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OTTO L. SCHMIDT, Chicago, Chairman. 









D. T. HARTWELL (Resigned). 



HUGH S. MAGILL, JR. (Eesigned). 









The Centennial 


State of Illinois 

Report of the Centennial Commission 

Compiled by 

JESSIE PALMER WEBER, Secretary of the Commission 



24673 1M 



1. Report of the Centennial Commission. Preliminary 12 

2. Organization of the Commission and Plans for the Observance 

of the Centenary of the State 17 

3. Important Anniversaries of the Centennial Year 29 

4. Centennial Memorial History 33 

5. Centennial Half Dollar 34 

6. Centennial Memorial Building 35 

7. Pageants and Masques 37 

8. Financial Report 44 

9. Official Celebrations 49 

10. Celebration Illinois Day, December 3, 1917 52 

11. The Lincoln's Birthday Observance, February 12, 1918 94 

12. The Centenary of the Enabling Act, April 18, 1918 134 

13. Randolph County Celebration, July 4, 1918 223 

14. Centenary of the Promulgation of the First Constitution of 

the State of Illinois, August 26, 1918 241 

15. Vandalia and Fayette County Celebration, September 24-26, 

1918 259 

16. The Observance of the Centenary of the Establishment of the 

State Government, October 5, 6, 1918 290 

17. The Chicago Celebration, October 8-13, 1918 322 

18. The Closing Observance of the Illinois Centennial, December 3, 

1918 33? 

19. Documents: 

Report of Hugh S. Magill, Jr., Director of the Centennial 

Celebration 359 

Report of Halbert O. Crews, Manager of Publicity 381 

Report of Frederick Bruegger, Pageant Master 395 

Pageants and Masques. Report of Wallace Rice, Pageant 

Writer 397 

Centennial Flag or Banner 414 

The Centennial Posters 415 

Programs of the Masques 421 

20. Publications of the Centennial Commission 445 

21. Index.. . 446 


(The Centennial Hymn.) 
Words by Wallace Rice. Music by Edward C. Moore. 

Our father's God 

Thy name we bless 

And all Thy mercies we confess with solemn joy : 

Our prairies rich with fruitful loam, 

Our rivers singing as they roam, 

The happiness that is our home, 

Our hope, our Illinois. 

How many times, 

Almighty God, 

Our fathers passed beneath the rod Thy years employ! 

Grant that their faith be justified 

In us for whom they fought and died; 

Their love for Thee our lasting pride 

And hope, for Illinois. 

Our father's God 

Put forth Thy might; 

Thru' Thee may we defend the right, The wrong destroy 

Lead us afar from greed and lust, 

Teach us our duty, make us just; 

In Thee our best, our only trust 

Our hope for Illinois. 

Great Lord, Thy law 

Hath made us free 

And all our Freedom rests on Thee, Our stay and buoy 

We give Thee praise for banished fears, 

For righted evils, contrite tears; 

Keep steadfast to her stainless years, 

Our hope, our Illinois. 


AN ACT To create the Illinois Centennial Commission and to de- 
fine its powers and duties. 

SECTION 1. Be it enacted by the People of the State of Illir 
nois, represented in the General Assembly: That there be and is 
hereby created a commission to be known as the Illinois Centennial 
Commission. Such commission shall be appointed by the Governor 
and shall consist of fifteen'members, who shall serve without com- 
pensation, but who shall be allowed their actual expenses while 
engaged in official business of the commission and in attending 
meetings of the said commission. In case any vacancy shall occur 
on said commission, the Governor shall fill the vacancy by appoint- 
ment. The Governor shall designate the member who shall be 
chairman. The commission shall elect from its membership a 
secretary and may engage such employees as shall be deemed 

SECTION 2. It shall be the duty of the Illinois Centennial 
Commission : 

1. To arrange for and conduct a celebration in honor of the 
Centennial of the admission of the State of Illinois into the 
Federal Union. 

2. To compile and publish a commemorative history of the 

3. To report to the Fiftieth General Assembly the arrange- 
ments for such celebration. 

4. To make a complete report to the Fifty-first General 

SECTION 3. The Illinois Centennial Commission shall expire 
when it shall have completed its duties and shall have made a 
complete report thereof to the Governor and the Fifty-first Gen- 
eral Assembly, including a complete statement of its receipts and 

SECTION 4. WHEREAS, An emergency exists; therefore, this 
Act shall be in full force and effect from and after its passage. 

APPROVED January 21, 1916. 

Report of the 
Illinois Centennial Commission 



' " ; -$-lllp 

early a century s^o bhe re was caWed out of bhe 
olcl l^prbbwesb (oerriborxa. new sbabe, destined bo 
^? ; i' V-pla/a nzosb imporbanb p<xrb in bhe history of the nation. (90 
bhis^new Conzntoiafc&iUz was ii^en the name or one of bhe Areab 
Indian bribes bhat came to a tragic end on hisboric St<vn)ed Rock* 

She hisbor/ of Illinois is a wonderful sbory^ "Her raw 
prairies h&.\)e become productive fields. Pioneer settlements 
jjih&Oe developed inbo MI^Aes, and Oilla^es into dre^-b cibies. Wl2ere 
-^^.-joizc 'hundred ye&rs ago on bhe shores of ba-ke MichiAan stood 

~lone]/ Fort Dearbon?, todd/ stands our great metropolis. 
9 ' Q 1?o humar2 mind evcentu r/ ago, hovc^ev'er powerful its 
, could hav'e dreamed of the things that hav^e 

to pass in Illinois. Great has been the dev*elop- 
.ent of her material resources, but greater her manhood. 
?e ha? furnished men to meet her own Areat problems, and 
men bo match the^re&ter problems- of the natiorc. 

'>> > "Mot Without bliy wondrous storyV Illinois, Illinois, 

CT't) Can be writ the nation's /8lory, Illinois, Illinois. 

.;''' "* 

has come bo us of bhis^eneratioi? the oppor- 
pn\?ileAe of celebrAbinA the one hundredth 
of the admission of our state into the fed- 
eral union. We should take <xd \7e\ntaie o\~ this op- 
porbunibv bo impress- upon the minds of all of our 
people bhe vtonderful stor/ of the progress &nd 
.^development of Illinois. 

,-'i (^b carry' out this purpose the General Assem- 
bly created bhe Illinois Centennial Commis-sioii, 
-, the members of which ha\fe been Appointed by 
' the Gov^eraor. 


Before the great war cast its blighting shadow upon the 
nations of the earth, the people of Illinois had begun to look for- 
ward to the observance of the centenary of their State. 

The wonderful story of the Prairie State in its rise from the 
wigwam of the Indian and the camp fire of the explorer and the 
trapper, recounts adventures by sea and land, by winding rivers, 
fathomless lakes and trackless forests, recites the story of white 
souled religious men who carried the cross of Christianity to 
heathen nations, of daring and intrepid explorers who sought new 
and richer countries in the name of their king. It tells of gold 
and silver, of iron, lead and coal, of wild beast and of wilder man, 
of loyal friendship and of treachery, of filial devotion and of 
romantic love. All the attributes and passions of human nature 
have played their part in making the thrilling history of Illinois. 

Our recorded history goes back to the discovery of the great 
Mississippi Eiver by the Spaniard Ferdinand DeSoto, who before 
the middle of the sixteenth century, with a small company of his 
countrymen had found his way from the Florida coast to the great 
inland river. 

Tradition tells us that DeSoto also saw the waters of the Ohio 
River, and if this be true, he saw, too, the Illinois country. Certain 
it is that rumors of the Illinois country, its beauty and fertility, 
its game and furs, had reached the ears of the adventurous French 
early in the seventeenth century, and Samuel de Champlain, the 
historian and traveler, was the first of his nation to mention it in 
historical writings. 

Spain and France and England have all claimed this terri- 
tory. The claims of Spain were shadowy. France discovered and 
explored the country, and took possession of it and held it for a 
hundred years. England conquered France upon the Plains of 


Abraham at Quebec, in 1763, and through that victory claimed 
all of the American dependencies of France, including the Illinois 
country. England held actual sovereignty over Illinois less than 
fifteen years, nominally from 1763 to 1778, actually from 1765, 
when the British troops took command at Fort Chartres, until 
July 4, 1778, when the little settlements on the Mississippi Eiver 
became a part of Virginia and so of the new American Eepublic. 
All the history, romance, and traditions of the two and a half 
centuries since the name of Illinois first made its appearance on 
the maps and in the historical writings of France is ours, but 
the history of Illinois since its admission as a State of the Federal 
Union in 1818, the one hundred years that have elapsed since 
that time, our first century as a sovereign state in the American 
Union, are what we have commemorated in our State Centennial 

When the war for American Independence was ended in 1781, 
the thirteen original states had still to pass through some critical 
years before the adoption of the Federal Constitution in 1788. 

During the struggles of the Revolution, the proposed limits 
of the new Eepublic had been extended westward 'to the Mississippi 
Eiver and a great and fertile territory wrested from Great Britain 
by the amazing military feat of Col. George Eogers Clark, a young 
Virginia soldier, who with a small army of undisciplined border- 
men, captured the little village of Kaskaskia which was then on the 
outmost fringe of civilization. This he did in the name of Vir- 
ginia and under the orders of its governor, the illustrious Patrick 
Henry. This momentous event occurred July 4, 1778. In the 
following February, Clark captured Vincennes on the Wabash 
Eiver. The conquest of these frontier military posts assured to 
the new United States the territory which now embraces Ohio, 
Indiana, Illinois "Wisconsin, Michigan and part of Minnesota, the 
great middle western states which form the very heart of the con- 
tinent, any one of which has now as great a population as had 
the entire United States at the close of the Evolutionary War, 
and two of the states, Illinois and Ohio have each a much greater 


Following the adoption of the Federal Constitution by the 
original thirteen states, seven states were admitted to the Union 
before Illinois asked to-be permitted to become one of the sover- 
eign states. These were Vermont in 1791, Kentucky in 1792, 
Tennessee in 1796, Ohio in 1802, Louisiana in 1812, Indiana in 
1816 and Mississippi in 1817. Each of these states has observed 
its Centennial. The Centennial observance of our neighboring 
state, Indiana, celebrated in 1916, was the most elaborate. 

In 1909 the State of Illinois, the nation and the world ob- 
served the one hundredth anniversary of the birth of Abraham 
Lincoln. Many citizens including the members of the State His- 
torical Society, urged that Illinois erect some adequate and endur- 
ing memorial of the Lincoln Centennial, but, while, there were 
many brilliant official observances of the anniversary, the State 
did not erect a permanent memorial on the occasion of the centen- 
ary of her most venerated citizen. 

Feeling that the neglect of this opportunity was due in part, 
at least, to the failure of those whose duty it is to help to record 
and preserve state history, to make plain to the people of Illinois 
the importance and significance of the occasion, thoughtful citizens 
hoping to avoid the error made in regard to the Lincoln Centennial 
early began to call the attention of the people to the approach of 
the Centennial of the State of Illinois. 

We do not admit in its entirety the truthfulness of the trite 
expression that republics are ungrateful, but we must agree that 
republics and the states which make up republics, are forgetful. 
This is because events move so rapidly that the newer emotions 
and sentiments crowd out of the interest of the people all other 
than things of the urgent and insistent present. 

The busy people who toil on the farm, in the mine, in the 
office and the storeroom make the economic and political history, 
and as they willingly contribute the money to provide and carry 
on the machinery which makes and administers their laws, so as 
a part of the peoples' organization for the carrying out of their 
ideals and for their welfare, agencies are employed by them to plan 
their memorials, and to arrange for the observance of their his- 


torical anniversaries, to be in a sense the keepers of their historical 
consciousness as well as of their historical records. 

The Illinois Centennial Commission acted as the agent of the 
people of Illinois, in planning for and carrying on a celebration to 
commemorate the one hundredth anniversary of the admission of 
the State of Illinois into the Federal Union. 





On February 12, 1913, Campbell S. Hearn, a member of the 
Forty-eighth General Assembly of the State of Illinois represent- 
ing the Thirty-sixth Senatorial District, introduced in the Senate 
a resolution which provided for the creation of a commission to 
plan for and carry on an adequate celebration of the one hundredth 
anniversary of the admission of Illinois into the Federal Union. 
This resolution was amended and the House of Representatives 
concurred in it on April 8, 1913. 

The resolution provided that a commission be created for the 
purpose of observing the centennial of the State and that it should 
consist of fifteen members; five members of the Senate and five 
members of the House of Representatives appointed according to 
the usage of the Senate and House of Representatives, and Edmund 
J. James, E. B. Greene and J. W. Garner of the University of 
Illinois and Otto L. Schmidt and Jessie Palmer Weber of the Illi- 
nois State Historical Society. 

The Commission met in the office of the Lieutenant Governor 
in the Capitol on July 23, 1913. The members of the Commission 
were Campbell S. Hearn, Hugh S. Magill, Jr., Logan Hay, Henry 
W. Johnson, Kent E. Keller, members of the State Senate, and 
Representatives John S. Burns, John Huston, C. C. Pervier, 
James F. Morris and George B. Baker. The five other members 
of the Commission were those persons named in the resolution. 
President Edmund J. James, Prof. E. B. Greene, and Prof. J. W. 
Garner of the University of Illinois, and Dr. Otto L. Schmidt, 
President, and Mrs. Jessie Palmer Weber, Secretary of the Illinois 
State Historical Society. 

2 C C 


The Commission organized at this its first meeting. Senator 
Campbell S. Hearn was elected chairman and Mrs. Jessie Palmer 
Weber was elected secretary of the Commission. 

There have been three distinct changes, in the organization 
of the Commission in addition to the change in the presiding 
officer caused by the death of the first chairman of the Commission. 
Senator Hearn died on August 28, 1914, at his home in Quincy. 
He had been one of the chief factors in the organization of the 
Commission and had been active in all of its labors. He was 
deeply interested in its work. On December 3, 1914, the Honor- 
able Hugh S.- Magill, Jr., was elected chairman of the Commis- 
sion to succeed him. On his retirement from the Senate, the 
Chairman, Mr. Magill, and other retiring members of the General 
Assembly were declared ineligible for membership in the Com- 
mission and present members of the General Assembly were ap- 
pointed in their places. 

Senator E. S. Smith of Springfield, was elected chairman of 
the Commission to succeed Mr. Magill. The Centennial Commis- 
sion was one of the State commissions whose legal status was ques- 
tioned by the "Fergus suits." This matter caused some embarrass- 
ment and delay in the work of the Commission. The right of 
members of the General Assembly to serve on the Commission was 
also questioned. 

Finally a bill passed the General Assembly giving the Gov- 
ernor power to appoint the fifteen members of the Commission. 
This Act was approved by Governor Edward F. Dunne, January 
21, 1916, and under its provisions the Commission has worked 
without further confusion or embarrassment. 

Dr. Otto L. Schmidt who had been a member of the Com- 
mission from its organization was, by Governor Dunne, appointed 
its chairman and served until the labors of the Commission were 
completed. Dr. Schmidt had been chairman of the Publication 
Committee and was familiar with all of the plans of the Commis- 
sion. He gave the work wise, patriotic and unselfish devotion. . It 
is not too much to say that the success of the celebration in all its 
phases was due largely to him. 


As before stated there were four important changes in the 
personnel of the Commission. The following named persons were 
members of it during the more than five years of its existence. 



Campbell S. Hearn (deceased). 
Hugh S. Magffl, Jr. 
Logan Hay. 
Henry W. Johnson. 
Kent E. Keller. 


John S. Burns. 
John Huston. 
C. C. Pervier. 
James F. Morris. 
George B. Baker. 


Edmund J. James. 
Evarts B. Greene. 
J. W. Garner. 


Otto L. Schmidt. 
Jessie Palmer Weber. 



E. S. Smith. 
John Dailey. 
M. W. Bailey. 
Kent E. Keller. 
Edward J. Hughes. 



John S. Burns. 

John Huston. 

William J. Butler. 

Thomas A. Boyer. 

Homer J. Tice. 

And the same representatives of the University of Illinois and 
the Illinois State Historical Society. 

After the passage of "An Act to create the Illinois Centennial 
Commission and to define its powers and duties/' which was 
approved by the Governor, on January 21, 1916, Governor Dunne 
appointed the following named persons as members of the Com- 
mission. This may be called the third Commission. 

Dr. Otto L. Schmidt, Chairman. 

Jessie Palmer Weber, Secretary. 

Edward Bowe. 

M. J. Daugherty. 

Oscar W. Eckland. 

Eev. Royal W. Ennis. 

Evarts B. Greene. 

J. B. McManus. 

Hugh S. Magill, Jr. 

Nicholas W. Duncan (resigned). 

John Schultz. 

Thomas P. Scully. 

Rev. Frederic Siedenburg. 

Charles H. Starkel. 

John E. Traeger. 

Peter A. Waller. 

In March, 1917, the Centennial Commission as a body placed 
its resignation in the hands of the newly inaugurated Governor, 
Frank 0. Lowden, and the Commission was re-organized. The 
following named persons formed the final organization : 

Otto L. Schmidt, Chairman. 

Jessie Palmer Weber, Secretary. 

Edward Bowe. 


John J. Brown. 

John W. Bunn. 

William Butterworth. 

Leon A. Colp. 

Royal W. Ennis. 

Evarts B. Greene. 

D. T. Hartwell (resigned). 

Edmund J. James. 

Harry Pratt Judson (resigned). 

Hugh S. Magill, Jr. (resigned). 

George Pasfield, Jr. 

William N. Pelouze. 

A. J. Poorman, Jr. 

Thomas F. Scully. 

Frederic Siedenburg. 

Frederick H. Smith (deceased). 

The Commission at once began an earnest study of its work 
and formulated comprehensive plans for the Centennial observ- 
ances. The necessary committees were appointed. It was voted 
that Governor Dunne and State Superintendent Francis G. Blair 
be invited to serve as honorary members of the Commission. 
President E. J. James of the University of Illinois was also in- 
vited to become an honorary member and served in that capacity 
until upon the resignation of President Harry Pratt Judson of the 
University of Chicago, he became again, by appointment, a mem- 
ber of the Commission. Mr. Martin Eoche of the State Art Com- 
mission and Professor J. A. James of the Northwestern University, 
were later elected honorary members. 

After discussion and a careful consideration of the subject, 
it was decided that the plans for the celebration should be carried 
on under the following standing committees or divisions: 

1. State- wide Celebration. 

2. Celebration at the State Capital. 

3. Centennial Memorial Building. 

4. Centennial Memorial Publications. 

5. Historical Statues and Markings. 


6. Publicity. 

7. Pageants and Masques. 

Of these standing committees, several sub-committees were 
arranged. These plans and the titles of standing committees 
though modified or enlarged as occasion demanded, were practic- 
ally adhered to during the work of arranging for and the carrying 
on of the celebrations. 

The members of the first committees were : 

1. Committee on State-wide Celebration Kent E. Keller, 

Chairman; J. W. Garner, H. W. Johnson, John S. 
Burns, John Huston, C. C. Pervier, Jessie Palmer 

2. Committee on Celebration at State Capital Hugh S. 

Magill, Jr., Chairman. 

3. Committee on Dedicatory Program Edmund J. James, 


Committee on Historical Pageant Jessie Palmer Weber, 

Committee on Centennial Exposition, Logan Hay, Chair- 

Sub-committees for the Centennial Exposition Agricul- 
ture, C. C. Pervier; Livestock, John Huston; Mining, 
James F. Morris; Manufactures, George B. Baker; 
Transportation, Henry W. Johnson; Education, State 
Supt. Francis G. Blair; Arts and Sciences, J. W. Gar- 
ner; Historical Eelics, Jessie Palmer Weber. 

3. Committee on Centennial Memorial Building Logan 

Hay, Chairman ; Kent E. Keller, John S. Burns, George 
B. Baker, James F. Morris. 

4. Committee on Centennial Memorial Publications 0. L. 

Schmidt, Chairman; George B. Baker, E. J. James, E. 
B. Greene, J. W. Garner. 

5. Committee on Statues and Historical Markings E. B. 

Greene, Chairman; H. S. Magill, Jr., H. W. Johnson, 
John Huston, 0. L. Schmidt. 


6. Committee on Publicity John S. Burns, Chairman; 
Francis G. Blair, H. S. Magill, Jr., Kent E. Keller, 
James F. Morris, 0. L. Schmidt. 

The various changes in the personnel of the Commission of 
course made necessary changes in the membership of committees. 
The final committees were as follows: 

Centennial Memorial History Evarts B. Greene, Chairman; 
Harry Pratt Judson (resigned), Eev. Frederic Siedenburg, Eev. 
Royal W. Ennis, Edmund J. James, Dr. Otto L. Schmidt. 

Committee on Publicity Rev. Frederic Siedenburg, Chair- 
man; William N. Pelouze, Judge Thomas F. Scully, Dr. Edward 
Bowe, Jessie Palmer Weber. 

Committee on State-wide Celebration Rev. Royal W. Ennis, 
Chairman; A. J. Poorman, Jr., William 1ST. Pelouze, Leon A. Colp, 
Jessie Palmer Weber. 

Committee on Celebration at State Capital John W. Bunn, 
Chairman; George Pasfield, Jr., Vice-chairman; William Butter- 
worth, John J. Brown, Col. Frederick H. Smith (deceased), Jessie 
Palmer Weber. 

Committee on Pageants and Masques Jessie Palmer Weber, 
Chairman; George Pasfield, Jr., Dr. Edward Bowe, Rev. Frederic, 

Committee on Yandalia Celebration John J. Brown, Chair- 

On October 29, 1917, Governor Lowden issued a proclamation 
calling special attention to December 3d., following, as the ninety- 
ninth anniversary of the formal admission of Illinois into the 
Union, and the beginning of the Centennial year. In his pro- 
clamation the Governor urged a general observance of this day 
throughout the State, and that organizations be formed in every 
county to co-operate with the Illinois Centennial Commission in 
planning an appropriate observance of the Illinois Centennial 
anniversary. In this proclamation the Governor stated 

On December 3, Illinois will enter upon the hundredth year of 
her statehood. The General Assembly of Illinois has created a Com- 
mission, to provide for the celebration of our Centennial. It already 
has plans well under way to make this event worthy of the greatness 


and the history of Illinois. But its work will not be complete unless 
the counties of the State shall also organize for this purpose. There 
is not a county in Illinois which has not been the scene of stirring 
and important events, which should find a place in the permanent 
history of the State. 

Now is the time to single out and record these events. It is com- 
mon knowledge that a young and expanding community, absorbed in 
making history, is only too careless about recording the history it 

Many points in Illinois scenes of momentous happenings which 
could have been sought and marked half a century ago, and have 
become fixed landmarks, are now only vague traditions. And, so while 
it is yet time, let our hundredth year be marked by fixing permanently 
the events of our first hundred years, so far as they may be fixed at 
this time. 

It is thought by some that the time is not fitting for this celebra- 
tion, because of the world-wide war in which we find ourselves. I do 
not share this view. I realize the greatness of the burdens this war 
imposes on us. We, of Illinois, will bear those burdens more lightly 
if we shall recall the first hundred years of Illinois' achievements. 
Our fathers before us, too, bore heavy burdens. They, too, knew what 
it meant to offer all for a great cause. They too, faced danger and 
difficulty. But they triumphed over all, and this great commonwealth 
the home of twice the number of free men the United States con- 
tained at the close of the Revolutionary War is the result. 

We have a hundred years of noble history as a background. 
Whether we shall have another hundred years equally inspiring, de- 
pends upon the issue of this world-wide war. It will help Illinois to 
play a great part in this war, if her people will refresh their courage 
and strengthen their will by a study of our first hundred years. 

When the Fiftieth General Assembly convened in January, 
1917, America was fast approaching entrance into the great inter- 
national war. Notwithstanding this fact, the members of the 
Legislature felt that the centennial celebration should be held 
during the year 1918, and that provision should be made therefor. 
The appropriation to the Centennial Commission was made after 
the United States had entered the war. 

The officers of the Commission took up the question of a 
State-wide celebration with Governor Lowden, who after due con- 
sideration expressed the opinion that there was even more reason 
for holding the celebration during the war than under normal 


conditions. He gave as his reason for this conclusion, that the 
story of Illinois is so rich in deeds of patriotism and heroic en- 
deavor, that an appreciation of this history such as would be 
brought out by the centennial celebration, would tend to inspire 
the people of Illinois to do their full patriotic duty, and bear the 
burdens of the war more generously and heroically. 

The three branches of the State Government, Legislative, 
Executive and Judicial took official part in the observance of the 
centennial. The Governor, by the following special message to the 
General Assembly called attention to this important part of the 
celebration : 


June 16, 191". 
Gentlemen of the Fiftieth General Assembly: 

Next year Illinois will celebrate the Centennial Anniversary of 
its entrance into the Union. The hundred years of our Statehood 
history will be commemorated then. These hundred years are big 
with achievement. Our population in 1818 was forty thousand of 
scattered pioneers. Now it is more than six million. The fifth largest 
city in the world lies within our borders. Our resources have in- 
creased with our population. Many of Illinois' sons have written their 
names large in the history of the world. Illinois played a conspicuous, 
if not a decisive part in the war for the Union. The history of that 
war could not be written with Illinois left out. 

We are now engaged in another great war in which the liberties 
of all mankind are challenged. We would be recreant to our past if 
we did not at this time recall to ourselves the achievements of a 
hundred years of free institutions in Illinois. 

Your honorable body has made fitting provisions for this celebra- 
tion, which should be marked with simplicity and solemnity but with 
great patriotic earnestness. The Commission having this work in 
charge is proceeding ably to this end. They desire that your honorable 
body appoint a committee to unite with the Executive and Judicial 
Departments of the State in extending invitations to the President of 
the United States, the governors of the different states, and to other 
distinguished guests, and to advise with the Commission upon matters 
pertaining to the celebration. 

I therefore recommend the appointment of such a joint committee 
Respectfully submitted, 

FRANK 0. LOWDEN, Governor. 


As suggested by Governor Lowden, a committee consisting of 
Lieutenant Governor John G. Oglesby and ten members of the 
State Senate and Speaker David E. Shanahan and ten members 
of the House of Eepresentatives was appointed as an advisory 
committee to act with the other branches of the State Government 
and the Centennial Commission. 

The members were : 


Lieutenant Governor and President of the Senate. 







Speaker of the House of Representatives. 











This Legislative Committee with the Governor and other 
executive officers of the State, the Chief Justice and Associate 
Justices of the Supreme Court and the Centennial Commission 
made up the general Invitation Committee and formal invitations 


to the various centennial observances bore the names of the fifty- 
one members of this committee. 

It was decided as suggested by Governor Lowden in a special 
message to the General Assembly, to invite the President of the 
United States to honor the Illinois Centennial observance by com- 
ing to Springfield, Saturday, October 5, 1918, and making the 
principal address at the laying of the corner stone of the Centennial 
Memorial Building. 

Accordingly an invitation was handsomely engrossed and illu- 
minated by hand, bound in red morocco, signed by the aforesaid 
committee of fifty-one, the Governor, Lieutenant Governor, 
Secretary of State, Auditor of Public Accounts, State Treasurer, 
State Superintendent of Public Instruction, the Attorney General, 
the Chief Justice and Associate Justices of the State Supreme 
Court and the members of the Centennial Commission. 

Chief Justice Orrin N. Carter, Dr. 0. L. Schmidt, chairman 
of the Centennial Commission, and the Honorable David E. Shana- 
han, Speaker of the Illinois House of Eepresentatives, went to 
Washington City, and on March 22, 1918, accompanied by United 
States Senator L. Y. Sherman and Congressmen Joseph G. Cannon, 
Henry T. Rainey and M. D. Foster, of Illinois, called on the 
President of the United States at the White House and presented 
the invitation to him in person. The President expressed his 
interest in the Illinois Centennial observance, his appreciation of 
the invitation and his desire to accept it, but could not at that 
time give the committee a definite answer. He asked that his at- 
tention be called to the matter later in the season. 

Late in August, Dr. Schmidt, accompanied by former Gov- 
ernor Edward F. Dunne, called on the President and again urged 
his acceptance of the invitation, and he still had hopes of being 
able to accept it, but to the disappointment and the regret of the 
Commission, the condition of public affairs was such that he was 
unable to come to Springfield and take part in the Centennial 

At the invitation of Governor Lowden, the State officers, the 
Justices of the Supreme Court, the Legislative Committee and the 
Centennial Commission met at the Executive Mansion at 11 o'clock 


A. M., December 3, 1917, to discuss plans for the official Centen- 
nial observances. 

Governor Lowden was elected chairman of this joint com- 
mittee and Jessie Palmer Weber, secretary. The plans for the 
observance as formulated by the Centennial Commission were sub- 
mitted and were approved. A special committee on invitations 
to invite speakers for the various observances and to plan the form 
of the cards of invitations and other like matters was appointed 
by Governor Lowden. This committee consisted of one member 
from each division of the State represented at the meeting. These 
members were Chief Justice Orrin 1ST. Carter of the Supreme 
Court, State Superintendent of Public Instruction Francis G. 
Blair, State Senator Adam C. Cliff e, Representative John S. Burns, 
Mr. George Pasfield, Jr., of the Centennial Commission. 

An historical writer has said that individuals have birthdays, 
states have birthyears and this is particularly true in the case of 
Illinois for the successive steps in the progress of the territory of 
Illinois in seeking admission as a State of the Union extended 
throughout the year 1818, from the 16th of January, the date 
upon which the Territorial Delegate in Congress, Nathaniel Pope, 
introduced the bill asking admission, until the 3d of December, 
when the President approved the Act of Congress which declared 
Illinois a sovereign State. There were several necessary and im- 
portant official steps taken between these two dates. It was decided 
that the most significant of these anniversaries are: 

The passage of the Enabling Act, April 18, 1818. 

The promulgation of the Constitution, August 26, 1818. 

The organization of the State Government by the meeting of 
the First General Assembly, October 5, 1818, and the inauguration 
of the First Governor, Shadrach Bond, on October 6, 1818. The 
formal Admission of the State, December 3, 1818. 

Accordingly, these anniversaries and December 3, 1917, the 
99th anniversary of the admission of the State, the real beginning 
of the centennial year; the birthday anniversary of Abraham 
Lincoln, February 12, 1918; and our Independence Day, July 4, 
which in 1918, was the 140th anniversary of George Eogers Clark's 
capture of Kaskaskia and the Illinois country were observed by 
official celebrations under the auspices of the Commission. 

It was also decided that there should be official celebrations 
held at the three towns which have been the capital cities of Illi- 
nois, Kaskaskia, Vandalia and Springfield. 

The Fourth of July was appropriately chosen as the date for 
the Kaskaskia observance.* 

' * As historic Kaskaskia is no longer in existence, the Kaskaskia obser- 
vance was held at Chester, the county seat of Randolph County and at the 
Pioneer Cemetery overlooking the remains of historic Kaskaskia. 



The citizens of Vandalia and Fayette County selected Septem- 
ber 26 as the day for the Vandalia observance, and the other official 
celebrations were held in Springfield. 


The Commission believed that the best way to reach the people 
of the State was through some form of county organization and 
accordingly a letter was sent to certain officials in each county 
asking them to call a meeting of the people at the county seat for 
the purpose of forming county centennial associations. These 
officials were the County Judge, State's Attorney, County Clerk, 
chairman of the Board of Supervisors or County Commissioners 
as the case might be, and the County Superintendent of Schools. 
This was done not with the idea that these officials would neces- 
sarily be the officers of the association but for the purpose of 
beginning the work through official channels. 

A pamphlet containing suggestions for county and local cele- 
brations was immediately sent out. 

The matter of local celebrations was the work of the Com- 
mittee on State-wide Celebration, and after the appointment of the 
Director in August, 1917, organizing these associations and assist- 
ing them by correspondence, visits and addresses was largely the 
work of the Director. 

On August 1, 1917, Mr. Hugh S. Magill, Jr., was appointed 
by the Commission, Director of the Centennial Celebration. Mr. 
Magill was a member of the State Senate when the Centennial 
Commission was organized in 1913, and was one of the members 
of that body appointed on the Commission. He was very active 
in the work of formulating its plans and on the death of the Chair- 
man, Senator Campbell S. Hearn, he was appointed chairman of 
the Commission, which position he occupied until his retirement 
from the Senate. In 1916, Mr. Magill was again appointed a 
member of the Commission and he gave much thought to its pre- 
liminary work. Mr. Magill resigned from the Commission to take 
the position of Director of the Centennial Celebration and an office 
room for him was at once fitted up in the State House, and the 
necessary assistants were employed. 


Too much cannot be said in praise of the loyal support of the 
Centennial celebration by the press of the State. As no public 
enterprise can be successfully carried on without publicity it would 
have been impossible for the Centennial Commission to have 
aroused as it did the interest of the people throughout the length 
and breadth of the State without the generous and cordial support 
of the Illinois newspapers. 

Mr. S. Leigh Call was appointed manager of publicity on the 
organization of the Commission and served most efficiently for 
two years. 

Mr. J. M. Page the veteran editor of Jerseyville, Illinois, 
next served for a year and his wide acquaintance and enthusiasm 
did much to interest and enlist the cooperation of the press. 

During the actual observance of the Centennial, Mr. Halbert 
0. Crews was publicity manager and by his experience of news- 
paper methods and his untiring energy, the people were made 
acquainted with the historical significance of the centenary and 
the plans of the Commission. 

Mr. Crews was the editor of the Centennial Bulletins and he 
sent weekly news letters to thousands of associations and citizens of 
the State. 

It is estimated that Illinois newspapers published more than 
fifty thousand items relating to the Centennial. 

Mr. H. H. Bancroft of Jacksonville, was assistant director of 
the Centennial celebration and devoted his time largely to assisting 
in the organization of local Centennial Associations. In his work 
he was very successful and through his efforts Centennial Associa- 
tions were formed in more than half the counties of the State. 

Throughout the Centennial year it was the purpose of the 
Commission to show the importance and greatness of Illinois in 
relation to the nation, and through the nation to the world. No 
one questions the fact that America was essential to the winning of 
the great war for human freedom. History justifies the statement 
that Illinois contributed during the past century men whose leader- 
ship was essential to the preservation of the American Union. May 
we not then, as citizens of Illinois, feel a solemn pride in the 
historic fact that Illinois has contributed, through the inspiration 


and leadership of Abraham Lincoln and her other great souls, to 
the highest welfare of all mankind ? 

Thus Illinois closes the first century of her history as a State. 
Those upon whom was placed the responsibility of conducting a 
suitable observance of her Centennial lay down their work with the 
hope that an appreciation of the past century may inspire the people 
of Illinois to enter the new century with a high resolve that the 
future of our State shall be worthy of those whose noble lives have 
illumined her past. 

At the close of the Centennial year as the Commission looks 
back over the five years of its organization, years that have been so 
momentous in the history of Illinois and of the world, so filled with 
great events that were unforeseen by any one, its members feel 
some satisfaction that in spite of very great obstacles it has suc- 
ceeded in accomplishing the greater part of what it had planned 
in the beginning. 

In the various official observances of its centenary, Illinois 
has been honored by the presence of her United States Senators, 
L. y. Sherman and J. Hamilton Lewis and of several of her mem- 
bers of Congress. A member of the Cabinet of the President of 
the United States has been her guest. Orators have come to take 
part in paying tribute to Illinois and her contributions to the world, 
fom England, from France, from Ireland and from Canada, Vir- 
ginia, New York, Connecticut, Ohio and Indiana have sent repre- 
sentatives and all of these statesmen, orators and historians have 
told in glowing terms of what Illinois has achieved, what her ma- 
terial contributions have been in coal and wheat and corn, in beef 
and pork and in manufactured products, and above all her gifts of 
men and women, men and women who toiled, sacrificed and 
achieved for humanity, from pioneers who laid broad and deep 
the foundations of our commonwealth, and perhaps builded better 
than they knew. 

The annals of Illinois are resplendent with the names of men 
who toiled and sacrificed to establish human liberty. 

Coles and Birkbeck, and the others who drove out the dark 
specter of slave holding from the Prairie State, the founders of the 
schools, the priests, the pioneer preachers, the circuit riders and 


the exhorters, the Indian fighters and the builders of roads and the 
diggers of canals, the soldiers of our wars, from the humblest 
drummer boy to the great generals and to the chief magistrate, 
Abraham Lincoln, the greatest and noblest of them all who sacri- 
ficed even life itself, that "government of the people, by the people, 
for the people should not perish from the earth," Abraham Lin- 
coln, the greatest exponent of world democracy that the world has 
ever known, all of these has our State contributed, and so Illinois 
of to-day is offering men. 

Every gallant young man of Illinois who in the present 
crisis went out and offered his life for democracy as did the 
heroes of the Eevolutionary War, and our fathers of the war 
for the Union, each one of these is an immortal, and an un- 
dying gift, and breathes the spirit of Illinois, the spirit of the 
260,000 men that Illinois gave to preserve the Union and is piled 
up in the imperishable multitude of nearly 300,000 sons of Illi- 
nois who fought for a world wide democracy as our second century 


An important work of the Centennial Commission was the pre- 
paration and publication of a Centennial Memorial History of the 
State under the supervision of the Committee on Publications of 
the Commission of which Prof. E. B. Greene is chairman. The 
work of compiling and writing this history was done by a corps 
of trained, scientific historians under the general editorial super- 
vision of Prof. C. W. Alvord. The history is on a scale never 
before attempted by a state of the Union. It has taken six years of 
labor and research. It is published in six volumes and will be 
placed free of charge in the public libraries of the State and sold 
to individuals at a low cost. The first or preliminary volume en- 
titled, "Illinois in 1818," is by Prof. Solon J. Buck. The series is 
called "The Centennial Memorial History of Illinois," and it is 
a valuable and enduring feature of the Centennial observance. 

3 C C 


The titles of the volumes of the series are: 

I. Province and Territory, 1673-1818, edited by C. W. Alvord. 

II. The Frontier State, 1818-1848, edited by Theodore C. Pease. 

III. The Era of the Civil War, 1848-1870, edited by Arthur C.Cole. 

IV. The Industrial State, 1870-1893, edited by Ernest L. Bogart 

and Charles M. Thompson. 

V. The Modern Commonwealth, 1893-1918, edited by Ernest L. 
Bogart, and John M. Mathews. 


At the request of the Illinois Centennial Commission, Con- 
gressman Loren E. Wheeler of the Twenty-first Illinois Congres- 
sional District introduced a bill in Congress providing for the 
coinage of a special coin in commemoration of the Centennial of 
the admission of Illinois into the Union. After the passage of the 
bill by Congress authorizing the coinage of one hundred thousand 
half dollars, every effort was made to expedite the distribution of 
the coins among the people of the State as souvenirs of the Cen- 
tennial year. 

One hundred thousand fifty cents pieces with a special design 
commemorative of the Illinois Centennial were issued. The design 
was determined upon by the Director of the Mint and the Secretary 
of the Treasury, but was suggested by the Centennial Commission. 
As a result of a conference with the Superintendent and Chief En- 
graver of the United States Mint, it was agreed that the coin should 
have the head of Lincoln on the obverse side and the seal of Illinois 
on the reverse side, with the inscription "Centennial of the State 
of Illinois, 1818-1918." The Chief Engraver of the Mint prepared 
the models from which the dies were made. 

The coins were distributed during the Centennial year to 
county or centennial associations at par value. These associations 
disposed of the fifty cent pieces for one dollar each, the proceeds 
of the sale being used for local Centennial celebrations or some 
phase of war relief work. 

The coin has been much admired by numismatists and it has 
been purchased by them and distributed throughout the entire 
United States. 



The Centennial Commission was organized in 1913, before the 
organization of the State Departments of the Administrative Code, 
but before this time efforts were being made to secure a new His- 
torical or Educational Building in order to relieve the crowded 
condition of the State House. 

It was hoped that such a building might be erected as a 
memorial of the centenary of Abraham Lincoln in 1909. 

Celebrations and demonstrations are an important and essen- 
tial part of the Centennial observance, but the Commission felt 
that the Centennial Memorial Building would be after all the per- 
manent, the enduring evidence that the people of Illinois had 
observed the rounding out of their first century of Statehood, if 
they erect a stately and beautiful temple in which to preserve the 
history and memorials of those who have built the fabric of the 

The Centennial Commission was very glad to use such in- 
fluence as it might have in advancing the plans for this inspiring 
and permanent memorial. A brief account of the successive steps 
in the progress towards the building of the Centennial Memorial 
Building may be of interest. 

An Educational Building Commission was created by the 
Forty-seventh General Assembly, 1911. Members of this Commis- 
sion were named in the act, to be the Governor, Secretary of State, 
Superintendent of Public Instruction, President of the Board of 
Trustees of the State Historical Library, President of the State 
Historical Society, Auditor of Public Accounts, and Department 
Commander of the State G. A. E. 

The duty of this Commission was to consider plans for an 
Educational Building and to recommend a proper site for it. The 
act carried an appropriation of $5,000, for the purposes mentioned. 

This Commission secured the service of Mr. W. S. Leland a 
noted archivist. Mr. Leland visited Springfield and studied the 
needs of the various departments and made a report to the Com- 
mission which it submitted to the Forty-eighth General Assembly, 
with some recommendations and tentative plans by Mr. W. Corbyg 
Zimmerman, then State Architect. 


The next General Assembly (the Forty-eighth) continued this 
Commission and appropriated $10,000, for its use. 

The outgrowth of the work of this Commission was the crea- 
tion of the Centennial Building Commission by the Forty-ninth 
General Assembly. The Governor, Secretary of State, Superin- 
tendent of Public Instruction, Chairman of the State Art Commis- 
sion, President of the State Historical Society and President of 
the Board of Trustees of the State Historical Library and two 
persons appointed by the Governor constituted the Commission. 

The act creating this Commission designated the ground to 
be used for the site, and stipulated that the citizens of Springfield 
or someone in their behalf contribute $100,000 toward the pur- 
chase of the designated tract of ground. This the citizens of 
Springfield did. The act carried an appropriation of $125,000. 

The fiftieth General Assembly appropriated to the Department 
of Public Works and Buildings, $100,000, to prepare plans and 
specifications for the Centennial Memorial Building and created 
an advisory Centennial Building Commission consisting of the 
Director of Public Works and Buildings and the Governor, 
President of the State Senate, Speaker of the House of Repre- 
sentatives, Secretary of State and three members to be appointed 
by the Governor whose duty it shall be to determine the exact 
location of the building on the grounds, select and approve the 
plans and specifications for the building and have supervision 
over its construction. The act stated that the building will cost 
$800,000, and appropriated $125,000, for expenses of plans and 

The Fiftieth General Assembly made an appropriation to be- 
gin the erection of the Centennial Memorial Building on the 
beautiful plot of ground south of the State Capitol Building and 
the law making the appropriation stipulated that the laying of 
the cornerstone of the building be a part of the exercises of the 
Centennial celebration. The building will cost when completed 
about a million dollars and will be erected by the Department of 
Public Works and Buildings. The plans have been drawn by Mr. 
Edgar Martin, State Architect. The growth of the State's business 
has been so great that the Capitol Building is badly crowded and 


room is needed for the proper housing and care of many depart- 
ments. It is expected that the Centennial Memorial Building will 
be beautiful and satisfying architecturally and artistically and will 
provide ample quarters for the State Department of Education, 
State Library, State Historical Library and Society, a worthy 
Lincoln Memorial Hall, the Natural History Museum, a safe de- 
pository for valuable records and house many other departments 
and boards. It will be an enduring monument of the completion 
of our first century of Statehood, one upon which the people of the 
State can look with pride for generations to come. The corner- 
stone of the present State Capitol was laid October 5, 1868, and 
thus when on October 5, 1918, we laid the cornerstone of our Cen- 
tennial Memorial Building, we celebrated the semi-centennial anni- 
versary of the present Capitol Building. 


Mr. Wallace Eice, who was selected by the Illinois Centennial 
Commission as official pageant writer for the centenary has said, 
"Whatever the forms assumed in modern times by pageants, such 
forms, in response to the inate desire in human nature for the dis- 
play of all the splendors humanity can command, are of the re- 
motest antiquity. Memorials of them are carved upon ancient 
Egyptian bassi rilievi, are shown in Grecian sculpture and persist 
in the triumphal arches of the Romans. Indeed it is not too much 
to say that no tribe of men has ever been found, however savage 
its state, which did not combine processions, dancing, songs and 
some form of histrionism for the better celebration of high events 
in its annals, whether, religious or secular." 

Another writer has said in substance: "Wherever men have 
been pioneers, blazed the way and struggled to carry forward civil- 
ization. Wherever victories for right have been achieved; where- 
ever by heroic action or by patient enduring the great cause of 
human progress and human liberty has been nurtured, that ground 
is holy ground and the incidents there enacted are sacred, worthy 
of commemoration in pageantry." 

And with this conception of the history and mission of page- 
antry the Centennial Commission from its organization began to 


make plans to reproduce for the people of Illinois the wonderful 
story of the Prairie State by means of a pageant of historic truth 
and of poetic imagery and beauty, so presented as to visualize the 
stirring and momentous events in the life of our great common- 
wealth in such a way as to be unf orgetable in the hearts and minds 
of those who behold it. 

The Commission's choice of Mr. Eice as pageant writer was a 
happy one, the masques, pageants and poems which he wrote being 
worthy of their great theme and of the occasion. Mr. Frederick 
Bruegger was selected as pageant master to produce the official 
masques. He was assisted by Mrs. Bruegger in this work and 
through their conception of their work and their training of the 
actors in the masque, the Commission was able to realize in a large 
measure its hopes. The presentation of the Centennial Masque 
will mark an era in community effort in Illinois. 

The masques, pageants and plays published by the Commis- 
sion include the following: 

"The Pageant of the Illinois Country," by Wallace Rice. 

"The Masque of Illinois," by Mr. Rice. 

"Six Little Plays for Children," by Mr. Rice. 

"The Wonderful story of Illinois," by Grace Arlington Owen. 

The Masque written by Mr. Rice was used by the Centennial 
Commission as the official Masque. And this was produced under 
the direction of the Committee on Pageants and Masques of which 
Mrs. Jessie Palmer Weber was chairman and Mr. George Pasfield. 
Dr. Edward Bowe and Rev. Frederic Siedenburg were members. 

The Masque portrayed in a series of beautiful scenes the 
thrilling history of the State. The music written especially for it 
by Mr. Edward C. Moore, was of special beauty and added greatly 
to the charm of the production. Some of the airs will live as long 
as the memory of the Masque endures. 

To Mr. and Mrs. Bruegger, pageant masters, great credit is 
due for the complete success of the production. The Sangamon 
County Centennial Association rendered valuable aid in selecting 
the cast and making many of the costumes and other arrangements 
which contributed to the success of the Masque. 


It is not possible to mention all who deserve credit. Mrs. 
Eobert C. Lanphier and Mrs. Logan Hay were the Committee on 
Costumes and too much cannot be said in praise of their untiring 
efforts through which the charming choruses of young girls were 
gowned to be the Illinois company, the Trees, the Flowers, the 
Rivers and the Prairies who always attended Illinois. 

Mr. Clinton L. Conkling, Mr. Eobert C. Lanphier, Mr. Eobert 
W. Troxell, Mr. Ira M. Allen, Mr.'E. A. Guest, Mr. Henry Helmle, 
Mrs. Philip Barton Warren, Mrs. V. Y. Dallman, Mrs. George 
Thomas Palmer and Miss Theresa Gorman of the Sangamon 
County Committees also greatly aided in the arrangements for the 

It is, of course, needless to say that the Masque could not 
have been presented without hearty cooperation and great and 
earnest effort upon the part of the cast. It would be impossible 
to mention any considerable number of the more than a thousand 
persons of Springfield and central Illinois who took part in the 
Masque. All deserve commendation. It would, however, be unfair 
not to mention the work of Miss Florence Lowden who took the 
leading part, that of "Illinois," as this character was on the stage 
during the entire performance. 

Miss Lowden committed to memory the words of the entire 
Masque. Not only was she letter perfect in her own part but she 
was able to assist other actors by prompting them in their lines if 
they showed evidence of confusion or forgetfulness. 

Miss Lowden acted the part of "Illinois" with high apprecia- 
tion and dignity and her enunciation of the words was excellent. 

The first performance of the Masque was on the evening of 
August 26, 1918, the centenary of the promulgation of the Consti- 
tution of 1818. It was given in the Coliseum at the State Fair 
grounds. A very large stage was erected at the west end of the 
building and carpeted with green. Large trees and bushes were 
brought from the woods and the stage was made to represent an 
open space or prairie in a woodland glade. The effect was beauti- 
ful. In the second presentation of the Masque which occurred on 
October 4-5, the foliage of the trees and bushes was in the autumn 


The cast of more than one thousand persons was made up of 
all ages and classes of the people of Springheld and central Illinois. 

The various fraternal orders took part, churches and musical 
societies furnished choruses. 

There were old, young and middle aged men and women. 
The chorus, "the children of Illinois" was given by a large num- 
ber of little folks from three to twelve years of age. All deserve 
praise from the National Commander of the G. A. E. who took a 
part in the Civil War episode to the tiny drummer boy of five 
years who marched proudly at his side. 

The Masque was presented at Vandalia on September 26, by 
a cast made up of citizens of Vandalia and Fayette County. It 
was presented on an out-of-door stage and the effect was of great 

The Centennial Masque will linger in the memory of those 
who witnessed it. It presented a moving picture of Illinois, from 
the days of the French Missionary priest and voyageur, through 
all the changing years of toil and sacrifice, of progress and triumph. 
It closes with the entrance of America and Illinois into the world 
war, joining with the allied nations of the world in the great 
struggle to make the world and our Illinois a safer and a happier 
place in which to live and labor. 

"Ye who would learn the glory of your past and form a 

forecast of the things to be, 

"Give heed to this a mighty trumpet blast and see 
"Her pictured life in pageantry/' 


An interesting little pageant was used in connection with the 
plan for the planting of a Centennial tree on Arbor Day, April 19. 
This was prepared by Hon. Francis G. Blair, Superintendent of 
Public Instruction, and was sent to all of the schools in the State. 
As Arbor Day came on the day following the Centennial of the 
adoption of the Enabling Act, permitting Illinois to form a Con- 
stitution and organize a State government, the planting of this 


tree had special Centennial significance. It will stand as a 
memorial to the State's hundred years. 

In his appeal for the planting of Centennial trees, Mr. Blair 

"While at work with spade and ax cutting out undergrowth 
and transplanting some of it, a messenger arrived bringing the 
news of the birth of a nephew. A young, sturdy elm that had 
begun life on its own hook in an impossible sort of a place had 
just been taken up. Why not replant this elm in honor of the 
new-born boy ? A place was chosen and the tree was planted. As 
soon as the lad was old enough to understand he was introduced 
to his twin, the elm. Now, as in the strength of his young man- 
hood he goes forth under the colors to fight in the world's greatest 
war for the world's greatest cause, that towering young elm takes 
on a new meaning. 

"It may have been that incident which brought the suggestion 
of planting the Centennial tree. Be that as it may, believing that 
this year presents a rare occasion, I am recommending that every 
school in Illinois shall plant a Centennial tree. To make this 
ceremony more impressive, I have written and arranged the pro- 
gram of exercises as herein presented." 


It is impossible to give more than passing notice to the many 
interesting presentations of Masques and Pageants in the various 
counties of the State. 

The Director of the Centennial celebration in his report has 
mentioned many of them. It seems however, proper to mention 
the "Lincoln-New Salem Pageant" on account of the interest and 
pride felt by every one in all that concerns Illinois' foremost 

The Pageant was presented at the site of the home of Mr. 
Lincoln's young manhood at New Salem, by the Old Salem-Lincoln 
League on September 2-3, 1918. A brief account of this celebra- 
tion seems appropriate. 


The life of Abraham Lincoln at New Salem, where he resided 
from 1831-1837, was pictured in a pageant given there under the 
auspices of the Old Salem-Lincoln League on Monday and Tues- 
day, September 2-3. Replicas of the Lincoln and Berry store; 
the Eutledge Inn; some of the old log cabins and the reconstruc- 
tion of the road through the village, gave a touch of realism to 
the pageant which was enacted on New Salem Hill. People from 
all over Central Illinois and some visitors from a greater distance 
attended the pageant. 

The League proposes to continue with the work of reconstruc- 
tion and intends eventually to have the entire village rebuilt as 
nearly as possible as it was when Lincoln lived there. 

Many of the actors in the pageant were descendants of the 
Clarys, the Armstrongs, the Greenes, the Watkins. the Spears, and 
the Pratts, and other families who made up the citizenship of the 
village of New Salem when Lincoln kept store there. The pageant 
was given from four-thirty to six-thirty in 'the afternoons of 
Monday and Tuesday, and a barbecue, such as they had in Lincoln's 
day, was one of the features on Monday. Eefreshments were 
served at the Rutledge Inn on both days. 

The pageant was beautiful as well as instructive. It 
opened with a scene showing Mother Nature preparing for the 
events that were to take place. The first episode represents the 
arrival of Lincoln at New Salem in 1831. The flat-boat lodges at 
the dam and Denton Offut announces that he has decided to open 
a store with the cargo in the flat-boat, and engages Lincoln to work 
as clerk in the new store. 

In the second episode, the scene is in September of the same 
year. The Clary's Grove boys arrive in the village to attend the 
autumn festivities and the famous wrestling match between Lin- 
coln and the champion of Clary's Grove occurs. 

The third episode shows Lincoln leaving for the Black Hawk 
War in April, 1832. The Clary's Grove boys elect Lincoln as their 
captain and march away. 

The scene of the fourth episode is on a Sunday morning in 
New Salem. Lincoln pleads his cause with Ann Rutledge. This is 
one of the most touching scenes. Ann Rutledge departs for college 


in Jacksonville and the scene ends with her death and the depar- 
ture of Lincoln for Springfield. There is an interlude in which the 
progress and prosperity of the State is shown by interpretative 
dances of peace and plenty. Then comes the fifth episode. It 
shows Lincoln's farewell to Illinois. 

Another interlude follows and the pageant ends with the grief 
of New Salem over the death of Lincoln. 

The pageant is followed by a masque in celebration of the 
Centennial of the State. 

The pageant and masque were presented under the direction 
of Mrs. Florence Magill Wallace. 


The financial report of the Illinois Centennial Commission, 
an account of the disbursements of the fund appropriated for the 
Illinois Centennial Celebration by the Fiftieth General Assembly: 

Total appropriation by the Fiftieth General Assembly, 

This appropriation was made in a lump sum and this budget 
was arranged by the Centennial Commission for convenience and 
for an equitable division of the fund. 

I. Publications $30,000.00 

II. Salaries. 

Director's office 25,332.44 

Office commission . . . 8,390.00 




Expense Directors. 

Stationery and supplies 


Telephone and tele- 

Postage and express . 


Traveling expense . . . 


Expense Commission. 10,000.00 

Poster 5,000.00 

Writing and publishing 

music 3,000.00 

Centennial banner . . . 1,500.00 
Expense official guests, 

etc 10,000.00 

Special publicity 3,000.00 

Official Celebrations. 

Dec. 3, 1917 1,276.86 

Feb. 12, 1918 128.45 

Apr. 18, 1918 1,000.00 

Kaskaskia, July 4, 1918 1,000.00 

Centennial Pair 5,000.00 

Aug. 26, 1918 4,500.00 

Vandalia, Sept. 24-26, 

1918 2,000.00 

Oct. 5-6, 1918 14,500.00 

Dec. 3, 1918 2,000.00 

Prizes and medals 

International Live 

Stock Show 500.00 

Contingent 11,872.25 



















$33,722.44 $31,235.93 $ 2,486.51 

3,000.00 2,213.56 786.44 

1,000.00 788.28 211.72 

500.00 203.48 296.52 

5,000.00 3,425.55 1,574.45 

5,500.00 5,444.30 55.70 

4,000.00 2,910.61 1,089.39 

1,000.00 163.16 836.84 

$20,000.00 $15,148.94 $ 4,851.06 




$32,500.00 $14,252.36 $18,247.64 





$25,901.86 $17,875.70 


Total appropriation $160,000.00 

Total disbursements , 102,628.59 

Balance on hand June 17, 1919 $57,371.41 


June 17, 1919. 

Publication Fund. 

Original item in budget for publication fund $30,000.00 

Disbursements 16,089.50 

Balance in fund $13,910.50 

There must be paid from this fund the contract with 
McClurg & Co., for the publication of the Centennial 
history, $11,500.00 ; the remainder of the fund will 
be entirely used by the expenses of the work neces- 
sary to the completion of the volumes editorial 
work, proof reading, final payment of authors and 
assistants, etc. 

A contingent fund of $1,000.00 must also be allowed 
for the distribution of the Centennial history as the 
publication fund is not sufficient for this purpose. . 1,000.00 

Total for the publication fund $14,910.50 

Expenses of Commission. 

The Centennial Commission appropriated for the pre- 
paration, publication, distribution, etc., of the re- 
port of the Commission the sum of 5,000.00 

A contingent fund for the expenses of the Commission 

of $2,000.00 must be retained 2,000.00 

Total for expenses of Commission $7,000.00 


* There are therefore, contracts and pledges against the Commis- 
sion, leaving a free cash balance on June 17, 1919, of $35,460.91 

* When the final payment for the Centennial History was made it was 
found that on account of the changes in the price of labor, paper, etc., the 
estimates had been insufficient and the final balance paid into the State 
Treasury from the $160,000 appropriated to the Centennial Commission was 


Official Celebrations 


By the term official celebrations is meant those which were 
held under the auspices of the Centennial Commission. The im- 
portant anniversaries of the centenary of the State were : 

I. The one hundredth anniversary of the passage of the Act 
of Congress, April 18, 1818, authorizing the Territory 
of Illinois to form a State Constitution and Government, 
called the Enabling Act. 

II. The promulgation of the first State Constitution, August 
26, 1818. 

III. The organization of the State Government by the meeting 

of the First General Assembly, October 5, 1818, and the 
inauguration of the first Governor of the State, October 
6, 1818. 

IV. The formal admission of Illinois as a State of the Federal 

Union by Act of Congress approved, December 3, 1818. 
V. The Commission also observed December 3, 1917, the 
ninety-ninth anniversary of the admission of the State, 
the real beginning of the State Centennial. 
The Commission decided that some official observance of 
the Centennial should be held in the towns which had 
been the capital cities of Illinois during her first century. 
Accordingly a celebration was held at Kaskaskia, or in 
the neighborhood of what remains of the historic little 
city which was once the metropolis of the Mississippi 

VI. The citizens of Randolph County arranged for a celebra- 
tion on July 4 at Chester, and united with the Com- 
mission in an observance at the Pioneer Cemetery over- 
looking all that is left of historic Kaskaskia, 

4 C C 


VII. An appropriate observance of the Centennial was held at 
Vandalia, September 2-4, 25, 26, by the citizens of 
Fayette County and Vandalia and the Centennial Com- 

VIII. The Birthday of Abraham Lincoln is of course observed 

each year by the Lincoln Centennial Association. In 

the Centennial year the Lincoln Association invited the 

Centennial Commission to cooperate with it, and the 

Commission gladly accepted the invitation and a most 

impressive observance was held under their joint 

auspices on Lincoln's Birthday, February 12, 1918. 

These important historical anniversaries and historic towns 

were each fittingly commemorated. Governor Frank 0. Lowden 

gave to the Centennial observance earnest and unfailing support 

and encouragement. By timely official proclamations and eloquent 

orations he not only gave the stamp of his official approval to the 

Centennial observance, but through his papers and addresses he 

contributed largely to the history and literature of the Centenary 

of the State. 

I. December 3, 1917, the ninety-ninth anniversary of the 
admission of the State Illinois into the Federal Union. 
II. February 12, 1918, the one hundred and ninth anni- 
versary of the birth of Abraham Lincoln. 

III. April 18, 1918, the Centenary of the approval of the Act 

of Congress authorizing the Territory of Illinois to form 
a State Constitution and Government. 

IV. July 4, 1918. Independence Day. 

The one hundred and fortieth anniversary of the capture 
of Kaskaskia and the Illinois Country by Colonel George 
Eogers Clark. Celebration at Chester and at the 
Pioneer Cemetery overlooking, from the hill, Kaskaskia 
Island, the remnant of Did Kaskaskia. 

V. August 26, 1918, the Centenary of the promulgation of 
the Constitution of 1818, the first Constitution of the 
State of Illinois. 

VI. September 25, 1918, official celebration at Vandalia, the 
second Capital of the State of Illinois. 


VII. October 5-6, 1918. The Centenary of the inauguration of 

the Government of the State of Illinois. 
Laying the corner-stone of the Centennial Memorial 


Dedication of the statue of Abraham Lincoln. 
Dedication of the statue of Stephen A. Douglas. 
VIII. December 3, 1918. The Centenary of the approval by the 
President of the Act of Congress declaring Illinois a 
sovereign State of the American Union. 



Music Star Spangled Banner. 

Invocation Eev. Frederic Siedenburg, S. J., a member of the 

Centennial Commission. 
Introduction of Governor Lowden, who presided Doctor Otto 

L. Schmidt, Chairman, Illinois Centennial Commission. 
Hon. Frank 0. Lowden The Illinois Centennial. 
Hon. Lawrence Y. Sherman Illinois, the Frontier State. 
*Hon. Charles S. Deneen The Pioneer State. 
Centennial Poem Mr. Wallace Eice. 
Hon. Joseph W. Fifer Illinois in the Civil War. 
Hon. Edward F. Dunne Illinois' Men of Eloquence. 
Hon. Eichard Yates Illinois Today. 
Music Illinois. 


The entrance of Illinois into its Centennial was observed in 
many places throughout the State. 

At Springfield the Illinois Centennial Commission, the Illi- 
nois State Historical Society, cooperating, held a most impressive 

In the afternoon a conference of representatives of local 
Centennial associations was held in the Senate Chamber at the 
State House, presided over by Dr. Otto L. Schmidt, chairman of 
the Centennial Commission. Addresses were made on topics of 
interest to these delegates, making suggestions for local cele- 

Fifty-eight counties were represented at the meeting. A 
Eound Table discussion of plans by these representatives was an, 
interesting feature of the afternoon session. 

* Governor Deneen was at the last moment prevented by important busi- 
ness from being present. 



At five o'clock in the afternoon a reception was given by the 
Governor and Mrs. Lowden at the Executive Mansion, and hun- 
dreds availed themselves of this gracious invitation to pay their 
respects to the Centennial Governor of Illinois and his charming 
family as well as to visit the historic Mansion which has been the 
home of sixteen of Illinois' twenty-five Governors. 


More than four hundred guests attended the Illinois Day 
banquet at the Leland Hotel in the evening. It was one of the 
most delightful occasions of its kind ever held in the Capital of 
Illinois. Governor Frank 0. Lowden presided and former 
Governors Joseph W. Fifer, Richard Yates, and Edward F. Dunne 
and United States Senator Lawrence Y. Sherman were speakers. 
The invocation was delivered by Eev. Frederic Siedenburg, S. J., a 
member of the Commission. Wallace Eice read an original poem, 
"Illinois and War." 

In introducing Governor Lowden as toastmaster, Dr. Otto 
L. Schmidt, chairman of the Commission said : 

"A hundred years ago in the last year of Illinois as a territory 
its course towards statehood was guided by men of sterling worth, 
men who proved themselves in the future to deserve their reputa- 
tion. Today, we are in a crisis greater than that of a hundred 
years ago. And now the State is guided by a man who has already 
proved himself a worthy successor to those who have preceded him 
and without question, will prove to us in the future that the people 
have not misplaced their confidence and the name of the Cen- 
tennial Governor the War Governor, will shed new splendor upon 
the shining roll of Illinois' illustrious sons." 

At the banquet special tables were reserved for the members 
of the Grand Army of the Bepublic, the Daughters of the Ameri- 
can Eevolution and other patriotic organizations. A table was 
reserved for distinguished ladies, and at this were seated Mrs. 
Frank 0. Lowden, Mrs. John M. Palmer, Mrs. Eichard J. Oglesby, 
Mrs. John E. Tanner, Mrs. L. L. Emmerson, Mrs. Andrew Eussel, 
Mrs. Francis G. Blair, Mrs. Jessie Palmer Weber, Mrs. Hugh S. 
Magill and many other prominent women of the State. 




Mr. Chairman and Fellow Illinoisans: We are just entering 
upon the one hundredth year of our existence as a State. There 
have been those who have believed that we ought not to celebrate 
this anniversary because of the great perils which environ us. 
Others of us have felt sure that a study of our past history would 
inspire us to be better men and women in this crucial present. 

If we shall fully realize the State which these fathers founded 
for us a hundred years ago, it means that we shall fully realize the 
price the pioneers and those who followed them until today have 
paid for the blessings we enjoy, and it will strengthen our arms, 
it will renew our courage, it will make us look with a clearer and 
more steadfast eye at the dangers which confront us. I believe 
that this celebration under the auspices of the Centennial Commis- 
sion ought to be one of the most virile, one of the most persuasive 
and one of the most powerful of all the patriotic agencies which 
we of Illinois can invoke at this time. It has heartened me 
greatly today, the magnificent attendance at this initial meeting 
men and women who know of our past, who know the sacrifices 
and the struggles which it has held, who know that while we have 
won great triumphs, we have not won those triumphs without 
great effort and without great devotion. They come to this capital 
city from every corner of the State, and their presence is a pledge 
that this celebration of our one hundredth anniversary will be 
one of the epochal events in our one hundred years of history. 

Governor Lowden upon taking his place as presiding officer 
of the evening, made a stirring address on the Illinois Centennial. 
In closing his address and introducing United States Senator 
Sherman, he said: 

"But I am here, I realize, not to make a speech, but to intro- 
duce to you those who will. I regret exceedingly that Governor 
Deneen, who was to respond to the first toast, is unavoidably 
detained. While I regret his absence I congratulate you that his 
place will be most ably filled by Lawrence Y. Sherman, who will 
respond to the toast, 'The Pioneer State/ And while I as a 


Governor do not concede that any mere United States Senator can 
take the place of any ex-Governor, I am willing, however, to admit 
that you will hear one of the best speeches you have ever heard in 1 
your life by Senator Sherman/' 



Mr. Chairman, Members of the Commission, and my Fellow 
Citizens: The subject assigned me is "The Pioneer State." I 
came here to be a member of the audience. I think I could add to 
the appreciative interest of the audience if I were permitted to 
sit and listen to the addresses. 

I remember more about the pioneers than I do about the 
pioneer State. These pioneers were a sturdy lot. They had to 
be; they could not have survived in any other way. They made 
the pioneer State what it was in those days. There were the 
pioneers of Turkey Hill. Turkey Hill was the predecessor of 
Belleville. There were the pioneers of English Prairie which in 
that part of the country was called Little Britain. There were 
the pioneers of the Scandinavian settlement in Henry County 
which gave its impress to a very large part of the population of 
the pioneer State. There were the pioneers of Portuguese religious 
refugees who made up a distinguishing feature of the early settlers 
in Sangamon and Morgan counties ; there were the pioneers of the 
Icarian community which came along about the time that the 
Mormons left on their long pilgrimage to Salt Lake City, and 
settled at Nauvoo in Hancock County on the east bank of the 
Mississippi River. 

Cabet, a Frenchman and member of the French Chamber of 
Deputies and editor of a newspaper, had some ideas that were un- 
popular in his own country. He got together a colony of adherents 
of his ideas and came to the New World, finally settling at Nauvoo. 
The Icarian community flourished for many years but it at last 
fell a prey to the constitutional defects incident to that form of 
human society. It failed, the land was distributed and sold at 
foreclosure, finally passing into the hands of those who held it in 


severalty and it now belongs to prosaic Hancock County farmers 
engaged in raising grain and meats and furnishing their part 
towards the provisioning of the army that we are starting across 
the sea. Cabet was willing to risk his fortune in an effort to make 
this experiment. I saw one of the last surviving members several 
years ago while on a visit to Nauvoo. He was then eighty-five 
years of age. He had lived in three continents. He spoke fluently 
three languages, was well educated and had seen much of the world 
and knew human nature. I asked him why the experiment failed, 
since the community had all property in common, labor in com 
mon, and sent their children to a common house to be reared, to 
be fed at a common table, educated in a common way by a common 
mother, all the cares of maternal life assumed by the community 
with everybody having the same kind of meals, the same kind of 
treatment, the same kind of clothes, with nobody possessing too 
much and none too little. He looked at me long and soberly and 
said: "It failed and will continue to fail because the Almighty 
has made the human race as it is/' A few of the descendants are 
up there yet and they have added their quota to the mixture which 
has made up the pioneer State of Illinois. 

These are particular localities. Other nations which have sent 
their sturdy emigrants to our borders left their impress upon our 
institutions and upon the history of our State. These men of the 
pioneer race that emigrated to our State and laid the foundations 
of an empire of six millions of people were the real pioneers of 
Illinois. They were a self-reliant, self-possessed lot. I have said 
a good many times about the man dwelling in the large cities of 
our State, that if the average boy of the city were taken by the 
scruff of the neck and thrown into the middle of a great prairie 
or a great forest that he would nearly starve to death by his in- 
ability to take care of himself in such new surroundings. 

The pioneer of Illinois learned to take care of himself on the 
boundless prairies and in the illimitable forests. He knew the 
laws of nature. He knew the action of the elements. He knew the 
peculiarities of the aboriginal inhabitants with whom he struggled 
part of the time and made peace the rest of the time. He knew 1 
how to live in the wooded belts of this country. He knew how to 


extract a livelihood from the great plains, and in both the wood- 
lands and the prairie land he learned to be a pioneer, and from the 
rugged elements furnished by Old Mother Nature he learned to 
extract a livelihood and subjugate their rude resources and to build 
up from all these elements given him the foundations of a mighty 
State. These were the empire builders of Illinois. 

How many boys could go out from Springfield into timber 
land with powder, tinder, flint lock gun and knife and without any 
of the provisions or requirements of civilized life sustain their own 
lives against all comers either man or beast? Our pioneer fathers 
came to Illinois and crossed the Ohio Eiver from the dark and 
bloody ground of old Kentucky in the days of Boone and Simon 
Kenton, and literally they lived upon what nature furnished them 
from the beginning. They had neither bread, meat nor salt. They 
had only their sturdy hands, their courageous hearts, their clear eyes 
and their resolute wills and with these as a mighty power given 
them by their Maker from above they laid the cornerstones and 
hewed out the foundations of Illinois. How many, I repeat, of 
the boys raised in the city, young men from eighteen to forty years 
of age could go out on the prairie and in the timber of a mighty 
wilderness and with nothing but a rifle or a hunting knife carve 
out their livelihood and build there huts and raise their families 
and defend themselves against all the elements and the wild beasts 
and still wilder men that preyed upon them ? That is the test. 

We return in such circumstances to the original primeval 
strength of human nature and the greatness of human character 
against difficulties. We of this day, of the more modern Illinois 
are not facing the same elements, facing the same duties of our 
pioneer ancestors of Illinois and of the Middle West of our country. 
We are not facing that kind of problem now but, with the civilized 
agencies at hand, with all that science has done to make effective 
our efforts, whether they be of peace or war, we are now facing in 
Illinois and in all the states of the Union a greater problem than 
any of our pioneer ancestors met to maintain themselves and their 
families in the face of rugged nature. We today, with all the 
civilized agencies about to be invoked for and against us, are facing 
the problem of helping to maintain free government in the world 


against the autocracy of Germany. We may thank our great Father 
above that he gave to our ancestors blood and sturdy frame to 
transmit to us of this generation the same characteristics to be 
used in a different way, it is true, but the same masculine strength 
that will be required to meet our full responsibility in the great 
struggle we now face. 

I predict that the great State of Illinois will be no laggard 
in this task and as our fathers faced the struggle with the elements 
so shall we of this generation face the struggle with men in mortal 
combat wherever and whenever necessary, that we may give a 
good account of ourselves with our Allies across the sea, that we 
shall help check the break at the last in the Italian line, that we 
shall be at last present in a united effort with Haig and Foch and 
Pershing on the von Hindenburg front when it is sent back in its 
retreat and broken until it will retire to the other side of the Rhine 
where it belongs. We of this pioneer State of Illinois will be found 
at last on every front and we will bring or help to bring peace to a 
troubled world as the supreme duty of civilized man at this hour 
and time. 

I thank you for the opportunity to look into your faces and 
say these few words to you. I came to listen and to be informed. 
I never have been Governor of this State. Here are four who 
either have been or now are Governors. They know more about 
this State than I do. They have had practical experience. Mine, 
outside of the Legislature, has been largely theoretical. Not one 
of these Governors or ex-Governors that are facing me now that I 
have not advised many times what to do. Many times they seemed 
to know more about how to do it than I did, and after it was all 
done I am not prepared to say but that they were right. But these 
Governors are the successors to a mighty line of executives in this 
State. Beginning with Shadrach Bond and ending with Frank 
Lowden, there never has been a Governor of Illinois that could not 
stand among his fellows of all our country and in the sight of his 
constituents give a fair account of himself and his administration. 
I thank you and the chairman and toastmaster of the evening for 
this opportunity to meet with you. Inside of two days I shall be 
sitting over on the left hand side of President Marshall and from 


that time on until next summer, outside of voting taxes and talking 
I do not expect to do anything else, so get your pocketbooks out 
and be ready. But the taxes will be for war purposes. It is not all 
shouting and rallying around the flag; part of it is paying taxes 
and we are going to have plenty of that before this is over. I now 
surrender, Mr. Chairman, the time that I have left and will listen 
for the remainder of the evening. 



Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: I am indeed glad to 
be here upon this most interesting occasion. It is highly proper 
that we celebrate the anniversary of the day when Illinois became a 
member of the Federal Union, and this celebration is only a pre- 
lude to the greater one that is to follow next year. 

Illinois is associated with the earliest history of our country. 
It cut some figure in that long war between the Latin and the 
English speaking peoples for the possession of a continent. It will 
be remembered at an early day the French took possession of 
Canada and extended westward to Sault Ste. Marie, then turning 
southward they took possession of the territory around Chicago, 
LaSalle, Peoria and Kaskaskia, thence they followed the Missis- 
sippi to its mouth, thus forming a semicircle around what is now 
the eastern portion of the United States. At many places they 
built forts, made settlements and left the impress of their names 
upon our State. Some were gold seekers; but the main object of 
some, however, was to Christianize and civilize the Indian, and 
the work of LaSalle, Marquette and others in this regard is worthy 
of all praise and their efforts mark them as among the most exalted 
moral characters of history. 

A little while before this the English settled at Jamestown 
and Plymouth and soon thereafter they were joined by the Dutch 
of New York and the Germans of Pennsylvania. They were 
peoples of the home and the fireside. They felled the forest, 
erected churches, school houses and institutions. In time they 
followed the star of empire westward across the Alleghany Moun- 


tains and landed in the great Mississippi Valley and thus came in 
conflict with the French settlements and civilization which I have 
described. Then was begun a chronic warfare lasting for many 
years and which finally culminated in the Victory at Quebec on 
the Heights of Abraham, when the greater portion of this vast 
continent passed forever from the hands of the Latin into the hands 
of the English speaking peoples. 

In time the colonies declared their independence of the mother 
country and during the war which ensued England held what is 
known as the Northwest Territory by three fortifications, located 
respectively at Detroit, Michigan; Vincennes, Indiana, and Kas- 
kaskia, Illinois. Hamilton, the English Governor of the territory, 
was constantly fitting out Indian expeditions during the war to 
prey on the frontier settlements of the colonies. Patrick Henry, 
then Governor of Virginia, in order to break up these forays fitted 
out an expedition under George Eogers Clark, whose men were in 
part recruited in the Shenandoah Valley of Virginia. He crossed 
the Alleghany Mountains where additions were made to his little 
army. He then dropped down the Ohio River in boats improvised 
for the purpose, landed at some point in Massac County, this State, 
and from there he marched his army, composed of less than 200 
men, to Kaskaskia. That place being a French town was friendly 
to the American cause and by the information received from a 
Catholic priest he had no difficulty in capturing the place and soon 
thereafter took Fort Gage which was the main defense of that 
settlement. Early the following spring he marched on Vincennes 
and captured that place also and with its surrender Governor 
Hamilton was made a prisoner and was sent by Clark under guard 
on horseback to Virginia where he was kept in a common jail for 
some time, and was afterwards exchanged. This is known in 
history as the conquest of the Northwest by George Rogers Clark 
and is one of the most thrilling pages in our national history. 

At the close of the Revolutionary War, England gave up the 
Northwest Territory with reluctance. The United Colonies claimed 
it, however, by right of conquest, and the right was conceded. Out 
of this territory there have been carved the great states of Ohio, 
Indiana, Illinois, Michigan and Wisconsin, which states hold today 


a population of over 20,000,000 free people. This territory fell 
to the state of Virginia on the facts here given, and it was by 
Virginia ceded to the General Government without consideration, 
the most munificent gift that was ever made by one people to 
another. By the ordinance of 1787 it was provided that neither 
slavery nor involuntary servitude should ever exist in the territory. 
It should be said in this connection that largely through the efforts 
of Edward Coles, another Virginian, one of the early Governors 
of our State, and for a time private secretary to Mr. Madison, Illi- 
nois remained a free State. All of which affords some foundation 
for the speech of an eloquent Virginian, who, in reference to his 
own State, said, "Although her territory may be overrun by hostile 
armies and her fields washed into gullies, still the product of her 
soil has been heroes and statesmen." 

The passing years rolled by and Illinois became part and 
parcel of the Federal Union and her history then mingled with the 
broader stream of our National life and is as familiar as the 
primer to every school boy. 

Illinois is today the broadest and richest agricultural expanse 
beneath the sun. This little sensation at the pit of the stomach 
which we call hunger has caused vast migrations. It brought our 
Aryan forefathers into Europe. The track of man has always been 
toward the most abundant food supply and this fact is destined 
to make Illinois the most popular State in the Union. She has 
56,000 square miles of territory, 36,000 of which is underlaid 
with coal, which gives her a double wealth and makes it possible 
for her to become the greatest manufacturing State. Her manu- 
factured products now reach millions of human beings and find 
their way into the remotest corners of the civilized world. Within 
her borders, school houses and churches are never out of sight. 
She has approximately 7,000,000 of people who are among the 
freeest, the most industrious, the most intelligent and virtuous 
people in the world. They now, at the close of the first century 
of their State's existence, turn their faces in hope and confidence 
toward the great future of this great land which the fathers have 
conquered and bequeathed to us as an inheritance forever. 


To nearly every generation falls the duty of performing some 
heavy task. Our heroic forefathers fought the Revolutionary War 
to a successful conclusion and planted free institutions in a wilder- 
ness. To the generation of 1812 fell the duty of defending the 
rights of American seamen and Lundy's Lane and that acute 
tragedy at New Orleans under Jackson attest the heroism of our 
soldiers at that period. Again the fortitude and valor of America's 
volunteer soldiers was displayed in the war with Mexico; a war 
that gaves us a vast territory out of which great states have been 
carved; states now filled with intelligence and wealth and all the 
progressive ideas of our modern civilization. 

Possibly the heaviest task of all fell to the generation of 1861. 
It was early prophesied by the great statesmen of early times that 
if there should ever be civil war between the north and the south, 
Illinois, by reason of her geographical position, was destined to 
become a conspicuous figure, and such prophecy was fulfilled in 
good round measure. 

Scarcely had the Federal Union been formed until the ques- 
tion was asked, "Has a state the right to dissolve it?" On one 
side of that question were ranged the Kentucky and Virginian 
resolutions, those who wrote them and all who advocated their 
principles. On the other side were the luminous opinions of 
Marshall, the convincing orations of Hamilton and Webster and 
the imposing majesty of Washington. Heated discussion and 
much ill will arose. One side maintained that this was a weak 
league of states, any one of which might any day jostle from its 
uncertain place in the Union; the other said, "No, we are a 
Nation with a Nation's rights and a Nation's power, grand,, 
sovereign and free." The conflict was indeed irrepressible. Early 
in '61 a dark cloud rose out of the gulf and hung ominously over 
Kentucky and Tennessee. From out of that cloud the lightnings 
finally struck and we older ones know what followed, but none 
can ever describe it. 

It were idle now to contend in the pride of individual opinion 
where the right lay in that great conflict. History is already 
recording the final verdict and that verdict will be just and kind 
to all, but let no faint-hearted patriot doubt that God's eternal 


truth will be established in it. We are glad to believe the courage 
displayed on both sides is now the common heritage of the great 
American people. 

In that great crisis Illinois with a population of little over 
one and a half millions gave to the cause of the Union in round 
numbers, 260,000 soldiers, among them being over 60 generals. 
She was conspicuous in all the battlefields of the West, and her 
soldiers won renown in every battle in which they were engaged. 
It was around the bivouac fires of the soldiers of Illinois that were 
organized the beginnings of victory. She furnished at least two- 
thirds of the army that took Vicksburg and of the 36 regiments 
at the battle of Fort Donelson, she furnished 19, and it was there 
that the silent man from Galena voiced the Nation's high resolve 
in the demand for immediate and unconditional surrender. A 
plain, simple, silent man who from humble beginnings rose step 
by step until he became the greatest soldier of the modern world; 
with his head far above the clouds while the lightning played only 
about his feet. 

As our State furnished the great soldier for that historic 
crisis she was destined also to furnish the great statesman. Illi- 
nois, if she had done nothing more, would have done her full duty 
in giving to the country Abraham Lincoln. Many another star 
rose and set in that great conflict, but his burned with an ever 
increasing luster to the last. Great, serene, and steadfast, a 
statesman, yet one of the people, and trusting only God more than 
the people, Lincoln seized the helm of State in the darkest hour 
this Nation ever saw and left it in the dawn of a resplendent 
glory to lie down weary and broken beneath a monument of public 
gratitude, the greatest and most enduring that marks the grave 
of mortal man today. 

We of the great prairie State will always feel proud it was 
two citizens of Illinois, Lincoln and Grant, who completed the 
work begun by Washington and Hamilton, cemented forever the 
jostling fragments of the Union and made the term "American 
Citizens indeed the panoply and safeguard of him who wears it/' 
If you would know the full story of Illinois in the great Civil War 
then go read the records in yonder Capitol and learn the story 


how, into the balance of destiny wherein a half a century ago 
uncertainly trembled, the fate of the Kepublic, Illinois drew 
her sword and helped to turn the scale. How her brave sons stood 
shoulder to shoulder with their comrades of so many sister states, 
baring their bosoms to the storm that so nearly rent a Nation. 

Since these tragic events I have passed from a young to an 
old man and I had hoped never to see another war. I know from 
bitter experience something of the allurements bf war. The ad- 
vancing bayonet line of victory has always been an imposing 
spectacle, and the assaulting column stands ever in the focus of 
the world's attention. I should like, after the war, to direct the 
minds of our people from the soaring eagle and the splintered 
crag to the peaceful vocations of life ; to a nation of happy homes, 
to flaming forges and waving fields of grain. And for our future 
security, I would not rely alone upon battleships, forts and 
arsenals, but upon our school houses and churches, as well. Surely 
the far-off day will come when nations shall not be ruled by force. 
That day is distant, I know, but it will come in God's own good 
time and when it does, we shall, let us hope, behold a land without 
a soldier and without a beggar. 

We have recently witnessed the events of the Spanish War in 
which our brave soldiers drove a tyrant from the Western 
Hemisphere and gave liberty to a people. Now we are far into 
the fourth year of the greatest war of all history, and in the 
language of the great Douglas there can be but two parties, patriots 
and traitors. President. Wilson is not of my party and I differ 
from him regarding industrial questions affecting the public wel- 
fare. But he is my President and the President of 100,000,000 
free people and I shall do what I can to uphold his hands until an 
honorable and a lasting peace shall be secured. 

Into the keeping of the young men who are now going forth 
to do battle for their country we commit our flag with all the 
hallowed memories that cluster about it. I have looked into many 
of the determined and intelligent faces of these young men and I 
am sure they will constitute the most effective and courageous 
army that was ever marshalled under our flag. I am sure too that 
they will carry that flag in triumph across the bloody battlefields 


of Europe and will bring it back with victory written all over its 
ample folds and thereby add additional honor and glory to the 
imperishable history of past achievements. And when they return 
in triumph to their native land they will be welcomed by glad 
hands to the freest, the happiest and the most prosperous country 
in the world. 

If I believed this war was being waged for conquest and vain 
glory, I should oppose it. If I believed this war to be only the 
prelude to s.till other wars and was not being waged for the peace 
of the world, I should oppose it. I hope and believe this conflict 
will teach the world the great lesson, that at the bar of history 
prior adjudications of armed force cannot be pleaded and that he 
who would win in the Supreme Court of civilized opinion must leave 
captured colors and the spoils of cities and come with fruits of 
justice and humanity in his hands. To this judgment bar the 
great American people are content to rest their cause and invoke 
the considerate judgment of mankind. And, should that judgment 
be in our favor there shall bloom on earth at last the snow-white 
flower of Universal Peace. 



Today we enter the year, the last day of which marks the 
centenary of the admission of the great State of Illinois into the 
Union. The citizens of no State in this great Republic have better 
reason to celebrate the State's centenary than have the citizens of 
Illinois. Within a hundred years she has advanced among these 
States from a sparsely settled, frontier State having a population 
less than the city of Springfield has today, to the third place 
among the States of the Union, in population and political and 
commercial power. 

On such an occasion, it is well to mark and point with pride 

to the material progress of the State, and during the year upon 

which we are now entering that progress and prosperity of Illinois 

will be dwelt upon by many a tongue within the borders of Illinois. 

5 c c 


We are, however, in my judgment, altogether too prone in this 
material age to point with pride to, and boast of, mere material 
and financial strength. It has occurred to me that the spiritual 
and intellectual history of the State has been altogether too much 
neglected by the historian. 

We never cease to point to the fact that Illinois has distanced 
all of her sister States, excepting two, in population and com- 
merce; that she stands first in agricultural wealth, fertility of 
soil and railway development, and second today in the possession 
of all wealth, but we should be equally proud to boast that it was 
upon the soil of Illinois that Pere Marquette made most of his 
important discoveries. We should be equally proud of the achieve- 
ments within her borders of LaSalle and Joliet, Tonti and Hen- 

We should be equally proud of the fact that the hardy pioneers 
of Illinois dwelling around Kaskaskia anticipated, as far back 
as 1771, the demands of the colonists in Massachusetts, New York 
and Virginia, when they repudiated Lord Dartmouth's "Sketch of 
Government of Illinois" as being "oppressive and absurd" and 
declared that "should a government so evidently tyrannical be 
established, it could be of no duration. There would exist the 
necessity of its being abolished." This declaration of independence 
antedates that of 1776 in Philadelphia by nearly five years. 

We should be equally proud of the fact that on Illinois soil 
took place, on July 4, 1778, the struggle resulting in the capture 
from the English, by George Eogers Clark, of the Fort of Kas- 
kaskia, which wrested forever from the British crown all the terri- 
tory west of Pennsylvania lying between the Ohio and Mississippi 

We should be equally proud of the fact that it was upon the 
prairies of Illinois that the two greatest Americans of their day, 
citizens of Illinois, Lincoln and Douglas, discussed in joint debate 
the greatest moral question ever presented to a free people the 
question as to whether a Republic of free men could endure with 
human slavery legally enforced in one part of it and legally pro- 
hibited in another. 


We should be equally proud, if not more proud, that when 
that question was finally settled by the awful arbitrament of Civil 
War, it was a citizen of Illinois who was President in the White 
House and a citizen of Illinois, in the person of U. S. Grant, who 
led the victorious armies of the Eepublic to a final and complete 
victory, backed by the valor of 250,000 of the sons of Illinois upon 
the battlefield. 

And at such a time as this, it occurs to me, that the orators 
and oratory of Illinois should not be overlooked. Every epoch of 
history finds a tongue, and every crisis in the affairs of nations, 
find an evangel. This is the history of the world and this is the 
history of Illinois and this Republic. Since the Revolutionary 
War this country has faced two great epoch-making crises the 
War of the Rebellion in 1861 and the war for the preservation of 
democracy in 1917. In both crises, the State of Illinois found its 
tongue, in the persons of great orators and statesmen. In the 
crisis of 1861, not only did Illinois furnish in the Presidency a 
gifted orator from whose eloquent tongue fell the classic of Gettys- 
burg, but two other men of lofty eloquence in the persons of 
Stephen A. Douglas and Edward Dickinson Baker. 

In view of all that has been uttered of Abraham Lincoln and 
Stephen A. Douglas by abler tongues than mine, I will not on this 
occasion add a single word to mar the completeness of eulogy which 
has heretofore been theirs and which shall remain theirs as long as 
man shall read and assimilate history. Let me devote my atten- 
tion, but briefly, to the wonderful part played by Edward Dickin- 
son Baker in the history of the State and the nation as the mouth- 
piece of the people at the opening of the Civil War. 

There is hung in the mansion at Springfield the oil painting 
of a singularly handsome man by the way, the only oil painting 
in the mansion. When elected Governor of this State, my atten- 
tion was attracted to this picture and I must confess, to my 
humiliation and shame, that for some time I was unable to dis- 
cover who was the original. I was too young in 1861 to have 
heard in my boyhood of this great man nor had I ever seen a 
portrait of Senator Baker until I entered the mansion. Upon 
inquiry, I discovered that the oil painting of this handsome man 


was that of Edward D. Baker, colonel of volunteers in the war 
of the rebellion and United States Senator from Oregon, one of 
the most patriotically eloquent men of his day. While at the time 
of his death, he was United States Senator from the state of 
Oregon, Senator Baker was a thoroughly Illinois production. On 
the fourth day of July, 1837, he had established such a reputation 
for eloquence in the city of Springfield where he lived that he was 
selected by a committee who had under consideration Abraham 
Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, James Shields, Lyman Trumbull, 
James A. McDougall and John A. McClernand as the orator to 
deliver an oration appropriate to the laying of the cornerstone of 
the new State House in Springfield. Thereafter he was elected to 
the lower house of the General Assembly from the county of 
Sangamon, and shortly afterwards to the State Senate. His repu- 
tation for eloquence as a member of the Legislature for several 
terms secured his election to Congress from the Springfield dis- 
trict. Almost immediately he distinguished himself as one of the 
leading and most influential and eloquent members of the National 
House of Representatives. On the death of President Taylor, he 
was selected by Congress to deliver the memorial address. It 
proved to be as choice a specimen of eloquence as can be found 
in the records of Congress. The concluding sentence of this noble 
speech may well be quoted here: "The President during whose 
administration the war commenced, 'sleeps in the house appointed 
for all the living/ and the great soldier who had led the advance 
and assured the triumph, 'lies like a warrior taking his rest/ Ah, 
sir, if in this assembly there is a man whpse heart beats with 
tumultuous, and unrestrained ambition let him today stand by the 
bier on which that lifeless body is laid, and learn how much of 
human greatness fades in an hour. But if there be another here, 
whose fainting heart shrinks from a noble purpose, let him too, 
visit those sacred remains, to be reminded how much there is in 
true glory that can never die." This great oration was delivered 
in the month of July, 1850. "Within a short time thereafter, 
attracted by the lure of the gold discoveries in California, we find 
him practising his profession as a lawyer in that great state. Here 
again the innate and irrepressible eloquence of the man breaks 


out in a classic delivered over the dead body of Senator Broderick 
who fell in a duel with Judge Terry. In that great effort is 
recorded as fierce and as powerful a protest against the "Code of 
honor" as is contained in the English language. Listen to his 
words : 

"Today I renew my protest; today I utter yours. The code 
of honor is a delusion and a snare; it palters with the hope of a 
true courage, and binds it at the feet of crafty and cruel skill. It 
surrounds its victim with the pomp and grace of the procession, 
but leaves him bleeding on the altar. It substitutes cold and 
deliberate preparations for courageous and manly impulse, and 
arms the one to disarm the other; it may prevent fraud between 
practiced duelists, who should be forever without its pale, but it 
makes the mere 'trick of the weapon' superior to the noblest cause 
and the truest courage. Its pretense of equality is a lie; it is 
equal in all of the form, it is unjust in all the substance the 
habitude of arms, the early training, the frontier life, the border 
war, the sectional custom, the life of leisure all these are advan- 
tages which no negotiations can neutralize, and which no courage 
can overcome." 

He concludes that noble oration with these eloquent words: 
"But the last word must be spoken, and the imperiaus mandate of 
death must be fulfilled. Thus, 0, brave heart, we bear thee to thy 
rest ! Thus, surrounded by tens of thousands, we leave thee to the 
equal grave. As in life no other voice among us so rang its trumpet 
blast upon the ear of free-men, so in death its echoes will rever- 
berate amid our mountains and valleys, until truth and valor cease 
to appeal to the human heart. Good friend ! true hero ; hail and 


Upon his election to the United States Senate, he at once 
leaped into front place as one of the orators of that august body. 
His first memorable speech in the United States Senate was in 
answer to that of Judah P. Benjamin, senator from Louisiana, 
in which he successfully combated the right of the state of South 
Carolina to secede from the Union. The whole oration is one of 


matchless logic and exalted eloquence. I quote merely from its 
peroration : 

"Whatever moderation, whatever that great healer, time, 
whatever the mediation of those allied to these people in blood, 
in sympathy, in interest, may effect let that be done: but at 
last, let the laws be maintained, and the Union be preserved. 
* * * As I take my leave of a subject, upon which I have 
detained you too long, I think in my own mind, whether I shall 
add anything in my feeble way to the hopes, the prayers, the 
aspirations, that are going forth daily for the perpetuity of the 
union of these states. I ask myself, shall I add anything to that 
volume of invocation which is everywhere rising up to high 
Heaven, 'Spare us from the madness and disunion and Civil War ?' 

"Speaking upon this subject, I cannot forget that I am stand- 
ing in a place once occupied by one far mightier than I, the latchet 
of whose shoes I am not worthy to unloose. It was upon this sub- 
ject of secession, of disunion, of discord, of Civil War, that Mr. 
Webster uttered immortal sentiments, clothed in immortal words, 
married to the noblest expressions that ever fell from human lips ; 
which alone would have made him memorable, and remembered 
forever. Sir, I cannot improve upon those expressions. They 
were uttered nearly thirty years ago, in the face of what was 
imagined to be a great danger, then happily dissipated. They 
were uttered in the fullness of his genius, from the fullness of his 
heart. They have found an echo since then in millions of homes, 
and in foreign lands. They have been a text-book in the schools. 
They have been an inspiration to public hope and to public liberty. 
As I close, I repeat them. If, in their presence, I were to attempt 
to give utterance to any words of my own, I should feel that I 
ought to say, 

'And shall the Lyre, so long divine, 
Degenerate into hands like mine ?' " 

His last and probably most eloquent speech was delivered 
in the United States Senate in the full uniform of a colonel of 
volunteers a few days before he met his death upon the battlefield 
of Ball's Bluff in answer to a speech delivered by Senator Brecken- 


ridge of Kentucky. The whole speech is one of exalted patriotism 
and eloquence, which should be read by every citizen of the re- 
public. An idea of its power can be obtained from its closing 
sentence : 

"Shall we sink into the insignificance of the grave, a degraded, 
defeated, emasculated people frightened by the results of one 
battle, and scared by the visions raised by the imagination of the 
senator from Kentucky upon this floor. No, sir, a thousand times 
no. We will rally if, indeed, our words be necessary we will 
rally the people, the loyal people of the country. They will pour 
fourth their treasures, their money, their men, without stint and 
without measure. The most peaceful man in this body will stamp 
his foot upon this Senate floor, as of old a warrior and a senator 
did, and from that single stamp there will spring forth armed 
legions. Shall one battle, or a dozen battles, determine the fate 
of an empire the loss of one thousand men or twenty thousand 
men the expenditure of $100,000,000 or $500,000,000! In a 
year of peace, in ten years at most of peaceful progress, we can 
restore them all. 

"There will be some graves reeking with blood, watered by 
the tears of affection. There will be some privation; there will 
be some loss of luxury ; there will be somewhat more need of labor 
to procure the necessaries of life. When this is said, all is said. 
If we have the country, the whole country, the Union, the Con- 
stitution, free government with these will return all the blessings, 
of a well-ordered civilization. The path of the country will be a 
career of greatness and glory, such, as in the olden times, our 
fathers saw in the dim visions of years yet to come, and such as 
would have been ours today had it not been for that treason for 
which the senator from Kentucky too often seeks to apologize." 

Such was the character of the eloquence that fell from the 
lips of E. D. Baker, a Springfield lawyer and former member of 
Congress from the State of Illinois. In this great crisis in the 
country's history he spoke the true sentiments of the people and 
truly prophesied the future, and from the days of Baker and 
Lincoln and Douglas down to the present day, Illinois has had 
in its Legislature, at its bar, and on the public rostrum men of 


extraordinary eloquence and forensic power. During this year I 
hope some student of the great State of Illinois will take the 
trouble to collate and preserve for future generations some of the 
eloquence of Illinois' many gifted orators. 

Today, in the crisis of 1917, we have in the Senate of the 
United States, representing this great State, probably one of the 
most gifted orators of our day and age in the person of Senator 
Lewis, and no mean rival for him in repartee and power of debate 
in the person of Senator Sherman. As in the great crisis of 1861, 
we had the tongues of Lincoln and Douglas and Baker voicing the 
sentiment and patriotism of the State and nation, so in this great 
crisis of this world-wide war we have in the Senate of the United 
States, expressing its patriotism and eloquence, the gifted tongue 
of Illinois' incomparable orator, Senator Lewis, and Illinois' able 
debater, Senator Sherman. Since the days of Douglas, the State 
of Illinois has never had a more brilliant orator and statesman 
in the Senate of the United States than it has today in the person 
of James Hamilton Lewis. 

Between the names of Lincoln, Douglas and Baker down to 
the days of Lewis and Sherman, I find on the roster of the elo- 
quent men which Illinois has given to the nation and the world 
the names of Robert Gr. Ingersoll, that master of pathos and 
imagery, the trenchant and sparkling Emory Storrs, the argu- 
mentative and persuasive Leonard Swett, the scholarly and classical 
Lyman Trumbull, the firey and impetuous James Shields, whose 
eloquence and brilliant traits of character made him, succesively. 
Auditor of the State of Illinois, Judge of the Supreme Court of 
the State of Illinois, Brigadier-General of the United States Army 
and United States Senator from Illinois, Minnesota and Missouri, 
and who has attained, since his death, the unique distinction of, 
having three separate states of the United States erect monuments 
to his memory within each of said states and in the capital of the 
United States. 

Among the more recent orators of Illinois have been the 
ornate and flowery Richard J. Oglesby, that master of jury elo- 
quence, W. J. Hynes, the impassioned John F. Finerty, the stately 
and logical John C. Black, that wizard of the banquet board, Wil- 


liam J. Calhoun, and that vigorous tribune of the people, John P. 
Altgeld; and probably greater than all, that gifted orator who 
first saw the light of day in the little village of Salem, whose 
words, eloquence and patriotism have rung around the world, 
named William Jennings Bryan, the great master of Anglo-Saxon 
English, whose oratory has ever appealed and ever will appeal to 
the conscience and the intellect of the world's democracy. 

I know of no state that can present a greater roster of accom- 
plished orators than the State of Illinois, and it should be a labor 
of love for some of Illinois' students and historians to compile 
and preserve for posterity some of the brightest oratorical gems 
of these great sons of Illinois. The eloquence of these men has 
done much to shape the policies and guide the destinies of this 
great State and nation, and to stir the emotions of men to the 
accomplishment of great achievements in history. 

For the honor and glory of the State the best that has fallen 
from the lips of its orators should be preserved in appropriate and 
enduring form by its historians. 

The orators have spoken the breathing, burning words that 
inspired their fellow men to act. Let the historian now act to 
perpetuate these words of eloquence for the education and inspi- 
ration of generations yet to come. 



"Illinois Today" is my theme: not Illinois of yesterday or 
tomorrow but Illinois Today. 

I reiterate the theme, because I want you to know that I am 
fully mindful of it, inasmuch as you may possibly think I wander 
somewhat afield, because of the subdivision of the subject which 
I am unable to avoid. 

This subdividing seeming to me inevitable, I am going to 
speak to you: 

First Of the ties which our history binds us with, to the 
past of Illinois a record which we cannot ignore, or at least, 
must not ignore, because if we do ignore it, we do so at our peril. 


Second Of that Illinois which our fathers hoped we would 

Third Of the present conditions surrounding our State and 
prevailing in it. 

A sincere intention to adhere to this subdivision does not 
prevent me from saying a certain thing to this audience. This 
thing I must say because I would be unfair with the audiecce 
if I were to omit it. I have not the heart to avoid reference to 
the thing that is uppermost every day in the heart of ever} r one 
of you whether the day be the birthday of Illinois or not. 

In the days when the most beautiful building in all the World 
crowned Mount Moriah, and the Presence of God filled that far- 
famed Temple, into that awful place and into that dreadful 
Presence went the High priest of the Jews, on the Day of Atone- 
ment. He went in to propitiate the offended Jehovah. He went 
in to offer sacrifices for the Sins of his Nation. He went in to 
avert the just resentment of the Almighty. In the way God 
himself had appointed this Priest, as intercessor, as intermediator, 
as advocate, as ambassador, for a whole race, an entire People, 
made an unconditional surrender and awaited on his knees, on 
his face, the decision to be given by the Judge of all Men. You 
can imagine his anxiety to return to the outer world and thus 
prove to the people that they were a forgiven and not an unforgiven 
nation. And you can imagine those waiting people, that praying 
nation, that conscience-stricken race, standing there waiting, 
yearning, eyes not one instant resting upon anything else but the 
glittering heights almost out-shining the sun in brightness. You 
can imagine that nation, waiting in silence, in breathless silence, 
until they could learn that God was still the Forgiving God that 
the favor of Heaven had not been withdrawn. 

There was a way by which they could tell. If the High Priest 
came out alive, it was assumed and concluded that God had not 
withdrawn his favor, that forgiveness had once again been vouch- 
safed to the nation. And they could tell whether he would prob- 
ably come out alive, by the sound of certain little bells worn by 
the High Priest upon his garment, at the bottom edge of his blue 
robe, the "blue ephod." As long as these little golden bells, the 


wearing of which was strictly enjoined by the Almighty in His 
instructions given to Moses, were heard, it could be told, that the 
priest, the intercessor, was alive, had not been stricken with the 
wrath of God. 

All through the past months, ever since the declaration of war 
by the United States, I have felt as if the boys "over there" were] 
our representatives, our ambassadors, our hostages, our delegates, 
our intercessors, our intermediaries, our high priests, in a most 
sacred way, in a most sacred time, in a most sacred cause. They 
have looked into the jaws of death. They have looked into the 
mouth of hell. They have looked into the face of God. We, you 
and I, have stood aside and outside, but oh, how we have been 
interested how intensely, how breathlessly! 

When at last, the high priest of old came forth exalted but 
almost exhausted, how the people whispered, "He comes, he comes, 
oh, he comes." N"ow we are whispering "He comes, yes he comes, 
our boy comes !" 

There have been other sacrifices. One day, four hundred 
years before Moses and Aaron, the moment of sacrifice came to 
Abraham. It is recorded "Abraham went unto the place which 
God had told him of. And Abraham built an altar there and laid 
the wood in order and bound Isaac his son, and laid him on the 
altar upon the wood. And Abraham stretched forth his hand and 
took the knife to slay his son. And the angel of the Lord called 
to him out of Heaven and said 'Abraham, Abraham/ and he said, 
'Here I am.' And he said 'Lay not thine hand upon the lad, 
neither do thou say anything unto him, for now I know that thou 
fearest God, seeing thou has not withheld thy son, thine only son, 
from me.' >: 

You can imagine what Abraham meant, when he said, "Here 
am I." I can almost see Abraham standing there. First, there 
he is with the slight form of his young son in his arms. He has 
stooped and picked him up in his fatherly arms. Then he has laid 
him down, and bound him with his own loving hands and arms, 
that would not hurt Isaac for anything in the world, for all the 
things in the world. Next, he looks from the face of Isaac to the 
altar, and from the altar up to God, and from the face of Isaac 


again to the altar and again to God. But always his look comes 
back to the face of Isaac. 

At last, he nerves himself, and with staggering haste for fear 
he may yet give out, he places Isaac on the altar, on the wood. 
Then and not until then, comes his deliverance; then the trial of 
Abraham's faith is over. But mark you, it is not over until God 
can say: "Now I know that thou fearest God, seeing that thou 
hast not withheld thy son, thine only son, from me." 

Just so, as it seems to me, has the hour of sacrifice come to 
us, the American people. We have been required to offer all that 
we have and all that we are, and all that we ever expect to be, 
upon the altar of sacrifice. As a people we have done it. And I 
,can almost hear the angel of God saying, "Now I know that thou 
fearest God." The Nation has withheld nothing; it has given its 
sons, and daughters; it has given munitions, and shot and shell; 
it has given ships on the sea, and under the sea, and in the sky; 
it has poured out its generous billions and is ready to pour out 
billions more, every billion it has. And now the hour has come 
when God is satisfied, and America's fidelity to the principles for 
which the great Washington warred and the great Lincoln died, 
has been tested and tried and found to be good and ample. 

Just as in Abraham's day, Abraham's faith met the trial, so 
in America's day, America's faith has met the trial of war. And 
so has Illinois. We have sent 250,000 boys, a quarter of a million 
of our best, flower and cream of our youth; and, we will make it a 
million if our country needs them. 


There is one room in my home, which, in a certain sense, is 

It is hero-haunted. 

All libraries, great or small, are hero-haunted. And this 
small library of mine, is no exception. 

One shelf bears only books and pamphlets and addresses made 
by men I have known, personally, in the flesh. 

But oh, there are other shelves, from which step out, the 
spirits of a host, a shining, splendid host of men and women, whom 


I, perhaps even I, in my humble way, may call my friends, because, 
like true and tested friends, they come, at a moments call, to help, 
to console, to bring a good heart and hope for the world that is 
before me. 

Last night and this very morn, as I have been penning these 
lines, and sentences, I have felt, all about me, the friendliness of 
these friends of a life time; for they are friendly spirits who 
haunt my haunted room. 

In one corner, right next to the writings of greatest antiquity, 
(the Holy Scriptures of course), old Aesop stands, with his Fable 
of the Old Man and his Sons, in which the old man with his 
bundle of sticks makes it plain to the boys that "In Union there 
is Strength." And Bunyan is there, with his Christian and his 
Faithful, his Muckraker and the Land of Beulah. and the his- 
torians are there ; Old Rollin, with Egypt and Babylon, and Gibbon 
with Eome, and Guizot with France, and D'Aubigny with the 
Eeformation, and Carlyle with Oliver Cromwell, and Prescott with 
Ferdinand and Isabella and Irving with Columbus, and Macauley 
with England. 

And another stack of books proclaims the presence of George 
Bancroft with Florida and the Carribean with Virginia and the 
Cavaliers with New England, and the Puritans, with Lexington 
and Concord and the Midnight Ride of Paul Revere; and Weems 
is here with his "Washington, and here are the Life and Works of 
John Adams and Alexander Hamilton and Thomas Jefferson, and 
the "American Congress" by Thomas H. Benton, and by James 
G. Blaine, and "The American Statesmen," Patrick Henry and 
John Marshall and Andrew Jackson, and all that great tribe, 
their doughty deeds told by Von Hoist and Lothrop and Schurz 
and Roosevelt, and here are "The American Conflict" by Horace 
Greeley and "The Civil War" by Lossing, and the Memoirs of 
Sherman and Sheridan, and the Letters of Grant and Lee, and 
"Women's Work in the Civil War," and the "Patriotism of Illi- 
nois." Oh, what a glorious roll ! 

But I love, I think, above all others about a hundred volumes 
for my library is pitifully incomplete referring only to Illinois, 
and its men and women. I turn most often, and always have 


turned most often, to the shelves given over to Illinois. I am 
quite sure that I have turned thereto not only most often but most 
affectionately. The Illinois by Ford; the History of Illinois by 
Mnian W. Edwards, son of Ninian Edwards; Edward Coles by 
Washburne; Eecollections by Chetlain; the Illinois State Sanitary 
Commission by John Williams and Allen C. Fuller; Illinois by 
John Moses and by Grace Humphrey, and Lincoln The Pioneei 
Boy, by Thayer; Lincoln, Lawyer, by Chief Justice Orrin N. 
Carter. Lincoln, the Christian, by Johnson; The True Abraham 
Lincoln, by William Eleroy Curtis ; Lincoln and Slavery, by Arnold ; 
Lincoln Master of Men by Eothschild; The Illini by Clark 
E. Carr, and Stephen A. Douglas by Clark E. Carr; Lincoln by 
Eaymond, Lincoln by everybody. And "Abraham Lincoln" by 
Nicolay and Hay. And also the wonderful addresses at the annual 
banquets of the Lincoln Centennial Association, through which 
Judge Otis Humphrey has done more than any other man of 
recent years to revive the memory of Lincoln Oh, the days and 
hours I have spent with these. And I want to mention especially 
the personal recollections of John M. Palmer, Major General, 
Governor and Senator. 

To cap and crown the collection of Illinois literature (indis- 
pensable to anything like a satisfactory understanding of Illinois 
history and achievements, and Illinois ambitions and ideals) 
what a wonderful thing is that series of books by Buck and Sparks, 
and Alvord and Greene, and Thompson and Scott, and James and 
Carter and Pease, called "The Illinois Historical Collections." 
And scarcely less wonderful are the things entitled, "Publications 
of the Historical Library of Illinois" and "Transactions of the 
Illinois State Historical Society," for which we are indebted to 
the brilliant daughter of General, Governor and Senator John M. 
Palmer Mrs. Jessie Palmer Weber. 

By these fascinating and most alluring pages, concerning the 
fathers of our fathers, with which we become absolutely infatuated, 
when we pour over them we are bound by links that no human 
hand can sever to the men and women of 1818 and 1861. I refer 
to them because from them we learn the thrilling history, and 
history of the brave deeds done by brave men, and the sweet lives 


led by sweet women, who were the brave fathers and the sweet 
mothers of our fathers and mothers. From them we take increased 
devotion to the causes to which they gave the last full measure of 
devotion. And the history which embalms the story of Illinois, 
is a wealth and richness, a depth and wideness, of legend and of 
love, if the agony and ecstacy of sacrifice mean anything. It is 
unrivalled by any Saga of the Northland, any? Odyssey otf the 
Greeks, or any folk-song of the far-off and fabulous lands where 
desert sweep or mountain height has exalted the souls of mystics 
to conceptions of immortal gods and sons of men, so fantastic, as 
to partake of the shimmer and the glimmer of the poet's dream. 


It follows, that you will understand me, (in this idea of mine, 
that in order to speak rightly of Illinois Today, I cannot ignore 
the fact that we are linked by binding ties to the past) when I 
speak to you of the Illinois which our fathers hoped we would 
have today. 

I will not dwell upon the Illinois of yesterday, as I have said, 
because my subject debars me from doing that whether it be the 
Illinois of 1818 or the Illinois of other days that are gone. 

But I am not debarred from recalling or quoting the standard 
which our fathers set up for us, the ideal they cherished for us, 
the degree of perfection which they prayed and warred for, and 
in hope of which they died. I hold in my hand an "Address de- 
livered at the Exhibition of the Junior Class of Illinois College 
at Jacksonville, on Wednesday, the 9th of April, 1834." I read 
four paragraphs of that address: 

"But a short time since, and the spot on which we stand, was 
the lone and solitary desert where the untamed herd roamed un- 
molested, and nature, in undecorated simplicity, delighted in the 
undisturbed solitude. Here the chorus of the hunter and the 
whistle of the ploughman were unheard; here architecture had 
reared no monuments of ceaseless duration or blazing glory, no 
bright and towering edifices to eclipse contending nature of her 


resplendent lustre. But now, how changed the scene. The perse- 
vering arm of civilization has gone into the 'Far West/ Here a 
literary institution has reared its towering edifices, not far awa} r , 
over the undulating ridges of the wide extending plain stands a 
beautiful village, variegated with its lofty buildings, and busy 
groups; and all around, fields of waving green conspire to adorn 
and beautify the splendid scenery. Now the bellowing of the 
distant steamboat as she ploughs her way in mighty majesty along 
our far-famed Mississippi, our smooth, gentle and unruffled Illi- 
nois, tells us that there is a spirit in this land which will not 
slumber until every spot of these now solitary prairies shall bear 
the mark of cultivation, and every herb of grass indicate t(he 
presence of the farmer. 

"A boundless field for future attainment is laid open before 
the western youth a field for enterprise, for industry, for benevo- 
lence and for patriotism, with either of which he may connect his 
future destiny; or, in other words, a beautiful landscape is spread 
out before him, filled with all the enticements to honor and use- 
fulness, which can charm and attract the attention of the youthful 
mind. Our territory is abundant in resources, intersected by large 
and noble rivers, possessing a soil unrivalled in fertility, having 
pre-eminent advantages in commerce and agriculture; or, in a 
word, it is a country amply fitted and suitably adapted to satisfy 
the wants, promote the comfort, and advance the interests of 
civilized men. 

"But these great natural advantages and these anticipated 
Elisia of Glory will prove to be but phantoms if they are not 
under the direction of enterprising, intelligent and benevolent 

"Are the rising generation prepared, as their fathers, in 
obedience to the general laws of nature, step off the stage of 
human action, to take this priceless inheritance into their hands, 
to roll onward the wheels of civil government, to corroborate the 
interests of their State, and to concentrate all their efforts to bear 
upon her glory? Are they prepared to guide the Ship of State 
if necessary, safely through the storms and tempests of civil com- 
motion, over the boisterous waves of party malignity, to check the 


prodigality and licentiousness of the press, to disconcert faction, to 
expose conspiracy, to demolish the bulwarks of vice and immorality, 
or to reprobate every other attempt to disturb the general quiet, or 
to impair our liberties? Or, (listen to this) if the countletes 
legions of some foreign despot should invade our borders and 
overrun our land, could they, amid such a calamity, bear the 
Republic safely through to victory and to triumph? 

"Shall not Illinois have her historians, who shall record the 
valor and achievement of her sons ? Her poets, who shall sing the 
glory, grandeur and beauty of the West ? Her orators whose magic 
voice would move and electrify the nation ? We are led to inquire 
who knows but that there may be among them some Clay, before 
whose mighty genius the mists of delusion have fled with terrific 
haste, some Washington in whose breast the destinies of nations 
might be dormant, some Milton 'pregnant with celestial fire/ some 
Curran who when thrones were crumbling and dynasties forgotten, 
might 'stand the landwark of his country's genius/ a mental 
pyramid in the solitude of time, round whose summit eternity must 
play. We live in a State which must excite a spirit of restless 
unsatisfied perseverance, engender the liveliest emotions, and 
enkindle the most glorious anticipations. We behold the dawn of 
that day when an almost countless population will overspread our 
prairies. Youth of Illinois, do you wish that your posterity shall 
look back upon the present era with admiration, as the founders 
of that glory destined to encircle our beloved State ? Do you wish 
to add another strong link to this grand confederation to promote 
the cause of human liberty, and universal emancipation from the 
shackles of depotism, do you wish to see (through your undying 
example) the standard of Liberty planted upon every shore? 

"Then act worthy of our high vocation." 

These paragraphs were written and declaimed in 1834, only 
16 years after our State was admitted to the Union, and they were 
written by an Illinois boy of 19. 

And this Illinois boy was my father. 

These words show what high hopes our fathers had of and 
for Illinois. Even as I read them I seem to hear the song of the 
6 C C 


hammer on the anvil of Illinois industry, the song of the bell in 
the belfry of the Illinois church and school, and the clash of arms 
and roar of artillery in the days when Illinois went forth in its 

You may call this sophmorical if you like. But when I first 
read it, it reminded me of the splendid story of how, when Elisha, 
the prophet, told the young man who longed for help to look up 
and lift his eyes, the young man saw that, "All the mountain was 
full of horses and chariots of fire." 

You have here the standard. And I am quite sure that words 
would fail me if I should attempt to undertake to improve upon 
this expression in any expression on my part of what Illinois must 
be and do in this now present day in order to be worthy. Every 
word of the school boy address could well be addressed today to the 
youth of Illinois. Here is the standard. Our fathers looked for- 
ward and they pointed forward. And Illinois is keeping the faith. 
The fathers having brawn asked us to add brain and bravery. The 
thing has been done. The educated State with knowledge and 
science has duly appeared in the fulness of time. Today it faces 
the test of all its brawn and all its brain and all its bravery. 

My Idea of what Illinois ought to be I get, I think, from 
my father and my mother. 

My conceptions of the possibilities and opportunities of Illi- 
nois, I derive, I think, from my father and my mother. From 
them I get the realizing sense of the obligation today resting upon 
Illinois in view of the opportunity which has been devised to it, 
to us, as a precious privilege, as an invaluable inheritance, by the 
men and women of Illinois, who have passed this way before. Per- 
haps it will better express and convey my meaning if I say, I 
derive my conception of what Illinois ought to be or at least a 
large part of that conception from two scenes in the life of my 
father, in both of which my mother was an important actor or 

The time of one of these scenes is 1868, the year of the other 
is 1863. The one I witnessed with my own eyes, the otber I saw 
through the eyes of my mother, as she told me the tale over the 


pale face of my father, as he lay in his manly beauty the day 
before his burial. 

The scene of 1868 brings up before me the Impeachment 
Trial (in the Senate at Washington), of the President of the 
United States, Andrew Johnson a scene imprinted forever on my 
memory, because I saw it, a hundred times, myself, when a boy at 
the age of eight. 

The other scene (of 1863) blazes before me, even as if it 
were yesterday, because in it my mother told me how my father 
in a great fervor and frenzy of feeling, depicted and enacted, 
before her, his own experience, of holding in his arms the dying 
"Boy in Blue" direct from the field of battle, while that boy with 
fast failing breath, faltered out his last message for the dear ones 
at home. 

In the year 1868, my father wrote to my mother a pathetic 
letter, in which he said, calling her "Kate" (the name he always 
used) "The impeachment trial of the President, Andrew Johnson, 
is coming on before the Senate, and it will last a hundred days, 
in the awful climate of Washington; you know of my illness, and 
so do our enemies, and they will unhorse me, or any other loyal 
Senator, if they can, and they will keep me out of my seat in the 
Senate by any trick within their power; but if you will come on, 
and sit every day in the north Senate gallery, I know I can en- 
dure." And then he added, "P. S., bring the boy;" and I was 
the boy. 

Now, my mother was a fragile little body, who looked like a 
little flower, which would just fold up and blow away; but be not 
deceived; you never can tell about the American woman and, as 
fast as steam and train could carry her, she struck for Washing- 
ton. I have often thought of it. Andrew Johnson, did not know 
she was coming, the Senate didn't know it, no one knew it except 
one anxious soul, one American Senator, stalwart and radical, 
but awaiting the arrival of that train, as if it bore the most valor- 
ous, reenforcement ever borne onward to field of battle and she 
WAS a valorous reenforcement. 

I will never forget the day when she came down the steep 
stairs of the north Senate gallery, and took her seat in the front 


row; a Senator of the United States stood right up at his seat 
and took out his handkerchief and waved it at her and saluted her 
as royally as if she were an Empress of old taking her seat in the 
coliseum or other arena of Rome in her glory. 

When the early and primitive Christians sought for a word 
with which to name their most sacred ordinance of religion, they 
took the Roman word "Sacramentum" because in all the world 
there was nothing so solemn, nothing so sacredly kept, as the oath 
taken by the Roman Soldier, and that oath was called "Sacra- 
mentum/' And whenever I go to Washington, I go for a moment 
and sit in my mother's seat in the north Senate gallery, and I say 
to myself, "Sacramentum, Sacramentum; Holy Ground, Holy 
Ground/' for there my mother sacrificed herself for her country, 
as surely as any soldier ever did on any other field of fire; for 
she was never well afterward, though she lived through forty 
years of suffering. 

She would sometimes say to me, "Son, if you will look for- 
ward a little, I will show you a great Senator/' and she would 
point out old Ben Wade of Ohio, or Oliver P. Morton of Indiana, 
or Reverdy Johnson of Maryland, or Charles Sumner of Massa- 
chusetts. Why, I can see them yet; they had great big heads 
and great big bodies too; and they moved with conscious power; 
and they, in that far off day, gave me an idea of what an Ameri- 
can statesman ought to be, which thank God, has never departed 
from me. 

Well she is in another gallery tonight, possibly looking down 
at us, as I love to believe all those great patriots, those magnificent 
Americans, are looking down, these days, from heaven's ramparts. 
And I feel like saying, "If you will lean forward a little, mother, 
you will see that we are worthy (or at least straining every nerve 
to be worthy) of the sacrifices of the past." 

Our fathers' fathers, and our mothers' mothers we cannot 
ignore them today. My father was born in Kentucky. So was 
my mother in Lexington, the hub of the famous blue grass region. 
The parents of both of them were born in Virginia. My father's 
father was born in Old Caroline County, Virginia, "In the forks 
of the Mattaponisah." In 1809 (108 years ago) he took his young 


wife the sweet Milicent Yates and put her on the pillion behind 
him and rode, horseback, through the Cumberland Gap in Ken- 
tucky, when Kentucky was the dark and bloody ground, head 
erect, eye alight, soul aloft, fearing neither God, man or devil; 
well, fearing God but not afraid of any mortal man that walked 
this old world of ours. Fearless, thank God; yea, not afraid. 
Yet; let us be frank about this. The pioneers were raised up for 
their time. They were the men for that time. Their efforts were 
prodigious, their journey ings were almost endless, their hardships 
and privations were terrible things for men and women and little 
children to face. They knew the rifle, the ax, and the saddle bag, 
they knew the cabin of logs without a floor. My father was born 
in such a cabin. But they did not prefer these things. They did 
not like them. There was no magic about these things, and no 
magic appeal. They got away from them, gladly, just as fast and 
as far as they could. George Washington loved beautiful Mount 
Vernon. He did not remain wedded to any log cabin. 

Thomas Jefferson and Andrew Jackson may have known the 
log cabin, but they were glad to discard it and to erect stately 
"Monticello" and "The Hermitage." Our fathers' fathers who 
lived outside Illinois and came into it they did not plan or wish 
a state composed of rifle, ax and saddle bag, or cabin of logs. 
They had higher aspirations. They wished and planned to put 
aside ax work and promote head work. And so they sent their 
sons to college. And they did well. They builded better than 
they knew. For while it may be true, that the city bred man of 
today would have starved to death had he tried to make a living 
in the environment only of the rifle, ax, and saddle bags, it is also 
true that the ax man would perish today quickly if he had to face 
a modern army. Why, even the farmer farms by machinery today, 
and the wars of today are not to be won by frontiersmen or by 
pioneer weapons but by arithmetic, by trigonometry, by logarithms, 
by differential calculus, by artillery trajectories, and by the con- 
quest of the air together with the navigation of the submarine 
depth. With his level head the man of 1818 knew this; and he 
taught his sons, our fathers, a reverence and deference for knowl- 
edge and science which caused our fathers (our immediate fathers) 


to adopt a standard and a stature for us to come up to as much 
superior to the log cabin life as the large modern dwellings in your 
neighborhood, are superior to the log cabin in which my father 
was born in Kentucky. 


Not many words are required (and you will be glad, I am 
sure) not many words are required to describe Illinois today. 

Today Illinois has a greatness in commerce, in industry, in 
finance; a greatness in agriculture, in mining, in manufacturing; 
a greatness in transportation; a greatness in education, in educa- 
tional institutions and pursuits ; a greatness in journalism, and law 
and medicine, and professional endeavor; and there is a greatness 
in the sciences and the arts and a world of effort by inventors; 
and in generosity and benevolence and philanthrophy there is 
another greatness; and there is a greatness and glory in religion 
worthy of all praise; never before in history has there been so 
much of charity and good will, never so much of the milk of 
human kindness, and never so much of the love of God in the 
hearts of the people as at present, all over Illinois. All of these 
various greatness are and should be a source, to all of us, of heart- 
felt pride. 

But the one overwhelming, overtowering, overpowering con- 
dition of Illinois today, the one thing, characteristic and per- 
meative of Illinois today, as never before, is that Illinois is at 
war; terribly at war. Our hearts are in Camp Grant, in Camp 
Dodge, in Camp Pike, in Camp Logan and in Camp Zachary 
Taylor, and with our sons of Illinois in France, and on the ocean. 

The kid has gone to the colors, 

And we don't know what to say, 
The boy that we loved and cuddled 

Stands up for the flag today. 

The kid not being a slacker, 

Stood forth with patriot joy 
To add his name to the roster, 

And oh, God, we're proud of our boy. 


We stand at the opening, the threshold of an appalling era 
of sacrifice, as grave as that when Abraham "Took the wood and 
put it on the altar and bound Isaac and put him on the altar on 
the wood." When God can say to America "Now I know that 
thou fearest God, seeing that thou hast not withheld thy son, thine 
only son, from me" then and not till then, will our sacrifice cease. 
We must not murmur or complain. All human progress has been 
won only through human agony. A million men have died in 
America that Liberty might live. A million American women 
have agonized that American freedom might not die. Who are 
we that we should escape or be immune ? 

I believe that the hand of God, the Divine Hand, is in all 
this terrible trial of America and of Illinois; that for His own 
purpose He determined that the world, the whole world, should 
not be energized and spiritualized by the agony and ecstacy of 
the sacrifice of war, with America left out. 

The veritable miracle at the Battle of the Marne, which one 
day saw two million men marching on Paris, so that a War Lord, 
with helmet of silver on his head and cape of velvet on his should- 
ers, might ride through and under the Arch of Napoleon, as con- 
queror of the world, and next day saw that whole two million in 
full retreat, rushing northward almost in panic what are we to 
infer from that ? 

We know what the consequences would have been, if the War 
Lord had won. France would have been on her knees; England 
would have come to her knees; then the British Navy would have- 
been exacted as an indemnity; then the German and French navies, 
added, then westward to American shores. Then the weak Ameri- 
can Navy would have been wiped out; then the coast cities 
would have been bombarded; then the foreign hosts would have 
landed; then the little American Army of 75,000 regulars and 
225,000 National Guard would have been annihilated. Then Con- 
gress would have retired from Washington to Chicago, to Omaha 
to Denver; then a crowned king would have marched up Broad- 
way in New York, and up Pennsylvania Avenue in Washington; 
and a humiliating peace would have resulted, and America would 
have had to pay an indemnity of one-half of all our possessions. 


or face the muzzles of the firing squad. And life would not have 
been worth living; aud the daughters of America would have 
been the slaves of a conquering soldiery, drunken with victory. 

From all this we were saved, for some reason because, so 
far as our finite vision can see, generals of distinction of ability, 
and of experience, made mistakes, unaccountable, I believe that 
tide of conquest was stopped as it was and when it was, in order 
that America, including Illinois, might have its part in the energ- 
izing and spiritualizing which comes with sacrifice. 

If this is true, then Illinois today, faces the obligation and 
opportunity of all its existence ; and it will be worthy of it, worthy 
of the history of glory which it enjoys, worthy of the high hopes 
our fathers cherished, and we can leave here tonight singing and 
believing : 

Then conquer we must, 

For our cause it is just 
And this be our motto 
In God is our trust. 

Let us be not deceived; the Illinois of today has a hard task 
set before it, to equal the patriotism of the Illinois of the olden 

Do you know what Illinois must do to equal their givings 
and offerings? Take the one item of men alone 

In the four years, 1861-2-3-4 Illinois gave 259,000 men, to 
the army and navy a quarter of a million, plus nine thousand; 
the population of Illinois was then 1,700,000 about one and three 
quarters millions ; so that one man was given for every sixth of the 

On the same basis, Illinois, with its present population of 
between six and seven millions, must furnish one million men, 
before it can equal the offering of our fathers, to the army and the 
navy, in the glorious days, the great days the great and glorious 
days of Illinois. 

Can it be done? God helping us, it can be done. 

But, when victory shall have come and the American millions 
shall have come home, will no problem be left? When Kaiserism 


shall be no more, what about Bolshevism? Kaiserism inspired 
and instigated anarchy in Eussia, and it yet remains there, and 
will remain there, until by the aid of American bayonets disorder 
is ended and order is restored. Bolshevism is not better than 
Kaiserism. It has the same hellish origin. It is autocracy- 
brutal, cowardly, autocracy. It is brutal, bloody, tyranny. Its 
leaders in Eussia have been murderers. If it gets over here, it 
will murder, burn and torture here, as in Eussia. It paraded its 
red flags in the hands of a lot of fools in New York the other day. 
Thank God, its flags were torn to tatters by American soldiers 
and sailors who happened to see them. It will parade them in 
Illinois, in Chicago, aye in Springfield, some day, unless we show 
and prove now that we will not tolerate autocracy in any form, 
for one moment, whether it comes as Kaiserism or whether it 
comes as Bolshevism, whether it comes as tyranny or whether it 
comes as anarchy, whether it comes, attacking with poison gas, or 
whether it comes with the red flag and torch. 

In this hour of crisis and of new danger and new trial, in 
this moment when artful, scheming, cruel, brutal, cold, calculating 
demagogues and agitators (are equipped), God knows how or 
whence, with money and plenty and some support from parlor 
anarchists in high degree and position), can we depend upon the 
men and women of America to aid and help utterly regardless of 
all its costs, the eternal right, to the end that we may not have 
driven .out the Kaiser and yet be overcome by Kaiserism, after all ? 

But my fellow citizens, I appeal to you as Illinoisans, to serve 
the State as never before. 

Fellow citizens, who would not be proud to serve Illinois? 
Illinois exceeds a majestic empire in size. Illinois exceeds a royal 
realm in resources. Illinois is the queen of all the prairie states, 
and richer and fairer than any monarch or potentate could possibly 
be. Yet it harbors no aristocracy, no oligarchy, no militarism, no 
imperialism simply enlightened liberty. Illinois is a republic 
of itself. It has both prospects of renown and a history of glory. 

Two hundred and fifty-nine thousand lusty and loyal men it 
sent forth fifty-five years ago, to do battle and to dare, and if 
need be, die, for "Union and Liberty, for you and for me, for 


posterity and the eternal right. To the State Penitentiary it in 
later days sent the violators of the sacred laws of suffrage, to the 
end that political rights might be preserved inviolate. To the 
sanctity of the suffrage, to the honesty of municipal government, 
the upbuilding of American nationality the mighty State stands 
pledged today. 

Great in its domain; great in its citizenship; great in its 
intelligence; great in its liberty; great in its benevolence; great 
in its energy ; great in all its capabilities ; great in both its strength 
and its beauty Illinois is worthy the devotion of any man, or any 
people; worthy of your undying affection, and of mine. 

Ah, Illinois! It is my birthplace and my home, and the 
home of my mother, and my wife and my little ones, and I love 
it well. As I look into your earnest eyes, men of Illinois, I see that 
you, all of you, love it well too, and because we love it so well we 
want it guided wisely and well. 

I have a serene and implicit faith, that we will be guided 
aright, because I believe that our guide has been God. Having 
been our guide, He will not forsake us now, not forsake Illinois 
today, not forsake us in the appalling future. I believe that this 
Nation, of ours, is divinely ordained ; that the Almighty, Himself, 
just kept that curtain of water the Atlantic Ocean, right down, on 
the eastern side of this continent, until the prow of Columbus 
parted the waters of this Western Hemisphere, for the mighty 
purpose ; and that that purpose was to establish, and maintain, yea, 
to establish, yea, to maintain, utterly regardless of what it cost, 
yea, utterly regardless of what it cost in men or in money, in 
treasure, in time, in terror, in tears or in blood, this mighty 
Republic, our mighty and model Eepublic, with cornerstones of 
Freedom, with foundations cemented by the shed blood of fore- 
fathers, in order that, in hours of peril to the suffering human 
race, this mighty and model Republic, your country and mine, 
might be not only the heir of ages and the child of the centuries, 
but the beacon light of Liberty and the last hope of humanity, as 
it undoubtedly, praise be to God, is today. And so believing, I 
rejoice that I can (as I do) further believe, that Illinois, which is, 
already, more than one-fifteenth in population, of this mighty last 


hope of humanity, will grow and grow and grow, until it will be 
much more than one-tenth, over one-tenth in wealth and in courage, 
in resources and in high resolve more than one-tenth of the 
American Republic, the stone that the continental builders re- 
jected, the mightiest agency ever ordained by Providence, for the 
welfare of humanity since the Savior walked among the sons of 


Illinois commands us, her loyal children, 
Here to meet tonight in new consecration, 
Crossing with her over the troubled threshhold 
Of a new era. 

Jewel-bright her story, and proud her people 
Gathered here recounting her past achievement; 
While the blare of bugles and tramp of war-hosts 
Call to new duties. 

Born was she in warfare, and her forthcoming 
Red with tales of battle along these prairies: 
First of settlers here was the iron-handed 
Henry de Tonty. 

Joliet, LaSalle, Pere Marquette the pious, 
Prophets and adventurers, brought the ensign 
France sent westward floating above our rivers 
These our beginnings. 

Britain's flag awhile on our ramparts fluttered; 
Till Virginia came, and the Starry Banner 
Rose in splendor never to be supplanted, 
Emblem of freemen. 

Illinois, through Clark and his fearless Long Knives, 
Gave the Nation, first of her gifts, the empire 
Of the broad Northwest, to preserve and cherish 
Freedom for ever. 


Soon upon the Mag was our Star of Statehood 

Brightly placed, the better to hold the Union 

One throughout the years. How we have repaid this, 

History blazons. 

First in Mexico, when at Buena Vista 
Gallant Hardin perished, on to the City 
Marching up with Scott, never once defeated 

Illinois battles. 

Eose the Great Revolt. Did our Douglas falter? 
At the call two hundred and sixty thousand 
Fighting men go forth. Ours their chosen leader, 

Grant the undaunted. 

Ours that Man of men, more than peer of princes, 
Humble-hearted, yet honoring man and woman 
More than any crown, the Emancipator 

Abraham Lincoln. 

Peace ensues, and here from our golden cornfields 
And rich mines beneath are afforded treasure, 
Wealth beyond our dreams, with the whirring work-shops 

Adding new treasure. 

Beauty, too, is ours; glowing arts and letters; 
Science sound and deep; law to help the helpless; 
While Eeligion builds templed shrines, high altars 

Free as the sunlight. 

Peace becomes our faith and our fond conviction. 
On a sudden Europe, in flame enveloped, 
Startles us from dreaming. We see in horror 

Arson and murder. 

Busy at our doors, as the desperate conflict 
'Twixt a right divine held by sceptered despots 
And a government for and by the people 

Bocks land and ocean. 

Vain our hope for peace; and our old flags beckon us: 
France, who gave us being, and Greater Britain, 
Tonty's home, fair Italy, Freedom's offspring, 

Roll out their drumbeats. 


And we rush to arms. Hear the trumpets blaring! 
On our sacred soil see our brave young warriors, 
Youth in blue or khaki, our sons and brothers, 

Haste to the Colors! 
Illinois renews now the fine old pledges 
Given at her birth and redeemed so proudly; 
Illinois once more gives with solemn gladness 

Her best and noblest. 

How can she do less, she who ended slavery 
In its age-old form, now that new enslavement 
Threatens at her gates? Hear our fathers cheering, 

Liberty ! Union ! 

Liberty for all, great or little peoples 
This our mighty task, this our sacred duty ; 
Never peace until mankind in union 

Dominates bloodshed. 
God of Liberty, Illinois is praying, 
Not for glory or gratified ambition, 
But for generous truce with no thought of conquest, 

War for War's deathblow. 
We who gave America in her peril 
Instruments for victory, Grant and Lincoln, 
Under God shall force new emancipation, 

Freeing Man's spirit. 

The above poem was read by the author at the banquet, 
given at the Leland Hotel in Springfield, Monday evening, De- 
cember 3, in honor of the ninety-ninth anniversary of the admission 
of Illinois into the Union and the beginning of the Centennial 
year. Mr. Eice is a Chicago poet of wide reputation, and was the 
official pageant writer and lecturer for the Illinois Centennial 
Commission, which, in conjunction with the Illinois Historical 
Society, gave the banquet. The metre of the poem is sapphic, the 
same used by Horace in his "Integer Vitae." 


Two mass meetings were held at the State Arsenal in Spring- 
field on Lincoln's birthday, February 12, under the auspices of the 
Illinois Centennial Commission, and the Lincoln Centennial Asso- 

In the afternoon a chorus of twelve hundred Springfield 
school children sang patriotic songs, and addresses were delivered 
by Hugh S. Magill, Jr., Director of the Centennial Celebration, 
and Mr. Addison G. Proctor, of St. Joseph, Michigan, who was a 
delegate from Kansas at the Wigwam convention which nomi- 
nated Abraham Lincoln for President in 1860. Dr. Otto L. 
Schmidt, Chairman of the Centennial Commission, presided. 

In the evening another great mass meeting was addressed by 
Justice William Eenwick Eiddell, of the Supreme Court of Ontario, 
Canada, and the Hon. Thomas Power O'Connor, the Irish Nation- 
alist member of the English Parliament. Judge J Otis Humphrey, 
of the United States District Court, and Chairman of the Lincoln 
Centennial Association, presided. 

Governor Frank 0. Lowden issued a statement on February 
9, in which he urged a greater observance of Lincoln Day than 
ever before. This statement helped materially to focus public at- 
tention upon the Lincoln Celebration throughout Illinois. The 
Proclamation of Governor Lowden, was as follows : 

"Lincoln's spirit still walks the earth. His life remains the 
greatest resource to the forces fighting for freedom and righteous- 
ness throughout the world. When autocracy seems to win vic- 
tories, it is Lincoln's unshaken faith in the worth of the common 
man which impels us to go on at any cost. When some fear that 
the monstrous doctrine of the mailed autocrats that might makes 
right may again rule the earth, our resolution is renewed by 
these words of Lincoln : TLet us have faith that right makes might, 
and in that faith let us to the end dare to do our duty.' 



"When our allies have felt the need to refresh their courage 
they have turned to Lincoln's words. More and more do the 
lovers of liberty everywhere make pilgrimage to Lincoln's tomb. 
It was an impressive moment when Joffre, who saved civilization 
at the Battle of the Marne, with reverent hand and tear-dimmed 
eye laid a wreath above his dust. Who shall doubt that the old 
hero felt at that moment a new resolve to 'carry on' ! 

"We may become war-weary before peace shall come. If 
we do, Lincoln will revive our will. To adopt his words to the 
present crisis: 'Fondly do we hope fervently do we pray that 
the mighty scourge of war will speedily pass away. Yet if God 
wills that it continue "until the privileges of emperors and kings 
shall finally give way to the rights of man; until the sword and 
cannon shall become the servants, not the masters, of the state; 
until nations everywhere shall confess their fealty to the moral 
law; until the God of Justice and Eighteousness shall rule the 
world," as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be 
said: "The judgments of the Lord are true and righteous alto- 
gether.' " 

"As the weeks shall come and go, in ever increasing numbers, 
the stars upon our service flags will turn from blue to gold. The 
temptress will whisper peace to us, as she whispered it to Lincoln, 
when no peace is possible but only a truce. Let us in that hour, 
with Lincoln, 'highly resolve that these dead shall not have died 
in vain, that this Nation, under God, shall have a new birth of 
freedom, and that the government of the people, by the people, 
for the people, shall not perish from the earth.' 

"The cause of democracy is the cause of humanity. It con- 
cerns itself with the welfare of the average man. Lincoln was its 
finest product. In life, he was its noblest champion. In death, 
he became its saint. His tomb is now its shrine. His country's 
cause, for which he lived and died, has now become the cause of 
all the world. It is more than half a century since his country- 
men, with reverent hands, bore him to his grave. And still his 
pitiless logic for the right, his serene faith in God and man, are 
the surest weapons with which democracy, humanity and right- 
eousness now fight their ancient foe. His birthday draws near. 


It will nerve the soldier's arm, it will strengthen the stateman's 
resolution, it will grip humanity's great heart, if, upon that day, 
the friends of man everywhere shall pause long enough to recall 
his life and death, and resolve that Abraham Lincoln, too, shall 
not have lived and 'died in vain'." 

Previous to Lincoln Day, the Centennial Commission sent 
out circular letters and notices to the press, urging the observance 
throughout the State. This request was very generally complied 
with by local Centennial organizations. 


Chairman Illinois Centennial Commission Presiding 

Invocation. . . Eev. Euclid B. Eogers 

Music By Chorus and High School Orchestra 

Address The Capital City's Part in the Illinois Centennial 

Celebration By Hon. Hugh S. Magill, Jr. 

Director Illinois Centennial Celebration 

Music , .By Chorus and High School Orchestra 

Address The Nomination of Abraham Lincoln 

...... .1 .By Addison G-. Proctor, St. Joseph, Mich. 

Delegate to Republican National Convention of 1860 

Music By Chorus of 1200 Pupils of Springfield Schools and 

High School Orchestra 


President of Lincoln Centennial Association Presiding 

Invocation .,... .Eev. Lester Leake Eiley 

Music Watch Factory Band 

Address . . By the Honorable Mr. Justice William Eenwick Eiddell 

Of the Supreme Court of Ontaria 

Music Watch Factory Band 

Address. By the Honorable T. P. O'Connor 

Member of Parliament 

Music Watch Factory Band 




Director Illinois Centennial Celebration 

We have assembled here today to celebrate the birthday of 
Abraham Lincoln. Once he belonged to Illinois, and in a more 
intimate sense to Springfield, the city he loved to call his home. 
Today, though our city contains his dust, his spirit no city, no 
state, no nation can contain. He belongs to the liberty loving of 
every land. Where statesmen meet to uphold the cause of humanity 
against the ruthless aggressions of despotic power, his great spirit 
inspires and guides their councils. Where today the brave sons of 
America and France and Britain and Italy stand shoulder to 
shoulder in the trenches of Europe to battle back the onslaughts 
of the mercilles Huns, there the spirit of Lincoln nerves these 
soldiers of liberty to offer, "the last full measure of devotion/' 
"that government of the people, by the people, for the people, 
shall not perish from the earth." 

Fifty-seven years ago yesterday, Illinois gave Lincoln to our 
nation. When he assumed the duties of the presidency, the coun- 
try was rent with fierce dissension. His one great passion was 
to save the Union, for he knew it was the world's last hope of 
free government. If this American Republic went down in fra- 
ternal strife, the despots of earth would laugh in derision at the 
final failure of democracy. This nation "conceived in liberty 
and dedicated to the proposition that. all men are created equal," 
must be preserved for the welfare of our own people, and as an 
inspiration and example to all the world. 

Through four long years of sacrifice and suffering he "carried 
on," until freedom triumphed, and democracy was saved. It is 
in support of the same principles of free government that millions 
today are dedicating their lives and all that they have. We would 
be untrue to him, and unworthy of the liberty for which he gave 
his life if we faltered in this hour of trial. Who should dare put 
a price on these ideals and principles? For the sake of ourselves 
7 C C 


and the people of all nations, and of generations yet to be, these 
principles must be maintained, though it cost billions of our 
treasure and millions of our best and bravest men. 

When, war-weary, we would consider for a moment a com- 
promise peace, let us remember that Lincoln was tempted in like 
manner. During the dark days near the close of the Civil War, 
just before the dawn of victory, men who were reputed as states- 
men went to Mr. Lincoln and urged him to offer a compromise 
in order to end the war. He replied, "We accepted this war for 
a worthy object, and the war will end when that object is attained. 
Under God, I hope it will not end until that time I" This should 
be the sentiment of every staunch patriot today. The last vestige 
of that military autocracy, which deliberately brought on this 
terrible war, must be put down forever, that it may never again 
destroy the peace of the world. 

Abraham Lincoln, above any mortal man, has given to the 
world its finest example of lofty spirit and purpose in the hour 
of severest trial. The military autocracies of Europe have poured 
out on a suffering, bleeding world all the vials of wrath, and 
hatred, and cruelty. But in this dark hour it will sweeten our 
souls to contemplate his words uttered near the close of four 
years of awful war: "With malice toward none, with charity for 
all, with firmness in the right as God gives us to see the right, let 
us finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation's wounds, to 
care for him who shall have borne the battle, for his widow and 
orphans, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and last- 
ing peace among ourselves and with all nations/' 

And so with him, "Let us have faith that right makes might 
and in that faith let us to the end dare to do our duty as we 
understand it." 



Youngest delegate to the Convention of 1860 that 

nominated Lincoln 

The year 1860 introduced into our national life Abraham 
Lincoln, one of the most remarkable and certainly the most in- 


teresting characters that has graced our history since the days 
of Washington. 

Now this man, born to poverty and obscurity, whose life 
from its earliest days to middle age was one continued struggle 
for a bare existence, who came to the State of Illinois at the 
age of 21 a raw backwoodsman, clothed in the homespun that he 
had earned by the splitting of rails, how this man could have 
so impressed himself on the people of this great State, and of 
this Nation, as to become the chosen and accepted leader of a 
great National party at the most critical time in the affairs of 
this country, must always remain one of the interesting chapters 
of our political history. 

There met that year in the City of Chicago, in the month of 
May, a convention composed of 466 delegates from the Northern 
States and the Border States of the South. They were men of 
strong convictions, who had met for a very decided purpose. Slav- 
ery, as a political power, had been growing more and more aggres- 
sive and dictatorial. It had trampled upon all of the compromises, 
had outraged the moral sensibilities of the North by its enforcement 
of its fugitive slave law, and now under cover of a recent Supreme 
Court decision it was attempting to force its way into the free 
territories of the Northwest, and so the temper of that convention 
was that of exasperation. 

To the West, stretching from the valley of the Missouri Eiver 
to the far off Pacific Ocean, lay one great undeveloped empire, 
promising, as we all realized, tremendous possibilities. To that 
great empire of the West, this Convention invited the people of 
the world to come and help in its development and to share in 
its prosperity, and it pledged the faith of that great party which it 
represented to the dedicating for all time of this great empire 
to the upbuilding and maintaining of free homes for free men, 
and so like an intrepid gladiator this convention strode into the 
National arena, threw its gauntlet of defiance into the face of 
slavery, and proclaimed thus far may thou go and no farther. 

This determination of the convention, unanimously adopted 
and made a part of the platform on which they stood, the next 


and most vital question was to whom, in view of this emergency 
we are creating, can we dare to entrust the leadership ? This was 
the question that gave us pause. 

There had come to that convention, largely from the East, 
a well organized body of delegates demanding the nomination for 
the Presidency of Senator William H. Seward of New York. 
Mr. Seward had been prominent in National affairs for many 
years. As governor of the great state of New York, and as United 
States Senator, he had attracted unusual attention by his ability 
and clear statesmanship. He was by all odds the most prominent 
man of his party at that time. 

He was represented in that delegation by many of the most 
noted political manipulators of his party under the leadership of 
Thurlow Weed, the most adroit politician of his day. Seward 
had come to that convention backed by this great element, full of 
confidence, lacking less than sixty votes of enough to control that 
entire convention, pledged to him on that first ballot. The advent 
spectacular event of the pre-convention days. 

Outside this great movement for Seward all seemed confusion 
and disintegration. 

Vermont was there asking for the nomination of her able 
and popular Senator Jacob Collimer, who had filled many places 
of honor, including a cabinet membership and supreme judgeship 
and senator. 

New Jersey was there asking for the nomination of her Judge 
and Senator, William L. Dayton, who had stood with Fremont 
four years before and gone down to defeat on a ticket that many 
suggested "had the head where the tail ought to be." 

Pennsylvania was there asking for the nomination of her 
able, aggressive Senator Simon Cameron with the whole Penn- 
sylvania delegation at his call. 

Ohio was there urging the nomination of her splendid speci- 
men of Senator and Statesman, Salmon P. Chase, afterward our 
chief justice of the Supreme Court. 

Missouri, with a splendid delegation made up of a new ele- 
ment that everyone wanted to encourage, was there asking for 
the naming of her eminent Jurist, Judge Edward Bates. 


And Illinois was there with a united and very active delega- 
tion asking for the nomination of a man who was neither gov- 
ernor, judge nor senator, just a plain citizen Abraham Lincoln. 

And this was the condition confronting us as we faced the 
responsibility of that nomination for leadership. 

We had come to that Convention from far away Kansas from 
"out on the border." We had been making a very determined 
fight against the aggressions of the slave power, a conflict that 
had attracted the attention of the entire country and had been of 
such value to the party that they, through their National Com- 
mittee, had invited us to a full participation in the councils of 
the Convention. For this reason the members of our little delega- 
tion of six were the recipients of many marked attentions. 

The morning of our arrival we were invited to an interview 
with Thurlow Weed at his parlor at the Richmond House. 

We had a touch of trepidation as we contemplated being 
ushered into the presence of this noted political Mogul, but we 
braced up our courage and went. He met us at the door of his 
parlor. We were introduced as we passed in by our chairman and 
seated about his big round table in the centre of the parlor. 

Mr. Weed was most gracious in his manner, and dispelled all 
terror from the start. 

He stood by the table while we were seated about him and 
addressed each one of us personally, calling each of us by name, 
which appealed to us as something remarkable, seeing that our 
introduction was so informal. That ability was probably one of 
the secrets of his wonderful influence, the ability to associate the 
name and the face, an adroit quality, essential to the successful 
politician. He was an attractive man and very interesting. After 
complimenting us on the good work accomplished out on the border 
and thanking us most graciously for the service rendered to the 
country and to the party, he turned to the question, of the im- 
pending nomination. 

He said : "Four years ago we went to Philadelphia to name 
our candidate and we made one of the most inexcusable blunders 
any political party has ever made in this country. We nominated 
a man who had no qualification for the position of Chief Magis- 


trate of this Republic." "Why/' he said, "that boy Fremont had 
not one single quality to commend him for the Presidency. The 
country realized this and we were defeated as we probably de- 
served to be. We have that lesson of defeat before us today." 
He went on to say: "We are facing a crisis; there are troublous 
times ahead of us. We all recognize that. What this country will 
demand as its Chief Executive for the next four years is a man 
of the highest order of executive ability, a man of real statesman- 
like qualities, well known to the country, and of large experience 
in national affairs. No other type of man ought to be considered 
at this time. We think we have in Mr. Seward just the qualities 
the country will need. He is known by us all as a statesman. As 
governor of New York he has shown splendid executive ability. 
As senator he has shown himself to be a statesman and a political 
philosopher. He is peculiarly equipped in a knowledge of our 
foreign relations, and will make a candidate to whom our people 
can look with a feeling of security. We expect to nominate him 
on the first ballot, and to go before the country full of courage 
and confidence." He thanked us for the call and gave each of us 
a friendly handshake at parting. 

As he stood at the table, so gracious, so genial, with all our 
previous estimate of him dispelled, I was reminded of Byron's 
picture of his "Corsair" as "The mildest mannered man that ever 
scuttled ship or cut a throat," politically, of course. 

We had hardly gotten back to our rooms at the Briggs' House 
when in came Horace Greeley dressed in his light drab suit with 
soft felt hat thrown carelessly on our table; with his clean red 
and white complexion, blue eyes and flaxen hair, he looked, as he 
stood there, for all the world like a well-to-do dairy farmer fresh 
from his clover field. He was certainly an interesting figure, and 
he seemed to find a place in our hearts at a bound. As a journal- 
ist he was full of compliments for the good news we had furnished 
to his Tribune and we were all drawn to him by his irresistible 

"I suppose they are telling you," said Greeley in a drawly 
tone, "that Seward is the 'be all' and the 'end all' of our exist- 
ence as a party; our great statesman, our profound philosopher, 


our pillar of cloud by day, our pillar of fire by night, but I 
want to tell you, boys, that in spite of all this you couldn't elect 
Seward if you could nominate him. You must remember as things 
stand today we are a sectional party. We have no strength outside 
the North, practically we must have the entire North with us if 
we hope to win." 

"Now there are states of the North that cannot be induced to 
support Seward, and without these states we cannot secure electoral 
votes enough to elect. So to name Seward is to invite defeat. He 
cannot carry New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Indiana or Iowa, and I 
will bring to you representative men from each of these states 
who will confirm what I say." And sure enough he did ; bringing 
to us Governor Andy Curtin of Pennsylvania, Governor Henry S. 
Lane of Indiana, Governor Kirkwood of Iowa, each of whom con- 
firmed what Greeley had said and gave reasons for the belief. 

Governor Curtin was particularly emphatic. He said: "I 
am the Eepublican candidate for governor. At the last national 
election Mr. Buchanan carried Pennsylvania by 50,000 majority. 
I expect to be elected on the Eepublican ticket by as large a ma- 
jority as Mr. Buchanan had on the Democratic ticket, making a 
change of 100,000 votes; but I can only do this if you give me 
a man as presidential candidate acceptable to my people. I coald 
not win with Mr. Seward as our candidate." He was> a bright 
looking, enthusiastic young fellow and had every indication of 
making what he later proved to be, one of the most valuable of 
our war governors. Governor Lane and Governor Kirkwood both 
gave the same evidence touching Indiana and Iowa. It was the 
work of Horace Greeley to satisfy the Convention that the nomi- 
nation of Seward would mean defeat and he certainly did effec- 
tive work. He was the most untiring of workers. I doubt if 
Horace Greeley slept three consecutive hours during the entire 
session of that Convention. 

We had calls from strong men, all in a wide-awake determi- 
nation to meet the demands of the emergency; among them Gov- 
ernor John A. Andrew of Massachusetts with quite a group of 
New England delegates, and Carl Schurz of Wisconsin. 


The afternoon of the day before we were likely to reach the 
balloting, Greeley came in to see us. He was very much dis- 
couraged. He could see no way to effect a consolidation of the 
elements opposed to Seward and he feared that Seward would win 
on the first ballot. He seemed tired and depressed. "Mr. Gree- 
ley," said one of our delegates, "who do you really prefer to see 
nominated, tell us ?" Greeley hesitated a moment and sort of brac- 
ing up he said: "I think well of Edward Bates of Missouri as a 
safe nominee. He is a very able man and he comes from a sec- 
tion that we ought to have with us. He is not well known in the 
East, and for that reason I am hesitating in urging him strongly, 
but he would make a good candidate and an able President if 
elected, but I am hesitating." 

"Mr. Greeley," said one of our group, "what do you think 
of Abraham Lincoln as a candidate ? Why not urge him ?" "Lin- 
coln," said Mr. Greeley, speaking very slowly as if weighing each 
word, "is a very adroit politician. He has a host of friends out 
here in Illinois who seem to see something in him that the rest 
of us haven't seen yet. He has a very interesting history, that 
would make good campaign literature; but the trouble with Lin- 
coln is that he has had no experience in national affairs, and 
facing a crisis as we all believe, I doubt if such a nomination 
would be acceptable. It is too risky an undertaking." And that 
was the judgment of Horace Greeley, the leader of the opposition, 
only a few hours before we should reach the actual balloting. 

Soon after Greeley had gone we received a msssage on a card 
saying: "A company of Unionists from the Border States would 
like to meet you at your rooms." They were of that sharp eyed, 
broad jawed Scotch Irish type; the typical mountaineers of the 
South intense and volcanic, standing for a something and stand- 
ing resolutely. We realized instantly that the intense moment 
had come. We hurriedly arranged our room to seat as many as 
we could, the others stood against the four walls, filling the room 
so that we felt that we were in close touch with some full charged 
electric batteries. 

These men of the southern border had chosen as their spokes- 
man Cassius M. Clay of Kentucky. As Clay stepped forward and 


stood at the head of our table at which we were all seated, there 
was a deep intense silence for a moment. As he stood posed before 
us he was the ideal Kentucky Colonel with all the mannerisms 
of that element so well pictured in our literature. A fascinating 
man, handsome to look upon, faultlessly dressed, keen, bright and 
emotional. We could not keep our eyes off as he stood like a wait- 
ing orator charged with a volcanic mission. As he stepped closer 
to the table, leaning forward with a sort of confidential gesture, 
speaking right to our very faces, he said: "Gentlemen, we are 
on the brink of a great Civil War." He paused as if to note the 
effect. He seemed to have caught a look of incredulity creeping 
over our faces that he chose to interpret in his own way. Straight- 
ening himself, looking every inch the orator, he said: "You un- 
doubtedly have heard that remark before, but I want you to know 
that that fact will soon be flashed to you in a way you will more 
readily comprehend. Gentlemen, we are from the South, and we 
want you to know that the South is preparing for war. If the 
man that you will nominate at this Convention should be elected 
on the platform you have already adopted the South will attempt 
the destruction of this Union. On your Southern border stretch- 
ing from the east coast of Maryland to the Ozarfes of Missouri 
there stands today a body of resolute men (of whom these are the 
representatives) who are determined that this Union shall not be 
dissolved except at the end of a terrible struggle in resistance. 

It makes a wonderful difference who you name for this lead- 
ership at this time; a wonderful difference to you but a vital dif- 
ference to us. Our homes and all we possess are in peril. We 
realize just what is before us. You must give us a leader at this 
time who will inspire our confidence and our courage. We must 
have such a leader or we are lost. We have such a man a man; 
whom we will follow to the end. We want your help and," lean- 
ing forward, in a half suppressed whisper, he said : "We want you 
to name Abraham Lincoln. He was born among us and we be- 
lieve he understands us. 

"You give us Lincoln and we will push back your battle lines 
from the Ohio (right at your doors) back across the Tennessee 
into the regions where it belongs. You give us Lincoln and' we 


will join this Union strength full of enthusiasm with your Union 
Army and drive secession to its lair. Do this for us and let us 
go home and prepare for the conflict." 

Here was a new issue just at a psychological moment when 
everyone realized that something unusual had to happen. Up to 
this time it had been, "How shall we keep slavery out of the 
Territories?" Now it was the question, "How shall we make sure 
to preserve this Union ?" On this new line of formation the army 
was drawn up for its impending battle. 

This impassioned appeal of Clay, first given to us reached the 
many hesitating delegates and aroused a new vitalization all along 
the line. 

Probably the more conservative presentation of the issue as 
made by Governor Lane of Indiana did much to supplement the 
more volcanic work of Clay. Lane said to us: "I am Governor 
of Indiana. I know my people well. In the South half of my 
state a good proportion of my people have come from the slave 
states of the South. They were poor people forced to work for a 
living and they did not want to bring up their families in competi- 
tion with slave labor, so they moved to Indiana to get away from 
that influence. They will not tolerate slavery in Indiana or in 
our free territories but they will not oppose it where it is if it will 
only stay there. These people want a man of the Lincoln type 
as their President. They are afraid Seward would be influenced 
by that abolition element of the East and make war on slavery 
where it is. This they do not want, so they believe Lincoln, under- 
standing this as one of their kind, would be acceptable and would 
get the support of this entire element. If at any time the South 
should undertake in the interest of slavery to destroy this Union 
we can depend on every one of this class to shoulder his musket 
and go to the front in defense of a united nation even at the cost 
of slavery itself." 

This new issue fostered by the strong Illinois delegation under 
the adroit leadership of David Davis, pressed by the impetuous ora- 
tory of Clay and strengthened by the sincere and convincing argu- 
ments of Governor Lane of Indiana was the real prevailing influ- 
ence that brought cohesion out of disintegration and centered the 


full strength of the opposition on the one man. It was an adroit 
piece of work as effective as it was adroit. 

As the spectre of Civil War loomed before us becoming more 
and more convincing and menacing, we came to realize the need 
of conserving that element. It grew on us that this element might 
be a controlling factor in the great struggle before us. It might 
be decisive and the thought gave us deep concern. 

Later, when the conflict was upon us and we saw 200,000 
of these fighting men from our slave states of the border enlisted 
in our Union Army we more fully realized the vital influence and 
superb wisdom of that final decision. 

But the battle was not over. Strong appeals were being made 
by both elements. The Seward forces pressed the great fact of 
known ability, of great experience, of large acquaintance, its abil- 
ity to control an element to finance a hard campaign; an element 
that might help to overcome any factional opposition in the doubt- 
ful states. 

The opposition delegates centered around their man were 
pleading for a more complete recognition of the West as the com- 
ing factor in the growth and strengthening of the party, and while 
conceding the value of the ability that comes from experience, 
claimed for their man an abundance of common sense on which 
they could appeal to the people with safety. This, with the great 
fact of the demands of that border element for consideration that 
it was not safe to ignore gave strength to the appeal of the opposi- 

The issue was sharp, keen and decisive. The call to the battle 
of the ballot brought us face to face with the demand for a duty we 
could not shirk or would not if we could. We felt the full weight 
of the responsibility. A responsibility that by our act might in- 
volve the very existence of the Eepublic. We knew that our man, 
whoever he might be, must be depended on to carry the Nation 
through the most critical experience of its history. The coming 
events were casting their dread shadows before us. It was an 
ordeal. All I can say is we simply put our trust in God and 
He who makes no mistakes gave us Abraham Lincoln" 




Justice of the Supreme Court of Ontario 

At first sight there might seem an incongruity in a Canadian 
addressing this gathering, met to honor the memory' of a Presi- 
dent of the United States. But that would be a narrow view; the 
first words spoken after the martyr President's death are as true 
now as when on that fateful April morn fifty-three years ago they 
were uttered by Stanton, "He belongs to the Ages." 

The Great President who led his people amid terrible diffi- 
culties, cheerful in the face of apparently irreparable disaster, 
calmly saying before truculent foes as before doubting friend 
"Whatever shall appear to be G-od's will I will do," the President 
who in the very hour of victory achieved was stricken down by 
the hand of the assassin, has become the treasured possession of 
the world; and my Canada claims her share in him. 

A lad of thirteen years when he died I well remember the 
horror and detestation with which the deed of blood was regarded 
by Canadians, for we had learned to look upon him' as our own 
and we venerated him less only than our beloved Queen Victoria. 

Canadian to the last drop of my blood, British to my finger 
tips, I too was born on this our Continent of North America, have 
from infancy breathed her free air, drunk in almost with mother's 
milk the splendid principles of democracy which are her glory 
and her pride in common with my brother Canadians, in all 
things I am "sprung of earth's first blood," in the highest and 
best sense I am American. 

And I cannot but feel that your invitation to me to speak to 
you' shows that you agree with me in the thought which caused 
me to accept your invitation that notwithstanding our difference 
of allegiance, our status in international law of alien and for- 
eigner, notwithstanding all outward appearance of separation, 
there is between American and Canadian an essential and funda- 
mental unit} 7 , for we be brethren, nay in all that is worth while, 
American and Canadian are one. 


The great bond, the eternal principle, which makes us one is 
democracy; and Abraham Lincoln is the finest type and the 
greatest example of democracy the world has ever seen. 

What do we mean by democracy? Not a form of govern- 
ment the republics of ancient and medieval times, many repub- 
lics, so-called, of modern times are as far from democracy as the 
nadir from the zenith. Monarchies, too, are different ranging 
from absolute monarchy where the arrogant monarch can say 
"There is but one will in my country and it is mine" to the mon- 
archy under which it is my pride to live in which the King is 
content to reign leaving . it to his people to whom it belongs, to 

A republic in form may be an oligarchy or a tyranny in fact ; 
a monarchy in form may be in reality a true democracy. 

Every people has the government it deserves, every free people 
the government it desires; and that free people which has chosen 
that there shall be government of the people by the people for the 
people, is a democracy. 

Yet he who adopts that principle simply because it recom- 
mends itself to his fellow citizens, or simply as a matter of policy, 
is not a true democrat; the true democrat must love the people, 
the common people. 

Washington, praeclamm nomen, loved the common people, 
but he was not of them, one would almost say he was an English 
gentleman; he would not have a commission given to any but 
gentlemen; Lincoln was of the common people himself, he knew 
them and loved them as his own, not as a superior and from above 
but as one of themselves and on a level. 

And this was the cause of utter bewilderment, honest per- 
plexity, to many in the East, to no few in the West, who could 
not understand that high station was not inconsistent with sim- 
plicity of manner; they thought the joke, the amusing story, un- 
dignified, unworthy of the occupant of the highest office in the 

Had this been mere frivolity, such strictures would have been 
pardonable, but the light manner covered deep feeling, the joke 
had its immediate practical application, and the story was often 


full of significance, like the parables of the Gospel, in which the 
Master taught profound moral truths in the guise of tales almost 
child-like in their simplicity. 

This very want of affectation was symptomatic of the deep 
regard he felt for his fellow men and of his reverence for the 
people at large, democratic in his views of government, he was 
democratic in his manner toward others. 

Wholly believing in the power of public opinion, with a per- 
fect respect for the popular will, he did not seek applause or to 
amuse the people, except with the end of convincing them. Was 
not this the real reason why he relied so much upon "the stump," 
upon the open oral debate, when face to face the champions of 
rival policies might give a reason for the faith that was in them? 
Loving the people as he did, his greatest ambition was to be 
esteemed by rendering himself worthy of that esteem. 

He was not unconscious of the tremendous importance of the 
issues involved, for coming as he did from a small frontier town, 
lacking what the world calls education, with little grace of diction 
and none of manner, he knew that his seven meetings with Doug- 
las were the successive acts of a drama enacted in the face of the 
Nation and to no small extent in the face of the world. But 
during his whole life, even when he had become the people's 
attorney by being placed in the Presidential chair he was not self- 
willed, he sought the advice and counsel of others, he listened 
to all the myriad counsellors bidden or otherwise, ever trusting 
that those who should know would help him in his perplexities. 

From early life he pondered over and struggled with every 
proposition till he understood it and mastered it; he read every 
book he could to help him to understand, and in the end he made 
up his own mind as to the right. Public opinion more than once 
was against him, more than once would have destroyed his plan, 
but with all his respect for public opinion he recognized his own 
responsibility before God, and man, and made not adopted a 

That marks the distinction between the democrat and the 


So at all times he repudiated any arbitrary personal prero- 
gative; as he was not a demagogue he would not be an autocrat 
no royalty could be smelt on his train. 

At all times and under all circumstances he felt the majesty 
of law. It may be that Seward lost the nomination in 1860 
because he had boldly asserted that there is a higher law than the 
Constitution; but that assuredly was not the reason for Lincoln's 
devotion to it. He did not imagine that the Constitution was 
perfect, but he revered it because it was a contract, and his con- 
ception of right did not allow him to look upon a contract as a 
scrap of paper. 

This reverence for compact explains his attitude towards 

Convinced that where the white man governs himself that is 
self-government but when he governs himself and also governs 
another that is more than self-government, that is despotism 
convinced that slavery is a violation of eternal right and that 
that black foul lie can never be concentrated into God's hallowed 
truth; wishing that all men everywhere could be free, nay con- 
vinced that the Eepublic could not endure half slave and half free, 
he nevertheless fought the radical abolitionists as he fought those 
favouring the extension of slavery, while he swore that the Con- 
stitution should not shelter a slave holder, he would not permit 
it to shelter the slave stealer; he declared in his first inaugural 
address that he did not intend to interfere with slavery; even in 
the midst of war he repudiated the proclamation of Fremont, and 
at length he freed the slave only as a war measure. Inter arrria 
silent leges. 

Devoted to principle, he fought all his battles on principle; 
and while the most kindly and placable of men, he gave way no 
jot on matters of principle, he made no compromise with wrong- 
doing. The attempts at compromise with the seceding states, 
which we now know were foolish, he would have nothing to do 
with he stood firm Blair, Dawson, G-reeley, who not? Men of 
consequence in their day but now as stars lost before the sun 
coquetted with rebellion. Lincoln listened, smiled and moved not. 
Rebellion he knew was not the work of a day; it was deep-seated 


and required heroic measures; one could not fight it with elder- 
stalk squirts filled with rosewater; and he pressed on the war 
more earnestly than his professional soldiers and with no shadow 
of turning. 

Lincoln had utter faith that Eight makes Might, the true 
democratic doctrine, as opposed to the autocratic creed Might 
makes Eight; and in that faith dared till the end to do his duty 
as he understood it. In that belief he dared to defy almost the 
whole of the Northern States by releasing the Southern envoys 
taken from the Trent contrary to international law. Firm in 
asserting right he recognized correlative duties, national as well 
as individual. 

Lincoln had (it would seem) no well defined religious views 
in early life, but as soon as his thought became clear he recog- 
nized that there is a God who governs the world and that if God 
be with us we cannot fail in the end; he revered the justice and 
goodness of the Creator and humbly acknowledged that "The judg- 
ments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether." He walked 
humbly knowing God as the Father of all and that very knowl- 
edge made him the better democrat. As it seems to me no man 
can be a true democrat who looks upon the world as without a 
Divine Author and Governor, the children of men but an accident 
here with a future of utter nothingness. The true democrat is 
he who knows that all men are like himself the children of God 
and therefore his brethren. 

Does not the love of his fellow man shine out in every line 
of that sad but kindly face? Compare it with the scowling face 
of the Kaiser, the outstanding example of the autocrat a face 
indicating arrogance, contempt, brutal disregard of the rights 
and feelings of others. 

Your President has said that the present war is waged that 
the world may be safe for democracy. 

Truly the world is now in the crucible; the furnace is seven 
times heated, the tension well-nigh intolerable; in the welter of 
blood, the cry of agony, the horror of death, the world's destiny 
is now being wrought out the white hot metal must soon issue 
and take permanent form all this is terrible but it was inevitable. 


The autocrat and the democrat must needs meet in deadly 
conflict, and determine what the future of the world shall be 
there is not room enough on earth for both. 

This is no dynastic war to establish a sovereign or a reigning 
house, no religious conflict to render dominant, Catholic or 
Protestant, all but a very few peoples are wholly indifferent who 
is and who is not king; Protestant Prussia and Protestant Eng- 
land, Catholic Austria and Catholic France and Italy are not 
divided on religious lines, the Catholic American or Canadian 
stands shoulder to shoulder with his Protestant fellow-country- 
man with the same high resolve toward the same lofty ends. A 
people whose whole principle of government is autocratic, whose 
Kaiser is never photographed without a frown, his avowed models 
a people whose princes glory in military uniform, whose whole 
national atmosphere is enmity, hate and malevolence had been 
preparing for more than a generation for world dominion not 
a world dominion where others would be treated with kindness 
and justice but where they would be ruled with a rod of iron 
having no rights which a German was bound to respect. 

The rest of the world was strangely blind to its danger the 
few who understood and spoke out, were treated as alarmists; 
one I know in Canada was laughed at and ridiculed, and more 
than one in England had the same experience. No one in a civil- 
ized country could believe that any people had reached the depth 
of infamy required to make them disregard all justice and right 
in order to aggrandize themselves and their ruling house. Yet 
so it was ; and the world had a terrible awakening. 

To the amazement of the civilized world, the solemn contract 
to respect and maintain the neutrality of Belgium was ruthlessly 
broken ; the nation which prided itself on its blunt honesty became 
a perjured nation true, at first the Chancellor expressed some 
kind of regret but soon the real spirit became all too manifest, 
the brutal aggressor was contemptible enough actually to attempt 
to justify the wrong by lying charges against crucified Belgium, 
enmity, hate, malevolence did their perfect work. France must 
necessarily resist for she was attacked but the land across the 
8 C C 


channel was safe, her navy ruled the narrow seas, and there was 
little chance of a successful invasion of her peaceful shores. 

But she had made a bargain with Belgium, she wished well 
to Belgium, her heart went out to Belgium; and she threw her 
small army in the way of the aggressor. 

The world did not know the Prussian, did not understand 
to what depth of brutality he could descend. Eules of decency 
were supposed still to hold even in war; but every vile thought 
that could be conceived by the vilest of men was carried into 
execution by the invading Hun not sporadically as may happen 
in any army who see red and are in the agony of battle, but of 
design, with fixed purpose and by command of cool, collected 
officers. Murder, rape, arson by wholesale; women and children 
massacred or tortured with a torture worse than death the Indian 
on this continent never gave such a spectacle, the world stood 
aghast and the German smiled a smile of self-satisfaction. 

For long the conflict raged, Canadians fought and bled and 
died, many gallant young Americans joined our army, many joined 
the forces in France but the United States was neutral. 

Murder on land was followed by murder on the sea; Ameri- 
can lives went out in the waters as Belgian lives went out on the 
plain, and yet America held her hand. 

But when the promise solemnly made was contemptuously 
broken, when it became manifest that a wild beast, a tiger was 
abroad to which a promise was but something to be broken, when 
it became manifest that the Germany which was at war was the 
enemy of the human race, there was no longer hesitation. 

War was declared by America against the enemy of America 
because the enemy of every nation governed by humane and moral 
principle, an enemy determined to set at naught all principles of 
right, of mercy, of justice to attain his object. 

And America is united the un-American, disloyal, hyphen- 
ated, I disregard; they are annojdng but ridiculous and will 
vanish from sight once the United States seriously turns its atten- 
tion to them. Some day when Uncle Sam is not too busy, he will 
take a bath and have his clothes baked; and we shall then hear 
no more of the vermin. 


Is this not in a large measure the work of Abraham Lincoln ? 
Abraham Lincoln thought that in giving freedom to the slave 
freedom was assured to the free; in waging war against slavery 
he said "We shall nobly save or meanly lose the last best hope of 
earth." Britain grimly hanging on, France bleeding at every 
pore, Italy angrily and helplessly watching the Hun devastate her 
beautiful land look eagerly across the sea for the coming Ameri- 
can host who are nobly to save, not, please God, meanly to lose 
'the last best hope on earth and he who set free the slave for a 
United America half a century ago made it possible for a United 
America to keep free and democratic the weary nations fighting 
for life against the autocrat. 

It is a favorite thought of mine that the democrat and the 
a-utocrat are typified in the leading characters in that war for 
freedom and in this the man, the kindly Abraham Lincoln, the 
most perfect ruler of men the world has ever seen, the repellant, 
scowling Kaiser, the superman, one of the worst failures, the one 
fearing God and expressing ignorance of His will, the other 
patronizing the good old German God, congratulating Him on 
being a faithful ally and admitting Him almost to an equal 
partnership : Lincoln willing to hold McClellan's horses if he 
would but bring victory: William, arrogance personified, filled 
with overweening pride and insolence. Lincoln took as his models 
the Fathers of the Revolution and the good of all nations. The 
Kaiser, Alexander, 'Caesar, Theodoric II, Frederick the Great, 
Napoleon, Alexander, who, after deluging the world with blood, 
wept because there were no other worlds to conquer, Caesar, whose 
cold blooded slaughter of the unfortunate Gauls horrifies even the 
school boys, who have to pick out their meaning with the aid of 
grammar and lexicon; Theodoric, who murdered his guest at the 
banquet and slew his great Chancellor because he dared to insist 
on the innocence of one whom Theodoric had determined to de- 
stroy. Frederick the Great, the perjured thief whom all the rhe- 
toric of Thomas Carlyle cannot make into even a decent barbarian. 
Napoleon, who also sought world power and cared little how he 
got it, who sprinkled kings of his own family over Europe like 
grains of pepper out of a pepper pot, who cared no more for the 


blood of the common man than for the life of a fly such are the 
Kaiser's chosen models and he strives hard to better their example. 
If the President had a reverence for contract the Kaiser treats 
it as a scrap of paper; Lincoln gave up Mason and Slidell though 
he thereby angered the North because the rules of international 
law forbade their retention, the Kaiser boldly says there is no 
longer any international law and murders at sea as on land. The 
American instructed Francis Lieber a Brandenburger be it said, 
one who never forgot that he was a Brandenburger, a Prussian, 
a German to draw up rules for the conduct of his troops, a war 
code the best, the most humane known to its time and never im- 
proved upon ; the Prussian ! The cities, villages and plains of 
France and Flanders cry aloud his infamy, slaughtered non-com- 
batant, outraged woman, starved child, ruined fane, poisoned well, 
the hideous story is all too well known, the world will not for 
generations forget the nightmare horror of Belgium, and so long 
as devotion to duty, sincere patriotism and unaffected piety and 
self-sacrifice command the admiration of the world, so long will 
be held in memory the name of that illustrious martyr to the 
German rules of war, Edith Cavell. 

America is at war. Why? What is the real reason? It is 
the same as why Britain and her fairest daughter Canada are at 

It is that the principles which were dear to Lincoln may 
prevail, that malevolence and overweening pride may have a fall, 
that the awful doctrine of the superman may be destroyed, that 
humanity may be vindicated, that the free shall remain free and 
the enslaved made free, that the people of every land shall say 
how and by whom they will be governed, that militarism may be 
phown to be not only a curse but also a failure; that it may 
clearly appear that contract breaking, lying, cruelty, do not pay. 

Until that lesson is learned and thoroughly learned, the 
Prussian must remain without the pale of friendly converse with 
other nations unlike him; but the lesson when learned will be 
abundantly worth the pain experienced in learning it. Let but 
the arrogant superman lay aside his intolerable assumption of 
superiority, let him lay aside the brutality symbolized by the 


scowl of his Kaiser, let him feel the moving spirit of democracy 
and benevolence toward others, let him in a word become human 
and he may be met as an equal, esteemed and loved as a friend. 

But until that time comes, we must -fight on if the Germans 
conquer then nothing else is worth while. All the silly attempts 
at a German peace must be received with the contempt which they 
deserve, the conempt with which Lincoln looked upon the efforts 
of many to compromise. He could not compromise with slavery, 
we cannot compromise with autocratic pretensions. We cannot 
lay down the sword till democracy and our civilization are safe. 
We will never accept the Kultur of Prussia. 

We must expect reverses, bitter disappointments, loss of hard- 
earned ground, luke warm friends, incessant spying, incessant 
attempts to weaken our resolve but these must not discourage 
us, the goal is clear ahead and there is no discharge in this war. 

Thirty-five thousand Canadian lads, three thousand from my 
own city, of high courage and high promise lie under the sod, 
having given their all for us, having made the supreme sacrifice 
for civilization a hundred thousand are crippled or wounded in 
the various hospitals tens of thousands of Canadian mothers are 
broken-hearted yet we must carry on. 

So too, America must now take her share of the burden; 
hating war as she does she must fight as never before, for there 
never was a war like this before every nerve strained, all her 
resources called out, man and woman and child each in his own 
way doing his very best, even so the road will be long and hard, 
and ever and anon the heart will be sick from hope deferred. 

There cannot be any doubt of the final result right must 
triumph and wrong be put down, but there can be no slackening 
of the efforts put forth for victory. 

One Canadian soldier bard has sung with a curiosa felicitas 
not excelled, I think, since the times of Horace : 

"In Flanders fields the poppies grow 
Between the crosses row on row 
That mark our place and in the sky 
The larks still bravely singing fly 


Scarce heard amidst the guns below 
We are the dead. Short days ago 
We lived, felt dawn, saw sunset glow, 
Loved and were loved, and now we lie 
In Flanders fields. 

Take up our quarrel with the foe, 
To you from failing hands we throw 
The Torch be yours to hold it high ! 
If ye break faith with us who die 
We shall not sleep though poppies grow 
In Flanders fields." 

(The poet, my friend, Lieutenant Colonel John McCrae him- 
self now lies in Flanders fields, having made the last, the supreme 
sacrifice for God, for King and for the right.) 

So your dead are calling you few they are now but many 
they will be your hearts will ache like ours but thank God your 
courage is as high, your faith as serene. 

As Lincoln before the dead at Gettysburg, so you before your 
dead in France and we before ours in Mesopotamia and Syria, at 
Gallipoli and Saloniki and wherever on the western front the battle 
has been waged most fiercely at St. Julien, Vimy Ridge, Paschen- 
daele, Courcelette must offer up the vow "It is * * * for 
us to be * * * dedicated to the great task remaining before 
us, that from these honoured dead we take increased devotion to 
that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion, 
that we * * * highly resolve that they shall not have died 
in vain, that the world under God shall have a re-birth of free- 
dom and that government of the people, by the people and for 
the people shall not perish from the earth." May we be strength- 
ened to carry out the like resolve to his, "With malice toward none, 
with charity for all, with firmness in the right as God has given 
us to see the right, let us strive to finish the work we are in 
to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and last- 
ing peace." 


For those who mourn the dead will come the consolation: 

"To yearning hearts that pray in the night 
For solace to ease them of their pain 
For those who will ne'er return again 
There shines in the darkness a radiant light- 
A vision of service at God's right hand 
For the noble, chivalrous, youthful band 
Who gave up their all for God and the Eight. 

"God will repay what we owe to Youth, 
Youth that sprang at their Country's call, 
Youth ready to give up their all 
For God and Country, Freedom and Truth, 
For love of home and a scathless hearth, 
For all that ennobles this transient earth 
Imperilled, overshadowed by 'woeful ruth'." 

For God and the right? Yes we fight not for Britain, for 
France, for America alone, not even for the democratic nations 
alone. Just as Lincoln when pouring his hosts against the South 
knew that he was fighting for the South and the future of the 
South, so we straining every muscle against Germany and her 
allies are fighting for them and their future. We do not arrogate 
the right to dictate to them how they are to be governed. Our 
arms may persuade them by the only argument they can fully 
understand that there is no need of loss of liberty to hold the 
Fatherland secure that democracy can wage a war and defend a 
land in the long run more effectually than autocracy; but if they 
resist our persuasion, that is their affair every nation has the gov- 
ernment it deserves. But they must learn that people of our race 
are not to be bullied, that we are not subdued by threat or by 
brutality and Schrecklichkeit has no terrors over us. Having 
learned that democracy has the will and the power to live they 
may choose their own form of government; but they must keep 
"hands off" ours. 


Free America, America who more than a century ago fought 
that her sons might be free, who fought half a century ago that 
the helpless black might be free, we welcome you to the great 
Armageddon wherein you will fight that the world may be free. 
Germany must share the benefits of your victory. Once she has 
seen the light, has learned the truth of the apostle's words "God 
has made all nations of men of one blood," when her people have 
learned that men of other nations are their brethren not destined 
to be their slaves, that "The earth is the Lord's and the fullness 
thereof" then may be seen on earth what the poet saw in his vision 
of the heavens: 

"I dreamt that overhead 

I saw in twilight grey 
The Army of the Dead 

Marching upon its way. 
So still and passionless, 

With faces so serene, 
That one could scarcely guess 

Such men in war had been. 

"No mark of hurt they bore, 

Nor smoke, nor bloody stain ; 
Nor suffered any m'ore 

Famine, fatigue or pain; 
Nor any lust of hate 

Now lingered in their eyes 
Who have fulfilled their fate, 

Have lost all enmities. 

"A new and greater pride 

So quenched the pride of race 
That foes marched side by side 

Who once fought face to face. 
That ghostly army's plan 

Knows but one rede, one rod 
All nations there are Man, 

And the one King is God. 


"No longer on their ears 

The bugle's summons falls; 
Beyond these tangled Spheres 

The Archangel's trumpet calls; 
And by that trumpet led 

Far up the exalted sky, 
The Army of the Dead 

Goes by and still goes by. 

"Look upward, standing mute ; 

(NOTE: I have read this beautiful poem of Barry Pain's on 
many occasions. I make no excuses for reading it again. W. R. R.) 



Member of the British Parliament 

I can scarcely remember the time when the name of Abraham 
Lincoln was not familiar to me. I still remember the strange 
thrill with which I listened to my professor reading out in the 
class the forecast in a newspaper as to what the different states 
of the Union were expected to do in case there came a war. I 
still remember the historic description of his interview with Abra- 
ham Lincoln by Goldwin Smith, one of the prominent Englishmen 
of his time, who was on the side of the North. 

The first speech I ever made was on the Civil War. Finally 
there comes back to me, with something of the poignancy of the 
hour the day when Dennis, the good old porter of my college, 
said with sadness on his face, that there was a rumor that Abra- 
ham Lincoln had been assassinated; it was in the days before the 
Atlantic cable and I suppose then news did not reach the small 
and remote Irish town in which I then lived till some weeks after 
the tragic event. 

But it was not until many years afterwards that I got some 
knowledge of Lincoln. One morning I found myself introduced 


to a man who was seated in a bath chair taking, like myself, the 
cure at Carlsbad. He looked the splendid ruin of a great west- 
ern man, the shoulders were unusually broad; the chest massive, 
the head massive and the massive features, and his expression gave 
a similar impression of a powerful temperament; powerful and 
yet genial and amiable. It was Ward Lamon, once a partner of 
Lincoln in this very town, afterwards his Marshal in Washington ; 
for many years his intimate friend; always his devoted admirer. 

Let me tell you the spirit in which I approach the study of 
Lincoln. In his case, as in the case of all public men, and indeed 
of all men who have influenced the world, I start from the principle 
of giving the whole truth and nothing but the truth. There is a 
tendency to make of Lincoln what is called plaster of paris saint; 
he is a saint in my secret calendar of saints; but you make less a 
saint of him trying to make him a plaster of paris saint. It was 
a great saying of Oliver Cromwell, "Paint me as I am, wart and 
all/' and Lincoln would probably have said the same thing. 

It is only snobbishness or prudery, or the vulgarity that some- 
times calls itself elegance, that seeks to portray Lincoln in in- 
human perfection. 

A great deal has been written on the very trivial question 
whether Lincoln's language was always that of the Sunday school. 
It wasn't; and some people have found it necessary to prove that 
he never used a big D. 

What ignorance such criticism displays of human nature and 
of the masters that understand and control human nature! Wis- 
dom is not effective which does not get to the simplest as well as 
to the erudite, to the plain people as well as the scholars. A 
gospel has failed which is not in the language of the people. 

The sayings of Lincoln are better known than those of any 
other president that ever lived in the white house. Many of these 
sayings summed up a whole world of wisdom and of policy in a 
single phrase which at once caught the imagination and reached 
the mind of his people, as for instance, when he warned the nation 
during his second election not to "swap horses when crossing the 
stream." If anybody object that his stories had sometimes phrases 
that are not used in the drawing room, again remembering my 


principle that we are dealing with a saintly man, but not a plaster 
of paris man. I am not concerned to prove that the language was 
not always that of the drawing room. 

Surely it is the merest prudery to contend that Lincoln's 
utterances so often in the somber philosophy of Solomon's vanity 
of vanities should also be combined with the healthy and wise 
laughter of "Don Quixote" or the Pickwick Papers. In this view 
of life, half ironical and yet pronouncedly serious, Lincoln was the 
embodiment of the point of view of the American people then 
and since. 

If you scrutinize his utterances through the different epochs 
of his career you find at once great variety and yet underlying 
unity. His first appeal to the people is that of a somewhat rough 
man. Then you pass on to the period when his style has some- 
thing of the pretentiousness of the self-educated man, until at last 
you reach the period when his utterances have the noble simplicity 
of the great masterpieces of literature. 

There has been a strange theory that there were two Lincolns, 
and that it is impossible to account for the Lincoln of the white 
house and the Lincoln of Springfield. Coupled with this there 
has been much said about the defects of his education, as that he 
was only a little less than a year altogether at school, that he never 
attended university, that he never was outside America. I hold 
very strongly to the opinion that a university education is a very 
useful part of the life of any man, for everybody ought to inherit 
the wisdom of all the ages. And yet in a way I would not have 
had the education of Lincoln other than it was. 

The greatest of all educators, the greatest of all universities, 
is the education and the university of life, always on the condi- 
tion that you live. Lincoln lived to the utmost. There wasn't 
a part of the life around him, there was scarcely a part of the life 
of the whole nation, except of the idle rich, of which he did not 
have personal experience. 

Like so many millions of other Americans, before and since, 
he had to work with his hands. He had to ,try storekeeping. He 
had to travel with baggage contained within the narrow frontier 
of his shabby tall hat from village to village and to occupy with 


his fellow lawyer the same room and even the same bed. Men 
born with silver spoons have occasionally in human history been 
the leaders in the revolt and in the liberation of the plain people, 
but it remains the general truth that most men can realize the 
lives, the difficulties, the joys, the sorrows of the plain people only 
if they have been plain people themselves. 

Imagine a president at the white house who had to ask mil- 
lions of his countrymen to fight their fellow countrymen, to die 
the death, to pass through this awful struggle of four years of 
sanguinary war, frequent defeat, frequent disaster ; imagine a 
president who came from the rich family of the crowded city, and 
I think you will realize the greater and the supreme fitness of 
Lincoln's training for Lincoln's task. It was because he under- 
stood the plain people that he was able to get the plain people to 
go through so tremendous and awful a strain. 

I have heard it said that if you want to get the real opinion 
of the real American, by which is meant that vast population that 
lives outside the great cities, on lonely farms or in small towns, 
you have to go to the popular forum that gathers around the 
stove of the rustic hotel. This was the forum in which Lincoln 
at once sharpened his mind and studied and realized his people. 
'Thus, graduating from the small stove to the big stove, from 
New Salem to Springfield, he was learning all the time. He was 
graduating in his university. 

When he burst upon the east of America, and then on all 
America, as some strange unknown portent neither the east nor 
America had a real conception of the man. To them he was a 
rough, untutored, unsuccessful, provincial lawyer, trained in no 
arts but those of small and squalid politics. 

"Who is this huckster in politics," asked Wendell Phillips; 
"who is this country bred advocate?" But he learned to know 
Lincoln better. In addition the ungainliness of his person much 
exaggerated had passed through the country, and especially 
through the South until he appeared, as Mr. Morse says, in his 
biography, "a Caliban in education, manners and aspect; the ape 
from Illinois, the green hand." There is a story of a proud 
South Carolina lady with fire in her eye, conempt in her manner, 


getting an interview with him. And when before the gentle face 
and the calm and passionless conversation she was subdued, she 
expressed her amazement. 

As a matter of fact, always every hour even of Lincoln's hard 
youth, was a preparation and a forecast of the Presidency. He 
himself thought of this culmination of his career from his earliest 
years and even in his earliest years he began his training. It is 
recorded that while still a child he was in the habit of addressing 
his boy and girl companions and could command their tears and 
laughter as easily as afterwards he commanded the whole nation. 

It is even still more remarkable that those who were brought 
into immediate contact with him even in his most squalid hours 
were impressed with his greatness. Offut, who lured him into the 
diastrous partnership in the store at New Salem, used to declare 
that he not only had the best storekeeper in the world, but a man 
who one day would be President of the United States. 

There are several other early prophecies of his future great- 
ness. I am very much struck by the fact, too, that in spite of the 
ungainliness of appearance set forth, of course, by ill-fitting 
clothes, he had an immense power of immediately impressing 
large bodies of people. All his biographers relate how before he 
addressed an audience he gave them a long look from those 
wonderful gray-blue eyes of his, and that this look nearly always 
produced an immediate and immense effect. It was at once a 
manifestation of conscious mastery on his part and realization 
in the audiences of being faced by a master. 

Those who didn't know him to be great were either those 
who were ignorant of him altogether or who, as is said to have 
been the case, were themselves too small to realize his greatness. 
His greatness at the White House was but the flowering of the 
seed that had been germinating in the days of his sad childhood 
and squalid youth. 

Lincoln lived, moved and had his being in the city partly 
southern in its geographical situation, intensely southern in the 
sympathy of many of its people. Lincoln had almost every hour 
of the terrible four years of the Civil War to face division of 
opinion in almost every section of the country. Consequently 


even after he had apparently reached safe ground he found the 
ground trembling and sinking under his feet. Among old political 
foes he found so grotesque a creature as Vallandigham of Ohio 
rise to a formidable enemy. Horace Greeley, one of the pioneers 
of the policy of emancipation, was weeping or appealing or de- 
nouncing at every critical hour. 

This was the atmosphere of vituperation and disparagement, 
of disunion and false sentiment in which he lived from the first 
hour when a disgusted and supercilious Washington gave a scant 
welcome to this western man of the people. My friend, Ward 
Lamon, from among his very valuable records of the period showed 
me some of the attacks of papers, the brutality of which give me 
a shudder that recurs whenever I recall it. In times of war pas- 
sionate and malignant rumor is busier and more fertile than in 
times of peace. There wasn't a step or a word of Lincoln's that 
wasn't scrutinized, misinterpreted, misrepresented by tens of 
thousands of malignant eyes. 

Don't suppose because you laugh at these things today that 
Lincoln could laugh at them. He had the courage to go steadily 
on his way in spite of them all, but he went with bleeding heart 
and bleeding feet through that road of Golgotha. He was, as I 
have said, an intensely impressionable man, looking for the love 
in others that he gave to others, and we everywhere find upon him 
this hideous array of ignorant, rancorous and unscrupulous attack. 

Have you ever, in thinking of the day of Appomattox, 
thought of the days that preceded them, the days after Bull Eun 
and Fredericksburg ? I own that as I read the descriptions of 
his contemporaries of that face, drawn, aged, gray as the gray 
walls of the chambers of the White House, with sleepless nights 
and days overhung with the hereditary gloom aggravated by all 
the anxiety and bloodshed and horrors, Abraham Lincoln appears 
to me as pre-eminently the greatest man of sorrows since he to 
whom that title was first given. 

There never was a moment in the history of this country 
since the death of the illustrious man, by whose ashes we stand 
today, when the inspiration and lessons of his life are more 
needed by his people and his country. As a man, he stands as 


much alive as though he were still among us. He is a flaming 
torch which leads on the inner soul of every American, whether 
he is standing by the honor of his country in his work at home 
or marching over barbed wire trenches against shell and cannon, 
to wounds or death. What American can be cowardly when his 
courage inspires, What American be selfish when his utter unsel- 
fishness is recorded in every page of his history? What Ameri- 
can can prefer the claims of ambition or party in face of his 
forgetfulness of all personal and partisan feeling before an im- 
perilled nation? What American can entertain or tolerate the 
very thought of a divided allegiance in face of his passionate 
patriotism and of the inflexible resolution with which he fought 
for a united nation? 

Some men live by their writings, some by their glory on 
battle fields, some by their statesmanship, but there are rare men 
who, in addition to these great title deeds to immortality, live in 
the memory and gratitude of men as an undying inspiration by 
their own personal character and life. Such a man was Lincoln. 
Consider him in any of the many changes in his checked life, 
in private or in public; he never fails in your expectation of the 
highest. He was free from personal animosity or vindictiveness. 
He could smash the subtle logic of Stephen A. Douglas and meet 
him the same evening with a cordial outstretched hand a splendid 
private friendship amid political differences that illuminate the 
life and character of Douglas as well as Lincoln. 

In forming his cabinet, Lincoln did not choose little men 
that might on the one hand be subservient, and on the other, by 
their obscurity concentrate attention on his central glory. He 
chose great minds to share with him the awful task of saving 
the Union Chase and Seward and Stanton; men that had been 
his rivals and that divided with him in equal, sometimes in even 
larger degree, the affection and support of the great masses of the 
country. In the friction and dissent that are inevitable in even 
the best ordered and the most honorable assemblage of able men, 
he always said the right thing, always did the right thing, could 
be inflexible in his own opinions and respectful of the opinions 
and still more of the feelings of others. Thus he was the greatest 


chief of a cabinet that ever lived in the White House. The sweet- 
ness of temper that kept from his lips a word of impatience, the 
absence of even one word of self-esteem, the generous sharing 
with others of all the glory of victory, these things make him the 
greatest gentleman that ever lived in the White House. In his 
choice of policy when so many things were to be said in favor of 
one course or another, he opposed with tenacity and patience the 
opposition of political foes, the indiscretions of friends, the mis- 
taken haste and narrowness of political zealots. Biding his time, 
choosing his own path to the great end, he always proved to be 
right. Through all the black night of defeat, amid divided coun- 
sel, factious and inept opposition, he led the people to the full 
sunshine of victory, the nation united forever, the slaves emanci- 
pated forever. Thus he was the greatest statesman that ever lived 
in the White House. Try to figure this man as he really was in 
his inner heart and soul. He was not of joyous nature. From 
hereditary or other causes he was a man who lived under the 
overshadowing gloom of melancholy. There was nothing in him 
of that robust love of battle (as in General Jackson) which trans- 
formed the battle field into the romance and chivalry of the per- 
sonal jousts of the knights of old. Still less was he one of the 
great adventurers of history that find in even sanguinary deeds 
the laurels that transform them into a Caesar or a Napoleon. 
A burden though it was to him, that inner sadness has always 
appeared to me as suiting him for his task. It made him kin 
with all suffering men; like to the Man of Sorrows to whom in 
his humanity he bears so striking a resemblance, his message is 
often but a variation of the Sermon on the Mount in its plea for 
the poor, the righteous, the merciful. It was this sadness and 
sympathy with all men, this ever present inner outlook on the 
transience, the griefs, the trials of human life that lifted him 
above personal vanity and personal feeling. Yet, was it not 
strange destiny that in a world out of joint, gave to this man the 
awful and tragic task of waging war amid changing and often 
black fortunes, through an unexpected length of time, amid a 
multitude of horrors. And again, does it not raise him still higher 
in our estimate that yet he went on to the end, equal and resolute, 


without ever listening to the shouting and reproachful world out- 
side or to the somber forebodings in his own breast. 

In thus overcoming others and in overcoming himself in this 
most terrible of all times, he was the strongest man that ever lived 
in the White House. 

If you give full credit to all the brilliant men that helped 
him in the council chamber,, to the generals whose skill won the 
victories in the field, Grant and Meade, Thomas and Sherman, 
Sheridan and Logan; yet the supreme fact of the war is that 
Lincoln was the man of men, the real leader, the one who towered 
above all the others. And here again, it is the personality of 
Lincoln that is the heart of the mystery. It may be true, as 
some of his intimates like your respected and venerable citizen, 
Mr. Bunn, insist, that nobody in this, his town, nor in any circle 
of friends, dared to offend his natural and commanding dignity 
by any address more familiar than "Mr. Lincoln," yet it was not 
as "Mr. Lincoln" that he was known to the plain people and to 
the soldiers. To them he was honest Abe" or "Uncle Abe" or 
"Father Abraham." That meant that though hooted at, insulted, 
disparaged, despised, a huckstering politician, in the words of a 
great and good man who did not realise him, the plain people 
and the fighting soldier always understood him. They saw through 
all the poison gas in which enemies sought to cloud the glory of 
his character; realized his simplicity, his human nature, his 
tenderness, his honesty, his single-minded patriotism, and in defi- 
ance of the intrigues of politics and the misrepresentation of per- 
sonal enemies they re-elected him as the good, the true, the wise 
and the merciful man that could best lead them out of the wilder- 
ness into the light. 

Lowell is right in attributing this hold of Lincoln on the 
popular heart largely to the fact that he was in the truest sense 
of the word the first American that ever ruled in the white house. 
His predecessors were, of course, as good Americans as he, but, 
perhaps with the exception of General Jackson, they were courtly 
gentlemen who had been born in easy circumstances and refined 
homes. He was a man who had led the life of the frontier pio- 
9 C C 


neer, who had fought the primeval fight of man with nature, who 
had helped to gather in a portion of the wild and untilled heritage 
that nature had given to America. He was a man who had worked 
for small daily wage, with literally horny hands and "been forced 
to all sorts and conditions of life to make a scanty living. He 
had dwelt among the real fathers of America the fathers who, 
though they have not written constitutions or Declarations of In- 
dependence, have in wild and remote settlements in the solitude 
of forest and virgin soil brought into heing the great America of 

Lincoln was in the best sense of the word the self-made man, 
and the self-made man is the typical American. Of the energy, 
the self-reliance, the simplicity and the stern straight-forwardness 
which are still the spiritual foundations of American character, 
Lincoln was the embodiment. He was the embodiment of the 
other characteristics of the genuine American. Lowly, almost 
squalid in his birth and upbringing, poor all his life, child of the 
lonely cabin in the prairie, who wielded with his own hand the 
axe and the plow ; how in the small rural store of the village, then 
in the ill-paid postoffice, the country lawyer, traveling with a small 
equipment of baggage, and willing to share a bedroom with a 
friend, yet Lincoln became the gentleman in manner and appear- 
ance, in speech and demeanor as well as in the higher spiritual 
gifts of the soul. What nation could produce its greatest citizen 
out of such modest material but a Eepublic, which teaches to all 
its children, from their earliest hours, the equality, the pride, the 
self-reliance, the dignity that are the birthright of every child of 
a Eepublic? Thus the American people recognized in Lincoln 
not only the embodiment but the vindication of their institutions. 
Thus Lincoln was the greatest and most genuine American that 
ever lived in the white house. 

Again, Lincoln is the most marvelous example of the easy 
and instinctive self-development of the child of the American 
Eepublic. Scanty in schooling, poor in the learning of the ages 
and the books, he produced speeches and writings that in their 
simplicity, their choice of the right word, their directness, their 
measured eloquence, are as much masterpieces of literature as the 


dialogues of Plato or the orations of Demosthenes. And so Lin- 
coln was the greatest man of letters that ever lived in the White 

Finally, in the midst of all the storms of his day, while others 
raged, he did not rage, while others hated, he did not hate, while 
others cried for vengeance, he preached forgiveness. He was thus 
the greatest Christian that ever lived in the White House. 

Such, then, was the man. What of his gospel, and especially 
what of his gospel as applied to the position of Lincoln's country 
today? Can any man doubt where he would stand if in the crisis 
through which his country is now passing he was still its ruler? 

His attitude with regard to the problems of his country today 
can be ascertained almost as clearly as if he were still alive still 
at the White House; indeed so clear is this that you can pick a 
text in absolutely his own words that meets every problem that 
answers every question that rouses every hope, and dissipates 
every apprehension of the hour. 

Do you think that America could remain free while Europe 
was enslaved? Then the voice of Lincoln comes to you with the 
words "This 'Government cannot endure permanently half slave 
and half free." 

Have you any doubt as to the justice of President Wilson's 
demand that nations shall have the right of choosing their gov- 
ernment and shaping their own destinies? Listen to Lincoln. 
Lincoln's words : "What I do say is that no man is good enough 
to govern another man without that other's consent," or listen 
again to the passage which though applied to the extinct slavery 
of the New World is still applicable to the existing slavery which 
Germany imposes and seeks to extend on the world today : "When 
the white man governs himself that is self-government; but when 
he governs himself and also governs another man that is despo- 

When President Wilson addressed his appeal to the masses 
of Germany he might have quoted from Lincoln the words, "Those 
who deny freedom to others deserve it not for themselves and 
under a just God cannot long retain it." 


If you want the summing up of the issue between your nation 
and the Hohenzollerns here it is again in the precise words of 
Lincoln: "Two principles have stood face to face from the be- 
ginning of time and will ever continue to struggle the one is 
the common right of humanity and the other is the divine right 
of the kings." 

Could your task be better expressed than in these words : "It 
has been said of the world's history hitherto that might makes 
right. It is for us and for our times to reverse the maxim and 
to show that right makes might." 

And finally if throughout a struggle which may be prolonged 
and must be checkered there be any faint hearted enough to think 
that you should end the struggle in an indecisive peace, let them 
go back to Lincoln and study his attitude in the hour of America's 
greatest tribulation. Here was a man distinguished above other 
men by his tenderness, pity and love ; tenderness, pity and love 
not bounded by even human beings but extended to animals; so 
hateful of even necessary punishment that over and over again we 
have the phrase of bursting relief, "Give me that pen," as he 
rushes to sign a pardon. So considerate even in a time of frenzied 
passion, violent hate and boundless and cruel abuse as to be able 
to say "I have not willingly planted a thorn in any man's bosom." 

Assailed, denounced wildly, importuned incessantly by the 
Horace Greeleys and other humane but unwise adherents of the 
unfinished work, think of all this in Lincoln's life and then see 
the inflexible tenacity with which he went through all the bloody 
horrors and often the unmitigated gloom of the Civil War to the 
end. "War," he said, "has been made and continues to be an 
indispensable means to the end." Or take the words, "I hope 
peace will come soon, and so come as to be worth, the keeping in 
all future time." 

Or finally, take these words, which are almost like the thunder 
from Mount Sinai: 

"The fight must go on. The cause of civil liberty must not be 
surrendered at the end of one or even one hundred defeats." 

The spirit then of Lincoln is the spirit of Wilson. Higher 
indeed than the spirit of Lincoln or Wilson or Washington is the 


spirit of the American people that people with all the vast changes 
brought about by all the flowing tides of immigration from ail the 
races of the world remains one in purpose, in fundamental convic- 
tion; in essential ideals; in temperament. This nation founded 
by men who abandoned home and property and safety and sought 
over tempestuous seas new and unknown homes to flee from tyranny 
remain the unconquerable enemies of tyranny. The spirit of the 
signatories of the Declaration of Independence is still the spirit of 
America. It is the children of their loins and of their ideals that 
are the governing spiritual and political forces of the nation. 

Today the problem is different and yet essentially the same 
as brought the men and women to Plymouth Rock. They sought 
liberty instead of slavery of the Old World today they are giving 
back to the Old World the liberty which they established in the 

Like the Man of Sorrow, he drank the chalice in his garden 
of Gethsemane to its dregs, though often he wished that it might 
pass away. Like the Man of Sorrows, no cruelty would make 
him cruel. No undeserved suffering could make him hard. To 
his last hour and last words he remained the Abraham Lincoln 
known in his childhood tender, understanding, compassionate. 
Ever throughout all his messages the grim and inflexible resolu- 
tion to fight on to the end is interspersed with appeals to reason 
and to mercy. Throughout it all there is the refrain, "with malice 
toward none, with charity to all." 

It was mete that the day of such a man's taking off should be 
Good Friday. Tragic, horrible as was his assassination at such an 
hour, would it have been better for the world if it had been other- 
wise? Would he be today that powerful inspiration to all of us, 
to patriotism, towards firmness in the right, towards the noble 
life and the noble death if he had not so died? Today his coun- 
try and we are face to face again with an imperiled nation, with 
the old, old struggle between liberty and slavery, between might 
and right. Though dead, he speaketh. Laid low, he yet towers 
above your armies and your fleets. He is your invisible and your 
unconquerable leader. 

APRIL 18, 1918 

The official celebration of the Illinois Centennial, commemo- 
rating the one hundredth anniversary of the passage of the En- 
abling Act, was held in the Hall of Representatives on April 17th 
and 18th, under the joint auspices of the Illinois Centennial Com- 
mission, and the Illinois State Historical Society. Its impressive- 
ness was deeply felt by all who were present on that occasion. 

The Illinois Centennial Commission joined with the Illinois 
Historical Society in an interesting observance of the anniver- 
sary. The celebration began on the evening of Wednesday, April 
17th, with a session presided over by Dr. Otto L. Schmidt, presi- 
dent of the Illinois Historical Society, and chairman of the Cen- 
tennial Commission. There was a luncheon at the Illini Country 
Club at noon on Thursday the 18th, presided over by Dr. Schmidt, 
and attended by Governor Lowden and the other State officers, 
Justices of the Supreme Court, the speakers of the day, and other 
distinguished guests. At the same time, the ladies of this party 
were entertained at a luncheon at the St. Nicholas Hotel presided 
over by Mrs. Jessie Palmer Weber, secretary of the Historical 
Society, and of the Illinois Centennial Commission. Thursday 
afternoon at 3 :00 o'clock, another session was held, presided over 
by Dr. Schmidt. On Thursday evening the principal observance 
occurred. Governor Lowden presided at this session. 

All of the sessions were held in the Hall of Representatives. 

At the Wednesday evening session the address of welcome was 
delivered by President Edmund J. James, of the University of 
Illinois, who told of the early days of the State, and of its import- 
ance to the Union. Mr. H. J. Eckenrode, of Richmond, Virginia, 
discussed "Virginia in the Making of Illinois," and Professor 
Allen Johnson, of Yale University, delivered a most interesting 
address on "Illinois in the Democratic Movement of the Century." 



At the Thursday afternoon session, addresses were delivered 
by Professor Elbert Jay Benton, of the Western Eeserve Univer- 
sity, Cleveland, Ohio, and Mr. Charles W. Moores, of Indianapolis. 
Mr. Benton discussed "Establishing the American Colonial System 
in the Old Northwest," and Mr. Moore's paper was on "Indiana's 
Interest in Historic Illinois." Professor Clarence Walworth Al- 
vord, of the University of Illinois, editor-in-chief of the Cen- 
tennial Memorial History, was on the program to tell of the "Illi- 
nois Centennial History," but because of the lateness of the hour 
his paper was not given. 

Following the afternoon session, tea was served at Edwards 
Place, on the invitation of the Springfield Art Club. 

At the evening session, Hon. Louis Aubert, a member of the 
French High Commission to the United States, delivered an in- 
spiring address on the relation of the French to Illinois. Governor 
Lowden, in introducing Monsieur Aubert, paid a high tribute to 
the gallantry, the bravery and endurance of the French nation 
in the present crisis. The Centennial address was delivered by 
Hon. Edgar A. Bancroft, of Chicago. It was both eloquent and 

Following the evening session, a reception was held in the 
lower corridor of the State Capitol, and refreshments were served. 

Music for the various sessions was furnished by Mrs. Gary 
H. Westenberger of Springfield, who sang the Centennial songs; 
Miss Euby Evans, of Bloomington, who sang a group of songs; the 
John L. Taylor Orchestra, and the Temple Boys' Choir. The in- 
vocation was delivered at the opening session by Eev. William F. 
Eothenberger, and at the Thursday evening session by Bishop 
Granville H. Sherwood. Madame Aubert came to Springfield with 
her distinguished husband and Mrs. Edgar A. Bancroft also was 

The Hall of Eepresentatives was beautifully decorated with 
Centennial banners, United States flags, and the flags of the Allies. 
A large temporary stage was erected across the front of the hall, 
and on this the State officers, Justices of the Supreme Court, and 
other dignitaries were seated during the celebration. 


The celebration of the adoption of the Enabling Act on April 
18th was very general throughout the State. Schools and colleges, 
especially, observed the event. 

The program for the official celebration at Springfield was as 
follows : 


APKIL 17, 19188:00 O'CLOCK 


President of the Historical Society and Chairman of the 
Centennial Commission, Presiding 

Invocation. Eev. William F. Eothenberger 

"Illinois" Temple Boys' Choir 

Address of Welcome "The Illinois Centennial" 

President Edmund J. James 

University of Illinois 

Music .. . . .Temple Boys' Choir 

Address "Virginia in the Making of Illinois" . . H. J. Eckenrode 

Richmond, Virginia 

Music ..Temple Boys' Choir 

Address "Illinois in the Democratic Movement of the Cen- 
tury" Allen Johnson 

Tale University, New Haven, Connecticut 

3:00 O'CLOCK 

The Centennial Hymn Mrs. Gary H. Westenberger 

Address "Establishing the American Colonial System in the 

Old Northwest" Elbert Jay Benton 

Western Reserve University, Cleveland, Ohio 
Secretary Western Reserve Historical Society 

Address "Indiana's Interest in Historic Illinois" 

Charles W. Moores 



Address "The Illinois Centennial History" 

Clarence Walworth Alvord 

University of Illinois, Editor-in-Chief of the Centennial History 

Tea at Historic Edwards Place 5 :30 to 6 :00 o'clock 
By Invitation of the Springfield Art Club 



Governor of the State of Illinois, Presiding 

"Illinois Centennial March" Edward C. Moore 

John Li. Taylor's Orchestra 

Invocation Eight Reverend Granville H. Sherwood 

March "Freedom and Glory" .Edward C. Moore 

John Li. Taylor's Orchestra 

Address "A Message From France" The Hon. Louis Aubert 

Of the French High Commission to the United States 

Songs Miss Ruby Evans 


Centennial Address Edgar A. Bancroft 





President of the University of Illinois 

The committee in charge of this meeting has invited me to 
extend a word of welcome to our guests who have come from abroad 
to participate in this great celebration, which we formally inaugu- 
rate tonight the celebration of the hundredth anniversary of the 
admission of Illinois to the Union. 

I do not know just why the committee selected me for this 
honorable post unless indeed it is that I am one of the few surviv- 
ing members of the first families of Illinois. My grandfather, 
on my mother's side, Rev. Anthony Wayne Casad, entered land 
in what is now Clinton County on the site of the present city 
of Trenton in the year 1817; and moved his family the following 
year to St. Clair County and settled at Union Grove near what 
is now Summerfield. He shortly afterwards removed to Lebanon, 
in which or in the adjoining districts of which, he lived for some 
forty years. My mother was born in Lebanon and was so at- 
tached to her native state that with the exception of an occasional 
shopping trip to St. Louis she never even set foot outside of its 
boundaries, though she lived to be over fifty years of age. My 


father came into the state within ten years after it was admitted 
to the Union. And here I was born over sixty years ago and have 
lived most of my life within its boundaries. 

My father was a Methodist preacher, and in common with 
the members of his craft in that early day we moved from one 
appointment to another with great facility. We had hardly un- 
packed our goods and stowed them away in the parsonage in one 
town before we had to pull up and move on to the next at the 
order of the Bishop, or the earnest request of the parishioners 
either in the town we went to or sometimes the town we were 

It is sometimes said by men, who like to point a moral or 
adorn a tale, that Methodist preachers' boys are a pretty difficult 
lot of youngsters to get along with, and that in the early days 
at any rate the congregations were quite willing to see Methodist 
preachers move on, who had a considerable number of boys in 
the family. As our family numbered more boys than girls and 
as they were a somewhat mischievous lot, that fact may account 
for a greater degree of moveability than was characteristic of most 

However that may be, one of the incidental results of this 
continued habit of moving was that I got a pretty thorough ac- 
quaintance with a considerable number of different counties in 
the State; and I have no doubt that this acquaintances! 1 ip with 
settlers from the southern part of the State, and settlers from 
the extreme north, and settlers in the east and settlers in the 
west, and a consequent acquaintance with all the forces which went 
to make up the Commonwealth, had a very real influence in 
preparing me for the difficult duties of the position with which 
the people of Illinois have honored me during the last fourteen 

As a family we have lived in twenty-one different counties 
in this State, and I have known specimens of every kind of human 
being that has gone to make up what we call the Commonwealth 
of Illinois. 

Perhaps, it was for this reason that your committee invited 
me to extend to you on their behalf the most cordial welcome 


to this initial meeting of our celebration. However, whatever 
may have been the reason, I am very happy indeed that this 
privilege was accorded me. And in the name of the Common- 
wealth for whose Governor I speak, in the name of "the Centennial 
Commission in the name of the State Historical Society I bid you 
one and all a hearty welcome to this great occasion. 

The Commonwealth of Illinois has ever been hospitable to 
the new comer. Lying stretched across more than five and one- 
half parallels of latitude, embracing within its boundaries over 
four degrees of longitude, washed along the entire stretch of its 
western front by the Father of Waters, touching Lake Michigan 
at its extreme northeastern point and bounded for a portion of 
its territory by the Wabash, and for another brief stretch by the 
Ohio, it was so located that many lines of emigration from the 
east to the far west led through its territory. And here stopped 
very many people who had started from their eastern homes 
along the Atlantic seaboard and farther east from beyond the 
seas with the intention of going to California, some of them 
because they were bankrupt and couldn't get farther some be- 
cause they got stuck in the mire and could not pull out some 
of them because they were attracted by the climate and soil, by 
the flowers and streams of the prairie state, lingered, entered 
land, developed it and became the pillars of the Commonwealth. 

From every State in the Union, from every European coun- 
try and from Asia and Africa as well, scores and hundreds and 
thousands and tens of thousands of human beings some for one 
reason and some for another have poured into the territory of 
this great State and joining hearts and hands have built it up 
from a group of trackless prairies and pathless forests within a 
century to one of the most enviable portions of the earth's sur- 
face no matter by what standard you judge such portions. 

Whether you wish to measure the glory of a state by its 
crops or minerals or fish or means of communication or banks 
or industries; or by its schools and colleges; or by its churches 
and its religion ; or by its willingness to provide for its dependents 
and defectives through its hospitals and asylums; or by the sacri- 
fices it has made for the country and the world, in this case, 


through the service of its sons in southern fields to preserve the 
Union, and now on the blood stained fields of France to preserve 
peace and liberty and righteousness and justice for all men 
no matter what the test Illinois will compare favorably with 
any equal portion of the earth's surface which has behind it only 
a hundred years of separate political organization. 

And to all this we bid you welcome ! 

In the few minutes accorded me in this program, I do not 
know that I can do a better thing than to call your attention to 
the peculiar feature of our national polity which this day, whose 
anniversary we celebrate, signalized. 

Here was a great extent of fertile territory, occupied by a 
very small population some of it not occupied at all in any 
proper sense of the term simply moved over occasionally by a 
semi-nomadic hunting population consisting of a few bands of 
more or less savage Indians. 

Its favorable location, however, the fertility of its soil, its 
mineral wealth, its prairies, its forests, the wealth of streams, 
all indicated that as a part of the American Republic it was des- 
tined to be occupied by a rapidly growing population of white 
people of European origin, traditions and culture. 

How was it to be governed? Up to this time it had slowly 
been coming under the influence of institutions which found their 
origin in the early societies of Europe and other lands, which 
partly unconsciously and partly by formal governmental actions 
had been imposed upon them. For a short time before this date 
they or such of them as lived near enough together had had a 
certain privilege of helping to make some of the laws under which 
they lived. But such law making was only a matter of sufferance. 
It had been permitted by a Congress located far away on the 
banks of the Potomac and the permission could be withdrawn 
by the same power as had given it. 

This power said to this population on the 18th of April, 1818, 
you may now draw up a scheme of government for the regulation 
of your own affairs and if this plan is approved by our members, 
does not violate any of the clauses of our Federal Constitution 


and is otherwise in harmony with our American tradition we will 
let you form a state and come into our American Union of States. 
We will let you send chosen delegates to both houses of Congress 
and we will give you the same position so far as political privileges 
are concerned and the same share in the government of the coun- 
try as the other States of the Union; and at the same time we 
will give up all rights on our part to regulate your affairs for you 
and we will go farther, we will undertake to guarantee your inde- 
pendence as a political unit not only against the possible encroach- 
ments of other nations and other states; but against our own 
interference with your internal affairs. In return we shall only 
ask you to do your part as a member of the Union. 

Now we have become so used to this process of adding poli- 
tical units to our government that we seldom stop to think of 
how new a device it was in the history of politics and how difficult 
it was to introduce it with our system. 

One of the great problems of all human political history has 
been this very one of providing a peaceful and efficient means 
of aggregating human population. 

The ancient world in historic periods seemed to have dis- 
covered no way by which this could be done except by forcible 
annexation or conquest. Of course small communities have often 
united for purposes of defense against the aggressions of stronger 
powers. Families which grew large and then split apart some- 
times came together again and formed a union of tribes like the 

Rome seems to have grown out of a union of small tribes. Then 
it enlarged its union as in the admission to Roman privileges of 
sister cities and Italy; though this process was accompanied by 
long and bitter wars. 

She expanded later by planting colonies of Roman citizens 
in distant territories and ultimately extended the privilege of 
Roman citizenship to freemen throughout the Roman territory. 
But all this was accompanied by such bitter struggles that by the 
time it was accomplished the Republic had disappeared in the 


The greatest free nation outside of the American Eepublic 
our own mother country has not even yet been able to devise 
a scheme by which even the most progressive states of its great 
empire can be represented in its highest law making body. 

Canada, Australia, South Africa have no such relation to 
the Government of the British Empire as Illinois to the Federal 
Government of the United States. 

Now this device was not adopted in this country without a 
struggle and without the expression of grave doubts as to whether 
the scheme would not end in the early dissolution of the Union. 

Many of the States of the Atlantic seaboard looked forward 
with fear and jealousy to a time when the Senators fsoni the 
newer states which under such a policy could multiply rapidly, 
could easily outdo those from the older states, and to the time 
when the center of gravity would be on the banks of the Missis- 
sippi instead of on the banks of the Potomac. 

But with the adoption of this plan, friends, we have estab- 
lished a policy under which the rapid conquest of the heart of 
the continent was made possible and with that the foundations 
of the republic so securely laid that no combination of political 
powers could shake them. 

Now, of course, the conditions were favorable for the easy 
working of such a plan. 

We had already, when the plan was adopted, under our juris- 
diction the bulk of the territory which we ultimately gained this 
side of the Mississippi. It was mostly open territory without 
cities or towns or for the most part even any white population of 
respectable numbers. 

The only occupants were the American Indians who would 
not adopt the habits or customs of the whites and were not strong 
enough to resist the ever increasing tide of immigration. 

The first people to come in in large numbers were the roving 
and restless elements in the white population east of the moun- 
tains or the energetic and progressive elements of the people who 
had been thoroughly broken up by the events of the Revolutionary 
War and all of them had brought what political ideas they had 


from their homes in the Atlantic States. They were bourgeois in 
their notions. 

They had no settled population to overcome or to be swallowed 
up by. They had their Lares and Penates with them and set 
up their family altars by every stream, in every forest along the 
foothills of every mountain chain and finally in every prairie and 
speaking generally they had none to molest or make them afraid. 

They were men who could and did build states ; held all terri- 
tory they acquired; and were ever ready to acquire more. 

The disturbance in Europe incident to the Napoleonic Wars 
favored their peaceful and undisturbed development and threw 
Louisiana into their lap and by the time they were ready to seize 
the northern part of Mexico no European state was strong* 
enough to prevent it. 

This device therefore, of which the event we celebrate to- 
night was an excellent specimen, might not have worked in 
any other country though the development in Canada has been 
somewhat similar but it was certainly here a glorious success. 

And when this Great War is over and our Allied armies have 
entered the city of Berlin and the wise-men of all nations are 
gathered around the Counsel Board to determine how the world 
may be made safe for democracy and how justice and righteous- 
ness and peace may be established in this war torn world, I am quite 
sure that some plan of world federation will be adopted under 
which any nation or state may enter the federation on the same 
terms as Illinois entered the American Union, viz. : a constitution 
in harmony with the principles of such world federation, a promise 
to abide by the general traditions of free nations as expressed in 
the constitution of the federation and in return receiving the 
guarantee of the federated nations that she would be protected 
in her local self government and independent against all attacks of 
predatory kings or peoples no matter how strong they may be. 

In this work our own country must lead and give the decisive 

And Illinois will be found shoulder to shoulder with her 
sister states in extending and guaranteeing to all peoples in the 
world the privileges which have been hers. 




It is my privilege to bear the fraternal greetings of the Vir- 
ginia Historical Society to this assembly on the happy and au- 
spicious occasion of the celebration of the one-hundredth anni- 
versary of the Statehood of Illinois. It is also my honor and 
pleasure this evening to speak of the part played by Virginia in 
the origin and development of Illinois. 

Illinois has been often called, and with reason, the foremost 
commonwealth of the "Union; and, as we see it today, it is great, 
prosperous) rich in material wealth and rich in human happiness. 
It is a type of modern civilization, offering all that seems best 
in twentieth-century life. But it is not of the present Illinois, 
in which it has been your fortunate lot to be born, that I am 
here to speak, but of that Illinois of long ago, the Illinois of forests 
and uninhabited prairies, of Indians and wild beasts the embryo 
Illinois, still unshaped by fate, as it waited to be born. The task 
is mine to outline those prenatal forces which determined what 
Illinois should be, when, in the fulness of time, it became a com- 
munity of civilized men. 

Happily there is no tendency today to begrudge the South 
the credit due to it for its share in the making of America. After 
the long estrangement all parts of the United States are now 
joined in a fraternal love and fellowship which augurs well for 
the future of the nation. One of your finest Middle West states- 
men one of the finest Americans of the present generation, in 
my opinion ex-Senator Beveridge of Indiana, in his great work 
on John Marshall, has generously acknowledged the important 
contribution of Virginia to the development of America. 

In the publications of the Illinois Historical Society, which 
are a model of scholarship and of the book-maker's art as well, 
the great work done by Virginia in the West is set forth at length. 
Indeed, in recent years there has been a growing tendency all 
through the North and West to appreciate at its full worth the 
part of the South in the moulding of the American nation, and a 


realization that without the South the National life would be the 

The discovery of America was one of those events which 
should help to confirm our faith in Providence, even in spite of 
the fearful turmoil of the present. The discovery was not only 
a matter of supreme good fortune to mankind, but the time of 
discovery as well. It came at the end of the Middle Ages, in a 
period of great change and rapid development, when the influence 
of such an unprecedented happening produced its maximum effect. 
If the Norse had colonized America centuries before Columbus, 
there would have been only another feudal Europe on our shores; 
if the discovery of America had been delayed until Europe had 
come into full contact with India and the East and had completed 
the growth of the new civilization which came into being at the 
close of the feudal era, America would not have so greatly in- 
fluenced the life of humanity. But the discovery, by enlarging 
man's physical world by vast, uninhabited regions at the very 
moment when his spiritual and intellectual vision was enlarging, 
proved decisive of the future of the race. 

At the end of the Middle Ages, European man had passed 
through the centuries of disorder and anarchy following the de- 
struction of antique civilization and was busily engaged in evolv- 
ing a life which embodied the germ of representative government 
and the other great, distinctive modern ideas. 

Much had been learned in the Middle Ages, but man had 
suffered very grievously in the course of his hard schooling. 
Political and social caste had become more deeply imbedded in 
human consciousness than at any other time in human existence, 
and democracy was as yet almost unthought of. Sir Thomas 
More's Utopia, written at this time, seemed a hopeless dream of 
justice and equality. Class distinctions were embodied in law, 
and the chance for the poor man, the obscure man, in England 
as in all European countries, was exceedingly small. There was 
then, at the time of the discovery of America, a young and plastic 
civilization, full of promise but threatened with destruction by 
the growing economic pressure due to an increasing population., 
10 C C 


Some way of emancipation was needed and the New World sup- 
plied the need. 

When the English settled America Virginia first in 1607, 
and Massachusetts a few years later they brought with them 
the ideas, traditions and prejudices of medieval Europe, along with 
the priceless inheritance of English liberty and English institu- 
tions. The contemporary accounts of American life in the first 
century of colonization do not make cheerful reading De Foe, for 
instance, paints a dreary picture of Virginia, and there is no 
hint in his description of the splendid civilization maturing beneath 
the surface . In New England, too, there was a long age of 
religious bigotry and narrow living of smallness and dulness 
before the New England spirit gained its great historic growth. 

But gradually, in the vast areas of America, in the immense 
stretches of pine and oak forest, offering breathing space and 
working-space and happiness-space to the immigrants from crowded 
Europe, a spiritual revolution was wrought. 

Every individual was offered a chance to become a free man 
that is to make a decent living for himself and for his family 
without a master over him. The pine forests have proved good 
for the health of the ailing body; they are also good for the 
ailing spirit. European man came sick to the American shores 
and in the wild, untenanted woods his soul found healing. He 
began to lose his age-long class consciousness and to stand erect 
and free. 

The English in Virginia, favored by a good soil and a kindly 
climate, built up one of the two civilizations which were destined 
to grow into the United States. The other was developing, at the 
same time and quite independently, in New England. 

The community founded by the tobacco planters in Virginia 
was one of the most notable and influential in modern history, 
by reason of its singular charm and its solid merit as well. It 
was a life of great freedom and eminent sanity that the planters 
lived on the beautiful rivers of Old Virginia. The spell of that 
life, so admirably described by our Ambassador to Italy, Thomas 
Nelson Page, has been cast over the whole South and West. Surely 
the gracious tradition of Middle West hospitality is Virginian in 


origin, and from the same source comes the Middle West joy of 

The fine tradition of English constitutional liberty flowered 
in the Virginia House of Burgesses, which, by the middle of the 
eighteenth century, had become in many ways the foremost legis- 
lative body in the world. The modern committee system was first 
perfected in the House of Burgesses, before the House of Commons 
in England and before our own Congress. 

In almost every way the House of Burgesses was a model of 
parliamentary procedure and enlightened legislation. It was this 
House of Burgesses which first perceived and resisted the sinister 
tendencies of the British government as these became manifest 
at various times in the eighteenth century. It maintained clearly 
and effectively the principle of constitutional government. 

In Virginia, in that wonderful period between the close of the 
French and Indian War and the close of the Eevolution, American 
democracy grew to fruition. The Virginia planters, far freer and 
far more generous in outlook than their brethren, the English 
landed proprietors, willingly adopted the ideals of democracy and 
gave them practical realization in the government of the common- 

It was the great democrat, Patrick Henry, whose name should 
be forever dear to the lovers of liberty, that first openly defied the 
British government and began the Eevolution. It was the equally 
great George Mason, who, in the Virginia Bill of Eights, laid 
down, once for all, the principles of free government, and who, 
in the Virginia constitution of 1776, gave the world the first 
written constitution. And there, too, was Thomas Jefferson, the 
greatest of them all, who wrote the Declaration of Independence 
and changed the ideal of national democracy from the dream- 
stuff of generous thinkers into that governmental system to which 
our allegiance and our lives are pledged. 

Virginia and New England together lighted the fires of the 
Eevolution and brought the American nation into being in that 
ever-happy year of 1776. But the outcome of the war with the 
greatest military power of the age was doubtful; and even if inde- 


pendence were achieved, it seemed likely that the United States 
would be bounded on the west by the Alleghany Mountains. 

There were then no American settlers in the vast region be- 
tween the Ohio River and the Great Lakes. A few Frenchmen 
were the only white inhabitants of this region, which was held by 
British garrisons at various points. If the year 1783 had found 
those garrisons still in possession, of the Illinois country, the 
ground we stand on would be English soil and not American. 
The whole history of the United States would have been different, 
its promise would have been frustrated. The United States today 
would be a second-rate power instead of the greatest and strongest 
nation on the globe. 

The fact is held in grateful remembrance by all Americans 
that a Virginian preserved our country from a thwarted destiny 
and gave to the republic the incomparable gift of the Middle West. 
Not equally well known is the share of the Virginia government 
in bringing about the fortunate consummation. 

George Eogers Clark was one of those immortal men who see 
through the darkness of the present to the may-be of the future 
and so save the world from the might-have-beens. Amidst all the 
distraction of the Revolutionary War as it raged in the East, 
Clark preserved a wise detachment. He realized the possibilities 
of the great forest-covered, Indian-haunted West. The West fasci- 
nated him and he turned from the opportunity of honorable serv- 
ice in the Continental Army to the greater service of claiming the 
West for America. He dreamed of leading an army past the 
Alleghanies and driving the British from the land. 

He could do nothing, however, without some governmental 
sanction and aid. And where was this aid to be obtained? 

The harassed Continental Congress, at its wit's end to keep 
the Eastern Army supplied and equipped, had no leisure or re- 
sources to devote to so remote an adventure as the conquest of 
the West. Clark's one chance lay in the favorable action of the 
Virginia government, and consequently he went to Williamsburg 
and laid his case before the authorities. 

Most fortunately for America and the world, 'Patrick Henry 
happened to be Governor of Virginia at the time, and he was the 


farther-sighted statesman of his age. When the young Clark 
pleaded with him for his great idea, Henry listened with sympathy. 
He then called in consultation Thomas Jefferson, George Mason 
and George Wythe, and the decision was made to send out the 
expedition destined to conquer the West surely one of the most 
fateful decisions ever made. 

It required courage on Henry's part to think of making efforts 
in a new field at such a time. My researches in the Virginia 
Department of Archives, which in recent years has become a center 
of historical study, taught me that Virginia's share in the support 
of the American Eevolution has been greatly under-estimated. The 
records show that through all the early years of the struggle, when 
the North* was the scene of invasion and therefore weakened in 
resources, immense quantities of beef and flour and thousands 
of guns went up Chesapeake Bay to Washington's Army. Indeed, 
it is hardly too much to say that that army could not have kept 
the field but for the aid given by the Southern commonwealth. 

Although the burden of the Eevolution thus rested so largely 
on Virginia, and every dollar was badly needed for the prosecution 
of the war in the East, Patrick Henry was sufficiently large-minded 
to see the vital importance of the West and to make a special effort 
to claim it. The means available were small and could not have 
been otherwise than small at such a moment. The obstacles were 
almost insuperable. Circumstances and men alike seemed to con- 
spire against the undertaking; and if it had not been for the 
unyielding will and unfailing enthusiasm of George Eogers Clark, 
the expedition would never have set out at all. 

But at last, in that history-making summer of 1778, Clark 
sailed down the Ohio to claim for America a land richer than all 
the El Dorados of the imagination. He had something less than 
two hundred men, and the little company trusted itself to the 
waters on rough wooden scows which were without other motive 
power than hand-poles. And yet his small expedition, armed 
only with rifles and poorly supplied with food and ammunition 
and everything else needed in campaigning, performed one of the 
most notable military achievements in the annals of war. 


That little band, drifting down the Ohio to the West through 
the interminable forest, carried with it the destiny of America. 
It carried with it all that Virginia had inherited from England 
and all that she herself originated or developed it carried the 
English law as applied in America, the idea of constitutional 
liberty, the fine qualities of planter culture, the democracy which 
had grown up under Henry and Jefferson and Mason a rich seed 
for the fertile soil of the Middle West. 

How the valiant handful came to Illinois and conquered is 
an old story through their matchless hardihood and their bravery 
they added the West to the United States. When Clark raised the 
American standard over the Illinois forts, the crisis had passed 
in the fate of the nation; it then became a question only of time 
before the United States should expand to the Pacific. All our 
great advance towards the setting sun was the logical outcome of 
the American conquest of Illinois. 

It is a fact most gratifying to a Virginian and flattering to 
his pride that the first organization of Illinois as American soil 
was accomplished under the government of Virginia. In the fall 
of 1778, the assembly constituted the new region the County of 
Illinois in the Commonwealth of Virginia. After the old Virginia 
fashion, a County Lieutenant, John Todd, Jr., was sent out to 
organize the county and govern it. Thus a Virginian county 
lieutenant was the first civil ruler of Illinois under the American 
flag. Todd appointed judges and effected such an organization 
as was possible in a territory of vast distances and few and alien 
inhabitants. In his letter of instructions to County Lieutenant 
Todd, Governor Henry struck the note of true Americanism as by 
some prophetic instinct: "You are on all occasions to inculcate 
in the people of the region the value of liberty and the difference 
between the state of free citizens of this commonwealth and that 
slavery to which Illinois was destined." Settlers from Virginia 
soon followed the soldiers, and the first permanent element in the 
life of Illinois was thus almost exclusively Virginian. 

The rest of the story is familiar to you how Virginia gener- 
ously resigned the territory which her arms had won to the gov- 
ernment of the United States, to be the common possession of all 


the states. In the due course of time now just a century ago 
Illinois began her great career as a sovereign State. The Virginian 
element in Illinois has been an honorable one, and many of the 
foremost citizens of the Commonwealth trace their origin to the 
Old Dominion. 

It will be seen that Virginia's share in the making of Illinois 
was a most important contribution. So, too, was that of New 
England. The New England settlers, who came by thousands in 
the early years of the nineteenth century, completed the work 
which it was Virginia's lot to inaugurate. Virginia did all in 
her power to fashion Illinois into an American Commonwealth. 
New England sent her finest blood, her keenest brains, to assist 
in the building of the great State of the Middle West. Here the 
two main civilizations have blended to produce the typical Ameri- 
can Commonwealth and the typical American spirit. The rich 
Illinois lands drew not only Virginian and New Englander, but 
Pennsylvanians and New Yorkers as well, and men from all the 
eastern states and from beyond the seas. Here all currents of our 
life met to build up in the Middle West the first distinctively and 
originally American communities. 

In the Middle West the process of nation-making was com- 
pleted. That process had had its origin in Great Britain and in 
Holland; and in the Atlantic states the ideal of free government, 
the germs of which had been borne across the ocean, had grown 
to flower. On the Atlantic slope modern democracy had its birth, 
and the modern attitude towards life came into existence. 

But neither Virginia nor New England represented the last 
stage in the long development. About both there lingered much 
of European custom and prejudice; both of them at times looked 
backwards towards the European shore. Both were too self-con- 
tained, too marked with local characteristics to produce the final 
type in American civilization. That was the work of the Middle 

The very names of the East are reminiscent of Europe Vir- 
ginia, Carolina, Maryland, New York, New England. They reflect 
the European colonization of the Atlantic slope. But the beautiful 
name of Illinois is novel and unmistakable ; it belongs to America 


and to America alone. It breathes the thought of a new world 
born in the free forests and the unfenced prairies of the West. 

In 1812, the London Times, in commenting on the victory 
of the Constitution over the Guerriere, spoke thus of the Ameri- 
cans: "They are of us, and an improvement on us/' In the 
same way the East may say of Illinois : "It is of the East and an 
improvement on the East." In Illinois an American community 
came into existence which had no direct contact with European 
life which was wholly American and growing to maturity in the 
age of the expansion of the American spirit. In the Middle West 
the last feudal scars on the soul of European man were smoothed 
away and mankind entered into the full enjoyment of modern 
life, with its broad democracy, its free opportunity and its hope 
of happiness. 

It was the part of Illinois and the Middle West to give the 
"world a fresh and rich civilization, which, it may be believed, will 
in the end transform the world. This civilization is democratic 
but it is also more than that. It is not the Athenian democracy 
of small things. It is a civilization which has vastly enlarged 
the prospect of man's material welfare. Here in the Middle West 
agriculture first became epic; on the broad prairies modern farm- 
ing machinery was first used with effect, and the world's food sup- 
ply was increased ten-fold. It is this largeness of life which the 
Middle West has added to the making of America. The Middle 
West is not a land of pettiness and smallness, of inertia and hesi- 
tation. It as a country of broad-minded men and women of 
people who go forward, who are not afraid of the untried, who 
look towards better things in the future because the present is so 
rich and full. 

We meet here in 'a solemn hour. The historic civilizations of 
Europe are dying. Science, art, literature, industry are perishing 
in the blood-flamed horror of the Great War. It is the fate of 
America to be the decisive factor in the struggle, to turn the even 
scales. When the titanic struggle for human right shall have 
ended, the United States will be the greatest, richest and most 
civilized country on earth. It will reach in a stride that manifest 
destiny which the forces of life marked out for the land more 


than a century ago, when the Middle West became American soil. 
How precious American civilization will be in the wreck of nations 
and the downfall of races, we can hardly appreciate as yet. 

But we do know even now that America, as great in her 
generosity as she is terrible in her wrath, will be the hope of the 
world and that the stars of Old Glory will shine more brightly 
than ever in the darkness of humanity's night. 

The place of Illinois in the history of the century just past 
is a great and honorable one. Her share in the achievement of 
the coming century will be even larger. Illinois has always stood 
four-square for patriotism, freedom and the right to live and grow 
for all the higher things of life. As never before the nation 
needs the virile democracy, the largeness of outlook, the open- 
mindedness of Illinois; and because of this need the hundredth 
anniversary of the birth of the great Commonwealth is a time of 
congratulation and a harbinger of good things yet to come. 



In the month of November, one hundred years ago, two con- 
gresses were in session four thousand miles apart. One was an 
inconspicuous gathering of plain citizens, representatives of the 
common people, charged with prosaic duties : the levying of taxes, 
the appropriating of public moneys, the framing of laws for a 
people still largely raw and rural, still amazingly ignorant of the 
vastness of their own country. This congress sat in an unkempt 
town whose public buildings had been burned, only four years 
before, by an invading army. The city of Washington was barely 
eighteen years old. 

The other congress convened at the ancient town of Aix-la- 
Chapelle, the German Aachen, shrouded in memories which went 
back to the Middle Ages, when German emperors were crowned 
in its famous cathedral and buried in full regalia in its deep 
vaults. The ashes of Charlemagne, so tradition said, lay under 


foot. This brilliant gathering was attended by royalty. The 
crowned heads of Eussia, Austria, and Prussia with their entour- 
age were present; the kings of Great Britain and France were 
represented by their ministers. These three monarchs had no 
mandate from their people, acknowledged no obligations to their 
people, sustained no intimate contact with their people. They 
were bound together by one of the most extraordinary alliances 
in all history the Holy Alliance which had emanated from the 
strange mind of Czar Alexander I of Russia. The unctuous 
phrases of the pious document which the impressionable Czar 
had offered to his fellow monarchs of Austria and Prussia might 
mean much or little. Metternich, prime minister of Austria, 
declared the preferred alliance a sonorous nothing; the English 
premier referred to it as a piece of sublime mysticism and non- 
sense. Its significance in history lies in its name which was soon 
applied to the combination of the five great powers that met at 

The presiding geinus of this European congress the domi- 
nating figure of Europe, indeed, for full thirty years was Prince 
Metternich. He was the living embodiment of that repressive 
spirit which seized the minds of reactionary rulers after the fall 
of Napoleon. He hated the French Eevolution with perfect 
hatred. To his mind the revolutionary spirit was a disease which 
must be cured; a gangrene which must be burned out with the 
hot iron. He abhorred parliaments and popular representative 
institutions. He represented perfectly the reactionary spirit of 
his liege sovereign who declared the whole world mad because it 
wanted new constitutions and who crushed remorselessly every 
trace of liberalism in his Austrian domains. Playing upon this 
common fear of revolution and this common hatred of popular 
sovereignty, Metternich bound the five great powers to a policy 
of repose, of political immobility, over against the propaganda of 
liberals throughout Europe. In case of further revolution in 
France that storm-center of popular unrest they were to unite to 
suppress it. By further congresses steps would be taken to 
cure the malady of revolution wherever it might break out. 
The year 1818 marks the beginning of that repressive policy which 


sounded the death-knell of popular government in the Old World 
for a generation. 

While this famous congress of monarch-hy-divine-right was 
setting the face of Europe against the mad doctrinairies who talked 
of constitutional government, our plain, sombre-clad congressmen 
on the banks of the Potomac were quietly and as a matter of 
course giving their approval to a constitution drafted by inhabi- 
tants of a distant territory where the native redman still roamed 
and where primeval forests and prairies still awed men by their 
great brooding silences. At the very time these self-appointed 
defenders of absolutism and the peace of Europe were leaving 
Aix-la-Chapelle, our national House of Kepresentatives was vot- 
ing to receive Illinois into the American Union on an equal foot- 
ing with the thirteen original states. 

In this contrast I find the fundamental reason for America's 
participation in the Great World War! And now once again, 
one hundred years after Aix-la-Chapelle, irresponsible government 
has thrown down the gage of battle, and American democracy 
has accepted the challenge ! 

I have mentioned Great Britain among the five powers who 
followed the lead of Prince Metternich. This is not the time or 
place to explain the circumstances that made contemporary Eng- 
land also reactionary. Enough that even the Mother of Parlia- 
ments had lost its true representative character. Many an Eng- 
lishman felt that he was losing his political birthright under the 
heavy, repressive hand of the Tory squirearchy. Much as he 
might mistrust the firebrands of liberalism in Europe, he had no 
heart for a policy which denied to a nation the right to choose 
its own political institutions. And it was the silent, indirect 
pressure of such Englishmen that eventually forced the British 
government to protest against Metternich's doctrine of interven- 
tion. Eventually, too, liberalism broke through the tough crust 
of British conservatism and achieved the reform of Parliament. 

It was in these days of the un-reformed Parliament, when 
representative government had become a farce, when the common 
man who did not possess a freehold worth forty shillings a year 
found himself a mere tax-payer without a vote, when a land- 


owning squirearchy monopolized political office and tabooed re- 
forms, that English yeomen farmers cast wistful glances overseas. 
Held fast between the insolence of wealth on the one hand and 
the servility of pauperism on the other, they could see no prospect 
of relief in Merrie England. There was only hollow mockery in 
the name. 

Happily we are not without direct personal records of these 
Englishmen who came to America on their own initiative or 
that of their fellow farmers and mechanics. As they made their 
way over the Alleghanies to the prairie country, they found 
America in incessant motion. U 01d America/' wrote Morris Birk- 
beck, one of these plain English farmers, "seems to be breaking 
up and moving westward." He was a correct observer. America 
was on wheels or on horseback. Conditions somewhat like those 
in Old England were driving New Englanders and Virginians and 
Pennsylvanians in a veritable human tide into the valley of the 
Ohio. The Commonwealth of Illinois was born in the midst of 
this swirling emigration. 

It has been the fashion of historians to ascribe this rapid 
westward movement to the lure of free lands. A fundamental 
instinct, no doubt, this passion for virgin soil that one may call 
his own. The pioneer who in his own clearing between the stumps 
of trees felled by his own hand, planted Indian corn in the deep 
rich illimitable rich black loam, was obsessed by one of the 
deepest of human emotions. This soil and the produce thereof 
was his his ! His sense of individual property became acute. 
Like Anteus of Greek mythology his contact with the soil in- 
creased his might. His manhood leaped to its full height as he 
brought acre after acre under cultivation. 

Yet other motives for the crossing of the Alleghanies played 
no mean part. Man does not live by bread alone. Birkbeck con- 
fessed to a strong desire to better his material fortunes to "ob- 
tain in the decline of life an exemption from wearisome solicitude 
about pecuniary affairs;" but he desired even more for himself 
and his children membership in a democratic community free 
from the insolence of wealth. That is a recurring note in the 
history of American expansion a note that vibrates as passion- 


ately as lust for land. Deep-seated in the breast of every man 
whom the conventions of an older society have barred from recog- 
nition is the sense of outraged manhood rebellion against the 
artificial restrictions of birth, family, and inherited wealth. It 
is this eternal protest of human nature against man-made distinc- 
tions of class that has driven thousands of souls into the wilder- 
ness. That self-assertive spirit of the Westerner which at times 
breaks rudely in upon the urbane life of older communities is 
his protest against conditions from which Thank God! he has 
escaped. Your Westerner of the twenties and thirties of the last 
century, your Westerner who hurrahed for Andrew Jackson and 
bore him triumphantly into the White House, was asserting his 
native manhood. He was the living embodiment of Carlyle's 
Everlasting No. 

It is interesting to observe the subtle influence of American 
conditions on this English farmer whom we have chosen to follow 
to the territory of Illinois. The spirit of optimism radiates from 
his journal an optimism that made him an inaccurate observer 
at times; but the worth of his observations is less important just 
here than this objective impression of his inner mind. It is as 
though a weight were rolling off his heart. He breathes great 
drafts of prairie air, stands more erect, allows his eye to range 
over the prairies, and yields unconsciously to that sense of dis- 
tance and space which has widened imperceptibly the mental hori- 
zon of three generations of Illinoisans. 

I find my thought projecting itself forward fifteen years 
and my eye catches sight of a true son of Illinois who came from 
the cramped valleys of Vermont to the broad prairies of the 
Northwest, and who testified to his own mental growth by tho 
not very gracious remark that Vermont was a good state to be 
born in provided you migrated early ! 

What charmed this transplanted English farmer was "the 
genuine warmth of friendly feeling" in the communities through 
which he passed a disposition to promote the happiness of each 
other. These people have rude passions, he admits. "This is 
the real world and no political Arcadia." But "they have fellow- 
feeling in hope and fear, in difficulty and success." After a few 


months on the prairies of Eastern Illinois he feels himself an 
American. "I love this government," he exclaims; "and thus a 
novel sensation is excited: it is like the development of a new 
faculty. I am become a patriot in my old age." 

And what was this government which he held in such af- 
fection? He does not name it but he describes it in unmistak- 
able terms. "Here, every citizen, whether by birthright or adop- 
tion is part of the government, identified with it, not virtually, 
but in fact." This was American Democracy ! 

Not all the States of the American Union at this time were 
democratically organized. A few a very few were born de- 
mocracies; some achieved democratic institutions; and some had 
democratic government thrust upon them. It is one of those 
pleasing illusions which patriotic societies like to indulge and 
which are perpetuated by loose thinking, that democracy was 
brought full-fledged to America by the Puritan fathers. Noth- 
ing could be further from the truth! Let us face the historic 
facts frankly and fearlessly. Men of the type of John "WInthrop 
did not believe in social or political equality. They would have 
stood aghast at the suggestion that every male adult should have 
a voice in the government which they set up on the shores of 
Massachusetts Bay. They shrank from those levelling ideas which 
radicals were preaching in Old England. There was little in 
colonial New England that suggested social equality. Men and 
women dressed according to their rank and station in life. Class 
conventions were everywhere observed. Public inns reserved par- 
lors for the colonial gentry ; trades people went to the tap-room or 
the kitchen for entertainment. All souls might be equal in the 
sight of God; but one's seat in church, nevertheless, corresponded 
to one's social rank. Learning might be open to all classes of 
men; but the catalogue of Harvard College in the 17th century 
listed the names of students not alphabetically but according to 
social standing. 

So feeling and thinking these Puritan patricians of the Mas- 
sachusetts Bay Colony indulged in no foolish dreams of democ- 
racy. Almost their first precaution was to raise bulwarks against 
the unstable conduct of the ungodly. At first only church mem- 


bers were allowed to become freemen in the colony. Only godly 
men of good conversation should be intrusted with the choice of 
magistrates. And when this policy of rigid exclusion broke down 
under assaults from the home government, property qualifications 
were established as in the rest of the straggling English colonies 
on the Atlantic seaboard. 

When the American colonies declared their independence there 
was not one which did not restrict the right to vote to male adults 
who were property-holders or holders of estates. The usual quali- 
fication was the possession of a freehold worth or renting at fifty 
pounds annually, or the ownership of fifty acres. Under these 
restrictions probably not more than one man in every five or six 
had the right to vote. If democratic government means the rule 
of the majority, then these thirteen colonies were hardly more 
democratic than Prussia in this year of grace 1918 ! 

In framing constitutions for the states in the course of the 
Revolution, the fathers followed habit and precedent. They be- 
trayed little or no concern for the unpropertied or landless man. 
They followed the universal rule that those only were entitled to 
vote for magistrates who showed evidence of "attachment to the 
community." And evidence of such attachment consisted in the 
possession of property preferably landed property. Said that 
typical American of his age, Benjamin Franklin, u As to those 
who have no landed property * * * the allowing them to 
vote for legislators is an impropriety." Alexander Hamilton 
voiced a still stronger feeling when he contended that those who 
held no property could not properly be regarded as having wills of 
their own. 

I do not know how I can better illustrate the tenacity of 
these political ideas of the Fathers than by alluding to a memor- 
able constitutional convention held in the State of New York in 
the year 1821. Constitutional conventions are milestones on the 
road to American democracy. In the deliberations of these bodies 
are reflected the notions that flit through the minds of ordinary 
citizens. Progress and reaction meet on the floors of these con- 


It is the 22d of September, 1821. The subject under dis- 
cussion is the elective is proposed that the old prop- 
erty qualifications shall still hold in elections to the State Senate. 
James Kent, Chancellor of the State of New York, is speaking a 
learned jurist and an admirable character. There is deep emotion 
in his voice. The proposal to annihilate all these property qualifi- 
cations at one stroke, and to bow before the idol of universal 
suffrage, strikes him with dismay. "That extreme democratic prin- 
ciple wherever tried has terminated disastrously. Dare we flatter 
ourselves that we are a peculiar people, exempt from the passions 
which have disturbed and corrupted the rest of mankind? The 
notion that every man who works a day on the road or serves an 
idle hour in the militia is entitled of right to an equal participa- 
tion in the government is most unreasonable and has no founda- 
tion in justice. Society is an association for the protection of 
property as well as life, and the individual who contributes only 
one cent to the common stock ought not to have the same power 
and influence in directing the property concerns of the partner- 
ship as he who contributes his thousands." 

Of this notable speech, another member of the convention 
remarked that it would serve admirably as an elegant epitaph 
for the old Constitution when it should be no more. He was 
right. Chancellor Kent was facing backwards addressing a van- 
ishing age. And yet he was no mere querulous reactionary but 
fairly representative of a large class of men whose reverence for 
tradition was stronger than their faith in democracy. At this 
very time in another constitutional convention, young Daniel 
Webster was defending the property qualification in the Massa- 
chusetts Constitution of 1780. 

Ladies and Gentlemen, the constitution which your fathers 
drafted one hundred years ago is a significant milestone in our 
march toward democracy. On this frontier of the Old Northwest 
was born that spirit of self-confidence and self-help which has 
made the people of the great Middle West an incalculable power 
in the national life. It was as inevitable as breathing that these 
pioneer farmers should express this spirit in political institutions. 


With firm bold characters they wrote unhesitatingly into the Con- 
stitution of 1818 these words: 

"In all elections, all white male inhabitants above the 

age of twenty-one years, having resided in the State six 

months next preceding the election shall enjoy the right of 

an elector." 

I shall not pause here to question the wisdom of permitting 
even alien inhabitants to vote, nor to point out in detail why the 
convention of 1848 withdrew the privilege. It may well have 
been certain experiences in the old Third Congressional District 
which tempered the democratic ardor of the constitution-makers. 
When an aspirant for congressional honors could vote en Hoc hun- 
dreds of stalwart canal-diggers, fresh from Erin's Isle, it was well, 
perhaps, to call a halt. These laborers had in them, no doubt, 
the making of good citizens; but a residence of a few weeks even 
in Illinois could not educate an untutored mind to the point 
where he could make the necessary distinction between an elec- 
tion and a Donnybrook Fair. 

It is quite unnecessary, too, to remind this audience that 
suffrage has long since ceased to be restricted to whites. It is 
certainly the part of discretion, if not of valor, at this time, to 
refrain also from discussing the latest extension of the suffrage. 
I hazard only the prediction that the same democratic forces will 
ultimately give women the ballot when they demand it. There is 
an insistent force in this movement of the century which sweeps 
away all considerations of prudence and expediency. But I have 
no desire to handle live wires. 

Let me confine my remarks to the far-reaching historical im- 
portance of the adoption of male adult suffrage by Illinois and 
her sister States of the Northwest. The reaction of West upon 
East has too often been overlooked by American historians. Not 
all good things follow the sun in his course. Political reactions 
are subtle and can often be felt more easily than they can be 
demonstrated. Yet there can be no doubt that it was the theory 
and practice of manhood suffrage in the new states which led the 
older Eastern States one by one to abandon their restrictions. 
11 C C 


It was the new State of Maine, itself the frontier of Massa- 
chusetts, that led the way. It is no mere accident, I think, that 
Maine is also the first of the New England States to try out the 
initiative and referendum. This democratization of the East was 
a slow process. The nineteenth century was nearly spent before 
the conservatives abandoned their last stronghold. 

Meantime revolution had broken out for the third time in 
central and western Europe. The system of Metternich had been 
shattered; the repose of Europe rudely shaken. For a time it 
seemed as though even Germany would yield to the assaults of 
liberals and nationals. Unification and constitutional govern- 
ment seemed within reach in 1848. I may not dwell upon these 
days of storm and stress, of shattered illusions and futile dreams. 
Suffice it to say that reactionary forces triumphed, and forced 
many a stalwart soul to turn his back upon the Fatherland. It 
was these exiled liberals, these "Forty-eighters" who came to the 
prairies of Illinois and the Middle West and made common cause 
with their brethren in the struggle for human liberty. In these 
times of storm and stress we do well to remember that these Ger- 
man exiles became bone of our bone and flesh of our flesh laying 
down their lives for their adopted land when the hour of destiny 

Slavery had already driven a sharp wedge into American 
democracy. Something besides the freedom of the negroes was 
at stake. Men were asking searching questions. Could a society 
that harbored slaves be truly democratic? Could a nation which 
permitted a minority to dictate foreign and domestic policies be 
termed democratic? Could a people consent to refrain from 
talking about a moral issue at the dictation of slave-interests and 
still remain true to democratic traditions? Must a democratic 
people refrain from putting barriers in the way of the extension 
of slavery because a minority held slavery a necessary and blessed 
institution ? 

Two stalwart sons of Illinois returned answers to these ques- 
tions answers that were heard and pondered throughout the 
length and breadth of the continent. Men then found these 
answers contradictory and debated them with partisanship and 


passion but we may rise above the immediate issue and discern the 
essential agreement between these two great adversaries. When 
Stephen A. Douglas asserted that no matter how the Supreme 
Court should decide, the people of a territory could still permit 
or forbid slavery by local legislation, he was enunciating bad law, 
it is true, but a principle thoroughly in accord with American 
practice nevertheless. His great opponent never challenged the 
general democratic right of a people to self-determination; nor 
did he deny that, irrespective of law, the people of a territory 
would in fact obey American traditions and decide questions of 
local concern through a public opinion that has more than once 
in frontier history ignored distant law-makers. 

When Abraham Lincoln stated the nature of the irrepressible 
conflict within the Kepublic by declaring that the Union could 
not exist half-slave and half -free, he registered his conviction as a 
great democrat, that no minority can be suffered indefinitely to 
force its will on the majority when a question of moral right is 

And finally, when Lincoln declared that the decision of the 
Supreme Court in the case of Dred Scott could not stand as law, 
he was speaking as a prophet, not as a lawyer. In effect, he was 
asserting that no minority may seek shelter behind the dead hand 
of legal formalism when the moral sense of the living majority 
is outraged thereby. Even courts and legal precedents must even- 
tually yield to an enlightened public will. 

These passionate days of the late fifties followed by four 
tragic years of civil war stripped the halo from democracy. It was 
seen that it was no panacea for all human woes ; and that existing 
American democracy was not the perfect goal of political develop- 
ment. During reconstruction our eyes were opened to the perver- 
sions of democracy. We saw crimes perpetrated in the name of 
democracy. We saw stealthy hands thrust into our public treas- 
uries; we saw mysterious interests interposed between the people 
and their government; we saw in a word government slipping 
away from the people either through the ignorance or incompetence 
or connivance of their chosen representatives. Democracy has 


come to seem to many men less an achievement than a hope, a 
dream, a promise to be fulfilled. 

Dante compared the restless Italian cities of his day, with 
their incessant party struggles and changing governments, to sick 
men tossing with fever on their beds of pain. There is a similar 
instability in our American life which seems to many learned 
doctors a symptom of disease in the body politic. The state of 
Oregon experiments with direct legislation; Arizona with the re- 
call; Illinois has had some experience with proportional represen- 
tation; every state has tried its hand at reform of nominating 
machinery and regulation of party organization; municipalities 
have set up governments by commission only to abandon them for 
city managers ; Kansas has even considered commission government 
for the state. 

To my mind this experimentation is a sign of health not 
disease. It is of the very essence of progress that human institu- 
tions should change. Distrust that state which rests content with 
its achievements. Dry rot has already set in. These restless 
movements in American states and cities are attempts to adjust 
democratic political institutions to new economic conditions. The 
machinery of government was perfectly adapted to society in Illi- 
nois when it entered upon Statehood one hundred years ago, because 
society was almost Arcadian in its simplicity. Substantial social 
equality prevailed under rural conditions. Government was in- 
evitably democratic. But this great Commonwealth has long since 
lost its Arcadian simplicity. It is a highly organized industrial 
community. Society is classified and stratified. Governmental 
institutions designed for another and different society must be 
readjusted to the needs of modern life. Yet the essential basis 
of democracy need not be changed and will not be changed. 

In these days of carnage and unutterable human woe, when 
democracy suffers by comparison with autocracy in efficient ways 
of waging war, I detect here and there, as I am sure you do, a 
note of distrust, even covert sneers at the words of our chosen 
leader that the world must be made safe for democracy. Ladies 
and gentlemen, there are other tests of democracy than mere effi- 
ciency. I am prepared to concede though the statement has been 


challenged that German municipalities are better administered 
than American cities; that their streets are cleaner; that their 
police regulations are more efficient; that their conservation of 
natural resources is more far-sighted. What I cannot concede is 
that an autocratic government, however efficient, can in the long 
run serve the best interests of the people. Autocratic government 
does not develop self-help in its subjects. It enslaves. It robs 
manhood of its power of self-assertion. It denies opportunity to 
struggling talent. It makes subjects; it does not make citizens 
of a commonwealth. The impotency of the German minority 
which hates Prussian Junkerdom is the price which the German 
nation is now paying for efficient but autocratic government. 

There are two tests which every government must sustain, 
if it is not to perish from the earth. It must not only serve the 
material and moral welfare of its citizenry; it must also enlist 
their active support. It is not enough that democratic govern- 
ment should promote public contentment. It must also cultivate 
those moral virtues of self-restraint and self-sacrifice without which 
enduring progress cannot be made. Citizenship in a democracy 
cannot remain a negative and passive privilege to be enjoyed; 
it must be an active force for righteousness. And the ultimate 
test of the quality of citizenship in a democracy is the leaders 
which it produces. A brilliant Frenchman has applied this test. 
Surveying democracies the world over with a somewhat jaundiced 
eye, he has found everywhere only the cult of incompetence. I do 
not so read the history of American democracy. I do not find 
"Eight forever on the scaffold and Wrong forever on the throne." 
Incompetence has often been enthroned it is true; mediocrity has 
often been rewarded; but in great crises the choice of the people 
has been unerring. Should we not judge democracy by its most 
exalted moments as well as by its most shameful? Our famous 
warriors have been idolized for a time ; our merchant princes and 
captains of industry have been admired for their cleverness; our 
orators and politicians have had their little day. We put them 
in our Halls of Fame; but we withhold our reverence to bestow 
it upon our Washington and Lincoln. There is something chal- 


lenging, thought-arresting, awe-inspiring, in the emergence of 
Abraham Lincoln as a national hero. Here was a man who de- 
scribed his early life in the words of the poet Gray "the short 
and simple annals of the poor;" who grew up in your midst, a 
man among men; who entered the White House misunderstood, 
and derided as a "Simple Susan;" yet who became the leader of 
the nation in its greatest crisis. You do not honor him because 
of his intellectual qualities alone. You reverence his memory be- 
cause he embodied the moral aspirations of American democracy. 
Abraham Lincoln was the greatest contribution of Illinois to the 
democratic movement of the century. 



The chief event in human history was when the Creator 
"caused a deep sleep to fall upon Adam and took one of his ribs 
and closed up the flesh instead thereof, and the rib which the 
Lord had taken from man" while he was still asleep "made he a 
woman." We are commemorating a similar event a hundred and 
nine years ago, for when Illinois was taken out of the side of 
Indiana, some reluctance might have been shown but for the "deep 
sleep" that made the operation possible. Indiana gave to America, 
as was given to humanity in that primeval creative act, what has 
proved to be gentle and sweet and strong, the queenly guardian of 
the Great Lakes and of the Father of Waters. 

Our loss would not have been so grave if we would have had 
the benefit of the first survey which is said to have run the State 
line west of Chicago instead of to its eastern borders, and Illinois 
would have been but little better than any other interior state if 
your northern boundary had remained at the south end of Lake 
Michigan. It is too late now for either Michigan territory or Wis- 
consin or Indiana to claim Chicago, for most of Wisconsin's and 
Michigan's business men, and many of Indiana's authors and 
artists have become loyal citizens of the Windy City, and we can 
not call them back. 


You centenarians of Illinois may not claim all the credit for 
your hundred years of Statehood, for Indiana has a right to be 
proud that it gave Illinois to the world and we are proud with 
that same splendid pride which in this year of war hangs its star 
upon the outer wall to attest that a million homes in America 
are ready to lay "their costly sacrifice upon the altar of Freedom." 
And so Indiana has the pride of parenthood. When a boy does a 
thing well, he may not boast, but no one can blame the mother 
who glorifies him. As will appear before Indiana's greeting to 
Illinois is over, our claim does not end with having brought Illinois 
into being, but we shall hope to prove that much of what your 
State has done for civilization must be credited to the neighbor 
state upon your eastern border. 

Only an expert could distinguish between Arizona and New 
Mexico, or between North Dakota and South Dakota. "It is hard 
to draw the line" as the boy said when he found he had a whale 
on the book. Discriminating observers can not tell one Chinaman 
from another. A new state, just emancipated from the chrysalis 
period, whose leaders have come from beyond her borders, and, 
who, because she has had no great experiences in sacrifice and 
service, no crisis to face, and no sorrow to bear or to recall, has 
not yet developed personality. 

Three thousand miles away is a little state whose Gethsemane 
and Calvary have given her an immortal soul a personality in 
whose presence the nations of earth stand with head bared. Within 
her borders, for a season, are encamped an infidel horde who deny 
the god Terminus to whom all civilized people bow down, a horde 
who can not respect a nation's personality because, in their gross 
materialism, they deny the existence of whatever is born of the 
imagination or of the spirit. 

The essential differences between Illinois and Indiana are 
not superficially evident. You recall the discussion of this ques- 
tion between the heroes of Mississippi Valley fiction, Tom Sawyer 
and Huckleberry Finn. They were journeying by balloon from Mis- 
souri to the Atlantic seaboard and Huckleberry Finn was not con- 
vinced that they had crossed the boundary between your State and 
mine. As they looked down upon your prairies they had seen the 


same rich green that their geography maps had given to the State 
of Illinois, but beyond the banks of the Wabash the wooded hills 
and rich bottom lands of Indiana were just as green, and Huckle^ 
berry Finn, who remembered that on his map Indiana was pink, 
lost his faith in all geographers and mapniakers and became a 
sceptic. Huckleberry Finn was 'only a superficial observer or in- 
tuition would have told him when he crossed the line. 

Indiana's Centennial Year, 1916, was a year of self-dedication 
to patriotism. As we looked back over a hundred years of serene 
growth we neighbors on your eastern border came into a new state 
consciousness. We learned the inadequacy of Chief Justice Chase's 
definition of a 'state, for we knew that Indiana had come to be 
more than "a political community of individuals inhabiting the 
same country," more than "the country or region thus inhabited," 
more than " the government under which the people lived," more 
even than "the combined idea of people, territory, and govern- 
ment." We were not merely a bit of land staked out for separate 
sovereignty, not a political fraction one forty-eighth of a great 
nation holding its attributes in common with forty-seven other 
varieties of political or territorial entities, nor as Huckleberry Finn 
yiewed it, an irregular splotch of pink on some great map. 

It was a year that marked our emergence into soul-conscious- 
ness, when we came to know by insight that Indiana had person- 
ality, and that its people read their books, thought their thoughts, 
and worked out their destiny along distinctive lines, and was 
different because her pioneers and her later leaders had given to 
the slowly developing state a character "with a difference" a 

For more than a generation, perhaps, after statehood was 
given us, we, like you of Illinois, were actually only an arbitrary 
sub-division of that splendid empire which the fathers had dedi- 
cated to liberty the old Northwest Territory. It was not until 
Abraham Lincoln, trained among the Indiana hills and matured 
on the Illinois prairies, called America to the colors that the soul 
of your State and the soul of Indiana awoke to conscious life. 

There are those who believe that when the pioneer left New 
England to find a home in the wilderness of our middle west and 


when the Forty-niner crossed the "great American dessert" in 
search of gold the last adventure of history was over. 

The pioneer who came to this Northwest Territory and pene- 
trated the wilderness in search of an empire where he must obey 
the law of the jungle until in time he could make laws of his 
own, found the great adventure in "this heart of America a hundred 
years ago. 

In some far away eternity the great adventurers will get to- 
gether and talk over their earthly experiences. Hercules, Ulysses, 
Abraham, Moses, Jonah, Joan of Arc, Columbus, Balboa, Miles 
Standish, George Eogers Clark, Robert Falcon Scott will each 
have his story to tell. And a great story hour it will be. 

I could be content to sit in the midst of a little group of men 
no less heroic and listen to the story of the Wabash Valley jungle 
of a century ago. In that group would be George Rogers Clark, 
Pierre Gibault, Francis Vigo, Arthur St. Clair, and William Henry 
Harrison, the great men of our territorial period. But until the 
history of the people of the Northwest is written, America will 
not know what heroes we had a hundred years ago. 

The pilgrim father who crossed the wintry sea and began his 
life of religious liberty in the snows of Massachusetts was no 
braver than his pioneer descendant who came from the civilized 
East two centuries later to find a home in the wilderness of In- 
diana, and the measureless prairies of Illinois. Across the Alle- 
ghany mountains his journey into the West lay along streams 
where treacherous Indians waited for him all the way. But the 
savage was the least of the dangers he had to face. When he 
entered the forest, bears and wildcats were in his way. About 
his new home wild creatures watched for his stock, and waited to 
devour his crops. More to be feared than any living animal was 
the peril of disease that threatened him until the lands could be 
drained and intelligent physicians be found for every neighbor- 
hood. Malaria was universal and there were not enough well 
people to feed and nurse the sick. Fever and ague made steady 
work impossible and life a torment. 

The twentieth century traveler finds it hard to picture that 
wilderness to himself. As we ride by railway and over paved 


highways we forget that the pioneer had to build his wagon roads 
and bridle paths through dense woods, and that for forty years 
land travel was through bottomless prairie mud or among stumps 
and fallen timber cleared with the ax. And ever in the half-dark- 
ness of the woods was the unspeakable terror of the savage in hid- 
ing behind some tree, ready to kill. 

There were children in the wilderness who shared the father's 
dangers and comforted the mother's loneliness. Little thumb- 
nails sketches of the boys and girls appear in the histories of that 
earlier day. We read of little J. G. Finch going out from Con- 
nersville with his father's cavalcade to make the first settlement 
on White Eiver above Indianapolis. He was nine years old. "It 
was snowing hard and the men of the company made their way 
very slowly with their ox team, driving stock before them and 
cutting the road as they went. I got to crying and they came 
back to see what was the matter. I told them I was so cold that 
my back was cracked." And there are the children on the way 
to the log school who were stolen by the savages or killed in cold 
blood in the somber shadows of the woods. 

And there is that other nine-year-old Hoosier, the very men- 
tion of whose name gives us a grip in the throat and a tightening 
about the heart; we recall how death entered the lonely cabin and 
the boy who dreamed, fearing lest the mother's burial should go 
unremembered of God, sent beyond the Ohio to the Kentucky cir- 
cuit rider to pray over the grave of Nancy Hanks. There is no 
story of Indiana that can leave out the tragic picture of the Hoosier 
boy standing uncomforted beside the grave of a pioneer mother. 

Life was as much of an adventure to the circuit rider who 
saved the souls of pioneers as if it had been given over to the 
conquest of the jungle or the killing of the Indian. The arena 
of the human soul was to him as theatric a place as the coliseum 
was when the Christian martyr went down to death. Hell was as 
genuine a terror as malaria and as near at hand, while the 
mysteries of faith were as plain as the simplest things of life. 

The Methodist way of conversation was not always gentle. 
A story is told of Reverend James Jones, who in 1820 was con- 
ducting a camp meeting in the Whitewater country. A woman 


who had just been converted was dragged from the altar by an 
angry husband. Mr. Jones remonstrated in vain and finally seized 
the man, forced him to the ground, and seating himself on the 
man's back, refused to let him go till he prayed. The victim 
swore. The wife and other believers prayed aloud, and Brother 
Jones still held his man fast. As he prayed he felt the man's 
muscles relax and recognized other signs of the coming victory. 
Soon the man began to weep and cry aloud, "God be merciful to 
me a sinner!" The shout of victory came and the man's soul 
was saved. 

Father Dickey, one of the first of the Indiana Presbyterians, 
suported a family on an annual income of $80, including gifts. 
He helped by farming, teaching singing classes, writing legal 
papers, surveying, shoe-making, and conducting school. His house 
was a log cabin, with greased paper instead of window glass. His 
wife looked after her eleven children, managed the entire house- 
hold, made garments for the family, and entertained numberless 

It is good to remind ourselves that back in the twenties and 
thirties, benevolent folk in the least were as generous in sending 
the gospel and civilization to us of the west, as we of the later 
generation have been to darkest Africa, or may yet be to pagan 

In the files of the Gazette, published at the old capitol, Cory- 
don, in January, 1819, when Indiana was three years old, the 
first announcement reads: 

"The Reverend Mr. Eogers, missionary to the state of Indiana, 
will preach tonight at candle light at the Court House." 

The pioneer was a failure as a publicity man. Even George 
Eogers Clark, the most romantic figure in American history, failed 
to make good when it came to advertising his exploits. Eecall how 
he took Kaskaskia and won command of the Mississippi Valley 
without firing a shot. He had left his little fleet near the mouth 
of the Ohio and tramped for a week with a hundred and seventy 
volunteers through mire and flood. As they came to Kaskasia, 
England's stronghold on the Mississippi, the sturdy Americans 
hid until midnight, and then slipped into the fort and took the 


commandant by surprise. George Eogers Clark wrote the story 
out in full in his report to Virginia's Governor, and this is what 
he said: "I broke into the fort and secured the Governor." That 
is the complete official account of one of the most romantic events 
in American history. 

Did the day of adventure end when the pioneer moved no 
longer toward the West? We know it did not. We still thrill to 
the scream of the bugle and our eye still dims with tears when of 
a sudden we see the flag. The pioneer spirit remains. 

You who are old enough to have seen history in the making 
remember how the sons and grandsons of the pioneer sprang to 
the colors when Sumter was assailed and "thronged the way of 
death as to a festival." Today their grandsons are answering 
America's call and once more the road of righteousness is the road 
of death. In every crisis it is the blood of the pioneer that answers 
first to the call of civilization. And we of Illinois and Indiana 
may thank God that ours is the blood of the pioneers who con- 
quered the wilderness and won the west for America and American 

Before Clark ventured into our Northwest there were perhaps 
seven hundred white men in the Illinois country. An early chroni- 
cler gives this figure for the year 1766 and explains that "the 
number of inhabitants at the Illinois is very difficult to ascertain 
as they are going and coming constantly/' 

Last week at State and Washington streets in Chicago I 
noted the same characteristic persisting after a century and a half. 

When Illinois was a part of Indiana territory there was little 
community of interest between the Illinois settlers and their east- 
ern neighbors. Our common capital, Vincennes, was as inacces- 
sible to the people who lived along the Mississippi River and had 
to cross prairies that were sunbaked in summer and flooded in 
winter, as it was to the men of Indiana who blazed their way 
thither through the almost trackless forest wilderness. 

The Illinois leaders cherished the promise of early indepen- 
dence that was to come with increased immigration, and their 
strong leanings toward slavery with which the masses in Indiana 
had no sympathy, encouraged Illinois in its aspirations toward an 


independent territorial government. The slavery struggle bulked 
large in territorial politics, the leaders in your state, Governor 
Bond and Senator Thomas, doing their utmost to force slavery 
upon Illinois as Governor Harrison would fain have done in In- 
diana but for the free soil influences led by Indiana's first Gover- 
nor, Jonathan Jennings. 

Strong counter-influences were at work among the people in 
both territories and Jefferson's secret anti-slavery missionary, 
James Lemen, employed energies and resources that were unsus- 
pected in that day to save both states for freedom. 

In due time your pro-slavery leaders became less open in 
their support of a cause that was steadily losing popular favor. 
The main route of migration, down the Ohio and up the Missis- 
sippi, brought into Illinois many from Kentucky and Missouri 
who saw in the richness of your meadows a golden harvest for 
slave labor. But the current of migration from Kentucky brought 
not a few free soilers, while Indiana and, through her, Ohio and 
Pennsylvania and New York, sent their steady stream of flat 
boats down the Ohio and up the Wabash and no less constant a 
caravan of prairie schooners over the slowly opening highways 
and these liberty-loving pioneers held your state loyally to the 
pledge of the Ordinance of 1787 and made it in due time the 
fit forum for the great debate that on your soil was to arouse the 
sleeping conscience of the nation and make it ready for Appomat- 
tox and an effective emancipation. Illinois extended southward 
into the heart of the slave country and people in every community 
in the southern part of the state had a natural sympathy for the 
material interests of the homes from which they had come, so that 
in Illinois the battle for freedom was more fiercely fought than in 
more austere Indiana. 

We are wont to imagine that the slavery question was dor- 
mant in these two states from their territorial beginnings until 
the compromise of 1850. The truth is that the slavery question 
never slept. The St. Clair County resolutions of 1823 drafted, 
no doubt, by James Lemen, himself, read like the argument of 
Abraham Lincoln in 1858, as a single sentence will show: 


"Confine slavery within limited boundaries and necessity, that 
great law of nature, would devise measures gradually to emanci- 
pate and effectually to discharge from the country that portion of 
the population; ...... .extend it abroad and you give scope for 

the unlimited increase of slaves in the Union." 

The only political issue in Indiana in 1816 and in Illinois 
two years later was slavery and the struggle between its advocates 
and its enemies in the making of your Constitution and of ours 
was as bitter as it was in 1858 when "the house divided" seemed 
to be tottering to its fall and the men of Illinois had to choose 
leaders between the pro-slavery Vermonter and the anti-slavery 

The years of compromise had to end and the vain endeavor 
to persuade an awaking public conscience that the right to earn 
one's bread by another's labor was merely an economic question, 
failed at last. You furnished the forum for the final discussion 
of this great moral question and it naturally fell to you to furnish 
the leader who should put the question at rest for all time. 

I would not withhold any credit from Illinois for having 
furnished the forum for the great debate. It was a natural de- 
velopment from the conditions that arose out of the character of 
your pioneers. The issue could not have come up in any other 
state, for nowhere else was the division so naturally, so honestly, 
or so completely, drawn as in Illinois in 1858, when Stephen A. 
Douglas waged a patriot's fight for further compromise and for 
peace against the resistless power of Lincoln's appeal to conscience 
and right. Had Douglas been less of a patriot than he was, or 
had he fought for a baser ideal than the prevention of disunion 
by compromise and adjustment, in other words, had he been mere- 
ly a selfish politician as many superficial and partisan students of 
history declare him to have been, the debate would have been 
forgotten and there would not have emerged from it the one giant 
figure in American history. It was the greatness of both cham- 
pions, Douglas and Lincoln, and the honesty of their purpose 
that made the debate what it was. And as I have said, it was the 
sincere difference of opinion among genuine patriots that gave to 


Illinois the distinction of settling the slavery question on her own 

How far Illinois may claim credit for having given Abraham 
Lincoln to the world is purely an academic question. If we are 
to answer it, we must discover the sources of Lincoln's power. 
It is a matter of pure sentimental interest where a man was born, 
or what places afforded him his education, or his field of activity 
and achievement. The more practical problem in our study is 
how far the place of his birth, the place of his education, and 
the place of his achievement contributed to the making of the 

There is nothing miraculous about Abraham Lincoln's growth 
in power. It was the most natural of processes. It will hardly 
be denied that he was a susceptible man responding with singu- 
lar sympathy to the influences that beset him. "We are all familiar 
with his salient characteristics, chief among which it may be said 
that he was "the man who understood." The expression of grave 
aloofness in those clear gray eyes vanished in a flash when the soul 
within answered the appeal of any kindred spirit, and there was 
instantly an understanding glance, a smile, and the intercom- 
munication of soul with soul. The solitary mood, that was as 
likely to be manifest in a crowd as when no one was near by, 
vanished, and he became a man among men, yielding to the 
psychic force of the mind which had aroused his own. As he 
faced his audience of men who knew him some devoted follow- 
ers and quite as many the severest of critics the face they looked 
into had none of the stolidity we see in so many of his photo- 
graphs, but it was ablaze with the inner fire of human interest 
and alive with the thoughts that dominated him for the moment. 
The physiognomy of the man affords us the demonstration of my 
proposition, that his was a responsive nature, answering to the 
feeling of others as that of one wh\o understood. 

Mr. Herndon and some of his associates and biographers as- 
sure us that he was not influenced by the will or reason or ap- 
peal of others. I can not believe that this is so. He was firm, 
it is true, firm to the point of stubborness, when he had satisfied 
himself that he had come to a right conclusion, but it was what 


he termed "firmness in the right as God gives us to see the right." 
All the way along from the beginning of the problem until his 
soul had found its answer he was in touch with the thought of 
others, hearing with patience the demands of would-be dictators, 
reasoning the question out with unreasonable critics, listening al- 
ways to suggestions from all kinds of sources and trying, as he 
phrased it, to see if he could bring himself out on God's side. 
The progress toward the conclusion, lonely as it seemed, was 
nevertheless by way of constant contact with the thought of others 
and a complete understanding of their point of view and an ulti- 
mate recognition that the other man's point of view was always 
entitled to consideration. 

If we grant this premise that what Lincoln came to be was 
the result of his understanding contact with; all sorts of men, and 
his unusually sympathetic response to the influence of an extra- 
ordinary environment, it may be worth our while briefly to con- 
sider whether in pioneer Indiana in the years of his education and 
growth of body and spirit there came to him the power that he 
used so effectively in the maturer period that belongs to Illinois 
and in the four final years that belong to all the world. 

The period of boyhood and adolescence is at least as signifi- 
cant in the making of character as is that of maturer manhood. 
A man does not wait until middle age before h,e chooses his ideals. 
He may not be conscious of the ferment within, but it is in boy- 
hood that, consciously or unconsciously, ambitions begin to be- 
siege his soul. The teachers who suggest new interests to him, 
the first books that absorb his thought, and even his dreams, the 
friends whose companionship enriches his life all these influences 
are the molds within which his character expands and becomes 

If we could call up before us th,e seven year old Kentucky 
boy, well-born for all the squalor that surrounded him, and watch 
his development until at twenty-one he led his father's ox-team 
to Illinois, the vision might diminish for us the mystery of Abra- 
ham Lincoln's power. Certainly we can not be content to say 
that Lincoln was an ignorant and vulgar politician all his life 
and, over night, as it were, became the first gentleman and the 


polished orator of his century. Things do not happen so. Abra- 
ham Lincoln ;lid not just happen. The developing of his great- 
ness was not a forcing process that gave us a finished product 
in a single campaign or a year of presidential responsibility. It 
was a life-long growth, steady, constant, and slow, under influ- 
ences that began in the Nolan's Creek region when the little child 
of five gave his catch of fish to a veteran of the ^Revolution be- 
cause "Mother told him always to be kind to the soldier," and that 
continued through that first bitter winter in Indiana when he lay 
on the bed of leaves upon frozen earth in his father's half-faced 
camp listening to the howling wolves, and that later winter when 
the comrade-mother died. There were the seven mile walks 
through the wilderness to school, the thrilling adventure of his 
later boyhood upon the Mississippi flat boat ending with the hide- 
ous vision of the New Orleans slave market. There were the 
groups of men about the Gentryville store, men of vulgar speech 
no doubt, yet men whose idol was Andrew Jackson, themselves 
the Jackson type, who devoured the occasional newspaper as Abe 
Lincoln read it to them, and who talked religion, politics and 
slavery and told stories and made the big Lincoln boy one of their 
own circle. 

School declamation, soap box speech making, good natured 
mimicry of itinerant preacher and temperance orator, and at last 
the printing of a school essay on temperance in a widely circulated 
newspaper, attendance at a sensational murder trial fourteen miles 
away at Boonville and the lonely dreary walk back and forth, the 
casual acquaintance there of a prominent lawyer who lent him 
the Indiana statutes that contained the Declaration of Indepen- 
dence and the Ordinance of 1787 with its bold commandment: 
"Thou shalt not keep thy fellow man in bondage" did these ex- 
periences touch and change the growing boy? We do not need 
to turn to Dennis Hanks for confirmation of our conclusion. From 
what the man of Illinois was we know what the boy of Indiana 
must have been a double nature, self-absorbed but not self-cen- 
tered, thoughtful with a leaning toward philosophy, self-discip- 
lining always, moody and often melancholy one aspect under- 
12 C C 


standing the point of view of those about him and tolerant of 
dissent, responsive to the moods of others and quick to the point 
of eagerness to answer to their needs the other aspect, he was: 

"A blend of mirth and sadness, smiles and tears, 
A quaint knight-errant of the pioneers." 

Lincoln is identified in the world's thought with the emanci- 
pation of the slave. What was used as a last desperate war meas- 
ure by the patient president who was ready to try any remedy 
that measured up to his idea of right if only he could save the 
Union, was really the one thing by which he is remembered. The 
slavery question which opportunest politicians had avoided for 
half a century hoping that somehow it would solve itself entered 
into Lincoln's spiritual life at the very beginning and by slow 
degrees mastered it. It was to escape the competition of slave 
labor that Thomas Lincoln left Kentucky for a state dedicated to 

The only book the boy Lincoln had was a life of Washington 
whose struggle to win liberty gripped his imagination. The two 
journeys to New Orleans at the most impressionable period of his 
young manhood; the visit to Kentucky in 1841 when he described 
the slaves "strung together precisely like so many fish upon a 
trot line" to be taken to a land where the master's lash is pro- 
verbially ruthless and unrelenting; the slow awakening to a real- 
ization of his own opportunity and his own power to force an 
issue with Douglas which would settle the question ; and at last his 
happiness in the knowledge that the Thirteenth Amendment had 
given to the slaves the freedom which his Emancipation Procla- 
mation had promised them, constitute one story of the dominance 
of a single great idea. Can it be truly said that any local com- 
munity determined the course of that man's life or made his great- 
ness possible. 

I am convinced that a special obligation rests upon your State 
at the time of its Centennial. This year, a State pride, which is 
really patriotism, has been inspired as you pause to look back upon 
a hundred years of service to humanity. To each loyal citizen 
of Illinois has come a new impulse that may well become a con- 


secration of Illinois and all her citizenship to world service. You 
will not have accepted this opportunity for self dedication if you 
leave no permanent memorial to remind your children and your 
children's children, that Illinois remembers her pioneers and all 
who bore their part in her first one hundred years of life and 
keeps that remembrance sacred for coming generations. 

You have great names on your roll of honor, more than could 
well be named in this address. What better service could you 
do now than give to each place identified with these men a tablet 
to attest that in the Centennial year they were not forgotten? 
For one of these who stand head and shoulders above them all, 
as he did when he walked the streets of Springfield, no monu- 
ment is needed. And yet the places he haunted ought to be 
remembered. The road from Springfield to Petersburg, Peoria, 
Pekin, Lincoln, Clinton, and Danville, and so on around the old 
Eighth circuit, and many an old court house and tavern and 
homestead along that way will be associated always with that 
brilliant company of itinerant advocates, and particularly the 
country lawyer, Abraham Lincoln, while a number of places in 
Springfield are mutely eloquent reminder of his master person- 
ality. The rooms in the old Capitol where his immortal speeches 
were delivered, the site of Speed's store with its hospitable upper 
room, the offices of Stuart and Lincoln, Logan and Lincoln, and 
Lincoln and Herndon, the room where the First Inaugural was 
written, and the site of the "House Divided" speech; these should 
be marked while Lincoln's personal friends still live, and im- 
perishable bronze should tell to generations yet unborn that 
Springfield remembers lovingly the places made sacred by his 



Editor Illinois Centennial History 

pleasure to have this opportunity to talk to you about the task 


which the State of Illinois has placed upon me, the production 
of a Centennial history of the State. I am peculiarly glad to hear 
testimony concerning the progress of this work to you, fellow 
members of the Historical Society, for to you more than anyone 
else belongs the right of knowing what has been done and how; 
what the Centennial history is, and what it is not. 

One might expect that the very name chosen for this work 
would indicate to every one its character, but from correspondence 
and conversation with many citizens of the State, it has been 
borne in upon me that the meaning of the title does not convey 
to everyone the same idea. It is true that everybody under the 
sun believes that he or she knows what the history is. And for 
that reason there have been many willing helpers in the production 
of the Centennial history, and many have been the suggestions 
that have reached your editor-in-chief. From these suggestions 
it is evident that many are expecting a cross between an ency- 
clopedia and such a year book as the Chicago Daily News publishes, 
wherein the reader may expect to find a statement on every sub- 
ject that touches Illinois and the names of all public officials from 
those who hold the important State offices down to the latest 
county commissioners, as well as a list of all the men's clubs and 
women's clubs, a list of all the labor unions and boy scouts, with 
a careful list in every case of the officers and in most cases their 

Needless to say to an audience composed of the members of 
the Illinois State Historical Society, the Centennial history will 
not serve any such purpose. No organization, however, important, 
will be mentioned except in-so-far as it forms an illustration of an 
important development in our social history. There will not be, 
and cannot be from the very nature of the case, any listing of 
societies or organizations for the simple purpose of perpetuating 
the names of the officers. 

Other correspondents, whose souls have been stimulated by 
reading local history, think of the Centennial history in terms of 
county histories ; they look for a general history of the State, fol- 
lowed by histories of certain phases of State history, such as the 
history of medicine, the history of religion, the history of busi- 


ness, the history of newspapers, and so forth ad infinitum, all this 
to be topped off by biographical sketches of important people who 
may be willing to spend fifty dollars to have their photographs 
turned into half-tones for illustrative material. Such a work would 
have been very easy to prepare and in some ways might have satis- 
fied many people in the State better than the volumes which will 
be published next fall. But the Centennial history is as far re- 
moved from the average county history as can be well imagined 
in works that pretend to belong in the same field. There will be 
but very few illustrations, not more than four or five, in each 
volume. Some of these will be portraits, but only of men who 
have played a great part in building our State. 

There will be no continuous history of various professions 
and businesses, although it is hoped that adequate treatment in 
the general narrative will be given to the various interests in which 
the people of Illinois are engaged. 

Most of the suggestions which have come to your editor have 
emanated from men and women filled with that love and admir- 
ation of the past which makes to them the spot or object associ- 
ated with bygone ages holy. Theirs is the spirit of the anti- 
quarian; and they are expecting that the Centennial history will 
be a guide-book to Illinois antiquities, a kind of ennobled Bae- 
decker, enshrining in print the spots which each community loves 
to point out to visitors as being of historic importance; yonder 
Indian mounds of Podunk center; the spring where Black Hawk 
used to camp ; the block from which slaves used to be sold. 

No suggestions has reached the editorial ears that equals in 
extravagance that of a recent convert to the importance of history. 
He was a French Creole of a neighboring state and was converted 
by a historian who was preaching to him the gospel of the preser- 
vation of past memories and old documents. The imagination of 
the Creole was aroused, and he gave ready agreement to the pro- 
position; "For," he said, "the old people who remembered them 
are now dying out and the memory of the important events will 
soon be gone." He continued, "I am sure that there is no one 
living today who can confirm an event that was told me by my 
grandfather. Knoweldge of the fact is lost to history. I remem- 


her well my grandfather telling me that when Father Gautier 
died and the people were assembled to pay honor to the pious 
priest who had served them so well, a star from heaven came down 
and stood above the parish house so long as the coffin remained 
therein and when the coffin was carried out the star returned to 
the firmanent." What answer can you make to a mind like that? 

Almost equally curious suggestions have come to me from 
people that were highly cultivated and in their own lines of work 
stood high in the opinion of their fellows. Such a man recently 
grew eloquent over the historic importance of his home town, 
hallowed by the memories of the fleeing Black Hawk and the tramp 
of the valorous militia men. He told me that in his own back 
yard he had found an army canteen of that far off period and 
that one day some men while plowing had dug up a hexagonal 
pistol which they had given to him. Waxing enthusiastic over 
these childhood memories, he advised me to go there and dig for 
mementoes of the past, for I would be sure to find rich treasure. 
Let me ask you, would a collection of a thousand of these guns 
borne by the Illinois militia or could a collection of all the scalps 
that were removed from both white and red skulls help to eluci- 
date the events that occurred during the Black Hawk War! The 
Centennial history, fellow members of the Illinois State His- 
torical Society, is not to be a glorified guide book to historic Illi- 
nois, nor an apotheosized handbook of Illinois antiquity. Any- 
one expecting either of these equally desirable works is bound 
to be bitterly disappointed, for the authors of the Centennial his- 
tory have in no wise attempted their production. 

So much for what the Centennial history is not. What, then, 
is the history? First of all, let me assure you that the very opti- 
mistic report in the newspapers of recent date, that the history 
was on the point of being ready for distribution is, to quote a well- 
remembered remark of Mark Twain's upon the report of his death, 
greatly exaggerated. It is true that one volume, the second, will 
come from the press all printed next month and the others will 
follow in as rapid succession as possible. 

Knowing as you do that work has been going on in connec- 
tion with the writing of these volumes for some three years, it 


may be well to remind you that even when an author has once 
put down his story on paper, it does not at all mean that the book 
is ready to print. The first draft must be typed and collated, 
that is, compared with the original; it must be revised and cut 
down by the author, footnotes filled in, statement of facts checked, 
and then retyped for the editorial office. Here it has to go 
through a multiplicity of processes, reminding one of the oper- 
ations through which a factory product must pass. First the 
editor reads it, recommending points to be revised by the author 
and modifying the English. The chapters are then turned over 
to an assistant who checks carefully the accuracy of each footnote 
reference, each quotation, each proper name. Then another as- 
sistant goes over the manuscript to see that capitalization, punctu- 
ation, and spelling are correct and in accordance with the set of 
rules worked out for the volumes. There is also a definite sys- 
tem for the citation of footnotes and for the bibliography, so that 
these things must be gone over very carefully to see that they 
conform. By this time so many changes have been made that 
it is necessary for a new copy to be typed for the printer; it goes 
without saying that it must again be collated. In a book of one 
hundred twenty-five thousand words these operations can natural- 
ly not be done in a day. The editor gives the manuscript a final 
reading before it goes to the printer; then the task of proof read- 
ing begins. Two sets of proof for every page of every book has- 
to be very minutely read to see that the printer has printed what 
the author wrote and to correct any errors which may have escaped 
detection in the manuscript. Perhaps this sounds easy to those 
of you who have never tried it; if you have not gone through a 
similar experience, you can not dream of the knotty problems 
which can be involved in the placing of a mere comma; you do not 
know how many words look all right until you consult Webster's 
Unabridged Dictionary, when you find you don't know how to 
spell at all; you little guess how inconvenient it is that the Eng- 
lish language has no logical system of capitalization. In spite 
of the great care exercised by each person who works over the 
manuscript, a new mistake is discovered with every reading; if 

you are sharp-eyed, no doubt some of you will detect a few in 
the final printed copy. 

With good luck, however, we are hoping that all five volumes 
will be ready for distribution some time next fall. If it so hap- 
pens that this distribution coincides with the great celebration 
in October, we shall all be exceedingly happy. I may say here, 
to answer the question I am sure many of you are asking, that 
the Centennial history is to be published by the A. C. McClurg 
Company of Chicago and that it will be sold through the regular 
book market at two dollars a volume. 

The authors of the Centennial history have attempted to give 
an interpretation of the development of the social, political and 
economic life of the people of the State of Illinois. Their final 
product might well have been called the history of the people of 
Illinois. There has been, therefore, an effort made to paint with 
the pen a succession of moving pictures from the time Illinois 
country was first traversed by the white men up till the present 
day. At every stage of our development sufficient information 
has been collected from various sources to give this picture of 
our changing civilization lifelike form. 

It is a history of a state and not the history of the United 
States. Therefore we have made no attempt to tell the story of 
Illinois in terms of national history, but rather the story of Illi- 
nois as illustrative of the growth of a mid-western state. This 
means several important points of view to which I wish to call 
your attention. The wars in which Illinois has been engaged, for 
instance, as one of the states of the Union are important in state 
history; but this importance does not consist in the development 
of the war itself I mean the war strategy and the campaigns 
nor again in the engagement of Illinois troops in the war; the 
importance of wars to state history arises out of the social, eco- 
nomic, and political phenomena which the wars have produced 
within the boundaries of the State. Here then lies the problem 
of the historians, and it is to these phenomena rather than to the 
events outside of the State itself that the authors of the Centen- 
nial history have devoted their attention. The same attitude of 
mind must be assumed in the treatment of the activities of our 


members of Congress. So far as they are engaged in the pass- 
age of national laws, they belong to national rather than state 
history; but when our representatives at Washington reflect the 
attitude of the State itself on important national issues, their 
activities become a part of the State personality and as such form 
a part of the picture of our past. For the same reason national 
politics can be neglected so far as they are extraneous to State 
affairs, but whenever the issues of national politics become vital 
in state history, then they fall within the treatment that the 
authors are giving. 

For the purposes of this study, the authors have neglected 
consciously the writings of previous historians in-so-far as such 
writings were not considered as source material. We did not 
desire ta allow our judgment to be biased by the prejudices of 
men who had preceded us in this field. 'We have therefore gone 
directly to what historians call source material, that is to say the 
contemporary documents made up of letters, legal documents, 
laws, and newspapers that have come to us directly from the 
period concerning which we were writing. The collection of this 
material has been laborious. I may illustrate from the experi- 
ences which I have had in the preparation of the first volume of 
the history that extends from 1673 down to 1818, the period of 
the Indian, the French, the British, and the American occupation. 
Covering this period there are thousands of printed pages of source 
material available. These had to be collected at the University 
of Illinois for my study. Besides these, however, there are in 
existence an equal number of unprinted materials scattered in 
archives all over the world, in London, in Paris, in Boston, and 
Worcester, Massachusetts, in Albany, in Philadelphia and Pitts- 
burg, Pennsylvania, in Washington,, in Richmond, Virginia, and 
in Chester, Belleville, and Chicago, not to forget the numberless 
documents in the Draper Collection at Madison, Wisconsin. Thou- 
sands of pages of manuscript material have been collected for 
the purpose of interpreting Illinois' past. Take for instance the 
manuscript material in the archives in Paris which has been never 
used in its entirety by any historian of Illinois or even of the 
United States. The library of Congress had fortunately copied 


some forty folio volumes of these manuscripts. The librarian has 
kindly loaned me these volumes, and copies have been made in 
my office of such of them as were needful for my purposes. But 
there are many more documents in Paris itself. Of these there is 
in existence a recently finished finding list which was put at my 
service; and the State of Illinois maintained a copyist with one 
assistant for about a year and a half in Paris doing nothing but 
copying for the purposes of this volume. What has been done in 
Paris has been done at other times in the other cities that I have 
named. The result is that no historian of Illinois has had col- 
lected at his disposal any such mass of source material as will be 
the basis for the interpretation of the early 'history of the State 
which is to appear in the Centennial history of Illinois. 

Similar collecting has been done for the other volumes. You 
would be amazed at the amount of newspapers that have been ex- 
amined by the authors. Loans have been made from libraries all 
over the State, from Joliet, from Springfield, from Belleville and 
many other places. The libraries of Chicago have been examined, 
photograph copies of early newspapers in the State have been 
made from the collections in the Library of Congress and from 
the Mercantile Library in St. Louis, so that there has been col- 
lected for the authors a better collection of our very early news- 
papers, of which there are only few copies in existence, than can 
be found in any library in the United States. 

In addition to these old newspapers there were a large num- 
ber of later files scattered around in various cities in the State 
which it was highly desirable to examine, yet which it was im- 
possible for the authors to visit and inspect in person. How could 
these be made available? The problem was solved by arranging 
with the various newpaper .officers and libraries to ship their 
papers, a few volumes at a time and in specially constructed boxes, 
to TJrbana, where they were examined by the authors and by re- 
search assistants under their supervision. Passages which were 
wanted were marked, then typed, and the copies compared with 
the original for accuracy. Thus in two weeks time by this method, 
a group of newspapers could be examined which would have re- 
quired a month or more, had each author undertaken to go from 


place to place and take all his notes himself. Furthermore, there 
are now literally thousands of typed newspaper excerpts available 
for still further study and use. 

Besides the collection of newspapers the authors have also 
examined with great care large masses of unpublished letters. Dr. 
Pease who is the author of the second volume, the Pioneer State, 
1818-1848, has made an exhaustive study of the material to be 
found in the Chicago Historical Society and also in the Illinois 
Historical Survey of the University of Illinois and in the State 
Historical Library here in Springfield. Dr. Cole, the author of 
the third volume, The Era of the Civil War, 1848-1870, spent 
several weeks in Washington, going over the collection of Trumbull 
papers never before used and other collections that are to be found 
in the Library of Congress. Professor C. M. Thompson who is 
half author with Professor Ernest L. Bogart of the fourth volume, 
The Industrial State, 1870-1893, has made great use of material 
collected from the descendants of men who acted during this 
period, besides using other well-known material. 

The fifth volume, the Modern Commonwealth, 1893 to the 
present day, differs in its character from the other four. This is 
a period in which the actors are still living and when the events 
are so new that judgment can scarcely be passed upon them. It 
would therefore be a very doubtful policy to attempt to make an 
interpretation of these recent years, besides it was very essential 
for the history of the State that there should be a very complete 
description of the activity of the citizens of the State as they are 
exhibited in their agriculture, their manufacturing, their mining, 
their business in general, their government in all its ramifications, 
and their cultural development. The Centennial Commission there- 
fore selected to write this volume an economic historian, Professor 
Bogart, and a political scientist, Professor J. M. Mathews, who 
have given us a description of the State as it exists today, and you 
will find therein a very complete analysis of present day conditions, 
and the best account of the Government of the State that has ever 
been written. Besides this Mr. Henry B. Fuller of Chicago has 
written two chapters on the cultural development of the State, one 
of these will appear in the fourth volume and the other in the fifth. 


The secret of writing true history depends upon the collection 
of all the contemporary evidence bearing on the case. The reason 
that people complain of the changing interpretations of history is 
that new material is found, as society demands a broader and 
broader interpretation of the phenomena of the past. There was 
a time when history consisted in what we call today the drum and 
fife history; the doings of the great political leaders, events of 
military glory and almost no other phenomena of changing 
society were noted. Today the task of the historian however, is 
far greater; and he is obliged to cast his net far afield in order to 
collect the material for the social development of the past. The 
task of interpretation is made easier the more complete is the 
collection of source material, and it is this fact upon which the 
authors of the Centennial History particularly pride themselves. 

An example of how easy it is to misinterpret a past event, 
provided all the material available is not collected, and how easy 
is that interpretation after the material has been found has come 
under my observation and will be embodied in the narrative of 
the first volume. About forty years ago Edward G. Mason, at that 
time secretary of the Chicago Historical Society, found the record 
book kept by the County Lieutenant, John Todd, in year 1779, 
when Todd came to govern the territory that had been occupied 
by George Eogers Clark and his Virginians during the Eevolu- 
tionary War. In this record book Mason found the copy of a 
warrant for the death by burning at the stake of a negro, named 
Manuel, which burning was to take place after consolation to the 
criminal had been given by the parish priest. The copy of the 
warrant had been crossed out by drawing lines through it. Please 
bear this fact in mind, since it should have suggested a correct 
interpretation. Naturally this warrant aroused the imagination 
of Mr. Mason, and he began to search for an explanation and 
discovered that about this time there was an outbreak of voodooism 
among the Illinois slaves and that two slaves had been put to 
death. He drew the natural conclusion therefore that Manual 
had been burned at the stake for the practice of witchcraft. Bas- 
ing his interpretation upon Mr. Mason's find, a well-known ex- 
President, who among other occupations has dabbled in history. 


Mr. Theodore Eoosevelt, wrote at some length upon this episode 
and drew a comparison between the eighteenth century Catholic 
Illinois where men were burned at the stake with the sanction of 
the parish priest and in accordance with French Catholic law for 
the practice of witchcraft, with a similar episode in the history 
of Puritan Massachusetts in the seventeenth century. Fortunately 
there has come into my hands a full record of the court's pro- 
ceedings by which Manuel was condemned; and I find that the 
judges in the case, although they were obliged to listen to the 
superstitious accusations of negro slaves, were careful to determine 
the fact that Manual and another negro had been the cause of the 
death of Mr. and Mrs. Nicolle by poisoning and that for this act 
they were condemned to death. I then looked up the law of the 
land. Naturally it might be supposed that this was French law, 
but there was another possibility, namely that Virginia law in 
criminal cases would be used by a Virginian magistrate, such as 
John Todd. I found that the Virginia law in the case of murder 
of a master by a slave was death by burning at the stake so that 
in the case of Manuel you see that the condemnation was strictly 
in accordance with Virginia law and not with French law. Another 
document of even greater interest in the case also came to my 
hands. It certainly was a surprise. This was another warrant 
for the death of Manuel, issued at a later hour in the day, but 
by this later warrant the death penalty was changed from burning 
at the stake to hanging by the neck. To summarize then : Manuel 
was not condemned for witchcraft but for murder; he was not 
condemned to be burned at the stake in accordance with French 
law, but in accordance with Virginia law; and finally he was not 
burned at the stake at all, but was hung by the neck. This is an 
excellent example of the danger of drawing inferences in regard 
to historic events upon too narrow information. There was one 
fact which both Mr. Mason and Mr. Eoosevelt ignored in their 
interpretation of the warrant. The copy of the warrant was found 
in a carefully kept record book and was crossed out by lines being 
drawn through it. That fact should have made them suspicious 
of their own interpretation. Eecords such as this condemnation 


to death would not be lightly erased by the keeper of a record book. 
An historical Sherlock Holmes would not have been misled. 

Even if all the material which will illuminate the past has 
been collected there remain difficulties of interpretation. Naturally 
many past events can not be described because of the lack of space, 
and therefore there must be exercised a choice to determine what 
episodes should be depicted in order to make the picture true to 
reality. These difficulties lying in the path of the man of research 
I do not wish to speak of today, but rather to point out a serious 
obstacle that confronts the writer of history, namely that to be 
found in the prejudices of his readers. The picture he would draw 
must convey a correct impression to the mind of those who may 
peruse his volume, and he must have constantly in his mind the 
particular prejudices that he is likely to encounter. I may illus- 
trate the point if you will excuse me for being so personal, from 
my own research concerning the character of Father Gibault who 
played such an important part in securing the Illinois country to 
the Virginians during the Eevolutionary War. He is one of the 
heroes of the West in the minds of the people, although possibly 
a careful investigation of the facts may detract somewhat from the 
popular impression of him. It is not, however, of this fact that 
I wish to speak, but of some unpublished information which it is 
my intention not to use because of the possible misinterpretation 
that would be placed upon it by readers of my volume. In a public 
address of this sort the information may be used by way of illus- 
tration, since the full explanation may accompany the statement, 
whereas in the condensed narrative required by the size of the 
volume, such an explanation would not be possible. In the course 
of my investigations in Revolutionary history, there came to me 
three grocery bills of Father Gibault, containing itemized state- 
ments of his purchases for a period of time. From these it appears 
that the good priest found it difficult to live one day and never 
more than two days without purchasing from the nearby grocery 
one quart of whisky. This piece of information appears on the 
face of it interesting and important for the interpretation of 
Father Gibault's character and under some conditions might be 
used, but we are today on the eve of the final triumph of the 


Woman's Christian Temperance Union, and the prejudice against 
the use of alcoholic liquors is widespread throughout our country; 
to the mind of many readers therefore any mention of the daily 
consumption of a quart of whisky would only bring to the mind 
scenes of debauchery; and they would condemn Father Gibault 
without qualification as a drunken and debauched parish priest. 
The picture would not be true for Father Gibault lived in a time 
when the average man bought his whisky by the demijohn rather 
than by the quart, and the average citizen of Illinois, or Missouri 
where Father Gibault lived at the time, would have regarded as 
very moderate the consumption of a quart of whisky daily by him- 
self and friends. Therefore to avoid a wrong impression of this 
particular parish priest I am not going to use the information 
contained in his grocery bills. 

The danger of allowing the reader to draw his own inferences 
from the source material was well illustrated upon the appearance 
of the introductory volume of the Centennial history, Mr. Buck's 
"Illinois in 1818," which appeared last year. The character of 
his volume, purposely composed of extracts from contemporary 
documents, made Mr. Buck a little careless in handing out to his 
readers the raw material with which he himself was working; 
still he had every right to expect his readers to place the proper 
interpretation upon this source material and to set it in its cor- 
rect perspective. In attempting to convey an idea of the educa- 
tional conditions in Illinois existing in the year 1818 he quoted 
the comments of men who were living at that time. Among other 
descriptions he quoted one by John Masun Peck, a well known 
Baptist missionary, who after a survey of educational conditions 
in Missouri reached the following conclusion, which I quote in his 
own words : 'At least one-third of the schools were really a public 
nuisance, and did the people more harm than good; another third 
about balanced the account by doing about as much harm as good, 
and perhaps one-third were advantageous to the community in 
various degrees not a few drunken, profane, worthless Irishmen 
were perambulating the country, and getting up schools; and yet 
they could neither speak, read, pronounce, spell, or write the Eng- 
lish language." Mr. Buck's comment on this passage was that 


"the situation in Illinois was very similar." Now to Mr. Buck the 
Eeverend Peck's statement was interesting simply as the opinion 
of a contemporary and he doubtless cracked smiles over the austere 
Baptist's hit at Irishmen and included the statement as a bit of 
local color, never doubting that his readers would discount Peck's 
prejudices as he did. 

Great was Mr. Buck's amazement when on the publication of 
the book, a perfect storm of protest came from the Illinois citizens 
of Irish birth or extraction, who considered that the author had 
a personal grudge against them and that he had gone far out of 
his way to cast a very special aspersion upon them. 

Now let us pause for a moment and calmly consider the situ- 
ation. First of all in every discussion of former citizens of Ireland 
it must be remembered that there are two kinds of Irishmen in 
existence one from the north and one from the south of the 
Emerald Isle; it must be further remembered that they have no 
love for each other, as recent events have only too well taught us. 
The men who protested against Mr. Buck's quotation of Peck were 
south Irelanders and jumped to the conclusion that their particular 
kind of Irishman was the only kind meant ; whereas I should judge 
that since these Irishmen spoken of were forming schools among 
a Protestant community, they were the kind of Irishmen who 
when they got drunk had faith in the efficacy of Scotch whisky 
rather than of Irish whisky. Secondly, let me point out that 
although the present Irish may foreswear their liquor and disdain 
to use profane language, in the pioneer days they would not have 
been regarded as real men by their fellow citizens unless they 
were accumstomed to do both, for such was the practice of the 
frontier. Our ancestors who crossed the mountains and won their 
way in the wilderness were men of strong virtues and of equally 
strong vices; and Peck found not a few drunken, profane, and 
worthless men from every race in Europe on the frontier which 
he knew so well. Further it must be remembered that Peck was 
a Baptist missionary with the prejudices of his calling and of 
his Anglo-Saxon blood. He had come from New England, where 
a particular brand of culture reigned, to a region that was under- 
going the storm and stress of the pioneer days. Peck's very pre- 


judices serve to make up the picture of contemporary Illinois in 

I have introduced this episode of the Irish for a very import- 
ant purpose. The American public is moved by sentiment and is 
inclined to place on its nose rose-colored glasses when looking at 
the past. This is a common failing of all nations in the world; 
the virtues of the fathers exceed the virtues of the son, the good 
old days and the good old customs are the ones which we wish to 
perpetuate; and therefore we picture in our minds our grand- 
fathers as men of greater and nobler mould that we ourselves and 
our grandmothers as more virtuous,, more noble, and more-self sacri- 
ficing than we are capable of becoming. With the same senti- 
mentalism we as a people raise our heroes to the skies. 

Long ago George Washington lost his human semblance and 
rose to the rarified air of the empyrean. The apotheosis of Abra- 
ham Lincoln has taken place before the very eyes of the present 
generation. Already his long shanks are resting on a throne in 
the skies beside the divine George. How uncomfortable both these 
men who were so human in all that made up their characters 
must feel as they sit there weighed down by their golden crowns 
and their royal mantles ! We go further and are inclined to deify 
even the humble souls who have participated in our past. The 
pioneer is no longer human, but divine, no longer a man with 
human vices, but a hero of gigantic proportions. He must be 
pictured as invariably just and noble in his dealings though living 
in the midst of the violence of the wilderness ; though uneducated, 
as rising to heights of political wisdom seldom reached by his des- 
cendants. We would drag back the generation of civilized men 
to the ruder virtues of primitive times. Such a conception of the 
frontier is by no means true. The conditions in Illinois at the 
time it became a State were not very dissimilar from the frontier 
Alaska of our own days or the pioneer Montana of a generation 
ago; the picture we have of either of these places can scarcely be 
called one of virtuous simplicity. On the border the uncultivated, 
the illiterate, and the desperado rubbed shoulders with the virtuous 
farmer, the college graduate, and the missionary. Here there 
13 C C 


were fine examples of noble self-sacrifice; but here also were in- 
stances of selfish greed easily paralleling anything we know today. 
The frontier afforded a freedom which thrills the imagination of 
a more stifled generation, it allowed also a lawlessness and license 
which would be intolerable to us. 

Illinois in passing from frontier conditions to a stage of 
higher civilization lost nothing that was worth keeping and gained 
much that was of the greatest value. The higher civilization has 
brought about a greater solidarity of the people, a nobler sense of 
duty to the community, and more intelligent action. Today we 
are in the midst of a great world event and our people have been 
thrilled, as they never were before, by a noble idealism. When I 
see the young men of all classes rush to the call of duty sounding 
from a battle line, 4,000 miles away, in order to preserve to the 
world an ideal, and when I see their sisters forego their pleasures 
in order to devote themselves to a cause requiring a high degree 
of intelligence to understand, I realize that the grandfathers and 
grandmothers who dressed in homely homespun were no greater 
than they even in the simple virtues of self-sacrifice and devotion 
to duty. 



Many people have wondered whether or not Illinois should 
attempt a Centennial celebration, in view of the great tragedy which 
enfolds the world; but after the most careful consideration which 
the Commission was able to give to the question, the decision was 
reached that the war was all the more reason for recalling the events 
of our first hundred years. It was believed that by recounting the 
achievements of our past we would be better able to meet the de- 
mands of the present. We knew that we had a hundred years of 
glorious history behind us, and we believed that if we had those 
hundred years and their achievements in our mind we would more 
readily be able to meet the high duty with which we are confronted 
today, and therefore would be more likely to have another century 
equally glorious. 


I am not going, of course, to make a speech to you tonight, 
but I do want to read a few words, before I introduce the first 
speaker, from the Annals of Congress, which, as most of you know, 
is the official record of the proceedings of Congress. 

This State, a hundred years ago today, was told by the Federal 
Government at Washington that it might organize itself as a State, 
if it so wished. Twelve days before the President signed the bill 
the following proceedings occurred in the House of Eepresent- 
atives at Washington: 

"The House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on 
the Bill to enable the people of Illinois Territory to form 
a Constitution and State Government, and for the ad- 
mission of such State into the Union on a footing with 
the original States. 

"Mr. Pope," who was delegate in Congress from Illinois Terri- 
Amoved to amend the bill by striking out the lines defin- 
ing the boundaries of the new State, and to insert the 
following : 'Beginning at the mouth of the Wabash Eiver, 
thence up the same, and with the line of Indiana to the 
northwest corner of said State, thence east with the line 
of the same State to the middle of Lake Michigan, thence 
north along the middle of said lake to north latitude forty- 
two degrees, thirty minutes, thence west to the middle 
of the Mississippi Eiver, and thence down along the 
middle of that river to its confluence with the Ohio Eiver, 
and thence up the latter river along its northwestern 
shore to the beginning." 

"The object of this amendment, Mr. Pope said, was to gain, 
for the proposed State, a coast on Lake Michigan. This 
would afford additional security to the perpetuity of the 
Union, inasmuch as the State would thereby be connected 
with the States of Indiana, Ohio, Pennsylvania and New 
York, through the Lakes." 

I doubt if, in all the voluminous records of Congress, from 
the beginning until today, any event has transpired, recited in so 
few words as this, which has so affected the destiny of America as 


this simple amendment. Before it was offered, the northern bound- 
ary of Illinois was to extend from a point at the southern extrem- 
ity of Lake Michigan, west to the Mississippi Eiver. Without this 
amendment Chicago would not have been in Illinois; without this 
amendment Illinois would have been a slave state, because it was 
that part of the population of the state in the northern part of the 
state which saved it when the great trial came; without this 
amendment northern Illinois would have been a part of Wisconsin ; 
the Lincoln-Douglas debates would not have occurred, and in all 
human probability Lincoln would not have been President, but 
would have died an obscure country lawyer ! 

So I read these simple, unpretentious lines from that rather 
dry and dusty record of the proceedings of Congress, to show to 
the people of Illinois that a hundred years ago a Providence seemed 
to be with her, shaping the great destiny that has come; and if 
there ever was a time in our history when faith in a Providence 
guiding the destiny of State and nations was needed, that time is 

The first speaker of the evening, Monsieur Louis Aubert, a 
member of the High Commission of France, a distinguished scholar 
and writer, is doubly welcome to our midst. Illinois' early history 
concerns itself principally with French names. Marquette, Joliet, 
LaSalle and Tonti are among the great names of her early days. 
One of the most beautiful of our early traditions is the visit of 
LaFayette, upon his return to America. This State has cherished 
with affectionate pride every incident of that visit; and when you 
visit southern Illinois today the first things of which they will 
remind you are the spots and scenes of LaFayette's early visit. 

I want also to say to Monsieur Aubert that Illinois' first Con- 
stitution was probably the only Constitution ever framed by any 
government which was expressly drawn so that a Frenchman might 
be a public official. When the fathers of a hundred years ago con- 
vened, they provided qualifications of citizenship for every one 
else for whom an office was created, but expressly and purposely 
omitted to include the Lieutenant-Governor as coming within those 
qualifications in order that old Pierre Menard might be the first 
Lieutenant-Governor of Illinois. 


Those early memories have been greatly strengthened for us 
of this generation, in Illinois, by the visit a year ago of Marshal 
Joffre and Monsieur Viviani. It seemed to us fitting then that 
the hero of the battle of the Marne should come to our city and 
with loving hands should bear to Lincoln's tomb a wreath and lay 
it upon his bier, because of all the peoples of all time who have 
battled heroically for the principles for which Lincoln lived and 
died, the French nation during these years occupies the forefront. 

These are gloomy days. We have all of us been under more 
or less depression; and the best comfort I have had recently was 
coming across a report that another great Frenchman, General 
Foch, sent from the field of the battle of the Marne to General 
Joifre at perhaps the critical moment in that battle. I am going 
to read that order: 

"My right has been rolled up; my left has been driven 

back ; my center has been smashed ; I have ordered an advance 

from all directions." 

I don't know maybe at this moment they have rolled up our 
right, on the western battle front; they may have pushed back our 
left; they may have smashed our center; but while the spirit of 
France lives and while the Allied armies are commanded by Gen- 
eral Foch, we will order an advance all along the line! And as 
heroic France, in the battle of the Marne, saved the day for civiliz- 
ation, so we, the Allies, in the most sacred cause for which men 
have ever fought or ever died, will save the world to the civiliza- 
tion which it has taken so many centuries to attain. 

It is my great pleasure, ladies and gentlemen, to introduce 
to you the very distinguished Frenchman, Monsieur Louis Aubert. 


Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen : I thank you for the 
privilege of addressing you tonight in the name of France. In 
wishing that my country be represented at this commemoration, 
you have given once more an evidence of that charming virtue of 
the American people: Gratitude. 


From 1825, when General LaFayette came to this State, up to 
1917, the date of the visit of M. Viviani and Marshal Joffre 
America, has welcomed many illustrious Frenchmen. 

Today, the greetings of France are brought to you by a more 
modest soldier. I hope you will not deem these greetings less warm 
and less sincere. 

Gentlemen, as it has been your delicate idea to give to our 
meeting of tonight the character of a family reunion, let us speak 
first of our ancestors. 

A Frenchman cannot glance at a map of your State without 
being deeply moved by souvenirs from the old country. Names of 
cities, Joliet, LaSalle, Vincennes names of forts, Fort St. Louis, 
Fort Chartres, Fort Crevecoeur, how sweet those names sound 
to a French ear especially when heard far away from France ! 

But, Gentlemen, there is something more eloquent than these 
stones or these names, now dear chiefly to archaeologists : it is the 
dream, the magnificent dream of which they are the last humble 

The first white men to set eyes on the incomparable landscape 
of this great valley were Frenchmen : Marquette, Joliet, Cavelier 
de LaSalle. The grand empire, the creation of which seemed 
invited by these beautiful waterways flowing between the Great 
Lakes and the mouth of the Mississippi, had its inception in French 

What you realized in this, the most splendid cradle of energy 
and boldness in the world, was first the dream of French pioneers. 

These stones, however, these French names scattered over 
your territory do not merely bespeak dreams of by-gone days : they 
attest the dominating and still enduring qualities which our race 
has manifested with a persistency of which any race might be 

The idealism of a Marquette, of a LaSalle, who were neither 
conquerors nor merchants but merely explorers impelled by a 
scientific curiosity or a religious proselytism their bravery coupled 
with prudence, their tenacity, their love of peace which made them 
act as umpires between rival tribes, their spirit of kindness toward 
the natives, all these traits of our ancestors we find in our explorers 


and soldiers of the 19th century, and today we find them in Brazza, 
who won for France the immense region of the Congo without 
shedding a drop of blood, in General Lyautey who, almost without 
drawing the sword, has given Morocco the benefit of French peace. 
And now, in this hour of emergency, France is reaping the 
reward of this human spirit in this war in which all her subjects, 
black, white or yellow, have rallied with enthusiasm around her 

No indeed, the descendants of Joliet, Marquette, Cavelier de 
LaSalle have not degenerated into the old stay-at-home decadent 
race that the Germans were so pleased to picture. They have 
proved it to these same Germans at the Marne, at Verdun, and 
they are proving it today in the Oise, the Somme and the Lys 

Likewise, I can safely predict that the qualities of your fron- 
tiersmen will come out in the sons of Illinois who are to fight in 
France ! 

I well remember when I was in the trenches over there how, 
in order to find an analogy to the strange existence I was thrown 
into, I, who had always lived in cities and whom war had surprised 
in a study, had to go back to a chapter of your historian Frederick 
J. Turner, on "the significance of the frontier in American 

These trenches marked the farthest line of our civilization. 
Beyond the barbed wire was "No man's land." Every night, in 
our patrols or reconnaissances, we would creep always in the same 
direction towards the listening posts, guided only by the odors and 
the sounds brought to us by the wind. Gradually, the traces of 
our steps made a trail like the trails of the "coureurs de bois." 
Then, later on when we pushed forward our lines and advanced 
into "No man's land," these trails which then were used to bring 
supplies were widened into paths, then wagon roads and finally 
into railroads. So, in our turn, we passed through the different 
stages of your frontier life. And when, later, I heard of the skill 
and eargerness of the American soldiers in reconnoitering, I was 
not surprised : they are the worthy sons of the frontiersmen. 


Gentlemen, there is another trait of your ancestors that our 
ancestors helped to develop in addition to the spirit of boldness 
and energy: it is the spirit of freedom. Your historians have 
pointed out how your revolutionary spirit was stimulated by this 
large territory suddenly thrown open to the industrial conquest 
of a numerous, hardy and independent people. It is because the 
exploration by Frenchmen of the Mississippi Valley hastened the 
day of that Declaration of Independence for which fought La- 
Fayette and Kochambeau. It is because some of the most brilliant 
qualities of your race were prepared and assisted by those French- 
men who blazed the way for your spirit of enterprise and made it 
possible for you to satisfy your love of freedom, that from the 
very beginning up to today, the image of France has been firmly 
implanted, to use Dr. Finley's words, in the very heart of America. 
That true spirit of freedom of your West, no one better than your 
great fellow-citizen, Lincoln, has expressed when he said: "I 
never had a feeling, politically, that did not spring from the senti- 
ments embodied in the Declaration of Independence * * *." 
Then speaking of the inspiration derived from that document, he 
went on to show that "it gave liberty not alone to the people of 
the country but hope to all the world for all further time." 

Then it is not an accident if the so inspired words that Lin- 
coln applied to the Civil War apply equally well to our great war 
of today. 

When he stated the impossibility for America to live "half 
slave and half free" did he not define exactly our own position? 

Has any one ever written anything that fits more adequately 
the present situation than this sentence that one never tires of 
quoting : 

"We accepted this war for an object, a worthy object, and the 
war will end when that object is attained. Under God, I hope it 
will never end until that time." 

We were not the aggressors any more than you were. It was 
not our love of adventure which drove us into this war, but the 
necessity of fighting for our liberty. With the admirable patience 
with which, for more than two years and a half, you opposed Ger- 


man outrages, we, their immediate neighbors, opposed their exact- 
ing demands and provocations for forty-three years. 

Challenged to a fight to death, we have sacrificed everything, 
land and men, without stint. For over three years and a half, 
out of a population that the invasion has reduced to 35 millions, 
France has mobilized seven and a half million men. Previous to 
the last drive, three million French soldiers in the army zone were 
holding more than two-thirds of the Western front. 

Before the present battle, that effort had already cost us: 
1,300,000 killed in action or dead from wounds received in battle. 
About 1,000,000 maimed and invalided that is a decrease of two 
millions and a half out of our adult population, which to America 
would proportionately mean a loss of nearly six million men. 

All our forces have been thrown into the fight: the results 
are that our wheat crops have been reduced by two-thirds, our 
shipyards have manufactured only guns and shells instead of ships, 
and our export business has been practically stopped. 

All those sacrifices we have accepted without complaint, not 
only to defend our homes, but also to defend a great cause. 

We never fought a separate selfish war. Our reserves in man 
power and material we have always placed, in the hour of need, 
at the disposal of Serbia, of Italy; and today in Picardy and 
Flanders, our divisions fight side by side with our gallant allies, 
the British. 

With more than half of our coal fields and over 80 per cent 
of our iron deposits in the possession of the enemy, we have man- 
aged, not merely to set up entirely new industries to equip our 
armies, but we have been able to help our Allies, to whom, up to 
October, 1917, we had sent : 1,500,000 rifles, 2,500 guns and 4,750 
airplanes; and you know that when you came into the war we 
guaranteed that, provided raw materials should be supplied, we 
could equip with guns and airplanes all American divisions brought 
over to France before July 1, 1918. 

That we did, and today we have full confidence in your co- 
operation to the end. Upon the occasion of the first anniversary 
of your entrance into the war, your newspapers have reviewed the 


extent of your effort. Your effort has been tremendous and its 
results are already very important. 

General Pershing's action in placing all his resources in men 
and material at the disposal of General Foch, has deeply touched 
the heart of France. We know that your whole nation is at heart 
with that action and that all of you are ready to amplify it in 
placing all your resources at the disposal of our common cause. 
The success of your Liberty Loan will show it plainly. President 
Wilson's decision to brigade small American units .into larger 
units of the French and British armies, reminds us of those of 
our revolutionary government amalgamating the young recruits 
of Liberty among old seasoned troops and you know the lesson 
Austrians and Prussians were taught during the campaigns of the 
French Eevolution at the hands of those troops that their love of 
liberty made invincible. 

The present battle, cruel as it is, has already brought serious 
and lasting advantages to the cause of the Allies. The first is the 
unity of command. We now have a generalisimo, a common leader, 
who is alone responsible for the strategy of the battle. Be assured 
that, when the time comes, he will know where to strike the blow. 
The second advantage is a greater unity of judgment. We now 
cherish less illusions than formerly about the sufferings of our 
enemies, their revolutionary discontent, their disposition towards 
a negotiated peace. Such a peace, the Germans mention less and 
less since they have treated with Eussia, Ukraina and Eoumania; 
they are gorged with lands to profit by and peoples to dominate 
and, even those who voted in favor of a peace of conciliation in the 
Eeichstag in July last, are the first now to speake of necessary an- 
nexations in Belgium and in the French region of Briey. 

Each autumn since 1915 the military leaders of Germany have 
made her people feel that war pays: Serbia crushed in 1915. 
Part of Eoumania in 1916 and Eussia and Ukraina and the whole 
of Boumania at the end of 1917. The Germans' hands are full, 
one more effort and all these gains will be insured for ever. The 
magnitude of the stake is worth the boldest venture. Let us not 
rely on Austria either. Not that she would not like to make peace 
all the recent revelations of the secret negotiations which for a 


year Austria has tried to bring about, clearly" indicate her desire 
to come out of the war, but Austria in a military way and industri- 
ally and financially speaking is only a vassal receiving orders from 

Let us not rely on our enemies, on the diplomacy that might 
divide them. Let us rely on ourselves. Let us rely on the valour 
of our armies to bring about peace and let us take to heart the 
words of President Wilson: "Force, force to the utmost, force 
without stint or limit, the righteous and triumphant force which 
shall make right the law of the world/' 

Gentlemen, the spirit in which France entered this war, the 
spirit in which she carries it through is the best test of the spirit 
in which she means to conclude peace. 

You entered this war without territorial ambitions, you en- 
tered it for a principle. So did we! Do you believe that our 
country could and would have stood her enormous material losses 
and her frightful sacrifices in men if she had been prompted only 
by greed ? Poor bargain, indeed ! 

No, the spirit that has animated the French soldiers since 
August, 1914, is a spirit of crusade, and if our national aspirations 
are summed up in the names of Alsace-Lorraine, it is because to 
us Alsace-Lorraine embodies the very spirit of this crusade. 

Last October, before the Eeichstag, Herr von Kuhlmann ex- 
claimed : "Alsace-Lorraine is the symbol of the German Empire." 
Yes, Alsace-Lorraine annexed in spite of the unanimous protests 
of its inhabitants, Alsace-Lorraine under German yoke for 43 years 
has been the symbol of this brutal empire which already before 
the war had enslaved all its neighbors, the Danes of Slesvig, the 
Poles of Prussian Poland, and, during this war has subjected 
Courland, Esthonia, Luthuania, Poland, Koumania, Servia, Russia, 
and through Turkey Armenia. 

The return of Alsace-Lorraine to France on the contrary would 
consecrate the victory of the principle for which we are all fight- 
ing! It has become the symbol of the right of people to dispose 
of themselves. 

"Citizens possessed of souls and intelligence are not merchan- 
dise to be traded and therefore it is not lawful to make them the 


subject of contract," objected to their new masters the newly an- 
nexed Alsatian-Lorrainers through their representatives in the 
Reichstag in 1874. 

And President Wilson echoed the same sentiment when he 
said last February : 

"Peoples and provinces are not to be bartered about from 
sovereignty to sovereignty as if they were mere chattels and pawns 
in a game." 

Gentlemen, when Herr Von Kuhlmann or Count Czernin 
proclaim that Alsace-Lorraine is the only obstacle to peace, do not 
believe them. At the Peace Conference, there will be other ques- 
tions to settle to make the world safe for democracy. Alsace- 
Lorraine is only one of the fourteen peace conditions enumerated 
by President Wilson. No, Alsace-Lorraine is not the only ob- 
stacle to peace. But no peace is possible without the return of 
Alsace-Lorraine to France, for the brutal severance of these French 
provinces was the first crime of the new German Empire against 
democracy and out of that crime have come all the others that 
have astounded the world. 

Listen to the final touching words of farewell that the popu- 
lations of Alsace-Lorraine addressed to the French National As- 
sembly in Bordeaux, forty-seven years ago, and remember that 
when they were repeated before the Eeichstag in 1874, they were 
met with sneers and laughter. 

"Your brothers of Alsace-Lorraine, now cut off from the com- 
mon family will preserve for France, absent from their hearths, 
a filial affection until the day when she shall resume her rightful 
place here once more." 

Gentlemen, note these words brothers, family, filial affec- 
tion, hearths * * *. It is the whole question of Alsace-Lor- 
raine ! 

And after forty-seven years, your President, whose only con- 
cern is a lasting peace through justice, has heard the protests and 
pronounced this verdict: 

"The wrong done to France by Prussia in 1871 in the matter 
of Alsace-Lorraine which has unsettled the peace of the world for 


nearly fifty years should be righted in order that peace may once 
more be made secure in the interest of all." 

At present the recruits of Illinois, your own sons, are perhaps 
occupying in French Lorraine, at St. Mihiel or Aux Eparges, the 
sectors which face the Lorraine still occupied by the Germans. If 
some day France owes to their gallantry the recovery of her chil- 
dren which were torn away from her, gentlemen, then you will 
know that your sons have been the soldiers of Eight ! 

Your forefathers and ours were empire builders. It is for us 
to show that their spirit may prompt us now to build up a world 
better than the one we have known. 

In the first place, we will have to reconstruct France. You 
will help us. France feels that in the past as well as during this 
war, she has served mankind. In the interest of mankind you 
will help us to rebuild France. 

We will have to reclaim "No man's land" and bring back life 
into the field of death. For this undertaking of peace, of civiliza- 
tion and happiness, I look forward to the cooperation of the de- 
scendants of the French and American settlers who raised your 
fair State of Illinois out of the wilderness of the prairies. 

We will also have the world to reconstruct. This war has 
shown most plainly that there is no safety for a free state except 
in a close partnership with all other free states, respectful of each 
others' rights! 

During this war, the nations most jealous of their national 
prerogatives had to sacrifice something of their pride and accept 
the control of international organizations. 

After the war, something must survive of this union. We 
must discard the policy of laissez-faire" and establish in its stead 
a better justice and a great efficiency. The antiquated conception 
of the balance of power must give way to a new regime. What 
will this regime be? We know already the one that the German 
kultur would set up. It would control the whole of Europe and 
reach out to Persia and India, and the Far East. And once in 
control of Europe and Asia the Kaiser, as he bluntly told you, 
would stand no nonsense from America. So, in the end, it would 


amount to nothing less than the domination by the Germans of 
land, sea, sky and man. 

The American conception of the new order is quite different. 
You know what it is, you Westerners, who have the far-seeing eye 
of the prairies, you citizens of Illinois, who gave to America the 
man who saved the Union. You have realized on this continent 
a Federal organization which, while respecting the rights of the 
states, is strong enough to insure fair relations between them. The 
society of nations is nothing else, gentlemen, but the American 
spirit extended to the world. 

Perhaps our generation will see this League of Nations re- 
alized. Meanwhile, we must modestly begin by practising its 
spirit among our two countries, whose mutual feelings for the last 
hundred years are the surest promise of a better world to come. 

Let us set ourselves to this momentous task with the spirit 
of those builders and settlers who are our ancestors. When they 
cleared the forest in the wilderness, they dreamed of the city which 
would rise some day near that clearing. It would be a beautiful 
city, open to all, where all men of goodwill would have a chance, 
where all men respectful of the rights of their fellows would live 

Gentlemen, let us carry this dream one step further let us 
work for a society of nations open to all peoples of goodwill and 
where all nations, great and small, will have the place they deserve. 




We are here tonight to celebrate with joy and pride both 
the growth and achievements of our State during its first hun- 
dred years. But we do not forget we can not forget how much 
back of that century, and how much now in this world-shatter- 
ing and saddening war we owe to France. As America has recalled 
proudly her debt to her in the days of LaFayette, so Illinois should 
remember what she owes to the France of nearly a century before 
France the bravest, most generous and liberty loving of nations. 


Doctor Finley whose absence, compelled by a distant and im- 
portant mission, we all regret has told with rare poetic insight 
the romantic story of the earlier explorations of this region in his 
lectures before the Sorbonne, which he has collected in a book en- 
titled, "France in the Heart of America." In the preface, written 
since the war began, he gave this title a sentimental as well as a 
geographical turn. How truly was France in the heart of America ! 
And with what profound satisfaction we recognize tonight that 
America is in the heart of France in fact no less than in sentiment ! 
Precious as are our past obligations to this heroic people, our 
future ties to them should be ever sacred. 

When General Pershing laid a wreath of roses on LaFayette's 
tomb he raised his hand in salute and said with soldierly brevity, 
"LaFayette, we are here!" So, we may say, "France, you have 
long been here ; we rejoice that we are now there; for we both know 
that our cause is the same." 

When the vanguard of America's army marched through the 
rejoicing streets of Paris last June, little French children knelt 
down at the curb as Old Glory passed. They felt and expressed it 

all. Since then the heart of America has been in France. 

* * * * * * * 

Let us first recall briefly that earlier time of picturesque and 
chivalrous adventuring. 

It was the French who first explored this region and made it 
known to the world soldiers seeking new domains for the lilies 
of France; missionaries seeking converts to the Christian faith; 
voyageurs seeking profit and adventure in this wild land. LaSalle, 
Marquette, Joliet, Hennepin, and their associates were the real 
discoverers of this vast expanse along the Upper Mississippi, with 
its fertile soil, natural beauty, abundant game and peaceful Indians. 
They mapped and named the water courses and other natural land- 
marks and the Indian villages. They established forts, founded 
missions, marked the trails and the sites for trading which they 
learned from the Indians. They were everywhere the forerunners 
of the pioneers. But it is a curious fact that the French established 
no enduring settlements. Cahokia, Kaskaskia and Peoria, Fort 


Saint Louis (now Starved Bock) and Fort Crevecceur, founded 
by the French fathers and soldiers, and nearly all their other out- 
posts of civilization languished unless and until they were taken 
over by American or English pioneers. 

It is to the intrepid missionary, Pere Marquette, that the 
State owes its name. Exploring the Mississippi, he came upon the 
footprints of a large band of Indians. Overtaking them, he asked 
who they were. They thrilled him with their answer: "We are 
the Illini the tribe of men." Thus, this great land of prairies 
and wooded water courses between the rivers, and the lake became 
the Illinois territory, and nearly a century and a half later the 
State of Illinois. And the whole significance of our hundred years 
must be found in the deeper meaning of our name Illinois, the 
land of men. For, no matter how much we exalt quantities and 
values and incomprehensible numbers, we know that their origins 
and significances are, and must always be, in men. Back of all 
deeds is the doer, and back of all accomplishment is individual 


* * * * * * * 

When the Congress authorized the formation of this State, 
and President Monroe signed the Enabling Act one hundred years 
ago today, it was the result of a very brief campaign here and was 
not regarded elsewhere as of special significance. Eelatively little 
discussion had preceded the presentation of the memorial from 
the territory or delayed the passage of the bill through House 
and Senate. This had been a separate territory only ten years. 
Its population was then less than thirty thousand, mostly from 
slave-holding states, and all its settlements, without important ex- 
ception, lay along the water courses near and south of the mouth of 
the Illinois Eiver. Though this was a part of the Northwest Terri- 
tory, from which slavery was excluded by the famous ordinance of 
1787, yet slavery existed here from the days of French control. 
The census of 1818 reported 829 "servants or slaves." 

*Daniel Pope Cook, the very young and energetic editor and 
proprietor of the Territory's chief newspaper, the Western Intelli- 

* He -was defeated as a candidate for the State's first representative in 
Congress, but he was appointed its first Attorney General. 


gencer, published at Kaskaskia, is to be remembered as the maiii 
factor in bringing forward and pressing the question of statehood 
at that time, when the territory had scarcely half of the sixty thou- 
sand population required for a state under the ordinance of 1787. 

Nathaniel Pope, our territorial delegate, in preparing the bill, 
fixed the northern boundary first at ten miles and finally at fifty 
miles north of the line through the south bend of Lake Michigan 
that had been indicated in the ordinance as the boundary of a new 
state. This change of boundary, in order to give Illinois access to 
Lake Michigan, seemed of small importance at the time, but it 
gave the State its entire lake frontage with its great metropolis 
and its fourteen northern counties which now have a population 
greater than that of all the rest of the State. 

Here was a truly royal domain with more acres of arable land 
than all England. It was, indeed, a new and fairer Mesopotamia, 
with leagues on leagues of verdant prairies, brilliant with wild 
flowers and fringed with forests along the streams. Beneath the 
riches of its deep black soil lay undreamed of wealth of coal and 
oil, of lead and zinc and other minerals. Upon its lakes and rivers 
there was no sail, only the silent canoe of the Indian and the 
voyageur and the slow, cumbersome river boat of the pioneer. 
There was no smoke cloud anywhere of town or factory. The rude, 
primitive salt works at Shawneetown was the solitary industry of 
Illinois. The blacksmith and itinerant cobbler supplemented the 
skill of the pioneer and his wife in providing the simple equipment 
and coarse clothing of the frontier life. The population even 
including the 10,000 who came into the territory while it was 
framing a constitution for the State and thus made up the re- 
quired 40,000, and even including the 6,000 Indians, who were 
practically the only inhabitants of the north three-quarters of the 
territory amounted to only one person to each one and a quarter 

square miles. 

* * * * * * * 

What miracles a hundred years have wrought! The popula- 
tion has increased from 40,000 to about 6,000,000 nearly twice 
the population of the thirteen colonies in 1776. The production 
14 C C 


of Indian corn has increased from a few thousand bushels, then 
produced by the settlers and the Indians, to 365,654,400 bushels in 
1917. The total wealth of the State has increased from $4,000,- 
000 to $15,000,000,000 nearly four thousand fold; and today the 
value of our productions from field and factory and mine is nearly 
$3,000,000,000 a year. What a contrast between the little, crude 
salt works at Shawneetown and our vast and varied manufactur- 
ing enterprises today ! Our exhaustless coal measures, our un- 
equaled railroad transportation and the easy access by water to the 
Nation's great iron ore supply have been great factors in producing 
these results. Illinois plows, Illinois cornplanters and Illinois 
harvesting machines have increased the food supply in every 
quarter of the world, as they first increased it here. Illinois auto- 
matic machinery and machine shop equipments are lightening the 
labor of human hands in all countries. Illinois packing house 
products reach every corner of the globe, and Illinois watches 
keep time for every civilized nation. 

Though the Illinois and Michigan Canal may seem now a 
rather sorry and expensive political reminiscence, it aided greatly 
in the growth of Illinois and of Chicago. Shadrach Bond, our 
first Governor, recommended it, and his successors, through dis- 
couragements and disasters not a few, persevered until it was com- 
pleted in 1848. When the Erie Canal was finished in 1826, the 
commercial East and the agricultural West for the first time natur- 
ally joined hands at Chicago, instead of by way of the Ohio and 
Mississippi Rivers as theretofore. Chicago has been called the 
child of New York and the Erie Canal. When the railroads came 
later the routes of commerce east and west of Illinois had been 
so far fixed through Chicago, and the natural influences were still 
so controlling, that Chicago's position as the railroad center of 
our country was soon firmly established.* 

If it seems one of the chief marvels of our hundred years that 
this young State should furnish the site of the Nation's second 
and the world's fourth city, it is because Illinois combines in the 

Tucker of Virginia said in 1818 that it cost the farmer one bushel or 
wheat to carry two to a seaport town only eighty miles away. Land trans- 
portation was then limited by its cost to 100 miles. 


major and world-wide sense the granary and the workshop. The 
legend of Chicago's seal tells the story, "Urbs in horto." 

These achievements are due to the foresight and character of 
the men, from Nathaniel Pope down through this wonder-working 
century, who discovered and developed the great natural resources 
and opportunities. For, important as the advantages of geographic 
and economic position and of natural resources are to such great 
accomplishments, they have required here, as they always do, an- 
other and yet more important factor masterful men of vision. 
These accomplishments were largely by-products of the moral and 
political convictions and aspirations of the men and women of 
Illinois. From the beginning the people of this State have be- 
lieved that the principles of the Declaration and the Constitution 
furnish the only sure foundation for a free and civilized state. 


Though one-third of the territory of Illinois and all of its 
settlements in 1818 were south of the Mason and Dixon line, and 
the majority of its population had come from southern states, a 
commonwealth of freedom was the ideal of those Illinois pioneers. 

Geographically this State extended into and bound together 
the sections of North and South. Likewise historically it held the 
strategic place in defeating slavery and disunion and in saving the 
Nation for human freedom. 

The two exceptional and far-seeing provisions in the Enabling 
Act were: (a) Changing the northern boundary, and (b) giving 
three of the five per cent of the sales of public lands (which had 
usually been set apart for public roads) to the cause of public 

The Constitution under which the State was admitted con- 
tained rather complicated provisions as to slavery, that in effect 
recognized and legalized its existence as an indentured servitude 
under rigid restrictions for a limited time, but definitely provided 
for its abolition within a generation. 

The real fight over slavery in Illinois came with the election 
of Edward Coles as the second Governor in 1822. He was a Vir- 

* One-sixth of the total to go to the founding of a college or university. 


ginian of education and high connections and substantial property. 
He had been private secretary to President Madison, and was a 
special ambassador to Eussia in 1817. He inherited slaves, and, 
on his way to Illinois in the spring of 1819, he freed some twenty 
or more, but brought them to Illinois and gave 160 acres of land 
to each head of a family. He was known to be strongly opposed 
to slavery. In the election of 1823 the slavery party elected the 
Lieutenant Governor and controlled both branches of the legis- 
lature by large majorities. Governor Coles, in his first message, 
recommended the freeing of the slaves and the revision of the 
black laws for the protection of free negroes. The slavery party 
met this challenge by passing through the legislature, by the 
necessary two-thirds votes, a resolution for a constitutional con- 
vention. Its sole purpose was to protect slavery in Illinois. The 
question then went to the voters and a bitter campaign was waged 
in the summer of 1824. Although substantially the entire popu- 
lation was in the southern half of the State and had come mainly 
from the slave states, Governor Coles won a great victory. Of 
the 11,612 voters then in the State, 6,640 voted against the con- 
stitutional convention, which meant against slavery, and 4,972 in 
its favor. This settled finally the character of Illinois as a free 
State, and thus at once stimulated immigration from the free states 
of the North. It also showed that the southern stream of settlers, 
that came first, held largely the same enlightened views as those 
who came later from New England and New York and Pennsyl- 

It was Senator Douglas of Illinois who, a generation later, 
revived as a national issue the question of slavery by his bill to 
repeal the Missouri compromise. Out of that controversy sprang 
the candidacy of Abraham Lincoln for the United States Senate 
and the Lincoln-Douglas debates of 1858. Lincoln came from 
Kentucky, a slave state, while Douglas came from Vermont. Lin- 
coln, convinced that slavery was wrong, stood firmly against its 
extension. Douglas, though born and educated in New England, 
sought the path of compromise, and was more hostile to abolition- 
ists than to slaveholders. In their debates they made Illinois the 
platform upon which the essential moral quality of this issue and 


the impossibility of permanent compromise were strikingly shown 
to the American people. 

In the Civil War Illinois rose to her supreme height in the 
contributions she made to the cause of freedom and union through 
President Lincoln, General Grant, Senator Trumbull, Eichard 
Yates, our War Governor, General Logan, General Palmer, Gen- 
eral Oglesby and many more, who, at the front 255,000 brave 
sons in the Congress, in the Legislature and in private life de- 
voted themselves with unselfish ardor to saving our Eepublic. The 
war ended forever the question of slavery, which had divided our 
State and Nation for so many years, and the cause for which Love- 
joy gave his life at Alton in 1837 was won. And the great lead- 
ers who were so conspicuous in our first fifty years are our most 
inspiring possessions, our most abiding influences. 


Though the Enabling Act wisely provided that' the larger 
portion of the proceeds from public lands within the State should 
go to education (because, as he so erroneously stated, the Illinois 
country did not need much money for good roads!) Nathaniel 
Pope's wise foresight was vain. Funds from this source were ab- 
sorbed and lost in the later craze for public improvements. 

While schools and churches were almost the first desires of 
many Illinois pioneers, public education here as elsewhere, was 
very slowly developed. During the first fifty years the real centers 
of learning and enlightenment were the communities where private 
initiative and gifts had founded academies and denominational 
colleges. They offered the opportunity of a liberal education to 
the children of the poor and well-to-do alike. Shurtleff, McKen- 
dree, Illinois and Knox Colleges were early examples of these cen- 
ters of moral and mental enlightenment and progress in this State. 
They constantly drew hither the more desirable settlers, and 
through their students and graduates disseminated higher ideals 
of conduct, business and government. They combine, as no other 
institutions of learning have done with equal emphasis, the develop- 
ment of the moral and religious as well as the intellectual nature. 
They ministered largely to the moral indignation against slavery 


which found full expression in "Uncle Tom's Cabin." Edward 
Beecher, president of Illinois College, and Jonathan Blanchard, 
president of Knox College, were strong anti-slavery leaders in the 
discussions that followed the murder of Lovejoy. 

Not until the last fifty years did the early plans for public 
education become effective. Our public school system had hardly 
begun by 1855 and progress was slow until after the Civil War. 
It is in her later years that Illinois has developed her great State 
university and the two other universities on private foundations at 
Chicago.* In libraries, in the fine arts, and in music Illinois has 
facilities, opportunities and students which give her a relative rank 
even greater than her wealth and commerce. 

Indeed, the connection is closer than is sometimes realized 
between the agencies for religious, moral and mental development 
and the physical evidences of great wealth and enterprise. For it 
is not alone the combination of the trained scientific mind and 
business sagacity that have produced the vast wealth of our State. 
Sterling moral character, fine public spirit, high personal and com- 
mercial ideals have given energy and stability to our great business 
enterprises. And the men who have won the largest successes have 
themselves attested the truth of this statement. Philip D. Armour 
established the Institute of Technology as well as a world-wide 
business to fitly perpetuate his name. The memory of the com- 
mercial genius of Marshall Field will persist in the centuries to 
come, not so much in the marvelous business which he created as 
in the monument f which is near its completion on the shore of 
Lake Michigan, and the influence of that monument will increase 
and expand with the years. George M. Pullman, whose engineer- 
ing skill lifted Chicago out of the swamp before he established the 
business that bears his name, took pains to assure a continued in- 
fluence of elevation in the great training school which he founded. 
Similar instances are to be found in all parts of our State. Among 

* Jonathan B. Turner's contribution is worthy of remembrance. He came 
to Illinois in the early thirties. He was the leader in the movement creat- 
ing State Universities by National aid and to furnish agricultural and tech- 
nical instruction. He also introduced the osage orange hedges to save the 
expense of rail fences and of ditches and embankments then in general use. 
In this war American Universities and Colleges have made the priceless con- 
tributions of patriotic enthusiasm and eager young men specially competent 
for leadership in every branch of war service. And the roots of the osage 
orange now supplanted by wire fencing have yielded a dye for their uni- 

t The Field Columbian Museum. 


us of Illinois no man is regarded as truly successful unless he adds 
high personal character and a generous civic spirit to his business 

It was the. moral and idealistic training of American schools 
and colleges that made the martyrdom of Belgium and Germany's 
cruel crimes against humanity on land and sea and from the air 
potent and irresistible arguments for our joining the Allies. It 
was largely our college men who went, and inspired others to go, 
overseas to aid French and English arms long before our declara- 
tion of war. We should never forget the moral heroism and 
vicarious sacrifice of this proud American vanguard of 30,000 men, 
fighting under foreign flags for the life and soul of neutral 

The queenly stature of Illinois in the sisterhood of states has 
been made due to her steadfast devotion to liberty, justice, educa- 
tion, and all the agencies of moral, aesthetic and spiritual enlight- 
enment, and to a patriotism that embraces all these. 

What a powerful inspiration in the trying days of this World 
War have been the memories of the Illinois leaders in the War for 
the Union ! Every Illinoisan who knows what Lincoln and Grant 
and Logan and Palmer and Oglesby strove for is bound to know 
and feel that their work is vain unless the Prussian arms and creed 
are beaten to the dust. But we all knew that as they sought a half 
century ago to save this Nation, not for its power or its glory, but 
because in its survival were bound up the deepest interests of man- 
kind, so America is fighting with the Allies in this war. And their; 
spirit and capacity and devotion have reappeared during the past; 
twelve months in the varied labors and solid service of Governor 
Lowden. His record and his character are one of the strong 
promises for our second century. By his words and his acts he has 
made clear the purpose for which America fights ; and that all that 
Illinois has, all that Illinois is, are but dust in the balance as com- 
pared with the cause for which American soldiers are fighting and' 
dying on the Western front. 

Therefore, Illinois is pledged and prepared by her history 
and ideals to fight to the end, even if the war should take from 
us all that our hundred years have gathered. 



What are the problems that confront Illinois as it enters upon 
its second century, and what are the lessons its past teaches ? 

The problems are the old ones of making 'and keeping a 
democracy honest and humane in purpose, genuine, intelligent and 
steadfast in character. The perpetual problem, as Lincoln stated 
it, is to have a government strong enough to protect the liberties 
of the people in a crisis, but not too strong for those liberties in 
times of peace; the problem of keeping justice and liberty equal 
and fraternal, and of ever guarding and preserving not only the 
essential principles, but the essential institutions of our free Re- 

This war has taught us, as no other war in our history has 
done, that a republic must not only be willing to fight for its 
liberties, but it must be prepared to fight; that loyalty imposes a 
-constant obligation which will be most cheerfully recognized and 
met if it is definite and applies to every youth alike. 

The utter collapse and disintegration of Russia have taught 
us as we needed to be taught that there can be no justice assured 
to anyone except under ordered liberty, under a government of 
justice and law; that a socialistic government, whether resulting 
in anarchy or oligarchy, is not the government which Washington 
founded and Lincoln saved. Their government was of the whole 
people, and not of any class, and was founded in rules of right 
and in permanent institutions of liberty and justice. 

Free government no more means a government of the pro- 
letariat than of the grand dukes; no more of the poor than of 
the rich; no more of the ignorant than of the learned. It means 
a government in which all participate, and under which the rights 
of all are equally protected; and protected not by the will of the 
rulers, whether a vast committee or an irresponsible czar, but pro- 
tected by fundamental principles of justice and by established in- 
stitutions of freedom. 

Illinois has been ever true in conviction, if not always in prac- 
tice, to the rule that "obedience to law is liberty." The disorders 
of the Chicago strike of 1894, and the more recent race riots at 


Springfield and East St. Louis, are painful reminders that dangers 
constantly lurk in a democracy and that neither justice nor liberty 
can live under mob law. Reverence for law must ever go with 
devotion to liberty, else liberty is lost. "Law is the uttered con- 
science of the state restraining the individual will." 

This war should teach us another lesson of the highest value. 
In England and in America the great crisis has submerged and 
obliterated for the time the divisions between so-called labor and 
capital. Both have forgotten their differences have been ashamed 
of their differences in the presence of a danger that threatened 
to engulf them both. If the war has taught cooperation and 
mutual confidence and the duty to suppress differences for the good 
of all, shall we not finally learn that lesson and apply it to all our 
relations hereafter? For internal class divisions and strife will 
wreck democracy as surely as would, the success of the German 

It is increasingly patent that much remains to be done in 
order to make every Illinois boy and girl fit in spirit, in hand 
and in brain for the duties and the devotion of citizenship. This 
is a problem, not so much of making every citizen of greater eco- 
nomic worth to the State, but of making every youth, whether 
alien or native born, a loyal, an honest and an intelligent citizen. 
A formal naturalization of the immigrants is not enough it 
means very little; it should mean very much. It should mean 
such knowledge of our language and there is but one American 
language and of our history and institutions, as will lead them 
unconsciously to love America with the singleness to which they 
pledge themselves in their oath of allegiance. Americanism ad- 
mits of no divided loyalty least of all between America and an- 
other nation whose governmental aims and principles are antagon- 
istic to ours. 

The pitiful exhibition of "international democracy" in Eussia 
the past year should be warning enough to us against every propa- 
ganda that weaken, in anyway or for any human purpose, complete 
patriotic devotion to America. All such movements in the name 
of humanity destroy all the safeguards of essential human rights. 


"God gave all men all earth to love, 
But since man's heart is small, 
Ordained for each one spot to be 

Beloved over all/' 

When the heat of summer lies heavy upon our land there 
comes a flower that bursts in white and gold on the sluggish 
stream, and decks with sweet stars of day the surface of many 
a murky pool. The Illinois of our pride today is not found in its 
population or wealth or its material resources. It is in the soul 
of our commonwealth. Like a pond lily, it has grown out of the 
depths of this fecund valley, and, striving upward through all the 
turbulent and turgid floods of a new industrial and civil life, has 
been nourished even by the impurities in which it was rooted. 

Only as our buildings and enterprises, our genius for pro- 
duction and commerce strengthen and uplift the collective soul 
of our people, are they truly admirable. Every beauty of line in 
the material edifice of our greatness, every political or commercial 
achievement that stirs the spirit, is proof of the essential soundness 
of a civilization that has been and still may be somewhat crude, 
yet has been always genuine, always aspiring. 

Even our largest material accomplishments disclose ideals 
that have not yet been realized, and that have soared with each 
attainment; that have gone like the purpose before a deed, leading 
to action, but mingling with fulfillment a high discontent that 
impels to yet higher doing. They are but the symbols of our 
power, the promise of our future. 

It is a brave banner that we unfurl, bearing the record of our 
hundred years. There you may read the story of Pere Marquette, 
carrying the cross to the wild tribes of our prairies ; of the French 
coureurs du bois, romantic, brave, enduring; of the frontiersmen, 
who, like the explorers and fur traders, loved the wilderness, its 
hardships and adventures, with its free life and isolation, for their 
own sake, and then as towns and cities grew, they vanished beyond 
the Mississippi. 

You can see there the pioneers the lonely log cabin, the 
little hamlet in the midst of the undulating sea of prairie flowers, 


guarded by the church spire and the school house, rather than 
by the walls and gates of old. Into the peace and silence come 
a few harsh notes of strife between savage and settler; splashes of 
blood stain the lake's yellow sands. Then you can see later the 
yeomen of the countryside marching with their flintlocks against 
the Indians in the one war that has touched the soil of Illinois. 
You can see the beginnings of communities, of an organic 
life binding communities together; the self-contained, yet uncon- 
scious heroes of that simple time, moving with a certain giant 
strength and childlike directness to control the forces which were 
then raw and plastic, and to build out of them a puissant and 
stable state. The pioneers stood as the trees of a forest, together 
but individual. 

"They rise to mastery of wind and snow; 

They go like soldiers grimly into strife 
To colonize the plain. They plow and sow, 

And fertilize the sod with their own life, 
As did the Indian and the buffalo." 

Behold there the simple folk that defended themselves against 
the red race, now imperiling their liberty and their lives to give 
freedom to the fleeing slave. These men of the "underground 
railroad" were the first projectors of North and South railroad 
lines, and they surpassed all others in having successful operation 
accompany the preliminary survey! 

How that record blazes with the part of Illinois in the great 
war for Freedom and the Union ! Behold the long lines of blue, 
gathering from farm and shop and store and school, and moving 
away to martial music, mingled with huzzas and sobs to meet 
death or victory, as might be, but to meet either with a smile. 
The story brightens and darkens as gloom follows gleam until at 
last, out of hoping and despairing comes victory, and the sad, 
yet rejoicing return. 

Then a shadow falls across the picture a shadow so deep 
that it darkens .every heart and every home in Illinois. Lincoln, 
the great Captain, Lincoln the Emancipator of the Slaves, Lincoln 
the Saviour of the Nation, Lincoln the Martyr, lies dead. 


"When lilacs last in the dooryard bloomed, 
And the great star early drooped in the western sky 

in the night, 
I mourned and yet shall mourn with ever-returning 


Then we see the interrupted forces rearrange themselves; old 
enterprises and new endeavors take on a new vitality; we see a 
city leap into life as by magic, and then more suddenly vanish in 
flames. Its woe becomes its fortune ; its destruction is its upbuild- 
ing. Enterprise, commercial and industrial, dominates every 
element of city and country life. Material foundations are laid 
so broad and so deep that all else seems forgotten. Streets are 
lifted out of the swamp; notable buildings are raised out of the 
ashes; numerical and financial strength increases. Out of them 
arise the beginnings of an intellectual and aesthetic life. 

"Whate'er delight 
Can make .Day's forehead bright 
Or give down to the wings of Night." 

Wealth, philanthrophy and art, schools and universities blossom 
in the Dream-city of the Exposition, a city built of wave and cloud 
and sunshine; that opened, when the daylight faded, like a great 
night-blooming cereus by the margin of the lake. It glowed with 
the colors of evening and of dawn, and passed as they pass, leaving 

only imperishable memories. 

* * * * * * * 

And then the portraits that hang in the hall of our hundred 
years ! Plutarch's men, who lived the 

"Life that doth send 
A challenge to its end; 
And when it comes, says 
Welcome, friend!" 

Douglas, the "Little Giant," like a short, swart tower holding 
guns terrific for destruction and defense; Baker of the silver 
voice, who joined to the strength of the West and the calmness of 


the North, the warmth and fervor of the South whose brilliant 
speech was forgotten in the keener flash of his sword, which, alas ! 
fell with him at Ball's Bluff in the very budding of his powers; 
and Palmer, who followed Douglas in putting aside his party and 
its principles for the higher cause of the Nation; and in his old 
age again standing true to his convictions and assuming leadership 
to guard the Nation from financial disaster; and Oglesby, the 
homeless Kentucky lad, thrice chosen Governor of Illinois, and be- 
loved leader in war and in peace; Trumbull, slender of stature, 
but great in intellectual power the foremost constitutional lawyer 
and debater of that time; and Logan of the sable wing, who left 
the companions of his youth to lead, as few leaders could, the 
impetuous legions of the North who with a soldier's reckless 
daring joined a gentle heart, and in the thankfulness that followed 
war helped to heal its wounds by assisting in the establishment of 
the Grand Army of the Republic. 

And Grant, of the stern, unflinching, untelling face, of a 
figure and a stature that gave no hint of martial glory or of martial 
prowess, but which held a spirit that was dogged, indomitable, 
persistent and resistless in war; that was gentle, self-sacrificing, 
and more sublimely brave in peace ; that made Appomattox a shrine 
of magnanimity and Mount McGregor an altar of moral heroism. 

But above all in our Pantheon is Lincoln, the people's hero, 
whose greatness is the common possession of mankind : A face so 
plain it fascinates, so sad it touches the heart; so illumined that 
it draws us from all sordidness ; eyes that beacon to the safe harbor 
of a true soul ; a form builded like the ships of the Vikings, strong 
to the uttermost, and graceful almost in the perfectness of its 
strength ; a mind that brought every question to the test of truth, 
and would not deceive others because it would not deceive itself ; , 
a mind ever ruled by a heart which, as Emerson said, was as 
capacious as the storehouse of the rains, but had no room in it for 
the memory of a wrong; a mind and a heart distraught, oppressed, 
borne down under burdens greater than ever man bore, and shaken 
by a temperament touched with moodiness and mysticism they 
kept their soundness in a philosophy that took the sense of the 
comic as a preservative of wisdom, and the sense of duty as the 


preservative of honor and endeavor; a spirit so fine that it felt, 
past all argument, the imminence of Divinity; a life harmonized 
and made glorious in the conclusion of Darwin ; though a man may 
not fully know the issue of his life or the nature of God, he can 
do his duty. And how Lincoln did his duty, mankind will ever 
love to tell. 

But there is another picture, a small part of a great canvas, 
not yet finished, radiant with a light that brightens every portrait, 
every painting in that hall. It portrays Illinois summoning her 
youth by hundreds of thousands to prepare to prove at arms her 
loyalty to liberty and her gratitude to France, and to defend that 
government of the people which it is Illinois' chief glory to have 
helped to save. 

There is here none of the pageantry or trappings of an army 
with banners. Like the rude cabins of the pioneers, multiplied 
into myriads, are the schools of military instruction going forward 
with the simple directness and the invincible purpose of a high 
resolve. Here above the broad prairie the young eagles are trying 
their wings and their talons, that they may strike to the earth the 
German vultures that are tearing at the vitals of defenseless mil- 

Then we see them again long lines of khaki brown and 
glistening steel that go forward and ever forward some wounded, 
some dying, all cheerful, all smiling, all determined. And above 
the lines and before them yea, and above the lines of France and 
of England shining in the upper air, watching, rising, wheeling, 
striking and sometimes falling ! are the young eagles of Illinois ! 

And the light of that picture glows upon all her sons who 
served with perfect devotion, whether here or there; whether they 
have returned, or whether France shall keep them lovingly and 
make their resting places shrines of liberty. And the radiance of 
that picture is from the sun of universal justice, liberty and kindli- 
ness that is just rising upon a darkened world. 

All this and how much more? glows resplendent on our 
banner, though it shows but the simple legend, Illinois, the Land 
of Men. 



The occasion of the Illinois Centennial is an auspicious time 
to pay tribute to the great achievement in American history during 
the infancy of the communities which form the group of states of 
the Old Northwest. That achievement is the establishment of the 
American Colonial System. It is not intended to raise the ques- 
tion of the congressional history of the Ordinances which formu- 
lated it. That phase of the story may rest as it has been recorded. 1 
The problem now essayed is to trace the actual process of establish- 
ing the peculiar American mode of dealing with frontier communi- 
ties. It was one thing for Congress to lay down in a series of 
Ordinances the outline of a plan of government for the western 
domain, it was another for officials to carry it out in practice 
to overcome the barriers to its application in a geographically re- 
mote wilderness. It is, indeed, the appearance of these barriers 
and their overcoming by territorial authorities which constitutes 
the main problem of this study. 

The United States acquired so far as international relations 
were concerned a title to the Northwest Territory in the treaty 
which closed the Revolution. The national government still had 
two rival contestants in the field : some of the older states thought 
their territories swept across the Mississippi Valley in wide belts; 
and there were the Indian occupants. The former was easily dis- 
posed of, thanks to eight years of cooperation in a common cause 
and the conciliatory spirit abroad immediately after the Revolu- 
tion. The deed of cession of Virginia, March 1, 1784, finally gave 
the United States title to a large strip north of the Ohio River. 

1 McLaughlin, Confederation and the Constitution, chs. 7, 8 ; Channing, 
IV, ch. 17 ; Barrett, Evolution of the Ordinance of 1787. Archer B. Hulbert, 
The Records of the Ohio Company, has given a fresh account of the relation 
of the Ohio Company to the genesis of the territorial policy. 


New York had yielded a more shadowy claim to the same region 
three years earlier. Deeds of cession by Massachusetts, April 19, 
1785, and by Connecticut, May 28, 1786, extended the national 
jurisdiction until it covered the whole of the Northwest, except 
Connecticut's western reserve along the south shore of Lake Erie. 
These cessions were the first price which states with western claims 
paid for Union. 

The other western problem at the outset was to acquire from 
the Indian occupants treaties ceding their claims to such portions 
at 1 - were wanted for immediate colonization. The United States 
dealt with the Indian as semi-dependent nations. The Congress 
of the period went about the task quite logically. It began by 
creating a commission to negotiate with the Indians, and an army 
to give protection to all concerned. At the conclusion of peace 
it ordered the Revolutionary army disbanded, except a small guard 
of 80 men for Fort Pitt and West Point. On June 3, 1784, it 
instructed the Secretary of War to call 700 men from the militia 
of Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania for 
short terms of service in the protection of the Northwest frontier. 
The dismissal of the last regiment of the Eevolutionary army had 
occurred only the day before, so that the act of Congress was an 
illustration of the new republic's fear of anything approaching a 
regular trained army and its faith in the adequacy of short term 
bodies drawn from the state militia system. 2 Nothing is more 
characteristically American than this action. Colonel Josiah Har- 
niar was given command of the western army. 3 In the fall liar- 
mar's force of state militia, about four hundred in number, made 
its way across the Alleghanies into the Indian country north of 
the Ohio Eiver. The militia of Connecticut and New York had 
not responded to the call. Some efforts were being made to recruit 
their quotas, but the frontier had to wait long for their coming. 4 

2 Journals of Congress, IV, 433, 438. 

s Josiah Harmar, born in Philadelphia, 1753, educated at a Quaker 
School, entered Pennsylvania militia as a captain in 1777, colonel in 1777, 
commandant of western army of United States in 1784, brevet Brig-adier- 
General in 1787, commander-in-chief of United States Army in 1789, retired 
from army in 1792, died in Philadelphia, 1813. 

4 Harmar to Thomas Mifflin, President of Congress, Dec. 5, 1784, Trans- 
cripts obtained from the State Department by A. T. Goodman in 1871 and 
deposited -with the Western Reserve Historical Society. Cited hereafter as 
Goodman Transcripts. See also Journals of Congress, IV, 874-5 ; Major 
Ebenezer Denny, Military Journal, p. 257). 


During the year in which a military force was taking shape 
for the Northwest, another territorial agency of the Confederation 
was organized. The first step was taken three days after the 
United States acquired title to the strip along the north side of the 
Ohio Valley. Congress appointed five commissioners who were 
instructed to negotiate with the northern and western Indians for 
their claims on the western country. A resolution urged the com- 
missioners to make haste with their task. They were given power 
to contract with merchants for supplies of provisions and other 
gifts for the Indians as well as the necessities of the commission. 5 
Three of them were present at a conference with the New York 
Indians at Fort Stanwix, and on October 22, 1784, concluded a 
treaty which bears the name of the place of conference. 6 The 
Governors of New York and Pennsylvania had representatives at 
the conference and treated separately with the Indians. Such con- 
flicts of jurisdiction were not the least of the embarassing problems 
before the national commissioners. 7 In the end the com mission erg 
secured from the Six Nations the abandonment of their preten- 
sions to the region south and southwest of Lake Erie. The com- 
mission then ordered goods "delivered to the Six Nations for their 
use and comfort." 8 

Oliver Wolcott, 9 Eichard Butler, 10 and Arthur Lee 11 served 
as Commissioners at the Fort Stanwix conference. Wolcott was 
replaced by George Eogers Clark 12 on the Commission which met 

B Journals of Congress, IV, 345, 352, 446, 484. 

Journals of Congress, IV, 363; 378, 382, 531; American State Papers, 
Indian Affairs, Vol. I, p. 10. 

7 The Olden Times, II, 412-430 ; J. A. James, Some Phases of the History 
of the Northwest, Reports of the Mississippi Valley Historical Society, 171. 

8 Journals of Congress, IV, 531-2. 

9 Oliver Wolcott, born in Connecticut, 1726, graduated from Yale College, 
1747, became colonel of Connecticut Militia, 1775, brigadier-general 1776, 
member Continental Congress 1776-8 and 1780-84, signer of the Declaration 
of Independence, major-general, 1779, lieutenant-governor of Connecticut, 
1786-96, governor 1796, died while governor 1797. 

"Richard Butler, born in Ireland 1743, brought to America by parents 
when five years old, settled in Carlisle, Pennsylvania, appointed major of 
Pennsylvania militia in 1776. lieutenant colonel 1777, and colonel of a Penn- 
sylvania regiment; appointed major general in St. Clair's army, 1791, killed 
in battle, 1791. 

"Arthur Lee, born In Virginia in 1740. educated at Eton College and 
University of Edinburgh, studied law at the Temple in London, and practiced 
law in London, 1770-6, sent by Congress on several diplomatic missions in 
Europe during the Revolution, member of Congress, 1782-4, member of the 
Board of the Treasury, 1784-9, died in Virginia, 1792. 

"George Rogers Clark, born in Virginia, 1752, land surveyor by profes- 
sion, became major in Virginia militia 1776, lieutenant colonel, 1777-79, com- 
manding Virginia forces operating against the British in the Northwest^ 
brigadier general in Continental Army, 1781, died in 1818. 


the western Indians. Butler kept a journal of the conference 
which it held with the Wyandot, Delaware, Chippewa and Ottawa 
Indians at Fort Mclntosh during December and January in 1784 
and 1785. 13 He describes a motley throng of Indians, men, wo- 
men, and children, that assembled during the last days of Novem- 
ber. The Commissioners doled out from their stores food, kettles, 
blankets, rum, and powder, and then struggled to keep in control 
the obstreperous element set off by firewater and emboldened by 
new supplies for their firearms. 14 By a combination of bribery, 
threats, and coaxing the Indians were brought to sign the so-called 
treaty of Fort Mclntosh. A line was drawn through the central 
part of Ohio, east of which the Indians ceded their claims. 15 The 
treaty of Fort Mclntosh followed the well worn colonial policy of 
inducing the Indians to move farther westward. It seemed a 
great achievement. The Indians had in effect ceded some 30,- 
000,000 acres to the United States. 16 One or two facts lessened 
its importance. Various influences caused the Indians to make 
scraps of paper of their pledges. To begin with, the Shawnee, 
the most powerful of the western Indians, were not parties to the 
treaty of Fort Mclntosh. But more serious was the fact that the 
treaties were concluded with only one element of the Indian tribes. 
At the very time the pacific element was coming to terms with the 
Commissioners of the United States, warrior bands were raiding 
white settlements. The political organization of the western In- 
dians was extremely chaotic. No authority among the Indians 
could control the situation. And even the peace element which 
assented to the treaties had little interest in peace with the United 
States for its own sake, and an absorbing hunger for the goods 
which the commissioners were doling out. Such treaties backed 
by ineffective military forces were little less than futile absurdities, 
although the motives behind them were of the highest. 

No one recognized the incompleteness of the work more clear- 
ly than the commissioners. 17 Early in 1785 they summoned the 

"Fort Mclntosh was a crude wooden fort near the mouth of the Big 

"The Olden Time, II, 433. 

"Journals of Congress, IV, 532; American State Papers, Indian Affairs, 
I, p. 11. 

"Washington Writings, Ford edition, Vol. X, 447. 

"Journals of Congress, IV, 486-7. 


Shawnee to a conference. Clark and Butler were still on the com- 
mission, but the third commissioner was Samuel H. Parsons, 18 who 
was to take a place among the makers of the Northwest. 19 The 
conference occurred at the mouth of the Great Miami Eiver during 
January, 1786. A treaty was concluded January 31, 1786. The 
Shawnee were left in possession of a vast sweep of territory north 
of the Ohio Eiver, comprehending in general that between the 
Great Miami Eiver and the Wabash. The territory to the east- 
ward of this tract was ceded by the Indians to the United States. 
The title of the National Government to a great area of the North- 
west seemed complete, and the procedure for further acquisitions 
outlined. 20 Yet there were other forces which defeated these paper 
agreements. The British garrisons continued to occupy the fron- 
tier posts on American soil; foreign fur-traders vied with American 
traders for the favor of the Indian; and squatters of American 
birth equally with uncontrollable Indian bands disregarded the 
treaty obligations. 21 

Congress left the meager frontier army to struggle on with 
the forces which were nullifying the treaties, and went ahead with 
its legislative program. And a remarkable one this was. Im- 
portant ordinances followed one another in annual sequence. One 
in 1784 outlined a plan under which the settlers were to institute 
government and take a place in the political union. One of 1785 
adopted a plan of land survey, land endowments for education, 
and a policy of land disposal as a national asset. An ordinance of 
1786, introducing a new mode of handling the relations with the 
Indians, completed the series. 22 A few weeks earlier the northern 

18 Samuel H. Parsons, born in Connecticut, 1737, graduate Harvard Col- 
lege, 1756, began practice of law, 1759, member of Connecticut Legislature, 
1762-1774, major in Connecticut Militia, colonel, 1775, major general, 1730, 
commanding Connecticut line of Continental Army, member and President 
of Society of Cincinnati in Connecticut, stockholder and director of the Ohio 

"Journals of Congress, IV, 574. 

20 Journals of Congress, IV, 627; American State Papers, Indian Affairs, 
I, 11 ; Butler's Journal in Olden Time, II, 521, Another Commission had 
carried to a similar point of success the negotiations with the southern 
Indians. Journals of Congress, IV, 627. 

"Harmar's Letters, June 1, 1785, June 21, 1785, May 7, 1786, Goodman 
Transcripts; Butler's Journal, Olden Time, II, 433; A. C. McLaughlin, West- 
ern Posts and British Debts, American Historical Association Report, 1894, 
413 ; J. A. James, Some Phases of the History of the Northwest, Mississippi 
Valley Historical Association, 1914-15, p. 168. 

"Journals of Congress, IV, 677. 


and southern Indian Commissions had been discontinued in order 
to prepare the way for reorganization. 23 

The Ordinance of 1786 for the Eegulation of Indian Affairs 
created a national Indian department of two districts. The Ohio 
Biver became the general line of division. A superintendent in 
each district was in charge of Indian affairs, and required to report 
to Congress through the Secretary of War. Other clauses forbade 
foreigners residing among the Indians or trading with them, and 
established the license system for Americans who resided among 
them or traded with them. The act intended to provide a mode 
by which the National Government could take an effective hold 
of Indian trade, make it an American monopoly, and meet and 
checkmate the British economic interests in the Northwest. A 
week later Congress chose Eichard Butler Superintendent of In- 
dian Affairs for the northern district. 24 

The Land Ordinance of 1785 had continued the office of Geog- 
rapher of the United States, who was virtually Surveyor General, 
and who with the surveyors appointed by the several states was 
laying out the land according to the national system of surveys. 25 
The significant thing is that a service previously local was national- 
ized. Thomas Hutchins 26 who had served as a national geographer 
since 1781 was now reappointed for a term of three years. In Sep- 
tember, 1785, Hutchins took up his work in the Northwest. The 
election of Butler as Indian Superintendent brought two national 
agencies of administration into the developing institutions of the 
new national territorial system. 

In the meantime Harmar's western army remained a com- 
paratively feeble force. In 1785 Congress called upon Connecti- 
cut, New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania to supply eight 
companies of infantry and two of artillery. In reality the infantry 
seldom exceeded 500. Three years later, 1788, the two companies 

23 Ibid, IV, 664. 

24 Journals of Congress, IV, 683 ; Butler's jurisdiction extended from the 
Hudson to the Mississippi, and from the Ohio to the St. Lawrence and the 
Great Lakes. 

"Journals of Congress, IV, 520. 

2 Thomas Hutchins, born in New Jersey, 1730, entered British army, 
joined American Continental army in 1779, appointed geographer for the 
southern army by General Greene in 1781, appointed sole geographer of the 
United States in 1784, continued in office until death in 1789. A Surveyor 
General was finally created by the act of 1796. Rufus Putnam became first 
Surveyor General. Journals of Congress, III, 617, 644 ; IV, 627, 636, 818. 


of artillery were not yet in western service. New York had not 
made any provision for recruiting its quota. The backwardness of 
the states in fulfilling their national duties which was paralyzing 
the Confederation in the East was also hampering the establish- 
ment of order and government in the Northwest. 27 The losses of 
the army in numbers through those whose terms expired and 
through desertion from dissatisfaction with the service nearly offset 
the gains from recruiting. Harmar complained that he had con- 
stantly to weaken his force by sending officers on recruiting mis- 
sions into the states, and to maneuvre with the old soldiers in order 
to re-enlist them. The necessity of securing the approval of state 
executives to all changes in officers in each state's quota under- 
mined discipline. 28 The Journal of Joseph Buell, a sergeant in 
Earmarks regiment, gives a glimpse of the kind of maneuvering 
which won re-enlistments. The entry is for July 4, 1786. It 
reads as follows: "The great day of American independence was 
commemorated by the discharge of thirteen guns; after which the 
troops were served with extra rations of liquor, and allowed to get 
drunk as much as they pleased." 29 

There is no evidence that time was creating a well equipped, 
well disciplined national force capable of coping with frontier con- 
ditions. The testimony of the witnesses records a constant struggle 
of the officers with the soldiers for the maintenance of discipline. 
In 1786 after a long debate Congress yielded to the urgent repre- 
sentations of the commander of the western army, the Secretary 
of War, the Governor of Virginia, and the frontier settlements. 
The size of the western army was set at 2,000 men. And yet Har- 
mar reported in 1788 that the limit of his expectations for the 
year was for 595 men. Such troops as Harmar had were of neces- 
sity kept scattered in small garrisons along the Ohio Valley. 30 

2T Report of a Committee of Congress, October 2, 1788, Journals of Con- 
gress, IV, 874 ; Harmar, Letter of June 15, 1788, in Goodman Transcripts. 

28 Harmar's Letter, January 10, 1788, Goodman Transcripts. 

29 Hildreth, Pioneer History, 144. 

30 The principal posts were Fort Franklin, near the mouth of French 
Creek ; Fort Mclntosh, near the mouth of the Big Beaver ; Fort Harmar, at 
the mouth of the Muskingum ; Fort Steuben, at the rapids of the Ohio ; and 
Post Vincennes on the Wabash River ; Fort Harmar was the usual head- 
quarters of the commandant until Fort Washington was established opposite 
the mouth of the Licking River in 1789. Harmar to Knox, September 12, 
1789, Goodman Transcripts; Journals of Congress, IV, 874. 


When Colonel Harmar arrived in the Ohio country he found 
squatters rapidly taking possession. Some had settled there dur- 
ing the Eevolution. 31 After the Eevolution it seemed "as if the 
old states would depopulate and the inhabitants would be trans- 
planted to the new." 32 In the valley of nearly every tributary of 
the Ohio from the north was one or more pioneer shacks and tiny 
clearings. In the larger valleys considerable settlements existed. 
One of Harmar's officers reported a settlement of 300 families on 
the Hockhocking Eiver and an equal number on the Muskingum. 
It is probable that the estimate was an exaggeration. There is not 
evidence enough to determine the exact extent of settlement. It is 
certain the number impressed those who witnessed the migration. 
The pioneers were chiefly the Scotch-Irish backwoodsmen from 
Pennsylvania, Virginia, and North Carolina who were venturing 
farther afield. Their civilization was the prototype of that which 
spreads over parts of the great Appalachian Highland still. 33 They 
were then the vanguard of the American people advancing in 
steady strides through the forest wilderness of North America. 
They were not waiting for the formalities of survey and title to 
the lands which they claimed. Tomahawk rights had been good 
enough for their ancestors ; such rights were good enough for them. 

Some of them were beginning the rudiments of state building 
as their kind had been doing for many years on the borders of 
Virginia and North Carolina. 34 At Mercer's Town the people had 
chosen justices of the peace and begun to carry on town govern- 
ment. 35 At another place Harmar's men found a call for an elec- 
tion to choose members of a constitutional convention. From the 
fact that voters were to cast their ballots at the mouth of the Miami 
Eiver, the Scioto Eiver, and the Muskingum the area covered by 
the embryonic state can be fairly well denned. The promoters set 

81 Ohio Archeological and Historical Society Publications, VI, 135; Hul- 
bert, Records of the Ohio Company, I, xxi-xxiii. 

32 Olden Times, II, 499 ; Wm. H. Smith, St. Clair Papers, II, 3-5 (Cited 
hereafter as St. Clair Papers). 

83 Ohio Archeological and Historical Society Publications, VI, 135 ; Olden 
Time, II, 442-6 ; The Journal of John Mathews, a nephew of Rufus Putnam, 
in Hildredth, Pioneer History of Ohio, 177-8. The latter describes a corn 
husking 1 among this class, and frontier social manners. 

84 F. J. Turner, Western State Making, American Historical Review, I, 70. 
8B Mercer's Town was in Belmont County nearly opposite Wheeling. See 

Armstrong to Harmar, April 12, 1785, and Harmar to R. H. Lee, May 1, 1785, 
Goodman Transcripts ; Butler's Journal in Olden Time, II, 443 ; St. Clair 
Papers, II, 3. 


forth in the call the frontier interpretation of democracy. Their 
political creed was congressional non-interference and squatter 
rights in frontier settlement. 36 Similar movements south of the, 
Ohio finally matured in statehood without Congressional interfer- 
ence. For example, the settlements of Kentucky became a state 
without a period of national control. This squatter migration into 
the Ohio country ran counter to a new national mode of state 
building, and was forced to give way. 

Congress began its territorial policy by closing the western 
lands to occupation until they were surveyed and formally placed 
on sale. Intruders were to be driven off. A proclamation to this 
effect was published by the commissioners while they were negotiat- 
ing with the Indians at Fort Mclntosh, January 24, 1785. Col- 
onel Harmar was instructed to enforce the proclamation. 37 The 
impelling motives of Congress in this first step are plain: the 
promises of bounty lands to the soldiers of the Eevolution, the 
needs of a national treasury bankrupt from the burden of interest 
on the war debt, and the treaty obligations to the Indians were an 
effective combination of reasons for a new start in the settlement 
of the national domain. Harmar proceeded during 1785 to expel 
the squatters who had settled along the north shore of the Ohio 
and along the courses of its tributaries. In a few places the in- 
habitants threatened organized resistance; in all cases they gave 
way in the end before superior forces, sometimes sullenly, but 
always without bloodshed. Their cabins, such bark or log struc- 
tures as there were, were destroyed. The bolder squatters were 
later found to have returned, and the process was repeated until 
the country was apparently cleared of this type of settlers. The 
records of the Ohio Company show no evidence of the survival of 
these squatters, who if they had been present would have plagued 
it not a little. 38 

88 St. Clair Papers, II, 5. 

8T St. Clair Papers, II, 3; The Olden Time, II, 340; J. A. James, Some 
Phases of the History of the Northwest, Mississippi Valley Historical Asso- 
ciation, Proceedings, 1913-14, 187. 

88 Harmar, December 5, 1784, April 25, 1785, May 1, 1785, June 1, 1785, 
and Armstrong to Harmar, April 12, 1785, Goodman Transcripts; St. Clair 
Papers, II, 3 ; Butler's Journal in Olden Time, II, 437, 438, 440 ; Journal of 
John Mathews in Hildredth, Pioneer History of Ohio, 183. 


Harrnar extended his activities against the squatters to the 
western French villages in 1787. At Vincennes he found that 400 
squatters had taken refuge in the village among the French. The 
Americans were cultivating their fields in the neighborhood in 
armed bands in a state of perpetual warfare with roving hostile 
Indians. He warned them of the worthlessness of their land titles, 
but later events showed that he failed to terminate these particular 
lawless encroachments on Indian lands. 39 While Harmar was on 
the Wabash he heard that the Kentuckians were pushing onto the 
public lands about Kaskaskia as through an open door. From Vin- 
cennes Harmar extended his western journey to the "great Ameri- 
can Bottom." He found that many of George Bogers Clark's fol- 
lowers had made "tomahawk claims'* in the region. At Bellefon- 
taine, a small village near Kaskaskia, there was a stockaded Ameri- 
can settlement. A little farther on was another village called 
Grand Euisseau inhabited by the same sort of people. His descrip- 
tions of the Illinois villages and the conditions of living are inter- 
esting, but aside from the subject at this time. At Cahokia he 
assembled the French inhabitants and advised them to place their 
militia on a better footing, to abide by the decision of their courts, 
and restrain the disorderly element until Congress could provide 
a government for them. It shocked him to find that "all these 
people are entirely unacquainted with what Americans call liberty. 
Trial by jury, etc., they are strangers to." A considerable num- 
ber of other squatters were found scattered on the rich bottoms at 
some distance from the French villages. Everywhere Harmar 
warned the Americans from the lands they were occupying. For 
reasons not clear in the correspondence he took no steps to enforce 
the order. The Indians in these parts, he says, were not numer- 
ous, but "amazing fond of whiskey" and "ready to destroy a con- 
siderable quantity." Before returning to the posts on the Ohio 
he visited the Spanish settlements on the west bank of the Missis- 
sippi and described at some length his experience in the foreign 
land. 40 

39 Harmar, August 7, 1787, Goodman Transcripts; St. Clair Papers, II, 
24, 26 ; Journal of Joseph Buell, Hildredth, Pioneer History, 154 ; Roosevelt, 
Winning of the West, III, 79, 235. 

40 Harmar to Knox, December 9, 1787, Goodman Transcripts; Journal of 
Joseph Buell, Hildredth, Pioneer History, 156 ; St. Clair Papers, II, 18, 30. 


Harmar's well written, informing letters to the Secretary of 
War give the impression of a faithful, wide awake public servant. 
They present a continuous account of the struggle of the western 
army against disorder and lawless colonization. It would seem 
that Harmar succeeded in checking the squatter movement which 
had set into the Ohio country, that he drove out the adventurers 
along the upper Ohio Kiver, that he only partially stopped the same 
movement across the lower Ohio, adventuring from the Kentucky 
side below the Falls, and finally failed utterly to master the divers 
elements in the French villages. The latter passed through eight 
years of near anarchy. 41 The American frontiersmen in their 
midst made conditions worse than they would have otherwise been. 
Remnants of the Virginia county government survived, but with 
such the French had little sympathy or understanding. 42 The 
French villages formed in reality city-states as independent as their 
classic predecessors in the Mediterranean basin had been. 

Though Harmar's forces brought the squatter movement 
under a fair degree of control, the relations of the government 
with the Indians were constantly embarrassed by the borderers 
who broke through the line of forts along the Ohio River either 
for the game or the plunder to be found on the Indian lands. The 
struggle between the roving bands of Indians and the equally law- 
less whites was a ceaseless one. It would have required a vastly 
larger army than Harmar possessed to have effectually curbed these 
elements. 43 Moreover his efforts were nullified by the influence of 
British interests on the northern frontier. He constantly pressed 
on the War Department the view that the United States could 
never have the respect of the Indians as long as the British garri- 
sons held American posts on the Great Lake frontier. 44 Such was 
the situation in 1787. Harmar was trying to guard a frontier of 
more than twelve hundred miles which separated the white out- 


42 C. W. Alvord, Cahokia Records, Illinois Historical Collections, II, cxl, 

43 Harmar to Knox, August 10, 1788, August 9, 1787, and December 9, 
1787, in Goodman Transcripts ; Saint Clair Papers, II, 18 ; Journal of John 
Mathews, in Hildredth's Pioneer History of Ohio, 177-183 ; Roosevelt, Win- 
ning of the West, III, 88. 

"Harmar to Knox, June 1, 1785; to Francis Johnson, June 21, 1785; to 
Thomas Mifflin, June 25, 1785 ; to Knox, July 16, 1785, and May 7, 1786, in 
Goodman Transcripts ; Butler's Journal in Olden Time, II, 502. 


posts of civilization from the Indian regions. Bichard Butler as 
Superintendent of Indian Affairs with his deputies was engaged 
in bribing the Indians with presents into keeping their promises, 
while equally generous British agents at the Lake posts were an- 
nuling the effect of Butler's work.' Geographer Hutchins with 
his small bands of surveyors was laying out the seven ranges of 
townships on the upper Ohio Eiver. Of regular civil government 
there was none, except the rudiments in the French city-states 
of the far west ; of American population there was no longer any, 
except that which clung to the neighborhood of the French villages 
for protection. 

On July 13, 1787, Congress passed an ordinance to give the 
Territory of the Northwest the needed local government. The 
matter had been under consideration for nearly a year. 45 The 
plan of government which had been adopted in 1784 needed a pro- 
vision for the period in which there were not enough inhabitants 
to constitute a republican government. Congress was in a frame 
of mind in 1787 to consider a substitute for its earlier measure. 
Eecent researches show beyond doubt that there was an organized 
drive of investors, holders of revolutionary bounty rights, and of 
state and national securities of indebtedness to force Congress to 
sell the western land in large lots and to accept securities of indebt- 
edness in payment at their face value ; they show further that these 
elements were cemented together by the fraternal bonds of a com- 
mon membership in the Society of the Cincinnati and in the Union 
Lodge of Free and Accepted Masons ; 46 and that they hastened the 
action of Congress in providing a government for the territory. 
However the Ordinance of 1787 in its final form was the result 
of several years deliberation. The usual emphasis in the consider- 
ation of the act is on the rudiments of a Bill of Eights and the 
anti-slavery clause which it contained. Yet neither of those 
clauses much affected the history of the Northwest. The popula- 
tion of the Northwest would hardly have acted differently if the 
restraints of the Ordinance had not existed. It is probably true 
that the oratory which has been expended upon them has consider- 

Journals of Congress, IV, 701, 702, 703, 746, 747, 751. 

Records of the Ohio Company, Marietta College Historical Collection, I, 


ably stimulated American ideals. But the clauses of the Ordinance 
which provided for immediate civil government, and finally for 
the admission of the several portions of the territory into the na- 
tional union of states on equal terms with the original states were 
rules which determined the course of American history. They 
were the fulfilment of Congressional pledges. 47 In them states- 
manship of the highest order found expression. 

How timely the passage of the act was is shown by the events 
of the succeeding months. Manasseh Cutler 48 and Winthrop Sar- 
gent 49 carried through the dual contract of the Ohio Company of 
Associates and the Scioto group of speculators. And before a year 
had elapsed Eufus Putman 50 as superintendent of the company led 
the advance party which began a colonizing movement as momen- 
tous as any in American history. 51 Close on these events John C. 
Symmes 52 concluded a similar contract with the Treasury Board 
on behalf of the Miami Company, and led in person another body 
of home builders into the Northwest. 53 The leaders and large 
part of the colonists were Eevolutionary soldiers and officers from 
the far east. Harmar observed that they were a very different 
class from the squatters whom he had been expelling. 54 

* T Journals of Congress, III, October 10, 1780. 

48 Manasseh Cutler, born in Connecticut in 1742, graduated at Tale Col- 
lege in 1765, entered the ministry in 1770, pastor in Ipswich, Massachusetts 
1771-1823, chaplain in a Massachusetts regiment during the Revolution, lead- 
ing stockholder in the Ohio Company, member of Congress, 1801-05, died in 

49 Winthrop Sargent, born in Massachusetts, 1753, graduated at Harvard 
College, 1771, became major in artillery during the Revolution, a surveyor 
in the Northwest after the Revolution, stockholder and secretary of the 
Ohio Company, became Secretary of Northwest Territory in 1788, Governor 
of Mississippi Territory in 1798, died in 1820. 

50 Rufus Putnam, born in Massachusetts in 1738, cousin of Israel Put- 
nam, apprenticed to a millwright in 1754, enlisted as a private in the French 
and Indian War, 1757, a practical surveyor from 1760, entered the Revo- 
lutionary army in 1775 as lieutenant colonel, became Colonel and chief engi- 
neer in the army in 1776, Brigadier General in 1783, member of the Massa- 
chusetts Legislature, leading stockholder and Director of the Ohio Company, 
Superintendent of the Ohio Company from 1788, judge of the Supreme Court 
of the Northwest Territory, 1790-1796, Surveyor General of the United States, 

81 Cutler, Life, Journals and Correspondence of Manasseh Cutler, I, ch. 9 ; 
The John May Papers, Western Reserve Historical Society Reports, Vol. 97 ; 
Records of trie Ohio Company, Marietta College Historical Collections, Vol. 
I, 13, 26. 

83 John C. Symmes, born in New York, 1742, teacher and land surveyor, 
soldier in army of Revolution, member of Congress from New Jersey, 1785, 
1786, leading promoter of Miami Company from 1787, judge of Supreme 
Court of the Northwest Territory 1788-1803, died in 1818. 

63 Symmes, Circular to the Public, Historical and Philosophical Society 
of Ohio, Quarterly, V, 82 ff. 

"Harmar to Knox, April 26, 1788; to Johnston, April 28, 1789, in Good- 
man Transcripts; Harmar, March 22, 1789, and November 9, 1789, in Journal 
of Ebenezer Denny, Appendix, pp. 440, 445. 


The work of establishing civil government began with the 
passage of the Ordinance. One section of the Ordinance provided 
for the appointment by Congress of a Governor, a Secretary,, and 
three judges for the temporary government of the entire North- 
west. The terms and function of the officers were prescribed. The 
Governor was assigned the executive functions, the judges those of 
a judiciary. The Governor and the judges together were to form 
a territorial Legislative Council. This was the bridge by which 
the government of the territory was to pass from the rule of the 
Superintendent of Indian Affairs and military commandant to 
the first stage of republican government when there should be a 
population of 5,000 free males. On October 5, 1787, Congress 
chose its President, Arthur St. Clair, 55 Governor of the North- 
west Territory, and Winthrop Sargent, Secretary. 56 Manasseh 
Cutler's very human and Franklin like diary bears witness to the 
view that St. Glair's appointment was a part of the political job- 
bery by which the dual purchase of the Ohio Company and the 
Scioto group had been put through Congress. 57 St. Clair was a 
large land owner in the Ligonier Valley in western Pennsylvania, 
and a stockholder of the Ohio Company. 58 The office of northern 
Superintendent of Indian Affairs, which General Eichard Butler 
had held, was at the same time merged with that of Governor. 59 
That Sargent and Parsons should be Secretary and one of the 
three judges, respectively, was a part of the bargain Cutler, on 
behalf of the Ohio Company, carried through Congress. Both were 
Directors of the Ohio Company. James M. Varnum, 60 another 
Director of the Ohio Company, and John C. Symmes, the leading 
stockholder in the Miami Company, were the other judges chosen 

"Arthur St. Clair, born in Scotland, 1734, educated at University of 
Edinburgh, entered British army and served in America in French and Indian 
War, settled in western Pennsylvania in 1764, became Colonel in Revolu- 
tionary army, 1776, Major General, 1777, member of Congress, 1785-7, Presi- 
dent of Congress, 1787, President of Pennsylvania Society of the Cincinnati, 
1783-9, Governor of Northwest Territory, 1788-1802. 

56 Journals of Congress, IV, 786. 

57 Cutler, Life, Journals, and Correspondence of, July 23, 26, 1787. 
68 St. Clair Papers, I, 7 ; Records of the Ohio Company, I, 49n. 

59 Journals of Congress, IV, 784-5. 

60 James M. Varnum, born in Massachusetts, 1749, graduated from Rhode 
Island College (Brown University), in 1769, began the practice of law, 1771, 
became colonel in Rhode Island regiment, 1775, brigadier general in Conti- 
nental army, 1777, member of Congress, 1780-82, 1786-7, a stockholder and 
director of the Ohio Company, appointed a judge in the Supreme Court of 
Northwest Territory, 1787-9. 


by Congress. 61 It was a government in its personnel of great land- 
lords, as colonizing enterprises in American History had generally 

The first immigrants of the Ohio Company who arrived in the 
Spring of 1788 were in advance of the arrival of St. Clair, and had 
to provide in a measure for their own civil affairs. The Board of 
Directors of the Ohio Company set up a temporary local village 
organization in June, 1788, for the interim until the regularly con- 
stituted authorities should arrive. The Board itself acted as a 
local Board of Police in Marietta. It organized the inhabitants 
into local militia, and minutely regulated the local affairs of the 
busy community. A minister and a teacher were engaged, and 
the expenses borne by the company's revenues. 62 But the period 
of extra-legal proprietary government soon passed. 

Early in July one of Hal-mar's military barges, driven by 
twelve oarsmen, met Governor St. Clair at Pittsburg and bore him 
to the headquarters of the western army, located at Fort Harmar, 
across the Muskingum from Marietta. Soldiers and civilians were 
duly impressed by the solemnity of the first act in the drama of 
actually establishing Civil Government in the Northwest. The 
fifteenth day of July 1788, was set for the formal opening. What 
seemed appropriate ceremonies took place at the bower erected for 
the occasion in the clearing which was becoming the site of Mari- 
etta. After the formalities of the occasion 'St. Clair described the 
temporary government which he was to establish for the infancy 
of the territory. 63 

The Ordinance of 1787 entrusted the Governor with the duty 
of laying out the territory into counties and townships, and ap- 
pointing the necessary officials for local administration. The exe- 
cution of this duty together with the exigencies of Indian Affairs 
made his office to a considerable extent an itinerant one. A procla- 
mation of July 27, 1788, formed the region east of the line of the 
Cuyahoga, the Tuscarawas, and the Scioto Eivers into a county 
with the name of Washington. The offices well known in the 

61 Journals of Congress, IV, 799, 809. 

82 The John May Papers, Western Reserve Historical Society Reports, 
Vol. 97, pp. 71, 104-112 ; Records of the Ohio Company, I, 40 ; II, 6, 7, 29, 

St. Clair Papers, II, 53-56. 


Pennsylvania county system were created, and the appointments 
made. 6 * The progress of the Miami Company between the Little 
Miami and the Big Miami Rivers led to the organization of Hamil- 
ton county in January, 1790. The middle settlement of the com- 
pany, christened Cincinnati and made the headquarters of the west- 
ern army, became the county seat. 65 St. Clair proceded from Cin- 
cinnati on a tour of organization. At Clarksville, a small settle- 
ment forming on George Eogers Clark's tract, St. Clair tarried to 
make a beginning of local government, appointing a justice of the 
peace and the officers of the militia. 66 The French settlers farther 
west had petitioned for relief from their political anarchy. St. 
Clair undertook to meet their wishes. His party arrived in Kas- 
kaskia in February, 1790. He found the task before him a com- 
plicated one. The settlement of land claims proved to be a diffi- 
cult problem, and delayed him many months. In the end Con- 
gress gave every head of a family in the western villages, whether 
French or American, who was living in the region in 1783, 400 
acres of land. Every man enlisted in the militia in 1790 also re- 
ceived 100 acres of land. 67 The poor, gentle folk of the French 
villages were not easily converted into an American political com- 
munity. But the usual procedure was gone through. The region 
from the Ohio River northward along the Mississippi as far as the 
junction of the Little Mackinaw Creek with the Illinois River was 
joined together into St. Clair County, and the usual appointments 
from the local population made. 68 St. Clair had intended to re- 
turn by Vincennes, and there to organize a fourth county, but 
Indian matters demanded his presence among the settlements on 
the upper Ohio. He accordingly sent Secretary Sargent to Vin- 
cennes to carry out that part of his program. The Wabash settle- 
ment received the county form of government, and the name of 
Knox, the Secretary of War. In the period of preliminary or- 
ganization St. Clair used the executive proclamation freely, and 
encroached on the powers of the Legislative Council. Against this 

"St. Clair Papers, II, 78-9. 

65 Ibid, II, 129. 

68 Ibid, II, 131n; Caleb Atwater, History of Ohio, p. 130. 

67 American State Papers, Public Lands, II, 124; C. W. Alvord, Cahokia 
Records, Illinois Historical Collections, II, cxl. 

68 St. Clair Papers, I, 168 ; II, 136. 


tendency President Washington warned him, and in characteristic 
stilted phrases advised circumspection in conduct in order to avoid 
a ground of clamor against public characters. 69 

The three judges appointed by Congress constituted a Supreme 
Court. Judge Varnum died in 1789, and General Parsons in 1790. 
President Washington appointed George Turner 70 and Rufus Put- 
man to fill the vacancies. 71 The judges seldom sat together in a 
joint court. In practice each one held court where he was residing, 
with an occasional session in an outlying settlement. Symmes and 
Putman were the active directors of the two dominant land com- 
panies of the Northwest. Every land dispute that arose was con- 
nected with some act of one or the other of them. This meant 
that a judge of the Supreme Court was frequently sitting in judg- 
ment over his acts. St. Clair recommended an amendment to the 
Ordinance to require the presence of two or more judges in each 
session of the court, and to grant the privilege of appeal to the 
Federal Courts. 72 The immediate result was to widen the breach 
which had already opened between the judges and the Governor in 
making laws. 

The Ordinance joined the Governor and Judges in a Legis- 
lative Council whose function was "to adopt and publish * * * 
such laws of the original States * * * as may be necessary 
* * * which shall be in force * * * unless disapproved 
by Congress." The process of making laws was irregular and 
simple in the early period. The Legislative Council adopted laws 
until 1795 by informal conference or correspondence. In only 
two cases were there more than two judges joined with the Gover- 
nor in the passage of a law. There does not appear to have been any 
regular time or place, or indeed any meeting at all for the purpose 
of making laws. The Governor and the Judges acted as occasion 

69 Washington to St. Clair, January 2, 1791, SL Clair Papers, II, 198. 

70 George Turner, from Virginia was appointed in 1789. Little is known 
of his life. He removed to the Far West in 1796, and resigned from the 
territorial court, in 1797. 

71 In 1789 the Congress of the United States re-enacted the Ordinance 
of 1787. modified so as to give the power to appoint officers of the territory 
to the President with the Senate as required by the Constitution. 

"St. Clair Papers, II, 332-4, 339-40. 


arose. 73 The members of this Legislative Council differed from 
the beginning over the meaning of the clause of the ordinance 
which defined the law-making power of themselves. The clause 
began with the phrase "the governor and judges, or a majority of 
them shall/' etc. St. Glair contended that the clause meant that 
the governor's assent was necessary to all laws. The true mean- 
ing, he said, was that "the governor and judges, or a majority of 
them, provided the governor be one of that majority, shall," etc. 
The judges held to the equality of the four members of the Legis- 
lative Council. The Governor's view in effect gave him an abso- 
lute veto, and this at a time when the executive veto was relatively 
uncommon in the older states. This was only one of several con- 
troversies over the interpretation of the Ordinance of 1787. A 
clause of the Ordinance had authorized the Legislative Council to 
"adopt and publish in the district such laws of the original States 

* * * as may be necessary and best suited to the circumstances 

* * * which laws shall be in force * * * unless disap- 
proved by Congress." The judges assumed that the clause might 
be liberally construed, and accordingly chose laws of the original 
States, modifying them to suit the circumstances of the frontier. 
St. Clair took the view that the law limited their power to the 
adoption without modification of laws of the States. 

The issue has generally been made to illustrate the jealous 
care of St. Clair for the powers of the executive and reflect certain 
of his unpleasant traits of character. As a matter of fact his case 
is a strong one. He did not accuse his opponents of any ulterior 
motives. He conceded that the judges were by legal training 
better qualified to make laws if laws were to be made by the Coun- 
cil than he was, but he contended that their procedure was a form 
of loose construction not warranted by the Ordinance, that their 
function was to select laws made by the democratic legislatures of 
the States, and that otherwise the liberties of the people of the 

T3 St. Clair Papers, II, 80nl, 167n, 275n, 311n. The Ordinances of 1788, 
1790, and 1791, were published in Philadelphia in 1792 by Francis Childs and 
John Swaine as "Laws passed in the Territory of the United States North- 
west of the Ohio River." Those of 1792 were published under the same title 
by the same publishers in 1794. The acts of 1795 were published in 1796 
at Cincinnati by Wm. Maxwell, and are commonly known as the Maxwell 
code. Those of 1798 were published at Cincinnati in 1798 by Edmund Free- 
man, and are called the Freeman code. 


Northwest would be endangered. On the one hand the judges 
made the law-giving body of the territory a small group of four 
men, in which group the promoters of the land companies were 
dominant; on the other the Governor made the eastern state legis- 
latures the law-making body, leaving the Legislative Council of 
the territory to choose from the codes of the East. On St. Glair's 
side was the argument that the basis of legislation in the ultimate 
analysis was the representative assembly; on the side of the judges 
the defense that laws made for older eastern communities were 
seldom adapted to frontier conditions. Congress accepted St. 
Glair's view of the situation.- It ruled that his assent was neces- 
sary to every law, and also withheld its approval from the laws 
which had departed in phraseology from the acts of the original 
States. However as the judges decided that the mere withholding 
of approval from territorial acts did not annul them, and continued 
to be guided in their courts by the laws which Congress had re- 
fused to approve, and as an attempt in Congress to expressly de- 
clare such laws null and void failed of passage, the legal situation 
in the Northwest was for a time confusion confounded. 74 

If St. Glair was the nominal victor in the' .controversy over 
legislative procedure, he lost in the other ovetf '-judicial procedure. 
On May 8, 1792, Congress for a second time amended the Ordi- 
nance of 1787. 75 The Judges of the Supreme Court were author- 
ized to hold court separately, and the recommendation of St. Clair 
rejected. The amendment also empowered the Governor and 
Judges as the Legislative Council to repeal laws as well as enact 
them. 76 

The laws of the period followed the well worn paths of Ameri- 
can legislation for the frontier. The first act of the law makers 
reflected the social conditions of the time and place. All men from 
16 years to 50 years of age were to be enrolled in militia companies, 
furnish their own arms and hold a weekly muster each Sunday 
morning at ten o'clock at a place near the house of worship. St. 
Clair advised the enrollment of all new-comers as they arrived. 77 

"From 1792 to 1795. St. Clair Papers, II, 64, 67, 78nl, 333, 363-4; 
Burnet, Notes of the Northwest, p. 417. 
75 See note 71. 

M Annals of Congress, III, 1395; Laws of the United States, 1796, II, 126. 
" St. Clair Papers, II, 61. 


He had undoubtedly gotten the idea of continuous enrollment from 
the measures which the Directors of the Ohio Company took in 
the brief interim in 1788 before his arrival in the Northwest. They 
had appointed an officer whose duty it was to keep a census of the 
settlers. Travellers or immigrants were put under obligation to 
report to this officer within 24 hours after arrival. 78 Nothing so 
simple and sensible and yet so likely to be irksome to the individ- 
ualists could survive the air of license of the frontier. Few of the 
territorial laws have any special historical interest today. The 
creation of courts of justice, the definition of crime, the authoriza- 
tion of court houses, jails, pillories, whipping posts and stocks for 
the several communities were signs of the westward march of the 
old civilization. 

The development of Civil Government in the Northwest Terri- 
tory was impeded by the Indian wars. During the closing scenes 
of the Confederation the Indian conflict was put off by more and 
more lavish gifts. 79 The territorial authorities awaited anxiously 
the inauguration of the stronger National Government in 1789. 
The problem of the Indian of the Northwest was bequeathed to the 
administration of President Washington. 80 But the vigorous, com- 
pact settlements of the Ohio Company and the Miami Company in 
the Ohio Valley in 1788 and 1789 alarmed the more warlike tribes 
and consolidated the bolder warriors into a party of action before 
the new Federal Government was ready to meet the situation. 81 St. 
Glair and Harmar battled with the hopeless task with the small 
and badly organized forces given them. St. Clair outlined a plan 
of campaign which called for a force nearly twice the number 
Harmar had, to be officered by regular army officers, instead of 
State militia officers, and which should advance in three or four 
divisions from the Ohio River posts. 82 The Secretary of War 
thought a plan of such magnitude "would not be compatible with 
the public view or the public finance," 83 and advised a small puni- 

78 The John May Papers, Western Reserve Historical Society, Reports, 
Vol. 97, p. 107. 

T9 St Clair Papers, II, 40, 47, 50, 90, 101. 

80 Harmar to Knox, June 14, 1788, October 13, 17S8, in Goodman Trans- 

81 Cutler, Life, Journal, and Correspondence of Manasseh Cutler, I, 389; 
Harmar to Knox, June 9, 1789, in Goodman Transcripts. 

82 St. Clair Papers, II, 90, 91. 

83 St. Clair Papers, II, 183. 


tive expedition. It is apparent that the western leaders had one 
problem in mind, the Secretary of War another. There were two 
real problems. The historical question is how much by way of 
sacrifice the citizens of the new republic would have made for the 
western territory. The Secretary of War doubted the wisdom of 
making the call which the western authorities deemed needful. 
Harmar's expedition in October, 1790, was the attempt of the terri- 
torial authorities to carry out the wishes of the Department of War. 
Harmar led the western army, re-enforce'd by a small body of short 
term militia, from Cincinnati through the almost pathless forests 
to the headwaters of the Wabash and the Maumee Kivers. He 
burned the Indian villages and destroyed their standing crops. 
The immediate object of the expedition was accomplished, but at 
such a cost in the loss of life from counter Indian attacks that it 
was a moral defeat. 84 The risk of a punitive campaign 150 miles 
into the Indian country was repeated in 1791. The better mili- 
tary opinion in the Northwest had advised against such an expedi- 
tion. 85 The conditions were altogether against success. St. Clair 
had been given the chief command. It is doubtful whether St. 
Clair showed the proper aggressive leadership. Certain it is that 
factors beyond his control made defeat inevitable. The militia 
arrived too late for effective cooperation. A large part of them 
were entirely without military experience, and therefore worse than 
useless. The commissariat grossly mismanaged its affairs. The 
only conclusion of interest to historical students is that the re- 
sponsibility for the disastrous campaign should properly be dis- 
tributed among the authorities concerned. 

Such expeditions as Harmar s in 1790 and St. Claires in 1791 
only embolded and infuriated the Indians. For the three years 
which followed, the frontier settlements were thrown into a state of 
siege. Settlements receded, and Civil Government was almost para- 
lyzed. This condition endured until General Wayne had taken 
over the military command, and slowly and painstakingly con- 

84 Harmar, October 21, 1790, November 4, 1790, in Goodman Transcripts; 
American State Papers, Indian Affairs, I, 104-5, 121-2 ; Burnet, Notes on the 
Northwest, pp. 127-8. 

85 The opinions of Harmar and St. Clair already cited ; that of General 
Rufus Putnam, St. Clair Papers, II, 305 ; of Judge John C. Symmes, His- 
torical and Philosophical Society of Ohio, Quarterly, V, 93. 


quered the obstacles his predecessors had not been given either 
the time or the resources to overcome. The Battle of Fallen Tim- 
ber ended an era in Northwestern History. But Jay's treaty, 
which withdrew the British from Detroit and placed an American 
garrison there, was an equally vital factor. The Indians doubly 
discouraged by defeat and by the apparent desertion of the British 
entered into the Treaty of Greenville in 1795. By that a great 
section of the Northwest Territory more than half of what was 
to be Ohio was finally freed from the Indian barrier to settlement 
and civil government. 

The crisis in the history of the Northwest territory passed in 
1795. The last of the several barriers to the development of an 
orderly colonial or territorial system had been overcome. The 
original backwoodsmen were from this time returning as settlers, 
either on the lands of Congress or of one of the land companies. 
in competition with adventurers from the seaboard. The Ordi- 
nance of 1786 by which the Indian trade was limited to licensed 
American traders was superseded in 1796 by the statute which took 
over the Indian trade as a government monopoly. The Federal 
Government for a time maintained trading posts in the North- 
west, employed managers and clerks at the stores, and purchased 
goods for the trade. The adventure of the Government in a field 
ordinarily reserved for private enterprise was devised for the pro- 
tection of the Indians. It was never very popular in Congress or 
out of Congress, and soon ran its course. 86 

The informal processes of government which had marked the 
history of the Northwest through nearly seven years gave way to 
more formal ones. Emergency law-making by executive procla- 
mation ceased. Law-making by Judges of the Supreme Court who 
were at the same time landlords of the territory likewise ceased. 
The Legislative Council formally organized as a legislative body 
at Cincinnati, May 29, 1795, and remained in continuous session 
until August 25. A general code of laws, selected as the Ordi- 
nance prescribed from the statutes of the original States, was 
adopted and published. A period of government by borrowed legis- 
lation succeeded. The theory was as follows: if the people of the 

M Annals of Congress, V, 152, 170, 230, 241, 904, 939. 


territories were not yet able to make their own laws, the next best 
thing would be to employ the laws of communities which were 
democratically organized. The laws of 1795 were almost all bor- 
rowed from Pennsylvania. A second session of the Legislative 
Council sat in 1798, and a second code was drafted. 87 The laws 
of 1798 were drawn rather evenly from the codes of the States. 
The larger number was adopted from Kentucky, rather naturally 
for its frontier conditions were more closely akin to those of the 
Northwest territory. The opportunity to adopt laws from Ken- 
tucky after its admission into the Union made it easier to reconcile 
the rule of the Ordinance with the practical conditions of a fron- 
tier, the judgment of the judges as to practical legislation with 
the political instinct of the Governor. 88 

The further progress in the organization of Civil Government 
in the Northwest was along the paths prescribed by the Ordinance 
of 1787. The critical period of the first phase of organization had 
passed. The records of the Northwest Territory showed in 1798 
a population of 5,000 males. St. Clair made the fact known as 
was his duty under the Ordinance. A representative assembly was 
duly chosen and assembled at Cincinnati in September, 1799. 
Delegates from the nine counties which by this time formed the 
Territory of the Northwest constituted the popular element in the 
Legislature, and five Councillors the second branch. 89 The event 
inaugurated the second step toward the creation of full republican 
government. The final step came as a matter of course as por- 
tions of the territory reached the mark in population set for state- 
hood. The overcoming of one barrier after another to Civil Gov- 
ernment in the Northwest, and the progress from one stage to an- 
other as outlined in the Ordinance of 1787 were events which put 
into operation the American Colonial or Territorial System. In 

87 Laws of the Territory of the United States Northwest of the Ohio. 
Cincinnati, 1796. St. Glair's Papers, I, 312, 353, II, 354. William Maxwell, 
publisher of this code, was the owner and publisher of the "Centinel of the 
Northwest," the first newspaper of the territory. It began appearing at Cin- 
cinnati in 1793, and continued for three years. 

88 Laws of the Territory of the United States Northwest of the Ohio 
River, Cincinnati, 1798. Printed by Edmund Freeman. St. Clair Papers. 11, 
438. Freeman purchased the "Centinel of the Northwest" from William Max- 
well in 1796, and changed its name to "Freeman's Journal." He continued 
to publish his newspaper in Cincinnati until he removed to Chillicothe where 
he sold it to the publishers of the Scioto Gazette. 

89 St. Clair Papers, II, 438-9. 


them the United States finally mastered the problem with which 
the British Government began to grapple in its Proclamation of 
1763. 90 But the British Proclamation, because it said in effect 
"thus far shalt thou go," and because its authors accompanied it 
by a scheme of imperial taxation, and failed to relieve the situa- 
tion by compensating constructive measures of imperial organiza- 
tion, led straight to the Eevolution. The American colonial policy 
after a short period of restraint opened the national domain to 
occupation, assured the colonizers self-government, and their politi- 
cal organizations equality with the original States in a National 
Union. Those who formulated the American System found ways 
of carrying out the promises in spite of formidable obstacles. 

Cf. C. W. Alvord, The Mississippi Valley in British Politics. 





The pilgrimage of Governor Frank 0. Lowden, other State 
officers, and the Illinois Centennial Commission to Kaskaskia on 
July 4, stands out as one of the striking features of the Centennial 
celebration. The day was crowded with interest, and all who at- 
tended felt well repaid for the time spent in this observance in 
honor of the first capital of the State. 

The official party consisting of Governor Lowden, Auditor 
Andrew Eussel, Dr. Otto L. Schmidt and other officials and guests 
left Springfield in a special Pullman car early on the morning of 
July 4, and arrived in Chester at noon. Under the direction of 
the Eandolph County Centennial Committee, elaborate arrange- 
ments had been made for the celebration in Chester. A parade was 
held during the morning, a mass meeting during the afternoon and 
"The Masque of Illinois" was given in the evening. 

At 1 :30 o'clock the official party went to the mass meeting in 
the high school grounds. At this meeting which was presided over 
by Judge A. E. Crisler, Hugh S. Magill, Jr., director of the Cen- 
tennial celebration, read the Declaration of Independence; Wallace 
Eice, pageant writer of the Centennial Commission, read his origi- 
nal poem, "The Freeing of Illinois," and Governor Lowden spoke. 
Fifteen thousand people were present and this enormous crowd, 
the largest ever seen in Chester, was thrilled by the Governor's 
patriotic and inspiring address. Mr. William A. Meese delivered 
an historical address entitled, "Illinois and Eandolph County." 

Immediately after Governor Lowden's address the official party 
went to Evergreen cemetery, where, in a simple ceremony, the Gov- 
ernor placed a wreath of flowers upon the tomb of Shadrach Bond, 



the first governor of the State. In placing the wreath, Governor 
Lowden said : 

"It is a great privilege to be able to bring this wreath to the 
tomb of the first Governor of Illinois. May we not indulge the 
hope that the new century, just opening, may redound as greatly 
to the credit of Illinois as the century which Governor Shadrach 
Bond inaugurated." 

The Invocation was offered by the Eight Eeverend Henry 
Althoff, Bishop of Belleville in the following words : 

Almighty, Eternal God, we the people of the State of Illinois, 
assembled in these venerable historic surroundings, consecrated 
by labors, sacrifices and religious life of our forefathers, most 
humbly and devoutly invoke Thy adorable Name, on this solemn 
and memorable occasion of the Centennial observance of our State. 

We offer Thee, Heavenly Father, our profound homage and 
the love of our hearts in grateful remembrance of all the benefits 
which Thy bountiful Hand has bestowed upon our State and its 
people during the past one hundred years of its existence. 

We are mindful today that the history of our State is a 
glorious one, made such, under Thy loving Providence, by the 
wise administration of its rulers and the wholehearted cooperation 
of its people, united, loyal and virtuous, and devoted to the ad- 
vancement of trade and business, of art and science, and of educa- 
tion and religion. 

Deign, Lord, evermore to bless our State and grant each of 
us the grace to be filled with the knowledge of Thy holy Truth 
and the love of Thy holy law. 

Grant, also, Thy blessing and protection to our country, to 
the President and to all our fellow-citizens. 

Have in Thy keeping our dear young men who have donned 
our country's uniform and are fighting for the honor of onr 
country's flag. Give them strength and comfort in their trials. 

We pray that the Cross of Thy Son, our Lord Jesus Christ, 
planted here by the saintly missionaries and their colaborers, may 
be honored more and more and be the source of great blessings to 
the people of this State. Amen. 


Then the party immediately drove to the hill above Fort Gage, 
where, on a platform overlooking the site of old Kaskaskia itself 
and near the old cemetery in which the dead of Kaskaskia lie 
buried, a brief program was given. Dr. Otto L. Schmidt, chairman 
of the State Centennial Commission presided. 

Mr. Gary Westenberger sang 'The Star-Spangled Banner/ 
and the Illinois Centennial songs. Mr. Frederick Bruegger read 
Mr. x Bice's ode to Kaskaskia, and Governor Lowden spoke briefly. 

The party then took the train and returned to Springfield. 


It is indeed fitting that one of the great celebrations of this 
Centennial year should be held in Randolph County, for here we 
are nearer the beginnings of Illinois, the real beginning of Illinois, 
than we could be at any other spot within our boundaries. 

Within a very short distance from here were old Kaskaskia 
and Fort Gage; a little farther were Prairie du Rocher and Fort 
Chartres, and so here more than any other place within the State, 
memories sweep in from our earliest years. 

It is indeed a very notable fact that for almost one hundred 
years within this county there was transplanted a bit of old 
France, and that old bit lived in peace and happiness and security 
with a wilderness all about it. It is almost impossible to explain 
the fact that here for one hundred years was a civilization when 
the savages roamed the woods and prairies on every hand. So to- 
day the Centennial Commission planned wisely when it planned 
to have this celebration here. 

During all those earliest years the accounts that come to us 
make those days rich in romance. Little Kaskaskia, insignificant 
if measured by the number of its inhabitants, had life that gave 
color and hope to all this western land. When at the close of the 
French and Indian Wars Kaskaskia became a part of the British 
soil and the Fleur de Lis was hauled down that the Cross of St. 
George might be run up in its place, the character of the town 
changed but little. The French remained; their old mode of life 
15 C C 


remained, as the records in your court house here disclose. For 
a few years Kaskaskia was nominally under English rule, but in 
fact the life of the city changed hardly at all. 

It is just one hundred and forty years ago today that that 
little army of which Mr. Eice has written so beautifully, came upon 
the scene; an army smaller than an infantry regiment; smaller in 
fact than even a battalion of an infantry regiment of today, re- 
cruited largely in Virginia, and sailing down the Ohio, disembarked 
at Fort Massac on our southern boundary. The original purpose 
was to sail down to the mouth of the Ohio and up the Mississippi 
to Kaskaskia by your own present site of Chester. In order, how- 
ever, to surprise the enemy, George Eogers Clark disembarked his 
force at Fort Massac, marched /through the storms, through the 
woods and over the prairies until on July 4, 1778, he reached the 
environs of that old town. There he divided his army into two 
parts, one of which he sent into the streets of the town, the other, 
which he commanded in person, went to take Fort Gage, Avhich 
contained, as you know, the garrison for the protection of the terri- 
tory in this vicinity. Both parties were successful and again the 
sovereignty of Kaskaskia changed. The flag of England came 
down and the Stars and Stripes were run up in its place. 

Thus it happened that that little expedition, smaller in num- 
bers I have said than a single battalion of a modern infantry regi- 
ment, conquered for the United States, a vast empire; an empire 
larger than the territory over which the armies of the civilized 
world have been raging during the last four years, because after 
the fall of Kaskaskia it was made possible for him to go on farther 
up and seize Vincennes, and in that way this vast Northwest was 
added first to the domain of Virginia, afterwards to the Territory 
of the United States. 

We are indeed on historic ground. I never come to Chester 
that I do not feel under the spell of those early days as I cannot 
feel anywhere else within our borders. Upon this great bluff 
whereon we stand today, you have a view across the Father of 
Waters, and over the fields on the other shore you have sweeping 
in from every side the memories of more than two hundred years 
of civilization. I never come here that I do not resolve that at 


some time in my life I will come and spend a few days; I want 
to come here and examine at leisure the priceless records which 
are contained within your vaults in your court house, and to study 
anew and to dream over the early beginnings of what I believe to 
be the greatest State in the entire union of states. 

So, my friends, it is not only fitting that we should be here 
today, it is not only doubly fitting that we should have selected 
our natal day for this celebration, but it is peculiarly appropriate 
that we should be gathered here in territory above which have 
floated at different times, not only the Stars and Stripes, but also 
the English flag and the French flag, because those three flags to- 
day are flying side by side on the greatest battle line of history, 
facing a common foe, a foe not only of the three countries which 
those flags symbolize, but a foe to all mankind, a foe to civilization 
everywhere the wide world round. 

When this war commenced there were many of our people who 
could not understand all that it meant. There were those among 
us who said, "The war is three thousand miles away," and so it 
seemed at that time. We who loved peace, who have become ac- 
customed to peace, could hardly believe that a nation in this twen- 
tieth century of the Christian era should start out to conquer the 
world, should set out to terrorize the world with practices of 
f rightf ulness such as the world had never seen ; but as we followed 
the armies of the Central Empires across the Belgian frontier, we 
found that they had been frankly telling the truth when they 
taught for a half a century that nations are above the moral law, 
and that no ethical consideration binds them to their plighted 
word. They had solemnly guaranteed the neutrality of Belgium, 
and yet, referring to the treaty in which they made that guarantee 
as but a scrap of paper, their hosts swept across upon the people 
of poor little unoffending Belgium. Then we began to see that a 
nation that had set out upon this career of conquest, threatened 
us, our independence, our security, as it threatened all the rest 
of the world. This war, "three thousand miles away!" I want 
to tell you, my friends, from the bottom of my heart, I believe this 
war is nearer to our hearts and our hearthstones than any war in 
all our past. 


We have had great wars before. There are those here today 
who wear the little bronze button that signifies another great war 
that we in this country had fought. I want to tell you that, dark 
as were the days during the early part of that war, there was never 
a moment when it meant as much to the people of this land as this 
war which is raging around the world today. Because, at that 
time, no matter which side had won there would have been some 
kind of a country left for the people of the North as of the South. 
We of the North believed that that country, if we had lost, would 
have been fragmentary and incomplete. We know that it would 
have fallen far short of its glorious destiny, but there would have 
been some country left which we could have called our own. There 
would have been some part of this continent above which would 
have floated the American flag, some place where we could have 
found a home; but if this war in which we are engaged today 
should go against us, which God forbid, we will not even have a 
fragment of a country left, because every foot of our land will be 
under the iron heel of Prussian military despotism forevermore 
so far as man can see. There will be no place we can. call our 
home. There will be no room in all the sky for the American flag, 
or for any other banner of liberty, because this war is the final 
battle between the powers of autocracy on the one hand, and the 
powers of self-government on the other. That is not a new battle. 
It has raged in all the centuries at some place or another. It is 
the old war between God-given right of man to rule himself or 
the divine right of kings, so-called, to impose slavery upon all the 
world. It is the old battle. Heretofore that battle has been 
limited to one land, to one scene of action, to one theatre of war; 
but today all the nations of the globe are involved. That battle is 
flaming all about the world. Upon the one hand are those forces 
which believe that mankind is incapable of governing itself; upon 
the other all the forces which have faith in the worthiness, in the 
dignity, in the ability of man everywhere to captain his own soul. 

When this war is over all the earth will be one thing or the 
other. All the world will be free, or all the world will rest beneath 
the power of the cannon and the sword for at least a thousand years. 
That is the issue which is involved in this struggle, and that is 


why on this Fourth of July people are gathering as they have never 
gathered before on our National Birthday to read again the mighty 
truths contained in the Declaration of Independence, and to re- 
solve anew that at whatever cost of men or money, we will carry 
on this war for democracy, for humanity, for civilization, aye, for 
religion, until we shall have driven forever the black flag which 
Prussian autocracy has run up, from the sky of all the world. 

The Fourth of July in the past has been our national holiday ; 
today it is an international holiday. In England wherever the 
Cross of St. George flies, alongside of it are the Stars and Stripes, 
and men over there are celebrating for the first time that event 
which lost England her colonies. I want to remind you that it 
is not as inappropriate as it might seem for England to join with 
us in our Fourth of July celebration, because England was not a 
unit in its war with us. The greatest souls of England, Burke, 
Pitt, Fox, all of their greatest men, were with the colonies, with 
the colonies openly in that war. They, too, were fighting in the 
Parliament of England against George the Third for their own 
liberties, and our triumph was really the triumph of the people of 
England. We won not only our own independence, but we helped 
the liberty-loving portion of the British population to enlarge their 
own freedom, and the divine right of kings was buried forever in 
the grave with George the Third. Today England is as great a 
democracy. England gives the same privileges to her children 
that we give to ours. 

It is fitting, very fitting, that in Paris also they are celebrat- 
ing our Fourth of July, not only because of long friendship, but 
because of the views of her people now and our people now. Away 
back in those days which followed the solemn event which in read- 
ing the Declaration of Independence, Senator Magill has brought 
so clearly to your minds today, France, then it is true a monarchy, 
sent LaFayette to our shores to assist us to win our liberties, and 
who can tell but for the assistance of the French soldiers and 
sailors, what the result of our Revolutionary War would have been. 

Not only did that help us to win our liberties, it helped France 
again to win hers. The Lilies of France which LaFayette brought 
across the seas, which represented the Bourbon dynasty, were fol- 


lowed in a few years by the French tri-color, and that banner speaks 
of the equal rights of mankind just as eloquently as does our own, 
or as does the modern Cross of St. George. 

Our Kevolution, therefore, not only brought independence to 
America, but under its indirect influence it helped the great liberty 
loving statesmen of England to become masters of her future. It 
enabled France to throw off its tyranny and to erect in its stead a 
republic. As these three flags have floated, one after another above 
old Fort Gage, a few miles from your door, so they have influenced 
one another from the dawning of our history, until today all three, 
representing the God given inalienable rights of man as against 
the spurious divine right of kings, have a right, standing for the 
same great things, to float side by side on the Western front. 

You of Eandolph County, you for one hundred and forty 
years an even one hundred and forty years have lived secure 
and free and independent underneath the Stars and Stripes, so I 
can understand the sacrifices which you are making. I can under- 
stand the spirit of this meeting, because you know that now the 
final assault upon the independence and upon the supremacy of that 
flag is being made along the most stupendous battle fronts of his- 
tory. Oh, my friends, nothing matters unless we win this war. 
I can't understand, to save my life, how people can at this time 
give any thought to any consideration of all the future beyond 
the winning of this war. If we do not win it, the future matters 
not to any of us. If we should lose, if we should come under the 
domination of the Imperial Court at Berlin, then I say, and I say 
with all soberness, that the only Americans to be envied are those 
who are filling foreign graves and who have given up their lives 
that our country may live. Bather, infinitely rather, should any 
man who loves his wife or child, prefer to sleep among the flowers 
of Flanders or France than to survive this war unless we shall 
win a victory before it ends. 

I have seen a lot of your boys ; I have seen boys from all over 
the State, because it has been a part of my duty to visit the camps 
where Illinois boys are stationed. I have seen the wonderful im- 
provement that those boys have made from week to week. As I 
have looked into their clear eyes and upstanding figures I have 


felt a thrill of pride in Illinois I had not known before, because I 
want to tell you that your honor and your future are safe in the 
hands of those young men. If you could only see them as I have 
seen them you would have no feeling of surprise at the news which 
conies from that portion of the battlefront held by American 
soldiers. Our men fight not only with their brawn, but they fight 
with their brains. They fight in the knowledge that they are 
fighting for the dearest things in all the world; and that makes 
an army invincible when brute force fails. 

I want also to say to the mothers, because the mothers always 
have the hardest part, that you need have no fear for your boys. 
They go proudly, they go happily; they know that even though 
they fall their life will be more rounded and complete, will be a 
finer life in every way than though in piping times of peace they 
had lived a half a century more. 

You need not fear for the conduct of those boys, I want to 
tell the mothers. The other day I received a paper published by 
our expeditionary forces in France, and found that the main item 
of interest in the life of our soldiers at the front today is adopting 
some little orphan boy or girl of some patriot who has given up 
his life for liberty. Different companies, different individuals, 
are saving from their salary in order that they may raise a fund 
to take care of those little boys and girls of sacred France. When 
your boys are thinking about the orphan children of our Allies, 
they are not going to do anything to disgrace you in their conduct 
in any way. I want to tell you they are safe. 

We won't have as many young men when this war is over, but 
we will have a finer lot of young men than we have ever had in 
our past. 

Just one other thought, then I am going to close. You know, 
things were not going very well with us before the war. We were 
getting to be a very selfish people; we were thinking of material 
things only. Discipline was breaking down everywhere, breaking 
down in the home, in the school and in the church, aye! and in 
the nation. We were getting to look upon our citizenship as of 
no special value ; we were coming to regard it as something which 
imposed duties upon the country toward us, and no duties upon us 


toward our country. We were becoming very fond of the flesh- 
pots. The old idea of brotherhood which your fathers and fore- 
fathers in the days of old Fort Gage knew so well was in some way 
slipping away from us. The old ideas of neighborliness which we 
knew when the country was newer were disappearing. We were 
living within ourselves too much. The Master's definition of who 
are neighbors had entirely escaped us so far as our practice went. 
Maybe this war was needed. At any rate I see a new light shin- 
ing in the eyes of the men and women, aye ! and the boys and the 
girls of today that I have not seen for years. We were thinking 
too much of the things that you touch and handle and too little 
of the spiritual things of the world, and now that we are engaged 
in a conflict in which the material threatens to overwhelm all the 
spiritual forces of the universe, we are having a revival in our 
hearts and minds of the old ideals which our fathers and our 
mothers taught us and believed. When this war is over I have 
the faith to believe with all my heart that we are going to have a 
better country and a better civilization than we have had in all 
our past. I believe that under the providence of God we shall 
not have made these sacrifices in vain. I believe, just as I know 
that victory must finally come to our armies because there is still 
a God in the Heavens, so do I believe with equal faith that when 
the war is over we are going to have a better world than we have 
had in all the past. 

To you people of this historic old county, one of the few above 
which have floated in succession these three great flags of de- 
mocracy, to you, who are the favored above most of the people of 
our State, I think I can say, Illinois, which is just closing a 
century of glorious history in this Centennial year here, and in 
the first years of her second century, is going to be worthy of her 
historic past. 




Where brims the broad Ohio as it foams adown the Falls 

Our Long Knives haste, grim, iron-faced, when free Vir- 
ginia calls ; 

Kentucky's here on her frontier with tall men lean and 

And, best of all for desperate work, their chief, George 
Rogers Clark. 

Beyond the broad Ohio lie the lands of Illinois 

Whence British bribes send savage tribes to ravage and 

As fierce allies they gain supplies, run forth to scalp and 

Our settlers, women, youth, and babes, in merciless 


Across the broad Ohio come our frontiersmen and Fate. 
No martial pride" struts at their side, but Liberty elate 
Smiles in their eyes as on the skies fair Freedom's banner, 

The starry sign of victory o'er tyrants and their woes. 

Along the summer prairies green with grasses tall and 

Our sevenscore men, sevenscore and ten, march on with 

flying feet, 
A thousand miles between their files and their Virginian 

A hundred miles and twenty to the fortress they must 


Six days along the prairie speed our hardy bordermen 
They lose their way lose near a day in finding it again ; 
And rest their flight that July night when, only two years 

The great bell boomed to tell the world of Freedom 

marching on. 


On Independence Night they bring Kaskaskia in view. 
Before them lies upon the rise Fort Gage against the 

A fort whose name's a thing of shame borne late in 

Boston Town 
By him who ordered murder at Old Concord for the 


Over the evening river Clark is ferried with his band. 
With silent stride they quick divide when once they gain 

the land, 

Himself to creep upon the keep, and find the postern gate 
TJngarded. Black the entrance, but he does not hesitate. 

Upon the astonished commandant, that grey French rene- 

Kocheblave by name, with his shrewd dame, Clark comes 
with shining blade. 

He curses Clark; and strikes a spark, for out he goes in 

A prison in Virginia he gets for all his pains. 

Meanwhile our bold frontiersmen surge on down the vill- 
age street. 

They take it hot without a shot in overthrow complete ; 

And then apace they gain the grace of matron, maid, and 

France then, as now, is faithful friend ; when was a better 

To loud huzzas our drummers drum and every fifer pipes 

As down they drag the British flag and hoist the Stars 
and Stripes. 

Forever freed by Clark's bold deed from tyrants over- 

These lovely lands of Illinois become Virginia's own. 



Ladies and Gentlemen: This is indeed historic ground on 
which we stand. While the main exercises of the day were held 
at Chester, it is exceedingly appropriate that we should pause 
here long enough on this beautiful afternoon to pay our little 
tribute to the pioneers of Kaskaskia in this great American bottom. 

It is difficult for us of Illinois to realize that our written 
history extends so far back. It is hard for us to realize that long 
before George Washington was born we had a civilized and well 
ordered and happy and a joyous community within our border, 
and yet, that is the fact. It is difficult for us to realize the 
heroism of the men who founded these first towns and villages in 
Illinois Joliet, Marquette, LaSalle and Tonti. In fact, there 
never has been a braver, a more heroic, nor a more unselfish band 
of pioneers than the pioneers we associate with Illinois' earliest 

The motive of the first was to bring the blessings of Chris- 
tianity to the savages who then inhabited Illinois, and just as in 
those far off days, more than two hundred years ago, the motive 
of the first visitors to Kaskaskia was humane, unselfish and for the 
benefit of others, so it is fitting that at this time we should cele- 
brate their virtues when their descendants are engaged again in a 
war, not for themselves, but for others, and it is in the spirit of 
Father Marquette, of Joliet, of LaSalle, of Tonti, and of many 
others I might name, that more than a million of our men today 
are across the seas fighting under the allied banners of the three 
lands which have at one time or another held jurisdiction over old 

It is a great story as well as a beautiful one. I like to think 
of the long-ago days when life was bright and full and free in 
Kaskaskia. I like to think of that visit of Lafayette when he came 
down the river and disembarked at Kaskaskia, and when he was met 
by the son of his old friend and comrade, Alexander Hamilton, 
who had been sent by the Governor of the State to give welcome 
to the old friend of his father. I like to think of the hours that 
he spent here, and one of the most delightful stories in all our 


annals is the story that the writers of that time give of Lafayette's 

The romance that shines in Illinois history more largely 
centers about this spot whereon we stand today than any other 
spot within the borders of our State. And as we today are cele- 
brating the close of one glorious century of Statehood in Illinois, 
let us have the confidence that with the aid of our boys across the 
sea, we are going to conquer the perils that beset us and embark 
upon another century of equal glory and of equal usefulness to the 



Read by Frederick Bruegger at the Pioneer Cemetery, Fort Gage 

Hill, Randolph County, July 4, 1918. 
How weak, how futile, seem mere words today 

When every swing of Fate's great pendulum 
Beats to the roar of giant guns 'neath grey 

Astonished heavens thunderous and grum ! 
How idle, words, when hour by hour such deeds 

Of courage and self-sacrifice cry out 
As draw our wondering tears, and throbs and bleeds 

The Nation's spirit in our warriors' shout! 
Along the seas, where coward murderers hide, 

Our sailors steadfastly keep open path; 
On desperate miles our soldiers constant bide, 

The instruments of God's Eternal Wrath; 
And we speak words! Yet they are words of cheer. 

Beyond, tho' ruined now and desolate, 
Sleeps old Kaskaskia, and we shall hear 

Of destiny thro' this evangel of our State. 

The urgent Mississippi round her rolls 

Adown this Valley of a Continent. 
Herein today how many a million souls 

Are reaping generous harvests of content ! 


The gift of summer sun and rippling flow 

Thro' fruitful hours of free men's willing toil, 
The comfort of the world is in this glow 

From league on league of fructifying soil. 
See how the emerald plumes of corn unfold 

Bring in their satisfying sheen and swing, 
Forthgrowing fair from tiny grains of gold 

In nature's miracle of bourgeoning; 
But yonder was a greater marvel wrought 

By friendliness and spiritual health 
Where honor, chivalry, and truth were taught 

And lived by the forefathers of our Commonwealth. 

Look up and down our Valley's visioning; 

Gaze east and west with comprehending eyes ! 
Northward our inland waters lilt and sing; 

And south the Gulf is blue 'neath tropic skies; 
Far to the east vast mountain ranges stay 

The Valley; toward the sunset its arrest 
Is on the snow-clad peaks a world away ; 

How glorious a growth is here, how blest! 
On multitudinous plains between, which smile 

Upon the affluents of the river there, 
The hopes of all the world have domicile : 

Men for its war-hosts, bread to lighten care. 
A score of States now rise, of queenly mien, 

Sacredly sworn to do their utmost deed. 
For Liberty from Illinois demesne 

Arise, for on yon isle was sown their single seed. 

In kindliness, to dull the edge of war, 

Kaskaskia was born beside the stream. 
Athwart the terrors these broad prairies bore 

The Cross sent thence its mild compelling gleam. 
There, first in all this Valley, on those leas 

Our race found resting place for wandering feet. 


Worshipped our God and published His decrees 

Thro' lengthening years, and peace was lasting, sweet. 
There lay the city, now in ruin laid 

And all its beauty fled and far away, 
Wherein the Valley saw the prelude played 

To its tremendous drama. Tho' astray, 
The world comes back to confidence in God 

And Man, finding here inspiration sure 
For faith renewed while passing 'neath His rod, 

Leaving our heavenly hope and human trust secure. 

The fathers of our Illinois lie here 

Beside us, gratefully remembered still. 
High their devotion, free their hearts from fear, 

Earnest their wish to know and keep God's Will. 
Homely their virtues, arduous their hours 

Of labor, but its fruits and flowers were theirs; 
Greed and injustice and a despot's powers 

Theirs to despise, and heard their simple prayers. 
For poverty they knew devoid of dread despair, 

Concordant spirits touching happiness, 
With little mirths and gayeties to share 

In freedom from the greater world's distress. 
Give them all honor! Far from their own land 

Their profitable lives on history's page 
They wrote without repining, and shall stand 

Blessed thro' all time by us who hold their heritage. 

Eomance shone here in many a deed and name. 

LaSalle and Tonti o'er those waters wend, 
Discoverer and statesman crowned by fame, 

Not least because he won so true a friend. 
Then Seventeen Hundred dawned. Good Pere Marest 

Eose with it. This was centuries ago. 
The Illini flock hitherward to pray, 

Hearing The Word, and safe from every foe. 
A pleasant scene it was, now worn so bare : 

The virgin forest virgin prairie met 


Below, with swaying trees in summer air 

And fragrant flowers in tossing grasses set; 
With nuts and fruits and berries ruby bright, 

The bison and his herds, the elk and deer, 
Carolling birds 'twas peace with plenty dight, 

An earthly paradise upon a far frontier. 

The thirst for gold, the search for sudden gain, 

The Mississippi Bubble and its lures, 
Hunger for empire, and old Slavery's pain, 

Here frowned, here passed, where Time alone endures. 
Hereby the royal walls of Fort de Chartres 

Set forth the slender stage whereon we see 
Eeflected ray by glittering ray the part 

The Sun-King played of radiant majesty. 
Thence D'Artaguette his piteous army leads, 

De Villier goes to conquer Washington; 
And Braddock falls, what time Kaskaskia speeds 

Her silvery lance toward the rising sun. 
Then, then at last the fluttering flag of France 

Falls, as may sink the day adown the west, 
And gone our Golden Age and old romance, 

To rise in this new morning with new meaning dressed. 

How distant seems today the gleeful France 

That danced so long ago to melodies 
Upon yon sward, as tho' fond circumstance 

Found in this newer West Hesperides ! 
Yet golden lilies here our hearts rejoice, 

Smiling to azure heavens as of yore, 
And wistfully reechoes here the voice 

Of the unconquered France whom we adore, 
Our Mother still, else were we motherless. 

Here o'er an empire ruled her brave and fair; 
A jewel in a jocund wilderness 

Their capital yon village now laid bare. 
A promise was it, and a Providence, 

With every memory ringing sound and true. 


How loyally and with what reverence 
This venerable fealty we here renew 

A while, a little while, old Britain comes 

A conqueror here and floats her bannered flame 
Until Virginia rolls victorious drums 

As "Liberty I" her frontiersmen proclaim ! 
The Northwest here is made American 

Forever, as Fate thunders slowly on; 
Tho' only now discerned the Almighty's Plan 

Enfolded in these ages we thought gone : 
Dead is the day when Tyranny and Hate 

Can Britain and her free descendants part 
Or France from England hold how brave the Fate 

Uniting as one country with one heart 
The untainted origins of Illinois ! 

The tyrants on the Thames and by the Seine 
Time's slow inevitable hands destroy, 

And there, as here, today the sovran people reign. 

Here, on this distant and secluded sod 

In little, purposes the greatest run 
We see the everlasting arm of God 

Guarding the empires that lost here, and won. 
Virginia's word, the war-cry of the free, 

"Thus ever unto tyrants !" trumpets far 
Across the seas to herald Victory. 

And eyes war-weary glimpse the morning star. 
To thrust a maddened monster to his knee, 

Her swift blade drawn and scabbard thrown away 
Staunchly beside us battles Italy. 

Who gave us Tonti in our dawn of day. 
And we, to whom our Illinois is dear, 

Hail all these ancient friends with newer pride 
In the Great Cause that casteth out all fear, 

Our God's Eternal Cause in Freedom's glorified. 




The celebration of the anniversary of the adoption of the first 
Constitution of Illinois, was held at Springfield on August 26, 
1918, and was a memorable occasion. Thousands of people from 
all sections of the State came to Springfield to participate in the 
celebration and the only drawback to the complete enjoyment of the 
day was the fact that it was possible for only a portion of the 
enormous crowd of visitors to get within hearing distance of the 
speakers at the afternoon meeting or to get inside the Coliseum at 
the Fair Grounds in the evening to see the presentation of "The 
Masque of Illinois/' 

However, more than twelve thousand people crowded into the 
Amphitheater at the afternoon meeting to hear Theodore Eoose- 
velt, and at least eight thousand were accommodated in the Coli- 
seum in the evening. 

A luncheon was given at the St. Nicholas Hotel at noon which 
was attended by Governor Lowden, Colonel Eoosevelt and several 
hundred officials and guests. 

Former President Eoosevelt was the principal speaker at the 
afternoon meeting and he delivered a rousing patriotic address. 
He was introduced briefly by Governor Frank 0. Lowden, who 
called attention to the significance of the occasion. Bishop Samuel 
Fallows delivered the invocation. Dr. Otto L. Schmidt, chairman 
of the Illinois Centennial Commission, called the meeting to order 
and spoke briefly in introducing Governor Lowden, who presided. 

The presentation of Mr. Eice's "Masque of Illinois/' in the 
evening was most elaborate and the immense audience was greatly 
pleased with the production. Colonel Eoosevelt praised the cast, 
Frederick Bruegger, the pageant master, Edward C. Moore, com- 
poser, and Mr. Eice, the author, very highly and declared the 
"Masque" one of the most interesting entertainments of the kind 
he had ever seen. 

Mrs. Eoosevelt accompanied Colonel Eoosevelt to Springfield 
and attended the evening performance. 

16 C C 


Miss Florence Lowden, daughter of Governor Frank 0. 
Lowden, acted the part of "Illinois/' and a cast composed of promi- 
nent Springfield and Central Illinois people had the leading parts. 

Groups were furnished by organizations and altogether more 
than a thousand persons participated. A huge stage, ninety feet 
across was erected at the west end of the Coliseum and seats were 
arranged for eight thousand persons in the audience. 

The stage was covered with green boughs and carpeted in 
green giving it the appearance of a woodland scene. 

A great deal of praise is due Mr. Frederick Bruegger, pageant 
master, and Mrs. Bruegger who ably assisted him, for the efficient 
manner in which they trained the great cast for this presentation, 
and for the repetition of "The Masque" in October. 

In introducing Governor Lowden as the chairman of the day 
Dr. Schmidt said: 

"One hundred years ago in vanished Kaskaskia a score of 
chosen representatives of the people were collected to enact a dec- 
laration of principles under whose bounds and injunctions this 
commonwealth of Illinois was to be organized and to live. 

Though many important principles for the government of 
the new state were fixed by the Articles of the old Xorthwest Ordi- 
nance of 1787, and by the laws of the Union of the States, wide 
limits notwithstanding were given to these pioneer constitution 
makers to mold the course of statehood. It was theirs to choose 
between a rigid form of a non-progressive government and one re- 
flecting the then advancing political ideals. Today is the centenary 
of the happy completion of their labors by their adoption of the 
first Constitution of Illinois. We are here in grateful acknowledge- 
ment of their work well done. 

"Through that Constitution, for the duties of the chief 
executive of Illinois a first governor an able man was elected. 
Through one hundred years Illinois has been served faithfully by 
his successors, but by none with more patriotism, with more de- 
votion, with more efficiency than the present incumbent, the well- 
beloved leader of all true Illinoisans, who will address you and 
be the chairman of the meeting. I have the honor of introduc- 
ing Governor Lowden as Chairman. 


In introducing Colonel Eoosevelt, Governor Lowden spoke 
briefly as follows: 

"A hundred years ago at almost this very hour, the people of 
the little village of Kaskaskia, the then capital of the State, cele- 
arated the adoption of our first Constitution. The great question 
that involved the discussion, which preceeded the adoption of that 
Constitution was slavery. Slavery was finally prohibited. The 
rights of all men therefore were the chief subjects in controversy 
jven at that early date. In the hundred years of our glorious 
listory that since have come, the high peaks have always been 
;hose points about which a discussion over the rights of man has 
;aken place. Today as we celebrate our hundredth anniversary, 
;he whole world is aflame over the same question of human rights 
is against the claim of privilege. Whether or not our next cen- 
;ury shall be as replete with achievements and progress as of the 
>ast, depends upon whether or not we shall win this mighty war. 

"Today it is fitting it is more fitting than anything else 
[ could name that the greatest of all American partisans of the 
ights of common man, the average man, should be here to bring 
lis message at the close of our first hundred years and at the open- 
ng of the second. 

"It is my great privilege and my honor to introduce to you a 
>rivate citizen who has held the most exalted position in all the 
vorld and yet who, as a private citizen, reigns in the hearts of 
he American people as he never reigned before. 

Colonel Eoosevelt received a great ovation and he delivered a 
dgorous address on patriotic and historical lines. 


Governor Lowden, Mr. Chairman, Bishop Fallows, and you, 
ny Fellow Americans, Men and Women of Illinois: I am 
lonored by the chance to speak to you today. And, friends, on 
his occasion of the Centennial of Illinois' admission to statehood, 
t is a matter of good augury that we speak under a governor whom 
ve all know has deserved what Dr. Schmidt has said of him. The 
American people will have had a mighty triumphant next century, 


if, on the occasion of the bi-centenary of Illinois, we have such 
public servants as you, Governor, to preside over our destinies. 

Now, friends, I come here today to speak primarily of the 
things that are closest to the souls of all of us. For this is a great 
crisis at which time the men and women of the nation think not 
of little things, but of the great fundamental matters that most 
intimately concern all of us. We are passing through the third 
of our great national crises. In this case it is a part of a world 
crisis, the like of which, has never been seen before. 

I know that the rest of you will not begrudge my saying a 
special word of greeting to the men who wear the button that 
shows that over half a hundred years ago they showed their troth 
by their endeavor. 

Now, men, we are here today under that flag. We are citi- 
zens of a great and proud nation only because those men and the 
men like them in their youth cast aside everything else for the 
chance of death in battle for the right. As we look back at those 
years, keener and brighter grows the fame of the men who fought 
for the union and for liberty. And today from throughout our 
borders men in khaki have gone in their youth to venture every- 
thing with a proud and gallant recklessness of what may befall 
them so that you and I, you men and women here, that we and 
our children may continue to hold our ideals high among the 

I want to say just a word as to the form of advertisements 
which I see here, "Square Deal. Give us a Chance/' Now, 
friends, I regard one form of advertisement for good causes, which 
I see here in Springfield, just as I have seen it in New York. 
There are a dozen A-l movements in all of which I am interested. 
I am immensely interested in the Thrift Stamp Saving Campaign ; 
in the Food Saving Campaign; in the Conservation Campaign; 
in the Food Growing Campaign, but I always object strongly 
when I see any picture or any advertisement that "food will win 
the war," or "money will win the war/' or "savings will win the 
war." Tell the truth. Saving food will help win the war. Sav- 
ings will help win the war. Money will help win the war. But 
the war will be won, as the war was won at the time of Abraham 


Lincoln, by the fighting men at the front. Everything else is 
only auxiliary to the fighting men at the front. Shame, triple 
shame to us who stay at home unless we do all those things, unless 
we buy Liberty Bonds, buying to the limit, unless we subscribe 
to the Eed Cross and all kindred organizations, unless we buy 
Thrift Stamps, unless we save food. Do all those things, but 
don't get conceited about it. Eecollect that when you have done 
all, you have just done a half of what you ought to do to put your 
strength back of the men at the front. Stand by the men at the 
front. And remember that the only people who have fulfilled the 
full measure of their devotion to the country at this time are the 
men who have gone and the women who have bravely bade them 
go to fight for their country. There is only one person I put as 
high as I do the soldier and that is the soldier's wife or mother 
who stands by him; she who takes care of the house, and takes 
care of the baby, and does whatever can be done at home. If she 
does her full duty and sends her husband or her son away with 
a smile, even though her heart is breaking, and writes him cheer- 
ful messages, I respect her as I respect the soldier. I have no use 
for the soldier who runs or for the woman who whines. Eecollect, 
you women, that if you make it hard for your sons and for your 
husbands, if you fail in your duty, you are acting just as ill by 
the country as would the man who fails his country on the field 
of battle. Bear yourselves as gallantly as the gallant boys you 
have sent to the front. Eemember that is the duty of all of you. 

Now the immediate duty of the hour is two-fold. In the 
first place, to insist upon a 100 per cent Americanism through- 
out this land. In the next place, to speed up the war and win it 
at the earliest possible date. 

In the first place about Americanism. This is merely another 
way of insisting that we are a nation proud of our history, proud 
of our past and proud of our present ; that we are a nation, not a 
polyglot boarding house. Unless we have a nation we won't have 
anything to fight for. Nobody fights for a boarding house. If 
we treat this country or permit it to be treated as a land into which 
people from thirty different old world countries crowd and squeal 
and struggle for the best place at the trough, while all their allegi- 


ance is to some land over seas, if we do that, we have no countr} 
at all. There isn't any possibility of a divided allegiance. Eithe] 
a man is all American or he is not an American at all. Any kind 
of an alloy to loyalty makes it utterly valueless. At this time the 
man of German origin who says that he is loyal to Germanism, tc 
Deutschtum, although he is not loyal to Germany, to Deutschland, 
is making a distinction without a difference. You cannot be loya] 
to Germanism and Americanism at the same time any more thar 
you can be loyal to Germany and to the United States at the same 
time. Germanism is incompatible with Americanism. If a man 
has the slightest loyalty to Germany at this time he is disloyal to 
the United States. There is no half way to it, of any kind 01 
sort. It is exactly as it was at the time of the Civil War. You 
had to be all for the Union or all against the Union. If you 
were half Union and half Cecesh, you were kicked out by both 
sides. Isn't that so? (An old soldier: "Sure.") It is just the 
same thing now. You have got to be all one thing or all the other. 
If you live in the United States you are not entitled to be anything 
except an American, pure and simple, and nothing but an Ameri- 
can. If any man still looks back and wants to be a half or a 
quarter or a tenth something or somewhere else, send him 
back to that somewhere else. There can be in this country 
loyalty to but one flag the flag of the United States. Loyalty to 
any other flag is disloyalty to that flag. And when I say any 
other flag, I mean not only the flag of any foreign nation, but I 
mean the red flag of anarchy or the black flag of international 
socialism. If any man follows the red flag or the black flag here, 
put him out. Make him go wherever the red flag or the black 
flag is, but don't let him stay here. And more than that, I want 
to have a man be United States and stand by the flag of the United 
States and talk United States. I am perfectly well aware that 
you can talk United States and still talk treason. At any rate 
we know what you are talking about in a case like that; whereas, 
if you are talking some language we don't know, then you can 
talk pretty much anything without our knowing it. We have room 
in this country, permanent room, for but one language the lan- 
guage of the Declaration of Independence; the language of Wash- 


ington's Farewell Address; the language of Lincoln's Gettysburg 
Speech and second Inaugural the English language. All other 
languages that are spoken here or printed or used in newspapers 
should be used only during the transition period, a period to be 
established by law, after which the newspaper shall be printed in 
English. In our schools there is only one language that should 
be used, and in our primary schools only one that should be taught 
the English language. In our upper institutions of learning, 
study German or any other modern language as you do one of 
the ancient languages, but study it as a foreign language. 

Let me illustrate what I mean in my own case. I have a 
right to talk against hyphenated Americans, because my ancestry 
is so varied that if you want to express me by a hyphen you will 
have to use seven of them. About 225 years ago certain Dutch 
traders came to the mouth of the Hudson and some German peas- 
ants (I have some German blood in me, but I am straight United 
States, however), to the Schuylkill, and some English and Welsh 
Quakers and Scotch and Huguenots or French Protestants who had 
been driven out of France because in France the Catholics perse- 
cuted the Protestants, and the Irish Catholics who had been driven 
out of Ireland because in Ireland the Protestants persecuted the 
Catholics. Their children grew and spoke the same language. If 
they had not spoken the same language they could not have mar- 
ried one another. A young man could not have proposed in one 
language to a young lady speaking another. And, if they had not 
married one another, I would not be here. 

Sometime ago I spoke in Wisconsin and in Minnesota. I had 
with me two Illinois citizens, friends of mine, straight Americans,, 
Mr. Otto Butts of Chicago and Judge Harry Olson of Chicago. 
Mr. Butts' father and mother were born in Germany and Judge 
Olson's father and mother were born in Sweden. I have told you 
of my ancestry already. The three of us were Americans and noth- 
ing else. At the meeting, the Judge presided and Mr. Butts intro- 
duced me and then I made a speech. Now suppose the Judge, 
when he presided at the meeting, had spoken in Scandinavian and 
Mr. Butts when he introduced me, had spoken in German, and that 
I had then burst into eloquence in low Dutch. You would have 


needed three translators for every member of the audience. We 
all spoke English because you have to use one language and that 
is the language of the country itself. 

Nobody is obliged to come to this country, but if he comes, he 
is to take our constitution and our flag and our language. If he 
does not want to do that he can go straight back to the land from 
which he came. 

Now having said that I don't know how I could say it with 
any more emphasis than I have; whatever other defect of char- 
acter may have been lodged against me, at least I have not pussy- 
footed of one side of Americanism, I wish with no less emphasis 
to say that the other and the equally important side of American- 
ism is the imperative duty of treating all men who show their good 
faith in Americanism as on an absolute equality with everyone else 
without regard to their creed, their birthplace or their national 
origin. In this crisis, since our people became fully awake (I think 
our people remained asleep quite a time. I did my best to wake 
them up) the great majority of Americans of German origin have 
shown themselves as aggressively and absolutely and singlemindedly 
American as the citizens of any other stock. And when that is the 
case it should be recognized as being a high crime against the 
American spirit to fail to honor those men by putting them on 
an equality with the rest of us. 

I can illustrate what I mean by referring to the Civil War. 
In the southern states, the bulk of the men joined the Confederate 
forces, but there were plenty like Farragut who stood for the flag. 
We are the fellow countrymen of men of German blood, in whole 
or in part, who have stood by the flag in this war, Americans, who, 
if we do not recognize them as such, we damn ourselves for not 
doing. Let me give you an example. At the front in the flying 
corps, two of the best American flyers are Kickenbacher and Meis- 
ner, both of them of German origin. One of them an ace. The 
more of that kind of men we get into our army the quicker we 
will get to Berlin. 

Let me give you a couple of other examples. The other day 
I spoke at Martinsville, Indiana. I was introduced by Mayor 
Schmidt, of German origin. He has two boys overseas in the 


army. One of them was in my boy Archie's regiment and was 
wounded about the same time that Archie was wounded. They 
were lying in the same hospital. Do you think they are not com- 
rades? Don't put it to them if you don't think so. Major Sim- 
mons of the Eed Cross told me the other day, just after he had 
returned, that he went into the hospital to see my boy Archie. 
The next cot to Archie's was occupied by a young fellow from 
Massachusetts, and the next cot to him was occupied by a young 
lieutenant. A bullet had gone through the point of his heart. 
They had to keep him there for eight days without moving a finger 
until the muscle could heal, because, if he had moved, it would 
have meant instant death. He was feeling pretty good when 
Major Simmons came to see him. Simmons began talking to him, 
getting messages for his family and for a young lady who did not 
belong to the family. He finally asked him his name and the boy 
turned with a grin and said, "My name is von Holzenheimer." 
Wouldn't the Huns feel good if they knew they had got a man 
with that name? There were three boys lying alongside in the 
hospital, wounded in the same cause. All three were of different 
race origin. All three Americans and nothing but Americans. 
And infamy shall be the portion of any one who tries to sunder 
one from the other two. 

And remember I wish to speak this to that small body of 
men of German origin who have tried to remain American and 
something else, who have tried to be half American and half Ger- 
man the Germans, the newspapers and the officers in Germany 
feel more bitterness toward the Americans of German origin than 
they do toward any other people here. They are not placated in 
the least by any half-and-half loyalty. You cannot make yourself 
an ally of Germany except by doing Germany's bidding. If you 
act sulky, half and half, a little American, but not very much 
American, its only effect is that you do not remain American at 
all, and you do not become a German, because you lose all place 
in their country. Do one thing or the other. If you stay in this 
country, become wholeheartedly and absolutely and without reser- 
vation an American. If you are not prepared to do that, then 


get out of the country and go back to Germany. That is all, one 
thing or the other. 

There is another point in connection with Americanism. 
There has recently been some talk about internationalism as a 
substitute for patriotism. It was talked about and indulged in 
by the Eussian Bolsheviki a year ago, when they said they loved 
all mankind. They have shown their love by cutting the throats 
of 30,000 of their brothers and by betraying the free nations of 
the earth and by throwing Eussia, bound and helpless, under the 
feet of German autocracy. Internationalism stands to national- 
ism exactly as the love of one's self stands to the love of one's 
family. It is an invaluable addition, but a mighty poor substi- 
tute. We are American nationalists. We intend to do justice to 
all other nations, but the professed internationalists during the 
past four years have played Germany's game exactly as the pro- 
fessed pacifists played it during the same time. 

And I wish to say how glad and proud I am that we should 
sit here and listen to the invocation by a Bishop who wears the 
button of the Loyal Legion, because, when the choice was between 
peace and righteousness, he stood for righteousness. Whenever 
you meet a man who tells you that he loves other countries as much 
as he loves his own, treat him as you would the very affectionate 
gentleman who tells you that he loves other women as much as he 
loves his own wife. Professional internationalism stands toward 
patriotism just exactly as that form of diffused affection stands 
towards an honorable family life. I like a good neighbor. I 
want him to treat me squarely. If any neighbor tells me he loves 
me as much as he does his own wife and children, I distrust him. 
If he does not care more for his family than he does for me, I am 
dead sure he cares very little for me. I want to have nothing to 
do with that kind of a man. 

American pacifism has been the tool and ally of German 
militarism and in just the same way the professional international- 
ist has been the foe of nationalism of America. For the moment 
the pacifists and the internationalists are moderately quiet, but 
just as soon as peace comes they will begin to be noisy again. It 
is only four year? and a month ago that those men were scream- 


ing that there was no more chance for war; that the capitalists 
would not allow it; that the socialists would not allow it. And 
they said that men like myself were poor maniacs because we asked 
this country to prepare, and they went on and said during the next 
three years, up to a year and a half ago, "No, don't prepare; if 
you prepare you will have war; keep harmless; if you are harm- 
less enough, nobody will hurt you." Well, we tried it. We kept 
unprepared and we got into war. We tried being harmless and 
we are still busily engaged in trying to undo our harmlessness, 
notably in the matter of flying machines. We have been exceed- 
ingly harmless in air craft. 

Now that is what the pacifists said in the past. Don't trust 
them in the future. A pacifist does not keep you out of war. 
Even a pacifist will fight if you kick him long enough. The 
trouble is, when he does fight, he isn't any earthly good. He has 
not been trained so as to make himself effective. I asked for pre- 
paredness, not because I wished war, because I did not wish war. 
Events have proved that I was right, for, if we had prepared our 
strength in advance, the chances are a hundred to one that no 
nation would have invited a trial of strength with us. 

Now, when peace comes, do not trust the pacifists. They are 
the enemies of righteousness. Do not trust the internationalists. 
They are the enemies of nationalism the enemies of American- 
ism. Do not trust the illusionists, the people who promise you 
peace with ease, with the absence of effort, and who say if you 
would only let your heart grow timid and your muscles flabby, 
you will be doing the Lord's will. That is a poor type of Christ- 
ianity, isn't it? Not the Peter Cartwright type. 

Take the view, you women, that you expect your husbands, 
the fathers of your children to take. You expect them to be good 
neighbors, but you expect them to have their first thought for their 
wives and children, for their mothers. Isn't that so? Same way 
with a man in international matters. Treat every other nation 
squarely. Behave toward every other nation as you would wish 
every other nation to behave toward you. But remember, if you 
do not treat this nation squarely first, you cannot be any good to 
any other nation. 


Let us accept any reasonable proposal when peace comes, 
whether it be called a League of Nations, or a League to Enforce 
Peace, or by some other title, any reasonable proposal upon which 
we can in good faith act, and which really does offer some chance 
of lessening the probability of future wars and diminishing their 
area, but never let us forget that a promise that any such league 
or other piece of machinery will bring about permanently the abo- 
lition of war is a sham. No machinery will avail until by degrees 
the heart of man is changed. Use the machinery. Take hold 
of it, but treat it not as a substitute for, but as a supplement to, 
preparing our own souls and bodies to protect our own hearth- 
stones in time of need. 

Agreements! Every agreement 'that the mind of man could 
devise had been called into being to protect Belgium from Ger- 
many, but when the hour came that the ruthless Prussian German 
Hohenzollerns thought it to their interest to disregard those treat- 
ies, they treated them as scraps of paper, as they themselves said. 

You cannot devise any treaty that will not be a scrap of paper 
in the future, unless the law abiding nations have their strength 
prepared to put back of that treaty if it is violated. That is the 
way in which you can secure the greatest likelihood of peace for 
this nation. I would be willing to risk my case with the mothers 
of the land. I would be perfectly willing to prevent every one 
else from voting except the mothers, if I could put the case fairly 
before them and say "if you do not raise your boys so that they 
can be soldiers for the right, some time or other you shall see them 
go against the cannon unprepared, you will see your daughters 
turned over to the mercy of a foreign enemy." 

I asked for preparedness, not because I wished war, but because 
I did not wish it. I asked it in the name of those who do not wish 
war, because, if war comes, their sons and they themselves will 
have to go. You don't find the pacifists doing that. The paci- 
fists stay at home. They have important business elsewhere. It 
is the men who practice the fundamental virtues of the days of 
Washington and the days of Lincoln, upon whom you have to rest 
for safety in time of trial, and not upon the glib tongued creatures 
who try to teach you that rhetoric is an effective substitute for action. 


And when I say prepare our strength, I do not mean to let 
George do it; I don't mean to stand by and plead while somebody 
else prepares I mean for us. I mean that our sons and grand 
sons shall train themselves in times of peace, and that they so 
train themselves that an enemy shall know that it will not be 18 
months after war has begun, but that it will not be longer than 
18 days after war is begun before they are ready for action. And 
if every nation understands that, you will not be able to get any 
power in the world to look crosseyed at us. 

And as for the pacifists. I suppose you have had his type 
out here the conscientious objector. You have heard of him? 
Yes. "We had plenty of them in New York. Men used to write 
to me a year and a half ago and say, "Are you going to respect 
my conscience?" I would answer, "Certainly, only you have got 
to respect mine." I wanted to find out first what the man was 
conscientious about. If he is merely conscientious about shooting 
somebody else, I would say, "All right, I'll put you in the army 
and send you up to the front to dig trenches. After you have dug 
them, I will put other men in with rifles. You will not hurt any- 
body. You may get hurt yourself, but you will not hurt anybody 
else." Or, if he prefers the navy, I'll say, "All right, I will put 
you on a mine sweeper." A mine sweeper never hurts any other 
vessel. It hunts for mines. If it finds them if it is not awfully 
careful it is apt to go up. The man himself may go skyward, but 
he will not hurt anybody else. If a man will do that kind of 
work, he is all right. But if he says he is conscientious about risk- 
ing his own worthless carcass to fight for his country, then I would 
say to him, "I am too conscientious to allow you to abide in a land 
that must be protected by the ones who are willing to fight for it." 

We are in the war. Our duty is to speed up the war to the 
utmost limit of speed and be prepared to fight it through, no mat- 
ter how long it takes to fight it through. We must insist upon a 
peace by a complete and overwhelming victory. Remember, that 
if you put an army in the field by driblets, the war will last four 
times as long as it will if you put your army in in the biggest 
possible mass at once. If you put it in en masse it is much more 
apt to end the right way. 


Above all things, let us distrust the man who wants to fight 
the war a little but not much ; who says raise an army but not too 
big an army, that will make us uncomfortable here. 

I feel about nations as I do about individuals. I don't ac- 
cept the view that there is one standard for national honor and 
another standard for private honor. Neither do I accept such a 
view in matters of courage and common sense. I would advise a 
nation as I would advise a man. Any one of us who has a son 
wants to feel that the son is not a brawler and is not a coward; 
that he never bullies a weaker man, but that he will stand up 
for his rights. When a man will stand up for his rights, the other 
man had better look out for him. 

I would advise any man in private life just as I would a 
nation. Don't hit any man if you can honorably avoid it, but 
never hit SOFT. No body is crippled if you hit him a little, but 
not much. If you hit him SOFT, he will hurt you in response. 
Don't hit him at all if you can help it. If you do hit him, put 
him to sleep. I see the Bishop gathers my meaning. 

That's the same way with a nation. Don't go into war if you 
can honorably keep out of it, but make it understood that if any 
nation goes to war with you, it is a War. If you go into war, 
put it through, and do it NOW. Send our troops over by the 
millions. Accept no excuse if we do not have our cannon and our 
aeroplanes by the tens of thousands for them and our ships by 
the thousands. Eemember that the longer the war lags, the more 
terrible the toll of bloodshed, of loss, of suffering, of misery, will 
be. Put the war through. Stand by every government official 
from the highest to the lowest insofar as he stands by the people 
in putting the war through and not one minute longer than he so 

That is the Abraham Lincoln doctrine. In this state (I am 
not at all sure it was not in Springfield at any rate in one of 
your cities in Illinois) in 1854 when Lincoln was reproached for 
standing with certain men on certain things, although he was 
against them on other things, he answered: "Stand by any man 
who is right; stand by him as long as he is right, but stand against 
him when he is wrong." And to do less than that is to show your- 


selves less than a man and less than an American. Good sound 
doctrine. Any man who tries to get you to stand by any one who 
is wrong is trying to get you to do a servile, an un-American and 
an unpatriotic thing. 

When we shall have won the war, when those of our sons 
who are to come back do come back, some of them sound, some of 
them crippled, when the young men of the nation, the flower of 
the nation who have fought for us and have done their work, when 
they come back, let us see to it that they have come back to a 
better country than they left. 

This terrible war with all of its lamentable accompaniments 
may nevertheless be of lasting value to this nation, for it may 
scourge us out of the wallow of materialism made only worse by 
a mockish sham of sentimentality into which we were tending to 
sink. The finest, the best, the bravest of our young men hava 
gone forward to face death for the sake of a high ideal, and there- 
by they have brought home to all of us the great truth that life 
consists of more than easy going pleasure and more than hard, 
conscienceless, brutal strife for purely material success. We must 
rightly care for the body and the things of the bod} 7 , but such care 
leads nowhere unless we also have fought for our own souls and 
for the souls of our brothers. When these gallant boys on the 
golden crest of life gladly face death for the sake of a high ideal, 
shall not we, who stay behind, we who have not been found worthy 
of the great adventure, shall not we in our turn try to shape our 
lives so as to make this country the ideal, which we in our hearts 
acknowledge, and to make that ideal and the actual work-a-day 
business of the world come a little corresponding, a little closer 
one to the other? Let us resolve to make this country a better 
place to live in for those men and for the women who send them to 
battle and for the children who are to .come after them to inhabit 
the land. 

When peace comes and even before peace comes, let us weigh 
and ponder the mighty spiritual forces called into being by this 
war and turn them to the social and industrial betterment of the 
nation. Abraham Lincoln, with his usual homely common sense 
and unerring instinct for the truth bade our people remember 


that the dollar has its place, a place that no one but a fool will 
deny, hut that the man stands above and not below the dollar. 

Of late we have worshipped the dollar over much and have 
been smugly content with service to mammon, heedless of the fact 
that devotion to dollars is almost equally damaging to those who 
have too many as to those who have too few. For, when success 
is treated as tested and measured not by the achieving, self-re- 
specting, hard-working family life and the performance of duty' 
to one's self and to others with pleasure as an accompaniment of 
the duty, but as measured simply by the mass of dollars collected, 
the result is inevitable that the successful greedy ones develop a 
mean arrogance toward others, and the unsuccessful greedy ones 
a mean envy toward others, and the envy and the arrogance alike 
are but the two sides of the same evil shield. 

In this country let our purpose be to secure justice to human- 
ity. At this moment we hold our heads high because our sons 
and brothers overseas have placed love of a great cause above ma- 
terial success. Let us see that that position is not reversed in this 
country for a long time to come. 

The other day I read the statement that there were a hun- 
dred thousand undernourished children in New York City. If 
we had a like number of undernourished soldiers, what a cry would 
go up. Yet these children are the citizens of the future and the 
industrial army is of the same consequence as the military army; 
and if we do not realize this truth, some day this republic will rock 
to its foundations. In achieving this purpose, we must be equally 
on our guard against the American Romanoffs and the reaction- 
aries of industry and politics and against the vultures who appeal 
to the base spirit of envy and class hatred, who strive for disorder 
and anarchy. The history of Russia during the last eighteen 
months teaches this country what to avoid. If you avoid the 
Scylla. of the Romanoffs and plunge into the Charybdis of the 
Bolsheviki, it don't help. The fact that you have been wrecked 
on one side of the strait does not give you any cause for congratu- 
lation because you got away over this side of the strait. Avoid 
both. Avoid the man who is afraid of progress and avoid the 
man who would plunge you into the abyss in the name of progress. 


One of the lessons we should learn is that the most sordid 
corruptionist can do no more harm and heaven knows how much 
harm he can do that the most sordid corruptionist can do no 
more harm to the nation than the consciencless demagogue or the 
impracticable and fanatical visionary. We must take the rule of 
justice and fair play as our guide in dealing alike with capital 
and labor; with the business man and with the working man, with 
the man who lives in the town and the man of the open country. 

During the war there should be no profiteering, no unusual 
and abnormal profit. Yet I would like to call this to the atten- 
tion of some possibly well meaning persons unless there are 
legitimate profits you cannot tax them. If there are no profits 
to tax, there will be no taxes and no wages. People will not per- 
manently run a business when you do away with the profits. Ke- 
member that. In a very real sense we should see that the govern- 
ment supervises in this way. It should be done, keeping clearly in 
view the fact that business must succeed or no good will come to 
any one and the fact that when it does succeed, there must be 
a reasonable share of the success go to the men who have put in 
the capital and to the men who do the labor, who are entitled 
themselves to the right of collective bargaining in their own in- 
terests and who are entitled to be treated as in a whole and now 
in an unlimited sense, partners in the enterprise. There must be 
the fullest recognition in honor and in material rewards. There 
must be the fullest recognition of this kind for successful, con- 
scientious, intelligent, hard working men. And when I say recog- 
nition, I mean recognition that they accept as such and not that 
that somebody says they ought to accept as such. 

But there must be no limiting of production; no limiting of 
output; no insistence on reducing the efficiency of the skilled and 
hard working to the plain of the shiftless and the inefficient. 

So with the farmer. Our aim should be to bring about in 
this country not merely the maintenance, but the increase of the 
farmer who tills the soil he owns. Our legislation should be 
shaped to favor the growth of that class rather than the class of 
the great land owners who rent their land, or of the renting class 
17 C C 


itself. Our aim should be to use whatever means may be found 
necessary to put a premium upon the maintenance and upbuilding 
of the class which, in the past, has always been the bedrock of the 
nation, the class of farmers who live on the land, who till with 
their own hands, who, themselves and through their sons and 
through one or two hired men do the work on the farm on which 
they live. Make the farm more attractive for them, giving a 
chance to the tenant to own the farm. Make it possible for tho 
man who wants to buy his farm to get the money from the nation 
on reasonable terms. Do all of that that we can. And when it 
has been all done, remember that nothing that the government 
can do can more than aid the man himself to do the work. No 
use of trying to carry any man. If you carry him and he lets 
himself be carried, you will exhaust yourself and you will kill 
him. There is only one efficient way to help any one and that is 
to help him to help himself. 

So, while the government can and must do certain things, 
the farmer acting for himself and acting by and with the cooper- 
ation of other farmers, must himself do certain things. Let us try 
to introduce gradually and cautiously by adapting to our own needs, 
the helps, the cooperation and control that have been found effective 
in Denmark and elsewhere and that have revolutionized the status 
of the farmers in those countries, and proceed as regards all business 
men, as regards the wage workers, as regards the farmer, all alike, 
on the one safe theory in American life, that unless this country 
in the future is a pretty good place to live in for the children of 
all of us, it will be a mighty poor place for the children of any of 
us. Proceed on that assumption. Work together, in unions, in 
farmers' leagues, in cooperation. When you make class unions, 
don't work politically. You farmers, recollect if you call a non- 
partisan league non-partisan and yet make it a party league, it 
doesn't mean anything. You haven't called it what it is, that is 
hypocrisy. Work with the unions, work with organizations of any 
kind, business, labor, farmers, but don't forget that there is one 
union above any other union, and that is the union to which we 
all belong the Union of the United States of America. 


The Centennial Celebration at Vandalia, the second capital of 
Illinois, on September 24-25-26, was one of the most interesting 
in the State. 

The exercises on the 24th and 26th were under the direction 
of the Fayette County Centennial Committee, and the program on 
the 25th was turned over to the Illinois Centennial Commission, 
which attended in a body. 

At a mass meeting held in the old capitol grounds in the 
afternoon, Dr. Otto L. Schmidt, chairman of the Commission pre- 
sided, the invocation was delivered by Rev. Frederic Siedenburg, 
S. J., of Chicago, a member of the Centennial Commission, and 
addresses were made by Governor Frank 0. Lowden, and Justice 
Orrin 1ST. Carter. Governor Lowden spoke on the significance of 
the defeat of slavery under Edward Coles, and showed how the de- 
cision of Illinois at that time had an influence on the present day 
crisis since it had much to do with the preservation of the Union. 
Justice Carter's address was an historical discussion of the early 
history of Vandalia and Southern Illinois. 

It had been intended to present Mr. Rice's "Masque" at an 
open-air amphitheater, prepared for the occasion, on the evening 
of the 25th, but inclement weather prevented. "The Masque" was 
presented on the following afternoon and evening, and was greatly 
enjoyed. Mrs. J. V. Waddell took the part of "Illinois" and 
the "Prologue" was spoken by Adjutant General Frank S. Dick- 
son. The cast was selected from various parts of Fayette County. 

The program at the mass meeting was as follows : 

Music i < Shelbyville Glee Club 

Dr. Otto L. Schmidt, Chairman of the Centennial 

Commission, Presiding 
Music The Centennial Hymn 



Invocation , Rev. Frederic Siedenburg, S. J. 

Music -. . ... . .< ... y. . .. Shelbyville Glee Club 

Address Hon. Frank 0. Lowden, Governor of Illinois 

Community Songs 

Introduction of Hon. 0. 1ST. Carter by the Hon. William M. Farmer, 

Justice of the Supreme Court of Illinois 

Address Vandalia and the Centennial. . Hon. 0. N. Carter 

Justice of the Supreme Court of Illinois 

Music .Shelbyville Glee Club 


Four o'Clock Community Chorus and Band 




Almighty and Eternal God, at whose creative touch this 
earth was born; whose hand sustains it; whose voice directs it; 
whose love keeps it, and whose countenance lights its pathway 
back to Thee ; with humble hearts we ask Thee to grant us here 
assembled Thy divine grace, and in its strength make us measure 
up to our opportunities and Thy expectations. 

Gathered here at the old capital, we thank Thee for the 
hundred years of this commonwealth and we offer up this celebra- 
tion to Thee in gratitude for the sterling, loyal lives of all the men 
and women who have made our Illinois great and glorious. 

But today God, our nation is in a cruel crisis. We are at 
war with war ; at war to make the world safe for ourselves and our 
children and we need we implore Thy help and protection. 

Abide with us all, but especially with our brave hosts across 
the seas. Give courage to their hearts and power to their arms, 
so that soon we may triumph to a victorious and lasting peace. 

God, bless us also, who are at home make us faithful to 
our ideals and in our duties to one another; make us faithful to 
our President, to our Governor, and to all in authority. 

Inspired by Thy succor, we shall make this nation a bulwark 
of justice, a haven for the oppressed and a beacon light to all who 
seek freedom. 


Make us one people, sincere and just, fearing only Thee and 
Thy judgments. Then shall our youth be assured opportunity 
and our aged enjoy comfort ; then shall the poor and the weak find 
new hope, and the rich and the strong realize their stewardship. 

May we achieve all this in Thy name and to Thy greater glory 
through Christ our Lord. Amen. 


Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen : It is a great day not 
only for Vandalia but for Illinois. It is a great privilege for any 
one to stand on this historic spot on the Hundredth Anniversary 
of our Statehood, and recall, however imperfectly, some of the 
achievements of Illinois which have had for their setting this 
historic old first capitol of our beloved State. 

It was my privilege yesterday to address, in the city of Chi- 
cago, the representatives from all over Illinois of the United War 
Work Campaign, which is being conducted under the auspices of 
the Federal Government at Washington. I could not help this 
morning on my way here but reflect that Chicago, the second city 
of this hemisphere, and the fourth in all the world, had its origin 
in the second story of this old structure less than a hundred years 

For its charter was received from the General Assembly of 
Illinois when it occupied this old building, so rich in precious 
memories of our mighty past. 

This war which is raging all about the world, and which is 
the most momentous event of time, is related also to this structure 
in the midst of your beautiful little city. It was here in the early 
days of the State when our population was small, and when Illinois 
was only an obscure spot upon the map of the world, that the first 
great battle in the Mississippi Valley was fought over the question 
of slavery. 

If that battle, in which Governor Edward Coles was the leader 
on the one side, had gone against the freedom of man, it would 
surely have changed the destiny of Illinois, and in changing the 
destiny of Illinois, it would have changed the history of this 


country. Because, if, as was sought at that time, slavery had been 
written into our State Constitution, it is not at all likely, indeed, 
it is well-nigh impossible that the great debate between those two 
illustrious sons of Illinois, Abraham Lincoln and Stephen A. 
Douglas, would have occurred. Without that debate Abraham 
Lincoln would never have been President of the United States; 
and this, the keystone State in fact of the Union, a slave State 
would have meant the loss of the Union when the crisis came. 

Without the triumph of the Northern Arms in this great war 
between the states, we would have had a disunited country, and 
today, instead of the Stars and Stripes floating from the Great 
Lakes to the Gulf, from the Atlantic to the Pacific, we would 
have had at least two governments, jealous of each other; possibly 
we would have had more than two. 

So today in the crisis of the world, instead of a united people 
and a united nation springing into the breach which the forces of 
autocracy and militarism had made, we would have been helpless 
and by now the flag of the Prussian autocrat might have floated 
over all of Europe, and we of both the North and the South might 
well have become two colonies of that brutal power. 

So strange as it may seem, it is not too much to say that this 
old building is related to the greatest events in all the world's his- 
tory. It is difficult for us to realize it, but without that victory 
of the second Governor of Illinois, without the events which fol- 
lowed logically in its train, a different spectacle would be presented 
today. That triumph of which this building is the monument is 
related to every battle front in Europe. Except for it the remnant 
of the Serbian Army, the most heroic, all things considered, that 
has developed in this war, would not have been able after four 
years of defeat, after four years of suffering and hardship, to re- 
sume the offensive and to crush its Bulgarian foes. 

A year ago when the commission of Serbians visited this 
country they came to tell us that their army had been driven by 
superior force into the last corner of their territory; their popula- 
tion had been enslaved; their property had been appropriated by 
the Central Empires, and their only hope lay in the new spirit 
which America might introduce into this war if she would promptly 


and with open and generous hand respond to the call of the Allies. 
It was our response to that call, it was the more than a million 
and a half of soldiers we sent to the battle front, which revived the 
hopes, which rekindled the courage, which nerved the army of 
heroic little Serbia until today that army is in full triumph, driv- 
ing its hated and barbarous foes from its land. 

Remember, that of all the countries in this war, Serbia has 
as distinguished and as heroic a past as any. It was her armies 
back in the middle ages against which the waves of the Turkish 
army broke, and beyond which they could not go; and it was the 
Serbians, who, way back centuries ago, said to the hosts of the 
Ottoman Empire, "You shall not pass." 

Without the assistance we have given, the great victories on 
the Western front would have been well-nigh impossible. France 
and England, war worn, and war weary, after four years of the 
most terrific fighting that the world had ever seen, pitted against 
the greatest army and the greatest armament of time, were fighting 
with their backs to the wall, as they themselves declared. It was 
only when our khaki-clad boys from the United States swept up 
to the front and turned the tide of the battle of the Marne, it was 
only then that their indomitable spirits revived, and they turned 
seeming defeat into victory. 

If the United States had been sundered by the Civil War, if 
we had become two nations, or three nations, or four nations in- 
stead of one, we would have been powerless to render that help. 

Within the last forty-eight hours cheering and inspiring news 
has come to us from the Holy Land. Palestine has been recovered 
from the infidels. This great victory was made possible because 
of the new spirit which America introduced into the war. But 
America could not have rendered this service if she had not been 
a single, undivided, loyal, great nation, and without the historic 
events which occurred upon this spot, so far as man can see, we 
would have had a divided country; and civilization, religion and 
righteousness would have lain helpless at the feet of their ancient 
foe in Palestine as on the other battle fronts in this world wide 


So this old building there are finer capitols everywhere than 
it this old building is related, and related closely, if I can read 
aright, to all the triumphs of the last few weeks. 

That leads me to say one thing to you: No one of us can 
know whether an event when it happens is great or not. We may 
not see the divine significance of some small thing today; we may 
know only that it is our duty, however small, however trifling, it 
is our solemn duty to meet with justice and righteousness and truth 
that event, because in the centuries as they shall unfold, the event 
of today seeming to be of no significance, yet may change the 
destiny of the world just as the battle that was fought here over 
slavery almost a hundred years ago has an intimate and an ever- 
lasting relation to the mighty events that are transpiring now. 

Oh, I wish that I might make the people of Illinois understand 
and understand fully the significance of this war in which we find 
ourselves ! I know at times in the past my friends have thought 
that I took a gloomy view of what was involved ; but there has not 
been a moment since our diplomatic relations were sundered with 
Germany that I have not felt in the depths of my heart that every- 
thing we hold dear was involved in the issues of this war. It does 
not mean simply a dispute over territory ; it is not merely a ques- 
tion of commercial rights; it is not even the battle of democracy 
alone. It is true that democracy is fighting the wide world round 
for the right to exist; but it is more than that. It is the old, 
eternal warfare between evil and good ; it is the old warfare of the 
few for such a form of society and social life as that those few may 
enjoy all the good things of the world while the millions of man- 
kind toil and slave. It is the battle which our fathers fought at 
Concord and Lexington, except that battle was limited to the mere 
sea coast of one land, while this battle is flaming all around the 
world. When this war is over there will be but one kind of gov- 
ernment anywhere; and that will be either a government of the 
people, for the people, by the people, or the government of armed 
might, the government of force imposed by some despot from 
above. That is what is involved; and that is why in this Cen- 
tennial Year, my friends, I believe we should recall and recount 
and dwell upon with tenderness the events of our first century. If 


we shall review our great men and great deeds of that hundred 
years we shall be inspired with a new courage and a new deter- 
mination to go on at whatever cost in money or men, until liberty 
and righteousness and justice, aye, and religion, shall be restored 
to their rightful place throughout the world. 

I want to say that whatever the critic may have said before 
the war to the young men of today, the boys of Illinois on every 
battle-front are showing themselves worthy of the bravest and 
best in all our past. 

I am receiving letters from commanding officers, today of one 
regiment, tomorrow of another, and on the next day of another, 
and each letter relates new acts of heroism, and each one of them 
breathes a lofty spirit, not only of courage but of abiding faith 
that we shall go on until we win a peace by victory over our enemies 
and the enemies of civilization. 

As the chairman has told you, I cannot stay with you as long 
as I would like this afternoon. I should like greatly to hear the 
other addresses which are awaiting you. I should like above all 
to see your pageant; I should like to visit with you in the shade 
of these old trees when the exercises are over, but I must hasten 
on to meet another engagement. But before I go I want to talk 
a little bit to the mothers of our boys at the front. 

I have seen many of those boys since }^ou have. I saw some 
of your brave and gallant boys at the port of embarkation before 
they sailed for the battle fronts. I am receiving letters all the 
while from some of our officers and men over there, and I am 
going to talk to the mothers about what I know of their boys and 
how they are employed on the battle fronts. 

As I came up your street this morning I was greatly impressed 
by your service flag with its seven hundred names representing 
seven hundred homes in Fayette County ; and I noted what I note 
even^where now, that several, six I think, of those stars had turned 
from blue to gold. More will turn from blue to gold as the days 
come and go. I am going to read to you some of the things the 
boys are saying to their mothers, and some of the things the mothers 
are saying to their boys. 


A few weeks ago an Illinois mother received news of the death 
of her son who died from wounds received in battle, and this is 
what she said, for not only was the one son killed, but two others 
were also fighting beneath our flag: "My other sons are just as 
willing to lay down their lives for the cause of civilization. One 
is in France fighting now; the other is getting ready. I am a 
soldier's mother. I weep, but my soul is under the stars because 
of their spirit of devotion and courage. I would not have any of 
them do otherwise/' 

In all the history of war the mother of man has never shown 
as fine as in this war. As all men know, the mother's is the 
hardest part. In the mysterious recesses of her mother's heart 
every wound suffered by her son is reproduced, and every suffering 
and every hardship is repeated there. She endures all the agony 
of her boy on the battle front. So I say that the mother's part 
is the hardest of all in any war. 

Again, I say that the mothers of no country anywhere have 
met with such heroism and self sacrifice the offerings they have 
made as the mothers of today. All honor to these noble women. 
Oh, I wish that she who gave out this statement when the news was 
fresh that her fine, chivalrous son had fallen in battle I wish that 
this mother could have been decorated with a medal of honor, with 
a Victoria Cross, with the Croix de Guerre; with all the decora- 
tions which the allied armies have pinned upon the breasts of our 
heroic sons. She deserves them all. 

Again, a letter from the 149th Field Artillery. That is the 
regiment which belongs to the Eainbow Division, made up of Illi- 
nois boys, which has been achieving great distinction in the war, 
being one of the first organizations to cross the seas. This is 
what young Warden of that regiment says: "My mother: You 
have been so brave and wonderful in everything that this letter 
is very hard to write. The army idea about these letters is that 
the mothers need consolation. Now, I am not going to pretend 
that you want me to be here, or that this is the place I want most 
to be, but I do know that my mother would not be satisfied to have 
her son any other place than where he is. 


"I tell you, when I get letters saying how well and happy you 
are looking and feeling, it makes me very proud of you, and how 
can I crab or kick against my lot when you who have the hardest 
burden of inaction and waiting to bear are so brave." 

Ah, does not that suggest to the mothers how they can best 
help their boys on the battle fronts. Write your son a cheerful 
letter; tell him of the sweet and beautiful old familiar things 
of his home, and of his neighborhood ; speak to him of happy days ; 
and though you may write with a pain in your heart, write with 
a song upon your lips, because you are helping that brave boy to 
meet his duty in this the crucial hour of the world's history. 

Another "No dearest mother, there is something a great deal 
bigger than personal comfort and safety and affections concerned. 
I have had a big awakening over here, and I would not be anywhere 
else in the world just now had I the choice. It is patriotism, yet it 
is more than patriotism. It is pride, yet it is more than pride. 
There is something at stake in this war bigger than the fate of a 
nation, even our own ; it is a supreme test of might against right." 

That letter, written by a boy who would be in school if he 
were at home, contains more wisdom, more understanding of the 
significance of this war than the oldest and wisest at home can 

I know what it has meant to you when you have said good 
bye to your boys. I have seen them by the thousands, as they 
have embarked for France. I have looked into their brave young 
faces, their bright and fearless eyes, and the tears have come when 
I have thought that some of them would not come back. When 
this war is over we shall not have as many young men as we would 
have had without it, but let me tell you that as these letters dis- 
close, we will have the finest lot of young men when these boys 
come back that this or any other country ever had. 

Yesterday one of the leaders of the Young Men's Christian 
Association, who has just returned from France, at this meeting 
of which I earlier spoke, told us of the splendid conduct of these 
boys in all our camps abroad; how clean and fine and strong they 
were. No army in the history of time has ever been as free from 
moral stain as this great army of ours on the other side. 


Their paper, called the Stars and Stripes, published over 
there by our soldiers, shows what their chief interest aside from 
their military duty is, for one of the first things they did, was, com- 
pany after company, to raise funds to take care of some little 
orphan boy or girl of a French soldier who had died in this war 
for civilization; and they raised those funds out of their meager 

Oh, mothers, when your boys are engaged in saving from their 
small pay enough to adopt the little orphan boy or girl of a French 
patriot, those boys need give you no concern. You need have no 
fear that when they return you cannot take them as unreservedly 
to your arms as you could before they went away. 

Now, my time is up, and more, I think, if I am going to make 
my train. I am just going to say one more thing, then I am going 
to leave you, and that is: They are safe, because they are meet- 
ing the great duty of the hour. They are fighting God's battle if 
soldiers ever fought God's battle; they are upholding the honor of 
our flag. 

They are safe, but what of us? We will have to give an ac- 
count of ourselves to them when they return, and we ought to 
give such an account ! They have already rendered full account 
to us, and the obligation now is ours; and so, whenever opportun- 
ity comes, whether in a Liberty Loan campaign, or whether it is 
to raise a fund for those great agencies that have been recognized 
by the Government, let's remember that an opportunity has come 
to us to show our appreciation of these boys. The question is not 
whether they will meet their full duty; it is whether we at home 
shall meet ours. 

If they are gladly willing to make the supreme sacrifice, the 
sacrifice of life itself, that our state and nation and civilization 
may endure, surely, we at home for whom they are fighting 
should gladly seek day by day what we can do to show them that 
we appreciate their courage and their sacrifice. 

Then we must make an account to them of other things when 
they return. We owe it to them to do everything within our midst, 
within our state, within our nation, to make this country just a 


little bit better, just a little bit cleaner, just a little bit more un- 
selfish than it was when they went away. 

I know that I can count on you, because I have looked into 
your faces today, and I have seen devotion written there. I know 
that I can count, as I have counted and not been disappointed, 
on the people of Fayette County, on this section of the state, work- 
ing together with this new sense of brotherhood that has come 
upon the world because of this great war, to look into the faces 
of these boys when they return and say, "We are entering upon 
the second century of our existence as a state, and we have tried 
to be worthy, not only of our past but of you, our heroic boys." 

You will help, I know; you will help without stint, and with- 
out limit. 



We have met here today in this Centennial Year to com- 
memorate the selection and occupation of this place as the capital 
of Illinois. Doubtless no other state capital was ever selected 
under such conditions and circumstances as accompanied the se- 
lection of Vandalia. When so selected, Fayette County had not 
been organized, and this spot was virgin forest with no permanent 
settlement nearer than 20 miles. 

It is appropriate even in these war times that we should 
fittingly commemorate the early struggles of those pioneers who 
so patriotically, under great difficulties, laid the foundations of 
this great commonwealth. When the first constitutional conven- 
tion met at Kaskaskia in August, 1818, one of its most vigorous 
discussions was with reference to the location of the state capital. 
It is well known that the territorial capital had been located at 
Kaskaskia and the first constitutional convention met at that 
point, in the building usually occupied by the territorial authori- 
ties. It was apparently realized by all the delegates that Kas- 
kaskia was not properly located geographically and with refer- 
ence to transportation facilities to be the permanent capital. 
During the session of the convention, some half dozen resolutions 


were introduced by various members with reference to locating the 
capital, all designating points upon or near the Kaskaskia river. 
The resolution as finally adopted August 24, 1818, provided that 
the proper authorities should petition the United States Congress 
to grant the State of Illinois a quantity of land to contain "not 
more than four nor less than one section, * * * to be situate 
on the Kaskaskia River, as near as may be east of the third princi- 
pal meridian on said river"; that should the prayer of said peti- 
tion be granted, the General Assembly, at the next session, should 
provide for the appointing of five commissioners to make the selec- 
tion of said land so granted, and further providing for the laying 
out of a town upon the land so selected which should be the seat 
of government for the State for the term of twenty years and that 
the General Assembly might have power to make such provisions 
for a permanent seat of government as might be necessary. (Par. 
13 of Schedule of 111. Constitution, 1818). The Federal Congress 
on March 3, 1819, passed an act granting to the State of Illinois 
four sections of land in accordance with that provision of the Illi- 
nois Constitution, providing that the selection should be made be- 
fore the public sale of adjoining public lands. (3 IT. S. Stats, 
at Large, June, 1813, to March, 1823, p. 525.) 

The first legislature of Illinois assembled at Kaskaskia, and 
at its second session in January, 1819, several resolutions were 
proposed with reference to the selection of the capital and the loca- 
tion of the land as provided for by the State Constitution and the 
Federal Congress. Finally, on March 30, 1819, at a joint session 
of the Senate and House, five commissioners were chosen to select 
a location. Beyond question, all the places seriously considered 
were located upon the Kaskaskia Eiver and if the provision as to 
the location as near as might be east of the third principal merid- 
ian was to be followed, none of the other places under consider- 
ation would have been chosen. It seems quite clear from the 
records available as to the reasons for changing the location of 
the capital, that such change was largely brought about by those 
who were desirous of promoting land speculation the promoters, 
doubtless, believing that they would derive personal advantage 
from the change. The statement is frequently made in the his- 


tory of that time that quite a number of the prominent residents 
of Kaskaskia were promoters of the change and the authentic 
records seem to indicate that this speculation desire was really 
the cause for the change. 

Hon. Sidney Breese, at the time Vandalia was selected as the 
State capital, was serving as assistant to the Secretary of State 
Kane. Breese, as you know, was afterwards United States Senator 
and served for many years and until his death, as a judge of the 
supreme court of the State. His name is perhaps as well known 
and illustrious as that of any man who ever sat on the supreme 
bench of the State. At the time of the laying of the corner stone 
of the present State House in Springfield, October 5, 1868, he 
wrote for publication his recollections of the selection of Vandalia, 
among other things saying, that while the commissioners were 
considering other localities, a noted hunter and trapper, Reavs, 
by name, visited them. He spoke in glowing terms of the beauties 
of "Reavs' Bluff" where his cabin was situated, being on the Kas- 
kaskia River at this point, and told the commissioners that "Pope's 
Bluff" now Carlyle, wasn't a 'primin' to his bluff.' Breese further 
relates that the commissioners visited Reavs' Bluff and selected it 
as the location for the future capital; that after the selection "lots 
were sold at public auction, on credit, at fabulous prices, few of 
which were paid for in full. The enterprising and scheming, 
some from the old world, came to it, and soon the nucleus of a 
town was formed. Measures were inaugurated for the erection 
of a State House, which culminated in a plain two-story frame 
building of rude architecture, set upon a rough stone foundation, 
and placed in the centre of the square, the lower floor of which 
was devoted to a passage and stairway to the upper story, and a 
large plain room devoid of ornament; the upper floor was divided 
into two rooms, the largest for the accommodation of the Senate, 
and a smaller one for the office of the Secretary of State; the 
auditor and treasurer occupying detached buildings, hired for that 
purpose. No ceremonies were observed in laying the corner stone 
of this unsightly structure; no music disturbed the solitude of 
the forest, then in its primeval beauty; no crowd in pride of 
pageantry lent excitement to the scene; no sound was heard save 


the rap of the mason's hammer and the sharp click of his trowel." 
(Caton's Miscellanies, p. 65.) This was the first State Capitol 
building ever owned by the State. The State records were trans- 
ferred from Kaskaskia to Vandalia in a single wagon under 
Breese's direction, Breese and the driver being compelled several 
times, before reaching Vandalia, to cut down trees in order to 
obtain a passageway of sufficient size. The legislature made an 
appropriation, when meeting at Vandalia, of $25 to pay Breese for 
the services rendered in thus transferring the State archives from 
Kaskaskia to Vandalia. The first Governor of the State, Shadrach 
Bond, delivered his first message to the Second General Assembly 
in this first State House on December 4, 1820. Among other 
things, he recommended that the Assembly provide for the public 
welfare by encouraging education and at the proper time when 
"thought advisable, to lay the foundation of a seminary of learn- 
ing ; that he knew of no situation more commanding than the vicin- 
ity of the seat of government. Here the student, by an occasional 
visit to the Houses of the General Assembly and the courts of 
justice, will find the best specimens of oratory the State can pro- 
duce; imbibe the principles of legal science and political knowl- 
edge, and, by an intercourse with good society, his habits of life 
will be chastened, and his manners improved/' The esteemed 
governor had greater faith in the influence of the legislature and 
other departments of State upon education than do most people 
at the present time. 

It may be interesting to note the supposed origin of the name 
'^Vandalia". Governor Ford in his early history of Illinois, states 
that "after the place had been selected, it became a matter of great 
interest to give it a good sounding name, one which would please 
the ear, and at the same time have the classic merit of perpetuat- 
ing the memory of the ancient race of Indians by whom the coun- 
try had first been inhabited. Tradition says that a wag who was 
present suggested to the commissioners that the 'Vandals' were 
a powerful race of Indians, who once inhabited the banks of the 
Kaskaskia Eiver and that Vandalia, formed from their name, 
would perpetuate the memory of that extinct but renowned people. 
The suggestion pleased the commissioners, the name was adopted 


and they thus proved that the name of their new city (if they were 
fit representatives of their constituents) would better illustrate the 
character of the modern than the ancient inhabitants of the coun- 
try/' (Ford's History of 111., p. 35.) 

Robert Ross, in his Historical Souvenir of this city, says 
(p. 11) : "The most reasonable solution to the question is, that 
the location was in the Van of the settlements in the State, and 
because of the hills and dales surrounding it, therefore 'Vandalia'." 
This statement of Ross seems to be in accord with the recollections 
of William C. G-reenup, who, as surveyor, laid out the original 
town of Vandalia. Greenup was one of the leaders in the State 
at that time, having been secretary of the first constitutional con- 
vention and Mr. Ross, in his Souvenir, gives a statement of George 
W. Brown as to a conversation that he heard between his father 
and Colonel Greenup, in which the Colonel told his father that the 
town received the name of Vandalia for the reasons just mentioned. 

While investigating the early history of this State in prepa- 
ration for this talk, I have obtained some information new to me 
and which I have never seen referred to by any writer on this 
subject, which may possibly have some bearing as to how the name 
"Vandalia" came to be chosen. When it was a part of the British 
possessions, several companies were organized for the purpose of 
locating lands in that part of this country which was afterwards 
known as the Northwest Territory. These were organized under 
the name of the Illinois, Wabash, Indiana and Vandalia Com- 
panies, respectively, and were granted by the British Crown the 
right to locate land in that portion of the United States west and 
north of the Ohio River. Benjamin Franklin, who represented 
for years our country in foreign service, before, during and after 
the Revolution, had corresponded with reference to some of these 
companies with one Samuel Wharton of Philadelphia. This 
correspondence shows that they were considering locating a com- 
pany or colony to be known as the Walpole Company or Grand 
Ohio Company "which proposed the erection of the colony of Van- 
dalia, west of Virginia." (Vol. 10, 111. Historical Collections, p. 
374, Note 1.) The Journals of the United States Congress show 
18 C C 


that after the beginning of the Kevolution, as well as after the 
United States became an independent nation, attempts were made 
by some of the original proprietors in these land companies, to 
locate in the Northwest Territory and that vigorous protests were 
made by the Virginia State authorities with reference to the mat- 
ter, the latter claiming that the land belonged to Virginia because 
of the conquest of this Illinois country by Colonel Clark. (See 
Hening's Virginia Stats, at Large, Vol. 10, p. 557, and 3 Journals 
of U. S. Congress (1778-1782, pp. 359, 676, 680.) It seems, 
therefore, from the investigation on this subject, that "Vandalia" 
was a familiar name even before the Revolution and was used with 
reference to a tract of land which included the southern part of 
this State, as well as the name of the proposed colony, to be lo- 
cated, possibly, in southern Illinois. It is not unreasonable to 
suppose that one of the five commissioners, or some prominent man 
who was discussing this question with the commissioners, remem- 
bering the name of Vandalia in connection with these proposed 
land claims and the prospective colony, may have thought it proper 
to perpetuate the name by that of the new capital of the State 
no one can deny that the name was good sounding to the ear and 
seemed to possess a classic merit. It would seem to the present 
speaker that it is as reasonable to assume that the name Vandalia 
was thus chosen, as to favor the explanation suggested by Governor 
Ford, and just as reasonable, perhaps, as the suggestion of Colonel 
Greenup, the original surveyor of the town. 

The Constitution provided that when the new capital was 
chosen, it should remain as located for twenty years. Long before 
the twenty years expired, there commenced an agitation for the 
removal of the capital from this city, largely, I think, because of 
the lack of transportation facilities to reach this point. Had travel- 
ing facilities at that time equalled those of today, it might well be 
questioned if this city might not long have remained the State 
Capital, as the National Capital has remained at Washington, 
though far removed from the geographical center of the country, 
though the question of a change has often been agitated. The 
then residents of Vandalia realized the danger of this agitation 
and when the first State Capitol Building was burned on the night 


of December 9, 1823, and totally destroyed they bestirred them- 
selves to raise funds, privately, to assist in the erection of a new 
capitol building. I am unable to find any definite information as 
to the cause of the fire which destroyed the first capitol building. 
I understand there has been a rumor extant that the cause of the 
fire was incendiary, growing out of the sharp agitation as to calling 
a convention to permit slavery to be established in this State; 
but I find no authentic basis in any of the records justifying any 
such rumor. Judge Breese and others who have written on the 
subject, say the cause of the fire was entirely unknown. 

The second capitol building was erected at a cost of $15,000. 
In his message in November, 1824, Governor Coles complimented 
the residents of Vandalia upon their patriotism in assisting in the 
erection of the new State House and promised to do all he could 
to have them reimbursed. Late in the same year this promise was 
made good by the Legislature. In 1833 the agitation for the re- 
moval of the capital from Vandalia took definite shape and the 
Eighth General Assembly passed an act providing for taking a vote 
in each county on the question of such removal. Six proposed 
locations were voted for, including Vandalia. The result of the 
vote showed that the geographical center of the State received 790 
votes while Alton which led in votes received 8,157, Vandalia 
the second highest, 7,730, and Springfield the next highest, 7,075. 
So far as I can ascertain, the result of this election was never 
officially canvassed and declared. In the meantime the Vandalia 
citizens, evidently fearful that they would lose the capital and 
seeking to meet the argument that was being made at this time, 
that the State needed a new State House, busied themselves with 
projects for a new building by which they might take advantage of 
the failure to declare the official result as to the removal of the 
capital. Apparently without any authority of law, the second State 
House building was torn down in the summer of 1836, during the 
legislative recess, and the citizens of the city, on their own responsi- 
bility, built a new building, the present Court House at a cost of 
some $16,000. The then Governor, Duncan, desirous of treating 
Vandalia as fairly as possible, paid $6,000 out of the State con- 
tingency fund to assist in the cost of the structure. The balance 


of the expense, approximately $10,000, was borne by the citizens of 
this city, although I understand the Legislature afterwards re- 
funded the amount thus expended. Vandalia, however, was not 
thus able to dispose of the agitation for removal, and on February 
25, 1837, the Legislature in joint session here, on the fourth ballot, 
chose Springfield as the new seat of government for the State. 
Vandalia received on this last vote, the next highest vote to Spring- 
field, and some eight or nine other localities also received votes. 
The Eleventh General Assembly held the last session of the Illinois 
Legislature at Vandalia, meeting here December 3, 1838. In 
February, 1839, an act was passed conveying the interest of the 
State in the third State House building to Fayette County, with 
the stipulation that the west half of the building should be used 
as a Court House and the east half for school purposes. The build- 
ing was thus used and occupied, so far as it was occupied, until 
1857, although it seems that a school was not conducted here in 
the east half during all the intervening years. In 1857, by a 
special act of the Legislature, the educational authorities who had 
control in the matter at that time, conveyed to the county their 
entire interest in the building, and thereafter the third State 
House was remodeled by the county and all of it has since been 
used as a Court House. 

While Vandalia was the State capital, the destinies of this 
great State were presided over by six different Governors, begin- 
ning with Shadrach Bond and ending with Joseph Duncan. Gov- 
ernor Carlin the seventh Governor was also inaugurated here and 
the capital was moved to Springfield during his administration. 
One of these six Governors, Ewing, only served fifteen days. Gov- 
ernor John Eeynolds had been previously elected to Congress, as 
had Lieutenant Governor Casey, and both resigned to qualify in 
the Federal positions. Ewing was then serving as president of the 
State Senate, and therefore because of holding that position, be- 
came the acting Governor until Duncan was elected and qualified, 
fifteen days after Governor Keynolds resigned. Ewing has the 
unique distinction, not only of serving the shortest time of any 
Governor of the State, but also because of occupying numerous 
prominent positions, both before and after he was Governor. His 


first position of State importance was clerk of the Legislature; 
after that he was a member of the lower house, and speaker ; then 
a member of the senate, president pro-tern, of the senate, Lieu- 
tenant Governor and United States Senator; then, later, he be- 
came a member of the Legislature, speaker, and after that, again 
clerk of the House of Representatives. During this intervening 
period he was also, at one time, the State Auditor of Public Ac- 
counts. Ewing must have been a man who retained the good will 
and confidence of those with whom he associated. 

The second Governor of Illinois, Edward Coles, born in Vir- 
ginia, had served seven years as private secretary to President 
Madison and had been sent by him on a special mission to Russia 
to settle a very important dispute that had arisen between the two 
governments, completing this mission satisfactorily to all parties 
concerned. He was thereafter appointed by President Monroe as 
United States Land Registrar at Edwardsville, in this State. Be- 
fore going on his mission to Russia, he had made a trip over the 
Northwest Territory for the purpose of seeking a proper location 
to settle, where he could bring and free his slaves that he had in- 
herited from his father. While acting as secretary of President 
Madison, Coles had been reading widely and studying seriously 
with reference to this slavery question; he had corresponded with 
former President Jefferson and had made up his mind he would 
free his slaves, but concluded that he could not do it either satis- 
factorily to himself or to their advantage in Virginia, where he 
was then residing, as all the people in that State believed strongly 
in slavery and the Virginia laws were such as to make such action 
practically impossible, without getting both his slaves and himself 
into trouble. He therefore decided to move into that part of the 
United States where slavery was not in force the ordinance under 
which the Northwest Territory was organized specifically provided 
that neither slavery nor involuntary servitude should ever be in 
force within the territory. Illinois was slave territory when it was 
ceded by Virginia to the United States and after it became a state 
it was argued that under the provisions of this cession from Vir- 
ginia to the Federal Government, slavery might still legally exist, 
notwithstanding the provisions in the ordinance organizing the 


Northwest Territory, it being argued that this ordinance was in 
conflict on this question with the deed of cession and that therefore 
the ordinance was not binding upon the people of the State. Coles 
settled in this State in 1819 and was elected Governor to succeed 
Bond in August, 1822. There were no political conventions in 
those days to nominate the candidates and the different aspirants 
for office were compelled to go out on their own hook to seek office, 
or, in the language of that day "run stump." At the election in 
1822 for Governor, there were four candidates, two pro-slavery, 
Chief Justice Joseph Phillips of the Supreme Court of the State 
and one of his associates on the supreme bench, Thomas C. Browne. 
Coles was known to be anti-slavery and Major General James B. 
Moore was also a candidate and it was generally understood that 
he was against slavery. Coles was elected by a plurality of 50 
votes over Phillips. Judge Browne was brought out by the friends 
of Phillips to help him in the Wabash Country, but the result of the 
election showed that Browne's candidacy was the cause of Phillips' 
defeat. Undoubtedly a large majority of the votes that went to 
Browne would have gone to Phillips and have elected him. The 
aggregate of the votes of Browne and Phillips together were much 
greater than the aggregate of the votes of Coles and Moore. Thus 
Coles was elected Governor by the division of the pro-slavery vote ; 
but there was no such division on the vote as to the Legislature and 
the other State candidates, and the pro-slavery candidates for Lieu- 
tenant Governor and members of the Legislature were elected. 

The result of this election, electing Governor Coles, anti- 
slavery, and the Legislature, pro-slavery, brought about the most 
exciting political contest that ever took place in this State until 
the years immediately preceding the Civil War. Governor Coles 
in his first message to the Legislature strongly advocated legisla- 
tion giving more rights to the colored people. The so-called "Black 
Laws" then in force in Illinois, practically placed the colored race 
in bondage, notwithstanding the provision in the Illinois Constitu- 
tion of 1818 and the ordinance creating the Northwest Territory 
forbidding slavery and involuntary servitude. The Legislature, 
largely pro-slavery, resented these suggestions of the Governor and 
after a vigorous discussion on the question, passed a resolution 


calling for a vote of the people as to whether or not a new con- 
vention should be held for the purpose of legalizing slavery. The 
Legislature only succeeded in passing this resolution after unseat- 
ing Eepresentative Hansen, who had formerly been seated on a 
contest, and seating one Shaw who had been theretofore refused 
a seat, at the time of the Hansen contest. Hansen, much to the 
surprise and chagrin of the pro-slavery people, had voted against 
the calling of the Constitutional Convention, while Shaw, as soon 
as he was seated, voted for it, thus giving the necessary two-thirds 
vote in favor of calling the convention. The joy of the convention, 
men over this triumph was unbounded. An impromptu jollifica- 
tion was gotten up in this city, not only to celebrate their victory, 
but to taunt their opponents. The pro-slavery people organized 
themselves into a noisy, disorderly, tumultuous procession, as re- 
ported by Governor Ford in his history, headed by Judge Phillips, 
the defeated candidate for Governor, and Judge Smith, Judge 
Thomas Eeynolds of the Supreme Court and Lieutenant Governor 
Casey, followed by a majority of the Legislature and the hangers 
on and the rabble about the seat of government, and marched to 
the blowing of tin horns and beating of drums and tin pans to the 
residence of Governor Coles, and to the boarding houses of their 
principal opponents, where they manifested their contempt for 
those they were serenading by a confused medley of groans, wail- 
ings and lamentations. (Ford's History of 111. p. 53.) Governor 
John Eeynolds, who was elected as the fourth Governor of the 
State, and who was a pronounced pro-slavery man and for the 
convention, writes with reference to this celebration on the evening 
in question, that it was wild and indecorous and aroused much 
antagonism as well as being very unpopular. The resolution was- 
passed in 1823 calling for a vote on the convention about eighteen 
months later in August, 1824. Immediately after the passage of 
the resolution, the two sides organized for the contest, the anti- 
slavery men under the leadership of Governor Coles, who gave all 
of his salary and most of his time in striving to educate the public 
to vote against the convention. Both parties then began to wage 
one of the most remarkable contests that was ever brought before 
the voters of this or any other state for settlement. It was long 


and severe. Most of the leading men of the time were pro-slavery, 
but the anti-slavery men, under the leadership of Governor Coles, 
did not lack for strong supporters. Newspapers, handbills and 
pamphlets were scattered broadcast and every person who was able 
to make a speech took "the stump" on one side or the other, and for 
eighteen months all the people did little but read the newspapers, 
handbills and pamphlets and discuss and argue with each other, 
wherever they might meet, with reference to the all-absorbing topic. 
It is stated by some who were living at that time and who wrote 
their recollections with reference to this contest, that not only men 
but women and children who were old enough to understand the 
subject, took part in the discussion; that old friendships were 
broken, families divided and neighbors arrayed against each other; 
that threats of personal violence were often made and that personal 
conflicts were of common occurrence. Ministers took prominent 
part in the discussion and they were practically unanimous against 
calling the convention. The contest continued with unabated vigor 
and violence until the election on the first Monday in August, 1824, 
the result of which was that a majority of 1,872 voted against the 
calling of the convention, Fayette County vote being 125 for, 121 
against. Every one who was able to vote was brought to the polls 
the old, the sick and the decrepit. The largest vote was cast in 
proportion to the population that was cast for many years larger 
than the vote that was cast in the presidential election following. 
Thus ended this most remarkable contest. Governor Coles rendered 
an inestimable service to the State and nation by his course of 
action on this question. One of the former judges of the State 
Supreme Court, John D. Caton, in an address made in court some 
time in the 80's, said of Governor Coles, that for his conspicuous 
service while Governor, we owe to him "a debt of gratitude that can 
never be repaid;" that he saved then and forever this great State 
"from the black curse of African slavery." 

It will be well for the people of this time, when they are dis- 
couraged because of the evils of today, to realize more fully than the 
most of us do, the terrible effects of negro slavery in this State and 
nation at the time that Coles was Governor of Illinois. The so- 
called "Black Laws" upon our statutes were as severe as in most 


of the southern states. Under these laws every black person was 
practically assumed to be a slave unless he could prove to the con- 
trary. Mr. Elihu B. Washburne, in speaking of this "Black Code" 
of Illinois, states, that it was "one of the most infamous and bar- 
barous enactments that ever disgraced a civilized state." (Wash- 
burne's Administration of Coles, p. 238.) The animosities which 
arose against Governor Coles by his stand in this contest, did not 
die out at the close of his administration. The Legislature in 1819 
enacted a law providing a penalty against any one bringing into the 
State of Illinois free colored people without giving a certain bond 
required by that act. (Illinois Session Laws 1819, p. 354.) 
Before the convention election in 1824, a suit was instituted in 
Madison County in the name of the county against Governor 
Coles to recover penalties against him under this act for bringing 
his former slaves, after they were freed, into the State. Before 
a final decision was reached on this litigation in the trial court, 
the Legislature passed a law releasing all penalties incurred 
under it, including those sought to be recovered in this action 
against Coles. The trial court entered judgment for $2,000 in favor 
of Madison County and refused to remit the penalties as required 
by the Eepealing Act. The cause was taken to the Supreme Court 
of the State and was there reversed. (Coles v. County of Madison, 
1 111. p. 154.) Criminal proceedings were also brought against 
Governor Coles growing out of certain of his acts on the slavery 
question, but these criminal proceedings were dismissed without 
trial over the Governor's protest. These "Black Laws" permitting 
voluntary slavery under the indenture system, remained in force in 
this State until repealed by the State Legislature in 1865, at the 
close of the Civil War. Certain provisions in these laws were held 
constitutional by the Supreme Court of the State in 1864 in Nelson 
v. People, 33 111. 390. This litigation grew out of a proceeding 
against a mulatto, named Nelson, under a law which provided that 
any negro, bond or free, who should come into the State and remain 
for a period of ten days with the intention of permanently settling 
here, should be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor and upon convic- 
tion, in case he failed to pay the fine imposed upon him, should be 
sold at public auction by the sheriff of the county, and that the 


sheriff, from the proceeds of such sale, should pay the fine and costs 
and the purchaser should be entitled, for a certain length of time, 
in proportion to the amount of the fine, to the services of the negro. 
I doubt if such a law would be held constitutional at the present 
time. The vital question in that slavery struggle was the same 
as it is now in this great world war : whether every individual shall 
be free and shall have a part in the government, or shall be gov- 
erned "from Potsdam/' As Lincoln said later, in discussing the 
slavery question: "The real issue in this country is the eternal 
struggle between these two principles right and wrong through- 
out the world. They are the two principles that have stood face 
to face from the beginning of time, and will ever continue to 
struggle. The one is the common right of humanity, and the 
other, the divine right of kings. It is the same principle in what- 
ever shape it develops itself. It is the same spirit that says, 'You 
work and toil and earn bread and I'll eat it.' ' J 

If the Centennial celebration, serves no other useful purpose, 
it will result in good in bringing before the people of the State 
a somewhat more vivid realization of the life and work of Governor 
Coles. I understand that under the auspices of the Centennial 
Commission there will soon be republished the biography of Gov- 
ernor Coles written by former Congressman Elihu B. Washburne, 
who, during the Civil War, stood as the backer and sponsor of 
General Grant and who afterwards served in Paris during the 
Franco-Prussian War, as our Minister to France. When this book 
is reprinted, I hope every student and lover of liberty will read it 
with care and every one who does so, will be well repaid.* 

It is interesting in this connection to recall that Governor 
Coles had as one of his aides, Col. William S. Hamilton, a son of 
Gen. Alexander Hamilton; that Governor Coles sent Hamilton as 
his special messenger to meet General LaFayette at St. Louis, at 
the time LaFayette made his visit to this country in 1825. 
Colonel Hamilton met LaFayette at St. Louis and arranged with 
him for a reception in his honor at Kaskaskia, where Governor 
Coles made the address of welcome the reception being attended 
and participated in by practically all the men prominent in the 

* Published as the Centennial volume of the Illinois State Historical S>- 
ciety as Volume Xo. 15 Illinois Historical Collections. 


west at that time. Former Governor Eeynolds states in his biog- 
raphy, entitled "My Own Times," that General LaFayette was 
escorted from Kaskaskia to Vandalia and from thence to Shawnee- 
town where the party embarked for Nashville in a boat chartered 
by the State and that LaFayette returned from Nashville up the 
Ohio where he had a reception at Shawneetown on his second visit. 
A history of Fayette County is to the same effect. I am of the 
opinion that Governor Eeynolds is incorrect in his statement that 
LaFayette came to Vandalia. So far as I can verify from the 
records after the reception in Kaskaskia, LaFayette accompanied 
by Governor Coles, returned down the Mississippi to Nashville and 
then went from Nashville up the Ohio, stopping for a reception at 
Shawneetown, where I think Governor Coles left him, returning 
across the State to Vandalia. LaFayette's private secretary (Levas- 
seur) writing an account of this visit to America, states that they 
went down the Mississippi Eiver from Kaskaskia. The files of the 
Illinois Intelligencer, published in this city in 1825, owned by the 
Illinois State Historical Society, made no mention of LaFayette's 
visiting Vandalia, so it seems quite certain from that lack of men- 
tion and from the other authorities available, that Governor 
Eeynolds in his recollection was wrong in saying that LaFayette 
came to Vandalia. Fayette County was named after LaFayette. 

In investigating the early history of Illinois with reference to 
this city while it was the capital of the State, I have run on to 
many things of interest to me, that I am sure might interest most 
of you, but time will permit only a brief reference to some of the 
most striking of these things. Earlier I referred, briefly, to the 
fact that probably one of the reasons for the agitation as to remov- 
ing the capital from Vandalia, grew out of the lack and difficulties 
of proper transportation to and from this city. In one of the 
historical reviews of the first years of Illinois I find a statement 
that in 1822 it cost $151.82 to make a trip from Vandalia to 
Shawneetown and return, the round trip requiring fourteen days. 
(Boggess, Settlement of Illinois, p. 150.) The same author says 
in the same work (p. 161), that in 1820 the charge for carrying 
either baggage or persons from Baltimore to Wheeling was $5 to 
$7 per hundred weight and that persons wishing to travel cheaply 


had their luggage transported, while they walked. In 1831 stage 
lines were used to convey passengers from the principal points in 
this State to other localities. Once a week a stage went to Van- 
dalia from St. Louis by way of Edwardsville and Greenville. 
(Pooley on Settlement of Illinois, p. 357.) Vandalia in those 
days seems to have been the diverging point from which mails 
were sent out in nearly every direction, southeast to Vincennes, 
Ind. ; south to Mount Vernon in 'this State ; southwest to Carlyle ; 
northwest to Hillsboro, Taylorville, Jacksonville and Beardstown; 
northeast to Shelbyville. (Eoss' Souvenir, p. 33.) Another writer 
says that the stage fare in the early 30's in this State was ordinarily 
6 cents a mile. It must also be remembered that a dollar meant 
much more then than at present. The want of good roads at this 
time across the country was very great. Much costly work, under 
the patronage of the United States Congress, had been done in the 
early 30's upon the national road extending in Illinois from oppo- 
site Terre Haute, Ind., to Vandalia. This was as far as the national 
road was constructed. Aside from this, while a number of State 
roads were established connecting the principal towns which were 
used for mail and stage routes but little labor or money was ex- 
pended upon them, none of the smaller, and only a few of the 
larger, streams being bridged. (1 Moses, 111. History, p. 388.) 
On one occasion, Judges Wilson and Lockwood of the Supreme 
Court of the State and Attorney Henry Eddy, were traveling by 
horseback from Carmi to Vandalia a distance of sixty miles 
when they were overtaken by a storm of wind, sleet and snow, and 
after traveling all day they became so fatigued that they were un- 
able to proceed farther; so they tied their horses and spread a 
blanket on the ground near a fallen tree and sat down close together 
to obtain as much warmth as possible by contact with each other 
and thus spent the rest of the dismal night; then they proceeded 
in the morning half frozen and on reaching the Kaskaskia Eiver, 
opposite Vandalia, about noon, they found its banks full to over- 
flowing. There being no other alternative, they plunged in and 
swam their horses over, riding into town about "used up." 
Judge Lockwood, who had long been in delicate health, feared 
that the exposures of this trip might be fatal, but strange to relate, 


he suffered no evil consequences, thereafter enjoying better health 
than he had for years. (1 Moses 111. Note, p. 389.) Mani- 
festly, as costly as we think travel is in these war times, it is much 
less costly and far more comfortable and more rapid than in those 
days when Vandalia was the State Capital. 

Many of the earlier settlers in the southern part of this State 
came by the water route down the Ohio Eiver and up the Missis- 
sippi, and, so far as possible, up the rivers in this State. I have 
no doubt that one of the reasons why the first Constitutional Con- 
vention attempted to locate the permanent capital on the Kaskaskia 
Eiver was because they thought it would be more easily reached 
by the water route than any other way. I have found in a copy 
of one of the first magazines published in this State, called the 
"Illinois Magazine," edited and conducted by James Hall, at one 
time one of the circuit judges of this State, (this magazine being 
published at one time, I understand, in Vandalia), an article in 
the January 1832 number, on Vandalia, in which there is discussed 
at some length the location of Vandalia and its advantages. It 
states that the city is about 100 miles by land from the junctior 
of the Kaskaskia River with the Mississippi and 314 miles by the 
river route; that this stream was destined to be one of the most 
useful in the State; that it was navigable for steamboats for six 
months in the year; that in high water, there was not a single 
obstruction in its whole course, except such as are created by logs 
and trees falling accidentally into the river; that these at that 
time had all been removed as far up as 23 miles north of Carlyle, 
and that the river might be navigated to that point ; that at a small 
expense the river could be made navigable to Shelbyville, forty 
miles by land north of Vandalia. Certain points other than Van- 
dalia that sought the location of the State Capital at the time 
Vandalia was chosen, urged as one of their advantages the navi- 
gability of this river at such points. (See 111. Centennial History, 
Preliminary Vol. 111. in 1818, pp. 287, 288.) We think this glow- 
ing account of the navigability of the Kaskaskia Eiver was some- 
what overdrawn. Eoss in his history of this city refers to an ac- 
count of one Lee taking two flat boats on the Kaskaskia Eiver 
loaded with produce down the Kaskaskia and Mississippi Eivers 


to New Orleans as if it was an uncommon occurrence, and while 
I have no doubt that in the early history of this State it was sup- 
posed that the Kaskaskia was going to be made a navigable river 
by the improvements that would be made by public authorities, I 
question whether the Kaskaskia was ever really navigable for steam- 
boats up to this point, as indicated in the magazine edited by Judge 

Quite a prominent feature of the legislation of this State while 
the capital was located at Vandalia, was the attempt to make the 
people rich by legislation. In 1821 the Illinois State Bank was 
created with a capital of a half a million dollars. The principal 
bank was located here at Vandalia, with branches well distributed 
at Edwardsville, Brownsville, Shawneetown and the county seat of 
Edwards County. Each county in the State was entitled to a 
director, who, with the bank officers, were to be elected by the Legis- 
lature. Three hundred thousand dollars in paper money was issued 
by this bank. The result of the creation of this bank and the 
issuing of this money upon the prosperity of the State was very 
damaging; the community as a whole suffered greatly by this un- 
wise legislation. Perhaps even more unwise than the attempt to 
make the State rich by issuing bank paper, so as to increase busi- 
ness by the circulation of paper money, was the attempt to make 
public improvements through lottery schemes; thus, the navigation 
of the Wabash River at the Grand Eapids, near Palmyra, by the 
digging of a canal, was attempted to be promoted and brought 
about by a lottery. Other like schemes with similar objects were 
undertaken with reference to draining ponds, building levees and 
the reclamation of lands on the American bottoms. All of those 
schemes failed miserably because they were not based upon sound 
business principles. (Davidson & Stuve's History of 111. pp. 304, 

One of the most interesting things that has come to my atten- 
tion concerning Vandalia in reading on Illinois history, is in refer- 
ence to the first church bell that was hung in a Protestant Church 
in Illinois. This bell was presented to the Presbyterian Church 
of this city in 1830 by Romulus Riggs a wealthy merchant of 
Philadelphia. He had extensive business dealings in Illinois and 


became the owner of a large quantity of farm land in the so-called 
Military Tract in this State. In 1830, on the birth of a daughter, 
to whom he gave the name "Illinois/' he presented this bell to the 
Presbyterian Church of Vandalia and it bore the inscription: 
"Illinois Biggs to the Presbyterian Congregation of Vandalia, 
1830." Illinois Biggs was the youngest daughter of a large family. 
Her father left her by his will a large interest in much of his land 
in this State, and the lawyers here and those who study curious 
events in our history, will be interested in learning that there is 
now considerable litigation going on in various counties in the 
Military Tract with reference to the ownership of some of this land 
left by the will of Bomulus Biggs to his daughter, Illinois. Mr. 
Biggs, unwisely, as many other wealthy men have done, attempted 
to put certain minute restrictions in his will as to where the title 
to this land should go after his death and this has resulted in 
leaving the title to much valuable land in several counties in this 
State in an uncertain condition. This litigation, I am told, will 
continue for some years before it is finally settled. 

During the early settlement of this State attempts were made 
in certain sections to locate colonies. In this State, under the 
leadership of Birkbeck and Flower, an English colony was located 
in Edwards County near Albion. Several other colonies were 
located at different points in the State by the Germans and English. 
In 1819, Ferdinand Ernst, a gentleman of wealth and literary 
ability, came from Hanover, Germany, to this country leading a 
colony of thirty families. They settled in or near Vandalia, soon 
after this city was chosen as the capital. It appears that they pur- 
chased some of the first lots that were sold after Vandalia was sub- 
divided, and some of the members of this colony were leading citi- 
zens of this city for years. Their leader, Mr. Ernst, died within 
a short time after he settled here and his heirs decided to return 
to their former home. Ernst and his wife, in 1821, had purchased 
certain lots in this city and had given their notes, secured by mort- 
gage, for the unpaid purchase price. The notes and mortgage were 
not paid when due and the mortgage was foreclosed in accordance 
with the procedure in vogue at that time. In 1823 the Legislature 
passed an act relieving the estate of Ernst from the payment of 


this obligation. (Session Laws of 1823, p. 177.) The trial court 
held that this act did not release the Ernst estate from the payment 
of the obligation. The Supreme Court, Judge John Reynolds writ- 
ing the opinion, reversed the trial court's decision and held that 
the legislative act was valid and that the Ernst estate was .relieved 
from the payment of the obligation due the State of Illinois. 
(Ernst Administration v. State Bank, 1 111. p. 86.) 

Illinois, as one of the five states created out of the Northwest 
Territory, has had a great history. Some of its citizens have been 
foremost leaders in national affairs. Never in its history did it 
have men more worthy of confidence and respect than during the 
time that Vandalia was the State Capital. The Tenth General 
Assembly, which convened here in Vandalia, December 5, 1836, 
was one of the most remarkable bodies of law makers ever assembled 
in this or any other State; so far as I am aware, no roll of 
any other legislative body ever included so many names destined to 
become leaders of this nation. Among its members were included 
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, six future United States 
Senators, eight members of the National House of Representatives, 
a secretary of the interior, three judges of the State Supreme 
Court, and seven State officers. Among them were not only Lin- 
coln and Douglas, but Edward D. Baker, who, thereafter, repre- 
sented Illinois and then Oregon in Congress and fell, mortally 
wounded, while leading his regiment at Ball's Bluff; 0. H. Brown- 
ing, afterwards U. S. Senator and a member of President Johnson's 
cabinet ; William L. D. Ewing, who had just completed his service 
in the U. S. Senate; John Logan, father of the late Gen. John A. 
Logan; Richard N. Cullom, father of the late Senator Cullom; 
John A. McClernand, afterward member of Congress and a noted 
general in the Civil War ; Gen. James Shields, Col. John J. Hardin, 
James Semple, who was elected Speaker of that House and after- 
wards served as judge of the State Supreme Court and United 
States Senator; Augustus C. French, afterwards Governor of Illi- 
nois ; Usher P. Linder, at one time Attorney General of the State, 
and others. (1 Moses History of 111. p. 407.) Other leaders in 
State affairs during the time Vandalia was the capital were also 
prominent in national affairs. Mnian Edwards, the first and only 


Territorial Governor, before he was appointed to that office, was 
Chief Justice of the highest court of review of Kentucky. Edwards 
was one of the first United States Senators from this State and the 
third Governor of the State and his correspondence, published after 
his death by his son, Ninian Wirt Edwards (who was one of the 
members of the Legislature from Springfield at the time the Capital 
was removed from Vandalia to Springfield) shows that Governor 
Edwards was well acquainted with many of the leading men of the 
country, who sought his advice on the public questions of the day. 

In studying the early history of Illinois, I have been impressed 
more and more with the fact that then, as now, in a State like 
ours, public opinion has great influence in guiding and controlling 
officials in their duties. Lincoln was right when he said at the 
Ottawa Debate with Douglas, that in a popular government like 
ours, public opinion is the most powerful weapon; that it is more 
influential than the legislatures or the courts; that it can make 
and unmake the legislative acts or the decisions of the courts. A 
great English writer has stated that the legislature in their enact- 
ments represent the public opinion of yesterday, while the decisions 
of the courts represent the public opinion of day before yesterday. 
I am disposed to think that in the long run public opinion will 
influence, directly or indirectly, not only the legislature but the 
courts, on great public questions. The historian Von Hoist, in 
writing the constitutional history of this country, stated, in regard 
to the course of the Federal Supreme Court with reference to the 
slavery question, that it was found that that court did not stand 
on that question like the rock of Gibraltar, resisting all influence, 
or change as public opinion changed, but rather its actions were 
fairly represented by the action of a great glacier moving slowly 
down a valley formed by public opinion and conforming to the 
shape of the valley as it moved. 

In this great world-struggle in which our nation is engaged, 
it is therefore important that public opinion should be right on the 
great questions that caused this world war. 

19 C C 



OCTOBER 5-6, 1918 

The official Centennial Celebration held at the State Capital 
on October 4th, 5th and 6th, was one of the most impressive obser- 
vances of the entire Centennial Year. 

On Friday evening, October 4th, "The Masque of Illinois," by 
Wallace Rice, was given in the Coliseum, at the State Fair Grounds, 
under the auspices of the Illinois Centennial Commission, in co- 
operation with the Sangamon County Centennial Committee. The 
production was given under the immediate direction of Frederick 
Bruegger, Pageant Master of the Illinois Centennial Commission. 
The cast included more than one thousand characters. The story 
of Illinois was portrayed in a most artistic and beautiful manner, 
culminating in a thrilling, patriotic appeal. The production was 
repeated on Saturday evening, October 5th, and on both evenings 
the capacity of the Coliseum was taxed to the utmost. There was 
a nominal charge for seats, the entire proceeds being turned over 
to the Eed Cross. 

At 10 :30 Saturday morning, October 5th, the cornerstone of 
the Centennial Memorial Building was formally laid by Governor 
Lowden, Lieutenant Governor John G. Oglesby presiding. A 
copper box was placed in the cornerstone. Mrs. Jessie Palmer 
Weber, Secretary of the Centennial Commission read a list of the 
articles and papers which the box contained. The ceremonies were 
brief but very impressive. Among those present at this ceremony, 
and at the dedicatory services following, were Lord Charnwood of 
England, Honorable Josephus Daniels, Secretary of the Navy of 
the United States, and Mrs. Daniels, the State Executive Officers, 
Justices of the Supreme Court, members of the Legislature, mem- 
bers of the Illinois Centennial Commission, and many other persons 
prominent in public life. 



Governor Lowden, in his address urged preparation for a 
great future in the new century of the State. He said : 

"Mr. Daniels, Lord Charnwood, Ladies and Gentlemen: We 
have just laid the cornerstone of the Centennial Memorial Building 
of the State of Illinois. This building when it is completed will 
contain the archives and the memorials of the first century of our 
existence as a State. That century is full of inspiration and en- 
couragement for the future, and today the sons of Illinois, on a 
score of battlefields are writing new chapters in devotion and 
patriotism, and are proving themselves in every way worthy of the 
mighty past. 

"This building, therefore, while it will enshrine the past, will 
also be a shelter for the present, and an inspiration to the future, 
and as our fathers disdained no task, however humble, as they, in 
their creation of a great commonwealth out of nothing, met the 
simplest and homliest duties of the hour, so we today must not 
refrain from doing some of the prosaic things which we must do, 
if we are to build another century of greatness for Illinois. 

"I presume to say on this occasion to the people of Illinois, 
that in my judgment, we shall not begin the new century fittingly 
unless we shall embrace the opportunity presented to us, and make, 
as the beginning of the new century, a new Constitution for Illi- 
nois, a comprehensive system of permanent highways for Illinois, 
and shall remove the reproach of harboring financial institutions 
within our borders that have been built up by preying upon the 
weak and helpless of our State. 

"And so I might say that we shall have a task a task greater 
than I can define if we are to live up to the traditions of these 
past hundred years, and let us look upon this cornerstone which 
we lay today, not simply as a cornerstone of this Memorial Build- 
ing, but also as a cornerstone of a century of freedom and progress 
and greatness, such as made the century which we are closing 

At 11 :00 a. m., the statue of Stephen A. Douglas, by Gilbert 
P. Riswold, erected on the Capitol Grounds, was dedicated. Dr. 
Otto L. Schmidt, Chairman of the Illinois Centennial Commission 
acted as chairman, and introduced Governor Frank 0. Lowden as 


the presiding officer. The principal address was given by Honor- 
able Josephus Daniels, Secretary of the United States Navy. 

In introducing Secretary Daniels, Governor Lowden said : 

"Today is indeed a historic one. We are closing the doors of 
our first century, and opening those of our second, and it is ex- 
ceedingly appropriate that on this day we dedicate two statues, in 
memory of the two men, who, political rivals for more than a 
quarter of a century, always remained friends, and who, in the last 
years of their lives became united in one patriotic passion for the 
preservation of their country. 

"And whoever speaks the name of Lincoln must always think 
of his great political antagonist, Stephen A. Douglas. We should 
teach our children that when they have visited the monument to 
Lincoln's memory in Springfield and I want to remind you that 
pilgrimages to that sacred tomb are being made oftener and oftener 
all the time from all the world he should turn from that and 
visit the tomb of Stephen A. Douglas, upon the borders of our in- 
land lake, and read above his dust his last words: 'Tell my chil- 
dren to obey the laws and uphold the Constitution.' 

"But today my duty is simply to present to you one who will 
adequately speak of that great man of our first century, and it 
seems to me fitting, before I introduce this distinguished gentle- 
man, that I should say one word of what our navy, and the navies 
of the world, are doing in this great crisis of our nation's life, 
because we are all familiar with the heroic exploits of our soldiers 
by land; we know that they have been winning anew for Illinois, 
and for the United States, new glory; we know that whatever the 
doubts of the pessimists have been, that the young manhood of 
America is proving itself worthy of the best traditions of the past. 

"~But we do not hear so much of the navy. They are obscured 
in the mists of the sea, guarding silently and effectively our country, 
and the countries of the Allies, and though they are less in the 
public view, they are none the less efficient, they are none the less 
entitled to the love and gratitude, than our soldiers of the battle 

"Let it be remembered that the navies of the Allies dominate 
the waters of the earth. I think I learned that three quarters of 


the surface of the globe consists of water. They are guarding 
those waters that the skies above them may be free for the flags of 
liberty and civilization during all this time. 

"Only a day or two ago I read in a book of our torpedo de- 
stroyers this interesting incident. It appeared that Secretary 
Daniels, some month ago many months ago had sent a particular 
fleet of destroyers across the sea. The voyage for little ships of that 
kind was a great voyage, bringing a great strain, as was 'supposed, 
upon these little vessels, and when their commander reported at the 
naval base to the British Admiral who was in charge, he graciously 
said to their commander, 'You may have two days, or three days, 
or four days to get ready for action/ because he>knew of the strain 
which they had withstood, and he asked the commander of the 
flotilla how long a time he required to be ready, and his answer 
was : 'we are ready now, sir/ 

"And these little destroyers, threading in and out, have made, 
or helped to make, the danger zones safe for the transport of 
American soldiers, and American munitions of war. 

"And so today to speak upon this great occasion, and upon 
this great theme, Stephen A. Douglas, it is my privilege and my 
honor to introduce to you, Josephus Daniels, Secretary of the Navy, 
who is responsible for these achievements of our navy in this war." 

In his address, Secretary Daniels emphasized particularly the 
loyalty with which Senator Douglas supported President Lincoln 
at the beginning of the Civil War. He eulogized both Lincoln and 
Douglas, and drew from their lives lessons for the present great 

Little Virginia Adams Douglas, eight years of age, the 
daughter of Eobert D. Douglas, of Greensboro, North Carolina, a 
grandson of Stephen A. Douglas, placed a wreath at the foot of the 
Douglas statue as the concluding act of the dedicatory exercises. 

At 2 :30 in the afternoon the statue of Abraham Lincoln, by 
Andrew O'Conner, erected immediately in front of the State 
Capitol, was dedicated with impressive services, the principal ad- 
dress being given by Lord Charnwood of England, statesman, 
author, and a life-long student of Lincoln. Lord Charnwood was 
introduced by Governor Lowden. 


Dr. 0. L. Schmidt, Chairman of the Centennial Commission, 
received and read a telegram from President Woodrow Wilson con- 
gratulating the State of Illinois upon the achievements of its first 
century of Statehood and expressing regret that he was unable to 
be present and take part in the ceremonies. 

Other features of the program were the recitation of Edwin 
Markham's "Lincoln, the Man of the People," by Donald Robert- 
son, an address by Col. Clarendon E. Adams, National Commander 
of the Grand Army of the Republic, representing the men of 
1861-'65, who answered Lincoln's call to save free government for 
the world when the life of this nation was threatened, and Mr. 
Vachel Lindsay of Springfield recited his poem, "Abraham Lincoln 
Walks at Midnight in Springfield." 

The exercises were closed by the placing of a wreath on the 
statue of Abraham Lincoln by Miss Florence Lowden, daughter of 
Governor Lowden. 

Sunday, October 6th, was particularly observed in Springfield, 
as it was throughout the State, as Centennial Sunday. All the 
churches of Springfield held special services in the morning. 

A Field Mass in commemoration of the State's Centennial 
was held on the grounds of the Sacred Heart Academy, under the 
auspices of the Knights of Columbus and Daughters of Isabella, and 
was attended by more than twenty thousand people. Very Reverend 
Timothy Hickey, pastor of the Church of the Immaculate Con- 
ception of Springfield, and Vicar General of the Diocese of Alton, 
was the Celebrant. Reverend A. Smith, of Franklin, Illinois, 
delivered the Centennial sermon. Father Smith spoke especially 
of the important part the early Catholics had in the exploration, 
development and settlement of Illinois. 

A chorus of one hundred and fifty voices, under the direction 
of Reverend J. W. Cummings, of Ohio, Illinois, sang the Farmers' 
Mass in B Flat, accompanied by an orchestra. The Mass was pre- 
ceded by a parade of the Catholic Societies. A particular feature 
of this service was the reproduction of both our National Emblem 
and the Centennial Banner as living flags. More than five hun- 
dred young ladies, dressed in red, white and blue, standing on a 
raised amphitheater, represented the stars and stripes in their 


proper relation. A group of younger girls dressed in the national 
blue and white of the Centennial banner represented that emblem. 
In the evening a banquet was given at the St. Nicholas Hotel by 
the Catholic Societies. Right Rev. Monsignor D. J. Riordan and 
Judge John P. McGoorty, of Chicago, were the speakers. Rev- 
erend Frederic Siedenburg, S. J., was toastmaster. Lord Charn- 
wood and Robert D. Douglas were present, and spoke briefly as did 
also Dr. 0. L. Schmidt, chairman and Mrs. Jessie Palmer Weber, 
secretary of the Centennial Commission. 

In the afternoon a reception was held at the Executive Man- 
sion by Governor and Mrs. Lowden in honor of the former Gover- 
nors of the State, and their descendants, and of the Centennial 

Descendants of Governors Bond, Edwards, Ford, Carlin, Bis- 
sell, Oglesby, Palmer and Tanner were present. Mr. Craig Hood 
a great grandson of Governor Bond delivered an interesting ad- 
dress. Governor and Mrs. Lowden and their daughter Miss 
Florence Lowden received the guests. 

At seven o'clock in the evening a Patriotic Union Service was 
held at the State Arsenal, participated in by representatives of all 
the churches of the city, and attended by more than five thousand 
people. A brief address was given by Lord Charnwood and the 
sermon was delivered by Dr. Z. Barney Phillips, Rector of the St. 
Peter's Episcopal Church, St. Louis, Mo. The congregational 
singing was led by Mr. William Dodd Chenery. A feature of the 
program was music by the Colored Centennial Chorus of one 
hundred and fifty voices, under the direction of Prof. J. A. Mun- 
day, of Chicago. 

The weather was exceptionally fine which added greatly to the 
comfort and impressiveness of the celebration. 


4:00 to 6:00 P. M. 

Reception to Sculptors of the Lincoln and Douglas 

Statues and Centennial Guests by the Springfield 

Art Association at Edwards Place 


8 :15 P. M. 
"The Masque of Illinois/' Coliseum, State Fair Grounds 


10:30 A. M. 
Laying of the Cornerstone of the Centennial Memorial Building 

11:00 A. M. 

Dedication of the statue of Stephen A. Douglas 
Address .By the Honorable Josephus Daniels 

Secretary of the United States Navy 

2:30 P. M. 

Dedication of the statue of Abraham Lincoln 
Address ; .By Lord Charnwood 

8:15 P. M. 
"The Masque of Illinois" 


10:30 A. M. 

Field Mass on the grounds of the Sacred Heart Academy under the 
auspices of the Knights of Columbus and Daughters of Isa- 

4:00 to 6:00 P. M. 

Reception at Executive Mansion by Governor and Mrs. Lowden in 
honor of former Governors of the State, descendants of former 
Governors and the Centennial guests. The people are invited 
to call and pay respects to the Governor and Mrs. Lowden and 
the guests at this time. 

7:00 P. M. 
At the State Arsenal, Patriotic Union Service under the auspices 

of the Illinois Centennial Commission and the Springfield 

churches. Choral and community singing 
Sermon By Eev. Z. Barney Phillips of St. Louis, Mo. 




OCTOBEE 5, 6, 1918 



10:30 A. M. 

Laying of the Cornerstone of the Centennial Memorial Build- 
ing. .Lieutenant Governor John G. Oglesby, Presiding Officer 
Music "Illinois" Led by Arthur Kraft 

By thy rivers gently flowing, 

Illinois, Illinois, 
O'er thy prairies verdant growing, 

Illinois, Illinois, 
Comes an echo on the breeze, 
Eustling thro' the leafy trees, 
And its mellow tones are these, 

Illinois, Illinois, 
And its mellow tones are these, 


Not without thy wondrous story, 

Illinois, Illinois, 
Can be writ the nation's glory, 

Illinois, Illinois, 
On the record of thy years, 
Ab'ram Lincoln's name appears, 
Grant and Logan, and our tears, 

Illinois, Illinois, 
Grant and Logan, and our tears, 


Invocation Eev. Eoyal W. Ennis 

Presentation of Honorary Union Card to Governor Frank 0. 
Lowden. . .Frank Cook, President Springfield Masons' Union 


Laying of the Cornerstone . .By Governor Lowe 

Music "The Star Spangled Banner" Capital City Ba 

11:00 A. M. 

Dedication of the Statue of Stephen A. Douglas 
Chairman Dr. 0. L. Schmidt, Chairman of the Illinois Ci 

tennial Commission 
Music "The Star Spangled Banner 

Invocation Kev. Edgar DeWitt Jo] 

Music Keller's "American Hymn" 

"Speed our Republic, Father on high, 

Lead us in pathways of justice and right; 
Eulers as well as the ruled, one and all, 
Gird with virtue, the armor of might ! 
Hail ! three times hail to our country and flag ! 

Rulers as well as ruled, one and all." 
Introduction of Gilbert P. Riswold, the Sculptor of the 

Douglas Statue 
Song Arthur Kraft 

Presentation of Governor Frank 0. Lowden as Presiding Offi< 
Remarks by Governor Lowden, introducing the Hon. Joseph 
Daniels, Secretary of the United States Navy 

Address "Stephen A. Douglas" ,. . . . Secretary Dani 

Music "Battle Hymn of the Republic" 

A wreath will then be placed on the statue of Stephen A. Doug] 
by bis great grand-daughter, Virginia Adams Doughs 

Music "The Stars and Stripes Forever" L .Bai 

Luncheon at the Leland Hotel by the Centennial Commission 

honor of Governor Lowden, Secretary Daniels, Lord 
wood and invited guests. 

2:30 P. M. 

Dedication of Statue of Abraham Lincoln 
Chairman Dr. 0. L. Schmidt, Chairman of the Illino 



tennial Commission 

Invocation Rev. J. R. Tiom 

Music The Centennial Hymn, "Our Illinois". ....... .Ric 

Our father's God, Thy name we bless 

And all Thy mercies we confess with solemn joy; 


Our prairies rich with fruitful loam, 
Our rivers singing as they roam, 
The happiness that is our home, 
Our hope, our Illinois. 

Eulogy "Lincoln, The Man of the People," by Edwin Mark- 
ham. .1. ... .,. .,. . . ... ...... ... ... .Eecited by Donald Eobertson 

Song Arthur Kraft 

introduction of Andrew O'Connor, the Sculptor of 

the Lincoln Statue 

Music "The Battle Cry of Freedom" 

Presentation of Governor Frank 0. Lowden as Presiding Officer 
Eemarks by Governor Lowden, introducing Lord Charnwood 

Address "Abraham Lincoln". .Lord Charnwood 

Song Arthur Kraft 

Music "Tramp, Tramp, Tramp, the Boys are Marching" . . . Eoot 

Address Col. Clarendon E. Adams, National Commander Grand 

Army of the Eepublic 
Music "America" 
A wreath will then be placed on the statue of Abraham Lincoln 

by Miss Florence Lowden 
Music "The Star Spangled Banner" 







7:00 to 8:00 P. M. 
Community Singing: 

Under direction of Mr. William Dodd Chenery assisted by 
Mrs. Frank V. Partridge, soloist; Mr. E. Albert Guest, 
accompanist; and the John L. Taylor Orchestra. 

* Mr. O'Connor was unable to be present. 


The Colored Centennial Chorus: 

Under the direction of Messrs. J. A. Mundy and A. Meek 
will sing a group of negro folk hymns as follows: 

"Deep River." 

"Steal Away/' 

"I Couldn't Hear Nobody Pray." 

"Swing Low, Sweet Chariot." 

"Every Time I Feel the Spirit." 



Most Holy Righteous and Mighty Lord God, we submit our 
country's cause to Thee, and we commend our soldiers, sailors and 
aviators to Thy guidance and keeping in this war. Protect them 
amid the perils of the sea and the dangers of battle in a far land. 
Keep them sound in body, pure in heart, brave in spirit, ever loyal 
to Thee and to our country. Enable them to do valiant service 
for justice and freedom; strengthen them while they fight for .the 
right; comfort and succor them if they are wounded, and if they 
must fall, receive them into eternal rest. But, Oh Most Merciful 
Father, we beseech Thee, bring these our sons back to us, with 
victory on their banners, with peace and love in their hearts. 
Accept and bless their sacrifice and ours, Oh Lord Our Strength 
and Our Redeemer. Amen. 

8:00 P. M. 


Rector of Christ Episcopal Church, Presiding 
Hymn "The Star Spangled Banner" 
Invocation The Rev. T. N. Ewing 

Pastor First M. E. Church 

Responsive Reading Isaiah 26 : 

Scripture Reading From Samuel II :22, and Psalm 121.:.. . 

The Rev. I. Mortimer Bloom 

Minister Temple B'rith Sholem 


Hymn "Onward Christian Soldiers" 

Address i. .Lord Charnwood 

Solo "Sancta Maria" Faure. ... . .< iMrs. Helen Brown Eead 

Hymn "America the Beautiful" 

Prayer ., .The Eev. S. Willis McFadden 

Pastor Second Presbyterian Church 

Sermon , < The Eev. Z. Barney Phillips 

Rector St. Peter's Episcopal Church, St. Louis, Mo. 

America (With added stanza) 

"God save our splendid men, 
Send them safe home again, 
God save our men. 
Keep them victorious, 
Patient and chivalrous, 
They are so dear to us. 
God save our men." 

Benediction ,...,... The Eev. William H. Nicholas 

Pastor Grace Lutheran Church 




The two presidents of the United States who more than any 
other have typified the real American spirit and glorified the pro- 
duct of the frontier in the days of adventure and development 
were Andrew Jackson and Abraham Lincoln. They touched the 
life of Stephen A. Douglas, the first his hero and his political 
mentor to whose teaching he gave full proof of loyal allegiance; 
the second his political competitor with whom he contested for 
high honor, winning and losing, and with whom, in his last days, 
he was co-worker in the preservation of the indissoluble union of 
indestructible states. 

Before Jackson's election all our Presidents came out of the 
schools of Virginia and Massachusetts and either in culture or in 
views illustrated the training of Old England. To be sure they 
had been at war with what was then called "the Mother Country" 
before, out of all the stocks of Europe, the American became in 


the melting pot a composite of mingled blood and differing faith 
and the varying habits of all nations who have made it a mighty 

Jefferson alone of them all lived amid the foothills of the 
mountains of the Old Dominion and from the heights of Monti- 
cello looked toward the West with the enthusiasm and faith of the 
seer. He saw in the rolling prairies and mountains, then just 
opening to settlement, the home of a people over whom a free air 
would always blow, building a civilization that would make the 
republic as vast in territory as it would be truly democratic in 
profession and in practice with the latch-string on the outside, an 
invitation to all who wished to live in the atmosphere of equal 

That vision caused Jefferson to send Lewis and Clark on the 
journey of discovery where they trekked to the extreme west where 
rolls the Oregon but, impatient as he often was at the conven- 
tionalities in the seaboard colonies which sometimes fettered, 
cribbed and confined, Jefferson's education was not different from 
that of well-to-do youths of English birth. 

But Jackson was the very incarnation of the day when the 
West caught the imagination and challenged the courage of young 
men to whom achievement is valued only when it overcomes ob- 
stacles. Born in the Scotch-Irish settlement of Waxhaw, North 
Carolina, before he attained his majority, the unconventional and 
heroic Jackson began his journey to what was then the West the 
unbroken wildness of the forests of western North Carolina, where 
he fought his duel, established his fame and then moved on until 
he made his home in Tennessee, the farthermost western territory, 
into which men of adventurous spirit were moving from what, even 
then, men of his temperament were calling "the effete east." 

In this congenial atmosphere Old Hickory became the central 
figure, and from the battle of New Orleans until his death was the 
dominant figure in America. 

Abraham Lincoln was akin to Andrew Jackson in his early 
struggles, his unfettered mind, in his inflexible purpose, and in his 
devotion to the Union as evidenced by Jackson's vigorous steps to 
prevent nullification, and Lincoln's like victory over secession. 


Where Jackson was a torrent of passion when aroused and none 
could stand before his denunciation, Lincoln was the incarnation 
of a patience born of power which was invincible and unconquer- 
able. How much these men influenced the life of the illustrious 
statesman of whom I am to speak is a field that invites speculation 
and throws light upon the career of Stephen A. Douglas. 

All youths of ambition are hero- worshipers. To the youthful 
Douglas, early orphaned and apprenticed to the trade of cabinet 
maker, the commanding and picturesque figure of Old Hickory 
was the perfection of the ideal American. Jackson's career as a 
soldier inspired his patriotism. His resolution to brook no opposi- 
tion to his well conceived plans at New Orleans by arresting, im- 
prisoning and banishing a Federal judge, challenged the admiration 
of the youth of the Green Mountain state, and his defiance of power 
by his veto of the charter of the National Bank so stirred young 
Douglas that he ever regarded Jackson as the embodiment of 
political wisdom and sound statesmanship. 

During the twenty-five years that Mr. Douglas was in public 
life and he held almost every office in the gift of the people 
he followed the political paths blazed by Jackson, and was never so 
confident of the correctness of his position as when he felt he was 
taking the course that Jackson would have followed. Born in a 
far eastern state, his eyes early turned toward the expanding West, 
and, like his great exemplar, he made his home on the frontiers 
of the American settlement. 

The rolling prairies called him, they broadened his conception 
of the future expansion of his country, and he became as truly 
western as though his eyes had first opened on the Father of 
Waters. The career of Douglas, like that of Lincoln, is illustrative 
of American opportunity. From the rude cabin to the most ex- 
alted station on earth is the epitome of Lincoln's life a life that 
has beckoned many a farmer boy to diligence and to study. New 
England training made Douglas a mechanic. As a boy he was a 
cabinet maker, and his greatness has been an incentive to the youth 
to labor to attain skill in his craft. 

Illinois was "the west" in their youth. Its rich lands were 
giving reward to the industry of the farmer. The tide of immi- 


gration from Vermont and other New England states, and from 
Kentucky and other southern states, met in this commonwealth, al- 
ready conscious of the coming greatness, which the new settlers 
were making possible. In this tide of on-coming makers of a state 
came the youthful and slender Douglas, with enough education to 
become a teacher, and Lincoln with less schooling, but with a latent 
power which was to give him immortal fame. Douglas early gave 
proof of the eloquence which later commanded listening senates. 
Lincoln matured more slowly. Both were nourished under the 
same sky, practiced in the same courts, won the admiration of men 
of like patriotism. Today the commonwealth which gave them 
welcome, when poor and unknown, they knocked at its doors for 
admittance, pauses in its centennial to do honor to them its two 
most illustrious commoners, statesmen and patriots. A distin- 
guished son of a noble empire will voice the world appreciation of 
Lincoln, who is too great to belong to any state or any nation, to 
any age or clime. 

The honor is mine to speak of the illustrious "Little Giant," 
who, dying at the age of 48, had for eighteen years been the most 
influential leader in the hall of Congress, of whom it may be truly 
said, he, like Lincoln and Webster and Clay and Benton, belonged 
to the only American aristocracy of 

"Tall men, suncrowned, who live above the fog 
"In public duty and in private thinking." 

Mr. Douglas walked into the town of Winchester, Scott 
County, Illinois, in the autumn of 1833, with his coat on his arm, 
with thirty-seven cents in his pocket, all his earthly possessions. 
Within ten years he had been admitted to the bar, commanding a 
large practice, had been a member of the Illinois Legislature, prose- 
cuting attorney, register of the land office, judge of the State Su- 
preme Court and member-elect of the National House of Represen- 
tatives. The succeeding eighteen years of his life he served as 
Representative and Senator in Congress, defeated Abraham Lincoln 
for the Senate, was defeated for President by Abraham Lincoln, 
and died in the middle of his senatorial term with the love and 
confidence of the people of Illinois of all parties and creeds, and 


with the respect of the whole country which he had served with 
ability, singleness of purpose and with a vision of its possibilities 
that few of his era had seen with the eye of faith. 

I am to speak to day not of the Douglas of the period of the 
Lincoln and Douglas debate when Greek met Greek, or of the 
epoch-making campaign for the presidency in which the victor of 
1858 was defeated by his old-time adversary. In all history no 
debate so challenged the attention of the country. It determined 
the candidates of the two parties for the presidency in 1860. What 
the outcome of the election would have been if the party to which 
he belonged had given united support to Douglas is a conjecture 
that may be left to those who delight in reflecting upon what might 
have been. Bather, let us think today upon Douglas as the man, 
as the orator, as the political leader, as the champion of popular 
sovereignty, as the disciple of Old Hickory, as the masterful 
national party advocate, as the unquestioned leader in the Senate; 
but high and above all as the constructive statesman who more than 
any of his contemporaries contributed to national expansion, 
to internal improvements, to the Americanism that thinks in big 
terms and had the faith in his country's future which placed no 
limit upon its growth and greatness. 

It has been popularly supposed because he was from early 
manhood engaged in the very thick of heated political campaigns, 
that politics was the breath of his nostrils. Superficial historians 
have failed to see that with him politics and office were never an 
end but always a means to securing the larger rights of the people 
and to promoting that national growth which were his earliest 
and latest dreams and his master passions. Other ambitions and 
loves had play in his busy life, but he ever shaped his course by the 
steady North Star of faith in the ability and right of his country- 
men in each sovereign state to determine for themselves their local 
and domestic concerns, with the steadfast and fixed devotion to an 
indestructible union of indissoluble states. From these principles 
he never wavered. 

The first public address Douglas made after his admittance 
to the bar was in defense of Jackson's veto of the National Bank 

20 C C 


charter. Small of stature, a briefless barrister, he attended a meet- 
ing in Jacksonville called to endorse President Jackson's action. 
In the very center of culture of the young State, the site of its 
only college, his eloquence, his argument, his sound reasoning so 
impressed his hearers that he stepped into State fame and retained 
this high place in forensic debate until the day of his death. As 
his first public appearance was in defense of Jackson's actions 
which changed the fiscal policy of government, so when at the age of 
thirty years he became a member of Congress, his maiden speech 
in the House of Eepresentatives was in vindication of the hero who 
inspired his boyish admiration and had profoundly influenced his 
political convictions and public life. 

There are times when the ordinary civil processes must give 
way to emergency measures, but only for the period of national 
crises. Let us never forget that America places the military over 
the civilian government only to preserve conditions that insure the 
civilian supremacy. 

No militarist could endure in our country. So deep-seated 
is our devotion to a government where military force is under 
civilian control that when, as happened in the case of Grant, a 
general is elevated to the position of president and as such is com- 
mander-in-chief of the army and navy, he must doff his military 
uniform and don civilian garb. But there are brief periods when 
national existence demands temporary military supremacy. 

Such a time came when General Jackson was commanding the 
troops at New Orleans. He found it necessary in order to success- 
fully execute his matchless strategy to declare martial law, and 
when opposed by a Federal judge General Jackson found it neces- 
sary to arrest the judicial officer, imprison and banish him. Jack- 
son stopped at no half way measures to insure victory. Later when 
military rule was replaced by civil government, the judge fined 
General Jackson $1,000 for contempt of court. Civilian govern- 
ment was again supreme and General Jackson bowed to the decree. 
Though 'tenders of the money came from many friends, General 
Jackson declined to accept the offer and paid the fine himself. 
There was never a better proof, that while the American people 
welcome martial law to save the life of the republic, they displace 


it immediately when the peril that evoked it is over. For years a 
bill had been pending in Congress to repay General Jackson the 
$1,000 which he had paid out of his own pocket. It slumbered 
on the calendar, but party feeling ran so high it could not pass. 
The first act of the young Illinois Congressman was to call up the 
measure, and his first appearance in debate was in support of the 
bill. He and other friends of Jackson wished vindication of their 
hero. Douglas proved to the satisfaction of Congress that it was 
not only Jackson's right under the circumstances to declare martial 
law, but that he would have been recreant to his duty if he had 
failed to take such vigorous action. The action in that case was 
the precedent which has been followed from that day to this. 

When Mr. Douglas met his hero face to face years afterwards, 
in a call at the Hermitage, General Jackson said to Douglas, "I 
always knew I was in the right at New Orleans, but I never under- 
stood just how and why until I read your speech." 

The lesson of this hour which we draw from the life of 
Douglas is far removed from the forum of politics and the debates 
of questions which stirred the people in the fifties. They are 
valuable only in illustrating his convictions and consistency and 
the ability he displayed in defending them and winning the ap- 
proval of those who heard or read his able addresses. It seems a 
thousand years since people grew heated over these differences. 
Now that the whole world is in the throes of a great war to decide 
whether the world can endure half democratic and half autocratic, 
in the clear retrospect we can appraise the heights of devotion to 
country in the example which Douglas set to his countrymen then 
and now. He had devoted his life to the settlement of radical 
differences over a question which could not be composed by an 
adjustment or compromise. Clay, with like love of a united re- 
public, had postponed the conclusion. Douglas in his Nebraska 
bill and squatter sovereignty believed he had found a solution. 
Clay did not live to see that this remedy was a postponement. 
Douglas in sorrow saw the disunion which he had patriotically 
sought to avert. 


But when war came, in spite of his blood sweating attempts 
to avoid a clash between brothers, he had not a moment of hesi- 
tation as to the course he would pursue. His State called its sons 
to preserve the Union. With all the powers he could command he 
united his voice with that of Lincoln in calling the people, though 
it was a painful duty to one who gave twenty years to averting 
the sectional conflict, to take up arms, to maintain undivided the 
great republic upon whose solidarity he believed depended the hope 
of free government in the western hemisphere. As Senator from 
this great commonwealth, he stood behind Lincoln when he de- 
livered his inaugural address. He stood behind him physically, 
and behind him with full weight of his ability, his counsel, his 
eloquence and the leadership of a great party which had given him 
1,300,000 votes, and which in Grant and Logan and McClellan and 
Hancock contributed generals of distinction, and from its rank 
and file poured into the regiments, men who fought as valiantly 
for the Union as did the men of different political faith. It was 
a seemingly insignificant incident, which cheered all who were 
hoping war could be averted, when, as Lincoln was introduced, 
he looked about for a place to deposit his hat, Senator Douglas 
stepped forward and took it and held it. That act had a world of 
meaning as the future course of Douglas evidenced. "One blast 
upon his bugle horn was worth a million men." 

When a people are at war, partisanship if it be based upon 
love of country burgeons into patriotism. Mr. Douglas had been 
a partisan of partisans. The man to whom the reins of govern- 
ment had been entrusted had been his political foe. In the moment 
of the peril of the perpetuity of the Union, Mr. Douglas forgot 
his defeat, forgot political consideration, forgot any resentment 
or disappointments, forgot everything but the supreme fact that 
the united republic he loved was threatened with separation and 
all which that involved to American greatness. In that hour he 
made full dedication of himself and his powers, rallied the forces 
of defense of a united republic that should stretch from lakes to 
gulf and from ocean to ocean. 

And he fell as truly in his country's cause, speaking and 
counselling for united support to Mr. Lincoln, as the men who gave 


their lives on the field of battle, under the leadership of Grant and 
Logan. He died with the prayer in his heart, so eloquently uttered 
by Webster, with whom he was kindred spirit, "When my eyes 
shall be turned to behold, for the last time, the sun of heaven, 
may I not see him shining in the broken dishonored fragment 
of a once glorius Union ; or states dissevered, discordant * * *. 
Let their last feeble and lingering glance rather behold the gor- 
geous ensign of the republic, now known and honored, throughout 
the earth, still full high advanced, its arms and its trophies stream- 
ing in their original lustre, not a stripe erased or polluted, not a 
single star obscured, bearing for its motto * * * spread all 
over in characters of living light, blazing on all its ample folds, 
as they float over the sea and the land, and in every wind under 
the whole heavens, that sentiment, dear to every American heart, 
Liberty and Union, now and forever, one and inseparable." 

That classic from America's first orator was the utterance of 
the great son of the Bay State, who, though of an opposite party, 
was one with Douglas in endeavoring to find a way to preserve 
the Union and to avert the war whose coming shadow was to them 
a tragedy too awful to contemplate. Neither Webster nor Douglas 
yearned for continuing peace more ardently than did Abraham 
Lincoln, as is evidenced by the great Emancipator's inaugural ad- 
dress. That inaugural was the key note of his deep feeling and 
his administrative acts. To the southern leaders he held out the 
olive branch in the same spirit, if not after the manner of Douglas, 
when he declared: "We are not enemies, but friends. Though 
passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affec- 

We have often been assured that the war between the states 
was inevitable and nothing could have averted it. That fatalism 
may be right, but I have never given my assent to such a doctrine 
either as to that war of brothers or to the present world war. I 
am one of those who believe war is not foreordained but comes 
only by man's disobedience of the laws of God. It is not for us at 
this distant day to assess the responsibility for that terrible night- 
mare. Today, as Illinois honors Lincoln and Douglas, it is suffi- 
cient that the State may have the distinction that both these emi- 


nent men, in differing ways sought to the last to avert it without 
separation of the Eepublic, and that both were free from hate, 
passion or revenge, and both cherished the hope we have lived to 
realize, that the sections once estranged are again friends, having 
no differences. Each is straining to contribute to the fullest of the 
flower of its manhood in this war to make the world safe for 
democracy, and afterwards to see to it that democracy is made 
safe for the world. 

It was no new point of view, when in 1861, hurrying to 
Springfield after a conference with the President, Mr. Douglas 
addressed the General Assembly and summoned the people to 
united support of the perpetuity of the Union. After the "most 
straitest sect" he was a State's Eight Democrat, but he was true 
in this as in all things to the example of Andrew Jackson, a Demo- 
crat of Democrats, who drew the line at secession or nullification 
or anything that impaired national existence, whether harbored 
in Pennsylvania, Massachusetts, South Carolina or by the Con- 

He had no tolerance with the spirit that did not give whole 
hearted support to his country when its lawful authorities had 
declared war. I think he held with the creed of that noble Ameri- 
can, Admiral Stephen Decatur, who declared: "Our Country! 
In her intercourse with foreign nations, may she always be in the 
right ; but our Country, right or wrong." To him "Our Country" 
embraced every foot of land from the Eio Grande to the Great 
Lakes and from his birth place in the Green Mountain State to 
Oregon, to whose admission to all American rights he gave earnest 
effort. This life-long devotion to his country's cause in war im- 
pelled him to employ vigorous denunciation of those who not only 
gave half-hearted support to America when waging the war with 
Mexico, but who while our brave soldiers were ready to make 
supreme sacrifice on the field of battle denounced the war as "un- 
holy, unrighteous, and damnable." Eising in hot indignation at 
what he regarded as their unpatriotic criticism, Mr. Douglas, when 
a member of the House of Eepresentatives thus vehemently de- 
nounced their course : 


"I tell these gentlemen that it requires more charity than falls 
to the lot of frail man to believe that the expression of such senti- 
ments is consistent with the sincerity of their professions with 
patriotism, honor, and duty to their country. Patriotism emanates 
from the heart; it fills the soul; inspires the whole man with a 
devotion to his country's cause and speaks and acts the same 
language. America wants no friends, acknowledges the fidelity of 
no citizen who, after war is declared, condemns the justice of her 
cause and sympathizes with the enemy; all such are traitors in 
their hearts, and it only remains for them to commit some overt 
act for which they may be dealt with according to their deserts." 

The Douglas of 1846 spoke the same language which was 
spoken by Judge Kenesaw Mountain Landis of Chicago recently 
when he sentenced to prison those Americans who, after war was 
declared, by voice and overt act gave aid and comfort to the enemies 
of their country. The climax of the address of Douglas in his 
address before the General Assembly of Illinois in 1861, "The 
shortest way now to peace is the most stupendous and unanimous 
preparation for war," is the admonition which America has heeded 
in this day of its participation in the world-wide struggle. 

Eliminating the controversial questions, upon which parties 
and men widely differed, Mr. Douglas' claim to fame may be said: 
to rest upon these solid, practical contributions : 

1. He pioneered the internal improvements which blessed 
Illinois with the Illinois Central Railroad and it is to his wise fore- 
sight that the State of Illinois derives a large revenue from its 
operation. In nearly every other instance, all profits accrued to 
the owners of the road without return to Commonwealth or republic 
without whose aid the construction of the road would have been 
impossible. The precedent has been followed by other states and 
many cities without thought that they were following the precedent 
of Douglas. 

2. He gave support and impetus to the construction of a 
transcontinental railroad, in keeping with his consistent optimism 
and faith in the "West. He saw in his day, as with the vision of a 
prophet, the prosperity of the Golden West to whose government 


and development he was the chief legislative guide and to whose 
people he was the friendly mentor. 

3. His unwavering, uncompromising, courageous advocacy 
of the right of the people to decide for themselves the kind of gov- 
ernment they desired, and the ability of the people to decide for 
themselves better than any others could make decision for them. 

That doctrine was his pillar of cloud by day and his pillar of 
fire by night and he was ever ready to defend it whenever and by 
whomever challenged. In the defense of this principle he broke 
with the administration on the question of the Lecompton consti- 
tution upon the admission of Kansas as a state. 

It required courage for a 'thick and thin' party leader like 
Douglas to go to the White House and tell Mr. Buchanan that if 
the President pressed the Lecompton constitution he would oppose 
its adoption on the floor of the Senate, but this was not the first 
time Douglas had opposed measures of his own party administra- 
tion that contravened his devotion to giving effect to the will of 
the people. 

With him that duty transcended all others. The story of that 
interview in the White House has been often told. When all other 
arguments failed to secure the support of Douglas, the President 
said: "Senator, I wish yon to remember that no Democrat was 
ever successful in opposing the policy of an administration of his 
party," whereupon Senator Douglas drew himself up with dignity 
and replied: "Mr. President, permit me most respectfully to re- 
mind you that General Jackson is dead," and withdrew. 

Not only in his own state and in the republic did Mr. Douglas 
throw the full weight of his influence in behalf of full control of 
government by all the people and oppose all limitations upon their 
right, but he gave advice and counsel which helped to end borough 
representation and unfair discrimination, that existed in old com- 
monwealths. Let me cite a concrete example of his healthy in- 
fluence in my own state, North Carolina, with which Mr. Douglas 
was closely identified and which shares with Illinois the honors 
done him. When he was a young member of the House, Mr. Doug- 
las formed a close friendship with David S. Eeid of North Caro- 
lina, afterwards Governor and Senator. Through this friendship 


Mr. Douglas met the lady who became his wife, Miss Martha Denny 
Martin, daughter of Col. Eobert Martin, an influential planter. 

His oldest son, Stephen A. Douglas, Jr., was born in North 
Carolina; his other son, the late Hon. Eobert M. Douglas, justice 
of the Supreme Court of North Carolina, resided there from the 
time of his father's death, and all the descendants live in North 
Carolina, and I am happy to say his grandson, Eobert D. Douglas 
of Greensboro and his daughter are here. She has been invited to 
unveil the statue here today of her illustrious ancestor. Mr. 
Douglas' intimate association with North Carolinians, after his 
marriage, and his knowledge of North Carolina politics caused him 
to give wise counsel to Mr. Eeid, which helped to make Eeid Gov- 
ernor and Senator and convert North Carolina from a Whig to a 
Democratic State. 

4. His large conception of American expansion, of the destiny 
of his country to exercise a constantly increasing influence as a 
wo^ld-power. "No pent-up Utica contracted" his vision. It 
thrilled him, as a partisan, that the Florida and Louisiana terri- 
tories had been secured by Democratic Presidents, and also under 
Presidents of his party Texas and California and the vast expanse 
of territory that makes up the far West, were added to our domain. 
He ardently supported the Mexican War. As chairman of the Com- 
mittee on Territories it gave him pride to see them develop and be 
carved into sovereign states of the Union. But, though he was happy 
that through the agency of his party American territory and Ameri- 
can opportunity had been enlarged, his chief rejoicing was because 
he believed, as a patriot, expansion would afford a larger plane upon 
which to demonstrate the superiority of popular government. 

He dreamed of still greater expansion, and was one of the 
most aggressive advocates of the shibboleth "55-40 or fight," be- 
lieving that the Oregon line should extend to that boundary. So 
profoundly was he convinced of this right of America that when 
by an agreement with Great Britain less territory was secured for 
his country, he declined to vote for the treaty. Long before John 
T. Morgan was born, he had dreamed of an Isthmian canal, and he 
held with Humboldt's view expressed in 1827, that the United 
States would see to it that this canal should be in American hands. 


Because Douglas believed, after California and the far West were 
incorporated into the United States, this government must under- 
take that great work, he fought the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty on the 
ground that it might hinder or embarass us when we were ready 
to build the Isthmian Canal, and might prevent annexation of any 
territory to this Republic if time should show that further expan- 
sion would be advantageous to the United States, and any other 
territory desiring to be incorporated. His big Americanism, born 
of his full acceptance of the spirit of the Monroe Doctrine, went 
further and he took the grounds that under the Monroe Doctrine, 
no European country should have a voice in the destiny of the 
affairs of this hemisphere. In his argument against the treaty, 
Douglas told of a conversation he had with Sir Henry Bulwer. 
In response to Bulwer's statement that Douglas 7 position was un- 
fair because the provisions of the treaty were reciprocal, Douglas 
said in the Senate : "I told him it would be fair if they would 
add one word to the treaty so that it would read that neither Great 
Britain nor the United States should ever occupy or hold dominion 
over Central America or Asia." "But," said he, "you have no in- 
terest in Asia/' "No," answered I, "and you have none in Central 
America." "But," said he, "you can never establish any rights in 
Asia." "No," said I, "and we don't mean that you shall ever 
establish any in America." 

The day came which Douglas foresaw, that America would dig 
the Panama Canal. The Clayton-Bulwer Treaty required negoti- 
ation before the vast work could be made national. Happily Great 
Britain sought no other colonies on this hemisphere; happily our 
cordial relations made easy the negotiations, and none of the fears 
of Douglas were realized. His position, wise or unwise, is illus- 
trated to show his ambition for American domination on this 
hemisphere and his devotion to both the letter and spirit of the 
Monroe Doctrine. 

Today the ties between Great Britain and the United States 
have been cemented in blood, and if it be given to those who have 
gone before to know what transpires here, Douglas must be Kappy 
that the allied aims and purposes of these two great English-speak- 
ing races are in accord in their right to insure for all the world 


the same freedom and liberty to which Douglas devoted his great 

It is particularly timely to call attention at this moment to 
the man who set perhaps the most noteworthy example in our his- 
tory of the submergence of political rancor, of selfish ambition, of 
everything savoring of party politics, in order that a great war 
might be won. There is no finer example for us to follow today 
than that of Stephen A. Douglas in what would have been to men 
of less broadness of mind and strength of character the bitterest 
hour of their lives. To all of us tempted to let matters political, 
selfish ambitions or personal profit of any kind, cloud our clear 
vision in this trying hour, I would like to paint the picture of 
Stephen A. Douglas, defeated after the most notable political 
campaign in our history, a campaign filled with more bitterness, 
more personal rancor than any presidential campaign in this 
country, standing by the side of President Lincoln as he took the 
oath of office, taking from him his hat as he bared his head for the 
solemn oath, and from that moment to the end loyally, faithfully 
and sincerely, upholding the hands of Lincoln in the trying days of 
Civil War that followed. 

There was much in the career of Douglas to prove that he was 
an able man, a brilliant man, and a wise statesman, but this one 
act raises him in itself above mere brilliancy and ability, and en- 
titles him to stand as one of the really great men of our country. 
To forget self, to forget parties, to forget everything but the neces- 
sity of our country in her time of need, that is the acid test of real 

When President Lincoln stood at Gettysburg he asked that 
we dedicate, not that historic ground to the nation, but that the 
nation dedicate itself to the principles for which men had there 
given their lives, to the principles of a united country, which were 
finally triumphant on that famous field. And it seems to me that 
we might in the same way, here dedicate not this memorial to the 
man, but ourselves to the carrying out of the great example of un- 
selfish patriotism shown by the man honored by this memorial. 
Let us here and now highly resolve to dedicate ourselves to the 
subordination of everything which can hinder or block or confuse 


the minds of our people, which can render uncertain, by unfounded 
doubts and suspicion, our fixed determination to win this war 
through the power of absolutely united effort on the part of every 
citizen of this country. 

Let us forget, as this great man forgot, everything but our 


Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: Illinois cannot well 
recount her past without paying tribute to her Lincoln. Great 
as have been her achievements, the greatest thing of all in her 
hundred closing years was her gift of Lincoln to the nation and 
the world. 

In the last few years no greater tribute has been paid to his 
life than has been paid by the great English publicist and author, 
Lord Charnwood, and he has come across the seas to be with us 
today and join with the younger branch of the English speaking 
race in paying tribute to this matchless man, and I want to remind 
Lord Charnwood that his is not the first contribution to the his- 
tory of America from which we have profited. 

One hundred and forty years ago, when we had some slight 
difference with the English crown, it was to English authors, sir, 
that we went for argument to combat your government, and we 
quoted from Lord Chatham and Edmund Burke in support of cur 
position at that time, and when the war ended we had won, not 
only independence for ourselves, but the democracy of England 
had won an equal victory. At the surrender of Yorktown, England 
learned a new colonial policy, and that great empire, sir, which 
spans the globe today, and keeps the flag of liberty floating around 
the world, had its birth in this little difference which our nation 
had with you at that time. 

And so today there is nothing more fitting than that the Cross 
of St. George and the Stars and Stripes of the United States should 
float side by side on a score of battle-fields for liberty, humanity 
and civilization. 


I recall that when Mr. Lincoln, the priceless heritage of our 
first hundred years, our comfort in the present, and our inspiration 
for the future, pronounced the deathless Gettysburg speech, we, 
his countrymen, then were deaf to its charm, and deaf to its great- 
ness. It remained for England to discover that upon that battle- 
field the most perfect bit of English language that had sprung 
from the heart and brain of an Anglo-Saxon anywhere were those 
lines which Lincoln then produced. As it was England who dis- 
covered that gem, so it is fitting today on this hundredth anni- 
versary of our Statehood that Lord Charnwood should join with us 
in the dedication of this statue which you behold. Lord Charn- 
wood, it gives me very great pleasure, sir, to present you to this 
audience of typical Illinoisans, and therefore, typical Americans. 

Mr. Chairman, Governor Lowden, Mr. Daniels, Ladies and 
Gentlemen : In the first place I have a message to give you, which 
is from my countrymen, not in England only, but in all those self- 
governing communities from Newfoundland to New Zealand, from 
South Africa to Canada, which are linked with England in this 
war. It is a message, I would even say, from not a few men 
among those strange nations of the East, in India, which even 
today, under the guardianship of England and her colonies, are 
making their first steps in the path of self-government. I have no 
right whatever to speak also for the French, our masters, and 
yours, in so many ways, but I am going to speak for them. 

On behalf of all of these, the self-governing communities of 
the world outside of this Union, I beg to offer the most heartfelt 
congratulations and birthday good wishes to the great Common- 
wealth of Illinois, older than some of those communities, and 
younger, again, it may be by some years, than England, which now 
completes these hundred years of vigorous life, which have won it 
so high a place among the free commonwealths of the world. 

Ladies and Gentlemen : Among the great dead who have 
spoken the English language, more and more as the years go on, 
two men stand out, eclipsing all others, not only by the loftiness 


of their genius, but by the appeal which they make to the common 
heart of men. One of them was William Shakespeare, and the 
other by the way, a great student of Shakespeare, was Abraham 

In this terrible struggle in which all civilization is involved, 
to what statesmen of the past can we turn in comparison for les- 
sons of wise statesmanship, effectual and profound? Why, it is a 
singular fact that there is no statesman, however able, whose ex- 
ample is so often quoted in England today as that of Abraham 

But there is more than that. Men are fighting, men are dying 
today, for ideas of democracy, of freedom, of equality. It is well, 
when our sons are dying for that, that we should sometimes con- 
sider a little deeply what these words mean. How can we govern 
ourselves, when some of us, God knows, are not wise? In what 
sense are men equal, ought they to be equal, when in certain obvious 
ways nature herself has fashioned them so unequal? Where shall 
we look for the answer to these paradoxes which sometimes baffle 
us ? I speak as a student. There is no statesman, no poet, no 
philosopher, whose thoughts on these deep matters, are at once so 
profound and far reaching, and put in language so transparently 
simple, as Abraham Lincoln. And perhaps the deepest philosophy 
that was ever uttered on these momentous questions of democracy 
was uttered upon Illinois platforms in those wonderful debates 
which Lincoln held upon your soil with the great Douglas, his 
generous antagonist and when the great crisis came, his friend, 
who was so worthily commemorated this morning. 

But there is something more than that. Beyond his states- 
manship, beyond the profundity of his thought, beyond the poetry 
of his language, there was something interwoven with his genius, 
which brings it singularly near to the hearts of men of all con- 
ditions and characters and kinds, wherever their lot in life may 
be cast. 

I might well, I think, ask first this question : How comes it 
that not only I, brought up as an English boy, but untold thousands 
of Englishmen, I can safely say, though we knew little of America, 
and understood nothing at all about the issues of your Civil War, 


nevertheless, quite early in boyhood fell under the spell of Lin- 
coln's name? 

I think in part it is for this reason: there is a type of man- 
hood it has, of course, its corresponding type of womanhood but 
there is a type of manhood which at his mother's knee, every well 
brought up American boy has been taught to think of as American, 
and which every well brought up English boy has been taught to 
think of as English. It is the type of the man who can, when 
the occasion conies, be the most terrible of all fighting men, but 
who, in the main, and more and more as the years go by, is above 
all things gentle and pitiful in his dealings, absolutely honest, and 
in his inner heart, intensely humble. 

It is a type which bears some resemblance to the old world 
ideal of the chivalrous knight, but it differs from it; it is more 
simple, more humble, more full of sound common sense, and more 
ready always to take life upon the amusing side. Well, of that type 
of manhood which I have described so poorly, but which all of us 
recognize, the very pattern in history was Abraham Lincoln. 

Let me ask again, how is it that of all great statesmen, how- 
ever, much we revere their names, none has such a hold upon our 
affection as Lincoln has? Chiefly it is this: More than any of 
them he brought to bear on great questions of state just that sort 
of wisdom which every man and woman can apply in the common 
affairs of his or her daily life. There never was a great man who 
had so thoroughly learned, so heartily accepted, the hard and 
wholesome conditions of our common human life, set as we are 
in a world which is always very puzzling, and is sometimes very 
rough ; set as we are to do the best we can, and not to dream about 
some impossible better; set as we are to do the best we can and yet 
be always awake to the better which may any day suddenly become 
possible. That is the union of the practical man and the idealist, 
a union without which practical qualities and idealism are alike 
vanity. Of that union again the pattern for all time was Abraham 

With the help of Mr. O'Conner's work, and that of other 
artists, with the help of some of those old friends of Lincoln, a 
few of whom I have had the privilege of meeting this day, we 


seem to see the man himself as we read his character in some of 
those simple sentences of his. "I am here/' he seems to say, "U 
must do the best I can to bear the responsibility of taking the 
course which I feel I ought to take." "The subject is on my mind 
day and night; whatever shall appear to be God's will, I will 
do." "I see the storm coming, and I know that God's hand is in it. 
If he has a place and a work for me, and I think he has, I believe 
I am ready." 

These are the unmistakable accents of a manly humility, 
which is, perhaps, the most uncommon of all the Christian graces, 
but which, when it is really there, gives to its possessor, a tre- 
mendous power. 

Humble he was, and we cherish his memory for every little 
thing about it, that to the unthinking mind might seem rough, for 
the little things that remind one that he had been and was proud 
to have been a day laborer upon Illinois soil. These things endear 
him to us. Don't let them hide from us the fact that he had the 
statesman's genius, and that he had the prophet's vision. And 
so, before I commence drawing to a close, may I, read to you, and 
may I ask you to note their significance today, some words which 
he spoke on that last journey from Springfield on his way to 
occupy the President's chair at Washington. 

He was speaking, as he said, and as I believe without prepar- 
ation, in the Hall of Independence at Philadelphia. He said: 
"I have often pondered over the dangers which were incurred by 
the men who assembled here and framed and adopted that Declar- 
ation of Independence. I have pondered over the toils that were 
endured by the officers and soldiers of the army who achieved that 
independence. I have often inquired of myself what great prin- 
ciple or idea it was that kept the confederacy so long together. 
It was not the mere matter of separation from the motherland, 
it was that sentiment in the Declaration of Independence which 
gave liberty, not only to the people of this country, but a hope 
to the world for all future time." "It was that which gave promise 
that in due time the weight would be lifted from the shoulders of 
all men." 


We are beginning to see that prophecy fulfilled. Of course I 
do not mean that in this war, or any single struggle, we shall per- 
fectly achieve those ideals of human progress after which you, 
with your magnificent daring dash, and we, in our persistent, 
blundering, faithful way, are striving through the ages. 

Not one war will win that far goal. Every great work that 
is done is, in his familiar phrase, "a work thus far so nobly ad- 
vanced." But the work which Lincoln accomplished when he saved 
the Union of these States was an indispensable step to the work 
<which we and our sons have set our hands to do today from 
which neither America, nor France, nor the British Empire, will 
turn back until our purpose is accomplished. 

Governor Lowden, in his gracious telegram to invite me here, 
spoke of the fact that Americans and Englishmen are now fighting 
side by side on behalf of those principles for which Lincoln lived 
and died. Yes, we meet here in the presence of the dead. Think- 
ing of that great man, we think all the while of the fields where 
my nephews have fallen, where, if the war lasts, my son may fall ; 
where, it seems to me, all the best young men I knew at home have 
fallen, and fallen not in vain. Where lives-, it hurts the heart to 
think how many have had to be sacrificed by the French, and 
sacrificed not in vain. And where the sons of America and the 
sons of Illinois are now falling, and falling not in vain. 

I cannot find words of mine fitting to sum up the feelings of 
this day, and I must turn to the words so often quoted, and never 
quoted once too often; words in which you will permit, and he 
would invite me, to make one trifling change: "We here highly 
resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain/' "That our 
far-scattered, yet united nations, under God, shall have a new birth 
of freedom, and that government of the people, by the people, 
and for the people, shall not perish from the earth." 

-21 C C 


Chicago held its Centennial celebration during the week be- 
ginning October the 8th, and ending October 13th. Patriotic mass 
meetings were held in the Auditorium on the evenings of October 
the 8th and 12th, and a beautiful historical pageant was given on 
the evenings of October 9, 10, 11 and on the afternoon of October 
12th. On Sunday, October the 13th, the Illinois Centennial Monu- 
ment was dedicated in Logan Square. 

The celebration was held under the auspices of the Illinois 
Centennial Committee of Chicago, and the State Council of De- 
fense, with the cooperation of the Illinois Centennial Commission. 

The pageant was written by Arthur Hercz, with special music 
by G. Paoli, Daniel Protheroe and Walter G. Goodell. It was pro- 
duced under the direction of Mr. Hercz, pageant master, and 
Lillian Fitch and Bertha L. lies, assistants. One scene was pro- 
duced by the drama league under the direction of Mrs. A. Starr 
Best. The musical directors of the pageant were Daniel Protheroe 
and William Weil. The dances were arranged and directed by 
Marie Yung. August M. Eigen was stage director, with Thomas 
Phillips as assistant. 

All the seats in the Auditorium were free, but the boxes were 
sold for $50 each. The house was packed at each presentation of 
the pageant. 

The pageant was highly praised both for its artistic quality 
and its historical accuracy. The various scenes were beautifully 
staged and the music and lines were most pleasing. 

The pageant opened with the Indian period and then followed 
the history of the territory and State, on down to the present, show- 
ing the arrival of Marquette and Joliet, the settlement of Kas- 
kaskia, the Fort Dearborn Massacre, the admission of the State 
into the Union, the reception of LaFayette, the development of the 
State prior to the Civil War, the Civil War, the Chicago Fire, the 



World's Fair, and finally the call to arms in the present war. A 
striking feature was the roll call of nations made up of various 
nationalities, each dressed in a costume of the nation represented, 
and showing the National Flag. 

The Illinois Centennial Monument was dedicated in Logan 
Square at three o'clock, Sunday afternoon, with appropriate exer- 
cises. W. Tudor ApMadoc presided. The dedication was under 
the auspices of the Illinois Centennial Committee of Chicago. 
Eeverend John Timothy Stone, D. D., delivered the invocation, 
and Governor Frank 0. Lowden delivered the address. The pre- 
sentation of the monument was by Charles L. Hutchinson, Presi- 
dent of the Art Institute of Chicago, and the acceptance by Jens 
C. Jansen, member of the West Chicago Park Commission. 

The monument was erected with money provided by the 
Benjamin Franklin Ferguson Fund, a bequest providing an in- 
come which is to be expended by the trustees of the Art Institute 
of Chicago, for the erection and maintenance of enduring statuary 
and monuments in Chicago in commemoration of worthy men or 
women, or important events of American history. 





Mr. Chairman, Veterans of the Civil War, the Newest Recruits 
to the Present World- War, Ladies and Gentlemen: I do not re- 
call that I have ever seen in Chicago a more impressive scene 
than this we behold today. Coming as it does at the end of our 
first great century of progress and civilization, staged at the meet- 
ing of these four great highways of Chicago, the Centennial 
memorial piercing as it does the blue above, this celebration makes 
a picture such as I do not recall to have ever seen the like of 
before in this great city of yours by the inland sea. 

I want to pay my tribute to the genius which has wrought this 
triumph of art. They who help us build these monuments to our 
mighty past help to inspire us to a greater future. 


Coming as this event does in the midst of this great war that 
is raging all around the earth, let us see if we can gather some 
lessons from our past which will help us in our perilous present. 
No one in Illinois can in this Centennial year recount the glories 
of our past without recalling the central figure of the last century, 
her own beloved Lincoln. 

Today I want to remind you that Lincoln too had his great 
temptations to enter upon a premature peace ; but Lincoln declared 
that war had been forced upon us, that we were compelled to take 
up arms for a certain object, and when that object was attained 
we would grant peace and not before. 

So today in the presence of this great concourse of people, I 
am sure that I am right when I say that the President of today, 
when he answers this last peace note from Berlin, will insist that 
we too entered upon this war for an object, and that until that 
object is attained there can be no peace. 

That object, my friends, what was it? Declared in clear and 
indisputable terms by the President himself, it was to destroy the 
kind of government which had wrecked the peace of the world. 
Until that government which had inflicted untold miseries and 
sufferings upon humanity throughout the earth is crushed, and in 
its stead there comes a government of the people and all the people, 
the peace of the future is not secure, and the object of this war 
will not have been accomplished. 

This effort which emanates from Berlin is being made not so 
much because she desires peace as that she desires a few months 
respite from our attacks on her western front, until she can gather 
up her shattered forces again and await us in her stronger fortifi- 
cations upon her own frontier. 

So, if we, misled for the moment, were to grant an armistice 
at this time, it would add to the sufferings of your boys who are 
at the front and would prolong this war. 

Now, let us, in Chicago and Illinois, and the United States, 
imitate our sons upon the battle fronts and when peace is urged 
answer that plea by a renewed assault all along the line. They 
have the true idea of the only path that will lead to peace, and 
if we at home are worthy of those boys, we will meet every duty 


that comes to us, and the first and most immediate duty is to over- 
subscribe the Fourth Liberty Loan. 

I want to remind you that a few months ago we all asked 
nothing more of our soldiers on the battle front than that they 
should stay the enemy during the remainder of this year, hold 
them where they were and with another year we might hope for 
victory. That is all we demanded of these boys ninety days ago, 
but they not only have stayed the enemy where he was, but have 
driven him back from day to day until, as I speak, all of the gains 
of our enemy for those four months have been blotted out and more 

The American soldiers in the battle line have not only met 
their undertaking, but they have more than met it they have 
over-subscribed and over-paid their undertaking in this war. 

Now, shall it be said of those of us who remain at home that 
we shall not over-subscribe our undertaking? 

I want to read to you today, briefly, on this subject of peace, 
what a distinguished German journalist himself said of the Ger- 
man people in this war but a few weeks ago. 

Dr. Eosemeyer, who was asked why he did not write something 
to move the German people to an understanding of the real issues 
involved in this war, said: 

"Nonsense ! Haven't I been writing my fingers off for thirty 
years ! What those fellows need is not ideas for their brains, they 
need bombs on their skulls. Help can only come from one place 
from Bethlehem Bethlehem, Pennsylvania. They will cheat you 
yet, those Junkers. Having won half of the world by bloody 
murder, they are going to win the other half with tears in their 
eyes, crying for mercy." 

That is what this great German writer, who knew the Prus- 
sian mind and the Prussian heart, said of the Pan-Germans them- 
selves, and today, by their tears and their cries for mercy and their 
professions of love for justice, they are asking for a peace with the 
spoils of their bloody crimes in their hands, without reparation for 
a single one of the infamies they have perpetrated upon an un- 
offending world. 


My friends, this war is not over. Let us not delude ourselves. 
It is not over, because we cannot be true to our soldiers who have 
made the last supreme sacrifice for us, and make a peace short of 
unconditional surrender. 

I want to give you a form by which to answer the next note 
that Berlin writes to us. I call some of you old heroes of the Civil 
War to witness the sort of correspondence which went on between 
General Buckner of the Confederate forces and General Grant of 
our forces, at Fort Donelson. Buckner only asked for an armistice 
of six hours, and for the appointment of commissioners to arrange 
the terms of a possible surrender. A note somewhat like the last 
German note, except that only a six hours' armistice was asked 
by Buckner, while if the armistice is granted in this case, it will 
be prolonged until the Germans have reorganized their shattered 
armies and are ready to meet us on another battle field. 

Grant received that note and this is his reply: "Xo terms 
will be accepted except immediate and unconditional surrender. I 
propose to move immediately upon your works." 

So now, with the German armies in a condition of demoraliz- 
ation and despair, the time is not for an armistice, but the language 
of Grant. If you will let Pershing and his boys and our brave 
Allies alone they will move immediately upon the enemy's works. 

I cannot tell you, my friends, how proud I am to be here this 
afternoon. I can't tell you how much hope brightened within me 
when I saw these hundreds of new recruits pass by. Three days 
some of them have been training, and you saw their martial bear- 
ing and their martial tread. When you see what we make of these 
American soldiers in seventy-two hours, is it any wonder that they 
are adding new glory to the American flag every day on every 
battle front? 

A letter that I have received from an officer in France said 
that if every commissioned officer of an American regiment is 
killed or disabled and seventy-five per cent of the rank and file 
become disabled, the other twenty-five per cent will still go forward 
under the command of a sergeant or a corporal, if need be. 

That is not possible under any other form of .government than 
ours, where every man is the equal of every other man. In a mili- 


tary autocracy which holds that all the earth and the fruits thereof 
belong to the favored few, and that the great mass of mankind 
must toil in order that the few may enjoy the luxuries of life, 
you cannot develop an army which will move forward under the 
command of the humblest man in the force; but a democracy 
which recognizes no essential distinction between one man and an- 
other, is capable of producing armies like this. That is why Cha- 
teau Thierry is a name that will be remembered forever in Ameri- 
can annals and will be written along with those other great names 
in American history, Valley Forge, Yorktown, Gettysburg, Vicks- 
burg, and Appomattox ; because it was at Chateau Thierry that the 
American soldiers helped turn the tide of this battle which had 
been running against the Allies for four months; and it is now 
running so strongly against the Central Empires that they are 
trying to cajole us with honeyed talk of peace long enough to gather 
up their broken army; so that they may still offer resistance to 
us on another battle line. 

Think of the glorious pages of history which our boys wrote 
at St. Mihiel, where Pershing's army as an independent unit first 

So I am proud to be over here in the heart of this great west 
side, which is showing us the type of the new American. Some- 
thing was said about Americanization by the distinguished chair- 
man. It is a worthy work, in which we all must interest ourselves ; 
but the most complete Americanization that is being wrought, is 
being wrought upon these battle fields. Take up our casualty lists 
any day, and note the names of a half dozen nationalities side by 
side. When a boy is fighting in the American uniform in the 
cause of the world's liberty and civilization, it doesn't matter how 
his name is spelled, that name is an American name forever more. 
So when the sons of Poland, the sons of Scandinavia, the sons of 
Bohemia, the sons of Italy, aye, and the sons of Germany too are 
fighting under the same banner, the cause of civilization, those boys 
are Americanized in a very brief time ; and no one will be heard to 
reproach them upon their return for any lack of true Ameri- 
canism. There is no place in all the world where brotherhood can 
find surer home than in the trenches upon the battle front ; because 


when men. have undergone the hardships of war, side by side, 
awaiting the morrow to meet the common foe, they are not likely 
ever again to clash over race or religious prejudices. A real 
brotherhood is possible there, and you veterans of the Civil War 
know how dear to your hearts is the name of "Comrade." You 
know what that mighty tie means, how, closer than a brother the 
real comrade is. So we will have two millions and more when this 
war is over of new comrades formed in the furnace of this mighty 
war returning to America, and we will have a new spirit of brother- 
hood throughout the land as a result. 

My friends, awful as is war, frightful as are the sufferings 
which our boys endure, mighty as the sacrifice is that we all must 
make, there will be some compensation growing out of this war. 
I am sure of that. Let me read to you a letter which I brought, 
and this is for the benefit of the mothers, for they have the hardest 
part to bear. I know something of the mother's heart; I know 
that in its deep and mysterious recesses every pain that her son 
suffers is reproduced within herself. I know that she not only 
suffers all the agonies that come to her son, but that she has not 
the stimulus of action to help her bear her pain. The mother's 
part in war is always the hardest part. So I want to read this 
letter from a young lad who belongs to the United States Marines, 
written to his mother a few weeks ago: 

"The past six months has made home and mother .very dear 
and sacred to me, and to thousands of other boys. God helping me, 
I will commit no sin that by His help I can avoid. God bless and 
help you folks. Do not worry about me, morally or physically. 
If I should meet death, I will die like a man for the most sacred 
cause our country or any other country has ever called upon 
mothers to give their sons to ; but I am certain that I am coming 
back, and coming back a man. I am sure that you will never re- 
gret that you signed your name to my enlistment papers last April. 
God bless you, mother. Your loving son." 

Similar letters are coming from the battle front every day. 
Ah, imagine if you can a lad of sixteen or seventeen or eighteen, 
writing such a letter as that a few years ago ! So, while as I have 
often said, we shall not have as many young men in this country 


when the war is over, we will have a finer body of young manhood 
than any country ever had in all the history of the past. That will 
be one of the compensations. Then, again, my friends, we are 
going to have a better country when the war is over. Things were 
not going altogether well with us before the war. We were be- 
coming a materialistic people. We were devoting ourselves only 
to the things which you can touch and handle, the things of the 
senses. The finer, spiritual values were dying out of our lives. 
The spirit of discipline had fled from the home, from the church, 
from the school, and from the State, if you please. We no longer 
looked upon our citizenship under that starry flag as the most 
precious possession we had. We only felt, in some sort of a way, 
that the country owed much to us but not that we owed everything 
to our country. So when this great calamity came upon the world, 
when this great tragedy of the ages was initiated by the cruelty 
and tyranny and heartlessness of the Hohenzollern dynasty, it 
wasn't upon an altogether satisfactory world that the tragedy 
came. Now, wherever I go, whatever audience I face, I see a new 
spirit shining out of the faces of the men and the women, aye, 
even the little children. Humanity is having a rebirth in this 
crucial time. Our citizenship is going forward and upward by 
leaps and bounds, so, when the war is over we are going to have a 
better world than we have had in all the past. The old idea of 
human brotherhood for which our fathers fought at Concord and 
Lexington, and for which these old heroes fought on a score of 
bloody battle fields, that sense of human brotherhood is coming 
back to the earth. You know, we all know in our hearts that we 
were becoming selfish, very selfish before this war. We were sepa- 
rating into classes, we were thinking of ourselves, we had forgotten, 
aye, absolutely forgotten the Master's definition of who our neighbor 
was. But now, purified in the fires of this war, new and spiritual 
things are coming back to the world, a new brotherhood will cornr 
to our land. We will have a better world when the war is over. 
Now, in conclusion, for I have spoken longer than I expected, 
among the other compensations that this war will bring about, 
and I feel it this afternoon as I have not felt it before, is going 
to be a new Chicago. We have, too, in this great city, divided 

into groups, according to nationality, or according to religion, or 
according to some other test. Now, our citizenship of this great 
city is being separated into only two classes all who love their 
flag, who believe that it is the most sacred protection to humanity 
the world contains; those who believe that America is the best 
hope of humanity everywhere are arrayed on the one side, and all 
the others (and thank God they are growing fewer in Chicago 
every day), are on the other side. 

So when the war is over, we shall have a new citizenship, and 
the only test of a man in those days will be : Did he do all that 
he could while the war was on to save and protect our land ? That 
will be the only test. We will have a solidarity of citizenship for 
all good things that we didn't have before. 

I received a letter just as I left Springfield, yesterday morn- 
ing, from a corporal who is with our soldiers in France, Corporal 
Paul Salzman, of Bloomington. He writes me as follows : "You 
can tell our people at home that we are constantly thinking of 
them ; that we will do all that is in our power to make the fame of 
Illinois still greater." That is the spirit of our boys on the other 
side. I do not know this young man. All I know of him is what 
is contained in this letter, and although he is only a corporal, I 
want to answer that letter when I return home. 

I have delivered Paul Salzman's message to you, my friends, 
and I am going to ask you what your message through me to Paul 
Salzman and his comrades on the battle front shall be. May I tell 
him (and I feel sure in my heart that you will authorize me to do 
so), that the people of Illinois are proud beyond expression of the 
heroic services of our soldiers on the battle fields? May I also 
tell him, as he asks me to tell you, that we are thinking constantly 
of them? I am sure I may. I want to add that our dearest con- 
cern in these fateful times is not only that we shall constantly 
think of them, but how we shall constantly do for them that their 
comfort may be increased. I want to add that we are thinking and 
thinking constantly, to use his word, of what we can do, my friends 
of Illinois, to make this State of such splendid past, even a better 
State. May I tell him that that is your message to me to our 
soldier boys in the battle line, wherever those lines are laid ? 


Our past century has indeed been a glorious one. It is as 
full of inspiration as any century of any nation, or of any State. 
More and more often pilgrimages are being made to Lincoln's 
tomb. When men have despaired of the future, they have there 
repaired to refresh their courage and to strengthen their arms. 
Only a year ago, I visited that sacred spot with Marshal Joffre, 
the hero of the Marne. As I beheld him lay a wreath above Lin- 
coln's dust, and saw his tear-dimmed eyes, I knew that old hero 
had strengthened his determination that "They shall not pass." 

So, splendid as is the first century of our history, great as has 
been its contribution to all the progress of all the world, let us 
hope that we, in these, the most crucial years of all our history, 
shall be worthy of our glorious past. 

My friends, I thank you for the patience with which you have 
listened to me today, and I want to tell you that I have gained 
inspiration by being here. I am surer of the future of our citizen- 
ship and our beloved land than I have ever been before, and so I 
thank you again from the bottom of my heart. 





Meeting Called to Order by Dr. 0. L. Schmidt 

Chairman Illinois Centennial Commission and 
President Illinois State Historical Society 

Invocation Rev. T. N. Ewing 

Star Spangled Banner Private Arthur Kraft 

Presentation of Governor Frank 0. Lowden 

As Presiding Officer 

"The Office of Lieutenant Governor," 

,. .,. . .- The Honorable John G. Oglesby 

Lieutenant Governor of Illinois 

Songs Private Arthur Kraft 

a. When You Walk (Handel) 

&. Mary of Argyle. . . . . (Nelson) 

c. Duna (McGill) 

"The Speaker of the House". 

. . . . , The Honorable David E. Shanahan 

Speaker of the Illinois House of Representatives 

"The Illinois Supreme Court" 

.The Honorable James H. Cartwright 

Justice of the Supreme Court 

Songs. Private Arthur Kraft 

a. Lullaby from Jocelyn (Godard) 

Violin Obligate 

&. Invictus (Huhn) 

"The Centennial Address President John H. Finley 

University of the State of New York 

America The Audience 

Led by Private Arthur Kraft 

Reception First Floor of the Capitol Building 

The last official observance of the Centennial of the State of 
Illinois was held in the House of Representatives in the Capitol 
Building, December 3, 1918. The Illinois State Historical Society 



united with Centennial Commission in the observance. This was 
the One Hundredth Anniversary of the formal admission by the 
Congress of the United States of Illinois as a State of the Union. 

Previous to the meeting a dinner was given at the Sangamo 
Club by the Centennial Commission in honor of Governor Lowden, 
President Finley and other guests. 

The room was handsomely decorated with the National colors 
and the flags of the allied nations. The spirit of the meeting was 
one of exultation and thanksgiving that the Centennial of Illinois 
had witnessed the close of the frightful war of oppression which 
had engaged and horrified the world for the past four years. A 
feeling of profound joy that the State begins its second century 
with new and brighter hopes for a hundred years of peace, pro- 
gress and fraternity. 

Dr. 0. L. Schmidt, Chairman of the Centennial Commission 
called the meeting to order and introduced Governor Frank 0. 
Lowden, presiding officer of the meeting, who introduced the 
speakers. The Kev. Thomas N. Ewing offered the Invocation. 

Lieutenant Governor John G. Oglesby, delivered an address 
on the office of Lieutenant Governor of the State of Illinois, giving 
an account of the laws governing the office and of the men who have 
held that high position during Illinois first century of Statehood. 

The Honorable David E. Shanahan, Speaker of the Illinois 
House of Eepresentatives presented an address on the "Speaker of 
the House/' Mr. Shanahan gave a history of this important office 
describing the qualifications necessary for it, its duties and powers, 
as well as a most interesting account of many of the brilliant men 
of Illinois who have occupied the position since the organization 
of the First General Assembly of the State, October 5, 1818. 

The Illinois Supreme Court was reviewed in an able address 
by Justice James H. Cartwright of the Illinois Supreme Court. 

The Centennial address was given by President John H. Finley 
of the University of the State of New York. Dr. Finley said he 
had been asked to talk about Illinois but he would speak of 
America the new America that was made possible by the hundred 
years of achievements just closed in whose history Illinois has 
played so noble a part. Dr. Finley's address was a notable one, 


a fitting climax to the series of patriotic and scholarly addresses 
which have characterized the Centennial observance. 

Dr. Schmidt, in opening the exercises, said in part: 

Members of the Historical Society and Honored Guests : The 
Illinois Centennial Commission and the Illinois Historical Society 
welcome you to these exercises commemorative of the admission 
of Illinois as a State of the Federal Union, ending thus the series 
of Centennial exercises inaugurated a year ago in this hall. 

Under the pall of the most frightful of wars, and in terror 
and uncertainty as to the fate of the nation and the world, the 
Centennial exercises could not be planned in the same joyful and 
festive spirit as should have been the celebration of a birthday in 
honor of a beloved and provident mother. This is, however, the 
opportune occasion to join together in gratitude for the past, and 
duty to the present, as presented by the National situation. The 
lesson lies in the heroism and the devotion to high principles ex- 
ampled in Illinois' history. Notwithstanding the years of ease 
and prosperity of this nation, and notwithstanding the shortcom- 
ings in which it found itself at the outbreak of the war, the hero- 
ism, and the sacrifice of our forefathers was multiplied in kind 
and in spirit to meet the requirements imposed upon their sons 
and daughters of today. 

That the Centennial observance has been successful is largely 
due to the hearty cooperation of the State officials. A year ago 
"Illinois Day," as this day is termed, the exercises for the celebra- 
tion were headed by our Chief Executive. During the year by 
kindly and forceful proclamations, and by eloquent speeches 
throughout the State, the patriotic meaning of the Centennial 
celebration was pictured by him to thousands of people. He also 
favored us with a proclamation calling attention to this day and 
he has consented graciously to conduct our meeting this evening. 
I have the honor of presenting to you our Centennial Governor, 
Governor Lowden, who will act as chairman. 

Governor Lowden said in response: 

Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen : The Chairman of the 
Commission has told you that I have made many speeches at 
different celebrations during the year. I fear that you may get 


the idea that these celebrations have almost exclusively consisted 
of my oratory, and now. I am going to get right down to business, 
and introduce the first speaker, Lieutenant Governor Oglesby, who 
will speak upon the "Lieutenant Governors of the State." 



Lieutenant Governor of the State of Illinois 

Governor Lowden and Ladies and Gentlemen: This day one 
hundred years ago Congress ratified the submitted Constitution of 
Illinois and we were formally admitted and recognized as the 
twenty-first sovereign State of the Union. This meeting tonight 
is the culmination of the various celebrations that have been held 
throughout our commonwealth during this year. The four dates, 
each of importance, that in 1818 marked the transmutation of 
Illinois from a territory to a State have been fitly commemorated 
by our people. With the entering of America into the world's war, 
there was a difference of opinion whether the Centennial Commis- 
sion should proceed with the original plans for the centenary, but 
Governor Lowden finally decided that these plans should be ful- 
filled, as the lessons and traditions of the past might prove an 
inspiration for the present generation to meet the critical condi- 
tions confronting us. 

The results have proven that, as always, the Governor decided 
with wisdom and foresight, and so the people of our State are 
indebted to him and his commission for the successful observance 
of our Centennial. 

I have been asked to give a short outline of the provisions of 
the three Constitutions of our State in their relation to the office 
of Lieutenant Governor. 

The first Constitution, that of 1818, laid down the following 
qualifications for this office : The Lieutenant Governor shall be at 
least thirty years of age and shall have been a citizen of the 
United States thirty years; two years of which next preceding his 
election he shall have resided within the limits of this State. He 
shall be chosen at every election for Governor, and in voting for 


Governor and Lieutenant Governor the electors shall distinguish 
who they vote for as Governor and who as Lieutenant Governor. 
The first election shall commence on the third Thursday of Sep- 
tember, 1818, and continue for that and the two succeeding days; 
and the next election shall be held on the first Monday in August, 
1822, and forever after elections shall be once in four years on the 
first Monday in August. The person having the highest number 
of votes for this office shall be Lieutenant Governor, but if two or 
more be equal and highest in votes then one of them shall be chosen 
by joint ballot of both houses of the General Assembly. He shall 
hold office after 1822 for the term of four years and until another 
Lieutenant Governor shall be elected and qualified, but he shall 
not be eligible for more than four years in any term of eight years. 

The Lieutenant Governor by virtue of his office shall be 
Speaker of the Senate and have the right in Committee of the 
Whole to debate and vote on all subjects, and in the Senate, when 
it is equally divided, he is given the casting vote. 

In case of impeachment of the Governor, his removal from 
office, death, refusal to qualify, resignation or absence from the 
State, the Lieutenant Governor shall exercise all the power and 
authority appertaining to the office of Governor until the time 
pointed out by the Constitution for the election of Governor shall 
arrive, unless the General Assembly shall provide by law for the 
election of a Governor to fill such vacancy. 

To the Constitution of 1818 was added at the very end this 
clause : 

"Any person of thirty years of age who is a citizen of the 
United States and has resided within the limits of this State two 
years next preceding the election shall be eligible to the office of 
Lieutenant Governor. Anything in this Constitution contained 
to the contrary notwithstanding/' 

This unusual provision was added because it was desired by 
the people to honor by election to this office, Colonel Pierre Menard, 
that old, impulsive, French emigrant beloved by all. A benevo- 
lent, vigorous, honest and patriotic leader of sound judgment and 
comprehensive mind, who had great influence with the Indians and 
was most successful in negotiating important treaties with them. 


He was born near Montreal in 1766. His business was that 
of a fur trader, and while he made many trips from Canada to the 
states, still he did not become a resident of America until 1789, 
when he began his residence in Vincennes, going to Kaskaskia in 
1790, consequently, at the time of his election he had been a citizen 
of the United States for only 29 years, and had not that qualifying 
clause been added, he would not have been eligible for the office. 

The next Constitution was that of 1848 and changed the orig- 
inal provisions for the election and qualification of Lieutenant 
Governor in that the election should be held in November instead 
of August; that no one should be eligible who had not attained 
the age of 35 years and had not been a resident of the State ten. 
years and a citizen of the United States 14 years. It was also pro- 
vided in case of the death of the Governor-elect before he qualified, 
that the Lieutenant Governor should succeed to the vacancy thus 
created until a new Governor be elected. 

The third and present Constitution was adopted in 1870. Its 
changes in the provisions concerning the office of Lieutenant Gov- 
ernor are that the Lieutenant Governor be a part of the Executive 
Department of the State; that 'he be the only executive officer 
not required to reside at the seat of government during his term 
of office; that he be president of the Senate and vote only when 
the Senate is equally divided; that he be thirty years of age and 
for five years next preceding his election he shall have been a citi- 
zen of the United States and of this State and he shall be in- 
eligible for any other office during the period for which he shall 
have been elected. 

So we are brought down to the present day. The people have 
adopted the resolution for the calling of a Constitutional Conven- 
tion. The incoming General Assembly will provide for the holding 
of such convention. It is well that this be done- for in the age con- 
fronting us. there will be many propositions to be solved and the 
basic foundation of our State should be modern and of a scope to 
meet all problems that may arise in the new freedom of the world. 
Knowing the people of Illinois as I do, I have no doubt that the 
result of this building will be commensurate for every requirement. 

22 C C 




Speaker of the House of Representatives 

Governor Lowden, Invited Guests, Ladies and Gentlemen: 
We meet tonight in the closing exercises of the Illinois Centennial 
Celebration. My friends, in what a different atmosphere we meet 
tonight, compared with that of a year ago when in the opening 
exercises of the Illinois Centennial Celebration we met in this 
room. At that time the world was in the midst of the greatest war 
of history, and the thought was with us that millions of our 
young men were in the training camps in this country preparing 
to go abroad to participate in that great struggle. But tonight we 
know that this frightful war is ended, and that in a few months a 
treaty of peace will be signed and in that treaty of peace there will 
be written in letters of gold that this shall be the last cruel war 
which shall curse this world forever more. 

In the few moments allotted to me I have ten minutes I 
understand I am to talk of the Speakers of one hundred years, 
so I must be brief. . 

The State Government of Illinois was organized on Monday, 
October 5, 1818. On that day the first session of the General As- 
sembly met in Kaskaskia. There were twenty-eight members of 
the House and fourteen Senators. Seven members of the House 
and five Senators had been members of the Constitutional Conven- 
tion of 1818, John Messinger being one of the number. On the 
opening day of the session Eisdon Moore was elected speaker pro 
tempore. On the next day, October 6, 1818, the House met and 
elected as its speaker John Messinger of St. Clair County. Mes- 
singer was a New Englander, which was exceptional, for a citizen 
of the country at that time, as the majority of the Southern Illi- 
nois pioneers were of Virginia or North Carolina ancestry, though 
the English settlement of Birkbeck and Flower at Albion exercised 
an influence of considerable magnitude, especially a few years later 
in the attempt of 1823-24 to change the Constitution of Illinois 
in order to permit slavery within its borders. The English colon- 
ists were strongly anti-slavery in their sentiments. 


Messinger was born at West Stockbridge, Mass., in 1771. He 
went to Vermont, then to Kentucky, reaching the New Design 
settlement in Illinois in 1802 when the Territory was a part of 
Indiana Territory. Later he became a miller in St. Clair County, 
and he taught one of the earliest schools in that county. He 
became a surveyor and map maker. He made many of the early 
county and State maps, copies of which are still in existence. He 
was the author of a book entitled, "A Manual or Hand Book 
Intended for Convenience in Practical Surveying." 

Mr. Messinger was one of the surveyors who set the northern 
boundary of the State, thus helping in the good work of the dele- 
gate in Congress, Nathaniel Pope, in saving for Illinois its fourteen 
northern counties including the site of Chicago. This territory 
was given to Wisconsin in the original State boundary line. In a 
new country, surveying and making roads was a very important 
profession. We all remember that George Washington and Abra- 
ham Lincoln were both in their youthful days surveyors. 

In 1808 Mr. Messinger was a member of the Indiana Terri- 
torial Legislature and took part in the legislation which separated 
Illinois from Indiana and gave it an independent Territorial gov- 
ernment. Mr. Messinger was, of course, speaker of the second 
session of the First General Assembly which convened in Kaskaskia, 
January 18, 1819, and adjourned March 31, 1819. 

The speaker of the Second General Assembly of Illinois was 
John McLean, who was a most distinguished citizen of the State. 
In his honor is named McLean County, the largest county in area 
in the State. 

John McLean was born in North Carolina, in 1791. The 
family removed to Kentucky and young McLean came to Shawnee- 
town, Illinois, in 1815. He was a brilliant man, an eloquent and 
forceful orator. He was elected the first representative in Congress 
from the new State of Illinois, but was defeated for re-election by 
Daniel P. Cook. In 1824, he was elected United States Senator 
to succeed Ninian Edwards, resigned. He was re-elected in 1828 
by a unanimous vote, but died on October 4, 1830. 

Forty men have been elected Speaker of the Illinois House of 
Representatives during the past 100 years; three of these have 


afterwards served the people as Governor of the State, Ewing, 
Keynolds and Cullom, Mr. Ewing served only fifteen days as Gov- 
ernor of the State. Six have afterwards been elected Senators in 
the Congress of the United States, John McLean, W. L. D. Ewing, 
Sidney Breese, James Semple, William A. Eichardson, Shelby M. 
Cullom, and Lawrence Y. Sherman. 

Several have won fame in the lower House of Congress, among 
the most notable being John Reynolds, Thomas J. Turner, William 
R. Morrison and Shelby M. Cullom. Allen C. Fuller was Adjutant 
General of the State November 1861-1865. He was also twice 
presidential elector, 1860 and 1876. He later served several terms 
in the State Senate. It would take too long to tell the important 
legislation in which Speakers of the House have exercised influence 
or the other offices which they have held. 

The list of names is an honorable one. Three men have served 
three terms as Speaker of the House, John McLean, W. L. D. 
Ewing, and Edward D. Shurtleff. Mr. McLean, after his first 
election as Speaker of the House, served in Congress and later on 
was re-elected to the Legislature and again became Speaker and 
served two terms in succession. As has been stated Mr. McLean 
died in 1830 while serving as a member of the United States 
Senate. Mr. Ewing was elected Speaker in 1830, and eight years 
afterwards was again elected Speaker and served twice in succes- 

Mr. Shurtleff is the only man who was elected Speaker and 
served three times in succession. Semple, Cullom, Corwin, Smith, 
Haines, Crafts, Sherman and Shanahan served two terms each. 
In the Thirty-sixth General Assembly, which convened in January, 
1889, three men served as Speaker during the session. First, Mr. 
A. C. Matthews, who was later appointed Comptroller of the Cur- 
rency, resigned, and was succeeded by Mr. James H. Miller, who 
died during the session and was succeeded by Judge W. G. Coch- 
ran of Moultrie County. Mr. Samuel Buckmaster served as 
Speaker in the famous session of 1863 when the Legislature was 
prorogued by the famous War Governor Richard Yates. Buck- 
master was the loyal supporter of the Governor during that stormy 
war period. 


E. M. Haines was Speaker of the Thirty-fourth General As- 
sembly in 1885, during the famous deadlock over the election of 
United States Senator, when General John A. Logan was re- 
elected after a contest lasting over five months. 

Clayton E. Crafts was Speaker of the Thirty-seventh General 
Assembly in 1891, during another noted senatorial contest, which 
lasted over three months, in which General John M. Palmer was 
elected United States Senator. 

Under the Constitution of 1870 there are fifty-one senatorial 
districts in Illinois, which biennially elect three members 'of the 
House of Representatives from each district, so that the body is 
composed of one hundred and fifty-three members. The House 
convenes on the first Wednesday after the first Monday in January 
and proceeds to organize. The session is called to order by the 
Secretary of State and after the roll call of the members is had, 
a temporary organization is made and after the credentials of the 
members have been passed upon, a permanent organization is made 
by the election of a Speaker and other officers. The rules of the 
House provide what the powers of the Speaker shall be and they 
are very broad. I am not permitted at this time to take up the 
various duties of the Speaker, or what these Speakers have done. 
Enough to say that during the one hundred years of its history, 
Illinois has reason to be proud of the men who have served as 
Speakers of its House of Representatives. 



Justice of the Supreme Court 

Mr. Chairman, Members of the Centennial Commission, 
Ladies and Gentlemen : Every government whether centralized 
in a monarch or divided into different departments, exercises three 
separate and distinct functions the making of the law; the appli- 
cation of the law to conditions, and the execution of it. Neither is 
efficient without the other. The law itself is absolutely inert. The 
printed page protects no right, punishes no crime, accomplishes no 
results. The judicial department, construing and applying the law 


is helpless without the executive behind it to enforce its decrees. 
The perfection of a government is one that binds all different de- 
partments with each other as a whole, neither one being permitted 
to exercise the function of another. 

Our forefathers did not contend for any particular form of 
government. They were in the Revolutionary War fighting against 
a monarch and that War was in progress more than a year before 
the Declaration of Independence, when they severed their connec- 
tion with the mother country. At that time they declared in that 
instrument that prudence dictated that a government long estab- 
lished should not be changed for light or transient reasons. They 
were fighting against injustice, against wrongs committed by a gov- 
ernment over which they had no control; and when they came to 
frame a Constitution at the close of the confederacy, they declared 
the first purpose which was in their minds which was to establish 
justice, insure domestic tranquility, to provide for the common 
defence, to secure to themselves and their posterity the blessings 
of liberty. 

The states followed the same declaration. Our Constitution 
of 1818, declared its purpose to be to establish justice, to secure 
domestic tranquility, and followed the same language as the Con- 
stitution of the United States. They divided the functions of the 
government into three departments by which the Legislature should 
make the laws; the courts should construe and administer them, 
and the executive should enforce and carry out the decrees of the 
court and see that laws were faithfully executed. All officers were 
required to take an oath to support the Constitution of the State 
and to perform the duties of their office to the best of their ability, 
and that has been the oath taken by every judge and by every 
member of the Legislature and executive officer since that time. 

'There must, of course, be some authority to say when the pro- 
visions of the Constitution have been transgressed and what is the 
meaning of the different laws. The people are the sovereign and 
they have enacted only one original piece of legislation, and that 
is the Constitution. They declared what should be done and what 
should not be done, and defined the powers of the different depart- 


ments. They committed to 'the Supreme Court the decision of 
questions relating to the Constitution. 

In a representative form of government it is especially neces- 
sary, that there should be such an authority, because a wise monarch 
will take into account all the wishes and needs and views of the 
minority; but in a representative form of government it is not 
expected that a majority will regard the views or the wishes or the 
interests of the minority ; and so when the Constitution was framed, 
it was provided that there were certain things which a majority 
should not do to the individual or to the minority, and necessarily 
there must be some authority to say when that limit has been 

We have had a great history as a State. Security has been 
provided for person and property, and the declaration of the Con- 
stitution that "all men are by nature free and independent and 
have certain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty and 
the pursuit of happiness," and to secure these things governments 
are instituted. 

It is only where the laws are administered for the security 
of all that a nation can fulfill its highest destiny. The whole 
history of the world from the beginning, to the bloody program 
now being enacted in other lands during the present war, shows 
the same condition of anarchy as in the days of Israel when every 
man did according to his own will because there was no judge in 
the land. They were the prey of their enemies. The weak were 
assaulted, destroyed, scattered, and divided. When the successful 
Jewish system was established, there was Moses, who, in the wilder- 
ness following the advice of Jethro, his father-in-law, a priest of 
Midian, when he came with his wife and his sons to visit him there,, 
established judges over the people. 

Samuel was the first circuit judge, when he went from year 
to year in a circuit to Bethel and Grilgal and Mizpah and returned 
to Eamah. It was not because of the great military genius of any 
of those judges who ruled over Israel that they overcame their 
enemies, but because they established justice and right and law, 
that the Jewish nation was then indestructable and unconquerable. 


A government by which law and "justice are administered, and 
rights are maintained and whose people are devoted to the prin- 
ciples declared by our forefathers will endure in some form which 
secures those objects. The fields and lands of such a nation may be 
ravished, its cities and villages pillaged and burned; its citizens 
murdered and property destroyed, but the principles of liberty then 
instilled and planted will live forever, and they will come together 
again in some new form adapted to the conditions in life to secure 
the blessings of justice, and liberty. 

Since 1848 the Judges of the Supreme Court have been elected 
by the people, and I think it has been demonstrated that no safer 
plan can be adopted than for the election of judges by a free and 
intelligent and independent people. Whether the work has been 
done with credit and ability is not for any of the judges of the 
court to say; that it has been done with integrity and fidelity and 
honesty no one has ever questioned. 



President of the University of New York 

Governor Lowden, Men and Women of Illinois: It is very 
gratifying to know that I am still remembered as a son of Illinois. 
Some years ago, shortly after I left Illinois to go to New York, 
I read an editorial in a Chicago paper I still took the Chicago 
paper speaking of an address which I had made as a young man 
out here in Bloomington I think it was called an oration in those 
days and referring to my apparent familiarity with the Old 
Testament, which has been referred to by Judge Cartwright here 
tonight so beautifully and then it went on to say that this young 
man would probably have amounted to something in the world 
except for his untimely death evidently it is known to very few 
in Illinois that I am still in existence. 

It is very gratifying also to hear an introduction by one who 
has not gotten his information solely from Who's Who, and cer- 
tainly it is a great distinction to be introduced by my friend, 


Frank Lowden. I do not wish Illinois any ill, but I hope some 
day it is pretty lonesome on the other side I hope some day 
he will take the Lincoln Highway over the mountains to the only 
place there that is more exalted than the Governorship of Illinois. 
It seems, Governor, that they would like to have you go over. 

I have great difficulty down East in making them distinguish 
between some of these western states. They sometimes put me 
from Indiana, or Iowa or out in Wisconsin, which, of course, 
makes me feel badly. But sometimes they locate my state and 
they refer to me usually by that other appropriate term they 
call me you know they call me a "Sucker," and my response 
is, "Do you know why we are called suckers" out in Illinois? It 
is because we believe all that the people of this side of the moun- 
tains say about their own states. 

I have already made my address here, and it was an eloquent 
address. It was made by my dearest friend, one who was my 
mentor one whose office I used to sweep out, and I was hardly 
worthy to do that the one who taught me to make my first pub- 
lic speech. I shall have to admit that I have been a very poor 
pupil, after you have heard him speak my friend Edgar A. 
Bancroft. I should not have come here tonight if it had not been 
that I had promised and that really I wanted some excuse for 
coming back to Illinois. 

I was plowing corn one day, one hot day in June, when I 
heard a singing, or a sound rather, in the sky. I knew it was 
not the celestial choir I knew it was a swarm of bees flying across 
my field toward the woods in the distance. I did what every 
Illinois boy would do under the circumstances I started after 
tbose bees, picking up clods of earth and dust and shouting and 
throwing the dust and the clods towards the bees, with the result 
that I brought them down at the edge of the field on a branch of 
a tree; and that night I brought out the hives and took the bees 
home and they made honey for us the rest of the year. That is 
what I shall try to do tonight in the few minutes I am allotted 
forty-five, I believe I am just going to throw up a few words 
to try to bring down the ideas that have been floating in my sky 
since I was asked to come out here. 


I have been asked to speak about the Illinois of the future, 
but I shall speak rather of America of the America that could 
not be the America she is except for what happened a hundred 
years ago. It is upon that tree that I would gather my little 
swarm of bees in your presence. 

I once heard a lecturer down in New York trying to amuse 
an audience by telling an experience he had had out here some- 
where. He said he was lecturing on the Mediterranean Ocean 
and in order to get his audience interested, he asked what body 
of water was in the middle of the earth, and one boy put up his 
hand and the lecturer asked him what it was, and he said, the 
Sangamon Eiver. And the lecturer to make his story still more 
amusing pronounced it the San-gam-'on Eiver. I went to the 
lecturer afterwards he did not know very much about this country 
and I said to him, "the boy spoke truer than you thought when 
he said the Sangamon Eiver is the water in the middle of the 
earth, because Abraham Lincoln lived here and his dust lies on its 

I went out to see that place today his tomb and I thought, 
as I was telling you I thought of an experience of mine I kept 
at the farther end of the great hall in my office when I lived in 
New York City, a splendid head of Lincoln. One Sunday morn- 
ing when I should not have been at my office, I was alone with 
my boy he opened the door and looked out, and he said, "Is no 
one here?" I said "No." He said, "No one except you and me 
and Lincoln." To him Lincoln was a reality. And so I can 
somehow feel that there is no one there except you and me and 
Lincoln. This is the middle of the earth. 

I have just come, within the month, from the ocean that was 
in the middle of the earth, from traveling around its coasts. I 
was first of all in Italy, and then I went to Corfu, that beautiful 
island upon whose shores Ulysses was thrown at the end of his 
wandering. A beautiful island it is. The ex-Kaiser has a palace 
on top of the hill. I saw that palace. I was visiting the con- 
valescent camps down at the foot of the hill. My Ford grew so 
democratic that it refused to climb the hill. It is said 
that the ex-Kaiser intends to go to that palace. I hope not. 


He should never be permitted to go there it is too beautiful a 
place. I went over the hills of Albania and saw what was left of 
Servia, and then I went on by Macedon, the place where Alexander 
the Great was born. I passed through the place where St. Paul 
had preached to the Thessalonians and had written some of his 
epistles; and then on down through the Mediterranean Sea, be- 
holding in the distance the island on which John had written his 
Book of Kevelation, and then on to Egypt, where I found people 
living much as they must have lived two thousand years ago; and 
then I went on to the Holy Land, where I have been for the last 
four months before my return, as head of the Eed Cross mission 
to the Holy Land. I went by railroad first and made the trip 
over night. You remember that the children of Israel spent forty 
years in making that journey from Egypt into the land of Canaan. 
Later I made the trip by aeroplane in two and one-half hours, 
but I went first by rail over rails that had been furnished by 
America and alongside I saw a water pipe running east from the 
Nile up into Palestine, and the water pipe had been furnished, I 
was told, by firms within this valley. It is said in an Arabic pro- 
verb that not until the water of the Nile runs into Palestine will 
the Turk be driven from Jerusalem. The water now runs from 
the Nile into Palestine and the Turk has been driven from Jeru- 
salem. I am sorry we had no part in driving him out. 
I felt that rebuke I know Judge Cartwright will remember 
this, if no body else in the House does (except perhaps the minis- 
ters), that Deborah gave to one of the tribes (Eeuben) for not 
coming to the help of Israel when they were fighting against their 
enemy, although a splendid answer was made on the western front. 
We had not part in the actual recovery of the land, but we had a 
splendid part in ministering to those who had been stricken by 
the war. I am not going to speak of that, but simply of this little 
land, this little land which I traveled over from one end to the 
other, so narrow a land it is that I walked from one side to the 
other of it it is just about the distance from here to Peoria, the 
way I walked. I walked from Joppa to Jerusalem and then down 
to Jericho, only sixty-three miles, and then from Beersheba to the 
northern end less than two hundred miles, or not more than from 


here to Chicago, and I am proud to say to you my brothers and 
sisters of Illinois, I had the greatest privilege of my life in being 
permitted to go the first American citizen to go into Nazareth 
after it had been taken from the Turks, except perhaps the military 
attache; and also I had the great honor to go, the only person aside 
from the staif of General Allenby, into Dasmascus the day he made 
his entry. I speak of that that you may share this pleasure and 
honor with me. That little land was the centre of the earth the 
middle of the earth. The land from which we got our Ten Com- 
mandments. I could see Mount Sinai as I journeyed by aeroplane 
across the Ked Sea without getting my feet wet. I could see Mount 
Sinai oif in the distance. This little land from which we get our 
Beatitudes, the Ten Commandments and the two greater command- 
ments that are the basis of our civilization. That land seems a 
long way off now. It was on my horizon as a boy when I read of it 
at my mother's knee here in Illinois just over the horizon, but I 
saw it out yonder and it seemed a long way from these prairies of 

I was walking one night and I fell in with some British Tom- 
mies. I was very much in need of water. I was some distance from 
the wells of Sychar, and I asked where I could get water and they 
pointed to the camp. I went to the camp and it was the camp of 
the First Irish Eegiment down in one of the valleys of Palestine. 
I asked for water and I was taken to the place where the water 
was kept by a fine Irish strip of a lad. He brought the water out 
of great skins which were carried in by the camels during the day. 
The water was not very cold there was no ice in Palestine. I 
said to the boy, "What part of Ireland did you come from?" He 
replied, "Tipperary." And I said to him, "My lad you are indeed 
a long way from home." And Mount Nebo and those barren 
places that seemed a long, long way from this rich valley. I 
wish you could see the horizon of that land from which I have 
just come that land with its barrenness and its misery, but that 
land with all its great associations you would the better appreci- 
ate you would know as I know that this is the middle of the 
earth, for this is the place where that spirit of human brother- 
hood which was taught there in that land, has its highest expres- 


sion, its noblest expression in the democracy which was exempli- 
fied in our Lincoln. 

Here, in America! I have been thinking when the name 
America was first put upon the printed page in southeastern 
France that part of France where many of our boys were in the 
first days of the war and near which some of them are even now. 
In that little village to which I have often made a pilgrimage. It 
was there that this name was written in a book called Ptolemy's 
Cosmography, a new edition to it. I was back there in the war and 
inquired for a bookseller who had given me, when I was there 
before, a reproduction of this book the original is over in Strass- 
burg. When I came back the second time they said he had gone. 
He was crossing the bridge between the two parts of the village 
and had both legs shot off. When he came to die he said, "Alas 
(I have been thinking of this many times in the last few days), 
I shall not be able to carry flowers to Strassburg." The flowers 
have been carried back to Strassburg, but by American boys. It 
was there that the name of America was first written upon the 
printed page. It was an edition of Ptolemy's Cosmography, but 
at the moment it was being printed, in Berlin there was a man 
working out a new theory (you see I have become a school teacher 
again) this theory called the Copernican Theory a theory in 
which the sun does not revolve around the earth, but the earth 
revolves around the sun. America was, in a sense, under the 
Ptolemy theory or system; she had her national existence under 
the Copernican theory or system, a system under which the indi- 
vidual becomes infinitesimally small, but in which the earth be- 
comes a part of the great universe. And so we have begun to 
appreciate our relationship, I think, to the rest of the world. It 
was an astronomical or infinite distance, and it was under that 
astronomical distance that our fathers came to this place. I can 
hear my own father in a little room up here in the prairie, singing 
a song which I have not heard on the other side of the mountains, 
a song which some of you, perhaps, still remember: 


"I'm a pilgrim and I'm a stranger, 
I can tarry, I can tarry but a night. 
Do not detain me, for I am going, 
To where the fountains are ever flowing. 
I'm a pilgrim and I'm a stranger, 
I can tarry, I can tarry but a night." 

It was, as I said, a cosmography (although that seems rather a 
large word), a cosmography of infinite distance. We have lived 
always out here at any rate, under the Copernican system. 

I have written here (indicating the manuscript which he held 
in his hand), more or less of what I intended to say tonight, but 
I think a portion of it at any rate will have to be left to the 
records, but I can outline to you what I intended to say about this 
America. America that has not by chance taken the stars and 
put them in the field of our flag. They are cosmic symbols gathered 
from the immeasurable universe. This America of cosmic horizon, 
of starry symbols and of universal sympathy, is clearly not a 
geographic comet, though one cannot disassociate the soul of 
America from its body. It is only through the identification of 
this spirit with a love of the physical body that it can become 
an international and a cosmic influence. Without its incarnation 
between lines of latitude and longitude, it would be a nebulous 
internationalism that we should have, a cosmic life love that, 
eschewing nationalism, would come in the end to nothing. 

I have written here what I hope we may teach our children 
the love of this land. They may come to know its beauty, its 
grandeur, the miraculous productivity of this land; how the Al- 
mighty has prepared its wealth through millions of years; how 
the wind has kept it swept clean; how the waters drain it; how 
these same winds bring clouds to nourish it, and how the seasons 
in their ceaseless round bring seed-time and harvest. Even before 
our children come to know the history which has given this land 
its soul, they should come to know and love its wondrous beauty. 

I have set forth here some definitions which I hope they may 
learn: descriptions which are given, not by geographers as we call 
them, but by poets and by artists, so that the children may come 


to love this land as the children of France love their land and the 
children of Italy love their land. 

Here is the description of the Illinois prairie which I came 
upon the prairie as some of you knew these prairies: a "sea of 
grass and flowers, from Mr. Francis Grierson's description of the 
"Lincoln Country." "A breeze springs up from the shores of old 
Kentucky or from across the Mississippi and the plains of Kansas, 
gathering force as the hours steal on, gradually changing the aspect 
of nature by an undulating motion of the grass, until the breeze 
becomes a gale, and behold the prairie a rolling sea. The pennant- 
like blades dip before the storm in low rushing billows as of 
myriads of green birds skimming the surface. When clouds fleck 
the far horizon with dim shifting vapors, shadows as of long gray 
winds, swoop down over the prairie, while here and there immense 
veils rise and fall and sweep on towards the sky line." 

That is not in our geographies, but it is a grand description 
of beautiful Illinois in those days as we remember the prairie 

It is an America that is more than the land we live on, the 
objective land. Dear as it is in its association and fair as it is in 
its inherent beauty, America has another content than its physical 
resource. It is more than the land we live on, more than the land 
we live from, that is, the land from which we get our living, this 
wonderful land which here in Illinois yields corn for the world, 
two or three crops of alfalfa out in Colorado, wheat for the world 
in Minnesota, and only satisfying scenery in New Hampshire 
the land which has gold in its veins in California, silver in Colo- 
rado, lead in Missouri, coal in West Virginia, oil in Pennsylvania 
and natural gas in Indiana; the land which, like a magician, has 
taken the same elements out of the soil and the sky, and makes an 
ear of corn in Illinois, a bunch of grapes in western New York, a 
peach in Delaware, a cranberry in New Jersey, and a nitrogenous 
legume in Massachusetts ; a land which, with slight assistance from 
synthetic chemistry and horticultural grafting, makes figs to grow 
on thistles and olive oil to flow from cotton seed, the rarest perfume 
to rise from coal tar and maraschino cherries to ripen where 
cherry trees have never been seen ; the land which, stretching from 


the fields of the Lady of the Snows to the tropic seas, is now mobil- 
izing the very elements of its soil and commandeering the nitrogen 
in its atmosphere to fight for the freedom of the world. 

I must not stop to try to tell you what those mysteries are 
that lie in every field. They are, of course, in other lands but with 
this difference, that every boy and girl is free to follow these 
mysteries into the presence of the infinite. That is the heritage 
of their freedom. Neither poverty nor the social obscurity of 
parents, nor the predestinations of autocracy bar the way for them. 

And here should every child who comes upon this land be in- 
structed not only in the geography of its visible beauty, but in the 
geography of its marvelous bounty, and be made to know what the 
freedom of his life in America opens to him in the miracles of the 
fields, the shop and the studio. 

I have seen these miracles with my own eyes in many states, 
as doubtless you have. Out in the prairies here in Illinois I have 
seen flowers fashioned in all the complicated beauty of the domestic 
orchid, until that same soil was made to grow the tasselled corn; 
in Maryland I can still hear the vendors as they cry their Ann 
Arundel vegetables beneath the windows; in New Hampshire I 
saw a sign as if it were written for the whole state, "We make 
everything that has grit in it;" in Georgia I have seen the little 
cotton boll in its productivity (and they make more cotton-seed 
oil (so-called olive oil) in the southern states than all the olive 
trees in the world produce I have seen the little cotton boll be- 
come a razor back hog, a sheep, a silk worm, and a dirigible bal- 
loon, all wrapped up in the most beautiful package that the Al- 
mighty ever tied to the twig of a bush; in California where the 
beneficent gods and the giants of the frosts that creep down from 
the snow-peaked mountains are ever at battle ; in New York, where, 
with the assistance of fertilizer, hot-house and refrigerator, iso- 
therms are banished, all the zones simulated, all soils synthesized, 
and even the forces of Heaven converted into a short of panurgic 
fertility and power. 

There is more poetry in such a physical geography than in 
many anthologies ; more art than is to be found in many museums. 


But a poet is needed to teach this geography of America's bounty 
as well as that of our beauty. 

Then there should be chapters that tell of her mission; chap- 
ters of which we have two or three here tonight. I must not stop 
to speak of these. Places where our great men have lived her 
holy places. I attended not long ago a dinner at which a great 
scientist from Servia (and we owe Servia a great debt for what 
that man has given to us), told a conversation which he had with 
an old man of his country who had once visited the Holy Land. 
This old man had told the scientist of the weariness of the way 
and the agony of joy with which he at last looked down upon the 
Holy Land. And the scientist said, "I understand what your 
feeling is, for I, too, have been in a holy place." "Where?" said 
the old man ? He said, "In America." "Well," said the old man, 
"there are no holy places in America." And then this scientist 
told him of a place where was born a man who had discovered some 
of the great universal laws of God and had made their application. 
It was a holy place, as this is a holy place. And wherever life in 
its highest heroisms has hallowed a spot, it should become a place 
in the real America, the conscious possession of the entire people. 

But America has more than this beautiful land, more than 
its miracled products, more than its greatest individual souls, 
more than all of them together. Above these as an indescribable 
perfume there arises an abstraction America, for America is a 
political idea, a moral purpose, a prayer for a better world uttered 
in the face of the inexorable forces of nature that only seem hostile 
because we do not understand them, uttered in the presence of the 
stars that seemed to fight with Deborah and Barak of old, and that 
literally do fight with America today. 

How varied the conception of America is, a few illustrative 
definitions will suggest. A nation "that can only achieve its aims 
in carrying a message to mankind of what has been found possible 
on this continent;" "a spirit that hopes grandly for the race;" "a 
striving for liberty, justice and truth;" "a land of unlimited 
opportunity," or, as Emerson defined it simply "opportunity," 
whose entrance doors open to all comers but whose inner doors are 

23 C C 


also kept open so that a man may pass from room to room so 
long as he has strength to open the doors;" the "free common- 
wealth that comes nearest to the illustration of the national 
equality of all men ;" "God's crucible ;" "a place to keep alive faith 
in humanity;" "the only nation in the world that has been built 
consciously and freely on pure ideals and pure thoughts;" the 
"concrete expression of that dream of freedom to work that slumb- 
ers in every man's soul;" a "country with .a part to play in the 
redemption of humanity and the better organization of the world ;" 
a country in which the "ideal passions of patriotism, of liberty, 
of loyalty to home and nation, of humanitarianism and missionary 
effort have all burned with a clear flame;" the "spirit of a great 
people in the search for more abundant life." 

And between these extremes of view, lies dimly and perhaps 
not clearly denned the "America" that lives in the millions who 
live in the land that we call America. 

The definition of America has not been changed, but suddenly 
the nation has found a necessity for employing a new language in 
preserving this definition. 

The consciousness which has been written in sentences that 
some have mocked as mere platitudes, empty husks, has asserted 
itself under a barbaric assault upon this peace-prone and seem- 
ingly harmless body of words, in a language which devils can 
understand but angels must use when hell opens its doors. 

America seems outwardly a new national being, but she is 
only proving her cosmic words, she is rising to planetary and to 
cosmic deeds. And Illinois, whose admission into this America we 
celebrate tonight, lying in the heart of what some years ago I 
called, when speaking in France, "the valley of the new democ- 
racy," is the very middle of the new middle land of the earth the 
State which embraces the Sangamon Eiver and which has given 
the highest expression of that democracy for which we are trying 
to make the whole world a safe place. 

Some years ago, a young man born on these prairies was lying 
near imagined death in a New York hospital. He asked the nurse 
what month it was, and she said it was May. He said, "I cannot 
die now." Then he heard the meadow lark singing out over the 


prairie fields filled with flowers, and he heard the frogs croaking 
in what we used to call the sloughs, and then he heard the crane 
honking over head, and he said, "I cannot die now, it is plowing 
time/' And then in the struggle between the desire to justify the 
name his mother had given him in his contest with men out in 
the world, and with the desire to go back again to his land, the 
fields that he loved, he prayed that he might be taken back and 
laid beneath the tree that was in the middle of the field he had 
plowed; that he might lie there throughout the winter and then 
in the spring climb with the sap up into the branches of the tree 
and look out over those fields with their infinite distance that I 
have been seeing today and the field in which that tree stood 
was the field from which I heard the bees one day, and the tree 
was a cotton-wood tree. I suppose it is gone long since. But for 
me that tree still stands in the middle of the earth, in the state 
which with all the enlarging new world horizons is still the middle 
of the new earth, for the old heavens and the old earth have 
passed away and there is no more sea separating the ends of the 
earth. And as America enters upon this new era of her life, and 
Illinois enters upon the second century of her's God bless them 




DECEMBER 31, 1918 

I have been asked to confine my report chiefly to the state- 
wide celebration. The theme is so large that it will be impossible 
for me, in the limited space at my disposal, to give more than a 
mere epitome of what was undertaken and what has been accom- 
plished. When we consider that more than a thousand celebra- 
tions were held, at least a third of which are deserving of special 
note, not to mention the intensive study of Illinois history that 
was carried on in all the schools of the State, both public and 
private, and in hundreds of clubs and societies, we realize that a 
complete, comprehensive story of the Centennial observances held 
throughout the State would fill volumes. I am obliged, therefore, 
to confine my report to an account of the plans and preparations 
that were made, and the principal features of the celebrations held, 
omitting the details of the different events. 

Senator Kent E. Keller, a member of the first Commission, was 
chairman of the first Committee on State-wide Celebration. He 
did much to acquaint the people of the State with the fact that 
the Centennial year was approaching, and that it should be fit- 
tingly observed. In this he was ably assisted by Mr. S. Leigh Call,, 
who had charge of the newspaper publicity for the Commission at 
that time. When the Supreme Court decided in the Fergus suits,, 
that a legislative committee could not perform functions such as 
had been delegated to the Centennial Commission by a joint reso- 
lution of the General Assembly, the Commission, of which Mr. 
Keller was a member, was dissolved. 

In January, 1916, at the special session of the Forty-ninth 
General Assembly, an act was passed creating a Centennial Com- 
mission of fifteen members, to be appointed by the Governor. 
Among those appointed on this Commission, was Rev. Royal W. 



Ennis, who was made chairman of the Committee on State-wide 
Celebration, and has remained at the head of this important com- 
mittee to the present time. Mr. Ennis devoted a large amount of 
time and thought to the work of the Commission, particularly be- 
fore the office of director was created, and with splendid results. 
He deserves special credit for what was accomplished. 

When the Commission took up the work of organizing the 
counties of the State to provide for county celebrations, it was 
decided to appoint an ex officio committee in each county, consist- 
ing of the County Judge, County Superintendent of Schools, 
County Clerk, State's Attorney, and Chairman of the County 
Board. These ex officio committees were urged to form a perma- 
nent Centennial organization in each county, either by assuming 
the duties themselves, or by calling a mass meeting to form a 
county organization. Each county was urged to prepare for a 
County Centennial Celebration. It was suggested that such cele- 
bration be held in connection with the county fair, Old Soldiers' 
or Old Settlers' annual reunion, or on some special date any time 
during the Centennial year, which might be most convenient. 
Many of these committees took action toward the carrying out the 
plans suggested by the Centennial Commission. 

Governor Lowden recommended that the Commission appoint 
a director, who should devote his entire time to promoting the 
Centennial celebrations throughout the State. In July, 1917, the 
Commission selected the present Director, who began his duties 
as such on August first. Since then he has devoted his entire time 
to the work of the Commission, having resigned his position as 
superintendent of the Springfield City Schools, to take up this 

The Commission provided an office for the Director in the 
State House, with the necessary assistants. Plans were at once 
made for arousing interest throughout the State in the coming 
celebration. A mailing list was started, which has been developed 
since until it now numbers about fifteen thousand. Thousands 
of letters were sent out to public officials, superintendents and 
principals of schools, and to officers of organizations, churches, 
clubs and societies, urging an intensive study of Illinois history, 


particularly in the schools. It was urged that preparations should 
be made for a general observance of the Centennial during the 
year, 1918. 

Since assuming his duties on August 1, 1917, the Director has 
delivered more than two hundred addresses throughout Illinois, 
including nearly every county of the State. These have been 
given before chautauquas, teachers' institutes, conventions, clubs 
and societies. In all these addresses it was urged that the winning 
of the war should receive first consideration, but that a proper ob- 
servance of the Centennial would greatly assist the State in doing 
its part. In an address before the Illinois State Bankers' Asso- 
ciation, on September 19, 1917, the Director stated: 

"The celebration of the hundredth anniversary of the admis- 
sion of Illinois into the Union must not in any way divert our 
minds from the great undertaking in which all America is en- 
gaged. A study of the wonderful history of our State, and a 
better appreciation of the great sacrifice and service rendered by 
those who have made glorious the history of Illinois, should give 
us inspiration and courage, and help us the better to perform our 
full duty. The Centennial celebration will be no mere play 
festival, but should call forth an expression of the finest patriotic 
sentiment of our people. There should be aroused in the mind of 
every citizen of Illinois a solemn pride in what our State has 
accomplished, and a strong resolution to measure up to the high 
standards which our fathers have set for us." 

In the first Centennial Bulletin published in October, 1917, 
a general outline was given for state-wide celebrations. We quote 
the following: 

"The Commission offers the following suggestions for a state- 
wide celebration : 

"The Study of Illinois History. Particular attention should 
be given to the lives of those whose service and sacrifice have con- 
tributed so largely to the blessings enjoyed by us today. This 
study should be emphasized in the schools, and also in the pro- 
grams of civic and patriotic organizations throughout the State. 
There is a .wealth of interesting and important local history in 
.every county which should be investigated and studied. 


"Historical Pageants. It is possible for every county to pro- 
duce an historical pageant and in this most entertaining and im- 
pressive manner portray the particular features of Illinois history. 
Important local characters and events should receive attention. 
The Centennial Commission will furnish assistance in the writing 
of these pageants and will also furnish competent advice with 
respect to their production. 

"County Fairs and Expositions. The particular feature of 
these should be a comparison of the latest productions with the 
earlier productions of a like kind, showing the actual progress 
made. The development in farm machinery from the primitive 
implements to the most modern would make a most interesting ex- 
hibit in a rural community. The progress made in transportation, 
manufacture, and the various lines of science and invention offer 
suggestions for an exhibition of the progress of a hundred years. 
The Illinois Centennial affords a splendid incentive for such ex- 

"Chautauquas, Conventions, Reunions and Homecomings. 
During the Centennial year the different organizations and 
societies of the State should hold Centennial meetings. Each of 
these organizations might well take an inventory of its progress, 
and consider its relation to the development and welfare of Illinois. 
Civic and patriotic societies may hold special meetings. Reunions 
of old soldiers and old settlers, with reminiscences of the |past, 
should be features of county celebrations. This generation should 
be impressed with its debt of obligation to those who have made 
possible the privileges which we enjoy. 

"Memorials and Historical Markings. The character of a 
people may be judged by its appreciation of the great personalities 
and important events that have moulded its history. The Cen- 
tennial furnishes an incentive for the erection of permanent 
memorials, and the marking of historic places. In each com- 
munity something permanent should be left as a Centennial 

At about this time Mr. Horace H. Bancroft, of Jacksonville, 
was elected by the Commission as assistant director. Mr. Bancroft 
undertook the particular work of forming county Centennial or- 


ganizations. He was very successful, and his work was of the 
highest character, Through his personal efforts, active Centennial 
organizations were formed in more than half the counties of the 
State, and preliminary preparations were made for appropriate 
observances during the Centennial year. 

On December 3, 1917, a meeting of delegates from local 
Centennial associations and other interested persons was held in 
the Senate Chamber, at which, in addition to the formal program, 
short addresses were delivered by the Director and the Assistant 
Director, the Manager of Publicity, and by Mr. Wallace Eice, 
pageant writer, all having to do with the state-wide celebrations. 
Eepresentatives from different parts of the State took part in these 
discussions, and an intense interest was shown in the plans for the 
Centennial year which opened on that day. 

A particular feature of the state-wide celebration which is 
deserving of special note, was the part taken by State organizations. 
From the very beginning the Grand Army of the Eepublic and 
the Woman's Belief Corps, the Daughters of the American Eevo- 
lution, and other patriotic organizations, manifested a lively in- 
terest in the coming celebration. On June 6, 1917, at the annual 
encampment of the Grand Army of the Eepublic, the following 
resolution was adopted: 

"We, your committee, recommend that each county shall hold 
a Centennial celebration, that a committee composed of Grand 
Army men be appointed to arrange for the military side of the 
meeting, and that they may use all the auxiliary organizations of 
the Grand Army as aids to consummate their work, and that each 
county committee see that a proper program is rendered to fitly 
represent the military work of the great State of Illinois." 

The Woman's Belief Corps adopted a resolution, which is, in 
part, as follows : 

"This is an opportunity which the Woman's Belief Corps aux- 
iliary to the Grand Army of the Eepublic should embrace, to per- 
petuate the part taken by our organizations and our makers of 
history. During the years 1860-1865, Illinois was not only a 
leader in the history making of the Middle West, but of the nation 
as well. 


"It is desired that every corps shall hold a Centennial cele- 
bration; that they shall invite the Grand Army of the Republic to 
unite with them in this observance. 

"We believe that the military history of the State should be 
particularly dwelt upon and that all celebrations should be of a 
patriotic nature. 

"It is also desirable that the Woman's Relief Corps* should 
make a permanent record of their observance, through the dedica- 
tion of a monument, boulder, building, fountain or a highway, 
and these should be marked with a small bronze tablet setting 
forth the fact that it has been placed there by the Woman's Relief 
Corps. In counties not having soldiers' monuments, a monument 
or marker to the Union Soldiers would be appropriate, or a marker 
to the Loyal Women of the North, would also be fitting." 

Mrs. Jessie Palmer Weber, secretary of the commission, and 
active in D. A. R. work, addressed a letter to Mrs. Frank W. 
Bahnsen, of Rock Island, then state regent, in which the follow- 
ing suggestion was made: 

"It has been suggested that it would be a good plan for the 
D. A. R. to contribute a bronze tablet with proper inscription as 
a part of its work for the State Centennial to each county which 
erects a permanent memorial. For instance, if a monument or 
building or a fountain should be erected by the county, on this 
memorial should be placed a bronze tablet, the gift of the D. A. R. 
This matter has several times been brought to the attention of the 
Centennial Commission and I have been requested to write to you 
on this subject. 

"I do not want the D. A. R. to forget their obligation to the 
Lincoln Circuit Marking Association, and I know the great num- 
ber of calls on every one at this time, but I feel that this would 
be a prominent part in the marking of the Centennial and it 
would not mean a very large cost." 

The Daughters of the American Revolution deserve particular 
credit for securing the erection of a great many memorials and 
markers throughout the State. This organization was active 
throughout the Centennial year in promoting this work, which 
was one of the most valuable features of the celebration. 

* The Woman's Relief Corps of the State of Illinois placed a Bronze 
Tablet in Memorial Hall, Capitol Building, February 22, 1918. 


Among other State organizations which were very active in 
promoting appropriate Centennial observances, might be men- 
tioned : the State Federation of Women's Clubs, the State Bankers' 
Association, the State Bar Association, the State Medical Society, 
the State Farmers' Institute, the State Sunday School Association, 
the Hardware Dealers Association, the Retail Clothiers' Associa- 
tion, the Shoe Dealers Association, the State Music Teachers' Asso- 
ciation, the Illinois Press Association, and a score of others. The 
Chambers of Commerce and Commercial Associations in the various 
cities of the State lent their influence very heartily to the promor 
tion of appropriate celebrations in their several communities. 

The colleges of Illinois early recognized the importance of the 
Centennial year. The Federation of Illinois Colleges, at a meeting 
held in Decatur in October, 1917, adopted the following report, 
submitted by the Committee on Centennial Celebrations : 

"1. That each college should secure and display the Cen- 
tennial banner of the State throughout the year. 

"2. That a credit course be offered in Illinois history to the 

"3. That a course of addresses by professors or others be 
given throughout the year on various important phases of Illinois 

"4. That the colleges cooperate in every way possible with 
Centennial committees, both local and State. 

"5. That assurance of the willingness of the colleges and the 
Federation to cooperate be given. 

"6. That a College Historical Society be established for 
furthering the work in Illinois history. 

"7. That pageants representing important phases in Illinois 
history be given. 

"8. That special days in the year be given prominence 
April 18, October 6 and December 3." 

The schools of Illinois, both public and parochial, placed 
particular emphasis on the study of Illinois history. The Cen- 
tennial furnished an incentive for this work, and the more than 
one million school children of Illinois were brought to understand 
and appreciate the wonderful story of their State to a much greater 


extent than could possibly have been accomplished without this 
special incentive. 

The "Six Little Centennial Plays" prepared by Mr. Wallace 
Kice, pageant writer for the commission, were used in hundreds 
of the schools of the State, both public and private. High schools 
and academies of the State used some one of the several Centennial 
pageants prepared by the Commission, "The Pageant of the Illi- 
nois Country/' and "The Masque of Illinois," by Mr. Kice, and 
"The Wonderful Story of Illinois," by Miss Grace Owen. Many 
others produced pageants of their own preparation, many of which 
were compiled in part from the Centennial pageants furnished 
by the Commission. 

Complete plans for a state-wide celebration were set forth 
by the Director in the Centennial Bulletin issued by the Commis- 
sion in February, 1918. We quote the following: 

"Every intelligent, patriotic citizen of Illinois recognizes that 
the one all-important, all-absorbing subject before us at this time 
is the winning of this war. To fail means to give up every ideal 
of liberty and democracy upon which our nation was founded and 
which our people have cherished throughout our nation's life. To 
win means to establish these principles forever, and extend their 
blessings to all the people of every nation throughout the world. 
So momentous are the issues that to win this cause America has 
dedicated all her treasure, all her efforts, and the lives of her 
bravest and best. 

"What effect will the observance of the Illinois Centennial 
have upon the people of Illinois in relation to the winning of this 
war? If it hinders in the slightest degree, all plans and prepar- 
ations should be given up at once. If the celebration is justified 
it must contribute to our ultimate success and triumph. After 
a very serious consideration of this question, it is the unanimous 
opinion of those upon whom has been placed by statute the re- 
sponsibility of holding the celebration that a patriotic observance 
of our State Centennial will assist in bringing to our people a 
fuller appreciation of the issues of the war and give us inspiration 
and courage to meet heroically and generously the heavy demands 
which are laid upon us. Our War Governor, whose powerful sup- 


port of the war is recognized throughout the nation, believes 
a patriotic Centennial observance will be beneficial and has so de- 
clared in his message of October 29, 1917. 

"Some of the leading editorial writers of other states have 
said it is particularly fortunate that Illinois, which gave to the 
nation Lincoln to lead in that great struggle to preserve free 
government in America, should observe its Centennial at a time 
when we are fighting to preserve free government throughout the 
world. They express the hope that the patriotic observance of this 
great event will not only inspire the citizens of Illinois to nobler 
effort, but lend an inspiring influence to the people of the other 
commonwealths of the nation. 

"In promoting the general observance of the Illinois Cen- 
tennial, it has been the purpose of the Centennial Commission to 
stimulate an interest in the event, and an appreciation of the 
opportunity which the occasion affords, and leave the working out 
of plans and programs very largely to the local organizations and 
committees. It is hoped there will be originality and variety in 
the different programs, rather than too great uniformity and 
sameness. While the most important events of our State's history 
should be recognized in all celebrations, the local history of each 
county should be featured, and each program should reflect the 
thought and plan of the committee having it in charge. The two 
important considerations are that every program should be based 
fundamentally on the history of Illinois, and that it shall be de- 
cidedly patriotic in character. 

"It should be borne in mind that the entire year 1918 is 
Centennial Year, and that any convenient date during the 
year will be an appropriate time to commemorate the admission of 
Illinois into the Union. This is historically correct. Nathaniel 
Pope, our territorial delegate, presented to Congress on January 
16, 1818, a memorial which had been adopted by the Territorial 
Legislature of Illinois, requesting Congress to take the necessary 
steps to permit the territory to organize as a State. On April 18, 
1818, the Enabling Act, passed by Congress, was signed by the 
President and became a law. This authorized the territory of 
Illinois to adopt a Constitution and form a State Government, 


which form of government should be submitted back to Congress 
for approval. The delegates to the Constitutional Convention 
were elected in July, 1818. The Constitutional Convention as- 
sembled in Kaskaskia, the capital of the territory, on the first 
Monday in August, 1818, and the Constitution was adopted by the 
convention on the 26th day of August. The elective State officers 
provided for in the Constitution were elected on September 17-19, 
1818. The first General Assembly convened at Kaskaskia on 
October 5, 1818, and the first Governor was inaugurated on October 
6, 1818. The action which had been taken pursuant to the Enabl- 
ing Act was ratified by Congress on December 3, 1818, and Illinois 
was formally admitted as the twenty-first State in the American 

"From the above facts it is clear that the admission of Illi- 
nois was a process which began in January, 1818, and was con- 
cluded in December, 1818, and that, therefore, the entire year 
1918 commemorates the admission of Illinois into the Union. The 
only precaution necessary is that adjacent counties and communi- 
ties should not hold their celebrations on the same dates, and it 
might be better not to hold county celebrations at the time of the 
official celebrations at the State Capital. It is suggested that the 
people of each county and community visit the celebrations held 
in the surrounding counties and communities in order that the 
interest taken may be as widespread as possible. 

"The official State celebrations will be held at the State 
Capital. The Commission would like to have an official county 
celebration in every county, and in addition thereto local celebra- 
tions in every city, village and community, including every school 
in the State. The various societies and organizations of the State 
should plan Centennial programs for their annual meetings to be 
held in 1918. 

"The county celebrations will be held under the auspices of 
the respective County Centennial Committees. These committees 
are usually made up of representatives from all parts of the county 
and generally have the official endorsement and support of the 
county board. They elect their own officers, appoint their own 
committees, select the time for the celebration and arrange their 


own programs. In some counties the celebrations will be held in 
connection with the annual county fair, an annual chautauqua, 
an old settlers' or old soldiers' reunion, or the high school com- 
mencement exercises. All of these different organizations may 
unite in a cooperative effort. The historical societies, commercial 
organizations, women's clubs, and other civic organizations should 
assist in making the celebration as complete and impressive as 
possible. One of the most important elements in a successful 
county celebration will be the cooperation of the public and private 
schools of the county. The hearty assistance of the county sup- 
erintendent of schools, the superintendents of the different city 
and village schools, and the teachers of the county, together with 
their pupils, will insure a very effective celebration. 

"Cities, villages and communities, with the assistance of their 
local societies, organizations and schools, should have their own 
Centennial programs. These should not detract from the county 
celebration, but, on the contrary, should add to the general de- 
velopment of the Centennial spirit. The Commission desires that 
the Centennial observance shall in some way reach every person 
of the State, and that no one shall fail to receive something of its 
inspiring influence. 

"The predominant thought running through all celebrations 
should be the wonderful story of our State. Every celebration 
should be based upon our State's history, so rich in heroic service, 
patriotic endeavor and marvelous achievement. Those who would 
enter into the spirit of our Centennial celebrations must know and 
appreciate the history of Illinois the story of the early Indian 
tribes ; the French missionaries and early pioneers ; the significance 
of the Ordinance of 1787 ; the early territorial history ; the admis- 
sion of Illinois into the Union ; the struggle to preserve Illinois as 
a free State; the period of expansion and of reckless expenditure; 
the marvelous growth and development of Chicago; the Black 
Hawk War ; the Mexican "War ; the part Illinois played in the pre- 
servation of the Union; the more recent development of the vast 
resources of the State; and the contribution which Illinois is 
making today in the mighty struggle for humanity and democracy. 

24 C C 


"We can not fittingly celebrate the hundredth anniversary of 
our statehood without an appreciation of the material development 
and progress of the past hundred years; but, above all, we must 
appreciate the great men whom the State has produced and the 
contributions which they have made not only to our State, but to 
the nation and to the world. We must in some way come to 
realize the historic truth of the words of our State song 

"Not without thy Avondrous story, 


Can be writ the Nation's glory, 

"From an intelligent and grateful appreciation of the service 
of those who have builded our commonwealth and made glorious 
her history we will come to have a wholesome State pride and enter 
into the spirit of Illinois. In this spirit let us celebrate our 

"A particular study should be made of the local history of 
each county in order that the most important historic events shall 
receive recognition at this time. Every county in Illinois is rich 
in local history which is of special interest to its own people, and 
this should be featured in the respective county celebrations. This 
will add greatly to the interest in the celebration and will give 
variety to the different observances held throughout the State. 

"The decorations for each celebration should be carefully 
planned, and a well thought out scheme should be carried out. 
The decorations committees will have a very important work to 
perform, and the most artistic persons in the community should 
be selected to have charge of this important phase of the celebra- 
tion. There will be, of course, a profusion of American flags and 
Centennial banners, and it will be particularly appropriate this 
year to use the flags of our Allies. Indian decorations may be 
used. Electric lights with round colored shades to imitate beads, 
arrows, bows, spears, tomahawks, peace pipes, eagle and hawk 
feathers, made of heavy paper colored bright red, blue and yellow, 
have been suggested for street decorations. The ingenuity of the 


different committees will work out various schemes that will be 
particularly unique and effective. 

"The music, like the decorations, should be put in the hands 
of the most competent persons who can. be secured to serve on the 
Music Committee. Patriotic songs will be particularly appropri- 
ate. In addition to our great national hymns, those songs written 
by Illinoisans, "The Battle Cry of Freedom/' "Just Before the 
Battle, Mother," and "Tramp, Tramp, Tramp, the Boys Are 
Marching," by George F. Eoot, and "Marching Through Georgia/* 
by H. C. Work, should be particularly featured. Of course, we 
will want to sing "Illinois" over and over again, and no doubt 
there will be many new songs of merit inspired by the observance 
of our Centennial, which will deserve to have a place on the Cen- 
tennial programs. It is hoped to have an Illinois Centennial 
march and a new Illinois Centennial song, and the Commission 
expects to furnish march music for the processional pageants, 
children's dances, and the like. 

"Nearly every Centennial program should have a Centennial 
pageant as one of its important features. Mr. Wallace Eice, the 
official pageant writer for the Centennial Commission, has pre- 
pared six plays suitable for school children in the grades, which 
will be furnished free by the Commission. These should be used 
generally by the schools of the State. A Masque of Illinois, 
adapted to high schools, colleges and clubs, with music, singing 
and dancing, to be simple or elaborate in its presentation accord- 
ing to local needs and desires, will also be furnished free by the 
Commission. The Centennial Commission has in preparation a 
State pageant with prologue and five twenty-minute dramatic 
scenes, with processions available for separate use. A sixth scene 
and procession, written locally to represent some historic event 
of local interest, may be added. 

"Processionals and parades may be used to particular advan- 
tage. One can hardly think of a more impressive sight than 
hundreds or perhaps thousands of school children carrying Ameri- 
can flags and Centennial banners. A particular feature of every 
county celebration should be the assembling of all the school chil- 
dren of the county in a well planned processional or parade. 


Where local conditions do not readily lend themselves to dramatic 
representation it will be generally found that processions can be 
used with very effective results. 

"In street parades the members of the Grand Army of the 
Republic should be given a place of honor. We can not too highly 
honor the few remaining heroes of our State who answered Lin- 
coln's call and offered their lives that our Union might be preserved 
and that government of the people might not perish from the earth. 

"The public addresses, readings and recitations will, of course, 
deal with the history of Illinois, and should be decidedly patriotic 
in character. No celebration should be considered worthy that 
does not have a patriotic atmosphere and strongly impress the value 
of our free institutions. The Commission intends issuing a small 
book of historical addresses and excerpts from the speeches of great 
Illinoisans, with ballads commemorating our great historical 
events, suitable for public recitations and readings in or out of 

"Wherever possible there should be exhibits of the primitive 
productions of various kinds. An excellent outline for the schools 
has been sent out by the educational department of the State Fair 
Board, which has the endorsement of the State Superintendent of 
Public Instruction. If an earnest effort is made, it will be pos- 
sible in each community to get together a very interesting exhibit 
of old implements and relics of the pioneer days. The occasion 
affords an excellent opportunity for unique and attractive window 

"It is suggested that one feature of each Centennial exhibit 
shall be a series of ten charts, each representing one decade, show- 
ing the progress that has been made in inventions and discoveries 
during the past hundred years. The last chart should show at 
least twenty-five of the principal inventions which are the tools 
and conveniences of our present day civilization. Each preceding 
chart should show such of these as were used during that particu- 
lar decade, and so on back to the first, which shows only such as 
were used during the first ten years of our State's history. In 
this way there may be graphically portrayed the particular period 


of our State's history when the principal inventions and discover- 
ies came into use. 

"The Centennial year affords a splendid opportunity for the 
marking of places where historic events took place. Governor 
Lowden has called particular attention to this in the following 
language : 

'Many points in Illinois, scenes of momentous happen- 
ings, which should have been marked half a century ago and 
have become fixed landmarks, are now only vague traditions; 
and so, while it is yet time, let our hundredth year be marked 
by fixing permanently the events of our first hundred years 
so far as they may be fixed at this time/ 

"Where it is at all possible, some permanent memorials should 
be erected which shall stand through the years commemorative of 
the observance of our State Centennial. However excellent the 
Centennial programs may be, they will in time become forgotten, 
and it is therefore of vital importance that all over the State per- 
manent memorials shall be erected which shall remain when the 
memory of our Centennial programs shall have passed. 

"We would suggest that the County Centennial Committee in 
each county have a county service flag made, to be used in con- 
nection with the county celebration. If any soldier from the 
county has died in the, service, his should be a gold star. The 
dedication and display of this flag should stimulate the finest patri- 
otic sentiment. We would also suggest that a roll of honor be pre- 
pared containing the names of every soldier from the county, with 
the rank and branch of service of each, and if possible the photo- 
graph of each one. If this roll is properly framed and draped 
it will give some appropriate recognition to those whose service 
we cannot sufficiently appreciate. A copy of this roll should be 
preserved securely in the archives of the county as a permanent 
record and memorial and another copy should be sent to the capi- 
tal to be placed in the Centennial Memorial Building. 

"As a part of the processional, boys might be selected to repre- 
sent the soldiers of the county who are in the service of their coun- 
try. They might be dressed in khaki or boy scout uniforms, and 
each one provided with a sash or badge bearing the name of the 


particular soldier whom he represents. If this is done, the boys 
should be impressed with the great honor conferred upon them 
in permitting them to represent the absent soldiers. It would be 
well to let the parents or relatives of each soldier select the boy 
who should represent him. In like manner, girls might be selected 
to represent the nurses and other women engaged in the service. 

"Finally, all programs should be carefully and thoughtfully 
planned, and worked out with energy and enthusiasm. The oc- 
casion is worthy of best efforts." 

The plans thus outlined by the Centennial Commission for 
the State-wide celebration, were very generally accepted through- 
out the State, and efforts were made in nearly every county to 
carry them out, at least in part. It must be borne in mind that up 
to almost the close of the Centennial year we were engaged in the 
greatest war the world has ever known. The minds and hearts 
of our people were continually gripped by matters of vital personal 
interest relating to the winning of that war. Liberty Loan drives, 
Red Cross drives, and all the various other war activities occupied 
the time and thought of the people almost to the exclusion of any- 
thing else. 

Looking back over those days, it seems marvelous that the peo- 
ple of Illinois should have appreciated as they did the significance 
of our Centennial year, and should have given so much time and 
thought to its observance. This would certainly not have been 
done had they not been brought to feel, as the Centennial Commis- 
sion and Governor Lowden felt from the beginning, that the fitting 
observance of Illinois' hundredth birthday was a valuable stimulus 
to the highest expression of patriotism. 

Fitting acknowledgment should be made of the excellent work 
of Mr. Halbert 0. Crews, publicity manager, in bringing to the 
attention of the people of Illinois the significance of the Centennial 
year. Nine different Bulletins were published during the year, of 
which a total of more than a hundred thousand copies were dis- 
tributed, and in addition, a new story was sent out to all the papers 
of the State every week. The press of Illinois responded most 
generously, and the success of the Centennial was due in a large 
measure to the hearty cooperation of the papers of the State. It is 


estimated that more than fifty thousand different articles or items 
appeared in the press of Illinois on the subject of the Illinois 

Celebrations were held on convenient dates during every month 
of the Centennial year, but the special Centennial dates were cen- 
ters around which many of the principal observances were held. 
These dates were February 12, Lincoln's birthday; April 18, the 
anniversary of the passage of the Enabling Act; May 30, Me- 
morial Day; July 4, which was also the one hundred and fortieth 
anniversary of the capture of Fort Kaskaskia by George Rogers 
Clark; August 26, the anniversary of the adoption of the first 
constitution; October 5 and 6, the anniversary of the first State 
Legislature and the inauguration of the first governor, and Decem- 
ber 3, the anniversary of the formal admission of Illinois into the 

A great many schools, churches and other organizations of 
the State had planned to hold celebrations during October and 
November, but were prevented from carrying out their plans by 
the epidemic of influenza which made necessary the closing of the 
schools throughout the State, and the prohibiting of public meet- 
ings of every kind. This epidemic particularly interfered with the 
excellent work of the State Council of Defense, which encouraged 
and promoted the giving of historical pageants. 

The coinage of one hundred thousand Illinois Centennial half 
dollars furnished the State a permanent and valuable souvenir of 
the Centennial year. These coins bear the head of Lincoln on 
one side and the great seal of Illinois on the other, with appro- 
priate inscriptions. The issuance of these coins was authorized 
by an act of Congress, the bill having been introduced by Congress- 
man L. E. Wheeler, of Springfield. The coins were delivered to 
the Centennial Commission about the middle of August, and were 
handled through the State Treasury. They were apportioned to 
the counties of the State on the basis of population, one to each 
sixty persons, as shown by the census of 1910. The Centennial 
Commission furnished these coins to the County Centennial Com- 
mittees at their face value, fifty cents each, on the condition that 
they should be sold at not less than one dollar each and the profits 


used by the respective counties either to promote a county Centen- 
nial celebration, or be applied to some approved form of war re- 
lief or public service. Although nearly all of these coins have 
been distributed, a few remain in the State Treasury at the close of 
the Centennial year. 

It would be a real pleasure to write into the official report of 
the Illinois Centennial Celebration, a detailed account of all the 
observances held throughout the State, but, of course, this is impos- 
sible. For example, a report made to the Commission of the cele- 
brations held in one county covers about forty typewritten pages, 
and this county's report would not be complete were it abbreviated 
in any particular. The reports of the county and local celebra- 
tions that have been furnished the Commission will be carefully 
preserved by the State Historical Library. 

In addition to the above reports fifteen large volumes of news- 
paper clippings have been carefully indexed and will be preserved 
in the State Historical Library. These furnish the complete story 
of all the Centennial celebrations held in Illinois, as given by the 
press of the State. In the future anyone wishing to know the de- 
tails of the celebration held at any particular place will be able to 
find them given in these volumes of carefully selected newspaper 

It may be unwise to call attention to any particular celebra- 
tions as being worthy of special note when all cannot be included, 
and so many were commendable. However, the following may be 
mentioned as typical of the best celebrations held: 

The Centennial Pageant given at Starved Rock on July 4, 5 
and 6, was one of the most elaborate and impressive celebrations 
held anywhere in the State. The committee having charge of this 
celebration was headed by Judge H. W. Johnson, of Ottawa, and 
the pageant was given under the direct management of Mrs. 
Florence Magill Wallace. Every part of the county was represented 
in the cast, and one of the most delightful features was the spirit 
of community cooperation. After paying all the expenses, the net 
proceeds were turned over to the Eed Cross, amounting to more 
than a thousand dollars. 


Another pageant, particularly impressive because of the his- 
toric memories that surround the place where it was held, was 
that given on September 6 and 7, by the Old Salem Lincoln 
League, of Menard County, on the spot where Abraham Lincoln 
spent many years of his early life. This pageant portrayed the 
historic incidents of Old Salem and of Lincoln's young manhood. 
It, too, was given under the management of Mrs. Florence Magill 
Wallace, supported by a very able committee, of which Judge G. E. 
Nelson was chairman. 

St. Glair County deserves particular credit for the magnificent 
county celebration given at Perrin's Park at Belleville on Septem- 
ber 10, 11, 12 and 13. A very impressive and beautiful pageant 
was written by Miss Pearl M. Tiley and given as a particular fea- 
ture of this celebration. Judge Joseph B. Messick was president 
of the St. Glair County Centennial Committee, and Judge Frank 
Perrin, vice president and chairman of the board of directors. 

Probably no county in the State had a more perfect Centen- 
nial organization than Adams County. Judge S. B. Montgomery, 
Judge Lyman McCarl, Joseph L. Thomas and Superintendent J. 
H. Steiner, were the leading officials in the organization, which 
secured the holding of successful Centennial celebrations in prac- 
tically every township in the county. Under the auspices of the 
Women's Committee of the State Council of Defense, "The Masque 
of Illinois" was given before large audiences at Liberty, Mendon, 
Golden, Payson and Quincy. 

Another very important celebration was that held at Albion 
in Edwards County, on September 18. This observance is deserv- 
ing of particular note because it commemorated events of great 
historic significance in the early settlement of Illinois. The cele- 
bration was given under the auspices of the Edwards County Cen- 
tennial Committee. Mr. Walter Colyer was chairman of the ex- 
ecutive committee. 

The Morgan County celebration, held at Jacksonville, on July 
4, was unique in that it consisted of a carefully worked out pro- 
cessional pageant. The observance was a decided success, and the 
historic lessons which it portrayed were set forth in an artistic 


One of the features of the Kane County celebration at St. 
Charles, held on July 4, was a processional pageant, the floats 
being furnished from all parts of the county. A pageant under 
the management of Mrs. George S. Montgomery, portrayed historic 
scenes of intense interest. A number of excellent local celebra- 
tions were held in different parts of Kane County during the Cen- 
tennial year. 

The Winnebago County celebration was held at Eockford on 
July 4, at Camp Grant. In the forenoon General Martin and staff 
reviewed the entire 86th Division, the line of march being through 
the principal streets of the city. Officials, members of the G. A. R., 
and representatives of other patriotic organizations, occupied seats 
on the reviewing stand. At 6 p. m., a beautiful pageant was 
given at Camp Grant, witnessed by more than fifteen thousand 

The Madison County Centennial celebration was held at Alton, 
on September 27. Governor Lowden was present and gave several 
addresses during the day at different places in the city where ob- 
servances were held. Features of the celebration were a proces- 
sion of the school children of the county, the unveiling of several 
historic markers, and an historical pageant given in the evening. 

The Alexander County celebration on June 3, was given very 
largely by the schools of Cairo, under the management of Judge 
Dewey and County Superintendent Laura I. Milford, assisted by 
Miss Laura A. Miller, who had immediate charge of the children. 

The Centennial celebrations held in Lake, McLean, Will, 
Woodford, Jersey, Grundy, Henderson, Piatt, DeKalb, Logan, 
Knox, Iroquois, Union, Macoupin, Jefferson, Kendall, Peoria, 
Vermilion, and Franklin counties are deserving of mention. In 
the other counties of the State the celebrations were given largely 
under the auspices of some city, village, school or local organiza- 
tion, but many of these excelled both in program and attendance 
some of the county celebrations mentioned. A complete list of 
these celebrations, so far as they have been reported to the Commis- 
sion, has been furnished the State Historical Library, the number 
being too large to be included in this report. 


A complete report of all the celebrations held in Cook County 
during the Centennial year would fill a volume. The schools both 
in Chicago and in the suburbs deserve great credit for what they 
accomplished. A very lively interest was taken in the study of 
Illinois history, and many gave pageants worthy of particular note. 
The management of the parks and playgrounds of Chicago also 
gave outdoor pageants and plays of historic interest and value. 
Northwestern University, the Chicago Normal College, and a num- 
ber of the high schools gave pageants of their own production, 
which merit the highest commendation. Parochial and private 
schools were hardly second to the public schools in the interest 

On April 19, under the auspices of the Chicago Historical 
Society, a celebration was held at Orchestra Hall. In the corri- 
dors were displayed some of the very valuable historical relics of 
the society. Mr. Clarence A. Burley, president of the society, pre- 
sided at the meeting and gave a very interesting address on the 
early history of Chicago. Bishop Charles P. Anderson gave the 
principal address of the evening. Governor Lowden was on the 
platform but did not speak. 

On May 11 was unveiled in Jackson Park, the Statue of 
the Republic, by Daniel C. French, the ceremonies being witnessed 
by ten thousand people. The Hon. Edward F. Dunne, former 
Governor of Illinois, gave the principal address on this occasion. 
On this same afternoon, the Illinois Federation of Women's Clubs 
gave a pageant at the Auditorium, repeating it in the evening. 
On both occasions every seat was occupied and the production was 
received enthusiastically by a very large audience. 

Chicago held its most important Centennial celebration be- 
ginning October 8 and ending October 13, under the management 
of a committee appointed by the State Council of Defense. 
Patriotic mass meetings were held in the Auditorium on the even- 
ings of October 8 and 12, and a beautiful historical pageant was 
given on the evenings of October 9, 10 and 11, and on the after- 
noon of October 12. On Sunday, October 13, the Illinois Cen- 
tennial Monument, erected in Logan Square, was formally dedi- 
cated, Governor Lowden delivering the principal address. 


The Centennial Commission urged that a particular feature 
of the Centennial year should be the marking of historic places 
throughout the State. In response to this request a number of 
historic spots were marked. 

In Piatt County was marked the place where Lincoln and 
Douglas met and arranged for the famous Lincoln-Douglas debates. 
At Albion was marked the location of the Old Park House, the 
home of Eichard Flower, which was the finest residence in the 
Mississippi Valley during the early history of Illinois. At Alton 
was mounted the remains of the Love joy Printing Press, which 
was thrown into the river at the time Mr. Love joy was assassinated, 
and which was excavated a few years ago. In Bloomington the 
Daughters of the American Eevolution marked the place where 
Lincoln delivered his famous Lost Speech. Decatur marked the 
place where Lincoln stopped when he first came with his family 
into Macon County. In Eock Island County was marked the first 
water power site on the Mississippi Eiver, and in Sangamon 
County, the site of the first school house. In Williamson County 
was marked the spot where John A. Logan delivered his famous 
speech at the beginning of the war. In Lee County was marked 
the site of a famous old block house, and several historic markers 
were erected in Ottawa. Jersey County marked what is claimed 
to be the site of the first free school in Illinois, and Franklin 
County, the site of the first church in the county. At Libertyville 
was marked the site of the first postoffice in Lake County. . In a 
number of localities in the State were marked places where Abra- 
ham Lincoln delivered an address. Morgan County marked the 
location of the home of Governor Duncan and the site of the first 
medical college in Illinois. The Jewish Historical Society placed 
a marker on the southwest corner of the Chicago postoffice, mark- 
ing the location of the first Jewish tabernacle in the State. 

Credit should be given to the churches of Illinois for the part 
taken by them in the proper observance of the Centennial year. 
There is probably not a church in the State in which some men- 
tion of the important events of Illinois history was not made at 
some service held during the Centennial year. 


The services of Mr. Horace H. Bancroft, Assistant Director, 
were most valuable and much of the success of the statewide cele- 
bration is due to his efficient work as an organizer and speaker. 
Thoroughly familiar with all phases of Illinois history, he always 
delighted and instructed his audience by the eloquent and effective 
manner in which he presented his subject. During the year he 
prepared a booklet entitled "Illinois, An Historical Resume/' which 
was published by the Commission and furnished free to schools, 
churches and societies throughout the State. This little booklet 
gives a concise and authentic account of the principal events in 
Illinois history. 

All who were engaged in the Director's office gave more than 
mere formal service. Their hearts were in the work, and each one 
took a personal interest and pride in the success of the Centennial. 
For hundreds of little personal attentions which made the vast 
amount of work undertaken move smoothly and rapidly, they de- 
serve great credit. 

To the thousands of good people throughout the State who 
gave such hearty and cordial cooperation and assistance in promot- 
ing a successful Centennial observance, we express our deep ap- 
preciation. Had they not responded so wholeheartedly all our 
efforts would have been in vain. 







Much of the success of the Centennial Celebration was due 
to the press of the State. The fine spirit of cooperation with the 
Commission and loyalty to the State displayed by the newspapers 
of Illinois during Centennial year deserves the highest commen- 
dation. Harassed by the business problems growing out of war 
conditions, overwhelmed with patriotic appeals for publicity for 
various war work activities and hampered by the necessity for 


conservation of paper, the publishers nevertheless gave a great deal 
of time and space to Centennial publicity and thereby compelled 

The great problem in promoting the Centennial Celebration 
in the midst of the world war was to bring it into harmony with 
patriotic activities. The sentiment of the public would, of course, 
have been against any celebration which distracted attention from 
concentration on war work. Since the majority of people believed 
the celebration was likely to be merely a jollification, there was 
some opposition to it at first. This opposition was reflected in the 
press. During the summer of 1917, a number of newspapers, com- 
menting editorially upon the forthcoming celebration, recom- 
mended its abandonment on the ground that it would interfere 
with war activities. 

The eloquent statement of the patriotic purpose of the cele- 
bration made by Governor Lowden in his proclamation calling for 
the celebration of December 3, 1917, and the further explanations 
made by the Director of the Centennial, Hon. Hugh S. Magill, Jr., 
and by members of the Commission presented the matter in a 
different light, and every editor in the State, I believe, adopted 
the celebration as an opportunity for arousing the people to greater 
war activity. From that time on they gave it every encouragement 

The three great Press Associations and the Western Newspaper 
Union also deserve the thanks of the Centennial Commission. Mr. 
Luther E. Frame, manager of the Associated Press Bureau, Mr. 
Harold J. Biefler, manager of the United Press Bureau and Mr. 
H. G. Brolin, manager of the International News Bureau in 
Springfield aided materially in spreading news of the Centennial 
not only throughout Illinois but throughout the United States. 
The Western Newspaper Union gave very liberal space to Cen- 
tennial news and Centennial pictures in its plate service. The 
Newspaper Enterprise Association, the New York Herald Service, 
the International Pictures Film Service, and other newspaper 
syndicates which supply pictures and features for newspapers, dis- 
tributed many Centennial features among the newspapers of the 
United States. 


In fact, this department has had much more cooperation and 
assistance in promoting Centennial publicity than it could reason- 
ably have expected in view of the stress of war conditions. 

I wish, therefore, at the very beginning of my report to express 
the gratitude of the Publicity Department and of the Centennial 
Commission for this able assistance, without which the Centennial 
Celebration could not have been a success. 

The first Centennial Commission, created by the Forty-eighth 
General Assembly, selected Mr. S. Leigh Call of Springfield as its 
publicity manager. Mr. Call served the Commission very ably dur- 
ing the formative period of the plans for the celebration. He laid 
the foundation for the publicity that was to follow and by giving 
the public a comprehensive idea of what was to be attempted in 
Centennial Year made the work of the present manager much 

Upon the reorganization of the Commission following the next 
General Assembly, Mr. Joseph M. Page of Jerseyville was selected 
as publicity manager and he served until the appointment of the 
present Commission. He performed his duties very efficiently and 
through his personal acquaintance with many of the leading news- 
paper publishers of the State accomplished a great deal of good. 

The Commission selected the present publicity manager in 
August, 1917. As practically no publicity work on the celebration 
had been done for several months, it was necessary to form a com- 
plete program for publicity and to prepare an educational cam- 
paign. With the approval of the Publicity Committee and the 
Centennial Commission, the following program was prepared: 

A news-letter was to be sent to all the daily and weekly papers 
in the State every week. This letter was to contain short news 
articles on the Centennial and also a weekly historical feature. 

In addition, frequent news articles were to be prepared and 
submitted to the three daily press associations for circulation 
throughout the State, and on occasions throughout the nation. 

An effort was to be made to encourage feature articles on the 
Centennial in the Chicago newspapers. 

When practical, cuts and matrices of Centennial pictures were 
to be secured and sent to the daily press of the State. 


Pictures of persons or events of national interest were to be 
sent to the services supplying newspapers throughout the country 
and to the plate houses. 

Newspapers were to be encouraged to publish special Cen- 
tennial editions during the year. 

A monthly bulletin for circulation throughout the State was 
to be published, giving important facts relative to the Centennial 

Such other matter as would best serve publicity purposes was 
to be printed an.d circulated. 

Commercial and industrial concerns were to be encouraged to 
circulate Centennial souvenirs. 

Centennial posters, the design for which had already been 
approved by the Commission, were to be hung in conspicuous places 
throughout the State at times best suited to advance Centennial 

This plan has been followed throughout and has proved very 

The weekly news-letters averaged about seven hundred to 
eight hundred words each and the historical feature articles were 
from four hundred words to seven hundred words in length. Once 
each month, also, an historical calendar was included. Both the 
news features and articles were used very extensively, many papers 
showing an eagerness to receive them. The historical calendar 
was made a daily feature by most papers. The first historical 
articles were prepared by the manager of publicity from the volume 
"Illinois in 1818," by Solon Justus Buck. These were short 
features of not over four hundred words, telling in simple and 
direct language some striking feature of the life in Illinois one 
hundred years ago. This series ran for several months and was 
followed by a series of short historical sketches on the beginnings 
of Chicago, written by William Lightfoot Visscher of Chicago. 
Mr. Visscher devoted considerable time to the preparation of these 
articles and they met with favor generally throughout the State. 
They ran for ten weeks and were followed by a series of sketches 
on the Governors of Illinois by William E. Sandham of Wyoming. 
This series continued until October and closed this phase of Cen- 


tennial publicity. Mr. Sandham made a gift of these articles to 
the Centennial Commission. They were very accurately worked 
out and very interesting. 

The Chicago newspapers throughout the year showed com- 
mendable interest in the Centennial. A number of pictures sent 
to them by the manager of publicity were reproduced in their daily 
and Sunday editions; some papers used the historical series sent 
from this office; special photographers were sent to celebrations 
held at Springfield to secure pictures for use in the papers; and 
Centennial supplements were published. The Chicago Tribune, 
during this fall, published a series of rotogravure supplements on 
the Centennial which were very attractive and interesting. 

Among the pictures used extensively in the daily press in 
Illinois and throughout the United States during Centennial Year 
may be mentioned especially those of the statues of Abraham Lin- 
coln and Stephen A. Douglas, which were erected in the capitol 
grounds ; the picture of Miss Florence Lowden, who played the part 
of "Illinois" in the Centennial Masque given at Springfield and the 
photograph of Mrs. Sarah J. Saunders, sister of Ann Rutledge, 
sent out in connection with the Centennial Celebration at New 

A large number of Centennial editions have been issued by the 
newspapers of the State' during the year. The News-Record and 
the Illinois State Register of Springfield published very elaborate 
editions. The Peoria Journal and several other large papers also 
have pttblished special editions devoting many columns to the 
history of the State and to local history. This has aided materially 
in arousing public interest in the Centennial Celebration. 

The first Centennial bulletin was issued in October, 1917. 
Since that time up to and including October, 1918, bulletins have 
been issued each month with four exceptions. These bulletins have 
served two principal purposes: they have aroused interest in the 
celebration immediately following the date of their issue and have 
given a report of the celebration held immediately prior to their 
issue. They have been sent to between ten thousand and fifteen 
thousand persons, selected because of their connection with local 
Centennial celebrations, or with organizations which would be ex- 
25 C O 


pected to have particular interest in the Centennial. Newspapers 
frequently have copied articles from the bulletins. The bulletins 
were illustrated with half tones of persons prominent in the feature 
of the Centennial observance under discussion. They will be valu- 
able for reference purposes in the future and no doubt a file of them 
will be available in practically every library of the State. 

Among other matter published for publicity purposes may be 
mentioned the following: 

"Suggestions for County and Local Celebrations." 

"The Governors of Illinois/' a reprint of the souvenir used at 
the Governor's Day Banquet given by the Centennial Commission 
in Springfield on December 3, 1917. 

"The Illinois Centennial/' a small folder giving an outline of 
the plans for Centennial Year, issued in the fall of 1917. 

A card showing a picture of the Centennial banner and giving, 
on the reverse side, a brief statement of the plans for the Cen- 
tennial, also published in the fall of 1917. 

An address by Director Hugh S. Magill, Jr., delivered before 
the Illinois State Bankers' Association at Quincy, September 19, 

"The Press/' a reprint of a number of newspaper editorials 
on the Centennial, published in January, 1918. 

"Pageant Building," by Florence Magill Wallace, published 
early in the spring of 1918 for the purpose of assisting local com- 
munities in giving pageants. 

"Illinois, An Historical Besume," by Horace H. Bancroft, 
assistant director of the Centennial, published in the fall of 1918 
for the purpose of assisting school teachers in calling attention 
to the significance of the Centennial. 

Pageants, little plays, a prompt book, music, etc., for the use 
of communities desiring to give pageants. 

A great many commercial establishments used Centennial 
souvenirs for advertising purposes throughout the year. The de- 
sign most favored, apparently, was a small reproduction of the 
Centennial banner on an enameled pin. This was used very ex- 
tensively in many localities throughout the State. 


Something over sixty thousand Centennial posters were used 
during Centennial year. Most of these were window cards but 
some were large posters printed on paper. These posters were 
distributed to the banks, schools, railway stations, and public 
buildings throughout the State. They were provided for use of 
local Centennial organizations in calling attention to their com- 
munity celebrations. A small supply of Centennial buttons also 
was distributed. Three hundred thousand Centennial stickers were 
printed and used on mail sent out from State departments. 

The Centennial banner, designed by Wallace Eice, pageant 
writer of the Centennial Commission, proved very popular and was 
a distinct aid in publicity. The Centennial Commission presented 
to each county organization a large Centennial banner; the retail 
stores throughout the State purchased supplies of cheap banners 
and these were used in every local celebration. Throughout the 
year, the Centennial banner and the American flag have been dis- 
played side by side at every important public gathering in Illinois. 

All through Centennial Year, by special arrangement with 
the postoffice department at Washington, a special Centennial can- 
cellation stamp was used on all mail passing through the Spring- 
field postoffice. This also helped to keep the Centennial before 
the public. 

The Illinois State Board of Agriculture rendered valuable 
assistance in publicity in connection with the Centennial State Fair 
which was advertised as "The Illinois Centennial State Fair and 
Industrial Exposition/' For several months prior to the Fair, 
which was held from August 9 to August 26, publicity matter was 
sent out calling attention to its special Centennial significance. 
Calendars, posters, folders and other literature were sent broadcast 
by the Fair Board and newspaper publicity was used liberally. All 
of this aided in spreading the Centennial idea. 

Practically every county fair in Illinois adopted the same 
policy, calling the 1918 fair "The Centennial Fair/' This de- 
partment assisted all of these local fairs in their publicity by pro- 
viding Centennial posters for display in windows of business houses. 

Another source of publicity was the State conventions held 
during the year. Practically every State association called atten- 


tion at its 1918 convention to the Centennial and to the significance 
of the occasion. Many of these organizations provided special Cen- 
tennial badges to be worn by the delegates and most of them gave 
up part of their programs to Centennial addresses. 

The churches of the State also aided materially in Centennial 
publicity. October 6 was set aside by the Centennial Commission 
as Centennial Sunday and a great many churches held special 
services on that occasion. Some denominations, however, entered 
into the spirit of the Centennial even more fully. Centennial songs 
were sung on frequent occasions and Centennial histories of the 
work of many denominations in the State were prepared. 

Advocates of the Constitutional Convention proposition, the 
Sixty Million Dollar Good Roads proposition and the amendment 
to the Banking Law, doing away with private banks, made good 
use of the argument that because this was Centennial year the 
State should prepare for the new century by adopting these con- 
structive measures. 

All of these, by constantly keeping the Centennial thought 
before the people, contributed to the success of the celebration. 

How the press, both of the State and of the nation, entered 
into the spirit of the Centennial is shown by the following brief 
excerpts from editorials in some of the leading newspapers : 

THE ST. Louis GLOBE DEMOCEAT. Yesterday was the one 
hundredth anniversary of the signing of the Enabling Act which 
admitted the State of Illinois to the Union. On that, and the day 
preceding, there were services commemorative of the event held 
in the Illinois State House at Springfield, under the auspices of the 
Illinois Centennial Commission and the Illinois State Historical 
Society. Early in the present year Governor Lowden issued an 
appeal to Illinoisans to assemble in local meetings in the counties 
for the purposes of inspiring themselves in the work of making the 
Illinois Centennial Year one worthy not only of the State's illus- 
trious past, but of long remembrance in the future. It may have 
been felt at that time that the absorption of the public interest 
in the world war in which this country is engaged, would lead to a 
partial forgetfulness of the duty of remembering how this nation, 
and its third State, have grown into proportions now making the 


United States the hope of freedom in many lands. The fathers 
who builded so wisely and so well that their works do follow them 
as now, are worthy of remembrance in every state which, in its 
foundations, is the work of their hands. 

THE BURLINGTON (Iowa) HAWKEYE. * * * The only 
way of guessing at the future is by measuring the past. If Illinois 
makes as marvelous progress in the second century of her life as 
a State as was made in the first, it will indeed be beyond the ability 
of the prophet to presage and depict what the State will be like in 
2018. And yet, there is no good reason for assuming that progress 
should not be just as swift, just as great in the new century as it 
has been in the old. 

Illinois is going to start the new century right, by setting a 
monument to the old, that will be the source of pride to her own 
people and a cause for envy in some of the other states of the 
Middle West. She is planning a system of real roads, of 365-days- 
in-the-year roads, which will traverse and connect all of the 102 
counties of the State. She is going to build this truly marvelous 
system of roads without asking the more or less patient taxpayer 
for a dollar. And hence it is to be assumed that at the November 
election the plan will have the unanimous endorsement of the 
people of the State. 

There will truly be the beginning of a new era in Illinois, and 
people will date events of greater or less importance as happening 
before or after they got real roads. 

Long before 2018, Illinois will be pitying the pioneers of 1918, 
who had to get along as well as they could, practically without 
roads. And they will be wondering how the people became rich 
and powerful despite that handicap. 

nois is a hundred years old, an event in the life of the State that 
has been observed in keeping with the times which have caused a 
redirection of effort and money. A hundred years seems a long 
time, but then think of what has been done in Illinois in that 
period. The prairies are today dotted with prosperous cities and 
towns and there is a great population busy with the affairs of life 
and doing its share in this great war which has brought such change 


in the lives of all people. The development of Illinois in the 
century is but the repetition of the work of other states of this 
great Union, great because of the greatness of its commonwealths 
and the industry and enterprise of their people, possessing the 
wills to go ahead fearless of the dangers and obstacles in the way 
of pioneer work. Illinois and every state testifies to the endur- 
ance and perseverance of the early settlers and the purpose of those 
who later came upon the scene to build greater. 

THE TROY (New York) TIMES. Illinois will celebrate this 
year the one hundredth anniversary of admission to the Union, 
and preparations are under way to make the observance impressive. 
* * * The program to be carried out will illustrate anew the 
dramatic and romantic occurrences in the development of the 
country, Illinois having had a fair share. Illinois was the eighth 
state admitted to the Union after the formation of the Eepublic 
by the original thirteen. Like many other feeble commonwealths 
of earlier days, the State has grown enormously in population, 
wealth and importance, and the centenary will afford an oppor- 
tunity to celebrate accordingly. 

Illinois, in its first century, has played a large part in the history 
of the country. It has developed men on lines as broad as its 
prairies. It need only point to Lincoln, Douglas, Shields, Yates, 
Washburne, Grant, Logan, and Oglesby for proof of this. It did 
its full part in the Mexican War and in the Spanish War. It is 
doing its full part in the, greatest of wars. And yet, considerably 
less than one hundred years ago, it was regarded as, except in 
some limited areas and isolated spots, merely a good hunting 

* * * But it is neither by population nor by wealth that 
Illinois likes to be judged, in these times, nor is it by these that 
it will be judged by students who shall read its history as Governor 
Lowden would have it read. Eelatively, no state in the Union has 
done more than Illinois for public education, for art, for culture, 
for the general advancement, comfort, and happiness of its people 
in the last 'ninety-nine years; nor is any state in the union more 


willing than Illinois to do its full share now for the future safe- 
guarding of humanity and civilization. 

THE BOSTON (Mass.) HERALD. * * * Illinois has much 
to celebrate. Its story is an inspiring one, and it holds a proud 
position in the sisterhood of states. In its plan of celebration it 
sets a fine example for the group of states whose centenaries fall 
within the next few years. 

THE CHICAGO TRIBUNE. The Tribune believes the full sig- 
nificance of this Centennial Year should be brought home to our 
people, especially to the young, especially to the foreign born, 
especially to the people of this polyglot city, who are little con- 
scious of the State as a special or political entity or of its inspiring 
part in the history of America. The Tribune believes that the war 
gives to this intelligent effort to commemorate our past an excep- 
tional importance. We need to be made more conscious of our 
nationality and our statehood. Many of our citizens need to have 
their thoughts turned from their European traditions to the tra- 
ditions of the country and the region which they have chosen to 
make their home and to which they now owe a paramount, an 
undivided allegiance. Many races have gone to the making of 
Illinois, from the pioneer Frenchmen of heroic memory to the new- 
comers of eastern Europe. But now they have chosen to be Ameri- 
cans, to be Illinoisans, and it is well for us all in this year of 
honorable memories and world responsibilities to draw together, to 
unite in commemoration of our forerunners, in the renewal of their 
spirit and in drawing strength from their example to meet the 
responsibilities of this hour. 

THE EOCK ISLAND UNION. From April 18, 1818, to the 
present time, Illinois has been prosperous and patriotic. From a 
small population and scattered settlements it has become populous, 
prosperous, and has a record of fealty to the government surpassed 
by no state in the Union. In every crisis Illinois stood back of the 
country of which it is a part. 

THE CHAMPAIGN NEWS. A century ago Illinois started out 
with some mighty big problems confronting her. The first century 
of her existence as a State has been filled with accomplishments 
so great that she stands the peer of the states of the world. Today 


at the beginning of her second century she stands as a tremendous 
power in the solution of the problems of the nation. And the 
State and nation are indeed fortunate that the driving hand of 
that power is the hand of Governor Frank 0. Lowden. Since his 
induction into the office of Governor he has rapidly demonstrated 
that he can grasp and handle big problems in a big way. 

THE JACKSONVILLE COURIER. Quite generally Illinois is en- 
gaged in celebrating its one hundredth anniversary as a State. Its 
people should be justly proud of the fact that it has been a member 
of the commonwealth of states for a century, for Illinois is no 
ordinary State, but stands near the top of the list in many highly 
desirable respects. Carved out of the vast prairies by the pioneer, 
made habitable and a desirable place of residence by the wisdom 
of those early settlers, it has been developed into probably the 
greatest agricultural State in the Union, although it possibly may 
be passed by some of the newer commonwealths by the time they 
have had the same sort of development and have enjoyed the same 
benefits of time. It is as well a great manufacturing State and 
one of the greatest of the live stock producers in the Union. Illi- 
nois has produced great men in plentitude and has been honored 
by having them elevated to high positions in national affairs. In 
educational endeavors the State stands high, its university ranking 
with the best and it undoubtedly is given more liberal support than 
any similar institution in the world. 

THE CHICAGO JOURNAL. The Centennial Celebrations now 
well under way in Illinois are properly engaged in paying their 
respects to Judge Nathaniel Pope, who was the delegate of the 
Illinois Territory in Congress at the time when the Enabling Act 
was under consideration. The State owes to him a debt which can 
never be measured, and no child should ever be allowed to pass 
through the schools without having a lesson of Pope's great service 
impressed upon his memory. Never was a prophetic vision of 
statesman better exemplified than in Pope's plea for a reconsidera- 
tion of the northern boundary of the State as fixed by the north- 
western ordinance. Without the counties brought within the limits 
of the State by the 40 miles of northward extension resulting from 
Pope's plea, Illinois would have continued to increase its population 


mainly by way of Ohio River, while the flood of immigration from 
the East would have swelled the Wisconsin census figures. Illinois 
would have remained what it was in its early days, a State in 
sympathy with slavery, and determined to legalize the "peculiar 

THE CHICAGO POST. If Illinois today lives up to the record 
of her glorious past she will play a splendid part in the nation's 
supreme effort. The story of our State is an inspiration, and the 
Chicago Historical Society is doing real service by visualizing it 
for us just now, when our hearts need every influence and impulse 
that can stir it to action. 

THE PEORIA TRANSCRIPT. Illinoisans are proud of their 
State. It has contributed notably to the nation's galaxy of states- 
men, soldiers and publicists, to its industry, commerce and trans- 
portation. Illinois, rather than Pennsylvania, is the keystone state 
of the Union. We are sometimes hysterical and sometimes 
lethargic, but our hearts beat true and in this great struggle for 
world democracy, the sovereign State of Illinois has no cause to be 

THE ILLINOIS STATE JOURNAL. This city has been the 
theater of some of the greatest events in the history of Illinois. 
Here have its greatest men lived and worked. For the greater 
part of the century, it has been the political center of the State 
and the seat of government. Its history has been largely the State's 
history. Its people can not be unappreciative of what the Cen- 
tennial of Illinois means to the capital of Illinois. 

THE CHICAGO HERALD. Illinois can only look back with re- 
spect for the strong men and women who achieved so much and 
with reverence for the century which brought so many things to 
fruition, and with humility before an unread future. For work 
which calls forth the best of human gifts is still waiting to be done. 

THE ROCKFORD REGISTER-GAZETTE. The events of the early 
day interest and instruct us. They were the forerunner of a great 
State of the future. Several separate nations of Europe are not 
as large as Illinois in population and are short of its possibilities 
in food raising. 


THE SPRINGFIELD NEWS-RECORD. It is fortunate that Illi- 
nois is to observe its one hundredth anniversary, this year. The 
Centennial Celebration will serve to arouse State pride and State 
consciousness. It will stir up community interest, as nothing else 

During the year, every county is to have its local celebration, 
and there will be a great central observance at Springfield. Every- 
where, the part Illinois has had in the building of the nation will 
be recalled forcefully. 

The fact that this State produced the President, the Com- 
mander-in- Chief of the Army and many of the great statesmen and 
brainy generals of the Civil War, should spur us to increased 
activity at this time. The fact that Illinois in one hundred years 
has grown from a wilderness inhabited by scarcely 40,000 people 
to a rich State of 6,000,000 population, should remind us of our 
great responsibilities. 

The Centennial Commission has no intention of making the 
celebration a play festival. It is to be deeply patriotic, and will 
serve a patriotic purpose. Every county, every city, every school, 
should participate in it. 

Clippings from the press obtained through the agency of two 
press clipping bureaus have been collected by the Publicity Depart- 
ment during the year and pasted in scrap books. There are fifteen 
large scrap books filled with these clippings. These books have 
been indexed and will be kept on file in the State Historical Library 
for the benefit of any one desiring to follow in detail the progress 
of the celebration. 

Beginning with a handicap, the Centennial Celebration proved 
remarkably successful from every standpoint and this success is due 
to the cooperation of the press, of State organizations, of local com- 
mittees, and of the public generally, in disseminating information 
regarding the purposes and ideals of the celebration. To all of 
these agencies and not to the Publicity Department alone, which 
merely sowed the seeds, must go the credit for the great amount 
of publicity the celebration secured during the year. 





I was appointed Pageant Master of the Illinois Centennial 
Commission,, June 10, 1918. My duties were to consist of pre- 
senting in public performances, Mr. Wallace Eice's "Masque of 
Illinois," music by Mr. Edward C. Moore, at Springfield, August 
26th, and in Vandalia late in September as well as to present Mr. 
Eice's "Pageant of the Illinois Country" at Springfield during the 
first week of October. 

Almost immediately after my appointment it was my good 
fortune to assist in arranging an agreement between the Centennial 
Commission and the Woman's Committee of the State Council of 
Defense. By this agreement the Woman's Committee became in- 
terested in having the Masque presented throughout the State by 
the local organizations. 

The Commission did all in its power to assist the towns and 
cities presenting the Masque. In several cases, it was found neces- 
sary to send me in order to instruct the local committees of arrange- 
ments as to the methods of procedure. It was work not contem- 
plated in my contract, but it gave me a keen personal satisfaction 
to be engaged in what I considered missionary work of the highest 
value. For there is nothing so develops the "get together spirit," 
as the presenting of a historical pageant in which all the com- 
munity is invited to take part. 

However, the presentation for the official giving of the Masque 
was naturally of the first importance. Upon my recommendations, 
assistants were appointed Mr. Russell Abdill as art director, Mrs. 
Frederick Bruegger as musical director, and Miss Lucy Bates as 
director of the dance. 

No praise is too high for these assistants of mine. It was 
love of the work which added the enthusiasm that money cannot 

In the preparation of the costumes, Mrs. E. C. Lanphier and 
Mrs. Logan Hay, the Springfield Costume Committee, accomplished 
wonders. These two ladies devoted themselves in a manner which 


deserves special mention both now and one hundred years from 
now when our State's second hundred years will be told in speech, 
dance and in song. 

Bracketed with their names must go those of Mrs. P. B. 
Warren, Mrs. Vincent Y. Dallman, Miss Theresa Gorman and Mr. 
E. Albert Guest, the Cast Committee which was tireless in its 
efforts of securing those who took part in the performances. 

Colonel Bichings J. Shand deserves mention in the same niche 
of fame. 

The work of rehearsing took a little over three weeks, while 
costuming, etc., was being planned and prepared. Mr. Henry 
Helmle drew the plans for the stage which was to be erected in 
the Coliseum. He and Mr. Clyde Evans, the contractor, though 
they declared it could not be done, actually did what I believe never 
was done before. I was compelled to insist upon a dress rehearsal 
at 2 :30 Sunday afternoon, August 25th. 

Work was begun at 8:00 o'clock Saturday morning, August 
24th, and they built a stage 127 feet wide, 97 feet deep, with three 
sets of wings, 16 feet high, an apron with entrances and three plat- 
forms to the stage. Moreover, we were rehearsing at 2 :45 Sunday 

More than fifty loads of branches and actual trees converted 
this stage into a woodland bower which won the praise of such 
critics as Mr. Lorado Taft, the sculptor and Mr. Ealph Clarkson, 
the portrait painter. 

Over nine hundred people took part in the performance August 
26, before an enormous audience. Thousands of people were turned 

The Vandalia performances were given on September 26, 
both afternoon and evening of the same day, as it rained the day 
of the first performance. They were given out of doors, the audi- 
ences covering a semi-circular hill. 

Three hundred and fifty people took part, coming from all 
parts of Fayette County. The evening performance will always 
be featured in my mind as the most beautiful out-of-door scene I 
have beheld. It is certain that in addition to the educational value, 


the presentations have left a lasting community spirit influence 
throughout the Vandalia district. 

There is credit enough for all in Vandalia, but to the patience 
and "stick-to-itiveness" of the Hon. J. J. Brown and Mr. Norval 
Gochenouer is due the success attained. 

It was decided not to present the "Pageant of the Illinois 
Country," but to repeat the Masque, adding a new scene for the 
October celebration at Springfield. Mr. Eice and Mr. Moore sur- 
passed themselves in the final scene, which was thrilling and enobl- 
ing in its patriotic appeal. 

It was rehearsed in ten days and staged with more than thir- 
teen hundred performers a splendid success. It seemed particu- 
larly fitting that the daughter of Illinois' Governor, Miss Florence 
Lowden, could and did interpret the taxing role of Illinois; that 
our State's Adjutant General, Frank S. Dickson, should be gifted 
with a sonorous voice which thrilled its hearers as he spoke the 
Prologue. It was a satisfaction that performers came from every 
sect, society and school. 

Figures have been submitted, reports sent in by the committee 
and nothing but a slight resume is called for from your Pageant 
Master, but may I not take this opportunity of thanking your 
Chairman, Dr. Otto L. Schmidt, your Secretary, Mrs. Jessie 
Palmer Weber and the Commission itself, collectively and indi- 
vidually for the unfailing courtesy and painstaking help constantly 
given me. To Mr. Hugh S. Magill, Jr., your Director, and Mr. 
Halbert 0. Crews, your Publicity Expert, I also extend my thanks. 

Though I live to see the next Centennial, I can never forget, 
come to me whatever honors there may, I shall always esteem it 
the highest privilege I ever attained, that I was permitted to have 
been Pageant Master of the Illinois Centennial Commission. 



Whatever the forms assumed in modern times by pageants, 
such forms, in response to the innate desire in human nature for 
the display of all the splendors humanity can command, are of 
the remotest antiquity. Memorials of them are carved upon an- 


cient Egyptian bassi rilievi, are shown in Grecian sculpture, and 
persist in the triumphal arches of the Komans. Indeed, it is not 
too much to say that no tribe of men has ever been found, however 
savage its state, which did not combine processions, dancing, songs, 
and some form of histrionism for the better celebration of high 
events in its annals, whether religious or secular. Indications of 
them are to be found in the Scriptures, while Babylon and Peru, 
Nineveh and Mexico, ancient Hindus and modern red Indians, all 
used the materials now come into new being in later years for the 
manifestation of their belief in their gods or in themselves. 

Many of the pageants instituted during the middle ages per- 
sisted in European cities until the beginning of the Great War, and 
many more will doubtless be revived now that it is closed. In 
these the religious and military and civil bodies of the place usually 
collaborated, as was the medieaval custom. It is to be remarked 
that all pageantry, ancient and modern, has always proceeded in 
a manner carefully prescribed, often based upon older precedent, 
and frequently according to a strict ritual ceremony. The religious 
processions of remote civilization, the triumphs and ovations of 
the Eomans, the great celebrations through centuries of feast days 
in the Eoman Catholic and Greek churches, the coronations of 
monarchs, even the processions of returning soldiers in the days 
just passing, have in them all the ordered effect of numerous re- 
hearsals, of details carefully worked out beforehand, of music and 
color, and in most cases of the spoken word used with dramatic 
effect. That public celebrations have taken on this character of 
well considered and adroitly ordered ceremony is due of course to 
the fact that either the soldier, the priest, or both have been in con- 
trol, the two professions which above all others lend themselves 
to ceremonial. What the lack of it means requires no later in- 
stancing than the celebrations of the signing of the armistice in 
November, 1918 ; they were mere disorder, with their tendency to- 
ward rowdyism and rioting. 

The word pageant is both peculiar to English and old in the 
language. Its first use, so far as careful investigation discloses it, 
is by Wyclif in 1380, when it stands for a scene in a mystery play, 
and is plausibly derived from the Latin pagina, a single page suf- 


ficing for the instructions for a single scene. But it also meant 
the stage or platform, fixed or movable, upon which the mystery 
was enacted, and was so used twelve years later. By 1432 it had 
come to have an inclusive meaning for any sort of show, device, or 
temporary structure, exhibited as a feature of a public triumph or 
celebration, and it was not until the beginning of the last century 
that it took on the significance of splendid display or spectacle, in 
which it is now chiefly used. 

The practice has persisted, whatever the changes in the mean- 
ing of the word. Many of the ancient cities of the European con- 
tinent have annually commemorated episodes in their history 
through centuries, and Coventry in England in 1678 began the 
processions showing the traditional ride of Lady Godiva through 
its streets. But in the purely modern sense of the term, the pageant 
owes its existence to Mr. Louis K. Parker, the English novelist 
and dramatist, who began a long series of artistic triumphs in this 
field with the Pageant of Sherborne in 1905. It is said, and is 
possibly true, that Mr. Parker took his brilliant idea from "The 
Pageant of Eough Eiders" in the Hon. William F. Cody's 'Wild 
West Show/ 

These pageants of Mr. Parker's were all commemorative of the 
local history of the city in which they were given, and included all 
that can be said to make up a display at once commemorative and 
splendid. They were made up, like the old mystery plays, of pro- 
cessions, of scenes acted on floats or on historical spots, with appro- 
priate dialogue, costuming, and action, of memorial poems and 
addresses, of marches and songs and dances to music often specially 
composed, and sometimes with temporary stages highly decorated 
and made beautiful with varicolored lights at night. Little de- 
pendent upon professional actors, though these have often taken 
part, they have been community affairs in which the most capable 
of resident volunteers have supplied the persons for both proces- 
sions and dramatic scenes. The tendency has been to enlarge their 
scope, so suitable have they proved for celebrations of various kinds, 
as when the pageant of the Church of England was given on the 
grounds of the palace of the Archbishop of Canterbury in 1909, 
two years after the University of Oxford had celebrated in a simi- 


lar manner. There is little doubt that they will be revived in Eng- 
land after reconstruction has brought complete peace to the nation. 

In the United States the city of New Orleans has, since 1827, 
given elaborate pageants at carnivaltide, the first procession being 
seen in that year, floats being used for the first time ten years later. 
Interrupted only by the Civil War, these celebrations are both elab- 
orate and splendid, and require no detailed description here. But 
the incidents used are not as a rule historical, and have the widest 
possible field in literature and drama and allegory. Preceding Mr. 
Parker's Sherborne pageant by four years, Yale College gave a 
pageant, the book of which was written by Professor E. B. Reed, 
at its bicentennial celebration, made up chiefly of scenes taken from 
the long and honorable history of the institution and played upon 
a stage with appropriate dialogue and costumes. But this was 
sporadic; the revival is due to Mr. Parker, as stated. This was 
followed in 1916 by the pageant of the Yale Bowl, which incorpor- 
ated music, dancing, allegory, and all the features possible in an 
out-of-door performance in daylight, serving to show the great dis- 
tance passed in fifteen years in the conception of pageantry. 

Illinois is fortunate in having added considerably to the en- 
largement of the pageant idea, with a growth which owes little or 
nothing to the preceding events mentioned in England or the older 
States of the Union. Mr. Thomas Wood Stevens, born in Days- 
ville, Ogle County, wrote in January, 1909. 'The Pageant of the 
Italian Renaissance/ which was produced at the Art Institute in 
Chicago by the painters, sculptors, and art students of the city, 
with an effect seldom attained in recent times. Mr. Stevens took 
for his model Shakespere's 'Henry V/ dramatizing such scenes as 
lent themselves to this treatment, and telling the rest of the long 
story by means of prologues spoken by a herald. There is no bet- 
ter blank verse written for stage production in modern America 
than that composed by Mr. Stevens for his six prologues and eleven 
of his twelve scenes, the eighth alone being in prose ; and the entire 
production can best be described as magnificent. Its sole defect 
was its length, which extended somewhat beyond the two hours 
and a half constituting the apparent limit of an American audi- 
ence's patience. 


The same year saw Mr. Stevens' "Historical Pageant of Illi- 
nois" produced at the Northwestern University in Evanston, to be 
followed by pageants at Belleville, Edwardsville, the "Pageant of 
the Old Northwest" at Milwaukee in 1911, the "Independence Day 
Pageant" written in collaboration with the late Kenneth Sawyer 
Goodman in Chicago in 1915, the altogether beautiful and impres- 
sive "Pageant of St. Louis" in 1914, that in Newark in 1916, and 
several more of lesser note. In all, historical scenes with prologues 
were utilized. 

The form into which these works of Mr. Stevens tended to 
crystallize, the time element playing its necessary part, takes from 
the history of the community celebrating the six scenes best lend- 
ing themselves to dramatic portrayal in chronological order, links 
them with prologues before each scene, limits the scenes to less 
than twenty minutes and the prologues to not more than fifty lines, 
seeks to organize the stage so that stage waits will not exceed ten 
minutes, and with good stage management compress'es a complete 
historical celebration well within three hours. They all require 
the most expert stage management, are written for out-of-door pro- 
duction on a temporary stage between 50 and 80 feet wide and cor- 
respondingly deep, provide for such dances as assist in explaining 
local history, admit of songs to the same end, but in the main rely 
upon their effects by dramatic scenes and prologues. They are best 
given at night, when darkness can be used as a curtain for the neces- 
sary scene shifting, and when the effects of modern stage lighting 
can only be obtained. 

"The Glorious Gateway of the West," composed by the late 
Kenneth Sawyer Goodman and the writer of this for the Indiana 
centennial at Fort Wayne in 1916, shows this type of pageant in 
hands other than those of its originator. So does "The Pageant of 
the Illinois Country" and "The Six Little Plays for Illinois Chil- 
dren," both written for the Illinois Centennial, and thought to be 
the first attempts to render the history of a commonwealth as dis- 
tinguished from a city, as well as the first attempts to fill the inter- 
vals between the acts with processions of an historical character, 

26 C C 


thus demanding even more careful organization and expert stage 
management than before. 

"The Pageant of Illinois," designed for the October celebration 
at the Auditorium in Chicago, was of a different character. Time 
being denied for adequate rehearsals, the dramatic scenes could not 
be used. But a chorus of 500 voices was promised as a background 
to the processions, considerably elaborated, of the pageant previ- 
ously mentioned, and all the music for the Centennial composed 
and adapted by Mr. Edward C. Moore, marches, songs, and dances, 
was also available. Much of the procession was to have passed to 
the singing of the chorus, which was also to serve as an accompani- 
ment for the dances. The opportunity passed, and will not come 
again until a body of music comparable with Mr. Moore's is again 
at the disposal of the celebrants. It may be stated with confidence 
that not less than six weeks' rehearsal should precede any attempt 
to give such a performance, and that nothing less than the most ex- 
pert stage management procurable can secure the results desired 
even then. 

It is to be noted further that in designing the several scenes 
for such a dramatic pageant as has been described, it is desirable 
to secure the services of as many persons as can be induced to volun- 
teer. There need not be many speaking parts, but anything like 
the economy of characters which must be considered in the com- 
mercial drama has no place here. The stage is almost of necessity 
a large one, and to secure effects it should be a populous one. In 
his pageant at Newark, New Jersey, the exigencies of seating com- 
pelled Mr. Stevens into the use of a stage hundreds of feet in length 
in order that with a shallow space available .for his audience as 
many could be seated as possible. The results were not so happy 
that a stage wider than 80 feet should be again resorted to. It re- 
quires too long for any given character to reach a position in which 
the attention of an audience so distributed can be secured, and too 
long to retreat from it. Mr. Stevens used what he called "dissolv- 
ing foci" to overcome the difficulty, whereby groups near one en- 
trance could give way to groups near the other, but the experiment 
could not be called successful. Eighty feet is as much as can be 
effectively controlled, and if there is fifty feet of depth it will take 


a hundred or more characters to make the stage fully interesting, 
two hundred is not too many, and with expert management a still 
larger number can be utilized to advantage in each scene. With 
such a number, too, occasional processional effects can be secured, 
groups made to meet and dissolve into one another, later to sepa- 
rate and take their own courses. And the possibilities of staging 
actual conflicts, such as enter into the history of most American 
communities, are thus given far greater chances for plausibility. 

The costs of such a pageant are large and increase with the 
number of participants. But so does the interest in the commun- 
ity upon which the attendance depends. Being out-of-doors, this 
attendance is conditioned on the weather, and no date should be 
set without the assurance of the nearest weather bureau that the 
chance for a succession of fair' and warm nights is better than 
average. A charge should always be made, sufficient to recoup 
the projectors of the celebration and, whenever possible, to leave 
enough to erect a permanent memorial of the event celebrated. 
The public values little what is given it for nothing, and is actu- 
ally more interested in going to a performance for which it has 
to pay. The number of performances must depend upon the size 
of the community and the provisions for transportation in its 
neighborhood, both for coming to and for going from the grounds 
where they are given. And publicity is an essential expense to 
be reckoned on. 

The technic of the pageant is, of course, the technic of the 
drama with such changes as the essential conditions compel. Work- 
ing out a dramatic situation in twenty minutes or less, there is, 
obviously, no time for the introduction and identification of char- 
acters, such as may be insisted upon in other stage productions. 
This must be effected by the programmes, and to make it the more 
certain, these should be given the widest possible circulation in 
advance. The occasion, too, is a celebration, and no pageant is 
put on for a run. Eesorting to tricks of one sort and another 
familiar to every producer of burlesque, revue, musical comedy, 
and the like, as if the pageant, too, were making a bid for the 
continued flow of money from its audiences and were solely de- 
pendent upon them for its support, is an idle waste of energy. 


Then, too, the facts of history are inexorable, and in this respect 
accuracy is essential even at the sacrifice of dramatic opportunity. 
With a large number of persons on the stage, particular attention 
should be given to movement, as distinguished from action ; scenes 
combining both are, it is apparent, to be striven for. This does 
not mean that local legends, which sometimes have the narrowest 
basis in fact, may not be utilized; on the contrary, they are fre- 
quently effective material. But they should be noted as legends. 
One difficulty stands in the way of securing from an audi- 
ence the appreciation necessary for dramatic success in any pub- 
lic celebration through dramatic form from one end of America 
to the other: The prejudice against the theatre which is found 
in many of the religious denominations, including some which 
are numerically powerful. This is the fundamental trouble, lead- 
ing to inability to grasp the scene even when depicted, to the 
absence of amateur actors with experience from which to cast 
pageants, to lack of voices, especially among women, which can 
project themselves to the audience, to a lack of conviction in the 
necessity of repeated rehearsals that the pageant may go aright on 
the night, and to a hundred minor matters which force the de- 
mand that the stage manager and his assistants, at least, shall 
have professional experience and the power to secure obedience 
to directions hard to gain from quite undisciplined participants 
in the performance. It cannot be too strongly insisted that if a 
town or community is worth celebrating, it is worth celebrating 
well, and any community seeking to celebrate along lines of least 
resistance will find itself the worse, instead of the better, if it 
does not secure the best production possible, in spite of the fact 
that the audiences are dramatically inexperienced. Too many 
are betrayed by the fallacy Doctor Johnson found in the admira- 
tion bestowed upon a dog walking on its hind legs "It is not 
done well, but you are surprised to find it done at all." The 
writer is entirely of opinion that a poor celebration is worse than 
none, and that if it cannot be done well, it had better not be done 
at all. And if it is to be done upon a stage through any dramatic 
medium, it cannot possibly be done well by any person or combi- 


nation of persons unfamiliar with stage traditions, methods, and 

It is worth remembering, too, that there is an essential im- 
morality involved in taking money from an audience and not re- 
turning it straightway in the form of the money's worth; just as 
there is an assured immorality in not exacting the full money's 
worth for a good performance; Governor Altgeld has pointed out 
the evils that flow from "getting something for nothing." "Sub- 
mission to the test of the market," in the vivid phrase of Professor 
Henry Augustin Beers, has been the test of good literature and 
good drama from the beginning; and if a community giving a 
pageant is in a real sense able to rely for attendance at it upon 
something more than a commercial quid pro quo, all the more 
is it in honor bound to do so much at least. To do otherwise is 
to combine the acceptance of public charity with fraud in the 
means by which the charity is obtained. 

Once outside the realm of the dramatic historical pageant, 
a creature as has been seen of essentially modern birth and growth, 
for purposes of public celebration the masque immediately pre- 
sents itself. Democratic and receptive as the pageant idea has 
always been in this country since its inception, no useful or artis- 
tic purpose is served by confusion of ideas and terms expressing 
it. The pageant may very well remain episodic historical 
dramatization, with its characters those of history. Its book there- 
fore will be in prose and may or may not be literature so long as 
it is dramatic. It rightly includes historical orations and speeches, 
historical dances to show older customs and manners, historical 
songs, historical prayers and religious services, as well as dances 
written to aid in the explication of historical ideas and songs to 
the same end. 

But symbolism and allegory belong in another field and it 
requires a more than ordinarily skilful hand to combine the prose 
of the pageant with the poetry involved in the other medium. It 
is well, therefore, to call these last masques or masque scenes, 
and leave the word pageant to describe dramatic productions in 
strictly dramatic scenes in which there is, nevertheless, a proces- 
sional idea of the orderly march of historical events, if nothing 


more, concluding with a return to the stage of all the persons of 
the scenes upon the close of the last by way of grand finale as in 
'The Pageant of the Kenaissance/ or, as in 'The Pageant of the 
Illinois Country/ with processions between the scenes and a final 
procession of soldiers and sailors and the flags of the Allied Na- 

With the masque, writer, actors, and audience are upon as- 
sured dramatic ground at last, and dealing with something more 
than modern invention and ingenious experimentation. More- 
over, they are all dealing with the only form of dramatic literature 
which has assured dramatic and literary merit and which and 
this is most important and little taken into account with a form 
of dramatic literature in which accomplished play-writers wrote 
for amateur, as distinguished from professional, production. 
Shakespeare himself utilized its methods in "A Midsummer 
Nigth's Dream" and "The Tempest,," and the great Ben Johnson 
was its best exponent and placed next himself Fletcher and Chap- 
man as masque writers. Every student of English literature 
knows, or should know, of the masques of the later Tudors and 
earlier Stuarts, and they should be familiar to all attempting to 
enter this field in our own day; such knowledge could not fail to 
produce better masques. 

In their simpler forms masques closely approached proces- 
sional pageants in showy display and absence of the spoken word 
and not infrequently surpassed them in expenditure and splendor. 
They brought together in a single show when at their best, oratory 
and dramatic dialogue, the song and dance, and the most ingenious 
and elaborate stage decorations and mechanisms. The dramas 
of ancient Athens are probably the only stage productions upon 
which more money was spent, and these they probably exceeded in 
mechanical ingenuity. Let it be said in proof that Shirley's 
"Triumph of Peace" produced by the members of the Four Inns of 
Court at London on February 3, 1633-4, cost the modern equiva- 
lent of more than $1,000,000, of which more than $50,000 went 
to the music alone, and was probably exceeded by Carew's "Coelum 
Britannica," given fifteen days later, in which King James I acted. 
The music for both was written by Henry Lawes, the stage rna- 


chinery and effects for both devised by Inigo Jones. And on 
September 29 of the same year Henry Lawes, whom Milton has 
immortalized in a sonnet which should be learnt by heart by every 
modern musician who undertakes to set a poet's words to music, 
procured for this same John Milton the writing and production 
of 'Comus' at Ludlow Castle near the Welsh border, Milton having 
already proved his capacity for such a task three or four years 
earlier with 'Arcades/ played at Harefield, the county seat of the 
Dowager Duchess of Derby, only ten miles from Horton, the home 
of Milton and his father, this latter an accomplished musician. 
But after these early and most glorious days of the masque 
it so completely disappeared from view in the English speaking 
world that the last edition of the Encyclopedia Britannica can 
say of it in 1911, "It is strange that later English poets should 
have done so little to restore to its nobler uses, and to invest with 
a new significance, a form so capable of further development as 
the poetic masque." 

Here again it is with pride that Illinois can point to the steps 
here first taken to bring it anew into public favor. William 
Vaughn Moody, long connected with the University of Chicago, 
published in 1900 his 'Masque of Judgment/ a noble poem cast 
in masque form and, though written as literature and before its 
author had turned his attention to the drama properly speaking, 
capable of stage production in much the older manner. In 1906 
Thomas Wood Stevens and the present writer composed "The 
Chaplet of Pan" for production by the Little Eoom of Chicago. 
Owing to the difficulties not always to be avoided when writing 
for amateurs, this masque was not actually given until produced 
by Donald Robertson and his company of Players at Eavinia Park 
on the night of August 29, 1908, following a revival of "Comus" 
by the same company. The evening was notable for its music 
also, the Chicago Orchestra furnishing the incidental music for 
the masque, the songs in which were set to music by Mr. Frederick 
Stock, its accomplished leader. This masque has been given a 
number of times since and at many places, including the Chicago 
Art Institute and the University of Illinois, with the students 
there filling the cast. 


This was followed during the winter of 1909 by 'The Topaz 
Amulet' by the same hands, which had a masque scene, and there- 
after Mr. Stevens in collaboration with the late Kenneth Sawyer 
Goodman, a native of Chicago, wrote and had produced the bril- 
liant series known as 'Masques of East and West/ which includes 
'The Daimio's Head' (1911), 'The Masque of Quetzal's Bowl,' 
written for the opening of the Cliff Dwellers' rooms in the same 
year, 'The Masque of Montezuma' (1912), 'Caesar's Gods' (1913), 
and 'Eainald and the Bed Wolf (1914), the last three designed 
to open the annual festival of the students at the Art Institute 
in Chicago. There is an interesting discussion of the meaning 
of the word masque by Mr. Stevens and Mr. Percy Mackaye in 
the volume containing these plays, published by the Stage Guild 
in Chicago, in which is set forth the essential difference between 
them and the masques or Grove Plays which have been so long 
the feature of the annual outing of the Bohemian Club of San 
Francisco in the Bohemian Redwood Grove; "in their form," Mr. 
Mackaye says, "the masques of California tend to verge upon the 
domain of opera; the masques of Chicago tend to become plays," 
and goes on to define a masque as "an actable poem adapted to 
special place and occasion," which is also applicable to the earlier 
English masques. Mr. Stevens quotes a more familiar definition 
which says, "Masque is to the play as bas relief is to sculpture in 
the round," and himself prescribes a formula which reads "dramatic 
entertainments written for festal occasions, and ending with danc- 
ing," which the present writer would modify to include dancing 
in the masque itself. 

Perhaps the essential difference between masque and pageant 
can be succinctly set forth with the statement that the emphasis 
of the pageant is upon the play and the procession, the emphasis 
of the masque upon the poem and the dance. Yet there is no 
exclusion in the idea of either, as has been shown; there may be 
dancing in the pageant, processions in the masque, music and 
songs, stage lighting and decoration in both. 

Mr. Stevens has gone on to the great artistic triumph involved 
in his masque, 'The Drawing of the Sword/ perhaps the most in- 
spiring of all the literature produced by citizens of the United 


States during the war now triumphantly ended, which was given 
in many American cities in 1917 and 1918, after its first produc- 
tion at the Carnegie Institute of Technology on June 5, 1917, 
registration day. Of similar nature is Mr. William Chauncy 
Langdon's 'The Sword of America/ produced in Urbana and 
Springfield in 1918. Departing from it in essentials but com- 
bining opening and closing masque scenes with three pageant epi- 
sodes is 'The Wonderful Story of Illinois/ written for the Cen- 
tennial Commission by Miss Grace Arlington Owen of Blooming- 
ton. Here may also be mentioned 'The Masque of Illinois/ per- 
haps the only attempt recorded to present the continuous history 
from the beginning of a sovereign State, written for the Centen- 
nial Commission and played twice at Springfield and once at Van- 
dalia, in 1918, and 'The Masque of Illinois Wars/ written for the 
Centennial celebration at Chicago in October, 1918, and with its 
three extended scenes, songs, dances, and stage effects, the most 
ambitious masque yet projected in the United States. 

In closing, something might be said of the dangers attend- 
ant upon the writing and production of masques and pageants. 
If the history of any city, community, or state is so lacking in 
incident as to require the inclusion of material common to all the 
world, it is in order, perhaps, to make such an inclusion. But in 
the West, at least, there is so much that is interesting and roman- 
tic, Indian, French, Spanish, British, that it would seem as if 
both poetic and dramatic inspiration might readily flow from such 
sources, and even that a strict limitation to episodes falling within 
the boundaries of a single place would still leave the writer with 
sufficient material and all of it locally pertinent. Yet Kansas 
has produced a pageant-masque which included the Glacial Epoch 
and excluded its first European discoverer, though he bore the 
name of Francisco de Coronado. Nothing could be better than 
the revival of old dances or the composition of new and symbolic 
ones for local celebrations, but a dancing festival made up of 
any dances that can be pressed into service is neither a masque or 
a pageant, but an exhibition of stock dances with no possible local 
application and without historical value even without aesthetic 
value unless the dancing is better than ordinary and used with 


the strictest economy and always with a definite end in view. 
And so of local talent in general without a close and immediate 
contact with the event to be celebrated the danger is that it is 
only too likely to degenerate into much such a concoction as the 
prudent housewife worriedly puts forth when taken unawares and 
forced to use what she has in the house. There should be the 
prime concept throughout the celebration of unity, of a fixed trend 
toward a certain goal, and the bringing into the modern mind 
of the ideas and events by which the present state of well being 
has been reached. 

Finally let it be pointed out that when the hundred or more 
aspirants for honors in masque and pageant writing and design- 
ing make their application every year to the Dramatic School of 
the Carnegie Institute of Technology at Pittsburg, its head, Mr. 
Thomas Wood Stevens, here shown to be the most distinguished 
writer of both masques and pageants the United States of America 
has produced, has one invariable reply: "We offer you a four 
years' course in everything relating to the drama and its pro- 
duction on the stage. The masque and pageant are departments, 
and those not of the first importance, in this wide field. If you 
wish to learn how to write and produce anything, large or small, 
within this field, our theoretical studies and practical productions 
will fit you for this, if you have the necessary personal equipment. 
To offer you less would be to leave you ignorant; for you to take 
less would leave you to impose upon a long-suffering public." 

June 16, 1916. 
Dear Sir: 

The Illinois Centennial Commission is desirous of having 
adequately celebrated in your county in 1918, the one hundredth 
anniversary of the admission of Illinois into the Federal Union. 

To this end, a committee of five, consisting of the County 
Judge, County Clerk, State's Attorney, County Superintendent 


of Schools and the Chairman of the Board of Supervisors or 
County Commissioners of each county has been constituted by the 
Commission as a committee authorized to issue a call to be pub- 
lished in all the papers of the county inviting the people to meet 
at a certain convenient time and place, probably the court house, 
to form a County Centennial Association to prepare for the proper 
celebration of the Centennial in your county. A copy of this 
letter has been sent to each of the above mentioned officials. 

It is suggested that the call for the public meeting in your 
county be issued during June or the first half of July of this year 
in order that the work may be organized before the summer vaca- 
tion begins. 

Beginning in September, active work of all your committees 
should commence. It is not too early to begin at once, for the 
months will soon slip away. The responsibility of inaugurating 
a movement in your county for the proper celebration of this great 
event will rest upon the committee of five county officials of 
which you are one. The Centennial Commission feels confident 
that you will wish to see your county observe this occasion as ap- 
propriately as will be done in the other counties of the State. 

The celebration of the Centennial will offer a most excellent 
opportunity to stimulate in all of the people of the State an in- 
terest in the story of Illinois its history, its development, its 
achievement, and its future. 

The Centennial Commission suggests that a general commit- 
tee be formed from representatives of the following various or- 
ganizations of the county and from this general committee an ex- 
ecutive committee may be constituted to have charge of the de- 
tailed work : 

The executive officers of cities, villages and incorporated towns 
in the county. 

All civic, commercial and agricultural associations and boards. 

Historic, patriotic and fraternal societies, including women's 

Schools and colleges, both public and private. 

Churches and religious organizations. 


The Centennial Commission is preparing a booklet setting 
forth the general plans of the Commission and offering some defir 
nite suggestions for the local celebrations throughout the State. 
A supply of these booklets will be sent you as soon as they are 

If it is the desire of the County Committee when your pub- 
lic meeting is called that a representative of the Illinois Centen- 
nial Commission shall be present and deliver an address setting 
forth the object of the meeting, you may obtain such a one with- 
out expense to you, by corresponding with the Eev. Eoyal W. 
Ennis, Chairman State-wide Celebration Committee, Hillsboro, 

The Centennial Commission requests that you notify it 
through its Secretary as to the date upon which your Committee 
has called its first general meeting. 

Very truly yours, 







By the Flag that's floating o'er us, 
By our fathers' fame before us, 
Kalse your voices in the chorus, 
Hail Illinois. 

Chorus : 

Hail, Illinois! 
Hail, Illinois! 
Thine the story, 
God's the glory: 
Hail, Illinois! 

By the mem'ries that attend her: 
Grant, the Union's bold defender; 
Loyal Douglas; Lincoln's splendor; 
Hail Illinois. 

By her hundred years of- honor 
Who in all the world outshone her? 
Wreathed like laurel bright upon her, 
Hail Illinois. 

By the fields her sons left gory, 
Make her past her future story, 
On and on to greater glory 
Hail Illinois. 

* To be sung to the old air of "The Little Black Bull." Note that in 
the stanzas the audience is being- appealed to to hail Illinois, and in the 
chorus the audience is hailing her ; in other words, Illinois is in the third 
person in the verse part, in the second person in the chorus. 



The Illinois Centennial Commission asked the General As- 
sembly to authorize for the Centennial observance the use of a 
special and distinctive banner or flag to be used to advertise the 
Centennial and for other publicity purposes. Several designs were 
submitted to the Commission. The one selected was that of Mr. 
Wallace Rice, pageant writer for the Commission. It is a beauti- 
ful banner which lends itself remarkably well to all schemes of 
decoration. It was used extensively throughout the State and was 
a marked feature of all the Centennial celebrations. 

It is described in the Act of the General Assembly authoriz- 
ing its use as the Centennial banner or flag. 

The banner has blue and white stripes as described in the 
Act, has twenty-one blue stars on the white stripes of the flag. The 
State of Illinois was the twenty-first State to be admitted to the 
American Union. The ten stars in the upper of the white stripes 
represent the ten northern states which were a part of the Union 
before Illinois was admitted and the ten stars on the lower of the 
white stripes represent the ten southern states which were members 
of the American Union when Illinois became a State. The twenty- 
first star which is larger in size represents "Illinois", the twenty- 
first State to become a part of the American Union of States, the 
United States of America. 



1. Official State Banner or Flag Au- 2. Design, 

3. Official Centennial Flag. 

(HOUSE BILL, No. 680. Approved June 25, 1917.) 

AN ACT Authorizing the Illinois Centennial Commission to have an 

official State Banner or Flag. 

SECTION 1. Be it enacted by the People of the State of Illi- 
nois, represented in the General Assembly: That the Illinois Cen- 
tennial Commission be and is hereby authorized and permitted to 
have and to use a State banner or flag commemorating the Cen- 



tennial anniversary of the admission of the State of Illinois into the 
Federal Union, subject to the restrictions provided by the laws of 
the United States and of the State of Illinois as to the United States 
flag or ensign, the design for which banner or flag had been ap- 
proved by said Commission and is as herein described. 

2. Said banner or pennant shall consist of three horizontal 
stripes in proper proportion as to length and width, the upper and 
the lower stripes being white in color and the middle stripe nat- 
ional blue in color, said stripes being of such dimensions that they 
will appear of equal width. At the staff end of the flag or emblem 
there shall be ten stars, blue in color in the upper white stripe, 
and ten stars, blue in color in the lower white stripe, each group 
of said ten stars being arranged in four rows as follows: Four 
blue stars in the first row near the staff end of the flag or emblem, 
three blue stars in the second row, two blue stars in the third 
row, and one blue star in the fourth or last row, in such a manner 
that four of said blue stars in each white stripe shall face the staff 
end and four of said blue stars shall also face the middle or blue 
stripe. In the center blue stripe, near the staff end of said blue 
stripe, and in a proper relative position between the two star fields 
on the two white stripes, there shall be one single white star of a 
larger size than the stars on the white stripes representing Illinois, 
the twenty-first State admitted to the Union. 

3. The Illinois Centennial banner or flag as described in this 
Act shall be the official Centennial flag or pennant used in the 
celebration of the one hundredth anniversary of the admission of 
Illinois into the Federal Union. 

APPROVED June 25, 1917. 

As one of the special features of its publicity work, the Illi- 
nois Centennial Commission decided to offer a prize for a design 
for a poster which would in this form suggest the great history of 
the State, during its first Century of Statehood. 

The Commission hoped that a design might be secured which 
would, in an artistic and striking way, bring before the people the 


beginnings, growth, and present high position of the State during 
the Century from 1818 to 1918. 

The Committee on Publicity, of which Eev. Frederic Sieden- 
burg was chairman, arranged for a competition among the poster 
artists of the United States, and sent out letters to many persons 
whom it was supposed might be interested, and advertisements of 
the contest were printed in art magazines and periodicals, and 
notices of it posted in several art schools and institutes. The 
response was quite general and a large number of designs were sub- 
mitted, many of them of merit. The design selected as deserving 
of the first prize by the committee, Eev. Frederic Siedenburg, 
chairman of the Committee on Publicity of the Centennial Com- 
mission, Mr. Ealph Clarkson, the noted portrait painter, and a 
member of the State Art Commission, and Mr. Martin Eoche, a 
distinguished architect also a member of the State Art Commis- 
sion, was that submitted by Mr. Willy G. Sesser of New York, and 
may be described as follows : 

A Pioneer with flint-lock musket. Kneels in reverence to the 
United States Flag. The present State House of Illinois is in 
background showing the progress of the century. Above the head 
of the pioneer appear the dates "1818-1918" and twenty stars, 
representing the twenty states admitted before Illinois. On a line 
below in the center, the new star, Illinois, appears. Below the 
figure the words 

"Not without thy wondrous story 

Can be writ the Nation's glory, 


The background of the poster is blue. 

Sixty-eight designs were submitted. These designs came from 
all parts of the United States. Five designs were accepted and 
prizes awarded. 

The first prize design, that of Mr. Sesser above described, re- 
produced in its original colors and in various sizes, was used 
largely in advertising the Centennial observances. 

Thousands of these reproductions were distributed throughout 
the State. 



The five original posters are now hanging in the Illinois State 
Historical Library at Springfield. 

Copies of the letters sent out by the Secretary of the Centen- 
nial Commission in relation to the Poster Contest are hereby 
given : 




On January 

Nineteen Seventeen. 

The Illinois Centennial Commission desires to call your at- 
tention to a competitive contest for a poster design to commemo- 
rate the One-hundredth Anniversary of the admission of Illinois 
into the Federal Union in 1918. The designs must be of one 
sheet, i. e., 28" x 42" in size. 

A prize of one hundred dollars shall be given to each of the 
best five designs and five hundred dollars extra to the best of 

The award is to be made by a committee of three selected by 
the Illinois Centennial Commission in consultation with the State 
Art Commission. 

The competition is open to all and the Commission reserves 
the right to reject all designs. Posters are to be submitted to the 
undersigned not later than April 15, 1917. 

Secretary of the Commission. 


The Illinois Centennial Commission desires a poster which 
will symbolize or portray the growth of Illinois from a pioneer 
27 C C 


State at the time of its admission into the Union in 1818 to its 
present proud position in the sisterhood -of states. 

The Commission wishes the artist to have the widest range 
in his conception, and hence imposes no limitations upon his crea- 
tive skill. 

While it seems unlikely that a satisfactory design could be 
conceived which does not contain the word "Illinois" and the dates 
1818 and 1918, the Commission does not stipulate that these shall 
appear in the design. 

The occasion calls for a poster conveying in terms of idea, 
line and color, some suggestion of three principal ideas, an anni- 
versary, a celebration, and Illinois. The ideal design would con- 
vey an unmistakable and forceful impression of the three ideas. 

The design must be of one sheet, i. e., 28" x 42". The color 
scheme is not to exceed four color process work. A white margin 
of two inches in width all around is suggested but is not stipu- 
lated. The design must be suitable for reproduction in sizes from 
that of the original sheet, i. e., 28" x 42", down to a poster stamp. 

A prize of one hundred dollars will be given to each of the 
best five designs submitted, and five hundred dollars additional 
will be given the best one of the five. 

The award is to be made by a committee of three selected by 
the Illinois Centennial Commission in consultation with the State 
Art Commission. 

The originals for the designs selected as the best five and for 
which prizes are awarded, become the property of the Illinois Cen- 
tennial Commission. 

No name, word or mark other than that which is a part of the 
design may appear on the face of the poster, and no name, word 
or mark may appear upon the border. 

All originals must be executed in accordance with these rules. 

All originals must be carefully packed and delivered to an 
express office or postoffice, with all charges prepaid, and addressed 
to Jessie Palmer Weber, Secretary, Illinois Centennial Commis- 
sion, Poster Contest, Springfield, Illinois. 

Each original design must bear on the back an identifying 
symbol or word. This identifying symbol or word must be re- 


peated on the outside of a sealed envelope, enclosed with its cor- 
responding design. This sealed envelope shall contain: 

1. The name and address of the competitor. 

2. Postage sufficient to pay the return charges if the return 
of the design is desired. 

This sealed envelope shall not be opened until after all awards 
have been made. 

Upon the back of the design, the only name, word or mark 
permitted is the identifying symbol or word. It being understood 
that the artist's name or address may not appear anywhere except 
within the sealed envelope. Any design submitted which violates 
these rules will in justice to other competitors be rejected. 

The Commission has arranged for a public exhibition of the 
designs in the rooms of the Springfield Art Association, and other 
exhibitions may be held. For the purpose of these exhibitions and 
for the sake of uniformity, the Commission requests the partici- 
pants to use a heavy weight illustrating board. In case the artist 
prefers to work on other material, it is suggested that he have the 
drawing mounted on heavy weight board. 

To avoid warping of the drawings, all contestants are re- 
quested to have the drawing board backed up by a sheet of tough 
paper, which will keep the design submitted entirely flat. 

The Commission reserves the right to retain all the originals 
entered in the competition until a date not later than January 
1, 1918. 

This reservation is made to permit the widest possible ex- 
hibition of the designs. 

The competition is open to all and the Commission reserves 
the right to reject all designs. 

The designs submitted in competition are to be sent to the 
undersigned not later than April 15, 1917. 


Secretary, Illinois Centennial Commission, 

Springfield, Illinois. 



In the rules for a poster contest sent out by the Illinois Cen- 
tennial Commission some interested persons have thought that the 
stipulation as to color scheme is not clear. 

The sentence in question reads as follows : "The color scheme 
is limited to four color process work/' which means that four color 
process work is the maximum of colors to be allowed. It would 
have been clearer and more easily understood if the rule for the 
color scheme had said, "The color scheme is not to exceed four 
color process work." This, of course, does not mean that a design 
employing fewer colors will not be considered. 

The Commission has been informed that heavy weight illus- 
trating board is not easily obtained in the size stipulated for the 
design, i. e., 28" x 42". The Commission therefore suggests that 
as illustrating board may be obtained of a size 30" x 40", which 
is a stock size, and as this size represents the same actual surface, 
it is allowed and suggested that a sheet of this latter size (30" x 
40") be used. 

All designs must be sent to the Secretary of the Commission. 


Secretary, Illinois Centennial Commission, 

Springfield, Illinois. 


May 29, 1917. 

I beg to say that your design for the Illinois Centennial 
Poster was received and placed in the competition. 

The jury which made the award were: Mr. Martin Roche, 
and Mr. Ralph Clarkson, both members of the Illinois State Art 
Commission, and Rev. Frederic Siedenburg, of the Illinois Cen- 
tennial Commission. 


The prizes were awarded as follows : first, Mr. Willy G. Sesser, 
83 West Forty-second Street, New York City; second, Mr. E. 
Fairweather Babcock, 1320 Eepublic Building, Chicago, Illinois; 
third, Mr. John A. Bazant, 991 Jackson Avenue, Bronx, New 
York; fourth, Miss Hazel Brown, Chicago Academy Fine Arts, 81 
East Madison Street, Chicago, Illinois; fifth, Mr. Charles Eyan, 
Chicago Academy Fine Arts, 81 East Madison Street, Chicago, 

There were sixty-eight designs submitted. The designs were 
exhibited at the Springfield Art Association until May 14, 1917, 
and are now on exhibition in the Department of Art and Design 
at the University of Illinois, Urbana. 

You will no doubt recall that the Illinois Centennial Commis- 
sion in the rules for the poster competition reserved the right to 
retain all designs until January 1, 1918, for exhibition purposes. 
Very truly yours, 

Secretary, Illinois Centennial Commission. 




August Twenty-sixth 

Nineteen Hundred and Eighteen 

Eight-Fifteen P. M. 


Illinois State Fair Grounds 


Otto L. Schmidt, Chairman, Chicago 
Mrs. Jessie Palmer Weber, Secretary, Springfield 
Edward Bowe, Jacksonville Edmund J. James, Urbana 

John J. Brown, Vandalia George Pasfield, Jr., Springfield 


John W. Bunn, Springfield William N. Pelouze, Chicago 

William Butterworth, Moline A. J. Poorman, Jr., Fairfield 

Leon A. Colp, Marion Thomas F. Scully, Chicago 

Rev. R. W. Ennis, Mason City Rev. Frederic Siedenburg, Chicago 
E. B. Greene, Urbana 

Hugh S. Magill, Jr., Director, Springfield 
Horace H. Bancroft, Asst. Director, Jacksonville 
Halbert O. Crews, Manager Publicity, Springfield 

Sangamon County 
Centennial Celebration Committee 

C. L. Conkling, Chairman 
Wm. H. Conkling, Secretary 

Executive Committee 

Mrs. V. Y. Dallman R. C. Lanphier 

James M. Graham Mrs. George T. Palmer 

Logan Hay J. Frank Prather 

General Committee 

R. C. Lanphier Mrs. George T. Palmer 

Dr. C. A. Frazee Miss Elberta Smith 

Ira B. Blackstock J. F. Macpherson 

Major Bluford Wilson Harry W. Nickey 

Logan Hay Harlington Wood 

Chas. T. Baumann H. O. McGrue 

Prof. I. M. Allen Mrs. Burton M. Reid 

George Pasfield, Jr. H. A. Dirksen 

R. E. Woodmansee Col. R. J. Shand 

A. D. Stevens Hugh S. Magill 

Mrs. Porter Paddock Mrs. Jessie Palmer Weber 

Cast Committee 

Mrs. P. B. Warren, Chairman Mrs. V. Y. Dallman, Vice Chairman 

Miss Theresa G. Gorman, Secretary 
R. Albert Guest I. M. Allen 

Costume Committee 
Mrs. Robert C. Lanphier Mrs. Logan Hay 

Program Committee 
Robert W. Troxell 









Dances Arranged by Director of Dances 




"The Masque of Illinois" is an attempt to interpret symbolically 
the 245 years (1673-1918) of the history of the Illinois Country. It is, 
therefore, itself a closely written synopsis, no event having influence 
upon the development of the State being omitted. 

Illinois is first shown surrounded by her Prairies, Rivers, Forests, 
and Flowers, which may be taken as standing for our natural resources. 
Upon this primitive and idyllic peace Fear intrudes, followed by a band 
of Indians, who dance a war and squaw dance. They are frightened 
away by the coming of the French (1673). Joliet, LaSalle, and Tonty 
are shown as symbolizing certain of the gifts the French brought to us, 
religion being indicated by the procession following of the first mission- 
aries with their Indian converts, and gayety by the dance, interrupted 
by the coming of the British (1765), who fly their flag in the place of 
the French lilies, and bring in their train Tyranny, for an irresponsible 
military government, and Hate, from having armed the Indians against 
the settlers. The British are routed in turn by the Virginian frontiers- 
men (1778), in alliance with France. They sing "The Virginian Song," 
and introduce Virginia, our first American ruler, who calls in Columbia, 
in reference to the cession of the Illinois Country to the Nation (1787). 
With Columbia come Liberty, Love, and Justice, for whom a hymn is 
sung, and the first scene concludes with the placing of the crown of 
statehood upon the brow of Illinois, the company singing "Fair Illinois." 



The Centennial hymn, "Our Illinois," is sung at the opening of the 
second scene. Illinois reappears, resisting the advances of Slavery 
(1823). Lafayette's visit (1825) is portrayed. 

The Blackhawk War (1832) is shown by another war dance, fol- 
lowed by the exile from the State of the Indians (1833). The building 
of canals and railways is symbolized by the Rivers and Forests. 
Illinois rejects the bribe of Repudiation (1842-4), and of Polygamy, 
with the expulsion of the Mormons (1846). In a vision Illinois com- 
memorates the gallantry of our soldiers in the Mexican War (1846-7). 
The Illinois Colleges founded before 1861 celebrate themselves in a 
march. Illinois mourns with pride the soldiers of the Civil War 
(1861-5), with an Alleluia for all who die in freedom's cause. The 
Chicago Fire (1871) is indicated, and the World's Columbian Exposi- 
tion (1893) follows with a procession of the Nations. Following this 
comes Belgium in the grip of Tyranny, France with Fear, and England 
with Hate, this episode concluding when the three Evil Brethren carry 
Belgium forcibly away. Columbia re-enters, with Love, Liberty, and 
Justice, to whom the nations kneel. Columbia declares war, our 
soldiers and sailors enter. Illinois prays for victory. All sing the 
Star Spangled Banner, and the Masque is done. 


(In order of appearance) 
Trumpeter ............... Mildred M. Shand 

Trumpeter .................... Ida E. Shand 

Prologue ......... General Frank S. Dickson 

Illinois ................... Florence Lowden 

Fear ..................... Elmer E. Bradley The 

Indian Chief .................. Burke Vancil 

French Officer .................. C. J. Doyle Illinois 

Joliet ................ Paul S. Kingsbury 

Com pan 11 
LaSalle ...................... Harry Luehrs 

Tonty ........................... J. R. Leib 

Marquette ................... Hugh Graham Trees 

Hennepin ................... Edmund Burke Marie E Far i ow 

Membre ...................... Paul Burns ^oretta Downey 

Katherme N. Hartmann 
Ribourde ...................... T. J. Condon Marie Fitch 

1673 Maiden .............. Eleanor Robinson 

British Officer. . . . . Harry Smith Kathleen I. Gallagher 

Mary C. Jepson 
Tyranny ................ George W. Kenney Helen M. Rogers 

Hate... ..Charles Hudson Genevieve E. Griffin 



British Soldier T. J. Sullivan 

Frontiersman W. F. Workman Flowers 

Virginia Elizabeth B. Metcalf 

Columbia Christine Brown Katherin/lT McGinley 

Libert y Elizabeth Kea y g S es Rum ai ai g h 

Justice Mary Douglas Hay Genevieve Tolan 

Love Edith Carroll ffiSgSPSffiL 

Crown Bearer Mary Jane Meredith Margaret Yoggerst 

Marie T. Hallman 

First Page Lorna Doone Williamson Katherine Morris 

Second Page Virginia Dare Williamson He {eTooi edmeyer 

1823 Maiden Delia Kikendall 

Slavery Henry Lyman Child 

Lafayette Herbert W. George Rivers 

Indian Chief's Daughter. . .Mrs. Barr Brown Anna H. Foutch 

Repudiation... ..Hugh Graham Dorothy M. Osborne 

Edith B. Edwards 

1840 Maiden Helen Griffiths Mary A. England 

Polygamy H. M. Solenberger ^ n a \. M $$* 

1861 Maiden Louise Hickox M. Frances Barnes 

_ Marie I. Schou 

Fire Dance Lucy Bates Margery LaRose 

1871 Maiden Gladys Troxell Helen Chandler 

Chicago Mrs. John Prince 

1893 Maiden Charlotte Pasfield Prairies 

One in Black Mrs. H. L. Patton 

Belgium Mrs. John W. Black jj^e's otto nhlg 

France Mrs. Wm. L. Patton Ella B. keely 

T, , , ,, Margaret A. Keely 

England Mary Colgan Ja ne Fixmer 

Scotland Mrs. Beralla Southwick } ice . P or ma " , 

Virginia S. Osborne 

Ireland LeReine McGowan Anna Shaughnessy 

Canada Mary Shaftid Marie Casey 

1914 Maiden Hildred Hatcher 

Red Cross Muriel Stratham 

Illinois Groups Boy Scouts 
FRED HAHN, Scout Master 

Charles Grahm 
Charles Birdges 
Marshal McNeer 
Allen Bergman 
Frank Stowars 

Burke Vancil 
Fred Brooks 
Edwin A. Coe 
E. W. Wright 
V. A. Campbell 
Warren Lewis 
Dr. Scott Walters 
H. D. Agee 
E. M. Shanklin 

Harold Actom 
Lorence Kunz 
Frank Grebe 
John Greleski 
Slanty Wise 

Indian Braves 

C. R. Constant 

D. T. Queen 
J. A. Morton 
Ollie Addleman 
Dare I. Martin 
Geo. Hamilton 
B. B. Nuckels 
Arthur Bridge 

Dwight Trumbell 
Richard New 
Stuart Refler 
Will News 
Robert Scarf 

J. F. Connelly 
Paul Harmes 
Fred Harmes 
Sam Christopher 
W. A. Lester 
Harry Converse 
Samuel Eckel 
Albert C. Converse 


Hattie Nelson 
Jeannette Rowan 
Ethel Thompson 
Bessie Cratton 

Harry W. Nickey 
A. F. Shepherd 
L. C. Canham 
Dr. A. W. Barker 

Geo. Edward Coe 
Geo. French 
Stanley Myers 
Billy Meteer 
Hugh Graham 
James Graham 
Billy Lou Jayne 
Sim Fernandes 
Leon Lambert 
Daniel O'Connell 
James Edw. Mueller 
Maurice Holahan 
Street Dickerman 
James Jones 
Bob Patton 
Chas. Lanphier 

Indian Maidens 

Lillibelle Troth 
Gertrude Hall 
Ellen Broaddus 
Ida Johnson 

French Soldiers 

Wm. Diefenthaler 
J. M. Pollard 
Bud Barber 

Children of Illinois 

Chas. Dawson 
Halbert Crews 
Marshall Myers 
Nona Walgren 
Helen Bair 
Ruth Myers 
Elizabeth French 
Mercedes Mueller 
Mary Meredith 
Mary Linn Culp 
Esther McAnulty 
Mary Jane Hatcher 
Betty Dallman 
Mary Ann Burnett 
Alice Burke 
Martha McCann 

Virginia Reel 

Lucille Montgomery 
Alice McCune 
Ethel McCune 
Lucille Finn 

William J. Aurelius 
Harry Watson 
Rice J. Moore 

Mary Graham 
Eleanor Ballou 
Louise McCarthy 
Margaret E. Jayne 
Catherine Graham 
Clara Graham 
Catherine Murphy 
Elizabeth Murphy 
Loretta Bea 
Lorene McGrath 
Virginia S- Osborne 
Mary Evans 
Ninna Staley 
Helen Fogarty 
Nancy Jane Mackie 
Mary Fogarty 


The Dancers 
Spirit of Fire LUCY BATES 

Edward S. Boyd William D. McKinney 

Gerald Edwin Margrave G. C. Rockwell 

W. R. Flint George Cresse 

O. G. Miller Master Raymond L. 

A. C. Margrave Boyd 

Harry J. Haynes Mrs. W. R. Flint 

E. B. Harris Mrs. O. G. Miller 

William L. Blucke Mrs. A. C. Margrave 

Martha Bliss 
Jeanette Salzenstein 

Fire Sprites 

Bettie Gullett 
Phoebe Coe 

Mrs. Harry J. Haynes 

Mrs. George Cresse 
Mrs. William D. McKinney 

Mrs. G. C. Rockwell 

Mrs. George W. Kenney 

Mrs. E. C. Haas 

Miss Elva Boyd 

Miss Margaret M. Reid 

Katherine Murray 
Rose Alice Coe 

Mary Stuart 
Dorothy Bair 
Lucille Perry 
Dorothy Dickson 

Water Sprites 

Frances Corson 
Dorothy Sullivan 
Jeannette Smith 

Margaret Howey 
Katherine White 
Dorothy Coe 




Guard of Honor, Members Stephenson Post No. 30, G. A. R. 

H. H. BIGGS, Commander 
R. H. CORSON, Vice-Commander 

R. W. Ewing 

H. B. Davidson 

J. S. Felter 

B. P. Bartlett 

Chas. Schuppel 

John Dilks 

J. B. Inman 

W. H. Sammons 

John Fagan 

Wash Irwin 

Chas. Sammons 

J. M. Stevenson 

J. S. Thompson 

Chas. Elkin 

Thomas Wright 

B. S. Johnson 

M. Cotton 

W. H. Newlin 

W. F. McCoy 

I. Guest 

French Woodrunners 

George A. Fish 

Ted Weites 

J. S. Crugar 

Samuel Barker 

O. F. Davenport 

L. J. Wylie 

James Riley 

J. E. Schwarzott 

M, B. Hoagland 

A. D. Burbank 

French Company 

Lee Day 

Jean Seip 

Alice Warren 

Topsy Smith 

Margaret Potter 

Martha Wiggins 

Doris Babcock 

Caroline Dorwin 

Claribel Baker 

Dorothy Johnston 

Frances Easley 

Anna Armstrong 

Jennie Barnes 

Mary McRoberts 

Converse Staley 

Marian Abies 

Marian Matheny 

Robert Risse 

Leonora Patton 

Frances Fetzer 

Herman Helmle 

Alice Hay 

Dorothy Runyan 

Joe Lynd 

Vexilla Regis Chorus 

Under the 

direction of Miss BESSIE 


Mrs. J. W. Hington 

Margaret Mulcahy 

Ruth True 

Mrs. Cummings 

Marie Koenig 

Grace Morgan 

Mrs. Laura Nichols 

Louise M. Desch 

Helen Gafflgan 

Mrs. Helen Wimberg 

Mrs. Viola E. Holliday 

Margaret McGurk 

Mrs. Oliver Davenport 

Mary Delmore 

Mrs. John Kohlbecker 

Mrs. Brownback 

Katherine Luby 

Mrs. Jerry Sexton 

Mrs. Marie Powell 

Nelle Markey 

Miss Theresa Wochner 

Sue Boyle 

Augusta Fajaey 

Mrs. Walter Ryan 

Mary Barry 

Marie Stratham 

Thos Reynolds 

Ollie Kennedy 

Margaret Dolan 

Thos. Yoggerst 

Anna Hogan 

Mrs. Theresa O'Reilly 

John Boyle 

Anna Nally 

Angela Fisher 

Henry Hickey 

Bertha Swan 

Agnes Mischler 

Wm. J. Fogarty 

Jessie Smith 

Mary Shaughnessy 

Jas. Murphy 

Gertrude White 

Kathryn Burke 

Gus Link 

Josephine Yoggerst 

Mary Butterly 

John Kuhlman 

Mrs. W. D Stewart 

Mrs. J. Murphy 

Ed. Dolan 

Theresa Eglin 

Alica Lawler 

C. N. Groesch 

Loraine Eglin 

Jane Young 

Jacob Layendecker 

Mrs. Emma Jones 

Emma Groesch 

Earl Kane 

Mrs. Alma Bermister 

Christine Layendecker 

J. B. Bird 

Mrs. Mae Higgins 

Catherine Gorman 

John Fix 

Mrs. Nettie Ramey 

Margaret Dolan 

Chas. Metzger 

Mary Buoy 

Edna Groesch 

Sigmund Rechner 

Emily Buoy 

Margaret Nollen 

H. Rabenstein 

Margaret Buoy 

Gertrude Staab 

Will Foster 

Theresa Reynolds 

Irene Foster 

Jas. Knox 

Bessie Higgins 

Nelle Gafflgan 

Isabella Fogarty 

Elizabeth Donelan 

Margaret Gafflgan 

Margaret Ryan 

Marie Mulcahy 

Mary Gafflgan 

Margaret Laurer 

Mrs. Kate Pfund 

Statia Doyle 

Marie Eglin 

Mrs. Mamie Stevens 

None O'Donnell 

May Doyle 

Mary Agnes Doyle 

Elizabeth O'Brien 

Anna Lawless 

Katharine Quinn 

Margaret O'Brien 

Lucy Kelly 

Rose Farral 

Cecil True 

Katharine Kelly 

Nan Doyle 



Harry L. Smith 
Edward F. Irwin 
E. L. Haas 
G. E. Dobson 

British Soldiers 

Geo. D. Parkin 
D. M. Tilson 
Arthur Lehne 
C. A. Gauker 

C. W. Vail 
Fred C. Kincaid 
Walter Bachelder 

Harry C. Page 
J. F Baker 
George J. Tunney 
S. E. Moore 
A. D. Fash 
C. H. Pickett 
Lee Kincaid 

Dr. John A. Wheeler 
George H. Faxon 
Edward Anderson 
C. H. Jenkins 
A. B. Simonson 
Sam Metcalf 
Leigh Call 


J. A. Bryden 
Miles A. Leach 
R. E. James 
Will L. Connor 
W. B. Jose 
Frank T. Keisecker 
W. S. Kurd 

Continental Soldiers 

Chas. T. Bisch 
Russell James 
H. A. McElvain 
A. R. Abels 
Ray Christopher 
A. A. Hart 
F, A. Land 

Carl Congdon 
Barney Oldfleld 
E. L. Mayhew 
Griffith George 
A. L. Whittenberg 
Clarence Jones 

F. O. Lorton 
W. D. Mottar 
Wallie Fleming 
J. M. Tucker 
C. C. Bradley 
Chas. Price 









Illinois Woman's College 









Northwestern University 


Lake Forest 


Chicago University 

State Normal 


Officers of Chorus 

R. SCHOKNKCHT Director F. DIESING, Accompanist 

A. MAURER, Treasurer 

Assistants to Treasurer FRANK GROTH, Louis KOOPMAN, ANNA DURHEIM, 

Dorothy Adams 
Nellie Baker 
Selma Behrens 
Elizabeth Bettinghaus 
Anna Busch 
Minnie Durheim 
Clara Engelder 
Carrie Feuerbacher 
Margaret Goering 
Charlotte Friedmeyer 
Catherine Friedmeyer 
Charlotte Herzer 
Alme Koopman 
Lucy Lauterbach 
Helen Link 
Edna Link 
Hilda Libka 


Martha Maurer 
Ethel Melcher 
Helen Meyer 
Johannah Ostermeier 
Marie Profrock 
Minnie Reiss 
Louise Reiss 
Edna Richards 
Elizabeth Richards 
Elsie Roberts 
Anna Ruschke 
Anna Pisivoske 
Marie Sack 
Lydia Sieving 
Tena Sommer 
Margaret Sommer 
Margaret Spitznagle 

Ruth Streckfuss 
Elizabeth Sturm 
Katherine Sturm 
Alma Sturm 
Lillie Tarr 
Delphine Thiele 
Julia Vogt 

Katherine Van Horn 
Dorothy Van Horn 
Marie Zoellner 
Marie Westerman 
Gladys Ostermeier 
Anna Durheim 
Louise Hoffman 
Margaret Herzer 
Florence Lauterbach 
Hedwig Streckfus 



Alice Baker 
Hildegard Behrens 
Margaret Behrens 
Ruth Biedermann 
Anna Brand 
Hilda Brand 
Caroline Bretcher 

Herman Sack 
Cecil Ostermeier 
Fred Gaede 
Robert Gaudlitz 
Louis Groth 

George Bettinghaus 
Leo Brown 
Gus Bretcher 
O. H. Bade 


Hilda Brodhagen 
Mayme Grannemann 
Olga Groth 
Gola Goebel 
Alma Hoffman 
Bertha Ostermeier 
Charlotte Ostermeier 


Louis Koopman 
Fred Schmidt 
T. Steinke 
Edward Tarr 
Walter Meyer 


Albert Durheim 
Frank Groth 
William Profrock 
Wm. H. Schnepp 

Minnie O. Durheim 
Gustave Pahnke 
Anna Sajck 
Julia Siebert 
Hilma Voile 
Minnie Yaeck 
Kenneth Schnepp 

Fred Ostermeier 
Wilbur Fargo 
Godfrey Adams 
Walter Balzerick 
Carl Malinske 

Robert C. Runge 
Adolph Maurer 
Carl Ostermeier 
E. Klingbell 


Major FRANK R. SIMMONS, 1st Battalion, 5th Regiment 
Co. D, 5th Regiment 

Captain B. F. Bliss 

1st Lieutenant Wm. H. McLain 

2nd Lieutenant , Harry E. Stout 

65 Members 

Major HAL M. SMITH, 1st Battalion, 7th Regiment 
Co. A, 7th Regiment 

Captain Evans E. Cantrall 

1st Lieutenant James A. Jones 

2d Lieutenant Robert W. Troxell 

65 Members 

Company B, 7th Regiment 

Captain Lauren W. Coe 

1st Lieutenant Jesse K. Peyton 

2nd Lieutenant Henry L. Patton 

65 Members 

J. D. Shaffer 
Henry Offer 
L. L. Bacchus 
Dr. E. S. Spindel 

Henry R. Marshall 
Robert Curry 
Thomas English 
Alexander Miller 

Thomas Strong 
J. H. Ferreira 
Walter Stehman 
Romie Fields 

Harry J. Thornton 
W. A. J. Hay 
M. D. Morris 
Chas. J. Peterson 


W. Sidney Grundy 
G. H. Thoma 
G. W. Solomon 
E. G. George 


Geo. D. Meredith 
Martin Bolt 
John Marland 


T. Turley 

Mrs. Rosetta Ferreira 

Sophia Stehman 


J. B. Hudson 
Dr. S. D. Zaph 
Dr. G. E. Maxwell 

Curtis E. Lawrence 
Dr. A. N. Owens 
G. V. Helmle 

W. H. Bruce 
Fred Wanless 
Walter J. Horn 

Mrs. Hudson 
Miss Darrah 
Edward Smith 

R. F. Bear 
R. O. Augur 
Fred Gulick 



W. H. Conkling 
P. M. Legg 
L. F. Mansfield 
Basil W. Ogg 

Louis M. Myers 
W. B. Robinson 
W. O. Homberg 
T. C. Smith 

Curtis H. Rottger 
Harry Johnson 
James H. McMillon 
P. R. Atwood 

Wm. B. Chittenden 
L. J. Pulliam 
W. F. Castleman 
Clayton Barber 

Wm. M. Jageman 
T. M. Bradford 
Chas. Springer 
A. E. Miller 
F. L. Everett 


G. P. Kircher 
Henry L. Smith 
Rev. E. M. Antrim 


Norman Reinboth 
Dr. A. Banks 
John L. Scott 


E. B. Shinn 
A. J. Parsons 
O. S. Morse 


R. O. Pishback 
F. O. Gulick 
Lester Krick 


Chas. G. Briggle 
Ralph Dickerson 
Mrs. T. M. Bradford 
Mrs. Chas. Springer 
Mrs. L. C. Canham 

H. A. Leidel 
Samuel H. Heidler 
John Vose, Jr. 

J. B. Crane 
Henry Bengel 
Julius Myers 

H. C. Henkes 
J. H. Raymond 
C. R. Beebe 

B. W. Heady 

Lester Gott 

W. R. Schroeder 

Miss Evelyn Nelch 
Miss Margaret Jageman 
Miss Helen Jageman 
Miss Edytha Scharer 

Barney Cohen 
Bert Bean 
Amos Sawyer 
Jno. P. Utt 


Arthur Neale 
Fred Klump 
Dr. Francis W. 

Elmer Birks 
L. W. Shade 
Dr. Robert J. Flentje 


A. H. Bogardus 
E. G. Bogardus 
Justice Mellon 
C. A. Washburn 

Roy T. Jefferson 
Norval M. Naylor 
J. R. Jones 
R. E. Corson 

Randolph B. Gaffney 
C. C. Roundtree 
A. R. Bidwell 
George C. Felter 

E. B. Harris 
Wm. L. Blucke 
Wm. D. McKinney 
G. C. Rockwell 

T. E. Park 
J. A. Miller 
C. S. Miller 


Edwin Rees 
Grover W. Yoder 
Norman L. Owen 


Dr. J. M. Shearl 
H. W. McDavid 
W. H. Perkins 


Geo. Cresse 
Mrs. Geo. Cresse 
Mrs. Wm. D. McKinney 

C. W. Kessler 
Frank Kavanaugh 
Frank A. Hall 

Albert S. Mitchell 
Dr. J. C. Walters 
R. D. Sharen 

D. B. Cannon 
Bridge Brooks 
Walter Jones 

Mrs. G. C. Rockwell 
Mrs. Geo. W. Kenney 
Mrs. E. C. Haas 




Edward S. Boyd A. C. Margrave 

Master Raymond L. Boyd Harry J. Haynes 
Gerald Edwin Margrave Mrs. Elva Boyd 
W. R. Flint Miss Margaret M. Reid 

O. G. Miller 

J. M. Picco 
Robert Bunker 
Fred Cassell 
M. C. Kline 

Louis N. Rolle 
Frank Tomlin 
T. L. Muscat 
D. H. Brown 

Louis Roberts 
Myer Fishman 
Leo Conn 
R. C. McLain 

Herman J. Rick 
Dr. T. J. Kinnear 
Donald McDougal 
C. Monroe Hill 

Dr. A. C. Baxter 
James M. Gullett 
Benjamin Bruce 
Timothy E. Britton 

Oscar Ansell 
A. W. Chapman 
Thomas Lawrence 
D. O'Keefe 


Ira Busher 
J. C. Locher 
Chas. A. Keck 

San Marino 

G. A. Coleman 
F. C. Stone 
H. J. Spurway 


N. B. Clark 
Norton Barker 
Jno. W. Vorhees 


Dr. Geo. B. Weakley 
Edward P. Kelly 
Dr. C. M. Mulligan 


H. T. Gulp 

H. E. Struble 

Miss Gladys Marland 


H. B. Hill 

F. R. Dickerson 

A. D. Sawyer 

Mrs. W. R. Flint 

Mrs. O. G. Miller 

Mrs. A. C. Margrave 

Mrs. Harry J. Haynes 

W. A. Dorr 
Eugene Linxweiler 
Paul Dobson 

H. H. Clark 
J. Maggentti 
George Spengler 

J. K .Murdock 
Wm. M. Winders 
W. T. Fossett 

Harry E. Fletcher 
W. P. Weinold 
J. A. Foster 

Miss LaVerne Marland 
Miss Luella Payton 
Miss Gladys 1 Parsons 

S. Fernandes 
Dr. J. A. Day 
E. F. Armbruster 

John A. Hauberg's 
Rock Island Fife and Drum Corps 

Color Bearer William Louis Jayne 

Drummer Louis DePron, Jr. 

Stage constructed under the direction of Mr. Henry Helmle, architect. 
Costumes designed by Mr. Russell Abdill and Miss Lillian Lidman. 
Costumes executed by Miss Lillian Lidman and Schmidt Costume and Wig 


Assistant Pageant Master Miss Frances Cook. 
Concert Master Mr. John L. Taylor. 
Accompaniste-^ Mrs. Ethel A. Bliss. 
Stage Properties Mr. I. Franklin Kalb. 
Electric Lighting Mr. Charles A. Meador. 

This is a Souvenir Program ; Price 10 Cents. Proceeds for Benefit of 
American Red Cross and Salvation Army. 





October Fourth and Fifth 

Nineteen Hundred and Eighteen 

Eight-Fifteen P. M. 


Illinois State Fair Grounds 


Otto L. Schmidt, Chairman, Chicago 
Mrs. Jessie Palmer Weber, Secretary, Springfield 
Edward Bowe, Jacksonville Edmund J. James, Urbana 

John J. Brown, Vandalia George Pasfield, Jr., Springfield 

John W. Bunn, Springfield William N. Pelouze, Chicago 

William Butterworth, Moline A. J. Poorman, Jr., Fairfield 

Leon A. Colp, Marion Thomas F. Scully, Chicago 

Rev. R. W. Ennis, Mason City Rev. Frederic Siedenburg, Chicago 
E. B. Greene, Urbana 

Hugh S. Magill, Jr., Director, Springfield. 
Horace H. Bancroft, Asst. Director, Jacksonville 
Halbert O. Crews, Manager Publicity, Springfield 

Sangamon County 
Centennial Celebration Committee 

C. L. Conkling, Chairman 
Wm. H. Conkling, Secretary 

Executive Committee 

Mrs. V. Y. Dallman R. C. Lanphier 

James M. Graham Mrs. George T. Palmer 

Logan Hay J. Frank Prather 

General Committee 

R. C. Lanphier Mrs. Geo. T. Palmer 

Dr. C. A. Frazee Miss Elberta Smith 

Ira B. Blackstock J. F. Macpherson 


Major Bluford Wilson Harry W. Nickey 

Logan Hay Harlington Wood 

Chas. T. Baumann H. 0. McGrue 

Prof. I. M. Allen Mrs. Burton M. Reid 

George Pasfield, Jr. H. A. Dirksen 

R. E. Woodmansee Col. R. J. Shand 

A. D. Stevens Hugh S. Magill 

Mrs. Porter Paddock Mrs. Jessie Palmer Weber 

Cast Committee 
Mrs. P. B. Warren, Chairman Mrs. V. Y. Dallman, Vice Chairman 

Miss Theresa G. Gorman, Secretary 
R. Albert Guest I. M. Allen 

Costume Committee 
Mrs. Robert C. Lanphier Mrs. Logan Hay 

Program Committee 
Robert W. Troxell 


Music Written and Conducted by EDWARD C. MOORE 









Dances Arranged by Director of Dances 





"The Masque of Illinois" is an attempt, believed to be the first of 
its kind ever made, to interpret by means of symbol and allegory the 

28 C C 


245 years (1673-1918) of the history of the Illinois Country. It is, 
therefore, a closely written synopsis of such history, no event having 
marked influence upon the development of the State and its people 
heing omitted. 

Illinois is first shown surrounded by her Prairies, Rivers, Forests, 
and Flowers, which may be taken as standing for our natural re- 
sources. Upon this primitive and idyllic peace Fear intrudes, accom- 
panied by a band of Indians, who dance War and Squaw Dances. They 
are frightened away by the coming of the French (1673). Joliet, 
La Salle, and Tonty, are shown as symbolizing certain of the gifts the 
French brought to us; religion, the most valuable of these, being indi- 
cated by the procession following of the first missionaries, Fathers 
Marquette, Hennepin, Ribourde, and Membre, with their Indian con- 
verts, singing the "Vexilla Regis" to the old monkish air actually used 
in that day. The gayety of France is also shown in a little dance, 
which is interrupted by the coming of the British (1765), who fly their 
old flag with the Crosses of St. George and St. Andrew in the place of 
the French Lilies. The British are routed in turn by the Virginia 
frontiersmen (1778) then in alliance with France. 

The bordermen sing "The Virginian Song," contemporary in both 
words and music, and bring in the Pioneer Maidens to dance the 
"Virginia Reel" with them, indicating the nature of our first American 
settlers, bringing with them Virginia herself, our first American ruler, 
who in turn introduces America, for whom "Hail Columbia" is sung, 
in reference to the cession of the Illinois Country to the Nation (1787). 
She drives Fear, Tyranny, and Hate far from the scene, that Love, 
Freedom, and Justice may take up their abode with us. With these 
as sponsors, America crowns Illinois with the crown of Statehood 
(1818), and the scene concludes with the singing of "Fair Illinois": 

Fair Illinois So shall we stand 

Thine every joy One kindly band 

Of great endeavor ! In blest communion 

Our hearts unite Of mind and soul 

In bonds of light Made glad and whole 

With thine own heart forever ! In Freedom's sacred Union ! 



The Centennial Hymn, "Our Illinois," is sung and Illinois is shown 
once more at the beginning of her independent career as a sovereign 
State of the Union, saying: 

The beauty of youth is mine, and riches more than gold ; 
My stalwart sons and daughters shall bring me wealth untold ; 
Woodland and plain are mine ; but better than loam and tree 
Stout hearts and visioned eyes to keep my people free. 

A maiden comes bringing Slavery, introduced by the French long 
before, who is expelled, standing for Governor Coles' successful fight 


against the attempt to make this a slave State (1823). The Dance and 
Song of Illinois Boys and Girls, for the immigration which flocked 
hither is next, and the welcoming of LaFayette, who was received at 
Kaskaskia and Shawneetown (1825). The beginning of the commercial 
mining of coal and the breaking plow is briefly suggested (1830), and 
the Blackhawk War (1832) by a repetition of the War Dance and 
Squaw Dance, followed by the expulsion of the Indians from our 
territory (1833). The building of canals and railways is symbolized, 
before Illinois rejects the bribe of Repudiation (1842-44), and of Poly- 
gamy, first proclaimed by Joseph Smith at Nauvoo, with the ensuing 
expulsion of the Mormons (1846). In a vision Illinois commemorates 
the gallantry of our soldiers in the war with Mexico, and the Illinois 
Colleges founded before 1861 celebrate themselves and the spread of 
education in the State in the preceding decade. Then comes the Civil 
War, the panegyric of Illinois being interrupted by the mourning of 
the Illinois Company for its heroic dead, broken by Illinois, who com- 
mands, in what is perhaps the most eloquent passage of the Masque, 
as follows: 

My noble sons, my noble slain, I mourn ; 

Mourn with me, kneel and mourn my sons a while. 

Now lift your heads my children, seek the skies 

And look with level eyes upon the sun. 

For yours the deathless voice of loyalty 

That is my Douglas, all the glory lit 

But my indomitable Grant tender 

Of heart to vanquished brethren ; aye, and yours 

And mine the wistful splendor of the man 

Who is mankind bound up in one strong soul 

Compassionate my LINCOLN. So give praise ! 

An Alleluia follows for those who yield their lives in Freedom's 
cause. The return of peace, the Chicago Fire (1871) and its dance, are 
followed by a prologue speaking the lapse of time. The World's 
Columbian Exposition (1893) is indicated by the Hymn of the Nations, 
foreshadowing the Great War, the words of which are: 

The Nations come in greeting The future glooms before them 

Upon the New World's birth What will its dark days bring? 

In peace and happy meeting Shall Freedom hover o'er them, 

From all the ends of earth ; Or crawl they to a king? 

They come by joy attended, Some put their trust in battle 

The Nations great and small, In armies and the sword, 

The Nations weak and splendid: Men sent to death like cattle: 

Have mercy on them all ! Have mercy on them, Lord.' 

The autocrat and tyrant 

The Armored hands of Might, 
Against the world conspirant 

What care they for the Right? 
Our soldiers and our seamen 

Some day shall rise as men 
To leave a world of Freemen : 

God keep and guard them then ! 

And the curtain falls. 



The scene shows the throne of Illinois, with the Altar of War and 
Hope embellished with the insignia of the great American War 
Charities, upon it the great seven Lights of Battle ready for lighting. 
The Illinois Counties come in singing the first stanza of "America and 
Right," followed by Illinois herself, perplexed and in deep trouble. 
She sends for her ancient counsellors, Justice, Love, and Freedom, who 
advise her at last to resolve her doubts regarding the war that is 
forcing itself upon her by calling back from her past the soldiers from 
her previous wars, with their women. In obedience the six Lights 
of Battle are lighted, and the old glories revived in the persons of men 
and women from (1) the Revolutionary War, (2) the War of 1812, 
(3) the Blackhawk War, (4) the War with Mexico, (5) the Civil War, 
and (6) the War with Spain. Each band testifies that its fighting and 
self-sacrifice led to greater freedom for Illinois and for the world. 

To the throne then come the old friends, France, our first ruler; 
Italy, who gave us Tonty, the first white settler on our soil; Belgium, 
who sent us Father Ribourde from Flanders, our protomartyr; and 
Britain, our second ruler. Illinois welcomes them, and the other 
Nations on the side of Right come in with their banners, and are 
sworn to make an end of war. Illinois, hesitant no longer, herself 
lights the seventh light. At the last the slightly adapted chorus of 
the Greeks before Marathon being sung in translation from "The Per- 
sians" of ^Eschylus: 

Strike, O ye sons of the West for your lives, 

Freemen are ye ! 
Strike for your homes, for your children and wives, 

Bend not the knee ! 

Strike for your God and the shrines He has blest ! 
Strike for your graves where your forefathers rest 
Liberty Victory ride from the West 

Strike, and be free ! 

With the singing of "The Star-Spangled Banner" by the audience, 
the Masque is ended. 


(In order of appearance) 
Leader of the Trumpeters .... Charles J. Lorch 77, ,, 

Trumpeter Marion Higgins 

Trumpeter. .' Katharine Low 

Prologue General Prank S. Dickson Illinois 

Illinois Florence Lowden 

Fear Elmer E. Bradley 

Indian Chief... ..Burke Vancil 


French Officer C. J. Doyle Trees 

Joliet Paul S. Kingsbury 

^elS Marie B. Farlow 

m e.paui SS 

Ribourde . . . . T. J. Condon 

1673 Maiden Eleanor Robinson 

British Officer Harry Smith 

Tyranny George W. Kenney g, * 

wata Pharlpq Hudson u-enevieve 

g ate : cn p ar T S ^nTvan Elizabeth Leeder 

British Soldier i^.' T - J- Sullivan Mare-aret Driscoll 

Frontiersman W. F. Workman Mvrtle Whelan 

Virginia Louisa Stericker f^F," /,;,ft an 

America Christine Brown u jff f^L,, 

Liberty Frances Gardner frcell Do well 

Tuntir-o Mr<? T R Lpib JUoulse iseoee 

five . : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : :M; aSki SioSS Ma T fl n in Hig T gins 

Crown Bearer Mary Jane Meredith Katnarm 

First Page Lorna Doone Williamson 

Second Page Virginia Dare Williamson Flowers 

1823 Maiden Delia Kikendall 

Slavery Henry Lyman Child Id I B rown 

Lafayette Herbert W. Georg pcathprinfi T 

Indian Chiefs Daughter. . . .Mrs. Paul L. Starne FHzaheth Trr 

Repudiation Hugh Graham SoroSfv E ! CVBrien 

1840 Maiden Mrs. Dorothy Dodds Chisam Margaret S Yo-eerst 

Polygamy H. M. Solenberger Marfe T Halllnal 

1861 Maiden Louise Hickox 

fire Dance Lucy Bates 

1871 Maiden Gladys Troxell Marie Brusrkp 

Chicago Mrs. John Prince niia Gedman 

Herald Rev. Lester Leake Riley Margaret McDonald 

Leader of Freedom Barney Cohen ^5 ^Hoean 

Red Cross..... Muriel Stratham Martha ScSn 

Acolyte Charlotte Pasfleld Marth a Scrogm 

Acolyte Hildred Hatcher 

The Ranger J. R. Leib 

The Pioneer Calvin White 

Soldier of the Mexican War A. D. Mackle 

Soldier of the Civil War B. C. Bean Jennie B. Otto 

Soldier of the Spanish War Burke Vancil Ella B. Keely 

France Mrs. Wm. L. Patton Jane Fixmer 

Italy Ethel Lynn Ross Virginia S. Osborne 

Belgium Mrs. John W. Black Anna Shaughnessy 

Britannia Mary Colgan Marie Casey 

England Mrs. Arthur Fitzgerald Josephine Gorman 

Scotland. .:.... Mrs. Beralla Southwick Margaret McGranoo 

Ireland Lo Reine McGowan Rose Thon 

Wales Helen Fitch Verna Armstrong 

Canada Mary Shafted Doris Deaton 

Australia Mrs. Don Deal Marie Wise 

South Africa Mrs. Henry Child 

Newfoundland Susie Harl Rivers 

New Zealand Mrs. George E. Keys 

India Miss Imogene Smith 

Egypt Mrs. Leigh Call 

In Black Mrs - H - L - p atton 

OustrtPttp Marie I. Schou 

Quartette Ella Chandler 

Helen England 

Tenor R. A. Guest Alice Gorman 

Soprano Mrs. Helen Brown Read Mildred Rodger 

Alto Mrs. Grace Fish Partridge Helen Tilley 

Basso J. B. Barnaby Francis Schou 



Burke Vancil 
Fred Brooks 
Edwin A. Coe 
E. W. Wright 
V. A. Campbell 
Warren Lewis 
Dr. Scott Walters 
H. D. Agee 
E. M. Shanklin 

Hattie Nelson 
Jeannette Rowan 
Ethel Thompson 
Bessie Crafton 

Harry W. Nickey 
A. P. - Shepherd 
L. C. Canham 
Dr. A. W. Barker 

George A. Fish 
Samuel Barker 
James Riley 
A. D. Burbank 

Indian Braves 

C. R, Constant 

D. T. Queen 
J. A. Morton 
Ollie Addleman 
Dare I. Martin 
Geo. Hamilton 
B. B. Nuckels 
Arthur Bridge 

Indian Maidens 

Lillibelle Troth 
Gertrude Hall 
Ellen Broaddus 
Ida Johnson 

French Soldiers 

Wm. Diefenthaler 
J. M. Pollard 
Bud Barber 

French Woodrunners 

Ted Weites 

O. F. Davenport 

J. E. Schwarzott 

J. F. Connelly 
Paul Harmes 
Fred Harmes 
Sam Christopher 
W. A. Lester 
Harry Converse 
Samuel Eckel 
Albert C. Converse 

Lucille Montgomery 
Stella Nelson 
Ellen Stevens 
Bessie Stevens 

William J. Aurelius 
Harry Watson 
Rice J. Moore 

J. S. Crugar 

L J. Wylie 

M. B. Hoagland 

Under the 

Mrs. J. W. Hington 
Mrs. Cummings 
Mrs. Laura Nichols 
Mrs. Helen Wemberg 
Mrs. Oliver Davenport 
Mrs. Brownback 
Mrs. Marie Powell 
Mrs. Theresa O'Reilly 
Mrs. John Kohlbecker 
Mrs. Jerry Sexton 
Sue Boyle 
Mary Barry 
Ollie Kennedy 
Anna Nally 
Jessie Smith 
Gertrude White 
Josephine Yoggerst 
Mrs. W. D. Stewart 
Theresa Eglin 
Loraine Eglin 
Mary Buoy 
Emily Buoy 
Theresa Reynolds 
Bessie Higgins 
Elizabeth Donelan 

Doris Babcock 
Dorothy Johnston 
Jennie Barnes 
Leonora Patton 
Margaret Potter 
Frances Easley 
Dorothy Runyan 

Vexilla Regis Chorus 

direction of Miss BESSIE 

Marie Mulcahy 

Mrs. Mayme Stevens 

Margaret Mulcahy 

Marie Koenig 

Louise M. Desch 

Mrs. Viola E. Holliday 

Mary Delmore 

Margaret Dolan 

Angela Fischer 

Agnes Mischler 

Mary Shaughnessy 

Emma Groesch 

Marie Eglin 

Christine Layendecker 

Catherine Gorman 

Margaret Dolan 

Edna Groesch 

Margaret Nollen 

Gertrude Staab 

Irene Foster 

Nellie Gafflgan 

Margaret Gaffigan 

Mary Gaffigan 

Grace Morgan 

Helen Troesch 

French Company 

Elizabeth Pasfield 
Emily Owen 
Cecelia Schirnding 
Luella Harnsberger 
Charlotte Pasfleld 
Mabel Stuart 
Lucille Cazalet 

Ella Morgan 
Helen Golden. 
Marie Hallihan 
Katherine Hallihan 
Grace Nordimeyer 
Thelma Trent 
Loretta Doyle 
Irene Hart 
Kate Costello 
Josephine Connolly 
Thos. Reynolds 
Thos. Yoggerst 
Gus Link 
John Kuhlman 
Ed. Dolan 
C. N. Groesch 
Jacob Layendecker 
Earl Kane 
J. B. Bird 
John Fix 
Chas. Metzger 
Sigmund Rechner 
H. Rabenstein 
Joseph Geist 
James Murphy 

Kathyrn Kautz 
Mildred Caskey 
Bertha Harris 
Roxana Watson 
Rowena Shonweiler 
Grace Peebles 



Harry L. Smith 
Edward F. Irwin 
E. L. Haas 
G. E. Dobson 

Harry C. Page 
J. F. Baker 
George J. Tunney 
S. E. Moore 
A. D. Fash 
C. H. Picket! 
Lee Kincaid 

British Soldiers 

Geo. D. Parkin 
D. M. Tilson 
Arthur Lehne 
C. A. Gauker 


J. A. Bryden 
Miles A. Leach 
R. E. James 
Will L. Connor 
W. B. Jose 
Frank T. Keisacker 
W. S. Hurd 

Virginia Reel 

C. W. Vail 
Fr_ed C. Kincaid 
Walter Bachelder 

Carl Congdon 
Barney Oldfleld 
E. L. Mayhew 
Griffith George 
A. L. Whittenberg 
Clarence Jones 


Edward S. Boyd 

W. R. Flint 

O. G. Miller 

A. C. Margrave 

Harry J. Haynes 

William L. Blucke 

The Dancers 

William D. McKinney 
Mr. A. B. Harris 
Mr. Alfred Bramblett 
Mrs. W. R. Flint 
Mrs. O. G. Miller 
Mjs. A. C. Margrave 

Continental Soldiers 

Mrs. Harry J. Haynes 
Mrs. William D. McKinney 
Mrs. E. C. Haas 
Miss Elva Boyd 
Mrs. Kauffman 

Dr. John A. Wheeler 

Chas. T. Bisch 

F. O. Lorton 

George H. Faxon 

Russell James 

W. D. Mottar 

Edward Anderson 

H. A. McElvain 

Wallie Fleming 

C. H. Jenkins 

A. R. Abels 

J. M. Tucker 

A. B. Simonson 

Ray Christopher 

C. C. Bradley 

Sam Metcalf 

A. A. Hart 

Chas. Price 

Leigh Call 

F. A. Land 

Slavery Group 

Children of Illinois 

Geo. Edward Coe 

Bob Patton 

Margaret E. Jayne 

Geo. French 

Charles Lanphier 

Catherine Graham 

Billy Meteer 

Halbert Crews 

Clara Graham 

Hugh Graham 

Marshall Myers 

Catherine Murphy 

Billy Lou Jayne 

Nona Walgren 

Elizabeth Murphy 

Sim Fernandes 

Elizabeth French 

Loretta Bea 

Leon Lambert 

Mercedes Mueller 

Lorene McGrath 

Daniel O'Connell 

Mary Merideth 

Virginia S. Osborne 

James Edw. Mueller 

Mary Linn Gulp 

Helen Fogarty 

Maurice Holahan 

Esther McAnulty 

Nancy Jane Mackie 

Street Dickerman 

Alice Burke 

Mary Fogarty 

James Jones 

Martha McCann 

Farmers and Miners and 
Canal and Railroad Makers 

Charles Grahm 
Charles Bridges 
Marshal McNeer 
Allen Bergman 
Frank Stowars 

Boy Scouts 
FRED HAHN Scout Master 

Harold Actom 
Lorence Kunz 
Frank Grebe 
John Greleski 
Slanty Wise 

Dwight Trumbull 
Richard New 
Stuart Refler 
Will News 
Robert Scarf 











Illinois Woman's College 









Northwestern University 


Lake Forest 


Chicago University 

State Normal 


Officers of Chorus 

R. SCHOKNECHT, Director F. DIESING, Accompanist 

A. MAURER, Treasurer 

Assistants to Treasurer FRANK GROTH, Louis KOOPMAN, ANNA DURHEIM, 

Dorothy Adams 
Nellie Baker 
Selma Behrens 
Elizabeth Bettinghaus 
Anna Busch 
Minnie Durheim 
Clara Engelder 
Carrie Feuerbacher 
Margaret Goering 
Charlotte Friedmeyer 
Catherine Friedmeyer 
Charlotte Herzer 
Alme Kojopman 
Lucy Lauterbach 
Helen Link 
Edna Link 
Hilda Libka 
Martha Maurer 

Alice Baker 
Hildegard Behrens 
Margaret Behrens 
Anna Brand 
Hilda Brand 
Caroline Bretcher 
Mayme Granneman 
Olga Groth 

Herman Sack 
Fred Gaede 
Robert Gaudlitz 
Louis Groth 
Louis Koopman 

George Bettinghaus 
Leo Brown 
Gus Bretcher 
O. H. Bade 


Helen Meyer 
Johannah Ostermeier 
Marie Profrock 
Minnie Reiss 
Louise Reiss 
Eda Richards 
Elizabeth Richards 
Elsie Roberts 
Anna Ruschke 
Marie Sack 
Lydia Sieving 
Tena Sommer 
Margaret Sommer 
Margaret Spitznagel 
Ruth Streckfuss 
Elizabeth Sturm 
Katherine Sturm 


Gola Goebel 
Alma Hoffman 
Bertha Ostermeier 
Charlotte Ostermeier 
Minnie Ostermeier 

Gustave Pahnke 
Anna Sack 


Fred Schmidt 
T. Steinke 
Edward Tarr 
Walter Meyer 
Fred Ostermeier 


Albert Durheim 
Frank Groth 
William Profrock 
Wm. H. Schnep'p 

Alma Sturm 
Lillie Tarr 
Julia Vogt 
Katherine Van Horn 
Dorothy Van Horn 
Marie Zoellner 
Marie Westerman 
Anna Durheim 
Louise Hoffman 
Margaret Herzer 
Florence Lauterbach 
Hedwig Streckfuss 
Lyda Tuxhorn 
Martha Orlowski 
Mrs. M. A. Maurer 
Mrs. F. Groth 
H. Goebel 

Julia Siebert 
Hilma Voile 
Minnie Yaeck 
Kenneth Schnepp 
Lillie Tuxhorn 
Mrs. O. Bade 

Wilbur Fargo 
Godfrey Adams 
August Eshlepp 
H. Beck 

Robert C. Runge 
Adolph Maurer 
Carl Ostermeier 




Guard of Honor, Members Stephenson Post No. 30, G. A. R. 

H. H. BIGGS, Commander ) 
R. H. CORSON, Vice-Commander f Color 

R. W. Ewingr 
E. P. Bartlett 
J. B. Inman 
Wash Irwin 
E. S. Johnson 
W. F. McCoy 

Martha Bliss 
Jeanette Salzenstein 

Joseph DeFreitas 
H. B. Davidson 
Chas. Schuppel 
Chas. Elkin 
I. Guest 
J. M. Stevenson 

Spirit of Fire 

Fire Sprites 

Bettie Gullett 
Phoebe Coe 

Water Sprites 

Frances Corson 
Dorothy Sullivan 
Jeanette Smith 

W. H. Newlin 
H. H. Keithley 
Michael Hayes 
S. S. Nottingham 
John Underfanger 

Katherine Murray 
Rose Alice Coe 

Margaret Howey 
Dorothy Coe 
Sybil Stevens 

Mary Stuart 
Dorothy Bair 
Lucille Perry 
Dorothy Dickson 


Officers of the Club 

MRS. PAUL STARNE, President MRS. GEORGE KEYS, Vice-President 

Miss ELBERTA SMITH, Secretary -Treasurer 

Mrs. Harry Steelman Miss 

Miss Elberta Smith Miss 

Mrs. J. F. Hartwell Miss 

Mrs. Creighton Borah Miss 

Miss Mary Carter Miss 

Mrs. Paul Starne Miss 

Mrs. John Miller Miss 

Mrs. Walter Reid Miss 

Miss Marie Schevers Miss 

Mrs. E. L. Sturtevant Miss 

Miss Laura Fisher Miss 

Miss Kate Fisher Miss 

Mrs. Frank Drake Miss 

Mrs. Cecil Jackson Mrs. 

Mrs. Ray Simmons Mrs. 

Mrs. Ernst Helmle Miss 

Miss Mary Hudson Miss 

Miss Caroline Quirles Miss 

Miss Olivia Monroe Miss 

Mrs. David Lockie Mrs. 

Mrs. Bert Weeks Miss 

Mrs. Nellie Grant Miss 

Mrs. P. P. Powell Miss 

Miss Pearl York Miss 

Mrs. W. N. Baker Miss 

Mrs. Herman Abels Miss 

Mrs. Hugh Graham Miss 

Miss Bessie Hanratty Miss 

Mrs. Albert Lutkemeyer Miss 

Mrs. J. A. Morton Miss 

Miss Mary Jane Howard Miss 

Miss Florence Murray Miss 

Mrs. J. G. Fogarty Miss 

Mrs. E. F. Erler Miss 

Miss Irene Hart Miss 

Miss Elizabeth Janssen Miss 


Corrine Jacobs 
Edna Neubeck 
Helen Nelsch 
Helen Fitch 
Helen England 
Margaret Jones 
Louise Jacobs 
Elsie Jacobs 
Helen Donaldson 
Bernice McDaniels 
Sue Boyle 
Marie Wise 
Earl Farley 
Franz Helmle 
Geo. E. Koehn 
Lucy Hilmer 
Marie Koenig 
Helen Dresch 
Henrietta Herman 
Marshall Yetter 
Mary Barry 
Irene Foster 
Hazel Newburn 
Minnie Wadkins 
Anna Somdal 
Flora Janssen 
Ruth Conover 
June Conover 
Eda Nelsch 
Helen Nelsch 
Mae Mitchell 
Hilda Wiley 
Mildred Moore 
Glenna Chute 
Audrey L. Clark 
Alice G. Lawler 

Marie J. Dorsey 

Alice Condon 

May Manning 

Mrs. Edna M. Paullin 

Mrs. Jean Paullin 

Miss Daisy Parks 

Miss Edna Nelch 

Mrs. Chas. Clapp 

Mrs. Harry Cobb 

Miss Wright 

Miss Vera Reinbold 

Marie Fitch 

Loretta Downey 

Marie Farlow 

Katharine Hartman 

Margaret E. Driscoll 

Cecilia Hogan 

Nellie Hughes 

Julia Pugh 

Virginia Bennett 

Hathaway Bennett 

Sarah Jones 

Edith Withey 

Lilla Withey 

Margaret H. McDonald 

Margaret McCranor 

Elizabeth Leider 

Marie Bruseke 

Laura Thomas 

Miss Mary Maloney 

Frances C. Wright 

Mrs. J. Edward Wimberg 

Ethel M. Luby 

Esther Finnigan 

Josephine Gorman 





J. D. Shaffer 
Henry Offer 
L. L. Bacchus 
Dr. E. S. Spindel 
W. Sidney Grundy 
G. H. Thoma 
G. W. Solomon 

E. G. George 
Curtis E. Lawrence 
Dr. A. N. Owens 
G. V. Helmle 
Henry R. Marshall 
Robert Curry 
Thomas English 
Alexander Miller 
Geo. D. Meredith 
Martin Bolt 

John Marland 
W. H. Bruce 
Fred Wanless 
Walter J. Horn 
Thomas Strong 
J. H. Ferreira 
Walter Stehman 
Romie Fields 
T. Turley 
Edward Smith 
Harry J. Thornton 
W. A. J. Hay 
M. D. Morris 
Chas. J. Peterson 
J. D. Hudson 
Dr. S. D. Zaph 
Dr. G. E. Maxwell 
R. F. Bear 
R. O. Augur 
Fred Gulick 
W. H. Conkling 

F. M. Legg 

L. F. Mansfield 
Basil W. Ogg 

G. P. Kircher 
Henry L. Smith 
Rev. E. M. Antrim 
H. A. Leidel 
Samuel H. Heidler 
John Vose, Jr. 
Louis M. Myers 
W. B. Robinson 
W. O. Homberg 

T. C. Smith 
Norman Reinboth 
Dr. A. Banks 
John L. Scott 
J. B. Crane 
Henry Bengel 
Julius Myers 
Curtis H. Rottger 
Harry Johnson 
James H. McMillon 
F. R. Atwood 
E. B. Shinn 
A. J. Parsons 
O. S. Morse 
H. C. Henkes 
J. H. Raymond 

C. R. Beebe 
Wm. B. Chittenden 
L. J. Pulliam 
W. F. Castleman 
Clayton Barber 
R. O. Fishback 
F. O. Gulick 
Lester Krick 

B. W. Heady 
Lester Gott 

W. R. Schroeder 
Wm. M. Jageman 
T. M. Bradford 
Chas. Springer 
A. E. Miller 
F. L. Everett 
Chas. G. Briggle 
Ralph Dickerson 
Barney Cohen 
Bert Bean 
Amos Sawyer 
Jno. P Utt 
Arthur Neale 
Fred Klump 
Elmer Birks 
Dr. Francis W. 

L. W. Shade 
Dr. Robert J. Flentje 
A. H. Bogardus 
E. G. Bogardus 
Justice Mellon 

C. A. Washburn 
T. E. Park 

J. A. Miller 
C. S. Miller 
C. W. Kessler 
Frank Kavanaugh 
Frank A. Hall 
Roy T. Jefferson 
Norval M. Naylor 
J. R. Jones 
R. E. Corson 
Edwin Rees 
Grover W. Yoder 
Norman L. Owen 
Albert S. Mitchell 
Dr. J. C. Walters 
R. D. Sharen 
Randolph B. Gaffney 

C. C. Roundtree 
A. R. Bidwell 
George C. Felter 
Dr. J. M. Shearl 
H. W. McDavid 
W. H. Perkins 

D. B. Cannon 
Bridge Brooks 
Walter Jones 

E. B. Harris 
Wm. L. Blucke 
Wm. D. McKinney 
G. C. Rockwell 
Geo. Cresse 
Edward S. Boyd 

Gerald Edwin Margrave 

W. R. Flint 

O. G. Miller 

A. C. Margrave 

Harry J. Haynes 

J. M. Picco 

Robert Bunker 

Fred Cassell 

M. C. Kline 

Ira Busher 

J. C. Locher 

Chas. A. Keck 

W. A. Dorr 

Eugene Linxweiler 

Paul Dobson 

Louis N. Rolle 

Frank Tomlin 

T. L. Muscat 

D. H. Brown 

G. A. Coleman 

F. C. Stone 

H. J. Spurway 

H. H. Clark 

J. Maggentti 

George Spengler 

Louis Roberts 

Myer Fishman 

Leo Cohn 

R. C. McLain 

N. B. Clark 

Morton Barker 

Jno. W. Vorhees 

J. K. Murdock 

Wm. M. Winders 

W. T. Fossett 

Herman J. Rick 

Dr. T. J. Kinnear 

Donald McDougal 

C. Monroe Hill 

Dr. Geo. B. Weakley 
Edward P. Kelly 
Dr. C. M. Mulligan 
Harry E. Fletcher 
W. P. Weinold 
J. A. Foster 
Dr. A. C. Baxter 
James M. Gullett 
Benjamin Bruce 
Timothy E. Britton 
H. T. Gulp 
H. E. Struble 
Miss Gladys Marland 
Miss La Verne Marland 
Miss Luella Payton 
Miss Gladys Parsons 
Oscar Ansell 
A. W. Chapman 
Thomas Lawrence 

D. O'Keefe 
H. B. Hill 

F. R. Dickerson 
A. D. Sawyer 
S. Fernandas 
Dr. J. A. Day 

E. F. Armbruster 


With Flag of Thirteen Stars and Stripes 

With Flag of Fifteen Stars and Fifteen Stripes 

With Flag of Twenty-four Stars and Thirteen Stripes 

With Flag of Twenty-nine Stars and Thirteen Stripes 

With Flag of Thirty-four Stars 


With Flag of Forty-five Stars 


Flag Bearer and Women 


Ethel Brown Mabel Pumphrey Mrs. Gary Sinniger 

Alice Brown Nell Nolden Mrs. E. S. Boyd 

Mrs. Alfred Bramblett Marian Welsh Mrs. Walter Flint 

Mrs. Lillian Bugg Emma Gill Mrs. D. H. Irwin 

Clara Brubaker Gladys Gill Mrs. P. E. Jones 

Clara Page Mrs. Paul Kienzele Mrs. W. D. McKinney 

Flag Bearers From Ansar Temple 

Belgium, Brazil, China, Cuba, France, Greece, Guatemala, 

Haiti, Honduras, Italy, Japan, Liberia, Montenegro, 

Panama, Portugal, Roumania, San Marino, 

Serbia, Siam, Uruguay, Great 

Britain and Ireland 

H. H. Biggs and R. H. Corson 

William Louis Jayne Drummer Louis De Pron, Jr. 

John A. Hauberg's 
Rock Island Fife and Drum Corps 


Major FRANK R. SIMMONS, 1st Battalion, 5th Regiment 
Co. D, 5th Regiment 

Captain B. F. Bliss 

1st Lieutenant Wm. H. McLain 

2d Lieutenant Harry E. Stout 

65 Members 


Major HAL M. SMITH, 1st Battalion, 7th Regiment 
Co. A, 7th Regiment 

Captain James A. Jones 

1st Lieutenant Robert W. Troxell 

2nd Lieutenant Frank L. Melin 

65 Members 

Company B, 7th Regiment 

Captain Lauren W. Coe 

1st Lieutenant Jesse K. Peyton 

2nd Lieutenant Henry L. Patton 

65 Members 

Stage constructed under the direction of Mr. Henry Helmle, architect. 
Costumes designed by Mr. Russell Abdill and Miss Lillian Lidman. 
Costumes executed by Mrs. Heimlich, Miss Lillian Lidman and Schmidt 

Costume and Wig Company. 
Concert Master Mr. John L. Taylor. 
Accompaniste-^-Mrs. Ethel A. Bliss. 
Stage Properties Mr. I. Franklin Kalb. 
Electric Lighting Mr. Charles A. Meador. 
Stage built by Mr. J. Clyde Evans. 

Dye_ing of Illinois Company Costumes by Mrs. Addie DeFrates. 
Assistants to Mr. Bruegger Mr. Charles Hudson, Mr. A. D. Burbank. 
Assistant to Col. Richings J. Shand Mr. George C. Wood. 
The Torch of Freedom and the Lights of War executed by George and 



1818-1918. Suggestions for County and Local Celebrations of the One 
Hundredth Anniversary of the Admission of Illinois Into the 
Federal Union. 

Centennial Memorial Publications. 

Illinois in 1818. Preliminary Volume. Edited by Solon J. Buck. 
Volume I. French and British Dominion, the Revolution and the 
or Territorial Period, closing with the Admission of 

Province Illinois as a State, 1818. Edited by Clarence Wai- 

and worth Alvord. 

Volume II. The Frontier State, 1818-1848. Edited by Theodore 

Calvin Pease. 
Volume III. The Era of the Civil War. 1848-1870. Edited by Arthur 

Charles Cole. 
Volume IV. The Industrial State. 187(M.893. Edited by Ernest U 

Bogart and Charles Manfred Thompson. 
Volume V. The Modern Commonwealth. 1893-1918. Edited by 

Ernest L. Bogart and John M. Mathews. 
Illinois Centennial Bulletins. 

October, 1917 October, 1918. 
Edited by HALBEKT O. CREWS. 

Nine Numbers. 
Historical Calendar, 1916-1918. Noting Historical Events Which had 

Occurred on Certain Dates. Compiled by Georgia L. Osborne. 
Illinois An Historical Resume. By Horace H. Bancroft. 
The Masque of Illinois. By Wallace Rice. 
The Pageant of the Illinois Country. By Wallace Rice. 
Six Little Plays for Illinois Children. By Wallace Rice. 
Illinois and the War. Original Poem Read Illinois Day, December 3, 

1917. By Wallace Rice. 
Kaskaskia. An Ode. Read at Fort Gage, July 4, 1918. By Wallace 

The Wonderful Story of Illinois. A Pageant. By Grace Arlington 


Pageant Building. By Florence Magill Wallace. 
Music for the Pageant and Masque. By Edward C. Moore. 
Music for Miss Owen's Pageant. By F. W. Westhoff. 




Abdill, Russell, Art Director 

"The Masque of Illinois 

395, 423, 431, 433, 444 

Abels, A. R 428, 439 

Abels, (Mrs.) Herman 441 

Abels, Marian 427 

Abraham Lincoln Walks at Mid- 
night in Springfield Poem by 

Vachel Lindsay 294 

Academy of Fine Arts, Chicago, 

Illinois 421 

Acton, Harold 425, 439 

Adams, (Col.) Clarendon E., 
National Commander Grand 

Army of the Republic 

40, 294, 299 

Adams County, 111., Centennial 

Committee 377 

Adams, Dorothy 428, 440 

Adams, Godfrey 429, 440 

Adams, John 77 

Addleman, Ollie 425, 438 

Africa 139, 171 

Agee, H. D 425, 438 

Aix - la - Chapelle, Congress of 

1818. Reference ..153, 154, 155 
Aix - la - Chapelle, The German 

Aachen 153 

Alaska 193 

Albion, 111., Centennial Observ- 
ance 377 

Albion, (Edwards Co.), 111., Eng- 
lish Colony near Albion, 111., 
located by Birkbeck and 

Flower 287, 338 

Albion, 111., Old Park House, 

location marked 380 

Alexander County 111., Centen- 
nial Celebration 378 

Alexander the Great 347 

Alleghany Mountains 

59, 60, 148, 156, 169 

Allen, (Prof.) Ira M., Member 
Cast Committee Masque of 

Illinois 39, 422, 433 

Allenby, (Gen.), Sir Edmund.. 348 

Alsace-Lorraine 203, 204 

Alsace-Lorraine, Return of to 

France 203, 204 

Alsace-Lorraine, Under German 

Yoke for 43 years 203, 204 

Altgeld, John Peter, Quoted on 
"Getting something for Noth- 
ing" 405 

Althoff, (Rt. Rev.) Henry, 
Bishop of Belleville. Invoca- 
tion at Governor Bond's grave, 
July 4, 1918 224 


Alton, 111., Death of Lovejoy in 
1837 213, 214 

Alton, 111., Lovejoy Printing 
Press, remains of mounted in 
Alton 380 

Alton, 111., Madison County cel- 
ebration held in 378 

Alton, 111., Vote on for the State 
Capital 275 

Alvord, (Prof.) Clarence Wai- 
worth 33, 34, 78, 135, 179 

Alvord, (Prof.) Clarence Wai- 
worth, Editor Centennial Me- 
morial History 

33, 34, 78, 135, 179 

Alvord, (Prof.) Clarence Wai- 
worth, The Centennial History 
of Illinois 179-194 

Alvord, (Prof.) Clarence Wai- 
worth, Illinois Centennial Me- 
morial History. Province and 
Territory, Vol. I, 1673-1818. 
Edited by C. W. Alvord 34 

America 24, 31, 40, 

79, 93, 114, 115, 119, 120, 123, 
124, 130, 145, 146, 148, 149, 
150, 156, 205, 206, 207, 217, 247 

America, America's debt to Gen- 
eral LaFayette 206 

America, Birkbeck, Morris 
quoted on America 156 

America, Clark, George Rog- 
ers Expedition 149, 150 

America, One language the 
English language in America. 247 

America, Song Added Stanza.. 301 

American Bottom 235, 286 

American Colonies declare their 
Independence 159 

American Democracy 

158, 159, 162, 163 

American Democracy, Constitu- 
tional Conventions milestones 
on the road to American 
Democracy 159 

American Democracy, Slavery 
drives a deep wedge in 162 

American Flag 

227, 228, 230, 326, 387 

American Language, But one 
American language, the Eng- 
lish language 217 

American Red Cross 431 

American Republic. . . .130, 140, 142 

Americanism, Roosevelt, Theo- 
dore, quoted on. 245, 246, 249-251 

Americanism, see Roosevelt 
Speech, Aug. 26, 1918. .. 249-251 

Americans, Hyphenated Ameri- 
cans 247 




Anderson, (Bishop) Charles P. 379 

Anderson, Edward 428, 439 

Andrew, (Gov.) John A., of 

Massachusetts 103 

Annals of Congress. Quoted on 
the admission of Illinois into 

the Union, 1818 195 

Ansell, Oscar 431, 442 

Anteus of Greek Mythology. .. .156 

Antrim, (Rev.) E. M 430, 442 

ApMadoc, W. Tudor, Member of 
Chicago Centennial Commit- 
tee 323 

Appomattox, Va. .126, 173, 221, 327 
"Arcades" played at Harefield, 
the county seat of the Dow- 
ager Duchess of Derby 407 

Arch of Napoleon, Paris, 

France , 87 

Archbishop of Canterbury, 
Pageant of the church of Eng- 
land given in the palace 

grounds of 399 

Arizona State, Experiments with 

the recall. Reference 164 

Armbruster, E. F 431, 442 

Armenia 203 

Armour, Philip D., Established 
Institute of Technology, Chi- 
cago 214 

Armstrong Anna 427 

Armstrong Family 42 

Armstrong, Verna 437 

Arnold, Isaac N., Lincoln and 

Slavery 78 

Art Association, Springfield. . . . 

295, 421 

Art Institute, Chicago 

323, 400, 407, 408 

Asia 139, 205, 314 

Athens, Greece 406 

Atlantic Ocean 90, 139, 262 

Atwood, F. R 430,442 

Aubert, (Monsieur) Louis, Ad- 
dress. A Message from 

France 135, 137, 197-206 

Aubert, (Monsieur) Louis, 
Member of the French High 
Commission to the United 

States 196,197 

Augur, R. 429, 442 

Augustana College 428, 440 

Aurelius, William J 426, 438 

Austria 113, 142, 154, 202, 203 

Aux Eparges, France 205 


Babcock, Doris 427, 438 

Babcock, R. Fairweather, winner 
of second prize Centennial 

Poster 421 

Babylon 77, 398 

Bacchus, L. L 429, 442 

Bachelder, Walter 428, 439 

Bade, O. H 429,440 

Bade, (Mrs.) O. H 440 

Bailey, M. W., Member of Cen- 
tennial Commission, State 

Senate 19 

Bair, Dorothy 426, 441 

Bair, Helen 426 


Baker, Alice 429, 440 

Baker, Claribel 427 

Baker, (Col.) Edward Dickinson 

..67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 220, 221, 288 
Baker, (Col.) Edward Dickin- 
son, Colonel of Volunteers in 

the War of the Rebellion 68 

Baker, (Col.) Edward Dickin- 
son, Killed in battle of Ball's 
Bluff War of the Rebel- 
lion 70, 221 

Baker, (Col.) Edward Dickin- 
son, Orator, famous addresses 

of, extracts 68, 71 

Baker, (Col.) Edward Dickin- 
son, United States Senator 

from Oregon 68 

Baker, George B., Member of 
fi r s t Centennial Commis- 
sion 17, 22 

Baker, J, F 428, 439 

Baker, Nellie 428, 440 

Baker, (Mrs.) W. W 441 

Ballou, Eleanor 426 

Ball's Bluff, Battle of, War of 

the Rebellion 70, 221, 288 

Baltimore, Md., Cost of trans- 
portation from Baltimore to 
Wheeling in an early day. . . .283 

Balzerick, Walter 429 

Bancroft, (Hon.) Edgar A 

135, 137, 206, 345 

Bancroft, (Hon.) Edgar A., 
Centennial address, "Illinois 

The Land of Men" 206-222 

Bancroft, George, Historian.... 77 
Bancroft, Horace H., Assistant 
Director, Centennial celebra- 
tions.. 31, 362, 363, 381, 422, 432 
Bancroft, Horace H., Illinois an 
Historical Resume.. 381, 386, 445 

Banks, (Dr.) A 430, 442 

Barber, Bud 426, 438 

Barber, Clayton 430, 442 

Barker, (Dr.) A. W 426, 438 

Barker, Morton 431, 442 

Barker, Samuel 427, 438 

Barnaby, J. B 437 

Barnes, Jennie 427, 438 

Barnes, M. Frances 425 

Barr, Richard J., Member of 
Advisory Committee, Illinois 

Centennial Commission 26 

Barry, Mary 427, 438, 441 

Bartlett, E. P 427, 441 

Bates, (Judge) Edward, of Mis- 
souri 100, 104 

Bates, (Miss) Lucy, Director of 
the dances, Illinois Centennial 


395, 423, 425, 426, 433, 437, 441 
"Battle Cry of Freedom," by 

George F. Root 371 

Battle of Buena Vista, War 

with Mexico 92 

Battle of Bull Run, War of the 

Rebellion 126 

Battle of Concord, War of the 

Revolution 77. 264, 329 

Battle of Fort Donelson, War of 

the Rebellion 63 

Battle of Fredericksburg-, War 
of the Rebellion.. . .126 




Battle of Lexington, War of the 

Revolution 77, 264, 329 

Battle of Lundy's Lane, War 

of 1812 62 

Battle of the Marne, World War 

87, 95, 197, 331 

Battle of Yorktown, War of the 

Revolution 316, 327 

Baumann, Chas. T 422, 433 

Baxter, (Dr.) A. C 431, 442 

Bazant, John A., Winner of 
third prize Illinois Centennial 

Poster 421 

Bean, Bert 430, 442 

Bean, B. C 437 

Bear, R. F 429, 442 

Beardstown, 111 284 

Beck, H 440 

Beebe, C. R 430, 442 

Beebe, Louise 437 

Beecher, Edward, President of 
Illinois College, Jacksonville, 

111. ..: 214 

Beers, Henry Augustin 405 

Beersheba 347 

Behrens, Hildegard 429, 440 

Behrens, Margaret ...428, 429, 440 

Behrens, Selma 428, 440 

Belgium ...113, 114, 202, 424, 443 
Belleville, 111., Althoff, (Rt. 
Rev.) Henry, Bishop of Belle- 
ville 224 

Bengel, Henry 430, 442 

Benjamin, Judah P., United 
States Senator from Louis- 
iana 69 

Bennett, Hathaway 441 

Bennett, Virginia 441 

Benton, (Prof.) Elbert Jay, 
Establishing the American 
Colonial system in the Old 

Northwest 135, 136, I-XXIV 

Benton, Thomas Hart 77, 304 

Bergman, Allen 425, 439 

Berlin, Germany. 143, 230, 324, 326 
Berlin, Germany, Imperial 

Court at Berlin 230 

Bermister, (Mrs.) Alma 427 

Berry, John, Lincoln and Berry 

store at New Salem 42 

Best, (Mrs.) A., Starr assists in 
the presentation of the Chi- 
cago Centennial Pageant 322 

Bethlehem, Penn 325 

Bettinghaus, Elizabeth ...428, 440 

Bettinghaus, George 429, 440 

Beveridge, Albert J., Life of 
John Marshall. Reference. . .144 

Bidwell, A. R 430, 442 

Biederman, Ruth 429 

Bigrgs, H. H 424, 441 

Bird, J. B 427, 438 

Birdges, Charles 425 

Birkbeck, Morris 

32, 156, 157, 287, 338 

Birkbeck, Morris, English 
colony, located near Albion, 
Edwards County, by Birkbeck 

and Flower 287 

Birkbeck, Morris, Journal of. 

Reference 157 

Birkbeck, Morris, Quoted on 
America 156 


Birks, Elmer 430, 442 

Bisch, Chas. T 428, 439 

Bissell, (Gov.) William H 295 

Blackburn College, Carlinville, 

111 428, 440 

Black Hawk 181, 182 

Black Hawk War, 1832 

..42, 182, 369, 424, 435, 436, 443 
Black Hawk War, Lincoln, 
Abraham, Captain in the 

Black Hawk War 42 

Black, (Gen.) John C 72 

Black, (Mrs.) John W 425, 437 

Black Laws of Illinois 

278, 280, 281 

Blackstock, Ira 422, 432 

Blaine, James G 77 

Blair, Francis G., Honorary 
Member of Illinois Centen- 
nial Commission 21, 23 

Blair, Francis G., Superintend- 
ent of Public Instruction, 

State of Illinois 21, 23, 28, 40 

Blair, (Mrs.) Francis G 53 

Blair, Francis Preston Ill 

Blanchard, Jonathan, President 
of Knox College, Galesburg, 

111 214 

Bliss, B. F 429, 443 

Bliss, (Mrs.) Ethel A 431, 444 

Bliss, Martha 426, 441 

Bloom, (Rev.) 1 300 

Bloomington, 111 330, 380, 409 

Bloomington, 111., Daughters of 
the American Revolution 
mark place where Lincoln 
made his famous "Lost 

Speech" 380 

Bloomington, 111., S a 1 z m a n, 
(Corporal) Paul, in World 

War 330 

Blucke, William L 

426, 430, 439, 442 

Bogardus, A. H 430, 442 

Bogardus, E. G 430, 442 

Bogart, Ernest L., Illinois Cen- 
tennial History, Vol. IV. The 
Industrial State, 1870-1893. 
Edited by Ernest L. Bogart 
and Charles M. Thompson. 34, 445 
Bogart, Ernest L., Illinois Cen- 
tennial History, Vol. V. The 
Modern Commonwealth, 1893- 
1918. Edited by Ernest L. 
Bogart, John M. Mathews and 

Arthur C. Cole 34, 187, 445 

Boggess, Arthur Clinton, Settle- 
ment of Illinois. Quoted 283 

Bohemia 327 

Bohemian Club of San Fran- 
cisco 408 

Bolt, Martin 429, 442 

Bonaparte, Napoleon 128, 154 

Bond, (Gov.) Shadrach 173, 

210, 223, 224, 272, 276, 278, 295 
Bond, (Gov.) Shadrach, Buried 
in Evergreen Cemetery, Ches- 
ter, Randolph County, 111 .... 

223, 224 

Bond, (Gov.) Shadrach, First 
Governor under Statehood, 

State of Illinois 58, 210, 272 

Boone, Daniel 57 




Boonville, Ind 177 

Borah, (Mrs.) Creighton 441 

Bordeaux, France, French Na- 
tional Assembly in 204 

Boston, Mass 390, 391 

Boston, Mass., Herald, News- 
paper quoted on the Centen- 
nial of Illinois 391 

Bowe, (Dr.) Edward, Member 
of the Illinois Centennial 


3, 20, 23, 38, 421, 43