advantage to the claimant. Some might even conclude from the picture and the 
language that the case had been won and the grant confirmed. The woman 
wrote in considerable alarm. It appeared that she had advanced inoney on the 
grant and expected to put in more. But she had shbwn this picture and the 
order to a lawyer. He had told her it was not a decree and had advised her to 
write to the clerk about it. This Washington woman represented only one class 
of investors. Some of the shrewdest business men in Kansas City, Topeka and 
other Missouri Valley cities wrote confidentially to officers of the court, mak- 
ing inquiries as to the status of the case and the probable safety of their invest- 
ments. A brokerage 'firm in San Francisco had $15,000 at stake. A San Fran- 
cisco paper had been convinced all along that this was a bona fide grant. Denver 
men were into it. Wilson. Waddingham, who placed the Maxwell grant in Eng- 
land and who was at the head of some great irrigation and development enter- 
prises in the Southwest, at one time stood ready to invest heavily on the repre- 
sentations of Reavis. For a considerable period Reavis maintained offices in 
the Mills building in NeSv York. Alluring statements as to the prospects of 
early realization on the Peralta claim brought a rich harvest. 

The Confession of the Claimant. 

After serving his sentence Reavis wrote a confession. He said: "I am of 
Scotch- Welsh antecedents with a traditional Spanish extraction in the remote 
generations. Three of my great grandparents fought in the Revolution. I was 
reared in Henry county, Mo. In May, 1861, at the age of eighteen, I enlisted 
in the Confederate army, and during my life as a soldier committed my first 
crime. I forged an order, and, being successful in this, I raised a furlough, and 
before this expired I surrendered to the Union forces. After the war I worked 
as a street car conductor, but subsequently opened a real estate office in St. Louis. 
I was successful in forging a title to sustain a tax title to some valuable land I 
had bought, not knowing the title was imperfect. But these are incidents in 
which there is little interest. However, success in these early evils sowed the 
seed that later sprang forth into the most gigantic fraud of this century. 

"The plan to secure the Peralta grant and defraud the government out of 
land valued at $100,000,000 was not conceived in a day. It was the result of a 
series of crimes extending over nearly a score of years. At first the stake was 
small, but it grew and grew in magnitude until even I sometimes was appalled 
at the thought of the possibilities. I was playing a game which to win meant 
greater wealth than that of a Gould or a Vanderbilt. My hand constantly gained 

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strength, noted men pleaded my cause, and unlimited capital was at my com- 
mand. My opponent was the government, and I baffled its agents at every turn. 
Gradually I became absolutely confident of success. As I neared the verge of 
the triumph I was exultant and sure. Until the very moment of my downfall 
I gave no thought to failure. But my sins found me out and as in the twinkle 
of an eye I saw the millions which had seemed already in my grasp fade away 
and heard the courts doom me to a prison cell. 

"Now I am growing old and the thing hangs upon me like a nightmare until 
I am driven to make a clean breast of it all, that I may end my days in peace." 

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Battle of the Everglades—The Gentry Family— When the State Compelled Military Service— 
Benton's Mexican Plan— A Political Ballad of '46—Missourians Start for Mexico With- 
out Orders— The Army of the West— Doniphan's Marching and Fighting-Sterling 
Price's Memorable Part — The Revolt of the Pueblos— Sergeant Drescher's Ride for 
Mercy — Execution of the Revolutionists — The Battle at Rosalia — William Cullen Bryant^s 
Tribute to Doniphan's Expedition — New Mexico Annexed by Kearny — The Doniphan- 
Hall Legislature— New Mexico's Territorial Birth — Doniphan's Tribute to His Men 
— The Nerve of the Rangers — Homeward Bound — A Missouri Welcome — Long Live 
Governor Lane — The Historic Brass Cannon from Mexico — Troubles on the Kansas 
Border— John Brown's Invasion of Missouri — William Hyde, War Correspondent — The 
' Southwest Expedition — Trophies of the Civil War—Shelby's Stoty of His Expedition — 
Wh(U Lincoln Planned for the Confederates — Negotiations with Maximilian — Missouri 
and the War with Spain — Bland, Dockery and Cochran — Sedalia's Object Lesson in' 
Loyalty — Grant and Doniphan on Mexico — Mullanphy and the Cotton Bales — The Amer- 
ican Spirit in Upper Louisiana — George Rogers Clark's Tribute-^Francis Vigo, the 
Patriot— Battle of Pencour—The British Plans to Take the Mississippi Valley—St 
Louis in the American Revolution — Captain BeausoleU's Expedition, 

And this is Colonel Doniphan, who made the wild march against the Comanches and Mexicans. Vou 
are the only man I ever met whose appearance came up to my prior expectations. — President Lincoln t0 
Doniphan at the White House, 

A few days before Martin Van Buren was inaugurated in 1837, he talked 
to Senator Benton about the trouble the Seminoles were giving in Florida. 
Missouri's Indian problems had been settled so successfully and so easily that 
public men at Washington had often marveled. The President-elect sought an 
opinion from the senator as to what should be done with the Florida situation 
which was grave. 

"If the Seminoles had Missourians to deal' with their stay would be short 
in Florida," the senator said. 

Mr. Van Buren asked Mr. Benton if he thought Missourians could do better 
in Florida than the regular army had done. 

The senator said he certainly did think so, and told why. There the con- 
versation ended. After the inauguration bustle had passed by President Van 
Buren one day asked Senator Benton if it was practicable to get Missourians 
to go to Florida and make a campaign against the Seminoles. 

"The Missourians will go wherever their services are needed," was Senator 
Benton's reply. 

Thereupon the United States government did the extraordinary thing of 
calling upon the governor of Missouri for two regiments of mounted men to 

267 . 

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go to Florida and fight the Seminoles. The governor issued the call^ and the 
rough riders and scouts of the Missouri valley headed by General Richard 
Gentry, Colonel John W. Price and Major William H. Hughes, twelve or four- 
teen hundred strong, came marching into St. Louis. They camped at Jefferson 
Barracks. Benton made a speech. Men and horses required several steamboats 
for transportation. They were taken to New Orleans, and thence to Tampa 
Bay. On the gulf a storm drove some of the vessels aground. Many of the 
horses were lost. The Missourians got ashore, and under the direction of Gen- 
eral Zachary Taylor marched into the Everglades. At Okee-cho-bee lake they 
found the whole body of Seminoles under Sam Jones, Tiger Tail, Alligator and 
Mycanopee. The Missourians fought on foot. They depended upon the tactics 
and knowledge of Indian character which had never failed them. Gentry, shot 
through the body, and fatally wounded, kept his feet for an hour directing the 
movements of his men. The victory over the Seminoles was complete, but the 
ranks of the Missourians were decimated. * Early in the following year, the 
object of the campaign having been accomplished, the Missourians returned to 
St. Louis. 

The Fighting Oentarjs. 

The Gentrys came to Missouri from Kentucky in 1816 after Richard Gentry 
had served in the war of 181 2. They passed on to the Boone's Lick country 
where the head of the family participated in laying out Columbia, the county 
seat of Boone. The Gentrys were of Kentucky fighting stock. They "had no 
fear of man, or beast, the British redcoats or the savage Indian," according to 
one of a later generation. After the war of 1812 several Gentrys came to Mis- 
souri. They were some of the nineteen children of the Richard Gentry who 
fought in the Revolution. Richard Gentry, best known in Missouri history as 
General Dick Gentry, came in 1816, passed through St. Louis and sought the 
famc^us Boone's Lick country. He made one of the welcoming speeches when 
the first steamboat reached Old Franklin, was one of the founders of Columbia, 
voted for Benten, served in the state militia as captain, colonel and major- 
general, made trips over the Santa Fe Trail, and raised the regiment of rangers 
which he commanded in the Seminole war. The Missouri rangers carried a 
silk flag presented to them by the patriotic women of Columbia. On the flag 
was painted: 

"Gird, gird, for the conflict, our banner wave high. 
For our country we live, for our country we die." 

Boone county contributed five of the companies of rangers which went to 
Florida to fight the Seminoles. The captains were Thomas D. Grant, David M. 
Hickman, Sinclair Kirtley, Elijah P. Dale ^nd. Michael Woods. 

Mrs. Richard Gentry was the first woman put in charge of a postoffice. She 
performed the duties at Columbia more than thirty years, holding commissions 
under nine Presidents. The appointment was obtained by Senator Benton as a 
partial recognition of the services of General Richard Gentry in the Everglades. 

Gentrys have been in every war fought on American soil. The Missouri 
Gentrys were in the Black Hawk as well as the Seminole war. They were in . 

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Commander of the Missourians in the Semi- 
nole war 

Who financed the organizations of Mis- 
sourians volunteering for the Mexican 

The St. Louis merchant who financed Gen- 
eral George Rogers Clark's expedition 
against Vincennes and *'Hair Buyer" 
Hamilton in th« Revolutionary war. 


Commander of Kaskaskia and Vincennes 


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THI U^' T.M^ 


ni3«w i^yNiiLTioxt- 

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Mexico. They fought on both sides in the Civil war. N. H. Gentry was on the 
Confederate side and fell at Wilson's Creek. Captain Henry Clay Gentry was 
on the Federal side and captured Gen. Jeff Thompson, the swamp fox of South- 
east Missouri fame. A president of the Hannibal' & St Joseph railroad was 
Joshua Gentry. There have been Gentrys in the pulpits of both Baptist and 
Christian churches. The historian, Thomas Benton Gentry, in what he called 
"a confidential talk to the Gentry family," said a few years ago: 'They have 
made good soldiers, good preachers and teachers, good lawyers, good legislators, 
good surgeons, good county court judges, good civil engineers, good justices of 
the peace, good city councilmen, good road overseers, good jurors and good 
citizens generally." 

And then he cautioned the Gentrys '''not to think of ourselves more highly 
than we ought to think, but soberly." He reminded his relatives that "we have 
never yet furnished this country with a President, a cabinet dficer, a United 
States senator, a governor, or a federal judge." And then he lectured briefly 
and excellently on eugenics-: 

'The secret is, my dear relatives, we hav4j not paid v^qough attention to education, and 
to keeping up and improving our stock. Our young womefif are often too thoughtless in 
the matter of selecting partners for life. 'And our men when not engaged in war have been 
busy with their farms, their stock raising, their fine horses, cattle, sheep and hogs and money 
making, and have too much neglected educa1i6ri»'ari9 cultivation of the intellect. I most 
earnestly call your attention to these matters, afid 'a§ a brofher Urge you henceforth to be 
exceedingly careful and wise in the contracting of matrimonial alliances. Choose none but 
the very best stock, and then with the proper education and training, you may expect to 
raise statesmen, orators, great preachers, lawyers, inventors, and men of genius, as well 
as the well balanced, solid farmer and man of business. The early training of your children 
is a most important matter. You cannot be too careful to teach and train them with the high- 
est standards of morality and religion." 

The BUIitia Law. 

Missouri's militia law in early days required all able bodied men between 
eighteen and forty-five to organize in companies and elect captains. Battalions, 
regiments, brigades and divisions were formed with majors, colonels, brigadier- 
generals and major-generals. Once a month the company mustered in each 
township. Semi-annually the battalions were formed and drilled at the most 
convenient places. Yearly the regiment of the county was called together at the 
county seat. The regulations required all who had arms to bring them in good 
order to the muster. ^ Those who had no arms drilled with sticks. The officers 
were compelled to buy their own uniforms, the honor of election by their com- 
mands and of commissions from the governor being considered sufficient induce- 
ment to do this. Under the operation of this law every Missourian learned 
something of the tactics and every part of Missouri acquired a fine assortment 
of men with military titles. Courts martial were held to try officers and men 
for failure to attend drills. The general muster at the county seat was the great 
day of the year. About the time of the Mexican war the militia establishment 
of the state became tmwieldy. There were too many colonels. The privates 
grew tired of the muster calls. The legislature repealed the law. 

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nissoiiriaiis in the Texas Struggle. 

No other part of the United States had such close ties with Texas as did 
Missouri. Even before it had obtained statehood, Missourians in colonies were 
migrating to the land of unlimited range and no taxes. The Austins were 
leaders in the movement. It is tradition that a Menard founded Galveston. 
Flint in his travels about 1818 found many Missourians talking about emigra- 
tion to Texas. 

During weeks of suspense in 1838 all St. Louis excitedly watched for boats 
from New Orleans. A crowd flocked to the levee to meet each arrival. "What's 
the news from Texas?" was the eager question. In the fight for Lone Star 
independence St. Louis had more than the interest of a city of the American 
republic. Members of St. Louis families, scores of them, had settled in Texas 
while it was under the Mexican flag. Austin had led a colony from Missouri. 
At the opening of hostilities forty young men had gone from St. Louis to help 
the Texans establish independence. Boat after boat brought bad news. At 
Goliad there had been slaughter. Houston was retreating, i;etreating with his 
front to the enemy. He was covering the flight of. the fugitive women and 
children from Western Texas. He was nearing the San Jacinto. A Mexican 
army, three times as large as that of the Texans, was pressing eastward. That 
was the situation on which the interest and impatience of St. Louis reached the 
crisis. The levee swarmed when the next New Orleans boat came in. A man 
with a broad brimmed hat leaned forward from the deck and waving his hand 
shouted : 

"Sam Houston has whipped Santa Anna and got him a prisoner." 

Did they che^r? One who was there said that joy coming so suddenly upon 
anxiety, the first response was a great "Ah!" of relief. The throng pressed 
forward for details. Texas was free. The Mexican leader was a prisoner. 
His army had gone back to Mexico. St. Louisians had given good account of 
themselves in the fighting. Then came the cheering. "Hurrah for Steve Aus- 
tin!" "Hurrah for Sam Houston!" "Hurrah for Texas!" And they sang: 

"When every other land forsakes us, 
This is the land that freely takes us." 

The lid of suspense was oflf. St. Louis celebrated the good news far into the 

In the 1844 Presidential campaign the burning issue with Missouri was im- 
mediate annexation of Texas. Polk, who was committed to that policy, carried 
the state by 10,000 over Clay, who owned land in Missouri, visited here and was 
very popular. There were few of the old Missouri families which did not have 
representatives in Texas. • 

Benton's Plan to Avert War. 

Benton believed in 1846 he could settle quickly the trouble with Mexico. His 
proposition was that he be made lieutenant-general in command of all forces and 
that he be given $3,000,000 to obtain peace. The proposition met with favor to 
the extent that the Missouri senator was given the commission of major-general. 
General Winfidd Scott was a whig. The Benton movement was political on the 

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part of the democrats who feared that whigs might gain prestige by the war 
and that Scott might become a successful candidate for President. Congress 
failed to give the higher rank. Benton refused to serve under Scott and resigned 
his commission. He blamed members of Polk's cabinet for the failure of his 
plan and charged them with personal jealousy of him. The whole affair was 
* made the subject of a ballad by D. Edward Hodges of New York. 

"There was a inan, so runs the story, 

A Senator from far Misso'ri, 

Who, as a soldier, fain would go 

To try his luck in Mexico; 

And oh ! the way he raved and went on 

As if grim death or vict'ry bent on. 

"And so it chanced, that Congress kind. 

Would not do all to suit his mind; 

But, after votes which seem'd quite funny. 

They granted much, in men and money. * 

Then, oh! the way he raved and went on. 

This Senator, brave Mister Benton. 

. "Next, a commission was made out. 
To put the Mexicans to rout; 
By which our Senator became 
A major gen'ral, seeking fame; 
And lo! th' executive intent on 
Further exalting Gen'ral Benton. 

'To 'conquer peace,' it was agreed 
That he some other force would need 
That that of cannon, bullet, bomb; 
And so was furnish'd quite a sum; 
Dollars three millions to be spent on 
Buying a peace, by Gen'ral Benton. 

"All being ready, surely now 

Th* ambassador had made his'bow; 

Then off, his duties to fulfill, 

By means of powder, purse or quill, 

But no; he stops, as though not sent on, 

He stops, brave Major Gen'ral Benton! 

"'Old Zach,' and Gen'ral Butler, too. 
And Patterson, have naught to do; 
All three, their victories forgot. 
Must homeward hie with Gen'ral Scott; 
And not a soul of them pitch tent on 
The battle field with Gen'ral Benton. 

"Nay; but we are not quite such fools 
As to give up such glorious tools. 
Benton had urged, but urged in vain. 
And then resigned, in furious pain. 
And how he storm'd, and raved, and went on, 
Ex-Major Gen'ral, Mister Benton! 
Vol. n— 18 

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"A Senator, behold him now, ^ 

No martial honors on his brow; 

His late commission cancell'd, done; 

No treaty made, no vict'ry won. 

In ages past, was ever gent on 

Earth, half so brave as Mister Benton?" 

The Mexican War. 

When General E. P. Gaines in the spring of 1846, thought old Rough and 
Ready Taylor needed reinforcements on the Mexican border and called for 
volunteers, Missouri had a regiment of 650 men on the way within two weeks. 
The government at Washington did not approve the act of General Gaines. The 
Missourians were sent back after three months service. But the enthusiasm 
with which Missourians went into the Mexican war was irresistible. It ignored 
red tape. After the crack Legion had marched down Olive street to take the big 
steamer Convoy for New Orleans, Lucas Market place became the scene of 
more recruiting and mobilizing. Benton wrote from Washington that the "Army 
of the West" was to be organized to march overland to New Mexico. Then 
came the order to Stephen Watts Kearny to get together at Leavenworth 300 
United States dragoons and 1,000 mounted volunteers, the rough riders of 1846. 
St. Louis was not asked to furnish any part of the Army of the West. Thomas 
B. Hudson and Richard S. Elliott, two young lawyers, began to organize a com- 
pany of 100 mounted men. They called them the Laclede Rangers. As soon 
as the ranks were full the Rangers were sworn in as a state organization, uni- 
formed and mounted. Samuel Treat, Charles Keemle, Joseph M. Field and 
Peter W. Johnson took the officers down to "the Empire," on Third and Pine 
streets and presented to them swords. No commissions had come, but the 
Laclede Rangers marched on board the Pride of the West and started up the 
Missouri to join Kearny. As the boat passed Jefferson City, the state com- 
missions for the officers were sent on board. When the St. Louisans reached 
Leavenworth, there was no provision for their reception. General Kearny 
ordered that quarters be provided and that the command be sworn in at day- 
light. But no rations were issued. There was grumbling until Captain Hudson 
made a speech. He talked of the patriotism which had prompted the recruiting, 
of the rapid organization, of the trip up the river, of the acceptance of the com- 
' pany by General Kearny as a part of the "Army of the West" and he concluded : 
"Yes, we shall knock at the gates of Santa Fe, as Ethan Allen knocked at the 
gates of Ticonderoga, and to the question, *Who is there,' we shall reply, *Open 
these gates in the name of the great Jehovah and the Laclede Rangers!' But 
suppose the fellows inside should call out, 'Are you the same Laclede Rangers 
who went whining around Fort Leavenworth in search of a supper?'" The 
Rangers gave the captain a mighty shout, rolled in their blankets and went to 
sleep supperless. 

The Rangers from St. Louis made such an impression on General Kearpy 
that he made them a part of the regiment of dragoons. They were turned 
over to a young lieutenant to be drilled and made fit for regular troopers, grad- 
uates of the "school of the soldier." This lieutenant was Andrew Jackson 

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Of Mexican war and California expedition 




Commander of Doniphan's expedition in 

the Mexican war 

Marching through the Jornado del Muerto, ''The Journey of Death" 

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Smith, who became a major-general in the Civil war — "Old A. J." — settled in 
St. Louis and held office in the city government for some years. 

Colonel Robert Campbell's activities did not stop with the shipping of the 
Laclede Rangers to Kearny. The recruiting and the drilling on the open coun- 
try around Lucas Market, as Twelfth street was to be known for half a century, 
went on. There was no market. Mr. Lucas had built the long narrow brick 
structure down the center of the wide space, but the city's growth had not 
reached Twelfth street. The country was open all aroimd the market house, 
except for a row of dw^ellings in course of construction on Olive street. St. 
Louis had sent her old and well drilled militia, the Legion and her Laclede 
Rangers. The city now offered artillery. Two companies, each loo strong, 
the first captained by Richard H. Weightman, and the second by Waldemar 
Fischer, were accepted, with Meriwether Lewis Clarke as major. The artillery- 
men were made ready by the tireless Robert Campbell and sent up to join 
Kearny. Thus it came about that the city was represented by 300 patriots in 
the famous marching and fighting of the Army of the West. 

The Army of the West. 

Missouri sent 6,000 soldiers to the war with Mteicd. Only two other states 
did more — Kentucky with 7,392 and Louisiana with. 7^6ii[. In his Army of the 
West, as at first organized, Kearny had two Missouri regiments under Doniphan 
and Price. There were four companies too many — ^those from Marion, Ray, 
Platte and Polk counties. These were formed tnto a battalion under David 

The march across the plains to Santa Fe was only' the beginning of the 
wonderful deeds of the Missourians. The Army of the West proceeded to 
occupy a domain that is now four states. Kea,my, with z, small force, went on 
to make sure of California. Colonel D. D. Mitchell, the former fur trader and 
Indian agent of St. Louis, was ordered to take a picked force of 100 men and 
**open communication with Chihuahua, hundreds of miles to the southward in 
the enemy's country across the Rio Grande." Did he hesitate? Not an hour. 
Major Meriwether Lewis Clarke, Captain Richard H. Weightman, Clay Taylor 
and one company of the St. Louis artillery had gone with Doniphan to the 
Navajo country. Mitchell and Doniphan joined forces just above El Paso. They 
had an army of 900 men. They fought the battle of Brazito, captured a can- 
non and marched on. At Sacramento, just above Chihuahua, an army of Mexi- 
cans got iri the way, occupying a Strong position, outnumbering the invaders 
five to one. What did those Missouri artillerymen do but, ignoring all of the 
rules and science of warfare, run their howitzers up within less than two hun- 
dred feet of the Mexican earthworks and fire away at pistol shot range I Mit- 
chell and Hudson charged at the head of the rangers. The enemy fled, leaving 
seventeen cannon, some of which were brought to Missouri. The invaders 
entered Chihuahua to discover that General Wool, whom they had expected ta 
find there, was seven hundred or eight hundred miles away. Headed by Mit- 
chell with his 100 picked men the army of less than nine hundred marched over 
the tableland of Mexico toward Saltillo, found General Taylor and asked for 
more fighting. 

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Doniphan's Battles. 

Of Doniphan's fighting and marching Colonel W. F. Svvitzler wrote this 
account : 

'The battle of Brazito, or Little Arm of the Rio del Norte, on Christmas day, Decem- 
ber 25, 1846, on a level prairie bordering on the river, was fought by Col. Doniphan and 
was very disastrous tq the Mexicans, iioo strong, under Gen. Ponce de Leon. Missouri 
troops, 800. The Mexicans were defeated with a loss of sixty-one killed — among them Gen. 
Ponce de Leon — five prisoners and 150 woundedj Missourians, eight wounded; none killed. 
The Mexicans were completely routed and dispersed. Two days afterward Col. Doniphan 
took possession of El Paso without resistance. 

"On February 28, 1847, Col. Doniphan, with 924 men and ten pieces of artillery, fought 
and vanquished, in the pass of the Sacramento, 4000 Mexicans under Maj. Gen. Jose A. 
Heredia, aided by Gen. Garcia Conde, former Mexican minister of war. The battle lasted 
more than three hours, resulting in a Mexican loss of 304 men killed on the field, forty 
prisoners, among whom was Brig. Gen. Cuilta, and 500 wounded; also eighteen pieces of 
artillery, $6000 in specie, 50,000 head of sheep, 1500 head of cattle, 100 mules, twenty wagons, 
etc. Americans killed, one — Maj. Samuel C. Owens, of Independence, who voluntarily and 
with courage amounting to rashness, charged upon a redoubt and received a cannon or rifle 
shot which instantly killed both him and his horse; wounded, eleven. The rout of the 
Mexicans was complete, and they retreated precipitately to Durango and disappeared among 
the ranchos and villages. 

*'But Col. Doniphan did not follow the example of Hannibal after the battle o! Cannae, 
who loitered on the plains of Italy when he might have entered Rome in triumph. On the 
contrary, he immediately followed up his successes by ordering the next morning (March 
I, 1847) Lieut. Col. D. D. Mitchell, with 150 men, under Capts. John W. Reid and R. A. 
Weightman, and a section of artillery, to take formal possession of the City of Chihuahua, 
the capital, and occupy it in the name of the Government of the United States. On the 
approach of Mitchell's force the Mexicans fled from the city, and he entered and occupied 
it without resistance. On the morning of the next day Col. Doniphan, with his entire 
army, and with colors gaily glittering in the breeze, triumphantly entered the Mexican capi- 
tal to the tune of ,*Yankee Doodle Dandy* and fired a salute of twenty-eight guns in the 
public square. 

'^'Col. Doniphan had been ordered by Gen. Kearny to report to Brig. Gen. Wool at 
Chihuahua, and hoped to find him there, but instead received the intelligence that he, and 
Gen. Taylor also, were shut up at Saltillo, and hotly beleaguered by Santa Anna with an 
overwhelming force. This, however, turned out to be untrue, and in a few days he heard 
of Taylor's great victory at Buena Vista, and not long afterward of the battle of Cerro 
Gordo. Nevertheless, Doniphan believed it his duty to report to Gen. Wool, wherever he 
might be found, and render him all the assistance in his power. Therefore, on the 20th of 
March he dispatched an express to Saltillo, hoping thereby to find Gen. Wool, and open 
communication with the army of occupation under Gen. Taylor. By this express, consisting 
of J. L. Collins, interpreter and bearer of dispatches, and thirteen others — among whom 
was Capt John T. Hughes, author of Doniphan's Expedition — he sent an ofii(^al report of 
the battle of Sacramento. Saltillo was nearly 700 miles from Chihuahua and the country 
intervening was occupied by the enemy, thus rendering the duty of Doniphan's express 
extremely difficult and dangerous. Yet they accomplished it in safety, reaching Saltillo on 
the 2d of April. Doniphan's official report, the only writing that could have Jjetrayed 
them to the Mexicans, was sewed up in a pad of the saddle of one of the soldiers. Gen. 
Wool was at Saltillo, and on the gth of April the express left on its return trip to Chihua- 
hua, bearing orders to Col. Doniphan at once to march to that place. On the return trip 
the express was re-enforced by Capt. Pike, of the Arkansas cavalry, with twenty-six men, 
among them Mr. Gregg, author of Commerce of the Prairies. They reached Chihuahua 
on April 23, and on the 25th the battalion of artillery commenced the march, followed on 
the 28th by the balance of Doniphan's command. We can not record the incidents of the 
march to Santa Rosalia, Guajuquilla, Santa Bernada, Hacienda Cadenas, Palayo, San 

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Sebastian, San Juan, EI Paso, City of Parras (where Col. Doniphan received a communica- 
tion from Gen. Wool), Encantanda (near the battlefield of Buena Vista), and other places, 
to Saltillo, which Doniphan's command reached on May 22, 1847, and were reviewed by 
(Jen. Wool. Ten Mexican cannon captured at Sacramento, Doniphan's regiment was 
permitted to retain as trophies of its victory. These were afterward presented to the 
State of Missouri. The Missouri troops, Col. Doniphan leading them, left Saltillo for Gen. 
Taylor's camp near Monterey, which they reached on May 27, were received with demon- 
strations of the warmest enthusiasm, and were reviewed by Gen. Taylor. Col. Doniphan's 
command then took up the line of march for home, via Camargo, to the mouth of the river, 
or Brazos Island, where it embarked on the sailship Republic for New Orleans, which was 
reached on June 15, 1847,' thus completing a grand march of nearly 4000 miles by land and 
water through the Mexican Republic, and winning for its commander the hofiorable title 
of Xendphon of the Mexican War." 

Sergeant Drescher's Recollections. 

William Drescher, son of an officer under Napoleon, vyras one of the young 
Missourians who enlisted in the Army of the West. He was a farmer's son and 
living in Marion county, joining the company. raised there: At the age of ninety, 
he gave a Globe-Democrat writer his recollections: 

'The long march across the plains to New Mexico was in August and September. The 
sun, heat and dust were very severe and we suffeired untold miseries. Many took sick and 
some died on the march. We had a long string of wagons, with ox teams, four and six 
yoke of oxen to the wagon. Some days we would hardly march out of sight of the place 
where we had camped the night before. Occasionally we would strike a deep ravine, when 
we would have to double and treble teams to every wagon to get them across. 

"At this rate we finally reached Santa Fe inj October, 1846. In August, before our 
arrival, Gen. Kearny had arrived at Santa Fe and taken possession, without opposition, of 
New Mexico. A political programme had been instituted for a territorial government. 

"After Doniphan left for the south, and during the winter, while our company was at 
Santa Fe, the Mexicans and the Pueblo and other Indians combined in an insurrection to 
throw off the American rule. They killed Gov. Bent, the sheriff and other Americans, and, 
gathering an army, arrived within twenty-five miles of Santa Fe, Col. Price's headquarters. 
The revolt was gaining serious proportions, so in January, 1847 — on the 24th of the month, 
I believe — Col^ Price separated his troops, leaving about 200 in Santa Fe, of which number 
I was one, and with about 300 or more marched out and met the Mexicans and Indians at 
La Canada, and, after an hour's fight, defeated them, killing thirty-six and wounding forty- 
five or more. 

"The Mexicans retreated to El Embuda, where Col. Price again defeated them after a 
considerable battle. At Pueblo d'Taos the final battle was fought, the Mexicans defeated. 
The principal Mexicans and Indians were taken prisoners. They were confined at Fer- 
nando d'Taos, near the town iwhere the battle occurred, and were afterwards tried for high 

An Appeal for Mercy. 

"I will now relate to you an incident in connection with this matter which I believe has 
never been published. I have searched all the histories of the Mexican war for it and 
have never seen it mentioned. 

"These Mexicans and Indians — there were four Mexicans and five Indians — were found 
guilty of murder and treason and all condemned to be hanged. To condenm and sentence 
Mexicans and Indians for murder and treason leaves a stain somewhere. I may. not have 
all the facts, but these were half-civilized Indians and Mexicans, intending to recover their 
country in a savage way, and they paid and suffered a murderer's penalty. 

"Col. Willock was ordered with his battalion, which included our company, to assist the 
sheriff in carrying out the sentence of death. The Indians were large and powerful and the 

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handsomest specimens of br^ite strength I have ever seen. Col. Willock did not approve 
of the sentence, and in the kindness of his heart he sent for me and asked me if I would 
ride to Santa Fe, over eighty miles, and endeavor to secure a pardon for the condemned 
men. CqI. Willock and I were Masons and close friends. There was one other Mason in 
our regiment I was in sympathy with Col. Willock's views and readily assented to under- 
take the journey, though I knew its dangers. 

"I selected a good government mule, not caring to trust myself to a horse over the 
mountainous roads. A mule is slow, but surefooted. Well armed and carrying papers 
addressed to the lieutenant governor and Col. Price, I started on the hazardous journey ' 
alone over the very ground where Col. Price had fought his battles. I was young and 
strong, yet >it was very imprudent to send me and very risky for me to undertake tho 
hazard over valleys, hills and mountains. 

"On the way as I came over the top of a hill I saw a Mexican standing directly in my 
path. He did not move so I drew my pistol. He then dashed into the woods. I learned 
afterward that he was frightened out of his wits at the sight of my revolver. If he had 
known how frightened I was perhaps the running would have been done in the opposite 

"I proceeded to El Embuda, where Price's battle ground was before me and around me. 
Night came on and I stayed with a friendly Mexican family. You can imagine how I felt 
— « Missouri lad hundreds of miles from home, with enemies all about. That night in the 
Mexican home I shall never forget. The house had one room. We slept on the floor — 
men, women and children in the same room. I did not take off my clothes, but slept with 
my saddle for a pillow and saddle blankets beneath me, and my army revolver at my hand. 

"The next day I delivered my dispatches to Col. Price and after a council of officials 
I received orders and dispatches for Col. Willock. The pardons were denied and Col. 
Willock was ordered to see to the execution of the prisoners. 

Execution of the Condemned. 

"Two scaffolds were erected, a large one for the five Indians and a smaller one for the 
Mexicans. Our battalion surrounded the place of execution. The condemned were made 
to stand on bbards placed across army wagons. With ropes around their necks they were 
driven under the gallows, the ropes adjusted to the scaffolds, the teams started forward, the 
gallows shrieked and the souls of the unfortunates passed to eternity. 

"During the execution the hills around us swarmed with Indians, but we were drawn 
up in battle formation and none were allowed to approach near the scaffolds, except the 
wives of the condemned. You should have seen the poor wives of the Indians, heard their 
moans and observed their despair. They did not cry nor make much noise; their grief 
was expressed only in whining, subdued sounds. After the executions the poor squaws 
strapped the bodies of their dead husbands on their backs. None of the executed Indians 
weighed less than 200 and some, standing far over 6 feet tall, weighed 275 pounds. The 
women, half carrying, half dragging their dead chiefs, started for Pueblo d'Taos, their 
homes, three miles distant, to give them Indian burial. 

"I do not censure my superiors for this affair. _Our government knows its duties and 
will carry them out. Even on the beautiful and bright sun there occasionally are dark spots. 

"In June, 1847, the term of service having expired, the Second Missouri Regiment got 
ready to start for home. The Third Missouri, not having arrived. Price, now promoted 
from colonel to general, called for volunteers to hold New Mexico. Eleven of the Marion 
county company, including myself, enlisted for the war in Company A, Light ArtiHery, 
Santa Fe battalion. We were now New Mexico volunteers. Capt. Hassendeubel, of St. 
Louis, and Maj. Walker commanded our battery. 

Price's Battle at Rosalia. 

"After the arrival of the Third Missouri, Col. Ralls commanding. Gen. Price prepared 
to march south to follow Doniphan, having heard of a Mexican army on the mardi north 
from Chihuahua. We started south with our battery, drilling along the way. We halted 

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at El Paso, until March. Receiving orders suddenly, our captain and part of our battery 
started in the night for Chihuahua to meet the Mexicans. 

"The Mexican general, Troas, hearing of our approach, retreated south about sixty-five 
miles to a fortified town, called Santa Cruz d*Rosalia, to await the Americans. Gen. Price, 
with 400 men and part of our battery, followed them rapidly, taking up with them in their 
fortifications. Perceiving the necessity for more troops. Price surrounded the town. On 
the i6th of March, 1848, more of our troops having arrived, we prepared for battle. 

"Gen. Price demanded the surrender of the city, which Gen. Troas declined doing. The 
battle commenced with a J)attery fire on both sides. The Mexicans were better supplied 
with ammunition than we were, and they had some 3,000 men, while we had perhaps 700. 
The bombardment proving ineffectual, Gen. Price ordered an assault of the city. 

"I remember the beginning of that charge vividly. Our sleeves and pants were rolled 
up and we were in fighting humor — all calm and determined. The assault began at 5 in 
the evening. The cannon roared, the musketry fire illuminating the heavens and the city. 
For a short time the Mexicans fought bravely, but could not withstand the assault -of the 
Santa Ee battalion and the Third Missouri. Giving three great cheers, we finally charged 
the batteries and captured them. The Mexican officers proved themselves brave men and 
soldiers; the rank and file were rather frightened and cowardly. 

"As a sergeant I had charge of part of our battery. We had been living for twenty- 
one days on practically nothing but hard tack, our supply wagons having been left far to 
the rear when we dashed after the retreating Mexicans, and it was certainly good to taste 
a bit of fresh food, which was abundant after we had taken the city. 

"Peace had been declared before this battle was fought, but, there being no telegraph 
or railroad, we did not hear of it until a month after the two countries had come to terms. 
We were compelled, therefore, to return the town to the Mexicans, with all the arms and 
supplies we had captured. We marched back to Independence, and were there mustered 
out of service." 

Mr. Drescher was a judge of the Marion county court from 1895 ^o ^9^3 
and mayor of Hannibal from 1876 to 1879. 

William CuUen Bryant's Tribute. 

Even writers on the Atlantic seaboard, often chary of tribute to western 
heroism, recognized the wonderful achievement of the Doniphan Expedition. 
William Cullen Bryant wrote : "This body of men conquered the states of New 
Mexico and Chihuahua and traversed Durango and New Leon. On this march 
they traveled more than 6,000 miles, consuming twelve months. During all this 
time not one word of information reached them from the government, nor any 
order whatsoever; they neither received any supplies of any kind nor one cent 
of pay. They lived exclusively on the country through which they passed and 
supplied themselves with powder and balls by capturing them from the enemy. 
From Chihuahua to Matamoras, a distance of 900 miles, they marched in forty- 
five days, bringing with them seventeen pieces of heavy artillery as trophies." 

Kearny's Annexation. 

Missourians did much more than march and fight in that wonderful expe- 
dition. Kearny and the Missourians took possession of Santa Fe on the i8th 
of August, 1846. Four days later was issued that remarkable proclamation. 
On the 22d of September the "organic law for the Territory of New Mexico, 
compiled under the direction of General Kearny," was published. Kearny 
wrote: "I take great pleasure in stating that I am entirely indebted for these 

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laws to Col. A. W. Doniphan of the First Regiment of Missouri Mounted Vol- 
unteers, who received much assistance from Private Willard P. Hall of hi^ 
regiment." The second day Kearny appointed a governor and other officers, 
among whom was "Francis P. Blair, to be United States district attorney." 
Charles Bent, of St. Louis, was governor. Stephen Lee, of St. Louis, the brother 
of General Elliott Lee, was made sheriff; James White Leal, of St. Louis, a 
Laclede Ranger, was made prosecuting attorney. The Pueblo Indians at Taos 
rose in revolt ^nd killed these three officials. Retribution was swift. 

In a fight with the Indians, John Eldridge and MaHin Wash of the Laclede 
Rangers were compelled to use one horse. A shot struck Eldridge in the comer 
of the eye, went into Wash's cheek and came out of his neck. When their 
commanding officer came up these St. Louis boys were still fighting. Wash, 
who was spitting blood, said: 

"Lieutenant, Fll be hanged if I don't think Fm shot somehow." 

That was the kind of nerve the Laclede Rangers carried with them. 

When time dragged for the garrison in the ancient city, the detachment of 
the Laclede Rangers obtained the use of a hall and gave theatrical entertain- 
ments. Bernard McSorley, who came back to St. Louis to become a builder 
of sewers and a power in local politics, was the manager and the star. When 
the St. Louisans put on Pizarro in PerUj McSorley was Pizarro. Edward W. 
Shands played Elvira. Another Ranger, William Jamieson, was Cora. James 
White Leal of the Rangers was the leader of the minstrel part of the perform- 
ance which followed the tragedy. 

Kearny's proclamation annexing New Mexico to the United States reached 
St. Louis on the 28th of September, 1846. It declared "the intention to hold 
this department (New Mexico), with its original boundaries on both sides of 
the Del Norte as a part of the United States and under the name of the Terri- 
tory of New Mexico." 

There was considerable excitement in Missouri over this wholesale acquisi- 
tion of territory. The Missouri Republican said: "For a strict constructionist 
of the Constitution, the President seems to us a gentleman of about as easy 
manners as any official we have ever met with, even in these days of a 'progres- 
sive locofocoism !* " 

The Astoniidimg Birth of New MeKioo. 

Willard P. Hall, afterwards governor of Missouri, and James H. Birch were 
rival candidates for Congress in a district comprising all of Northwest and part 
of Northeast Missouri when the trouble with Mexico began. Hall had the regu- 
lar democratic nomination. Birch, who had been beaten for the nomination, 
ran against him as an independent with whig support. In making a vigorous 
canvass Birch said that Hall had enlisted as a private with Doniphan to make 
political capital rather than from patriotic motives. Hall wrote his reply while 
on the march to Santa Fe and sent it back to the district where it was circu- 
lated as a campaign document. He had been a strong advocate of the annexa- 
tion of Texas. The Mexican war having grown out of that agitation. Hall felt 
that consistency demanded he should enlist at the first opportunity. He became 
a private soldier. He was in Santa Fe when the election occurred. Doniphan, 
in his reminiscences, said: 

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"Soon after we arrived in Santa Fe, I received a letter from my father-in-law giving 
a sufficient number of the returni to ensure the election of Mr. Hall by a very large 
majority. I showed the letter to Mr. Hall and to General Kearny, and General Kearny at 
once, as a matter of courtesy, and as he should have done, released Governor Hall from 
all involuntary duty. 

"General Kearny, having orders to go to New Mexico with a part of the troops, in the 
discharge of an order he had received froni Washington to devise laws for the people of 
that territory, requested Governor Hall and myself to prepare laws for that territory to 
conform to the conditions of the territory and to be in conformity with the civil institutions 
of our own country. We organized a legislature consisting of Governor Hall, m3rself and 
about six clerks, and the work of legislation was never more quickly performed, each of 
us frequently dictating to two or three clerks ^t a time. In a few days we were able to 
present to General Kearny a code of laws, which he was kind enough to approve, sign as 
military governor, and promulgate for the government of the people. It is astonishing, 
considering the short time we had been there and our limited means of information, that 
we should have written a code that Congress, after the annexation of the territory, re- 
enacted, and which after thirty-five years I found still in vogue in 1881." 

Governor Hardin told Doniphan that he had twice offered an appointment 
on the supreme bench to Governor Hall and that the offers were declined. 

Doniphan's Tribute to His Hen. 

Doniphan was always exceedingly modest in his references to the Expedi- 
tion. There was one incident, however, on which he dwelt with much pride. 
This is his account of it as told in an address which he delivered on the occasion 
of Qay county's semi-centennial celebration in 1872: 

"An episode will enable you to form a more correct estimate of the moral status of 
the rank and file of the regiment than an hour of descriptive eulogy. We arrived at the 
government wharf in the lower part of the city of New Orleans after dark. Early the next 
morning, Claiborne F. Jackson, afterwards governor of Missouri, and the Hon. Robt. W. 
Donnell, then of St. Joseph but now of New York, came to pay their respects to the 
members of the regiment and to render us a favor. They were aware that for thirteen 
months we had been marching through a country, where clothes could not be obtained, 
even with money, and of that we had none, for we had not seen a paymaster during our 
entire service. With them were two wholesale clothing merchants, whose stocks they had 
examined, both being themselves merchants, and whose prices they esteemed fair. The 
wholesale merchants were informed that the regulations did not permit them to attend the 
pay table, like sutlers, but they would have to rely on the honor of the men alone I said 
that as far as I knew or believed, their integrity might be relied on; that they were of 
the best families in Missouri. Promptly the wholesale merchants agreed to take the risk, 
and the men of our regiment being in need of everything in their line purchased of them 
more than $60,000 worth of clothing. This was two weeks before we were paid off and 
mustered out of service. I know that every cent of these purchases was paid for. I called 
on each of the merchants and ascertained the fact for myself. This is not told in a spirit of 
invidious comparison with other regiments in that or the late war. It is simply due to this 

Doniphan's Philosophy of life. 

Years after the delivery of this address, General Doniphan yielded to the 
request of his intimate friend, Judge D. C. Allen, to permit its publication in 
pamphlet form. In doing so he wrote to Judge Allen a letter which affords a 
most intimate view of character, a revelation which may well add to the pride 
of Missouri in the name of Doniphan: 

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"This is my birthday; this day* completes three-quarters of a century, seventy-five 
years 6ehind me. Looking back at a glance, the time seems short. And when I estimate 
the few things I have done worth recording or remembering, the time seems shorter. The 
events in the life of the average man are poor meagre things. I am aware that I have 
some admiring friends who regard my professional life to have been active and successful. 
And it would be unpardonable, if not contemptible affectation, not to agree with them, that 
in some departments of the practice it was creditable. But what of it? If I had trusted 
less to native resources and delved deeper into the mines of learning, that others had dug 
up, and prepared to my hands, it would have been more like a jurist. The episodes of my 
life were lucky accidents, mainly. My only ambition was to be esteemed the best jury 
lawyer and advocate in the counties where I practised. This was a too limited ambition. But 
the book is closed. What is writ, is writ,' and cannot be changed. This is the candid 
truth. As far as moral honor arfd true manhood is concerned I have no twinges of con- 
science. Not what I have done, but what I have failed to do^ causes my regrets. It is 
a grand but fearful thought that although the lamp of life will soon be extinguished, the 
work that has been done, or failed to be done will continue through eternity. Blessed is 
the man who, having nothing to say, abstains from giving us wordy evidence of the fact, 
especially in writing, so farewell." 

The March Homeward. 

The Missourians who had been left to hold New Mexico while the other 
bodies pushed west to California and south to the heart of Mexico marched back 
across the plains when the war was over. They sang: 

"Listen to me! Listen to me! 
What do you want to sec, to see? 


"A woman under a bonnet, 

A woman under a bonnet, 

That's what we want to see, to see! 

That's what we want to see!" 

One Missourian in the Army of the West was destined to be a conspicuous 
figure in the country traversed. William Gilpin, Pennsylvanian by birth, Quaker 
by inherited creed, was a major. He saw the plains and the mountains with 
the eyes of a prophet. He told his comrades in arms they were passi/ig through 
*'a great grazing region;" that it would become "the land of beef and wool." 
He pointed to the Rockies, called them "the domes of the continent" and' pre- 
dicted discoveries of precious metals in them. There was loud amusement over 
the major's predictions. But the territbry of Colorado was created, becoming 
in 1876 the Centennial state. Gilpin was the first governor of Colorado. 

St. Louisans were conspicuous individually as well as for numbers in the 
"Army of the West." Henry S. Turner utilized his early army experience in 
the capacity of adjutant to the commander, Kearny. Francis P. Blair, then 
a young lawyer, sent west by his doctor for the benefit of the mountain air, 
was a scout, prowling miles in advance of the column to report signs of Mexi- 
cans or Indians. William Bent shared in this most dangerous duty. As the 
army reached the Raton Mountains, Captain Waldemar Fischer, the St. Louis 
artilleryman, climbed the peak, to which the government gave his name. Fischer's 
Peak, it is on the maps. 

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One of the officers in the Southwest expedi- 
tion. Banker before the Civil war 


Who led the advance against Chihuahua in 

the Doniphan expedition 


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TM! n?i' TORI 

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A Missouri Welcome. 

In the summer and fall of 1847 St. Louis was full of "conquistadores," as 
they were called, strange looking, some with loi>g mustaches, some with full 
beards, all swarthy. The Mexican war was over. Up to that time Missourians 
wefe, as a rule, smooth shaven men. They came back, outlandish in looks, with 
new speech, the heroes of the most marvelous campaigning the country had 
known. Senator Benton, at his best, in welcoming the returning volunteers told 
them they had even outdone ancient history. Doniphan had eclipsed Xeriophon. 
The senator said: "The 'Ten Thousand' counted the voyage on the Black Sea, 
as well as the march from Babylon, and twenty centuries admit the validity of 
the count. The present age and futurity will include with the going out and 
coming in of the Missouri Volunteers the water voyage as well as the land 
march and the expedition of the One Thousand will exceed that of the Ten by 
some two thousand miles. You did the right thing at the right time, and what 
the government intended you to do, and without knowing its intentions." 

A form of celebration which came into much popularity with St. Louis dur- 
ing the Mexican war, was the illumination. Citizens determined to honor the 
victories which had been won over Mexico. Cannon were placed in the vicinity 
of the Lucas Market, which was at Twelfth and Olive streets, to fire salutes. 
At a signal, lights were displayed in nearly ,^very window of the city. Most 
of these lights were candles placed upon bo^ds. :TBe papers of that time spoke 
of the illumination of the market house as being especially fine. . The boats at 
the levee participated in the illumination, displaying rows of candles along the 
decks. The boys built bonfires at the stree<f interstotions and on the commons. 
One of the events of the illumination nijght took place at sundown. From the 
office of the Reveille, the evening- newspaper, an eagle was let loose, having 
attached to one of its legs a brass plate on which was engraved "Buena Vista." 

When Doniphan's men got back to Qay county they were feasted with a 
cake five feet high, the handiwork of Miss Mary Dale. 

A Kissourian Took Mesilla Valley. 

After the settlement with Mexico a dispute arose about the Mesilla Valley. 
This garden spot of wonderful fertility is on the Rio Grande north of El Paso. 
William Carr Lane, the first mayor of St. Louis, had been appointed governor 
of New Mexico. Without wasting much time on red tape correspondence he "took" 
the valley. Upon this action the Missourians who had gone to New Mexico based 
a song which they sang at Santa Fe with great enthusiasm on the ist of January, 
1853. Two stanzas were in these words: • 

"As friends of the country, around him we'll rally, 

Long live Governor Lane. 
And *go to the death' for the Mesilla valley, 

Long live Governor Lane. 
Look out for your own. Uncle Sam, and beware. 
The valley is ours, we'll have it we swear. 
And you give it up, Frank Pierce, if you dare, 
' Long live Governor Lane. 

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"In sunshine and storm, in censure and praise, 

Long live Governor Lane. 
He speaks what he thinks and means what he says, 

Viva Governor Lane. 
No tricks, nor no bribes, nor no silly blunder 
Shall steal our worthy old governor's thunder, 
We'll stand at his back till the day we go under, 

Long live Governor Lane." 

The Mexican Trophies. 

When the Southwest Expedition w^is mobilized in i860, there came a demand 
for cannon. Somebody remembered that the Missourians who went to Mexico 
a decade before had brought back some captured guns. General James Hard- 
ing, one of Walker's men in the historic filibustering expedition to Nicaragua, 
afterwards railroad commissioner, was inspector of the Fifth military district 
of Missouri. He found the Mexican cannon stored under the portico of the 
capitol, selected a light six-pounder, dragged it out of its hiding place and set 
the convict blacksmiths to work making a gun carriage. When Frost, the briga- 
dier general, saw the outfit he said it wouldn't last a day over Ozark roads. 
The expedition marched without Harding's homemade battery. But that same 
gun carriage was taken to Lexington and another Mexican gun was mounted 
on it to become a part of Bledsoe's battery in Price's army. This gun was 
known to Price's men as "Old Sacramento." It was used in the Battle of Elk- 
horn, or Pea Ridge as the Union army called it. Afterwards it was recast at 
Selma, Alabama, and did duty later on for the Confederacy. 

When the Missouri state government was getting ready to make its stand 
for states' rights, seven of the cannon brought from Mexico were taken out 
of storage under the portico of the capitol and sent to St. Louis where they 
were recast into four-pounders. A cannon was borrowed from the arsenal at 
St. Louis, taken to Jefferson City and used as a pattern for the manufacture 
of carriages and caissons. Harding had been appointed quartermaster general 
by Governor Jackson and remembered his experience in gun mounting for the 
Southwest Expedition. But while the preparedness plans seemed to be going 
all right, history was made too rapidly. The recast guns were captured in St. 
Louis by Lyon when Camp Jackson was taken. And when the state administra- 
tion and state guard left Jefferson City so hurriedly Harding's gun carriages 
were left behind. Most of the cannon captured by Missourians in Mexico did 
duty on the Union side. They traveled all over the South. 

After the war Fourth of July salutes were fired in St. Louis for a dozen 
years from those cannon. They were the pride of the gallant Simpson artillery 
company. When this company disbanded the guns were returned to the state. 
General Marmaduke saw the womout wheels one day and sent them down to 
the pem'tentiary, where the convicts built, as a labor of love, entirely new car- 
riages for the old guns. But before the new wheels and new axles had achieved 
harmonious relations one of the venerable cannon went all to pieces in the hands 
of some amateur artillerists at Tipton, who were trying to celebrate the Fourth 
of July. Nobody was killed, but a dozen would have been if they had been in 
the way of the jagged fragments which went in several directions. After that 

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accident the old brass guns were put on the retired list, and could only be bor- 
rowed for the harmless purposes of dress parade. 

BUflsouriaiui and the Kansas Issue. 

William Hyde, in his recollections of the period, printed by the Globe-Demo* 
crat in 1892, said: 

**Hbtory will never balance the account between the pro-slavery and anti-slavery 
agitators on the Missouri border, from the organization of Kansas territory down to the 
date of actual emancipation. None of the rigors of war, as seen 'at the front,' could 
exceed or equal the direful visitation brought upon the helpless settlers in this then sparsely 
pppulated region. It is a mistake to suppose that the emigration to the new territory 
from Missouri was composed entirely, or even in large proportion, of slave-holders. They 
were mostly men attracted thither by the cheapness and fertility of the lands, whereby 
they could acquire good homesteads and indulge the hope that by their own toil they might 
eventually secure competence. Of Kentucky and Tennessee lineage to a considerable 
extent, those who were even not of Missouri nativity had been brought up with a slavery 
bias and a strong antipathy to the abolitionists ; but except in rare cases, they were not 
well to do enough to own slaves, and those that were so realized that Kansas was not 
a safe place to take them. The heavy slave-holders were interested, not so much in 
populating Kansas with slave negroes, as in pushing the line of' anti-slavery feeling as 
far west as possible, to protect slavery in Missouri. It suited Atchison and Stringfellow 
just as well for pro-slavery Missourians to live in Missouri and vote across the border, 
and there was not the slightest compunction in advising them to ride over on election days 
and take the polls, leaving the question of residence to be determined afterward. Fully 
50,000 slaves, or one-half the whole number in the state, belonged in the northwest quarter 
of it, and about 10,000 in the counties conterminous with the eastern Kansas line — chiefly 
along the Missouri river. But with all the agitation and excitement, all the incentives held 
out to them to strike for liberty, they showed the same dense indifference as was exhibited 
later on by the race throughout the South. There were, indeed, cases of slaves leaving their 
old homes, but in such cases it was rare, indeed, that they were not coaxed, to the point of 
actual kidnapping. 

"For whilst the Missouri pro-slaverjrites were 'colonizing* the new territory, the anti- 
slavery men were by no means idle. Neither party claimed indemnity on the ground that 
the other had begun hostilities. The situation seemed to each to proclaim war of itself. 
The long line of battle-field, for so it may be called, extended from the nbrthem point of 
the 'Platte Purchase* to the then unorganized county of Barton, through Bates, Vernon and 
Cass, on the Missouri side, and the region from Fort Scott to the lower line of Johnson 
county in Kansas was the principal seat of the predatory operations. It will astonish n\any 
readers, no doubt, to learn that as late as 1855 the total real population of Kansas was not 
more than 3,000, though the Missourians on occasion polled more than twice that number 
themselves. Of the actual settlers the Missourians had from one-third to one-half. The 
free state people not having the advantage of a double residence were naturally obliged to 
camp on the ground, whilst many of their opponents could breakfast and sup on the eastern 
side of the line and have plenty of time to do their voting in the interim. 

"Of course it presently developed there were two territorial governments, though Mr. 
Buchanan promptly recognized and continued to recognize the one established by the pro- 
slavery men, whose delegate to Congress was admitted without question. The more courts 
that were established the more lawlessness there was, as conflicting processes brought 
even the officers into belligerent attitudes. Raids from Kansas into Missouri and from 
Missouri into Kansas were of nightly occurrence. Kidnappings followed robberies. Dwell- 
ings were fired without compunction. Eternal vigilance was the price of human life. Ques- 
tions of popular sovereignty were overwhelmed and lost sight of in the prevailing chaos 
of retaliation and anarchy." 
Vol* n— If 

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John Brown's Raid. 

In the last month of 1858 John Brown made one of his raids into Bates and 
Vernon counties. He "impressed/* as he called it, several horses, induced ten 
or twelve negroes to leave their masters and carried a lot of household goods 
back to Ossawatomie. This was one of the boldest and most extensive raids 
made into Missouri from Kansas up to that time. It created a panic along the 
border. Governor Stewart offered a reward of three thousand dollars for the 
capture of Brown. President Buchanan offered $250. In January, 1859, Brown 
left Kansas, going into Iowa and thence to Canada. He appeared later among 
the anti-slavery people of Ohio and sold his Missouri horses. 

After Brown'^ departure matters along the border became more quiet. Gov- 
ernor Stewart of Missouri and Governor Denver of Kansas exchanged expres- 
sions of regret and hopes for peace. At St. Louis and Jefferson City a proposi- 
tion was advanced to raise a force of militia and patrol the Kansas border. The 
people of Bates and Vernon oppbsed this plan of sending militia, arguing that 
it would have the effect of increasing the excitement and would possibly lead to 
bloodshed. Nevertheless, a petition was laid before the legislature and a bill was 
passed appropriating $30,000. The governor was authorized to expend this 
amount in the capture of raiders from Kansas or in such ways as he deemed 
best to prevent further invasion. Nothing occurred for some months to require 
action by the governor. Harney, who was in command at Fort Leavenworth, 
sent some regulars to the old military post at Fort Scott and put Captain 
Nathaniel Lyon in charge of that post. In November, i860, Judge Williams of 
the third district in Kansas sent a message to Washington saying that Mont- 
gomery's band I of jayhawkers had broken up the court, compelling officers, 
including the judge, to flee for their lives. He stated that a grand juror named 
Moore had been murdered and that two men who had been engaged in returning 
fugitive slaves had been killed. The judge's report and his appeal for protec- 
tion revived the alarm on the Missouri side. Invasions by Montgomery and 
Jennison were feared. The governor immediately acted under the authority 
given him to » send militia to the border. 

The Southwest Expedition. 

Thus came about the famous "Southwest Expedition." William Hyde, as 
war correspondent for the St. Louis Republican, accompanied the expedition. 
In 1892 he wrote this account of it. 

"It was in the last week of November, i860, when an order was directed to Gen. D. M. 
Frost, commanding the ist Brigade, Missouri militia, to proceed forthwith to the western 
border with men and arms enough to put an end to the troubles there. In forty-eight hours 
the general and his staff, with his brigade of 630 men, were at the Missouri Pacific depot 
r^dy to embark for the seat of war. On the general's staff the names are recalled of 
-Capt. Hamblin, adjutant; Capt. Nick Wall, commissary; Dr. Cornyn, surgeon; Maj. John 
J. Anderson, paymaster, and Capt. Sam Hatch, quartermaster. The brigade consisted of a 
regiment under Col. John Knapp, and battalion of infantry under Col. John N. Pritchard, 
and a battery of artillery, Capt. Jackson. Mr. Weed, of the Democrat, and the undersigned 
had complimentary assignments on the staflF of the commanding general, it being expected 
of us to enlighten the readers of the journals with which we were respectively connected 

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with thrilling accounts of all the battles, descriptions of the different fields of war, narra- 
tives of individual feats of valor, etc. 

"The western terminus of the Missouri Pacific Railroad in i860 was Sedalia, a little 
town with one street parallel with the track, and embracing not much more than the cus- 
tomary hotel, drug store, blacksmith shop and post office. Its principal product was 
George R. Smith, who used to figure to an extent in Missouri politics. Debarking there 
and unloading the train of quartermaster and commissary stores, the column took up its 
march to a point a little distance away from town, where at about dark the first serious 
work of the campaign began — pitching tents and issuing and receiving supplies, blankets, 
ratipns, ammunition, etc. It was great *fun' the first night, but the weary soldiers went 
to bed half fed, to sleep on springless and mattressless couches. 

*The line of march lay very nearly along the route of the present Missouri, Kansas and 
Texas railroad — though that improvement had not been so much as thought of then — 
passing from Sedalia through Pettis, Henry, Hates and Vernon counties, to a point about 
four miles east of Fort Scott, which was reached about December i. Nothing could 
surpass the magnifteence of the weather. The roads were in excellent condition, and after 
the fatigue of the first few days had worn off, the troops were in fine spirits. At night 
around the camp fires the various messes sang and related adventures, and many a friend- 
ship was cemented to last through life. A finer country for agriculture never the sun shone 
on. Miles and miles stretched away in rolling prairie, fringed at the edge of water courses 
by the yellow leaves of grateful foliage. The whir of covies of quail was frequently heard, 
as the birds were startled in the underbrush. In the long grass grouse and woodcock, 
with occasionally a pheasant, hid from common observation. Where forest and prairie 
joined it was no unusual sight to see groups of deer, sometimes as many as a dozen to- 
gether. It was too fair a country to be despoiled by civil feuds and torn by internecine 
strife. Truth to say, though the six hundred wore the uniforms and accoutrements of 
war, and were probably as valiant a troop as ever marched to battle, yet they regarded the 
whole affair as a prolonged parade and their nightly encampments but a school of inilkary 
instruction. With them secession was a myth, a fevered dream of overheated southern 
brains. Their folks were mostly Union people. Whilst the names of John Brown, Mont- 
gomery and Jennison were frequently on their lips, and boyish threats were made of what 
would be done with them and their exaggerated forces, the thoughts of a real engagement 
rarely entered their heads. 

"The command reached a point east of Fort Scott about the ist of December. Capt. 
Nathaniel Lyon had been ordered to Fort Scott with a company or two of regulars from 
Fort Leavenworth, at that time the headquarters of Gen. Harney. On his way thither 
Mr. Weed and the writer called upon the captain in camp near Mound City. There was 
not at that time nor had there been any evidence whatever of disturbance since John 
Brown departed for Canada. Montgomery had retired to the Pottawatomie country and 
Jennison to his law and real estate office. Lyon could not find harsh words enough to 
condemn Judge Williams and Governor Stewart, and it did not appear to us that his 
language relative to the President of the United States kept within the limits prescribed by 
the articles of war. Capt. Lyon was an evident s>'mpathizer with the free state idea for 
Kansas and not at all displeased that the 'old public functionary* would be displaced in 
about three months from that time by Abraham Lincoln. 

The Southwest Battalion, 

"Gen. Frost, finding no enemy, started north through Vernon county to Papinsville, 
in the southeast corner of Bates, and having now marched up the hill, proceeded leisurely 
to march down again. Previous to this, however, orders were issued for the formation 
of a battalion to remain on the border for the protection of the citizens. Three companies 
of cavalry were raised, composed chiefly of volunteers from the returning brigade. One 
company was commanded by Capt. W. C. Kennerly, one by Capt. Emmet McDonald and 
another by Capt. (Dr.) Staples. These, with the battery of artillery commanded by Capt. 
Jackson, formed what was known as the Southwest Battalion, Col. John S. Bowen com- 

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manding. Col. Bowen, with the battery and two companies of cavalry, proceeded south 
to Balls' Mills, in Vernon county, .where he established his headquarters. Capt. Kennerly 
was drdered to appoint on the extreme border known as the Jackson farm, the dwelling 
on which had, the year before, been burned down and Jackson, with his son, killed by 
jayhawkers, the place at this time being unoccupied. On the ruins of the homestead 
Capt. Kennerly built a block house of hewn logs, winter quarters for the troops, stables 
for the horses, rifle pits and redoubts, putting the place, in short, in a complete state of 
defense. The border was patrolled by scouting parties every day for miles north and south 
of Garrison Jackson, but without particular incident. 

"Col. Bowen was ordered to report at St. Louis and was directed to cause an election 
to be held for a major for the command of the Southwest Battalion. To this position Capt. 
Kennerly was elected. Maj. Clark Kennerly belonged, to the old family of that name in 
St. Louis. He was in the Mexican war in the battery of Capt. R. H. Weightman, attached 
to the Doniphan expedition. It was Weightman who killed F. X. Aubrey in Santa Fe, and 
who, being a colonel under Price, was himself killed in the fight at Wilson's creek. Maj. 
Kennerly was a cousin of Mrs. Gen. Bowen. 

"Capt. Emmet McDonald, after the capture of Camp Jackson in St. Louis, May lo, 
1861, went south. He was in McCullpch's command on the invasion of Missouri and he, 
too, like Col. Weightman, lost his life at Wilson's creek. 

"The battalion of which Clark Kennerly was major was, about the ist of May, 1861, 
ordered to report at Camp Jackson in St. Louis. It- reached that camp on the 9th, and the 
following day shared the fate of Gen. D. M. Frost's brigade, which was captured and 
marched to the United States arsenal. The greater part of the l}rigade which went to the 
borders returned to St. Louis about the 24th of December, i860. 

"Dr. Cornyn was the same who, as major of artillery, gallantly lost his life at Shiloh 
commanding a Union battery. Col. Hatch became a distinguished Federal officer. Gien. 
Bowen was a conspicuous officer on the Confederate side, in which service he lost his life. 
• *The cxpeditfon from its very inception was absurd and chimerical. It was antagonistic 
to the views of the border people, as given in their petition for relief, and on which the 
bill was passed putting the defense fund in the control of the governor. The policy the 
people of Bates and Vernon counties had advocated of pursuing the ring-leaders of lawless- 
ness by rewards for their capture had done great work for pacification. And now, on 
the crazy and unverified statement of an old woman of a district judge to set an army 
in the field to create new alarms, was the quintessence of unwisdom. For the young men 
of the excursion — for such it was-^it was just the thing in the way of military tuition, and 
such, let us suppose, was the thought uppermost in the minds of warriors like Banker 
Anderson and Capt. Wall of steamboat memory, not to speak of the West Point graduates." 

The Beer Keg Battery. 

A relic which Missourians brought home from the Civil war was "the Beer 
Keg Battery." Everybody has heard how big wooden guns, painted black, were 
mounted on breastworks and fulfilled the purpose of bluffing the enemy in the 
'60s. But how many people know that wooden guns were employed in active 
warfare, and were very effective ? When the battery was deposited in the state 
armory at Jefferson City, the guns. looked as harmless as fire logs. But in the 
stub end of each log was a hole and a clenched fist might be thrust in the length 
of the arm. The history of these wooden guns was told officially: 

"This mortar was a part of what was known as the Sweet Gum Battery, composed 
of six 6-pounders and one 12-pounder, under the command of Capt. A. J. Campbell, Com- 
pany C, 33d Regiment Missouri Volunteers, and were used at Spanish Fort, Ala., from 
March 27, 1865, to April 9, 1865. They were made of sweet gum wood, and banded at the 
muzzle and breech with a band of iron about one inch wide and one-quarter of an inch 
thick. The gun and carriage were separate, the carriage being a block of wood, with a 

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Commander of the St. Louis Legion at the 

time of the war with Mexico 



Parade of the St. Louis Greys, Montgomery Guards and Morgan Riflemen. The column 
is marching north on Fourth street, across Market street. From painting by Matt. Hastings 
in Missouri Historical Society collection. 

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socket for the breech of the gun, giving the gun an elevation of about 45 degrees. The 
ordinary 6 and 12-pound shells were used, the surface being coated with turpentine to 
secure ignition of the fuse. The ysual charge was 5 ounces of ordinary rifle powder. The 
men became so expert as to be able to burst a shell within the size of an army blanket at 
500 to 600 yards distance. They were dubbed the Beer Keg Battery." 

The nickname was well chosen. The chunks were about the size of beer 
kegs and of nearly the same shape and color. At a little distance they might 
be taken for kegs. 

The Banner at Oharlerton in 1860. 

But the greatest curiosity in the form of flag or banner brought home by 
Missouri troops was that which hung in the first secession convention. This 
banner was square, of heavy silk, blue on one side and white on the other. On 
the blue side were the words, "South Carolina Convention, i860." 

On the white side was the palmetto tree, with an expanse of ocean and the 
sun just rising. At the foot of the tree were grouped bales of cotton, barrels 
of turpentine and a great open book. The book was the Bible, and it was open 
at this quotation: 

"God is our refuge and strength, a very jM-esent help in trouble. Therefore 
will not we fear though the earth be r^oyed,; thcwgh the mountains be carried 
into the midst of the sea. The Lord of ho^^ is with «. The God of Jacob is 
our refuge." 

Above the palmetto was emblazoned in large letters, "Separate State Action." 
Missouri troops found this banner at C^Jlomt^a/S^ C,, when they marched with 
Sherman to the sea. They took it as a. trophy, and doubtless saved it from 
burning. It was himg in a very conspicuous place in the state armory hall. Per- 
haps the banner found a fitting place to rest. Political history maintains that 
Missouri held the balance of power at the National Democratic Convention in 
Charleston and might have used that power to prevent the split which occurred 
in the democratic party there, and which insured the first national success of the 
republican party and the election of Mr. Lincoln. The Missouri member of 
the conunittee on platform at Charleston cast the deciding vote on a principle 
which drove the southern and northern wings of the democracy apart. 

Lincoln and the Missotiri Confederates. 

When it was evident that the Confederacy was' doomed, President Lincoln 
gave thought to the future of the Missourians who had gone with the South. 
He realized that there were numbers of these who had cut the ties of home 
and kindred. With the surrender, many Confederates, especially from Mis- 
souri and other border states, would feel that they were men without a country. 
Houses had been burned. Farms had been laid waste. Property had been con- 
fiscated. Emancipation had wrought chaos in labor relations which might 
require years for adjustment. The conditions, which would confront the sol- 
diers returning to the border states, were fraught with discouragement and, 
perhaps, danger. They might lead to feuds without number and much blood- 
shed. Mr. Lincoln talked with his closest advisers about this after-the-war 
problem. He consulted Frank Blair. 

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Across the Rio Grande there was revolution. European governments, tak- 
ing advantage of the Civil war in the United States, were attempting to set up 
an empire. The United States had protested through diplomatic channels 
against this violation of the Monroe doctrine. Under Juarez the republican 
elements of Mexico were fighting against Maximilian, but they were with dif- 
•ficulty holding the northern part of their country. The closing act of Mr. Lin- 
coln's cherished border states policy was to turn the western Confederates 
toward Mexico as soon as their own cause was lost. And, as on the former 
occasions noted, Mr. Lincoln looked to Missouri to work out this policy. 

Francis P. Blair and Joseph O. Shelby were cousins. Early in 1861, when 
Blair knew that war was inevitable, he sent for Shelby, who was living in 
Lafayette county, to come to St. Louis. He exerted all of his powers of per- 
suasion to induce Shelby to remain with the Union. On the strength of his close 
relations with Mr. Lincoln, Blair assured Shelby of a good commission in the 
army. Shelby, however, had made up his mind to go with the South. 

With the war nearing the end. President Lincoln made Blair the medium 
of his communication to the western Confederates and Blair communicated the 
plan to Shelby. Not only was no obstacle to be thrown in -the way of Confed- 
erates marching to Mexico but tacit encouragement was to be given. Moreover 
it was to be understood that Federal soldiers who had not had enough of the 
adventures of war might join the Confederates, cross the Rio Grande, join 
Juarez and help work out the salvation of Mexico. Shelby led an expedition 
to Mexico and was not interfered with. But the plan as President Lincoln con- 
ceived it was not carried through. 

Shelby's Story of His Ezpeditioii. 

"Shelby's Expedition to Mexico" is worthy of prominence in the chapter on 
"Missouri in Wars." When Lee surrendered, the trans-Mississippi army of the 
Confederacy numbered fifty thousand men, under Kirby Smith. There was held 
at Marshall, Tex., a council attended by the lieading officers of the west. It was 
decided that Smith should be asked to resign; that General Buckner should as- 
sume command; that the army should concentrate and march to Mexico, there 
to ally itself with Maximilian or Juarez, as should be determined after nego- 

The plot seemed ripe enough until the last moment, when Kirby Smith backed 
out of the arrangement, Buckner began to have hopes of recovering some Chicago 
property, and the order went out calling in division after division to Shreveport, 
where arms were laid down. Shelby had nursed the Mexican project from the 
first, and when he saw the plans given up he issued an address to the Missourians, 
which, for want of anything better, was printed on wall paper. It was circulated 
in the ranks, and when Shelby called for volunteers to go to Mexico, a thousand 
men responded. They helped themselves to the best there was left of the Con- 
federate commissary and arsenal stores, and marched away to Mexico. In 
1868-69 the exiles began to find their way back to Missouri. 

In 1877 Shelby had reestablished himself. He had become a farmer and was 
cultivating 700 acres near Page City in Lafayette county. Revolutionary condi- 
tions were again prevalent in Mexico. Along the Rio Grande border was much 

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disturbance. General Ord was there with United States cavalry but the raids 
and the cattle stealing by Mexican bandits on the Texas frontier continued. 
There was not a little talk in the newspapers of an invasion of Mexico by 
Americans looking to conquest and annexation. The seeming inability of the 
Mexican government to maintain peace along the Rio Grande offered the provo- 
cation. The suggestion was especially interesting to Missourians. Naturally! 
Had not this state been foremost in the Mexican war? Recruits from every 
community had gone to join Scott. The glory of Doniphan's Expedition still 
flamed. Mexican veterans were local heroes. As the talk of an invasion in 1877 
grew, Shelby's name was mentioned freely as the most eligible leader of it. 
Rumor was that he knew of the movement; that secret organization had already 
made progress; that Missouri ex-Confederates were actively planning. What 
were the facts? An authoritative interview was desired.' It was obtained 
through Major John N. Edwards who had accompanied Shelby through Mexico, 
as a, staff officer, immediately after the Civil war, and who had been the his- 
torian of that expedition. Major Edwards was at the time editor of a St. 
Louis newspaper. In reply to several questions General Shelby said, with em- 
phasis : "I know of nothing being done in the way of enlistment. I have never 
been approached directly with any proposition looking to the inauguration of 
such an enterprise. I am no longer a soldier, as you may see, but a farmer and 
a man of peace." 

"But you led an expedition in Mexico once, general." 

"Yes, an expedition of a thousand men.. It could have been fifty thousand just as well" 

"Tell me something about the first expedition then." 

"There were several things which led to that. Some have been told and others haven't 
Perhaps the time is as good as any to make them known, inasmuch as the attention of the 
people and the government is diverted somewhat toward Mexican matters. There were 
a thousand men in my division who did not want to surrender. If there had been but two 
I would have felt it my soldierly duty to have stood by those two and to have gone With 
them into the unknown. Then again I had ideas, or dreams, or ambitions. I saw or 
imagined I saw an empire beyond the Rio. This river they call the great river. 

Linooln's Plan for the Confederates. 

'Through Gen. Frank P. Blair I had received, long before the killing of Lincoln, some 
important information. It was to the effect that, in the downfall of the Confederacy and 
the overthrow of the Confederates of the east, the Confederates of the west would be 
permitted to march into Mexico, drive out the French, fraternize with the Mexicans, look 
around them to see what they could see, 09cupy and possess lands, keep their eyes fixed 
steadfastly upon the future, and understand from the beginning that the future would 
have to take care of itself. In addition, every disbanded Federal soldier in the trans- 
Mississippi department, who desiAd service of the kind I have indicated, would have been 
permitted to cross over to the Confederates with his arms and ammunition. Fifty thousand 
of these were eager' to enlist in such an expedition. On my march south from San Antonio 
to Pedras Negras I received no less than two hundred messages and communications from 
representative Federal officers, begging me to wait for them beyond the Rio Grande." 

"Do you mean to say. General, that President Lincoln was in favor of the movement you 
have outlined?" 

"I do mean to say so most emphatically. I could show nothing official for my assertion, 
but I had such assurances as satisfied me, and other officers of either army had such assur- 
ances as satisfied them. There was empire in it, and a final and practical settlement of this 
whole Mexican question." 

"Why did the scheme fail?" 

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"I will tell you wl^. Before marching into the interior of Mexico from Pedras Negras, 
a little town on the Rio Grande opposite Eagle pass, I called my officers a^d men about me 
and stated to them briefly the case. Gov. Blesca, the Juarez governor of the state of 
Coahuila, was in Pedras Negras. I had sold him cannon, muskets, ammunition, revolvers, 
sabres — munitions of war which I had brought out of Texas in quantities — and had divided 
the proceeds per capita among my men. Gov. Blesca offered me the military possession of 
New Leon and Coahuila, a commission as major general, and absolute authority from Juarez 
to recruit a corps of fifty thousand Americans. All these things I told my followers. Then 
I laid a scheme before them and mapped out for the future a programme which had for a 
granite basis, as it were, that' one irrevocable idea of empire. But to my surprise and almost 
despair nearly the entire expeditionary force were resolute and aggressive in^>erialist8. I 
could not move them from the idea of fighting for Maximilian. They hated Juarez, they 
said, and they hated his cause. Maximilian had been the ^iend of the South, so had the 
French, and so had Louis Napoleon. They would not lift a hand against the imperial 
government. I did not argue with my soldiers. They had been faithful to me beyond 
everjrthing I had ever known of devotion, and so I said to them, *You have made your 
res9lve, it seeips — so be it I will go with you to the end of the earth, and if Maximilian 
wants us we will bring him fifty thousand Americans.' That afternoon late I thanked 
Gov. Blesca cordially for all he had done and all he wished to do, and marched with my 
men toward Monterey, where there was a heavy French garrison under Gen. Jeanningros. 
Jeanningros had heard of the sale of the war munitions to the Mexicans, and he was 
furious in his wrath and threatenings. We marched, however, to within two miles of 
Monterey, drew up in line of battle in front of the cuirassiers covering the northern 
road, dispatched a flag of truce into the town to know whether it was to be peace or war, 
and Jeanpingros hiade haste to send back word that it was peace. Then we entered the 
French lines promptly, and were known from that on until the evacuation as being in full 
sjrmpathy and accord with the French." 

Negotiations with Maximilian. 

"And how did Maximilian receive you, General, and what did he say in answer to the 
pro£Fer you made to him of your services?" 

"There is another feature of those plans which were never fulfilled which might be 
mentioned. Gen. Preston, of Kentucky, was our negotiator, sent forward to represent to 
Maximilian and Marshal Bazaine the necessity of organizing for immediate service a corps 
of fifty thousand Americans. Preston talked eloquently and well, but received simply 
courteous attention for his pains. Neither yes nor no was said to him. Three times he was 
accorded an audience by the emperor, and three times he came out from it as' he went in. 
Meanwhile we were marching rapidly and fighting our way toward the capital. Guerrillas 
beset us night and day. There was an ambushment in front and sometimes on both flanks 
at once. We whipped everything that encountered us from the Salinas river to Queretaro, 
losing in killed on the rugged march over one hundred of my best and bravest soldiers. 
I never left a wounded man except in a town where there was a permanent French garrison. 
Of wounded there were over one hundred more. On reaching the City of Mexico I sought 
an interview with the emperor at once, and obtained it through Commodore Maury, then 
Maximilian's comlnissioner of immigration. It was a brief but emphatic one. The emperor 
was gracious yet reticent. He asked me what my men and myself desired. I told him 
service under the empire. He enquired further of the number of men I had with me, the 
number I could recruit in six months, and the uses that could be made of them after they 
were recruited. In six months I promised him fifty thousand veterans. As to their uses 
my answer was about in substance this: *I speak as a soldier, and I ask your majesty's 
pardon for so doing; but my men expect me to bring them back word of this interview. 
Without foreign help you cannot keep your crown. The French will be forced to evacuate 
Mexico. Mr. Seward has sworn it, and a million of men in arms are anxious to b^in 
today the enforcement of the Monroe doctrine. The Mexicans are not for you. Tlic 
church party ^ will not fight; the priests — ostensibly your friends — ^are as enemies working 
against you secretly; your Austrian and Belgian troops are too few to hold even your 

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^ capital, and yotir native regiments are worse than militia. With fifty thousand American 
soldiers who are devoted to you and who have been schooled in either army to arms, you 
can hold your own, consolidate your power, develop this empire of yours, and finally 
get upon the most amicable terms with your naturally selfish, grasping, and unscrupulous 
neighbors of the United States. Otherwise, if you do not lose yotir life, you will surely 
lose your adopted country/ Maximilian listened attentively as I told him this and much 
more like it, evidently pleased at my frankness and directness. He asked but one other 
question before the interview terminated." 

"What was that question, General?" 

"It was this: 'Cannot diplomacy do for me what you propose to do with arms?' 
I answered: 'It cannot, your majesty,' and I bowed and left him. Afterward, with Gen. 
Magruder, I iralled upon Marshal Bazaine and made almost the same kind of a speech 
to him. Bazaine was a thorough soldier. He saw the situation exactly as we saw it He 
knew that he would soon have to get out with all of his army. He knew that without foreign 
aid Maximilian was lost beyond redemption. He knew of what stuff the imperial Mexican 
soldiers were made. He knew that out of nine millions of people eight millions were for 
Juarez and the republic as against Maximilian and the empire, and that of the other million, 
who were imperialists from sentiment and aristocracy, not>/ifty thousand would take guns 
in their hands and stand about their king as became men true to honor or brave for the 
right. But Bazaine was powerless. His business in Mexico was, primarily, to collect 
through Maximilian the debt owed the French by the Mexicans. Afterward he was left 
there because Napoleon believed he might establbh an empire if the Americans kept on 
cutting one another's throats until there were left but few throats to cut. Napoleon, however, 
madb ihe fatal mistake of fighting his battles for empire on the Rio Grande instead of on the 
Potomac. He landed his expeditionary corps at the wrong place. Instead of sending 
soldier^ inland from Vera Cruz, Tampico, and Matamoros, he should have sent them inland 
from Charleston, Wilmington, and New Orleans. I said this plainly to Bazaine, and Bazaine 
shrugged his shoulders and bowed his head." 

Miflsoiiri and the War with Spain. 

True to the traditions of Jtheir state Missourians in Congress supported Presi- 
dent McKinley when the time came on the 8th of March, 1898, to vote millions 
for war preparation^ against Spain. Three of the Missouri democrats spoke 
words ringing with patriotism. Mr. Bland said : 

"I have confidence, Mr. Speaker, in the chief executive of this nation and 
that he will do right in this, emergency. I care not whether he be republican 
or democrat or a populist, he is an American and we are all. I am willing to 
trust him and his discretion and patriotism, not only with this fifty millions, 
but twice that if it is deemed necessary. We have no jealousies in this govern- 
ment like that which comes from the crowned heads of Europe, where plots and 
counterplots are entered into for the purpose of overthrowing the d)masty. 
While we may have our domestic diflferences of opinion, while we may be divided 
in politics and as to policies, yet we can trust our President because we know 
that if he is not faithful to his trust it requires no plpt or counterplot to remove 
him from office every four years; for this is a republic, and all abuses can be 
remedied at the polls. But, Mr. Speaker, while we don't favor war, and hope 
war may not come, yet if it should come we are appropriating the means to 
prepare for it. 

"I hope this is a peace measure; still, it may be necessary as a war measure. 
Mr. Speaker, the present situation and the situation for some time past has 
shown the strength and power of this government. We don't move in a 
hysterical way. Our people demand nothing but what is right. They rely im- 

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plicitly upon themselves in their belief that right will prevail, and the right 
policy will be pursued. We are not in a hurry to go to war with any one. We 
know our strength, and, relying upon the strength and patriotism of this people, 
we can wait and bide our time. But when war does come, and God forbid that 
it should, yet our people make a swift and victorious decision of the contest. 
(Applause.) I am glad to know, Mr. Speaker, that we have the means in the 
treasury to furnish the appropriation without taxation. I am glad to know that 
if we must go to war we can engage in the contest without bonding our people to 
the money changers of the world.** 

Mr. Dockery, sturdy economist and strong party man, as he was, said : 

'The time for discussion has passed, and the hour for action arrived. G>nfronted as 
we are with the present emergency, I believe that no American citizen will falter or hesitate. 
Divided we may be among ourselves upon questions of domestic policy, as to our relations 
toward other nations we present an unbroken front (Applause.) Party lines fade away, 
and we are ready on this side of the chamber to join the other side in support of all proper 
measures to protect the country and to uphold the national dignity and the national honor. 
This bill places at dbposal of the President, for the national defense, $50,000,000. I sup- 
ported It in committee; it was reported unanimously, and I give it my hearty and enthu- 
siastic support now. I am willing now and at all times to vote to maintain the majesty 
of this , government and to promote its vigor and power. 

"Mr. Speaker, we have inherited through great tribulations the priceless blessing of 
liberty and self-government from the illustrious military and naval heroes of this republic 
Let us show ourselves worthy of our forefathers of the revolution and of our other 
patriots who, in all the later wars, have upheld upon land and sea the principles of 
republican government. Sir, let there be no discordant note in our response to the universal 
voice of the American people summoning us here and now to stand by the government 
and support this appropriation." 

Mr. Cochran, of the St. Joseph district, voiced like patriotic sentiment: 

'*l shall vote for this bill because. I regard it as ^another ste( in the attainment of 
manifest destiny; because I believe it is another step in the direction of dedicating this 
new world to liberty and republicanism as tradition and history have dedicated the old 
world to monarchy; because I believe it is but signalizing the passage of another of the 
great powers that has wrecked and accursed and incumbered the earth, and the building 
up of another commonwealth so that men may be happy in the sunlight of liberty. I vote 
for it because I believe that it is an admonition to Spain that Cuba is forever! lost— a 
notice to the world that this great country has at last arrayed itself on the side of liberty 
and against the murder, the rapine and barbarity that characterize the oppression of the 
Cuban patriots. I know it sounds well to the ear to say that this is a peace measure. It 
is an admonition to Spain to let go of Cuba, or it is a war measure ; and we had as well 
understand it that way. The history of the Cuban struggle is one long succession of 
abuses, outrages, murders and unheard-of atrocities. The forbearance, the patience ¥^th 
which the American people have witnessed its struggle signalized their devotion to peace. 
This is the signal that they are at the same time prepared for war." 

Missouri Loyalty IllnslafatecL 

The orator of the day at Sedalia inv September, 1898, began: "Veterans of 
the Confederacy of the Division of Missouri, soldiers of the present war, mem- 
bers of the Grand Army of the Republic, citizens all of the greatest nation of 
the world, I greet you." The scene was inspiring. A long column had marched 
from the center of the city out to Liberty Park. Mark the name! In blue 

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service uniforms a company of the Fifth Missouri was the escort. The com- 
manding officer of these United States volunteers, Capt. J. J. Fulkerson, wore the 
badge of his camp as a Confederate veteran. Following were the men who had 
been with Price and Shelby. After the Confederates marched the Sedalia Post 
of the Grand Army of the Republfc. Probably in no other state of the Union 
was there witnessed just such a scene at 4:he close of the Spanish-American war. 

^ One of the Confederate • veterans was Rev. Thomas M. Cobb of Lexington, 
presiding elder of the Methodist church. His son, Thomas M. Cobb, Jr., was the 
adjutant of the Fifth Missouri. A poll of Fulkerson's company showed that of 
the eighty-seven members in the escort all but five were sons of fathers who 
had served on one side or the other in the Civil war. 

In the Spanish- American war the northwestern section of the state furnished 
the Fourth Missouri, which went down to Camp Alger and marched by the 
President the day after it arrived as an object lesson in citizen soldiery right 
from the stores, the shops and the farms without waiting for arms, uniforms or 
equipment. The Fourth created a great sensation on its first appearance. Its 
energetic officers got it equipped to perfection and then worked it into one of 
the very best regiments in the service. The Fourth wa^^the first Missouri regi- 

. ment under orders to go to the front, and was about to move when the war 
suddenly collapsed. When the war was over and public attention was diverted 
from fighting and big things to minor incidents and details of camp life, the 
Fourth Missouri didn't contribute extensively to the harrowing tales of hard- 
ships. At the time the wave of fault-finding, helped on by partisanship and by 
sensational publications, was highest, an old Confederate stood up in St. Joseph 
and announcd his position: 

"I've got a boy in the Fourth Missouri," he said. "If he'd make one of these 
fool complaints about the hard lines of soldiering I'd travel all the way to Camp 
Meade and Td warm his anatomy so that he wouldn't sit down to his meals with 
ccmifort for a week. I fi't in the Wilderness a week on one ear of com." 

Grant and Doniphan. 

The difficulty with Mexico in 1914 and the talk of possible annexation 
prompted Judge D. C. Allen of .Liberty to give for publication this reminiscence 
of an interchange of opinion between U. S. Grant and A. W. Doniphan, -both of 
whom had been in the war with Mexico : "Near 1880 they were summering in 
Colorado, and while there, at Denver or Colorado Springs, they were several 
times in the society of each other. As all know, the annexation of Mexico has 
been in discussion among Americans, oflF and on, for more than fifty years. It 
was so when these eminent men met in Colorado. At one of their meetings the 
following interchange of opinion occurred between them : 

"General Grant: 'What do you think. Colonel Doniphan, of the annexation 
of Mexico?' 

"Colonel Doniphan: 'I think, General, that there is now as much black blood 
on the stomach of the American people as they can well digest.* 

"General Grant : 1 think so, too.' 

"This interchange was communicated to me by Col. D. a year or so before 
his death, which occurred on August 8, 1887." 

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MuUanphy at the Battle of New Orleans. 

The story of John Mullanphy and his cotton bales belongs to the record of 
Missouri in foreign wars. Mullanphy was the first Missouri millionaire. At the 
time of the war of 1812 he was speculating in cotton. He had on hand a con- 
siderable quantity at New Orleans. General Jackson took this cotton to make 
the breastworks behind which he waited for Packenham, the English general. 
Mullanphy went to "Old Hickory" and protested. "This is your cotton?" said 
General Jackson. "Then no one has a better right to defend it. Take a musket 
and stand in the ranks." When the war was over, Mullanphy tore the breast- 
works to pieces^ shipped his bales of cotton to England and cleared a million 
dolhrs. In the biography of General Andrew Jackson this version of Mr. Mul- 
lanphy and the cotton bales is given : "An additional number of bales was taken 
to defend the embrasures. A Frenchman whose property had been thus without 
his consent seized, fearing of the injury it might sustain, proceeded in person 
to General Jackson to reclaim it and demand its delivery. The general, having 
heard his complaint and ascertaining from him that he was employed in no 
military service, directed a musket be brought him and placing it in his hand 
ordered him on the line, remarking at the same time, 'that as he seemed to be a 
man possessed of property he knew of none who had a better right to fight to 
defend it.' " 

The error of the biographer in calling Mr. Mullanphy a Frenchman may be 
easily explained by the fact that the Irishhian had obtained a good knowledge of 
the French language and might easily have passed for a Frenchman. The most 
accurate version of the New Orleans experience was undoubtedly . that which 
Mr. Mullanphy gave to John F. Darby and which Mr. Darby made public : 

"After the battle was over, Mr. Mullanphy said he could hear people on all sides saying 
they would look to the government for their cotton ; and he knew it would take a long time 
to get money out of the government. Great delay, much expense, and an act of Congress 
would have been required. He went to General Jackson, and said if he would order the 
same number of sound bales, not torn by cannon balls or damaged in any way, returned to 
him as had been taken from him, he would give a release for all claims upon the govern- 
ment. General Jackson directed his quartermaster to do this, and Mullanphy received the 
same number of sound bales as had been taken from him. All the balance of the cotton 
used in the breastworks was put up at auction and sold for a mere trifle. 

"No cotton could be sold for more than three or four cents a pound. After the battle 
Mr. Mullanphy seemed to have a premonition that peace would be made soon. The mails 
were carried to New Orleans at that time all the way on horseback via Natchez. No steam- 
boats were running there at that date, and no mail coaches ran in that flat swampy country. 
Mr. Mullanphy hired a couple of men to take a skiff and row him up the Mississippi river 
to Natchez. They ate and slept in the skiff. No one knew the object of his visit; the men 
with him knew nothing of his purpose, and were left in charge of the skiff on their arrival 
at Natchez, with injunctions to stay in the boat all of the time, as he did not know what 
minute he might want to return. He went up into the town of Natchez and sauntered 
around, when late in the evening the post rider came riding at full spiced, shouting, 'Peace ! 
Peace 1' having, it is said, got a fresh horse every ten miles to hasten the glad tidings and 
prevent the further destruction of life. Mr. Mullanphy ran down to the river, jumped into 
his skiff and ordered his men to row with all their might for New Orleans, as he had im- 
portant business there to attend to. The men knew not what had occurred, and rowed all 
night and all next day with the swift current of the Mississippi, reaching New Orleans in 

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Silas Woodson, 1873-1875 

C. H. Hardin, 1875-1877 

John S. Phelps, 1877-1881 

Thomas T. Crittenden, 1881-1885 John S. Mannaduke, 1885-1887 


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good time. Mr. Mullanphy was the only man in the city who had the news of peace. He 
was self-composed— showed no excitement. He began purchasing all the cotton he could 
buy or bargain for. *He had about two days the start of the others. Late in the evening 
of the second day, from the large amount of cotton purchased by him, people began to talk 
abd to suspect that he had some secret information. The third day, in the morning, the 
whok town was rejoicing; the news of peac^ had come, and cannon were announcing it, 
but Mr. Mullanphy had the cotton. Mr. Mullanphy chartered a vessel and took the cotton, 
which he had purchased at three or four cents a pound, to England, where he sold it, as 
was reported, at thirty cents a pound. And a part of the specie and bullion brought back 
with him as the returns from his cotton was sold by him to the government of the United 
States on which to base the capital for the Bank of the United States." 

The American Spirit in Upper Louisiana. 

Long befcwe Missouri was known by name, the American spirit was there. 
^t was indigenous. "Our friends, the Spaniards, are doing everything in their 
power to convince me of their friendship," George Rogers Clark wrote from St. 
Louis in July, 1778. Here the Hannibal of the West found money, gunpowder 
and clothing secretly stored and awaiting delivery to help the American cause. 
The wonderful exploits of George Rogers Clark and his 350 Virginians and Ken- 
tuckians in 1778 and 1779 are thrilling cljap^f a. of;^?ne^^an histories. Scarcely 
mentioned in these histories is the fact th^h|e^9^:hj|^ is^rted on his campaign, 
Cark sent two of his trusted lieutenants to St. Louis to sound sentiment toward 
the American colonies and to determined in what degree the leading men of the 
community could be depended upon for jco6pcratic». After he received the en- 
couraging reports from St. Louis, Georg^'^blj^Vs Clark started downlhe Ohio 
to make his bloodless capture of the BrinSlT post, Kaskaskta, July 4, 1778. 

Very practical was the sympathy with which St. Louisans redeemed the 
promises they had given to George Rogers Qark's advance agents. A St. 
Louisan, Francis Vigo, made the trip to Vincennes and brought back to Qark 
the information he needed to make the expedition against that British post suc- 
cessful. As Vigo was leaving Vincennes to return the British stopped him. He 
asserted his right as a resident of St. Louis. A pledge that "on his way to St. 
Louis he would do no act hostile to British interest" was required. Vigo came 
back direct to St. Louis. He had barely landed when, having fulfilled the pledge, 
he jumped back into his boat and went as fast as he could to Kaskaskia with 
the news that the French were waiting to welcome the Americans and that Vin- 
cennes could be taken. Qark made repeated visits to St. Louis before he started 
in February, 1779, across the Illinois prairies. He needed money and provisions. 
St. Louis raised nearly $20,000 for the little American army. Father Gibault, 
the pr^st who alternated between St. Louis and Kaskaskia, gave his savings of 
years — $1,600. When the expedition, with recruits from St. Louis and Cahokia 
and Kaskaskia, marched away to the eastward, Father Gibault and his Kaskaskia 
parishioners knelt and prayed for American success at Vincennes. Fifteen 
months later the firing line of American independence ran along the stone, brush 
and log ramparts of St. Louis. 

The St. Louis of 1764-80 came well by its Americanism. For two or three 

generations, the governors-general at New Orleans had been writing home to the 

French government about the growth of a republican spirit. The youth who 

came out to New France with the intention of bettering their material condition 

Vol. 11—20 

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brought with them the theories and the arguments that were spreading in France. 
Governors-general complained and warned tRat the tendencies threatened to make 
trouble. Laclede came from the Pyrenees with companions at a time when revolt 
against monarchy was in many minds. As he grasped the opportunity to found 
his settlement he drew to him some of the lower Louisiana people w^ho had be- 
come imbued with republican ideas, but more of Canadian and Illinois parentage, 
to whom the ties with the mother country were traditional rather than positively 
loyal. St. Louis in the first six years of its existence progressed farther than any 
other community of the continent toward what were to be American ideals. 

St. Louis and the Bevolution. 

The late Bishop C. F. Robertson, of the diocese of Missouri, became deeply 
interested in what St. Louisans did to aid the American colonies during the 
Revolution. He was es^)ecially impressed with the services rendered in 1778 by 
Frauds Vigo, of whom hie wrote: 

"There had been resident in St. Louis for several years Colonel Francis Vigo, an 
Italian by birth, but one who had been in the Spanish military service. He had, however, 
left the army and was engaged in the Indian trade on the Missouri and its tributaries, 
much respected in St. Louis, and enjoying the confidence of the governor in the highest 
degree. A Spaniard in his allegiance, he was under no obligation to assist us, but, on the 
other hand, as his country was at peace with Great Britain, any breach of neutrality on his 
part towards that country would subject him to loss and vengeance. But in spite of all this, 
from his attachment to republican principles and sympathy with a people struggling for their 
rights, Colonel Vigo overlooked all personal consequences, and so soon as he had heard 
of Clark's arrival at Kaskaskia, he left St. Louis, crossed the line, went down there and 
tendered his means and influence, both of which were gladly accepted. Knowing Colonel 
Vigo's influence with the inhabitants of the country, and desirous of gaining some informa- 
tion from Vincennes, from which he had not heard for some months. Colonel Clark proposed 
to Vigo that he should go and learn the actual condition of things at the post. Colonel 
Vigo immediately started with but one servant, but on approaching Vincennes was captured 
by a party of Indians and brought to Governor Hamilton, who was then in possession of 
the place. Being a Spaniard and non-combatant, he could not be confined, but was only 
compelled to report himself every morning. He learned the condition of the garrison, its 
means of defense, and the position of the town. 

'In the meantime, Hamilton was embarrassed by the detention of Vigo, and the French 
inhabitants threatened to stop the supplies unless he was released. The governor consented, 
on condition that Vigo should sign an article *not to do any act during the war injurious 
to British interests.* He rciused to sign this, and the pledge was modified, 'not to do any- 
thing injurious to British interests on his way to St. Louis.' Colonel Vigo put his name to 
this, and the next day departed down the Wabash and the Ohio, and up the Mississippi, with 
two voyagers accompanying him. He faithfully kept the very letter of his bond. On his 
way to St. Louis he did 'nothing injurious to British interest' But he had no sq§ner set 
foot on shore, and changed his clothes, than in the same pirogue he hastened to Kaskaskia 
and gave the information by means of which Clark was enabled to capture Hamilton and 
the most important post of Vincennes. 

"A citizen of St. Louis had thus an influential part in bringing to success a result than 
which few others have done more to shape all the fortunes of the West. 

"More than this, when Colonel Clark came to Kaskaskia, it was with great difficulty that 
the French inhabitants could be persuaded to take the continental paper which alone Qark 
and his soldiers had with them for money. Peltries and French coins were the only currency 
used by the simple inhabitants. It was not until Colonel Vigo, the adopted citizen of St. 
Louis, went there and gave a guarantee on his property for the redemption of this paper that 
Colonel Clark could, with difficulty, induce the unsophisticated Frenchmen to take the cur- 

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rency. Even then twenty dollars of this continental currency had only the purchasing power 
of one silver dollar. The douleur, as they called the dollar, meant pain and grief to them. 

"It was only by such aid that Colonel Clark was enabled to maintain the posts which 
he had conquered on the Wabash and the Mississippi until the close of the war, by which 
he saved to the nation the vast territory lying between the Ohio and the lakes. 

"Colonel Vigo, at the close of the war, had on hand more than twenty thousand dollars 
of the worthless continental money for which he had surrendered his. property and for 
which, to the end of his life, he never received one penny. He was given a draft on Vir- 
ginia, which was dishonored, and died almost a pauper, holding the same dishonored draft 
in his possession. After his death the State of Virginia acknowledged the justice of the 
claim, and furnished evidence to prove that it was one of the liabilities assumed by the' 
general government in consideration of the act of cession of the land to it by the state. 

"Mention ought also to be made of Father Gibault, who li^fed at Vincennes, but who had 
t^e curacy of Kaskaskia and who was there when Clark took possession of the place. He 
it was who was influential in procurmg the release of Colonel Vigo from his detention at 
Vincennes, and who joined with him in contributing from his cattle and his tithes for the 
maintenance of the American troops, without which aid they must either have surrendered 
or abandoned their enterprise. Judge Law says, that next to Clark and Vigo the United 
States are more indebted to Father Gibault for the accession of. the states comprised in 
what was the original Northwestern territory than to any other man." 

The Battle of Pencour. 

American historians have given little or no international significance to the 
British attack upon St. Louis. When they refer to it, they call it an attempted 
Indian massacre. This is readily explained. Record evidence regarding the 
attack, frcMn the St. Louis side, is wanting. Recently more has .been learned. 
The source has been the Canadian archives. It abundantly verifies the hitherto 
doubted assertions of Reynolds in his History of Illinois .that the expedition was 
planned and conducted by the British. By word-of-mouth the St Louis narra- 
tive was handed down. The French settlers had won a great victory, one of far 
reaching consequences. They did not know it. They realized that they had 
saved their homes from savages. From this point of view they told their chil- 
dren the story of "the great blow." 

In local annals it became "L'anne du grande coup." More than a century 
was to pass before *'the year of the great blow" obtained its full historical sig- 
nificance. In the Carolinas the tide had turned against the British. In 1778-79 
George Rogers Qark had occupied Kaskaskia with his Virginians. He had made 
friends with the Spanish officers and with the French settlers at St. Louis. 
Francis Vigo, a Sardinian by birth, had brought to Clark the information that 
Vincennes might be taken by a quick march across the prairies of Illinois. Vigo 
with Charles Gratiot, the Swiss, and Gabriel Cerre had backed Clark with 
.money and credit. Frenchmen from St. Louis and Cahokia had enlisted for the 
expedition with the handful of Virginians. The French women of Cahokia had 
made the flags for the American allies to carry. Vincennes had^ fallen. Its 
British commander, General Hamilton, *'the hair buyer," they called him be- 
cause he paid Indians for American scalps, had been sent a prisoner to Vir- 
ginia. These events in rapid succession preceded the attack of the Indians on 
St. Louis— "the great blow"— of 1780. 

This attack was attributed at the time to British influence, but historians have 
been inclined to treat the affair as '*a raid by the savages inhabiting the northern 

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lake country incited by guerrillas, probably for plunder." Quite recently, within 
the past few years, copies of important documents from the Canadian archives, 
coming into possession of the Missouri Historical Society, have revealed the 
facts about the expedition against St. Louis. 

Pencour is the name given to St. Louis in all of these documents. Patt Sin- 
clair, as he signed himself, lieutenant-governor of Michilimackinac, organized 
the expedition. He reported from time to time the progress and results to the 
British general, Frederick Haldimand, in command at Quebec. From these 
documents it is made apparent that the movement directed by Sinclair was to be 
general against St. Louis, Kasjcaskia, and other Illinois settlements. The re- 
covery of Vincennes was even contemplated. Anticipating the easy capture of 
St. Louis, Sinclair intended the column sent in that direction to proceed down 
the river capturing and destroying the settlements as far down as possible. 

How much Haldimand and Sinclair had staked on this expedition against 
St. Louis the later correspondence between them showed. On the Atlantic sea- 
board the British for a year and more had carried on their most active operations 
against the southern colonies. They held Savannah and had overrun part of 
Georgia. Their armies were in the Caroltnas. The policy was to move north- 
ward from Georgia, making use of the slave conditions as an element of weak- 
ness to the American patriots. The British leaders thought in this way to subdue 
colony after colony. , Their plan to cut the colonial military strength into parts 
by taking possession of the Hudson and a line of communication with Canada 
had failed signally after the defeat at Saratoga. 

With the British navy and land forces concentrating about Savannah and 
Georgia, Haldimand and Sinclair counted upon a naval demonstration against 
the mouth of the Mississippi and New Orleans, at the same time that their forces 
of Canadians and Indians swept southward down the Mississippi 'and the Illinois 
and over the prairies between the Mississippi and the Wabash. It was a cam- 
paign well thought out. It enlisted more than the military element. It appealed 
to the self-interest of the Canadian fur traders. The savagery and rapacity of 
the Indians were inflamed. 

Had the plans of Haldimand and Sinclair succeeded, had St. Louis fallen, 
had the naval demonstration by the British fleet been made against New Orleans, 
the war of the Revolution would have left the west bank of the Mississippi, the 
whole Louisiana Territory, under the British flag. 

But even while Sinclair was informing Haldimand of the details of intended 
occupancy of St. Louis and other places on the west side of the Mississippi, the 
expedition had failed, the three divisions were in full retreat. In the corre- 
spondence Sinclair refers to cypher messages. He also mentions, significantly, 
the non-support of this expedition by the expected movement against New 
Orleans. Treachery among his own forces he gives as the cause of defeat. 

The British Plans Revealed. 

Of the proposed "reduction of Pencour by surprise" Sinclair wrote con- 
fidently to Haldimand in February. He was assembling the expedition. The 
rendezvous was on the Upper Mississippi, at the mouth of the Wisconsin. Ca- 
noes and corn were collected. The Minominies, the Puants, the Sacs and the 

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Rhenards were assembled. The force was not to start "until I send instruction 
by Sergeant Phillips of the Eighth Regiment." Sinclair contemplated not only 
the capture of St. Louis. He expected to hold it. He wrote : "The reduction 
of Pencour, by surprise, from the easy admission of Indians at that place, and 
by assault from without, having for its defense as reported, only twenty men and 
twenty brass cannon, will be less difficult than holding it afterwards. To gain 
both these ends, the rich fur trade of the Missouri river, the injuries done to 
the traders who formerly attempted to partake 6i it, and the large property they 
may expect in the place will contribute. The Sdous will go with all dispatch as 
low down as the Natches, and as many intermediate attacks as possible shall be 

In his next report, Sinclair told General Haldimand that the expedition had 
started down the Mississippi. In that body were 750 men, "including traders, 
servants and Indians." "Captain Langdale with a chosen band of Indians and 
Canadians will join a party assembled at Chicago to make his attack by the 
Illinois river, and another party is sent to watch the plains between the Wabash 
and the Mississippi. I am now in treaty with the Ottawas about furnishing their 
quota to cut off the rebels at Post St. Vincents (Vincennes), but as they are 
under the management of two chiefs, the one a drunkard and the other an 
avaricious trader, I meet with difficulties in bringing it about. Thirty Saginah 
warriors are here in readiness to join them, and the island band can furnish as 
many more." 

Sinclair's announcement of the preliminary successes of his campaigns reveals 
how St. Louis was cooperating 'with the American rebels: "During the time 
necessary for assembling the Indians at La Prairie du Chien, detachments were 
made to watch the river to intercept craft coming up with provisions and to seize 
upon the people working in the lead mines. Both one and the other were effected 
without any accident. Thirty-six Minominies have brought to this post a large 
armed boat, loaded at Pencour, in which were twelve men and rebel commissary. 
From the mines they had brought seventeen Spanish and i;ebel prisoners, and 
stopped fifty tons of lead ore. The chiefs Machiquawish and Wabasha have 
kindled this spirit in the western Indians." 

In a postscript, after the several parties were well on the way to St. Louis " 
and the Illinois country, Sinclair unfolds his plans for permanent possession: 

Thillips, of the Eighth Regriment, who has my warrant to act as lieutenant during your 
excellency's pleasure, will garrison the fort at the entrance of the Missouri. Captain Hesee 
will remain at Pencour. Wabasha will attack Misere (Ste. Genevieve) and Kacasia 
(Kaskaskia). All the traders who will secure the posts on the Spanish side of the Mississippi 
during the next winter have my promise for the exclusive trade of the Missouri during that 
time. The two lower villages are to be laid under contributions for the support of their 
garrisons, and the two upper villages are to send cattle to be forwarded to this place to 
feed the Indians on their return. Orders will be published at the Illinois for no person 
to go there, who looks for receiving quarter — and the Indians have orders to give none to 
any ^vrithout a British pass. This requires every attention and support, being of utmost 

An Account by an Eye Witness. 

The Canadian archives preserve a version of the attack on St. Louis, by an 
eye witness. This account written down as soon as the defeated expedition 

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returned to Mackiijaw is titled "Information of a William Brown/' Although 
a prisoner of the British, Brown talked willingly. He owned up to having served 
as a hunter for: the British lieutenant-governor, Hamilton, before Vincennes 
\vas taken by George Rogers Clark in 1778. Then he volunteered with Clark to 
fight the Shawnees, -but deserted and went to Misere (Ste. Genevieve). In 
March preceding the attack, Brown reached St. Louis, or Pencour, as his state- 
ment to Sinclair has it. Brown was taken prisoner by the British allies about 
three hundred yards from the/ hastily constructed defenses of St. Louis. This 
is what he told Sinclair: 

"About the latter end of March John Conn, a trader, went down the Mississippi with the 
report of an attack against the Illinois by that route. Upon the arrival of Conn, the Spaniards 
began to fortify Pencour. The report was affterwards confirmed by a French woman who 
went down the Mississippi. The woman mentioned was the wife of Monsignor Honroc. The 
post at the entrance of the Missouri was evacuated and the fort blown up, all the outposts 
called in, and the videttes of their cavalry (for all are mounted except the garrison) were 
placed around the village of Pencour. Platform cannon with a parapet were placed over a 
stone house. An intrenchment was thrown up and scouts sent out. Two days before tlie 
British detachment appeared before Pencour, Colonel Qark (George Rogers Qark) and 
another rebel colonel, we believe named Montgomery, arrived at Pencour, it was said, with 
a design to concert an attack upon Michilimackinac, but whether with that design or to repel 
the expected attack by the Mississippi it was agreed that one hundred from the west side 
and two hundred from the east side should be equipped and in readiness to march when 
ordered. We believe Clark and Montgomery to have been in the village of Cahokia when 
the Indians were beaten off. Colonel Montgomery, or soitie rebel officer, was killed with a 
private of the rebel troops who wore a bayonet marked 42nd kegiment. They imagined that 
no others were killed at the Cahokias as they filed oflF early to a rising ground lower down 
the river than the village where all of the rebels were concealed in a stone house and could 
not be drawn out. Indeed, few stratagems were used, owing to Canadian treachery. 

"In the Spanish ihtrenchment^ numbers were killed, as the Indians occupied a ground 
which commanded the greatest part of it and made several feints to enter it in order to draw 
the Spanish from such part of the works as afforded them cover. Thirty-three scalps were 
taken on the west side and about twenty-four prisoners, blacks and white people. Great 
numbers of cattle were killed on both sides of the river. The inhabitants were very much 
spared by all of the Indians excepting the Winipigoes and Scioux. . They only scalped five 
or six who were not armed for the defense of the lines." 

This is th^ story of eye witness Brown, as taken down for the British official 
records of the expedition against St. Louis. 

Acknowledging Sinclair's bad news and accepting his version of the un- 
successful "attacks upon Pencour and the Cahokias" General Haldimand wrote 
from Quebec the loth of August, 1780: "It is very mortifying that the protec- 
tion Monsieur Calve and others have received should meet so perfidious and so 
ungrateful return. The circumstances of his and Monsieur Ducharme's conduct, 
you are best acquainted with and to you I leave to dispose of them as they de- 
serve. If you have evident proof of their counteracting or retarding the opera- 
tions committed to their direction, or in which they were to assist, I would have 
them sent prisoners to Montreal. 

"I am glad to find," continued Haldimand, "that although our attempts 

. proved unsuccessful, they were attended by no inconsiderable loss to the enemy.*' 

The congratulation is over the following which appears in Sinclair's report: 

"The rebels lost an officer and three men killed at the Cahokias and five prisoners. 

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At Pencour §ixty-eight were killed and eighteen black and white people made 
prisoners, among them several good artificers. Many hundreds of cattle were 
destroyed and forty-three scalps were brought in." 

Thus St Louis received a baptism of blood in the war for American inde- 
pendence. Intimations that this British movement against St. Louis and the 
Mississippi Valley were directed from London appear in the correspondence. 
Sinclair speaks of "a copy of My Lord George Germain's letter" as having 
relation to the expedition. He says "the Winnipigoes and the Scioux would 
have stormed the Spanish line at St. Louis if the Sacks and the Outgamies under 
their treacherous leader, Mbns. Calve, had not fallen back so early." 

Concluding his narrative of defeat, Sinclair adds: "A Hke disaster cannot 
happen next year, and I can venture to assure your excellency that one thousand 
Sioux without any admixture from neighboring tribes will be in the field in 
April under- Wabasha." 

The Capture of St. Joseph. 

St. Louis did not wait for Sinclair's April campaign. On the second day 
of January, 1781, Captain Beausoliel, with sixty-five St. Louisans and the same 
number of Indian allies, left St. Louis to strike a return "coup." Beausoliel 
was not the captain's real name. Eugene Pouree he had been christened. But 
he was. a bold man, a bom leader, who followed the dangerous vocation of 
operating a bateau between New Orleans and St. Louis. A man who amounted 
to something in those days, who was admired by his fellow citizens, was likely 
to be known by a nickname. It came about that Eugene Pouree as a tribute 
to his popularity was called Captain Beausoliel. The home of the captain was 
on Market street. By reason of his qualities of leadership, Pouree had been 
made commander of the militia company organized among the men of St. Louis. 

The expedition made its way up the Illinois valley, encountering severe 
winter weather and suffering hardships. Some distance south of the present 
Chicago, Pouree led his command to the eastward, passed around the head of 
Lake Michigan and reached the British post at St. Joseph. The attack was a 
surprise. The capture was complete. The St. Louis expedition took what furs 
and other property could be transported, raised the Spanish flag and marched 
back to St. Louis, delivering the British flag to Governor Cruzat. The expedition 
was well managed. Leaving St. Louis Pouree carried goods with which he suc- 
cessfully bought his way through the Indian tribes •encountered. The route took 
the expedition near the present city of Danville, where years afterwards bullets 
of Spanish manufacture were found by American settlers. Pouree's force 
turned northward near South Bend. The gifts made to the Indians not only 
secured a peaceful journey, but insured the surprise of St. Joseph, which was 
complete. The St. Louisans assaulted the fort and took the traders and British 
soldiers prisoners. They found a considerable stock of furs, which they divided 
with the Indians. The return was made to St. Louis in March. Sinclair at- 
tempted no April campaign. The honors of both defense in 1780 and offense in 
1781 were with the St. Louisans. 

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: ,% A /*v-, ,.f 

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FAIR. 1904 

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"The Most Enlightened Instruction*' — The Model College of Agriculture — Rise of the 
Rooster-^Evolution of a $5o,ooo/>oo Industry^When a Hen Was Only a Henr-The 
Coop Car and the Central Plants— Science of "Extras" and "Seconds"— Missouri Feed 
Lots—Com on the Hoof to Market— Latter Day Economies— The Place to Kill the 
Porker— Make Beef of the Steer Where He is Primed— The Model Stockyards of 
St. Joseph — Packing Plants Up-to-Date — Fine Art in Poultry Handling — Rules of 
Cleanliness and Economy — The Awakening of Rufus Hatch — "Cattle Paper^' — Honor 
among Live Stock Men — A Kansas City Illustration — Pioneer Allen's Recollections — 
"Missouri Bacon" — Country Curing Processes — Dr. Waters on the State's Great Prob- 
lem — Hardeman's Garden — Henry Shaw on Conditions of Climate — George Catlin's 
Word Picture of Missouri— The Myth of "the Sunk Lands"— A Redeemed Section—^ 
Champ Clark's Treat — Some Famous' Fruits — The Ben Davis and Its Habitat — Pioneer 
Farming — The Once Despised Prairies — Experimental Farming in 1830-40 — What Major 
Higgins and Rev. Henry Avery Demonstrated — How William Muldrow Turned the Sod 
-^Missouri Valley Opportunities — Secretary J. Sterling Morton on Normal Industries^ 
Missouri at the Columbian Exposition. 

It is not generally known that the product of the Missouri ben last year was more than double the 
product of all the , wheat produced in the state. It is not generally known that the poultry output was 
worth twenty-five times the entire cotton crop of the state and fifty times the potato crop. It also was 
twelve tiroes as large as the vegetable and truck garden output of the state. Yet, with all these glowing 
figures, the Missouri hen has received less attention than these other industries, although she has given 
the sUte more advertisement. — Jewell Mayes, Secretary,^ State Board of Agriculture, 1914. 

She represents in her industrial and intellectual greatness the interests of the North and of the 
South, of the East and' of the West. Her greatness and catholicity^ in this regard but reflect the 
diversity of her climate, her resources and her soil. She has corn and oats on the north, cotton and 
tobacco on the south; she has steamboats along the east and prairie schooners along the west. She 
has millionaires and socialists, and she can look upon both and be unafraid. She can give a world's 
fair surpassing in beauty, size and variety all formrr achievements, or she can furnish bobcats and 
black bears in sufficient quantities and fierceness to satisfy the most strenuous demands of modern 
statesmanship. She can show you a soil unequaled in its richness by the valley of the Euphrates or 
the valley of the Nile. And beneath skies of Italian blue, that has sunshine enough for sentiment and 
snow enough for courage, she can ^ow you fair women and strong men, the very flower and bloom of 
American manhood and American womanhood. — Herbert S. Hadley, when Governor of Missouri. 

When Nicholas Murray Butler, president of Columbia University, was asked 
for advice by some students in the East desiring to specialize in the science of 
agriculture, he told them to go to the University of Missouri. "That," he said, 
"is where you will get the most enlightened instruction on agriculture." 

When Mrs. Theodosia Thornton Lawson visited Jefferson City in company 
with her husband, the late L. M. Lawson, he showed her by the records of the 
general assembly his action in the introduction and advocacy of the measure 
establishing a departihent of agriculture as part of the state university. As a 


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' constrictive legislator Mr. Lawson had much to his credit but the act in which 

he took most pride was this promotion of the college of agriculture. 

When the curators of the university went to Jefferson City to present the 

needs of the university, a farmer member said : "I don't know about the things 

you are asking for the university, but there's one man up at Columbia who is 

doing so much for us farmers that I'm willing to take for granted what you 

say and vote for what you ask. That's that man Waters." 

Dr. Waters' Achievements. 

Dr. Waters, a native Missourian, was the head of the college, of agriculture. 
He built it up to two hundred students and fairly started on the way the regen- 
eration of Missouri agriculturally speaking. Dr. Waters was the man who 
worked year after year until he found the solution of Texas fever which was 
giving the cattle raisers of Missouri their annual scare. He carried cm the 
feeding experiments and tests winter and summer until he had shown Missouri 
feeders how to make three poimds of beef where one Was made before in the 
feed lots. One of Dr. Waters' first graduates carried off the honors two years 
in succession at the Fat Stock show. A model dairy proved to the young Mis- 
sourians that they could make as good cheese as Wisconsin turned out. A 
machinery laboratory taught the uses of the latest improvements. Under Dr. 
Waters' direction, the members of his faculty traveled the plateaus and knobs of 
the Ozarks. They brought back to Columbia barrels of Ozark soils. They 
found that bokhara clover, a distant and unpopular cousin of alfalfa, accounted 
a disreputable weed on vacant lots of cities an^ towns, would flourish on the 
Ozark lands and prepare the way for blue grass sod. Soil conservation was 
impressed with a telling object lesson. From a nmnber of counties soil was 
brought to fill rows of pots. Clover was planted in every pot. The first pot 
contained nothing but the soil taken from a com field where the production 
was not what it had been in earlier years. The second pot had the same soil 
with an important chemical constituent added. The third pot was doctored 
differently. The last pot was the soil with only the addition of a little natural 
fertilizer from a Missouri barnyard. The first pot showed the poorest clover. 
The clover in the last pot surpassed all of the rest in growth and color. Dr. 
Waters showed his students by actual experiments how to feed steers to weigh 
1,700 pounds and to top the Chicago market year after year. Above all, his 
curriculum was planned to teach the young Missourians to save for themselves 
and their children the inheritance which their fathers and grandfathers had been 

. Kansas called Dr. Waters to take the presidency of her college of agricul- 
ture. After the great plant at Manhattan with its imposing buildings and many 
acres of experimental farms had been put on the same kind of practical basis 
as had characterized the Missouri institution. Dr. Waters took the editorship 
of the Kansas City Weekly Star to devote his experience to the betterment of 
fhe agriculture of the whole Middle West 

Evolution of the College of Agriculture. 

Following the ideals of Dr. Waters and developing and expanding the Mis- 
souri college of agriculture, encouraged by support as the l>enefits came to be 

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more fully appreciated by the state, Dr. F, B. Mumford added immensely to the 
prestige of the institution. The close of the century of statehood finds Mis- 
souri in possession of a college of agriculture in the first rank. When the time 
came to* mobilize the state for its part in the winning of the World war, the 
chairmanship of the Missouri Council of Defense and the head of the food con- 
servation organization went by common recognition of fitness to Dr. Mumford. 
To the far-reaching influence of the collie of agriculture was due the show- 
ing of food resources which put Missouri forward to fifth place among the 
states. More than that, close following the World war, came new appreciation 
by the urban Missourians of the existing agricultural wealth and of the pos- 
sible agricultural development of the state. Lawson and Waters and Mumford 
had pioneered the way and the cities were realizing the opportunities. When the 
St. Louis committee on arrangements for the celebration of Missouri's centennial 
of statehood came to the consideration of plans, the proposition advanced by 
James A. Houchin and his associates was that the celebration take the form of a 
permanent agricultural fair to be held annually at or near the city. Dean Mum- 
ford came to the support of the project with an argument which was impressive : 

"Most great cities are located on the edges of great waterways, oceans or lakes. Water- 
ways are good to carry land-produced goods. Water is only valuable when land about it 
makes it so. Most of the great cities have oceans on one side and no gr^t agricultural 
resources on the other. 

"St Louis lies in the center of the greatest agricultural area in the world. It has 
millions of acres on every side where most other large cities, including those that have 
recently passed it in population, have water on one or more sides and have no such land on 
any side as St Louis has on every side. , 

'The shop has been developed at the expense of the farm. The pendulum has swung 
as far towards industrialism as it is going to swing. It will swing back to the farm 

"Missouri's investment in agriculture is larger than its investment in any other two 
industries. It is $4,000,000,000. The annual income of Missouri farms is $700,000,000." 

Pike County Soil for Seed. 

There is no better soil than that of Missouri valleys. There is no finer 
climate than that of Missouri plateaus. When one has traveled from Alex- 
andria on the Nile-like delta of the Des Moines to Cowskin Prairie just below 
Neosho and from the Platte Purchase to Pemiscot he has seen a diversity of 
farming conditions such as no other commonwealth between the oceans can 
duplicate. In range of natural resources and natural advantages Missouri is 

Calumet township, where the Bankheads, descendants of Thomas Jefferson 
and of Pocahontas> settled eighty years ago, is the southeastern corner of Pike 
county. It borders on the Mississippi river and extends westward over the 
•bottoms and up the rolling slopes. The people who live there are very proud 
of Calumet. They say that during a national campaign Thomas B. Reed of 
Maine rode through on a railroad train, and surveying as much of Caliimet as 
he could see from a car window, voiced his admijration: 

"Great heavens! Such a country! Such lands! Why, if we had such soil 
back in New England we would sell it by the peck for seed." 

Champ Qark told this story in a speech on the floor of the House of Repre- 
sentatives, and Speaker Reed did not deny it. 

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Missouri's Strip of Loess. 

A peculiar distinction belongs to the range of bluffs along the Missouri river, 
more especially on the east and north sides. These bluffs have long been recog- 
nized by fruit growers as of wonderful fertility for orchards. Com, in time 
of drought, suffers less on the tops of the hills than it does in the rich bottoms. 
Travelers by river marveled at the erect fronts presented by the bluffs from 
fifty to 200 feet high. And yet these striking elevations were not, in most places, 
of rock formation. Geologists for years found a fascinating problem in 'the 
forms and composition. They describe the material as loess. They say that 
this Missouri river 'loess is almost exactly like that found along the Rhine in 
Germany and in the valley of the Yellow river of China but not known else- 

The Missouri strip of loess is widest where the river leaves the southern 
boundary of Iowa. It gives to the western edge of the Platte Purchase a very 
valuable section. Diminishing in width as they reach the vicinity south of 
Columbia, the loess hills are more scattered and near the mouth of the Mis- 
souri are represented by a few low elevations. The soil of which the bluffs 
are built up is loose, and hence the German name of loess given by the geologists. 
It absorbs an extraordinary amount of rain or melted snow without draining. 
At the same time it has the ability of standing in vertical- fronts toward the 
river or where creeks or gullies have cut through. Wells sunk in these deposits 
of loess, show the same material to the bottom as that at the top of the elevation. 
The looseness of the material permits the roots of trees to make their way to 
unusual depths and this ,the scientists of the University of Missouri, say explains 
the success which attends orchards on the summits. What has puzzled the 
geologists is the origin of the bluffs of loess which rise from an old drift plain 
of clay and gravel. The most recent theory is that they were blown by the 
winds into their present positions. The practical discovery of the fertile possi- 
bilities of these hills has resulted in advances of value over the apparently richer 
river bottoms. The Missouri farmer on the loess strip is in the favored class. 

The Missouri Hen. 

Missourians were amazed a few years ago when Jefferson City announced 
that the poultry products amounted yearly to more than all the mineral products 
of the state. And in mineral products were included coal, lead, zinc, iron, 
copper, nickel, cobalt, marble, terra cotta and all building stones. After that 
no one could question the legislative wisdom which established and encouraged 
a poultry experiment station in one of the favored localities of the Ozarks. The 
people of that part of the state seemed to have awakened earliest to the great 
possibilities offered by climate, pure water and other natural conditions for the 
poultry industry. 

Twenty years ago Missouri poultry and eggs were classed in the markets as 
"southern." That meant the lowest price. Now the Missouri products rank 
with the best in the country and the figures on quantity are amazing. In one 
shipment twenty-four carloads of Missouri poultry went to Manchester, England. 
An order for fifty carloads in a single shipment to one destination is not extraor- 
dinary. The business has doubled again and again in the past two decades. 

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Once a hen was a hen and an egg. was an egg in Missouri. It is not so now. 
There are ''broilers" and "roasters" and "mediums" amcmg the spring chickens 
of today. There are "No. ones" and "culls" among the hens, and, perhaps most 
remarkable of all, there are Missouri capons. As for the egg that once was an 
egg and nothing more, it grades as "western extras," "small and dirtys" and 
"seconds." The assorting and dressing and grading and packing are done at 
central points in the state. The finished product, ready for the tables of the 
world, goes hence. 

With the development of the poultry and tgg industry have come radical 
changes in methods. The peddler who went from farm to fann and traded a 
tin cup for a hen, which he deposited in a coop on the back end of his wagon, 
has disappeared. His place has been taken by a buyer at every railroad station. 
The business is spot cash unless the country merchant is able to still tempt the 
farmer's wife with barter. Ever}' day the local train gathers up the accumu- 
lated product at the stations and carries to the central packing and shipping plant 
of the company operating on that line of railroad. Each of the great poultry 
states, among which Missouri is now conspicuous, has from three to a dozen 
of these central poultry and egg depots. As the cars come in with the daily 
loads they are run upon sidetracks along the dressing, storage and shipping 
houses and unloaded. The bulk of the pojultry product now goes from Missouri 
in dressed form. Such markets as take live fowls receive them in elaborately 
constructed coop cars. One of these cars has 128 compartments or coops and 
will carry 4,000 head of poultry. It contains a state room for the man who 
accompanies the car and space for food and water. A few years ago there were 
no coop cars and the shipping of dressed poultry, save in winter, was unknown. ^ 
The poultry intended for the eastern market was loaded in coops on ffat cars. 
Barrels of water were taken on the car and tarpaulins to spread over the coops 
in bad weather. As soon as the journey began eternal vigilance was the price 
the man in charge of the car paid to save his chickens from the levying fingers 
of all who could get near enough to help themselves from the unprotected coops. 
Sedalia, Clinton and Springfield are great central points for the collection and 
shipment of Missouri poultry. 

The MethodB of the Industry. 

"Candling" is still the name of the process of testing eggs, although the candle 
has gone out of date. In the dark room of the poultry and egg house hangs 
an electWc light. It is in a case with two bright eyes. The tgg testers sit on 
either side of the electric light. They raise two eggs at a time. from the cases 
in which they come from the buyers, and hold them for a moment between the 
electric eyes and the human vision. The decision is instant. The movement 
which follows is so rapid that it \s hard to follow. Examining two eggs at a 
time, the tester must conclude at once in which of five directions each egg shall 
go. There are three grades of merchantable eggs. But there arc. also two tubs 
to receive eggs of a fourth and fifth classification. If an egg, is sound and whole 
it may be a "western extra," a "small and dirty" or a "second." But there 
may be a crack in the shell. The wear of transportation means the cracking of 
a great many eggs. The moment the tester detects a crack his hand goes toward 

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one of the tubs. With a deft turn of the wrist he completes the fracture, empties 
the contents of the shell into the tub, and tosses the shell to^ the second tub. Then 
there are the bad eggs. They go into the other tub as quick as the tester can 
drop them. The economies of the business have not yet developed use for a 
spoiled egg. Shells of the cracked eggs and bad eggs are hauled away and 
thrown on the grotmd. They have some fertilizing value, but not enqugh to 
pay for the cartage. The egg house pays for the removal and disposition of the 
bad eggs. 

''Extras" hardly need explanation. They are the large, clean and sound 
eggs. The "small and dirty" speaks for itself. But there is this to be said, the 
"small and dirty" must be perfectly sound. Then come the "seconds," which 
betray signs of age. The "second" is the egg that is only a little off and passes 
very well where tastes are not too critical. The extras go into new cases with 
perfect packing. In them the dealer finds his profit. 

Some Scientific Aspects. 

After the rigid inspection of the central plant, the poultry company is pre- 
pared to guarantee the soundness of the eggs, and does so to the eastern cus- 
tomer. Care of the product does not end with the examination and packing. 
Cold storage has become a very essential feature of egg handling, as well as in 
the preservation of poultry. But in the case of eggs, cold storage does not mean 
simply even and low temperature sufficient to cool and not to freeze. 

"An egg IS something alive," is the way one of these expert poultry men of 
Missouri put it. "It will not do to put the eggs in the cool room and leave them 
there as we«do poultry. A smell will be created. That musty taste which you 
may have noticed, especially in winter time, is the result of eggs being packed 
in a cool place and left. Eggs to be kept perfect must have ventilation as well 
as even and low temperature. I don't care how clean and sound the eggs are, 
without ventilation of the cold room they will generate an odor. And, notwith- 
standing the shells, that odor will affect the flavor of the eggs. We ventilate 
as part of the process of egg preservation." 

Ventilation of the egg chambers in these cold storage plants means not a 
barred window and a natural current. The air of the room is blown out so 
thoroughly as to insure complete change. Then the air fanned in for the eggs 
is rendered artificially wholesome by being drawn through water, which absorbs 
all gases and impurities. 

Frozen eggs in great masses are not bad to look upon. They are not allowed 
to thaw until the time comes for use. They are shipped in refrigerated cars, 
and such consignments as "go to Alaska for the gold regions are put into cold 
storage on board of the steamships. The Klondike demand does not begin to 
take all of the frozen eggs. Missouri alone furnishes millions of cracked ^;gs 
in the course of a year. Nine eggs will average a pound. The frozen egg 
product is sold by weight. With the large bakers and cracker makers in the 
cities the frozen eggs are in demand. Some restaurants also buy the big tin , 
buckets of the frozen article. Certain classes of restaurants serve scrambled 
eggs and omelets in winter made from the frozen eggs, and patrons are none 
the wiser. 

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Missouri pioneers found the sod too tough for wooden mold boards 


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The improvement in the poultry stock of Missouri which removed it from 
the cheap ^'southern" class and gave it place with the best in the country is 
going on rapidly. It received a start from the poultry buyers, who brought into 
the state well-bred chickens and traded them pound for pound to farmers for 
the ordinary dunghills. Brief experience has shown the farmer's wife, if not 
the farmer, the advantage in prices with the better breeds. And now on thou- 
sands of farms may be found the Plymouth Rocks, the Langshans, the Brahmas, 
the Leghorns, and other high bred varieties most recommended by the buyers. 

Qiicken business goes on the yeat round. Other kinds of poultry have their 
short and special seasons. For instance, the buyers try to impress upon the 
raisers the necessity of getting in all of their male turkeys by the loth of Decem- 
ber. The reason is interesting. Thanksgiving and Christmas are the visiting 
times. The big turkeys are in special demand because the tables will have added 
plates for guests. After Christmas the turkeys suitable for the family alone, the 
hen turkeys, will be the ones more in demand. Turkeys are scarcely marketable 
in summer. But the buyers take them and the central plants hold them in the 
cold rooms. 

The Peed Lot of the Continent. 

In wintef time Missouri becomes a vast feed lot. As field after field passes 
in review from the car window, the scene of cattle browsing on the cornstalks 
or gathered about the feed boxes or racks repeats itself. The hay and fodder 
from farm after farm, are being transformed by nature*s laboratory into the 
more valuable flesh, bone and blood. The magnitude of this industry of winter 
feeding in Central and Western Missouri is astonishing to farmers where the 
old crop-selling methods prevail. An old farmer who got off the train at Rock- 
ville told this by way of illustration of the Missouri way: "One of my neigh- 
bors wrote back to his father in Ohio that he was winter feeding four hundred 
head of cattle. The old man answered that he wished his son would be a little 
more close in his figures; he said he doubted if there were that many cattle 
being winter fed in the whole county. I knew that the young man had told the 
truth, but just to satisfy my curiosity I raised the question at our next county 
. farmers' meeting. We got up an ex^ct statement of the number of head which 
were being winter fed in the county. The number was 12,000." 

This state used to furnish a very large amount of corn for outside consump- 
tion. It figured conspicuously in the five or six corn surplus states. But while 
corn crops have been growing in the aggregate, Missouri has been selling less 
and less com. And now practically the whole corn crop of Missouri goes to 
market on the hoof. When Missouri learned to feed the corn raised within 
• its borders it added 50 to 100 per cent to the value. 

Probably in no other of the five or six great corn states is the proportion of 
the crop fed to stock so large as in Missouri. Kansas, Nebraska, Iowa and 
Illinois feed extensively, but none of the four so nearly exhausts its com pro- 
duction in the feed lots. Throughout the central and northern sections of the 
state the common sight is the bunch of steers around the com troughs, while the 
pigs scamper all about picking up every stray kemel. Hour after hour the 

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traveler rides through the corn covinties with the feeding of stock almost con- 
tinuously before his eyes. 

The practice has been of slow development. Experience has proven educa- 
tional, until nowhere has the science of feeding advanced further than in this 
state. Results tell. Bunches' of steers from Missou'ri feeders were the first 
to bring $10.40 per 100 pounds in 1914. There are few spectacles on the farm 
more fascinating to the vision than a fattening bunch of steers that has turned 
from the corn troughs satiated and is standing in the cooling hour before sunset 
contemplating the rest of creation with an air of supreme content. 

Stock feeding in Missouri once consisted of hauling the stuff into the lot and 
throwing it down. The successful feeder was the man who fed most. Fatten- 
ing stock was a matter of muscle and industry. It is not so now. Stock feeding 
has undergone a revolution of methods in ten years. Headwork enters largely 
into the vocation. The Missouri feeder today counts the bushels of corn and 
measures the results in flesh production. Feeding has become so much a mat- 
ter of skill that there are men who, having acquired it in a notable degree, give 
their whole attention to it. They do not raise corn, but buy from farmers at 
the market price, and de^nd for the whole profit upon the gain from the cattle. 

The successful Missouri feeder of today does more than buy his atock cattle 
on personal inspection and with careful regard to the breed. He gauges closely 
the amount of shelled or ear corn which will put on the most weight. But these 
are not all of the elements that he considers. The kind and amount of by-feed 
are in the problem and figure in the calculations. And in this connection the 
experimental larm attached to ^he State University at Columbia is pioneering 
the way for the feeder. Economies that a few years ago had no place mow enter 
into the great industry of stock feeding in Missouri. 

The Place to Pack. 

**The place to kill the hog is where he grows" is a first principle in pork 
packing. It has been supplemented in practice with another cardinal truism of 
the business — "the place to make beef of the steer is where he is primed." And 
so, with the new conditions of cattle and hog production, the packing industry 
is showing its greatest development in the Missouri Valley. 

A man with ability to drive a nail straight could build stock yards as they 
were twenty-five years ago. The work now demands the services of architects 
and engineers. An elaborate network of sewers went underground as the first 
thing toward the modern stock yards at St. Joseph. Then came paving, not only 
of alleys and streets, but of every pen of the yards. The 12,000,000 of vitrified 
brick were put down, not haphazard or on a level, but with such regard for 
grade as would carry the drainage of each pen direct to its own sewer trap. 
Each pen — and there are hundreds of them of all sizes, from the largest, with 
capacity for two or three car loads of cattle, down to those not much more than 
stalls for a single animal — has its water trough and its feed trough. Into the 
water trough flows a steady stream of, not Missouri, but artesian water, sweet 
and pure and tempting of look. Every additional pound of water the animal 
can be induced to swallow is so much additional weight to tell on the scales. 

There are cities of 10,000 to 15,000 people in the United States which have 

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not the sewerage, the paving, and the water system to be compared with what 
was put in to accommodate the cattle, hogs and sheep coming to St. Joseph. 
Many miles of its own railroad tracks enable the company to move stock in and 
about the yards wherever wanted. A round .house and switch engines' are part 
of the operating branch of the great plant. No long drives await the stock when 
unloaded. Cattle and hogs and sheep are sent by cars to the divisions to which 
they belong. 

Model Packmg Plants. 

Alongside of the stock yards, from which they draw their supplies, stand 
the packing houses. In the great buildings are worked out the latest problems 
of economy for the industry. The buildings are measured by acres. Electricity 
is the motive generated in plants producing i,ooo horse-power. Belting and 
shafting and wheels and all of the space-consuming mechanism of steam are 
done away with. Each department has its own independent motor. Wires con- 
vey the power and electric lights are everywhere. The long incline of earlier 
days, up which the Squealing hogs were urged with shouts and prods, has given 
place in the modern packing house to electric elevators which carry fifty ani- 
mals at a trip. The walls of the great cooling building are double now with 
an air chamber between at a considerable saving in the cost of refrigerating. 
The parts of meat to be smoked are hung upon trucks fitted with velocipede 
wheels, which are moved from place to place. With only one handling, the meat 
itself, from the time it is hung up, passes through the smoking process into the 
store room and remains until the shipment from the packing table. There are 
carriers, from one department to another, operated by electricity. At every 
stage of the processes new contrivances are presented to economize. It used 
to be said that pork packing utilized everything in the hog but the squeal. These 
up-to-date concerns at St. Joseph do all that and with a saving of a considerable 
per cent on the item of labor as compared with the old methods. The horns 
are taken from the skulls with a buzz saw, just as one would saw a stick of 
wood. That isn't strictly new, but a head-splitting machine is. The latter sep- 
arates the skull from the jaw, and saves the brain without mutilation. Then 
there is a "checker** which takes the meat off the cheek. And when the- frag- 
ments of the skull go to the scrap heap it doesn't seem as if there was anything 
worth saving. But all that used to be waste is tanked with the remnants for 
which no specific use can be found. Out of the great tanks come the cleaned 
bones to be ground into bone meal and a strange looking liquid which has its 
price for fertilizer material. Horns and shin bones by the car loads are sent 
to the factories which turn the former into buttons and the latter into knife 
handles. Forty cars at a time stand under the icing shed and receive through 
openings in the top the six tons of cooling material which is the quota for each. 
This ice is not in chunks. It is crushed in fragments the size of a walnut or 
thereabouts. Such is the perfection of the system that a car is iced for its 
journey in eight minutes. 

From Cattle to Chickens. 

In the evolution of the packing industry of Missouri came the handling of 
poultry. When the visitor has once witnessed the process in a Missouri packing 

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house he never voluntarily will go into the back yard, hold a squawking chicken 
on a block of wood and hack off the head with a dull ax. Colored people make 
the best handlers of poultry. They stand in rows before the iron racks, stripping 
off feathers with astonishing rapidity. The chicken killer is as much an artist 
in his way as the man who gives the stunning tap on the frontal of the big steer. 
A helper snatches a chicken from the coop, and, putting the legs in the frame, 
swings it along suspended from the overhead rail, with head downward, in front 
of the killer. The latter grasps the head, inserts the narrow blade of a long 
knife in the mouth, and gives it two quick turns. Each twist severs a blood 
vessel at the root of the tongue. A third movement is in the nature of a thrust 
which penetrates the brain. This is all done so quickly that the operation at first 
sight is confusing. The marvel conies when the looker-on has seen the killer 
dispose of two fowls andJias come fully to comprehend the dexterity. As the 
killer withdraws the dagger-shaped knife, a second helper seizes the chicken, 
still suspended, and draws it over a trough, where he attaches a weight to the 
head. For a minute or two the chicken hangs motionless, while the blood drains 
into the trough. Then, still traveling on the overhead way, and without being 
taken from the frame in which it was hung by the feet when taken from the 
coop, the chicken passes in front of one of the dozens of pickers, who proceeds 
to strip off the feathers. At this stage the process of preparing fowls at the 
packing houses may be divided. There is the dry pick and the wet pick. The 
chicken picked without being dipped in hot water commands a better price than 
the wet-picked fowl. It is of a higher grade. 

From the picker the chicken goes to the dresser, and then to the cooling 
rooms. In due time the poultry is put in dry boxes and is shipped in refrigerator 
cars with beef, pork and mutton for the consumption at all markets. 

Since the Missouri packers began the handling of poultry, prices have gone 
up cent by cent a pound. Today the Missouri hen is to be reckoned with as one 
of the notable sources of the state's wealth. Marvelous statistics come annually 
from the bureau at Jefferson City. The handling of 25,000 chickens, ducks, 
geese and turkeys in a week by a single packing house is not extraordinary. 
Nothing is too small to escape attention in the economy of the business. The 
blood from a chicken goes into the common receptacle with the blood of all the 
animals. The blood is dried, and in that form becomes one of the important 
by-products. A shipment of i,ooo,opp pounds of dried blood from these estab- 
lishments is not uncommon. And for the benefit of those who do not know, 
it may be stated that the dried blood of packing houses is neither bad looking 
nor ill smelling, but can be handled with as little discomfort as cocoa husks. 

Cleanliness is next to economy in the conduct of the packing business. My 
lady need not lift her skirts high nor wear rubbers to go through the modern 
and model packing houses. Neither does she need her smelling salts if she will 
leave imagination behind. The floors are water-proof. The flushing hose re- 
moves all offense. There is no dripping from above ; no bad smells from beneath. 

Uncle Bufos Hatch on Cattle Paper. 

A nephew of Rufus Hatch came out into the great Southwest to grow up 
with the country. He found the cattlemen paying i per cent a month for their 

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accommodations and very glad to get money at that. Having locked into the 
business and satisfied himself that it was just as sure as the ventures which in 
New York City command unlimited loans at half the rate and less, he began 
to figure on bringing Uncle Rufus and the cattlemen into closer relations. Select- 
ing one of the best of these new friends, the nephew suggested a trip to New 
York and explained what he had in mind. With the opportimity offered to get 
his loan at a saving of half of the interest he had been paying, the cattleman 
fell in with the proposition. The two journeyed to New York. They had an 
enjoyable time. The nephew called upon Uncle Rufus, and after telling that 
the customer he had brought was one of the most reliable men in the business, 
arranged for the meeting. 

"You want to borrow some money, do you?" asked Uncle Rufus, as soon 
as introductions were over. 

The cattleman said that was the purpose of his trip to New York. 

''What interest do you expect to pay?" asked the capitalist. 

The cattleman thought he could afford to pay 6 or 7 per cent. 

"Very well," said Mr. Hatch, "I expect we can let you have all the money 
you want. What is the security?" 

The cattleman was ready with the answer he would have made to his banker 
in the great Southwest. He had so many head of cattle, on such and such a 
range, and of such a brand. He rated them at so much per head. Uncle Rufus 
listened attentively until the cattleman had completed his inventory and descrip- 
tion of his property, then he asked. 

"How is the pasture fenced?" 

The cattleman replied that his cattle were on the range ; that the range was 
not fenced. He commenced to explain about the brand being registered and 
the security it gave. Uncle Rufus interrupted: 

"Young man," he said, "I would as soon loan my money on a school of . 
mackerel off the coast of Newfoundland as upon the kind of security you offer." 

Honor among the GowmeiL 

Since that early day capital has become acquainted with "cattle paper." The 
commission firms doing business in Missouri began in a small way to lend money 
to farmers who had not capital of their own in order to enable them to buy and 
carry cattle to eat their feed. This business developed until it reached a volume 
of from twenty to thirty millions of dollars in loans to farmers to carry cattle. 
This was the basis of cattle paper. Of course, the commission companies had 
no such sum of their own to lend. Most of them acted as middle men, agents 
or brokers between capitalists and farmers. Gradually money from Maine, 
Massachusetts, New York and all parts of the East sought the cattle paper. 
As the bank deposits in Missouri grew local institutions financed the farmers 
more and more. Losses on cattle paper have been remarkably small. The 
security proved to be so well maintained that the amount of capital offering 
increased steadily. Investors were timid at first but they gained confidence. 

A live stock commission man caught in a dishonorable transaction goes out 
of the exchange and out of business. Not only is his occupation gone at Kansas 
City or St. Joseph, but he is barred at every live stock yard in the country. A 

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committee sits and tries members charged with offenses. * The punishment is 
as 'speedy in its way as that which overtakes the cattle thief. It is commercial 
death. ^ One day- a member of the Kansas City Live Stock Exchange was brought 
before the committee. He had sold sixty fat hogs. As the stock was being 
driven f fom 4he yards^the seller cut out three fat hogs and slipped in three of 
inferior quality. The act was charged. The commission man confessed to the 
committee, cried and pleaded for mercy. He was out of business four years, 
doing penance. A commission merchant received a consignment of stock from 
a man who owed him some money. •The sale brought $5,000. A bank out in 
Kansas held a full mortgage on the stock. The commission man applied $2,000 
on the debt which the man owed him and turned over the rest of the money. 
The bank complained. It was a transaction which might have engaged the 
attention of the courts for months, and which would have furnished fat fees 
for lawyers. The committee of the Live Stock Exchange heard the statement 
of the banker. The commission man was sent for, and this verdict was an- 
nounced to him: 

"Pay the full amount received from that sale, and show the receipt from 
this gentleman by to-morrow night." 

By such methods the live stock men weed out the unworthy and sustain their 
individual commercial standing with the moral force of the whole exchange. 

The Pioneer of the Kansas City Stock Yards. 

The man who "brought the first bunch of cattle to Kansas City" was not 
only living but able to give the Kansas City Star a virile talk on the 19th of 
July, 1914. L. A. Allen was one of the founders of the Kansas City Stock 
Yards. He was the moving spirit in organizing a convention for the purpose 
of starting that stock market. Her wrote letters to every cattle man in the West, 
Southwest and Northwest, men of his personal acquaintance. 

"I walked through Kansas City when I was sixteen years old," said Mr. 
Allen. ' "I came here to buy and sell cattle when there wasn't even a market. 
We started it, and one or two commission houses were able to take carfe of all 
the work. We got two or three carloads a week. Last year there was received 
here in cattle and calves alone, 2,1*57,620." .Kansas City star.ted with that con- 
vention organized by Mr. Allen and attended by five hundred cattlemen and 
bankers. It met in the old Frank's Hall at Fifth and Main streets in 1873. For 
a number of years the cattlemen's convention was an annual event in Kansas 
City and the live stock industry grew steadily. 

Missouri Bacon. 

Several Missourians on a cross country wagon trip got into a discussion 
about things good to eat. They discussed oysters and terrapin and turkey and 
so on. Their driver closed the debate with, "Give me a piece of Missouri bacon 
about so long," indicating six inches, "and there's something that will stay by 
you." George B. Clark, Jr., wrote of bacon: 

"YouVe salty and smoky and greasy as sin, 

Yet of all grub we love you the best. 
You stuck to us closer than nighest kin, 

You helped us to win out in the West. 

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Bred by Captain Ryland Todhuntcy, pioneer horseman of Lafayette County 


A t^Tpical Missouri scene of the first Monday in every month. Special sales held in the spring 

and fall are known as **Stud Horse Days'' 

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Aarrv. lr^oi an* 

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You froze with us up on the Laramie trail, 

You sweat with us down in Tucson. 
When Indian was painted and white man was pale. 
You nerved us to grip our last chance by the tail, 

To load up our guns and hang on." 

Bacon t6 the Missourian means something different from the commercial 
article. "Hog killing time" has not been banished entirely from the farm by 
the mammoth packing houses. It is possible in wintry weather to see in the 
back lots the long poles strung with white, scraped carcasses hanging downward 
from the cross sticks. "Country curing" is not a lost art. What it means George 
B. Ellis, when he was^secretary of the Missouri State Board of Agriculture, 
wrote : 

"For thirty years I have used a method for salting and curing meat that has been 
very satisfactory and our meat has been complimented by a great many people who 
have eaten at our table. I do not think this is the only way, but it is surely a good way, 
and I will give it to you for what it is worth. Some people prefer dry salting, but I prefer 
the brine method, as it keeps the meat cleaner and, I think, safer in a very warm spell 
of weather. 

"It is necessary to have good, healthy and well-fattened hogs to start with, and to 
know how to properly divide and trim the carcass, but that phase of the question I will 
not take up. I would prefer to butcher when the weather is' not only moderately cold, 
and when it is just a little below freezing. If the meat is allowed to become frozen hard 
before it is put into the brine it will not take salt readily. After the carcasses are cut up, 
spread the hams, shoulders and sides upon a table or boards in the smokehouse, but where 
they will not freeze; do not pile them up. Rub a little salt on ea^h piece, particularly the 
hams and shoulders and let the meat cool out for twenty-four to thirty-six hours. Then 
pack closely in a clean barrel and cover with a britie rti^de as follows: Soft water, 3 gallons; 
good salt, 2 pounds; brown sugar or a good quality of sorghum, i pound. Make this pro- 
portion a sufficient amount to cover the meat well. The brine should be boiled and skimmed 
and cooled. It will require from four to six weeks, owing to the size of the hams, for the 
meat to be salted properly. The sides require less time — usually four weeks is sufficient for 
them, but the proper time to take the meat out of brine can be determined by sampling it. 

"For curing I use clean corncobs or hickory and maple wood. I hang the meat in a 
dark, tight closet, made in the coolest corner of the smokehouse. I put the fire for the 
smoke in a stove and conduct the smoke into the closet through a pipe, thus avoiding too 
much heat under the meat. It is best to take plenty of time to allow the meat to cure, and 
I would like to have a smoke under the mecit about half the time each day, and it will 
require about three weeks. Then the meat should have a nice straw color and be sufficiently 
cured that it may be immediately sacked and hung back in the same place. The butchering 
should be done early, so that the meat may be salted and cured before the warm weather 
in March sets in." 

The Lesson Taught by Dr. Waters. 

Kansas came to Missouri to find an educator to take charge of her agricul- 
tural college at Manhattan. Before Dr. Waters left Columbia for his new field 
he said the one great problem in the evolution of Missouri farming was the 
maintenance of the soil's fertility: 

**We have been using clover more or less in Missouri for this purpose, but it is very 
difficult to get a stand. Clover, we find, is liable to freeze out in Missouri. We are pecu- 
liarly located. We are neither north nor south, agriculturally speaking. We are not quite 
far enough south to have two crops, yet the seasons are long enough to furnish some 

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sunshine and growth to spare. We have been trying to find how to grow two crops, one 
of which shall restore the fertility which the other, the paying crop, Ukes from the ground. 
We have tried a great many things and have come now to the cow peas as the crop best 
suited to our soil and climate. The cow peas crop not only restores needed constituents 
to the soil, but it proves to be a very valuable crop. We have grown crops of rye and cow 
peas the same season, and occasionally a crop of wheat followed by cow peas with beneficial 
results to the land. We can say that we get a better crop each year that we have the ex- 
periment on the same land. 

"In the first place insects do not bother cow peas. If the peas are sown at the right 
time, and that should be not too early, the Missouri farmer is reasonably sure of a crop. 
When drouth prevails through this section of the United States it cuts the corn crop, ruins 
the pastures and kills clover, but it doesn't affect the cow peas to the. same degree. The 
plant is the only one of economic importance which will stand the drouth. We have tried 
it as a main and as a supplemental crop. Our experiments in feeding show that the cow 
peas crop makes the best hay food for this state. We have tried cow peas on land that has 
grown corn steadily for fifty years and found that the soil improved rapidly. For a long 
time it was the unsolved problem to get a crop that would leave the land better than before 
it was grown. As the result of the investigations of Atwater and others the peculiar eflFects 
of the leguminous plants upon the soil were discovered. If you will examine •the roots of 
the cow pea you will see attached to them many nodules containing the nitrogen drawn 
from the air. The plant draws this nourishment from the air and leaves a share of it in 
the soil. Cow peas can be sown in June, about the loth, or later, after the soil becomes 
warm. The crop can be cut any time after the ist of September, whenever the weather is 
suitable. The yield is from one to two tons an acre. The crop is a fine one to clean land 
as well as to improve the soil, and at the same time we have demonstrated its value as the 
best hay feed for stock of all kinds, horses, cattle, hogs and sheep. We are advising 
Missouri farmers to put in cow peas, as a crop vastly preferable to timothy for feeding 
purposes, to say nothing of its benefit to the ground." 

Hardeman and ^nry Shaw. 

"Hardeman's Garden" revealed to early Missourians about 1830 the horti- 
cultural possibilities of their state. It was in the wooded bottom of the Mis- 
souri not far from Boonville. .John Hardeman cleared and laid off ten acres in 
a perfect square. He developed the wild fruits and brought other fruits from 
various parts of the country to demonstrate what Missouri climate and soil 
would do. He even* imported grape vines from Spain. Flowers and ornamental 
shrubs were added until Hardeman's Garden became the show place of the Mis- 
souri river country. It was in its generation what Shaw's Garden became fifty 
' years later. A season of unusual floods ate away the bottom where Harde- 
man had planted and at last the garden went into the river. 

"The Eden of St. Louis'* was the name given to Shaw's Garden by Prof. 
J. D. Butler, who visited the place and was the guest of Mr. Shaw in 1871. 
At that early day was pointed out by an intelligent observer the great benefit 
which Mr. Shaw's experiments might be to western forestry. Prof. Butler 
advised those interested in tree planting throughout the West to look to Shaw's 
arboretum "to learn how and what to plant." He spoke of the good influence 
already evident upon the growth of St. Loui^. He made a very interesting 
statement obtained from Mr. Shaw himself upon the inception of the garden, 
including the reason for the location at St. Louis. Prof. Butler said of Mr. 
Shaw: "He first spent about six years in travel, penetrating into other coun- 
tries and surveying them laboriously but systematically. Meantime, however, 
he had begun to realize the garden which from childhood had been his ideal. 

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He planted his paradise at St. Louis, not merely because he there owned 800 
acres of land, but because of the latitude, the golden mean between heat and 
cold — ^the best in America for the most various and vigorous vegetation." 

The Missouri that George Catlin Fomid. 

About 1836, George Catlin, the famous painter of Indians and Indian scenes, 
made the diagonal journey across Missouri from the Indian territoiy to St. 
Charles. ' In a letter he gave this word picture : 

"I stopped in one of the most lovely little valleys I ever saw, and even far more 
beautiful than could have been imagined by mortal man. An enchanting little lawn of 
five or six acres on the bank of a cool rippling stream, that was alive with fish; and every 
now and then a fine brood of young ducks, just old enough for delicious food, and too 
unsophisticated to avoid an easy and simple death. This little lawn was surrounded by 
bunches and copses of the most luxuriant and picturesque foliage consisting of the lofty 
bois d*arc and elms, spreading out their huge branches, as if offering protection to the 
rounded groups of cherry and plum trees that supported festoons of grape-vines, with their 
purple clusters that hung in the most tempting manner over the green carpet that was 
everywhere decked out with wild flowers of all tints and various sizes, from the modest 
wild sunflowers with their thousand tall and drooping heads, to the lillies that stood and 
the violets that crept beneath them. By the side of this cool stream Charley was fastened, 
and near him my bearskin was spread in the grass, and by it my little fire to which I soon 
brought a fine string of perch from the brook; from which and a broiled duck, and a 
delicious cup of coffee, I made my dinner and supper, which were usually united in one 
meal, at half an hour's sun. After this I strolled about this sweet little paradise which I 
found was chosen not only by myself but by the wild deer, which were repeatedly rising 
from their quiet lairs and bounding out and over the graceful swells of the prairies which 
hemmed in and framed this little picture of sweetest tints and most masterly touches. The 
Indians, also, I found, had loved it once, and left it; for here and there were the solitary 
and deserted graves which told, though briefly, of former chase and sports, and perhaps 
of wars and deaths, that have once rung and echoed through this little silent vale. 

"On my return to my encampment, I laid down on my back and looked awhile into 
the blue heavens that were over me, with their pure and milk-white clouds that were 
passing, with the sun just setting in the West and the silver moon rising in the East and 
renewed the impressions of my own insignificance." 

Where Crops Have Never Failed. 

One county in Missouri fronts ninety miles on the Missouri and is said 
never to have had a crop failure. Sub-irrigation from the river which forms 
a large part of the boundary of the county is said to be the explanation. A 
writer, not a Missourian, once said. Saline, "for depth, availability and wealth 
of soil, versatility and bounty of production and beauty of landscape is sur- 
passed by no farm region of the habitable globe." 

Ralls county claims a species of blue grass not like that found in most parts 
of Missouri. It is local history that Stephen Glasscock, one of the pioneers 
of Ralls, brought from his home when he came west what he called ^'Virginia 
blue grass.'* The soil of Ralls seemed to be especially favorable. From Glass- 
cock's early sowing the Virginia blue grass spread to all parts of the county. 

Myth of '*Sunk Lands/' 

The theory of "the sunk lands" of Missouri was held for more than half a 
century. Then it was rather suddenly and quite generally abandoned. After 

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the New Madrid earthquake the streams of that region overflowed their low 
banks with almost annual regularity. Large areas, some of them hundreds pf 
thousands of acres in extent, became subject to inundations so frequent that 
the settlement of them, which had begun before the shocks, was abandoned. 
These floods came in the spring months. The water stood from one to four 
feet deep over the face of the country. The people. knew that the surface of 
the ground had been much disturbed by the earthquake. There were huge 
cracks in the alluvial. To account for the water covering land which had been 
dry before the shocks, the theory was advanced that the convulsions had caused 
the sinking of great tracts. It was asserted so positively and with such apparent 
support of conditions that "the sunk lands" became historical. Until about 1880 
this theory was maintained tenaciously. Propositions for the reclamation of 
these lands provoked local scepticism. Kochtitzky, Houck and other Southeast 
Missourians became satisfied, upon prolonged investigation, that there were no 
sunk lands, or at least if any land had dropped to a lower level by reason of the 
shocks it was of very limited extent. They found a different and a more reason- 
able explanation for the overflowed territory. The earthquake had thrown 
down great numbers of large trees in this heavily wooded country. The chan- 
nels of the streams, always sluggish in the flat surface, had become clogged with 
drift in many places. They were thus rendered unequal to the carrying off of 
the surplus rainfall of the springtime and overflow resulted. The clogging drifts 
increased with the years and the overflow was of longer duration. These bot- 
toms of Southeast Missouri, of fertility almost beyond conception, came to be 
designated as swamps and to be considered of no particular interest to any but 
hunting parties. 

In 1850, or about that time, the Missouri legislature, in a fit of sarcastic 
generosity, for probably not one member in ten looked far enough into the future 
to realize what the gift meant, apportioned great blocks of swamp lands to 
Southeast Missouri counties for school purposes. The distribution was of hun- 
dreds of thousands of acres. County courts were made the custodians of the 
tracts. The gifts were looked upon with such indifference that it was an easy 
matter for individuals and for corporations to secure considerable tracts at 
nominal prices. The railroads built through that part of the state were given 
grants which, with the current opinion on the sunk lands, were regarded as of 
little value. The awakening came about thirty years ago with the explorations 
of this region by engineers and others who were not willing to believe in the 
sunk lands theory. Gradually sentiment throughout the section underwent 
change. Pioneer canal digging showed that at least some of the overflowed 
land could be reclaimed. But not until recent years has Southeast Missouri come 
to realize the immense possibilities of the aforetime swamps. Some of the coun- 
ties received from the state grants which, if they had been conserved and rightly 
handled, would have built all of their bridges, made their roads and given them 
the finest schoolhouses in Missouri, all free of cost to the taxpayers. 

Missourians with VisioiL 

John B. Henderson was one who held confidently to the belief that the time 
would come when "Sunk Land" would disappear from the map of Southeast 

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\ Mm 








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Missouri. In the late eighties, he told the writer, during a conversation at 
Washington, that the theory of the land dropping below drainage levels and 
being ruined by the New Madrid earthquake was a fallacy. He said that this 
theory had been advanced and supported by parties interested in the legislation 
which gave the -owners of these lands government certificates to locate on other 
public land elsewhere. The certificates were known as "New Madrid claims." 
Ex-Senator Henderson predicted that the time was not far distant when drain- 
age of the so-called "Sunk Lands" would be found to be entirely practicable 
and that one of the most fertile sections of Missouri would be developed. 

Not long after this interview with the ex-senator, the "Swamp district" con- 
vention to nominate a democratic candidate for Congress was held at Poplar 
Bluff. Nomination was equivalent to election. At that time Southeast Mis- 
souri was called "the Gibraltar of Missouri Democracy." The delegates came 
from twelve or fourteen sparsely settled counties. They traveled, some of them, 
long distances, by roundabout routes, for these counties were without easy 
means of inter-communication. Likewise the counties were without community 
of interest in that day. Voting for favorite sons, the delegates cast several hun- 
dred ballots, exhausted the larder of the only hotel in town, went out to the 
edge of the swamp and ate blackberries, and finally departed homeward with- 
out making any nomination. At 'that convention acquaintance was made with 
Otto Kochtitzky and Louis Hot^k^' ^ICochtitzi:y's engineering talent had dem- 
onstrated to his entire satisfaction that drainage was entirely feasible and he 
was trying to inspire others with his faith, Louis Houck was beginning to 
build that gridiron of railroads over th?-ridgicS^' and through the swamps which 
was to become the most prom^ble division of a great railroad system two 
decades later. The miracle iii Missouri agriculture since 1900 has been the 
evolution of Southeast Missouri. 

Drainage and Its BesultB. 

In these swamp and sunk lands is being carried through the greatest drainage 
project of this country, and that, too, without government aid. The main canal, 
the Little River, is ninety-eight miles long. It was begun in 1907 and finished 
in 1920. It is from six to 122 feet wide at the bottom. The removal of the 
42,000,000 cubic yards of earth -cost $6,000,000. The fall is ninety feet. There 
have been dug 3,000 miles of ditches to connect with the main canal and there 
ar^ thousands of miles of laterals yet to be excavated. But the fruits of the 
project are already being realized. Where, in the days of the deadlocked con- 
vention at Poplar Bluff, only the ridges were cultivated, where only six per 
cent of the total acreage was cropped, 'where the population was composed 
largely of "tie packers," there are now farms of 10,000 acres turning off 5,000 
hogs and 1,000 to 2.000 cattle yearly. A single one of the eight bounties now 
partly redeemed, Dunklin, yielded in 1919 cotton to the amount of 80,000 bales; 
and it was cotton of the short staple which, by reason of the extraordinary 
fertility, increased its usual length. Land which was sold, when Kochtitzky 
began to run his levels, and when Houck began to lay rails in swamps with 
seemingly no bottom, at from $1 to. $2.50 an acre now changes hands at from 
$150 to $300 an acre. 
Vol. n— aa 

Digitized by 



With such an object lesson it is easy to comprehend that there are now 
105 drainage projects in Southeast Missouri with its 3,000,000 acres of land 
at once considered subject to overflow. The Little River drainage district em- 
braces 500,000 acres. ' 

When the government built the St. Francis levee it relieved a considerable 
part of Southeast Missouri from water backing up when the Mississippi was 
at flood. To take care of another source of danger, there are impounding basins 
in the northern end of the Little River district and 34 miles of ditches to catch 
the drainage of the Ozarks and turn that water toward the Mississippi instead 
of letting it spread slowly over the former swamp district. 

This district hitherto swampy and subject to overflow, with a rainfall run- 
ning as high as 55 inches some years, begins at the bottom of the hills of Cape 
Girardeau and Bollinger counties and extends 90 miles to the Arkansas line. 
In places it is thirty miles wide. 

The Uissouri Apple in Public Life. 

Some day a philosophic mind will evolve an essay on the intimate relation 
of the Missouri apple crop to politics and legislation. The time will come when 
the transformation of the Ozark slopes and plateaus into orchards will have its 
effect upon the national life. After "the morning hour" in the Senate, when 
it was no longer necessary, to keep a watchful ear on the rapidly succeeding 
motions and requests, Senator Cockrell was wont to retire to the democratic