r*F
SCRSBNER'S
An Illustrated Magazine
For the People.
Conducted by J. G. Holland.
Volume XX. ^
(May, 1 8 So, to Oct. 1880, inclusive.)
New -York:
Scribner & Co., No. 743 Broadway.
1880.
Copyright, 1880, by SCRIBNER & Co.
PRESS OF FRANCIS HART & Co.
NEW-YORK.
I*)
CONTENTS VOL. XX.
FRONTISPIECES
Edgar Allan Poe' Engraved b7 T- Co'e from a daguerreotype.
Savonarola. Engraved by T. Cole from photograph of painting by Fra Bartolommeo.
PAGE.
. 6oi
ADVERTISING, CURIOSITIES OF William H. Rideing.
Illustrations by A. Btennan and H. P. Share.
Illus. Head-piece 601 A Pantomimic Advertisement 605
A Bakery in Ancient Pompeii 603 The Shirt Man 605
An Ancient Perfumer's Advertisement — On the Fence.— The Rocks Below 606
Rome 603 Opening of the Trout Season 606
A Modern Perfumer's Advertisement — The Chiropodist 607
New York 603 A Conference 607
Many Ads of Many Kinds 604 The Dumb-Bell Wagon 608
The Two Dromios 604
BALKANS, OVER THE, WITH GOURKO Francis V. Greene, U. S. A. 721
BJORNSON, BJORNSTJERNE Hjalmar Hjorth Boyesen. . . 336
Illus. Portrait of Bjornstjeme Bjornson 336
BLAKE, WILLIAM — PAINTER AND POET Horace E. Scudder 225
Illus. Death's Door • 223 Elijah in the Chariot of Fire 233
Portrait of William Blake 227 Border of Plate from the " Book of Job " . . 236
Young Burying Narcissa 228 " When the morning stars sang together " . 237
Infant Joy 230 The Counselor, King, Warrior, Mother and
Morning or Glad Day 232 Child in the Tomb 239
BOLT, To, OR NOT TO BOLT Washington Gladden 906
CALIFORNIA ALPS, IN THE HEART OF THE John Muir 345
CANADA, THE DOMINION OF George M. Grant 80
Illustrations by Henry Sandham and others.
Illus. Running the Lachine Rapids, St. Lawrence A Snow-storm in the Matapediac Valley. .. 433
River 80 Junction of Matapediac and Restigouche
Sable Island, A. D. 1603 81 Rivers 433
Jacques Cartier 83 Valley of the Matapediac 435
Recollet Friar 84 Manitoba Dog- Train — Down Brakes ! 437
Long Sault Rapids, St Lawrence River. . . 86 Low Tide, St. John's Harbor, N. B 440
Gentleman of the Order of St. Sulpice, in Half-Breed Netting Salmon, Hell Gate,
the Costume of 1700 87 Fraser River 441
Jean-Baptiste, Indian Pilot on the St Law- Red River Ox-Cart in Water 443
rence 88 Indian Suspension Bridge in the North-
View in the Thousand Islands 88 west 445
Lake Memphremagog .• 89 Glacier Mountain, Junction of Muddy and
Kingston Harbor 91 North Thompson Rivers; 446
On the St. Lawrence, near Montreal 93 Nature's Monument, Canadian Pacific Coast 447
View on the Godbout 94 Indian Monuments, Canada Pacific Coast. 448
Fort Henry, Kingston 95 Parliament Buildings, Ottawa 561
Dyke on Canard River cut by the Acadians 241 A Montreal Wharf in June 561
Sherbrooke . 242 A Montreal Wharf in March 562 !
View on the Magog River 243 Open-Air Market •_ 563
A Canadian Homestead, 1830 246 Old Bonsecours Church, from the River. . . 564
A Canadian Homestead, 1850 247 Pulpit in Old Bonsecours Church 565
Cape Blomidon from Grand Pre 248 Christian Brothers at the Gate of the Sem-
York Redoubt, Halifax Harbor 249 inary of St. Sulpice 566
Cape Split, Bay of Fundy 253 A Montreal Street in Winter 567
Cape Blomidon •. 255 A Fleet of Wood Barges on the St. Law-
Ye Luxurious Acadian 256 rence 568
CHINESE STUDENTS. See "Japanese and Chinese Students in America."
CONEY ISLAND, To William H. Bishop 353
Illustrations by Douglas Volk, R. Sayre, R. Blum, H. P. Share, J. H. Twachtman and W. T. Smedley.
Illus. To Coney Island 353 A Ride on the Donkey 360
Bird's-eye View and Plan of Coney Island 354 Punch and Judy 3«
Manhattan Beach Hotel 355 Under the Iron Pier 3«
Along the Beach 356 Up in the Tower
Hotel Brighton 357 From Brighton Pier 3°4
The Silhouette Artist 358 Oriental Hotel
Bathing by Electric Light 359 The Sand Dunes, back from the Eeach .... 305
CONGRESS AND INTERNATIONAL COPYRIGHT Eugene L. Didier 132
COPYRIGHT. See " Congress and International Copyright."
CYPRIOTE INSCRIPTIONS, THE ^saac **• Hall 205
Bilingual of De Vogue ... 205 Inscription on Box of Stone, votive offering
Bilingual Tablet of Dali 206 to Paphian Aphrodite, found at Kythrea. 209
Dedicatory Inscription of Statuette, found Bronze Tablet of Dali— I. Obverse 21
at Paphos . . 208 «• Reverse 210
1 4889
iv INDEX.
PAGE.
DENVER, COLORADO. See " Metropolis of the Rocky Mountains, The. "
DICKENS, ABOUT ENGLAND WITH 494, 641
Illustrations by Charles A. Vanderhoof and Alfred Rimmer.
Illus. Barnet, where Oliver Twist met the Artful Deans Court, Doctors' Commons 645
Dodger 496 The Abbey Gate, Bury St. Edmunds 646
The Clock of St. Andrews 496 The Green Gate, St. Clement's Church-yard,
Seven Dials 497 Ipswich ....... 646
Kew Bridge on the Thames 499 " The opposite side of Goswell Street " . . . . 647
London Bridge — The Landing Stairs 500 Gray's Inn 648
Newgale Prison, the old Bailey 501 Gate-way, Lincoln's Inn 649
" That part of the Thames on which the George Inn 651
church at Rotherhithe abuts" 502 New Inn 652
Copperfield's recollections of Canterbury . . 641 Dotheboys Hall 653
Rochester Castle 642 Pump at Dotheboys Hall 654
Bull Inn at Rochester 643 Theater at Portsmouth 655
White Hart Inn, High Street 644 Ralph Nickleby's Mansion 656
DIPLOMACY, AMERICAN, A SKETCH OF Richard Henry Dana 616
EIGHTEEN YEARS ALONE Emma C. Hardacre 657
EXODUS IN KANSAS, A YEAR OF THE Henry King 211
FLORENCE, LIFE IN L. L. L 281
FRENCH REPUBLIC, WILL THE, LAST ? Juliette Lamber (Editor of
"La Nouvelle Revue "). . . $22
Translated by Helen Stanley.
GEORGETOWN COLLEGE, D. C D. A. Casserly 665
Illustrations by W. L. Shepard, R . Blum, R. Riordan, Charles A. Vanderhoof and others.
Illus. Decatur's Medal 666 The Old Pump 673
" Be to my faults a little blind " 668 Old Trinity Church 674
Feeding the Prisoner 669 Archbishop Carroll 674
Rev. B. A. Maguire, S. J 672 General View of Georgetown College 675
Rev. James Ryder, S. J 672 The New College 675
The Old Stairway 673
GRANDISSIMES, THE. Chapters XXX— LXI. (Concluded) George W, Cable 24
194, 380, 527, 696, 812
HADEN'S, MR. SEYMOUR, ETCHINGS Philip Gilbert Hamerton. . . 586
Illus. Portrait and Autograph of F. Seymour Haden 593 From the Bridge at Cardigan 596
Out of Study Window 594 Erith Marshes 597
A By-road in Tipperary 595 Breaking up of the Agamemnon 599
Kilgaren Castle 596 Sawley Abbey 600
HICKETTS HOLLOW Lina Redwood Fairfax 758
HUDSON RIVER (Illustrated). See "Our River."
IN THE M. E. AFRICAN Isabella T. Hopkins 422
JAPANESE AND CHINESE STUDENTS IN AMERICA Charles F. Thwing 450
JIM ALLTHINGS Alfred B. Street 542
LA SONNAMBULA Laura Winthrop Johnson . . 430
LAWN-PLANTING, SEA-SIDE Samuel Parsons, Jr 925
Illustrations by W. Hamilton Gibson, Charles A. Vanderhoof and others.
Illus. The Maiden's Pink 925 Large-Flowering Tickseed 927
Nierembergia Rivularis 925 Blue Harebell 928
Rocky Mountain Columbine 926
LIBRARY, A FREE LENDING, FOR NEW YORK Theodore H. Mead 929
LOUISIANA. Chapters XV— XVIII. (Concluded) Frances Hodgson Burnett. . . 16
Illustration by Mary Hallock Foote : " ' Must I go away ? ' he said " 16
MADJOON, THE SORCERY OF George Parsons Lathrop ... 416
Illustration by Francis Lathrop : Interior of an Opium Den 416
MAMMOTH CAVE, ONE HUNDRED MILES IN H. C. Hovey 914
Illustrations by J. Barton.
Illus. A Snow Cloud 921 Stephen Bishop, the Guide 922
Egyptian Temple 921 The Styx 923
The Giants' Coffin 922 The Bottomless Pit 924
MARRYING TITLES Albert Rhodes ' 622
METROPOLIS OF THE ROCKY MOUNTAINS, THE Ernest Ingersoll 543
INDEX. v
MILLET, JEAN FRANCOIS — PEASANT AND PAINTER Alfred Sensier 7-12 8a<;
(Introduction by R. W. G. Translation by H. de K.)
Illustrations by Jean Fran9ois Millet.
Illus. Portrait of Madame Millet 737 Shepherdess
Birthplace of Millet 739 Shepherdess Knitting! '..'.','.'.'.'.
A Spinner 740 Woman Bathing
Peasants returning Home 741 Carding Wool . .
Women bringing home Clothes after Wash- Sheep-shearing. ...... . . . . '. . . . .' ' ' ' .' " '
ing......... 742 CEdipus being taken from the Tree... '.'. 835
Portrait of Millet 744 The Woodman
The New-born Lamb 745 Teaching the Baby to walk! . .
Women bringing home Milk 748 The Plain of Barbizon
Noon 749 The Gleaners '.'.'.'.'.'.".'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'. 840
MISSIONS, CHRISTIAN, ECONOMIC DEFECTS IN I02
Miss STOTFORD'S SPECIALTY Philip Bourke Marsion
MORMON, THE BOOK OF Ellen E. Dickinson ' 6n
MY FRIEND MRS. ANGEL jufa Schayer " 293
NEW YORK SEVENTH, THE Clarence C. Buel 63
Illustrations by Francis Lathrop, Asher Taylor, J. E. Kelly, Harry Chase, H. P. Share, W. Taber, M. J. Bums, G. Gibson
R. Sayer and others.
Illus. Arms of the New York Seventh Regiment 63 The Seventh Off to the War. .. . 70
The Seventh Regiment Memorial Statue. . 64 Life at Camp Cameron 71
The Shakspere Tavern, New York 65 Advance Picket \ n
New York State and Seventh Regiment Theodore Winthrop 73
Colors 65 Target Practice at the Armory 73
Selecting the Uniform 66 Colonel Emmons Clark 74
Taylor's Seventh Regiment Album 67 Target Practice at Creedmoor 76
The Lafayette Medal 67 The May Inspection 77
The Abolition Riot in 1834 68 The New Armory 78
The Astor Place Riot in 1849 68 The Armorer 79
The Drum Major 69 A Creedmoor Sport, " The Tug of War ". 79
NOTES OF A WALKER. Ill .John Burroughs 97
" ONEIDA," THE Loss OF THE T. A. Lyons, U. S. N 750
Illustrations by J. O. Davidson and others.
Illus. Homeward Bound 750 Diagrams showing the position of the ves-
The Collision of the £om&aj/ and Oneida.. 751 sels at the time of the collision and the
The Oneida after the Collision 752 condition of the Bombay afterward 754
Entrance to Yedo Bay 753
OPIUM. See " Madjoon, The Sorcery of."
OUR RIVER John Burroughs 481
Illustrations by Mary Hallock Foote.
Illus. Spring Floods 482 Knitting Shad-nets 488
An Ice-Floe 483 On its way to the River 489
Crossing on the Ice to the Train 484 Old Cooper-shop and Shad-nets 490
An Old River-road 485 Fisherman's House by the River 491
A Bird's-eye View 486 Trying out Sturgeon 492
The Old Cemetery at Marlborough Landing 487
PAINE, THOMAS, AND THE FRENCH REVOLUTION E. B. Washburne 771
PAINTERS, THE YOUNGER, OF AMERICA William C. Brownell i, 321
Illus. Portrait. J. Alden Weir 3 Autumn Afternoon in Berkshire. Abbott H.
Feeding the Pigeons. Walter Shirlaw. . . 5 Thayer 325
Spring. A . P. Ryder 6 The Bather. Henry Muhrman 327
Oyster Gatherers a'c Cancale. J.S.Sargent 7 The Coming Man. Frank Duveneck 328
The Chess Players. Thomas Eakins 8 Reverie. Wyatt Eaton 329
Portrait of Frank Duveneck. William M. Reverie— In the Time of the First French
Chase 9 Empire. Will H. Low 331
The Whistling Boy. J. Frank Currier. . n Oyster Boats, North River. J. H. Twacht-
New England Cedars. R. Swain Gifford. 12 man 33a
The Newsboy. Frederick Dielman 13 Early Spring. W. S. Macy 333
Returning from the Brook. Geo. Inness, Jr. 14 Head of OldPrench Peasant Woman. Fred-
After the Rain. F. S. Church 15 eric P. Vinton 334
The Romany Girl. George Fuller 321 Miggles. George D. Brush 335
PALERMO, FROM, TO SYRACUSE George B. McClellan 400
Illustrations by Thomas Moran, John Bolles, Charles A. Vanderhoof. R. Riordan, Francis Lathrop and others.
Illus. Map of Sicily 400 The Catacombs, Palermo 4°8
Palermo 401 Temple of Segeste 4°9
Porta Nuova, Residence of Garibaldi 402 A Papyrus Thicket 4°9
Porta Felice, Palermo 403 The Fountain of Arethusa. • . 4"
La Ziza, Palermo 404 Ruins of the Roman Amphitheater at byra-
Entrance to the Cathedral of Palermo 405 cuse • •• • 4*4
Fragment of Mosaics in Cathedral of Mon- Ruins of the Greek Theater at Syracuse. . . 414
reale ..406 The Ear of Dionysius 4«5
VI
INDEX.
PETER THE GREAT. Chapters XIII — XXXII .
.Eugene Schuyler
179, 366,
PAGE.
45
70S, 878
Illustrations by Charlemagne, R. Sayer, Maurice Howard, R. Riordan, P. L. Szyndler, E. Egoroff, A. Edelfelt, Chelmonski,
E. Repine, A. Brennan, J. C. Philips, Count Masoyedoff, Hughson Hawley, N. Swertchkoff, F. H. Lungren and others.
Illus. Russia at the time of Peter the Great 46 Traveling Sledge of Peter 379
Russia of To-day 47 Peter at the Troitsa Monastery receiving
A Religious Procession in Moscow during the Deputations of the Streltsi 569
the Reign of Ivan the Terrible 49 The Offending Picture of Sophia, by Tar-
Guards of the Throne at State Receptions. 51 asevitch 571
Guards of State at Receptions and Proces- Our Lady of Kazan 572
sions 51 Peter was Awakened 573
The Fortified Monastery of Troitsa 52 Novodevitchy Monastery 574
The City of Kief 53 Sophia's Appeal to her Partisans 576
Sledge of Peter during his Childhood 54 The Young Mother 705
Courtiers of the time of Peter 55 Partisans — Arms of the Ancient Court Guard 706
Peter Playing at War 56 Arquebuse of Tsar Alexis Michaelovitch . . 707
Globe made of Metal, from which Peter Lock of Arquebuse 707
studied Geography 59 General Patrick Gordon 709
Timmermann explaining to Peter the use of Revolver Cannon of Peter's time 710
the Astrolabe 60 Circular Mitrailleuse of Peter's time 710
Peter launching "The Grandfather of the Prince Boris Gahtsyn 711
Russian Fleet" 61 Pugilism in the time of Ivan the Terrible. 712
Old Russian Print of " The Grandfather of Marriage of Dwarfs before Peter 713
the Russian Fleet " 62 .Peter finding " The Grandfather of the
Mahomet IV., Sultan of Turkey 185 Russian Fleet" 716
Eudoxia Lopukhin, First Wife of Peter the Model of a Ship made by Peter 718
Great 185 Peter builds his first Fleet 720
Tan Sobiesky, King of Poland 186 Boyar Alexis Shein 888
Pope Innocent XI 187 Scenes in Nizhni-Novgorod 889
Kamenetz in Podolia 188 Tartar Cavalry attacking a Russian Com-
Sobiesky consenting to the Cession of Kief 189 missariat Train 890
Old Russian Sports : Tsar Hunting with Peter on the Bourse at Archangel 891
Falcon 190 Rural Post in Russia 892
Old Russian Sports: Bear Dancing before The Message to Azof on the Name's-day of
the Tsar 192 the Tsar 893
Reception of a Russian Embassy at Ver- Peter in the dress he wore at Azof 894
sailles 366 A Peasant Girl from near Tula 894
The Russian Embassadors and the French Plowing on the Steppe 896
Police Officials 367 Companions of Peter 897
Life in the Ukraine: " The Return from the Sabers of Mazeppa, Chief of the Cossacks .. 899
Market" 368 Views in Riga 900
Medal given to Prince Galitsyn for the Cri- Modern Tartars of the Volga 901
mean Campaign 375 Towing a Russian Barge 904
PHILADELPHIA CONVENTION OF 1866, THE. See " Raymond, Henry J., Extracts from the Journal of."
PICKWICK, MR., AND NICHOLAS NICKLEBY (Illustrated) 641
POE, EDGAR ALLAN Edmund Clarence Stedman. 107
With Frontispiece Portrait.
PORPOISE-SHOOTING Charles C. Ward 801
Illustrations by M. J. Burns, H. P. Share and James C. Beard.
Illus , Shooting a Porpoise 801 Beaching the Canoe 806
Sebatis in a Perilous Situation 802 Captain Sam and his Boy 807
Spearing a Porpoise 803 Trying out Blubber 8.;7
The Camp at Indian Beach 804 A Porpoise Diving 808
Taking a Porpoise on Board 805
RAYMOND, HENRY J., EXTRACTS FROM THE JOURNAL OF. IV. Edited
by his son Henry W. Raymond 275
ROCKY MOUNTAIN COOKERY Ernest Jngersoll 125
ROCKY MOUNTAIN NIGHTS Ernest Ingersoll 218
SAVONAROLA'S LIFE, THE PLAIN STORY OF Linda Villari 503
Illustrations by S. W. Van Schaick and others.
Illus. Interior of the Church of San Domenico . . . 503 Diversion in the Cloister 508
Savonarola preaching in the Duomo, Flor- The Arrest of Savonarola 509
ence 504 The Night before the Execution 510
The Death-bed of Lorenzo de" Medici 505 Savonarola's cell in the convent of San
Piazza, Church and Convent of San Marco 511
Marco, Florence 506 Tomb of San Domenico 512
With the Novices at San Marco 507 The Execution of Savonarola 513
SEVENTH REGIMENT, NEW YORK. See " New York Seventh, The."
SHANTYTOWN H. C. Bunner 855
Illustrations by F. H. Lungren, R. Blum, Walter Shirlaw, H. P. Share and W. Taber.
Illus. Corner Sixty-eighth Street and Eleventh Water-works 862
Avenue 857 Not yet Doomed 864
A Character 858 A Timid Observer 865
In the German Quarter 859 The Leading Business 865
Shantytawn Geese 860 A Trucker's Shanty 866
Corner Eighty-second Street and Ninth A Touch of Refinement 867
Avenu? 861 Odd Bits Here and There 867
Sketching under Difficulties 862 Some Bird Shanties 868
SICILY. See " Palermo to Syracuse, From."
INDEX. ^
PACK.
SOUTH, THE NEW Sidney Lanier 840
SPRING HEREABOUTS Clarence Cook 161
Illustrations by Winslow Homer, R. Riordan, Arthur Quartley, Thomas Eakins and R. Blum.
Illus. Spring Lamb 161 Watching the Goats 166
Budding of Oak and Vine 163 Driving in the Flock 167
A Spring Studio : Painting an old Mill in Picking Dandelions 168
the Suburbs 164 A Spring Morning at Mme. Jumel's in the
On the Harlem 165 old time 168
STODDARD, RICHARD HENRY A. R. Macdonough 686
Illus. Portrait of Richard Henry Stoddard 688
SUN-SPOTS AND FINANCIAL PANICS Richard Anthony Proctor. . . 170
THACKERAY AS A DRAUGHTSMAN .Russell Sturgis 256
Illus. An Historical Study 257 The Titmarsh Cupid of " Love-Songs made
Adolphus Simcoe, Esq 257 Easy " 267
" Sherry, perhaps ! " 260 Mr. Punch's Artist during the Influenza. . . 267
" Rum, I hope ! " 260 " Is it a supper ball or a lay ball ? " 267
" Tracts ! by Jingo ! " 260 A Scrap from " Punch " 268
Railroad Speculators 262 The Old Gentleman giving his views of
An Old Friend recognizes Mr. de la Pluche 262 " Punch " in the hearing of Jerrold and
Venus preparing the Armor of Mars 264 Thackeray 268
Costumes of 1815 265 Major Pendennis growing old 269
Cuff and Dobbin 265 Initial to " The Ballad of Eliza Davis " 269
The Little Postman 265 Henry Esmond's Portrait 270
Thackeray as Jester 265 Initials from " The Virginians " 270
Tail-piece to " Vanity Fair" 265 Initial from " The Virginians " 271
Mr. Hokey 266 Initial Letter W 271
Mr. Winkles 266 A Scene in Glasgow 272
Mr. Hannibal Fitch 266 The Three of Spades 273
A Tea-Table Tragedy 266 Thackeray at the Play (not by Thackeray) . 273
VIVISECTION, DOES, PAY ? Albert J. Lejfingwell,M. D. . 391
VIVISECTION, THE VALUE OF H. C. Wood, M. D 766
WALHALLA Rebecca Harding Davis .... 139
WESTERN MAN, THE Charles Dudley Warner . . . 549
WHEN WOODS ARE GREEN Alice Wellington Rollins . . . 676
Illustrations by R. Swain Gifford and Fannie E. Gifford.
Illus. The South Beach 676 " The sea-gulls wheeling through the air " . 681
The Bathing Beach and Headland 677 Autumn Flowers and Plants 682
Light-house by day 677 The Salt Vats 683
The Rocky Headland 678 " The brave quails " 684
"The ship has spread her canvas" 679 " The white-winged coots " 685
The Light-house by Night 679 Tail-piece 685
The Marsh 680
WooD-CUT PRINTING, THE GROWTH OF. II Theodore L. De Vinne 34
Illus. English Printing-Machine of 1819 35 Second Overlay 40
A Sketch by Doyle . . '. 36 Third Overlay 41
Adams Power Press 37 Fourth Overlay 41
Stop-Cylinder Printing-Machine 38 Fifth Overlay 41
A Flat Print without Overlay 40 The Overlays fixed on the Cy Under 42
First Overlay 40 A Print from Overlays 43
POETRY.
AMONG THE REEDS Maurice F. Egan 824
APPLE-BLOSSOMS Horatio Nelson Powers 240
Illustration by Will H. Low.
AT DAWN (Rondeau) John Moran 852
AT NIGHT R. W. G 601
COMPENSATION Eliza C. Hall. . .
COR CORDIUM Horatio Nelson Powers. .
CORONATION W. D. Kelsey 853
DE Rosis HIBERNIS Edmund W. Gosse 449
EXPOSTULATION Celia Tliaxter
FLUTE, THE Lucrece »5r
FORGOTTEN James Berry Bensel
GUARDIAN OF THE RED DISK, THE Emma Lazarus . ...... . .
KEATS, To THE IMMORTAL MEMORY OF Richard Henry Stoddard . . 224
LAMENTATION . . Washington Gladden 193
LAST HOUR, THE •/»'*' C. Marsh. . .
LOVER AND THE ROSE, THE E- Allen *** ••••
LOVE'S AUTUMN Paul H. Hayne. . .
MIDSUMMER Celia Thaxter . .
NUNC DIMITTIS Margaret J. Preston .
ON ONE WHO DIED IN MAY Clarence Look
PARTING OF THE WAYS, THE
PEAKS OF THULE, THE
c
G- H*r°e* Sgu
W- W. Young
viii INDEX.
PAGE.
POET AND ACTRESS Clarence C. Buel 379
RECOMPENSE Mary L. Ritter 656
ROSE, THE Dora Read Goodale 664
SAD SPRING Mary Ainge De Vere 274
SERENADE E. D. R. Biandardi 732
SEVEN SECONDS Zadel Barnes Gustafson .... 905
So BE IT H.L.C 852
STEDMAN, EDMUND CLARENCE, To Caroline A. Mason 450
STODDARD, R. H., To William M. Briggs 852
SUCCESS Charles de Kay 169
SWFFT o' THF VFAR THF \ Words by Nellie G. Cone > 6
bWEET O THE YEAR, LIE ^ Mugic by £ c pMps J 53°
" THERE is A NATURAL BODY " O. E. D 913
TIDES, THE Lucy J. Rider 854
WATCHING THE Cow S. M. B. Piatt 280
WHIP-POOR-WILL, THE A. M. Machar 493
WoRLD-Music Frances Louisa Bushnell. . . 66$
DEPARTMENTS.
TOPICS OF THE TIME :
Pettiness in Art — International Copyright — Common Sense and Rum, 146; The Political Machine
COMMUNICATIONS :
The Restoration of St Mark's, and the English Protest (D. C. P.), 465 ; " A Year of the Exodus
in Kansas " (William Aubrey), 636 ; " A Year of the Exodus in Kansas " (E. H. Bristow), 789 ;
" The Apotheosis of Dirt " : a Reply (Elizur Wright), 939.
HOME AND SOCIETY :
Hints for the Yosemite Trip (George H. Fitch) — Nerves in the Household, 148 ; Letters to Young
Mothers : Second Series, I. (Mary Blake) — On Landing in Liverpool (A lexander Wainwright) —
The Culture of the Rose (M. S. S.), 305 ; The Slavery of To-day (S. B. H.)—Qn Arriving in
London (Alexander Wainwright) — Letters to Young Mothers: Second Series, II. (Mary Blake),
466 ; Letters to Young Mothers : Second Series, III. (Mary Blake), 630 ; Letters to Young
Mothers : Second Series, IV. (Mary Blake), 789 ; Education in Europe (L. Clarkson), 940.
CULTURE AND PROGRESS:
Mme. de Remusat's Memoirs (Concluding Part) — Gray's " Natural Science arid Religion " — A
Book about Corea — Anderson's " Younger Edda" — Thomas Hughes' s " Manliness of Christ " — Boy-
esen's " Gunnar," 151 ; Huxley's " Cray-fish " — Hosmer's " Short History of German Literature "
— Mrs. Burnett's " Louisiana " — James's " Confidence " — Matthews's " Theaters of Paris " — Recent
Books of Travel — The Art Season, 308; De Kay's " Hesperus and Other Poems " — " Certain Dan-
gerous Tendencies of American Life " — Lanier's " Science of English Verse " — " Democracy " —
Marion Harland's " Loiterings in Pleasant Paths" — Jansen's "Spell-Bound Fiddler" — Governor
Long's Translation of the ^Eneid, 470; Taylor's "Critical Essays and Literary Notes" — Miss Wool-
son's "Rodman the Keeper" — Adams's "Gallatin" — Skelton's "Essays in Romance" — Judge
Ricord's Translations, 632 ; White's " Every-day English "— Howells's " Undiscovered Country " —
Roe's " Success with Small Fruits " — Lang's " Ballades in Blue China " — Gail Hamilton's " Com-
mon-School System," 791 ; " Life and Letters of Horace Bushnell " — Swinburne's " Songs of the
Spring-tide " — " The Ode of Life " — King's " Echoes from the Orient " — Wikoff's " Reminiscences
of an Idler" — Gath's "Tales of the Chesapeake'' — About's "Story of an Honest Man" — Mrs.
Gray's "Fourteen Months in Canton" — Mrs. Dickinson's "Among the Thorns," 942.
THE WORLD'S WORK :
Western River Improvement (with Diagrams) — New Warehouse Elevator — T
-lAi-flllll^ u Wtlllllji»^~-l "t UTVUUKW Itlllllllg 0WBU6Ui tlp^JH-U IXI JL^I CUglllg— -i.^ C W fUCUUUB V^UUIJJUUl.
— Preservative Wrapping-Papers— The Profilograph — Light from Oyster Shells — Extraction <
Perfume — Novel Application of Frictional Electricity, 476; Magazine Guns — Apparatus for Treatin
BRIC-A-BRAC :
Another Hanging Committee Outrage (drawing by L. Hopkins) — Law at our Boarding-House (A .
C. Gordon) — An Unpublished Letter from John Adams, 160; Present and Past (Arthur Penn) —
Dianthus Barbatus (Josephine Pollard) — A Kind of Traveler (Cendrillon) — On the Trapping of a
Mouse that Lived in a Lady's Escritoire (C. C. Buel) — The Phonograph in the Moon Two Centu-
ries Ago — Portraits in Black and White, 319 ; Two Loves (H. W. Austin) — Epigrams (J. A.
Macon) — A Practical Young Woman (Irwin KtfsseU)—Kera.mos — Advantages of Ballast (Sketch),
479; Parting Lovers (Joel Benton) — Uncle Esek's Wisdom — A Somnolent Vagary (H. O.
Knowlton)—MM<n*,ter, 639; I Promessi Sposi (J. B. M.) — The Archery Meeting (Nathan D.
Urner)—1\ic Ballade of the Candidate (Arthur Penn)— Indecision (Jacob F. Henrici)— Uncle
Esek's Wisdom, 799 ; Love and Jealousy (Rosa Vertner Jeffrey) —Uncle Esek's Wisdom — Politics
at the Log-Rolling (J. A. Macon) — Signs of the Times (Bessie Chandler) — A Balladine (Cornelia
Seabring Parker)— Revolution— Tell me, lady, what is sweetest ? (J, H. Pratt) 951.
EDGAR ALLAN POE.
VOL. XX.
MAY, 1880.
No. i.
THE YOUNGER PAINTERS OF AMERICA.
FIRST PAPER.
THE annals of art in America have not
been eventful, but the year 1876-7 may be
said to mark the beginning of an epoch in
them. Before that year, we had what was
called, at any rate, an American school of
painting; and now the American school of
painting seems almost to have disappeared
— or has, at the least calculation, lost the
distinctive characterlessness which won for
it its name and recognition. We are be-
ginning to paint as other people paint.
If we are to have a new American
" school " hereafter, it is certain that it
will be very different from its once pop-
ular predecessor; but at present it is quite
evident that we are but accumulating and
perfecting the material for such a na-
tional expression, and even to the taking
of so initial a step as this, the destruction
of our old canons and standards was neces-
sary. In this sense, a just consideration of
the younger painters who appeared in New
York at the National Academy Exhibi-
tion three years ago is in the nature of a
paean rather than of a dirge. Even the
three years that have elapsed since then
have made it difficult to recall the general
condition of our painting at that time.
American painters of genius there were, cer-
tainly ; it is not meant to insist here that there
are many more now. Nothing is so diffi-
cult or so invidious as to single out indi-
viduals in a matter of this kind, but the
youngest of '; the young men " will recog-
nize the long-since-established reputations
of Elliott, Page, Hunt, La Farge, Inness,
Vedder, Martin, Homer, and others easily
recalled. They occupy the same relative
position in point of merit in their genera-
tion that Stuart and Copley and Rembrandt
Peale did in theirs. The point is that before
VOL. XX.— i.
1876-7, roughly speaking, this notion went
begging. None of them could be called
representative men. The American school
of painting was wholly opposed to their
spirit and methods. It was represented in
portraiture, not by Page, but by Hunting-
ton ; in genre, not by La Farge, but by
i Eastman Johnson ; in landscape, not by
Inness '. or Martin, but by what a
galaxy of names occurs to one here, from
Church and Kensett to Bierstadt and Wil-
liam Hart ! Any one who does not remem-
ber the American contribution to .the art
display of the Philadelphia International Ex-
hibition may refresh his recollection of the
general condition of American art three or
four years ago, — of what was then admired
and pointed to as American, — by thinking of
any ordinary exhibition of that excellent asso-
ciation, the Artist Fund.Society. The Artist
Fund Society is by ho means identical in
point of membership with the National
Academy of Design, but it is fairly typi-
cal of it in this respect; namely, that one
of its exhibitions leaves upon the mind
very much the same general impression
of the spirit, and purport, and tendency
of the kind of art therein revered and folr
lowed that an Academy exhibition used
to. In the first place, it shuns ideality
as something profane, substituting therefor
what is known in conservative American
art circles as " truth " ; in the second place,
for real truth — the essential, spiritual, vital
force of nature, however manifested — it sub-
stitutes what is known as " fidelity " and
what the early pre-Raphaelites who pro-
tested with so much vigor and success
against the false classicism current nearly a
hundred years ago would greatly marvel at,
we may be sure. It is, in fine, in idea and
[Copyright, 1880. by Scribner & Co. All rights reserved]
THE YOUNGER PAINTERS OF AMERICA.
in technique, born of that benign mother of
the " American school," Diisseldorf. The
day of Diisseldorf has, however, gone by;
and to say that the long-continued and tri-
umphant influence of Diisseldorf in Amer-
ican art has at last perished or greatly
declined is to note progress. Only.in.gfni*.
eral terms can this be said, perhaps. VTftfcro
are as many painters painting in the old
way, of course, and thinking well of it ; and
the disesteem in which they ixjld-tfie; "tyotqTSg,
fellows " is quite unafTectd. lm But, yi p $MJ»
eral way, it is true th'at,* beside the new
leaven which is unquestionably working,
there are different ideas going upon the whole
subject of art. The most conservative must
admit that at least a higher order of cant is
prevalent. For example, it is more generally
understood that when one talks about the
advantage of those two preeminent elements
of a landscape, light and air, he may still be
serious; that such phrases as " large masses,"
"broad values," " fluent movement," " color
as distinct from colors, and tone from either,"
really have a meaning, despite much cur-
rent and glib abuse of them in art chatter ;
and that, whether or no painting is pure
illusion and an independent interpreter of
nature, to be judged by its own beauty with-
out too strict insistence on " imitation," the
ability to draw natural forms accurately is
only a small part of a painter's equipment,
instead of his whole stock in trade.
Precisely how much of this change is to
be credited to the new painters it would, of
course, be impossible to determine. To
credit them with any of it is certain to ex-
cite vigorous protest. But it is fair to point
out the coincidence between trjeir appear-
ance and the beginning of the new order,
the Renaissance, so to speak, of 1877.
Any one who visited the Academy on var-
nishing day of that year will remember the
wholly new aspect of things which greeted
him. It created, indeed, a memorable sen-
sation. The Academy was profoundly
agitated. Certain popular and estimable
painters who had had a generous share of
" the line " from time immemorial felt as if
they had been treated not only with injus-
tice and even contumely, but with absolute
treachery by the hanging committee, of
which a majority had studied at Munich,
and had given the pas to works by mere
students fresh from that famous but sus-
pected metropolis of art, and had relegated
the American school of painting to the
limbo of the upper air. At a speedily
called meeting a resolution that every Acad-
emician should have eight feet of "the line"
to himself was passed in spleen, but it was
soon after rescinded with magnanimous
shamefacedness, and, after restoring the old
order of things the next year, the Exhibition
of 1870 was hung with an impartiality elo-
i]&£n| of {he acceptance on the part of the
/IpadtmyJof the new departure. A new
departure had, indeed, taken place. In 1878,
the new painte/s.qverjflpwed from the Acad-
Jenj^'.ifit'e .'the *;Kiwlz Gallery, where they
*heW'"aii'*«xTitb1t!(5n**^f their own, and a
highly creditable one, though no doubt it
seemed to many of their countrymen, who
had been painters before they were born,
a veritable chamber of horrors. Last
year they emphasized their success with
another which showed marked improvement,
and the excellence of that recently closed
should be fresh in every one's mind.
So far as we know, there has been no
explanation of the simultaneousness with
which they all appeared together three
years ago, but it may be called a happy
accident. The Centennial year had in many
ways awakened a popular interest in art.
Aside from the contents of Memorial Hall
at the Exhibition itself, a study of which
could not avoid being useful, and which, for
one reason and another, was never not
crowded, the loan exhibitions all over
the country, and especially that in New
York, served both to show how much
artistic wealth there was in America, and to
extend the popular acquaintance with the
best in modern art. Renewed interest was
taken in the art-schools. Mr. Eaton was
secured at the Cooper Institute and Mr.
Shirlaw at the Art Students' League almost
immediately upon their return from Paris
and Munich ; and these schools, and those
at the Academy under Mr. Wilmarth, felt
and showed the impetus of the general
movement. In a sort, the soil seemed to
have been prepared for the seed which
the new "Society of American Artists"
evidently felt it to be its mission to
sow. This society is not, it should be
needless to explain, composed exclusively
of the " new men," but it may be taken to
represent the new movement, with which
Mr. Hunt, Mr. La Farge and Mr. Martin
were of course as much in sympathy as
Mr. Chase or Mr. Shirlaw, and the rationale
of which was, in a word, hostility to every-
thing mechanical, enthusiasm for everything
genuinely artistic ; and those qualities they
had for several years been illustrating, only
without attracting the attention which is
THE YOUNGER PAINTERS OF AMERICA.
PORTRAIT. (J. ALDEN WEIR.)
never won till quantity comes to the aid of
quality. Until the new men appeared, it is
entirely safe to say the mass of painters
distinctly not in sympathy with the Ameri-
can " school " was not large enough to make
an important popular impression.
That such an impression has now, how-
ever, been made there is no doubt expressed
on any hand. Pictures which, when sur-
rounded by the traditionary and regulation
American landscape or genre, were viewed
askance by honest folk who could see that one
or the other sort was all wrong, and argued,
as honest folk will, that the exceptions must
be at fault, — such pictures, when massed as
they were at the first exhibition of the new
society, or even when " given the show "
they had at the Academy in 1877, could not
but make an impression. The new men
have, indeed, not only ceased to be a
sensation, but they have come to be
accepted, in many quarters, indeed, with
empressement, or, at least, cordial un-
questioningness. It would not be surprising
if this discovery, that instead of being
proto-martyrs — a position they probably
THE YOUNGER PAINTERS OF AMERICA.
contemplated with a good deal of satisfac-
tion at the outset — they had become heads
of corners, had made them as a body, to
use an expressive vulgarism, a trifle " cocky."
There have been rumors to that effect, at
all events. But that is important only to
themselves and their detractors, and the
public is only concerned that they have
now won a position which entitles them to
candid discussion without apology.
One of the most distinctive things that
strike one in looking at the works of nearly
all of the new men — at least of nearly all with
whom this paper has to do — is, perhaps, the
strength of their technique. That was the
noticeable thing about their work in the
Academy Exhibition of 1877. To the re-
proach then current that they were "merely
students," it was pertinent to reply that at any
rate they were that; — a rejoinder which if
directed in certain quarters contained much
pith. Mr. Duveneck, Mr. Shirlaw, Mr. Chase,
Mr. Eaton, Mr. Weir, and their fellows, had
spent years of careful and diligent work
under such masters as Diez, Piloty, Gerome
and Lindenschmidt; they were fresh from
studios where real painting was done and its
principles were understood ; to say — as was so
often said — that they painted in the Munich
manner or the Paris manner was, except
for its obvious qualification, merely to say
that they painted as good painters paint;
with the logical inference that it was not as,
in general, they paint in Diisseldorf. Few
people who saw it can have forgotten Mr.
Duveneck's "Turkish Page," to take a note-
worthy instance ; it was a good-sized canvas
exhibiting a skeleton-like boy sitting on a
leopard skin, a red plush fabric covering his
extended legs from his ankles to his waist,
a red fez on his head, a brass basin contain-
ing fruit, at which a macaw is pecking, in
his lap, and at his left hand a copper dish
and pitcher; the wall behind him, against
which he leans, being hung with striped
tapestry. In pure technique this was cer-
tainly one of the best pictures we have ever
had exhibited here by an American. What
painters call quality, it had in surprising
manner; the fez was clearly wool, the basin
brass, the pitcher copper, and the bird's
plumage as feathery as one might see in
nature ; the flesh was only less admirably
rendered. And in the higher branch of tech-
nique, pictorial arrangement, it was quite
as good, the whole being a complete entity,
in philosophical phrase, the apparently in-
congruous materials mentioned reciprocally
interdependent and auxiliary, and the entire
effect single. No one needs to be told
what high technical excellence these two
things imply, and though his "Turkish
Page" is a conspicuous example of them,
they are evident in everything Mr. Duve-
neck has shown here; in his portraits, and
even in his " Coming Man," of which the
elements were so few as almost to make
the picture simply a study. Mr. Eakins
is another instance of a painter who knows
how to paint. Whatever objection a sensi-
tive fastidiousness may find to the subject
of his picture, exhibited here a year ago,
entitled "An Operation in Practical Sur-
gery," none could be made to the skill with
which the scene was rendered. It was a
canvas ten feet high, and being an upright
and the focus being in the middle distance,
it presented many difficulties of a practical
nature to the painter ; the figures in the fore-
ground were a little more, and those in the
background a little less, than life size, but so
ably was the whole depicted that probably the
reason why nine out of ten of those who were
startled or shocked by it were thus affected,
was its intense realism : the sense of actuality
about it was more than impressive, it was op-
pressive. It was impossible to doubt that such
an operation had in every one of its details
taken place, that the faces were portraits,
and that a photograph would have fallen far
short of the intensity of reproduction which
the picture possessed. What accuracy of
drawing, what careful training in per-
spective and what skill in composition this
implies, are obvious. Of his two pictures in
last year's Academy Exhibition the same
may be said. The cleverness of Mr.
Chase's technique is equally indisputable.
In most technical points, his picture analo-
gous to Mr. Duveneck's "Turkish Page,"
which hung in the same Exhibition, was
quite the equal of it. And since that time,
in portraiture, in landscape and in all de-
partments of painting, if we except com-
position as such, Mr. Chase has improved
upon that. His rendering of textures is ad-
mirable. That most difficult of the paint-
er's problems, the painting of flesh, is
perhaps wherein he is fondest of exhibiting
the resources of his palette and the unhes-
itating stireness of his brush ; the fullness of
a cheek, the liquidity of an eye, or the
smooth surface of a bald forehead, he gets
with a success which few painters attain. As
to what is called " catching character," such
as the feeble-handedness of an old man or
the carriage of a pretty girl, that is, perhaps,
something which transcends technique, and
THE YOUNGER PAINTERS OF AMERICA.
FEEDING THE PIGEONS. (WALTER SHIRLAW.)
should be spoken of further on. No allusion
to flesh-painting would be complete here if
it omitted Mr. Eaton, whose qualities as an
artist, however, constantly tempt one to for-
get his capabilities as a painter. But they
are distinct and noteworthy. His " Venus,"
in the Exhibition of the Society of American
Artists a year ago, furnished abundant illus-
tration of this; it was impossible not to feel,
whatever qualifications or reservations one
might be inclined to make in regard to the pic-
ture as a whole, that in pure painting this was
an important work; any one who recollects it
must recall the scrupulous and successful dif-
ferentiation, so to speak, of the flesh and the
drapery, which, in such a picture as this,
THE YOUNGER PAINTERS OF AMERICA,
SPRING. (A. P. RYDER.)
with, technically considered, but two ele-
ments, is a rare merit. Of Mr. Shirlaw's
strength of technique it should be quite
needless to speak ; not because his " Sheep-
Shearing in the Bavarian Highlands"
was the "swell" picture of the exhibi-
tion of 1877, an<3 subsequently received a
medal at the Paris Exposition — though we
may be sure that no picture would commend
itself to Parisian jurors which had not skill
in painting to commend it — but because he
has in many canvases shown an unusual
range and an unusual ability adequately to
set forth whatever he sees or conceives. But
it is unnecessary to multiply instances; it
should be patent to any one who has exam-
ined the work of the " new men " with
any care and attention that they have made
it their first business to get command
of their tools — to the end that, having
command of them, they may play with them
artistically ; that their conception of painting
is wholly different from that of accurately
imitating natural forms ; that drawing is with
them only one of the elements of the paint-
er's equipment; and that the years they
have spent in Europe have been productive
of something beyond a catch-penny ability
to imitate the "tricks of the trade" prac-
ticed by certain charlatan instructors of in-
genious youth — such as Gerome and Piloty.
The " tricks " of those painters, so far as
technique goes, are hard to imitate.
However, technique goes for very little
in a large reckoning. The slight interest
that many of us have in so great a master
of it as Gerome, for example, is witness of
that. And. indeed, excellence of technique
— which after all is chiefly a matter of diligent
training — is not more characteristic of the
new men than what may be called, for want
of a more definite term, the genuine impulse
to paint, which most of them certainly have.
This is at bottom the test one applies to a
painter, or indeed to an artist of any sort,
of course. Was he born, " cut out," as
they say in New England, for a painter ? or is
it rather the retail dry-goods business, say, to
which he was naturally adapted but which
some perverse fate prevented him from adopt-
ing ? For painting to be serious, certainly
requires something more than skill, even de-
veloped by education, on the one hand ; and,
on the other, it is surprising of how slight im-
portance crudity and lameness become in
comparison, provided they are associated with
indisputable pictorial impulse. Thackeray
showed this distinction very well, every
2 HE YOUNGER PAINTERS OF AMERICA.
one will remember, in " The Newcomes,"
besides illustrating it himself, by the way;
and though neither he nor Clive New-
come could probably have attained the skill
which "J. J." possessed, it is clear that it
would not have been of much service to
them if they could have done so. Of
course, the distinction is elementary and
will be denied by no one; but, like many
other elementary truths, it cannot be kept
too constantly in the critical mind, it is so
often neglected in practice. To many peo-
ple, a bad line in a thoroughly pictorial
landscape would appear a fatal blemish.
The commonest censure with us has been to
reproach a painter with ignorance, without
inquiry as to his capacity and aptitude.
It can at least be said that if it had
not been for the Society of American
Artists it is doubtful whether such an
unmistakably genuine painter as Mr. A. P
Ryder, for example, would ever have had
his pictures hung where they could be seen
and relatively judged. It is even now
very doubtful whether he would fare well at
the Academy ; to hang him well at the
Academy would indeed be to give up the
ship.
Speaking broadly, therefore, whereas it
used to be the main effort of American
painters to imitate nature, it is the main
effort of the new men to express feeling.
Hitherto, admiration of American paintings
has found expression in such statements as,
" How true ! " " How life-like! " " How mar-
velously Mr. Bristol has succeeded in ren-
dering those blue Berkshire hills!" "How
happily Mr. Heade has caught the hues of
that humming-bird, and Mr. Eastman John-
son the attitude of that old man, and Mr.
Brown the expression of that urchin, and
Mr. William Hart the gorgeous brilliance
of golden October !" and so on. To many
people, it never occurred to question the
fact as to whether nature had been thus
happily imitated; the distinction between
a photograph and a picture has only
recently become hackneyed with us ;
few American connoisseurs even paused
to reflect that nothing could be less like
nature than terra-cotta cows and decalco-
manie foliage, and theatric but metallic
cloud " effects," and shiny banks of moss, of
which and other similar elements a good deal
of American painting has been and is com-
posed. But aside from accepting thus
unquestioningly the circumstance of "life-
likeness," most people never thought of
asking of a painting that it be " alive" in-
stead of only " life-like." And yet, of course,
this is the one thing needful to demand of a
picture. And this characterizes the work
STER GATHERERS AT CANCALE. (J. S. SARGENT.)
THE YOUNGER PAINTERS OF AMERICA.
THE CHESS PLAYERS. (THOMAS EAKINS.)
of the new men almost without excep-
tion. Almost without exception, nature is
to them a material rather than a model;
they lean toward feeling rather than
toward logic; toward beauty, or at least
artistic impressiveness, rather than toward
literalness ; toward illusion rather than
toward representation. With the order of
criticism that esteems this irreverence, we are
all familiar; the eloquence of Mr. Ruskin
over not Turner, but let us say Stanfield, has
put that side of the case as strongly as it is
possible to put it. perhaps. But it has long
been widely known that it is for Mr. Rus-
kin's own literary art rather than for the sound-
ness of his art criticism — or anything that
calls for the exercise of his intelligence rather
than of his genius — that he is admirable.
The extravagances of the gospel of " art
for art " have quite eclipsed Mr. Ruskin.
But it is not necessary to subscribe to either
in order to recognize the justice of such a
remark as Goethe's, "There are no land-
scapes in nature like those of Claude," or
indeed, in familiar speech, to know a good
thing when you see it, whether it be in nature
or on canvas. There is no doubt that as a
class the new men care more for a good
thing than they do whence they get it. As
to the possibility of getting it from any
source but nature, there is very little to be
said on that point, one may admit, spite of
the literature of it that exists. If one reflects
upon what is meant by inspiration, however,
he will not lose sight of the most important
factor of all art. As to whether there is any
such thing as actual inspiration, it may be
well for painters themselves to remain in
some doubt ; there is apt to be a pretty con-
stant ratio between a painter's " conscious-
ness " of inspiration and his inability to
persuade others that he is not mistaken.
Bacon's wise saying, "Not but I think a
painter may make a better face than ever
was, but he must do it by a kind of felicity (as
a musician that maketh an excellent air in
music) and not by rule," should perhaps be
remembered chiefly by painters who have no
suspicion that they possess " a kind of felic-
ity." And it is probable that the new men
do trust too much, now and then, to this
felicity and the certainty of their having it,
and are a little contemptuous of " rule." The
two common merits already noted in them
— a strong technique and a genuine artistic
impulse — have indeed their perils, and
tempt to the neglect of those qualities which
they are quite right, to our mind, in thinking
THE YOUNGER PAINTERS OF AMERICA.
PORTRAIT OF FRANK DL'VENECK. (WM. M. CHASE.)
too highly thought of at the Academy. It
is due to this that they fall short, many of
them, in the matter of style, a quality hardly
less important in painting than motive itself.
Their lack of style, in truth, seems their
cardinal defect. Contempt for style held
sincerely and definitely by persons of recog-
nized authority in criticism is common
enough. It is supposed by many persons
to involve of necessity lifelessness and for-
mality. The insistence of the French upon it
is often pointed to as the one thing which
hampers the freedom of their artistic expres-
sion. The monotony of contemporary
Parisian architecture with its miles of egg-
and-dart moulding, the correctness and cold-
THE YOUNGER PAINTERS OF AMERICA.
ness of French classical music, the rigorous
restrictions of French dramatic poetry, even
the limitations of the French novel, are fre-
quently mentioned as illustrations. And it
cannot be denied that these illustrations have
much force, — so much that nowhere has the
protest against classic servility been made
with such sharp distinctness, and, one may
add, so much temper, as it has been in Paris
from the days of the Romantic School of
poetry to the publication of the protestant
" L'Art." But the Frenchman who is never
tired of lamenting the injustice of the French
Academy to Balzac would never think of con-
doning the extravagances of M. Zola. And
given over as Gallic critics are to fitting for-
mulae to beliefs with more precision than the
nature of the latter quite permits, M. Eugene
Veron, even, would probably scout such a
statement as that recently uttered by Mr.
Hamerton,inhis "Portfolio," in criticism of
M. Charles Blanc to the effect that "/<? style
was an exploded superstition." M. Charles
Blanc is one of the Academy's spokesmen, and
is naturally over-partial perhaps to academic
canons; but in what aroused Mr. Hamerton's
disgust, M. Charles Blanc had been saying
some, in our view, exceedingly true and
useful things. He had been criticising a
number of English pictures, and accusing
them of an insular lack of style, which he
said was quite pardonable in Mr. Burne-
Jones, who possessed conspicuous genius,
but which in less inspired painters he con-
sidered regrettable. That is precisely the
truth about style, and it is here quoted for
the clearness with which it puts the matter.
In other words intelligence has its place in
art as well as genius, and mere intelligence
assuming the privilege of genius, of kicking
over the traces whenever it chooses, is never
an agreeable spectacle to an educated person.
Exactly to define style is so difficult that it
is fortunately unimportant; it is not quite
the grammar, but perhaps better the rhetoric
of art ; it is so far from being manner that it
is the thing about a work of art, which is a
guide to, and a check upon manner which
is essentially individual; what is always
understood by it — and its presence is quite
unmistakable — is a certain result of the
artist's educated intelligence which indi-
cates that he has an intimate enough ac-
quaintance with and deference for the
method of the greatest professors and
practitioners of his art to prevent him
from committing freaks and absurdities
out of mere whim. It distinguishes bar-
baric from civilized art more than any other
one quality, perhaps ; it is at least the prod-
uct of cultivation, and the only danger of
it is that it may thwart or even stifle
original force.
This, however, one would say the new men
need not greatly fear. Most of them humor
their conceits with such entire independ-
ence that the danger lies in the opposite
direction. In the absence of any rigor-
ous public opinion, and in the presence of a
professional opinion whose provinciality and
lifelessness are only too strong, it could not
well be that they should betray any ham-
pering deference to style. And they do not.
Mr. Chase sends a portrait, of which the
eyes are barely modeled and not painted at
all, to the Exhibition of his Society ; Mr.
Weir, along with a large and ambitious can-
vas, the rapid and hasty study for one of its
heads; Mr. Ryder a number of pictures
justly to be denominated freaks in respect
of their serene and conscious disregard of the
conventions of painting ; Mr. Duveneck is
represented by a canvas which is a mere sketch,
and defiantly leaves off when its principal
effect is secured. And it is clear, moreover,
that in many instances this is wisely done ;
for to their technique, and their individuality,
and their sense for what is pictorially interest-
ing, many of the painters have not yet the
ability to add either the largeness or the dis-
tinction that belong to an impressive style.
For the present, at least, if Mr. Ryder, for
example, should attempt more than he does,
it is odds that it would be disastrous, to a
degree. His pictures are marked by an
almost contempt for form ; they assume an
attitude of almost hostility to the observer
bent on " making them out;" they seem to
take it for granted that a picture is a simple
rather than a complex thing, and to assert
directly that a suggestive hint is as good as
a complete expression. But if he should
suddenly realize their short-comings in these
respects and attempt to correct them out of
hand, we should fear for their poetic feel-
ing, their engaging color, and their softness
and tenderness ; even to iose their fragment-
ariness would, one feels, be risky. Notice
the comparative failure of Mr. Weir's at-
tempt to do something large in his " Park
Bench," exhibited a year ago at the new
Society. Mr. Weir is a capital painter, in
our view. His portrait of his father, here en-
graved, is an admirable thing in many ways,
large and simple in arrangement, modeled
with firm vigor, and possessing the unmistak-
able merit, as even a stranger may see, of
excellent portraiture. There is plenty of
THE YOUNGER PAINTERS OF AMERICA.
THE WHISTLING BOY. (j. FRANK CURRIER.)
good painting in the " Park Bench," too ;
but the fact is fatal to it as a composition,
as a complete thing, that it does not go
together. The figures are crowded, and at
the same time so far without instantly per-
ceptible relations, that one has difficulty in
making out their individual place and move-
ment. This is undoubtedly because Mr.
Weir, who has a strong feeling for charac-
ter and a quick eye for a single effect, got out
of his usual rut and attempted to combine
a number of distinct impressions, to harmo-
nize them, and to make a single picture of
them, instead of conceiving his picture as a
whole at the outset, as he does so well in so
many instances when the problem is simpler.
Mr. Shirlaw succeeds far better in this
respect; almost all of his works have that
organic unity, the focus of interest and of
color, and the subordination of details which
comes of thorough study and continued
practice. Style, too — painting, that is, in
non-essential details, and in everything
which does not need the accentuation of
individuality — Mr. Eaton possesses to a
noticeable degree. He conceives a picture
admirably for the most part, and one always
feels that he has devoted thought and study
to its execution. Mr. Eakins is another
example ; nothing is clearer than that if he is
to be called eccentric it is because of
his manner, not of his failure in style.
THE YOUNGER PAINTERS OF AMERICA.
NEW ENGLAND CEDARS. (R. SWAIN GIFFORD.)
Mr. Currier is an instance of the reverse.
Indeed, the exhibitions of the new So-
ciety may be said to impress one as, in
a greater degree than most exhibitions,
a collection of studies — admirably strong
and picturesque, but not a little crude, and
in style as yet not thoroughly formed. And
the reason is because, as it has been
said of the outburst of English poetry
at the beginning of this century, they
had their origin " in a great movement of
feeling, not in a great movement of mind,"
— though to be exact we should, perhaps,
leave out the epithet " great " in this instance.
If, however, these exhibitions are in a meas-
ure crude, and lack both the largeness and
the distinction which comes of " knowing
more," of bringing one's educated intelli-
gence to bear, as well as one's artistic impulse,
their crudity is refreshing. If they are not
all exactly well-bred, — to use a social anal-
ogy to explain what we mean by " distinc-
tion,"— and have not the bel air, they at all
events give platitude a wide berth.
They have, nevertheless, as a whole, a de-
fect as much involved often in the avoid-
ance of platitude, perhaps, as lack of style
is in self-trustfulness, — namely, a lack of
poetry. And as style is something to be
acquired and poetry is not, this is consider-
ably more serious. Criticism of the unpoet-
ical character of many of the pictures of
the new Society, as we have said, does
not apply to Mr. Eaton's, which cer-
tainly have a very sweet and tender
sentiment, whether they be large and
" important " subjects, such as his " Har-
vesters at Rest," which he brought from the
Salon to the Academy, in 1877, and his
" Venus " heretofore alluded to, or such slight
and unpretending canvases as his little,
bright and fresh Spring idyl, exhibited a
year ago at the Kurtz Gallery. Nor does it
concern Mr. Ryder, who has possibly a pro-
portional excess of poetry, as it has been
intimated; nor Mr. Sargent, whose bent is
distinctly poetic, as one may see in his
charming " Oyster Gatherers," here en-
graved, as well as in the figure piece, or
in his little urchins learning to swim, both
of which were exhibited last year, and the
latter of which was one of the most delight-
ful canvases at the Academy. But it does
apply, we suppose it will be admitted (to
select some of the very ablest painters
on our list), to Mr. Eakins, to Mr. Chase,
to Mr. Duveneck, to Mr. Currier, to Mr.
Shirlaw, and to Mr. Weir. Mr. Eakins's
power almost makes up for the lack of
poetry. His " Surgical Operation " before-
mentioned as a masterpiece of realism in
point of technique, is equally a masterpiece
of dramatic realism, in point of art. The
painter increased rather than diminished the
intensity which it is evident he sought after,
by taking for a theme a familiar and some-
what vulgar tragedy of e very-day occur-
rence in American hospitals, instead of an
historic incident of Rome or Egypt. The
play of emotions which is going on is strong
THE YOUNGER PAINTERS OF AMERICA.
and vivid. The chloroformed patient is
surrounded by surgeons and students whose
interest is strictly scientific, his mother who
is in an agony of fear and grief, and the
operator who holds a life in his hand and is
yet lecturing as quietly as if the patient
were a blackboard. Very little in American
painting has been done to surpass the
power of this drama. But if the essence of
fine- art be poetic, an operation in practical
surgery can hardly be said to be related to
fine-art at all. Many persons thought this
canvas, we remember, both horrible and
disgusting; the truth is that it was simply
unpoetic. The tragedy was as vivid as that
of a battle-field, but it was, after all, a
tragedy from which every element of ide-
ality had been eliminated. The same thing
is true, with obvious differences of degree, of
most of Mr. Eakins's work. He is distinctly
not enamored of beauty, unless it be con-
sidered, as very likely he would contend,
that whatever is is beautiful.
Mr. Currier's pictures are another instance
of what can be done in art without poetry —
even with the negation of poetry. The water-
colors he sent here in the winter of
1878-79 made a sensation. They became the
subject of endless discussion and may almost
be said to have divided " art circles" into two
hostile parties. It was contended on the one
hand that they were wonderful examples of
the way in which an impressionist, nobly
careless of details and bent only on the
representation of the spirit of nature rather
than of her botanical forms, can succeed in
the truest fidelity. On the other it was
argued that nothing could be made out of
them, that they were mere daubs, and that
the only landscape which could in the
faintest way resemble them was that of
which one caught glimpses from the win-
dow of an express train. The ayes " had
it " very clearly, in our view. Mr. Currier's
" impressions " were masterly in technical
qualities and very real at a proper distance.
The fatal trouble with them was that they
were horribly ugly. That is the difficulty
with all of Mr. Currier's work ; it is the
difficulty with his genius. Painters such as
THE NEWSBOY. (FREDERICK DIELMAN.)
THE YOUNGER PAINTERS OF AMERICA.
RETURNING FROM THE BROOK. (GEORGE 1NNESS, JR.)
he, who emulate the vigor and vividness of
Franz Hals, forget that vigor and vivid-
ness are not the only nor the sufficient
elements of a picture, and were never yet so
deemed by any master even of the Dutch
school. An exquisite and almost caressing
art there is in the most intensely real Velas-
quez or in the most superficially ugly Franz
Hals. Mr. Duveneck and Mr. Chase are
in another category, though we suspect
they are to be ranked as warm admirers of
Mr. Currier. Mr. Duveneck atones for his
absence of poetry not only by his power, and
Mr. Chase by his extraordinary facility and
swiftness, so to speak, but both by their
sense of character of what is pictorially
impressive, by their feeling in a word
for picturesqueness. Nothing could be more
picturesque than the Spanish-like portrait Mr.
Duveneck sent to the Academy last year, and
at the same time it was powerfully and subtly
painted; and nothing more so than Mr.
Chase's best work. His canvases have a
life, an elan, a movement and an artistic in-
terest in the highest degree noteworthy ; we
do not remember one of them which relies on
beauty. They attract, stimulate, provoke a
real enthusiasm at times for their straight-
forward directness, their singleness of aim,
their absolute avoidance of all sentimentality,
— but they have not charm. Mr. Shirlaw
inclines more to things poetic ; we remem-
ber a very charming picture of a sleeping
girl ; his " Gooseherd " was a by no means
prosaic expression of jollity; and in por-
traiture he loses nothing of the sweetness
and grace of an attractive subject. In the
main, however, it is to be said that his
strongest leaning is toward pure pictur-
esqueness, and that in a measure he com-
promises a natural bent in essaying sentiment,
however well he may handle it.
Of the qualities of Mr. Swain Gifford's
work there should by this time be no need
to speak ; he is not a " new man," but his
sympathy for the aims and character of
the new men, in contradistinction from the
character and aims for the most part cur-
rent before their advent, renders his asso-
ciation with them pertinent. Mr. Dielman
is a new man and has done excellent work,
and though none of it is of large importance,
it has the evident qualities of both skill and
simplicity. Mr. George Inness, Jr. came
honestly by his talent ; more than any of the
younger painters, perhaps, his progress within
the past four or five years has been notice-
able, and, apparently, from a clever amateur
with a fondness for painting animals he has
become one of the painters who count. He
has a fondness for color and for " solidity
of handling" that is on many accounts pleasant
THE YOUNGER PAINTERS OF AMERICA.
to see, despite the fact that it is somewhat
ingenuously evident; and he can make a
picture with more elements of interest, bet-
ter associated, than a great many who are
both more deft by nature and more experi-
enced; as may be seen from the engraving
of his " Returning from the Brook." Mr. F.
S. Church has been drawing and painting
in New York for a number of years, and yet
so curiously are grotesquerie and wholesome-
ness combined in him, that it is, perhaps,
more difficult to speak with anything like
satisfactory precision of him than of any of
the painters we have referred to. He has
done a great deal of a kind of work which
neither he nor any one else would regard
as serious, and which, indeed, is generally
very justly regarded as tending to unfit one
for serious work. But to see how really
subordinate the purely humorous side of his
talent is, and how easily he frees himself
from its shackles when he chooses, one
has only to glance at his "After the Rain,"
here reproduced, or at any of the work he
has been doing of recent years. It is im-
possible not to see in such a picture as
"After the Rain " a good deal of grace and
a genuine and refined sentiment; to our
mind there is something very agreeable in
its nice compromise between the conven-
tionality ordinarily inseparable from such a
subject, and the painter's unmistakable
individuality — or, better a graceful conces-
sion of the latter to the former. It is unlikely
that Mr. Church will ever carry this too
far, we should say, and there can be no
need to fear that his work will not always
keep something very individual about it.
Perhaps he could not. do better than to rid
himself of all anxiety concerning the result
of his sturdiness becoming even more soft-
ened than it is. But his absolute sincerity
and almost awkward dread of anything
like sentimentality, added to his clear
bent toward painting and the technical
skill with which his steady work has been
rewarded — witness his Sandy Hook land-
scapes and his. contribution to the last
Water-Color Exhibition — make him one of
the younger painters whose constant prog-
ress is a guarantee of the fulfillment of their
promise.
To recall our conclusions in regard to
these, taking them in the mass, and some-
what loosely. They have acquired a strong,
if not too flexible or comprehensive, tech-
nique ; they have a genuine impulse, a natu-
ral bent toward painting; and, though as
yet they lack style, and seem a little more
content to lack it than is quite deferential,
and have no noticeable feeling for poetry,
they atone for this, to a degree, not only by
the qualities just mentioned but by a lively
feeling for character and a quick sense for
picturesqueness — for what is pictorially
impressive.
AFTER THE RAIN. (F. S. CHURCH.)
i6
LOUISIANA.
LOUISIANA.*
BY FRANCES HODGSON BURNETT,
Author of "That Lass o' Lowrie's," "Surly Tim, and Other Stories," " Haworth's," etc.
'MUST I GO AWAY?" HE SAID.
CHAPTER XV.
" IANTHY ! "
IT was later than usual when Louisiana
awakened in the morning. She awakened
suddenly and found herself listening to the
singing of a bird on the tree near her win-
dow. Its singing was so loud and shrill that
it overpowered her and aroused her to a
consciousness of fatigue and exhaustion.
It appeared to her at first that no one
was stirring in the house below, but after a
few minutes she heard some one talking in
her father's room — talking rapidly in monot-
onous tone.
" I wonder who it is," she said, and she
lay back upon her pillow, feeling tired out
and bewildered between the bird's shrill
song and the strange voice.
And then she heard heavy feet on the
stairs and listened to them nervously until
they reached her door and the door was
pushed open unceremoniously.
The negro woman Nancy thrust her head
into the room.
" Miss Louisianny, honey," she said.
"Ye aint up yet? "
"No."
" Ye'd better git up, honey — an' come
down-stairs."
But the girl made no movement.
" Why ? " she asked, listlessly.
" Yer pappy, honey— he's sorter cur'us.
He don't seem to be right well. He didn't
seem to be quite at hisself when I went to
light his fire. He "
Louisiana sat upright in bed, her great
coil of black hair tumbling over one shoulder
and making her look even paler than she
was.
" Father ! " she said. " He was quite
Copyright, 1880, by Frances Hodgson Burnett. All rights reserved.
Macmillan & Co.
Copyright in England by
LOUISIANA.
well late last night. It was after midnight
when we went to bed and he was well
then."
The woman began to fumble uneasily at
the latch.
" Don't ye git skeered, chile," she said.
" Mebbe 'taint nothin' — but seemed to me
like — like he didn't know me."
Louisiana was out of bed, standing upon
the floor and dressing hurriedly.
" He was well last night," she said,
piteously. " Only a few hours ago. He
was well and talked to me and "
She stopped suddenly to listen to the
voice down-stairs — a new and terrible
thought flashing upon her.
" Who is with him ? " she asked. " Who
is talking to him ? "
" Thar aint no one with him," was the
answer. " He's by hisself, honey."
Louisiana was buttoning her wrapper at
the throat. Such a tremor fell upon her
that she could not finish what she was
doing. She left the button unfastened and
pushed past Nancy and ran swiftly down
the stairs, the woman following her.
The door of her father's room stood open
and the fire Nancy had lighted burned and
crackled merrily. Mr. Rogers was lying
high upon his pillow, watching the blaze.
His face was flushed and he had one hand
upon his chest. He turned his eyes slowly
upon Louisiana as she entered and for a
second or so regarded her wonderingly.
Then a change came upon him, his face
lighted up — it seemed as if he saw all at
once who had come to him.
" lanthy ! " he said. " I didn't sca'cely
know ye ! Ye've bin gone so long ! Whar
hev ye bin ? "
But even then she could not realize the
truth ; it was so short a time since he had
bidden her good-night and kissed her at the
door.
" Father ! " she cried. " It's Louisiana !
Father, look at me ! "
He was looking at her, and yet he only
smiled again.
" It's bin such a long time, lanthy," he
said. " Sometimes I've thought ye wouldn't
never come back at all."
And when she fell upon her knees at the
bedside, with a desolate cry of terror and
anguish, he did not seem to hear it at all,
but lay fondling her bent head and smiling
still, and saying happily :
" Lord ! I am glad to see ye ! "
When the doctor came — he was a mount-
VOL. XX.— 2.
aineer like the rest of them, a rough, good-
natured fellow who had "read a course"
with somebody and " 'tended lectures in
Cincinnatty" — he could tell her easily
enough what the trouble was.
" Pneumony," he said. " And pretty bad
at that. He haint hed no health fer a right
smart while. He haint never got over thet
spell he hed last winter. This yere change
in the weather's what's done it. He was
a-complainin' to me the other day about
thet thar old pain in his chist. Things hez
bin kinder 'cumylatin' on him."
" He does not know me ! " said Louis-
iana. " He is very, very ill ! "
Doctor Hankins looked at his patient for
a moment, dubiously.
" Wa-al, thet's so," he said, at length.
" He's purty bad off— purty bad ! "
By night the house was full of visitors and
volunteer nurses. The fact that " Uncle
Elbert Rogers was down with pneumony,
an' Louisianny thar without a soul anigh
her," was enough to rouse sympathy and
curiosity. Aunt 'Mandy, Aunt Ca'line and
Aunt 'Nervy came up one after another.
" Louisianny now, she aint nothin' but a
young thing, an' don't know nothin'," they
said. " An' Elbert bein' sich nigh kin, it'd
look powerful bad if we didn't go."
They came in wagons or rickety buggies
and brought their favorite medicines and
liniments with them in slab-sided, enamel-
cloth valises. They took the patient under
their charge, applied their nostrums, and
when they were not busy seemed to enjoy
talking his symptoms over in low tones.
They were very good to Louisiana, relieving
her of every responsibility in spite of herself,
and shaking their heads at one another pity-
ingly when her back was turned.
" She never give him no trouble," they
said. " She's got thet to hold to. An' they
was powerful sot on her, both him an'
lanthy. I've heern 'em say she allus was
kinder tender an' easy to manage."
Their husbands came to " sit up " with
them at night, and sat by the fire talking
about their crops and the elections, and
expectorating with regularity into the ashes.
They tried to persuade Louisiana to go to
bed, but she would not go.
" Let me sit by him, if there is nothing
else I can do," she said. " If he should
come to himself for a minute he would
know me if I was near him."
In his delirium he seemed to have gone
back to a time before her existence — the
time when he was a young man and there
i8
LOUISIANA.
was no one in the new house he had built,
but himself and " lanthy." Sometimes he
fancied himself sitting by their fire on a
winter's night and congratulating himself
upon being there.
" Jest to think," he would say in a quiet,
speculative voice, " that two year ago I
didn't know ye — an' thar ye air, a-sittin'
sewin', and the fire a-cracklin', an' the house
all fixed. This yere's what I call solid com-
fort, lanthy — jest solid comfort ! "
Once he wakened suddenly from a sleep,
and finding Louisiana bending over him,
drew her face down and kissed her.
" I didn't know ye was so nigh, lanthy,"
he whispered. " Lord ! jest to think yer
allers nigh an' thar cayn't nothin' separate us."
The desolateness of so living a life outside
his was so terrible to Louisiana that at
times she could not bear to remain in the
room, but would go out into the yard and
ramble about aimless and heart-broken,
looking back now and then with a pang
at the new, strange house.
" There will be nothing left if he leaves
me," she said. " There will be nothing."
And then she would hurry back, panting,
and sit by him again, her eyes fastened upon
his unconscious face, watching its every
shade of expression and change.
" She'll take it mighty hard," she heard
Aunt Ca'line whisper one day, " ef "
And she put her hands to her ears and
buried her face in the pillow, that she might
not hear the rest.
CHAPTER XVI.
"DON'T DO NO ONE A ONJESTICE."
HE was not ill very long. Toward the
end of the second week the house was
always full of visitors who came to sympa-
thize and inquire and prescribe, and who,
in many cases, came from their farms miles
away attracted by the news that " Uncle
Elbert Rogers " was " mighty bad off."
They came on horseback and in wagons or
buggies — men in homespun, and women in
sun-bonnets — and they hitched their horses
at the fence and came into the house with
an awkwardly subdued air, and stood in
silence by the sick bed for a few minutes,
and then rambled toward the hearth and
talked in spectral whispers.
" The old man's purty low," they always
said, "he's purty low." And then they
added among themselves that he had " allers
bin mighty clever, an' a good neighbor."
When she heard them speak of him in
this manner, Louisiana knew what it meant.
She never left the room again after the first
day that they spoke so and came in bodies
to look at him, and turn away and say that
he had been good to them. The men never
spoke to her after their first nod of greeting,
and the women but rarely, but they often
glanced hurriedly askance at her as she sat
or stood by the sick man's pillow. Some-
how, none of them had felt as if they were on
very familiar terms with her, though they all
spoke in a friendly way of her as being " a
mighty purty, still kind o' a harmless young
critter." They thought, when they saw her
pallor and the anguish in her eyes, that she
was " takin' it powerful hard, an' no won-
der," but they knew nothing of her desper-
ate loneliness and terror.
" Uncle Elbert he'll leave a plenty," they
said in undertones. " She'll be well pervided
fer, will Louisianny."
And they watched over their charge and
nursed him faithfully, feeling not a little sad
themselves as they remembered his simple
good-nature and neighborliness and the
kindly prayers for which he had been noted
in " meetin'."
On the last day of the second week the
doctor held a consultation with Aunt 'Nervy
and Aunt Ca'line on the front porch before
he went away, and when they re-entered the
room they spoke in whispers even lower
than before and moved about stealthily.
The doctor himself rode away slowly and
stopped at a house or so on the way-side,
where he had no patients, to tell the inhab-
itants what he had told the head nurses.
" We couldn't hev expected him to stay
allers," he 'said, " but we'll miss him mightily.
He haint a enemy in the county — nary one ! "
That afternoon when the sun was setting,
the sick man wakened from a long, deep
sleep. The first thing he saw was the bright
pale-yellow of a tree out in the yard, which
had changed color since he had seen it last.
It was a golden tree now as it stood in the
sun, its leaves rustling in a faint, chill wind.
The next thing, he knew that there were
people in the room *who sat silent and
looked at him with kindly, even reverent,
eyes. Then he turned a little and saw his
child, who bent toward him with dilated
eyes and trembling, parted lips. A strange,
vague memory of weary pain and dragging,
uncertain days and nights came to him and
he knew, and yet felt no fear.
" Louisianny ! " he said.
He could only speak in a whisper and
LOUISIANA.
tremulously. Those who sat about him
hushed their very breath.
" Lay yer head — on the piller — nigh me,"
he said.
She laid it down and put her hand in his.
The great tears were streaming down her
face, but she said not a word.
" I haint got long — honey," he faltered.
"The Lord, He'll keer — fer ye."
Then for a few minutes he lay breathing
faintly, but with his eyes open and smiling
as they rested on the golden foliage of the
tree.
" How yaller — it is ! " he whispered.
" Like gold. lanthy was powerful — sot on
it. It — kinder beckons."
It seemed as if he could not move his
eyes from it, and the pause that followed
was so long that Louisiana could bear it no
longer, and she lifted her head and kissed
him.
" Father ! " she cried. " Say something
to me ! Say something to me / "
It drew him back and he looked up into
her eyes as she bent over him.
" Ye'll be happy — " he said, " afore long.
I kinder — know. Lord ! how I've — loved
ye, honey — an' ye've desarved it — all. Don't
ye — do. no one — a onjestice."
And then as she dropped her white face
upon the pillow again, he saw her no longer
— nor the people, nor the room, but lay
quite still with parted lips and eyes wide
open, smiling still at the golden tree waving
and beckoning in the wind.
This he saw last of all, and seemed still to
see even when some one came silently,
though with tears, and laid a hand upon his
eyes.
CHAPTER XVII.
A LEAF.
THERE was a sunny old grave- yard half a
mile from the town, where the people of
Bowersville laid their dead under the long
grass and tangle of wild creeping vines, and
the whole country-side gathered there when
they lowered the old man into his place at
his wife's side. His neighbors sang his
funeral hymn and performed the last offices
for him with kindly hands, and when they
turned away and left him there was not a
man or woman of them who did not feel
that they had lost a friend.
They were very good to Louisiana.
Aunt 'Nervy and Aunt Ca'line deserted
their families that they might stay with her
until all was over, doing their best to give
her comfort. It was Aunt 'Nervy who first
thought of sending for the girl cousin to
whom the trunkful of clothes had been
given.
" Le's send for Luther's Jenny, Ca'line,"
she said. " Mebbe it'd help her some to
hev a gal nigh her. Gals kinder onderstands
each other, an' Jenny was allus powerful
fond o' Lowizyanny."
So Jenny was sent for and came. From
her lowly position as one of the thirteen in
an "onfort'nit" family she had adored and
looked up to Louisiana all her life. All
the brightest days in her experience had
been spent at Uncle Elbert's with her favor-
ite cousin. But there was no brightness
about the house now. When she arrived
and was sent upstairs to the pretty, new
room Louisiana occupied, she found the
girl lying upon the bed. She looked white
and slender in her black dress, her hands
were folded palm to palm under her cheek,
and her eyes were wide open.
Jenny ran to her and knelt at her side.
She kissed her and began to cry.
" Oh ! " she sobbed, " somehow, I didn't
ever think I should come here and not find
Uncle Elbert. It don't seem right — it makes
it like a strange place."
Then Louisiana broke into sobs too.
" It is a strange place ! " she cried- — " a
strange place — a strange place ! Oh, if one
old room was left — just one that I could go
into and not feel so lonely ! "
But she had no sooner said it than she
checked herself.
" Oh, I oughtn't to say that ! " she cried.
" I wont say it. He did it all for me, and
I didn't deserve it."
" Yes, you did," said Jenny, fondling her.
" He was always saying what a good child
you had been — and that you'd never given
him any trouble."
" That was because he was so good,"
said Louisiana. " No one else in the whole
world was so good. And now he is gone,
and I can never make him know how grate-
ful I was and how I loved him."
" He did know," said Jenny.
"No," returned Louisiana. "It would
have taken a long, long life to make him
know all I felt, and now when I look back
it seems as if we had been together such a
little while. Oh ! I thought the last night
we talked that there was a long life before
us — that I should be old before he left me,
and we should have had all those years
together."
2O
LOUISIANA.
After the return from the grave-yard there
was a prolonged discussion held among the
heads of the different branches of the fam-
ily. They gathered at one end of the back
porch and talked of Louisiana, who sat
before the log fire in her room upstairs.
" She aint in the notion o' leavin' the
place," said Aunt 'Nervy. " She cried pow-
erful when I mentioned it to her, an'
wouldn't hear to it. She says over an' over
ag'in, ' Lemme stay in the home he made
for me, Aunt Ca'line.' I reckon she's a kind
o' notion Elbert 'lowed fur her to be yere
when he was gone."
" Wa-al, now," said Uncle Luther, " I
reckon he did. He talked a heap on it
when he was in a talkin' way. He's said to
me, ' I want things to be jest ez she'd enjoy
'em most — when she's sorter lonesome, ez
she will be, mebbe.' Seemed like he hed it
in his mind ez he warn't long fur this world.
Don't let us cross her in nothin'. He never
did. He was powerful tender on her, was
Elbert."
"I seed Marthy Lureny Nance this
mornin'," put in Aunt Ca'line, " an' I told
her to come up an' kinder overlook things.
She haint with no one now, an' I dessay
she'd like to stay an' keep house."
" I don't see nothin' ag'in it," commented
Uncle Steve, " if Louisianny don't. She's a
settled woman, an's bin married, an' haint
no family to pester her sence Nance is dead."
" She was allers the through-goin' kind,"
said Aunt 'Nervy. "Things'll be well
looked to — an' she thought a heap o' El-
bert. They was raised together."
" S'pos'n' ye was to go in an' speak to
Louisianny," suggested Uncle Steve.
Louisiana, being spoken to, was very
tractable. She was willing to do anything
asked of her but go away.
" I should be very glad to have Mrs.
Nance here, Aunt Minerva," she said.
" She was always very kind, and father
liked her. It wont be like having a strange
face near me. Please tell her I want her to
come and that I hope she will try to feel
as if she was at home."
So Marthy Lureny Nance came, and was
formally installed in her position. She was
a tall, strongly built woman, with blue eyes,
black hair, and thick black eyebrows. When
she arrived she wore her best alpaca gown
and a starched and frilled blue sun-bonnet.
When she presented herself to Louisiana
she sat down before her, removed this sun-
bonnet with a scientific flap and hung it on
the back of her chair.
"Ye look mighty peak-ed, Louisianny,"
she said. " Mighty peak-ed."
" I don't feel very well," Louisiana an-
swered, " but I suppose I shall be better
after a while."
" Ye're takin' it powerful hard, Louis-
ianny," said Mrs. Nance, " an' I don't blame
ye. I aint gwine to pester ye a-talkin'. I
jest come to say I 'lowed to do my plum
best by ye, an' ax ye whether ye liked hop
yeast or salt risin' ? "
At the end of the week Louisiana and
Mrs. Nance were left to themselves. Aunt
'Nervy and Aunt Ca'line and the rest had
returned to their respective homes, even
Jenny had gone back to Bowersville, where
she boarded with a relative and went to
school.
The days after this seemed so long to
Louisiana that she often wondered how she
lived through them. In the first passion of
her sorrow, she had not known how they
passed, but now that all was silence and
order in the house, and she was alone, she
had nothing to do but to count the hours.
There was no work for her, no one came in
and out for whom she might invent some
little labor of love; there was no one to
watch for, no one to think of. She used to
sit for hours at her window watching the
leaves change their color day by day, and at
last flutter down upon the grass at the least
stir of wind. Once she went out and picked
up one of these leaves and, taking it back
to her room, shut it up in a book.
" Everything has happened to me since
the day it was first a leaf," she said. " I have
lived just as long as a leaf. That isn't long."
When the trees were bare, she one day
remembered the books she had sent for
when at the Springs, and she went to the
place where she had put them, brought
then out and tried to feel interested in them
again.
" I might learn a great deal," she said, " if
I persevered. I have so much time."
But she had not read many pages before
the tears began to roll down her cheeks.
" If he had lived," she said, " I might have
read them to him and it would have pleased
him so. I might have done it often if I had
thought less about myself. He would have
learned, too. He thought he was slow, but
he would have learned, too, in a little while,
and he would have been so proud."
She was very like her father in the simple
tenderness of her nature. She grieved with
the hopeless passion of a child for the wrong
she had unwittingly done.
LOUISIANA.
21
It was as she sat trying to fix her mind
upon these books that there came to her the
first thought of a plan which was afterward
of some vague comfort to her. She had all
the things which had furnished the old par-
lor taken into one of the unused rooms —
the chairs and tables, the carpet, the orna-
ments and pictures. She spent a day in
placing everything as she remembered it,
doing all without letting any one assist her.
After it was arranged, she left the room and
locked the door, taking the key with her.
" No one shall go in but myself," she
said. " It belongs to me more than all the
rest."
" I never knowed her to do nothin'
notionate but thet," remarked Mrs. Nance,
in speaking of it afterward. " She's mighty
still, an' sits an grieves a heap, but she aint
never notionate. Thet was kinder notionate
fer a gal to do. She sets store on 'em 'cause
they was her pappy's an' her ma's, I reckon.
It cayn't be nothin' else, fur they aint to say
stylish, though they was allers good solid-
appearin' things. The picters was the on'y
things ez was showy."
" She's mighty pale an' slender sence her
pappy died," said the listener.
" Wa-al, yes, she's kinder peak-ed," admit-
ted Mrs. Nance. " She's kinder peak-ed,
but she'll git over it. Young folks allers
does."
But she did not get over it as soon as
Mrs. Nance had expected, in view of her
youth. The days seemed longer and lone-
lier to her as the winter advanced, and she
had at last been able to read and think of
what she read. When the snow was on
the ground and she could not wander about
the place, she grew paler still.
" Louisianny," said Mrs. Nance, coming
in upon her one day as she stood at the
window, " ye're a-beginnin' to look like
ye're Aunt Melissy."
"Am I ? " answered Louisiana. " She died
when she was young, didn't she ? "
" She wasn't but nineteen," she said grimly.
" She hed a kind o' love-scrape, an' when the
feller married Emmerline Ruggles she jest
give right in. They hed a quarrel, an' he
was a sperrity kind o' thing an' merried
Emmerline when he was mad. He cut off
his nose to spite his face, an' a nice time he
hed of it when it was done. Melissy was a
pretty gal, but kinder consumpshony, an'
she hedn't backbone enough to hold her
up. She died eight or nine months after
they'd quarreled. Mebbe she'd hev died
atiyhow, but thet sorter hastened it up.
When folks is consumpshony it don't take
much to set 'em off."
" I don't think I am ' consumpshony,' "
said Louisiana.
" Lord-a-massy, no ! " was the reply, " an'
ye'd best not begin to think it. I wasn't
a-meanin' thet. Ye've kinder got into a
poor way steddyin' 'bout yer pappy, an it's
tellin' on ye. Ye look as if thar wasn't a
thing of ye — an' ye don't take no int'russ.
Ye'd oughter stir round more."
" I'm going to ' stir round ' a little as
soon as Jake brings the buggy up," said
Louisiana. " I'm going out."
" Whar ? "
" Toward town."
For a moment Mrs. Nance looked at her
charge steadily, but at length her feelings
were too much for her. She had been
thinking this matter over for some time.
" Louisanny," she said, " you're a-gwine
to the grave-yard, thet's whar ye're a-gwine,
an' thar aint no sense in it. Young folks
hedn't ought to hold on to trouble thetaway
— 'taint nat'ral. They don't gin'rally. Elbert
'd be ag'in it himself ef he knowed — an' I
s'pose he does. Like as not him an' lan-
thy's a-worryin' about it now, an' Lord knows
ef they air it'll spile all their enjoyment.
Kingdom come wont be nothin' to 'em if
they're oneasy in their minds 'bout ye.
Now an' ag'in it's 'peared to me that mebbe
harps an' crowns an' the company o' 'postles
don't set a body up all in a minnit an' make
'em forgit their flesh an' blood an' nat'ral
feelin's teetotally — an' it kinder troubles me
to think o' Elbert an' lanthy worryin' an'
not havin' no pleasure. Seems to me ef I
was you I'd think it over an' try to cheer
up an' take int'russ. Jest think how keerful
yer pappy an' ma was on ye an' how sot
they was on hevin' ye well an' happy."
Louisiana turned toward her. Her eyes
were full of tears.
" Oh ! " she whispered, " do you — do you
think they know ? "
Mrs. Nance was scandalized.
" Know ! " she echoed. " Wa-al, now,
Louisianny, ef I didn't know yer raisin', an'
thet ye'd been brought up with members all
yer life, it'd go ag'in me powerful to hear ye
talk thetaway. Ye know they know, an'
thet they'll take it hard, ef they aint changed
mightily, but, changed or not, I guess thar's
mighty few sperrits ez haint sense enough
to see ye'r a-grievin' more an' longer than's
good fur ye."
Louisiana turned to her window again.
She rested her forehead against the frame-
THE GRANDISSIMES.
THE GRANDISSIMES.*
A STORY OF CREOLE LIFE.
By GEORGE W. CABLE, author of "Old Creole Days."
CHAPTER XXX.
PARALYSIS.
As WE have said, the story of Bras-Coupe
was told that day three times; to the Grand-
issime beauties once, to Frowenfeld twice.
The fair Grandissimes all agreed, at the
close, that it was pitiful. Specially, that it
was a great pity to have hamstrung Bras-
Coupe, a man who even in his cursing had
made an exception in favor of the ladies.
True, they could suggest no alternative ; it
was undeniable that he had deserved his
fate ; still, it seemed a pity. They dispersed,
retired and went to sleep confirmed in this
sentiment. In Frowenfeld the story stirred
deeper feelings.
On this same day, while it was still early
morning, Honore Grandissime, f. m. c., with
more than even his wonted slowness of step
and propriety of rich attire, had re-appeared
in the shop of the rue Roy ale. He did not
need to say he desired another private in-
terview. Frowenfeld ushered him silently
and at once into his rear room, offered him
a chair (which he accepted), and sat down
before him.
In his labored way the quadroon stated
his knowledge that Frowenfeld had been
three times to the dwelling of Palmyre
Philosophe. Why, he further intimated, he
knew not, nor would he ask ; but he — had
been refused admission. He had laid open
his heart to the apothecary's eyes — "It may
have been unwisely "
Frowenfeld interrupted him ; Palmyre had
been ill for several days ; Doctor Keene
— who, Mr. Grandissime probably knew, was
her physician
The landlord bowed, and Frowenfeld
went on to explain that Doctor Keene, while
attending her, had also fallen sick and had
asked him to take the care of this one case
until he could himself resume it. So there,
in a word, was the reason why Joseph had,
and others had not, been admitted to her
presence.
As obviously to the apothecary's eyes as
anything intangible could be, a load of suf-
fering was lifted from the quadroon's mind,,
as this explanation was concluded. Yet he
only sat in meditation before his tenant, who
regarded him long and sadly. Then, seized
with one of his energetic impulses, he sud-
denly said :
" Mr. Grandissime, you are a man of
intelligence, accomplishments, leisure and
wealth; why" (clenching his fists and frown-
ing), "why do you not give yourself —
your time — wealth — attainments — energies-
— everything — to the cause of the down-
trodden race with which this community's-
scorn unjustly compels you to rank your-
self? "
The quadroon did not meet Frowenfeld's
kindled eyes for a moment, and when he did,
it was slowly and dejectedly.
" He canno' be," he said, and then, seeing
his words were not understood, he added :
" He 'ave no Cause. Dad peop' 'ave no
Cause." He went on from this with many
pauses and gropings after words and idiom,,
to tell, with a plaintiveness that seemed
to Frowenfeld almost unmanly, the reasons,
why the people, a little of whose blood
had been enough to blast his life, would
never be free by the force of their own arm.
Reduced to the meanings which he vainly
tried to convey in words, his statement was
this : that that people was not a people.
Their cause — was in Africa. They upheld
it there — they lost it there — and to those
that are here the struggle was over; they
were, one and all, prisoners of war.
" You speak of them in the third person,'r
said Frowenfeld.
" Ah ham nod a slev."
" Are you certain of that ? " asked the
tenant.
His landlord looked at him.
" It seems to me," said Frowenfeld, " that
you — your class — the free quadroons — are
the saddest slaves of all. Your men, for a
little property, and your women, for a little
amorous attention, let themselves be shorn
even of the virtue of discontent, and for a
paltry bait of sham freedom have consented
to endure a tyrannous contumely which flat-
tens them into the dirt like grass under a.
Copyright, 1879, by George W. Cable. All rights reserved.
THE GRANDISSIMES.
25
slab. I would rather be a runaway in the
swamps than content myself with such a
freedom. As your class stands before the
world to-day — free in form but slaves in
spirit — you are — I do not know but I was
almost ready to say — a warning to philan-
thropists ! "
The free man of color slowly arose.
" I trust you know," said Frowenfeld,
" that I say nothing in offense."
" Havery word is tru'," replied the sad
man.
" Mr. Grandissime," said the apothecary,
as his landlord sank back again into his
seat, " I know you are a broken-hearted
man."
The quadroon laid his fist upon his heart
and looked up.
" And being broken-hearted, you are thus
specially fitted for a work of patient and
sustained self-sacrifice. You have only those
things to lose which grief has taught you to
despise — ease, money, display. Give your-
self to your people — to those, I mean, who
groan, or should groan, under the degraded
lot which is theirs and yours in common."
The quadroon shook his head, and after
a moment's silence, answered :
" Ah canned be one Toussaint POuverture.
Ah cannod trah to be. Hiv I trah, I h-only
s'all soogceed to be one Bras-Coupe."
"You entirely misunderstand me," said
Frowenfeld in quick response. " I have no
stronger disbelief than my disbelief in insur-
rection. I believe that to every desirable
end there are two roads, the way of strife
and the way of peace. I can imagine a
man in your place, going about among his
people, stirring up their minds to a noble
discontent, laying out his means, sparingly
here and bountifully there, as in each case
might seem wisest, for their enlightenment,
their moral elevation, their training in skilled
work ; going, too, among the men of the
prouder caste, among such as have a spirit
of fairness, and seeking to prevail with
them for a public recognition of the rights
of all ; using all his cunning to show them
the double damage of all oppression, both
great and petty "
The quadroon motioned " enough." There
was a heat in his eyes which Frowenfeld
had never seen before.
" M'sieu'," he said, " waid till Agricola
Fusilier ees keel."
" Do you mean ' dies ? ' "
" No," insisted the quadroon ; " listen."
And with slow, painstaking phrase this man
of strong feeling and feeble will (the trait of
his caste) told— as Frowenfeld felt he would
do the moment he said " listen " — such part
of the story of Bras-Coupe as showed how
he came by his deadly hatred of Agricola.
" Tale me," said the landlord, as he con-
cluded the recital, " w'y deen Bras-Coupe"
mague dad curze on Agricola Fusilier ? Be-
coze Agricola ees one sorcier! Elz 'e bin
dade sinz long tamm."
The speaker's gestures seemed to imply
that his own hand, if need be, would have
brought the event to pass.
As he rose to say adieu, Frowenfeld,
without previous intention, laid a hand upon
his visitor's arm.
" Is there no one who can make peace
between you ? "
The landlord shook his head.
" 'Tis impossib' ; we don' wand."
" I mean," insisted Frowenfeld, " is there
no man who can stand between you and
those who wrong you, and effect a peaceful
reparation ? "
The landlord slowly moved away, neither
he nor his tenant speaking, but each know-
ing that the one man in the minds of both,
as a possible peace-maker, was Honore
Grandissime.
" Should the opportunity offer," continued
Joseph, " may I speak a word for you my-
self?"
The quadroon paused a moment, smiled
politely though bitterly, and departed repeat-
ing again :
" 'Tis impossib'. We don' wand."
" Palsied," murmured Frowenfeld, look-
ing after him regretfully, — " like all of them."
Frowenfeld's thoughts were still on the
same theme when, the day having passed,
the hour was approaching wherein Raoul
Innerarity was exhorted to tell his good-
night story in the merry circle at the distant
Grandissime mansion. As the apothecary
was closing his last door for the night, the
fairer Honore called him out into the moon-
light.
" Withered," the student was saying audi-
bly to himself, "not in the shadow of the
Ethiopian, but in the glare of the white man."
" Who is with-e'd ? " pleasantly demanded
Honore.
The apothecary started slightly.
" Did I speak ? How do you do, sir ?
I meant the free quadroons."
" Including the gentleman frhom whom
you rhent yo' sto' ? "
"Yes, him especially; he told me this
morning the story of Bras-Coupe."
M. Grandissime laughed. Joseph did not
26
THE GRANDISSIMES.
see why, nor did the laugh sound entirely
genuine.
" Do not open yo' do', Mr. Frhowenfeld,"
said the Creole. " Get yo' grheat-coat and
cane and come take a walk with me; I
will tell you the same storhy."
It was two hours before they approached
this door again on their return. Just before
they reached it, Honore stopped under the
huge street-lamp, whose light had gone out,
where a large stone lay before him on the
ground in the narrow, moonlit street. There
was a tall, unfinished building at his back.
" Mr. Frhowenfeld," — he struck the stone
with his cane, — " this stone is Brhas-Coupe
— we cast it aside because it turns the edge
of ow tools."
He laughed. He had laughed to-night
more than was comfortable to a man of
Frowenfeld's quiet mind.
As the apothecary thrust his shop-key
into the lock and so paused to hear his com-
panion, who had begun again to speak, he
wondered what it could be — for M. Grand-
issime had not disclosed it — that induced
such a man as he to roam aimlessly, as it
seemed, in deserted streets at such chill and
dangerous hours. " What does he want
with me ? " The thought was so natural
that it was no miracle the Creole read it.
" Well," said he, smiling and taking an
attitude, " you are-h a grheat man fo' causes,
Mr. Frhowenfeld ; but me, I am fo' rhesults,
ha, ha ! You may pondeh the philosophy
of Brhas-Coupe inyo' study, but /have got
to get rhid of his rhesults, me. You know
them."
" You tell me it revived a war where you
had made a peace," said Frowenfeld.
" Yes — yes — that is his rhesults ; but
good-night, Mr. Frhowenfeld."
" Good-night, sir."
CHAPTER XXXI.
ANOTHER WOUND IN A NEW PLACE.
EACH day found Doctor Keene's strength
increasing, and on the morning following
the incidents last recorded he was impru-
dently projecting an out-door promenade.
An announcement from Honore Grandis-
sime, who had paid an early call, had, to
that gentleman's no small surprise, produced
a sudden and violent effect on the little
man's temper.
He was sitting by his window, looking
out upon the levee, when the apothecary
entered the apartment.
" Frowenfeld," he instantly began, with
evident displeasure most unaccountable to
Joseph, " I hear you have been visiting the
Nancanous."
" Yes, I have been there."
" Well, you had no business to go ! "
Doctor Keene smote the arm of his chair
with his fist.
Frowenfeld reddened with indignation,
but suppressed his retort. He stood still in
the middle of the floor, and Doctor Keene
looked out of the window.
" Doctor Keene," said the visitor, when
this attitude was no longer tolerable, " have
you anything more to say to me before I
leave you ? "
" No, sir."
" It is necessary for me, then, to say that
in fulfillment of my promise, I am going
from here to the house of Palmyre, and that
she will need no further attention after to-
day. As to your present manner toward
me, I shall endeavor to suspend judgment
until I have some knowledge of its cause."
The doctor made no reply, but went on
looking out of the window, and Frowenfeld
turned and left him.
As he arrived in the Philosophe's sick-
chamber — where he found her sitting in a
chair set well back from a small fire — she
half whispered " Miche " with a fine, greet-
ing smile, as if to a brother after a week's
absence. To a person forced to lie abed,
shut away from occupation and events, a
day is ten, three are a month ; not merely in
the wear and tear upon the patience, but
also in the amount of thinking and recollect-
ing done. It was to be expected, then, that
on this, the apothecary's third visit, Palmyre
would have learned to take pleasure in his
coming.
But the smile was followed by a faint,
momentary frown, as if Frowenfeld had
hardly returned it in kind. Likely enough,
he had not. He was not distinctively a
man of smiles; and as he engaged in his
appointed task she presently thought of
this.
" This wound is doing so well," said Jo-
seph, still engaged with the bandages, " that
I shall not need to come again." He was
not looking at her as he spoke, but he felt
her give a sudden start. He thought, " All
her impulses are sudden and violent," but
he should not have said " all." He said,
presently : " With the assistance of your
slave woman, you can now attend to it
yourself."
She made no answer.
THE GRANDISSIMES.
27
When, with a bow, he would have said
good-morning, she held out her hand for
his; and when, after a barely perceptible
hesitation, he gave it, she held it fast, in a
way to indicate that there was something to
be said which he must stay and hear.
She looked up into his face. She may
have been merely framing in her mind the
word or two of English she was about to
utter; but an excitement shone through her
eyes and reddened her lips, and something
sent out from her countenance a look of wild
distress.
" You goin' tell 'im ? " she asked.
" Who ? Agricola ? "
" Non!"
He spoke the next name more softly.
" Honore ? "
Her eyes looked deeply into his for a mo-
ment, then dropped, and she made a sign
of assent.
He was about to say that Honore knew
already, but saw no necessity for doing so,
and changed his answer.
" I will never tell any one."
" You know ? " she asked, lifting her eyes
for an instant. She meant to ask if he
knew the motive that had prompted her
murderous intent.
" I know your whole sad history."
She looked at him for a moment, fixedly ;
then, still holding his hand with one of
hers, she threw the other to her face and
turned away her head. He thought she
moaned.
Thus she remained for a few moments,
then suddenly she turned, clasped both hands
about his, her face flamed up and she
opened her lips to speak, but speech failed.
An expression of pain and supplication came
upon her countenance, and the cry burst
from her :
" Meg 'im to love me ! "
He tried to withdraw his hand, but she
held it fast, and, looking up imploringly
with her wide, electric eyes, cried :
" Vous pouvez lefaire, vous pouvez le faire
(you can do it, you can do it) ; vous etes sor-
rier, mo conne bien vous etes sorrier (you are
a sorcerer, I know)."
However harmless or healthful Joseph's
touch might be to the Philosophe, he felt
now that her touch, to him, was poisonous.
He dared encounter her eyes, her touch,
her voice, no longer. The better man in
him was suffocating. He scarce had power
left to liberate his right hand with his left,
to seize his hat and go.
Instantly she rose from her chair, threw
herself on her knees in his path, and found
command of his language sufficient to
cry as she lifted her arms, bared of their
drapery :
" Oh my God ! don' rif-used me — don'
rif-used me ! "
There was no time to know whether
Frowenfeld wavered or not. The thought
flashed into his mind that in all probability
all the care and skill he had spent upon the
wound was being brought to naught in this
moment of wild posturing and excitement ;
but before it could have effect upon his
movements, a stunning blow fell upon the
back of his head, and the Congo dwarf, un-
der the impression that it was the most
timely of strokes, stood brandishing a billet
of pine and preparing to repeat the blow.
He hurled her, snarling and gnashing like
an ape, against the farther wall, cast the bar
from the street-door and plunged out, hat-
less, bleeding, and stunned.
CHAPTER XXXII.
INTERRUPTED PRELIMINARIES.
ABOUT the same time of day, three gen-
tlemen (we use the term gentlemen in its
petrified state) were walking down the rue
Royale from the direction of the Faubourg
Ste. Marie.
They were coming down toward Pal-
myre's corner. The middle one, tall and
shapely, might have been mistaken at first
glance for Honore Grandissime, but was
taller and broader, and wore a cocked hat,
which Honore did not. It was Valentine.
The short, black-bearded man in buckskin
breeches on his right was Jean-Baptiste
Grandissime, and the slight one on the left,
who, with the prettiest and most graceful
gestures and balancings, was leading the
conversation, was Hippolyte Brahmin-Man-
darin, a cousin and counterpart of that sturdy-
hearted challenger of Agricola, Sylvestre.
" But after all," he was saying in Louis-
iana French, " there is no spot comparable,
for comfortable seclusion, to the old orange
grove under the levee on the Point ; twenty
minutes in a skiff, five minutes for prelim-
inaries— you would not want more, the
ground has been measured off five hundred
times — ' are you ready ? ' "
" Ah, bah ! " said Valentine, tossing his
head, " the Yankees would be down on us
before you could count one."
"Well, then, behind the Jesuits' ware-
28
THE GRANDISSIMES.
houses, if you insist. I don't care. Perdition
take such a government ! I am almost sorry
I went to the governor's reception."
" It was quiet, I hear ; a sort of quiet
ball, all promenading and no contra-dances.
One quadroon ball is worth five of such."
This was the opinion of Jean-Baptiste.
" No, it was fine, anyhow. There was a
contra-dance. The music was — tarata joonc,
tara, tara — ta ta joonc, tararata joonc, tari
— oh! it was the finest thing — and com-
posed here. They compose as fine things
here as they do anywhere in the look
there! That man came out of Palmyre's
house ; see how he staggered just then !"
" Drunk," said Jean-Baptiste.
" No, he seems to be hurt. He has been
struck on the head. Oho, I tell you, gen-
tlemen, that same Palmyre is a wonderful
animal ! Do you see ? She not only de-
fends herself and ejects the wretch, but she
puts her mark upon him ; she identifies him,
ha, ha, ha ! Look at the high art of the
thing ; she keeps his hat as a small souvenir
and gives him a receipt for it on the back
of his head. Ah ! but hasn't she taught him
a lesson ? Why, gentlemen, — it is — if it
isn't that sorcerer of an apothecary ! "
" What ? " exclaimed the other two ; " well,
well, but this is too good ! Caught at last,
ha, ha, ha, the saintly villain ! Ah, ha, ha !
Will not Honore be proud of him now ?
Ah / voila un joli Joseph / What did I tell
you ? Didn't I always tell you so ? "
" But the beauty of it is, he is caught so
cleverly. No escape — no possible explana-
tion. There he is, gentlemen, as plain as a
rat in a barrel, and with as plain a case.
Ha, ha, ha ! Isn't it just glorious ? "
And all three laughed in such an ecstasy
of glee that Frowenfeld looked back, saw
them, and knew forthwith that his good
name was gone. The three gentlemen,
with tears of merriment still in their eyes,
reached a corner and disappeared.
" Mister," said a child, trotting along
under Frowenfeld's elbow, — the odd English
of the New Orleans street-urchin was at that
day just beginning to be heard — " Mister, dey
got some blood on de back of you' hade ! "
But Frowenfeld hurried on groaning with
mental anguish.
CHAPTER XXXIII.
UNKINDEST CUT OF ALL.
IT was the year 1804. The world was
trembling under the tread of the dread Cor-
sican. It was but now that he had tossed
away the whole Valley of the Mississippi,
dropping it overboard as a little sand from a
balloon, and Christendom in a pale agony
of suspense was watching the turn of his
eye ; yet when a gibbering black fool here
on the edge of civilization merely swings a
pine-knot, the swinging of that pine-knot
becomes to Joseph Frowenfeld, student of
man, a matter of greater moment than the
destination of the Boulogne Flotilla. For
it now became for the moment the foremost
necessity of his life to show, to that minute
fraction of the earth's population which our
terror misnames " the world," that a man
may leap forth hatless and bleeding from
the house of a New Orleans quadroon into
the open street and yet be pure white with-
in. Would it answer to tell the truth ?
Parts of that truth he was pledged not to
tell ; and even if he could tell it all it was
incredible — bore all the features of a flimsy
lie.
" Mister," repeated the same child who
had spoken before, re-inforced by another
under the other elbow, " dey got some
blood on de back of you' hade."
And the other added the suggestion :
" Dey got one drug-sto', yondah."
Frowenfeld groaned again. The knock
had been a hard one, the ground and sky
went round not a little, but he retained
withal a white-hot process of thought that
kept before him his hopeless inability to ex-
plain. He was coffined alive. The world
(so-called) would bury him in utter loathing,
and write on his head-stone the one word —
hypocrite. And he should lie there and
helplessly contemplate Honor£ pushing for-
ward those purposes which he had begun
to hope he was to have had the honor of
furthering. But instead of so doing he
would now be the by-word of the street.
" Mister," interposed the child once more,
spokesman this time for a dozen blacks and
whites of all sizes trailing along before and
behind, "dey got some blood on de back of
you' hade."
That same morning Clotilde had given a
music-scholar her appointed lesson, and at
its conclusion had borrowed of her patron-
ess (how pleasant it must have been to
have such things to lend!) a little yellow
maid, in order that, with more propriety, she
might make a business call. It was that
matter of the rent — one that had of late
occasioned her great secret distress. " It is
plain," she had begun to say to herself,
THE GRANDISSIMES.
29
unable to comprehend Aurora's peculiar trust
in Providence, " that if the money is to be
got I must get it." A possibility had
flashed upon her mind ; she had nurtured
it into a project, had submitted it to her
father-confessor in the cathedral, and re-
ceived his unqualified approval of it, and
was ready this morning to put it into execu-
tion. A great merit of the plan was its sim-
plicity. It was merely to find for her heav-
iest bracelet a purchaser in time, and a price
sufficient, to pay to-morrow's "maturities."
See there again ! — to her, her little secret
was of greater import than the collision of
almost any pine-knot with almost any head.
It must not be accepted as evidence
either of her unwillingness to sell or of the
amount of gold in the bracelet, that it took
the total of Clotilde's moral and physical
strength to carry it to the shop where she
hoped — against hope — to dispose of it.
'Sieur Frowenfeld, M. Innerarity said,
was out, but would certainly be in in a few
minutes, and she was persuaded to take a
chair against the half-hidden door at the
bottom of the shop with the little borrowed
maid crouched at her feet.
She had twice or thrice felt a regret that
she had undertaken to wait, and was about
to rise and go, when suddenly she saw be-
fore her Joseph Frowenfeld, wiping the
sweat of anguish from his brow and smeared
with blood from his forehead down. She
rose quickly and silently, turned sick and
blind, and laid her hand upon the back of
the chair for support. Frowenfeld stood an
instant before her, groaned, and disappeared,
through the door. The little maid, retreat-
ing backward against her from the direction
of the street-door, drew to her attention a
crowd of sight-seers which had rushed up to
the doors and against which Raoul was hur-
riedly closing the shop.
CHAPTER XXXIV.
CLOTILDE AS A SURGEON.
WAS it worse to stay, or to fly ? The de-
cision must be instantaneous. But Raoul
made it easy by crying in their common
tongue, as he slammed a massive shutter
and shot its bolt :
" Go to him ! he is down — I heard him
fall. Go to him ! "
At this rallying cry she seized her shield
— that is to say, the little yellow attendant,
and hurried into the room. Joseph lay
just beyond the middle of the apartment,
face downward. She found water and a
basin, wet her own handkerchief, and
dropped to her knees beside his head ; but
the moment he felt the small, feminine
hands he stood up. She took him by the
arm.
"Asseyez-veus, Monsierf — pliz to give you'-
sev de pens to see down, 'Sieu' Frowenfel'."
She spoke with a nervous tenderness in
contrast with her alarmed and entreating
expression of face, and gently pushed him
into a chair.
The child ran behind the bed and burst
into frightened sobs, but ceased when Clo-
tilde turned for an instant and glared at her.
" Hague yo' 'ead back," said Clotilde,
and with tremulous tenderness she softly
pressed back his brow and began wiping
off the blood. " Were you is 'urted ? "
But while she was asking her question
she had found the gash and was growing
alarmed at its ugliness, when Raoul, having
made everything fast, came in with :
"Wat's de mattah, 'Sieur Frowenfel'?
w'at's de mattah wid you ? Oo done dat,
'Sieur Frowenfel' ? "
Joseph lifted his head and drew away
from it the small hand and wet handkerchief,
and without letting go the hand, looked
again into Clotilde's eyes, and said :
" Go home ; oh, go home ! "
" Oh ! no," protested Raoul, whereupon
Clotilde turned upon him with a perfectly
amiable, nurse's grimace for silence.
" I goin' rad now," she said.
Raoul's silence was only momentary.
" Were you lef you' hat, 'Sieur Frowen-
fel' ? " he asked, and stole an artist's glance
at Clotilde, while Joseph straightened up,
and nerving himself to a tolerable calmness
of speech, said :
" I have been struck with a stick of wood
by a half-witted -person under a misunder-
standing of my intentions ; but the circum-
stances are such as to blacken my character
hopelessly ; but I am innocent ! " he cried,
stretching forward both arms and quite los-
ing his momentary self-control.
" ' Sieu' Frowenfel' ! " cried Clotilde, tears
leaping to her eyes, " I am shoe of it ! "
" I believe you ! I believe you, 'Sieur
Frowenfel' ! " exclaimed Raoul with sincerity.
" You will not believe me," said Joseph.
"You will not; it will be impossible."
" Mais" cried Clotilde, " id shall nod be
impossib' ! "
But the apothecary shook his head.
"All I can be suspected of will seem
probable; the truth only is incredible."
28
THE GRANDISSIMES.
houses, if you insist. I don't care. Perdition
take such a government ! I am almost sorry
I went to the governor's reception."
" It was quiet, I hear ; a sort of quiet
ball, all promenading and no contra-dances.
One quadroon ball is worth five of such."
This was the opinion of Jean-Baptiste.
" No, it was fine, anyhow. There was a
contra-dance. The music was — tarata joonc,
tara, tara — ta ta joonc, tararata joonc, tara
—oh! it was the finest thing — and com-
posed here. They compose as fine things
here as they do anywhere in the look
there! That man came out of Palmyre's
house ; see how he staggered just then !"
" Drunk," said Jean-Baptiste.
" No, he seems to be hurt. He has been
struck on the head. Oho, I tell you, gen-
tlemen, that same Palmyre is a wonderful
animal ! Do you see ? She not only de-
fends herself and ejects the wretch, but she
puts her mark upon him ; she identifies him,
ha, ha, ha ! Look at the high art of the
thing ; she keeps his hat as a small souvenir
and gives him a receipt for it on the back
of his head. Ah ! but hasn't she taught him
a lesson ? Why, gentlemen, — it is — if it
isn't that sorcerer of an apothecary ! "
" What ? " exclaimed the other two ; " well,
well, but this is too good ! Caught at last,
ha, ha, ha, the saintly villain ! Ah, ha, ha !
Will not Honore be proud of him now ?
Ah / voilh tin joli Joseph / What did I tell
you ? Didn't I a/ways tell you so ? "
" But the beauty of it is, he is caught so
cleverly. No escape — no possible explana-
tion. There he is, gentlemen, as plain as a
rat in a barrel, and with as plain a case.
Ha, ha, ha ! Isn't it just glorious ? "
And all three laughed in such an ecstasy
of glee that Frowenfeld looked back, saw
them, and knew forthwith that his good
name was gone. The three gentlemen,
with tears of merriment still in their eyes,
reached a corner and disappeared.
" Mister," said a child, trotting along
under Frowenfeld's elbow, — the odd English
of the New Orleans street-urchin was at that
day just beginning to be heard — " Mister, dey
got some blood on de back of you' hade ! "
But Frowenfeld hurried on groaning with
mental anguish.
CHAPTER XXXIII.
UNKINDEST CUT OF ALL.
IT was the year 1804. The world was
trembling under the tread of the dread Cor-
sican. It was but now that he had tossed
away the whole Valley of the Mississippi,
dropping it overboard as a little sand from a
balloon, and Christendom in a pale agony
of suspense was watching the turn of his
eye ; yet when a gibbering black fool here
on the edge of civilization merely swings a
pine-knot, the swinging of that pine-knot
becomes to Joseph Frowenfeld, student of
man, a matter of greater moment than the
destination of the Boulogne Flotilla. For
it now became for the moment the foremost
necessity of his life to show, to that minute
fraction of the earth's population which our
terror misnames " the world," that a man
may leap forth hatless and bleeding from,
the house of a New Orleans quadroon into
the open street and yet be pure white with-
in. Would it answer to tell the truth ?
Parts of that truth he was pledged not to
tell; and even if he could tell it all it was
incredible — bore all the features of a flimsy
lie.
" Mister," repeated the same child who
had spoken before, re-inforced by another
under the other elbow, " dey got some
blood on de back of you' hade."
And the other added the suggestion :
" Dey got one drug-sto', yondah."
Frowenfeld groaned again. The knock
had been a hard one, the ground and sky
went round not a little, but he retained
withal a white-hot process of thought that
kept before him his hopeless inability to ex-
plain. He was coffined alive. The world
(so-called) would bury him in utter loathing,
and write on his head-stone the one word —
hypocrite. And he should lie there and
helplessly contemplate Honore pushing for-
ward those purposes which he had begun
to hope he was to have had the honor of
furthering. But instead of so doing he
would now be the by-word of the street.
" Mister," interposed the child once more,
spokesman this time for a dozen blacks and
whites of all sizes trailing along before and
behind, "dey got some blood on de back of
you' hade"
That same morning Clotilde had given a
music-scholar her appointed lesson, and at
its conclusion had borrowed of her patron-
ess (how pleasant it must have been to
have such things to lend!) a little yellow
maid, in order that, with more propriety, she
might make a business call. It was that
matter of the rent — one that had of late
occasioned her great secret distress. " It is
plain," she had begun to say to herself,
THE GRANDISSIMES.
29
unable to comprehend Aurora's peculiar trust
in Providence, " that if the money is to be
got I must get it." A possibility had
flashed upon her mind; she had nurtured
it into a project, had submitted it to her
father-confessor in the cathedral, and re-
ceived his unqualified approval of it, and
was ready this morning to put it into execu-
tion. A great merit of the plan was its sim-
plicity. It was merely to find for her heav-
iest bracelet a purchaser in time, and a price
sufficient, to pay to-morrow's "maturities."
See there again ! — to her, her little secret
was of greater import than the collision of
almost any pine-knot with almost any head.
It must not be accepted as evidence
either of her unwillingness to sell or of the
amount of gold in the bracelet, that it took
the total of Clotilde's moral and physical
strength to carry it to the shop where she
hoped — against hope — to dispose of it.
'Sieur Frowenfeld, M. Innerarity said,
was out, but would certainly be in in a few
minutes, and she was persuaded to take a
chair against the half-hidden door at the
bottom of the shop with the little borrowed
maid crouched at her feet.
She had twice or thrice felt a regret that
she had undertaken to wait, and was about
to rise and go, when suddenly she saw be-
fore her Joseph Frowenfeld, wiping the
/sweat of anguish from his brow and smeared
with blood from his forehead down. She
rose quickly and silently, turned sick and
blind, and laid her hand upon the back of
the chair for support. Frowenfeld stood an
instant before her, groaned, and disappeared,
through the door. The little maid, retreat-
ing backward against her from the direction
of the street-door, drew to her attention a
crowd of sight-seers which had rushed up to
the doors and against which Raoul was hur-
riedly closing the shop.
CHAPTER XXXIV.
CLOTILDE AS A SURGEON.
WAS it worse to stay, or to fly ? The de-
cision must be instantaneous. But Raoul
made it easy by crying in their common
tongue, as he slammed a massive shutter
and shot its bolt :
" Go to him ! he is down — I heard him
fall. Go to him ! "
At this rallying cry she seized her shield
— that is to say, the little yellow attendant,
and hurried into the room. Joseph lay
just beyond the middle of the apartment,
face downward. She found water and a
basin, wet her own handkerchief, and
dropped to her knees beside his head; but
the moment he felt the small, feminine
hands he stood up. She took him by the
arm.
"Asseyez-vous, Monsieu' — pliz to give you'-
sev de pens to see down, 'Sieu' Frowenfel'."
She spoke with a nervous tenderness in
contrast with her alarmed and entreating
expression of face, and gently pushed him
into a chair.
The child ran behind the bed and burst
into frightened sobs, but ceased when Clo-
tilde turned for an instant and glared at her.
" Hague yo1 'ead back," said Clotilde,
and with tremulous tenderness she softly
pressed back his brow and began wiping
off the blood. " Were you is 'urted ? "
But while she was asking her question
she had found the gash and was growing
alarmed at its ugliness, when Raoul, having
made everything fast, came in with :
"Wat's de mattah, 'Sieur Frowenfel'?
w'at's de mattah wid you ? Oo done dat,
'Sieur Frowenfel' ? "
Joseph lifted his head and drew away
from it the small hand and wet handkerchief,
and without letting go the hand, looked
again into Clotilde's eyes, and said :
" Go home ; oh, go home ! "
" Oh ! no," protested Raoul, whereupon
Clotilde turned upon him with a perfectly
amiable, nurse's grimace for silence.
" I goin' rad now," she said.
Raoul's silence was only momentary.
" Were you lef you' hat, 'Sieur Frowen-
fel' ? " he asked, and stole an artist's glance
at Clotilde, while Joseph straightened up,
and nerving himself to a tolerable calmness
of speech, said :
" I have been struck with a stick of wood
by a half-witted -person under a misunder-
standing of my intentions ; but the circum-
stances are such as to blacken my character
hopelessly ; but I am innocent ! " he cried,
stretching forward both arms and quite los-
ing his momentary self-control.
" ' Sieu' Frowenfel' ! " cried Clotilde, tears
leaping to her eyes, " I am shoe of it ! "
" I believe you ! I believe you, 'Sieur
Frowenfel' ! " exclaimed Raoul with sincerity.
" You will not believe me," said Joseph.
"You will not; it will be impossible."
" Mais" cried Clotilde, " id shall nod be
impossib' ! "
But the apothecary shook his head.
"All I can be suspected of will seem
probable ; the truth only is incredible."
3°
THE GRANDISSIMES.
His head began to sink and a pallor to
overspread his face.
" Allez, mon/ieur, allez" cried Clotilde to
Raoul, a picture of beautiful terror which
he tried afterward to paint from memory,
" appelez Doctah Kin ! "
Raoul made a dash for his hat, and the
next moment she heard, with unpleasant
distinctness, his impetuous hand slam the
shop door and lock her in.
"Bailie ma do Teau" she called to the
little mulattress, who responded by search-
ing wildly for a cup and presently bringing
a measuring-glass full of water.
Clotilde gave it to the wounded man, and
he rose at once and stood on his feet.
" Raoul."
" 'E gone at Doctah Kin."
" I do not need Doctor Keene ; I am
not badly hurt. Raoul should not have
left you here in this manner. You must
not stay."
"Bud, 'Sieur Frowenfel', I am afred to
trah to paz dad gangue ! "
A new distress seized Joseph in view of
this additional complication. But, unmind-
ful of this suggestion, the fair Creole sud-
denly exclaimed :
" 'Sieu' Frowenfel', you har a hinnocen'
man ! Go, hopen yo' do's an' stan' juz as
you har ub birfo dad crowd an sesso ! My
God ! 'Sieu' Frowenfel', iv you canned
stan' ub by you'sev "
She ceased suddenly with a wild look,
as if another word would have broken the
levees of her eyes, and -in that instant Frow-
enfeld recovered the full stature of a man.
" God bless you ! " he cried. " I will do
it ! " He started, then turned again toward
her, dumb for an instant, and said : " And
God reward you ! You believe in me, and
you do not even know me."
Her eyes became wilder still as she
looked up into his face with the words :
" Mais, I does know you — betteh 'n you
know annyt'in' boud it ! " and turned away,
blushing violently.
Frowenfeld gave a start. • She had given
him too much light. He recognized her,
and she knew it. For another instant he
gazed at her averted face, and then with
forced quietness said :
" Please go into the shop."
The whole time that had elapsed since
the shutting of the doors had not exceeded
five minutes; a sixth sufficed for Clotilde
and her attendant to resume their original
position in the nook by the private door and
for Frowenfeld to wash his face and hands.
Then the alert and numerous ears without
heard a drawing of bolts at the door next
to that by which Raoul had issued, its
leaves opened outward, and first the pale
hands and then the white, weakened face
and still bloody hair and apparel of the
apothecary made their appearance. He
opened a window and another door. The
one locked by Raoul, when unbolted,
yielded without a key, and the shop stood
open.
" My friends," said the trembling propri-
etor, " if any of you wishes to buy anything,
I am ready to serve him. The rest will
please move away."
The invitation, though probably under-
stood, was responded to by only a few at
the banquette's edge, where a respectable
face or two wore scrutinizing frowns. The
remainder persisted in silently standing and
gazing in at the bloody man.
Frowenfeld bore the gaze. There was one
element of emphatic satisfaction in it — it
drew their observation from Clotilde, at the
other end of the shop. He stole a glance
backward; she was not there. She had
watched her chance, safely escaped through
the side door, and was gone.
Raoul returned.
" 'Sieur Frowenfel', Doctor Keene is took
worst ag'in. 'E is in bed ; but 'e say to tell
you in dat lill troubF of dis mawnin' it is
himseff w'at is inti'lie wrong, an' 'e hass you
poddon. 'E says sen' fo' Doctor Conrotte,
but I din- go fo' him ; dat ole scoun'rel — he
believe in puttin' de niggas fre'."
Frowenfeld said he would not consult pro-
fessional advisers; with a little assistance
from Raoul, he could give the cut the
slight attention it needed. He went back
into his room, while Raoul turned back to
the door and addressed the public.
" Pray, Messieurs, come in and be
seated." He spoke in the Creole French
of the gutters. " Come in. M. Frowenfeld
is dressing, and desires that you will have a
little patience. Come in. Take chairs.
You will not come in ? No ? Nor you,
Monsieur ? No ? I will set some chairs
outside, eh ? No ? "
They moved by twos and threes away,
and Raoul, retiring, gave his employer such
momentary aid as was required. When
Joseph, in changed dress, once more ap-
peared, only a child or two lingered to see
him, and he had nothing to do but sit down
and, as far as he felt at liberty to do so, an-
swer his assistant's questions.
During the recital, Raoul was obliged to
THE GRANDISSIMES.
exercise the severest self-restraint to avoid
laughing, — a feeling which was modified by
the desire to assure his employer that he
understood this sort of thing perfectly, had
run the same risks himself, and thought no
less of a man, providing he was a gentleman,
because of an unlucky retributive knock on
the head. But he feared laughter would
over-climb speech ; and, indeed, with all ex-
pression of sympathy stifled, he did not suc-
ceed so completely in hiding, the conflicting
emotion but that Joseph did once turn his
pale, grave face surprisedly, hearing a snuf-
fling sound, suddenly stifled in a drawer of
corks. Said Raoul, with an unsteady utter-
ance, as he slammed the drawer :
" H-h-dat makes me dat I can't 'elp to
laugh w'en I t'ink of dat fool yesse'dy w'at
want to buy my pigshoe for honly one
'undred dolla' — ha, ha, ha, ha ! "
He laughed almost indecorously.
" Raoul," said Frowenfeld, rising and
closing his eyes, " I am going back for my
hat. It would make matters worse for that
person to send it to me, and it would be
something like a vindication for me to go
back to the house and get it."
Mr. Innerarity was about to make stren-
uous objection, when there came in one
whom he recognized as an attache of his
cousin Honore's counting-room, and handed
the apothecary a note. It contained Hon-
ore's request that if Frowenfeld was in his
shop he would have the goodness to wait
there until the writer could call and see him.
" I will wait," was the reply.
CHAPTER XXXV.
"FO" WAD YOU CRYNE?"
CLOTILDE, a step or two from home, dis-
missed her attendant, and as Aurora, with
anxious haste, opened to her familiar knock,
appeared before her pale and trembling.
"Ah, mafille "
The overwrought girl dropped her head
and wept without restraint upon her moth-
er's neck. She let herself be guided to a
chair, and there, while Aurora nestled close
to her side, yielded a few moments to rev-
erie before she was called upon to speak.
Then Aurora first quietly took possession of
her hands, and after another tender pause
asked in English, which was equivalent to
whispering :
" W'ere you was, cherie ? "
" 'Sieur Frowenfel' "
Aurora straightened up with angry aston-
ishment and drew in her breath for an em-
phatic speech, but Clotilde, liberating her
own hands, took Aurora's, and hurriedly
said, turning still paler as she spoke :
" 'E godd his 'ead strigue ! Tis all
knog in be'ine ! 'E come in blidding "
" In w'ere ? " cried Aurora.
" In 'is shob."
" You was in dad shob of 'Sieur Frowen-
fel' ? "
" I wend ad 'is shob to pay doze rend."
" How — you wend ad 'is shob to pay "
Clotilde produced the bracelet. The two
looked at each other in silence for a mo-
ment, while Aurora took in without further
explanation Clotilde's project and its failure.
"An' 'Sieur Frowenfel'— dey kill 'im ?
Ah ! ma chere, fo' wad you mague me to
hass all doze question ? "
Clotilde gave a brief account of the mat-
ter, omitting only her conversation with
Frowenfeld.
" Mais, oo strigue 'im ? " demanded Au-
rora, impatiently.
" Addunno ! " replied the other. " Bud I
does know 'e is hinnocen' ! "
A small scouting-party of tears re-appeared
on the edge of her eyes.
" Innocen' from wad ? "
Aurora betrayed a twinkle of amusement.
" Hev'ryt'in', iv you pliz ! " exclaimed
Clotilde, with most uncalled-for warmth.
" An' you crah bic-ause 'e is nod guiltie ? "
" Ah ! foolish ! "
" Ah, non, mie chile, I know fo' wad
you cryne : 'tis h-only de sighd of de blood."
"Oh, sighd of blood!"
Clotilde let a little nervous laugh escape
through her dejection.
" Well, den," — Aurora's eyes twinkled like
stars, — " id muz be bic-ause 'Sieur Frowen-
fel' bump 'is 'ead — ha, ha, ha ! "
" 'T is nod-true ' ! " cried Clotilde ; but, in-
stead of laughing, as Aurora had supposed
she would, she sent a double flash of light
from her eyes, crimsoned, and retorted, as
the tears again sprang from their lurking-
place, " You wand to mague ligue you
don' cyah ! Bud / know ! I know verrie
well! You cyah fifty time' as mudge as
me! I know you! I know you! I bin
wadge you ! "
Aurora was quite dumb for a moment,
and gazed at Clotilde, wondering what could
have made her so unlike herself. Then she
half rose up, and, as she reached forward an
arm and laid it tenderly about her daughter's
neck, said :
32
THE GRANDISSIMES.
" Ma lill dotter, wad dad meggin you
cry ? Iv you will tell me wad dad mague
you cry, I will tell you — on ma second word
of honor" — she rolled up her fist — " juz wad
I thing about dad 'Sieur Frowenfel' ! "
" I don' cyah wad de whole worP thing
aboud 'im ! "
" Mais, anny'ow, tell me fo' wad you
cryne ? "
Clotilde gazed aside for a moment and
tnen confronted her questioner consentingly.
" I tole 'im I knowed 'e war h-innocen'."
" Eh, bien, dad was h-only de poli-i-id-
enez. Wad 'e said ? "
" 'E said I din knowed 'im 'tall."
" An' you," exclaimed Aurora, " it is nod
pozzyble dad you "
" I tole 'im I know 'im bette'n 'e know
annyt'in' 'boud id ! "
The speaker dropped her face into her
mother's lap.
" Ha, ha 1 " laughed Aurora, " an' wad of
dad ? I would say dad, me, fo' time' a day.
I gi'e you mie word 'e don godd dad sens'
to know wad dad mean."
" Ah ! don godd sens' ! " cried Clotilde,
lifting her head up suddenly with a face of
agony. " 'E reg — 'e reggo-ni-i-ize me ! "
Aurora caught her daughter's cheeks be-
tween her hands and laughed all over
them.
" Mais, don you see 'ow dad was luggy ?
Now, you know ? — 'e goin' fall in love wid
you an' you goin' 'ave dad sadizfagzion to
rif-use de biggis' hand in Noo-'leans. An'
you will be h-even, ha, ha ! Bud me — you
wand to know wad I thing aboud 'im ? I
thing 'e is one — egcellen' drug-cl — ah, ha,
ha!"
Clotilde replied with a smile of grieved
incredulity.
" De bez in de ciddy ! " insisted the other.
She crossed the forefinger of one hand upon
that of the other and kissed them, reversed
the cross and kissed them again. " Mais,
ad de sem tarn," she added, giving her
daughter time to smile, " I thing 'e is one
noble gentleman. Nod to sood me, of coze,
mats, fa fait rien — daz nott'n'; me, I am
now a h'ole woman, you know, eh ? No-
boddie can' nevva sood me no mo', nod
ivven dad Govenno' Cleb-orne."
She tried to look old and jaded.
" Ah, Govenno' Cleb-orne ! " exclaimed
Clotilde.
" Yass ! — Ah, you ! — you thing iv a man
is nod a Creole 'e bown to be no 'coun' !
I assu' you dey don' godd no boddy wad I
fine a so nize gen'leman lag Govenno' Cleb-
orne ! Ah ! Clotilde, you godd no lib'-
ral'ty ! "
The speaker rose, cast a discouraged part-
ing look upon her narrow-minded compan-
ion and went to investigate the slumbrous
silence of the kitchen.
CHAPTER XXXVI.
AURORA INVESTS THE LAST PICAYUNE.
NOT often in Aurora's life had joy and
trembling so been mingled in one cup as on
this day. Clotilde wept ; and certainly her
heart could but respond ; yet Clotilde's tears
filled her with a secret pleasure which fought
its way up into the beams of her eyes and
asserted itself in the frequency and hearti-
ness of her laugh despite her sincere partici-
pation in her companion's distresses and a
fearful looking forward to to-morrow.
Why these flashes of gladness ? If we dc
not know, it is because we have overlooked
one of her sources of trouble. From the
night of the bal masque she had — we dare
say no more than that she had been haunted :
she certainly would not at first have ad-
mitted even so much to herself. Yet the
fact was not thereby altered, and first the
fact and later the feeling had given her much
distress of mind. Who he was whose im-
age would not down, for a long time she die
not know. This, alone, was torture ; nol
merely because it was mystery, but because
it helped to force upon her the consciousness
that her affections, spite of her, were read)
and waiting for him and he did not come
after them. That he loved her, she knew :
she had achieved at the ball an overwhelm-
ing victory, to her certain knowledge, or,
depend upon it, she never would have un-
masked— never.
But with this torture was mingled not
only the ecstasy of loving, but the fear of
her daughter. This is a world that allows
nothing without its obverse and reverse,
Strange differences are often seen between
the two sides ; and one of the strangest and
most inharmonious in this world of human
relations is that coinage which a mother
sometimes finds herself offering to a daugh-
ter, and which reads on one side, Bride-
groom, and on the other, Step-father.
Then, all this torture to be hidden under
smiles ! Worse still, when by and by Mes-
sieurs Agoussou, Assonquer, Danny and oth-
ers had been appealed to and a Providence
boundless in tender compassion had an-
swered, she and her lover had simultane-
THE GRANDISSIMES.
33
ously discovered each other's identity only
to find that he was a Montague to her
Capulet. And the source of her agony
must be hidden, and falsely attributed to
the rent deficiency and their unprotected
lives. Its true nature must be hidden even
from Clotilde. What a secret — for what a
spirit — to keep from what a companion ! —
a secret yielding honey to her, but, it might
be, gall to Clotilde. She felt like one locked
in the Garden of Eden all alone — alone with
all the ravishing flowers, alone with all the
lions and tigers. She wished she had told
the secret when it was small and had let it
increase by gradual accretions in Clotilde' s
knowledge day by day. At first it had been
but a garland, then it had become a chain,
now it was a ball and chain ; and it was Oh !
and oh ! if Clotilde would only fall in love
herself. How that would simplify matters !
More than twice or thrice she had tried to
reveal her overstrained heart in broken sec-
tions; but, on her approach to the very outer
confines of the matter, Clotilde had always
behaved so strangely, so nervously, in short,
so beyond Aurora's comprehension, that she
invariably failed to make any revelation.
And now, here in the very central dark-
ness of this cloud of troubles, comes in Clo-
tilde, throws herself upon the defiant little
bosom so full of hidden suffering, and weeps
tears of innocent confession that in a mo-
ment lay the dust of half of Aurora's per-
plexities. Strange world ! The tears of
the orphan making the widow weep for joy,
if she only dared.
The pair sat down opposite each other at
their little dinner-table. They had a fixed
hour for dinner. It is well to have a fixed
hour ; it is in the direction of system. Even
if you have not the dinner, there is the
hour. Alphonsina was not in perfect har-
mony with this fixed-hour idea. It was
Aurora's belief, often expressed in hungry
moments with the laugh of a vexed Creole
lady (a laugh worthy of study), that on the
day when dinner should really be served at
the appointed hour, the cook would drop
dead of apoplexy and she of fright. She
said it to-day, shutting her arms down to
her side, closing her eyes with her eyebrows
raised, and dropping into her chair at the
table like a dead bird from its perch. Not
that she felt particularly hungry ; but there
is a certain desultoriness allowable at table
more than elsewhere, and which suited the
hither-thither movement of her conflicting
feelings. This is why she had wished for
dinner.
Boiled shrimps, rice, claret and water,
bread — they were dining well the day be-
fore execution. Dining is hardly correct,
either, for Clotilde, at least, did not eat;
they only sat. Clotilde had, too, if not her
unknown, at least her unconfessed emo-
tions. Aurora's were tossed by the waves,
hers were sunken beneath them. Aurora
had a faith that the rent would be paid — a
faith which was only a vapor, but a vapor
gilded by the sun — that is, by Apollo, or, to
be still more explicit, by Honore Grandis-
sime. Clotilde, deprived of this confidence,
had tried to raise means wherewith to meet
the dread obligation, or, rather, had tried to
try and had failed. To-day was the ninth,
to-morrow, the street. Joseph Frowenfeld
was hurt ; her dependence upon .his good
offices was gone. When she thought of
him suffering under public contumely, it
seemed to her as if she could feel the big
drops of blood dropping from her heart;
and when she recalled her own actions,
speeches, and demonstrations in his pres-
ence, exaggerated by the groundless fear
that he had guessed into the deepest springs
of her feelings, then she felt those drops of
blood congeal. Even if the apothecary
had been duller of discernment than she
supposed, here was Aurora, on the oppo-
site side of the table, reading every thought
of her inmost soul. But worst of all was
'Sieur Frowenfel's indifference. It is true
tMt, as he had directed upon her that gaze
of recognition, there was a look of mighty
gladness, if she dared believe her eyes.
But no, she dared not; there was nothing
there for her, she thought, — probably (when
this anguish of public disgrace should by
any means be lifted) a benevolent smile at
her and her betrayal of interest. Clotilde felt
as though she had been laid entire upon a
slide of his microscope.
Aurora at length broke her reverie.
" Clotilde," — she spoke in French — " the
matter with you is that you have no heart.
You never did have any. Really and
truly, you do not care whether 'Sieur Frow-
enfeP lives or dies. You do not care how
he is or where he is this minute. I wish
you had some of my too large heart. I not
only have the heart, as I tell you, to think
kindly of our enemies, doze Grandissime,
for example " — she waved her hand with
the air of selecting at random — " but I am
burning up to know what is the condition
of that poor, sick, noble 'Sieur Frowenfel',
and I am going to do it ! "
The heart which Clotilde was accused
34
THE GROWTH OF WOOD-CUT PRINTING.
of not having gave a stir of deep gratitude.
Dear, pretty little mother ! Not only know-
ing full well the existence of this swelling
heart and the significance, to-day, of its
every warm pulsation, but kindly covering
up the discovery with make-believe re-
proaches. The tears started in her eyes ;
that was her reply.
" Oh, now ! it is the rent again, I sup-
pose," cried Aurora, " always the rent. It
is not the rent that worries me, it is 'Sieur
Frowenfel', poor man. But very well, Mad-
emoiselle Silence, I will match you for mak-
ing me do all the talking." She was really
beginning to sink under the labor of carry-
ing all the sprightliness for both. " Come,"
she said, savagely, " propose something."
" Would you think well to go and in-
quire ? "
" Ah, listen ! Go and what ? No, Mad-
emoiselle, I think not."
" Well, send Alphonsina."
" What ? And let him know that I am
anxious about him ? Let me tell you, my
little girl, I shall not drag upon myself the
responsibility of increasing the self-conceit
of any of that sex."
" Well, then, send to buy a picayune's
worth of something."
" Ah, ha, ha ! An emetic, for instance.
Tell him we are poisoned on mushrooms,
ha, ha, ha ! "
Clotilde laughed too.
" Ah, no," she said. " Send for some-
thing he does not sell."
Aurora was laughing while Clotilde
spoke ; but as she caught these words she
stopped with open-mouthed astonishment,
and, as Clotilde blushed, laughed again.
" Oh, Clotilde, Clotilde, Clotilde ! "—she
leaned forward over the table, her face
beaming with love and laughter — " you
rowdy ! you rascal ! You are just as bad
as your mother, whom you think so wicked !
I accept your advice. Alphonsina ! "
" Momselle ! "
The answer came from the kitchen.
" Come go — or, rather, — vini 'a courridam
boutique de Vapothecaire, Clotilde," she con-
tinued, in better French, holding up the coin
to view, " Look ! "
« What ? "
" The last picayune we have in the world
— ha, ha, ha! "
(To be continued.)
THE GROWTH OF WOOD-CUT PRINTING. II.
THE MODERN METHOD BY MACHINES.
THE early decline of engraving on wood
must be attributed to the imperfect methods
and materials of hand-press printing. If
the art did not come before its time, it did
wait nearly four centuries for the cuts which
have most plainly shown the beauty and use-
fulness of the art — for cuts that had to be
printed on printing machines of iron, and on
machine-made paper. It should be noted
that the iron press and iron printing machine
which gave this demonstration could not
have been made at a much earlier period.
The invention of the machine waited for the
invention of the steam-engine, and of swiftly
following mechanisms which shaped and
planed the metal of which it was made as
it never could have been done by hand labor.
When made, the machine itself could not
have been used to profit without steam.
There is no accessible wood-cut of the
first printing machine made for the London
" Times," but it must have been a marvel
of complexity, for, although it printed by
one operation only one side of the sheet,
it had more than one hundred pinion-wheels,
The engraving shown on next page is a
representation of a competing machine made
in 1819, which printed both sides. The man-
ufacturer plumed himself on its simplicity,
and said it was " susceptible of little im-
provement,"— a statement which will draw
a smile from pressmen of our time, who note
the slenderness of its frame-work and cylin-
der-shafts, and the inconvenient method of
delivery. It had, however, enough of merit
to persuade Charles Knight that it was pos-
sible to print wood-cuts by machinery; who.
encouraged by the support of the Society
for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge,
begun, in 1832, the " Penny Magazine," the
pioneer of modern illustrated journalism.
It was a bold undertaking. Publishers and
printers had decided that wood-cuts could
not be printed on machines. Artists sneered
THE GROWTH OF WOOD-CUT PRINTING.
35
at an illustrated penny magazine as a degra-
dation of art and literature. Most of them
refused help. Critics in reviews hooted at
it in this fashion : " As there is no royal
road to mathematics, so we say, once for
all, there is no ' Penny Magazine ' road to
the fine arts. The cultivation of the fine
arts must be carried on by a comparatively
small and gifted few, under the patronage
of men of wealth and leisure." Engravers
who could cut blocks for machine work were
engaged with difficulty. To prevent delays
in printing, unusual precautions had to be
taken in the preparation of the wood. The
blocks so prepared often broke in press,
compelling the use of the inferior stereotype.
The printing machine and its inking attach-
been secured so thoroughly through the
patronage of a few men of wealth.
The quality of the earliest wood-cut print-
ing of the " Penny Magazine " was not of
the best, but it was as good as that of
ordinary books. As the printers got experi-
ence the quality improved. One of the fruits
of this experience was the discovery that the
most unsatisfactory prints were those that
contained the most "work," which means
that they were over-full of elaborately laid-
in copper-plate lines, — a" style of cutting
from which many engravers never could
free themselves. Fine as these cuts seemed
in the engraver's proof, they were either
gray or muddy in the print, for the three
in king-rollers of the best machines were not
A, white pape
pape
ENGLISH PRINTING MACHINE OF 1019.
IT on its way to first printing cylinder; B, first printing cylinder ; C C, intermediate cylinders for reversing the
:r; D, second printing cylinder; E E, inking rollers ; F, inking fountain ; H, delivery of printed sheet.
ments often got out of order, and made
great disappointments. Under discourage-
ments which would have broken down most
)ublishers, Knight persevered and pushed
up the circulation of the magazine until, at
one period, it reached 200,000 copies. He
had a right to claim, as he did, that the
' Penny Magazine " had made a revolution
in popular art; that it had given to -the
Drdinary British reader a knowledge of art
reasures of painting and sculpture which
:ould not have been imparted by any other
igency ; that it had given a world-wide
•eputation to the works of rising artists like
Harvey, Doyle, Cruikshank, Leech, Ten-
liel, and Gilbert, which never could have
enough to distribute smoothly over them a
sufficient quantity of ink. Some machines
had but one in king-roller. No press-maker
seemed to realize the gravity of this defect,
certainly not enough to compel him to
make new machines with more rollers.
Printers and publishers found it easier to
alter the style of engraving. The most
satisfactory prints were those in closest imita-
tion of the open, free-hand sketch of the de-
signer ; prints that did not require as much
ink and pressure as those in the copper-plate
style. As the sketchy style was most pleas-
ing to the artist, as well as easiest to the
printer, it grew in favor, and became one of
the most taking features of " Punch," when
THE GROWTH OF WOOD-CUT PRINTING.
it appeared, for the first time, in 1841. For
even the inartistic reader could see more
freshness and real merit in the easy, simple
lines of Cruikshank and Doyle than in the
A SKETCH BY DOYLE.
exact, insipidly fine, and monotonously gray
wood-cuts of more pretentious publications.
The open, sketchy style of engraving had
its disadvantages. Stereotypes of cuts in
this style wore down too soon under the
rapid beatings of the cylinder. On a long
edition, of which the early impressions were
sharp, clean and pure, the last were too often
thick, muddy, disgraceful. This check to
the development of wood-cut press-work
was removed by the invention of the art of
electrotyping, which substituted a thin shell
of copper on a type-metal base for the
stereotype of soft metal. For this invention
there are four claimants, — Jacobi of St.
Petersburg, Jordan and Spencer of England,
and Joseph A. Adams,, an engraver of New
York, — all of whom were experimenting in
1839. Adams seems to have been the first
who did practical work, as he fairly showed
in an electrotyped wood-cut printed in
" Mapes's Magazine" in 1841, as well as in
the illustrations (the press-work of which
he superintended) of Harper's " Illustrated
Bible," which soon followed.
Electrotyping was soon tested to its ut-
most limits. As soon as it was demon-
strated that the electrotype could receive,
unharmed, an unusually large number of
impressions, there followed a revival of the
fondness for close and fine work, for middle
tint and dark color. Engravers thought
they were fully justified in cutting closer,
finer, shallower than they would have dared
on a block destined for stereotyping. This
reversion to the* older style of engraving
put back the old impediment in the way ol
successful machine press-work, for the cut:
in this revived style were too fine and toe
shallow to be properly inked with the ma
chinery then in common use.
Nearly all the printing machines madt
in this country before 1850 were providec
with but two inking-rollers, — not half enougt
for the inking of black or blackish-gray cuts
If the flow of ink were adjusted to give jus
enough for light lines, the dark grays anc
blacks would be but half inked ; if the flov
of ink were increased until the darker por
tions of the cut were fairly colored, then the
lighter lines would be over-colored, thick anc
muddy. To give a proper measure to th<
light and dark parts of the cuts, it was nee
essary to increase the number of rollers
but most American machine makers wer<
not entirely convinced, even as late as 1856
of the value of four and six-roller machines
This hesitation seems surprising, for man)
of the most important improvements ii
printing machinery are American inventions
The Columbian hand-press of 1817, whicl
was preferred to the Stanhope, was the fore
runner of a great many. Of most import
ance was the Adams power-press, a huge
machine which printed sheets twice as large
and at four times the speed of the hand
press, by the same old method of plater
pressure. It supplanted all rivals, almos
without opposition. For nearly thirty years
it was regarded by publishers as the onl}
machine fit for printing books. This prefer
ence was warranted by its success with type
work and with the small wood-cuts whicl
were sparsely scattered over the pages ol
American books thirty-five years ago. I
was not so successful with large and blacl
wood-cuts. Engravers complained that the
Adams press did not " bring out " the strengtl
of large work, but it was then supposed tha
the fault was due to deficient inking.
It was on this press that the experimen
of four and six inking-rollers was first made
but only to the improved printing of cut
of small size and light color; on full-pag*
or double-page cuts the failure of the pres
to face the cuts was as decided as ever
The unavoidable inference that the Adam
press was too weak for heavy wood-cu
work was formed very slowly. Printer
who had no other form of press, and pub
lishers who wished to save the extra charge
for hand-press work on half sheets, were no
yet ready to be convinced. Its occasiona
failures were set down as faults of paper, o
THE GROWTH OF WOOD-CUT PRINTING.
37
ink, of pressman, — of anything but the weak-
ness of the press.
The stubborn refusal of American book-
printers to use for fine book-work any other
form of press than the Adams was a great
hindrance to the development of engraving
on wood. The large cuts published between
1850 and 1865 were not, as a rule, as well
printed as they would have been in 1840
on the hand-press. This declension was the
result of the gratuitous assumption that cuts
could be fairly printed only under platen
pressure. Our newspaper critics sneered at
American wood-cut printing. The old ques-
tion, " Who reads an American book ? " was
varied for new offenders. " Where is the
American printer or publisher who can fairly
or decently print wood-cuts ? " It was a
proper taunt, for transatlantic printers were
then printing cuts of the highest merit on
machines, while American printers were spoil-
ing many of their best blocks through their
prejudice in favor of platen pressure.*
Prejudice in favor of platen pressure died
hard. It was asserted that, although the
their choice wood-cut work printed by hand.
One New York printer put up ten hand-
presses, with intent to revive this neglected
method of press-work. It was a disappoint-
ing experiment. About one-half of the work
was done as well, but no better, than it
could have been done on a machine ; at
least one-half was much worse. For it was
found that the old race of skilled hand-press-
men had disappeared. They had slipped out
of the ranks when the Adams power-press
came in. In the hands of the inexperts who
followed them, cuts were treated worse than
they would have been by cylinder pressmen.
To the few connoisseurs in fine printing, who
still retain an admiration for hand press-
work, it may be proper here to say that the
skill of the wood-cut hand-pressman of forty
years ago is not to be bought. In every
large city there may be left one or two of
the pupils of the old experts, but, as a trade
or art, wood-cut printing by hand-press is as
extinct an art as that of making paper by
hand.
After repeated failures, publishers began
ADAMS POWER PRESS.
Adams press might be too weak for large
cuts, the theory of platen pressure was
correct. Old-fashioned book-printers con-
tended so stoutly for the hand-press and for
hand-rolling that several publishers were in-
duced, between 1860 and 1868, to have all
* I recall the astonishment of a deceased New
England printer, who told me, concerning his typo-
graphical investigations abroad, that he had seen
with his own eyes, in a printing-house at Tours, a
cylinder press printing the wood-cuts of the Dor6
Bible in faultless style. He would not have be-
lieved it if he had not seen it. This in 1866 !
to look into the matter. They found that
for some years the large wood-cuts in manu-
facturers' catalogues, which had been printed
by job-printers on cylinder presses, showed
a sharpness of line, a fulness of color and a
clearness of tint rarely seen in good library
work. It was plain to the most prejudiced
that the despised cylinder did work which
the platen press could not do.
The easy victory won by the cylinders
was largely due to improvements in their
construction made after 1860. With some
machine-makers these improvements were so
THE GROWTH OF WOOD-CUT PRINTING.
many and so radical that they compelled
an abandonment of old models and a thor-
ough reconstruction. Machines were made
with four and six inking-rollers, rotating in-
cessantly, and rolling twice or thrice over
the cuts or types in imitation of hand-press
methods; with bed-plates and cylinders
strong enough to print wood-cuts as large
as 30 by 50 inches, yet so nicely adjusted
that they could give almost a copper-plate
clearness to the thinnest lines ; with such
accurate fittings and movement that a regis-
ter of pages or of meeting colors could be
made with the greatest precision.
Old-fashioned book printers were obliged
to respect, not only the superior advantages
and uniform color could be had with greatest
certainty on dry paper. They could be had,
however, only when this dry paper was
faultlessly smooth. This smoothness was
common enough on writing and rare on
printing papers, but the machinery that
served for one grade was made to serve for
the other. Instead of imitating the expens-
ive European process of putting the sheets
through heated plates, the American manu-
facturer put the newly-made sheets between
cylinders of iron and hardened paper pulp.
Under this calendering, as cold-rolling is
called, paper was made almost as smooth
as by hot pressing, and at much less cost.
Calendered book papers are now as com-
STOP-CYLINDER PRINTING MACHINE.
of the cylinder, but the method, new to
them, of printing on dry paper. It had
been the usage in all book offices to dampen
paper intended for printing; to dry the
sheets after pnnting, and to smooth out the
indentations of pressure by putting the dried
sheets between the press-boards of a hydro-
static press — tedious, expensive and diffi-
cult processes. If the paper had been over
wet, or not wet enough, the quality of the
press-work was damaged, and the perform-
ance of the press was diminished. Printers
on cylinder machines had already proved
that the wetting of paper was often a posi-
tive injury to press-work, and that sharp lines
mon as uncalendered, and the dry method
of printing is supplanting the wet even on
ordinary type-work.
The value of dry and smooth paper for
fine wood-cut printing cannot be over-esti-
mated. A fine wood-cut is necessarily shal-
low. Even with the smoothest paper, it is
difficult to keep the shallow channels made
by the graver free from the ink that is
pressed on the surface of the cut by the
inking-roller and the printing-cylinder. If
impression be made on the swelled and
spongy surface of damp paper, the fibres
of the paper will be forced more or less
around the surface lines of the cut, over-
THE GROWTH OF WOOD-CUT PRINTING.
39
lapping them a little, closing up gradually
the white channels, and making what en-
gravers call inky press-work.
Book-printers gave up damp paper re-
luctantly. For the new method of printing
dry compelled them to give up the woollen
blanket which had been used between the
paper and the pressing surface as the equal-
izer of impression ever since the invention
of printing. That such an elastic medium
was needed when types were old or of un-
equal height, or when the pressed and press-
ing surface of the press could not be kept
in true parallel, needs no explanation ; but
the use of an elastic printing-surface was
continued long after these faults had been
corrected. The soft blanket, or the india-
rubber cloth, often used in place of it, made
an uncertain impression, which either thick-
ened the fine lines of a cut, or made them
ragged and spotty. It would have been
useless to get smooth paper if the pressing-
surface behind the paper could be made
uneven. To get a pure impression it was
necessary to resort not only to the engravers'
•method of proving on dry paper, but to his
method of proving with a hard, inelastic
pressing surface. A substance was needed
which could be pressed with great force,
without making indentation, on the surface
of the cut, and on the surface only. This
substance was found in mill-glazed " press-
board," a .thin, tough card, harder than
wood, and smooth as glass, which enabled
the pressman to produce prints with the
pure, clean lines of the engraver's proof.
Old-fashioned pressmen prophesied that the
hard printing surface would soon crush type
and cuts ; but experience has proved that,
when skillfully done, this hard impression
wears types and cuts less than the elastic
blanket.
It is not yet ten years since SCRIBNER'S
MONTHLY made its first appearance, with
its illustrations printed on a cylinder, on dry
paper, and with hard impression — not ten
years since its publishers were warned by
experts that it was ridiculous to attempt
fine printing under these conditions; but
the publishers have seen the propriety of the
methods (which they were the first of maga-
zine men to adopt) vindicated not only by
results but by the general approval of the
best American printers. In the method of
hard-surface impression, the printers of
SCRIBNER have pushed experiments to the
extreme. On two machines they have re-
jected the press-board impression-surface
as not hard enough, and have substituted
sheets of brass and solid iron with superior
results. The finest wood-cuts have been
most fairly printed when their surfaces have
been brought nearest to unyielding metal,
which gives a clearness and sharpness of
line that could be had in no other way. The
wear has been so slight that not one ex-
pert in a dozen could detect any difference
between the first and the last thousand in
an edition of 100,000 copies.
The sustained quality of the press-work
is not entirely due to the hard impression.
Plates and cuts would be worn out very
soon were it not for the preliminary " over-
laying" of the cuts and "making ready"
of the plates. Before answering the ques-
tions, What are making-ready and overlay-
ing ? something must be said about the
conditions which make these processes
necessary.
All printing machines are made to give
an even impression on every part of the
printing surface, but this desired evenness of
impression, by the direct or unaided action of
the machine, can be had only when there is
evenness in resistance. Different kinds of
printing surfaces oppose different degrees
of resistance : on a newspaper form the
resistance is uniform ; on a book form, con-
taining black wood-cuts, open spaces and
blank pages, the resistance is unequal. The
black cuts resist more and the outline cuts
less than the types; the blanks do not resist
at all. Cuts with strong contrasts of light
and shade need much impression in some
parts and little in others. It follows that the
even or flat impression of the best machine
cannot make a good print. If the im-
pression be made weak, to suit outlines or
sky-tints, it will not transfer the dark grays
or full blacks to the paper ; if it be made
strong enough for the blacks it will crush the
outlines and thicken the tints. To fairly print
the cut on next page, the pressure on every
part of it must be in ratio with the resist-
ance. It must be uneven, — very hard on the
blacks, firm on the middle tints, and weak
on all exposed light lines. This uneven-
ness of impression, which must be made
on every wood-cut every time it is put to
press, is produced by pasting bits of paper,
carefully cut, of different thicknesses, upon
the impression surface, in every place where
increased impression is needed. Every thick-
ness of paper added to the impression sur-
face adds to the force exerted. These pieces
of cut paper are known as " overlays." How
they are cut and affixed will be more clearly
shown by this description of the process of
THE GROWTH OF WOOD-CUT PRINTING.
making
cut.
an overlay for the following wood-
A FLAT PRINT WITHOUT OVERLAY.
The pressman begins the work by print-
ing a dozen flat proofs of the cut on differ-
ent thicknesses of fine paper. These proofs
are called flat because the impression that
prints them is perfectly flat, — as firm on the
sky-tint as on the darkest shadows. The
object is to show the engraver's work on the
block more clearly than it appears in the
artist's proof — to show it without attempt to
make any part blacker or grayer than it is in
the wood. The overlay-cutter compares these
flat proofs with the artist's proof. He notes
the superior blackness and greater delicacy
of the latter, and then determines how many
of its best effects can be imitated, and how
many thicknesses of paper will be needed
for the overlay. He decides that this cut
will need five overlays to bring out the five
SECOND OVERLAY.
FIRST OVERLAY.
distinct tints of pale gray, dark gray, mid-
dle tint, dull black, deep black, which are
clearly shown in the proof.
Selecting one of the proofs, he carefully
cuts out of it all of the palest gray tints,
and all thin exposed lines, pencil scrabble
and the ends of thin lines near the high
lights. The proof treated in this way is put
aside as the first overlay.
For the second overlay he takes another
proof out of which he cuts everything but
the deep blacks. He then half cuts or picks
up the prints of deep black in a manner
which cannot be shown in the illustration,
so that the impression will give increased
blackness. This second overlay is fastened
upon the first with great precision.
The third overlay is cut out of another
proof with intent to bring out or intensify
THE GROWTH OF WOOD-CUT PRINTING.
THIRD OVERLAY.
the dull blacks of the cut. It is a skeleton
of all the blacks and of some of the middle
tint. This third overlay is, in like manner,
fastened on the second.
The fourth overlay is made up of the
darker grays in combination with the blacks
and middle tint. It should be noticed that
in this, as in all previous overlays, except the
first, the paler grays are carefully cut out.
The fifth and last overlay shows the dark
gray in combination with middle tint and
blacks.
When the fourth and fifth overlays have
been placed in order over the others, there
will be in the combined piece five thick-
nesses over the deep blacks, four over the
dull blacks, three over the middle tint, two
over the dark gray, and one thickness over
the pale gray. Properly combined, these
overlays make in one piece a low relief
in paper of the engraving on the wood.
The hollows made by cutting out the tints
near the high lights and the projection made
by the deep blacks are clearly noticeable.
Each thickness of paper in the combined
overlay makes, or is intended to make, a
difference in impression. Under the pressure
of the five thicknesses the deep black of the
cut will be forced not only on, but in the
paper, while the single thickness over the
lines that represent pale gray will merely
touch the surface of the sheet.
This is a simple cut, in which the tints
are clearly marked ; but interior views, cut
in fac-simile of brush-work, and all work of
like nature in which high lights, pale grays
and deep blacks are avoided, and the subject
is developed by nice graduations of middle
FOURTH OVERLAY.
tints, are not so easily overlaid. Some cuts
need but three, and some call for more than
six overlays ; some want little ink and much
impression, and others much ink and little
FIFTH OVERLAY.
impression. In every form containing dis-
cordant cuts, the method of cutting and
combining overlays has to be varied to suit
its peculiarities. Every overlay-cutter and
THE GROWTH OF WOOD-CUT PRINTING.
every pressman has his own way of getting
results. Some would make but three over-
lays of this cut, and some six ; some would
arrange them in the order here stated, and
others would transpose them. The object
sought in overlaying is to do mechanically
what the engraver does intelligently in prov-
ing, and to do it by a similar method — by
graduating or making uneven the impression
on different parts of the cut. The most skill-
ful pressmen try to do their work with the
least overlays. Too many defeat the pur-
pose. If more than six thicknesses of paper
.are used, the overlay so made will increase
the circumference of the cylinder so much
that it will not strike exactly in the right
place on the cut at the point of the impres-
sion. Nor is the overlay of any value if
the machine be shackly or inaccurate in
movement. Bed and cylinder must travel
together, at any rate of speed, and under
other difficult conditions, so exactly that
every line in the overlay shall fairly meet
.its corresponding line in the electrotype
plate.
Overlay-cutting is tedious work. Many
of the pieces are small; each must be exact,
and all must be fitted together with pre-
cision. If one be cut too large or small, or
if it bag or wrinkle in any part, all the work
will be lost and must be begun anew.
When all the overlays for the wood-cuts
of a form of sixteen pages have been pre-
pared, and the electrotyped plates for these
pages are ready, the form is sent to press,
and the work of making-ready begins. The
electrotype plates are firmly fastened on
blocks, and the blocks are secured on the
bed of the printing machine. A sheet of
fine paper is then stretched on the impres-
sion cylinder, to receive the first impression
of the plates ; the plates are lightly inked
and passed under the cylinder, which has
been so adjusted that it will but lightly
press upon them. This light pressure makes
a pale print upon the sheet on the cylinder.
The first impression from electrotype plates
is never even, for the plates are seldom
evenly thick, and are always uneven on
the surface. In one spot, the impression
will be hard ; in another, so light as to be
unreadable. To correct the latter fault, the
pressman underlays the plate, by pasting on
its under side bits of paper of suitable size,
in one or more thicknesses. This addition
to the plate springs it up in every part
underlaid, so that the surface fairly meets
the inking rollers and the impression. With
THE OVERLAYS FIXED ON THE CYLINDER.
'
THE GROWTH OF WOOD-CUT PRINTING.
43
the same intent, he puts a proper underlay
under every cut, or part of a cut, that con-
tains much black surface, and fairly braces
it to resist hard impression. When the im-
pression is reasonably even, the pressman
firmly pastes the overlays on the cylinder
sheet, — each overlay being so exactly placed
that at the moment of impression its lines
will truly cover corresponding lines in the
•electrotype. When the pasted overlays are
•dry and fast, the pressman takes another
impression, on a clean sheet, which fully ex-
poses the merit or demerit of the work. If
he has correctly discerned the relative value
of every tint, and has cut the overlays care-
fully, the print should show graduations of
•shade and receding in perspective not much
inferior to those in the engraver's proof.
If he has blundered, if he has in any im-
portant part disturbed the relation of the
tints, he will get a harsh print, which de-
stroys the effects intended by the engraver.
Minor errors in overlay-cutting may be cor-
rected, but with some difficulty, after the
•overlay has been put on. Serious mistakes
.are irreparable.
The value of overlays will be seen by
comparing the flat proof with the print from
overlays. What is dull and harsh in the flat
proof is bright and delicate in the print. It
is the overlay which brings out the effects
intended by the engraver. Every thickness
of paper in it increases the impression and
deepens the tint. On the single thickness
the pressure is probably not more than ten
pounds to the square inch, and the tint is
pale gray ; on two sheets the pressure will
be more than double, with a corresponding
darkening of the gray ; and it keeps increas-
ing with every thickness in increasing ratio.
On the fifth sheet, where the intense black
is wanted, the pressure is probably one
thousand pounds to the square inch. The
hard card-board, or harder metal of the im-
pression cylinder, effectually prevents any
sinking or yielding of pressure. There can be
no flinching or giving way of the impression,
as was too often the case in the hand-press.
But the great improvement made in
the appearance of the wood-cut has been
effected by sacrificing the appearance of the
types. The thick overlays bear off the im-
pression from the surrounding types, mak-
ing the reading matter more or less illegible.
To restore this impression, it is necessary
that the pressman shall overlay the type
work, by cutting out bits of paper of the
•shapes of the illegible portions, which bits
he pastes down on the impression cylinder.
When one thickness has been pasted down,
he takes a new proof of the plates, which
he carefully examines for defects of impres-
sion that have not been corrected by this
overlay. Out of this proof he cuts a new
overlay, which he pastes down in like man-
ner. And he keeps repeating the work of
proving and overlaying until he gets the
impression even on every part of the sheet
— so even that the sheet shows on its back
only faint marks of indentation.
A PRINT FROM OVERLAYS.
This is a tedious method of preparing
cuts and types for printing, but there is no
shorter way to a satisfactory result. On a
long edition no dependence can be placed
on the permanence of an elastic impression,
which soon packs and requires renewal, with
consequent loss of time. The only work-
man-like way of making-ready a form is
to make the impression even and solid
from the beginning. If properly done then,
it will need no after-patching, and there
should be no difference in the appearance
of the first and last impression. To insure
this result, a careful printer does not grudge
the time given to making-ready. It may,
however, be a surprise to many to learn that,
even after the overlays have been cut, the
proper making-ready of a wood-cut form of
sixteen pages of this magazine occupies the
44
THE GROWTH OF WOOD-CUT PRINTING.
time of an expert and a helper for at least
thirty hours — and sometimes for fifty hours.
Much of the wood-cut printing con-
demned as bad is the sequel of shallow en-
graving. For this grave fault the engraver
is not always blamable. Shallowness often
comes from the engraver's efforts to repro-
duce a picture nearly fine enough on the
drawing-paper, through its photograph on
the wood, one-fourth the size of the original.
To fac-simile marks of brush or crayon, and
to keep the color of the drawing in this re-
duced copy, the engraver must cut fine and
shallow. By methods of his own, not to be
used by a printer on machine, the engraver
can get an admirable proof from a shallow
block, but this proof is a true non sequitur.
It does not prove that the block can be
printed. The conditions differ. If it takes,
as it usually does, one hour's skillful work to
get one fair proof, it should be plain that
the finer effects of this proof cannot be re-
produced on a machine which must print
seven hundred large sheets in one hour. It
should be plain, but artists seem to have a
confidence in the ability of the pressman to
print a shallow block which is not justified
by experience. If the block is shallow, the
print will be gloomy ; if lines are thick in
the wood, although " grayed down " in the
proof, they will be black and harsh in the
print. A skillful pressman can do no more
than lighten up the harshness. He cannot
make a thick line thin. He can put on the
paper only what he finds in the block.
To make a good wood-cut, the work
should be mechanically right from the be-
ginning. The design should be put on the
paper with intent to make a print, and with
consideration for the difficulties of engraving
and printing. Many artists miss this, the
true object, and aim only at a pleasing pict-
ure. Drawing gray lead-pencil lines, they
wonder why these lines are harsh when shown
in black printing-ink. Tinting their copy for
engravers with warm tints of buff and brown,
and enlivening it here and there with dabs
of solid white, they wonder why the print
made after it in plain black is flat and heavy.
When the sole objective point of the artist
has been an artistic sketch, and that of the
engraver a pleasing proof, and both think
that the needs of the printer are of little con-
sequence, the printer's chances of success
with the wood-cut are doubtful.
There are good reasons why the printer's
needs should be considered. The print, as
usually made, is six removes from the orig-
inal : (i) the photograph on the wood; (2)
the engraving on the block ; (3) the mould
in the wax ; (4) the electrotyped shell of cop-
per; (5) the film of ink on the copper; (6)
the transferred ink on the paper. In every
remove, however skillfully done, there is in
some feature more or less of a falling off
from the original. This falling off is, perhaps,
most noticeable in the fastening of this film
of ink on the paper by means of pressure.
The tendency of the impression is to flatten ;
to thicken light and fill up shallow lines ; to
cloud transparent and blacken smoky shad-
ows ; to bring everything on the block to a
dead level of dullness — in short, to defeat
the purpose of the designer. Overlays
may effectually prevent the mischiefs of a
needless flattening out of ink, but they
cannot remedy the fallings-off which the
original has already suffered in the earlier
removes — from the distortion of lines or
dulling of color by the camera to the thick-
ening of lines in the electrotype. To under-
stand the causes of these mechanical defects,
to foresee and provide for them, should be as
much a part of the designer's duty as it is
that of a painter to prevent, as far as he can,
the fading-out of color, or of a modeller to
provide for the shrinking of melted metal.
The machine most liked by the printers
of this magazine is the Hoe stop-cylinder,
yet excellent press- work is also done by
the large cylinder. These machines print,
by the same operation, one side only of
the sheet. The double cylinder, or per-
fecting machine, which is constructed to
print both sides of the sheet by one opera-
tion, is highly thought of in England and
France, but it is not approved by American
printers, who say that a fair print on the
second or reverse side of a sheet cannot be
taken until the print on the first side is' so
dry that it will not set off or smear under
pressure. The pale printing so often found
fault with in modern books is usually caused
by printing too fast, either on perfecting press
or otherwise — by printing one side before
the other is dry — and by under-inking with
intent to prevent the greater faults of set-off
and smearing.
The SCRIBNER machines were made to
print from i,ooo'to 1,500 impressions of
ordinary work in one hour, but these num-
bers are never reached in wood-cut press-
work, — not, however, through the fault of
the machines, but by reason of the stiffness
of the ink, which tears the inking-rollers and
the paper when the machine is put to high
speed. Wood-cut printers have to be con-
tent with about half the performance of the
PETER THE GREAT.
45
machine on ordinary type-work. Contrasted
with the Hoe web-machine, which can print
and fold 30,000 perfect newspapers in one
hour, the stop-cylinder seems slow, yet it
shows a great gain over the performance of
the hand-press.
To have printed, within the time allowed,
the 125,000 copies of SCRIBNER'S MAGA-
ZINE for last February, would have required
200 of the best iron hand-presses made in
1815. If one can suppose this feat attempted
in the days of the two-pull wood hand-press
(an absurd supposition, which implies the
aid of the art of electrotyping before its
invention), then there would have been need
for 400 presses and twice that number of
pressmen. A publisher may, but the ordi-
nary reader cannot, estimate the space that
would be occupied by these presses, the
losses by waste, errors, imperfect work, the
difficulty of managing so many workmen.
It is, perhaps, enough to say that it would
be impossible by hand labor to print SCRIB-
NER'S MAGAZINE as it is. Deprived of the
aid of machines, of steam, and of electro-
type, it would have been a different journal.
It would have had to follow, with less than
one-tenth its present circulation, in the dull
path laid down about two hundred years
ago by the " Journal des Savans " and the
" Weekly Memorials for the Ingenious."
That machines have not debased the qual-
ity of engraving is plain. The last half
year's volume of SCRIBNER'S contains more
meritorious illustrations — meritorious not
altogether through the technical skill shown
in the handling of engraving tools, but by
reason of their faithfulness to the artist's
design — than could be found in any book
printed before the invention of the cylinder.
So .far from checking, machines have really
given new life to the torpid art. They have
brought out the skill of the designer and
engraver more fully than it was ever done
before. The old prejudice against engrav-
ing on wood as a low form of art has been
effectually broken.
Much has been done, but more may be,
probably will be, done. Every engraver
laments that all the brilliant effects of his
proof are not reproduced in the print.
Every printer regrets that the perfect grad-
uation of tint he secures in one cut cannot
be secured in all cuts. There is a general
belief that there are capabilities in the art
of wood-cutting which have not been fairly
developed. It is not probable that the
needed improvements will be made through
finer engraving, for it is even now too com-
mon to engrave too fine for printing. Print-
ing machines are abundantly strong and
accurate. Overlay cutters and pressmen
were never more skillful, but they are not in
advance of the increasing requisitions made
upon them. The further development of
engraving on wood is waiting for improve-
ments in paper, in ink and inking-apparatus,
in electrotype ami other and minor mech-
anisms. It waits quite as much for the
co-operation of artists and engravers in a
study of the mechanical difficulties of print-
ing, and of the best methods of evading
or conquering them — for artists and engrav-
ers whose objective point is not a pleas-
ing sketch or a showy proof, but a faultless
print, and who will neglect nothing that
aids this purpose. The waiting will not be
long. There is earnestness enough among
the men who contribute to the making of
wood-cut prints to warrant the hope that
the next ten years will witness many great
improvements in wood-cut printing. .
PETER THE GREAT. IV.*
BY EUGENE SCHUYLER.
CHAPTER XIII.
THE EXECUTION OF HAVANSKY. THE SUB-
MISSION OF THE STRELTSI.
ALTHOUGH the Dissenters had been put
down, and the difficulties of the church had
been turned rather than settled, there still
remained Havansky to deal with. He had
acquired such influence and authority — he
had made himself so prominent of late,
especially. in the dispute of the Dissenters —
he was a man of such arrogant and brag-
gart disposition, that no dependence what-
ever could be placed on him. He might at
any time use his influence with the Streltsi
to become dangerous to the government,
and more especially to Ivan Miloslavsky,
the leading figure of the new administra-
tion, of whom he was a personal enemy. It
* Copyright, 1880, by Eugene Schuyler. All rights reserved.
PETER THE GREAT.
is not necessary to infer that Havansky had,
actually, any thought of overturning the
government, or, relying on his royal descent
from King Gedimin of Lithuania, of plac-
ing the crown on his ' own head. But there
about to rise to murder the boyars. Oi>
the 1 2th of July, a crowd of Streltsi came
with a demand that the boyars should be
delivered up to them, as they had threatened
to make away with them and torture them.
10 15 Longitude 25 3O 35 4O.Kast from 5O 56 6O 65 Greenwich 76 SO
RUSSIA
AT THE TIME OF k
PETER THE GREAT. /
SCALE OF
0 BO 100 200 300
Explnna, tions.
Sfssia as P
Found it.
25 Drawn A 3O Engraved by 3 5 Jt. I). Senws N- F.4O
RUSSIA AT THE TIME OF PETER THE GREAT.
were persistent rumors that he Avas desirous
of marrying his eldest son to one of the
daughters of the Tsar Alexis, and the slight-
est words which he spoke were repeated at
court with exaggerations and variations.
Meanwhile, the town was far from quiet ;
the Streltsi continued still to have their own
way, to be riotous and disobedient, and
there were constant rumors of coming dis-
turbances— at one time that the boyars
were collecting an army to annihilate the
Streltsi, and at another that the Streltsi were
Inquiries were made into the foundation of
such rumors, and it was found that the con-
verted Tartar prince, Matthew, had said
something of this kind. On being subjected
to torture, Matthew confessed that, dissatis-
fied with the smallness of his pension and
the little honor he received, he had spread
this report, hoping to gain something by the
disturbance. The Tartar prince was drawn
and quartered. Biziaef, a man from Yaro-
slav, who had spread false reports of a simi-
lar nature against Veshniakof, a nobleman of
PETER THE GREAT.
47
RUSSIA OF TO-DAY.
Moscow, and his son, a former colonel, was
arrested and executed. The old Veshniakof
died from the torture, for to get at the truth
in such cases torture was impartially applied
to all parties alike. An old colonel, Yanof,
a very honorable and worthy man, was taken
by the Streltsi, who were displeased with him
for his alleged severity in times gone by,
subjected to severe torture, and afterwards,
put to death on the Red Place, in front of
the recently erected monument.
The new commander-in-chief, Havansky,
and his son, looked through their fingers at
all these murders and cruelties, and took no
steps to prevent them ; on the contrary,
they always took the side of the Streltsi.
PETER THE GREAT.
and supported them under the convenient
pretext that it would be dangerous to excite
them. On the 26th of August, Havansky
brought to the palace a petition of the
Streltsi that, for the benefit of those men
who were taken from the districts belong-
ing to the court, there should be collected
equipment money to the amount of twenty-
five rubles a man, making altogether an
amount of more than 100,000 rubles which
they demanded. The boyars, in council,
resisted this unlawful demand. Havansky
indignantly left the council, and it was
reported to the Government that on going
back to the Streltsi he had said :
" Children, the boyars are threatening
even me on your account because I wished
well to you. I can do nothing more for
you ; you must take such measures now as
you think best."
Whether Havansky said this or not, it
was quite sufficient that he was reported to
have said it. His refusal to carry out orders
and his general conduct had become insup-
portable. Sophia felt herself almost in
slavery to him and to the Streltsi; while
Ivan Miloslavsky, who had even been
•demanded for execution by the Streltsi at
Havansky's suggestion, kept increasing the
anger and indignation of Sophia by all the
means in his power. Miloslavsky had been
in such fear of late that he had been little in
Moscow, and, to use the words of a con-
temporary, " was creeping like an under-
ground mole," and had been concealing
himself in his villas in the neighborhood of
the capital. A plan was therefore formed
for the ruin of Havansky. This plan was
nothing else, indeed, but the execution of
the threat which Sophia had made at the
time of the Dissenter riot — namely, that she
would leave Moscow, and inform the peo-
ple of Russia of such great disturbance and
insubordination. It was, however, necessary
to blind the eyes of Havansky, in order that
he might not see the danger, and conse-
quently take measures of precaution. His
own self-confidence rendered this all the
easier.
On the 2pth of July it was the custom to
have a religious procession, in which the Tsar
always took part, from the Cathedral of the
Assumption to the Donskoy monastery, a few
miles out of Moscow, in commemoration of
the preservation of the capital from the attack
of the Crim Tartar, in the reign of Theo-
dore Ivanovitch. A rumor was set afloat
that the Streltsi intended to profit by this
occasion to seize the persons of the Tsars
and kill them. Consequently, neither the
Tsars nor any other member of their family
took part in the procession. The next day
— the 3oth — Sophia, the Tsars, and the
members of the family went to the villa of
Kolomenskoe, which had been the favorite
residence of the Tsar Alexis.
All the members of the imperial family
who were not in the secret were naturally
much disturbed by this sudden move, and
the whole population of the capital was agi-
tated by the departure of the court, and
feared lest some new calamity was about to
fall on them. Other people began also to
leave Moscow; the Dutch merchants made
preparations for going to Archangel, with
such of their goods as they could transport ;
the Dutch resident ' asked Prince JHavansky
for a guard to protect his house. • The
Streltsi, also, were much alarmed. They
feared that the absence of the court from
Moscow foreboded no good. A few days
after, on the ad of August, a deputation of
the Streltsi arrived at Kolomenskoe, to
express their regret that the Tsars had left
Moscow. " It has been stated to our
Lords," they represented, " that we, the Pal-
ace Guard, have become riotous, and have
evil designs on the boyars and the people
near the sovereigns, and that secret corre-
spondence is going on between the regiments;
that we are wanting to go to the Kremlin
with arms, as we did before, and this is the
reason, we hear, that the Tsars have deigned
to leave Moscow. But there is no design
or plot at all in any of the regiments, nor
will there be, and we beg our Lords not to
believe such lying words, and to deign to go
back to Moscow."
The answer was simply : " Your Lords
know nothing about any plots of yours.
They have gone from Moscow according to
their imperial will and pleasure. Even
before this, there were frequent excursions
by the imperial family to the village of Kol-
6menskoe." The deputies were sent away
with this reply.
The Streltsi quieted down, because they
saw that the court remained at Kolomenskoe,
for there was no intention of going else-
where until a proper occasion arose, in order
not to excite distrust. Havansky came to
court, in part to see what was going on, and
in part to try to frighten Sophia by showing
that she needed the support of the Streltsi,
and, consequently, his assistance. He
stated, before the boyars, that various noble-
men of Novgorod had been to him and
said that their comrades intended to come
PETER THE GREAT.
A RELIGIOUS PROCESSION IN MOSCOW, DURING THE REIGN OF IVAN THE TERRIBLE. (FROM
A PAINTING BY CHARLEMAGNE, PAINTER TO THE PRESENT COURT OF RUSSIA.)
to Moscow, ostensibly to petition about
their pay, and that they would kill the
inhabitants without distinction Sophia re-
plied : " Information of that kind should be
stated publicly in Moscow, in the council
chamber and to the people of all ranks, and
letters with the great seal will be sent to
Novgorod for more exact information." This
disturbed Havansky, who used all efforts to
prevent the public announcement of the fact,
and to keep back the letters from Novgorod.
Taking as an excuse the name's-day of
the Tsar Ivan, — the 28th of September, —
VOL. XX.— 4.
Sophia ordered Havansky to send to Kol6m-
enskoe the Stremenoy,or Stirrup, regiment —
a regiment particularly devoted to the Tsars.
Havansky feared letting this regiment out of
his hands. Knowing that Sophia had greater
influence with it, and dreading lest that
influence should be extended over the other
regiments, he refused to obey the order, on
the ground that he had previously ordered the
regiment — although without the Tsars' per-
mission— to go to Kief. It was not until
after the order had been repeated several
times that Havansky yielded.
5°
PETER THE GREAT.
The Russian year at that time began on
the ist of September (Old Style, that is, on
the nth of September by the Gregorian
calendar), for it was an article of belief in
the church that the world was created at
the beginning of the autumn, and it had
been the custom in Moscow to celebrate the
first day of the year with great solemnity.
The court, nevertheless, did not return for
this festival, although orders were given to
Havansky to take part in the service at the
cathedral. He did not go; and, to the
astonishment of ail Moscow, there was only
one man of the higher nobility present.
The Patriarch was very angry that the cere-
mony was attended with so little of the
usual pomp. There were even few of the
common people there, for every one was
afraid. Rumors had been assiduously cir-
culated, that, on this or some other festival,
there would be another Streltsi riot ; and
the Streltsi themselves were no less fright-
ened, for rumors were running amongst
them that on this or some other festival, an
attack would be made on them by the
people and the boyars, after they had gone
on guard, and that their wives and Children
would be killed. The carriage of Havansky
was constantly attended by a guard of fifty
men, and he had as constantly a large com-
pany of men in his court- yard — a thing
which previously had been unknown with
the Streltsi commanders.
To us, who live under regular and set-
tled governments, such fears seem exag-
gerated and ridiculous. They are not
impossible or unusual in a different state of
society. In Constantinople, from 1876 to
1878 — if I may be allowed a personal rem-
iniscence— scarcely a week passed without
rumors of this kind. Now, it was a general
massacre of Christians by the Mohammed-
ans fixed for the Bairam, and then post-
poned to another feast, when all preparations
were made for resistance, and the commu-
nications of the foreign embassies in Pera
with their ships of war in harbor were care-
fully studied; now, it was arising of the
Greeks or the Armenians for Christmas, or
New Year's day, or Easter, which excited no
less alarm among the Mussulmans of Stambul.
The fear, as it proved, was vain, but the
alarm was real. This is not the only case
when the Russia of two hundred years ago
has recalled to me the Turkey of to-day.
On the next day, the i2th of September,
the court, under the pretext of pilgrimage
to various monasteries, slowly made a cir-
cuit of Moscow, gradually getting further
and further away from it; going first to the
Sparrow Hills ; then to the monastery of
St. Savva near Zvemgorod, for the Festival
of St. Savva on the i6th of September, and
then through Pavlovsky Khliebovo to Voz-
dvizhenskoe for the festival of that village —
the Elevation of the Cross — on the 24th of
September (i4th of September, Old Style).
In this village Sophia considered herself
safe, for it was only about two hours' journey
from the strongly fortified monastery of
Troitsa. Here Sophia commanded the
court to remain for several days to celebrate
her own name's-day on the 27th. Orders
were therefore sent to Moscow for all the
nobility and high officials to come to Vozd-
vizhenskoe, partly for matters of state, partly
for the celebration of the name's-day of the
Princess, and partly to receive the son of
the Hetman of the Cossacks, whose arrival
Havansky had announced. Havansky and
his son were also invited, and it is prob-
able that Sophia resolved to make use of
the excellent occasion which the arrival of
the Hetman's son brought about. At the
same time, letters were sent — of course with-
out Havansky's knowledge — to Vladimir,
Suzdal and other neighboring towns, calling
upon the nobility and people in service to
come to protect the Tsars, who were threat-
ened with death through the treachery of
Havansky.
On the 27th — the festival of St. Sophia —
a large number ot people of all ranks had
collected in Vozdvizhenskoe. After mass
and a collation, at which the Tsars and their
sisters were present, there was a council of
boyars. The Privy Councillor Shaklovity
made a report of the crimes attributed to
Prince Havansky and to his son, and read
a long anonymous letter, found, it was said,
at Kolomenskoe, in which Prince Havansky,
his son, and their adherents were accused
of plots against the lives of the Tsars and
the boyars, and in which it was alleged that
they themselves desired to ascend the
Muscovite throne. In all probability this
letter was untrue, and may, indeed, have
been fictitious, although such anonymous
letters were frequent in those days, but it
served the purpose, and the assembly, with-
out hearing further proof, or allowing an
opportunity for defense, condemned Havan-
sky and his son Andrew, as well as several
of their adherents.
Information had been obtained that
Prince Havansky, who, together with his
son, had left Moscow the day before, was
encamped among the peasants' barns near
PETER THE GREAT.
the village of Pushkino, and that young
Havansky was in his villa at Bratovstchina
on the river Kliazma. Prince Lykof, with a
considerable force, was sent down the Mos-
cow road, and succeeded in surprising and
GUARDS OF THE THRONE AT STATE RECEPTIONS.
(FROM A LITHOGRAPH MADE FOR THE AUSTRIAN EMBASSY.)
arresting both the Havanskys and bringing
them, together with the few Streltsi who
were with them, to Vozdvizhenskoe, where
every arrangement had been made for the
execution. As soon as the arrival of the
Havanskys was known, orders were given
to stop them in front of the gates of the
house in which the Tsars were staying;
while the boyars and other officials went
out and sat on benches and chairs which
were brought for them. The accusation
was read by Shaklovity. In this many acts
of insubordination and illegal conduct were
mentioned, and they were accused, among
other things, of having incited the first riot
of the Streltsi. Prince Havansky immedi-
ately made a protest, and offered, if time
were given him, to show who were the real
promoters of this riot. He declared his
innocence of all the points of accusation,
and said that if his son were guilty he would
be the first to curse him and to deliver him
over to justice. Miloslavsky immediately
reported this to Sophia, and urged her to
execute them at once, and she consented,
for both — and he especially — feared a rev-
olution would be brought about by Havan-
sky. A severe order came from Sophia to
listen to nothing on the part of Havansky,
and to carry justice immediately into effect.
No executioner could be found, but finally a
soldier of the Stremenoy regiment beheaded
Ivan Havansky. His son kissed the breath-
less body of his father, and then laid his head
upon the block. Odyntsof, who had taken
part in the first Streltsi rioting, and Yudin,
who had assisted in the riot of the Dissenters,
were also executed.
The same day a rescript in the name of
the Government was sent to Moscow to the
Streltsi, informing them of the execution of
their commander Havansky and his son,
but at the same time stating that there was
no anger or dissatisfaction with the Streltsi,
and ordering them to serve with the same
fidelity as previously. But another son of
Prince Havansky, Prince Ivan, had suc-
ceeded in escaping to Moscow, and, arriv-
ing there that very night, told the Streltsi
that his father had been captured in the
village of Pushkino by the boyars' people,
and had been punished without the orders
of the Tsars, and that it was the intention
of the boyars to march to Moscow and to
burn all the houses of the Streltsi, and for
that reason it would be well for them to for-
tify themselves in Moscow. 'The counsel
was immediately followed. The Streltsi
seized their arms, occupied the Kremlin,
took from the arsenal the cannon, lead and
powder, placed a strong guard everywhere,
and put the city in a state of siege, allowing
no one to enter or depart from it. There
were cries that it was necessary to attack
the boyars, and people went in crowds to
the Patriarch, who endeavored to persuade
them to remain calm and not to resort to
force. They threatened to kill him for what
they considered to be siding with the boy-
GUARDS OF STATE AT RECEPTIONS AND PROCESSIONS.
(FROM A LITHOGRAPH MADE FOR THE AUSTRIAN EMBASSY.)
ars ; but it all ended in threats, for fear was
the prevailing feeling. The Butyrki sol-
diers, who had taken part in the Streltsi
riot, were also frightened. Some of their
men had got lost in the Marina wood, and
52
PETER THE GREAT.
THE FORTIFIED MONASTERY OF TROITSA. (DRAWN BY R. SAYER, FROM A PHOTOGRAPH.)
they felt it necessary to get some cannon
and protect themselves ; and, fearing the
advance of the boyars, of which there were
rumors, they sent their wives and children
into the town for safety.
Meanwhile, the movements of the Streltsi
were immediately reported at the Court,
and couriers were sent out on all sides to
call together in the Troitsa Monastery all
men fit for service, fully armed. To this
monastery the Court immediately repaired,
and the place was put into a condition of
defense, the chief command being given to
the most faithful follower of Sophia, Prince
Basil Galitsyn.
On the 29th of September, Andrew, the
Archimandrite of the Miracle Monastery,
came to Troitsa with a message from the
Patriarch that the Streltsi petitioned the
Tsars to return to Moscow, where they would
suffer no harm, and begged them not to be
angry with them, as they had no evil
designs. The Government at once replied
that it only remained for the Streltsi to show
themselves obedient as before, and cease to
terrify the whole town of Moscow ; and as
for Havansky, who had been punished for
his treachery, not to meddle with that mat-
ter, as punishment and mercy were left by
God to the rulers.
The arrival at Troitsa of adherents from
all sides enabled the court to act decisively.
The Boyar Michael Golovin was sent to
govern Moscow, and by his actions showed
the Streltsi that they no longer inspired fear.
This had a good effect, and on the 2d of
October the Streltsi sent a delegation to
Golovin, praying that they might be allowed
to send a certain number from each regi-
ment to Tr6itsa, to give their submission, as
they did not dare to do so without an order
to that effect. An order was immediately
given that twenty men from each regiment
should go to Troitsa. Two days later the
Streltsi petitioned the Patriarch to send an
archbishop with them to Tr6'itsa, as they
were afraid to go alone. The Patriarch
sent with them Hilarion, the Metropolitan
of Suzdal; but even this did not entirely
quiet them. Many went back to Moscow ;
the remainder were presented to Sophia,
who met them with a severe reprimand for
their misconduct, and showed them the con-
siderable army which had been collected
to punish them. The Streltsi gave a written
submission, in which they alleged that they
were ready to obey, that those regiments
assigned to Kief and other towns would
proceed at once, that they would restore to
the arsenal everything which had been
taken, and would be most obedient and
faithful servants. This, however, was not
enough. The Regent promised the pardon
of the Streltsi and soldiers only on condi-
tions which expressed, in very exact terms,
the obedience which would be required of
them. The Streltsi consented. Prince Ivan
Havansky was taken to Troitsa and sen-
tenced to death ; although, when his head
was on the block, his punishment was com-
muted to exile.
On Sunday, the i8th of October, the
PETER THE GREAT.
53
Patriarch, after the service in the Cathedral
of the Assumption, which was filled with
Streltsi, placed on the reading desks the
Gospel and a precious relic — the arm of St.
Andrew, the first missionary to Russia, and
protector of the country. The new articles
for the Streltsi were read, and those present
kissed both the Gospel and the relic as a
sign of their implicit obedience. The Court
remained at Troitsa, guarded by the levies
of the nobility, and naturally the Streltsi
were brought to agree to a final concession.
On the 7th of November, they presented a
petition asking to be allowed to pull down
the stone column which had been erected
on the Red Place in commemoration of the
events of May. The permission was, of
course, given. The column was destroyed
to its foundation on the i2th of November,
the iron plates, with the inscription, were
torn off and burnt, and even the foundation
surrounded by the troops of the nobility,
who acted as guards instead of the Streltsi.
The Department of the Streltsi — for now
they were no longer to be called the " Palace
Guard" — was placed, temporarily, in the
hands of the Ok61nitchy Zmeief, and a
month afterwards was given to the Council-
lor Theodore Shaklovity.
The new commander soon showed his
firmness, and by his vigorous measures suc-
ceeded rapidly in getting the Streltsi under
control. He took occasion of various in-
fringements of discipline to re-arrange all the
regiments and to transfer the worst and most
riotous of the Streltsi to the cities of the
Ukraine. In this way he succeeded in
restoring quiet to the town without exciting
any great bad feeling on the part of the
Streltsi, for he was conciliatory as well as
adroit and firm. The most important of his
measures were formed into a new code for
THE CITY OF KIEF. (DRAWN BV R. SAVER, FROM A PHOTOGRAPH.)
was dug up out of the ground. The re-
scripts given to the Streltsi after the May
riots were returned, and new ones given in
their stead. All the troubles of the spring
and summer were now ascribed to Prince
Havansky and the Dissenter Colonel Alexis
Yudin ; and it was forbidden to call the
Streltsi traitors or rebels.
Four days after this, on the i6th of No-
vember, the Court returned to Moscow,
the government of the troops, and inserted
in the laws as an act to punish riotous con-
duct and inflammatory language. It took a
longer time to put down the disturbances
in the remoter provinces, which had been
set going by news of the success of the
Streltsi, and by seditious letters from Mos-
cow. It was of the more importance to
restore order to the country as speedily as
possible, because the Poles had taken occa-
54
PETER THE GREAT.
sion of the riots at Moscow to produce
disturbances in the border provinces, with
the hope of again getting them into their
possession. Strict orders were therefore
sent everywhere to governors to arrest and
punish all runaway Streltsi, to restore to
their masters all fugitive serfs, severely to
punish robbery and marauding. Various
old laws which had been abolished or mod-
erated in the time of Theodore were restored
in all their severity. The fingers of thieves
were to be cut off, and the third offense
was punishable with death. Later on this
was mitigated, in so far that, for the first
offense, the criminals lost their ears and not
their fingers. Most difficulty was found in
appeasing the always unruly country of the
Don Cossacks, and in putting down the
bands of marauders which started from that
region, and which constantly threatened to
bring about a new revolution, equaling in
proportion that of the famous Stenka Razin.
The perseverance of Sophia and the firm-
ness of her ministers at last brought about
a tolerable pacification of the whole country.
The youth of Peter, the loneliness and
friendless condition of his mother, and the
imbecility of Ivan, left Sophia the mistress
of the situation. Her right to rule had been
recognized by the decree which inserted
her name as Regent, and, on the whole,
she ruled well for seven years, and with
advantage to Russia. At first she made no
appearance in public as a member of the
Government, although she transacted busi-
ness with the higher officials and sometimes
received foreign embassies. She was, how-
ever, so little in public view that the diplo-
mats of that time rarely speak of her in
their dispatches, but always of Prince
Galitsyn as the real ruler of Muscovy.
Her name appeared in public decrees only
as " The Most Orthodox Princess, the Sis-
ter of Their Majesties," until the end of
1685, when, for the first time, she is men-
tioned as autocrat on an equal with her
brothers, and it was not until two years
later that a formal decree was issued to
this effect, punishing certain persons who
had drawn up papers without inserting the
word Autocrat after her name.
The greatest figure during Sophia's reign
is Prince Basil Galitsyn, whom we have, al-
ready had occasion to mention several
times. He was born in 1643, of one of the
great Russian families descended from the
rulers of Lithuania ; had served with dis-
tinction in the campaigns against the Turks
at Tchigirin, and, as we already know, hac
taken the leading part in the abolition of
precedence. During the May riots he had
Deen given the direction of foreign affairs by
the temporary Government, and, after the
Government of Sophia had become regularly
established, he received by a decree the title
of Keeper of the Great Seal, or Chancellor.
His more immediate duties, however, al-
ways remained those of Minister of Foreign
Affairs. Of his character as a statesman it
SLEDGE OF PETER DURING HIS CHILDHOOD. (DRAWN BY
MAURICE HOWARD, FROM "THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE.")
will be more easy to judge when we have
considered the chief events of Sophia's reign,
and especially the new relations which Rus-
sia then entered into with foreign powers.
As a man, Galitsyn had received a good
education, and was imbued with Western
culture and Western ideas. By his dignity,
his ready courtesy, and, above all, by his
wealth and magnificence, he produced a
great impression on all the foreign embassa-
dors with whom he came into contact, with
whom he could talk in Latin without the aid
of an interpreter; and Baron van Keller,
and especially Neuville, an agent sent to
Moscow by the Marquis de Bethune, the
French embassador in Poland, were partic-
ularly under his charm. Neuville speaks
of the ' splendor of his house and the
urbanity of his manners,— so different from
those of the other Russians whom he met,
calls him a veritable grand seigneur, and
says that on entering the house of Prince
Galitsyn he thought he was in the palace of
some great Italian prince. He was much
struck, too, by the circumstance that Galit-
syn, instead of pressing him to drink, as was
the Russian habit, on the contrary, advised
him not to take the small glass of vodka
brought in on the arrival of guests, as it
could not be pleasant to a foreigner. Galit-
syn sought the society of foreigners, dined
and supped at the houses of the foreign en-
voys, as well as of the chief officers in the
German suburb; was in intimate relations
with General Gordon; and, among other
things, protected the young Swiss, Lefort,
PETER THE GREAT.
55
who was destined afterward to hold a posi-
tion rivaling his own. If we may judge
from the ideas and plans of Galitsyn, as re-
counted by Neuville, for the development
of trade in Siberia, for the reform of the
military organization of the country and of
the internal legislation, as well as for a pos-
sible emancipation of the serfs, all of which
remained merely as projects, — for the state
of things during the government of Sophia
left no chance to carry them out, — we must
consider him as one of the most liberal-
minded men of that epoch, and fully fitted
to sympathize with and carry out the reforms
of Theodore, and even of Peter. When
Galitsyn was condemned and banished, in
1689, a full inventory of all the property in
his house was taken, which still exists in the
archives of the Ministry of Justice. From
this we can form some idea of his magnifi-
cence as well as of his tastes. Besides
costly furniture and tapestry hangings, equi-
pages, busts, painted glass, carvings in wood
and ivory, mathematical and physical instru-
ments, a tellurium in gold and silver, por-
traits of the Tsars as well as of princes of
Western Europe, crystal, precious stones,
and silver plate and musical instruments,
there were silver mountings for horse trap-
pings and harness to the value of what
would now be forty thousand dollars, and an
immense sum in silver coin. In his library
there were books in several different lan-
guages, many historical works, and, what is
most interesting, a manuscript of an encyclo-
paedical work on statesmanship and political
economy, with a special reference to Russia,
written by the learned Serbian, Yury Kryz-
hanitch, in his exile at Tobolsk, which now
serves as most precious material for estimat-
ing the character of the time just before
Peter. In it are developed all the ideas of
reform then current among the few, some
of which were carried into effect by Peter.
Prince Ivan Miloslavsky took a promi-
nent part in the councils of Sophia until his
death, which occurred soon after. But the
man on whom she and Galitsyn relied more
than the rest for the execution of their
designs was Theodore Shaklovity, the new
commander of the Streltsi. He was, by
origin, from Little Russia, apparently with-
out more than the rudiments of an educa-
tion, but adroit, decided, and devoted.
He was ready to carry out any order of his
sovereign, no matter what. The command
of his superior was for him a sufficient rea-
son, and, at the same time, his devotion
was such that he was willing to engage in
plots and intrigues on a mere hint, in order
to advance the interests of his master.
The councils of Sophia were completed
on their spiritual side by the Monk Sylves-
ter Medvedief, a countryman of Shaklovity,
who had originally been a brilliant young
civilian, and at one time had been attached
to a great embassy to Courland. He pre-
ferred, however, to give up civil life and to
enter the church. He was a zealous disci-
ple of Simeon Poldtsky, the tutor of the
Tsar Theodore and the Princess Sophia,
and as such was thought to be tainted with
Romish heresies. His contemporaries con-
sidered him the most learned man in Russia,
and he wrote several theological works, one
of them called " Manna," in which he carried
on a heated controversy with the Patriarch
Joachim, on a question which then greatly
divided both clergy and laymen in Russia,
namely, the actual moment when Transub-
stantiation began during the celebration of
the Eucharist. For us, he chiefly lives in his
short but interesting memoirs of the early
part of Sophia's reign and of the troubles
of 1682.
CHAPTER XIV.
THE BOYHOOD OF PETER. HIS MILITARY
EXERCISES, AND THE BEGINNING
OF BOAT-BUILDING.
DURING the early period of Sophia's re-
gency, Peter was left very much to him-
self. But as his name was used in all
COURTIERS OF THE TIME OF PETER. (FROM A LITHOGRAPH
MADE FOR THE AUSTRIAN EMBASSY.)
public documents, he was required to sign
many of them, and he seems to have per-
formed this part of his duty with punctuality
and accuracy. He had also to go to Mos-
PETER THE GREAT.
cow, on occasions of ceremony, to take part
in the reception of foreign embassadors,
and to be present at court, and State ban-
quets, and at the ceremonies and proces-
sions on religious festivals. The Polish
envoy, in his report on affairs at Moscow,
. stated' that Sophia was exceedingly fond of
her brother Peter, and was endeavoring to
put the State in good condition in order to
hand the Government over to him when
he became old enough. The sincerity of
her attachment to Peter we may be allowed
to doubt, but she certainly manifested no
open ill-will to him, and, indeed, there are
several entries in the books of the court of
troubles of the Dissenters and of Prince
Havansky naturally kept him from indulg-
ing the full bent of his inclinations in the
country, and for the rest of the year he
was detained in Moscow by official duties.
Early in 1683, however, we find him ordering
uniforms, banners, and wooden cannon, all
of which were immediately furnished by
the authorities, and as soon as he was abk
to go into the country to Preobrazhensk)
and to the Sparrow Hills, messengers camt
almost daily to the Kremlin for lead, pow
der and shot. On his eleventh birthday—
in 1683 — he was allowed for the first tim<
to have some real guns, which he fired him
PETER PLAYING AT WAR. (FROM A RUSSIAN PAINTING, ARTIST'S NAME UNKNOWN.)
her favorable disposition to him. Thus, in
July, 1684, she presented him with some
clasps, buttons and stars. With his brother
Ivan, Peter was always on the best of terms,
and especially so after the Government had
become settled. Van Keller, writing in
1683 of Peter's residence in the country,
says : " The natural love and intelligence
between the two Lords is even better than
before. God will it long continue so."
So much was Peter's mind set on military
objects and playing at soldiers, that even
a day or two after the first riot of the
Streltsi we hear of his sending down to the
arsenal for drums, banners and arms. The
self, in the way of salutes, under the direc
tion of a German artilleryman named Simo:
Sommer, who had recently come fror
foreign parts, and was a captain in the regi
ment of General She'pelof. After this h
was allowed small brass and iron cannor
and could indulge his taste for music a
well as for military pastime, for musician!
and especially drummer boys, were selecte
for him from the different regiments. Abov
that time — July, 1683 — a German travele
named Engelbert Kampfer, passed throug
Moscow on his way to Astrakhan, and, i
his diary, which still exists in manuscript i
the British Museum, tells of his reception <
PETER THE GREAT.
57
the Russian Court, as acting secretary for
the Swedish, Envoy, Fabricius :
" Here we got off our horses, and, handing our
swords to a servant, walked up some steps and
passed through a building magnificent with gilded
vaults, and then through an open stone passage,
again to the left, and through an ante-room into the
audience hall, the floor of which was covered with
Turkish carpets, where we came to the ' piercing
eyes' of their Tsarish Majesties. Both their Maj-
esties sat not in the middle but somewhat to the
right side of the hall, next to the middle column,
and sat on a silver throne like a bishop's chair,
somewhat raised and covered with red cloth, as was
most of the hall. Over the throne hung a holy
picture. The Tsars had on, over their coats, robes
of silver cloth woven with red and white flowers,
and, instead of scepters, had long golden staves
bent at the end like bishops' croziers, on which, as
on the breast-plate of their robes, their breasts and
their caps, glittered white, green and other precious
stones. The elder drew his cap down over his eyes
several times, and, with looks cast down on the
floor, sat almost immovable. The younger had a
free and open face, and his young blood rose to his
cheeks as often as any one spoke to him. He con-
stantly looked about, and his great beauty and his
lively manner — which sometimes brought the Mus-
covite magnates into confusion — struck all of us so
much that had he been an ordinary youth and no
imperial personage we would gladly have laughed
and talked to him. The elder was seventeen, and
the younger sixteen years old. When the Swedish
Envoy gave his letters of credence, both Tsars rose
from their places, slightly bared their heads and
asked about the king's health, but Ivan, the elder,
somewhat hindered the proceedings through not
understanding what was going on, and gave his hand
to be kissed at the wrong time. Peter was so
eager that he did not give the secretaries the usual
time for raising him and his brother from their seats
and patting their heads : he jumped up at once, put
his own hand to his hat and began quickly to ask
the usual question : ' Is his royal Majesty, Carolus
of Sweden, in good health ? ' He had to be pulled
back until the elder brother had a chance of speak-
ing."
It was evident that Peter must have been
a large, healthy boy, if when he was only
eleven he appeared to Kampfer and the
Swedish mission to be sixteen.
It is interesting to compare with this the
account of Johann Eberhard Hovel, who,
in the next year. 1684, came on a mission
from the Emperor Leopold I. Peter was at
that time ill with the measles — an illness
which excited considerable alarm among his
partisans — and was unable to receive. Hovel,
therefore, saw no one but the Tsar Ivan. He
says that when the health of the Emperor was
asked about, the Tsar was so weak from long
standing that he had to be supported by his
two chamberlains, who held up his arms, and
he spoke with a very weak and inarticulate
voice. General Gordon, who was received
a few days later, the 22d of January, had
tried to put off his reception in order to see
both the Tsars at once ; but, as he was
obliged to leave soon for his command at
Kief, was received only by Ivan and by
Sophia. According to his account, Ivan
was sickly and weak, and always looked
toward the ground. He said nothing him-
self, and all the questions were put through
Prince Galitsyn. This was just after the
marriage of Ivan with Praskovia Soltykof,
of a distinguished family. This marriage
Hovel, as well as many other people, con-
sidered to be a plot on the part of Sophia
to obtain heirs from the elder brother, and
thus get rid of the claims of Peter, whom
he calls " a youth of great expectancy, pru-
dence, and vigor." Considering, however,
that Ivan, in spite of the infirmities of his
eyes, his tongue and his mind, was in perfect
physical condition, it is the most natural
thing in the world that his friends should
have desired him to marry. Later in the
same year, in June, Laurent Rinhuber, a
doctor of medicine, coming from Saxony,
was received at court, and was granted an
audience by the Tsars. He says : " Then I
kissed the right hand of Peter, who, with a
half laughing mouth, gave me a friendly
and gracious look and immediately held
out to me his hand ; while the hands of the
Tsar Ivan had to be supported. He is a
remarkably good-looking boy, in whom
nature has shown her power; and has so
many advantages of nature that being the
son of a king is the least of his good qual-
ities. He has a beauty which gains the
heart of all who see him, and a mind which,
even in his early years, did not find its
like."
In the autumn of the same year, 1684,
Peter had another attack of illness, which
was more severe than the measles and
which caused great alarm. His recovery
excited universal joy, more especially in the
foreign quarter of Moscow. There were
many banquets and feasts in honor of his
convalescence, and Prince Boris Galitsyn,
the cousin of the Chancellor and the chief
adviser of Peter, together with other Rus-
sians of that party, dined with the Dutch
minister, and caroused till a late hour. A
year later, in September, 1685, Van Keller
writes :
" The young Tsar has now entered his thirteenth
year; nature develops herself with advantage and
good fortune in his whole personality ; his stature
is great and his mien is fine; he grows visibly, and
advances as much in intelligence and understanding
as he gains the affection and love of all. He has
such a strong preference for military pursuits that
when he comes of age we may surely expect from
PETER THE GREAT.
him brave actions and heroic deeds, and we may
hope that some day the attacks of the Crim Tartars
will be somewhat better restrained than at present.
This was the noble aim always set before the ances-
tors of the young Tsar."
The military exercises of Peter brought
him into constant contact with German
officers at Moscow, for all the best officers
and even soldiers were foreigners, and it
was necessary to draw on the German
suburb for the officers and instructors for
the new regiment which was Organized, at
the end of 1683, for Peter's amusement.
The first man who was enrolled as a soldier
in the regiment was Sergius Bukhvastof,
one of the grooms of the palace, and Peter
was so much struck with his readiness, and
so much pleased with the formation of this
regiment, that long after ward he ordered the
Italian artist Rastrelli, then a favorite in St.
Petersburg, to cast a life-size statue of him
as the first Russian soldier. Other volun-
teers soon presented themselves, and Peter
himself enlisted as bombardier, for which
duty he had an especial fancy, and then
passed through the various grades until he
became colonel and chief of the regiment.
Among the other volunteers were Yekim
Voronin and Gregory Lukin — at whose
deaths, during the siege of Azof, Peter
grieved greatly, " as he and they had been
brought up together " — and Alexander
Menshikof, the future favorite. This was
the beginning of the celebrated Preobra-
zhensky Regiment, even now the first regi-
ment of the Imperial guard, and of which
the Emperor is always the chief. The name
Preobrazhensky was given to it first because
it was formed and quartered at the palace
and village of Preobrazhensky, or the Trans-
figuration, which, in turn, took their name
from the village church. Peter and his
friends called this regiment, and others
which were afterwards formed, "the guards,"
but the common name for them at Moscow
was the Potieshnie Koniukhi, i. <?., " Amuse-
ments Grooms," or " Troops for Sport."
The number of volunteers for this regi-
ment increased so rapidly that the village of
Preobrazhensky could not hold them, and
it was necessary to quarter some of the
soldiers in the adjoining village of Semen-
ofsky, where another regiment called the
Semenofsky Regiment grew up. All the
young nobles who desired to gain Peter's
good graces followed his example by enroll-
ing themselves in some way or other in
these regiments. Thus, Prince M. M. Gal-
itsyn, the future Field Marshal, began his
service as drummer in the Semenofsky Reg-
iment, and Ivan Ivanovitc.h Buturlin served
up to the rank of major in the Preobra-
zhensky Regiment.
Peter entered upon his military exercises
with such zest that they ceased to be mere
child's play. He himself performed every
exercise, giving himself no rest night or day.
He stood his watch in turn, took his share
of the duties of the camp, slept in the same
tent with his comrades, and partook of their
fare. There was no distinction made be-
tween the Tsar and the least of his subjects.
When his volunteers became proficient in
their discipline, he used to lead them on
long marches in the neighborhood of his
country-home, and went at times even as far
as the Monastery of Troitsa, at Kaliazin. As
his followers were armed, these marches
were in the nature of campaigns, and the
troops, such as they were, were under strict
military discipline, and were regularly en-
camped at night with the usual military
precautions. In 1685, when Peter was
thirteen years old, he resolved on something
further, and, in order to practice the assault
and defence of fortifications, began to con-
struct a small fortress on the banks of the
Yauza, at Preobrazhensky, the remains of
which are still visible on the edge of the
Sokolniki wood. This fort, probably at the
suggestion of one of the German officers,
was called Pressburg. It was built with a
considerable amount of care, timber was
drawn for the purpose from Moscow, and its
construction took the greater part of the
year. Peter named it with great ceremony,
including a procession from Moscow which
included most of the Court officials and
nobles. All this, as I have said, brought
Peter into very close relations with the
foreign suburb, and the foreigners in Mos-
cow were fond of social amusements, always
accompanied, according to their habits, with
beer, wine and tobacco. Peter, who was
precocious, both physically and mentally,
took his full share in these entertainments,
and on the return feasts he gave it may be
imagined that there was no stint of drink.
With such society Peter gained not only a
knowledge of men and of the world, but his
inquiring mind led him to be curious about
many subjects which rarely before had
troubled the head of a Russian Prince.
Without regard to rank or position, he was
always glad to make the acquaintance of
any one from whom he could learn any-
thing, and was especially attracted by any-
thing mechanically curious.
PETER THE GREAT.
59
Frequently, for amusement, he used to
hammer and forge at the blacksmith's shop.
He had already become expert with the
lathe, and we have documentary evidence
to prove that he had practically learnt the
mechanical operation of printing as well as
binding books. We can believe that the
Electress Charlotte Sophia did not exagger-
ate when she said, in 1697, in describing
her interview with Peter, that he " already
knew excellently well fourteen trades."
All this was a school for Peter; but do
not let us be led astray by the word school.
Peter's military education was such as he
chose to give himself, and entirely for his
own amusement.
There was nothing
in it similar to the
regular course of
military training
practiced in a ca-
det's school. Peter
was only too glad
to escape from the
nursery and the
house to the amuse-
ments of the street
and the fields. Al-
though we know
that in the Russia
of that day the in-
tellectual develop-
ment of a youth
did not at all keep
on an equality with
his physical growth,
and that when a lad was grown to the
stature of a man, he immediately assumed
the duties and responsibilities of a man,
though in mind he might be still a child ;
yet the way in which Peter seems to
have slipped through the hands of his in-
structors, tutors and guardians shows not
only his strong self-will, but the disorganiza-
tion of his party, and the carelessness of his
family. Such a training may have been
useful, and indeed, it was useful to Peter; at
all events it was better tjian nothing ; but in
no sense of the term can it be considered
education. This Peter himself, in later life,
admitted, and the Empress Elizabeth tells
ho\v, when she was bending over her books
and exercises, her father regretted that he
had not been obliged or enabled to do the
same.
One more word with regard to Peter's
military amusements. They were, as I have
said, mere amusements, and had not the
regularity or the plan which subsequent
GLOBE MADE OF METAL, FROM
WHICH PETER STUDIED GEOGRA-
PHY, FORMERLY OWNED BY ALEX-
IS. NOW IN THE TREASURY AT
MOSCOW. (DRAWN BY MAURICE
HOWARD, FROM "THE RUSSIAN
EMPIRE.") [SEE P. 60.]
chroniclers and anecdote- writers ascribe to
them. In playing at soldiers, Peter followed
his natural inclination, and had in his head
no plan whatever for reorganizing or putting
on a better footing the military forces of his
country. The reorganization of the Russian
army, indeed, grew out of the campaigns
and exercises at Preobrazhensky ; but it was
not until real war began that Peter saw of
what service these exercises had been to
him and to others, and found that the boy-
soldiers could easily be made the nucleus of
an army.
The year 1688 was an important one for
Peter. In January he was induced by his
sister Sophia to take part for the first time in
a council of state, and thus made his public
appearance in political life in something
more than a mere formal way. But his
mind was at that time too full of his military
exercises for him to care for state affairs, and,
after visiting all the public offices on the
day of commemoration of the death of his
father, Alexis, when he gave money to some
prisoners and set others free, he went back
again to the country, to his troops. Later
on, his intellect began to awaken, and he
seriously applied himself to study ; and
then, too, his thoughts were first turned to
navigation and things naval, which soon
became the ruling passion of his life. He
told the story himself, long afterwards, in his
preface to the " Maritime Regulations."
He had heard somewhere that abroad, in
foreign parts, people had an instrument by
which distances could be measured without
moving from the spot. When Prince Jacob
Dolgoruky was about to start on his mission
to France, and came to take his leave, Peter
told him of this wonderful instrument, and
begged him to procure him one abroad.
Dolgoruky told him he himself had once
had one, which was given him as a present,
but it had been stolen, and that he would
certainly not forget to bring one home. On
Dolgoruky's return, in May, 1688, the first
question of Peter was whether he had ful-
filled his promise ; and great was the excite-
ment as the box was opened and a parcel
containing an astrolabe and a sextant was
eagerly unwrapped ; but, alas ! when they
were brought out no one knew the use of
them. Dolgoruky scratched his head, and
said that he had brought the instrument, as
directed, but it had never occurred to him to
ask how it was used. In vain Peter sought for
some one who knew its use. At last his new
doctor, Zacharias Von der Hulst, told him
that in the German suburb he knew of a man
6o
PETER THE GREAT.
TIMMERMANN EXPLAINING TO PETER THE USE OF THE ASTROLABE.
NAME UNKNOWN.)
(FROM A RUSSIAN PAINTING, ARTIST S
with a notion of mechanics, — Franz Tim-
mermann, a Dutch merchant, who had long
ago settled in Moscow, and had a certain
amount of education. Timmermann was
brought next day. He looked at the instru-
ment, and, after a long inspection, finally
said he could show how it should be used.
Immediately he measured the distance to a
neighboring house. A man was at once
sent to pace it, and found the measurement
correct. Peter was delighted, and asked to
be instructed in the use of the new instru-
ment. Timmermann said : " With pleasure ;
but you must first learn arithmetic and geom-
etry." Peter had once begun studying arith-
metic, but was deficient in its full knowledge.
He did not even know how to subtract or
divide. He now set to work with a will,
and spent his leisure time, both day and
night, over his copy-books. These are still
preserved at St. Petersburg, and we find
there many problems, written in the hand
of Timmermann, with Peter's efforts at solu-
tion. The writing is careless, and faults of
grammar abound ; but the ardor and resolu-
tion with which Peter worked are evident
on every page. Geometry led to geography
and fortification. The old globe of his
school-room was sent for repairs, and he
had, besides, the one in metal presented to
his father, which still is shown in the treasury
at Moscow.
From this time Timmermann became one
of Peter's constant companions, for he was
a man from whom something new could
always be learned. A few weeks later, in
June, 1688, as Peter was wandering about
one of his country estates near the village
of Ismailovo, he pointed to an old build-
ing in the flax-yard and asked one of his
attendants what it was. " A store-house,"
replied the man, " where all the rubbish was
put that was left after the death of Nikita
Ivanovitch Romanof, who had lived here."
This Nikita was an own cousin of the Tsar
Michael Romanof, and in that way the
estate had descended to Peter. With the
natural curiosity of a boy, Peter had the
doors opened, went in, and looked about.
There, in one corner, turned bottom upward,
lay a boat, yet not in any way like those
flat-bottomed, square-sterned boats which he
had seen on the Moskva or the Yauza.
" What is that ? " he asked.
" That is an English boat," said Timmer-
mann.
" What is it good for ? Is it better than
our boats ? " asked Peter.
" If you had sails to it, it would go not
only with the wind, but against the wind,"
replied Timmerman.
" How against the wind ? Is it possible ?
Can that be possible ? "
Peter wished to try it at once. But, after
Timmermann had looked at the boat on all
sides, it was found to be too rotten for use;
PETER THE GREAT.
61
it would need to be repaired and tarred,
and beside that a mast and sails would
have to be made. Timmermann at last
thought he could find a man capable of
doing this, and sent to Ismailovo a certain
Carsten Brandt, who had been brought
from Holland about 1660 by the Tsar
Alexis, for the purpose of constructing ves-
sels on the Caspian Sea. After the troubles
of Astrakhan, when his vessel, the Eagle,
had been burnt by Stenka Razin, Brandt
had returned to Moscow and had remained
there, making a living as a joiner. The old
man looked over the boat, caulked it, put
in the mast and arranged the sail, and then
launched it on the River Yauza. There,
before Peter's eyes, he began to sail up and
down the river, turning now to the right
and then to the left. Peter's excitement
was intense. He called out to him to stop,
jumped in, and began himself to manage
the boat under Brandt's directions. " And
mighty pleasant it was to me," he writes in
the preface to his " Maritime Regulations,"
where he describes the beginning of the
Russian navy. It was hard for the boat to
turn, for the river was narrow and the water
was too shallow. Peter eagerly asked where
a broader piece of water could be found,
and was told of the Prosyany Pool. The
boat was dragged overland to the Prosyany
Pool. It went better, but still not to his
satisfaction. At last Peter found that about
fifty miles beyond the Troitsa Monastery
there was a good large lake where he would
have plenty of room to sail — Lake Plest-
cheief, near Pereyaslavl. It was not, how-
ever, so easy for Peter to get there. It was
not customary for the Tsars or members of
their family to make journeys without some
recognized object, and what should a boy
of this age do so far away, and alone ?
An idea struck Peter. It was then June,
and there was a great festival at the Troitsa
Monastery. He asked his mother's per-
mission to go to Troitsa for the festival, and
as soon as the religious service was over he
drove as fast as he could to Lake Plest-
cheief. The country was at that time
delightful. The low hills were covered
with the fresh green of the birches, mixed
with the more sturdy lindens and the pines
black by contrast. The faint smell of the
lilies of the valley came up from the mead-
ows on the lake shore. Peter did not notice
this. His mind was too intent upon naviga-
tion ; he saw only that the lake was broad
enough, for it stretched out of sight. But
he soon learned that there was no boat
there, and he knew that it was too far to
bring the little English boat which he had
found at Ismailovo. Anxiously he asked
Brandt whether it were not possible to
build some boats there.
" Yes, sire," said Brandt, " but we will
require many things."
PETER LAUNCHING "THE GRANDFATHER OF THE RUSSIAN FLEET.
(FROM A RUSSIAN PAINTING, ARTIST UNKNOWN.)
PETER THE GREAT.
"Ah, well ! that is of no consequence,"
said Peter. " We can have anything."
And he hastened back to Moscow with
his head full of visions of ship-building.
He scarcely knew how to manage it, for to
engage in such a work at Lake Plestcheief
would require his living there for some time,
and he knew that it would be hard to bring
his mother to consent to this. At last he
extorted this consent, but he was obliged to
wait at Moscow for his name's-day, when
there was a Te Deum at the Cathedral, after
which the boyars and grandees paid their
respects at the palace and received cups of
vodka from Peter and goblets of wine from
the hands of his mother. He hastened off
the next day — the loth of July — together
with Carsten Brandt and a ship-builder
named Kort, an old comrade whom Brandt
had succeeded in finding at Moscow. Tim-
mermann, probably, also accompanied him.
Fast as Peter and his comrades worked
together — for he had remained with them in
the woods — there was so much to do in the
preparation of timber, in the construction
of huts to live in, and of a dock from which
to launch the boats, that it came time for
Peter to return long before any boat was
ready, and there was no sign that any could
be got ready before winter set in. The
Tsaritsa Natalia had grown anxious for her
son. He had been away nearly a month,
and political affairs were taking a serious
turn. Much to his regret, therefore, Peter
came back to Moscow for his mother's
name's-day, on the 6th of September, leav-
ing his faithful Dutchmen strict injunctions
to do their utmost to have the boats ready
by the following spring.
The place chosen by Peter for his ship-
building was on the east side of Lake Plest-
cheief, at the mouth of the river Trubezh,
which runs into it. The only traditions still
remaining of Peter's visit are the sight of a
church dedicated to the Virgin at the Ships,
and the decaying remains of some piles un-
der water, which apparently formed the
wharf or landing-stage. Lake Plestch6ief,
OLD RUSSIAN PRINT OF "THE GRANDFATHER OF THE RUSSIAN FLEET.
THE NEW YORK SEVENTH.
63
nowadays, is famous for nothing but an
excellent and much sought-for variety of
fresh-water herring.
The boat which Peter found at Ismailovo
is thought by many to have been constructed
in Russia by Dutch carpenters, in 1688, dur-
ing the reign of the Tsar Alexis, at a place
called Dedinovo, at the confluence of the
rivers Moskva and Oka. By others, it is
thought to be a boat sent by Queen Eliza-
beth to the Tsar Ivan the Terrible. Ever
since Peter's time it has borne the name of
the " Grandfather of the Russian fleet," and
is preserved with the greatest care in a small
brick building near the Cathedral of St.
Peter and Paul, within the fortress at St.
Petersburg. In 1870, on the celebration of
the zooth anniversary of Peter's birth, it was
one of the chief objects of interest in the
great parade at St. Petersburg ; and again,
in 1872, it was conveyed with much pomp
and solemnity to Moscow, where, for a time,
it formed a part of the Polytechnic Exposi-
tion.
THE NEW YORK SEVENTH.
ARMS OF THE NEW YORK SEVENTH REGIMENT.
GOOD Americans, in foregoing the many
fine things to be said of the martial scream
of the American eagle over an ascending
scale of a hundred years, — things which
would be regarded as boasts by some, and
as superannuated truisms by others, — can-
not, however, conceal the fact that they are
proud of the military prowess of their country.
This pride is perhaps all the stronger in
that the defense of the republic rests with a
militia system whose strength lies rather in
its traditions, and in the " grit" and flexibility
of the American character, than in any for-
midable or active organization.
Indeed, so far as active organization goes,
with the exception of three or four States,
the militia service of the country has been a
broad farce. Certain ghostly battalions have
existed on paper, for the patriotic purpose
of enabling State authorities to get a share
of the $200,000 annually appropriated, since
1792, by the General Government, to pro-
vide arms and equipments for the State
militia. By this plan, the State of New
York, with a bona fide uniformed militia
numbering nearly twenty thousand, has been
drawing a proportionate share of the $200,-
ooo provided for a mythical host estimated
at four hundred thousand men. As for the
regular army, the contempt some Congress-
man occasionally bestows on it, and the
growing record of its losses by Indian war-
fare, serve now and then to remind the
country that a few of the " boys in blue "
are still left. But Avhether or not the
strength of the standing army be raised, it
is evident that some re-organization of the
militia is necessary. This the railroad riots
of 1877 have clearly demonstrated.
With this purpose in view, in January,
1879, a delegate convention from the differ-
ent States met in New York, and framed and
urged upon the attention of Congress an Act
" To reorganize and discipline the militia of
the United States," its provisions having pre-
viously been indorsed by the militia delegates
of about twenty States. Congress, however,
has been too much absorbed with partisan
thrusts and parries to consider the bill,
which has been interpreted as an infringe-
ment on the present State control of the
militia, and consequently a new attack
upon the doctrine of States' Rights. On the
contrary, it carefully provides that the militia
of any State shall be wholly under the con-
trol of the authorities of that State, except,
of course, where the militia is called into the
service of the United States, according to the
laws already in force. The fact that all the
provisions of the bill received the approval
of the Southern delegates, proves that the
convention studiously avoided the question
THE NEW YORK SEVENTH.
of State Rights. The bill asks for an annual
appropriation by the General Government
of one million dollars, instead of the two
hundred thousand now devoted to arms and
equipments ; and, to secure a fair division of
THE SEVENTH REGIMENT MEMORIAL STATUE IN CENTRAL
PARK, BY J. Q. A. WARD.
the money, provides that only the regularly
uniformed and disciplined militia be taken
into account in making the distribution, and
that no State be allowed to draw for more
than 700 officers and enlisted men to each
Congressional district. If each State should
organize a force closely approximating to this
limit, the uniformed and disciplined militia
of the country, capable of being called into
service at a few hours' notice, would make
a respectable footing of two hundred thou-
sand men. It has also been charged that the
clause empowering the President to detail an
officer on the retired list of the regular army
to be present at the annual inspection of
the militia by the State authorities, is an
infringement on State rights. But the Presi-
dent's appointee is empowered only " to
observe the general condition of the troops
and public property, with the consent, and
under the general directions, of the Gov-
ernor of such State or Territory," and
is accorded " no authority in any way to
control or interfere with the State In-
spector, or to exercise any power or
authority, during such inspection, over the
officers or men of the active militia inspected."
If the spirit of Calhoun had inspired this
clause, it could not have been more consid-
erate of the feelings of State authorities.
It simply aims to protect the General Govern-
ment and provident States against the negli-
gence of any State.
The bill, if it becomes a law, will make
a militia-man of every able-bodied male
citizen between the ages of eighteen and
forty-five, who, as he may elect, will be classed
with the active militia, to be known as the
National or State Guard, or with the reserve
militia. Each State receiving any portion
of the appropriation must maintain at least
one rifle-range, and provision is made for
prizes to excite emulation. Also, there
must be an annual encampment of the
active militia, during at least five consecutive
days. Under such a law, the full quota on
which the State of New York could draw aid,
would be 23,100 men — 3,100 more than her
active militia, as fixed by the State law. In
January, 1878, the New York militia con-
sisted of 20,035 men, or 1,152 commissioned
officers and 18,883 non-commissioned offi-
cers, privates, and musicians. This force
was organized into seven divisions — one of
which has since been disbanded — comprising
twenty-four regiments, seven separate battal-
ions and twenty-one separate companies of
infantry, one battalion and eleven batteries
of artillery, and one regiment and eleven sep-
arate troops of cavalry. The plan is being
tried of disbanding weak regiments and bat-
talions in the interior counties of the State,
and organizing, partially out of the same ma-
terial, strong battalions and separate compa-
nies,— the effect being to stimulate local
interest and more widely to distribute the
militia, that it may the better supplement the
civil authorities, in case of local disturbance.
THE NEW YORK SEVENTH.
Nine infantry regiments, with cavalry and
artillery to correspond, — about eight thou-
sand, all told, — constitute the active militia
of New York city, or the First Division N.
G. S. N. Y., under the command of General
Alexander Shaler. This is the finest and
largest militia organization in the country,
and the Seventh has the honor of being the
" crack regiment" in it ; though there are two
or three other regiments in the same division
standing near enough to the favorite to keep
alive a wholesome feeling of emulation. An
account of this regiment must, therefore, to
a great extent, be an account of the New
York militia system.
Early in the present century, the first four
companies of the Seventh Regiment inher-
ited from yet older organizations the military
spirit and tradition of revolutionary days.
Two hundred years earlier, the Dutch
Durgher corps, in its conflicts with the
fndians and with the white settlers of Con-
necticut, founded the military reputation of
the inhabitants of Manhattan Island. In
1691, a militia law was enacted, requiring
every male between the ages of fifteen and
sixty to register with the militia Avithin one
month after coming to reside or sojourn in
the colony, under penalty of a fine of twenty
shillings. Eighty years of English tyranny
produced that hardy band of patriots who
called themselves the " Sons of Liberty ; "
who erected the first liberty-pole in the fields,
now the City Hall Park, and in January,
1770, encountered the British garrison in the
' battle of Golden Hill," a skirmish fought in
John street, between Gold and Pearl streets.
About 1807, the first, second, third and fourth
companies of the present Seventh Regiment
THE SHAKSPERE TAVERN, NEW YORK. (FROM SKETCH BY ASHER TAYLOR.)
VOL. XX.— 5.
NEW YORK STATE AND SEVENTH REGIMENT COLORS.
belonged to the Third Regiment of New
York Artillery, prominent among the militia
organizations of that day. Only one battal-
ion of the regiment was artillery proper, the
other battalion being armed and equipped
like infantry, and carrying the old-fashioned,
smooth-bore flint-locks. Both battalions
wore the Continental uniform. These four
infantry companies had been organized the
year before, during a season of great public
excitement, when England was making a
practical test of the theory that an English
seaman could not, of his own free will,
sever his allegiance to the British crown
and take protection and service under the
American flag. Outrages on American
commerce fanned the war feeling, but war
was not declared until June, 1812. Two
months earlier, the Third Regiment, by a
re-assignment of num-
bers, had become the
Eleventh Regiment,
New York Artillery,
and as such it was
foremost in manning
the fortifications of
the city and harbor,
at different periods of
alarm, previous to the
victory of New Or-
leans, in January,
1815, and the close
of the war.
Lafayette's last visit
to America, in 1824,
as the guest of the
Republic whose inde-
pendence he had
helped to establish,
66
THE NEW YORK SEVENTH.
makes a prominent chapter in the history of
the Seventh, for to that visit is referred the
origin of its gray uniform, as well as its title of
" National Guard," since appropriated by the
entire militia of the Empire State. When the
cannon of Fort Lafayette broke the stillness
of the morning of Sunday, August i5th, with
a salute of twenty-three guns, flags were
hoisted on the City Hall, and many citi-
from the Battery, stopping at each prom-
inent corner to sound the signal for the
gathering of the militia. For several weeks
the Eleventh Regiment had been disturbed
by a controversy over the color and cut
of the contemplated new uniform. A
compromise pattern was wanted. When
Philetus H. Holt, then a private, heard
the bugle-call, he put on his uniform
SELECTING THE UNIFORM.
zens hastened to the Battery and looked
down the bay to the Narrows, where might
be seen the stately ship Cadmus, gliding,
with all flags flying, to her anchorage
off Staten Island. Here Lafayette went
ashore and remained the guest of Vice-
President Tompkins over Sunday. Early
Monday morning a mounted sergeant, fol-
lowed by a bugler, dashed up Pearl street
with the exception of his coat, which was
with a tailor in Franklin Square directlj
in his way to Chatham Square, the pla«
of rendezvous. So he put on his business
coat, a close-fitting garment of gray cloth
with short tails of the present conventional
dress-coat style, and over that his cross-
belts, and started for the tailor's. On the
way, he met Major John D. Wilson anc
THE NEW YORK SEVENTH.
Captain Prosper M. Wetmore (afterward
Colonel), both of whom were struck with the
neat and stylish appearance of the gray coat
in conjunction with the tall, bell-crowned hat
and white trowsers of the regular uniform,
and they ordered the private to halt and
parley. They concluded on the spot that
the compromise uniform had been found.
By noon, the whole militia force of the city
was assembled at the Battery, and the artil-
lery planted on the water-front. Men who
looked upon the waters of New York
Harbor on that bright summer day say
that the upper bay, with its fortressed
islands and dimpled shores, flanked by the
green slopes of Long Island, the graceful
hills of Staten Island, and the far-off blue
of the Jersey hills, has never seemed more
lovely, more thronged with sail than when
the Guest of America embarked at Staten
Island and voyaged with almost Venetian
splendor to the city. As Lafayette em-
barked on the Chancellor Livingston, the
land batteries of Staten Island fired a salute,
to which Fort Lafayette and the Chancellor
Livingston made response. The Robert Ful-
ton, dressed from the rails to the mast-head
in bunting, and manned by two hundred
sailors, led the squadron, followed by the
Chancellor Livingston, the Oliver Ellsworth,
the Connecticut, the Olive Branch, and the
Nautilus, while the good ship Cadmus, with
the kindly assistance of two smart tug-boats,
brought up the rear. When the festive
fleet, which was surrounded by every vari-
ety of small craft, was off Governor's
THE LAFAYETTE MEDAL.
TAYLOR'S SEVENTH REGIMENT ALBUM.
Island, the guns of Castle William began
the deafening welcome, while the brigade
of artillery fired a Major-General's salute,
and the forts in the harbor sent the echoes
flying to the neighboring hills and through
the city's streets with a national salute of a
hundred guns. Before Lafayette passed
down the line of troops drawn up in review,
some of the officers of the Eleventh had
been talking of his last campaign at the
head of the National Guards of France.
The suggestion was then first made to name
the infantry battalion of the Eleventh the
" National Guards " in his honor, and a few
evenings afterward the name was formally
adopted at the old Shakspere Tavern, at
Fulton and Nassau streets, famous as the
head-quarters of the militia officers and town
gossips for half a century. In 1832 Lafayette
received from the National Guard, through
James Fenimore Cooper, a medal in com-
memoration of the centennial of the birth
of Washington. The gray uniform was
first worn in public by Orderly Sergeant
Asher Taylor of the Fourth Company.
Sergeant Taylor joined the National Guard
in 1822 and labored for the good of the
regiment until his death in 1878. After
the National Guard Battalion (which sepa-
rated from the artillery companies of the
Eleventh and joined the Second regiment
in 1825) became, in 1826, the nucleus of a
new regiment, the Twenty-seventh, Asher
Taylor designed the regimental coat-of-arms
and also the National Guard standard. In
his declining years he compiled two large
albums, superbly bound and mounted, which
contain historical accounts of the Seventh
68
THE NEW YORK SEVENTH.
Regiment, portraits of officers, and designs
illustrating the life of the organization dur-
ing half a century.
For over twenty years, the Twenty-seventh
Regiment occupied the foremost place in
the militia of New York. The "dash
and fume " of those days has never been
equaled, and a sober earnestness has hap-
pily supplanted spread-eagle oratory and
military fuss and feathers. Excursions and
to the officers and men of the Twenty-
seventh, for the regiment possessed a na-
tional reputation; but the number seven,
which had never before designated a New
York city regiment, was accorded to them
THE ABOLITION RIOT IN 1834.
summer encampments were yearly occur-
rences. In 1847, a new militia law hav-
ing been passed during the previous year,
it ^ was found desirable to renumber the
militia organizations. This was distasteful
as the best possible sub-
stitute for twenty-seven, and
the Seventh Regiment N. G. S. N. Y.
entered on a new career of usefulness,
which was first exemplified the second
year afterward, at the Macready- Forrest
riot in Astor Place. Assembling at an
hour's notice, 211 officers and men of
the Seventh defended public order against
the mob, at the expense of injuries to
141 of their number. Fifty-three mem-
bers were disabled and carried home.
The mob suffered severely for its violence,
for thirty persons were killed, many of
whom were innocent of any part in the dis-
turbance, and upward of fifty were wounded.
For this show of determination to kill when
the public peace demanded a sacrifice, the
rabble was long afterward greatly incensed
THE NEW. YORK SEVENTH.
69
against the Seventh, which it nicknamed
"Old Gray-backs." The National Guard
had before defended the city during the
election and Abolition riots of '34, the
Stevedore riots of '36, the flour riot of '37
and the Croton water riot of '40.
The Seventh Regiment band and drum
corps has always been an object of regi-
mental pride. How the Seventh plumed
itself in 1850, when that wonderful phe-
nomenon Drum-major Teller appeared at
its head ! Teller was six feet five inches in
stature, and wore a bear-skin that elongated
his symmetrical figure to nine feet. He had
twirled the baton in the Prussian army and
under General Scott in Mexico. Satiated
with the military glory of two hemispheres,
there remained for him to gain only one
more honor worthy of his majestic tread
and gorgeous carriage : the admiration of
New York as he marched down Broadway
at the head of the Seventh Regiment.
But the manly Seventh has felt a nobler
pride than that inspired by its famous drum-
major : the pride of being several times a
grandfather. In 1853, a little maid of ten
or twelve years came one day to the armory
dressed in a jaunty military suit, and as she
walked down the long line with Colonel
Duryee, every man of it took her shy little
hand in his and adopted her as the Daughter
of the Regiment. She was the child of
Major Joseph A. Divver, who had been for
several years a genial and popular officer of
the Seventh. He went to the Mexican war
as a captain of dragoons, and escaped death
in the face of the enemy only to meet it in
a sad way after his return home. Out of
pity for the orphan and love for the officer,
the Regiment cared for and educated his
child, each officer and private paying one
dollar a year into a fund for that purpose.
When the young lady came of age, though
mistress of a thousand hearts, she deserted
to an enemy that offered her only one.
However, that one belonged to a brave
young man ; and now, the Daughter of the
Regiment is mother to a small regiment of
her own.
During the first month of 1861, the offi-
cers of the Seventh Regiment privately
expressed to Governor Morgan their readi-
ness to march at the first act of threaten-
ing rebellion. On Washington's Birthday,
the Governor reviewed the regiment, and
Colonel Marshall Lefferts addressed his
men from the balcony of the armory. When
Sumter fell, the Seventh was restless for
the word to march. On the i5th of April,
President Lincoln called for 75,000 men to
defend the capital. The Seventh once
more proffered its services, and many of
its men waited at the armory in hourly
expectation of a summons. This came at
eleven o'clock at night and was received
with cheers, the order being given that
the regiment would march on the igth.
The Seventh soon bitterly regretted this
delay of a single day, necessary to allow
every member to arrange his affairs so that
THE DRUM-MAJOR.
they might depart with full ranks. On the
1 8th, Major Robert Anderson (the hero of
Fort Sumter) disembarked, and the city
gave him a great ovation. The day before,
the Sixth Massachusetts, zealous of being
7°
THE NEW YORK. SEVENTH.
THE SEVENTH OFF TO THE WAR — APRIL 19, 1861.
the first in the field and the first militia to
encounter the enemy, had passed through
the city on its way to Baltimore and Wash-
ington.
When the morning of the igth broke,
clear and beautiful, men were already stir-
ring in the Seventh Regiment armory. The
excitement was too great for slumbers.
Before noon, the length of Broadway was
gay with countless flags. Every house-top
and window from Astor Place to Courtlandt
street was occupied with spectators, while
men, women, and children swarmed upon the
sidewalks and blocked the side streets.
Astor Place and the vicinity of the armory
were a dense mass of human beings. At
four o'clock, 945 men had reported to their
companies, and with difficulty the regiment
pressed through the crowd and formed in
Lafayette Place. The men were in heavy
marching order. Wealthy citizens and the
commercial associations had given liberally
to equip the Seventh for active service.
Rumors of the conflict in Baltimore between
the Massachusetts Sixth and the rebel sym-
pathizers were in everybody's mouth, and
the faces of the spectators who filled Lafay-
ette Place showed a realization of all that
such a farewell might mean, and of the fact
that the Seventh was on no holiday mis-
sion. When the word came to march and
the impatient Seventh wheeled round into
Broadway, the air resounded with a billow of
cheers that moved along with the advancing
regiment. Every man marched with a firm
step, and the well-drilled platoons, joined by
a common aim and stimulus, moved in per-
fect unison. The effect was irresistible, and
the excitement knew no bounds. Above
the loud huzzas could be heard the stirring
notes of " Hail Columbia," and in the
momentary lull, the measured tramp ! tramp !
tramp ! and the regular sway of a thousand
mettled men told with exciting effect upon
the crowd, that felt another thrill when the
fife and drum took up the step to the tune
of " The Girl I left Behind Me." At Prince
street, Major Anderson reviewed the regi-
ment from a balcony. The excitement was
overpowering, and the men gave a sigh of
relief as they marched aboard the ferry-boat
at the foot of Courtlandt street. An im-
mense crowd cheered as the train moved
out of Jersey City and sped the Seventh
away to Philadelphia, where it arrived at
two o'clock in the morning, 991 strong.
The hardships and difficulties and impor-
tance of the Seventh's march to Washington
THE NEW YORK SEVENTH.
cannot be overestimated. At Philadelphia,
Colonel Lefferts learned that the Maryland-
ers had already burned bridges to impede
the progress of the Seventh, and were mus-
tering a force to give armed resistance.
General B. F. Butler was then at Philadel-
phia, with the Massachusetts Eighth, having
arrived the evening before. Colonel Lef-
ferts, wisely acting on his own judgment,
chartered the steamer Boston to convey the
Seventh to Annapolis, via the ocean and
Chesapeake Bay. General Butler then de-
cided to reach the bay by railroad to Havre
de Grace, trusting to a ferry-boat for transport
to Annapolis. Sunday, the Seventh was at
sea. Early on Monday morning, the Boston
was hailed by the frigate Constitution- — " Old
Ironsides," lying at anchor in Annapolis
Harbor. When the morning mist arose, the
Seventh saw the ferry-boat Maryland, with
the Eighth Massachusetts, fast aground on a
mud-bank. For several hours, the Boston
tried to extricate the boat and the thirsting
and famishing Massachusetts boys, but it was
compelled, finally, to disembark the Seventh
and to return for the Eighth. There had
been no communication with Washington
since the Seventh left New York. Colonel
Lefferts realized the danger of a moment's
delay. As soon as he could gain scanty
rations for the march, he set out, at three
o'clock Wednesday morning, April 24th.
An ingenious Yankee of the Eighth had
patched up a broken engine, and two old
cars had been found, on which were loaded
the howitzers and baggage. The soldiers
mended the railroad track and bridges as they
advanced, now scouring a meadow for a dis-
placed rail, now diving into a stream for
another, and occasionally chasing off Mary-
landers who were destroying the railroad.
The day was fiercely hot and the night cold,
but Colonel Lefferts gave no order to suspend
the march, all day or all night, until, at 3:30
the next morning, they arrived near Annap-
olis Junction. At 10 A. M., they proceeded
from the Junction by train to Washington,
and at noon the Seventh marched up Penn-
sylvania Avenue, and was reviewed by Pres-
ident Lincoln from the portico of the White
House. The Eighth Massachusetts joined
them a few hours later, other regiments were
oh the way, and Washington was safe. The
Seventh soon established itself at Camp
Cameron. May 23d, it joined the advance
into Virginia, and worked in the trenches at
Arlington Heights, returning to the camp
May 26 ; and, its term of enlistment for
thirty days having expired, it soon started
for home, arriving in New York June ist.
LIFE AT CAMP CAMERON.
72
THE NEW YORK SEVENTH.
ADVANCE PICKET.
Many of the officers and men wanted to re-
main in the field, as a volunteer regiment, but
Colonel Lefferts was opposed to any action
which should deprive the regiment of its
place in the militia organization. And while
the citizens of New York were, in general,
disappointed that the Seventh should return
so soon, many influential citizens, as has
always been the case, preferred to have the
regiment where it could act in home emer-
gencies. Its contribution to the war was
more of commanders than of privates. At
Washington, General McDowell had said to
Captain Clark, " Sir, you have a company of
officers." By June i5th, seventy members
of the regiment had been commissioned
lieutenants in the regular army. And during
the war, 606 members served as officers in the
regular and volunteer army and navy. Three
became major-generals, nineteen brigadier-
generals, twenty-nine colonels, and forty-
six Iieutenant7colonels. On a commanding
granite pedestal in Central Park stands a
bronze statue, by J Q. A. Ward, erected
" In honor of the members of the Seventh
Regiment. N. G. S. N. Y.— fifty-eight in
number — who gave their lives in defence of
the Union, 1861-1865."
The first one to fall will be the last remem-
bered. Some day it may be thought fitting
to erect a separate monument to the patri-
otism and genius of Theodore Winthrop,
who left his countrymen a picture of his true
heart and manly fervor in the pages of
"John Brent," and other books, and of
his love of country in the manner of his
early death. He marched with the Seventh
to Washington, as a member of the Ninth
Company, and after the first campaign,
accepted a place on General Butler's staff,
with the rank of major. In the battle of
Great Bethel, he led an impetuous assault
on the enemy's flank, and was shot dead at
the head of his troops. His writings, pub-
lished posthumously, have given him a
durable fame. Doctor Thomas W. Parsons,
the poet, has embalmed his memory in the
" Dirge for One who Fell in Battle," first
printed in the "Atlantic Monthly," and
beginning :
" Room for a soldier ! lay him in the clover ;
He loved the fields, and they shall be his cover ;
Make his mound with hers who called him once
her lover :
" Where the rain may rain upon it,
Where the sun may shine upon it,
Where the lamb hath lain upon it,
And the bee will dine upon it."
While the Seventh was sending men to
the field to take command of volunteers in
1 86 1, it was also on the alert at home. It
was again in the field when, in 1862, Stone-
wall Jackson raided the Shenandoah Valley
and threatened a flank movement on the
National Capital, and in 1863 it hastened to
the defense of Pennsylvania against General
Lee's advance. It returned home July i6th,
to take part in the last scenes of the draft
riots, and met the mob with spirit and success
at Second Avenue and Twenty-third street.
In June, 1864, Colonel Marshall Lefferts
resigned his command, after a service in the
regiment of fourteen years, and Emmons
Clark, captain of the Second Company, was
elected colonel. While the Seventh was on
its way to Philadelphia during the Centennial
year, to occupy Camp Washington on the
Exhibition grounds, Colonel Lefferts was
overcome with the heat and died on the
cars of an affection of the heart.
Colonel Emmons Clark has now been
fifteen years in command of the Seventh.
Under his leadership the regiment has at-
tained its highest prosperity and discipline,
THE NEW YORK SEVENTH.
73
THEODORE W1NTHROP. (AFTER THE CRAYON SKETCH
BY ROWSE.)
and the recent subscriptions to the new
armory fund are sufficient proof of its great
popularity. But for a slight circumstance,
Colonel Clark's marked abilities as an
officer might have been altogether devoted
to the guidance of mercantile affairs. Both
his grandfathers served in the Revolution.
Born in Wayne County, New York, in 1827,
he was graduated at Hamilton College in
his twentieth year, and came to the city
at his majority to begin the study of medi-
cine, a profession which was deserted for a
business opportunity which soon placed him
in the responsible position of cashier of a
transportation company. Only one thing
disturbed his content with business pursuits :
his name was placed early on the jury list
and had a disagreeable habit of turning up
whenever a jury was struck. To escape
this annoyance, he determined to seek ex-
emption from jury duty by entering the
militia, and joined the Second Company of
the Seventh. The first few evenings at the
armory kindled the latent military spark
within him. He bought a manual and an
old musket for home practice before a tall
mirror. In the same year, 1857, he accom-
panied the Seventh to Boston to take part
in celebrating the battle of Bunker Hill.
TARGET PRACTICE AT THE ARMORY.
The regiment was
reviewed by Govern-
or Gardner on the
Common. Adjutant
William A. Pond
74
THE NEW YORK SEVENTH.
(now Colonel of the veteran corps of the
Seventh) wanted a regimental guide placed
near the Governor. He happened to go to
the Second Company and laid his hand on
Private Clark, who felt the dignity of his
position and presented such a soldierly
figure and military bearing that every eye
in the regiment noticed him. Some one
said to Captain Shaler, " That young fellow
will be colonel, yet." The next year, he
reached the first rung of the ladder, in his
Hill, in 1862, he adopted a theory for the
government of his company, opposed to the
views of the older officers. This was that
the best way to keep up the good spirits of
the men was to give them something to do.
He drilled his company before breakfast,
and after breakfast, and twice in the after-
noon. As a consequence, the Second Com-
pany became remarkably proficient in
company and skirmish drill ; the men slept
well and were the life of the regiment.
COLONEL EMMONS CLARK.
election as first sergeant. Another twelve-
month found him wearing the shoulder-
straps of a second and soon of a first
lieutenant. In 1860, Captain Shaler was
elected Major of the Regiment, and Emmons
Clark, in the third year of his service, be-
came Captain of the Second Company, at
the head of which he led the advance in that
memorable march from Annapolis to Wash-
ington. While in garrison at Fort Federal
When Colonel LefFerts resigned, Captain
Clark was elected to the colonelcy. The
rank and file, in 1873, presented their
colonel with a silver service, and Grafulla
dedicated to him the " Tribute Quickstep."
Since 1866, he has been Secretary of the
New York Board of Health and has devoted
his spare moments mainly to the Seventh.
In the voluntary militia service, the mem-
bers of a regiment have the right to elect
THE NEW YORK SEVENTH.
75
new members. The term of enlistment
is now for five instead of seven years.
Militia-men are exempt from jury duty while
in active service, and if they complete their
term of enlistment, for life. About one-
third do not complete the full term, and
those who do may join the Veteran Corps
of the Seventh Regiment.
There was a time when the company
feeling in the Seventh overbalanced the regi-
mental feeling. But now, while every mem-
ber does his best to advance the interests
of his particular company, he takes at the
same time a larger pride in the prosperity
and reputation of the regiment. Social
intercourse is somewhat confined within the
membership of the different companies,
each company having a separate room in
the armory for its meetings, by-laws of its
own, and separate company drill. The com-
panies differ slightly also as to the tastes arid
social position or occupation of their mem-
bers. To indicate a few characteristics : The
Third Company claims seniority. At the
present time, the Tenth Company contains
more of the sons of old and wealthy New
York families than any other. (One can
hardly mention any prominent family of
wealth or social prestige that has not a
representative in the regiment.) The Ninth
Company is accorded the first place as
being the best drilled and evincing the most
spirit ; its members are for the most part
connected with the great commercial houses
of the metropolis. The Second Company is
a rival of the Ninth in discipline, -and re-
sembles it in membership. The Eighth
Company's ambition to excel in rifle prac-
tice overshadows every other characteristic.
The popularity of a company depends, to a
great extent, on its captain. The slight
social distinctions pertaining to the different
companies change very slowly, because,
where one young man offers himself for
membership in a company without a social
acquaintance with some of its members, ten
are drawn in purely on account of such
acquaintanceship. Social values tell in the
Seventh Regiment roll; but that does not
necessarily mean money or ancient lineage.
The regiment is recruited mainly from
clerks of average means and native ability,
as well as education, who hold good posi-
tions in the large banks, insurance offices,
wholesale mercantile houses and manufact-
uring establishments. There are always in
the regiment fifty or more young gentle-
men who take care of their estates, or
whose estates take care of them. They are
good soldiers, and have nothing to gain in
the regiment more than the poorest mem-
ber— in fact, less, for it is very rare that a
man born to wealth becomes an officer in
the Seventh, for he does not apply himself
to drill and details with the energy and
assiduity of the men who are obliged to
make their own way in the world. In so far
that merit, and neither wealth nor family,
counts in the line of promotion, the Seventh
is a pure democracy. Several companies
are now insisting on a surgeon's examination
before receiving a new member.
The would-be recruit signs an application
for membership, giving his name, residence,
place and kind of business, the name of the
member who proposes him, and the names
of references. This is posted on the armory
bulletin. He is then visited by a commit-
tee who test the quality of his ambition to
become a soldier, and who make inquiry
of acquaintances concerning his character.
If the report of the committee is favor-
able, he is balloted for. Five black balls
exclude. Once elected, he signs the enlist-
ment roll, takes the " iron-clad " oath of the
United States, and is directed to purchase a
fatigue uniform. This is an expense of $15
or $18. He is then promoted to the
awkward squad for instruction in the school
of the soldier. About this time he wonders
why he ever joined a militia regiment, and
is astonished to find that for years his
heels, toes, head, shoulders, and arms, have
been out of place and have grown obstinate
by habit. Finally, he can toe the mark
and stand straight without feeling dizzy.
He is then made the custodian of a musket,
and feels renewed affliction of spirit after
tossing this musket from hand to shoulder
until his arms are tired and disintegration
sets in near the small of the back. Instruc-
tion in the manual once a week for six
months smooths out the wrinkles in his body
and disposition, and he is at last transferred
to his company, begins to talk about the glori-
ous privilege of military drill and discipline,
and entices one of his outside friends into the
awkward squad. Once allowed to parade, he
is on the company roll and liable to every
duty that arises. By this time he is thor-
oughly convinced that there is something
dreadfully earnest about the life of a militia
regiment.
The new member has never been accused
of a disposition to hide the" 7" under a bushel.
He has, of course, obtained a full uniform
before appearing on parade. His dress-coat,
of graceful cut and close fit, is of cadet-gray
THE NEW YORK SEVENTH.
mer and gray in winter; there are white leather
cross-belts and trappings ; white duck trow-
sers in summer, and gray, with a black stripe,
in winter, and a stiff black French cap with
pompon. If he happen to have a fine figure,
this uniform will bring out his good points ;
001
TARGET PRACTICE AT CREEDMOOR.
trimmed with black cloth and gold lace, and
with white worsted shoulder-knots in sum-
if he happen to have a bad fig-
ure, Apollo help him, for the uni-
form will not. Knapsack, cap,
belts, and cartridge-box bear
the cipher, or monogram, of his
• regiment. His overcoat has a
small cape, and is of the light
blue of the regular army.
The fatigue uniform is simply
gray jacket, trowsers, and
cap. Seventy or eighty dol-
^ lars, it is said, will obtain the
whole outfit, the arms and
accouterments being sup-
plied by the State. With
a little care, the dress uni-
form will last through the
five years' term of service,
unless, indeed, the
young soldier thrives
L^-.-' too well on militia life
and outgrows his
clothes. Only slight
changes have been
made in the uniform
of the Seventh during
half a century. The
yearly dues are $12 or
$15, varying with dif-
ferent companies.
From October to April, the members ok
the Seventh meet at the armory once a week
THE NEW YORK SEVENTH.
77
for company drill. Ten battalion drills, by
division, are held in the course of the year.
The Seventh turns out for public parade five
or ten times in a twelvemonth. The May
inspection and parade always attract public
attention.
Too much importance cannot be attached
to rifle practice, as it is being fostered by
the National Guard at Creedmoor and other
been severely drilled in the armory in the
manipulation of the breech-loading rifle.
With the remarkable precision and skill
which the Seventh has acquired in the use
of this weapon, short work would be made
with any city mob. Almost every bullet
would go on a death's errand, and at two
blocks kill perhaps two or even three men.
Creedmoor gives the men confidence.
THE MAY INSPECTION.
rifle ranges, in New York and other States.
It is doing more than any other agency to
awaken interest and produce efficiency in the
militia. General George W. Wingate is
called "the father of rifle practice in this
country," and deserves credit for being
mainly instrumental in turning the new
mania to useful account. Among the full
regiments, the Seventh takes the palm for
rifle shooting. Its ten companies have
Three days a week, from May to No-
vember, the National Guard enjoy the
privileges of the range. When all the
companies of the Seventh reach the general
proficiency of the four or five crack com-
panies, ordinary infantry and cavalry could
scarcely cope with the regiment in the open
field. Four or five companies of the Seventh,
deploying as close skirmishers, could wit-
ness the onset of a brigade of infantry or
THE NEW YORK SEVENTH.
a regiment of cavalry without shrinking.
Every man would know that there would be
one less of the enemy after each shot he
fired; and while the attacking column was
advancing one hundred and fifty yards, three
hundred skirmishers could deliver such a
murderous fire that no ordinary troops could
hold their ground. It was lucky for the
mob which the Seventh confronted at Eighth
Avenue and Twenty-fourth street, during the
Orange riots of July, 1871, that Creedmoor
had not then been opened.
The New Armory is a monument to the
hold the Seventh Regiment has on the
gratitude and , confidence of the citizens of
fund. The city government is in duty
bound to provide its regiments with quarters,
and it pays a rental on the building for a lim-
ited term of years — long enough, however,
to cancel the interest and principal on the
bonds. The very successful issue of the
New Armory Fair, which was the principal
semi-social event of the autumn, enabled
the regiment properly to furnish the armory,
which will be occupied about the time this
paper comes from the press. The reception
and ball have, however, been postponed
until the coming autumn and winter.
The Armory building covers an entire
block, with a frontage of 200 feet on the
THE NEW ARMORY.
the metropolis, who have expressed the
pride they feel in the regiment by putting
their hands into their pockets for nearly a
quarter million dollars. The ground— the
square bounded by Sixty-sixth and Sixty-
seventh streets, and Fourth and Lexington
avenues— is a part of old Hamilton Park
and belongs to the city, which has given
the Seventh Regiment a perpetual lease,
the armory fund, $200,000 was the
voluntary contribution of members of the
regiment and wealthy citizens. Bonds were
issued, with legislative sanction, for $150-
ooo, secured by an assignment of the lease
and the building to the trustees of the armory
avenues and 400 feet on the streets. It is
massively built of red brick, with granite
trimmings. The Fourth Avenue front,
of 200 feet, with a depth -of 100 feet, is
built three stories high, and forms what is
called the administration building. A tower
rises above the central entrance, and in this
and the square, slightly projecting corners
there are narrow loop-holes for musketry.
The long, narrow windows and the castel-
lated appearance of the massive cornice
strongly suggest the purposes of the struct-
ure. Three stories of the administration
building are divided into ten rooms for
the several companies, a council cham-
THE NEW YORK SEVENTH.
79
ber, veteran corps room, library, reception
room, staff rooms, band and drum corps
rooms, armorer's and janitor's rooms, rifle
gallery, gymnasium, and a cadet corps room,
— for it is the intention to revive the Seventh
Regiment Cadets, a successful feature in war
times, and thus to give the spirited boys of the
city an opportunity to train for future mem-
bership in the regiment. The remaining
space, 200 feet wide by 300 feet deep, is a
drill-room, the floor on the solid earth and
the roof a broad oval, supported by iron
truss arches designed by the architect as an
improvement in strength on the supports of
the arched roof of the Grand Central Depot.
Care has been taken to secure a perfect
floor. On a five-inch layer of concrete, cov-
ered with asphalt, to hold back the moisture
of the soil, have been laid sleepers of Long
Island locust, sixteen inches apart, the
intervening spaces filled in with concrete.
The flooring strips of yellow pine plank,
three inches wide and two inches thick, are
laid on this solid foundation, the planks
being cut across the grain to prevent sliver-
ing. The drill-hall is lighted from the sides
and from the roof. There are balconies
for spectators at each end, and a narrow
raised platform encircles the walls. Racks
for muskets are ranged against the walls
of the administration building, in the third
story of which is a lunch and coffee
kitchen. The drill-room may not be all
that is desirable
in a dancing-hall,
but the members
will probably make it suffice for many
grand balls of the future. Colonel Clark's
ideas of such a building are, to a great
extent, embodied in the general plan of the
armory, which was designed by Mr. C.
W. Clinton, a member of the veteran corps.
The architect has adapted the Italian style
A CREEDMOOR SPORT — "THE TUG OF WAR.
8o
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
to a special purpose, which has no parallel
in any part of Europe, for America is not a
camp, and the militia system of the United
States is indigenous to the soil and atmos-
phere of republican institutions. The New
York Seventh wanted for an armory neither
a barracks nor a fort. It sought something
between a military club-house and a bar-
racks-arsenal— a structure that should look
like the home of an active military organ-
ization, and speak in its plain, massive walls
and noble aspect of the utility and dignity
and firmness and strength of the National
Guard.
With the new armory, the Seventh Regi-
ment takes upon itself greater obligations
of duty, that only untiring discipline and
increased public devotion can fulfill. Its
many warm friends believe it will not belie
its honorable record of the past, and that
its motto, '•'•Pro Patria et Gloria" will
be the watchword of its future.
THE DOMINION OF CANADA. I.
THE BRAVE DAYS OF OLD.
RUNNING THE LACHINE RAPIDS, ST. LAWRENCE RIVER.
NEARLY three centuries and a half ago,
Jacques Cartier, looking for the Indies, found
the St. Lawrence. The Indian village of
Stadacone", hard by the beetling cliff of Que-
bec, and the palisaded Indian town of Ho-
chelaga nestling amid corn-fields under the
shadow of the mountain, — which he named
Mount Royal,— gave him kindly welcome.
These and the mighty river and unbroken for-
estspnmeval extending to unknown horizons,
were fair to see under the glowing summer
sun and the marvelous tints of autumn.
But an apparently endless winter succeeded,
and horrible scurvy wasted his men like a
pestilence. Returning to France with tales
• black forests, deep snow, and thick ice,"
instead of schooners full of yellow gold and
rosy pearls, he received from his patrons
maledictions instead of thanks. Of this
introductory chapter of Canadian history,
little remains but the memory of the hardy
mariner of St. Malo.
The first period of Canadian history begins
with the first years of the seventeenth cent-
ury, and ends with the death of Count
Frontenac and the peace made with the
Irpquois in the year 1700. Through all
this time, Canada had to fight for life with
the Iroquois, or Five Nations of the Mo-
hawks, Oneidas, Cayugas, Onondagas and
Senecas. The territory of this formidable
confederacy extended from Lake Champlain
and the Mohawk River to the western
extremity of Lake Erie. The great Cana-
dian names of the period, Champlain, Mais-
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
81
onneuve, La Salle, and Count Frontenac,
are but the brightest stars in a crowded
firmament.
Between Jacques Cartier and Champlain's
time comes in an episode that frequently
takes hold of my imagination. The Mar-
quis de la Roche undertook to colonize and
Christianize New France. To find gold
and silver mines, and to spread the Gospel
were the twin motives that animated the
French gentlemen who sailed from France
to the New World in those brave days of
gunwale the men could wash their hands
in the sea. Coasting to the south of Nova
Scotia, he came to those long low ridges of
sand, well called Sable Island, that had
been the dread of Basque and Norman and
Breton fisherman before Jacques Cartier's
day, and that are the dread of mariners
still. Here he landed his jail-birds, intend-
ing to return for them when he had selected
a site for his colony. A furious storm
drove him back to France, and, thrown into
prison by an enemy, he could neither organize
.XD-it»3.
SABLE ISLAND, A. D. 1603.
The quality of De la Roche's colonists
bad enough, and the quantity not much
ter. In addition to his crew he had
ily some forty convicts. They sailed in a
so small that from the cords of the
VOL, XX.— 6.
another expedition nor get speech of the
king. When the little craft that had borne
them across the Atlantic slowly receded
from the gaze of the convicts, suspicions
may have crossed their minds. When the
82
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
days passed into weeks, and weeks into
months, without a sail appearing on the
horizon, the suspicions deepened into con-
viction. Savagely they cursed their fate
and each other, and the patron who had
proved their betrayer. What were they
to do? On this ocean-girt Sahara, nearly
a hundred miles from the mainland, there
was, at any rate, nothing to stir ambition or
excite passion ; no house to break into, no
one to plunder, no society that had been
their enemy, and against which instinct,
necessity or revenge impelled them to wage
war; no guards to enforce work, no hand-
cuffs, or strait and lonely cells. They were
brothers in evil fate; surely the sentiment
of a common brotherhood would now be
born in them and restore them to manhood !
The island is a wilderness of sand, bow-
shaped, about thirty miles long, with a lake
in the center, on the shores of which grow
a few shrubs and sickly plants. Neither
tree, rock nor cave offered friendly shelter
from the driving rain and wintry sleet. They
gazed on long reaches of sand, broken only
by sand ridges covered with rank grass, or
whortleberry and cranberry bushes in the
depressions; along the indented shifting
coast, the skeleton or ribs or broken mast
of an ancient wreck ; or — after a gale of wind
— human skeletons exposed to view; and
beyond, the wild waste of the Atlantic,
imprisoning them more relentlessly than
their old prison bars. Fortunately they
were able to build rude barracks out of the
remains of Spanish vessels which had been
wrecked on their way to Cape Breton, and
they found on the island cattle and sheep
that had come from those same vessels.
When the cattle and sheep failed, they lived
on fish ; and when their clothes were worn
out they clothed themselves with the pelts
of seals. Without adequate protection from
the cold; surf-laden winds howling night and
day; impenetrable fogs hiding the sky; the
thunder of the sea striking the long line of
land, and the vibration of the island under
the tremendous pressure making them dread
that they and their wretched sand-lots were
to be swept into space ; and, to crown all, the
fellowship of naught but the beast in them-
selves! They quarreled and murdered one
another, till only twelve were left. Seven
miserable years passed, when one day a sail
was seen making for the island, instead of
giving it the usual wide berth. The pilot —
Chedotel — who had sailed with De la Roche
was in charge. The Parliament of Rouen
had sent him to ascertain their fate, and bring
back those who had survived. With all hast
they packed up the stock of furs they ha<
accumulated ; but their ill-luck did not desei
them, Chedotel seized upon their furs a
the price of their voyage. Arrived in France
the king— Henry IV. — desired to see their
They were presented to him, " covered wit
seal skins, with hair and beard of a lengtl
and disorder that made them resemble th
pretended river gods, and so disfigured a
to inspire horror. The king gave them fift
crowns apiece, and sent them home, release*
from all process of law."* Chedotel, toe
was obliged to give back to them half thei
furs ; and the curtain falls on the convicts
who form the first link of connection betweei
French history on the St. Lawrence and ii
Nova Scotia.
The seventeenth century opens on Can
ada, not with the St. Lawrence, but wit!
attempted settlements at the mouth of th
river St. Croix, in New Brunswick, and a
Port Royal, in Nova Scotia. The name
of DeMonts, Poutrincourt, Champlain, Les
carbot, and others like them, men of gentl
birth and insatiable enterprise, are linke<
with these unsuccessful attempts. We rea(
sadly and sorrowfully of failure wher<
our sympathies cry out for success ; bu
what other results could there be with col
onization schemes based on court favor am
government monopoly, instead of patien
industry, and with a rank and file swep
from streets and jails, instead of materia
like that which founded and made Nev
England ?
Champlain did not linger long about thi
rugged shores of Acadie. It was from th<
St. Lawrence that France could best extern
her sway in all directions over the Nev
World. In 1 608 Champlain founded Quebec
not far from the village of Stadacone, when
Jacques Cartier had spent a miserable wintei
sixty-seven years before. The site of Cham
plain's town is the market-place of th<
present Lower Town of Quebec. Above i
rose the fort and the Upper Town, one oi
the strongest natural fortresses in the world
Well guarded gates defended the ap
proaches from the Lower Town, the St
Charles, the suburbs, and the open countrj
in the rear. From Champlain's time, her<
has been the center of French life and influ-
ence in America. Till Montcalm fell glori
ously, a long line of French governors rulec
proudly from the old castled rock. Thei
* Charlevoix, vol. I, p. 109. Champlain's Vojr
ages, p. 42.
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
the lilies of France gave way to the Cross
of St. George, which has waved ever since
over a people French in blood and senti-
ment, but who in every hour of need prove
their loyalty to the British throne, and their
attachment to institutions under which they
first learned the lessons of liberty. Admira-
bly situated for trade and commerce, strong
as a fortification, surpassingly beautiful in
situation, the center of almost everything that
is romantic in the history of New France,
Quebec was also fortunate in its founder.
While he lived, Champlain was the head,
heart and hand of the infant Colony.
No name more deserving of honor is en-
empire." Patriotism and religion deter-
mined his policy, and amid infinite labors
and explorations his policy was single. With
that as his pole star he forced his way up
the Ottawa to the mouth of the Mattawan ;
thence westerly to Lake Nipissing, and
down French River to the mighty Lake
Huron. Pursuing his course southward,
along the eastern shores of the Georgian
Bay, he came to the rich and populous
country of the Hurons, around Lake Sim-
coe, now one vast wheat field in the heart
of the great Province of Ontario. His
policy was to unite the Indians of the
Saguenay, of the Ottawa, of the Georgian
JACQUES CARTIER.
rolled in Canada's book of gold — not so
_ much for what he did, as for what he was.
Leaving out Jacques Carder's name, he
was the first of that race of intrepid explor-
ers, lay and clerical, voyageurs and nobles,
who searched out the farthest recesses of
the forest wilderness, and gave French
names to mountains and lakes, rivers,
portages and forts, from Louisburg to the
shadows of the Rocky Mountains, and from
Hudson's Bay and Lake Athabasca to
'Louisiana. Fervid piety rather than love
of adventure is the explanation of his life.
" The saving of a soul," he would often say,
" is worth more than the conquest of an
Bay, and of Lake Erie into one great con-
federacy, under French leadership. Those
tribes were to be converted by Franciscans
and Jesuits, who would thus win a new
field for Mother Church in compensation for
that which had been lost in the Old World.
The same policy would ensure the pros-
perity of Quebec. The Indians would bring
their valuable peltries to the place where,
under the Governor's own eye, they could
exchange them for French goods. The
growth of the colony would be stimulated,
dividends would be paid to the company
that had established it, and the loyalty of the
Indians and their respect for the mission-
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
RECOLLET FRIAR.
aries who represented France -in their far-
away villages would be increased, when, at
each annual visit to Quebec, they beheld the
state of the Governor, partook of his hospi-
tality, and heard the thunder of his can-
non. The policy seemed feasible enough.
The tribes of the East and West and North
willingly acknowledged the supremacy, and
accepted the protection of Champlain.
Admiration of the French, a keen desire to
exchange their furs for the marvelous things
the French alone could give, and a common
dread of the Iroquois actuated them. To
bind them as his allies, Champlain delib-
erately made himself the enemy of the
Iroquois. This was the one fatal defect of
his policy. He should have conciliated
those formidable warriors at any cost. A
policy of conciliation must have succeeded.
Had he sent among them his gray robes
and black robes, the Recollet Friars and
Jesuit fathers ; backed these with presents
that would have been irresistible at one-
tenth the cost of war; gradually established
a few forts along the Richelieu and the
Hudson — New York could have been se-
cured as a winter port. This gained, the
great game would have been gained for
New France at the first move. The Pilgrim
Fathers would have landed in 1620 at
New Plymouth, but they would have been
limited to rocky New England. English
advance to the West would have been
blocked, and the Atlantic colonies of the
future cut in twain. It is strange that a
man like Champlain, who had felt the dan-
gers and loss resulting from being locked
out from the ocean half the year, should
have wasted his time on explorations to the
north of the St. Lawrence instead of press-
ing to the open south. The Iroquois alone
barred the way. With these on his side he
could have anticipated the feeble Dutch
colony that, in 1613, settled on Manhattan
Island, or could have swept them off.
Probably he underestimated the strength
of the Iroquois, and imagined that when
he had consolidated the Northern and
Western tribes, these would not resist him
long. He could not foresee that the Dutch
were to establish themselves at Albany,
and by supplying the Iroquois with fire-arms
make them a terror to Frenchmen as well
as to Hurons; or that along those rocky
inlets and pine-covered Atlantic shores that
had appeared to him so unpromising, a
great commonwealth would grow, — slowly
at first, but resistlessly as fate. Certainly
it is not for us to mourn Champlain's mis-
take. After all, it is difficult to imagine that
any one head could have changed the des-
tinies of America. Mighty forces soon came
into play, which swallowed up the wisdom
and the folly, the success and failure of the
wisest and strongest. We know that what
Champlain undertook to do he did with grand
self-forgetfulness, and two and a half centu-
ries after his death Quebec continues to honor
his memory.
Struggling against difficulty and misfor-
tune, sustained by motives and hopes that
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
baser souls never know, Champlain's picture
is hung up in the national heart. Every-
thing was against his determination to make
Quebec prosperous. Boundless and fair as
seems the view from Cape Diamond, the
extent of good soil was limited; for the
rugged Laurentides press down almost to the
river's brink. What the soil yielded in sum-
mer never fed the colony in winter. In
spite of Champlain's example, few of the
colonists devoted themselves to tillage.
They had come out, not to farm, but to
trade, to hunt, and to make money, which
they intended to carry back to France and
spend there. The existence of Quebec
depended on the fur-trade ; that depended
on peace being kept with the Iroquois;
and the Iroquois had been challenged to
do their worst. The city was thus little
better than one of the Hudson Bay Com-
pany's forts of the present day in the north-
west, except that there was about it more
of military and ecclesiastical state. It was
perpetually in peril of starvation. Every
winter scurvy decimated the wretched inhabi-
tants. Again and again Champlain saw
that it was on the verge of extinction; but
he would not let it die. Honor to that
patient courage undismayed by long con-
tinued toil, that unselfishness, that religious
continence and purity of life that long made
his name an inspiration to the infant colony !
Champlain's successor was De Mont-
magny. In his time the Island of Mont-
real was settled. Religion had much to do
with the foundation and early history of
Quebec. It had everything to do with the
foundation of Villemarie de Montreal. The
new settlement was conceived in the brain
of Jean Jacques Olier, the founder of the
Seminary of St. Sulpice. The picture in
his brain was not the splendid city of
to-day, with its massive quays, palatial
warehouses, widening and far-extending
streets, but a religious community, full of
heavenly zeal to propagate the true faith all
through the illimitable wildernesses that
extended along the banks of the two mighty
rivers whose currents met at and embraced
the beautiful island. Of course, when the
immense commercial value of the position
began to be understood, insinuations were
thrown out that the founders had been ani-
mated by mundane rather than purely relig-
ious motives. So talked the agents and
friends of the great company of one hun-
dred associates to whom Louis XIII. had
made over all the territory of New France,
with its capital, Quebec. They saw that
Montreal would prove a serious rival to
Quebec. From that day to this the two
cities have been jealous of each other. The
founders of Montreal indignantly repudiated
the insinuations of the Company and its
agents. They had forsaken France for
Canadian winters, the privations of emi-
grants, and anticipated tortures, not at the
call of ambition nor with hope of gain, but
for the greater glory of God. They had
contributed freely all their worldly goods
as well as themselves to the enterprise, and
had bound themselves to seek no return for
the money expended. Men of gentle birth,
ladies who had been accustomed all their
lives before to delicate nurture and the
refinements of the most refined society on
earth, braved the Atlantic in filthy, infected
little ships, made their home in the thick
of the gloomy forest, and wore their lives
out in ministering, nursing, and teaching.
From the first, Montreal consisted of three
religious communities, in honor of the Holy
Family — a seminary of priests consecrated
to Jesus, a hospital tended by nuns conse-
crated to Joseph, and a school consecrated
to the Virgin. Everything else in the set-
tlement,— the farming, milling, trading, the
military guard, existed for these, for these
enshrined the heart and purpose of the new
colony. Who of us is sufficiently pure in
heart to pronounce righteous judgment on
the members of the Society of Notre-Dame
de Montreal ? Motives cross and blend in
each of us so strangely that we cannot tell
which is dominant at any moment. Dross
may have mingled with the gold in the hearts
of Olier, Marguerite Bourgeoys, Jeanne
Mance, and the other founders of Mont-
real, but fine gold was undoubtedly there,
and it is the gold that we value. Espe-
cially are we attracted to the first governor,
Paul de Chomedy, Sieur de Maisonneuve.
Like Champlain, devout as a saint, pure in
life amid surrounding license and manifold
temptations, loving adventure, yet always
maintaining a steadfast purpose, adding to
the innate bravery of the French gentleman
a caution that could cope with Indian craft,
Maisonneuve's character always inspires
respect. Manly strength and straightfor-
ward piety never fail him. When his father
opposed his embarking in the seemingly mad
enterprise, he answered : " Every one that
hath forsaken houses, or brethren, or sis-
ters, or father, or mother, or wife, or
children, or lands, for my name's sake,
shall receive a hundred-fold," with an air
so matter-of-fact that the worldly-minded
86
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
old gentleman really believed his son was
going to make a good thing out of it,
and ceased further opposition. When he
arrived at Quebec, and the Governor and
Council represented the folly and imprac-
autumn crown, and the St. Lawrence was
bound fast under crystal gyves as strong as
steel, could the settlers venture beyond the
fort or palisaded hospital, or their little row
of houses then, as now, called St. Paul
LONG SAULT RAPIDS, ST. LAWRENCE RIVER.
ticability of founding a settlement so far
away from any possible succor, and offered
him the Island of Orleans instead, he an-
swered : " It is my duty and my honor to
found a colony at Montreal, and I would go
if every tree were an Iroquois ! " As we trace
the history of the early struggles of Mont-
real for existence, we know not whether the
prize of valor should be awarded to nuns or
priests, to the Governor, the soldiers, or the
laborers. Soldiers lived like priests, and
priests out-did the soldiers in fearlessness.
Every man carried his life in his hand, and
heaven seemed so near that he counted life
of little worth. All through the glowing
summer there was no respite from watch-
ing. During the day the laborers took
their guns to the fields and worked, with
anxious glances at the surrounding forest.
During the night the Iroquois lay in wait
behind the nearest tree or among the black-
ened stumps, or in the very shadow of
the fort or windmill. Woe to the heedless
who ventured outside ! Happy he who got
away maimed and bleeding from an enemy
who tortured his prisoners with inge-
nuity, mercilessly prolonging life that agony
might be prolonged! Only when winter
had robbed the mountain of its glorious
street. And not always even then, for the
Iroquois defied the winter itself, and lurked
for weeks in the deep, dry snow, ready to
attack should the slightest carelessness invite
them. I never hear men grudge the Sulpi-
tians their property in Montreal without
thinking of how it was acquired, and sug-
gesting to the grumblers that property
likely to be equally valuable two or three
centuries hence, if not sooner, can now be
secured on the Saskatchewan or the Peace
river. To the Sulpitians we owe the foun-
dation of the city. They won it from the
forest and the savage by years of unre-
quited toil and continuous expenditure of
blood and tears. The infant colony was
in the jaws of wolves. On it always broke
the first and fiercest surges of attack.
Every year some unfortunates were snatched
away to a horrible death, and none knew
whose turn would come next. These were
conditions of existence to nurture heroism
or despair. No one despaired. Many a
story of the time has been preserved for us
by the industrious Abbe Faillon. One, sym-
pathetically told by Parkman, is well worth
the reading.* In 1660 a young officer,
* " The Old Regime in Canada," Chapter III.
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
87
Adam Daulac by name, resolved that instead
of waiting for the Iroquois to attack Mon-
treal, he would go up the river, wait at
some point they must needs pass, and
attack them as they descended. Sixteen
others joined him, the oldest thirty-one
years of age. You caji find their names,
ages, occupation, property, and all about
them, in the old records of Montreal.
Maisonneuve, like a true knight, gave them
leave to go on their quest. They made
their wills, confessed, received the sacra-
ments, and went forth with joy, like ancient
Paladins, or like those early Christians who
rushed on martyrdom. At the foot of the
Long Sault they found a little palisade,
" scarcely better than a cattle-pen," and
they determined to make this their fort and
their grave. Attacked by two hundred In-
dians, they held their own for a week ; and
when seven hundred hewed a breach in the
palisades, the Frenchmen — sword in one
hand and knife in the other — threw them-
selves into the thickest of the swarm and
fought like madmen till every man of them
was shot or stricken down. Thus died the
glorious band, like the Spartans at Ther-
mopylae, obeying the law of honor. The
price of the victory made the Iroquois relin-
quish all thought of attacking Montreal that
year. Full of fight as they were, they had
had enough of it, and the colony was saved
by the devotion of a handful of its children.
The glory of Daulac pales before the
steady light that enshrines the figures of the
Jesuit missionaries to the Indians of Can-
ada. Eyes and heart alternately glow and
fill as we read the endless " Relations " of
their faith and failures, their heaped-up
measure of miseries, their bootless wisdom,
their heroic martyrdoms. We forget our
traditional antipathy to the name of Jesuit.
The satire of Pascal, the memories of the
Inquisition, and the political history of the
order, are all forgotten. We dislike to have
our sympathy checked by reminders that in
Canada, as everywhere else, they were the
consistent, formidable foes of liberty; that
their love of power not only embroiled them
continually with the civil authorities, but
made them jealous of the Recollets and
Sulpitians, unwilling that any save their own
order, or, as we say — sect — should share in
the dangers and glory of converting the
infidels of New France. How can we —
sitting at home in ease — we who have entered
into their labors, criticise men before whose
spiritual white heat every mountain melted
away; who carried the cross in advance of the
GENTLEMAN OF THE ORDER OF ST. SVLPICE, IX THE
COSTUME OF 1700.
most adventurous coureurs de bois, or guides ;
who taught agriculture to the Indians on
the Georgian Bay before a dozen farms had
been cleared on the St. Lawrence; drove
or carried cattle through unbroken forest
round the countless rapids and cataracts
of the Ottawa and French River, that they
might wean the Hurons from nomadic hab-
its and make of them a nation ; who shrank
from no hardship and no indignity, if by
88
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
JEAN-BAPTISTE, INDIAN PILOT ON THE ST. LAWRENCE.
any means they might save some of the
miserable savages who heaped indignities
upon them ; who instituted hospitals and
convents wherever they went, always (in the
spirit of their Master) caring most for the
weak, the decrepit, the aged ; and submitted
themselves, without thinking of escape, to
unutterable tortures rather than lose an
opportunity of administering the last sacra-
ments to those who had fallen under the
hatchets of the Iroquois ! Few Protestants
have any idea of the extraordinary mission-
ary activity of the church of Rome in the
seventeenth century. Few Englishmen know
to what an extent French society was inspired
then by religious fervor. Few Canadians
have any knowledge of the spiritual inherit-
ance of which they are the heirs. It would
be well for all of us to read Parkman's "Jes-
uits in North America," if we cannot get
hold of the original " Relations " ; for the
story looked at even from a Protestant and
Republican standpoint is one to do us all
good, revealing as it does the spiritual
bonds that link into oneness of faith Protest-
ant and Roman Catholic, and teaching that
beneath the long black robe of the dreaded
Jesuit is to be found not so much that dis-
ingenuousness and those schemes of worldly
ambition usually associated with the name,
but a passionate devotion to the Savior, love
for the souls of men, and the fixed stead-
fastness of the martyr's spirit that remains
unshaken when heart and flesh faint and
fail. The extent of the Jesuit missions in
Canada is surprising, in a century, too,
when the Protestant churches scarcely gave
a thought to the great world work that now
so largely engages their sympathies. In
the Huron country alone, the mission con-
sisted of eighteen priests, four lay brothers,
and twenty-three men serving without pay,
called donnes, or given men, as distinct
from engages, or hired men ; besides nineteen
hired laborers, soldiers, and boys. On the
towns of the Mission of St. Ignace — the
majority of whose inhabitants had accepted
Christianity, fell the heavy hand of Iroquois
invasion in the spring of 1649. Here the
VIEW IN THE THOUSAND ISLANDS, ST. LAWRENCE RIVER.
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
89
two Jesuit missionaries Brebeuf and Lale-
mant were stationed. Their converts im-
plored them to fly, but they refused. It was
theirs to remain at their post, the one to give
baptism at the last moment to whomsoever
Lalemant, the nephew of the Superior at
Quebec, was the counterpart of Brebeuf.
Elijah sought and found his complement
in Elisha. Bold St. Peter attached to him-
self the timid John Mark. Stormful Luther
LAKE MEMPHREMAGOG.
sought it, the other to give absolution to
the dying. Sixteen years before, Cham-
plain had introduced Br6beuf and two oth-
ers to the Hurons who had come down to
trade. " These are our fathers," he said.
" We love them more than we love our-
selves. The whole French nation honors
them. They do not go among you for
your furs. They have left their friends and
their country to show you the way to
heaven. If you love the French as you say
you love them, then love and honor these,
our fathers." Brebeuf at this time was forty
years old. The enthusiasm of youth had
passed into a deep, overmastering spiritual
passion that fused all the forces of his being
and directed them to the one great end.
An iron constitution — the ready servant of
a strong, fervid will — enabled him to do
and endure anything. He might easily have
won worldly distinctions, but his sole ambi-
tion was to be a good soldier of Jesus
Christ. For fifteen years he had been the
" decus et tutamen " of the Huron Mission.
His zeal had never flagged ; and now, after
seeing success coming to crown his labors,
he was doomed to behold the destruction
of the Mission -and of the Huron Nation.
met his mild Melancthon. Not more un-
like, physically or temperamentally, were
Brebeuf and Lalemant. They had toiled
together in life, one in fervor and aim ;
and in death they were not divided. Space
is wanting for details concerning the mis-
sionary work of the various Roman Catho-
lic orders in Canada. Nothing discouraged
them; no defeat made them despair of
eventual success. As brethren in Christ, we
rejoice in their superb faith, though we may
sometimes smile at the naive form in which
it found expression. The Recollet friar,
Joseph le Carou, the first priest who visited
the Huron country, thus sustains his sink-
ing courage : " When one sees so many
infidels needing nothing but a drop of
water to make them children of God, he
feels an inexpre'ssible ardor to labor for
their conversion and sacrifice to it his repose
and his life." Zuinglius himself might par-
don the bold Sacramentarianism from such
lips. The prophetic words of the Father
Superior of the Jesuits in 1647 stir the heart
of the Christian — by whatsoever name known
among men — like the blast of a trumpet :
" We shall die ; we shall be captured,
burned, butchered. Be it so. Those who
9°
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
die in their beds do not always die the best
death. I see none of our company cast
down." And truly, in spite of failures,
these men did a great work. Seeds of
divine truth they sowed broadcast over the
wilderness. Gradually they tempered the
ferocity of the Indian character, and mit-
igated the horrors of Indian war. They in-
duced the remnants of many tribes to settle
under the shadow of their missions pro-
tected by forts. Portions even of the terri-
ble Iroquois settled in Canada, and the
Church has, on the whole, no children more
obedient, and Queen Victoria certainly no
subjects more loyal. Their superiority to
other Indians is as plainly marked to-day as
it was two centuries ago. No better voy-
ageurs exist. In traveling among the Can-
adian lakes and Lacustrine rivers, get
Iroquois to man your canoes, and you are
all right. No other crew, white or red, can
be compared to them. Never intruding on
their employers, because conscious of their
own dignity; prompt to do what is needed
without fuss or chatter; ready to talk when
you wish it, but not offended should you
keep silence for weeks; never grumbling;
strong, cleanly, weather-wise, and expe-
rienced in all the mysteries of wood-craft
and canoeing, they are splendid fellows to
have with you.
Other orders as well as the Jesuits estab-
lished missions at various points, and the
Christianized Indians from these did good
service in the wars of the next period. The
Sulpitians established one in Montreal on
the slope of the mountain near the present
Seminary. Two stone towers, part of the
defenses of this Mission, still exist, and were
recently pointed out to me by one of the
priests as the oldest remains of former
days now standing in Montreal. Recently,
Protestant churches in Canada have sent
missionaries to the Indians, but the church
of Rome bore the burden and heat of the
day, and still occupies the post of honor.
Her missions are co-extensive with the Do-
minion. I have seen them in New Brunswick,
where the Restigouche mingles its waters
with the Bay Chaleur ; on the great Mani-
toulin, where the remains of the Huron Na-
tion sought refuge, and under the shadow
of the Rocky Mountains, where gentle ladies
who had traveled across the great loneland
lovingly ministered to Cree and Blackfeet
children orphaned by war and the smallpox.
Words are too weak to acknowledge the de-
votion to God's will and the self-sacrifice for
man that the histories of such missionaries
record. They have laid the country under a
large debt of gratitude. The one thing that
Canada cannot be too thankful for is that she
has no Indian wars. For this unspeakable
blessing, how much do we owe to the teach-
ing, sacrifices, and long-continued labors of
self-exiled men and women whose names are
written, not in the columns of newspapers,
but in the Book of Life ?
The first period of Canadian history
closes with the administration of Count
Frontenac. Previous to his arrival in the
colony the only settlements of consequence
were in the neighborhood of Quebec, Three
Rivers and Montreal. His predecessor,
Courcelles, had seen the advantages of
establishing a fort at the outlet of Lake
Ontario, and before Frontenac had been
long in the country this step was urged
on his attention by Robert Cavalier, Sieur
de La Salle, a young man whose brain
teemed with vast schemes of discovery, and
of securing to France the trade of the great
unknown West and the Indies. The Sem-
inary of St. Sulpice had given to La Salle,
soon after his arrival in Montreal, a large
grant of land above the rapids, now known
as the Lachine, on the understanding that he
should form an outpost there, from which,
at any time, intelligence of the approach of
the Iroquois could be conveyed to the city.
While engaged on this seigniory, clearing
land and fur trading, some Indians from the
west gave him information of a river called
the Ohio, which they said flowed west or
south until it reached the ocean. Leaping
to the conclusion that this ocean must be
the "Vermilion Sea," or Gulf of California,
his imagination was fired with the prospect
of finding the long-desired western passage
across America to China and India. To
this great work of discovery he at once
devoted himself, and never did Knight of
the Table Round seek for the Sangreal, or
Crusader press forward to gain the Holy
City, with more disregard of difficulties or
contempt of dangers, or with more sustained
faith, than animated La Salle. His first step
was to secure a permanent foothold on Lake
Ontario, to be his starting point and base of
operations. He parted with his seigniory,
the Seminary paying him handsomely for
his improvements; and, gaining the entire
confidence of the new Governor, he induced
him to establish a fort at the point where
the St. Lawrence issues from Lake Ontario
to sweep in long reaches and winding
channels around and past the countless
islets and rocks and fairy haunts that we
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
modestly style the Thousand Islands. The
new fort, called Frontenac, was established
at the mouth of the Cataraqui, near the
site of the Tete du Pont Barracks, in what
is now the city of Kingston. Fort Fronte-
nac at once became an important trading
center for all the tribes of the upper lakes.
Previously their trade was being diverted
through the country of the Iroquois to
New York, and Frontenac felt that friend-
acknowledged failure, nor of his famous dis-
coveries and untimely end. It is said that
the rapids beside his first seigniory received
the name of La Chine from some of his
recreant followers, in derision of his original
dream ; but derision could not well be more
out of place in connection with any man
than with La Salle, whose failures were
more splendid and fruitful than most men's
success. In 1673 the Jesuit Marquettehad
KINGSTON HARBOR.
ship and allegiance would soon follow trade.
Kingston is still of importance as the place
of transhipment for the corn and lumber of
the west on its way to the east. The lumber
brought from Michigan and Lake Superior
in vessels is made up into rafts at Garden
Island, or Collins' Bay, near the city, and
rafted down the river to Quebec; and the
corn is transferred from vessels, by means
of elevators, into barges suited to the canals
of the St. Lawrence. Count Frontenac and
La Salle saw clearly that the diversion of
the trade of the upper lakes out of Dutch
and English hands into their own could be
made a personal as well as a national gain.
Hence opposition, natural enough on the
part of the Montreal traders; though as
La Salle's only object in making money was
to spend it on schemes of discovery for the
aggrandizement of France, his personal
gains would be, in a manner, national. This
is not the place to speak of his heart-break-
ing failures, and of the fixed will that never
reached the " Father of Waters " from Lake
Michigan, by the Fox and Wisconsin rivers.
Now, in 1680, La Salle came upon it from
the Illinois, sailed in canoes to its mouth,
and took possession of it and its valley and
coast for France and King Louis XIV.
He gave the name of Louisiana to the vast
region extending from the Gulf of Mexico
to the head-waters of the Missouri. New
France and Louisiana thus embraced the
whole continent, except the country along
the Atlantic coast to the east of the Alle-
ghanies, where the British colonies were
struggling into existence. New France in-
cluded not only all to the north of the St.
Lawrence and the great lakes, but that
magnificent prairie and timbered country
out of which the northwestern States of the
Union were subsequently carved. In a
triangle, the apex of which is the junction
of the Ohio with the Mississippi — one side
the line of the Ohio, the other the line of the
Missouri, and the base the great lakes — we
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
find the very core of the United States.
This great region was admittedly included
in New France, and Louisiana included all
to the south of it ; while the country between
the Ohio and the Alleghanies was disputed
territory. At every important strategic
point near the outlets of the lakes and
along the rivers, the flag of France waved
over some kind of a fort ; and in every fort
you found a soldier, a trader and a mis-
sionary. The second period of Canadian
history tells of the long contest with Britain
and the British Colonies for this future seat
of empire, this great home of gathered mil-
lions, and ends with the death of Wolfe and
Montcalm on the plains of Abraham, and
the surrender of Canada to Great Britain
in 1760.
Up to the middle of the eighteenth century
all the indications, to a superficial observer,
were in favor of America being French
rather than Anglo-Saxon. Had Louis XIV.
allowed the Huguenots to emigrate, such
might have been the result. The only
people in old France anxious to leave it dur-
ing his reign were the Huguenots, and only
to them was emigration forbidden. Gladly
would they have carried their skill and indus-
try, their national versatility and enterprise,
to the New World, and built up round their
altar fires a great French State. They would
have supplied the blood, bone and muscle
needed to make the vast outline of New
France a reality. Expecting nothing from
the home government, seeking no court
favor, they would have trusted to their own
initiative for everything. From very ne-
cessity the fabric of their commonwealth
would have grown up in the bracing atmos-
phere of liberty. But while neither England
nor France then understood religious or
civil liberty, England, as usual, was happily
illogical. She permitted her Puritans to
exile themselves from the fatherland. The
boon, perhaps, seems to us small, but not so
would it have seemed to the French non-
conformists. The English Puritans could
seek, and they found, beyond seas, free-
dom to worship God. And though their
own sufferings for conscience sake did not
teach them the elements of toleration prac-
tically, it came to this, that they had all the
freedom they themselves desired. In Mas-
sachusetts they tolerated only " the truth,"
and persecuted Anabaptists and Antino-
mians, Quakers and witches ; but the per-
secutions in the Bay State simply led to the
founding of other States. They had freedom
to build schools and churches and to lay
the foundations of colleges ; to take posses-
sion of the forest, till the soil, and engage
in near and far-distant fisheries. They
developed naturally. The Imperial Govern-
ment treated them with wholesome neglect,
allowing them to grow without incasing
their young bodies in strait-jackets, or flat-
tening their heads out of shape to please
the eye of bishop or intendant or lieuten-
ant-general of the king. Slowly but surely
the illogically-treated illogical exiles built
up a series of sturdy commonwealths, self-
governed and bound together by that best
cement of society — the strong religious con-
victions of the individual members.
New France got only the emigrants that
the king and the company sent out. They
would send any but Huguenots. Unfor-
tunately few except Huguenots cared to go.
The Huguenots were the victims of a more
logical persecution than the Puritans. They
might not live in France unless they denied
their faith, neither might they depart in
peace from the land that denied them the
first right of human beings. If they escaped
beyond the border they could enrich Hol-
land, Brandenburg, England — any land save
New France, the land that needed them
most. There the priest and the soldier
ruled, — pious priest, brave soldier, but unfor-
tunately out of their place, not in their
place, — and priest and soldier were one.
By the law, no heretic could remain on the
fair virgin soil of New France. Even the
Huguenot merchants of Rochelle, who held
in their hands the greatest part of the trade
of the colony, were not allowed a residence.
The principal merchant came out to see
after his property, but the honest man could
not get even a special license to remain all
winter and collect his debts. Doubtless his
debtors believed the law good ! Let the
New World remain a wilderness rather than
be converted into a refuge and home for
heretics! Great efforts were indeed made
to people it with true believers. The king
did his best. He sent soldiers to protect
the settlers, and ship-loads of women to be
wives for them. Royal favors and bounties
were given to encourage early marriages
and large families. The stimulants proved
more successful in accomplishing those re-
sults than the similar stimulants offered to
encourage the growth of hemp. We read
of gentilshommes and habitants with families
of thirteen and fifteen ; but with only two
or three sheep, and sometimes not so many.
"When the father went off to hunt or fight,
the mother and children would have starved
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
93
ON THE ST. LAWRENCE, NEAR MONTREAL.
had it not been for the exhaustless sup-
plies of eels that the St. Lawrence yielded.
Beneficent and mighty stream — sacred river
of Canada — its Ganges and Nile combined
— well may Canadians love thee ! What
other river can be compared to our St.
Lawrence ? None other pours down to
the ocean such a mighty flood of water —
and such water ! Not like the yellow Tiber
or the muddy Mississippi; but a crystal
purity in current vast and strong, that man,
with all his abominations of steamers and
sewers and factories has been, as yet, unable
to pollute. Why should poet celebrate the
honey of Hymettus and the vines of Rhine-
land, and not the fish of the St. Lawrence,
its bass, sturgeon, muskallonge, and its white
fish, most delicious of all fresh-water fish ?
What a course it runs, from the exhaustless,
crystal reservoir of Lake Superior, suspended
600 feet above the sea, across nearly thirty
degrees of longitude to the Gulf! Down
the Sault Ste. Marie, and among the multitu-
dinous Huronian rocks of the Georgian Bay;
out of Lake Huron, and along the low,
fertile banks of Lake Erie ; rushing into
Ontario to the sound of the thunder of
Niagara ; stealing quietly away from Kings-
ton and seeking to lose itself amid a
marvelous labyrinth of islands that offer to
it in wood and rock, in bluff, bay and glen,
every variety of form and color ; sedately
emerging from those fascinations and pur-
suing the quiet, onward flow of an ordinary
river, only to break loose soon and leap
madly over broken precipices in a succes-
sion of wonderful rapids during the next
hundred miles ; now gathering itself to-
gether again under the towers of Montreal,
to swing grandly down to the far-distant
sea, past the storied ramparts of Quebec
and the frowning cliffs of the Saguenay !
Proudly Canadians boast that there is no
river like their own St. Lawrence. And
well may we sing its praises. It has been
everything to us in the past, and promises to
be more in the future.
But to return to our narrative. With
the best intentions in the world on the
part of a king, who believed himself to
be Providence, the infant colony was kept
in leading strings, ecclesiastical, civil and
industrial. Men went to mass under penalty
of being made fast to a post with collar and
chain. Profane swearing was punished
with fines, and at length with the pillory.
In spite of religion being so protected, the
good priests never weary of lamenting over
the stubborn wickedness of the people. Of
course, too, it could be argued, if the people
are so bad when authority does its utmost
on behalf of religion, what would they be
if the bonds were relaxed! The regulations
in Massachusetts and the blue laws of
Connecticut may be quoted as an offset.
True, but herein lay the difference. Instead
of being imposed on them by external
authority, the harsh laws of New England
were adopted by the people in the exercise
of their own intelligence, and could be
changed as the people became politically
more intelligent. But in New France there
could be no such thing as popular initiative
or change in politics, education, religion, or
94
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
trade. These included every activity and
department of life, save eating, drinking and
amusements. Local legislation was forbid-
den and local schools undreamed of. In-
dustrially, nothing could be done unless His
Majesty pulled the strings. He must give
money or authority. Charters and patronage
as well as honors flowed from him. Monop-
olies rigidly confined trade within licensed
bounds, and when it languished in conse-
quence, the only cure suggested was another
monopoly. Officials, skilled in the art of
"how not to do it," multiplied. Knavery
and corruption widened their baleful influ-
ence year by year. As far as the people
farms with the absurd old implements their
fathers had known in Normandy. They
divided and subdivided their land among
children and grandchildren, in long, narrow
strips, so that each might get a river frontage,
until the subdivision of the original paternal
acres afforded a fit illustration of the infinite
divisibility of matter. What boundless con-
tempt these ribband farms — 663/3 or 33^
yards broad and 2,000 yards long — inspire
in the breast of a prairie farmer ! In more
ways than one, however, they suited the gen-
ius of a people who loved society. The farm-
houses of an agricultural district constituted
a continuous village of neat white-washed
VIEW ON THE GODBOUT, A CANADIAN SALMON RIVER.
were concerned, this centralized system of
exclusiveness and authority resulted in driv-
ing adventurous young men into the forest,
there to become lawless coureurs de bois, and
in stupefying the masses,— teaching them not
to put their own shoulders to the wheel, but
to look up to the Government as a Hercules
ever ready and able to deliver them. The
feudal land tenure also stood in the way of
agricultural improvement and popular ad-
vance. The knowledge that his toil goes to
improve his own land, for his own and his
children's benefit, inspires the dullest clodpoll.
This inspiration the habitans had not. Labo-
riously, yet indolently, they worked their
cottages along the line of the main road.
Interminable law-suits and fiddling broke
the monotony of life ; still more frequently,
religious festivals, when work was thrown
aside, and gaiety — that too often degener-
ated into drunkenness — reigned supreme.
The people enjoyed life like children —
enjoyed it more than their prosperous Puritan
neighbors to the south, who took their pleas-
ures, like their religion, sadly. They followed
a trusted leader through the deep woods, for
an onslaught on the Iroquois or the English,
with a gayety of heart very different from
the prayerful deliberativeness with which New
England made war ; but their attacks were
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
95
confined to exposed settlements, the fate of
which determined nothing ; whereas, when
the British laid aside axe and sickle and
grasped the musket, they struck at the ene-
my's capitals. In the contest, our sympathies
are continually enlisted on the side of the
hopeless a contest he had been sent; but
none the less did he do his duty.
The first period of Canadian history ends
with the death of Frontenac. The second,
with the death of Montcalm. The third
FORT HENRY, KINGSTON.
gallant, kindly, gay-hearted Frenchmen;
but none the less do we feel that the issue
was predetermined. France deserved to
lose New France. She endeavored to gov-
ern her thin line of settlers for her benefit,
and not their own, and with the worn-out
wisdom of Paris, instead of the fresh expe-
rience they themselves gained in the wilder-
ness. And to those who would gladly have
emigrated in thousands, and who would
have made the best colonists in the world,
she issued imperative orders : " Land not
on the wide, extended shores, that require
only the hand of the diligent ; people not
the banks of those mighty rivers, that are
calling so loudly for you." Her orders were
perforce obeyed. Nemesis followed, as it
always does ; fpr in Nature and Providence
there is no such thing as forgiveness. And
so it happened that, when the long contest
came to be finally fought out between Eng-
land and France for the prize of the New
World, the one power had on the ground two
or three millions of hardy, intelligent, self-
reliant fishermen, farmers, and backwoods-
men ; the other had little groups of soldiers,
Indians, and coureurs de bois, scattered among
scores of forts and over illimitable forests, and
a militia drawn from some sixty or seventy
thousand colonists, poor, dependent, uned-
ucated ; ready, indeed, at a moment's notice
for dashing foray or raid, but whose families
would starve if their bread-winners enlisted
en masse for continuous service. No one
saw more clearly than Montcalm to how
deals with Canada as a colony under British
rule, and ends with the Act of 1867, which
united the various British colonies on the
main land of North America into the Domin-
ion of Canada. The political history of
Canada begins in the second half of this
period, and in its social and political devel-
opment consists its chief interest.
By the peace of 1763, virtually the whole
continent became British. Canada and the
old British Colonies had, however, walked
too long apart, to be easily united. They did
not share in a common life. The thoughts
that stirred the heart of the one people found
no echo in the breast of the other. They ac-
knowledged the same authority without being
linked in any other way. Hence, when twelve
years afterward the struggle began, the issue
of which was supposed to be the utter destruc-
tion of British authority in America, though
the children separated themselves from the
mother, the old foe remained true to the new
allegiance. At the beginning of the war,
Montgomery captured Montreal, and along
with Arnold made a gallant but unsuccessful
attempt to carry Quebec, by escalade, in mid-
winter. The invasion ended in failure, and
was not renewed even when France came to
the assistance of the States, and when it
might be supposed the sympathies of the Can-
adians would incline them to fight side by
side with the soldiers of France against the
soldiers of England. The St. Lawrence
again became, and still remains, the dividing
line between two peoples and governments.
ON ONE WHO DIED IN MAY.
ON ONE WHO DIED IN MAY.
(j. H. E. MAY 3d, 1870.)
WHY, Death, what dost them, here,
This time o' year ?
Peach-blow, and apple-blossom;
Clouds, white as my love's bosom;
Warm wind o' the West
Cradling the robin's nest;
Young meadows, hasting their green laps, to fill
With golden dandelion and daffodil : —
These are fit sights for Spring;
But, oh, thou hateful thing,
What dost thou, here?
Why, Death, what dost thou here
This time o' year ?
Fair, at the old oak's knee,
The young anemone;
Fair, the plash places set
With dog-tooth violet;
The first sloop-sail,
The shad-flower pale;
Sweet are all sights,
Sweet are all sounds of Spring;
But thou, thou ugly thing,
What dost thou, here ?
Dark Death let fall a tear.
Why am I here ?
Oh, heart ungrateful ! Will man never know
I am his friend, nor ever was his foe ?
Whose the sweet season, then, if it be not mine ?
Mine, not the bobolink's, that song divine
Chasing the shadows o'er the flying wheat!
'Tis a dead voice, not his, that sounds so sweet.
Whose passionate heart burns in this flaming rose
But his, whose passionate heart long since lay still ?
Whose wanhope pales this nun-like lily tall,
Beside the garden wall,
But hers, whose radiant eyes and lily grace,
Sleep in the grave that crowns yon tufted hill!
All Hope, all Memory
Have their deep springs in me,
And Love, that else might fade,
By me immortal made,
Spurns at the grave, leaps to the welcoming skies,
And burns a steadfast star to steadfast eyes.
NOTES OF A WALKER.
97
NOTES OF A WALKER. III.
NATURE AND THE POETS, AGAIN.
IT is pleasant to note how many persons
throughout the country stand ready to defend
our poets against anything that seems like
unfair treatment. Question but the minutest
fact of Bryant, or Lowell, or Longfellow,
-and a cloud of witnesses rises up to con-
found you. Since my article on the above
subject in the December SCRIBNER, I have
been taken to task by several writers in the
magazines and newspapers, and by many
private letters, and the fallacy of my harm-
less criticism pointed out to me. A bright
school girl, whom I met on the train, said
it was not "fair," and, for the moment, I
was filled with confusion and contrition.
But I am not now going to take back
anything I have said, but rather to add to
my offending. Only a few days since I was
reading a poem, in one stanza of which the
wild rose, the golden-rod, the white elder,
and the meadow lilies, were all made to
bloom at the same time. Our two species of
elder, S. Canadensis and S. piebens, bloom in
May and June ; the common wild rose, or
eglantine, a little later; the yellow lilies are in
their glory in July, and the golden-rod in late
August and September. This is the rule;
exceptional instances might occur that
would justify the poet's combination; but
.the poet is not to deal in exceptions; his
'verse is to reflect the large universal fact; he
must keep the broad highway of the seasons,
and if he steps aside from it the reader is to
be apprised of the fact. Every flower has
its period; the main body comes at some
well-defined time ; there are stragglers before
and after, but they only point to the larger
fact I have stated.
It was upon this ground that I criticised
Lowell's use of the dandelion and butter-
cup, describing his lawn as gilded with them
both at the same time. Everybody knows
that an occasional dandelion may be observed
in bloom any time from May to November,
especially when the grass is kept short, and
that the buttercup holds on late in the sea-
son also, yet the periods of the main inflo-
rescence of the two plants are separated by
at least a month, while Lowell speaks of them
as if they were contemporaneous. The but-
tercup (R. acris) is a tall plant, it comes when
things are high ; it holds its head above the
clover and the daisies, and shows upon the
VOL. XX.— 7.
waving fields like a thin wash of gold. The
dandelion, on the other hand, belongs to
that earlier stage of the season when the
grass is short, — to unfledged May ; it is a
carpet flower ; it sits low upon the ground,
and spots the lawn with gold rather than
gilds it. Growing amid the buttercups
and the blooming clover, it would be entirely
hidden. No, nature does not bid against
herself in this way. Lowell, in " Al Fresco,"
is literally in clover ; he is reveling in the
height of the season, the full tide of summer
is sweeping around him, and he has no right
to the dandelion, which he himself elsewhere
says is the
"First pledge of blithesome May."
(It is true the low, or bulbous, buttercup
comes earlier than R. acris, and this would
help Lowell out by a week or two.)
Our genial Autocrat lays himself open to
the same kind of criticism when, in his poem
on spring, even stretching spring well into
June, he rings in the pond lily, and makes
it a rival of the rose.
" Queen of the lake, along its reedy verge
The rival lily hastens to emerge,
Her snowy shoulders glistening as she strips,
Till morn is sultan of her parted lips."
The white pond lily belongs to the last
half of summer, when the heat has reached
the* slime and ooze at the bottom of the
streams and lakes. The Autocrat is aware
of this fact too, for in his poem on " Mid-
summer," he says :
"I hate those roses' feverish blood! —
Pluck me a half-blown lily-bud,
A long-stemmed lily from the lake,
Cool as a coiling water snake."
The poet which most readers and critics
seem to regard as the high priest of nature,
and incapable of error of this kind, is Bry-
ant. I yield to none in my admiration of
the sweetness and simplicity of Bryant's
poems of nature, and, in general, of their
correctness of observation; yet I believe
he sometimes tripped upon his facts, and
that at other times he deliberately moulded
them, adding to or cutting off, to suit
the purposes of his verse. I will cite
here two instances in which his natural
history is at fault. In his poem on the
bobolink he makes the parent birds feed
g8
NOTES OF A WALKER.
their young with "seeds," whereas, in fact,
the young are fed exclusively upon insects
and worms. The bobolink is an insectiv-
erous bird in the North, or until its brood
has flown, and a granivorous bird in the
South.
In his "Evening Revery" occur these
lines :
"The mother-bird hath broken for her brood
Their prison shells and shoved them from the
nest,
Plumed for their earliest flight.
It is not a fact that the mother-bird aids
her offspring in escaping from the shell.
The young of all birds are armed with a
small temporary horn or protuberance upon
the upper mandible, and they are so placed
in the shell that this point is in immediate
contact with its inner surface; as soon as
they are fully developed and begin to strug-
gle to free themselves, the horny growth
" pips " the shell. Their efforts then con-
tinue till their prison walls are completely
sundered, and the bird is free. This process
is rendered the more easy by the fact that
toward the last the shell becomes very
rotten; the acids that are generated by the
growing chick eat it and make it brittle, so
that one can hardly touch a fully incubated
bird's egg without breaking it. To help the
young bird forth would ensure its speedy
death. It is not true either that the parent
shoves its young from the nest when they
are fully fledged, except, possibly, in the case
of some of the swallows and of the eagle.
The young of all our common birds leave
the nest of their own motion, stimulated
probably by the calls of the parents, and, in
some cases, by the withholding of food for a
longer period than usual.
As an instance where Bryant warps the
facts to suit his purpose, take the " Yellow
Violet," of which I spoke in the previous
article, and the poem, " The Fringed Gen-
tian." Of this last flower he says :
"Thou waitest late and com'st alone,
When woods are bare and birds are flown,
And frosts and shortening days portend
The aged year is near his end."
The fringed gentian belongs to September,
and, when the severer frosts keep away, it
runs over into October. But it does not
come alone and the woods are not bare.
The closed gentian comes at the same time,
and the blue and purple asters are in all
their glory. Golden-rod, turtle-head, and
other fall flowers also abound. When the
woods are bare, which does not occur in
New England till in of near November, the
fringed gentian has long been dead. No,
if one were to go botanizing and take
Bryant's poem for a guide he would not
bring home any fringed gentians with him.
The only flower he would find would be
the witch-hazel. Yet I never see this gen-
tian without thinking of Bryant's poem,
and feeling that he has brought it im-
mensely nearer to us.
What I said of Bryant's yellow violet
last December, I repeat now : it is not the
first flower in any part of the country, and
it is not sweet-scented in any proper sense
of the term. It doubtless has a faint, herby,
grassy smell, as have all fresh, growing things,
but perfume that one can detect upon the
" virgin air " it has not ; the white violet K
blanda alone of our violets is entitled to
this praise.
Bryant speaks of the yellow violet as an
April flower lasting over into May, and two
of my critics confirm this statement. Now
Bryant has a poem called " The Twenty-
Seventh of March," in which he makes
mention of the two earliest wild flowers.
Is the yellow violet one of them ? Here
are the lines :
" Within the woods
Tufts of ground-laurel, creeping underneath
The leaves of the last summer, send their sweets
Upon the chilly air, and, by the oak,
The squirrel -cups, a graceful company,
Hide in their bells, a soft aerial blue" —
ground-laurel being a local name for trail-
ing arbutus, called also May-flower, and
squirrel-cups for hepatica, or liver-leaf. I
hope my critic of the " Evening Post "
can reconcile the above lines with his
statement, so carefully corroborated, that
the yellow violet ( V. lanciolata) is the first
spring flower in Massachusetts. In which
of the two poems is Bryant nearer the
truth ? Of course in the latter, although
he doubtless considered himself near enough
to the truth for poetical purposes in the for-
mer. He set out to glorify the early yellow
violet, to enhance and magnify its charms,
and in doing so he endowed it with virtues
not its own. In some localities the hous-
tonia, claytonia, dicentra, and saxifrage
come before it : the arbutus is generally
earlier, and the hepatica always is. The
last two plants make preparation in ad-
vance, but these two, — as, in a measure of
course, do all plants, — carry their leaves
through the winter and their flower buds
fully formed, and when spring comes have
less to do than the violets, which have to
develop both leaf and flower from the mold.
NOTES OF A WALKER.
99
They have the protection of the woods, too,
and of the dry leaves, which is an important
matter. They ought to bloom in March if
the violet does in April.
Speaking of the arbutus reminds me of
Stedman's charming little poem upon this
subject, called " Seeking the May-flower."
" I see the village dryad kneel,
Trailing her slender fingers through
The knotted tendrils, as she lifts
Their pink, pale flowers to view."
" Fresh blows the breeze through hemlock-trees,
The fields are edged with green below ;
And naught but youth and hope and love
We know or care to know ! "
The arbutus is sweet, but this couple
found something sweeter, as all may who
go in the same spirit.
The poem recalls the robin's jocund note,
and the tender yearnings and wistfulness of
spring.
A SECOND CROP OF WEEDS.
THE walker makes the acquaintance of
all the weeds. They are travelers like him-
self, the tramps of the vegetable world.
They are going east, west, north, south;
they walk, they fly, they swim, they steal a
ride, they travel by rail, by flood, by wind ;
they go underground, and they go above,
across lots and by the highway. But, like
other tramps, they find it safest by the high-
way ; in the fields they are intercepted and
cut off, but on the public road, every boy,
every passing herd of sheep or cows gives
them a lift. The other day, along the road,
I met the viper's bugloss (Echium) slowly
making its way north. It is said to be a
troublesome weed in Virginia, but I do not
remember to have seen it before in this
State. In Orange County I saw near the rail-
road a field overrun with what I took to be
the branching white mullein ( V. lychnitis].
Gray says it is found in Pennsylvania, and at
the head of Oneida lake, in this State.
Doubtless it had come by rail from one place
or the other. Along the Wallkill the spiked
loosestrife (L. Salicaria), a tall, downy weed,
with large, purple flowers, has long been
common ; now it has traveled down the
stream into the Hudson, and is beginning
to appear in the little bays and marshy
places along shore. Doubtless it will, in
time, make its way down the whole Atlantic
coast through this outlet. Weeds, like ver-
min, are carried from one end of the earth
to the other. A curious illustration of this
fact is given by Sir Joseph Hooker. " On
one occasion," he says, " landing on a small
uninhabited island, nearly at the Antipodes,
the first evidence I met with of its having
been previously visited by man was the
English Chickweed ; and this I traced to a
mound that marked the grave of a British
sailor, and that was covered with the plant,
doubtless the offspring of seed that had
adhered to the spade or mattock with which
the grave had been dug."
Ours is a weedy country because it is a
roomy country. Weeds love a wide mar-
gin, and they find it here. You shall see
more weeds in one day's travel in this
country than in a week's journey in Europe.
Our culture of the soil is not so close and
thorough, our occupancy not so entire and
exclusive. The weeds take up with the
farmers' leavings, and find good fare. One
may see a large slice taken from a field by
elecampane, or by teasle, or milk-weed;
whole acres given up to white- weed, golden-
rod, wild carrots, or the ox-eye daisy ;
meadows overrun with bear-weed, and
sheep pastures nearly ruined by St. John's-
wort or the Canada thistle. Our farms are
so large and our husbandry so loose that
we do not mind these things. By and by
we shall clean them out. Weeds seem to
thrive here as in no other country. When
Sir Joseph Hooker landed in New England
a few years ago, he was surprised to find
how the European plants flourished there.
He found the wild chicory growing far more
luxuriantly than he had ever seen it else-
where, " forming a tangled mass of stems
and branches, studded with torquoise-blue
blossoms, and covering acres of ground."
This is one of the weeds that Emerson puts
in his bouquet, in his " Humble-Bee." :
" Succory to match the sky."
Is there not something in our soil and
climate exceptionally favorable to weeds —
something harsh, ungenial, sharp-toothed
that is akin to them ? How woody and
rank and fibrous many varieties become,
lasting the whole season, and standing up
stark and stiff through the deep winter
snows, — desiccated, preserved by our dry
air ! Do nettles and thistles bite so sharply
in any other country ? To know how
sharply they bite, of a dry August or Sep-
tember day, take a turn at raking and bind-
ing oats with a sprinkling of blind nettles in
them. A sprinkling of wasps and hornets
would not be much worse.
100
NOTES OF A WALKER.
Yet it is a fact that all our more perni-
cious weeds, like our vermin, are of Old
World origin. They hold up their heads
and assert themselves here, and take their
fill of riot and license ; they are avenged for
their long years of repression by the stern
hand of European agriculture. Until I
searched through the botanies I was not
aware to what extent we were indebted to
Europe for these vegetable Ishmaelites. We
have hardly a weed we can call our own ;
I recall but three that are at all noxious or
troublesome, viz. : milk-weed, rag-weed and
golden-rod ; but who would miss the latter
from our fields and highways ?
"Along the roadside, like the flowers of gold
That tawny Incas for their gardens wrought,
Heavy with sunshine droops the golden-rod,"
sings Whittier. In Europe our golden-rod
is cultivated in the flower-gardens, as well it
might be. The native species is found
mainly in woods, and is much less showy
than ours.
Our milk- weed is tenacious of life; its
roots lie deep, as if to get away from the
plow, but it seldom infests cultivated crops.
Then its stalk is so full of milk and its pod
so full of silk that one cannot but ascribe
good intentions to it, if it does sometimes
over-run the meadow.
" In dusty pods the milkweed
Its hidden silk has spun,"
sings " H. H.," in her " September."
Of our rag-weed not much can be set
down that is complimentary, except that its
name in the botany is Ambrosia, food of the
gods. It must be the food of the gods if of
anything, for, so far as I have observed,
nothing terrestrial eats it, not even billy-
goats. Asthmatic people dread it, and the
gardener makes short work of it. It is
about the only one of our weeds that follows
the plow and the harrow, and, except that
it is easily destroyed, I would suspect it to
be an immigrant from the Old World. Our
fleabane is a troublesome weed at times,
but good husbandry makes short work of it.
But all the other outlaws of the farm and
garden come to us from over seas ; and what
a long list it is :
The common thistle,
The Canada thistle,
Burdock,
Yellow dock,
Wild carrot,
Ox-eye daisy,
Chamomile,
The mullein,
Nightshade,
Buttercup,
Dandelion,
Wild mustard,
Shepherd's purse,
St. John's-wort,
Chick-weed,
Purslane,
Elecampane,
Plantain,
Motherwort,
Stramonium,
Catnip,
Gill,
Blue-weed,
Stick-seed,
Hound's-tongue,
Henbane,
Pig-weed,
Quitch grass,
Mallow,
Darnel,
Poison hemlock,
Hop-clover,
Yarrow,
Wild radish,
Wild parsnip,
Chicory,
Live-forever,
Toad- flax,
Sheep-sorrel,
and others less noxious. To offset this list
we have given Europe the vilest of all weeds,
a parasite that sucks up human blood,
tobacco. Now if they catch the Colorado
beetle of us it will go far toward paying
them off for the rats and the mice, and for
other pests in our houses.
The more attractive and pretty of the
British weeds, as the common daisy, of
which the poets have made so much, the
larkspur, which is a pretty corn-field weed,
and the scarlet field-poppy which flowers all
summer, and is so taking amid the ripening
grain, have not immigrated to our shores.
Like a certain sweet rusticity and charm of
European rural life, they do not thrive
readily under our skies. Our fleabane (Erig-
eron Canadensis) has become a common
road-side weed in England, and a few other
of our native less known plants have gained
a foothold in the Old World.
Poke-weed is a native American, and
what a lusty, royal plant it is! It never
invades cultivated fields, but hovers about
the borders and looks over the fences like
a painted Indian sachem. Thoreau coveted
its strong purple stalk for a cane, and the
robins eat its dark crimson-juiced berries.
It is commonly believed that the mullein
is indigenous to this country, for have we
not heard that it is cultivated in European
gardens, and christened the American velvet
plant ? Yet it, too, seems to have come over
with the pilgrims, and is most abundant in
the older parts of the country. It abounds
throughout Europe and Asia, and had its
economic uses with the ancients. The
Greeks made lamp wicks of its dried leaves,
and the Romans dipped its dried stalk in
tallow for funeral torches. It affects dry
uplands in this country, and, as it takes two
years to mature, it is not a troublesome
weed in cultivated crops. The first year
it sits low upon the ground in its coarse
flannel leaves and makes ready ; if the plow
comes along now its career is ended ; the
second season it starts upward its tall stalk,
which in late summer is thickly set with
small yellow flowers, and in fall is charged
NOTES OF A WALKER.
101
with myriads of fine black seeds. " As full
as a dry mullein stalk of seeds " is almost
equivalent to saying, " as numerous as the
sands upon the sea-shore."
Perhaps the most notable thing about the
weeds that have come to us from the Old
World, when compared with our native
species, is their persistence, not to say pug-
nacity. They fight for the soil ; they plant
colonies here and there and will not be
rooted out. Our native weeds are for the
most part shy and harmless, and retreat
before cultivation, but the European out-
laws follow man like vermin ; they hang to
his coat skirts, his sheep transport them in
their wool, his cow and horse in tail and
mane. As I have before said, it is as with
the rats and mice. The American rat is
in the woods and is rarely seen even by
woodmen, and the native mouse barely
hovers upon the outskirts of civilization;
while the Old World species defy our traps
and our poison, and have usurped the land.
So with the weeds. Take the thistles, for
instance; the common and abundant one
everywhere, in fields and along highways, is
the European species, while the native this-
tle is much more shy, and is not at all trou-
blesome ; indeed, I am not certain that I
have ever seen it. The Canada thistle too,
which came to us by way of Canada, what
a pest, what a usurper, what a defier of the
plow and the harrow ! I know of but one
effectual way to treat it : to put on a pair of
buckskin gloves, and pull up every plant
that shows itself; this will effect a radical
cure in two summers. Of course the plow or
the scythe, if not allowed to rest more than
a month at a time, will finally conquer it.
Or take the common St. John's-wort
{Hypericum perforatum}, how has it estab-
lished itself in our fields, and become a
most pernicious weed, very difficult to extir-
pate, while the native species are quite
rare, and seldom or never invade cultivated
fields, being found mostly in wet and
rocky waste places. Of Old World origin,
too, is the curled leaf-dock (Itttmex Crispus)
that is so annoying about one's garden and
home meadows, its long tapering root cling-
ing to the soil with such tenacity that I have
pulled upon it till I could see stars without
budging it; it has more lives than a cat, mak-
ing a shift to live when pulled up and laid on
top of the ground in the burning summer
sun. Our native docks are mostly found in
swamps, or near them, and are harmless.
Purslane, commonly called " pusley," and
which has given rise to the saying " as mean
as pusley " — of course is not American. A
good sample of our native purslane is the
Claytonia, or spring beauty, a shy, delicate
plant that opens its rose-colored flowers in
the moist sunny places in the woods or
along their borders, so early in the season.
There are few more obnoxious weeds in
cultivated ground than sheep-sorrel, also an
Old World plant, while our native wood-
sorrel, with its white, delicately veined
flowers, or the variety with yellow flowers, is
quite harmless. The same is true of the
mallow, the vetch, or tare, and other plants.
The European weeds are sophisticated,
domesticated, civilized; they have been to
school to man for many hundred years and
they have learned to thrive upon him ; their
struggle for existence has been sharp and
protracted; it has made them hardy and
prolific; they will thrive in a lean soil, or
they will wax strong in a rich one : in all
cases they follow man and profit by him.
Our native weeds, on the other hand, are
furtive and retiring; they flee before the
plow and the scythe, and hide in corners
and remote waste places. Will they, too,
in time, change their habits in this respect ?
" Idle weeds are fast in growth," says Shaks-
pere, but that depends whether the compe-
tition is sharp and close. If the weed finds
itself distanced, or pitted against great odds,
it grows more slowly and is of diminished
stature, but let it once get the upper hand
and what strides it makes ! Red-root will
grow four or five feet high, if it has a chance,
or it will content itself with a few inches and
mature its seeds almost upon the ground.
Many of our worst weeds are plants that
have escaped from cultivation, as the wild
radish, which is troublesome in parts of New
England, the wild carrot, which infests the
fields in eastern New York, and live-forever,
which thrives and multiplies under the
plow and harrow. In my section an annoy-
ing weed is Abutilon, or velvet-leaf, also
called " old maid," which has fallen from
the grace of the garden and followed the
plow afield. It will manage to mature its
seeds if not allowed to start tilljnidsummer.
Weeds have this virtue : they are not
easily discouraged; they never lose heart
entirely; they die game. If they cannot
have the best they will take up with the
poorest ; if fortune is unkind to them to-day,
they hope for better luck to-morrow ; if they
cannot lord it over a corn-hill, they will sit
humbly at its foot and accept what comes ;
in all cases they make the most of their
opportunities.
102
ECONOMIC DEFECTS IN CHRISTIAN MISSIONS.
ECONOMIC DEFECTS IN CHRISTIAN MISSIONS.
IN October, 1878, an International Con-
ference on Foreign Missions was held in
London. This was the third meeting of the
kind since 1854, numbering about six hun-
dred delegates, representing forty different
missionary societies, — English, Scotch,
French, German and American, — and it
showed that the tendency toward co-oper-
ative action among men of different nations
is not confined to law reformers and the
interested guardians of literary property.
Such a conference could not fail to dis-
cover some of the economic defects of
missionary enterprise, and to make oppor-
tune a plea for a division of labor among
the Christians of Europe and America.
The founder of Christianity did not pre-
scribe methods and machinery for the
world's conversion; having planted the seed
of right living, he left its propagation to the
varying circumstances of time and place.
In the apostolic age, the founding of
churches at the strategic centers of the
Roman Empire and missionary journeys
through its provinces were the simple and
obvious work of the disciples. But cen-
turies have wrought their changes, and
to-day there is a missionary problem, com-
plex and difficult. The distance between
Jerusalem and Rome no longer measures
missionary tours; the field has literally
become the world. Another missionary
religion — Mohammedanism •»— has entered
the lists, and disputes with Christianity the
possession of Africa and Asia ; within, many
sects struggle for leadership, while rival
missionary boards over-run pre-empted
ground and obliterate the boundaries of
Christian comity. In its infancy mission-
ary labor proceeded from a single center;
now it proceeds from many centers. Then, it
was under the imperial leadership of a born
organizer — Paul ; now, it is under the demo-
cratic control of divided counselors. Then,
there was no need of elaborate plans for a
campaign ; now, the weakness of missionary
enterprise is its want of system, and a dis-
regard of the economic law that the quality
of work tends to improve, and the product
tends to increase, with the subdivision of
labor. In industrial and commercial affairs,
division of labor reduces the element of
waste, both of power and of material, to a
minimum, and multiplies and cheapens the
product till the luxuries of the palace
become the necessaries of the hovel: in
social, philanthropic and civil organizations,
it increases capacity and reduces the cost
of administration. Unless, then, it can be
shown that missionary labor is not subject
to economic law, — which will hardly be
attempted in this age, — failure to work in
harmony with it must be less than wise. But
there are special reasons for the application
of the principle of division of labor to mis-
sions. We mention three :
i. The physical conditions of the work.
Gigantic physical facts, continents, oceans,
deadly climates, populations teeming till
plague and famine are a boon to survivors,
oppose the progress of Christianity. These
obstacles are often underrated in that glow
of enthusiasm which is the iridescence of
moral courage and aspiring self-sacrifice.
We can gauge the resistance of brute force
by days' marches, the loss of blood and
treasure ; we cannot measure the resistance
of mental and moral inertia, the work of
opening weak and prejudiced minds to new
ideas, and guarding their slow growth for
centuries till through the loom of new
institutions the warp and woof of national
thought and feeling are changed. That this
resistance involves yearly sacrifice of life and
treasure makes it an important factor in the
missionary problem of the future. Consider,
then, the acreage of the missionary field. The
two largest continents, Asia and Africa, are
barely skirted with a line of missionary
pickets. China had Nestorian missionaries
as early as the seventh century, French
missionaries as early as the twelfth cen-
tury ; it has had Protestant missionaries
since 1807, yet we are told that " essen-
tially that great empire is grim, dark and
Christless" as in the first century. In
Japan and India, the ancient faiths are
losing their hold, and whole populations are
out in search of a religion. In Africa, the
heroic age of missions is just dawning. A
report of a committee of the Royal Geo-
graphical Society (See the London " Mail,"
June 17, 1878) contains these significant
words :
" Were all the inhabitants of Africa equally hostile
and intractable, it might well be doubted whether
any more lives should be imperiled in efforts for the
redemption of the country and of the whole race
from barbarism and slavery. But there is abundant
evidence that only certain tribes and regions are
dangerous to approach ; while vast tracts, capable
ECONOMIC DEFECTS IN CHRISTIAN MISSIONS.
103
of supporting an agricultural and industrious popu-
lation, if cultivated, are only waiting the hand of
civilized man and a Christian spirit to establish,
with willing aid from native tribes, peaceable com-
munities over the greater portion of Central Africa.
Enough is known to justify the supposition that from
eighty to one hundred millions would not be an
over estimate of the population cruelly oppressed
and kept in hopeless barbarism by the tyranny and
violence of comparatively small numbers of preda-
tory and bloodthirsty tribes. If these could be held
in check but for a short period, while peaceable
influences had time to work among the better-dis-
posed of the populations, there is every reason to
believe that a sufficient number of these would soon
be collected into communities and villages, able
successfully to defend themselves and their posses-
sions under European guidance."
Over two great continents then, Asia and
Africa, embracing more than a half of the
earth's acreage, Christianity neither bears
nominal sway nor has adequate missionary
machinery to make its early triumph prob-
able. Nor can the Western world be
omitted from the list of missionary lands.
Protestants strive for converts in Italy,
Austria and Spain, and the Propaganda of
Rome views the United States as mission-
ary ground. In South America and Mexico,
religious life is stifled by the poisonous
exhalations of bigotry and intolerance that
make civil government a ghastly masquer-
ade. In our own country, one State, —
Texas, — largely peopled by negroes in whom
there still survives a tendency to fetishism,
and by unassimilated foreigners, equals in
extent ten of Paul's Macedonias, while our
Home Missionary Territory is larger than
the Old Roman Empire.
The population, also, of missionary lands
suggests the need of plan for their conquest.
Behm and Wagner's well-known " Bevol-
kerung der Erde " states the estimated
population of Asia to be 831,000,000, and
that of Africa 205,219,500. Add to these
elements of acreage and population the
difficulties of transportation and communi-
cation, climatic dangers and heathen poverty,
and we have before us some of the physical
conditions of missionary work that necessi-
tate system and division of labor.
2. The differing mental and moral con-
ditions of those whom it is sought to
Christianize.
Of these, some races are bright and specu-
lative, others dull and practical ; some are
in the caves of superstition, others on the
heights of philosophy; all are in the child-
hood of religion. To ignore these differences
of capacity and development, and to apply
methods of work and modes of worship
without anxious study of their adaptation
to temperament, traits of character, and
mental peculiarities, is to court defeat. And
yet the want of co-operation between the
different missionary agencies of the church
makes this result well nigh inevitable.
Intense zeal and passionate hunger for the
early fruition of hope often blind men to
the essential conditions of success. If mis-
sionaries are wanted for Central Africa, the
Scotch boards look well to the relation
between climate and the physical constitu-
tion of candidates ; but the adaptation of
Scotch Presbyterianism to the latitude of
Uganda and to minds tattooed with the
marks of fetishism is assumed, not canvassed.
And yet the importance of adaptation in
the latter case is every whit as great as in
the former.
Inherited beliefs and modes of thought
cannot be changed in a day. Nature
demands centuries for such work, and stamps
violent attempts to supplant ancient faiths
with failure. She educates the race in
religion as in art, politics, morals — slowly
and through error, sloughing off falsehood
and grafting in truth as experience widens.
Creeds, forms of worship, modes of eccle-
siastical government are only means to an
end ; they are the temporary staging of the
religious nature, which, like every other
growth, tends to variety of form and mani-
festation. Why, then, always seek to train
it in the same mold ? Why apply indis-
criminately the robes of Episcopacy or the
straight-jacket of Calvinism ? Such neglect
of relations and adaptations must issue in
defeat, if we measure results by the yard-
stick of centuries. There is no short cut
from fetishism to highly speculative dogma,
and the attempt to make one produces
mongrel feeling and abortive character.
Are the friends of missions afraid to face
these facts ? Will they not be frank to
acknowledge that the negro finds attractive
and congenial elements in the Methodist
and the Baptist churches, which are wanting
in the Congregational communion ? Or,
again, has not the Episcopal service a cap-
tivating power for the African far greater
than the cold barrenness of the Kirk? If
aye, then nay to all attempts of those who
seek to use ecclesiastical tools at present,
unfit for the upbuilding of African manhood.
The same law of adaptation would assign
missionary work among the bigoted Catho-
lics of Austria and Spain to the Church of
England rather than to that of John Robin-
son ; it might, by reason of national antipa-
thy, allot Russia, if opened to missionaries,
104-
ECONOMIC DEFECTS IN CHRISTIAN MISSIONS.
to the Episcopalians of America, rather
than to Englishmen of the same body ; and
it might grant leadership in the assault upon
the strongholds of Buddhism to the followers
of Martineau and Channing. If it is thought
that any form of Christianity and church
government will do equally well for India,
let us remember that educated Hindoos
incline to theism rather than to atheism,
and give ear to the following testimony
from the "Ceylon Observer:"
" There is no quarter of the globe where there is
less need for High Churchmen and Ritualists than
in India and Ceylon. A people steeped in idolatry
can only laugh at the childish playing of the Angli-
cans with forms, ceremonies and symbols, in the
face of their own more open, honest belief in the
efficacy of an outward material worship. They have,
too, from the Roman Catholics, a far more complete
and splendid substitute for heathenism ; " —
or to this, from "The Indian Public
Opinion": —
" An Arya Somaj has been founded to restore the
Vedic religion to its original position, and to dis-
courage, as far as possible, the so-called religious
doctrines contained in spurious and interpolated
texts. It is, in fact, a movement which aims at
establishing the unity of God and setting the people
free from the trammels of superstition ; " —
or to this, from "The Lucknow Witness":
" The service on Friday night was especially for
educated natives of India. Some thirty or forty of
them assembled, and a goodly number of others
made up a large and attentive audience. The speaker
discussed the general subject of Transformations in
Nature, tracing out some of the more common pro-
cesses of mechanical, chemical and vital change
going on all about us, and also touching upon the
subject of the conservation and correlation of forces.
Occasion was taken to lead the mind from nature up
to nature's God, and it is to be hoped many good
impressions were left."
Such evidence shows the truth of the
statement that " the intellectual and spirit-
ual sympathies of Oriental people are with
Syria and Greece rather than with Rome
and Germany ; that they move with greater
freedom along the lines traced by Origen
and Athanasius than along those of Augus-
tine and Anselm." Need we, then, feel
surprise when a high English official pre-
dicts that the Christian church of India will
take a form unknown in the western world ?
The student of history is prepared to find
this difference of mental attitude between
the East and West ; the speculative theolo-
gies of the one and the materialistic my-
thologies of the other are its legitimate
forerunners. To him the necessity of dif-
ferent treatment to secure an inlet for Chris-
tianity in the two hemispheres is as patent
as the need of different political institutions
in Prussia and Siam. But, doubtless, there are
those who will insist that truth is absolute,
and should be presented in the same form
to all ages and peoples. We do not believe,
however, that this Procrustean treatment of
the human mind commends itself to those
who have had actual experience in mission-
ary work; it certainly does not to common
sense. Nor does it avail the objector that
Nature's provision for the survival of that
type of religion and worship best suited to
the mental environment of Chinese, or Ben-
galese, will ultimately secure the result we
seek. Certainty of the final issue cannot
excuse enormous waste of power meantime,
unless man be a puppet and fatalism become
a dogma of the Christian church.
3. The economic conditions of the work.
The value of all labor to those who sup-
port it is the net result of two elements, one
positive, one negative — work and waste.
How to produce with the minimum of waste,
is the problem of all successful industry.
In the early stages of missions this negative
element of waste is often the more promi-
nent element. Rivalry of different sects for
possession of eligible stations is its first
occasion. This is illustrated by the follow-
ing extract from a pamphlet issued by the
American Board : " In Africa we have one
of the best locations to be found on that
continent — a chief objection to it being that
too many, appreciating its advantages, have
followed us." Home missionaries testify to
the waste that results from the ecclesiastical
scramble for possession and leadership on
our own frontiers. But, both at home and
abroad, this indiscriminate attempt to mag-
nify Ism, that Christianity may be honored,
produces costly friction. What, for instance,
must be the effect in the missionary field
where the " Ceylon Diocesan Gazette,"
speaking of the Presbyterian Mission, says :
" Perfect as its machinery may be, as regards its
human organization, it lacks, of course, Episcopal
authority, without -which no missionary enterprise
in the world has ever been, or can be, really and
permanently successful."
Even Foreign and Domestic Bible So-
cieties do not find the world large enough
without treading on one another's ground.
There is credible authority for painful state-
ments as to these rivalries. The Bible
Society, for instance, of one nation, prepares
an Arabic translation of the Bible, prints it,
fixes the price upon the advice of all the
missionaries in the field, of whatever sect and
ECONOMIC DEFECTS IN CHRISTIAN MISSIONS.
I05
country, gives a set of the electrotype plates
to a Bible Society of another nation, and,
straightway, the latter enters upon schemes
to undersell the former. And what is the cost
of the friction produced by this unseemly
competition ? It can only be measured in
the consequent distrust .and confusion of
the heathen mind, in missionary discourage-
ment, and in increasing deficits.
One of our Boards tells us that " prosper-
ous missions, up to a certain point, become
more and more expensive." This will be
readily believed when it is remembered that
some of them perform the seven functions
of " (i) a Foreign Missionary Society, (2) a
Home Missionary Society, (3) a Publishing
Society, (4) a Church Erection Society, (5)
a School Society, (6) a College Society, (7)
an Education Society."
Such being the loss of power by friction,
and such the law governing the cost of mis-
sionary enterprise, .it is important to know
how this element of waste can be reduced.
We suggests the following means :
1. Mission "work should be so divided as
to secure adaptation of instrument to mate-
rial. The economical justification of this
principle has been already stated.
2. Mission fields should be apportioned
among the various Christian bodies so as to
bring the work of each into correspondence
with its financial capacity.
3. The allotment of territory should be
such as will give exclusive possession till a
native self-supporting church is established,
and fix a definite responsibility upon each
body of Christians. Concentration of power
upon a single point leads to great economy
in its use. In the mission field, under the
conditions named, it would eliminate the fric-
tion of jarring sects. Nor should it be over-
looked that more missionary force is likely to
be produced where each body of Christians
is held responsible for a specific field. The
idea of a world's conversion has educating
power, but it is apt to induce diffuse and un-
productive activity. The mass of men find
difficulty in keeping pace with the affairs of
two hemispheres; the mind recoils from the
infinitude of detail ; the common imagina-
tion cannot represent to itself the moral and
religious condition of many peoples. But
to generate large force — men and means —
these conditions must be made painfully
real. How can this be done ? Vividness
of conception requires intense attention to
a few points. Apply this well-known psy-
chological law to the mission field. For
instance, let the Congregationalists of this
country be charged by the Christians of
Europe and America with the sole and
exclusive care of all missionary work in
Japan, the Madras Presidency of India,
and Asiatic Turkey, and it is inevitable
that they would come into fuller knowledge
of the history, mental habitudes and press-
ing wants of the peoples of these three
lands, and be impelled to more earnest
effort for them than they can ever make for
any people while Congregational sympathy
and labor is diffused from pole to pole,
among all races, kindreds, and tribes. The
rapid growth of mission-schools under the
care of a particular church or Sunday-
school, illustrates the advantage of concen-
trating labor and responsibility. Let the
object of interest once be realized, and duty
acquires new force in ministering to its want.
4. Missionary power should be generated
as near as possible to the point where it is to
be applied. This principle is elementary,
both in physics and politics. No one tries
to heat a large city with steam generated in
one of its corners; the loss by radiation and
absorption is too great. No free government
finds it economical to regulate parish and
township affairs from the national center.
But moral and religious influences, more sub-
tle than steam or political feeling, are trans-
mitted with greater loss. The distance of
the centers of Christendom from the citadels
of paganism makes some waste inevitable ;
but the loss due to attempts to apply mis-
sionary force generated in one corner of the
world — England or New England — to all
quarters of the globe, is needless and inex-
cusable. It goes almost without saying
that when an American board tries to meet
the spiritual wants of Spain, Austria, Euro-
pean and Asiatic Turkey, South Africa, India,
Ceylon, China, Japan, Micronesia, Mexico,
and the North American Indians, the work
cannot be as economically done as it might be
if that board concentrated its attention upon
two or three of these countries, and sought
to apply its power at points relatively near to
those at which it is generated. The exist-
ence of a steamship line between the United
States and Japan, and the want of one
between New York and South Africa, are
economic facts worthy of consideration in
allotment of mission ground. The proximity
of the United States to Mexico, and our
remoteness from Austria, may well be
weighed in apportioning papal lands, if
there is to be any regard for economy in
the conduct of Christian enterprise.
Doubtless it will be objected that such a
io6
ECONOMIC DEFECTS IN CHRISTIAN MISSIONS.
division of labor in mission work as we con-
template is impracticable — that the com-
ity of non-interference is all that can be
expected. It cannot be denied that great
obstacles exist. The victims of sect-culture,
for once, would unite in opposing such a
movement; surrender of pet fields to what
seems a spurious form of the faith would call
for a higher than denominational charity.*
Sticklers for the seven points of Calvin-
ism might fail to see how a less metaphys-
ical system than theirs could support the
germs of Christian manhood; Baptists
might find difficulty in entering a co-opera-
tive movement with those whose fleshly
habiliments had not been immersed. It
would be very hard to persuade uncultured
minds that, as truth often advances faster
when coated with error, — that, as the rapid
conquest of the Roman Empire by Chris-
tianity was accelerated by the adhesion to
the truth of apostolic error regarding a
second advent and the end of the world, — so,
now, an inferior type of Christianity may
have adaptations to particular nations be-
cause of its inferiority and admixture with
error. Yet upon the possibility of overcom-
ing these objections depends the future suc-
cess of missions. The present machinery
is inadequate for the work. We have
reached a point where nothing less than an
inter-church treaty between the Christians
of Europe and America for a division of the
missionary field, on principles of adaptation
and economy, can give reasonable promise
of speedy and permanent advance. Chris-
tianity itself stands at a pivotal point in the
centuries. Sword and fagot have disap-
peared from its path, only to disclose new
obstacles. In the East, the gates of walled
* Such division of the missionary field as is here
advocated need not interfere with contribution to
any department of the work. In 1877 the Unitari-
ans, recognizing their own unfitness to minister to
the wants of the freedmen, gave direct pecuniary aid
to a fit agency — the Methodist African church.
empires have opened to its messengers ; but
within, they are greeted by a Mohammedan
revival. In the West, the rack is banished ;
but a literary scalpel takes its place. Even if
Christianity be valued only as a police power
curbing the animalism of society, it is no
time to haggle over isms and pet fields when
Heathendom is making earnest appeal " for
six young men, free from Christian taint, to
come to Ceylon, study the Pali and the Sin-
ghalese, and acquaint themselves with the
doctrines of Buddha, that, returning to
America, they may indoctrinate and evan-
gelize the Christians ; " when Christendom
is giving birth to proposed substitutes for
religion, which are winning the jealous hom-
age of artisan and shop-keeper ; and when
abroad we have the spectacle (the Wu-shih-
shan case at Trochow, recently reported in
the Shanghai " Courier ") of the authorities
of a pagan temple appealing with success to
a British court of justice against the aggression
and wrong-doing of a Christian missionary
society. To meet the responsibilities of
such a period, the missionary treasury of the
church should be full. Of late it has dis-
closed serious deficits. If its revenues are
to increase with the revival of industrial
and commercial prosperity till the missionary
budget of the church exhibits ways and
means equal to its opportunities, guerrilla
warfare must give way to co-operation and
division of labor. Thus only can the church
greatly increase the contributions of its
intelligent members ; thus only can its mis-
sions command the aid of those who, reject-
ing the theology of the church as a patristic
and mediaeval gloss, still believe that the
world cannot do without Christianity, and
would fain help in wise efforts to make men
better. It has taken Christianity eighteen
centuries to gain nominal control of Europe
and America; unless its conquest of Asia
and Africa is to take eighteen centuries more,
the disciples of Jesus must acknowledge, by
their acts, the reign of economic law.
EDGAR ALLAN POE.
107
EDGAR ALLAN POE.
" Man doth not yield himself to the angels, nor unto death utterly, save only through the weakness
of his own feeble will. " — Joseph Glanvil. [Quoted in"Ligeia."]
UPON the roll of American authors a few
names are written apart from the rest. With
each of these is associated some accident
of condition, some memory of original or
eccentric genius, through which it arrests
attention and claims our special wonder.
The light of none among these few has
been more fervid and recurrent than that
of Edgar Allan Poe. But as I in turn
pronounce his name, and in my turn would
estimate the man and his writings, I am at
once confronted by the question, — Is this
poet, as now remembered, as now portrayed
to us, the real Poe who lived and sung and
suffered, and who died but little more than a
quarter-century ago ?
The great heart of the world throbs '
warmly over the struggles of our kind ; the
imagination of the world dwells upon and
enlarges the glory and the shame of human
action in the past. Year after year, the
heart-beats are more warm, the conception
grows more distinct with light and shade.
The person that was is made the framework
of an image to which the tender, the roman-
tic, the thoughtful, the simple and the wise,
add each his own folly or wisdom, his own
joy and sorrow and uttermost yearning.
Thus, not only true heroes and poets, but
many who have been conspicuous through
force of circumstances, become idealized as
time goes by. The critic's first labor often
is the task of distinguishing between men
as history and their works display them and
the ideals which one and another have con-
spired to urge upon his acceptance.
The difficulty is increased when, as in the
case of Poe, a twofold ideal exists, of whose
opposite sides many that have written upon
him seem to observe but one. In the opinion
of some people, even now, his life was not
only pitiful, but odious, and his writings are
false and insincere. They speak of his mor-
bid genius, his unjust criticisms, his weak-
ness and ingratitude, and scarcely can endure
the mention of his name. Others recount
his history as that of a sensitive, gifted being,
most sorely beset and environed, who was
tried beyond his strength and prematurely
yielded, but still uttered not a few undying
strains. As a new generation has arisen,
and those of his own who knew him are
passing away, the latter class of his reviewers
seems to outnumber the former. A chorus
of indiscriminate praise has grown so loud
as really to be an ill omen for his fame; yet,
on the whole, the wisest modern estimate
of his character and writings has not les-
sened the interest long ago felt in them at
home and abroad.
It seems to me that two things at least
are certain. First, and although his life has
been the subject of the research which is
awarded only to strange and suggestive
careers, he was, after all, a man of like pas~
sions with ourselves,— one who, if weaker
in his weaknesses than many, and stronger
in his strength, may not have been so bad,
nor yet so good, as one and another have
painted him. Thousands have gone as far
toward both extremes, and the world never
has heard of them. Only the gift of genius
has made the temperament of Poe a com-
mon theme. And thus, I also think, we are
sure, in once more calling up his shade,
that we invoke the manes of a poet. Of
his right to this much-abused title, there
can be little dispute, nor of the claim that,
whatever he lacked in compass, he was
unique among his fellows, — so different from
any other writer that America has produced
as really to stand alone. He must have
had genius to furnish even the basis for an
ideal which excites this persistent interest.
Yes, we are on firm ground with relation to
his genuineness as a poet. But his narrow-
ness of range, and the slender body of his
poetic remains, of themselves should make
writers hesitate to pronounce him our great-
est one. His verse is as conspicuous for
what it shows he could not do as for that
which he did. He is another of those poets,
outside the New England school, of whom
each has made his mark in a separate way,
— among them all, none more decisively
than Poe. So far as the judgment of a few
rare spirits in foreign lands may be counted
the verdict of " posterity," an estimate of
him is not to be lightly and flippantly made.
Nor is it long since a group of his contem-
poraries and successors, in his own country,
spoke of him as a poet whose works are a
lasting monument, and of his "imperish-
able" fame.
io8
EDGAR ALLAN POE.
After every allowance, it seems difficult
for one not utterly jaded to read his poetry
and tales without yielding to their original
and haunting spell. Even as we drive out
of mind the popular conceptions of his
nature, and look only at the portraits of him
in the flesh, we needs must pause and con-
template, thoughtfully and with renewed
feeling, one of the marked ideal faces that
seem — like those of Byron, De Musset,
Heine — to fulfill all the traditions of genius,
of picturesqueness, of literary and romantic
effect.
Halpin's engraving of Poe, in which the
draughtsman was no servile copyist, but
strove to express the sitter at his best, makes
it possible to recall the poet delineated by
those who knew and admired him in his
nobler seasons. We see one they describe
as slight but erect of figure, athletic and
well molded, of middle height, but so pro-
portioned as to seem every inch a man;
his head finely modeled, with a forehead
and temples large and not unlike those of
Bonaparte ; his hands fair as a woman's, —
in all, a graceful, well-dressed gentleman,
— one, even in the garb of poverty, " with
gentleman written all over him." We see
the handsome, intellectual face, the dark
and clustering hair, the clear and sad gray-
violet eyes, — large, lustrous, glowing with
expression, — the mouth, whose smile at
least was sweet and winning. We imagine
the soft, musical voice (a delicate thing
in man or woman), the easy, quiet move-
ment, the bearing that no failure could
humble. And this man had not only the
gift of beauty but the passionate love of
beauty, — either of which may be as great a
blessing or peril as can befall a human being
stretched upon the rack of this tough world.
But look at some daguerreotype taken
shortly before his death, and it is like an
inauspicious mirror, that shows all too clearly
the ravage made by a vexed spirit within,
and loses the qualities which only a living
artist could feel and capture. Here is the
dramatic, defiant bearing, but with it the
bitterness of scorn. The disdain of an
habitual sneer has found an abode on the
mouth, yet scarcely can hide the tremor of
irresolution. In Bendann's likeness,* indu-
* A photograph of this, from the daguerreotyp
taken in Richmond, is the frontispiece of thi
" Memorial Volume," published in Baltimore, 1877.
The frontispiece-portrait in the present number of
SCRIBNER is reproduced, on an enlarged scale,
from what is thought to be the last daguerreotype
bitably faithful, we find those hardened lines
of the chin and neck that are often visible
in men who have gambled heavily, which
Poe did not in his mature years, or who have
lived loosely and slept ill. The face tells of
battling, of conquering external enemies,
of many a defeat when the man was at war
with his meaner self.
Among the pen-portraits of Poe, at his
best and his worst, none seem more striking
in their juxtaposition, none less affected by
friendship or hatred, than those left to us
by C. F. Briggs, the poet's early associate.
These were made but a short time before
the writer's death, — after the lapse of years
had softened the prejudices of a man preju-
diced indeed, yet of a kindly heart, and had
rendered the critical habit of the journalist
almost a rule of action.
If these external aspects were the signs
of character within, we can understand why
those who saw them should have believed
of Poe, — and in a different sense than of
Hawthorne, — that
" Two natures in him strove
Like day with night, his sunshine and his gloom."
The recorded facts of his life serve to
enhance this feeling. My object here is not
biography, but let us note the brief annals of
the wayward, time-tossed critic, romancer,
poet. Their purport and outline, seen
through a cloud of obscurities, and the
veil thrown over them by his own love of
mystery and retreat, — made out from the
various narratives of those who have con-
tended in zeal to discover the minute affairs
of this uncommon man, — the substance of
them all, I say, may readily enough be told.
obtained of the poet. The editor is indebted to
the kindness of Dr. H. S. Cornwall, of New London,
for the use of this picture, and for the facts estab-
lishing its authenticity. It was taken by the late
Mr. Masury, of Providence, R. I., and Mr. Cornwell
makes it probable that Poe sat for it within a year
or two of his death in 1849. The lines of the neck
and chin are not so heavy as in the Bendann daguer-
reotype, but my comments on the latter otherwise
apply to this picture. The unusual development of
Poe's forehead in the regions where the analytic
and imaginative faculties are thought to hold theii
seat, is here shown as in no other likeness of th«
poet. Mr. Cornwell writes of it :
" The aspect is one of mental misery, bordering
on wildness, disdain of human sympathy, and
scornful intellectual superiority. There is also it
it, I think, dread of imminent calamity, coupled
with despair and defiance, as of a hunted soul al
bay."
EDGAR ALLAN POE.
109
ii.
THE law of chance, that has so much to
do with the composition of a man, that
makes no two alike, yet adjusts the most of
us to a common average, brings about
exceptional unions like the one from which
the poet sprang. A well-born, dissolute
Maryland boy, with a passion for the stage,
marries an actress and adopts her profes-
sion— taking up a life that was strolling, pre-
carious, half-despised in the pioneer times.
Three children were the fruit of this love-
match. The second, Edgar, was born in
Boston, January 19, 1809.* From his father
he inherited Italian, French and Irish blood ;
the Celtic pride of disposition and certain
weaknesses that were his bane. His mother,
Elizabeth Arnold, an actress of some talent,
was as purely English as her name. Two
years after his birth, the hapless parents,
wearied and destitute, died at Richmond,
both in the same week. The orphans
" found kind friends," and were adopted —
the oldest, William, by his grandfather Poe,
of Baltimore; Edgar and Rosalie by citi-
zens of Richmond. Edgar gained a de-
voted protector in Mr. Allan, a person of
great fortune, married, but without a child.
The boy's beauty and precocity won the
heart of this gentleman, who gave him his
name, and lavished upon him, in true South-
ern style, all that perilous endearment which
befits the son and heir of a generous house.
Servants, horses, dogs, the finest clothes, a
purse well-filled, all these were at his dis-
posal from the outset. Great pains were
taken with his education, the one element
of moral discipline seemingly excepted.
When eight years old he went with Mr.
Allan to England, and was at the school
in Stoke-Newington, to which it is thought
his memory went back in after years, when
he wrote the tale of " William Wilson." At
ten we find him at school in Richmond,
proficient in classical studies but shirking
his mathematics — already writing verse;
instinctively
" Seeking with hand and heart
The teacher whom he learned to love
Before he knew 'twas Art."
His grace and strength, his free, romantic,
and ardent bearing, made him friends among
old and young, and at this time he certainly
was capable of the most passionate loyalty
* Gill's Memoir. Stoddard says, February 19,
1809.
to those he loved. Traditions of all this —
of his dreamy, fitful temperament, of his
early sorrows and his midnight mournings
over the grave of a lovely woman who had
been his paragon — are carefully preserved.
He was a school-boy, here and there, until
1826, when he passed a winter at the Uni-
versity of Virginia. He ended his brief
course in the school of ancient and modern
languages with a successful examination, but
after much dissipation and gambling, which
deeply involved him in debt. His thought-
lessness and practical ingratitude justly
incensed an unwise, affectionate guardian.
A rupture followed between the two, Mr.
Allan finally refusing to countenance Edgar's
extravagances ; and the young man betook
himself to his aunt, Mrs. Maria Clemm, of
Baltimore, in whose house he found a home
for about two years.* Her daughter Vir-
ginia was then six years old, and Poe inter-
ested himself in the training of the sweet
and gentle child, who loved him from the
first, and made his will her law through girl-
hood and their subsequent wedded life.
At this period he brought out his first book,
a collection of his juvenile poems. In 1829
his heart was touched by news of the death
of Mrs. Allan, who had always given him a
sympathetic mother's love, and he easily
effected a reconciliation with the widower in
his hour of loneliness and sorrow.
Poe now was asked to choose a profession;
he selected that of arms, and his benefactor
secured his admission to West Point. Here
we find him in 1830, and find little good of
him. Though now a man grown, he was
unable to endure discipline. After a first
success, he tired of the place and brought
about his own expulsion and disgrace, to his
patron's deep, and this time lasting, resent-
ment. But here he also arranged for the
issue, by subscription, of another edition of
his poems, which was delivered to his class-
mates after his departure from the academy.
A new personage now comes upon the
scene. Mr. Allan, naturally desiring affection
from some quarter, married again, and after a
time heirs were born to the estate which Poe,
had he been less reckless, would have inher-
ited. The poet, returning in disgrace to Rich-
mond, found no intercessor in the home of his
*The unauthentic story of Poe's expedition to
Europe, that he might join the Greeks in their
struggle for independence, warrants a reference to
his elder brother, the real hero of this adventure.
William H. L. Poe was as handsome and as dissi-
pated as Edgar ; he also wrote verses, but died in
early manhood.
no
EDGAR ALLAN POE.
youth. This change, and his manner of life
thus far, render it needless to look for other
causes of the final rupture between himself
and his guardian. It was the just avenge
of fate for his persistent folly, and a defeat
was inevitable in his contest with a lady
who, by every law of right, was stronger
than he. Poe went out into the world with
full permission to have the one treasure he
had seemed to value — his own way. Like a
multitude of American youths, the sons or
grandsons of successful men, he found him-
self of age, without the means proportionate
to the education, habits and needs of a gen-
tleman, and literally, in the place of an
unfailing income, without a cent. Better
off than many who have erred less, he had
one strong ally — his pen. With this he was
henceforth to earn his own bed and board,
and lead the arduous life of a working man
of letters.
For the struggle now begun his resources
of tact, good sense, self-poise, were as defi-
cient as his intellectual equipment was great.
It would not be strange if the disputed
legend of his enlistment as a private soldier,
under his first sense of helplessness, should
prove, in spite of its coincidence with an
episode in Coleridge's life, to be founded
on fact. Soon after the loss of a home-
right, which he forfeited more recklessly than
Esau, his professional career may be said
to have begun. It embraced a period of
years, — from 1832 to December yth, 1849,
the date of his untimely death. Its first
noteworthy event was the celebrated intro-
duction to Kennedy, Latrobe, and Miller,
through his success in winning a literary
prize with the " MS. found in a Bottle."
This brought him friends, work, and local
reputation, — in all, a fair and well-earned
start.
Seventeen years, thenceforward, of work-
ing life, in which no other American writer
was more active and prominent. I have
considered elsewhere the influence of jour-
nalism upon authorship. It enabled Poe
to live. On the other hand, while he rarely
made his lighter work commonplace, it
limited the importance of his highest efforts,
gave a paragraphic air to his criticisms, and
left some of his most suggestive writings
mere fragments of what they should be
He discovered the pretentious mediocrity
of a host of scribblers, and when unbiased
by personal feeling, and especially when
doing imaginative work, was one of the few
clear-headed writers of his day. He knew
what he desired to produce, and how to
produce it. We say of a man that his head
may be wrong, but his heart is all right.
There were times enough when the reverse of
this was true of Poe. 1 do not say there were
not other times when his heart was as
sound as his perceptions. What, after all,
is the record of his years of work, and what
is the significance of that record ? We
must consider the man in his environment,
and the transient, uncertain character of
the markets to which he brought his wares.
His labors, then, constantly were impeded,
broken, changed; first by the most trying
and uncontrollable nature that ever poet
possessed, that ever possessed a poet; by an
unquiet, capricious temper, a childish en-
slavement to his own "Imp of the Perverse,"
a scornful pettiness that made him "hard to
help," that drove him to quarrel with his
patient, generous friends, and to wage igno-
ble conflict with enemies of his own making;
by physical and moral lapses, partly the
result of inherited taint, in which he resorted,
more or less frequently, and usually at
critical moments — seasons when he needed
all his resources, all his courage and man-
hood— to stimulants which he knew would
madden and besot him more than other men.
None the less his genius was apparent, his
power felt, his labor in demand wherever
the means existed to pay for it. But here,
again, his life was made precarious and
shifting by the speculative, ill-requited nature
of literary enterprises at that time. From
various causes, therefore, his record — no
matter how it is attacked or defended — is one
of irregularity, of broken and renewed en-
gagements. From 1832 to 1835 Poe had but
himself to support, and a careless young fel-
low always gets on so long as he is young,
with one success and the chance of a future.
The next year his private marriage to his
sweet cousin Virginia, still almost a child, was
reaffirmed in public, and the two set up their
home together. The time had come when
Poe, with his sense of the fitness of things,
could see that Bohemianism, the charm of
youth, is a frame that poorly suits the por-
trait of a mature and able-handed man. So
we are not surprised to find him engaged,
for honest wages, upon "The Southern
Literary Messenger." That his skillful touch
and fantastic genius, whether devoted to
realistic or psychological invention, were
now at full command, is shown by his " Hans
Pfaall," and by his first striking contribution
to the " Messenger," the spectral and char-
acteristic tale of "Berenice." In short, he
did uncommon work, for that time, upon
EDGAR ALLAN POE.
in
the famous Southern magazine, both as
tale- writer and critic, and increased its repu-
tation and income. Yet he felt, with all
the morbid sensitiveness of one spoilt by
luxury and arrogance in youth, the differ-
ence between his present work-a-day life,
and the independence, the social standing,
which if again at his command would enable
him to indulge his finer tastes, and finish at
ease the work best suited to his powers.
From this time he was subject to moods of
brooding and despair, of crying out upon
fate, that were his pest and his ultimate
destruction. And so we again are not sur-
prised to find this good beginning no true
omen of the fifteen years to come ; and that
these years are counted by Sittings here and
there between points that offered employ-
ment ; by new engagements taken up before
he was off with the old ; by legends of his
bearing and entanglements in the social
world he entered ; by alternate successes and
disgraces, in Richmond, Philadelphia, Bos-
ton, New York, — by friendships and fallings
out with many of the editors who employed
him, — the product, after all, with which we
are chiefly concerned being his always dis-
tinctive writings for the " Quarterly," "The
Gentleman's Magazine," " Graham's," " Go-
dey's," "The Mirror," "The American
Review," and various other fosterers and
distributors of such literature as the current
taste might demand. We begin to under-
stand his spasmodic, versatile industry, his
balks and breaks, his frequent poverty,
despondency, self-abandonment, and almost
to wonder that the sensitive feminine spirit
— worshiping beauty and abhorrent of ugli-
ness and pain, combating with pride, with
inherited disease of appetite — did not sooner
yield, was not utterly overcome almost at
the outset of these experiences. So have I
wondered at seeing a delicate forest-bird,
leagues from the shore, keep itself on the
wing above relentless waters into which it
was sure to fall at last. Poe had his good
genius and his bad. Near the close of the
struggle he made a brave effort, and never
was so earnest and resolved, so much his
own master, as just before the end. But a
man is no stronger than his weakest part,
and with the snapping of that his chance is
over. At the moment when the poet, ral-
lying from the desolation caused by the
loss of his wife, found new hope and pur-
pose, and was on his way to marry a woman
who might have saved him, the tragedy of
his life began again. Its final scene was as
swift, irreparable, black with terror, as that
of any drama ever written. His death was
gloom. Men saw him no more; but the
shadow of a veiled old woman, mourning
for him, hovered here and there. After
many years a laureled tomb was placed
above his ashes, and there remain to Amer-
ican literature the relics, so unequal in
value, of the most isolated and exceptional
of all its poets and pioneers.
Poe's misfortunes were less than those of
some who have conquered misfortune. Oth-
ers have been castaways in infancy and
friendless in manhood, and have found no
protectors such as came at his need. Oth-
ers have struggled and suffered, and have
declined to wear their hearts upon their
sleeves. They have sought consolation in
their work, and from their crudest expe-
riences have won its strength and glory.
The essential part of an artist's life is that
of his inspired moments. There were occa-
sions when Poe was the master, when his
criticism was true, when he composed such
tales as " Ligeia." " The Fall of the House
of Usher," poems like " The Raven," " The
Bells," " The City in the Sea." It must be
acknowledged, moreover — and professional
writers know what this implies — that Poe,
in his wanderings, after all, followed his
market. It gradually drifted to the North,
until New York afforded the surest recom-
pense to authors not snugly housed in the
leafy coverts of New England. Nor did he
ever resort to any mercantile employment
for a livelihood. As we look around and see
how authors accept this or that method of
support, there seems to be something chival-
rous in the attitude of one who never earned
a dollar except by his pen. From first to last
he was simply a poet and man of letters, who
rightly might claim to be judged by the lit-
erary product of his life. The life itself
differed from that of any modern poet of
equal genius, and partly because none other
has found himself, in a new country, among
such elements. Too much has been written
about the man, too little of his times ; and
the memoir containing a judicial estimate
of his writings has not yet appeared.*
* I have a collection of essays and articles upon
the life and writings of Poe and references to his
works, some anonymous, others byLathrop, Ingram,
Stoddard, Fairfield, Conway, Gosse, Swinburne,
etc. The following are my principal sources of
information :
I. "Poe's Works." Memoir by Griswold.
Notices by Willis and Lowell. 4 v. [First collec-
tive edition.] N. Y. : 1850. II. "Edgar Poe and
his Critics." By Mrs. Whitman. N. Y. : 1860.
III. " Poetical Works. " Notice by James Hannay.
112
EDGAR ALLAN FOE.
His story has had a fascination for those
who consider the infirmity of genius its
natural outward sign. The peculiarity of
his actions was their leaning toward what is
called the melodramatic ; of his work, that
it aimed above the level of its time. What
has been written of the former—quite out of
proportion to the analysis derivable from
his literary remains — frequently has been the
out-put of those who, if unable to produce a
stanza which he would have acknowledged,
at least feel within themselves the possibili-
ties of his errant career. Yet, as I observe
the marvels of his handicraft, I seem unjust
to these enthusiasts. It was the kind which
most impresses the imagination of youth,
and youth is a period at which the critical
development of many biographers seems to
be arrested. And who would not recall the
zest with which he read, in school-boy days,
and by the stolen candle, a legend so fear-
ful in its beauty and so beautiful in its fear
as " The Masque of the Red Death," for
example, found in some stray number of a
magazine, and making the printed trash
that convoyed it seem so vapid and drear ?
Not long after, we had the collected series,
" Tales of the Grotesque and Arabesque."
London: 1856. IV. "Works. With a Study,
etc., from the French of C. Baudelaire." London :
1872. V. " Poems." Memoir by R. H. Stoddard.
N. Y. : Widdleton. 1875. VI. "Works." 4 v.
Complete revised edition. Memoir by Ingram, etc.,
etc. N. Y. : Widdleton. 1876. VII. " Memo-
rial volume." By Sara Sigourney Rice. Baltimore:
1877. VIII. " Life." By William F. Gill. 4th
edition revised. New York and London : 1878.
IX. " Life and Poems." Memoir by Eugene L.
Didier. N. Y. : Widdleton. 1876. 4th edition,
1879.
Some of the ablest estimates of Poe are to be
found in newspaper editorials — for example, those
which appeared in the New York " Tribune " and
" Post," November, 1875, the time when a monument
was placed above his grave. I shall refer hereafter
to Griswold's memoir and criticisms. Of the succes-
sive memoirs issued by Mr. Widdleton, within the
last five years, Mr. Stoddard's biographical sketch
is that of a poet and literary expert. Thus far, how-
ever, we are indebted chiefly to Mr. Gill for an
enthusiastic and diligent exploration of Poe's early
life, in which he has corrected numerous errors of
Griswold and other writers, and brought to light
facts of genuine interest. Mr. Didier's estimate is
a eulogy, valueless compared with Stoddard's, anc
adding little of worth to the information collectec
by Gill. A longer memoir by Ingram shortly wil
be issued from the London press. I learn, also
that Mr. Widdleton soon will publish a new anc
complete edition of the poet's works, accompaniec
by a more extended life from the pen of Mr. Stod
dard, who has materials in his possession hitherto
unused, and whose poetic sympathy and ability as
a critic scarcely can fail to give us a book tha
shall meet the just wishes of the public.
iVith what eagerness we caught them from
hand to hand until many of us knew them
almost by heart. In the East, at that time,
Hawthorne was shyly putting out his
' Mosses " and " Twice Told Tales," and
t was not an unfruitful period that fostered,
among its brood of chattering and aimless
sentimentalists, two such spirits at once,
each original in his kind. To-day we have
a more consummate, realistic art. But where,
now, the creative ardor, the power to touch
the stops, if need be, of tragedy and super-
stition and remorse ! Our taste is more
refined, our faculties are under control ; to
produce the greatest art they must, at times,
compel the artist. " Poetry," said Poe,
" has been with me a passion, not a pur-
pose,"— a remarkable sentence to be found
in a boyish preface, and I believe that he
wrote the truth. But here, again, he dis-
plays an opposite failing. If poetry had
been with him no less a passion, and equally
a purpose, we now should have had some-
thing more to represent his rhythmical
genius than the few brief, occasional lyrics
which are all that his thirty years of life as
a poet — the life of his early choice — have
left to us.
in.
IN estimating him as a poet, the dates of
these lyrics are of minor consequence.
They make but a thin volume, smaller
than one which might hold the verse of
Collins or Gray. Their range is narrower
still. It is a curious fact that Poe struck,
in youth, the key-notes of a few themes, and
that some of his best pieces, as we now
have them, are but variations upon their
earlier treatment.
His first collection, as we have seen, was
made in his twentieth year, and re-printed,
with changes and omissions, just after he
left West Point. The form of the longer
poems is copied from Byron and Moore,
while the spirit of the whole series vaguely
reminds us of Shelley in his obscurer lyrical
mood. Poe's originality can be found in
them, but they would be valueless except
for his after career. They have unusual
significance as the shapeless germs of much
that was to grow into form and beauty,
Crude and wandering pieces, entitled " Fairy
Land" and "Irene," "To ," "A
Paean," etc., were the originals of " Th«
Sleeper," " A Dream within a Dream," and
"Lenore"; while "The Doomed City" anc
" The Valley Nis " re-appear as " The Citj
EDGAR ALLAN POE.
in the Sea " and " The Valley of Unrest."
Others were less thoroughly re-written.
Possibly he thus remodeled his juvenile
verse to show that, however inchoate, it
contained something worth a master's hand-
ling. Mr. Stoddard thinks, and not without
reason, that he found it an easy way of
making saleable " copy." The poet him-
self intimates that circumstances beyond
his control restricted his lyrical product.
I scarcely remember another instance where
a writer has so hoarded his early songs, and
am in doubt whether to commend or depre-
cate their reproduction. It does not be-
token affluence, but it was honest in Poe
that he would not write in cold blood for
the mere sake of composing. This he
undoubtedly had the skill to do, and would
have done, if his sole object had been crea-
tion of the beautiful, or art for art's sake.
He used his lyrical gift mostly to express
veritable feelings and moods — I might
almost say a single feeling or mood — to
which he could not otherwise give utter-
ance, resorting to melody when prose was
insufficient. Herein he was true to the
cardinal, antique conception of poesy, and
in keeping it distinct from his main literary
work he confirmed his own avowal that it
was to him a passion, and neither a purpose
nor a pursuit.
A few poems, just as they stood in his
first volume, are admirable in thought or
finish. One is the sonnet, " To Science,"
which is striking, not as a sonnet, but for
its premonition of attitudes which poetry
and science have now more clearly assumed.
Another is the exquisite lyric, " To Helen,"
which every critic longs to cite. Its con-
fusion of imagery is wholly forgotten in
the delight afforded by melody, lyrical per-
fection, sweet and classic grace. I do not
understand why he omitted this charming
trifle from the juvenile poems which he
added to the collection of 1845. It is said
that he wrote it when fourteen, and nothing
more fresh and delicate came from his pen
in maturer years.
The instant success of "The Raven," —
and this was within a few years of his death
• — first made him popular as a poet, and
resulted in a new collection of his verses.
The lyrics which it contained, and a few
written afterward, — " Ulalume," " The Bells,"
•" For Annie," etc., — now comprise the whole
of his poetry as retained in the standard
editions. The most glaring faults of "Al
Aaraaf," "Tamerlane," phrases such as "the
eternal condor years," have been selected
VOL. XX.— 8.
by eulogists for special praise. Turning
from this practice-work to the poems which
made his reputation, we come at once to
the most widely known of all.
Poe could not have written "The Raven"
in youth. It exhibits a method so positive
as almost to compel us to accept, against
the denial of his associates, his own account
of its building. The maker does keep a firm
hand on it throughout, and for once seems
to set his purpose above his passion. This
appears in the gravely quaint diction, and in
the contrast between the reality of every-
day manners and the profounder reality of
a spiritual shadow upon the human heart.
The grimness of fate is suggested by phrases
which it requires a masterly hand to subdue
to the meaning of the poem. " ' Sir,' said I,
or ' madam,' " " this ungainly fowl," and the
like, sustain the air of grotesqueness, and
become a foil to the pathos, an approach to
the tragical climax, of this unique produc-
tion. Only genius can deal so closely with
the grotesque and make it add to the solemn
beauty of structure an effect like that of the
gargoyles seen by moonlight on the fagade
of Notre Dame.
In no other lyric is Poe so self-possessed.
No other is so determinate in its repetends
and alliterations. Hence I am far from
deeming it his most poetical poem. Its
artificial qualities are those which catch the
fancy of the general reader ; and it is of all
his ballads, if not the most imaginative, the
most peculiar. His more ethereal produc-
tions seem to me those in which there is
the appearance, at least, of spontaneity, —
in which he yields to his feelings, while
dying falls and cadences most musical,
most melancholy, come from him unawares.
Literal criticisms of "The Raven" are of
small account. If the shadow of the bird
could not fall upon the mourner, the shad-
ows of its evil presence could brood upon
his soul; the seraphim, whose foot-falls tinkle
upon the tufted floor, may be regarded as
seraphim of the Orient, their anklets hung
with celestial bells. At all events, Poe's
raven is the very genius of the Night's
Plutonian shore, different from other ravens,
entirely his own, and none other can take
its place. It is an emblem of the Irrepara-
ble, the guardian of pitiless memories, whose
burden ever recalls to us the days that are
no more.
As a new creation, then, " The Raven "
is entitled to a place in literature, and keeps
it. But how much more imaginative is
such a poem as " The City in the Sea " ! As a
EDGAR ALLAN FOE.
picture, this reminds us of Turner, and,
again, of that sublime madman, John Mar-
tin. Here is a strange city where Death
has raised a throne. Its
" shrines and palaces and towers
(Time-eaten towers that tremble not !)
Resemble nothing that is ours.
Around, by lifting winds forgot,
Resignedly beneath the sky
The melancholy waters lie."
This mystical town is aglow with light,
not from heaven, but from out the lurid sea,
— light which streams up the turrets and
pinnacles and domes, —
" Up many and many a marvelous shrine,
Whose wreathed friezes intertwine
The viol, the violet, and the vine.
While, from a proud tower in the town,
Death looks gigantically down."
The sea about is hideously serene, but
at last there is a movement ; the towers
seem slightly to sink ; the dull tide has a
redder glow :
" And when, amid no earthly moans,
Down, down that town shall settle hence,
Hell, rising from a thousand thrones,
Shall do it reverence."
This poem, notwithstanding its somber-
ness and terror, depends upon effects which
made Poe the forerunner of our chief ex-
perts in form and sound, and both the lan-
guage and the conception are suggestive in
a high degree.
"The Sleeper" is even more poetic. It
distills, like drops from the opiate vapor of
the swooning moonlit night, all the melody,
the fantasy, the exaltation, that befit the
vision of a beautiful woman lying in her
shroud, silent in her length of tress, waiting
to exchange her death-chamber
for one more holy,
This bed, for one more melancholy."
Poe's ideality cannot be gainsaid, but it
aided him with few, very few, images, and
those seemed to haunt his brain perpetually.
Such an image is that of the beings who lend
their menace to the tone of the funeral bells :
— " The people — ah, the people —
They that dwell up in the steeple
All alone,
And who tolling, tolling, tolling,
In that muffled monotone,
Feel a glory in so rolling
On the human heart a stone, —
They are neither man nor woman,
They are neither brute nor human,
They are Ghouls."
In the same remarkable fantasia the bells
themselves become human, and it is a
master-stroke that makes us hear them
shriek out of tune,
" In a clamorous appealing to the mercy of the fire,"
and' forces us to the very madness with
which they are
" -Leaping higher, higher, higher,
With a desperate desire,
And a resolute endeavor
Now — now to sit, or never
By the side of the pale-faced moon."
Clearly this extravagance was suggested
by the picture and the rhyme. But it sc
carries us with it that we think not of its
meaning; we share in the delirium of the
bells, and nothing can be too extreme foi
the abandon to which we yield ourselves
led by the faith and frenzy of the poet.
The hinting, intermittent qualities of £
few lyrics remind of Shelley and Coleridge
with whom Poe always was in sympathy
The conception of " The Raven " wa:
new, but in method it bears a likeness t(
" Lady Geraldine's Courtship," so closely
in fact, that the rhythm of the one probabl]
was suggested by that of the other. Ii
motive they are so different that neithe:
Poe nor Mrs. Browning could feel aggrieved
After an examination of dates, and of othe:
matters relating to the genesis of each poem
I have satisfied myself, against much reason
ing to the contrary, that Poe derived hi:
use of the refrain and repetend, here am
elsewhere, from the English sibyl, by whon
they were employed to the verge of man
nerism in her earliest lyrics.
" The Conqueror Worm " expresses in i
single moan the hopelessness of the poet':
vigils among the tombs, where he demande(
of silence and the night some tidings of th<
dead. All he knew was that
" No voice from that sublimer world hath ever
To sage or poet these responses given."
The most he dared to ask for " Thi
Sleeper " was oblivion ; that her sleep migh
be as deep as it was lasting. We lay th
dead " in the cold ground " or in the warm
flower-springing bosom of dear Earth, a
best may fit the hearts of those who mouri
them. But the tomb, the end of mortality
is voiceless still. If you would find th
beginning of immortality, seek some othe
EDGAR ALLAN POE.
"5
oracle. " The Conqueror Worm " is the
most despairing of lyrics, yet quite essen-
tial to the mystical purpose of the tale
" Ligeia." But to brood upon men as
mimes, ironically cast " in the form of God
on high " — mere puppets, where
" the play is the tragedy, ' Man,
And its hero the Conqueror Worm,"
— that way madness lies, indeed. In the
lyric, " For Annie," death is a trance; the
soul lingers, calm and at rest, for the fever,
called living, is conquered. Human love
remains, and its last kiss is still a balm.
Something may be hereafter — but what, who
knows ? For repose, and for delicate and
unstudied melody, it is one of Poe's truest
poems, and his tenderest. During the brief
period in which he survived his wife, he
seemed to have a vision of rest in death,
and not of horror. Two lyrics, widely dif-
ferent, and one of them of a most singular
nature, are thought to be requiems for his
lost companion. It is from no baseness,
but from a divine instinct, that genuine
artists are compelled to go on with their work
and to make their own misery, no less
than their joy, promote its uses. Their
most sacred experiences become, not of
their volition, its themes and illustrations.
Every man as an individual is secondary to
what he is as a worker for the progress of
his kind and the glory of the gift allotted to
him.
Therefore, whether Poe adored his wi'fe
or not, her image became the ideal of these
poems. I shall add little here to all that
has been written of " Ulalume." It is so
strange, so unlike anything that preceded
it, so vague and yet so full of meaning, that
of itself it might establish a new method.
To me it seems an improvisation, such as a
violinist might play upon the instrument
which had become his one thing of worth
after the death of a companion had left him
alone with his own soul. Poe remodeled
and made the most of his first broken draft,
and had the grace not to analyze the pro-
cess. I have accepted his analysis of " The
Raven " as more than half true. Poets
know that an entire poem often is suggested
by one of its lines, even by a refrain or a
bit of rhythm. From this it builds itself.
The last or any other stanza may be writ-
ten first ; and what at first is without form is
not void — for ultimately it will be perfected
into shape and meaning. If " Ulalume "
may be termed a requiem, " Annabel Lee "
is a tuneful dirge — the simplest of Poe's
melodies, and the most likely to please the
common ear. It is said to have been his
last lyric, and was written, I think, with
more spontaneity than others. The theme
is carried along skillfully, the movement
hastened and heightened to the end and
there dwelt upon, as often in a piece of
music. Before considering the poet's method
of song, I will mention the two poems which
seem to me to represent his highest range,
and sufficient in themselves to preserve the
memory of a lyrist.
We overlook the allegory of "The
Haunted Palace," until it has been read
more than once; we think of the sound,
the phantasmagoric picture, the beauty, the
lurid close. The magic muse of Coleridge,
in "Kubla Khan," or elsewhere, hardly
went beyond such lines as these:
" Banners yellow, glorious, golden,
On its roof did float and flow,
(This — all this — was in the olden
Time long ago;)
And every gentle air that dallied,
In that sweet day,
Along the ramparts, plumed and pallid,
A winged odor went away."
The conception of a " Lost Mind " never
has been so imaginatively treated, whether
by poet or painter. Questioning Poe's own
mental state, look at this poem and see how
sane, as an artist, he was that made it.
" Do you act best when you forget yourself
in the part?" "No, for then I forget to
perfect the part." Even more striking is
the song of "Israfel," whose heart-strings
are a lute. Of all these lyrics is not this
the most lyrical, — not only charged with
music, but with light? For once, and in
his freest hour of youth, Poe got above the
sepulchers and mists, even beyond the pale-
faced moon, and visited the empyrean.
There is joy in this carol, and the radiance
of the skies, and ecstatic possession of the
gift of song :
" If I could dwell
Where Israfel
Hath dwelt, and he where I,
He might not sing so wildly well
A mortal melody,
While a bolder note than this might swell
From my lyre within the sky !
All this, with the rapturous harmony of the
first and third stanza, is awakened in the
poet's soul by a line from the Koran, and
the result is even finer than the theme. If I
had any claim to make up a "Parnassus,"
not perhaps of the most famous English
lyrics, but of those which appeal strongly
n6
EDGAR ALLAN POE.
to my own poetic sense, and could select
but one of Poe's, I confess that I should
choose " Israfel," for pure music, for exalt-
ation, and for its original, satisfying quality
of rhythmic art.
IV.
FEW and brief these reliquuz which de-
termine his fame asapoet. What do they tell
us of his lyrical genius and method ? Clearly
enough, that he possessed an exquisite
faculty which he exercised within definite
bounds. It may be that within those
bounds he would have done more if events
had not hindered him, as he declared,
" from making any serious effort " in the
field of his choice. In boyhood he had de-
cided views as to the province of song, and
he never afterward changed them. The
preface to his West Point edition, rambling
and conceited as it is — affording such a con-
trast to the proud humility of Keats's preface
to " Endymion," — gives us the gist of his
creed, and shows that the instinct of the
young poet was scarcely less delicate than
that of his nobler kinsman. Poe thought the
object of poetry was pleasure, not truth • the
pleasure must not be definite, but subtile, and
therefore poetry is opposed to romance;
music is an essential, " since the compre-
hension of sweet sound is our most indefi-
nite conception." Metaphysics in verse he
hated, pronouncing the Lake theory a new
form of didacticism that had injured even
the tuneful Coleridge. For a neophyte this
was not bad, and after certain reservations
few will disagree with him. Eighteen years
later, in his charming lecture, " The Poetic
Principle," he offered simply an extension
of these ideas, with reasons why a long
poem " cannot exist." One is tempted to
rejoin that the standard of length in a poem,
as in a piece of music, is relative, depending
upon the power of the maker and the
recipient to prolong their exalted moods.
We might, also, quote Lander's " Pentam-
eron," concerning the greatness of a poet,
or even Beecher's saying that " pint meas-
ures are soon filled." The lecture justly
denounces the "heresy of the didactic,"
and then declares poetry to be the child of
Taste, — devoted solely to the Rhythmical
Creation of Beauty, as it is in music that
the soul most nearly attains the supernal end
for which it struggles. In fine, Poe, with
" the mad pride of intellectuality," refused
to look beyond the scope of his own gift,
and would restrict the poet to one method
and even to a single theme. In his post
facto analysis of " The Raven " he conceives
the highest tone of beauty to be sadness,
caused by the pathos of existence and our
inability to grasp the unknown. Of all
beauty that of a beautiful woman is the
supremest, her death is the saddest loss — and
therefore "the most poetical topic in the
world." He would treat this musically by
application of the refrain, increasing the
sorrowful loveliness of his poem by contrast
of something homely, fantastic or quaint.
Poe's own range was quite within his
theory. His juvenile versions of what after-
ward became poems were so very " indefi-
nite" as to express almost nothing; they
resembled those marvelous stanzas of Dr.
Chivers, that sound magnificently — I have
heard Bayard Taylor and Mr. Swinburne
rehearse them with shouts of delight — and
that have no meaning at all. Poe could
not remain a Chivers, but sound always
was his forte. We rarely find his highest
imagination in his verse, or the creation of
poetic phrases such as came to the lips of
Keats without a summons. He lacked the
dramatic power of combination, and pro-
duced no symphony in rhythm ; was strictly
a melodist, who achieved wonders in a
single strain. Neither Mrs. Browning nor
any other poet had " applied " the refrain
in Poe's fashion, nor so effectively. In " The
Bells " its use is limited almost to one word,
the only English word, perhaps, that could
be repeated incessantly as the burden of
such a poem. In " The Raven," " Lenore,"
and elsewhere, he employed the repetend
also, and with still more novel and poetical
results :
"An anthem for the queenliest dead that ever died
so young,
A dirge for her, the doubly dead, in that she died
so young."
" Our talk had been serious and sober,
But our thoughts they were palsied and sere,
Our memories were treacherous and sere. "
One thing profitably may be noted by
latter-day poets. Poe used none but ele-
mentary English measures, relying upon his
music and atmosphere for their effect. This
is true of those which seem most intri-
cate, as in "The Bells" and "Ulalume."
" Lenore" and " For Annie" are the simplest
of ballad forms. I have a fancy that oui
Southern poet's ear caught the music of
"Annabel Lee " and " Eulalie," if not theii
special quality, from the plaintive, melodious
negro songs utilized by those early writers
EDGAR ALLAN POE.
117
of " minstrelsy " who have been denomi-
nated the only composers of a genuine Ameri-
can school. This suggestion maybe scouted,
but an expert might suspect the one to be a
patrician refinement upon the melody, feel-
ing and humble charm of the other.
Poe was not a single-poem poet, but the
poet of a single mood. His materials were
rather a small stock in trade, chiefly of
angels and demons, with an attendance of
Dreams, Echoes, Ghouls, Gnomes and M imes
ready, at hand. He selected or coined,
for use and re-use, a number of what Mr.
Miller would call " beautiful words" — " alba-
tross," "halcyon," " scintillant," " Ligeia,"
" Weir," " Yaanek," "Auber," " D'Elormie,"
and the like. Everything was subordinate
to sound. But his poetry, as it places us
under the spell of the senses, enables us to
enter, through their reaction upon the spirit,
his indefinable mood ; nor should we forget
that Coleridge owes his specific rank as a
poet, not to his philosophic verse, but to
melodious fragments, and greatly to the
rhythm of " The Ancient Mariner " and of
" Christabel." Poe's melodies lure us to
the point where we seem to hear angelic
lutes and citherns, or elfin instruments that
make music in " the land east of the sun
and west of the moon." The enchantment
may not be that of Israfel, nor of the
harper who exorcised the evil genius of Saul,
but it is at least that of some plumed being
of the middle air, of a charmer charming so
sweetly that his numbers are the burden of
mystic dreams.
v.
IF Poe's standing depended chiefly upon
these few poems, notable as they are, his
name less frequently would be recalled. His
intellectual strength and rarest imagination
are to be found in his " Tales." To them,
and to literary criticism, his main labors
were devoted.
The limits of this article compel me to
say less than I have in mind concerning his
prose writings. As with his poems, so with
the " Tales," — their dates are of little im-
portance. His irregular life forced him to
alternate good work with bad, and some
of his best stories were written early. He
was an apostle of the art that refuses to take
its color from a given time or country, and
of the revolt against commonplace, and his
inventions partook of the romantic and the
wonderful. He added to a Greek percep-
tion of form the Oriental passion for dec-
oration. All the materials of the wizard's
craft were at his command. He was not
a pupil of Beckford, Godwin, Maturin,
Hoffman, or Fouque ; and yet if these writ-
ers were to be grouped we should think
also of Poe, and give him no second place
among them. " The young fellow is highly
imaginative, and a little given to the ter-
rific," said Kennedy, in his honest way.
Poe could not write a novel, as we term itr
as well as the feeblest of Harper's or Roberts'^
yearh'ngs. He vibrated between two points,
the realistic and the mystic, and made no-
attempt to combine people or situations in
ordinary life, though he knew how to lead
up to a dramatic tableau or crisis. His
studies of character were not made from ob-
servation, but from acquaintance with him-
self; and this subjectivity, or egoism, crippled
his invention and made his " Tales " little
better than prose poems. He could imag-
ine a series of adventures — the experience
of a single narrator — like " Arthur Gordon
Pym," and might have been, not Le Sage
nor De Foe, but an eminent raconteur in
his own field. His strength is unquestion-
able in those clever pieces of ratiocination,
" The Murders in the Rue Morgue," " The
Mystery of Marie Rog^t," " The Purloined
Letter "; in some of a more fantastic type,
"The Gold Bug" and "Hans Pfaall";
and especially in those with elements of
terror and morbid psychology added, such
as " The Descent into the ' Maelstrom,"
" The Black Cat," " The Tell-tale Heart,"
and the mesmeric sketches. When com-
posing these he delighted in the exercise of
his dexterous intellect, like a workman test-
ing his skill. No poet is of a low grade
who possesses, besides an ear for rhythm,
the resources of a brain so fine and active.
Technical gifts being equal, the more intel-
lectual of two poets is the greater. " Best
bard, because the wisest."
His artistic contempt for metaphysics is
seen even in those tales which appear most
transcendental. They are charged with a
feeling that in the realms of psychology we
are dealing with something ethereal, which
is none the less substance if we might but
capture it. They are his resolute attempts
to find a clue to the invisible world. Were
he living now, how much he would make of
our discoveries in light and sound, of the
correlation of forces ! He strove by a kind
of divination to put his hand upon the links
of mind and matter, and reach the hiding-
places of the soul. It galled him that any-
thing should lie outside the domain of
u8
EDGAR ALLAN POE.
human intelligence. His imperious intellect
rebelled against the bounds that shut us in,
and found passionate expression in works
of which " Ligeia," " The Fall of the House
of Usher," and " William Wilson " are the
most perfect types. The tales in which
lyrics are introduced are full of complex
beauty, the choicest products of his genius.
They are the offspring of yearnings that
lifted him so far above himself as to make
us forget his failings and think of him only
as a creative artist, a man of noble gifts.
In these short, purely ideal efforts — fin-
ished as an artist finishes a portrait, or a
poet his poem — Poe had no equal in recent
times. That he lacked sustained power of
invention is proved, not by his failure to
complete an extended work, but by his
under-estimation of its value. Such a man
measures everything by his personal ability,
and finds plausible grounds for the resulting
standard. Hawthorne had the growing
power and the staying power that gave us
" The Scarlet Letter " and " The House of
the Seven Gables." Poe and Hawthorne
were the last of the romancers. Each was
a master in his way, and that of Poe was the
more obvious and material. He was expert
in much that concerns the structure of
works, and the modeling touches of the
poet left beauty-marks upon his prose.
Yet in spiritual meaning his tales were less
poetic than those of Hawthorne. He relied
upon his externals, making the utmost of
their gorgeousness of color, their splendor
and gloom of light and shade. Hawthorne
found the secret meaning of common things,
and knew how to capture, from the plainest
aspects of life, an essence of evasive beauty
which the senses of Poe often were una-
ble to perceive. It was Hawthorne who
heard the melodies too fine for mortal ear.
Hawthorne was wholly masculine, with the
great tenderness and gentleness which belong
to virile souls. Poe had, with the delicacy,
the sophistry and weakness of a nature more
or less effeminate. He opposed to Haw-
thorne the fire, the richness, the instability,
of the tropics, as against the abiding strength
and passion of the North. His own con-
ceptions astonished him, and he often pre-
sents himself " with hair on end, at his own
wonders." Of these two artists and seers,
the New Englander had the profounder
insight ; the Southerner's magic was that of
the necromancer who resorts to spells and
devices, and, when some apparition by
chance responds to his incantations, is be-
wildered by the phantom himself has raised.
Poe failed to see that the Puritanism by
which Hawthorne's strength was tempered
was also the source from which it sprang ;
and in his general criticism did not pay full
tribute to a genius he must have felt. In
some of his sketches, such as " The Man of
the Crowd," he used Hawthorne's method,
and with inferior results. His reviews of
other authors and his occasional literary
notes have been so carefully preserved as to
show his nature by a mental and moral pho-
tograph. His " Marginalia," scrappy and
written for effect, are the notes of a think-
ing man of letters. The criticisms raised a
hubbub _ in their day, and made Poe the
bogy of his generation — the unruly censor
whom weaklings not only had cause to fear,
but often regarded with a sense of cruel
injustice. I acknowledge their frequent dis-
honesty, vulgarity, prejudice, but do not,
therefore, hold them to be worthless. Even
a scourge, a pestilence, has its uses ; before
it the puny and frail go down, the fittest
survive. And so it was in Poe's Malayar
campaign. Better that a time of unproduc-
tiveness should follow such a thinning oui
than that false and feeble things should con-
tinue. I suspect that " The Literati " mad<
room for a new movement, however lon^
delayed, in American authorship. Thej
are a prose Dunciad, waspish and unfair
but full of cleverness, and not withou
touches of magnanimity. Poe had smal
respect for the feeling that it is well for •<
critic to discover beauties, since any one cai
point out faults. Yet when, as in the case:
of Tennyson, Mrs. Browning, Taylor am
others, he pronounced favorably upon th«
talents of a claimant, and was uninfluencec
by personal motives, his judgments no
seldom have been justified by the after
career. Besides, what a cartoon he dre\
of the writers of his time, — the corrective oi
Griswold's optimistic delineations ! In th
description of a man's personal appearanc
he had the art of placing the subject befor
us with a single touch. His tender mercie
were cruel; he never forgot to prod th
one sore spot of the author he most ap
proved, — was especially intolerant of hi
own faults in others, and naturally detecte<
these at once. When meting out punisr
ment to a pretentious writer, he revelled i
his task, and often made short work, as i
the pleasure was too great to be endurabl<
The keenness of his satire, just or unjus
is mitigated by its obvious ferocity: on
instinctively takes part with the victirr
Nothing in journalistic criticism, even i
EDGAR ALLAN POE.
119
that time, was more scathing and ludicrous
than his conceit of a popular bookwright in
the act of confabulation with the Universe.
But he marred the work by coarseness,
telling one man that he was by no means a
fool, although he did write " De Vere,"
and heading a paper on the gentlest and
most forbearing of poets — " Mr. and
other Plagiarists." In short, he constantly
dulled the edge and temper of his rapier,
and resorted to the broad-axe, using the
latter even in his deprecation of its use by
Kit North. Perhaps it was needed in those
salad days by offenders who could be put
down in no other wise ; but I hold it a sign
of progress that criticism by force of arms
would now be less effective.
VI.
SOME analysis of Poe's general equipment
will not be out of place. Only in the most
perfect tales can his English style be called
excellent, however significant his thought.
His mannerisms — constant employment of
the dash for suggestiveness, and a habit of
italicizing to make a point or strengthen an
illusion — are wearisome, and betray a lack
of confidence in his skill to use plain
methods. While asserting the power of
words to convey absolutely any idea of the
human mind, he relied on sound, quaintness,
surprise, and other artificial aids. His prose
is inferior to Hawthorne's ; but sometimes
he excels Hawthorne in qualities of form
and proportion which are specially at the
service of authors who are also poets. The
abrupt beginnings of his stories often are
artistic :
" We had now reached the summit of the loftiest
crag. For some minutes the old man seemed too
much exhausted to speak." (" Descent into the
Maelstrom.")
" The thousand injuries of Fortunato I had born as
best I could, but when he ventured upon insult I
vowed revenge." (" The Cask of Amontillado.")
His endings were equally good, when he
had a clear knowledge of his own purpose,
and some of his conceptions terminate at a
dramatic crisis. The tone, also, of his mas-
terpieces is well-sustained throughout. In
« The Fall of the House of Usher," the
approach to the fated spot, the air, the
landscape, the tarn, the mansion itself, are
a perfect study, — equal to the ride of Childe
Roland; — and here Poe excels Browning :
we not only come with him to the dark
tower, but we enter and partake its mystery,
and alone know1 the secret of its accursed
fate. The poet's analytic faculty has been
compared to that of Balzac, but a parallel
goes no farther than the material side. In
condensation he surpassed either Balzac or
Hawthorne.
His imagination was not of the highest
order, for he never dared to trust to it im-
plicitly ; certainly not in his poetry, since he
could do nothing with a measure like blank
verse, which is barren in the hands of a mere
songster, but the glory of English metrical
forms when employed by one commanding
the strength of diction, the beauty and grand-
eur of thought, and all the resources of a
strongly imaginative poet. Neither in verse
nor in prose did he cut loose from his minor
devices, and for results of sublimity and
awe he always depends upon that which is
grotesque or out of nature. Beauty of the
fantastic or grotesque is not the highest
beauty. Art, like nature, must be fantastic,
not in her frequent but in her exceptional
moods. The rarest ideal dwells in a realm
beyond that which fascinates us by its strange-
ness or terror, and the votaries of the latter
have masters above them as high as Raphael
is above Dor6.
In genuine humor Poe seemed utterly
wanting. He also had little of the mother-
wit, that comes in flashes and at once; but
his powers of irony and satire were so great
as to make his frequent lapses into invective
the more humiliating. The command of
humor has distinguished men whose genius
was both high and broad. If inessential to
exalted poetic work, its absence is hurtful
to the critical and polemic essay. Poe
knew this as well as any one, but a measure-
less self-esteem would not acknowledge the
flaw in his armor. Hence, efforts which
involved the delusion that humor may come
by works and not by inborn gift. Humor
is congenital and rare, the fruit of natural
mellowness, of sensitiveness to the light and
humane phases of life. It is, moreover, set
in action by an unselfish heart. Such is
the mirth of Thackeray, of Cervantes and
Moliere, and of the one master of English
song. Poe's consciousness of his defect,
and his refusal to believe it incurable, are
manifest in trashy sketches for which he
had a market, and which are humorous only
to one who sees the ludicrous side of their
failure. He analyzed mirth as the product
of incongruity, and went to work upon a
theory to produce it. The result is seen
not only in the extravaganzas to which I
I2O
EDGAR ALLAN POE.
refer, — and it is a pity that these should
have been hunted up so laboriously, — but
in the use of what he thought was humor to
barb his criticisms, and as a contrast to the
exciting passages of his analytic tales. One
of his sketches, "The Due de 1'Omelette,"
after the lighter French manner, is full of
grace and jaunty persiflage, but most of his
whimsical "pot-boilers" are deplorably
absurd. There is something akin to humor
in the sub-handling of his favorite themes, —
such as the awe and mystery of death, the
terrors of pestilence, insanity, or remorse.
The grotesque and nether side of these
matters presents itself to him, and then his
irony, with its repulsive fancies, is as near
humor as he ever approaches. That is to
say, it is grave-yard humor, the kind which
sends a chill down our backs, and implies a
contempt for our bodies and souls, for the
perils, helplessness and meanness of the
stricken human race.
Poe is sometimes called a man of extraor-
dinary learning. Upon a first acquaintance,
one might receive the impression that his
scholarship was not only varied but thor-
ough. A study of his works has satisfied
me that he possessed literary resources and
knew how to make the most of them. In
this he resembled Bulwer, and, with far less
abundant materials than the latter required,
employed them as speciously. He easily
threw a glamour of erudition about his
work, by the use of phrases from old authors
he had read, or among whose treatises he
had foraged with special design. It was his
knack to cull sentences which, taken by
themselves, produce a weird or impressive
effect, and to reframe them skillfully. This
plan was clever, and resulted in something
that could best be muttered " darkly, at
dead of night "; but it partook of trickery,
even in its art. He had little exact scholar-
ship, nor needed it, dealing, as he did, not
with the processes of learning, but with
results that could subserve the play of his
imagination. Shakspere's anachronisms and
illusions were made as he required them,
and with a fine disdain. Poe resorted to
them of malice aforethought, and under
pretence of correctness. Still, the work of
a romancer and poet is not that of a book-
worm. What he needs is a good reference-
knowledge, and this Poe had. His irregular
school-boy training was not likely to give
him the scholastic habit, nor would his
impatient manhood otherwise have con-
firmed it. I am sure that we may consider
that portion of his youth to have been of
most worth which was devoted, as in the
case of many a born writer, to the uncon-
scious education obtained from the reading,
for the mere love of it, of all books to which
he had access. This training served him
well. It enabled him to give his romance
an alchemic air, by citation from writers like
Chapman, Thomas More, Bishop King,
etc., and from Latin and French authors in
profusion. His French tendencies were
natural, and he learned enough of the lan-
guage to read much of its current literature
and get hold of modes unknown to many
of his fellow- writers. I have said that his
stock in trade was narrow, but for the adroit
display of it examine any of his tales and
sketches — for example, " Berenice," or " The
Assignation."
In knowledge of what may be called the
properties of his romance, he was more hon-
estly grounded. He had the good fortune
to utilize the Southern life and scenery which
he knew in youth. It chanced, also, that
during some years of his boyhood — that
formative period whose impressions are in-
delible— he lived in a characteristic part of
England. He had seen with his own eyes
castles, abbeys, the hangings and tapes-
tries and other by-gone trappings of ancient
rooms, and remembered effects of decoration
and color which always came to his aid.
These he used as if he were born to them ;
never, certainly, with the surprise at their
richness which vulgarizes Disraeli's "Lo-
thair." In some way, known to genius,
he also caught the romance of France, of
Italy, of the Orient, and one tale or another
is transfused with their atmosphere; while
the central figure, however disguised, is
always the image of the romancer himself.
His equipment, on the whole, was not a
pedant's, much less that of a searcher after
truth ; it was that of a poet and a literary
workman. Yet he had the hunger which
animates the imaginative student, and, had
he been led to devote himself to science,
would have contributed to the sum of knowl-
edge. In writing " Eureka," he was unques-
tionably sincere, and forgot himself more
nearly than in any other act of his profes-
sional life. But here his inexact learning
betrayed him. What was begun in convic-
tion— a swift generalization from scientific
theories of the universe — grew to be so far
beyond the data at his command, or so
inconsistent with them, that he finally saw
he had written little else than a prose poem,
and desired that it should be so regarded.
Of all sciences, astronomy appeals most to
EDGAR ALLAN POE.
121
the imagination. What is rational in " Eu-
reka " mostly is a re-statement of accepted
theories ; otherwise the treatise is vague
and nebulous, a light dimmed by its own
vapor. The work is curiously saturated
with our modern Pantheism; and although
in many portions it shows the author's weari-
ness, yet it was a notable production for a
layman venturing within the precincts of
the savant. The poetic instinct hits upon
truths which the science of the future con-
firms ; but as often, perhaps, it glorifies some
error sprung from its too ardent generali-
zation. Poe's inexactness was shown in fre-
quent slips, — sometimes made unconsciously,
sometimes in reliance upon the dullness of
his rivals to save him from detection. He
was on the alert for other people's errors ;
for his own facts, were he now alive, he
could not call so lightly upon his imagina-
tion. Even our younger authors, here and
abroad, now are so well equipped that their
learning seems to handicap their winged
steeds. Poe had, above all, the gift of
poetic induction. He would have divined
the nature of an unknown world from a
specimen of its flora, a fragment of its art.
He felt himself something more than a book-
man. He was a creator of the beautiful, and
hence the conscious struggle of his spirit for
the sustenance it craved. Even when he
was most in error, he labored as an artist,
and it is idle criticism that judges him upon
any other ground.
Accept him, then, whether as poet or
romancer, as a pioneer of the art feeling. in
American literature. So far as he was de-
voted to art for art's sake, it was for her
sake as the exponent of beauty. No man
ever lived in whom the passion for loveli-
ness so governed the emotions and convic-
tions. His service of the beautiful was
idolatry, and he would have kneeled with
Heine at the feet of Our Lady of Milo,
and believed that she yearned to help him.
This consecration to absolute beauty made
him abhor the mixture of sentimentalism,
metaphysics, and morals, in its presentation.
It was a foregone conclusion that neither
Longfellow, Emerson, Lowell, nor Haw-
thorne should wholly satisfy him. The
question of " moral " tendency concerned
him not in the least. He did not feel
with Keats that " Beauty is truth, truth
beauty," and that a di.'ine perfection may
be reached by either road. This deficiency
narrowed his range both as a poet and as a
critic. His sense of justice was a sense of
the fitness of things, and — strange to say —
when he put it aside he forgot that he was
doing an unseemly thing. Otherwise, he
represents, or was one of the first to lead, a
rebellion against formalism, commonplace,
the spirit of the bourgeois. In this movement
Whitman is his countertype at the pole
opposite from that of art ; and hence they
justly are picked out from the rest of us
and associated in foreign minds. Taste was
Poe's supreme faculty. Beauty, to him,
was a definite and logical reality, and he
would have scouted Veron's clajm that it has
no fixed objective laws, and exists only in
the nature of the observer. Although the
brakes of art were on his imagination, his
taste was not wholly pure; he vacillated
between the classic forms and those allied
with color, splendor, Oriental decoration;
between his love for the antique and his
impressions of the mystical and grotesque.
But he was almost without confraternity.
An artist in an unartistic period, he had to
grope his way, to contend with stupidity
and coarseness. Again, his imagination,
gloating upon the possibilities of taste,
violated its simplicity. Poe longed for the
lamp of Aladdin, for the riches of the
Gnomes. Had unbounded wealth been
his, he would have outvied Beckford, Lan-
dor, Dumas, in barbaric extravagance of
architecture. His efforts to apply the laws
of the beautiful to imaginary decoration,
architecture, landscape, are very fascinating
as seen in "The Philosophy of Furniture,"
" Landscape Gardening " and " Landor's
Cottage." " The Domain of Arnheim " is
a marvelous dream of an earthly paradise,
and the close is a piece of word-painting as
effective as the language contains. Regard-
ing this sensitive artist, this original poet, it
seems indeed a tragedy that a man so ideal
in either realm, so unfit for contact with
ugliness, dullness, brutality, should have
come to eat husks with the swine, to be
misused by their human counterparts, and
to die the death of a drunkard, in the refuge
which society offers to the most forlorn and
hopeless of its castaways.
VII.
SEEKING our illustrations of the poetic
life, we find no career of more touching and
curious interest than that of Poe. It is
said that disaster followed him even after
death, in the vicious memoir which Gris-
wold prefixed to his collected works ; and
doubtless the poet should have had for his
122
EDGAR ALLAN POE.
biographer a man of kind and healthy dis-
cernment, like Kennedy, his townsman and
generous friend. Yet Poe showed tact in
choosing Griswold, and builded better than
he knew. He could select no more inde-
fatigable bookwright to bring together his
scattered writings, and he counted upon
Death's paying all debts. In this Poe was
mistaken. For once Griswold wrote as he
thought and felt, and his memoir, however
spiteful and unchivalrous, was more sincere
than many of the sycophantic sketches in
the bulky volumes of his " Poets and Po-
etry." Malice made him eloquent, and an
off-hand obituary notice of the poet was the
most nervous piece of work that ever came
from his pen. It was heartless and, in some
respects, inaccurate. It brought so much
wrath upon him that he became vindictive,
and followed it up with a memoir, which,
as an exhibition of the ignoble nature of
its author, scarcely has a parallel. Did
this in the end affect Poe's fame injuriously?
Far otherwise ; it moved a host of writers,
beginning with Willis and Graham, to recall
his habit of life, and reveal the good side
of it. Some have gone as far in eulogy as
Griswold went toward the opposite extreme.
It seemed a cruel irony of fate that Poe's
own biographer should plant thorns upon
his grave, but he also planted laurels. He
paid an unstinted tribute to the poet's genius,
and this was the only concession which Poe
himself would care to demand. With sterner
irony, Time brings in his revenges ! In the
present edition of the poet's works, for which
Griswold laid the ground- work, the memoir
by Ingram is devoted largely to correcting
the errors of the Doctor's long-since ex-
cluded sketch, and to exposing every act of
malice against Poe which Griswold com-
mitted, either before or after his foeman's
death.
After years of censure and defense, and
in the light of his own writings, the poet's
character is not "beyond all conjecture."
Here was a man of letters who fulfilled the
traditions of a past century in this western
world and modern time ; one over-possessed
and hampered by the very temperament that
made him a poet — and this, too, when he
thought himself deliberate and calculating.
His head was superbly developed, his brain-
power too great for its resources of supply
and control. The testimony of some who
knew his home-life is that he was tender
and lovable. Graham and Willis aver that
he was patient and regular in work, and
scrupulous to return a just amount of labor
for value received. But many who knew
and befriended him have spoken, more in
sorrow than in anger, of his treachery and
thanklessness, of his injustice to himself and
of the degrading excesses which plunged
him into depths from which it grew more
and more difficult to lift him.
Nevertheless, Poe was not a man of im-
moral habits. I assert that professional
men and artists, in spite of a vulgar belief
to the contrary, are purity itself compared
with men engaged in business and idle men
of the world. Study and a love of the ideal
protect them against the sensuality by which
too many dull the zest of their appetites.
Poe was no exception to the rule. He was
not a libertine. Woman was to him the
impersonation of celestial beauty, her in-
fluence soothed and elevated him, and in
her presence he was gentle, winning and
subdued. There is not an unchaste sug-
gestion in the whole course of his writings,
— a remarkable fact, in view of his acquaint-
ances with the various schools of French
literature. His works are almost too spirit-
ual. Not of the earth, earthy, their person-
ages meet with the rapture and co-absorption
of disembodied souls. His verse and prose
express devotion to Beauty in her most
ethereal guise, and he justly might cry out
with Shelley :
" I vowed that I would dedicate my powers
To thee and thine; have I not kept the vow?"
Nor was lie undevotional. His sense of the
sublime and mystical filled him with thoughts
of other worlds and existences than ours ; if
there is pride, there is reverence, in his bold
imaginings. He felt a spark of the divine
fire within him, and the pride of his intel-
lectual disdain was, like the Titan's, a not
inglorious sin. Finally, Poe was not an
habitual drunkard. He had woful fits of
drunkenness, varying in frequency, and
sometimes of degradation ; for a single glass
made him the easy prey of any coarse and
pitiless hands into which he might fall. He
was a man inebriate when sober, his brair
surging with emotion, and a stimulant thai
only served to steady common men bewil
dered him. As with women, the least con
tamination was to him debasement. Hii
mature years were a battle with inheritec
taint, and there wer2 long periods in whicl
he was the victor. This taint had been in
creased by drugging in infancy, and by thi
convivial usages of his guardian's house
hold. Bearing in mind, also, the lack o
EDGAR ALLAN POE.
123
self-control inherent in Celtic and Southern
natures, I think he made a plucky fight.
The duty of self-support was not one to
which he had been trained, and was more
than he could bear. Imagine Shelley, who
made his paper boats of bank-notes, Byron
and Landor, who had their old estates,
forced to write by the column for their
weekly board. " Poverty has this disease :
through want it teaches a man evil." More,
it limits the range of his possibilities. Dou-
dan has said, with truth and feeling, that he
who is without security for the morrow can
neither meditate upon nor accomplish a
lasting work. The delicate fancies of cer-
tain writers are not always at quick com-
mand, and the public is loth to wait and pay
for quality. Poe, more than once, fell into
disgrace by not being able to meet his liter-
ary engagements on time. His most absurd
and outrageous articles, such as the one put
forth after his Boston lecture, were the blus-
ter of a man who strove to hide a sense of
humiliation and failure. Doubtless, he se-
cretly invoked the gods in his own behalf.
He knew, like Chenier going to his death,
that it was a pity — he was worth saving.
Generous efforts, in truth, were made to save
him, by strong and tender friends, but these
were quite in vain. He carried a death-
warrant within him. Well might he feel
that a spell was on him, and in one tale
and another try to make the world — which
he affected to despise — comprehend its fatal-
ity, and bespeak the sympathetic verdict of
the future upon his defeat and doom.
It is just that well-balanced persons should
rebuke the failings of genius. But let such
an one imagine himself with a painfully
sensitive organization, — " all touch, all eye,
all ear"; with appetites almost resistless;
with a frame in which health and success
breed a dangerous rapture, disease and sor-
row a fatal despair. Surmount all this with
a powerful intelligence that does not so much
rule the structure as it menaces it, and
threatens to shake it asunder. Let him
conceive himself as adrift, from the first,
among adverse surroundings, now combating
his environment, now struggling to adjust
himself to it. He, too, might find his judg-
ment a broken reed ; his passions might get
the upper hand, his perplexities bring him
to shamelessness and ruin. It was thus the
poet's curse came upon him, and the wings
of his Psyche were sorrowfully trailed in the
dust. I have said to friends, as they sneered
at the ill-managed life of one whose special
genius perhaps could not exist but in union
with certain infirmities, that instead of
recounting these, and deriding them, they
should hedge him round with their protec-
tion. We can find more than one man of
sense among a thousand, but how rarely a
poet with such a gift! When he has gone
his music will linger, and be precious to
those who never have heard, like ourselves,
the sweet bells jangled.
Making every allowance, Poe was terribly
blamable. We all are misunderstood, and
all condemned to toil. The sprites have
their task- work, and cannot always be danc-
ing in the moonlight. At times, we are told,
they have to consort with what is ugly, and
even take on its guise. Unhappily, Poe
was the reverse of one who "fortune's buffets
and rewards has ta'en with equal thanks."
He stood good fortune more poorly than
bad; any emotion would upset him, and
his worst falls were after successes, or with
success just in sight. His devotion to
beauty was eagerly selfish. He had a heart,
and in youth was loyal to those he loved.
In this respect he differed from the hero of
"A Strange Story," born without affection
or soul. But his dream was that of " The
Palace of Art" — a lordly pleasure-house,
where taste and love should have their fill,
regardless of the outer world. It has been
well said, that if not immoral, he was un-
moral. With him an end justified the
means, and he had no conception of the
law and limitations of liberty, no practical
sense of right or wrong. At the most, he
ignored such matters as things irrelevant.
Now it is not essential that one should
have a creed; he may relegate theologies
to the regions of the unknowable; but he
must be just in order to fear not, and
humane that he may be loved ; he must be
faithful to some moral standard of his own,
otherwise his house, however beautiful and
lordly, is founded in the sand.
The question always will recur, whether,
if Poe had been able to govern his life
aright, he would not also have been conven-
tional and tame, and so much the less a
poet. Were it not for his excesses and
neurotic crises, should we have had the
peculiar quality of his art and the works it
has left us ? I cannot here discuss the
theory that his genius was a frenzy, and
that poetry is the product of abnormal
nerve-vibrations. The claim, after all, is a
scientific statement of the belief that great
wits are sure to madness near allied. An
examination of it involves the whole ground
of fate, free will and moral responsibility.
124
EXPOSTULA TION.
I think that Poe was bounden for his acts.
He never failed to resent infringements upon
his own manor ; and, however poor his self-
control, it was not often with him that the
chord of self passed trembling out of sight.
Possibly his most exquisite, as they were his
most poetic, moments, were at those times
when he seemed the wretchedest, and
avowed himself oppressed by a sense of
doom. He loved his share of pain, and
was an instance of the fact that man is the
one being that takes keen delight in the
tragedy of its own existence, and for whom
"Joy is deepest when it springs from woe."
Wandering among the graves of those he
had cherished, invoking the spectral mid-
night skies, believing himself the Orestes of
his race — in all this he was fulfilling his
nature, deriving the supremest sensations,
feeding on the plants of night from which
such as he obtain their sustenance or go
famished. They who do not perceive this
never will comprehend the mysteries of art
and song, of the heart from whose recesses
these must be evoked. They err who com-
miserate Poe for such experiences. My
own pity for him is of another kind ; it is that
which we ever must feel for one in whom the
rarest possibilities were blighted by an in-
herent lack of will. In his sensitiveness to
impressions like the foregoing he had at
once the mood and material for far greater
results than he achieved. A violin cracks
none the sooner for being played in a minor
key. His instrument broke for want of a
firm and even hand to use it — a virile, de-
voted master to prolong the strain.
Poe's demand for his present wish was
always strong, yet it was the caprice of a
child, and not the determination that stays
and conquers. He was no more of an ego-
ist than was Goethe; but self-absorption
is the edged tool that maims a wavering
hand. His will, in the primary sense, was
weak from the beginning. It became more
and more reduced by those habits which, of
all the defences of a noble mind, attack this
stronghold first. It was not able to pre-
serve for him the sanity of true genius, and
his product, therefore, was so much the less
complete.
"O well for him whose will is strong!
He suffers, but he will not suffer long."
Poe suffered, in bitter truth, and the end
came not through triumph, but in death.
His fame is not what it might have been,
we say, yet it is greater than he probably
thought — dying with a sense of incomplete-
ness— it would be, and more than he could
have asked. In spite, then, of the most
reckless career, the work a man really ac-
complishes— both for what it is in itself and
for what it reveals of the author's gift — in
the end will be valued exactly at its worth.
Does the poet, the artist, demand some
promise that it also may be made to tell
during our working life, and even that life
be lengthened till the world shall learn to
honor it ? Let him recall the grave, exalted
words which Poe took at hazard for his
" Ligeia," and stayed not to dwell upon
their spiritual meaning : " Man doth not
yield himself to the angels, nor unto death
utterly, save only through the weakness of
his own feeble will."
EXPOSTULATION.
TEARS in those eyes of blue!
Sparks of fiery dew,
Scornful lightnings that flash
Twixt dusky lash and lash!
Never from sorrow grew
That rain in my heaven of blue !
Full of disdain are you,—
Scorn for these fetters new;
Sweet, you were free too long!
Love is a master strong,
Hard are the words, but true,
None may his chain undo.
Nay! Let your heart shine through
And soften those eyes of blue!
Glide from your chilly height;
Banish your anger bright;
Fairest, be gentlest, too,
Fate is too mighty for you!
ROCKY MOUNTAIN COOKERY.
I25
ROCKY MOUNTAIN COOKERY.
THERE is an unexpected passage in a
poem of — perhaps misguided — sentiment
which instructs us that it is possible to get
on in this world very well in the absence of
music, science, art, et cetera, but that we
must eat ; and, the presumption is, eat well.
Exclaims this veracious and vice-regal poet :
" We can live without love — what is passion but
pining ?
But where is the man who can live without din-
ing?"
Whatever may be our opinion in respect
to the truth of this theory, it is certain no
better illustration of it can be had than
camp-life in the sierra-haunted territories
of the west
Those old heroes who made a beginning
of exploration in the Rocky Mountains, half
a century and more ago, as trappers and
hunters for the fur companies, would have
thought themselves in paradise could they
have seen our stores in '74 when we went
searching for the now famous ruins of the
towns of the Cliff-Dwellers,and found them;
but the casual reader may not be moved
by any such envious feeling. The trappers
used to make their headquarters mainly at
Fort Benton, at the head of navigation on
the upper Missouri. Everything civilized
had to be taken twenty-five hundred miles
up the river from St. Louis in batteaux, and
for the last five hundred miles these heavy
boats had to be hauled mainly by men, who
walked along the shore with ropes over
their shoulders. The value of the cargoes
by the time the three months' voyage was
completed may be imagined. Flour was
unheard of at Fort Benton, sugar was a wild
extravagance, and tea and coffee were only
fit for the nabobs who conducted the busi-
ness of the post. The journey was too fright-
fully long, dangerous and difficult to admit
of many articles of food being transported,
for all available space in the overladen
mackinaws needed to be reserved for the
indispensable whisky. Going out into the
wilderness for a tour of lonely trapping last-
ing four, five or six months, hundreds of miles
beyond even this extreme outpost of civiliza-
tion, these half-savages took nothing in the
way of food except a little salt and pepper,
and perhaps a trifle of tea, as an occasional
indulgence. An iron skillet and a tin cup
comprised their only furniture; if they needed
anything more, they made it out of poplar
bark or soap-stone. For many months to-
gether these men would live wholly on
the flesh their guns brought them, varying
this diet now and then with berries, sweet
roots, or a pungent decoction of sage-leaves
and the bark of the red willow, or other
plants that would serve the purpose of tea.
The red willow bark, mixed with killiki-
nick, made very good smoking, too, after
the trapper's tobacco was exhausted. It
often happened in the northern mountains,
where little alkali occurs, that a trapper
would even have no salt for his meat ; but in
this he fared no worse than the Indians,
who, indeed, have to acquire a taste for it.
"White men big fools," they say; "want
fresh meat, fresh meat, all time, — then put
heap salt on it!"
The history of these trappers adds to the
record of human endurance and abstinence,
but we had no desire to imitate them, though
in the earlier years of the Government expe-
ditions the fare was primitive and scanty
enough whenever game proved scarce. Lat-
terly we lived better, and finally even attained
to four-tined forks!
Dr. Hayden's survey was divided into
several working divisions of five to seven
persons, each of which had a cook, and
spent the season in a field of work by itself.
Whether or not one thinks these cooks had
a hard time of it depends on one's point of
view. It seems to me they had, because
they had to rise at such an unearthly hour in
the morning ; but, on the other hand, they
were not obliged to climb snowy and back-
breaking peaks, nor to half freeze on their
gale-swept summits in" taking observations,"
nor to chase a lot of frantic mules and horses
that chose to be ugly about being caught
up. However, upon having a fairly satis-
factory cook depends a large portion of
your good time.
The camp cook presents himself in vari-
ous characters. There are not many col-
ored men in the West in this capacity, and
few Frenchmen ; but many Americans have
picked up the necessary knowledge by hard
experience, not one of whom, perhaps, regards
it as a " profession," or anything better than
a make-shift. It is considered by the ordi-
nary mountaineer as a rather inferior occupa-
tion, and, as a rule, it falls to the lot of inferior
men, who have tried and failed in more
126
ROCKY MOUNTAIN COOKERY.
energetic, muscular and profitable pursuits.
Of course there are exceptions, but, as a
rule, they are men who are not even up to
the level of picturesque interest, and are
worthy of small regard from the observer,
unless he is hungry. We are hungry, there-
fore we pursue the subject.
Roads being non-existent in the days
whereof I am speaking, — to a great extent
it is still so, — and it often being necessary to
go boldly across the country without any
regard for even Indian trails, the cuisine,
like everything else, had to accommodate
itself to the backs of the sturdy mules, on
whose steady endurance depends nearly all
hopes of success. The conditions to be met
by kitchen and larder are, ability to be
stowed together in packages of small size,
convenient shape, and sufficient strength
to withstand, without injury, the severest
strain of the lash-ropes, and the forty or
more accidents liable to happen in the
course of a thousand miles of rough mount-
ain travel. The only sort of package that
will meet these requirements is the bag.
When it is full it is of that elongated and
rounded shape which will lie well in the
burden. As fast as it is emptied space is util-
ized and the weight remains manageable.
In bags, then, are packed all the raw
material except the few condiments, in
bottles and flasks, for which, with other
fragile things, a pair of paniers is provided.
Even the few articles of iron- ware per-
mitted to the camp cook are tied up in a
gunny-sack.
Concerning the preparation of breakfast,
I must confess almost entire ignorance.
My first intimation of the meal was usually
a rough shake, with a loud " Breakfast
is just ready, sir. Sorry, sir, but you must
get up." Oh, those mornings ! If Ben
Franklin and all the rest who so fluently
advise early rising could have spent a few
nights under the frosty stars of the high
Rockies, they would have modified their
views as to the loveliness of dawn. (Sunset
glories for me !) The snow, or the hoar-
frost, is thick on the grass beside your
couch, and possibly your clothes, carefully
tucked under the flap of your canvas cov-
erlid last night, have been elbowed outside
and are covered with as much rime as the
beard of St. Nicholas, while your boots are
as stiff as iron, and twice as cold. Having
groaned your way into them, you hobble to
the neighboring stream, duck your head in
icy water, and wipe your face on a frozen
towel. Usually, you must next seize a rope
that has been trailing all night through the
frosty grass and painfully tie up your horse,
which has just been brought in, so that by
the time you do kick a boulder loose and lug
it up to the table for your breakfast-chair,
your teeth chatter until you can hardly
take a voluntary bite, and your fingers are too
numb to pass the bacon to the next inva-
lid. This frigid condition of things was not
invariable, but it was in this way that most
of our breakfasts were eaten among the
peaks. The matutinal meal over, we felt
more limber. Overcoats were thrown aside,
and every one hastened to roll up his bed-
ding, strike the tents — if any had been
erected — and help saddle and pack the
mules. By the time this was accomplished
the cook had washed his dishes, strapped
up his " munitions of peace," and an-
nounced that he was ready for the kitchen
mule, which was the last one to be packed.
This completed, he mounted the bell-mare
and started off, the train of pack animals
filed along behind, and we began another
morning's work before the day was well
aired.
This is the little I can remember concern-
ing breakfast. With the preparation of din-
ner, however, I am more familiar.
We always dined at the fashionable hour
of six o'clock, with two exceptions, namely,
when we dined later, and when we did
not dine at all. Camp is chosen with an
eye to three requisites — wood, water and
grass ; the first for ourselves, the third
for the mules, the second for both. Fre-
quently, however, one of the three, and
occasionally all, " requisites " are absent, or
nearly so. In the mountains, of course,
there is never any lack of fire-wood, and
nothing can be better than dead quaking-
asp, which burns quick and hot, and
leaves fine embers. Red cedar is good,
too, and the aroma from a big heap of it
ablaze recalls the Arabian Nights. But in
the parks and plains trees are rarely access-
ible, and the next best thing is sage brush.
Where it grows as high as your head and
as thick as your leg, as around the salt
lakes in southern Wyoming, there is no dif-
ficulty, and the scraggy limbs and roots are
quickly boiling the pot — or, rather, the cop-
per kettle ; but where it is small and sparse,
only ceaseless diligence and a recklessness
of palms will keep the fire going. This
ragged, prickly shrub is full of " grease,"
and makes an exceedingly hot fire, which
snaps and sputters like hickory. We had a
full illustration of its heating powers one
ROCKY MOUNTAIN COOKERY.
127
very warm evening over beyond Whisky
Gap. The sage brush was dense and high
where we camped, so that it was hard work
to clear room enough for camp. Just as
dinner was ready we noticed that the care-
lessly kept fire had strayed away from its
trench, and in an instant the whole region was
in a blaze, roaring as if an oil-vat had ig-
nited, and crackling like a ship-load of parlor-
matches ! Wetting pieces of canvas we fought
it until we were nearly dead with fatigue
before the danger was over. Though we
missed our longed-for meal, we came des-
perately near having our meat barbecued in
the way that taught Lamb's Chinaman how
to appreciate roast pig. More than one
train has lost all its stores through the
carelessness of a cook and the inflamma-
bility of the dry grass and bushes. Sage-
brush and grease-wood failing (which is
rare), the last resource is "buffalo-chips,"
the dried ordure of cattle, which makes
a smouldering fire only better than none.
Water is even more essential, and the
loveliest trout brooks await you everywhere
among the hills ; but now and then, in cross-
ing the plains and wide valleys, particularly
if the region tends toward bad lands, you
must search long before you find it. In the
south the Indians have worn well-marked,
deeply-trodden trails across the country,
which lead where water is usually to be
found. The traveler, even though a topog-
rapher, departs from these trails with great
peril, for he may die in the desert before he
strikes a spring or rivulet. Sometimes,
even in the north, you hunt all day to find
water by which to rest at night, and make a
dry camp after all, or only succeed in dis-
covering a few warm and muddy pools,
around which the men must stand vigor-
ously on guard to keep away the feverish
mules, lest in their rush they obliterate the
whole fountain. We once dug a hole six
feet deep as the only means of getting at
water, and furnished it to the animals by
the hatful. A night spent without water
well deserves to be the hunter's abhorrence.
When he is attempting to instruct his part-
ners in theology, he simply calls the lower
regions a " dry camp," and wastes no words
over details of torment.
In the matter of grass, there is usually
little trouble to find enough for one night's
stoppage.
The place for the camp having been indi-
cated, the riding animals are hastily unsad-
dled, and then every one turns to help
unpack and place the cargo in orderly
array. The very first mule unloaded is the
staid veteran distinguished by the honor of
bearing the cuisine. The shovel and axe
having been released from their lashings,
the cook seizes them, and hurriedly digs a
trench, in which he starts his fire. While
it is kindling, he and anybody else whose
hands are free cut or pluck up fuel. We
are so stiff sometimes from our eight or ten
hours in the saddle that we can hardly
move our legs ; but it is no time to lie
down. Hobbling round after wood and
water limbers us up a little, and hastens
the preparation of dinner, — that blessed
goal of all our present hopes. If a stream
that holds out any promise is near, the rod
is brought into requisition at once ; and, if
all goes well, by the time the cook is ready
for them, there are enough fish for the
crowd.
Flies, as a general thing, are rather a de-
lusion to the angler than a snare for the
fish. The accepted bait is the grasshopper,
except when there are great numbers of this
insect, in which case the fish are all so well
fed that they will not bite. The best fish-
ing any party that I was with ever had was
in Wyoming, along the head-waters of the
Green river, and in eastern Idaho, on the
tributaries of the Snake. That region, the
entomologists say, is the nursery of all the
'hopper hordes which devastate the crops of
Dakota, Colorado and Kansas, but when we
were there it was so difficult to find bait that
we used to keep our eyes open all day, and
pounce upon every grasshopper we could
find, saving them for the evening's fishing.
The usual catch was salmon-trout — great
two and three-pounders, gleaming, speckled,
and inside golden pink, — that sunset color
called " salmon." They were not gamy,
though, and we were glad of it, since the
object was not sport, but the despised " pot."
It really was more exciting to capture the
lively bait than it was to hook the trout.
In the southern Rocky Mountains we got
the true brook-trout, of smaller size, but
of excellent flavor! The largest I ever saw
came from the upper Rio Grande, where a
charming little ranch woman fried them for
us, — in commemoration of which the canon
where they lurked was named " Irene."
A rapid decapitation and splitting finished
the dressing. The flesh was always hard
and firm and white, as it ought to be in a
fish born and bred in snow-water. If by
chance any were left over, they made most
toothsome sandwiches for the noon-day
lunch, especially if (as was once our happy
128
ROCKY MOUNTAIN COOKERY.
lot) there was currant jelly to put between
the bread and the backbone.
But all this happens while the cook gets
his fire well a-going. That accomplished,
and two square bars of three-quarters inch
iron laid across the trench, affording a firm
resting-place for the kettles, the stove is
complete. He sets a pail of water on to
heat, jams his bake-oven well into the coals
on one side, buries the cover of it in the
other side of the fire, and gets out his long
knife. Going to the cargo, he takes a side
of bacon out of its gunny-bag, and cuts as
many slices as he needs, saving the rind to
grease his oven. Then he is ready to make
his bread.
Flour is more portable than pilot biscuit;
therefore warm, light bread, freshly made
morning and night, has gratefully succeeded
hard-tack in all mining and mountain camps.
Sometimes a large tin pan is carried, in
which to mould the bread; but often a
square half-yard of canvas kept for the pur-
pose, and laid in a depression in the ground,
forms a sufficiently good bowl, and takes up
next to none of the precious room. When a
bread-pan is taken it is lashed bottom up on
top of the kitchen-mule's pack. If it breaks
loose and slips down on his rump, or dan-
gles against his hocks, there is likely to be
some fun ; and when a sudden squall sweeps
down from the high mountains, and the hail-
stones beat a devil's tattoo on that hollow
pan, the mule under it goes utterly crazy.
The canvas bread-pan is therefore preferred.
Sometimes even this is dispensed with, and
the bread is mixed up with water right in the
top of the flour-bag, and is moulded on the
cover of a box or some other smooth sur-
face. Baking-powder, not yeast, is used, of
course. This species of leaven, of which
there are many varieties, is put up in round
tin boxes. You find these boxes scattered
from end to end of the territories, and form-
ing gleaming barricades around all the vil-
lages. The miners convert them to all sorts of
utilities, from flying targets to safes for gold-
dust; and one man in Colorado Springs
collected enough of them, and of fruit-cans,
to shingle and cover the sides of his house.
There seems now to be found no region so
wild, no dell so sequestered, that these
glittering mementoes do not testify to a
previous invasion; on the highest storm-
splintered pinnacle of Mt. Lincoln, I dis-
covered a baking-powder can tucked into a
cranny as a receptacle for the autographs of
adventurous visitors.
Sometimes the cook used the Dutch
Dake-oven which every one knows, — a shal-
ow iron pot, with a close fitting iron cover
upon which you can pile a great thickness
of coals, or can build a miniature fire.
Having greased the inside of the oven with
a bacon-rind, bread bakes quickly and safely.
A better article, however, results from
another method. Mould your bread well,
lay the round loaf in the skillet and hold
it over the fire, turning the loaf occasionally,
until it is somewhat stiff; then take it out,
prop it upright before the coals with the help
of a twig, and turn it frequently. It is soon
done through and through, and on both sides
alike. Sometimes we had biscuits made in
the same way, but these were more trouble-
some, and the one great object in the prep-
aration of dinner after a day's riding or
climbing is speed ; men must eat heartily in
this oxygen-consuming west, and are eager
to discharge that duty ; we invariably found
ourselves traveling in a particularly hungry
latitude. Occasionally, also, there was a
corn-dodger by way of variety, and a pound
cake of maple sugar would be melted into
syrup.
The table furniture, and a large portion
of the small groceries, such as salt, pepper,
mustard, etc., are carried in two red boxes,
each two and a half feet long, one and a
half feet broad, and a foot high. Each box
is covered by a thin board, which sets in flush
with the top of the box, and also by two others
hinged together and to the edge of the box.
Having got his bread a-baking, the cook
sets the two boxes a little way apart, unfolds
the double covers backward until they rest
against each other, letting the ends be sup-
ported on a couple of stakes driven into
the ground, and over the whole spreads an
enameled cloth. He thus has a table two
and a half feet high, one and a half feet wide
and six feet long. Tin and iron ware chiefly
constitute the table furniture, so that, as fre-
quently happens, the mule may roll a hun-
dred feet or so down the mountain and not
break the dishes.
His table set, John returns to his fire,
and very soon salutes our happy ears with
his stentorian voice in lieu of gong:
"Grub P-i-i-i-le!"
Coffee is the main item on our bill of fare.
It is water, and milk, and whisky, and
medicine, combined. Ground and browned
in camp, made in generous quantity ovei
the open fire, settled by a dash of cole
water and drunk without milk, it is a cuj
of condensed vigor, the true elixir -vita, i
perpetual source of comfort and strength,
ROCKY MOUNTAIN COOKERY.
129
Tea is pronounced "no good," and choco-
late is only used to distinguish Sunday by.
Oh, what a bitter trial it was, after one
particularly hard day's work in Wyoming,
and a stormy day at that, to have the
steaming and fragrant coffee-pail kicked
over by a clumsy foot! There was an irre-
pressible howl of execration, and one man's
hand actually clutched his revolver.
But coffee, though the mainstay, is not all
of our feast. For meat we have bacon and
generally steaks or roasted ribs of elk, mule-
deer, or mountain sheep, with fresh crisp
bread, or sometimes wheaten flapjacks, made
in the orthodox way and properly thrown
into the air during the cooking. When,
as occasionally happens, two parties meet,
the rival cooks toss the flapjacks to each
other, when they require turning, so that
every cake begins at one fire and is finished
at the other. In the mining camps (it is
said) they toss them up the chimney and
catch them right-side up outside the door !
Butter there is none, nor milk, nor potatoes,
nor vegetables, except rice and hominy; but
there is plenty of fruit sauce — apricots,
peaches, prunes, etc., which, being dried,
are very portable, and, being Californian,
are wonderfully good. For dessert we
have nothing at all (and are content)
save when, now and then, the cook makes
a plum duff to put our digestions to the
test.
But I had nearly forgotten the beans!
A camp without beans would be a curi-
osity, though a doleful one. They are
at once the vexation and the comfort
of the cook. We once got down so
low in our supplies that nothing remained
but lump-sugar and beans, yet nobody
complained much. Beans are a sort of
cook's barometer. Everybody knows
(though few remember) that the higher
above the level of the sea you go the
lower the temperature at which water will
boil. When you get up to ten or eleven
thousand feet the water is not fairly hot
before it begins a lively ebullition. Some-
times travelers ate at this height for
weeks together, and it is hard enough to
get any virtue out of their coffee, let alone
out of such tough particles of nutriment
as dry beans. The cook therefore keeps
one pail for his beans, and cooks them for
several consecutive days, packing them
along meanwhile; at the end of a week,
perhaps, if he is faithful, they are soft
enough to serve as food. Even in the
towns at the base of the mountains, a dish
VOL. XX.— 9.
of pork and beans is the result of three
days' steady preparation.
But the low boiling point and the occa-
sional scarcity of wood and water are not
the only troubles a mountain cook has to con-
tend with. Sometimes the wind sweeps down
and blows his fire nearly all away, or
sends the ashes flying in such clouds as to
half spoil his skill. I have seen viands that
were hidden in a whirlwind of dust yet
come out very palatable. Then some-
times everything is wet — the ground where
you halt, the fuel you seek, the sky over-
head. There is plenty of smoke, but little
flame, and the coals are quenched by a
steady rain. Still, if the cook is ingenious,
and you are willing to help, you will manage
to get a good meal. What matter if your
bacon and coffee and apple-sauce are rained
or snowed on ? The water is clean and you
are saved the trouble of drinking.
Under how many varying circumstances,
then, this evening meal is eaten! Some-
times, when the camp is stationary for two
or three days, in a pleasant bower ; next,
out on the dry plains, where an illimitable
landscape of sere grass stretches away to
where the delectable mountains lie on the
snow-silvered rim of the world ; again, it is
in a hot valley of Arizona, and the scalding
alkali dust blows in your face and filters
through your food; or at high timber-line
in Colorado, where sleet and snow contest
the passage down your throat with rapidly
cooling coffee and chilly bacon; or beside
the Yellowstone in August, with its millions
of ravenous flies and hordes of thirsty mos-
quitoes ; or it is anywhere and everywhere,
with the royal vigor of appetite that comes
of this out-door life, and the marvelous
grandeur of the Rocky Mountains as gar-
niture for your dining-hall.
Dinner over (and much as our bodies
ached with ten hours in the saddle, or a
day's climb to make some topographical
station, the brief rest and the help of the
food has freshened us remarkably), the re-
maining hour or two of daylight is employed
in odd jobs — exploring the neighborhood,
to get an idea of next day's route or in
search of the natural science of the locality ;
fishing, mending saddles or clothes (hie opus,
hie labor est !}, in making beds, writing
letters, and, if it looks like rain, in putting
up the little dog-tents, of which there is one
for each two of us, except the cook, who has
a tent to himself and his comestibles. This
is the pleasant hour of camp-life, and you
forget that a little while ago you were vow-
I3o
ROCKY MOUNTAIN COOKERY.
ing that if ever you got safely home you
would never be caught out again on such
an all-work, no-play expedition as this.
Post-prandial reflections take on a rosier
hue, and your pipe never tastes sweeter
than now, as you idly creep about among
the brookside willows till its smoke warms
the wings of the birds seeking an early roost.
You come back to camp, just as the sud-
den darkness falls, to find all quiet and
everybody lounging round the fire where
the cook is preparing for the morning meal.
This done, big logs are piled on (unless there
are hostile Indians near, when the blaze is
extinguished before dark), yarns are spun,
and presently everybody goes to bed.
I have the presumption to assume that
many of the readers of the foregoing para-
graphs would enjoy somewhat similar experi-
ences, could they understand how to do so.
The trip is practicable, easy, and not very ex-
pensive, though one can enlarge upon this
latter part to suit his purse. There are tales
extant, all through the mountains, of for-
eigners who have camped all over the most
remote ranges and parks, smoking regalias
from morning till night, and opening cham-
pagne for the whole party every day. But
this is not my idea of Rocky Mountain
living, however desirable in the east. In
Denver, for instance, the fitting out of ex-
cursions is coming to be an important and
special feature of business. A party of
persons arrives from the Eastern States, or
from Europe, in July or August, bent upon
a hunting and fishing trip among the mount-
ains. They find ready for them a strong,
handsome spring wagon, with a water-
proof hood of canvas, easy seats, a provis-
ion-chest which unfolds into a table, a
camp-stove, tents, and so on. It will ac-
commodate six persons in great comfort,
and can be rented for a week, or a number
of weeks, at an average total cost of about
five dollars a day, including a driver. The
tourists can go where they please and do
what they like. If they carry all the pro-
visions and other things for an extended
trip, as is the favorite method, a second,
cheaper baggage-wagon will be required, but
other plans are feasible. Going upon such
an expedition with an idea of being boyish
and absurd, and having just as foolish and
funny a time as the changing mood, a
naturalist's enthusiasm, or an artist's pas-
sion, directs, the mountain-bred and some-
what bored driver will no doubt be found a
great damper upon your spirits by his sneers
and grumblings. My earnest advice is to
thrash him soundly at about the second
camp, and then go on having a jolly time
just as though nothing had happened ;
before applying this remedy, nevertheless, it
would be well to be quite sure of your
adversary, for these western men are like
frogs, in that you can't always tell by the
looks of them how far or how much they
are able to "jump," in the miner's sense
of the word.
The food and drink for such a party is a
matter purely of taste and pocket. You
may live on corn-bread, bacon and beans,
or you may be served like gourmets every
day. New York can show no better
selected stocks of fancy groceries than
Denver's merchants offer, and the con-
sumption of them in the course of a year is
astonishing. Except a few staples, the out-
fit is put up, hermetically sealed, in cans
and bottles of portable shape, and costs little.
Beer is in great demand, and the best of
wines may be had. The merchants have
printed a variety of catalogues and price-lists,
from which you can choose your supplies
for a given time, of a given character, and
find them in good shape with very little
trouble. A party of six can travel through
the ranges and parks for three months, and
live like nabobs, for about $600. Of course,
if they care really to " rough it," they can
go much cheaper, and perhaps in the end
fare no worse in health and enjoyment.
Transportation, roof and kitchen being
thus provided, there remains the outfit of
clothes, bedding and provender. As for
clothes, the oldest and strongest, with
plenty of heavy under-flannel, are what is
wanted. Buckskin, elaborately befringed,
and affected by some new-comers, is a de-
lusion.
Bedding is an important consideration.
Its amount depends on where you are
going and at what season. In the high
mountains cold storms and freezing nights
are liable to come any time, and would
better be prepared for. Having secured a
water-proof canvas to lay underneath and
fold up over your couch, as a coverlid, the
only thing needed besides is blankets, the
number of which will depend on their
quality. The best California!! blankets,
thick as a board and soft and pliable as
wool, can be bought for ten dollars a pair,
and a poorer quality for less. Two pairs
of the best sort are enough for almost all
occasions. I have thus slept at timber-
line, right between snow banks and on the
ROCKY MOUNTAIN COOKERY.
borders of an .icy lake, with various other
inclemencies in the neighborhood, night
after night, with perfect comfort. To stitch
your blankets into a bag increases their
warmth, and when you get through you
can sell them at a small discount, if you
choose. All your bedding can be rolled
into a compact bundle, and stowed away
under a seat of the wagon.
The next question is the one of food
supply. The last four or five years have
made a great change in regard to this, as I
have already hinted. The bacon-and-beans
era has disappeared, except in the annals
of the wandering "prospector," and you
may take to camp with you now the lux-
uries of your home-table, seasoned with the
delight of out-door cooking and the gusto
of a hearty appetite. Still there are per-
sons who, from motives of economy or
notions of heroism, propose to live frugally,
and trust to their guns and fishing tackle for
a large part of their daily repasts. I have,
therefore, thought it worth while, for the
assistance of both these classes of campers,
to give a notion of what constitutes a
necessary, and what makes a princely com-
missary's outfit, with the approximate costs
of each at Denver.
Let us suppose that a party of four
young men propose to go into the mount-
ains for one month. They may ride on
horseback, in which case they will take
three pack-mules at the railway terminus to
carry tent, bedding and provisions ; or they
may go in a wagon, and act as their
own driver and cook. They insist upon
cheapness, true wild-wood life, and propose
to trust to their rifles. In buying, therefore,
they consider quality as well as quantity.
Their purchases will cost as follows :
Flour (100 Ibs.) $ 5.00
Coffee, tea and sugar 4-4-O
Ham and bacon 14.00
Beans, rice, corn-meal 2.80
Syrup, lard and condiments 3.20
Crackers and baking-powder 3.20
Potatoes and dried fruit. 1.20
Matches, candles, soap, etc. i.oo
$34.80
These are jolly fellows, not afraid of
weather, and taking occasional discomfort
as part of the sport. Ten to one they will
have more fun than the next four, who
go in on a far more elaborate plan and will
be hampered by forty things they don't
want — among the rest bad digestion. Their
provisions are in greater proportion per cap-
ita, and of a superior grade. The list is
appended :
Flour (120 Ibs.) $ 7.20
Coffee, tea, chocolate, and sugar 9.80
Ham and bacon 16.00
Beans, rice, and oatmeal 4-4O
Canned fruit and vegetables 24.00
Potted meat, soups, and jellies 18.40
Preserves, olives, pickles, sauce, fancy crack-
ers, honey, cheese 22.80
Potatoes, onions, etc 2.00
Yeast, candles, matches, etc. 5.00
$109.60
Board of driver 30.00
Hire of cook, etc 50.00
Purchases of fresh beef, butter, eggs, and
milk . 20.00
$209.60
Between these two estimates there is a
mean which each party may find for itself.
It will be observed, also, that no account
is here made of tobacco, wine, beer, or lem-
ons. I was told that a Prince Somebody,
— perhaps a relation of Mr. Harte's Cask-
o'-whisky family, — who was supposed to be
something unusual as a connoisseur of wines,
praised very highly the stock to be obtained
in Denver. The beer I know is good, for
it is all brought from St. Louis and Milwau-
kee. Prices of both these drinkables rule
about as in New York. There is no ac-
count, either, of possible railway fares and
freight charges from Denver to the inland
terminus where you begin your tramp, or
of the cost of wagon or pack-mules, hereto-
fore mentioned.
There is no better fun in the world than
camping in the Rockies, and, if one cares
to do so, he can live cheaper among the
mountains than in the city, and can set him-
self a far better table in the wilderness than
any French waiter will lay before him, for
even Delmonico cannot supply elsewhere
the eager zest with which he will eat.
I32
CONGRESS AND INTERNATIONAL COPYRIGHT.
THE LAST HOUR.
THE long day dies with sunset down the west;
Comes the young moon through violet fields of air;
A fragrance finer than the south winds bear
Breathes from the sea — the time is come for rest.
I wait. Birds nestward fly through deepening blue.
O heart! Take comfort, peace will find thee too.
For lo ! between the lights, when shadows wane,
Heart calls to heart across the widening breach
Of bitter thought, chill touch, and jarring speech,
And Love cries out to take his own again.
Give me the kiss of peace.
Hold not your anger after the spent sun.
Lo ! I have wrought with sorrow all the day,
With tear- wet cypress, and with bitter bay
Bound all my doors. No thread of song has run
Beside my thought to lighten it for me.
Rise up, and with forgiveness set me free.
For who may boast a gift of lengthened breath ?
And, lest you watch to-morrow's sun arise
Across my face, new-touched with sudden death
And the mute pathos of unanswering eyes,
Turn not aside my hand outstretched, or smite
The yearning heart. Let Love's repentance found
Have Love's reward. All life is mixed with Fate.
And, O beloved ! Death's angel will not wait
For summoned feet to haste on anxious round
With quick " Forgive, forgive, we pass to-night ! "
All day Regret has walked and talked with me,
And, lest to-morrow it should go with thee,
Give me the kiss of peace.
CONGRESS AND INTERNATIONAL COPYRIGHT.
WASHINGTON IRVING humorously attrib-
uted his literary success in England to the
fact that Englishmen were astonished to see
an American with a quill in his hand, and
not on his head. This was spoken in jest,
but, unfortunately, there was some cause
for the remark. Up to the year 1819, Con-
gress had failed to pass a copyright law, and
our publishers, being without protection or
redress in law, declined to purchase Ameri-
can books when they had the pick of the
world for nothing. Congress having failed
to protect, and our publishers having de-
clined to encourage, American literature, the
natural talents and genius of our people re-
mained latent and undeveloped. Hence,
toward the end of the last and the beginning
of the present century, a prejudice against
American books arose, not only abroad
but at home. One example will suffice.
When " Marmion " took the world by storm,
the manager of a Philadelphia theater em-
ployed Major Barker, a man of fine literary
ability, to dramatize it. The manager feared
to produce the play as the work of an Ameri-
can, and, having had it carefully packed up
with the imitations of the English postmarks,
it was brought out as an English production.
It was a great success, until the secret leaked
out, when the public immediately discovered
that the play was devoid of all merit, and it
had to be withdrawn.
The constitution expressly declares that
" Congress shall have power to promote
CONGRESS AND INTERNATIONAL COPYRIGHT.
the progress of science and useful arts, by
securing, for a limited time, to authors and
inventors, exclusive right to their respective
writings and inventions." The protection of
authors from any infringement of their rights
is clearly within the design of the constitu-
tion. Yet there was no American copyright
law passed until February 15, 1819. By
that act American authors and their assign-
ees were protected in their rights. But that
act and the nine subsequent acts had the
fatal defect of refusing protection to foreign
authors. Our young and struggling litera-
ture was thus placed in competition with the
mature and splendid literature of Great
Britain, and the United States became the
" intellectual vassals " of a nation we had
twice beaten in war. American publishers
printed English books almost exclusively;
American scholars studied English editions
of the ancient classics ; American school-
boys used English school-books; English
thinkers guided American thought ; our lit-
erary criticism was a weak dilution of 'Eng-
lish reviews. But, even in those dark hours of
literary dependence, the light of our native
genius occasionally burst forth, and some
works were produced which the world will
not willingly let die. These, however, were
few and far between compared with the mul-
titude of English books that were reprinted
in this country. American publishers, not
having to pay any copvright on these books,
enjoyed the double advantage of publisher
and author. They reaped where they had
not sown. The Waverley novels and
Byron's poems were rich mines to the early
American publishers. So, also, were the
novels of Bulwer, Disraeli, and other English
writers. In fact, it was the regular practice
of our publishers to issue cheap editions of
all popular English works without paying
one dollar to their authors, although thou-
sands of copies were sold in this country.
American authors were thus excluded from
the American market, while English authors
received no compensation for sales which
yielded a handsome profit to the American
publishers.
The first trace of a petition to Congress
for the adoption of an international copy-
right law was on the 2d of February,
1837, when Henry Clay presented to the
Senate an address of fifty-seven English au-
thors, representing " the injury to their rep-
utation and property to which they had been
long exposed, from the want of a law to
secure to them within the United States the
exclusive right to their respective writings,
and requesting a legislative remedy."
Among the distinguished names affixed to
this petition were those of Thomas Camp-
bell, Samuel Rogers, Edward Lytton Bul-
wer, Benjamin Disraeli, Thomas Carlyle,
Robert Southey, Henry Hallam, Maria
Edgeworth, and Mary Somerville. The ad-
dress set forth that " American authors are
injured by the non-existence of the desired
law. While American publishers can provide
themselves with works for publication by
unjust appropriation, instead of by equitable
purchase, they are under no inducement to
offer to American authors a fair remunera-
tion for their labors." The address closed
by citing an illustrious example of the in-
justice of a refusal of copyright : " While
the works of Sir Walter Scott, dear alike to
your country and to ours, were read from
Maine to Georgia, from the Atlantic to the
Mississippi, he received no remuneration
from American publishers for his labors;
yet an equitable remuneration might have
saved his life, and would, at least, have re-
lieved its closing years from the burden of
debts and destructive toils."
Mr. Clay introduced the petition with an
earnest speech, in which he said that honor,
justice, right and morality demanded such
arlaw. On his motion, the address was re-
ferred to a select committee of the Senate.
Messrs. Clay, Webster, Preston, Buchanan,
Ewing and Ruggles were appointed that
committee. On the i6th of February Mr.
Clay made a report, accompanied by a bill
to amend the existing copyright law of the
United States. The following extracts from
the report are worthy of careful attention :
" It being established that literary property is enti-
tled to legal protection, it results that this protection
ought to be afforded wherever the property is situ-
ated. A British merchant transmits to the United
States a bale of merchandise, and the moment it
comes within the jurisdiction of our laws, they throw
around it effectual security. But if the work of a
British author is brought to the United States, it may
be appropriated by any resident here, and repub-
lished without any compensation whatever being
made to the author. We should be all shocked if
the law tolerated the least invasion of the rights of
property in the case of merchandise, whilst those
which justly belong to the works of authors are ex-
posed to daily violation, without the possibility of
their invoking the aid of the law.
" The committee think that this distinction in the con-
dition of the two descriptions of property is not just.
Already the principle has been adopted in the patent
laws of extending their benefits to foreign inventions.
It is but carrying out the same principle to extend
the benefit of our copyright law to foreign authors."
The bill reported by Mr. Clay provided
that the copyright law of the United States,
134
CONGRESS AND INTERNATIONAL COPYRIGHT.
passed February 3, 1831, should be so
amended as to extend its benefits to the sub-
jects of Great Britain and Ireland, or France,
upon depositing a printed copy of the title
of the book, or other work for which a copy-
right is desired, in the clerk's office of any
district court in the United States, and com-
plying with the other requirements of the
law, provided, that the protection secured
by the bill should not extend to those works
published prior to its passage, and that an
edition of the work for which protection was
sought should be published in the United
States simultaneously with its issue in the
foreign country, or within one month after
depositing the title, etc. This bill failed to
receive the attention of the Senate, and
Congress adjourned without action on the
matter.
On the 24th of April, 1838, Edward Ev-
erett memorialized Congress for an amend-
ment of the then existing copyright law, so
as to extend its benefits to all authors, na-
tive and foreign, for works simultaneously
printed and published in this country. At
the same session, Mr. Clay presented the
petition of Henry Ogden and others, of New
York, for an international copyright law.
A memorial from Philadelphia stated the
following unanswerable argument in favor
of the proposed international copyright law :
"The copyright law of the United States is an
anomaly in civilized legislation. The effect of lim-
iting the protection of copyright to citizens or resi-
dents is as impolitic as it is unjust. It was, no
doubt, introduced from the kindest feelings toward
our native authors, although it has been ruinous in
the extreme to their interests. Under this clause,
the publishers of the United States, with some few
honorable exceptions, become but mere re-pub-
lishers of foreign books. Confidently relying on
the justice of our appeal, we beg respectfully to so-
licit the extension of the advantages of copyright to
all, native or foreign, resident or non-resident.
This measure (virtually an international copyright
law) is not only demanded by a just regard to the
property of foreign writers, but it is imperatively
required for the advancement of our own literature.
These various efforts to secure an interna-
tional copyright law attracted general at-
tention, and soon counter-petitions were
pouring into Congress. Memorials against
the law were presented from several Boston
book-sellers ; from the New York Typo-
graphical Society ; from a number of pub-
lishers of Hartford and other cities. These
different petitions, for and against an inter-
national copyright law, were referred to the
Committee on Patents, as Mr. Clay's select
committee on the subject had expired.
On the 28th of June, 1838, the committee
reported back Mr. Clay's original bill, with
a recommendation that it do not pass. The
report sets forth that " this government is un-
der no obligations to extend to the subjects
of any foreign power exclusive copyright
privileges." It then gives the economical
argument advanced in all the petitions
against the law, stating that 200,000 persons
and $40,000,000 of capital were interested
in book- making in the United States, and
asserting that " by the enactment of an in-
ternational copyright law in favor of British
authors, the profits of trade and manufact-
ure, and all the benefits arising from en-
couragement to national industry, would
be, for us, on the wrong side of the ledger."
Without examining any. of the proposed
means of preventing this, the report con-
tinues : " It may be asked if we should
not have an offset in similar advantages
under the copyright law of Great Britain.
The answer is found in the significant inquiry
of the British reviewer — ' Who reads an
American book ? ' "
This argument was certainly not only very
unpatriotic but also very unjust. The cele-
brated query of Sydney Smith — " Who reads
an American book ? " — was made in the " Ed-
inburgh Review" in 1820, and even at that
early day, American literature was not so bar-
ren as the " wittiest of divines " wished to
insinuate. And by 1838, James Fenimore
Cooper had written his best novels, Haw-
thorne, his " Twice Told Tales," William Gil-
more Simms, his finest romances, John P.
Kennedy, his " Swallow Barn," " Horse-
Shoe Robinson "and "Rob of the Bowl";
Washington Irving, in addition to Knicker-
bocker's "History of New York" and the
" Sketch-Book," published before 1820, had
delighted the world with" Bracebridge Hall,"
first published by John Murray (who paid the
author ^1,000), the " Tales of a Traveler,"
(for which the same publisher paid him
^1,500), and the " Life and Voyages of
Columbus," also published in London, and
which yielded 3,000 guineas. In 1838,
Bryant and Longfellow had already be-
gun those literary careers which have
been so full of splendor ; Richard Henry
Dana, Joseph Rodman Drake and Fitz-
Greene Halleck had made their mark;
Oliver Wendell Holmes was a rising
young poet; John G. Whittier had writ-
ten " Legends of New England " ; N.
P. Willis had published his " Scriptural
Poems"; Bancroft, the first volume of his
" History of the United States " ; Prescott,
his " Ferdinand and Isabella " ; Sparks, his
CONGRESS AND INTERNATIONAL COPYRIGHT.
most important historical and biographical
works, and Emerson had attracted much
attention by his novel transcendental views.
These are the leading American authors
only, whose works were before the world
in 1838, when the American Senate refused
to pass a bill looking to an international
copyright. The American Congress has
never been favorable to American, or, in
fact, any literature. It has always been in-
clined to look upon men of letters as drones
in our busy hives.
The wealthy and influential opponents of
international copyright having succeeded in
defeating the bill-, the matter rested for four
years. In January, 1842, Mr. Clay again
introduced his bill asking for copyright pro-
tection to foreign authors, under certain
conditions. It was referred to that tomb
of the Capulets, the Judiciary Committee.
On the i4th of March, 1842, a petition
from Washington Irving and twenty-four
other citizens, praying for the adoption of
an International Copyright law, was pre-
sented in the House of Representatives, and
referred to a select committee, including
John P. Kennedy and Robert C. Winthrop.
Owing to the unfavorable view of the mat-
ter by the Senate Committee, the House
Committee made no report. We find, in
the Senate report of May n, that " Mr.
Preston inquired of the chairman of the
Judiciary Committee, what had become of
the international copyright bill referred to
that committee four months before." Mr.
Berrien replied that "the committee had
considered the subject, and were ready to
report adversely two months ago, but the
report was withheld solely at the instance
of the Senator who introduced the bill."
Whereupon, Mr. Buchanan and several
senators expressed in an audible tone their
satisfaction at hearing that the committee
would report adversely to the passage of
the bill.
About the time when Mr. Clay's bill had
attracted general attention to the matter of
international copyright, Washington Irving
addressed the following letter to Lewis
Gaylord Clarke, then and for many years
afterward editor of the "Knickerbocker
Magazine":
" Sir : — Having seen it stated, more than once, in
the public papers, that I declined subscribing my
name to the petition presented to Congress during
a former session, for an act of international copy-
right, I beg leave, through your pages, to say, in
explanation, that I declined not from any hostility
or indifference to the object of the petition, in favor
of which my sentiments have always been openly
expressed, but merely because I did not relish the
phraseology of the petition, and because I expected
to see the measure pressed from another quarter.
I wrote about the same time, however, to members
of Congress in support of the application.
" As no other petition has been presented to me
for signature, and as silence on my part may be
misconstrued, so far as my name may be thought
of any value, I now enroll it among those who pray
most earnestly to Congress for this act of interna-
tional equity. I consider it due not only to foreign
authors, to whose lucubrations we are so deeply
indebted for constant instruction and delight, but to
our own native authors, who are implicated in the
effects of the wrong done by our present laws.
" For myself, my literary career as an author is
drawing to a close, and cannot be much affected by
any disposition of this question ; but we have a
young literature springing up, and daily unfolding
itself with wonderful energy and luxuriance, which,
as it promises to shed a grace and luster upon the
nation, deserves all its fostering care. How much
this growing literature may be retarded by the
present state of our copyright law, I had recently
an instance in the cavalier treatment of a work of
merit, written by an American, who had not yet
established a commanding name in the literary
market. I undertook, as a friend, to dispose of it
for him, but found it impossible to get an offer
from any of our principal publishers. They even
declined to publish it at the author's cost, alleging
that it was not worth their while to trouble them-
selves about native works of doubtful success, while
they could pick and choose among the successful
works daily poured out by the British press for
which they had nothing to pay for copyright.
" This simple fact spoke volumes tome, as I trust
it will to all who peruse these lines. I do not mean
to enter into the discussion of a subject that has
already been treated so voluminously. I will
briefly observe that I have seen few arguments ad-
vanced against the proposed act that ought to
weigh with intelligent and high-minded men, while
I have noticed some that have been urged so sordid
and selfish in their nature, and so narrow in the
scope of their policy, as almost to be insulting to
those to whom they were addressed. •
" I trust that, whenever this question comes before
Congress, it will at once receive an action prompt
and decided, and be carried by an overwhelming if
not unanimous vote, worthy of an enlightened, a
just, and a generous nation.
"Your obedient servant,
"WASHINGTON IRVING."
On the 1 5th of December, 1843, Rufus
Choate presented to the Senate a memorial
from about one hundred American publishers
and book-sellers, asking for the passage of
an international copyright law. Among the
signatures to this petition were the follow-
ing : D. Appleton & Co., Crocker & Brews-
ter, A. S. Barnes & Co., J. B. Lippincott &
Co., Wm. D. Ticknor & Co., and John F.
Trow. At the same time, John Quincy
Adams presented a similar petition to the
House, which was referred to a select com-
mittee. Nothing came of either of these
petitions.
For three years the matter slept. On the
'36
CONGRESS AND INTERNATIONAL COPYRIGHT,
26th of January, 1846, the various memo-
rials on the file of the Senate in relation to
copyright were referred to a select commit-
tee, which failed to report. On the 22d
of March, 1848, a petition was presented in
the House from John Jay, William Cullen
Bryant, and others, asking for the passage
of an international copyright law. It was
referred to a select committee of nine, con-
sisting of Messrs. T. Butler King, George
P. Marsh, C. J. Ingersoll, Horace Mann,
Isaac E. Morse, Henry W. Hilliard, A. D.
Sims, W. B. Preston, and Henry C. Murphy,
the majority of whom were authors, and, of
course, naturally interested in such a law.
But no report was made, although the ses-
sion was prolonged until the i4th of August.
On the igth of July, 1852, Mr. Sumner
presented a petition to the Senate signed by
Washington Irving, James Fenimore Coop-
er, William H. Prescott, and others, asking
for an international copyright law. It was
referred to the joint committee on the Library
of Congress, where it remained buried.
One of the last official acts of Daniel
Webster, as Secretary of State, was the
opening of a negotiation with Mr. Cramp-
ton, the British minister, to protect the liter-
ary interests of the United States and Great
Britain. Unfortunately, Mr. Webster died
before the completion of his noble purpose,
and the matter was allowed to drop. The
subject slept the sleep of the unjust until
1858, when the Hon. E. Joy Morris, of
Philadelphia, a member of the House, intro-
duced a bill to provide for an international
copyright law. It was referred to the Li-
brary Committee. No report being made,
Mr. Morris renewed the introduction of the
bill two years later, February 16, 1860, and
it was referred to the Committee on Foreign
Affairs. The most exciting Presidential elec-
tion ever known in this country supervened,
followed by four years of civil war, and
during that period no attention was paid to
the subject.
In the winter of 1866, a determined effort
was made to induce Congress to render the
long delayed justice to native and foreign
authors, by the passage of an international
copyright bill. This was the most compre-
hensive bill upon the subject which had
yet been brought before Congress. It con-
tained four sections, the first of which
amended the existing law by striking out all
that restricts its benefits to residents of the
United States. The second section was
designed to protect the public, by requiring
the foreign author to publish here at the
same time that he did at home, or within
a year after, depositing his title at once.
The third section limited the protection of
the law to books published after the act
went into effect. The fourth section pro-
vided that no foreign author should be pro-
tected here, unless the nation or government
of which said author was a citizen or subject
should confer upon citizens of the United
States the same or equal privileges.
The petitions accompanying the above
bill set forth that " the true interests of
American literature demand the adoption
of an international copyright law by this
government and Great Britain," and prayed
for the " enactment of such measure or meas-
ures as will secure at the earliest possible
day the consideration of such a law by the
two governments." These petitions were
signed by some of the most distinguished
literary men of America, including Henry W.
Longfellow, William Cullen Bryant, James
Russell Lowell, Parke Godwin, Jared Sparks,
James Parton, Bayard Taylor, N. P. Willis,
George S. Hillard, Oliver Wendell Holmes,
Edwin P. Whipple, and Edwin L. Godkin.
Among the publishers who signed, were
George P. Putnam, Hurd & Houghton,
Charles Scribner & Co., Bunce & Hunting-
ton, and Leypoldt & Holt.
Mr. Sumner, in offering the petitions,
said : " Some fourteen years ago, I had the
honor of presenting a similar petition signed
by Washington Irving, J. Fenimore Cooper
and William H. Prescott. Those illus-
trious persons have passed away without
seeing the prayer they addressed to Con-
gress answered. I trust that some, at least,
of these numerous petitioners may see their
prayer answered before they, too, shall have
passed away." As requested by Mr. Sum-
ner, and as desired by the petitioners, the
matter was referred to the Committee on
Foreign Affairs, of which he was the chair-
man.
Hon. John P. Baldwin, of Worcester,
Mass., was the next champion of interna-
tional copyright. He was permitted by the
Joint Committee on the Library to report a
bill, November 2ist, 1868; but he himself
states, in a private letter, that he hoped for
little more than a public discussion of the
subject. Even this was put out of the
question by the long impeachment trial of
President Johnson, which presently followed.
Mr. Baldwin attributes the apathy of Con-
gress chiefly to the opposition of " most of
the great publishing houses," and to the fear
of Republican leaders that the passage of
CONGRESS AND INTERNATIONAL COPYRIGHT.
such a bill " would furnish occasion for the
opposition party to make political capital."
In 1872-3, the International Copyright
question was very generally discussed in
Great Britain and the United States. A
memorial of British authors on the subject
was published, strongly urging a copyright
convention between the two countries, for
the protection of authors independent of
publishers. The memorial clearly states the
facts in the following paragraph :
"Americans distinguish between the author, as
producing the ideas, and the publisher, as producing
the material vehicle by which these ideas are con-
veyed to readers. They admit the claim of the Brit-
ish author -to be paid by them for his brain-work.
The claim of the British book-manufacturer to a
monopoly of their book-market, they do not admit.
To give the British author a copyright is simply to
agree that the American publisher shall pay him for
work done. To give the British publisher a copy-
right is to open the American market to him on
terms which prevent the American publisher from
competing. Free competition with the British book-
manufacturer would be fatal to the American book-
manufacturer. It is clear, therefore, that the
Americans have strong reasons for refusing to permit
the British publisher to share in the copyright which
they are willing to grant to the British author."
Among the fifty names to this petition were
those of Thomas Carlyle, Herbert Spencer,
John Ruskin, Thomas Hughes, John Mor-
ley, William Black, Philip James Bailey,
James Martineau, Charles Darwin, John
Tyndall, Shirley Brooks, Blanchard Jerrold,
George Augustus Sala, Edmund Yates, Har-
riet Martineau, Robert Buchana-n and Justin
McCarthy, all of whom had suffered more
or less from the " appropriation " of their
works by American publishers.
About the same time that this memorial
of British authors was published, a com-
mittee of American authors and publishers
was before the Senate committee on the
library, and accepted the bill known as Mr.
William H. Appleton's bill, which extended
the privileges of copyright (including the
rights over translation) to foreign authors,
provided simply that the reprints or trans-
lations were manufactured in this country.
This bill shared the fate of all the previous
attempts in the same direction.
The fact is, the subject of international
copyright has never yet been thoroughly and
intelligently discussed in Congress. It seems
impossible to convince that honorable body
that American literature can be benefited
by extending copyright protection to foreign
authors. It is only necessary to refer to
the adverse report of Mr. Morrill on inter-
national copyright, made to the United
States Senate in 1873. The learned Sena-
tor, after stating that the Constitution gives
to Congress the power of enacting copy-
right laws, " to promote the progress of
science," solemnly asked, " How will an
international copyright law promote the
progress of science ? If an author is already
incited to mental labor by "the laws of his
own country, how will an international
copyright operate as a further incitement ? "
The satisfaction of knowing that his work
— upon which he has expended months,
and perhaps years, of mental labor — will
be published and paid for, might seem to
operate as a further incitement. An inter-
national copyright, by inducing American
publishers to buy more American books,
instead of " appropriating " English books,
will give an impetus to our literature such as
it has never had before. And, by protecting
the pecuniary interests of our authors abroad,
it will " operate as a further incitement to
mental labor." It is extraordinary that so
clear a proposition should be misunderstood
by men of average understanding.
Whatever may have been the case in the
past, there is now every disposition on the
part of American publishers, with very few
exceptions, to do full justice to foreign
authors. Not only as a simple piece of mer-
cantile honesty, but, also, as a measure of
mercantile policy, our respectable publishers
are decidedly in favor of the international
copyright. Their present system of paying
for advance sheets of English books gives
them no legal protection, but only two or
three weeks' start over less scrupulous rivals,
who, paying nothing to the English author,
can afford to undersell honest publishers.
Under an international copyright law, a
payment no greater than what is now given
for advanced sheets or royalty would afford
American publishers a legal protection and
enable them to get out better editions, and
also to reprint English books of a higher
class. Thus, foreign authors would be re-
munerated, American publishers would be
legally protected in their legally purchased
property, American authors would no longer
have to contend against the unbought liter-
ature of Great Britain, and the odium of
countenancing literary piracy would no
longer blacken our national honor.
The writer has corresponded with some
of our largest publishing houses upon this
subject, and, so far as ascertained, the opin-
ion is universally in favor of international
copyright. Many of them have always
favored such legislation without condition.
CONGRESS AND INTERNATIONAL COPYRIGHT.
The position of others was set forth by Mr.
W. H. Appleton, in 1871, in a letter to the
" London Times " :
" It is taken for granted all round in this discus-
sion that the Americans are opposed to an interna-
tional copyright law. On what evidence? That
England has proffered it, and we have rejected it —
perhaps over and "over again. But this only proves
that we object to certain forms of it. I deny that
the Americans have ever rejected an author's inter-
national copyright law from you, or ever had a
chance to.
"Avowedly an author's copyright, it is really
an author's and publisher's copyright that is de-
manded of us. You may not see the difference ;
Americans do.
" I am of opinion that an international copyright
law rigorously in the author's interest, requir-
ing him to make contracts for American repub-
lication directly with American publishers, and
taking effect only upon books entirely manufactured
in the United States, would be acceptable to our
people. * * * I advocate international copy-
right as a matter of principle and sound policy, and
in my letter to Mr. Ennis, in 1853, I took the
ground that I now take."
A more recent movement for international
copyright is, perhaps, the most interesting
of all, because most promising of practical
results. Under date of November, 1878,
Messrs. Harper & Bros, addressed to the
Secretary of State a letter suggesting the
appointment of an international commission,
to consist of three authors, three publishers
and three publicists from each of the two
countries, which might arrange the terms
of a treaty. This house was understood
practically to oppose international copy-
right, as so far proposed in Congress, on the
ground that, under " the courtesy of the
trade," English authors were fairly remuner-
ated, and that the proposed methods of
international copyright would place our
market under control of English publishers
and prove disastrous to the interests of
American readers. The growth, within
two years, of the ten-cent novel reprints,
> issued by houses which not only paid
no royalty to authors but freely availed
themselves of the experience and outlay
of American publishers who had paid
royalty, has put a different face on the
matter. The letter to Mr. Evarts was made
public in a circular issued by Messrs. Harper
in March, 1879, which contained also the
draft of a treaty presented by Lord Clar-
endon, in 1870, with such modifications as,
in the judgment of this house, were neces-
sary to protect American interests. The
treaty is intended to cover " publications of
books, of dramatic works, of musical com-
positions, of drawing, of painting, of sculpt-
ure, of engraving, of lithography, and of
other works whatsoever of literature and
of the fine arts." Its essential article pro-
vides that
" the subjects or citizens of either of the two coun-
tries to whom the laws of their own country do now
or may hereafter give, as authors or proprietors of
works of literature or art, the right of copyright or
property, shall be entitled to exercise that right in
the territories of the other of such countries for the
same term and to the same extent as the authors or
proprietors of works of the same nature, if published
in such other country, would therein be entitled to
exercise such right ; provided that the author of any
work of literature manufactured and published in
the one country shall not be entitled to copyright in
the other country unless such work shall be also
manufactmred and published therein, by a subject or
citizen thereof, within three months after its original
publication in the country of the author or pro-
prietor ; but this proviso shall Hot apply to paint-
ings, engravings, sculptures, or other works of art ;
and the word ' manufacture ' shall not be held to
prohibit printing in one country from stereotype
plates prepared in the other and imported for this
purpose."
It seems probable that the final solution
of this question will be the negotiation of
some such treaty as is here suggested.
American publishers are now practically
united in favor of the reform, and it is hoped
our own government will now take the
initiative in official action.
It should be mentioned, to the credit of
several of our largest publishers, that they
have practically anticipated an international
copyright law, and given English authors
the benefit of such a law, as though it
really existed. Indeed, in some instances
English authors have been paid more for
their books than they would have received
under copyright law. Still, the true interests
of American and English literature demand
the adoption of an international copyright
law by the two Governments. The recent
Royal Copyright Commission magnani-
mously commended in 1878 the offering
of copyright on equal terms to foreign
authors, without regard to the action of
other countries. Shall the United States
take up the gauntlet thus thrown down ?
For the protection of our sailors' rights, we
engaged with England in a long and bloody
war. Shall we not, for the protection of our
authors' rights, engage with her in a friendly
agreement for international copyright ?
WALHALLA.
WALHALLA.
A FEW years ago a young English artist,
named Reid, who was traveling through
this country, stopped for a day or two at
Louisville, having found an old friend there.
He urged this gentleman to go with him
into the mountainous region of Tennessee
and North Carolina.
"The foliage," he said, "will be worth
study in September; and besides, I have an
errand there for my brother. He is a
house- decorator in London, and when he
was in the Alps last summer, he was told
that a wood-carver, whose work he saw in
Berne, and fancied, had emigrated to America
two or three years ago, turned farmer, and
joined a small German colony in these mount-
ains. I am to find this colony if I can, and
if there is any workman of real skill in it, to
offer him regular work and good wages in
London. My brother is in immediate need
of a panel-carver."
" He could have imported a dozen from
Berne."
" Certainly," said Reid, with a shrug ;
" but Tom has his whims. He fancied that
he detected a delicacy, a spirit in this man's
work — an undiscovered Bewick, in fact.
Where do you suppose the fellow is hidden,
Pomeroy ? Do you know of any such
colony?"
" No, and I hardly can believe that there
are any thrifty Germans among those im-
pregnable mountains. Why, access to
many of the counties is only to be had on
mules, and at the risk of your neck. Your
German must have a market for his work ;
he would find none there."
They were talking in the breakfast room
of the hotel. A man at the same table
looked up and nodded.
" Beg pardon, but couldn't help over-
hearing. Think the place you want is in
South Carolina. Name of Walhalla. Vil-
lage. Queer little corner. Oconee county."
" Oh, thanks ! " said Reid, eyeing him
speculatively, as probably a new specimen
of the American. " Any Swiss there, do
you know ? "
" That I can't tell you, sir," said the
stranger, expanding suddenly into the geni-
ality of an old acquaintance. " They're
Germans, I take it. Shut out of the world
by the mountains as completely as if the
place was a ' hall of the dead,' as they call it.
There it is, with German houses and German
customs, dropped down right into the midst
of Carolina snuff-rubbers, and Georgian clay-
eaters. I found the village five years ago,
while I was buying up skins in the mount-
ains. I'm a fur dealer. Cincinnati. One
of my cards, gentlemen ? " * * *
To Walhalla, therefore, Mr. Reid and his
friend went. They tried to strike a bee-
line to it, through a wilderness of mountain
ranges, by trails known only to the trap-
pers; taking them as their guides, and
sleeping in their huts at night. After two
weeks of climbing among the clouds, of
solitary communion with Nature, of unmiti-
gated dirt, fried pork, and fleas, they came
in sight of Walhalla.
They had reached Macon county, North
Carolina, where the Appalachian range,
which stretches like a vast bulwark along the
eastern coast of the continent, closes abruptly
in walls of rock, jutting like mighty promon-
tories into the plains of Georgia and South
Carolina.
Reid and Pomeroy stopped one morning
on one of these heights, to water their mules
at a spring, from which two streams bubbled
through the grass and separated, one to flow
into the Atlantic, the other into the Gulf of
Mexico, so narrow and steep was the ridge
on which they stood. The wind blew thin
and cold in their faces; the sun shone
brightly about them ; but below, great
masses of cumulus clouds were driven, ebbing
like waves, out toward the horizon. Far
down in the valley a rain-storm was raging.
It occupied but small space, and looked like
a motionless cataract of gray fog, torn at
times by yellow, jagged lightning.
Not far from the spring a brown mare was
tethered, and near it a stout young man in
blue homespun was lying, stretched lazily
out on the dry, ash-colored moss, his chin
in his palms, watching the storm in the
valley. An empty sack had served as a
saddle for the mare ; slung about the man's
waist was a whisky flask and a horn. He
was evidently a farmer, who had come up
into the mountains to salt his wild cattle.
Reid took note of the clean jacket,
the steady blue eyes, the red rose in his cap.
" Swiss," he said to Pomeroy. " Where
is Walhalla, my friend ? "
The man touched his cap, and pointed to
a wisp of smoke at the base of the mount-
140
WALHALLA.
ain. As they rode on, his dog snuffed curi-
ously at their horses' heels, but Hans did
not raise his head to look after them.
" That is the first man I have seen in
America," said Reid, " who took time to
look at the world he lived in."
When they were gone, Hans lay watching
the cloud below soften from a metallic black
mass into pearly haze; then it drifted up
into films across the green hills. On the
nearer plain below, he could now see the
white-boiled cotton-fields, wet and shining
after the shower ; threads of mist full of
rainbow lights traced out the water-courses ;
damp, earthy scents came up to the height
from the soaked forests. After a long while
he rose leisurely, his eyes filled with sat-
isfaction, as one who has had a good visit
in the home of a friend. He mounted the
mare and rode down the trail ; the sun shone
ruddily on the peaks above him, but there
was a damp, shivering twilight in the gorges.
Both seemed holiday weather to the young
fellow; his mare whinnied when he patted
her neck ; the dog ran, barking and jumping
upon him ; it was a conversation that had
been going on for years among old friends.
Mr. Reid reached Walhalla just before
sundown. As his mule went slowly down
the wide street, he looked from side to side
with pleased surprise.
" It is a street out of some German vil-
lage," he said. " I have not seen such thrift
or homely comfort in this country."
" It is only the sudden contrast to the
grandeur and dirt behind us," said Pom-
eroy. " If you miss the repose and exal-
tation of the lofty heights which you talked
of, you will find scrubbed floors and flea-less
beds a solid consolation."
The sleepy hamlet consisted of but one
broad street, lined by quaint wooden houses,
their stoops covered with grape-vines or
roses. Back of these houses stretched
trim gardens, gay with dahlias and yellow
wall-flowers ; back of these, again, were the
farms. Along the middle of the street, at
intervals, were shaded wells, public scales, a
platform for town meetings. The people
were gathered about one of the wells, in
their old German fashion, the men with
their pipes, the women with their knitting.
Reid remained in Walhalla for two or
three days. He found that there were several
Swiss families and that many of the men had
been wood-carvers at home. He hit upon
a plan to accomplish his purpose. He
gave a subject for a panel,— the Flight into
announced that any one who
chose might undertake the work; that he
would return in a month (he had found there
was access to Columbia by railway through
the valley), and would then buy the best
panel offered at a fair price, and, if the skill
shown in the work satisfied him, would send
the carver to London free of expense, and
insure him high and steady wages.
The day he left, all the village collected
about the well to talk the matter over.
Here was a strange gust from the outer
world blowing into their dead calm! Most
of them had forgotten that there was a world
outside of Walhalla. They tilled their farms
and bartered with the mountaineers. Twice
a year Schopf went to Charlotte for goods
to fill his drowsy shop. London ? Riches?
Fame ? The blast of a strange trumpet,
truly. The blood began to quicken. Such
of them- as had been wood-carvers felt their
fingers itch for the knife.
" No doubt it is George Heller who will
win it," everybody said. " That fellow has
ambition to conquer the world. Did you
see how he followed the Englishmen about ?
He could talk to them in their own fashion.
George is no ordinary man ! "
" If Hans had but his wit now ! " said one,
nodding as Hans on his mare came down
the street. " Hans is a good fellow. But he
will never make a stir in the world. Now,
George's fingers used to be as nimble as his
tongue."
Heller's tongue, meanwhile, was wagging
nimbly enough at the other side of the well.
He was a little, wiry, red-haired, spectacled
fellow, with a perpetual movement and spar-
kle about him, as if his thoughts were flame.
" That's the right sort of talk. Fame —
profit! Why should we always drag be-
hind the world here at Walhalla ? Plough
and dig, plough and dig ! The richest man
in New York left Germany a butcher's son,
with his wallet strapped on his back ; and
what is New York to London ? Just give
me a foothold in London and I'll show you
what a baker's son can do, let Hans Becht
laugh as he chooses ! " For Hans, who had
come down to the well, was listening with a
quizzical twinkle in his eye. He filled his
pipe, laughed, sat down and said nothing.
Everybody knew Hans to be the most silent
man in Walhalla.
The pretty girls gathered shyly closer to
Heller; and the boys thrust their hands in
their pockets and stared admiringly up at
him. Hans was their especial friend, but
what a stout, common-place creature he was
beside this brilliant fellow !
WALHALLA.
141
" A man only needs a foothold in this
world!" George said, adjusting his spectacles
and looking nervously toward a bench where
a young girl sat holding her baby brother.
The child was a solid lump of flesh, but she
looked down at him with the tenderest eyes
in the world. The sight of her drove the
blood through Heller's veins almost as hotly
as the smell of a glass of liquor would do.
" Oh, if I win, I'll take a wife from Wal-
halla ! " he cried, laughing excitedly, look-
ing at her and not caring that the whole
village saw his look. " I'll come back for
the girl I love ! " He fancied that the shy
eyes had caught the fire from his own and
answered with a sudden flash.
Hans thought so, too ; his pipe went out
in his mouth. When she rose to go home,
he took the heavy boy out of her arms, and
walked beside her. Heller's shrill voice
sounded behind them like a vehement fife.
" Success .... money money ! "
Hans looked anxiously down into her
face.
" They are good things," she said, " very
good things."
Hans's tongue was tied as usual. He
dropped Phil in the cradle in the kitchen,
and then came out and led Christine down
to the garden of his own house.
What was London — money, to home?
Surely she must see that! He led her
slowly past the well-built barn and piggeries,
past the bee-hives hidden behind the
cherry-trees, and seated her on the porch.
He thought these things would speak for
him. Hans clung as closely to his home as
Phil yonder to his mother's breast. But
Christine looked sullen.
Hans said nothing.
" A man should not be satisfied with a
kitchen garden," she said sharply.
They sat on the porch steps. The night
air was warm and pure, the moon hung low
over the rice fields to the left, throwing
fantastic shadows that chased each other
like noiseless ghosts as the wind swayed the
grain. To the right, beyond the valley, the
mountains pierced the sky. They were all
so friendly, but dumb — dumb as himself. If
they could only speak and say of how little
account money was, after all ! It seemed to
Hans as if they were always just going to
speak !
But Christine did not look at sky, or
mountains, or sleeping valley. She looked
at the gravel at her feet, and gave it a little
kick.
" No doubt George Heller will succeed.
I hope he will, too ! " she said vehemently.
"If a man has the real stuff in him let him
show it to the world ! I'll go home now,
Mr. Becht."
That evening Hans's violin was silent.
He used to play until late in the night ;
but he was sharpening his long unused
knives, with a pale face. He, too, was begin-
ning a Flight into Egypt.
During the next two weeks a tremendous
whittling went on in Walhalla. Some old
fellows, who had never cut anything but
paper-knives and match-boxes, were fired
with the universal frenzy. Why should not
Stein, the cobbler, or Fritz, the butcher,
chip his way to wealth^ fame, and London ?
There is not a butcher or cobbler of us all
who does not secretly believe himself a genius
equal to the best — barred down by circum-
stance. George Heller kept his work secret,
but he was mightily stirred by it in soul and
body. Twice, in a rage, he broke the panel
into bits, and came out pale and covered
with perspiration; he walked about mutter-
ing to himself like one in a dream ; he went
to Godfrey Stein's inn and drank wine and
brandy, and then more brandy, and forgot
to pay. Genius is apt to leave the lesser
virtues in the lurch. He kicked the dogs
out of the way, cursed the children, and
was insolent to his old father who still fed
and clothed him.
"He's no better than a wolf's whelp!"
said Stein. "But he's got the true artist
soul. He'll win ! " Now if anybody knew
the world, it was Godfrey Stein.
Nobody thought Hans Becht would win
but his old mother. She was sure of it. She
sat beside him with her knitting, talking all
the time. Why did he not give himself more
time? The rice-field must be flooded ? Let
the rice go this year. He spent three hours
in the cotton this morning. And what with
foddering the stock, and rubbing down even
the pigs . What were cotton and pigs
to this chance? It would come but once a
life-time.
Meanwhile, Hans, when free from pigs
and rice and cotton, sat by the window
and cut, cut, and whistled softly. The door
of the kitchen stood open, and the chickens
came picking their way on to the white
floor. A swift stream of water ran through
the millet field and across the garden, shin-
ing in the sun. The red rhododendrons
nodded over it, and the rowan bushes,
scarlet with berries. Beyond the millet
field, there was a rampart of rolling hills,
bronzed with the early frost ; but here blazed
142
WALHALLA.
the crimson leaves of the shonieho, and
there a cucumber tree thrust its open golden
fruit, studded with scarlet seeds, through the
dull back-ground. Beyond this rising ground
were the peaks, indistinct as gray shadows,
holding up the sky.
Sometimes Mother Becht caught Hans
with his knife idle, looking at these far off
heights, or at the minnows glancing through
the brook near at hand. There was a great
pleasure in his eyes.
"You are a fool to throw away your
time," she cried. "Can you cut that red
weed or the sky into your wood? You
could not even paint them."
"God forbid that anybody should try!"
thought Hans.
" Stick to your work ! work counts. The
things that count in the world are those
which push you up among your neighbors."
Hans began to cut a tip to Joseph's nose.
"The things which count in the world
" he queried to himself. He did his
thinking very slowly. His blind father sat
outside in the sun ; he came in every hour
or two to hear how the work was going on,
and then went to Schopf's shop to report.
His wife told him. that there was no doubt
that Hans would succeed.
"Joseph is good, and Mary is very fine,"
she said. " But the mule is incomparable.
If you could only see the mule! When
Hans goes to London, do you think he will
take us at once, or send for us in the spring ?
I think it would be safer to cross the ocean
in the spring. But it will not matter to
cabin-passengers — no steerage for us, then,
father ! He will be taking three of us "
" Eh ? How's that ? Three ? "
" Christine," she said, with a significant
chuckle. " Oh, she'll be glad enough to
take our Hans, then ! She's had to work
her fingers to the bone. She knows the
weight of a full purse."
" Hans is welcome to bring her home
whether he wins or not," said Father Becht.
" He earns the loaf, and it's big enough for
four. There's not a sweeter voice in Wal-
halla than Christy Vogel's."
" She's well enough," said Mrs. Becht,
cautiously. "Vogel's tobacco brought half
a cent in the pound more than ours, and it
was Christine's raising and drying. Her
beer's fair, too. I've tasted it." She went
in and talked to Hans. " Only win, and
Christine will marry you. She'll follow the
full purse."
" She'll follow the man she loves, and
that is not I," thought Hans, and he stopped
whistling. His mother's voice sounded on,
click-click.
" When we are rich — when we are in
London — when we drive in a carriage "
" She, too ? " he considered, looking out
thoughtfully about him at the fat farm-lands,
the pleasant house, the cheery fire, and then
away to the scarlet rowan burning in the
brown undergrowth, and the misty, heaven-
reaching heights.
Even his mother counted these things as
nothing beside fame, London, money.
Was he then mad or a fool ?
Nobody thought he would win. Yet,
everybody stopped to look in the window,
with " good-luck, Hans !"
" See what a favorite you are, fny lad,"
said his mother. "There's not a man or
a woman in Walhalla to whom you have not
done a kindness. Do you think the Lord
does not know you deserve success ? If He
does not give you the prize instead of
that drunken Heller, there's no justice in
heaven!"
At last the Englishman returned. The
decision was to be made that night. Hans
had finished his panel that very day. He
did not know whether it was bad or good.
He had cut away at it as faithfully as he had
rubbed down his pigs. He wrapped it up
that evening and went down to the inn,
stopping at Vogel's on the way. The old
people were at the well ; Christine had
cooked the supper, milked the cows, and
now she was <up in her chamber singing
little Phil to sleep.
Her voice came down to Hans below full
of passion and sadness.
" Who is it she loves in that way ? " he
wondered. He stood in the path of the
little yard, listening. Heller, coming across
the street eyed the square-jawed, heavy
figure. What an awkward figure it was,
to be sure. How the linen clothes bagged
about it! He glanced down at his own
natty little legs and shining boots, and tossed
his head jerkily. He carried his panel
wrapped in cloth, and came in, banging the
gate after him.
"Is that you, Becht? Been whittling,
too ? " he said, with an insolent chuckle.
Hans looked at him steadfastly, not hear-
ing a word that he said. Was it Heller
she loved ? If he were sure of it, he
would not speak a word for himself. No
matter what became of him, if she were con-
tent. He was hurt to the core.
Christine came down. She wore some
stuff of pale blue, and had fastened a
WALHALLA.
bunch of wild roses in her bosom. She was
so silent and cold with both the young
men that one could hardly believe that it
was the woman who had sung with such
passionate longing over the child.
"Now you shall see my panel!" cried
Heller, nervously adjusting his spectacles.
He set it on the bench and dragged off the
cloth.
" Ah-h ! " cried Christine, clasping her
hands ; then she turned anxiously to Hans.
Hans was not ready with his words. His
eyes filled with tears. He laid his hand on
Heller's shoulder with hearty good-will.
The work gave him keen pleasure. In the
face of the mother bending over the child
there was that inscrutable meaning which
he found in the quiet valleys, the far
heights. But Heller, oddly, did not seem
to see it.
" Yes, very nice bits of chipping there !"
pulling at his red moustache. " I shall ask
fifty dollars for that."
Christine turned her searching eyes on
him.
" Yes, fifty," he repeated, feeling that he
had impressed her.
Hans, too, looked at him wondering.
How could this paltry sot compel the secret
into his work, which to him was but a holy
dream ? Christine was watching him anx-
iously.
" Is that your panel ?" she said at last.
Hans nodded, hesitated a moment, and
then broke the thin bit of wood in two and
flung it into the road.
" It was nothing but a passably cut mule,"
he said.
Heller laughed loud.
" Well, time to be off. Wish me good
luck, Christine ! "
She smiled and walked with him to the
gate. Hans followed, but she did not once
look at Hans. As she opened the gate
Heller laid his hand quickly on hers ; a rose
fell from her dress, he caught it and pressed
it to his lips. His breath was rank with
liquor. Hans thrust him back and strode
between them.
"This must end. Christine, you must
choose between this man and me."
" I can easily do that," she said, quickly.
Heller laughed. Hans gulped down a
lump in his throat.
" Not to-night," he said.
By to-morrow, no doubt, Heller would be
known as successful, the man whose purse
would always be full. Christine must know
precisely what she was choosing. It was
like Hans to think of these things. If — in
spite of it all — she came to him
" There is another rose on your breast.
Send it to-morrow to the man you love."
"I will." She did not look at him. She
was as pale as himself. He went down the
street, leaving her with Heller.
Two hours afterward he went to the inn
where Reid was, and sat on a bench at the
door. Half the village was inside waiting
to hear the decision. His heart beat rebel-
liously against his breast. What if, after all,
there had been great hidden merit in his
panel ? It was only natural that Christine
should be won by clap-trap of success and
money — she was only a woman. " But no,"
he answered himself, " what I am — I am.
I want no varnish of praise or money."
Out came the crowd.
" I knew it ! " " The most worthless lout
in Walhalla!" "A drunkard for luck!"
" He goes to London next week."
" Then he must come back for his wife,"
said Stein. " He told me to-night he was
betrothed to Christy."
Hans stood up, and nodded good-night to
them as he pushed through the crowd. He
did not go home. A damp breeze blew up
the valley. Down yonder were the far-
reaching meadows, the lapping streams, the
great friendly trees. He went to them as a
child goes to its mother in trouble.
About six miles from Walhalla lies the
trunk line of the Atlanta and Richmond rail-
road. At ten o'clock that evening, the moon
being at the full, the engineer of the express
train, going north, saw a man at a turn of
the road signaling him vehemently to stop.
Now, a way train in that leisurely region will
pull up for any signal. But this engineer
looked out in calm contempt.
" Reckon he don't know the express ! " he
said. A little child in the cars saw the man
gesticulating wildly and laughed at him
through the open window.
The man disappeared over the brow of
the hill. The road made a long circuit
around its base. When the engine came
around this bend, the engineer, Hurst, saw
on the track in front, a prison hand-car used
to transport the convict laborers from one
division to another. The convicts had been
taken to the stockade for the night, and the
driver of the car was inside of it, dead drunk.
Hurst had been twenty years in his busi-
ness; he understood the condition of affairs
at a glance. He knew it meant death to
all those people in the crowded cars behind
144
WALHALLA.
him, to him first of all. He whistled down
brakes, but he knew it was of no use. The
brakes were of the old kind, and before the
train could be slackened it would be upon
the solid mass in front.
" We're done for, Zack," he said to the
fireman. He did not think of jumping off
his engine. It is noticeable how few com-
mon-place men try to shirk death when in
the discharge of duty.
The brakes were of no use. The engine
swept on, hissing, shrieking.
Suddenly Hurst saw that the car was
backing ! — creeping like a snail ; but assur-
edly backing.
" Y-ha ! " yelled Zack.
Hurst saw the man who had warned
him standing on the platform of the car,
working it. Now, it required at least four
men to work that car.
In another minute the engine would be
upon him.
"God! You'll be killed!" shouted
Hurst. The terrible hardihood of the man
stunned him into forgetting that anybody
else was in danger. At that instant from
the train came a frightful shriek — women's
voices. The passengers for the first time
saw their danger.
It was but a point of time, yet it seemed
like an hour. The train did not abate its
speed. The man, a short fellow of power-
ful build, threw the strength of a giant into
his straining muscles, his white face with its
distended eyes was close in front in the red
glare of the engine.
Hurst shut his eyes. He muttered some-
thing about Joe, — Joe was his little boy.
The train jarred with a long scrunching
rasp, and — stopped. They were saved.
"Great God!" prayed Hurst. "Tight
squeak for your life, Zack," he said aloud,
wetting his lips with his tongue.
The people poured out of the train. They
went up to the car, some laughing, some
swearing. But every man there felt as if
Death had taken his soul into his hold for a
moment, and then let it go.
Three stout men tried to move the car.
They could not do it.
" Who is that fellow ? "
" A workman on the road ?"
" No," said Hurst.
" Where is he ? " asked several.
For he had vanished as if the earth had
swallowed him up.
" He was a youngish, light complexioned
fellow," said Zack. " Most likely a
Deutcher from Walhalla."
" Whoever he may be, he saved our lives,"
said a director of the road. " I never saw
such desperate courage. I vote for a testi-
monial."
The American soul exults in testimonials,
and the Southerner is free with his money.
There happened, too, to be a delegation of
New York merchants on board, who valued
their lives at a pretty figure. More than
all, there was a widow from California, the
owner of millions and of the pretty boy
who had looked out of the window. " He
saved my baby," she said with a sob, as she
took the paper.
The testimonial- grew suddenly into a sum
which made Hurst wink with amazemenl
when he heard of it. " That fellow will be
king in Walhalla," he said.
It was near morning when Hans came
home. He went to his room, said his
prayers, and slept heavily. The next morn-
ing the village was on fire with excitement,
The inn was full of passengers from the
train ; the story was in everybody's mouth,
The director of the road had driven ovei
from the station. When Hans went down tc
the pasture that morning he saw a placard
stating the facts and the sum subscribed, anc
requesting the claimant to present himsel:
at the station that evening for identificatior
by Hurst.
Hans went on to the pasture. When he
came back and was at work in the garden,
he could hear through the paling the people
talking as they went by.
" He will be the richest man in Walhalla.'
" The director says the company will
give him a situation for life. So the)
ought ! "
Nothing else was talked of. The contests
of yesterday and all the Flights into Egypl
were forgotten.
" Ah, how lucky that fellow is," he hearc
his mother say on the sidewalk. " Anc
there's Heller! Some people are born tc
luck ! " looking over the palings with bitte:
disappointment at Hans, digging potatoes.
But blind Father Becht listened in silence
He knew but one man in the world brav<
enough for such a deed. " I give that lac
my blessing ! " he said, striking his cane or
the ground. He, too, turned toward Han:
digging potatoes.
" Heller is packing to be off to London,'
somebody said. " They say Vogel's prettj
daughter is to follow in the spring."
Hans stuck in his spade and went to hi!
mother. " I am going to salt the cattle or
the north mountain," he said.
WALHALLA.
'45
" Very well. He does not care to know
who this brave lad is," she said to his father.
*' He's a good boy, but dull — dull. They
say there is a woman from California at the
inn. She says she must see the man who
saved her boy's life. She is rich and has her
whims, no doubt."
Night came, but the man did not present
liimself. The next day the director, who
was of a generous, impatient temper, offered
a reward to anybody who could make him
known. It was certain he had told nobody
what he had done, or they would have come
forward for the reward. The excitement
grew with every hour. Hans returned late
in the next day. He went to his spade and
began to dig the rest of the potatoes. His
mother followed.
" Well," she exclaimed, " he is not
found ! The story is gone by telegraph to all
parts of the country. Here are fame and
riches waiting for him. Some people cer-
tainly are born on lucky Sundays. There
is Heller, the drunken beast, gone off to
London. And you must dig potatoes !
There's no justice in heaven ! "
She clicked away, knitting as she went.
Now I may as well say here that although
this happened years ago, the missing man
is not yet found. He is the mystery and
pride of all that region. The director put
the money out at compound interest, but
it is yet unclaimed.
Concerning Hans, however, who digs his
potatoes in the same patch, we have some-
thing more to tell. When he had finished
digging that morning he went into the
liouse. The stout fellow had lost his ruddy
•color, as though he had lately gone through
some heavy strain of body or soul. He
«at on the kitchen steps and played a soft
air on his violin. The earth he had been
•digging lay in moist, black heaps. He liked
the smell of it. How like a whispering
voice was the gurgle of the stream through
the roots of the sumachs! Yonder was a
Peruvian tree, raising its trunk and branches
in blood-red leaves against the still air ; far
"beyond were the solemn heights. He had
just come from there. He knew how quiet
it was yonder near the sky — how friendly.
All these things came, as he played, into the
music and spoke through it, and a great
stillness shone in his eyes.
And at that moment — he never forgot it
in all his life — a woman's hand brushed
his cheek, and a red rose came before his
eyes.
" You did not come for the rose, so I
brought it to you," said Christine.
Later in the morning they went to the
well together; all their neighbors were there,
and it was soon known they were betrothed.
Everybody took Hans by the hand. He
had never guessed he had so many friends.
" There is no better fellow in the world,"
they said to one another. " He deserves
luck."
" That is why I was impatient with you,"
whispered Christine. " I could not bear to
see that miserable Heller carry away all the
praise and the money."
" These are not the things in the world
that count," said Hans, quietly.
Presently an open carriage drove through
the street.
" That is the lady who was in the train,"
the people whispered. "That is her boy.
She says she will not go until she finds the
man who saved them."
The lady, smiling, held her baby up that
it might see the women. She was greatly
amused and interested by the quaint German
village. When the boy caught sight of Hans
he laughed and held out his hands. The
mother nodded kindly. " The brave man
who saved us also wore a workman's dress,
I am told," she said. " My boy saw him
as he passed."
Hans took the child in his arms for a
moment, and kissed him. When he gave
him back to his mother his eyes were full of
tears. Then the carriage drove on.
He stood at the door of the home that
was so dear to him. Christine held his
hand, the sun shone cheerfully about him.
" To think," said his mother, " that we are
not to know who that brave fellow was."
His blind father took Hans's other hand
softly in his.
" God knows" he said.
But no one heard him.
VOL. XX.— 10.
TOPICS OF THE TIME.
TOPICS. OF THE TIME.
Pettiness in Art.
IN an article published some months since in
this department, entitled " Greatness in Art,"
we gave utterance to some thoughts which we
would like to emphasize here. A man traveling
in Europe discovers at once a different style of art
from that produced here — a larger and more digni-
fied style. The pictures which he sees there, in
public galleries and in the multitudinous Catholic
churches, are such as are never produced here.
There is no outlet here for the largest thoughts and
highest inspirations of the artist mind and hand.
Men must paint for a market. If there are no
public galleries to paint for, and no churches demand
their work, then they must paint for the walls of
the homes of the land. This necessarily restricts
their paintings in the matter of dimensions; so
everybody paints small pictures. A small picture
is a restriction in the matter of subjects. A digni-
fied historical picture must have large figures to be
impressive: and however serious and ambitious a
painter may be, he is loth to place a work that, by
its nature, demands a large canvas and broad hand-
ling, on a small canvas that compels pettiness of
detail and effects.
The barrel that an American artist may have in
his brain cannot be sold to anybody. The largest
thing that anybody buys is a gallon, and the really
marketable things are quarts and pints. An artist
may hold in his imagination a palace for kings and
queens and the nobility of the earth, but he can
only sell a play-house for children, and he is obliged
to sell to get food and shelter for himself and his
dependents. So American art is made up of the
quarts and pints of the artistic capacity of its pro-
ducers and the toy-houses which should be palaces
and broad domains. The tendency of these facts
is degrading and depressing to the last degree.
They have already dwarfed American art and cir-
cumscribed its development. When it gets to this,
— that every artist who undertakes a great thing is
looked upon as a profligate or a fool, because there
is no market for a great thing, — matters can hardly
be worse. The necessarily constant consideration
of marketableness in pictures is very degrading,
and tends inevitably to unfit the artist for the best
work. Crowded into the smallest spaces, cut off
from all great ambitions, men cease to think largely,
grow petty in their subjects, reach out into striking
mannerisms for the sake of effects that cannot
be produced in a natural way, and lavish on
technique the power and pains that should go into
great designs and a free and full individual ex-
pressiou.
The recent exhibition of water colors in this city
showed how far into pettiness the artists in that
line of work have gone. There was much that was
bright and pretty and attractive, but how irredeem-
&bly petty it all was ! It may be said that nothing
can be expected of water colors beyond the repre-
sentation of petty things, but we remember three
large water-color exhibitions in London, all open at
the same time, where there were pictures so large
and important and fine, that thousands of dollars
were demanded for them and commanded by them.
The painters attempted and accomplished great
things. They showed, at least, that the desire and
the motive to do great things were not absolutely
extinguished within them. There were up-reachings
toward high ideals. Here, we seem to be on a dead
level of conception and aim, and the man cleverest
with his hand leads. The catalogue will rehearse
the topics — too trivial to engage any poet's attention,
too petty to inspire any man's respect. The worst
of this is that this collection of pettinesses was sold
almost to the last picture. We are glad to see the
purses of the artists filled ; but the success of this
unprecedented sale must be to encourage them in a
path of degeneration and demoralization.
It pays to be petty. It is a thousand pities thai
there is no outlet in America for the best and
highest that her artists can do. Wandering
through the beautiful miles of pictures in Rome, in
Florence, in Munich, in Paris, in Versailles, in Lon-
don,— gazing upon the walls of splendid churches
scattered all over Europe, — we can see where the
inspirations have come from that have made thai
art supreme. The market for great work was open,
and the best and greatest that the best and greatest
artist could do was sure of a place and a price.
When America establishes galleries of pictures, and
holds the funds to pay for all that is great and
worthy, the great and worthy pictures will undoubt-
edly be painted. Meantime, the artists of the
country must fight the influences which depress and
demoralize them as best they can. They can da
more and better than they are doing, we are sure;
We sincerely hope that next year we shall have, in
all our exhibitions, an advance in the subject"
treated, so that pettiness in size of pictures may be
somewhat atoned for by dignity and interest of topic
and a larger and more natural style of treatment
The nation is not only becoming prosperous, but is
constantly progressing in the knowledge of art, so
that we believe all good artists will find it for theii
pecuniary advantage to go higher in their work,
— higher in excellence and higher in price. If they
cannot sell large pictures, they can surely sell thosfl
of graver import and more elaborate execution.
International Copyright.
THERE is something encouraging to the friends
of international copyright in the present condition
of things. It is humiliating, of course, to every
author that his own rights have had very little con-
sideration in the handling of this question. If he
has asked for the protection of literary property for
himself and his confreres, at home and abroad, he
TOPICS OF THE TIME.
'47
has been opposed by the publishing and paper-mak-
ing interests, and on their behalf he has uni-
formly been defeated. He has been obliged to
wait for the adjustment of his own rights until
these other interests should be ready ; and they have
never been ready. Our American publishers have
cared nothing, as a rule, for the author, or for right.
They have simply been looking after their own
interests. American authorship has nothing to
expect from the publishing interest for itself. The
trouble is that American publishers dread interna-
tional copyright for the sole reason that it is possi-
ble, under it, for English publishers to make and
sell in this market their own editions of books that
have hitherto been stolen. Could this apprehended
difficulty be provided against, there would be no
hinderance in getting an international copyright to-
morrow. The American publisher wishes to make
all the books, American and foreign, that are sold
in this market, and the paper-maker desires to
manufacture the paper for them.
Now, w"e would like to emphasize some facts con-
nected with this matter, and to call attention to the
natural results of this course of action on the part
of American publishers. The rights of literary
property have been steadily ignored throughout the
whole of American history. The foreign author has
had no rights here, and the American author's prop-
erty has had li ttle protection abroad. The publishers
of each nation have had the privilege of stealing liter-
ary property from each other at will. Many men in
America have been greatly enriched by availing
themselves of the inventions and works of foreign
authors, without making any returns. The business
—even the main business — of some of our American
publishers, has been a business of persistent and
industrious theft. The author has had no chance
by the side of the inventor of a machine. Tenny-
son, and Browning, and Swinburne, and Dickens,
and Thackeray, have had no legal protection
•whatever. What "courtesies" have been rendered
them we do not know and we do not care. It is
enough that not one of these superb writers, who
ministers, or has ministered, to the culture and the
pleasure of the American people, had a right, under
American law, to a penny of income from his pro-
ductions, while the inventor of a rat-trap could have
secured a patent on his contrivance, and controlled
the sale and profits of it.
We. assume and assert that there is such a thing
as literary property. Our own copyright law recog-
nizes it. An American author has a right to the
literary work which he produces, and in America
he is protected in it. The foreign author has the
same right, which our Government refuses to pro-
tect. This kind of property is very jealously
guarded in England, as in other European countries,
and we know of no other property belonging to a
foreigner, which can be landed on our shores that
is not protected by our laws. We could not steal
a knife, or a pail, or a piece of cloth, belonging
to a foreigner, without being summoned before the
courts and made to give an account of ourselves.
And be it said, right here, that the publisher has
nothing whatever to do with this matter. His inter-
ference is a gross impertinence, not to say a cruel
wrong. Right is right; property is property; and
nothing can be made in the long run by any set of
men, in any community, by denying justice to a class.
It is right that the literary man should be protected
in his property everywhere, and the denial of this
right is certain to work mischief, in the long run, to
those who undertake to make money out of such
denial.
We began by saying that there is something
encouraging to the friends of international copyright
in the present condition of things. What is that
condition ? Universal sickness in the book-pub-
lishing business in America, in consequence of the
facility with which foreign works are stolen. The
cheap "libraries," the cheap books now produced,
are ruining the book trade. The 'country book-
seller some years ago went out of his business,
and surrendered what there was left of it to the
periodical dealer, and now the book-publisher must
die, or get rid of these cheap books, whose copy-
right has been stolen. This denial of the right of
the foreign author in his book has worked all the
mischief. Any cut-throat can become a publisher
now, and, by stealing, reduce that business to a
simple matter of job-printing. So this denial of an
author's rights on the part of publishers is working
out its own legitimate results, in the ruin of the
publishing business. Not only is it doing this, but
it is ruining American authorship at the same time,
and by the same means. There is no American
author who does not see his own literary revenues
declining year by year, in consequence of the cheap
books that are now turned out by these " cheap
John " pirates.
All this is very encouraging, because this stealing
must be stopped to keep the American publishing
interest from drifting to absolute wreck. Under
what regulations an international copyright shall
be granted, we do not particularly care. We should
like to see our publishers protected in the manu-
facture of books for the American market, but that
is not the first question. The first question is one
of right and justice to the authors of the world.
Let that be settled on its own merits, and we will
risk the rest. Nothing can be so ruinous as the
present system; so let us be right, and trust to
right for the results to all the interests involved.
We rejoice that the time has come when an inter-
national copyright is as essential to the welfare of
American publishers as of American authors — when
it is absolutely essential to both. Let us have it at
once, and let us have it fixed, first and foremost, on
a basis of justice to authorship, wherever it may
exist.
Common Sense and Rum.
To THE EDITOR OF SCRIBNER'S MONTHLY:
SIR : Under the heading " Topics of the Time,"
you have introduced in the February number a tirade
against the use of spirituous liquors, or those con-
taining alcohol. Do you know that this evil use of
alcohol is but the desire of men for the casting oat
148
HOME AND SOCIETY.
of evil by its use ? Wines and spirits, etc., are sim-
ply luxuries for nerves, for mind and heart. In the
case of the rich man, they relieve the ennui and
burden of existence ; of the poor man, the stupidity
and deprivation of his condition. In the case of the
man in bodily weakness or suffering, they give pres-
ent ease, relief or strength, and good spirits. They
are a quick, though brief, panacea for all the evils of
our mortal lot.
They cannot be eradicated from our use; they
have been used, and forever will be. The first pro-
ducer of alcohol called it "aqua vita." You may
call it poison ; but men will have it till some other
diviner ether shall be invented to take its place.
Alcohol is in all substances, or nearly all, as if the
Creator intended it. Let us consider that the only
good we can do in relation to it, is this : to prevent,
so far as we can, the improper use of it ; to secure,
so far as we can, the proper use of it. Men have
tried its blessing and its curse, and they will have
it. Very truly yours,
A CLERGYMAN AND A CONSTANT READER.
We presume the author of the above fancies that
he has written an eminently sensible note. He pro-
poses simply to take things as he finds them, and
make the best of them. Rum is a luxury for nerves,
for mind and heart; a quick, though brief, panacea
for all the evils of our mortal lot. Men will have
it, and all we can do is to secure, so far as we may,
the proper use of it, and prevent, so far as we can,
the improper use of it.
Very well, we take our correspondent on his own
ground. Let us take things as we find them — as
they always have been and are always likely to be.
And how do we find them ? Do we find — have we
ever found, under any circumstances — that rum is a
blessing to society ? Has it ever been an ally of the
religion and morality which our correspondent
preaches ? Have men using it ever made a " proper "
use of it ? Have they not persistently made a most
improper use of it, destroying their property, their
health, their morality, the peace and comfort of their
families, their lives ? Can our correspondent name any
curse that compares in horrible efficiency of degrad-
ing and destructive power, with this curse of alcohol?
We weary with statistics. They have been given,
over and over again, and the facts are so sickening
and the figures are so astounding that we tire of
reiterating them. But if we are to accept facts as
they are, we have only to refer to our jurists to learn
that the great fountain-head of crime is the rum-
bottle ; our statistics of pauperism will show us that
drunkenness is the source of most of our poverty ;
and our political economists will prove to us that
our national prosperities are poured down the throats
of a guzzling, infatuated multitude, while most of
our clergymen will testify that this "luxury for
nerves " is debasing to morals and destructive of
religion. In short, when we come to take facts as
they are, we find that the human race have never
made a " proper" use of alcoholic drinks, that they
cannot be trusted with them, and that what our
divine correspondent regards as a divine ether, only
to be superseded by a diviner, is an infernal
nuisance.
What does our clerical correspondent propose to
do with this fact that mankind, when left perfectly
free, have never made a " proper " use of alcoholic
drinks, and cannot be trusted to do so ? He knows
that wherever there is an open rum-shop there is
abuse. He knows that in whatever community
this divine ether is for sale, there drunkards are
made, and fortunes are squandered, and women and
children are ruined. He knows that the use of this
God-given alcohol is the cause of ten thousand times
more pain and loss than pleasure and gain, and that
if it could be shut off from the use of the world, the
world would be incalculably the gainer. What does
he propose to do with facts like these ? For, after
all, his practical proposition is the same as our own
— to restrict the improper use of alcohol and pro-
mote its proper use. The fact is that it is a drug
which has the power to unfit men for using it prop-
erly. It is not like bread or meat. It makes insane.
It develops uncontrollable appetite. It is such a
demoralizer that it destroys the power of safe and
judicious handling. What shall be done with this
fact, if we are to take facts as we find them ?
HOME AND SOCIETY.
Hints for the Yosemite Trip.
LAST July I found myself in San Francisco, with
my face toward Yosemite. I began reading guide-
books and practical manuals. With free ranging
ground in a good library, two days gave me a surfeit
of this kind of mental pabulum. I expected to find
on Yosemite something like Whymper's " Scramble
among the Alps," but I did not. Still I pored
over such books as I could find, taking copious
notes, not one of which was found of the slightest
service, and obtained from ticket agents and tourists
much information which would have been valuable
if any of it had been true. It would savor of the
guide-books to give many details of our trips. But
a few of the most striking features will, I think,
bear notice.
In the Valley itself one gets no conception of
its depth, nor of the height of the mountains that
wall it in. Hence, a trip to Yosemite without an
ascent of at least one of the neighboring peaks is a
sad waste of time and effort. The easiest trip for
one who is not strong is to Glacier Point, returning
by the Nevada and Vernal Falls. This gives one a
succession of fine views of the Valley and of the sur-
rounding peaks, and carries one over a trail almost
as wide and secure as a roadway. It gives an ele-
vation of 3,200 feet, and one of the best examples
HOME AND SOCIETY.
149
of a sheer descent to be found in the valley. Mirror
Lake, Bridal Veil Fall, the base of El Capital), Sen-
tinel Rock, the Yosemite Falls — names familiar
as household words to every owner of a stereo-
scopic collection — all these may be visited in
short walks or drives, without fatigue. To the
more ambitious there remain Eagle Peak, South
Dome, and Cloud's Rest. These form a nat-
ural climax. If only one can be visited, by all
means choose the last. The view repays one bet-
ter than that from any other point. Eagle Peak,
which is the highest of the Three Brothers — is not
a difficult climb, and the way is rendered agreeable
by the most delicious springs bubbling from the
rock. The view from its summit is one of surpass-
ing beauty, and gives, perhaps, the best idea of a
magnificent vista of mountain -walled valley and
of the encircling chain of the higher Sierras. The
trip to Cloud's Rest is the most substantial
achievement. The trail to this mountain is four-
teen miles in length, and the miles are like
those of New Jersey. The peak lies just back of
South Dome, but an immense circuit is required to
reach it. It is 6,150 feet above the Valley and
10,210 feet above the sea level. Thus it is almost
as high above the Valley as Mt. Mitchell, or Mt.
Washington, above the level of the sea. Other
peaks in the Sierras surpass it greatly in elevation,
but I doubt whether a spectacle so unique and im-
pressive may be enjoyed from Shasta itself.
Perhaps the best way to give a clear idea of the
expenses of a trip to Yosemite will be to add my
itinerary and expense account from San Francisco :
July
July
J"ly
July
July
July
10— Fare for round trip by Madera route — railroad
and coach $59.00
— Sleeping-berth 1.50
ii — Breakfast at Madera (villainous) i.oo
— Dinner at Fresno Flats do i.oo
12 — Supper, lodging and breakfast at " Clark's" . . . 4.50
14 — Tnp to Glacier Point, Sentinel Dome, Nevada
and Vernal Falls 3.25
15 — Trip to Eagle Peak 2.00
16 — " " Cloud"? Rest 1.30
18 — " " South Dome (beverages) i.oo
22 — Board for ten days at $3 a day 30.00
— Laundry, baths, sundries 5.00
— Expenses on return trip 13.00
Total, $123.00
For this amount any one who is economical may
spend ten days in the Valley. Of my two com-
panions one expended but $98, while the other
did not get through for less than $200. His first
day's trip, when he had hired a horse, paid his share
of guide hire, and paid for tolls and refreshment, cost
him $11.50; mine cost me $3.50; the other (who
carried his lunch) spent just $1.25 — the expense of
two tolls !
An impression prevails at the East that a bearded
ruffian, armed to the teeth, stands at the entrance
of all the trails leading up to the peaks about Yosem-
ite, and levies any tax on travelers that caprice
may suggest. The truth is that the tolls are not
high. The trails have been dug at much expense
by the proprietors, who have leased the right from
the State. These men are checked in any extortion
by a guardian of the Valley. Tolls on trails range
from fifty cents to one dollar, and one payment gives
you the privilege of passing over a trail for the
season. Board at the hotels is very reasonable,
transient rates varying from $3.50 to $2.50 a day.
Of the three hotels, the best one has the finest view of
the Falls and consequently charges the highest price.
But the table is excellent, and, considering the cost
of freight on all supplies, the rates are singularly
low. Prices for saddle-horses are high — $3.50 for
a short trip, $5 for a long one. Guide hire is $5
a day. With a large party, of course, the cost of
a guide is reduced to a small sum for each; unless
one has made a very careful preparatory study
of the Valley the guide is a necessary evil.
Practical hints for visitors to Yosemite may be
summed up under the following heads :
r. Don't buy a round-trip ticket. If you start
from San Francisco, as you probably will, enter the
Valley by the Madera route and come out by the
Big Oak Flat road. You thus see two groves of
big trees, and at Milton you may diverge to the
Calaveras grove, if your eye is not satiated with the
vastness of the Sequoias. With a round-trip ticket
you are foreclosed from any choice of return routes,
as it is not transferable. If you visit the Valley on
your way from the East, stop at Stockton, go by
rail to Milton and thence by coach to the Valley,
by the Big Oak Flat road, returning by the way
of Madera. The rate by the former road is
about one-third less than by the Madera route.
The latter road was opened last year, and the bed
has been graded so that in time a narrow-gauge
railroad may be built to "Clark's." Another
route — the Mariposa — which runs from Merced to
" Clark's " — is used mainly now for the mail-stage,
but probably will be used only a few years longer.
Still another — the Coulterville — from Merced by
way of Snelling's, Coulterville and Dudley's, enjoys
much patronage.
2. Try to see the Valley in May or June. From
all I could learn, the Falls are then much more
majestic than later in the season — and the trails not
so heated and dusty. Still, a considerable body of
water comes over the Yosemite Fall as late as the
first of August, and it is not usually until the first
week of September that the waterfall element is
entirely eliminated.
3. If your trip is made in May, wear heavy cloth-
ing; if later, wear summer clothes with heavy
wraps. In summer the air in the Valley is like that
of a New York September day, with just a touch of
chill at morning and nightfall. The ticket agents
advised me to wear a winter suit in midsummer.
My sufferings have made me tender toward future
victims of their inaccuracy.
4. Reduce your luggage to a satchel ; other-
wise, you may wait several days for a trunk that
has got stranded along the road. The coach '• boot "
is limited in capacity, and the driver is prejudiced
against Saratogas. Wear a duster of brown
linen or alpaca, and a straw hat with a wide
brim. Male tourists should take a change of
light clothing, if possible, to put on after a day's
trip. If you walk it is indispensable, as the dust
HOME AND SOCIETY.
penetrates everything. The most serviceable suit
is a gray tweed; it is proof against everything,
and looks as presentable after a week of rough-
ing as at the start. A gray woolen shirt is
the best thing for climbing, and you need wear
neither waistcoat nor coat. Stout English-soled
shoes are, of course, the only thing for walking.
With leather leggings the outfit for the tramp is com-
plete. Cram your satchel with linen, for you will
have to change every day. Don't forget, also,
to take two or three dozen limes — the Mexican
substitute for the lemon — which sell in San Fran-
cisco for a bit (one dime) a dozen. A few limes
are better than a flask of whisky for tramping:
they allay thirst, cost little and cause no head-
aches.
To those who contemplate a trip to the far
West I would say : Come early and go back be-
fore the disagreeable weather sets in. Start in
April, devote the remnant of the month and May to
California, and return in early June. You will thus
escape the alkali dust of the Plains on the overland
trip, and the extreme heat of the Isthmus should
you prefer a sea voyage. From July to November
San Francisco and nearly all of California is an ex-
cellent place to keep away from. Dust and intense
heat in the interior, dust and cold winds and heavy
fogs on the coast, make it a most undesirable
place of residence.
The reduction in fares to California by rail and
steamer ought to swell the already large number
of Eastern visitors who go to the Pacific coast
every summer. The overland trip to San Francisco
may now be made for $150. The fare is $100;
sleeping-car ticket $25 ; board $25. This is a close
estimate, but one may get through on it. By
steamer the fare is $75 in the saloon, $85 in deck
cabins. The latter are well worth the additional
$10, if you have any regard for pure air. This in-
cludes all expenses except fees to the steward and
waiter. There is not the slightest danger of fever
on the Isthmus if one abstains from liquors and
eats tropical fruits in moderation.
In San Francisco one may spend a fortnight very
pleasantly. By hiring a room and boarding at
French restaurants one may live for from $10 to $15
in comparative luxury, hampered by no restrictions
of hotel or boarding-house. Aside from Yosemite,
which perhaps repays one better for a visit than
any other place in the country, there is a host of
pleasant summer resorts in the State : the Geysers,
Duncan's Mills, Lake Tahoe, Santa Monica, and
Monterey, — a delightful old Spanish seaside town,
which will have this summer several new hotels
and bathing-pavilions. In fine, for $500 you may
spend a month in a city and State which give as many
novel sights as a foreign land ; you may travel over
the longest railroad in the world, or sail down the
coast of California and take a jaunt through the
strip of territory that is now vexing the souls of
believers in the Monroe Doctrine. To one who has
seen Europe there could be offered no more at-
tractive scheme for spending a holiday season.
GEORGE H. FITCH.
Nerves in the Household.
THERE is hardly an American family in which
some member is not a victim to some sort of
nervous disease — neuralgia, hysteria, the extreme
of epilepsy, or the mild form of constant "tire."
Women, oftener young than old, are frequently
mere bundles of nerves : thin and bloodless,
living on morphine and valerian, known only
in their homes or social lives by their suffer-
ings, which are real enough to carry them to
the edge of the grave, if too vague for any
ordinary medicine to touch. An eminent physician
has hit upon a system of treatment for this class
of invalids, which is said to be successful. He
removes them from home, changes the whole ma-
terial and moral atmosphere about them, puts them
to bed, and forbids them to move hand or foot. They
are overfed five times a day. The lack of exercise is
supplied by kneading the entire body, and by elec-
tricity. The patient goes to bed a skeleton and
comes out, it is said, fat and rosy. The secret
in this treatment is absolute rest, and the re-
duction of the patient to the condition of a mere
animal.
If this principle be correct, there is no reason why
every mother should not apply it in the treatment
of her nervous patient (for she is sure to have one).
Her husband is overworked in the office or
shop; he grows thinner, more irritable; every
month his appetite fails; he cannot sleep, com-
plains of dull vacuity at the base of the brain,
of a stricture like an • iron band about his
jaws. There is no time to lose. If possible lift the
weight a little. Adopt a cheaper, simpler style of
living, let the floors go uncarpeted, or take out the
money in the savings-bank. There will come no
rainier day than this. Give him a month's absolute
holiday free from worry and work, feed him well,
amuse him. Let this holiday be taken in the
country, or somewhere on the water, out of sight
or hearing of his daily work and cares. Nine
chances out of ten he will come back a new man.
Or it is one of the boys who is pale, who has
constant headaches, whose face jerks strangely in
the spring, who has moody fancies, complains of
injustice, has doubts of the Bible. It is the boy
who is head of his class, too. The lad does not
need moral discipline, or appeals to his feelings or
his faith. Take him from school, and from home ;
turn him into a farm for a year. He will learn
some things there as useful in his future life as
Greek or geometry. Make him bathe regularly,
eat heartily, drink milk and beef tea, sleep early at
night and late in the morning. It is not the mind
but the machine that needs repairing.
Or it is the mother's own arm or head that tor-
tures her with neuralgia. At any cost give the
suffering part heat and absolute rest; wrap it in
cotton and flannels to exclude the air. Let the arm
stop its working and the brain its thinking.
In short, the home treatment of all nervous dis-
orders should be based on three words : change,
warmth and rest.
CULTURE AND PROGRESS.
CULTURE AND PROGRESS.
Alme. de Remusat's Memoirs. (Concluding Part.)*
THE strong prejudice entertained by Madame de
Re"musat against Napoleon and the Bonapartes,
•which was undoubtedly fostered by bad behavior on
the part of the latter, but which seems to have sprung
originally from the natural antagonism between
persons of ancient lineage and comparatively upstart
nobles, is shown in the last pages of these memoirs,
as it was in the first. We find the chronicler of
Napoleon's court biased in spite of herself toward
the Beauharnais and against the Bonapartes.
Speaking of the behavior of Queen Hortense when
she had rejoined her mother, the Empress Josephine,
at Mayence, and had escaped for a time from the
gloomy and jealous neighborhood of King Louis, this
steady apologist for the Beauharnais speaks only in
mild disapproval of actions upon which the European
gossip-mongers placed quite a different construction.
Remusat wrote to his wife from Mayence that the
court there was monotonously regular. " There, as
elsewhere and in all places, the Empress was gentle,
quiet, idle and averse to take anything on herself,
because, whether far or near, she dreaded the dis-
pleasure of her husband. Her daughter, who was
delighted to escape from her wretched home, spent
her time in diversions of a nature somewhat too
childish for her rank and position." To this pas-
sage M. Paul de Remusat has added a note of his
own — one of the few occasions upon which he
alludes to the late Emperor:
" It is evident that Queen Hortense and her court
amused themselves like school-girls. This was a
result of their intimacy while at Madame Campan's
school. Napoleon III. seemed to have inherited
his mother's tastes in this respect. Even when long
past youth he liked children's games, blind-man's-
buff and others. Only on these occasions did he
clear his brow and seem happy, and even amiable,
which was by no means the case in his intercourse
with the world, social or political, for his manner
was extremely cold."
M. Paul de Remusat confesses in one place to
the probability that his grandmother may have
looked too favorably on Queen Hortense, but puts
it down to reaction from the detestation of the char-
acter of Louis Bonaparte, her husband. He reprints
the following letters of Napoleon to his step-daugh-
ter and sister-in-law, before and after the death of
her son, that young Napoleon whose loss, ter-
ribly deplored by his mother, brought upon
Josephine, and indeed upon all Europe, a thousand
«vils which perhaps might have been avoided
had he lived. It will be remembered that the
death of this boy led to the divorce and the
complications with Austria which, added to the
* Memoirs of Madame de Remusat 1802-1808. Edited,
-with Preface and Notes, by her grandson, Paul de Remusat,
Senator. Translated by Mrs. Cashel Hoey and Mr. John
Lillie. Part III. New York: Harper & Brothers and D.
Appleton & Co.
indignation excited in Europe by the interference
of Napoleon with the most sacred laws of society,
precipitated his own fall. Here is the foot-note :
" I add to these, in order better to depict the family
life of the King and Queen of Holland, the following
letter, written to the King by his brother, and dated
Finckestein, April 4th, 1807, about a month before
the child's death : ' Your quarrels with the Queen
are becoming public property. Do show in your own
home the paternal and effeminate character that you
show in your government, and evince in matters
of business the severity you display at home. You
manage your young wife as you would a regiment.
* * You have the best and most virtuous of
wives, and you make her wretched. Let her dance
as much as she likes ; it is natural at her age. My
wife is forty, but from the battle-field I write, telling
her to go to balls. And you want a girl of twenty,
who sees her life passing away, who retains all its
illusions, to live like a nun, or like a nurse, always
washing her baby ! You interfere too much in your
home, and not enough in your government. I
would not tell you all this, only for the interest I
bear you. Make the mother of your children happy ;
there is but one way — it is to show her great esteem
and confidence. Unfortunately your wife is too
good; were you married to a coquette, she would
lead you by the nose. But your wife is proud, and
she is shocked and grieved at the mere idea that
you can think ill of her. You should have had a
wife like some I know of in Paris. She would have
played you tricks, and would have tied you to her
apron-string. It is not my fault. I have often told
your wife so.' In this sensible letter, full of the
sagacity and vulgarity with which Napoleon looked
at the ordinary events of life, the identity of his
opinions with those of the author of these Memoirs
as to the cause and character of the conjugal discord
of which they are treating, is remarkable. King
Louis is too stiff, too austere, too jealous. His
wife has tastes natural to youth and to imagination.
Her husband misjudges, humbles, depresses, and
offends her. Then comes the death of the young
Prince, and this affliction, equally felt by both
parents, draws them together in a common sorrow,
lasting only on the part of the Queen, and for a
time her one only thought, and not hers only, but
her mother's as well. In Napoleon's published let-
ters, he appears to be grieved at first, but afterward
weary of their continual sadness. There is a curious
mixture of kindness and imperious egotism in his
manner of comforting them, or of commanding them
to be comforted. I have quoted some of these let-
ters. Here is another, dated Friedland, June l6th,
1807 : ' My daughter, I have received your letter
dated from Orleans. I am grieved at your sorrow,
but. I should like you to be more courageous. To
live is to suffer, and a brave man always struggles
to be master of himself. I don't like to see you
unjust toward little Napoleon Louis and toward all
your friends. Your mother and I thought we were
dearer to you than it seems we are. I won a great
victory on the I4th of June. I am in good health,
and send you my love.' It will be seen how
greatly the Emperor and Josephine's lady-in-wait-
ing differ in their estimate of Queen Hortense from
the general opinion of her character, which yet does
not appear to have been altogether unfounded. It
is probable that both were swayed by their unfavor-
IS2
CULTURE AND PROGRESS.
able opinion of the Emperor's brothers. This was
certainly deserved, especially by Louis, who had no
redeeming quality to atone for his defects.— P. R."
Madame de Remusat makes fresh mention of the
Austrian ambassadors whose memoirs are making
a stir nowadays only second to her own. Accord-
ing to her, he was handsome and fell into the toils
of Napoleon's sister Caroline, Murat's wife, or, as
she was then called, the Grand-Duchess of Berg :
" In the course of the summer Count Metternich,
the Austrian ambassador, arrived in Paris. He
occupied an important position in Europe, took part
in events of the highest importance, and finally
made an enormous fortune ; but his abilities did
not rise above the schemes of a second-rate policy.
At the period of which I am speaking he was young,
good-looking, and popular with women. A little
later, he formed an attachment to Madame Murat,
and he retained a feeling toward her which for a
long time aided to keep her husband on the throne
of Naples, and which, probably, is still of service to
her in her retirement. * * *
" The Grand-Duchess of Berg applied herself to
being extremely agreeable to us all at Fontainebleau.
She could be very gay and pleasant when she was
in the humor, and she could even assume an air of
bonhomie. She lived in the chateau at her own
expense, very luxuriously, and kept a sumptuous
table. She always used gilt plate, in this outdoing
the Emperor, whose silver-gilt services were used
on state occasions only. She invited all the dwellers
in the palace by turns, receiving them most gra-
ciously, even those whom she did not like, and
appeared to be thinking of nothing but pleasure;
but, nevertheless, she was not wasting her time.
She frequently saw Count Metternich, the Austrian
ambassador. He was young and handsome, and he
appeared to admire the sister of the Emperor.
From that time forth, whether from a spirit of
coquetry, or from a far-sighted ambition which
prompted such a measure of precaution, she began
to accept the homage of the Minister with readiness.
He was said to be held in high consideration and
to have great influence at his Court, and he might
be placed, by the course of events, in a position to
serve her. Whether she had this idea beforehand
or not, events justified it, and Metternich never
failed her.
" In addition to this, she took the influence of M.
de Talleyrand into consideration, and did her best
to cultivate him while keeping up as secretly as pos-
sible her relations with Fouche', who visited her
with extreme precaution, in consequence of the dis-
pleasure with which the Emperor regarded any
intimacy of the kind. We observed her making up
to M. de Talleyrand, in the drawing-room at Font-
ainebleau, talking to him, laughing at his ban mots,
looking at him when he said anything remarkable,
and even addressing such observations to him. M.
de Talleyrand showed no reluctance, but met her
advances, and then their interviews became more
serious."
Between Beauharnais and Bonaparte there could
be little question that a preference ought to have
been given to the former ; but we see Madame de
Remusat extending a certain amount of charity
toward the peccadilloes not only of Queen Hor-
tense, but of the nieces of Josephine. One of the
most vivid scenes in the whole course of the mem-
oirs, and one which sums up as well as any other
the curious condition of affairs into which the Revo-
lution had plunged France, is the bare-faced flirta-
tion which occurred at a ball at Fontainebleau be-
tween the young princess Stephanie of Baden (the
niece of Josephine) and Jerome Bonaparte, the
legal husband of Elizabeth Patterson of Baltimore,
and who had also been married to a stout German
princess as a step to the Kingdom of Westphalia.
The memoirs go no farther than the outbreak of
the revolution in Spain against the arrogant mar-
shals of Napoleon. This is most unfortunate, for,
notwithstanding a certain share of bias natural to a.
person who lived in the very winds of intrigue which
blew at the court, Madame de Remusat had more
than a mere literary style and a knack at remember-
ing anecdotes. She had a very remarkable mind
for serious politics, and occasionally displays a
breadth of thought and vigor of expression quite
unexampled among woman writers. Her observa-
tions on the actual reasons for the instability of the
great fortunes made by the generals and relatives
of Napoleon show how clear were her reasoning
powers. While Napoleon gave enormous revenues
to his marshals, he gave them no sure method of
collecting the income, and yet demanded that there
should be a show kept up by each recipient of his
bounty fully equal to the revenue as estimated on
paper. Many ruined their fortunes by trying to
obey his orders. Mme. de Remusat says :
" Meanwhile the old nobility of France lived sim-
ply, collecting its ruins together, finding itself under
no particular obligations, boasting of its poverty
rather than complaining, but in reality recovering its
estates by degrees and re-amassing those fortunes
which at the present time (1819) it enjoys. The
confiscations of the National Convention were not
always a misfortune for the French nobility, espe-
cially in cases where the lands were not sold.
Before the Revolution that class was heavily in debt,
for extravagance was one of the luxuries of the
grands seigneurs. The emigration and the laws of
1 793> by depriving them of their estates, set them
free from their creditors and from a certain portion
of the charges that weighed upon great houses."
It is impossible here to even touch upon the
points of interest brought out by Madame de
Remusat. Her memoirs will always form a most
prolific source of suggestion to historians, and her
letters, which her grandson proposes to edit soon,
will have an interest scarcely inferior.
Gray's " Natural Science and Religion."*
THESE two lectures of Professor Gray are a valu-
able and welcome contribution to one of the most
interesting departments of the literature of our day.
They are a "sign of the times," coming in the form
they do. Fifty years ago, what would have been
thought of lectures on science, by a scientific man, to
students of theology ? The mere fact shows how
* Natural Science and Religion. Two lectures delivered to
the Theobgical School of Yale College. By Asa Gray. New
York : Charles Scribner's Sons. 1880.
CULTURE AND PROGRESS.
strong a hold upon modern thought modern science
has taken; as well as how catholic an interest the
church is taking in the mental movements of our
time.
Perhaps no man better represents the best tend-
encies of both scientific naturalism and supernat-
uralism than Asa Gray. A savant of wide distinction,
a master, indeed, in his department of botany, he is
also a firm believer in religious truth, and a member
of the Christian Church. These pages show him to
be fearless and faithful in both departments of
thought and investigation. His first lecture, on " Sci-
entific Belief," points out with great clearness the
changes in scientific belief which have come from
the studies of the last fifty years. He shows the
causes of these changes, and their nature in obliter-
ating many old distinctions and making the whole
universe one, not in the old sense of a united
bundle of dissevered facts and disjointed truths, but
in the larger sense of an organic unity, where part
joins on to part and into part by a living affinity.
He gives a remarkably clear hint of the essential
oneness of the vegetable and animal creation, by
brief and striking illustrations of the facts which
show how they overlap each other and share each
other's characteristics. There is no reserve here;
no ignoring of facts to suit a theory; but an open
and hospitable reception is given to all the truth
which has been discovered; he evidently has no
fear of it, but gives it the recognition of one who
"rejoices in the truth." In doing so he is often
very happy in his style, and gives us a picture when
he might only have stated the statistics. Thus, on
page 37, speaking of the nature and amount of the
likeness between the existing flora and that of a
preceding geological period, he states it thus :
"It is like visiting a country church-yard, where
' the rude forefathers of the hamlet sleep,' and spell-
ing out, one by one, from mossed and broken grave-
stones, the names of most of the living inhabitants
of the parish — names differing, it may be, in orthog-
raphy fron. those on the village signs; but as of the
people, so of the trees, — it is beyond reasonable
doubt that the later are descendants of the earlier."
The second lecture is on " The Relations of Scien-
tific to Religious Belief," and in it he gives the
reasons why one may, and why the true philosopher
must, hold to the theistic view of the universe.
Evidently a Darwinian in the strict sense, as holding
to development by natural selection, but not in the
loose and applied sense of materialistic agnosticism,
he goes over the different objections which may be
brought against theistic beliefs from the stand-point
of the evolutionist, and tries to show, and we think
with success, that they are futile. He declares
(p. 63) that * faith in a just sense of the word
assumes as prominent a place in science as religion,
and is indispensable to both." And in speaking of
the power of natural selection in determining
results, he shows that circumstance, or the en viron-
ment of an object, is not the cause of the tendency
to variation (which is an implanted quality), but only
one occasion of its exercise (p. 74). He does not think
that at present natural selection can explain all
developments, though he tends to acknowledge the
universal sway of evolution when once the universe
is started (p. 76). But he declares (p. 82) that if
" shut up to nature for the evolution of the forms
of living things, as theists we are not debarred from
the supposition of supernatural origination, mediate
or immediate." Religion he defines (p. 106) to " be
based on the idea of a divine mind revealing himself
to intelligent creatures for moral ends," and noth-
ing in evolution can interfere with this, since Christ-
ianity is itself an historical religion which has
advanced as an evolution in the history of men.
But we have here only space to indicate the
nature of the contents of this valuable, honest and
devout little book. Those who have been troubled
with religious doubts occasioned by readings in
science will do well to read it, and learn the calm-
ness and the confidence which come from full
knowledge and enlightened faith.
A Book about Corea.*
MR. ERNEST OPPERT has been most fortunate
in the selection of a title* for his fascinating work on
Corea. That kingdom has for many centuries
been a forbidden land ; and to this day it remains a
veritable terra incognita, so far as the explorations
of travelers and the descriptions of the geographers
can make any country known to those who stay at
home and travel only by flights of the imagination.
No author of modern times has had such an oppor-
tunity as Mr. Oppert. His is the first connected and
authentic account of the forbidden land. Before
this, the world has only heard vague rumors of the
riches and beauties of the sealed and isolated king-
dom of Corea, At long intervals, embassies from
that country to China have appeared in Pekin, and
their meager and unwilling admissions have been
almost the only foundation for the so-called histories
of Corea which have been written. Occupying a
bold promontory jutting down into the Yellow Sea,
and defended at its upper extremity by a lofty
mountain chain, the Corean kingdom has been able
to defy the approach of foreign invaders and foreign
traders, alike. It has been the policy of the ruling
class to preserve a seclusion much more strict than
that in which the empire of Japan was buried when
the diplomacy and perseverance of the government
of the United States pushed open its gates of bronze.
Unlike Japan, Corea has the natural protection of
reef-bound shores, an unknown coast-line, and
rivers most difficult of navigation.^
Here is a nation bound hand and foot under the
subjection of a tyrannical and usurping autocracy.
The traditional policy of non-intercourse is now
maintained for sinister reasons. Trade and com-
merce with foreign nations would have the effect to
weaken the hold which the central government has
upon the simple people of Corea. The coast is
guarded with the strictest jealousy, and the approach
*A Forbidden Land; Voyages to the Corea. By Ernest
Oppert. With Charts and Illustrations. New York : G. P.
Putnam's Sons. 1880. pp. 334.
'54
CULTURE AND PROGRESS.
of a strange sail creates a tumult throughout the
length and breadth of the land. The foreign voyager
is warned off the coast, and when, as in the case of
the American schooner General Sherman, the vessel
of a foreign country is cast away on this inhospita-
ble strand, the crew are put to death and the ship is
burned, in order that not a vestige of the despised
and hated foreigner may exist on the land. France
and the United States have made futile attempts to
effect an entrance to Corea. The defeat of these
attempts at invasion was due to the natural defenses
of the country, rather than to the prowess of its in-
habitants. But these failures have not only brought
discredit on the Western powers, in the estimation
of the Asiatics, but they have confirmed the Coreans
in their opinion of their impregnability.
Mr. Oppert's mission was a peaceful and a com-
mercial one, undertaken with the assistance of an
influential trading firm in China. He made three
voyages to Corea, almost without arms, and with-
out any sounding of martial trumpets. If he had
essayed three voyages to the moon and had suc-
cessfully returned with information concerning lunar
scenery, inhabitants, and material resources, his re-
port would not be one whit more novel a»d enter-
taining than are his notes on Corea. He found
a country in which there is absolutely no luxury, and
in which gold is found everywhere, and copper, tin,
lead, antimony, and other valuable metals abound.
The climate is perfect, and the agricultural produc-
tions are of spontaneous growth, — the ginseng of the
country, which is worth its weight in gold, being
gathered without previous husbandry. The waters
teem with fish, the forests and plains with game,
and nature plenteously responds to the slightest
touch of the husbandman. But the people may be
said to live in a state of almost primitive simplicity.
Their dwellings are rude huts, for the most part,
only the houses of the high officials showing any
evidence of architectural skill or taste. With gold
and silver lying locked in the ground, guarded by
royal edicts from thehand of the miner, the only cur-
rency of the country is a copper coin resembling
the copper and bronze cash of China. Though the
mulberry tree is indigenous to the soil, the culture
of the silk-worm is an almost unknown industry.
And while noble forests of rare woods are igno-
rantly wasted, or left to decay from natural causes,
the natives have no commerce. Their simple wants
are supplied by white fabrics of hemp and flax,
from which their garments are made ; and paper of
extraordinary fineness and strength furnishes them
with material for hats and umbrellas. Manufac-
tures of plaited grass are common, and in the larger
cities some little attention is paid to ornamental
work in dress and equipage. Glass is unknown;
the crockery and earthen-ware of the country are of
the rudest description. In short, the Coreans seem
to have found out how few and simple are the
wants of man, and to have agreed that they will
create no artificial necessities. The common people
manifest a desire to meet strangers from beyond
the sea, and Mr. Oppert was uniformly received and
treated with affability, mingled with an almost affec-
tionate curiosity. But the official policy of non-
intercourse rose up against the daring invader at
every step. Short excursions along the shores of
the country, and patient questioning of the natives,
furnished the basis of the conclusions which he
brought away with him. He was purposely kept
at a distance from the capital of the kingdom, and,
wearied out at last by the baffling delays to which
he was subjected, his third voyage convinced him
that the country was impenetrable. He relinquished
his cherished scheme of opening trade with the
people, and so left Corea with its doors closed as
immovably as ever to all advances from without.
Mr. Oppert's literary style is so very bad as to
attract the attemion from the matter of the author
to his manner. But nothing can destroy the fasci-
nating interest of a book which treats of an unknown
kingdom, and this work, unique in its way, is as
entertaining as a fairy tale.
Anderson's " Younger Edda." *
THE very heterogeneous collection of myths, didac-
tic treatises, and prosodic rules, known as the
Younger Edda, has, since the time of its discovery,
constituted a sort of challenge to the ingenuity of
the learned world. Enthusiasts of the last century,
whose imagination was developed at the expense of
their judgment, pronounced it a divine inspiration,
and attributed it to the god Odin, the Erythraean
sibyl, and a number of other equally distinguished
personages. German scholars, on the other hand,
who could not claim even a reflected glory from the
remarkable discovery, expended much energy in
efforts to prove that the book was not genuine, but
a fabrication of idle monks who had beguiled their
leisure by inventing wild tales of a pseudo-
mythological character. Both these hypotheses
modern scholarship has exploded. No individual
human intellect has yet been found equal to
inventing a consistent and organically coherent
mythology. The long and venerable ancestry
even of trifling nursery tales, many of which are
but distorted myths, has, during the last decades,
made scholars distrustful of individual invention,
and inclined them to attribute all enigmatical phe-
nomena of ancient literature to the poetic and imag-
inative activity of collective nations. Thus, until
within the last year, the results of learned investiga-
tion have rather tended to increase the value and
dignity of what Professor Anderson is fond of
calling " the religion of our ancestors," and the
Younger Edda, in spite of the obvious absence of
design in its composition, has, in connection with
the poetic or Saemundar Edda, been revered as the
sacred book of an indigenous Gothic paganism.
But now, all of a sudden, Professor Sophus Bugge,
formerly an ardent believer in this theory, turns
apostate, and expresses his belief that the whole
*The Younger Edda, also called Snorre's Edda, or the Prose
Edda. An English Version of the Foreword, the Fooling of
Gylfe, Brage's Talk, and the Important Passages in the Poet-
ical Diction. Ry Rasmus B. Anderson, Professor of the Scan-
dinavian Languages in the University of Wisconsin. Chicago:
S. C. Griggs & Co. 1880.
CULTURE AND PROGRESS.
'55
Norse mythology is directly derived from the
Creek, and can henceforth, merely by the manner
of its perversion of the Greek myths, be regarded as
the exponent of the Gothic mind and genius. If
this view should be sustained by future investiga-
tions, the Eddas will, of course, lose much of their
value ; but, as yet, the argument (as reported in the
London " Athenaeum ") seems incomplete. That the
Greek and the Norse mythologies have a common
Aryan origin no one has disputed, and the parallel-
isms pointed out by Professor Bugge (if he has been
accurately reported) might indicate merely a com-
mon descent from some extinct Asiatic mythology,
and a later mutual approximation through the unin-
terrupted intercourse between Norway and the Med-
iterranean lands during the Viking period. The
very curious distortion of Greek myths in the
•" Foreword" of the Younger Edda, and its absurd
conglomerations of Biblical and pseudo-classical
lore, might, at first sight, seem to argue in favor of
Professor Bugge's hypothesis ; but the " Foreword"
is obviously only an accidental appendage to the
Edda, written by some scribe or editor of the four-
teenth century, and its chief interest is in illustra-
ting the naive cosmogony and the confused state
of learning which then prevailed in the North.
The really valuable portions of the book are the
Fooling of Gylfe and Brage's Talk, the former of
•which gives a complete outline of the religion of the
Norsemen as expounded by the gods themselves to
•Gylfe, while the latter dwells on two of the most
attractive myths, the Rape of Idun and the origin
•of poetry. Of the Scaldskaparmal, or ars poetica,
Professor Anderson has selected those portions
which are of general and mythological interest, and
lias omitted the elaborate enumeration and explana-
tion of the poetic figures and paraphrases which
were in vogue among the Norse scalds.
Professor Anderson has shown taste and skill, not
only in his omissions of unessential and more diffi-
cult portions of the Edda, but also in his rendering
of the often intricate and obscure phraseology. He
never fails to find either the exact or the approximate
equivalent for the Icelandic idiom or figure of speech.
As a very trifling criticism, we suggest that the edi-
tor, in telling the story of Balder's death, forgets to
^tate that Frigg had neglected to take the oath of
the mistletoe, without which the death of the god
is unintelligible. Whether the Icelandic p in // (as
in the proper name Loptson) should not be ren-
dered phonetically in English by f, we submit for
the Professor's consideration.
Thomas Hughes's "Manliness of Christ."*
THE author of "Tom Brown's School-Days " has
.put forth, in " The Manliness of Christ," a manly
and thoroughly wholesome book. It is addressed
to boys and young men of England, but there are
few better books to be given to the same class in
America. Without any attempt at such narrative
*The Manliness of Christ By Thomas Hughe,, Q. C.,
Author of Tom Brown's School-Days, Etc. Boston : Hough-
•ton, Osgood & Co.
as gave fascination to " Tom Brown," it has to the
full the same moral qualities which made the high
value of that charming story — the simplicity and
earnestness, the high ideal brought home to the
common intelligence, the sympathetic understanding
of the life of the young, the genuine Christianity.
The treatment of Christ is that which in our best
religious literature is fast replacing the barrenness
of theological controversy. It is an interpretation
of the Gospel narrative through the medium, not
of any theological theory, but of moral sympathy
with the central figure. Mr. Hughes's attitude
toward Christ is reverent enough to satisfy the
devoutly orthodox, and free enough to win the sub-
stantial accord of devout Liberals. He accepts the
miracles, but treats them as incidental and secondary.
He attempts no definition of Christ's relation with
the Father, but treats it as the supreme instance of
that true and perfect sonship into which all men
are called to enter. Using Christ as the great
example of the qualities he is enforcing, he fixes
chief attention on those traits of character whose
value and beauty are recognized by any ingenuous
mind as soon as they are presented. For his col-
lateral examples he draws on such materials as
young hearts quickly respond to — such as the thrill-
ing stories of Napier's "Peninsular War"; the loss of
the Birkenhead, with the troops standing steadily in
their ranks on deck as she sunk, leaving the boats
to the women and children ; and grand old John
Brown meeting death with the courage of a martyr
and the simplicity of a child. Mr. Hughes comes
down, too, in very plain language, to the homely
virtues, and talks in a strong and effective way
against the extravagance and self-indulgence of
boys, out of which grow the sins that ruin nations.
The national feeling is strong in the book — a gen-
erous love for the ideal England — and it is tempered
by a sobriety which verges sometimes on deep sad-
ness before the materialism, the lust of vulgar con-
quest, the "Jingoism," which weigh down the
nation to-day. That noble England which Mr.
Hughes loves is part and parcel with the noble
America which is fighting its own hard battle against
corruption and greed. It is a good book to be
in the hands of every young American.
Boyesen's "Gunnar." (A New Edition.)*
IT was this delightful little idyl of Norse life and
scenery which six years ago introduced Mr. Boyesen
to American readers. If the author's range has
since become so wide that this volume does not
represent his maturest habit of thought, it may none
the less very properly stand for the poetic and
romantic qualities which have kept his fiction notice-
ably free from the objectionable influences allied to
the so-called realistic school. The freshness and
simplicity of " Gunnar " will doubtless be found to
stand the test of new acquaintance, and the severer
test of old acquaintance renewed.
* Gunnar: By Hjalmar H. Boyesen. New York : Charles
Scribner's Sons.
THE WORLD'S WORK.
THE WORLD'S WORK.
'Western River Improvement.
CROSS-SECTION OF CHANOINE DAM, SHOWING THE WICKET IN BOTH POSITIONS.
IN the early settlement of the Western States the
rivers formed the only means of communication,
and marked the lines along which commerce was
carried on. With the introduction of railroads
traffic was largely diverted from the streams, and
water transport declined somewhat in favor. Now
that the Western territory is filling up, and the inter-
nal traffic has increased greatly, transportation by
water, by reason of its greater cheapness, is attract-
ing the attention it deserves. The rivers of the
West are the great natural highways, and there has
sprung up a demand that they shall be improved to
their utmost capacity, and that every stream be made
navigable for steamboats throughout its available
length. The success that has followed the works
at the Southwest Pass has shown that even the
capricious rivers of the West may be controlled, and
has led to a general confidence in the ability of our
engineers to improve all our streams, whatever their
character and whatever the difficulties that beset
their navigation. The work at Port Eads has been
already described in this magazine, and it may now
be in order briefly to examine the works proposed
and in construction for improving the Ohio and
other Western rivers.
The bed of the upper Ohio consists essentially
of a series of pools of irregular depth and size, and
joined to each other by shoals and ripples. During
the high-water season steamboats pass from pool to
pool over the shoals without difficulty. At low-
water vessels may navigate a pool for some dis-
tance and yet may not be able to pass the shoals to
the next pool, and thus navigation is practically
suspended, though whole fleets of boats may be at
anchor in the pools. It is therefore proposed to erect
dams and make a slack water navigation of the
river, as has already been done in some of the
smaller streams. Such a series of dams would be
useless during high-water, and it is proposed to em-
ploy the Chanoine system of movable dams, already
widely used in Europe. The first of these dams
is now in process of erection at Davis Island, eight
kilometers (almost five miles) below Pittsburgh.
The work is commenced here, both to secure a long-
stretch of slack-water and to create a harbor at
Pittsburgh that will be navigable at all stages of
the water. The Ohio at Davis Island is 430 meters
(1400 feet) wide, and in laying out the plan for the
dam the river is divided into three parts, each 121.96
meters (400 feet) long, called, in succession from the
left bank, the high weir, the low weir and the navig-
able pass. The remaining space is occupied by a
lock for the passage of vessels when the dam is
closed. The floor of the dam is placed on the
river bottom, the weirs being of different levels, the
low weir being below low-water, the middle weir
being at low-water mark, and the navigable pass
somewhat above low-water level. On the floor of
these weirs are to be placed one hundred wickets
or panels, any one or all of which may be used in
checking the flow of the water as desired. The
design of the Chanoine system is to provide a dam
for making a slack -water during the low- water
season, and at the same time to provide means of
removing the dam during high-water, so that float-
ing ice and vessels can pass over it without
obstruction.
The above figure is a cross-section of the pro-
posed dam, showing the base or sill of the dam,,
and one of the movable wickets in two positions.
The foundation is of concrete, with a cut stone top
that forms the floor of the pass or weir on which.
THE WORLD'S WORK.
'57
the wickets rest when not in use. A B is the
wicket, C D is the " horse," a heavy bar of iron
journaled to the dam at D, and to the box C at the
center of the wicket, and C E is the prop that
supports the wicket against the pressure of
the water. The prop C E is attached by a
joint to the horse C D, and when the wicket
is erect the foot of the prop rests against the
step E, called the ''hurter." When lying at
rest, the wicket takes the position B'A', the
horse D'C' and the prop C'E'. The water then
flows over the dam freely, and, if sufficiently deep,
steamboats and barges may pass over it with-
out difficulty. In front of each wicket is an iron
trestle H I K L, hinged or journaled at the base
K L, so that it may be laid down at a right angle
with the river on the bottom of the dam, so that
•when not in use it is no obstruction to navigation.
During high water all parts of the dam rest on the
bottom of the stream, out of sight. When the
•water falls and it is desired to use the dam, the
trestles are raised, one at a time, and planks are
laid on top to form a temporary bridge. From the
trestle that supports the bridge extend the chains I
B and I A, and to bring a wicket into position to
form a part of the dam, the chain I B is hauled in by
men standing on the bridge, till the end of the prop
rests against the " hurter " at E. The wicket now
rests at an angle of about 45° on the horse and
prop, with the base of the wicket uppermost and
just over the sill of the dam. The chain I A is
then drawn in from the bridge, which tends to
bring the wicket upright by turning it on a pivot,
when the pressure of the water comes to the aid of
the workmen and forces the base of the wicket
against the sill, bringing it nearly upright, as
shown in the drawing. As one wicket is raised at
a time, no difficulty is encountered in overcoming
the pressure of the water, and when all the wickets
are erected they form the apron of the dam. There
is a small space between each wicket through
which some of the water escapes, in addition to the
water that flows over the stop, but this wastage is
comparatively small, and does not interfere with the
practical working of the dam in making a navigable
slack-water. When the river rises and the dam is no
longer needed, it may be removed, one wicket at a
time, beginning at the navigable pass. A tripping
bar at G engages the foot of the prop, and by mov-
ing it the prop may be pushed out of the " hurter,"
when it slides down stream, letting the wicket fall
into the second position shown in the figure.
It is estimated that when the work is com-
pleted the engineer in charge will have complete
control of the river at all seasons. During floods
the dam will rest on the bottom of the river,
and the channel will be unobstructed. As
the water falls the wickets will be raised, a
few at a time, and, if the river continues falling,
more and more will be raised until the entire
stream is closed. Navigation will be continued
through the navigable pass till the last few
wickets are raised, and then the lock on the right
tank wiH be used to enable steamboats to pass
the dam in either
direction.
The figure on this
I
page gives a plan of
this lock. It has a
clear space inside
of 183 meters (600
feet) in length, and
33-53 meters (no
feet) in width, which
it is thought will
be ample for the
largest boats likely
ever to be built on
the river. The lock
presents a feature
of interest in the
peculiar form of its
gates. Each gate is
to be straight, and
to run on wheels in
and out of a recess
in the bank. These
gates will be each
about 38 meters
(nSfeet) long, and
of the most mas-
sive and durable
character. They are
to be drawn in or
out, to open and
close the lock, by
means of chains
controlled by a tur-
bine. The parts
for the entrance and
exit of the water are
marked on the plan,
and their use and
location can be
readily understood.
All the details of
this most important
work have been
carefully studied,
and the construc-
o 5
x 2
tion, as far as finished, is marked by great solidity
and strength.
The dry season of last summer, that for many
weeks put an effectual stop to navigation at Pitts-
THE WORLD'S WORK.
burg, plainly showed the necessity of making the
Ohio navigable atall seasons. During the low -water,
though the deep pools were crowded with laden
coal barges, no coal could leave the mines except by
rail, and none of the roads were equal to the task ;
and in consequence the price of coal in the river
ports below advanced rapidly, inflicting serious
loss and inconvenience upon large manufacturing
and commercial interests. Our Western rivers are
the people's highways, free from toll and beyond the
control of any board of directors chiefly studious of
their own interests. Whether the Davis Island
works are to be the first of a series of valuable
improvements, or whether other methods of securing
deep water will be tried, remains to be seen, but it
is certain that this system, or something like it, must
eventually be employed on those of our rivers that
are not navigable at all stages of the water. While the
Chanoine system is an established success in France,
and will no doubt prove of great value at Pitts-
burg, it must be observed that a late invention of
American origin seeks to obtain the same end by
another form of movable dam. By this plan the
wickets are hinged permanently at the bottom
to the sill of the dam. To keep the wickets erect
during low water, hollow boxes or cylinders are
fastened to the top of the wickets, that by floating
keep them up against the stream. They are also
provided with automatic arrangements for raising
and lowering the wickets by the changes in the
level of the river. It is also designed that they
shall be arranged to sink when drifting ice or ves-
sels pass over them, and to return to an erect posi-
tion as soon as the boat or ice has passed. So far
this system is only in the experimental stage. It
is viewed with favor by some engineers, and it is
proposed to try it upon a large scale in the
Ohio.
Upon the farther Western rivers the question of
navigation is not so much one of deep water as of
the permanence of the channel and the preservation
of the river banks. The rivers flow through a soft
alluvial soil that yields readily to the scouring action
of the current, while the channel continually shifts,
making bends at inconvenient places so that docks
and landings are rendered useless, or making cut-
offs that sweep away valuable farm or building prop-
erty. Besides this troublesome shifting of the
stream there is the resulting formation of shoals and
bars, so that the obstructions to navigation contin-
ually move about, rendering the passage of boats
dangerous and uncertain. To correct these
defects various methods are now under experiment.
These consist of willow mattresses laid along the
banks or anchored in the stream, to create, by catch-
ing the floating sediment, permanent and indestruct-
ible banks that will resist the scouring action of the
current. Besides these, there are dykes and artificial
banks of all kinds, matting and stone work for pre-
venting the wash of the waves and passing boats.
This work, while it is much cheaper than the slack-
water navigation, must eventually be carried out on
a vast scale if all our rivers are to be utilized to
their utmost. Our railroad system, while it is of im-
mense extent, can never entirely supplant the great
natural highways provided by our rivers, and any
permanent and valuable improvements that may be
made to render these more useful to all the people,
at all times, must be regarded as judicious
national investments.
New Warehouse Elevator.
IN the ordinary platform elevator used in warev
houses one or more men are required at the foot of
the hoist-way to load the platform, and the same
number at the top to unload it, or the men must
travel up and down with the load and the empty plat-
form. This involves a loss of time, as the men are idle
during the passage of the load and in stopping and
starting the elevator. To prevent this loss of time
and labor, a new form of freight elevator, designed
on the plan of the belts and buckets used in grain,
elevators, has been put into practical operation in
this city. It consists essentially of an endless
band formed of two flat chains joined by wooden
slats, and mounted on two wheels controlled by a
steam engine. The upper wheel supporting the
belt is placed on a frame above the second floor or
loft of the building, and the lower wheel is below
the first, or street floor. On each side of the belt
are hatchways, on the second floor of a sufficient
size to admit a cotton bale, and on the lower floor
are smaller hatchways. At intervals on the band
are iron brackets supporting a platform. This
platform is pivoted on the brackets at one side of
its centre of gravity, so that when at rest it lays flat
on the brackets, but will yield and tip over as the
bracket passes over the upper wheel, or will tip up
if the end strikes any obstruction in its passage-
This gives practically a double band elevator with
two series of platforms, one ascending in one
hatchway while the other is descending in the
other. On the second floor is a two cylinder en-
gine of 16 horse-power that is connected directly,
by means of iron gearing, with the band. It is
also supplied with reversing gear, so that the ele-
vator may be sent up or down as required in case
only one hoistway is used. In raising freight, the
engine is started and the platforms rise one after
the other in one shaft, pass over the upper wheel
and descend the other shaft, pass under the lower
wheel and so on continuously, making about
eight revolutions a minute. The freight, if in
small packages, is placed by hand on the platforms,
or. if in barrels or bales, may be rolled on the plat-
forms and about as fast as a gang of truckmen can
deliver the goods. On the edge of the floor above
is a trip that engages the edge of each platform as it
rises, but the brackets still moving up tip the plat-
form and the load is gently rolled or thrown out on
the floor. The platform, relieved of its load, drops-
back into place and moves on over the upper
wheel. A second gang of truckmen is placed on
the upper floor to remove the goods as fast as deliv-
ered, each truck being brought up to the hatch,
and the package or barrel being loaded upon it with
the least possible labor. In sending freight down*
THE WORLD'S WORK.
'59
the engine is reversed and the tripping device is
removed, and the goods are placed or rolled upon the
platforms as fast as they come over the upper
wheel. On the lower floor, skids are placed on each
side of the descending platforms and the barrels or
bales are lifted off automatically, and rolled or placed
upon a wagon or the floor, or, in the case of small
parcels, the goods are taken off by hand. If required,
both shafts may be used at once, goods descending
in one while ascending in the other, by employ-
ing a second gang of men in loading and unloading
the platforms. In practice it has been found, how-
ever, that one hoist-way is sufficient, as the elevator
works quite as fast as any number of men can con-
veniently bring and take away the goods. This
form of elevator effects a great saving of time and
labor, and at a decided gain in speed and safety.
The one examined has been in use for some months,
and appears to be well designed and thoroughly
constructed. It is adapted to all kinds of freight,
and. by making the band longer and with platforms
of different sizes, and with more power, it might
prove of value in raising coal, ores and minerals in
mines and quarries.
Transposing Piano.
ATTEMPTS have been made at various times to
construct a piano-forte that would enable the player
to transpose the key of the music that might be
played upon it. To raise or lower the key note of
any piece of music without transposing the key in
which it is written, or without reading it in one key
and playing it in another, would be a great conveni-
ence, and it has been thought that this might be
done by some mechanical means, but none of the
experiments in this direction have proved perma-
nently successful on a commercial scale. More
recently a new piano having a transposing action
has been made, and, from personal examination of
the instrument, it would seem to accomplish all that
could be desired in this direction in a satisfactory
manner. It is an upright piano and externally does
not differ from pianos of this class, except that the
keyboard has a lateral movement to right or left of
about one octave, the keys sliding in or out of the
lamp-rests at either side of the desk. This lateral
movement applies only to the keys and levers, all
the other parts of the action remaining fixed, and
in the usual position in such pianos. When in its
normal position, the keys are arranged as in any
piano based on a c scale, and a pointer or indicator
on the casing above the keyboard points to the
note A of the middle octave. The piano may now
be used as any other, and all the keys are in their
true relation. Suppose it is now desired to play
a piece of music written in the key of c one half-
tone lower. A handle at the side of the piano is
drawn out, which disconnects the keys and levers
from the rest of the action. Under the desk is a
small crank and, on turning it a short distance, the
entire keyboard is moved to the left one half-tone.
This movement is accompanied by a slight sound
that indicates that the movement was one half-tone.
The handle at the side is pushed in and the piano is
ready for use. The music written and played in C is
now heard in B, every note having been lowered
half a tone. Music played in any other key is heard
in the next key below throughout, F being in E, A
in A flat, and so on. Suppose the piece written in
C is desired to be heard in E, or four half-tones
above the normal key of c. The handle is drawn
and the crank is turned once to bring the action to-
C, and four times to raise it to E, all the keys
moving that distance to the right. The handle is
pushed in again and the piano is ready for use, the
indicator pointing to the note c sharp. The music
written and played in c is now heard in E. In like
manner all other keys are raised four half-tones, G
to B and so on, and in whatever key the music is
played, it is heard in a key fonr half-tones above.
The transposing action appears to be simple and
not h'kely to get out of order, and accomplishes its
work with precision. The only defect lies in the
fact that the indicator does not show in what key
the music is given. If it were placed over the note
c, when the keyboard is in the normal position, it
would show the key in which the sounds are heard.
As it stands, the changes of the key must be followed
by counting the sounds made by the crank in moving
the action, or by mentally estimating the changes
from the indicator. The indicator should show the
key note automatically. This is a defect easily
remedied, and the instrument may be recommended
to vocal teachers, singers, organists and others as-
a useful and valuable improvement in piano-fortes.
Centrifugal Milk Tester.
AN apparatus designed to take the place of the
lactometer in testing milk has been brought out,,
and deserves attention from its convenience, sim-
plicity and cheapness. A wheel of any convenient
size is mounted upright and connected with some
device for giving it a high speed by hand-power.
On this wheel is secured two or more radial bars,
and on these, at opposite sides of the wheel near the
edge, are fastened small test tubes, closed at one
end, or small glass vials with the corked ends toward
the rim of the wheel. These may be fastened to the
wheel by spring clamps, or by wires, or in any other
convenient manner. The milk to be tested is
poured into two of these vials placed on opposite
sides of the wheel, and the wheel is then turned at
a high speed for about two minutes. On stopping:
the wheel and taking the vials off, the milk will be
found separated into its constituent parts — water,
butter, casein, etc. Pure and normal milk will
separate into its various constituents in a certain
fixed proportion, and will give a scale or standard
for comparing other milk tested in the same man-
ner. If adulterated with water, the milk, when
thus divided, will show the exact proportion of
water added by comparison with the normal stan-
dard. It will be observed that the apparatus is
equally useful in testing oils, honey, lard aad other
liquids liable to adulteration.
i6o
BRIC-A-BRAC.
BRIC-A-BRAC.
Another Hanging Committee Outrage.
Great Artist. — " Why, you see, sir, the fact is I understand
Law at Our Boarding-House.
As fresh as a pink, on the other side
Of the boarding-house table she sits, and sips
Her tea ; while I envy the china cup
That kisses her rosy lips.
She's a school-girl still in her teens ; her hair
She wears in a plait: we are vis-d-vis ;
And I am a briefless barrister, —
Yet she sometimes smiles at me.
My law professor would scowl, no doubt,
Could he know what havoc those eyes have
wrought
With the doctrines of law he first instilled, —
What lessons those lips have taught.
"Attachment can never come before
A declaration," he used to say;
But this little girl at our boarding-house
Doesn't put the thing that way.
"The Clerk will issue a rule to plead, —
And pleadings always with rules must chime; "
JNo need for "a rule to plead" with her, —
And her rule-days are— all the time !
That old law maxim, the text-books teach,
And the judges regard : " Qui facit per
A Hum, facit per se," is held
In ineffable scorn by her.
In her person exist together at once
Defendant and judge and jury and clerk;
So that one would imagine to win a cause
In this court were an uphill work.
Yet whenever 1 sit at the table there,
I fancy a table where only two
Are company — till I say to myself:
"Though you lose the case, why sue!
" E'en though she demur at first, — who knows ?•—
For the rest of your joint lives made one life,
You may learn together the lesson taught
In respect to Husband and Wife."
Still I dally in doubt; though in other things
I flatter myself I am resolute : —
For a bankrupt heart will be the result
If I'm taxed with costs in this suit.
A. C. GORDON.
An Unpublished Letter from John Adams.
QUINCY, November 22, 1814.
DEAR SIR : Had I known where to direct my
aim, I should have shot at you long ago ; but,
hit or miss, I will now hazard a random.
But, to quit this rude figure, for which nothing
but my connections with sportsmen, or perhaps
the military fashions of the times, could apolo-
gize, let me return to simple style, and tell you
plainly that I have nothing to write but what you
already know, except as hereafter excepted.
As to public affairs, I could write you nothing,
unless I should transcribe the descriptions of Chaos
from Ovid and Milton ; but these you already have
by heart.
If you think it worth while to give me any hints
of the politicks of New York, and dare to do it, I
will thank you.
Be pleased to present my best respects to your
mother and love to your sisters. Tell them I love
them all, unsight unseen, not only as your relations,
but for their kindness to my tender, my delicate,
my lovely C .
Tell C that I advise her, that I beseech her,
and, if that is not enough, I enjoin it upon her, by
the authority of a grandfather, not to forget her
French, but especially to keep a journal.
This advice I shall not cease to repeat to all
my grandchildren and great-grandchildren, of which
third generation I have a pleasant prospect of a
plentiful crop. N. B. — Conceal this from C ;
she will be shocked.
Whatever parts of this letter you may think
jocular, I pray you to consider every expression of
kindness, to you, to C , to your mother and sis-
ters, as the sober and sincere sentiments of
Your affectionate friend, JOHN ADAMS.
N. B.— Tell C S is very good. She takes
my letters to copy with a placid countenance, — no
frowns, no knitting of the eyebrows, but very
amiable.
, Esquire.
SCRIBNER'S MONTHLY.
VOL. XX.
JUNE, 1880.
No. 2.
SPRING HEREABOUTS.
SPRING LAMB.
No DOUBT, if some wandering philosopher
could record his observations, it would be
found that the aspects of the spring in the
neighborhood of our large cities differ as
widely as the cities themselves. Not that
the doings of Nature are very different;
"those blind motions of the spring that
show the year has turned " are much the
same in their manifestation all along the
line on which Boston and New York,
VOL. XX.— u.
Philadelphia and Chicago, Cincinnati, St.
Louis and Cleveland are sown ; and anem-
ones and wood-violets, marsh marigolds and
maple blossoms have neither prejudices
nor partialities, but come at about the same
time to all who live on the track along
which empire has chosen its westward way.
But man has modified the landscape at
large, though he cannot affect the details,
and his needs, his tastes, his temperament
[Copyright, 1880, by Scribner & Co. AH rights reserved.]
162
SPRING HEREABOUTS.
even, give a local coloring to the look of
things about his dwelling-places. The
wild-flowers come in their seasons, the sap
stirs and the blossoms start at their due
time, but there are signs about our cities
that show, even more plainly than these,
that the spring has arrived.
What characterizes the coming of spring
about New York is the odd way in which
the city and the country dove-tail into each
other at this time. I am comparing it
now in my memory with the spring about
Boston and Philadelphia, and not with the
cities of the West, about which I know next
to nothing. In Boston and Philadelphia
you have the city and you have the coun-
try, but they are separate; a sharp line
divides the suburb from the town. The
suburbs of Boston and Philadelphia are
famous for their beauty ; the suburbs of New
York, even to the eye of the most partial
New Yorker, are tame and, in some places,
even ugly, and almost everywhere the oppor-
tunities they afford for rural beauty have
been neglected ; but the truth is they are not
looked upon as suburbs, — they are only the
ravelings out of a city whose web is loosely
woven, and which has only been a city for a
comparatively short time. Fifty years ago
New York was an overgrown village, and
her citizens had the domestic and mental
habits of villagers ; the real country came
up to their doors, and their city life, such
as it was, ran out into the fields. But, fifty
years ago, the cities of Boston and Phila-
delphia stood fast where they do now.
Hardly a block of New York remains as
it was when this writer was a boy, and had
relatives and friends living about the Battery
and Bowling-green, and when he gathered
dandelions in the rocky fields about Eighth
street; but Boston proper is the same now
that it was then ; the same names are on the
door-plates of Beacon, and Mt. Vernon and
Chestnut streets, and one has to ride as far
now as he had to ride fifty years ago to get to
anything like the real country. For all I
can see, Brookline is what it always was, — a
lovely rural suburb, with a finished air, as if
it were all owned by the first families, who
mean to keep it looking just so trim and
tamely picturesque to the end of time. No
doubt, the Boston people think Brookline is
country, and it is a pretty imitation; but just
so they think their streets are dirty, though
to a New Yorker they look like extensions
merely of their cosy drawing-rooms ; and of
late years they have been so irritated by
New York's claim to pre-eminence in- every-
thing that they have been trying to get
themselves into a state of mind about the
smells on the Back Bay land, though, to a
New Yorker, the Back Bay is violets and
heliotropes to the streets of his city when the
wind blows from Hunter's Point.
Of course, spring comes to Boston as to
us, but it comes in a neat, orderly way, con-
fining itself to the markets, the florists"
shops and the almanac, giving a tardy fillip
to the trees on the common, and adding
now a deeper violet to the cold noses of the
hardy girls who would scorn, as much as a
Viking, to stop indoors for the worst weather
that ever blew.
In New York, however, the spring comes in
informally, like other things, and we may even
think 'tis born here, and that the country-
side gets it at second-hand. Of late, we are
getting confused about the time of its arrival,,
in consequence of the invasion of untimely
cucumbers and strawberries from the South,
although things had been growing into a
bad way before, with canned vegetables,
and Boston lettuce that kept up a make-be-
lieve spring all winter long. To hear straw-
berries hawked about the streets in March,,
two or three months before they are due, is to
rob us of all real interest in spring growths,
and make us weary of them in advance.
But, after all, these things do not affect the
veritable spring, whose comings and goings,
are not dependent on such accidents. You
cannot bring the spring by setting your table-
with peas and strawberries and lettuce out.
of time, any more than you can make New
York Paris by putting all the women in
Worth costumes and Virot bonnets, or make-
a New York clerk an English swell by
merely dislocating his shoulders, sticking;
out his elbows, and dressing him like a
groom. Spring is in the heart of things and
in the constitution of man, and it doesn't
really come till the heavens and the earth
are of one mind that they are ready for it-
Then it comes in reality, and we all know
it, and canned vegetables and southern
strawberries are recognized for the shams,
they are.
Though, with land reckoned at so much a
square inch, New York has lost the pristine
glory of her " back-yards," yet, in old quar-
ters of the city, the back-yards (the one lux-
ury in which the richest man in new New
York hardly dares indulge himself) are still
the first camping places of the spring on her
arrival in this quarter. Looking out of my
window upon the open square of yards, onljr
broken in one place by an invading "flat," L
SPRING HEREABOUTS.
163
•watch the spring creeping on,
from the time when the owner
•or some itinerant- gardener climbs on
the trellis, or lifts himself on a step-
ladder, to prune the grape-vines, to the
day when the young girls next door
xun to the house from their first visit to
the back " garden " to announce to
mamma and the neighborhood that
the crocuses are in bloom, or that the
first shoots of the peonies have broken
the ground with their rosy finger tips.
Then work begins in earnest, and more
itinerant gardeners, or, in one or two of
the yards, more skillful and expensive
hands from the florist's, come in with
spades and rakes and hoes, and turn
up the beds, and rake the remains of
last year's vines and roots in heaps,
and lift and pound the grass-plot in the
middle into shape, or even sod it over
freshly, and then set out a new lot of
Tose-bushes, geraniums, border-pinks and
heliotropes, with tuberoses and lily bulbs
to give the garden-plot fresh incidents as
the weeks roll on. Meanwhile, in the
streets, the signs of spring, — worth all the
cries of fictitious imported strawberries, and
all the wilted southern vegetables, stifled
into ripeness in the holds of ships between
ihere and Charleston, — are the cart-loads of
sods, with a twig of pussy-cat willow stuck
in them as if to prove, by a sort of collateral
•evidence, that they were really brought from
the country and were not manufactured by
steam in some city factory ; the blowsy Ger-
man women bawling from door to door
their flowering plants in pots, which they
•carry in big baskets on their heads; or the
ash-barrels on the front sidewalks (for New
York has no alley-ways), stuffed with the
trimmings of vines, and the tangle of gar-
den-sweepings and cuttings of last year's
growth from shrubs and trees, in addition
to their usual contents.
The sidewalks, too, have their new life,
and swarm with children, especially in the
older quarters, who make the stoops and
flagging their play-ground all the out-of-
school hours, and set up such a round of
visiting on the part of the little girls, from area
BUDDING OF OAK AND VINE.
to area,
and stoop
to stoop,
and from
one side
of the street to the
other, as shows
how native is the
social instinct, and
how it feeds on
nothing. Mean-
while the boys ap-
pear in force, with
stilts, tops (which
they whip in the
fashion of the old
Webster's Spelling-
Book), and in some few places with kites,
though of late years the all-pervading tele-
graph-wires have seriously interfered with
that pretty sport. And yesterday, on the
sidewalk in crowded Sixth avenue, I saw
a little child of six or seven standing, all
unconscious of the passers-by, nursing on
her shoulder a black kitten, and singing
softly to herself some baby song with neither
words nor air. And on the smooth asphalt of
the Park a Marimon of a sparrow, neat and
trim as her French rival, was dancing a
shadow-dance all to herself, the motif, so to
speak, being a refractory straw which she
kept on picking up and dropping, and which,
as her husband in the tree a few yards off sang
thejina/e of his accompanying twitter song,
she flew successfully off with, and wove into
her new nest. It was only a night or two
before that I had seen Dinorah dance her
shadow-dance upon the stage, and it seemed
natural now to believe that the first sugges-
tion came from seeing some such bird-play
as this.
The shop windows are other indexes to
the change that is taking place. Those of
the florists, who had been getting on rather
164
SPRING HEREABOUTS.
slowly for a few weeks with roses and vio-
lets and occasional lilies-of-the- valley, with a
few white hyacinths (these first hyacinths,
however, with their loose clusters and slender
bells, having a charm that is somehow want-
ing to the more perfect, later bloom), now
become sweetly gay with tulips, narcissuses,
crocuses, daffodils, and hyacinths in glasses,
while the trays of cut roses lying in fra-
grant heaps have a more natural out-of-door
air (though likewise raised under glass, they
require less care) than the superb Jacque-
minots, Marechal Niels, and Gloire de Di-
jons that preceded them and'keep alongside
them far into the summer.
The street flower-stands, too, — sadly bo-
tanical and scientific late into the winter,
with ferns and alder berries, and berries of
the bittersweet; then, about holiday time,
ecclesiastically somber with evergreens and
holly, then scientific again with more ferns
and mosses, — at last become human and soci-
able, with jacks-in-the-pulpit, club-mosses j ust
arrested in the act of taking their little hats off
to the spring, meek bouquets of marsh mari-
golds, and bunches of twigs of pussy-cat
willows or maple buds, plaintive reminders
to the " cit " of country boyhood pleasures.
It is riot in the flower-shops only that one
sees the dull winter taking his leave. The
tailors' windows tempt us men with their
lighter cloths, and even the shoe-shops hide
their heavy-soled shoes and put their best
foot foremost, clothed in the dapper gaiter
or the low-cut shoe that speaks of sunny
days and dry pavements. The trunk shops,
too, seem to take a vigorous start in the
spring, and bring out upon the sidewalks a
great array of trunks and bags and boxes,
of all shapes and sizes ; some large enough
to hold the clothes of an entire family,
though doubtless intended to transport only
a portion of the dresses of some newly made
bride or woman of fashion ; others reason-
ably capacious, but made so shallow in form
as to suggest to the passer-by, who perhaps
has already a journey in his mind, the
suitableness of just such a traveling com-
panion for his state-room, in case he should
decide, in this fine spring weather, to go
over the ocean and see for himself how
England looks in May. For one of the
effects of spring is to make us all restless,,
and Nature, with her mounting sap, and
pushing grass and pairing birds, is not to
have a monopoly of motion ; man, also, will
repair and build, and make love, and
migrate, as well as the bird.
The carpet shops, conscious that their reg-
ular stock in trade is now beginning to look
somewhat worn, put out more attractive bait
to beguile the passing purchaser, in the shape
A SPRING STUDIO : PAINTING AN OLD MILL IN THE SUBURBS.
SPRING HEREABOUTS.
165
ON THE HARLEM.
of rolls of cool-looking matting, in fresh
tints and varied patterns, for decorative art
has invaded even stand-still China, and
where there used to be only two kinds of
matting, — the red-and-white check and the
plain straw, — there are now a dozen. But I
may remark in a parenthesis that, let deco-
rative art do what it can, it will never invent
any pattern prettier, or that will wear better,
than the red- and- white check. It holds its
own, century after century, by as inalienable
a title as bread and butter, roast beef, sun-
shine and potatoes.
There are shops to which spring brings
only the sad conviction that their occupation
is gone for as long as spring and summer
last ; and some shops, that have an elastic
trade adapted to all the year, have to put
half their stock on the retired list until cool
1 weather comes again. Just as the animals
themselves are making up their minds to
; leave winter quarters, the furriers begin to roll •
up their skins and pack them away for the
season ; the plumbers, to whom the universal
thaw no longer promises bursting pipes and
leaking leaders, retire to their back offices to
devise new complications and more intricate
traps for another season, while the so-called
furnishing shops feed the quickened imagin-
ation of housekeepers with mops and pails
and scrubbing brushes, cheerful emblems of
spring cleaning, and remand to the cellars
their coal-scuttles and fire-irons, while a
background of refrigerators, ice-pitchers
and lemon-squeezers carries the mind gaily
forward to the sweltering heats of summer.
About this time, too. expect, as the almanacs
say, to see steamer-chairs, with the initials or
the full names of their owners painted on them,
standing outside these shops, provokingly
suggestive either of ocean voyage or yacht
cruising. But as the busy man cannot hope
to enjoy either of these pleasures, he men-
tally resolves that the first sunny holiday he
can find he will sail down to Staten Island,
and through the pretty Kills, to catch sight
of spring as she comes rippling up our beau-
tiful Bay, — touching the marsh grasses with
young green light, throwing a misty veil of
leaf-tips and swelling buds over the trees, and
sending her sea-gulls as couriers to an-
nounce her coming, careering in their beau-
tiful flight about our boat, — sea-gulls, the
last of April's scurrying snow-flakes, flying
first blossoms of the May, scud of the
breakers, borne inland by the salt south-
wind.
The carpenters and masons, who have
been dormant all winter, now appear, with
the first audacious fly, and, like the wood-
pecker, make their presence known by an
energetic tapping and hammering. Look-
i66
SPRING HEREABOUTS.
ing out of the window to see on which of
tbese old-neighbor houses they have alighted,
we find it is our next door, who is taking ad-
vantage of these first unseasonably warm days
to enlarge his back balcony into a room;
but so fickle is our April weather that
hardly have the workmen got rid of the old
piazza (for with such a high-sounding name
do we dignify our narrow balconies, for the
most part never used), and so deprived the
house of the protection it afforded, than a
rude snow-storm sends them back to their
shop, and hides their new lumber for twenty-
four hours under a white blanket. It is odd
to see how citizens seem to dislike a tree.
The pretty apricot that, every spring for the
five years we have known her, has covered
herself with a light veil of pink blossoms,
and in the cool morning just touched the
city air with a whispered breath of almond
scent — the pretty tree is gone, cut off ten
feet from the ground, a mangled stump.
The light brush of its branches lies in a heap,
the infant buds are nipped in their swelling,
and, if we could see her, the ousted Hama-
dryad is sitting forlorn by her dismantled
home. Etiquette forbids that we should ask
the reason for this bit of destructiveness, but
we cannot help being sorry for an act that
seems to have had no reason in it.
But, if our next-door apricot is gone, the
opposite-house baby has re-appeared, and
we are sure, for a time at least, of some-
thing always prettier than any apricot tree
could be. The baby was born in the early
winter, but immediately went into retire-
ment. Its first appearance at the window in
its nurse's arms, very pink and very much
swathed in flannel, was hailed as an auspi-
cious sign on our first taking possession of
winter quarters, but, as has been said, it
disappeared from the view of the back-win-
dow world, and was naturally forgotten.
Now, however, it has appeared again, with
the tulips and jonquils, and the old artist
Time has added so many touches to his first
sketch, — working over the red ground in
which he always lays in his heads, and sub-
tly managing his carnations, with gold lights
in the tendrils of the hair, and blue eyes
dashed in with a full, wet brush, a mouth
like a bud, and — can it be ? — why does
the nurse leave the window, and come back
with the mother, all nods and wreathed
smiles ? Why this fumbling in the baby's
mouth ? Is it a tooth ? Yes, it would
seem the first pretty millet seed has sprouted,
the first pearl has been strung on the rosy
thread. Old painter Time is finishing his pict-
ure, and has put in the first of his high lights.
Nature, good foster-mother, isproviding play-
things for her child, for while the new baby
was crooning at the window, the black cat
brought out her two kittens into the yard
below, and gave them their first taste of
the open air and a sight of the fences they
are one day to climb. Pretty, soft black
accents in the Munich-gray of the picture!
By the stir on the roof of another opposite
neighbor's " extension," and by the monoto-
nous cooing of the pigeons that live there
in cotes nailed against the wall, it may be
guessed that babies and kittens are not the
only young things whose growth and nur-
ture the year is to tend. The older pigeons
will soon be training their pigeonettes in
flying up and down or- across the open
court, and it will not be many weeks or days
WATCHING THE GOATS.
SPRING HEREABOUTS.
167
DRIVING IN THE FLOCK.
before we shall hear the pattering of the red
feet and the cooing of the iris-breasted
visitors on our tinned roof, with the quick
whir of frightened wings as we step to the
window to watch their restless play. How
dull, after, all, would the square shut in by
the houses be — sunny and bright as it is —
without these various movements of animate
life!
Once, when we could not go to the coun-
try ourselves, a bit of April was brought to
us by a kind-hearted maiden, — a basket of
marsh-marigolds — greenish-yellow blossom-
flowers just now leaves, and leaves that are
all but flowers. She brought them — this
girl, like one of Botticelli's Graces floating out
of his Allegory of Spring — in a pretty basket
of her own contriving, a softly-woven hat
of straw, the edges drawn together at two
sides with a knot of ribbon, and the flowers
nestled closely together in the open ends.
They looked out with their homely, friendly
faces, recalling many an early April stroll
in Westchester woods, where these firstlings
of the year greeted us, thickly clustered
along the banks of the creeping streams.
But the lover of spring will not be content
with her city smiles. He will follow her to
the rocky suburbs if, as is sadly likely, he
cannot woo her in the real country. How-
ever, here again New York has an advan-
tage over some other cities, in the curiously
untamed wildness of her outlying regions.
Even on the island itself, on its northern-
most extension, the woods and rocks are
still as they were in the days of Peter Stuy-
vesant, though, now that the elevated rail-
roads have reached to the borders of the
wildwood, it cannot be long before it will
disappear, or be so broken up as to be no
longer a strolling place for people tired, for
a time» of city sights and sounds. The
Harlem river is the resort of innumerable
boating gentry, but its shores are so steep
on the one side and so marshy on the other
as to give no opportunity to the walker, and
the railroad that now skirts its northern
shore and follows its windings has made
such enjoyment as we once had in it no
longer possible. But boat-hiring is made so
easy that the river may be enjoyed this
way with more pleasure, perhaps, than if we
were only to walk along its banks. In a
boat we are double owners of the stream,
— we not only survey it from side to side,
we command its inaccessible places; and
now in the spring we see the water weeds
brightening with answering green, as the
marsh grass quickens along the edge and
the arrowheads sharpen their serried tips in
the sun, while the minnows flash in gather-
ing and dispersing ranks, moving with a
swift unanimity, as if an electric flash gave
the silent signal, while at every fresh boat-
length the plash of the vigilant frog is heard.
We must linger long after the world is still,
however, before we hear that sound which is
one of the few in nature that mark an era
in the progress of the year — the sound of
the " peeper," as clear and distinctly recog-
nizable as the cry of the first locust or the
chirp of the first cricket — one of those
sweet surprises, like the first sight we get
of the new moon, the first dandelion in the
meadow, or, more delightful still, in the city
grass-plots, — sights and sounds
" That always find us young,
And always keep us so."
Of these firstlings, however, the sight of
the dandelion is cheerful, and so is the
peeper's cry, albeit its monotone may, to
1 68
SPRING HEREABOUTS.
PICKING DANDELIONS.
some ears, be melancholy or plaintive; but
the cry of the cicada and the cricket (which,
of course, are not " cries " at all) are neces-
sarily melancholy, because they belong to
the fading year; they are cadences in the
song of Nature as she sits at the rushing
loom of Time. But the peeper's note is the
tinkling bell that rings the curtain up and
ushers in the play-time of the pleasant
world.
I remember to have once brought home
from a Westchester-county brook a formless
mass of jelly, through which were distributed
at intervals dark points like seeds. Bring-
ing it home, I put it into a glass vessel filled
with water, and set it in the window, watch-
ing it day by day. Each of these little
points was an egg of the common frog, and
after the first day or so it was seen that
every egg was surrounded by a small globe
or bubble of air. Day by day, as they in-
creased in size, the bubbles grew with their
growth, and at length, from simple dark
points, the eggs assumed an elongated form,
like small melon seeds. But what made
them magically interesting to watch- was the
curious phenomenon by which, every now and
then, — and though I watched them long and
often I could never ascertain any settled
periodicity in the matter, — an electric thrill
seemed to dart through the inert, gelatinous
mass, and all the separate eggs, each in its
transparent bubble, would wriggle simul-
taneously— just one short, sharp wriggle —
and then all would remain quiet, till Nature
had generated enough electricity for another
shock. This continued until the eggs had
developed the beginnings of a tail, and the
A SPRING MORNING AT MME. JUMEL's IN THE OLD TIME.
SUCCESS.
169
air bubbles had increased so that they nearly
touched one another; when, having no
aquarium in which to keep my brood, I
carried them back and slipped them into
their native brook again. Are the planets
such eggs in a vast, cosmicai, nebulous mass,
each with its own bubble of atmosphere, and
does an electric flash run through our inert
mass with the spring, and thrill us all into
new life after winter's stagnation ? Some-
thing thrills us, and the simultaneousness of
it is past all scientific explanation. The
very roots in the cellar feel the impulse ; the
potato strains its eyes so, to get a sight of
what's going on, that they project from its
head like the eyes of snails ; the onion says
to itself: " I'd be a hyacinth, if I could,
but as I can't, I'll start off like one. Would
that a bulb by any other name would smell
as sweet." The beets and carrots try to
follow suit, but they are a clumsier breed,
and the only change that comes over them
when the spring is making other things burst
into bud and leaf, is that they become pith
and cork, and end by wilting away.
The Park is the place where most New
Yorkers first see the spring in its full beauty,
and perhaps the only place where we see it at
all beyond the city bounds. Here are broad
swards of grass, ampler and greener than
the country can show, and sown with dande-
lions so thickly as literally to make the
green one yellow. And sheep and lambs
really enjoying life, and ducks and geese
and swans on the ponds and streams, lead-
ing their young broods out to see the glad
new world into which they have been so
lucky as to be born. 'Tis all very pretty,
and we must enjoy the lush exuberance of
the leafage, and the flower-garlanded trel-
lises and rocky walls, hid out of sight with
the purple wistaria and the scented honey-
suckle; but whoever has courage to push
beyond these formal walls into the rude,
unkempt, but very much alive unbuilt-up
world outside will find a more satisfying
experience — unless, indeed, he be a fore-
ordained " cit," and must go only where he
can keep his boots clean.
The roads that lead by the now tottering
palings of old New York houses like that
of Madame Jumel's ; the bits of pasture still
uninvaded by city improvements, where
children watch the goats or pick the dande-
lion leaves that make a dish of bitter
" greens " to season the spare home meal,
or keep the clamorous geese in sight, as
they nip the springing grass or wrestle
with their yellow beaks in the plashy rivu-
lets that drain the rocky lots, — in all these
straying-places about the city we may find
happy substitutes, if we will, for a more
ambitious country side, and bring back to
the work-a-day world and the round of
daily toil some gleam of real sunshine, the
remembrance of some pretty glimpse of
Nature, or, if nothing more cheerful, the
conviction that, if not for him then some-
where for others, spring is bathing the earth
in sunshine and making all things new.
SUCCESS.
WHO wins the race ? The boy who strives
For victory solely, and derives
No pleasure from the racer's art,
Nor keen delight to play his part,
But, struggling for his flag or button,
Must bolt his triumph like a glutton?
Who wins the race ? The maid who craves
That all her friends should be her slaves ?
A warm look here, cold shoulder there,
Now wafting bliss and now despair!
Amid the herd her charms have smitten
Gives one a finger, ten the mitten !
Who wins the race ? The man who pours
His every nerve where he adores,
Outstrips his foes at any rate
And gets the maid by efforts great,
VOL. XX.— 12.
SUN-SPOTS AND FINANCIAL PANICS,
So set on owning that he's blind
To hot or cold, to wet or wind ?
The race — who wins it? It is he
Who loses, gains the loftier fee!
O boy, love racing, not the prize ;
Love love, sweet girl, not lover's cries;
And, man, far sooner bear a hurt
Than stoop to wrangle for a flirt!
SUN-SPOTS AND FINANCIAL PANICS.
I RECEIVE so many letters relating to the
imagined troubles which the movements of
the planets are to occasion during the next
few years (chiefly through the intervention
of the solar spots), that I think many may
find interest in the most recent development
of the sun-spot mania, — Professor Stanley
Jevons's theory that there is a close and
intimate connection between commercial
crises and spots upon the sun. My object is
not, I need hardly say, to advocate Professor
Jevons's theory. Nor do I propose merely
to show how slight is the evidence on which
his theory is based, and that, in some
respects, it is even opposed to those views
in whose support it was adduced. I write
more with the view of discouraging that
flow of unscientific speculation with regard
to sun-spots which has recently set in.
About the year 1862, Professor Jevons
prepared two statistical diagrams relating to
monetary matters, the price of corn, etc.
The study of these satisfied him that the
commercial troubles of 1815, 1825, 1836-
39, 1847, and 1857, exhibited a true but
mysterious periodicity. There was no ap-
pearance of like periodicity, indeed, during
the first fifteen years of the present century,
when " statistical numbers were thrown into
confusion by the great wars, the suspension
of specie payments, and the frequently
extremely high prices of corn." He admits,
moreover, that the statistical diagram, so
far as the eighteenth century is concerned,
presents no appreciable trace of periodicity.
In 1875, attracted by questions raised
respecting solar influences, Professor Jevons
discussed the data in Professor Thorold
Rogers's "Agriculture and Prices in England
since 1259." He then believed, he tells us
somewhat naively, that " he had discovered
the solar period " in the prices of corn and
various agricultural commodities, and he
accordingly read a paper to that effect at the
British Association at Bristol. Subsequent
inquiry, however, seemed to show that periods
of three, five, seven, nine, or even thirteen
years, would agree with Professor Rogers's
data just as well as a period of eleven years;
in disgust at which result, Professor Jevons
withdrew the paper from further publication.
He still looks back, however, with some
affection on this paper, and quotes with
complacency this passage:
" Before concluding I will throw out a
surmise, which, though it is a mere sur-
mise, seems worth making. It is now
pretty generally allowed that the fluctua-
tions of the money market, though often ap-
parently due to exceptional and accidental
events, such as wars, panics, and so forth,
yet do exhibit a remarkable tendency to
recur at intervals approximating to ten or
eleven years. Thus, the principal commer-
cial crises have happened in the years 1825,
1836-39, 1847, 1857, 1866, and I was almost
adding 1879, so convinced do I feel that
there will, within the next few years, be
another great crisis. Now, if there should
be, in or about the year 1879, a great col-
lapse comparable with those of the years
mentioned, there will have been five such
occurrences in fifty-four years, giving almost
exactly eleven years (10.8) as the average
interval, which sufficiently approximates to
1 1. 1 "years, the supposed exact length of
the sun-spot period, to warrant speculations
as to their possible connection."
However, Professor Jevons, though he
had done his best to follow the course laid
down for such researches " by those who
are determined, above all things, that some
terrestrial cycles shall be made 'to synchro-
nize with the sun-spot cycle,* had been thus
* " The thing to hunt down," says one of these,
" is a cycle, and if that is not to be found in the tern-
SUN-SPOTS AND FINANCIAL PANICS.
171
far disappointed. " I was embarrassed," he
says, " by the fact that the commercial fluc-
tuations could with difficulty be reconciled
with a period of n.i years. If, indeed, we
start from 1825 and add n.i years' time
after time, we get 1836.1, 1847.2, 1858.3,
1869.4, 1880.5, which shows a gradually
increasing discrepancy from 1837, 1&47,
1857, 1866, and now 1878, the true dates
of the crises." The true cycle-hunter, how-
ever, is seldom without an explanation of
such discrepancies. " I went so far," he
says, and again his naivete is charming, " as
to form the rather fanciful hypothesis that
the commercial world might be a body so
mentally constituted, as Mr. John Mill must
hold, as to be capable of vibrating in a
period of ten years, so that it would every
now and then be thrown into oscillation by
physical causes having a period of eleven
years." Unfortunately for the scientific
world, which could not have failed to profit
greatly from the elucidation of so ingenious
a theory, even though it had subsequently
been found well to withdraw it, Professor
Jevons became acquainted about this time
with some inquiries by Mr. J. A. Broun,
tending to show that the solar period is 10.45
years, not n.i. This placed the matter in
a very different light, and removed all diffi-
culties. " Thus, if we take Mr. John Mill's
' Synopsis of Commercial Panics in the
Present Century,' and rejecting 1866, as an
instance of a premature panic " (this is very
ingenious), " count from 1815 to 1857, we
find that four credit cycles occupy forty-two
years, giving an average duration of 10.5
years, which is a remarkably close approxi-
mation to Mr. Broun's solar period."
Encouraged by the pleasing aspect which
the matter had now assumed, Professor
Jevons determined to go further afield for
evidence. " It occurred to me at last," he
says, " to look back into the previous cen-
tury, where facts of a strongly confirmatory
character at once presented themselves.
Not only was there a great panic in 1793,
as Dr. Hyde Clarke remarked, but there
were very distinct events of a similar nature
in the years 1783, 1772-3, and 1763.
About these dates there can be no question,
for they may all be found clearly stated on
pp. 627, 628 of the first volume of Mr.
perate zones, then go to the frigid zones or to the
torrid zone to look for it ; and if found, then above
all things and in whatever manner (!) lay hold of,
study, and read it, and see what it means," — or make
a meaning for it, if it has none, he should have
added.
Macleod's unfinished ' Dictionary of Politi-
cal Economy.' Mr. Macleod gives a con-
cise, but I believe correct, account of these
events, and as he seems to entertain no the-
ory of periodicity, his evidence is perfectly
unbiased." It is true that neither WolfPs
nor Broun's period can be strictly reconciled
with the occurrence of four commercial
crises, at intervals of exactly ten years ; for
three times n.i are 33.3, and three times
10.45 are 3x-35i whereas the interval from
1763 to 1793 amounts only to 30. How-
ever we only have to regard the crisis of
1793 as a "premature panic" to remove
this difficulty. Indeed, with premature
panics and delayed panics, overhasty sun-
spot crises and unduly retarded ones, we
can get over even more serious difficulties.
This " beautiful coincidence," as Professor
Jevons called it, led him to look still farther
backward, " and to form the apparently
wild notion that the great crisis, generally
known as that of the South Sea Bubble,
might not be an isolated and casual event,
but only an early and remarkable manifes-
tation of the commercial cycle." The
South Sea Bubble is usually assigned to the
year 1720, and, as that would be 43 years
before 1763, we should have 10^ years,
instead of 10^ years, for the average inter-
val, if three commercial crises occurred
between 1720 and 1763. But this difficulty
is merely superficial. " It is perfectly well
known to the historians of commerce," says
Professor Jevons, "that the general collapse
of trade, which profoundly affected all the
more advanced European nations, especially
the Dutch, French, and English, occurred
in 1721. Now, if we assume that there
have been, since 1721, up to 1857, thirteen
commercial cycles, the average interval
comes out 10.46 years. Or if we consider
that we are in this very month (November,
1878) passing through a normal crisis, then
the interval of 157 years, from 1721 to 1878,
gives an average cycle of 10.466 years."
Before this could be accepted, however,
three commercial panics had to be found
to fill in the space between 1721 and
1763. Professor Jevons felt this keenly. He
spent much time and labor, during the sum-
mer of 1878, " in a most tedious and dis-
couraging search among the pamphlets,
magazines, and newspapers of the period,
with a view to discover other decennial
crises." He seems to have done everything
he could think of, short of advertising —
"Wanted, three crises, fitted to fill a crisisless
gap in last century's commercial history " —
I72
SUN-SPOTS AND FINANCIAL PANICS.
but the results were not very satisfactory.
" I am free to confess," he says, " that in
this search, I have been thoroughly biased
in favor of a theory, and that the evidence
which I have so far found would have no
weight if standing by itself. It is impossible
in this place, to state properly the facts
which I possess ; I can only briefly mention
what I hope to establish by future more
thorough inquiry." Even this — which has
yet to be established — amounts to very
little; but that is the fault of the facts, not of
Professor Jevons.
In the first place, it is remarkable, he
thinks, that the South Sea Company, which
failed in 1720-21, was founded in 1711,
just ten years before, "and that on the very
page (312) of Mr. Fox Broun's 'Romance
of Trade,' which mentions this fact, the year
1701 also occurs in connection with specu-
lation and stock-jobbing, as the promotion of
companies was then called. The occurrence
of a crisis in the years 1710-11, 12 is, indeed,
almost established by the list of bubble
insurance companies formed in those years,
as collected by Mr. Cornelius Walford."
If the probability that a commercial
crisis occurred in 1710-12 (though the
history of trade perversely omits to mention
such a crisis) is not considered sufficient, in
company, even, with the mention of 1701 as
a year of stock-jobbing, to prove beyond
all possibility of question that commercial
crises occurred in 1731, 1742, and 1752, let
the hesitating student observe, that quite
obviously " about ten years after stock -job-
bing had been crushed by the crisis of 1721,
it reared its head again." It is remarked
in the "Gentleman's Magazine" of 1732,
that " stock -jobbing is grown almost epidem-
ical. Fraud, corruption and iniquity in
great companies as much require speedy
and effectual remedies now as in 1720.
The scarcity of money and stagnation of
trade in all the distant parts of England, is
a proof that too much of our current coin
is got into the hands of a few persons."
Before 1734 matters had become still worse,
for Mr. Walford says that " gambling in
stocks and funds had broken out with con-
siderable fervor again during the few years
preceding 1734. It was the first symptom
of recovery from the events of 1720." In
J734, accordingly, we find that an act was
passed to check stock-jobbing.
It might still seem, however, to some of
those doubting spirits whom no arguments
can satisfy, that the occurrence, in 1734, of
"the first symptoms of recovery from the
events of 1720 " is not in itself proof positive
of the occurrence of a commercial crisis in
1 732. They might, in their perversity, argue
that the next commercial crisis after that
of 1720—21 would presumably have fol-
lowed the recovery, in 1734, from the effects
of the South Sea collapse. To satisfy these
unbelievers, Professor Jevons points out that
in 1732 a society called the " Charitable
Corporation for Relief of the Industrious
Poor " became bankrupt. Many people
were ruined by the unexpected deficit thus
discovered, and Parliament and the public
were asked to assist the sufferers.
The failure of a charitable corporation in
1732 is not perhaps in itself demonstrative
of the occurrence of a commercial crisis in
1732, but when considered in connection
with the founding of the South Sea Com-
pany in 1711, the occurrence of stock -job-
bing in 1701, the revival in 1734 from the
events of 1720-21, and especially with the
circumstance that Professor Jevons's theory
absolutely requires a crisis in 1732, it must
in charity be accepted. It would indeed
be exceedingly unkind to reject the evidence
thus offered for a commercial panic in 1732,
because none can be found to show that
between 1732 and 1763, "anything ap-
proaching to a mania or crisis," took place.
"My learned and obliging correspondents
at Amsterdam and Leyden." says Professor
Jevons, " disclaim any knowledge of such
events in the trade of Holland at that time,
and my own diagram, showing the monthly
bankruptcies throughout the interval, dis-
plays a flatness of a thoroughly discouraging
character."
This would dishearten perhaps any one
but a believer in sun-spot influences. But
the rule laid down by the high-priest of their
order, to hold on resolutely to any cycle
found or imagined, " above all things and in
whatever manner, to lay hold of" such a
cycle, despite all difficulties and every dis-
couragement, is one which they follow with
a zeal worthy of a more scientific and logi-
cal system of procedure. Though Professor
Jevons would find no evidence whatever of a
crisis between the well-imagined one in 1732
and the real crisis in 1763, inquiry leads him
to believe, he says, " that yet there were
remarkable variations in the activity of trade
and the prices of some staple commodities,
such as wool and tin, sufficient to connect
the earlier with the later periods." The
evidence is not complete, and as it does not
quite agree with the sun-spot theory, it is
" probably misleading." Any one " who
SUN-SPOTS AND FINANCIAL PANICS.
can point out to Professor Jevons a series of
prices of metals, or other commodities not
merely agricultural, before 1782, will, he
announces, confer a very great obligation
upon him by doing so.
However, though the theory absolutely
requires a crisis in 1742 and another in 1752,
or thereabouts, let us defer for the present
any minuter inquiry on this point. " I per-
mit myself to assume," says Professor Jevons,
" that there were, about the years 1742 and
1752, fluctuations of trade which connect
the undoubted decennial series of 1711,
1721, and 1732 with that commencing again
in the most unquestionable manner in 1763."
There is something very pleasing in this.
We permit ourselves to assume that the
strongest possible evidence of steady com-
mercial relations between 1732 and 1763
may be set on one side. We make a
series of undoubted crises out of three dates :
of these the first (1711), marking the time
when one of the greatest commercial swin-
dles of the last two centuries was started,
indicates a season of undue confidence,
instead of undue depression; the second
(1721) is not the true date of the event with
which 'it is connected; and the third (1732)
was not marked by any commercial event
in the remotest degree resembling a general
panic or crisis. Having achieved this note-
worthy deed of derring-do — running atilt
against, and for the time being overthrowing,
all the rules of logic (as if, in a tourney, a
knight should overthrow the marshals, instead
of his armed opponents) — Professor Jevons
is able triumphantly to declare that the
whole series of decennial crises may be
stated as follows: (1701?), 1711, 1721,
J73*-32> (i742? i752 ?)> i?63» J772-3>
*783» *793> (1804-5), l8lS. l825> l836~39>
(1837, in the United States), 1847, 1857,
1866, 1878. A series of this sort, we are
told, is not, like a chain, as weak as its
weakest part; on the contrary, the strong
parts add strength to the weak parts. In
spite, therefore, of the doubtful existence
of some of the crises, as marked in the list,
"I can entertain no doubt whatever" (the
italics are most emphatically mine), — "I can
entertain no doubt whatever that the prin-
cipal commercial crises do fall into a series
having the average period of about 10.466
years. Moreover, the almost perfect coin-
cidence of this period with Broun's estimate
of the sun-spot period (10.45) ^s ^7 itself
strong evidence that the phenomena are
causally connected." There is evidence of
splendid courage in these statements ; it is
in this way that, according to the Scotch
proverb, one either makes a spoon or mars
a horn.
Before proceeding to consider the evidence
by which the series of commercial crises is
to be connected, or otherwise, with the series
of sun-spot changes, let it be permitted to
us to separate the actually recorded crises
from those which Professor Jevons has either
invented (as 1701, 1711, and 1732) or
assumed (as 1742, 1752, and 1804-5). We
have left the dates 1721, 1763, 1772-3,
!783, i793> *8l5> l825> i836-39> l847> l857»
1866 and 1878. The corresponding inter-
vals (taking, when an interval instead of a
date is given, the date midway between the
two named) are as follows: 42 years, 9^
years, 10^ years, 10 years, 22 years, 10
years, 12^ years, 9^ years, 10 years, 9
years, and 1 2 years. The evidence for the
decennial period is not demonstrative, and
the logical condition of the mind which, in
presence of this evidence, " can entertain no
doubt whatever" that the true average period
is 10.466 years — which, be it noted, is a
period given to the thousandth part of a
year, or about 8^ hours — must be enviable
to those who possess a much smaller capac-
ity for conviction — that is, a much greater
capacity for doubt.
But it may happen, perchance, that the
irregularity of the recurrence of crises affords
evidence in favor of a connection between
commercial panics and the sun-spot period.
It is well known that the epochs when the
sun is most spotted do not occur at regular
intervals, either of n.i years, 10.45 years,
or any other period. If the irregularities
of the sun-spot period should be reflected, so
to speak, in the irregularities of the panic
period, the evidence would be even more
satisfactory than if both periods were quite
regular and they synchronized together.
For in the latter case there would be only
one coincidence, — a coincidence which,
though striking, might yet be due to chance ;
in the other there would be many coinci-
dences, the co-existence of which could not
reasonably be regarded as merely fortuitous.
Only, at the outset, it may be as well to
determine beforehand what our conclusions
ought to be, if no such resemblance should
be recognized between the irregularities of
the two periods. We must not, perhaps,
expect too close a resemblance. We may
very well believe that while the normal re-
lationship between two connected sets of
phenomena might result either in absolutely
simultaneous oscillations, or, at least, in
'74
SUN-SPOTS AND FINANCIAL PANICS.
oscillations of perfectly equal period (so that
whatever discrepancy might exist between
the epochs of the respective maxima or
minima should be constantly preserved), yet
that a multitude of more or less extraneous
disturbing influences might prevent either
form of synchronism from being actually
observed. For instance, if we supposed
that the absence of sun-spots is the cause of
commercial depression, we might imagine
that at the time of fewest sun-spots a com-
mercial crisis would occur, unless extraneous
causes delayed it; or we might imagine
that, as a regular rule, the crisis would fol-
low the time of fewest sun-spots by a given
interval, as a year, or two years; yet we
might very well understand that occasion-
ally a crisis might be hastened by a few
months, or even a year, or might be in equal
degree delayed. Still, there are- limits to the
amount of disturbance which we could thus
account for without being forced to abandon
altogether the theory that sun-spots influ-
ence trade, — despite the antecedent proba-
bility (which some consider so great) of a
relationship of this kind. For instance, if
we found commercial crises occurring in a
year of maximum disturbance at one time,
while at another they occurred at years of
minimum disturbance, at another, midway
between a maximum and the next following
minimum, and, at yet another, midway be-
tween a minimum and the next following
maximum, we should not feel absolutely
forced to accept the theory that sun-spots
somehow govern trade relations. Nay, I
think a logically-minded person would feel
that in the presence of such discrepancies
nothing could establish the theory — other-
wise so extremely probable — of the influence
of sun-spots on trade.
Professor Jevons has not definitely indi-
cated his own opinions on this point. Per-
haps if he had, we should have found that
he would allow wider latitude to the discrep-
ancies which may exist than one less at-
tached to the sun-spot theory of trade would
consider permissible. We have seen how
readily he has been satisfied respecting
crises which had to be either invented or
assumed.* Perhaps a little further evidence
* Professor Roscoe, in a lecture on " Sun-spots
and Commercial Crises" (delivered, strangely enough,
as one of a series of science lectures for the people),
has raised Professor Jevons's assumed crisis a grade
higher in the scale of probability. The dates, 1 742,
1752, and 1804-5, vvhe» a crisis ought to have oc-
curred, but did not. were given by Professor Roscoe
as dates of doubtful crises, by which his audience
understood that crises but of comparatively small
on this point may be useful, as showing the
extent to which that bias in favor of his
theory, which he has so frankly admitted,
seems really to have influenced him. We
have seen that jf crises fail to occur when
his theory requires them, he readily con-
structs or assumes crises to fit into the
vacant places. He is equally ready to deal
with what others would regard as the equally
fatal difficulty, that crises take place when,
according to the decennial theory (a wider
theory than the solar one, be it noticed),
they should not have occurred. " There is
nothing in this theory," he says, " inconsist-
ent with the fact that crises and panics arise
from other than meteorological causes.
There was a great political crisis in 1798, a
great commercial collapse in 1810-11,
(which will not fall into the decennial series);
there was a stock exchange panic in 1859;
and the great American collapse of 1873-75.
There have also been several minor disturb-
ances in the money market, such as those
of February, 1861, May and September,
1864, August, 1870, November, 1873; but
they are probably due to exceptional and
disconnected reasons. Moreover, they have
seldom, if ever, the intensity, profundity and
wide extension of the true decennial crises."
In other words, if recognizable crises fail
to occur when the decennial period requires
them, yet we may assume that, at the
proper time, some trade disturbances have
taken place, only on so small a scale as to
escape notice; but if trade disturbances
occur which even attract notice, at times not
reconcilable with the decennial theory, then
we may overlook them, because a true de-
cennial crisis is intense, profound, and wide-
ly extended. It is a case of " heads I win,
tails you lose" with the supporters of the
decennial theory. Though even with this
free-and-easy method of reasoning, the
American crisis in 1873-75 might seem
rather awkward to deal with. Americans,
extent occurred at those dates. Certainly the audi-
ence did not understand that, after long and careful
search for the crises which theoretically should then
have taken place, Professor Jevons had failed to find
any trace whatever of their occurrence. By the way,
the audience at Manchester would not seem to have
been very profoundly impressed by a conviction of
the antecedent probability of the theory advocated
by the lecturer. At first, Professor Roscoe's state-
ment of the theory was received as a joke. " Laugh-
ter," "laughter," and " renewed laughter," followed
the enunciation of the theory. Only when the evi-
dence, carefully freed from whatever might suggest
doubt or difficulty, was brought forward, did the
audience gradually become convinced that the lec-
turer was in earnest
SUN-SPOTS AND FINANCIAL PANICS.
at any rate, are not very likely to accept
the doctrine that that crisis was not intense,
profound, and widely extended.
I may remark in passing that, in jestingly
advancing the theory which Professor Jevons
has since adopted, I dealt — also jestingly
— with this very difficulty in a way which
seems to be at least as satisfactory as Pro-
fessor Jevons's method of treating it. " The
last great monetary panic," I wrote in
1877, "occurred in 1866, at a time of mini-
mum solar maculation. Have we here a
decisive proof that the sun rules the money
market, the bank rate of discount rising
to a maximum as the sun-spots sink to
a minimum, and vice -versa? The idea is
strengthened," I pointed out, "by the fact
that the American panic in 1873 occurred
when spots were very numerous, and its
effects have steadily subsided as the spots
have diminished in number ; for this shows
that the sun rules the money-market in
America on a principle diametrically oppo-
site to that on which he (manifestly) rules
the money-market in England; precisely as
the spots cause drought in Calcutta and
plenteous rain-fall at Madras, wet south-
westers and dry south casters at Oxford, and
wet southeaster? and dry south westers at St.
Petersburg. Surely it would be unreason-
able to refuse to recognize the weight of evi-
dence which thus tells on both sides at
once." This is nonsense, and was meant
to be taken as nonsense; but it strikingly
resembles some arguments which have been
urged, within the last hundred years, too,
respecting solar influences.
Let us turn, however, to the actual records
of sun-spots, and compare them with Pro-
fessor Jevons's list of commercial crises.
We have no better collection of evidence
respecting sun-spots than that formed by
Professor Wolff. Broun and Lament have
called in question some of Wolff's conclu-
sions, as will presently be more particularly
noticed. But, in the main, Wolff's evidence
remains unshaken. Very few astronomers
— I may even say not one astronomer of
repute — have adopted the adverse views
which have been thus expressed, and cer-
tainly none, even among those who have
admitted the possible validity of such views
on points of detail, entertain the least doubt
respecting the general validity of the con-
clusions arrived at by Wolff.
After carefully examining all the evidence
afforded by observatory records, the note-
books of private astronomers, and so forth,
Wolff has deduced the following series of
dates for the maxima and minima of solar
disturbances since the year 1700 :
Intervals
years.
12.5.
10. 0.
II. O.
«.;$.
ii. 5
8.5.
95-
9.0.
15-5-
12.8.
12.7.
7-7-
11.4.
ii. 6.
10.6.
Possible
in Dates of error in
Maxima, years.
1705.0 2.0
1717 5
"1727-5
1738.5
1750.0
••1761.5
1770.0
'779-5
'••1788.5
1804.0
1816.8
1829.5
1837.2
1848.6
1860.2
1870.8
I.O
I.O
i-5
I.O
05
05
05
o . c
O.I
Intervals
in years.
II. O. . .
10. O. . .
12. O. . .
10.7...
10.8...
9-3- •
9.0...
13.7...
12.0. . .
12.7...
10.6. . .
10.2. . .
12.2. . .
II.4...
Dates of
Minima.
I7I2.0
1723.0
•1733 -o
1745.0
1755-7
1766.5
1775-8
1784.8
1798.5
l8l0.5
1823.2
•l833.8
1844.0
1856.2
1867.1
Possible
error in
years.
'•5
I.O
° 5
05
o-5
05
o-5
° 5
0.2
0.2
O.2
0.2
O.I
1878.5
The dates below the line are not in
Wolff's list.
It would be difficult, I conceive, for the
most enthusiastic believer in sun-spot influ-
ences to recognize any connection between
the crises and the curve of solar maculation,
whether Professor Jevons's list or the nat-
ural crises be considered. To quote from an
article in the London " Times," which has
been attributed to myself (correctly) :
" Taking 5^ years as the average interval between
the maximum and minimum sun-spot frequency, we
should like to find 'every crisis occurring within a
year or so on either side of the minimum ; though
we should prefer, perhaps, to find the crisis always
following the time of fewest sun-spots, as this would
more directly show the depressing effect of a spotless
sun. No crisis ought to occur within a year or so
of maximum solar disturbance; for that, it should
seem, would be fatal to the suggested theory. Tak-
ing the commercial crises in order, and comparing
them with the (approximately) known epochs o?
maximum and minimum spot frequency, we obtain
the following results (we italicize numbers or results
unfavorable to the theory) : The doubtful [I ought
to have written assumed] crisis of 1 701 followed a
spot minimum by three years; the crisis ' (imagined) '
of 1711 preceded a minimum by one year ; that of
1721 preceded a minimum by two years ; 1731-32
' (imagined crisis) ' preceded a minimum by one
year ; 1 742 ' (no crisis known) ' preceded a minimum
by three years ; 1752 (no crisis) followed a maximum
by two years ; 1763 followed a maximum by a. year
and a half ; 1772-73 came midway between a maxi-
mum and a minimum; 1783 preceded a minimum
by nearly two years; 1793 came nearly midway
between a maximum and a minimum ; 1804-05 ' (no
known crisis)' ' coincided with a maximum; 1815
preceded a maximum by two years ; 1825 followed
a minimum by two years; 1836-39 included the year
1837, of maximum solar activity (that being the
year, also, when a commercial panic occurred in the
United States) ; ' [1857 preceded a minimum by one
year. This case was, by some inadvertence of mine,
omitted from the ' Times ' article] ; 1866 preceded
a minimum by a year ; and 1878 follows a minimum
i76
SUN-SPOTS AND FINANCIAL PANICS.
by a year. Four favorable cases [it should have
been five] out of seventeen [it should have been
eighteen] can hardly be considered convincing.
If we include cases lying within two years of a min-
imum, the favorable cases mount up to seven (eight),
leaving ten unfavorable cases."
I might have added, at this point, that
if a number of dates were scattered abso-
lutely at random over the interval 1701-
1880, we should expect to find some such
proportion between dates falling within two
years on either side of a minimum and those
not so falling.
It must be remembered, I added in the
"Times" article, that a single decidedly
unfavorable case, as 1815 and 1837, "does
more to disprove such a theory than twenty
favorable cases would do toward establish-
ing it."
To the " Times " article Professor Jevons
replied in a letter, which scarcely seemed to
require an answer. At any rate, it left
entirely undefended the weakest part of his
theory. The agreement between the aver-
age period for commercial crises and Mr.
Broun's estimate of the average sun-spot
period was insisted upon afresh; but the
circumstance that crises have occurred at
every phase of the sun-spot wave — at the
maximum, at the minimum, soon after either
of these phases, soon before either, and mid-
way between maximum and minimum, both
when spots are increasing and when they
are diminishing in number — was in no way
accounted for. General doubts were thrown,
indeed, on Wolff's accuracy ; but no special
error was indicated in his interpretation of
the evidence he had collected, and still less
was any definite objection taken to Wolff's
spot curve, regarded as a whole.
Soon after, however, in the "Athenaeum,"
Professor Jevons advanced a more definite
defence of his theory. He first argued in
favor of Broun's average period of 10.45
years, and then commented unfavorably on
some definite dates in Wolff's series.
By the elaborate comparison of magnetic,
auroral, and sun-spot data, he said, " Mr.
Broun appears to show conclusively that the
solar period is not n.i years, but about
10.45, tm's last estimate confirming the ear-
lier determination of Dr. Lamont." It
should be mentioned here that the magnetic
and auroral data cannot be regarded as of
themselves proving anything respecting the
sun-spot period; they are as invalid in this
respect as some of the evidence which Han-
steen and others have derived from terrestrial
relations respecting the solar rotation. The
real fact is, that, having shown clearly enough
that the average magnetic and auroral period
has (at any rate, during the last century)
been 10.45 years, Broun has endeavored to
invalidate the evidence obtained by Wolff
for a sun-spot period of 11.1 years, simply
because, if such a period is admitted, the
theory of synchronism between magnetic
and solar disturbances must of necessity
be rejected. For this purpose, Broun has
endeavored to show that Wolff has over-
looked a small maximum of sun-spots in
1797. The table given above shows very
clearly that, if an extra maximum is to be
thrown in anywhere, it must be between the
maxima of 1788.5 and 1804.0, the interval
between which is 15^ years. Mr. Broun has
certainly not succeeded in demonstrating that
1797 was a year of many spots, nor could a
small maximum then occurring be regarded
as affecting the sun-spot curve more than the
two small maxima which can be recognized
in Wolff's picture of the sun-spot curve at
about the years 1793 and 1795. Professor
Jevons, however, complacently adopts, as
proved, what Mr. Broun has surmised with
very little probability. " The fact is," he
says, " that Dr. Wolff overlooked a small
maximum in 1797, and was thus led to
introduce into his curve an interval of seven-
teen years" (15^ only), "an interval quite
unexampled in any other part of the known
solar history." This, again, is incorrect:
there was precisely such an interval between
the maxima of 1639.5 and ^SS-o as be-
tween those of 1788.5 and 1804.0; while
the maximum of 1655.0 was followed by an
interval of twenty years before another max-
imum occurred. We have on this point the
definite information of Cassini, who, writing
in 1671, when spots were beginning to re-
appear, said: " It is now nearly twenty years
since astronomers have seen any consider-
able spots on the sun." " Mr. Broun shows,
moreover," proceeds Professor Jevons, " that
the 1 1. 1 period fails to agree with all the
earlier portions of Dr. Wolff's own data,
which yield a period varying between 10.21
and 10.75 at tne utmost. This must relate
to the earlier portion of what Wolff calls the
modern series, viz., from 1750 onward. It
would be just as much or as little to the
purpose to reply that the six intervals from
the first maximum of the present century,
1804.0, to the last, which cannot be set ear-
lier than 1870.6, have an average length of
exactly n.i years. It is admitted that five
or six periods do not afford sufficient evi-
dence to determine the average, and, for my
SUN-SPOTS AND FINANCIAL PANICS.
177
own part, I may as well admit that I doubt
the stability of the sun-spot period altogether,
believing that in one century it may amount
to fifteen or twenty years, and in another to
seven or eight. But, at least, the observa-
tions of the present century and the mean
period of n.i years resulting from them are
open to no sort of question, whereas the
very arguments on which Professor Jevons
and Mr. Broun insist in opposing Wolff's
conclusions would (if admitted) shake all
faith in the evidence he adduces from Wolff's
earlier dates of maxima and minima.
The next point insisted on by Professor
Jevons seems still less to the purpose, except
as bearing on Wolff's general accuracy.
"Almost more serious," he says, " as regards
the credibility of Dr. Wolff's results, is the
fact that Mr. Broun gives good reasons for
believing that the year 1776 was a year of
maximum sun-spots, whereas Dr. Wolff sets
that very year down as one of minimum
sun-spots." The following are Mr. Broun's
own words : " There are no means of testing
the earlier epochs of Dr. Wolff; but no long
period given by him will be satisfied by
them. If I have already shown good
grounds for substituting a maximum in 1776
for Dr. Wolff's minimum, a similar change
in some of the epochs of the preceding cen-
tury and a half may be quite possible."
" Now, a highly scientific writer in the
' Times,' " proceeds Professor Jevons, " has
condemned the theory of decennial crises,
because the dates assigned will not agree
with those of maximum and minimum sun-
spots, taken, no doubt, according to Dr.
WolfFs estimates, and an eminent French
statist has rejected the theory on the same
ground. I think I am entitled, therefore,
to poin to the doubts which Mr. Broun's
careful inquiries throw upon the accuracy
of Dr. WolfFs relative numbers."
Now, a study of the curve of sun-spots
will show how little Dr. Wolff's accuracy is,
in reality, impugned by Mr. Broun's attack.
We recognize in the curve, which, be it
remembered, is Wolff's, a double minimum
in the space between the year-ordinates for
1771 and 1781. One corresponds to the
year 1773, the other to the last quarter of
the year 1775. As the latter appeared, from
the evidence examined by Wolff, to be a
more marked minimum, the former he re-
gards as the true minimum for that par-
ticular wave of spots. But no one who
knows anything about the varying aspects
of the sun's disc during the two or three
years which include the minimum, will
wonder if the study of records, necessarily
incomplete (for until Schwabe's time no one
thought of keeping the sun constantly under
survey), should have left the time of the
actual minimum rather doubtful in one or
two cases. The wonder is that Wolff should
have found sufficient evidence to determine
the true minimum in so many cases. This,
of itself, would suffice to show how laborious
must have been his researches. In the par-
ticular case about which Mr. Broun raises
his question, it can be seen from Wolff's
curve of spots that after an apparent mini-
mum in 1773, spots began to appear, then
grow fewer in number, till they reached
a lower minimum in 1775, neither of these
minima, however, being such as to corre-
spond to an absolute spotlessness (which is
represented by the level of the lowest min-
ima in Wolff's curve). Then they increased
rapidly in number, being greater in number
in 1777 than they had been at any of the
three preceding maxima. That in 1776,
when the spots had already become very
numerous, there should be records .from
which Mr. Broun could infer the existence
of an actual maximum, is not at all surpris-
ing, though no astronomer accepts the infer-
ence ; nor, if any did, would the inference at
all carry with it the weight which Mr. Broun
and Professor Jevons seem to recognize in
it. Again, it is absolutely certain that there
was a maximum in 1779; so that the sup-
posed maximum of 1776 would involve one
more wave, which, with the new wave intro-
duced between 1790 and 1800, would give
seventeen complete waves between the max-
ima of 1705 and 1870, an interval of less
than one hundred and sixty-five years. This
would make the average length of the sun-
spot period 9.7 years, which would not at
all suit the views of Mr. Broun and M.
Lament.
In passing, I may remark that in the arti-
cle in the " Times" (I am obliged to identify
myself with Professor Jevons's " highly sci-
entific writer," simply because I wrote the
article in question) I did not condemn the
theory of commercial crises ; I expressed no
opinion on that theory. What I indicated
was simply that no possible connection can
exist between that theory and the theory of
sun-spots. As a matter of fact, I do not
believe in the decennial theory of crises,
though I perceive that in quite a number
of cases commerce has oscillated through
depression, revival and excitement to the
next depression in about that time. Nor,
again, do I believe in the sun-spot theory,
SUN-SPOTS AND FINANCIAL PANICS.
though I perceive that during the last cen-
tury or two the average sun-spot period has
been about what Dr. Wolff indicates. But
I have not attacked, and certainly I have
not condemned, either of these theories.
What I do insist upon very strongly, how-
ever, is, that the oscillations of commercial
credit and the variations of the sun's con-
dition as to maculation have, since the
beginning of the last century, shown no
manner of agreement.
" I will even go a step further, adds
Professor Jevons, "and assert that, in a
scientific point of view, it is a questionable
proceeding to dress up a long series of
relative numbers purporting to express the
number of sun-spots occurring during the
last century, with the precision of one place
of decimals. As Mr. Broun has pointed put,
there were no regular series of observations
then, and results deduced from the occa-
sional observations of different astronomers
cannot be reduced into one consecutive
series without a large exercise of discretion.
As Mr. Broun has pointed out, Dr. Lamont
has criticised some of the .epochs which Dr.
Wolff considers certain (sicker), and has
shown that they depend on few observa-
tions. He remarks that old observers
directed their attention chiefly to large sun-
spots, so that Flangergues (one of the
principal observers during the period in
question) saw the sun frequently without
spots, when many were seen by other ob-
servers. The true scientific procedure would
have been that which Professor Loomis has
pursued in regard to auroras, namely, to
place in a table all the reasonable observa-
tions, carefully distinguishing those by differ-
ent observers, so that there should be the
least possible admixture of Dr. Wolff's own
personal equations." I have quoted this
passage in full — first, because it presents
the opinions of those adverse to Dr. Wolff
in this matter; secondly, because the re-
marks about the difficulties of the subject
(difficulties, that is, with which Dr. Wolff
has had to contend, and with which he
has contended energetically and skillfully)
are in the main just ; but thirdly, and chiefly,
because it affords sound criterions by which
to test Professor Jevons's method of pro-
cedure. If we should eschew one place
of decimals in dealing with the results of
observations counted by hundreds, what are
we to think of three places of decimals de-
duced from a few dozen records of com-
mercial matters ? If a sun-spot period based
on maxima and minima, every one of which
is based on real observation, is untrust-
worthy, what opinion are we to form of a
trade period based on crises of which five,
or nearly a third of the whole number, are
either imagined or assumed ? If, in fine, Dr.
Wolff's method is unscientific, what name
shall we find for that by which, having
derived a decennial period from admittedly
unsatisfactory evidence, and having rejected
the sun-spot period accepted by astrono-
mers for one carefully concocted to fit
another theory, Professor Jevons insists
on the agreement of this fictitious crisis
period and this incorrect sun-spot period,
without attempting to show that the admit-
ted variations of one agree with the
admitted variations of the other ?
For, after all, the strongest evidence
against the theory that commercial crises
depend on the sun-spots, is given by those
crises and sun-spot waves about which there
is no sort of doubt or question — the crises on
the one hand, and the maxima and minima
of sun-spots on the other, recorded during
the present century. The study of the
second half of the table given above will
satisfy any unprejudiced person that this is
the case; from the crises of 1804-5 (which
never took place, but must be assumed to
have taken place to make up the series for
the decennial theory of crises) to the crises
of 1866 and 1878, we have crises occurring
in every part of a sun-spot wave, on the
crest, on the valley, on the ascending slope,
and on the descending slope. No theory of
association can hold out against such obvious
evidence of the absolute independence of
the two orders of events.*
* The matter has been well summed up by a
correspondent of the "Athenaeum." "Professor
Jevons," he says, " seems to attach great weight to
the length of the average sun-spot period ; but if the
average length of the period between commercial
crises during a couple of centuries were shown to
be identical with, or to differ but slightly from, the
average period of sun-spots, this would be but a
small step toward proving association between the
two phenomena. The separate periods of minima
must be shown to correspond with speculative crises,
and the curve also must be proved to be of the same
character. Professor Jevons does not appear to be
aware that Dr. Wolff has, in the forty-third volume
of the ' Memoirs of the Astronomical Society,' given
a list of the manuscripts and printed authorities from
which he derives his data. Similar but fuller infor- •
mation is supplied by Dr. Wolff in the pages of his
' Astronomische Mittheilungen.' Dr. Wolff does
not pretend to equal accuracy for all the periods, but
there can be little doubt with regard to the sun-spot
periods which have occurred during this century,
and, according to Professor Jevons, there seem to
be serious discrepancies between these and the
periods of commercial depression."
PETER THE GREAT.
179
PETER THE GREAT. V.»
BY EUGENE SCHUYLER.
XV.
PETER'S MARRIAGE. HIS RETURN TO HIS
BOATS.
ON account of another festival, the name's-
day feast of the Tsaritsa Natalia was post-
poned for a day. After a religious service
in the cathedral, the nobility and the dele-
gates of the regiments of Streltsi and soldiers
were admitted to the palace to express their
good wishes, and were entertained at dinner,
before which they each received a glass of
vodka from the hand of the Tsaritsa. This
shows that, however heated might be the
feelings of the respective parties surrounding
Sophia and her brother, at all events, the
formal respect due to the widow of theTsar
Alexis was preserved.
There was no use of Peter's returning to
his boats now that winter was so near, even
had his mother and his friends been willing
to allow him to go. He therefore again
turned his attention to his soldiers, who had
so long been out of his mind, and from the
demands which he made upon General Gor-
don and others for drummers, fifers, and
drilled recruits, — demands which were with
difficulty granted, both by Gordon and Ga-
litsyn, — lie was evidently preparing maneu-
vers of considerable importance. Just at
that time a second campaign was decreed
against the Turks and Tartars, and the
Streltsi and regular soldiers were all ordered
to the front, in order to reach winter-quar-
ters near the frontier, and maneuvers on
any large scale at Preobrazhensky were
therefore given up. The previous campaign
of Galitsyn against the Tartars had turned
out so badly that there was discontent at
the declaration of a new one. There was
dissatisfaction in Moscow with the rule of
Sophia and Galitsyn, and Peter's partisans
were evidently of opinion that it was time
for him to take upon himself the burdens of
the government, and that they were strong
enough to assist him. That there was high
feeling between the parties at court is shown
by many little entries in Gordon's diary,
though, usually, he was most careful not
to mention anything which might in any
way compromise himself. But he says, for
instance, that he dined with General Tabort,
where he met Prince Basil Galitsyn and
many of that party; and a fortnight later he
tells us that he rode back from Ismailovo
with Leontius Nepluief, with whom he
talked at length about the secret plots and
plans. Peter himself added a little to the
flame of party feeling by unthinkingly get-
ting into conversation with an army scribe,
who happened to be drunk, and asking him
many details about the pay and condition
of the troops. This act was viewed with
displeasure by the Government.
Besides the preparations for. the cam-
paign, Galitsyn and Sophia were much
troubled by the position of affairs abroad.
There was fear lest France, by attacking
Austria, might compel the Emperor to make
a separate peace with the Turks, and the
question came up, what it was necessary to
do in such a conjuncture. It was thought
that the recent capture of Belgrade by the
Austrians might induce them more readily
to compromise with the Sultan, and messen-
gers were therefore sent both to Vienna and
Warsaw to stir up the Emperor, and, in any
case, to obtain for Russia as good terms as
possible. A great deal of interest, too, was
taken at this time in the affairs of England,
for William of Orange had just landed at
Torbay, and James II. had fled. But a
short time before this last piece of news,
which took two months in coming, and was
communicated in official despatches to the
Dutch Minister and in private letters to
General Gordon, the latter had had a con-
versation with Prince Basil Galitsyn at din-
ner, in which Galitsyn had said : " With the
father and brother of your King we could
get along very well, but with the present
King it is perfectly impossible to come to
an understanding; he is so immeasurably
proud." Gordon pretended to understand
this as complaining that no envoy was sent
to Russia, and answered : " The King, as I
believe, on account of the troubles in his own
States, has not leisure enough to think of
things that are so far off." But Galitsyn
said, further : " The English cannot do with-
out Russian products, such as hides, hemp,
potash, tallow, and timber for masts;" upon
which Gordon gave, as he says, an answer
* Copyright, 1880, by Eugene Schuyler. All rights reserved.
i8o
PETER THE GREAT.
of a double sense, implying that he agreed
with the Prince. Gordon, who was a zealous
Catholic, lost no opportunity of defending
King James, and for his steadfast adherence
to the Stuart cause gained encomiums even
from the Dutch Minister, at a dinner given
by him on King William's birthday.
To add to the troubles of the Government,
and the prevailing discontent, Moscow was
plagued with fires. As in most Russian
towns of the present day, the houses at Mos-
cow were built of logs, the interstices being
stuffed with tow, the roofs, too, being gen-
erally of wood. The day following the
name's-day of the Tsaritsa Natalia a fire
broke out in the house set apart for the
entertainment of foreign embassadors, just
outside the Kremlin, which spread to the
north-east with great rapidity, overleaped
the walls of the Kitaigorod and the White
Town, crossed the river Yauza into the quar-
ter of the Streltsi, and the suburb called the
Ragoshkaya, and destroyed over 10,000
houses. Besides several smaller and almost
daily fires, there was one on the i6th of
September, in the Kremlin, which had burnt
down all the priest-houses of the cathedrals
and the roofs of the Department of Foreign
Affairs and the Department of Kazan. On
the night of the 2oth, the stables of the
Patriarch and the palace of the Tsars nar-
rowly escaped destruction. On the 2yth,
there was a fire at Preobrazhensky, in the
neighborhood of the palace, which con-
sumed the house of Prince Boris Galitsyn.
On the nth October a fire broke out near
the Ilinsky Gate, which extended as far as
the Ustre"tinka, far beyond the White Wall,
and burnt a whole quarter of the town, in-
cluding many public buildings. This last
fire created such embarrassment for the
Government, that when, four days after-
ward, Gordon went to town to ask for a
hundred rubles of his pay for that year, he
was told that he could not receive it, be-
cause the treasury was exhausted, so much
money having been advanced to all sorts of
people who had suffered by the great fire,
in order to enable them to rebuild their
houses.
Peter had grown so tall and strong
that there had long been a feeling among
his party that it was time for him to marry.
To this not even Sophia offered any oppo-
sition— above all things the succession to the
throne must be secured. The marriage of
Ivan, which she had brought about, had
produced daughters only. One of these,
indeed, subsequently ascended the Russian
throne as the Empress Anne, but at that
time, in spite of the fact that the Regent
was a woman, and even that her name was
inserted in public acts as Autocrat, it was
still thought desirable to have male heirs.
Even as long ago as the end of 1685, when
Prince Archil Georgia came to Moscow,
and was received with great pomp, there
were rumors that Peter would soon marry
his beautiful daughter. In December, 1687,
Prince Basil Galitsyn spent a few days with
Peter in the country, which was thought to
be a very good omen, and again there was
talk of Peter's marrying — this time a relative
or friend of Galitsyn. A month later, there
was more talk of this marriage project, but
the lady was not named.
Now the plan was a more serious one.
The usual preparations were made for col-
lecting at Court young girls of noble family,
and out of these there was chosen Eudoxia
Lopukhin, the daughter of the Okolnitchy
Hilary Abramovitch Lopukhin, who, on the
marriage, according to custom, changed his
name and received that of Theodore. ' The
Lopukhins were a very good old Russian
family, descended from the Princes of Tmu-
tarakan, and several of them had risen to
the dignity of boyar. In this generation
they were likewise connected with the
Romodanofsky, the Galitsyn, Troekurof and
Kurakin families, and thus with the prom-
inent members of the aristocratic party.
The bride is said to have been young and
pretty, quiet and modest, brought up in
the old Russian way. We do not know
whether she was selected by Peter himself
for her good looks, or whether his choice
was directed by his mother and his family.
It was probably thought that a good, quiet,
stay-at-home wife would be likely to keep
him at home, would put a stop to those long
excursions for military maneuvers and for
boat-building, and, above all, would bring
to an end some little heart affairs in the
German quarter.
In this his family were partly mistaken.
The marriage was celebrated on the 6th
of February, 1689, and two months were
scarcely over before Peter, seeing the ap-
proach of spring, could no longer resist his
inclinations, and started off again for his
boat-builders on Lake Plestche"ief.
He arrived at Pereyaslavl on the i3th of
April, and found two boats nearly finished,
and, as if to welcome him, the ice broke up,
affording soon the opportunity of sailing on
the lake. He immediately set to work
with his carpenters to complete the boats,
PETER THE GREAT.
181
and on the very day of his arrival wrote to
his mother:
"To my most beloved, and, while bodily life en-
dures, my dearest little mother, Lady Tsaritsa and
Grand-Duchess Natalia Kirillovna. Thy little son,
now here at work, Petrushka, I ask thy blessing
and desire to hear about thy health, and we, through
thy prayers, are all well, and the lake is all got clear
from the ice to-day, and all the boats, except the
big ship, are finished, only we are waiting for ropes,
and therefore I beg your kindness that these ropes,
seven hundred fathoms long, be sent from the
Artillery Department without delaying, for the work
is waiting for them, and our sojourn here is being
prolonged. For this I ask your blessing. From
Pereyaslavl, April 2Oth (O. S.), 1689."
Instead of sending the cables, his mother
wrote to him to come back at once, as on
the yth of May there would be the funeral
mass in commemoration of his brother, the
Tsar Theodore, and it would be impolitic,
as well as indecent, for him not to be
present. Heart-broken at the thought of
leaving his boats when they were so nearly
ready, he was at first inclined to refuse, and
wrote :
" To my most beloved and dearest mother, Lady
Tsaritsa Natalia Kirillovna, thy unworthy son,
Petnishka, I desire greatly to know about thy
health ; and as to what thou hast done in ordering
me to go to Moscow. I am ready, only, hey ! hey !
there is work here, and the man you sent has seen
it himself, and will explain more clearly ; and we,
through thy prayers, are in perfect health. About
my coming I have written more extendedly to Leo
Kirillovitch, and he will report to thee, oh, lady.
Therefore, I must humbly surrender myself to your
will. Amen."
The Tsaritsa insisted, as did also his
newly-married wife, who writes :
" Joy to my lord, the Tsar Peter Alex&vitch.
Mayest thou be well, my light, for many years. We
beg thy mercy. Come to us, oh ! lord, without
delay, and I, through the kindness of thy mother,
am alive. Thy little wife, Dunka, petitions this."
There was no resisting longer : he had to
go. His mother and his wife kept him a
whole month at Moscow, but again he got
away, and went back to Pereyaslavl, where
he found that the ship-builder, Kort, had
died the day before. He set to work him-
self, and at last the boats were finished, and
he wrote to his mother :
" To my dearest mother, I, the unworthy Pe-
trushka, asking thy blessing, petition. For thy
message by the Doctor and Gabriel, I rejoice, just as
Noah did once over the olive-branch. Through thy
prayers we are all in good health, and the boats have
succeeded all mighty well. For this may the Lord
grant thee health, both in soul and body, just as I
wish."
Some time after, Peter's mother sent the
boyar Tikhon Streshnef to see how he was
getting on. Peter sent back by him a few
words t<5 his mother, written, like all the
preceding, on a scrap of dirty paper, with a
trembling hand, evidently still tired with
the saw and hatchet :
" Hey ! I wish to hear about thy health, and beg
thy blessing. We are all well ; and about the boats,
I say again that they are mighty good, and Tikhon
Nikititch will tell you about all this himself. Thy
un worthy Petrus. ' '
The Latin signature, although the rest is
in Russian, shows strongly Peter's inclination
to things foreign. In his stay at the lake
and his daily intercourse with the carpenters,
he had also made great progress in learning
Dutch.
Another death-mass was to be said at
Moscow. Etiquette required Peter's pres-
ence, and political affairs were taking such
a turn that the Tsaritsa insisted on his com-
ing back. Again he abandoned his boats,
and went hastily to Moscow, though not so
quickly but that he was four days too late
for the death-mass. The members of the
aristocratic party now made such strong
representations that he was persuaded to
remain in Moscow, at first for a short time
and then longer, until the situation of affairs
had become such that an open rupture
between the aristocratic party and Sophia
was unavoidable. Before describing the
manner in which this was brought about, it
is necessary to say something about the
condition of public affairs in the Empire.
XVI.
THE INTERNAL ADMINISTRATION OF SOPHIA.
ARRANGEMENT OF THE DISPUTE
WITH SWEDEN.
THE administration of internal affairs in
Russia by Sophia's Government need notlong
detain us. The reforms projected by Theo-
dore were all abandoned, and the deputies
from the provinces, called to Moscow by
him, were immediately sent home. There
was so much to do in order to remove the
traces of the riots and disturbances of 1682
that there was no time left for reform. The
most important laws on the statute book are
those relating to the return to their masters
of runaway peasants, to the dispute con-
nected with the boundaries of estates, and
to the punishment of robbery and maraud-
l82
PETER THE GREAT.
ing. Besides this, the Dissenters were
everywhere relentlessly persecuted and sup-
pressed. There is a sad old Russian prov-
erb that "when wolves fight, sheep lose
their wool." So, while the nobles and
grandees were quarreling with each other
—all of them too strong to be put down by
the central Government— the peasantry and
poor wretches who had no strong protection
were suffering. They perhaps might have
complained to Moscow ; but there is another
proverb that "in Moscow business is not
done for nothing"; and people sometimes
suffered for their complaints. The Govern-
ment did what it could, and some male-
factors were punished. But a special decree
had to be issued that a man could be pun-
ished if he sent his children or his serfs to
commit a murder. Later on, as order began
to be restored, punishments were somewhat
mitigated, and some care began to be taken
of the suffering common people. Wives
were no longer to be buried alive for the
murder of their husbands, but merely to
have their heads cut off. The punishment
of death was, in certain cases, commuted to
imprisonment for life, with hard labor, after
severe whipping with the knout. While
peasants who had run away and joined the
Streltsi regiments were to be sent back, serf-
women who had married soldiers were
allowed to remain free, but were to be
heavily fined. Persons who had been tem-
porarily enslaved for debt were to be no
longer left entirely at the mercy of their
creditors, but were to work out the debt at
the rate of five rubles a year for a man, and
two and a half for a woman, and the cred-
itors were no longer allowed to kill or maim
them. It was also forbidden to exact debts
from the wives and children of debtors who
had died leaving no property.
Many edicts were issued with regard to
the convenience of the inhabitants of Mos-
cow itself, in respect to Sunday trading, to
indiscriminate peddling and hawking in the
streets, to putting up booths in unauthorized
places, for the better prevention of fires, and
the like. People were forbidden to stop and
talk in the middle of the roadway, and
were ordered to keep to the right side. It
was forbidden to drive at full speed through
the streets in a manner which is still fre-
quently seen both in Moscow and St. Peters-
burg, and is always adopted by the heads
of the police department, — that is, with a
trotting horse drawing the vehicle and a
galloping horse harnessed loosely at the
side. It was forbidden to beat the crowd
right and left to make one's passage through
it. It was forbidden to fire guns or pistols
in the houses or out of the windows. It
was forbidden to throw filth and manure
into the streets. An edict beginning like
the following might seem strange, were it
not that the strictest regulations had to be
made to keep order within the palace itself:
"Chamberlains, lords in waiting, and nobles of
Moscow, and gentlemen of the guard ! At present
your servants station themselves in the Kremlin
with their horses in places not allowed, without any
order, cry out, make noise and confusion, and come
to fisticuffs, and do not allow passers-by to go on
their road, but crowd against them, knock them
down, trample them under foot and whistle over
them ; and as soon as the captains of the watch
and the Streltsi try to send them away from the
places where they have no right, and prevent them
from crying out and from ill-doing, these servants
of yours swear at and abuse the captains and Streltsi,
and threaten to beat them."
The foreign relations of Russia at this
period demand a little longer explanation.
In the early times, the dominion of Rus-
sia extended to the Gulf of Finland, and
the greater part of the territory now included
in the province of St. Petersburg was Rus-
sian. Extending along the shore of the
Gulf, from the mouth of the river Nar6va
on the southern to that of the Sestra on the
northern side, it included most of the terri-
tory watered by the Vuoksa, the N£va, the
Izhore, the Tosna, and the Luga,and formed
one of the old Fifths of Great Novgorod,
under the name of the V6dska Fifth of the
land of Izhore. In this district were some
of the very earliest Russian settlements,
such as Korelia, Ladoga, and the fortress of
Ivangorod, constructed opposite Narva, at
the mouth of the Narova, by Ivan III. In
early times there were many contests with
the Swedes, and one of the most famous
victories in early Russian history is that
gained, in 1242, by the Grand- Duke Alexan-
der Yaroslavitch against the Swedes on the
banks of the Neva, which gave him the sur-
name of Nefsky, and which led to his being
made a saint in the Russian calendar. By
the treaty of Orie"khpvo, in the beginning
of the fourteenth century, the boundaries
between Russian and Swedish Finland were
the rivers Sestra and Vuoksa. In spite of
subsequent wars with Sweden, this boundary
remained unchanged until the Troublous
Times, in the beginning of the seventeenth
century, when, in order to secure his pre-
dominance over his rivals, the Tsar Basil
Shuisky called the Swedes to his assistance,
and, as a recompense for a corps of five
PETER THE GREAT.
'83
thousand men, ceded the town and territory
of Korelia, or Ke'xholm, on the western shore
of Lake Ladoga. The Swedish troops at
first rendered considerable assistance to the
Russians against the pretender; but when
the Russians had been defeated in a decisive
battle with the Poles at Klushino, they
abandoned their allies, went over to the
enemy, and seized the town of N6vgorod.
They easily took possession of the Vodska
Fifth, and all the efforts of the newly elected
Tsar, Michael Romanof, to drive them out
were futile. Peace was finally brought about,
at Stolbovo, in 1617, through the mediation
of Dutch and English embassadors, one of
whom was Sir John Merrick. England and
Holland were desirous of retaining Northern
Russia for their trade, and were unwilling to
see it pass into Swedish hands. British
interests were at stake here. Michael had
to yield to circumstances. He received back
N6vgorod, Ladoga, and other districts ; but
was obliged to give up to the Swedes the
fortresses of Ivangorod and Oreshek — now
Schlusselburg — and the whole course of the
Neva, and pay, in addition, 20,000 rubles,
or what would be at the present time about
^40,000 ($200,000). What was perhaps
still harder, the Tsar had to give up one of
his titles, and allow the Swedish king to style
himself ruler of the land of Izhdre.
In the reign of Alexis, efforts were made
to gain access to the Baltic, from which
the Russians had been cut off, by taking the
town of Riga, which belonged to the
Swedes. Embarrassed, however, by a war
with Poland, Alexis was unable properly to
support this war. His troops were unsuc-
cessful, and he was compelled, by the treaty
of Kardis, to reaffirm all the conditions of
the hated treaty of Stolbovo. It was the
custom at that time for the monarch, on
ascending the throne, to confirm all the
treaties executed by his predecessors. The-
odore refused to confirm the treaty of Kar-
dis, without some concessions. He had his
grievance against the Swedes — that they had
in official documents refused to speak of the
Tsar as Tsar, but had called him simply
Grand Duke of Muscovy, and the subject
of title was one about which all the Russian
rulers were very sensitive. Besides that, the
orthodox church had been subjected to per-
secution in the lands under Turkish rule.
The embassadors of Theodore therefore
demanded that, as a recompense for these
insults, the land of Izhore, which had been
unjustly seized by the Swedes during the
reign of his grandfather, should be returned
to Russia. To such a proposition King
Charles XI. refused to listen. Negotiations
continued at intervals, and Theodore died
without the treaty of Kardis being reaffirmed.
The policy of Sophia was in direct oppo-
sition to that of the two previous reigns,
and was a far more healthy one. Both
Alexis and Theodore had revolted at the
idea of acquiescing in the permanent alien-
ation of any portion of Russian territory.
Their patriotism and their love of national
honor made them feel that every effort
should be used to recover to Russia those
provinces which had been torn from it.
They, therefore, were unwilling either to-
make treaties recognizing the Swedish claims
or to keep them when they were made. It
is not to be supposed that Sophia or her
counselors were less patriotic than their
predecessors, but they felt the necessity of
reorganizing the Empire, improving its in-
ternal condition, and of establishing good
government on a firm basis, before attempt-
ing to recover the lost provinces. In fact,
Sophia acted much as the French Govern-
ment has acted since the war of 1870. She
desired to devote herself to internal admin-
•istration, and the formation of an army,
before engaging in a struggle with her
neighbors. As soon, therefore, as Ivan had
been proclaimed Tsar, the Government
hastened to put an end to any designs of
its neighbors, who had already got wind of
the rioting of the Streltsi, and the troubles
consequent on the death of Theodore.
Couriers were sent to Stockholm, Warsaw,
Vienna, and even to Copenhagen, the
Hague, London, and Constantinople, to-
announce the death of Theodore, and the
accession of the new sovereigns Ivan and
Peter, and the speedy arrival of plenipoten-
tiaries for the purpose of affirming existing
treaties. Immediately afterward, in Octo-
ber, 1683, an embassy was sent to Stockholm,
consisting of the Okolnitchy and Lord-Lieu-
tenant of Tcheboksary, Ivdn Prontchistchef,
the Chamberlain and Lord-Lieutenant of
Borofsk, Peter Prontchistchef, and the Sec-
retary Basil Bobinin, with a letter from the
Tsars completely affirming the Treaty of
Kardis, and practically giving up all claims
to the ancient possessions of Russia on
the Gulf of Finland. Charles XL, as may
easily be believed, received this embassy
with great pleasure, and with all due cere-
mony he took the oath of the -Holy Gospel
to fulfill the treaty exactly and honorably.
He dismissed the embassadors with the
usual presents, and intrusted to them an
PETER THE GREAT.
autograph letter to the Tsars, stating that
he would not delay sending his plempoten-
taries to Moscow to renew the peace in the
usual form by the oath of their Tsarish Maj-
esties The Russian embassadors returned
to Moscow, in January, 1684, and three
months later the Swedish embassadors
arrived —the Presidentof the Royal Council,
Conrad Gildenstjern, the Councilor of the
Royal Chancery, Jonas Klingstedt, and the
Libonian nobleman, Otto Stackelberg. 1 he
nobles living on their country estates for
ICQ miles about Moscow were ordered to
meet the embassy, and the Regent appointed
a commission to discuss matters, under the
presidency of Prince Basil Galitsyn, includ-
ing among others the Okolmtchy Buturlm,
and the Privy-Councilor Ukraintsef. Appar-
ently as a matter of form, the commission
thought it necessary to make certain repre-
sentations to the Swedes which were entirely
unexpected by them. These consisted
chiefly in complaints about matters of eti-
quette, in which it was said that the Swedish
Government had not acted properly ; that
they had purposely refused to the Tsars the
title of Tsarish Majesty, and had spoken
of them, in the Treaty of Westphalia, sim-
ply as Grand Dukes of Muscovy, and that
they had permitted the publication of
various libels and pasquils, as well as false
reports about occurrences in the Russian
Empire, especially with regard to the rebel-
lion of Stenka Razin. The Swedes answered
these complaints with very little trouble,
expressed their perfect willingness to call
the Tsars by any name they pleased ; and
at a second conference, a week later, man-
aged to raise on their side some points of
disagreement, such as that the name of the
King of Sweden had been written " Carlus,"
and not " Caroms," expressing, at the same
time, a desire that the Russians should enter
into an alliance with Poland and the Ger-
man Empire against the Turks; that the
boundaries between Sweden and Russia
should be exactly defined, and that, in
future, resident ministers should be kept at
the Swedish court, to avoid disputes. At
this meeting the Russians said nothing more
about their former complaints ; agreed to
the Swedish demands, with the exception of
that concerning the treaty of alliance with
Poland, and finally expressed the readiness
of the Tsars to take the customary oath in
confirmation of the Treaty of Kardis.
After the protocol had been duly signed,
the embassadors were invited to the Palace
to be witnesses of the solemn confirmation
of the treaty by the oaths of the two Tsars.
They were driven in the Imperial carriages
to the embassadorial office, where, in the
Chamber of Responses, they were received
by Prince Galitsyn. Afterward they were
conducted by Privy-Councilor Ukraintsef,
between lines of Streltsi, up the Red Stair-
case, and then, passing through files of
guards armed with partisans and halberds,
were introduced into the banqueting hall,
where the boy Tsars, clad in all the para-
phernalia of royalty, sat on their double
throne, supported on either side by rhinds
or guards-of-honor, handsome and stately
youths of noble blood, clad in white satin
and cloth-of-silver, and carrying halberds.
The boyars and state officials sat on benches
along the wall. The Tsars, through Prince
Galitsyn, asked the usual questions about
the healths of the embassadors, for which
they returned thanks, and then sat down on
a bench placed opposite the throne. Some
moments after, the Tsars personally asked
about the King's health, and, on a sign from
Prince Galitsyn, read a speech, in which they
declared their unchangeable intention of car-
rying out all the articles of the treaty. After
the speech they ordered the embassadors to
come near to them, and the priests to bring
the Gospels, while Prince Galitsyn placed
on the desk under the Gospels the protocols
confirming the treaty. The Tsars then rose
from their places, took off their crowns,
which they gave to great nobles to hold,
advanced to the desk and said that, before
the Holy Gospel, they promised sacredly to
keep to the conditions of the treaty accord-
ing to the protocols. In conclusion they
kissed the Gospels, and Prince Galitsyn
handed the paper to the embassadors and
allowed them to depart.
The same day the embassadors had a
farewell audience of the Princess Sophia,
who received them in the Golden Hall.
On coming out of the banqueting hall,
they advanced down the private staircase
to the Palace Square, then through lines of
the Stremenoy regiment, armed with gilded
pikes, passed the guards carrying halberds,
to the Golden Entrance, where the suite
stopped, while the embassadors advanced.
At the door they were met by two chamber-
lains, who announced to them that the
great lady, the noble TsareVna, the Grand
Duchess Sophia Alexe"ievna, Imperial High-
ness of all Great and Little and White
Russia, was in readiness to meet them. The
embassadors bowed, and entered the room.
The Princess Regent sat on a throne orna-
PETER THE GREAT.
185
merited with diamonds — a present from the
Shah of Persia to her father, Alexis. She
wore a crown of pearls, and a robe of silver
cloth embroidered with gold, edged and
MAHOMET IV., SULTAN OF TURKEY. (FROM AN OLD ENGRAVING.)
lined with sables, and covered with folds of
fine lace. On each side of her, at a little
distance, stood two widows of boyars, and
further off two female dwarfs. Around the
room stood chamberlains and a few boyars.
Prince Basil Galitsyn and Ivan Miloslavsky
stood near the Princess Regent. The embas-
sadors were announced by Ukramtsef, and
gave the salutation from the King and
Queen, and the Queen Dowager. The
Princess, rising, asked about their health in
these words : " The most powerful the Lord
Carolus, King of Sweden, and her Royal
Highness, his mother, the Lady Hedwig
Elenora, and his consort, the Lady Ulrica
Elenora, are they well ? " After listening
to the usual reply, she beckoned the embas-
sadors to approach her, and after they had
kissed her hand she asked about their health.
The embassadors thanked her, and sat down
on a bench. Then the gentlemen of the
embassadorial suite were called up and
admitted to hand-kissing. Finally, the
Princess requested the embassadors to con-
gratulate the King and Queen, and dismissed
them, sending them subsequently a dinner
from her own table.
XVII.
ETERNAL PEACE WITH POLAND. THE ME-
TROPOLIS OF KIEF.
MUCH more important to settle than the
dispute with Sweden was the dispute with
VOL. XX.— 13.
Poland, and complicated with this was the
question of Little Russia, which brought, in
its turn, the question of war with the Turks.
The Tsar Alexis, as we remember, in ac-
cepting the suzerainty over Little Russia,
broke with the Poles ; and his first successes
made him desirous of restoring to his empire
all those parts of Russia which entered into
the principality of Lithuania. He con-
quered them rapidly, one after another,
declared their union with Russia, and took
the title of Grand Duke of White Russia,
of Lithuania, and of Podolia and Volynia.
The obstinate struggles between the Poles
and Russia lasted twelve years, and, in spite
of the domestic difficulties of both nations,
would probably have lasted longer, had not
the Ottoman Porte interfered, in the hope of
gaining possession of Little Russia. Both
countries were threatened by this attempt
of the Sultan, whose might then terrified all
Europe, and they hastened to make peace.
But as it was impossible to agree on all
points, they made, at Andrussova, in 1667,
a truce for twelve years, on conditions that
at stated intervals envoys should be sent to
the frontier to endeavor to negotiate a per-
manent and substantial peace ; and that if
these overtures failed, recourse should be
had to the mediation of the Christian pow-
ers. By this truce the Russian Tsar gave
up his claim to Lithuania, White Russia,
Volynia, and Podolia, and all the territory
on the western side of the Dnieper, with the
exception of the ancient town of KieT, which
EUDOXIA LOPUKHIN, FIRST WIFE OF PETER THE GREAT.
1 86
PETER THE GREAT.
he was allowed to retain for two years, in
order to save its sacred shine from Mussul-
man profanation, binding himself, at the end
of that period, to return it to Poland. In
return for this concession the rights of the
Tsar were made good to Smolensk and its
surrounding district, the region of Seversk,
and the Ukraine east of the Dnieper. The
Cossack country of Zaporoghi, or " beyond
the cataracts "(of the Dnieper), which served
as a mutual barrier against the Turks and
Tartars, was declared common property.
Besides this, Alexis promised to send an
army of 25,000 men for the defense of Po-
land against the Turks, promised to attempt
the subjugation of the Crimea, and paid
about 200,000 rubles to indemnify the Po-
lish nobility for their property in the district
ceded to Russia. It was also agreed that
neither side should make a separate peace
with the Turkish Sultan, or with the Cri-
mean Khan. The first commission which
met in consequence of this treaty, in 1669,
was unable to effect a peace, and could only
agree in confirming in every point and par-
ticular the Truce of Andrussova. But the
Russians found it difficult to decide to give
up Kief, as they were obliged to do at this
time, and brought various complaints against
Poland, for which they wished satisfaction
and indemnity. Rather, however, than en-
gage in a new war, both sides agreed simply
to put off all the questions until the meeting
of the next commission, in 1674. The meet-
ing of 1674 was fruitless, as was also that of
the final commission which sat in Moscow
in 1678, in the reign of the Tsar Theodore.
The plenipotentiaries could once more agree
only to leave matters in statu quo until the end
of the latest term fixed by the Truce of An-
drussova, June, 1693, that is, for fifteen years
longer. Nevertheless, the Tsar, alarmed by
the threat of the Polish embassadors, and
fearing to break off all relations, returned
to the King the districts of Nevl, Sebezh,
and Velizh, which had been granted to
Russia by the Treaty of Andrussova, and
paid the indemnity of 200,000 rubles, as
agreed upon. All other questions were post-
poned until a new commission had been
appointed, to meet in two years from that
k time with mediators. This commission never
met. Matters got more complicated, partly
because, in spite of the treaties, first Poland,
and then Russia, concluded a separate peace
with the Turks.
As soon as Ivan and Peter were crowned,
their Government sent to Warsaw an em-
bassy to confirm the treaty of Andrussova
and receive the usual oath for its fulfillment.
As soon as King Jan Sobiesky heard of
this embassy, he sent to Warsaw to ask if
the embassadors had full power to treat on
the points in dispute, which had been left
by the Commission of 1678, especially with
regard to the surrender of Kief and the
sending of a corps of twenty-five thousand
men for use against the Turks. The embas-
sadors had come without full powers to
JAN SOBIESKY, KING OF POLAND.
ENGRAVING.)
(FROM AN OLD
this effect, and the King in consequence
refused to take the oath to the treaty, and
sent a special messenger to Moscow to insist
upon some arrangement being made. Mean-
while Sobiesky persuaded the Polish Diet
to agree to the conclusion of a treaty of
alliance with the German Empire ; for the
rebellion of Emmeric Tekeli had caused an
invasion of the Turks, and the overthrow of
Austria would be, in Sobiesky's opinion, of
the utmost danger to Poland.' The treaty
of alliance was concluded in May, 1683,
both sovereigns agreeing to the use of their
influence to induce other Christian princes
to join the alliance, 'and especially the Tsars
of Muscovy. For this purpose Sobiesky
proposed to Russia to send new plenipoten-
tiaries to the old meeting place of Andrus-
sova, in order to conclude a lasting alliance.
The Russians consented to the commission,
and negotiations began in January, 1684,
at Andrussova. The Commissioners — thirty-
nine in number — met, but could not decide
anything. The Poles refused to give up
their claim to Kief, and the Russians could
not give their consent to assist them against
the Turks. Even the victory of Sobiesky
PETER THE GREAT.
187
over the Turks, before Vienna, in September,
1683, could not persuade the Government
of Sophia that war was better than peace,
although it made it waver. The importance
of this victory, and of the deliverance of
Vienna from the Turks, was not under-
estimated at Moscow, where it was celebrated
by Te Deums in the churches and the ring-
ing of bells. Prince Galitsyn had asked the
opinion of General Gordon, who had seen
twenty years' service in Russia, most of it
against the Poles and the Tartars. Gordon,
in a carefully-written paper, considered the
advantages and disadvantages, both of peace
and war, and finally concluded in favor
of war, and of an alliance with Poland.
Galitsyn, however, was too undecided, or
had too little confidence in the good inten-
tion of Poland and Austria for him to re-
solve on an alliance, and the Commission
of Andrussova, as has been already said,
had no result.
bring their influence to bear on Russia to
join them. Although this new crusade
against the Turks was the great object of the
foreign policy of Innocent XI., and is re-
garded as one of the great glories of his pon-
tificate, yet this was not the first time that
Rome had used all its influence at Moscow
for the furtherance of this object. The pred-
ecessors of Innocent, Clement IX. and
Clement X., had this matter warmly at heart,
and did their best to excite the Russians to
join their neighbors against Turkey. The
despatches to the Vatican of the nuncios at
Warsaw and Vienna are full of information
as to the negotiations. In 1668, Clement
XI. even began a correspondence — which
was kept up for years — with the Shah of
Persia, in which he was warmly and affec-
tionately urged to join the Christian league
against Constantinople. Meanwhile, France
and Sweden were intriguing at Constanti-
nople against Austria and the Emperor, and
POPE INNOCENT XI. (FROM AN OLD ENGRAVING.)
In the spring of 1684 the Republic of stirring up rebellion in Hungary. The dry
Venice entered, with Austria and Poland, texts of despatches and documents are, in
into a Holy Alliance against the Turks, of this case, wonderfully instructive, for they
which Pope Innocent XI. was formally pro-
claimed the patron. All parties agreed to
prove that the first wars of Russia against
Turkey were caused, not by Muscovite
i88
PETER THE GREAT.
KAMENETZ, IN PODOLIA. (DRAWN BY R. RIORDAN, FROM A PHOTOGRAPH.)
ambition, but by the constant urging of the
Pope and the Catholic powers.
In pursuance of the agreement with Po-
land and Venice, in the spring of 1684, the
Imperial Embassadors, Baron Blumberg
and Baron Sherofsky, had brought, besides
their formal letters, a personal one from the
Emperor to Galitsyn; requesting him to use
his influence for the alliance. Galitsyn
thanked the Emperor for his great conde-
scension and kindness, and promised to use
all his powers for the benefit of Christianity ;
but, at the same time, declared to the em-
bassadors that Russia would enter into no
engagement of the kind desired until per-
manent peace had been concluded with
Poland.*
Meanwhile, although Austria and Venice
were successful in their efforts against Tur-
key, good fortune seemed to abandon So-
* A curious and very rare pamphlet, printed in 1684,
entitled " Beschrelbung des Schau-und lesswiirdigen
Moscowitischen Einzngs und Tractements,etc.," gives
an account of the Embassy of Baron Blumberg, and,
in addition, a copy of the speech which he made to
the Tsars on his final audience, in which he describes
Turkey as the " sick man "—a term supposed to have
been invented by the Russian diplomacy of a quarter
ol a century ago. " Now," he says, " is the most
biesky. In the summer of 1684, he was
engaged in an unsuccessful siege of Kam-
enetz, in Podolia, and afterward, in 1685,
not being himself able to accompany the
army, on account of illness, he sent the
Hetman Yablonofsky into Moldavia, hoping,
by occupying that province, to cut Podolia
off from Turkey and force Kamenetz to sur-
render. Yablonofsky crossed the Dniester
and advanced into Moldavia, but was sig-
nally defeated by the Turks, and obliged
to retreat with great loss. These failures
caused the Polish king to renew the negoti-
ations for an alliance with Russia, and in
January. 1686, there arrived in Moscow from
Poland the most splendid embassy which
that city had ever witnessed. There were
four embassadors, at the head of which were
the Voeivode Grimultofsky and Prince
Oginsky, the Chancellor of Lithuania, with
suitable time for obtaining the desired end. Sweden
is in a condition of perfect peace ; Poland, in con-
sequence of the truce which has been concluded,
is quiet and without danger to you; the diseased
and dying Ottoman Empire and its complete power-
lessness — for it is only a body condemned to death,
which must very speedily turn to a corpse— are the
auguries for a complete solution of the question,"
etc., etc.
PETER THE GREAT.
189
a suite of about a thousand men and fifteen
hundred horses. The embassadors were
splend'idly received. They were met every-
where by the Russian nobility and their
retainers. They were escorted into Moscow
and through the crowded streets by the
Streltsi, and by the famous " winged guard,"
or Zhiltsi; they were feasted and entertained.
But the Russian negotiators, under the guid-
ance of Prince Galitsyn, disputed for seven
immediately to send troops to protect the
Polish possessions from Tartar invasion, and
in the next year to send an expedition against
the Crimea itself. Both powers agreed not
to conclude a separate peace with the Sultan.
Besides this, it was arranged that Russia,
as an indemnity for Kief, would pay Poland
146,000 rubles. A considerable amount of
territory was given up on the western bank
of the Dnieper, together with Kief; and
IESKY CONSENTING TO THE CESSION OF KIEF. (DRAWN BY P L. SZYNDLER.)
long weeks over the conditions of the peace.
The Poles agreed to give up Kief, but would
not consent to the surrender of the adjoining
territory, demanded too great a sum as
indemnity', and were unable to come to an
understanding with regard to the promise of
military assistance to be furnished by Russia
to Poland. The embassadors finally declared
the negotiations broken off, and took their
formal leave of the Tsars and Sophia. They,
however, did not depart, but requested a
renewal of negotiations. By this time, the
interchange of views was carried on entirely
by writing, and finally an arrangement was
arrived at by which Poland ceded forever
Kief to Russia, and the Tsar, agreeing to
declare war against the Sultan of Turkey
and the Khan of the Crimea, promised
Tchigfrin and the other ruined towns on the
lower course of the Dnieper were not to be
rebuilt. Persons of the Orthodox faith in
the Polish dominions were to be subjected
to no kind of persecution on the part of the
Catholics and Uniates, and were to be
allowed the free exercise of their religion ;
while in Russia Catholics were to be allowed
to hold divine service in their houses, although
they could build no churches ; the Boyar
Boris Sheremetief, and the Okolnitchy
Tchaadaef were sent to Lemberg to obtain
the oath and the signature of King Jan
Sobiesky to the treaty. They were obliged
to wait two months for him, for that year
he had himself headed an invasion of
Moldavia, and had occupied Yassy. But,
being surrounded by hosts of Tartars, and
1 90
PETER THE GREAT.
OLD RUSSIAN SPORTS. TSAR HUNTING WITH FALCON. (FROM A PLACQUE BY A. EGOROFF.)
his troops being stricken with disease and
almost famished, he was obliged to retreat.
Saddened by his military disasters, the king
was still more grieved over the cession of,
Kief; and although he received the embas-
sadors with due honors, and gave his solemn
oath to the treaty, yet tears ran from his
eyes as he pronounced it. He could not
even conceal his vexation in a letter which
he wrote to the Tsars of Russia, complaining
of their inaction.
Sophia and her government considered
this peace to be the greatest act of her
regency. In the proclamation announcing
it to the people, she said that Russia had
never concluded such an advantageous and
splendid peace. In one sense this was true.
The acknowledgment by Poland of the right
of Russia to Kief was very satisfactory to
the pride of Russia, and fraught with great
advantage. It was an advantage, too, to
be on terms of solid amity with such an
uneasy neighbor as Poland. The disadvan-
tages caused by the ensuing declaration of
war against Turkey were not mentioned in
the proclamation ; and, although they were
great, they were, in point of fact, outweighed
by the advantages of the treaty.
At the same time that the political union
of Kief to Russia was thus assured, a relig-
ious union of the inhabitants of the western
provinces and of the Ukraine to the provin-
cial throne of Moscow was also provided
for. Originally Kief had been subjected to
the metropolis of Moscow, but, in the
fifteenth century, in order more completely
to separate the inhabitants of these prov-
inces from their co-religionists in Russia,
the Prince of Lithuania succeeded in
establishing at Kief an independent Met-
ropolitan, consecrated by the Patriarch of
Constantinople. When the Cossacks of
Bogdan Khmelnitzky accepted the Russian
suzerainty, it was stated in the treaty that
the Metropolitan of KieY should be under
the jurisdiction of the Patriarch of Moscow;
but neither the Metropolitan of Kief at that
time nor his successor were willing to accept
the diplomas from the Tsars without the
permission of the Patriarch of Constantino-
ple, lest they should bring upon themselves
the curse of the Eastern church, and con-
tinued to style themselves Exarchs of the
Patriarch of Constantinople. Owing to
these difficulties, since 1676 there had been
no Metropolitan, and the spiritual affairs of
the country were under the supervision of
Lazarus Baranovitch, the aged Archbishop of
PETER THE GREAT.
191
Tchernigof, who admitted the supremacy of
the Patriarch of Moscow. Negotiations for
the election of a new Metropolitan, and his
subjection to the Patriarch of Moscow, began
in 1683 with Samofiovitch, the Hetman of
the Cossacks of the Ukraine, who entered
warmly into the project and succeeded in
bringing affairs to a conclusion. Much as
he opposed the treaty of alliance with Poland,
he was strongly in favor of the union with
Moscow of the Metropolis of Kief, for he
felt that this union would- bind the inhabit-
ants of Little Russia still more closely to
Great Russia, sever their connection with
Poland, and, at the same time, would give
the Russian Government, through the Met-
ropolitan, a certain amount ,of influence
over all the Orthodox Christians residing
in the Polish dominions. He made, how-
ever, several reservations and conditions, the
chief of which were : that all the ancient
rights and liberties of the provinces should
remain untouched ; that the Metropolitan
of Kief should occupy the first rank among
the other Metropolitans of Russia ; that he
should still have the title of Exarch of Con-
stantinople ; that the Patriarch of Constan-
tinople should properly cede the province to
the Patriarch of Moscow, that there might
be no schism or confusion in the minds of
the Little Russians ; that the Patriarch should
not interfere or meddle in the affairs of the
province ; that the printing of books should
be allowed at the Lavra of Kief; an'd that
a school for free sciences ih the Latin and
Greek languages should be allowed in the
Bratsky Monastery, as before. These de-
mands were all allowed, with the exception
of that asking for the Metropolitan the title
of Exarch of the Patriarch of Constanti-
nople, as this was thought to be contradictory
and useless. Orders for the election of a
Metropolitan of Kief were then issued, and
although at first there was some difficulty in
persuading the clergy that they could safely
venture on the election without running the
risk of the curse of the Patriarch of Con-
stantinople, as his permission had not yet
been obtained, — and, indeed, had not even
been asked, — yet, under the skillful guidance
of Lazarus Baranovitch, the assemblage
elected as Metropolitan Prince Gideon Svia-
topolk Tchetvertinsky, the Archbishop of
Lutzk, who had been obliged to leave
Poland on account of the oppression which
he suffered at the hands of the Catholics
and Uniates, and had taken refuge in the
Monastery of Baturin, the capital of Little
Russia and the residence of the Hetman.
Prince Gideon — for the title of prince, in
conformity to the Polish custom, had been
left to him — went to Moscow, and was duly
consecrated, on the 8th of November, 1585,
by Joachim, the Patriarch of Moscow,
although no answer had yet been received
from Constantinople. The Archbishop of
Tchernfgof and the Archimandrite of the
Lavra of Kief, Yasinsky, refused to acknowl-
edge Gideon as their superior, as they had
for many years been subject only to the
supremacy of the Patriarch of Moscow.
A compromise was made, and their claims,
to be independent of the new Metropolitan,
were allowed during the lives of the actual
incumbents.
At the end of 1684, a Greek, Zachariah
Sophia, had been sent to the Patriarch Jacob,
of Constantinople, to obtain his consent to
a change in the supremacy of the Metrop-
olis, but the Patriarch had replied that the
times were so troublous with the Church in
Turkey that it was impossible to do any-
thing. The Grand Vizier was on the point
of death, and no one knew who would take
his place. After the consecration of Gideon,
a Government secretary, Nikita Alexeief,
was sent to Adrianople, where the Sultan
was then living, partly to complain to the
Sultan about his calling the people from the
eastern bank of the Dnieper to the western,
and partly to arrange with the Patriarch
about the Metropolis of Kief. Alexeief,
and Lisitsa, who was sent by the Hetman,
received information from the Patriarch that
it was impossible for him to do anything
until he had the consent of the Grand Vizier,
as it would be necessary to call together the
Metropolitans, some of whom disliked him,
and would be sure to report to the Grand
Vizier that he was in treaty with the Mus-
covites, and he would then be at once
executed. Alexeief then tried to get an in-
terview with Dositheus, the Patriarch of
Jerusalem, who was at that time in Adrian-
ople, making collections of money. He
refused to see Alexeief until he had had an
interview with the Grand Vizier. Alexeief,
after seeing the Grand Vizier, was permitted
to see the Patriarch of Jerusalem, but could
not succeed in making him agree to the
Russian proposals. He at first positively
refused, basing his objections partly on rules
of church discipline and partly on the want
of respect that had been manifested by the
election and consecration of the Metropoli-
tan without the consent of the Eastern
Church ; and said that it was a division of
the Church; that he would never consent to
192
PETER THE GREAT.
it, and would oppose it by every means in
his power. Alexeief tried to explain that
the distance of Little Russia from Constan-
tinople made the relations with that Patri-
arch a matter of difficulty, and that, as Little
Russia was now united with Great Russia,
the good of all the Christians there demanded
religious union. He was, however, able to
effect nothing with Dositheus, who said it
was impossible to do anything without the
arrival, and order him to comply with the
wishes of the Tsars. Alexeief then returned
to Dositheus, the Patriarch of Jerusalem,
and found a total change in his sentiments.
Dositheus said he had succeeded in finding
a rule — which, it appeared, had escaped his
memory — by which an archbishop could
always pass over a portion of his eparchy to
another archbishop, and promised to advise
the Patriarch Dionysius to comply with the
OLD RUSSIAN SPORTS. BEAR DANCING BEFORE THE TSAR. (FROM A PLACQUE BY A. EGOROFF.)
Gfand Vizier. Alex6ief was not inclined to
have the Mussulmans mixed up in the mat-
ter. Having learned that the Patriarch of
Constantinople had been overthrown by an
intrigue, and that Dionysius, the previous
Patriarch, had again ascended the throne,
and was about going to the Porte to receive
his berat, he went to the Grand Vizier,
and explained to him the desire of the Tsars
with regard to the Metropolis of Kief. The
Turks, who were threatened by war on three
sides and wished to keep the peace with
Moscow, were willing not only to satisfy the
Russian complaints with regard to the emi-
gration of the people from the eastern to the
western banks of the Dnieper, but to free the
Russian prisoners; and the Grand Vizier
promised to send for the Patriarch on his
Russian requests. Furthermore, he himself
wrote to the Tsars, and he gave the Patri-
arch of Moscow his blessing, not together
with the Patriarch of Constantinople, but
alone. Dionysius, the new Patriarch of
Constantinople, made not the slightest objec-
tion, and promised that as soon as he re-
turned to Constantinople and had assembled
his Metropolitans, he would give all the
necessary documents. The Grand Vizier
told Alexeief that he had heard of the efforts
of the Poles to induce Russia to enter into
an alliance with them, begged him to ex-
press to the Tsars the hope and wish of the
Sultan that this would not be done, and that
they would always remain, as before, in the
increased love and friendship of the Sultan ;
and, furthermore, allowed Alexe'ief to rebuild
LAMENTATION.
in Constantinople the church of St. John
the Baptist, which had recently been burnt
down. This Alexeief had asked as an act
of kindness to the Patriarch of Constanti-
nople, for, according to Turkish law, while
service could be freely carried on in the
existing Christian churches, no new ones
were allowed to be built, nor were old ones
accidentally destroyed or ruined allowed to
be rebuilt; mosques were erected in their
place. On arriving at Constantinople,
Alex6ief received all the necessary docu-
ments from the Patriarch, presented the
Patriarch of Constantinople with 200 ducats
and three " forties" of sables, and the Patri-
arch of Jerusalem with 200 ducats, and was
requested by them to ask the Tsars for
presents for all the archbishops who had
signed the document, as similar presents had
been given when the Metropolitan of Mos-
cow took the title of Patriarch.*
* This history of the re-union of KieT reminds
one strongly of the recent history of the formation
of an independent Bulgarian Church.
LAMENTATION.
GONE is the snow, and the cold ground is warming;
Red is the maple and green is the willow;
Blackbirds are chattering free;
Earth, air, and water, with new life are swarming;
Summer-tide surges in, billow on billow ;
What is it bringing to me?
Life of my life, in the cold ground they laid her :
Black were the lilies and brown were the beeches,
Twittered the lone chickadee;
There, many a weary day, Winter has staid her;
Summer, sweet Summer, my sorrow beseeches,
Bring back my daughter to me!
Nay, mock me not with your buds and your greenery !
Spread me no flowering carpet to walk upon !
Make me no music, I pray.
Desolate heart maketh desolate scenery;
Only one theme deigneth sorrow to talk upon;
Take all your pleasance away!
Green is the grass on the grave where she lieth ;
Sweet with the wind the birds' carol accordeth,
Strong are the pulses of spring;
Yet to my pleading no kind voice replieth,
None in these blithe tribes my sorrow regardeth,
From my heart plucketh the sting.
" Will not be comforted " ? Nay, Master, hear me !
Mothers in Bethlehem wept by the manger,
Whence, in the night, Thou hadst fled !
Come back to me, I pray ; stay ever near me !
Lest to my heavy heart hope be a stranger;
Faith find her grave with my dead.
VOL. XX.— 14.
194
THE GRANDISSIMES.
THE GRANDISSIMES*
A STORY OF CREOLE LIFE.
By GEORGE W. CABLE, author of "Old Creole Days."
CHAPTER XXXVII.
HONORS MAKES SOME CONFESSIONS.
" Comment (h va, Raoul ? " said Honore"
Grandissime; he had come to the shop
according to the proposal contained in his
note. " Where-h is Mr. Frhowenfeld ? "
He found the apothecary in the rear
room, dressed, but just rising from the bed
at sound of his voice. He closed the door
after him; they shook hands and took
chairs.
" You have fevah," said the merchant.
"I have been trhoubled that way myself,
some, lately." He rubbed his face all over,
hard, with one hand, and looked at the ceil-
ing. " Loss of sleep, I suppose, in both of
us; in yo' case volunta'y — in pu'suit of
study, most likely; in my case — effect of
anxiety." He smiled a moment and then
suddenly sobered as he said :
" But I heah you are-h in trhouble ; may
I ask "
Frowenfeld had interrupted him with
almost the same words :
" May I venture to ask, Mr. Grandis-
sime, what "
And both were silent for a moment.
" Oh," said Honore^ with a gesture. " My
trhouble — I did not mean to mention it ; 'tis
an old matteh — in paht. You know, Mr.
Frhowenfeld, there-h is a kind of trhee not
drheamed of in botany, that lets fall its
frhuit everhy day in the yeah — you know?
We call it — with rheverhence — ' ow dead
fathe's mistakes.' I have had to eat much
of that frhuit ; a man who has to do that
mus' expect to have now and then a little
fevah."
" I have heard," replied Frowenfeld, " that
some of the titles under which your relatives
hold their lands are found to be of the kind
which the States' authorities are pronounc-
ing worthless. I hope this is not the case."
" I wish they had nevva been put into
my custody," said M. Grandissime.
Some new thought moved him to draw
his chair closer.
" Mr. Frhowenfeld, those two ladies whom
you went to see the other-h evening "
His listener started a little :
"Yes?"
" Did they evva tell you their historhy ? "
" No, sir ; but I have heard it."
" An' you think they have been deeply
wrhonged, eh ? Come, Mr. Frhowenfeld,
take rhight hold of the acacia-bush."
M. Grandissime did not smile.
Frowenfeld winced.
" I think they have."
" And you think rhestitution should be
made them, no doubt, eh ? "
" I do."
" At any cost ? "
The questioner showed a faint, unpleasant
smile, that stirred something like opposi-
tion in the breast of the apothecary.
" Yes," he answered.
The next question had a tincture even of
fierceness :
" You think it rhight to sink fifty or-h a
hundrhed people into povetty to lift one o'
two out ? "
" Mr. Grandissime," said Frowenfeld,
slowly, "you bade me study this commu-
nity."
•" I adv — yes ; what is it you find ? "
" I find — it may be the same with other
communities, I suppose it is, more or less —
that just upon the culmination of the moral
issue it turns and asks the question which
is behind it, instead of the question which is
before it."
" And what is the question befo' me ? "
" I know it only in the abstract."
" Well ? "
The apothecary looked distressed.
" You should not make me say it," he
objected.
" Nevvatheless," said the Creole, " I take
that libbetty."
"Well, then," said Frowenfeld, "the
question behind is Expediency and the
question in front, Divine Justice. You are
asking yourself "
He checked himself.
"Which I ought to rhegahd," said M.
Grandissime, quickly. " Expediency, of
co'se, and be like the rhest of mankind."
He put on a look of bitter humor. " It is
all easy enough fo' you, Mr. Frhowenfeld,
Copyright, 1879, by George W. Cable. All rights reserved.
THE GRANDISSIMES.
'95
ray-de'seh ; you have the easy paht — the
theorhizing."
He saw the ungenerousness of his speech
as soon as it was uttered, yet he did not
modify it.
" True, Mr. Grandissime," said Frowen-
feld ; and after a pause — " but you have the
noble part — the doing."
" Ah, my-de'-seh ! " exclaimed Honore ;
" the noble paht ! There-h is the bitter-
ness of the drhaught ! The oppo'tunity to
act is pushed upon me, but the oppo'tunity
to act nobly has passed by."
He again drew his chair closer, glanced
behind him and spoke low :
" Because fo' yeahs I have had a kind of
custody of all my kinsmen's prhopetty inter-
hests, Agrhicola's among them, it is sup-
posed that he has always kept the plantation
of Aurore Nancanou (or rather-h of Clotilde
— who, you know, by ow laws is the rheal
heir). That is a mistake. Explain it as
you please, call it rhemoss, prhide, love —
what you like — while I was in France and
he was managing my motheh's business,
unknown to me he gave me that plantation.
When I succeeded him I found it and all
its rhevenues kept distinct — as was but
prhoper — frhom all other-h accounts, and
belonging to me. 'Twas a fine, extensive
place, had a good ove-seer-h on it and — I
kept it. Why ? Because I was a cowa'd.
I did not want it or-h its rhevenues ; but,
like my fatheh, I would not offend my peo-
ple". Peace first and justice afte'wa'ds —
that was the prhinciple on which I quietly
made myself the trhustee of a plantation and
income which you would have given back
to their-h ownehs, eh ? "
Frowenfeld was silent.
" My-de'-seh, rhecollect that to us the
Grhandissime name is a trheasu'e. And
what has prheserved it so long ? Cherhish-
ing the unity of ow family ; that has done
it ; that is how my fatheh did it. Just or-h
unjust, good o' bad, needful o' not, done
elsewhere-h o' not, I do not say; but it is
a Crheole trhait. See, even now " (the
speaker smiled on one side of his mouth)
" in a cettain section of the terrhitorhy cet-
tain men, Crheoles " (he whispered, gravely),
" some Grandissimes among them, evading the
United States rhevenue laws and even beat-
ing and killing some of the officials : well !
Do the people at lahge rhepudiate those
men ? My-de'-seh, in no wise, seh ! No ;
if they were Amerhicains — but a Louisianian
— is a Louisianian; touch him not; when
you touch him you touch all Louisiana !
So with us Grhandissimes ; we ah legion,
but we ah one. Now, my-de'-seh, the
thing you ask me to do is to cast ovaboa'd
that old trhaditional prhinciple which is the
secrhet of ow existence."
"/ask you?"
" Ah, bah ! you know you expect it. Ah !
but you do not know the upro' such an
action would make. And no ' noble paht '
in it, my-de'-seh, eitheh. A few months
ago — when we met by those grhaves — if I
had acted then, my action would have been
one of pure-h — even violent — ^^/"-sacrifice.
Do you rhemembeh — on the levee, by the
Place d'Armes — me asking you to send
Agrhicola to me ? I trhied then to speak
of it. He would not let me. Then, my
people felt safe in their land-titles and pub-
lic offices ; this rhestitution would have hurt
nothing but prhide. Now, titles in doubt,
gove'ment appointments uncettain, no
rheady capital in rheach for-h any purpose
except that which would have to be handed
oveh with the plantation (fo' to tell you the
fact, my-de'-seh, no other-h account on my
books has prhospe'd), with mattehs changed
in this way, I become the destrhoyer-h of
my own flesh and blood ! Yes, seh ! and
lest I might still find some rhoom to boast,
anothe-h change moves me into a position
where-h it suits me, my-de'-seh, to make the
rhestitution so fatal to those of my name.
When you and I fust met, those ladies
were-h as much strhangehs to me as to you
— as far-h as I knew. Then, if I had done
this thing but now — now, my-de'-seh, I
find myself in love with one of them ! "
M. Grandissime looked his friend straight
in the eye with the frowning energy of one
who asserts an ugly fact.
Frowenfeld, regarding the speaker with a
gaze of respectful attention, did not falter ;
but his fevered blood, with an impulse that
started him half from his seat, surged up
into his head and face ; and then —
M. Grandissime blushed.
In the few silent seconds that followed,
the glances of the two friends continued to
pass into each other's eyes, while about
Honore's mouth hovered the smile of one
who candidly surrenders his innermost secret,
and the lips of the apothecary set them-
selves together as though he were whisper-
ing to himself behind them, " Steady."
" Mr. Frhowenfeld," said the Creole, tak-
ing a sudden breath and waving a hand, " I
came to ask about yd1 trhouble ; but if you
think you have any rheason to withold yo'
confidence "
196
THE GRANDISSIMES.
" No, sir ; no ! But can I be no help to
you in this matter ? "
The Creole leaned back smilingly in his
chair and knit his fingers.
"No, I did not intend to say all this ;
I came to offeh my help to you; but
my mind is full — what do you expect ?
My-de'-seh, the foam must come fust out
of the bottle. You see " — he leaned for-
ward again, laid two fingers in his palm
and deepened his tone — "I will tell you:
this trhee — ' ow dead fathe's mistakes ' — is
about to drhop another-h rhotten apple.
I spoke just now of the upro' this rhestitu-
tion would make ; why, my-de'-seh, just the
mention of the lady's name at my house,
when we lately held the fete degrandpere, has
given rhise to a qua'll which is likely to end
in a duel."
" Raoul was telling me," said the apothe-
cary.
M. Grandissime made an affirmative ges-
ture.
" Mr. Frhowenfeld, if you — if any one —
could teach my people — I mean my family
— the value of peace (I do not say the duty,
my-de'-seh, a mehchant talks of values) ; if
you could teach them the value of peace,
I would give you, if that was yo' phrice "
— he ran the edge of his left hand knife- wise
around the wrist of his right — " that. And
if you would teach it to the whole com-
munity— well — I think I would not give my
head ; maybe you would." He laughed.
" There is a peace which is bad," said
the contemplative apothecary.
" Yes," said the Creole, promptly, " the
verhy kind that I have been keeping all this
time — and my fatheh befo' me ! "
He spoke with much warmth.
" Yes," he said again, after a pause which
was not a rest, " I often see that we Grhand-
issimes are-h a good example of the Crheoles
at lahge ; we have one element that makes
fo' peace ; that — pahdon the self-conscious-
ness— is myself; and another-h element that
makes fo' strhife — led by my uncle Agrhic-
ola ; but, my-de'-seh, the peace element is
that which ought to make the strhife, and
the strhife element is that which ought to be
made to keep the peace ! Mr. Frhowen-
feld, I prhopose to become the strhife-
makeh ; how, then, can I be a peace-makeh
at the same time ? There-h is my diffy-
cultie."
" Mr. Grandissime," exclaimed Frowen-
feld, "if you have any design in view
founded on the high principles which I know
to be the foundations of all your feelings,
and can make use of the aid of a disgraced
man, use me."
" You ah verhy generhous," said the
Creole, and both were silent. Honor£
dropped his eyes from Frowenfeld's to the
floor, rubbed his knee with his palm, and
suddenly looked up.
" You are-h innocent of wrhong ? "
" Before God."
" I feel sure-h of it. Tell me in a few
words all about it. I ought to be able to
extrhicate you. Let me hear-h it."
Frowenfeld again told as much as he
thought he could, consistently with his
pledges to Palmyre, touching with extreme
lightness upon the part taken by Clotilde.
" Tunn arhound," said M. Grandissime at
the close ; " Let me see the back of yo'
head. And it is that that is giving you this
fevah, eh ? "
" Partly," replied Frowenfeld ; " but how
shall I vindicate my innocence ? I think I
ought to go back openly to this woman's
house and get my hat. I was about to do
that when I got your note; yet it seems a
feeble — even if possible — expedient."
" My frhiend," said Honore", " leave it to
me. I see yo' whole case, both what you
tell and what you conceal. I guess it with
ease. Knowing Palmyre so well, and know-
ing (what you do not) that all the voudous
in town think you a sorcerer, I know just
what she would drhop down and beg you
faw — a ouangan, ha, ha ! You see ? Leave
it all to me — and yo' hat with Palmyre, take
a febrhifuge and a nap, and await word frhom
me."
" And may I offer you no help in your
difficulty ? " asked the apothecary, as the
two rose and grasped hands.
" Oh ! " said the ' Creole, with a little
shrug, " you may do anything you can —
which will be nothing."
CHAPTER XXXVIII.
TESTS OF FRIENDSHIP.
FROWENFELD turned away from the
closing door, caught his head between
his hands and tried to comprehend the
new wildness of the tumult within. Honor6
Grandissime avowedly in love with one
of them — which one ? Doctor Keene vis-
ibly in love with one of them — which
one ? And he ! What meant this bound-
ing joy that, like one gorgeous moth
among innumerable bats, flashed to and
fro among the wild distresses and dis-
THE GRANDISSIMES,
197
mays swarming in and out of his distem-
pered imagination ? He did not answer
the question ; he only knew the confusion
in his brain was dreadful. Both hands
could not hold back the throbbing of his
temples ; the table did not steady the trem-
bling of his hands ; his thoughts went hither
and thither, heedless of his call. Sit down
as he might, rise up, pace the room, stand,
lean his forehead against the wall — nothing
could quiet the fearful disorder, until at
length he recalled Honore's neglected
advice and resolutely lay down and Sought
sleep; and, long before he had hoped to
secure it, it came.
In the distant Grandissime mansion, Agric-
ola Fusilier was casting about for ways and
means to rid himself of the heaviest heart
that ever had throbbed in his bosom. He
had risen at sunrise from slumber worse than
sleeplessness, in which his dreams had antici-
pated the duel of to-morrow with Sylvestre.
He was trying to get the unwonted quaking
out of his hands and the memory of the
night's heart-dissolving phantasms from be-
fore his inner vision. He had resort to a very
familiar, we may say time-honored, prescrip-
tion— rum. He did not use it after the vou-
dou fashion; the voudous pour it on the
ground — Agricola was an anti-voudou. It
finally had its effect. By eleven o'clock he
seemed, outwardly at least, to be at peace
with everything in Louisiana that he consid-
ered Louisianian, properly so-called ; as to all
else he was ready for war, as in pea'ce one
should be. While in this mood, and perform-
ing at a side-board the solemn rite of las ouze,
news incidentally reached him, by the mouth
of his busy second, Hippolyte, of Frowen-
feld's trouble, and despite Tolyte's protesta-
tions against the principal in a pending
"affair " appearing on the street, he ordered
the carriage and hurried to the apothe-
cary's.
When Frowenfeld awoke, the fingers of
his clock were passing the meridian. His
fever was gone, his brain was calm, his
strength in good measure had returned.
There had been dreams in his sleep, too:
he had seen Clotilde standing at the foot
of his bed. He lay now, for a moment, lost
in retrospection.
" There can be no doubt about it," said
he, as he rose up, looking back mentally at
something in the past.
The sound of carriage-wheels attracted
his attention by ceasing before his street
door. A moment later the voice of Agric-
ola was heard in the shop greeting Raoul-
As the old man lifted the head of his staff
to tap on the inner door, Frowenfeld opened
it.
" Fusilier to the rescue ! " said the great
Louisianian, with a grasp of the apothecary's
hand and a gaze of brooding admiration.
Joseph gave him a chair, but with mag-
nificent humility he insisted on not taking it
until "Professor Frowenfeld" had himself
sat down.
The apothecary was very solemn. It
seemed to him as if in this little back room
his dead good name was lying in state, and
these visitors were coming in to take their
last look. From time to time he longed for
more light, wondering why the gravity of
his misadventure should seem so great.
" H-m-h-y dear Professor ! " began the
old man. Pages of print could not com-
prise all the meanings of his smile and
accent; benevolence, affection, assumed
knowledge of the facts, disdain of results,
remembrance of his own youth, charity for
pranks, patronage — these were but a few.
He spoke very slowly and deeply and with
this smile of a hundred meanings. " Why
did you not send for me, Joseph ? Sir,
whenever you have occasion to make a list
of the friends who will stand by you, right or
wrong — h-write the name of Citizen Agric-
ola Fusilier at the top ! Write it large and
repeat it at the bottom ! You understand
me, Joseph ? — and, mark me, — right or
wrong ! "
" Not wrong," said Frowenfeld, " at least
not in defense of wrong; I could not do
that ; but, I assure you, in this matter I have
done "
" No worse than any one else would have
done under the circumstances, my dear boy !
— Nay, nay, do not interrupt me ; I under-
stand you, I understand you. H-do you
imagine there is anything strange to me in
this — at my age ? "
"But I am "
" all right, sir ! that is what you are.
And you are under the wing of Agricola
Fusilier, the old eagle ; that is where you
are. And you are one of my brood ; that is
who you are. Professor, listen to your old
father. The — man — makes — the — crime !
The wisdom of mankind never brought
forth a maxim of more gigantic beauty. If
the different grades of race and society did
not have corresponding moral and civil
liberties, varying in degree as they vary —
h-why ! this community, at least, would go
to pieces ! See here ! Professor Frowen-
198
THE GRANDISSIMES.
feld is charged with misdemeanor. Very
well, who is he ? Foreigner or native ?
Foreigner by sentiment and intention, or
only by accident of birth ? Of our mental
fibre — our aspirations — our delights — our
indignations? I answer for you, Joseph,
yes !— yes ! What then ? H-why then the
decision! Reached how? By apologetic
reasonings? By instinct, sir! h-h-that
guide of the nobly proud ! And what is the
decision ? Not guilty. Professor Frowen-
feld, absolvo te / "
It was in vain that the apothecary repeat-
edly tried to interrupt this speech. " Citizen
Fusilier, do you know me no better?" —
" Citizen Fusilier, if you will but listen ! "
—such were the fragments of his efforts to
explain. The old man was not so confident
as he pretended to be that Frowenfeld was
that complete proselyte which alone satisfies
a Creole ; but he saw him in a predicament
and cast to him this life-buoy, which if a
man should refuse, he would deserve to
drown.
Frowenfeld tried again to begin.
"Mr. Fusilier "
" Citizen Fusilier ! "
" Citizen, candor demands that I unde-
ceive "
" Candor demands — h-my dear Professor,
let me tell you exactly what she demands.
She demands that in here — within this apart-
ment— we understand each other. That
demand is met."
" But " Frowenfeld frowned impa-
tiently.
" That demand, Joseph, is fully met !
I understand the whole matter like an
eye-witness ! Now there is another demand
to be met, the demand of friendship ! In
here, candor ; outside, friendship ; in here,
one of our brethren has been adventurous
and unfortunate ; outside " — the old man
smiled a smile of benevolent mendacity —
" outside, nothing has happened."
Frowenfeld insisted savagely on speaking ;
but Agricola raised his voice, and gray hairs
prevailed.
" At least, what has happened ? The
most ordinary thing in the world ; Professor
Frowenfeld lost his footing on a slippery
gunwale, fell, cut his head upon a protrud-
ing spike, and went into the house of Pal-
myre to bathe his wound; but finding it
worse than he had at first supposed it, imme-
diately hurried out again and came to his
store. He left his hat where it had fallen,
too muddy to be worth recovery. Hippo-
lyte Brahmin- Mandarin and others, passing
at the time, thought he had met with vio-
lence in the house of the hair-dresser, and
drew some natural inferences, but have since
been better informed; and the public will
please understand that Professor Frowen-
feld is a white man, a gentleman and a
Louisianian, ready to vindicate his honor,
and that Citizen Agricola Fusilier is his
friend!"
The old man looked around with the air
of a bull on a hill-top.
Frowenfeld, vexed beyond degree, re-
strained himself only for the sake of an
object in view, and contented himself with
repeating for the fourth or fifth time, —
" I cannot accept any such deliverance."
" Professor Frowenfeld, friendship — so-
ciety— demands it ; our circle must be pro-
tected in all its members. You have
nothing to do with it. You will leave it
with me, Joseph."
"No, no," said Frowenfeld. "I thank
you, but "
" Ah ! my dear boy, thank me not ; I
cannot help these impulses ; I belong to a
warm-hearted race. But " — he drew back
in his chair sidewise and made great pre-
tense of frowning — " you decline the offices
of that precious possession, a Creole
friend ? "
" I only decline to be shielded by a fic-
tion."
" Ah-h ! " said Agricola, further nettling
his victim by a gaze of stagy admiration.
" ' Sans peur et sans reproche ' — and yet you
disappoint me. Is it for naught, that I
have sallied forth from home, drawing the
curtains of my carriage to shield me from
the gazing crowd ? It was to rescue my
friend — my vicar — my coadjutor — my son,
from the laughs and finger-points of the vul-
gar mass. H-I might as well have^staid at
home — or better, for my peculiar position
to-day rather requires me to keep in "
" No, Citizen," said Frowenfeld, laying
his hand upon Agricola's arm, " I trust it is
not in vain that you have come out. There
is a man in trouble whom only you can
deliver."
The old man began to swell with compla-
cency.
" H-why, really
" He, Citizen, is truly of your kind •
" He must be delivered, Professor Frow-
enfeld "
" He is a native Louisianian, not only by
accident of birth but by sentiment and
intention," said Frowenfeld.
The old man smiled a benign delight.
THE GRANDISSIMES.
IQ9
but the apothecary now had the upper hand,
and would not hear him speak.
" His aspirations," continued the speaker,
" his indignations — mount with his people's.
His pulse beats with yours, sir. He is a
part of your circle. He is one of your
caste."
Agricola could not be silent.
" Ha-a-a-ah ! Joseph, h-h-you make my
blood tingle ! Speak to the point ; who
" I believe him, moreover, Citizen Fusi-
lier, innocent of the charge laid "
" H-innocent ? H-of course he is inno-
cent, sir ! We will make him inno "
"Ah! Citizen, he is already under sen-
tence of death ! "
" What ? A Creole under sentence ! "
Agricola swore a heathen oath, set his knees
apart and grasped his staff by the middle.
" Sir, we will liberate him if we have to
overturn the government ! "
Frowenfeld shook his head.
" You have got to overturn something
stronger than government."
" And pray what "
"A conventionality," said Frowenfeld,
holding the old man's eye.
" Ha, ha ! my b-hoy, h-you are right.
But we will overturn — eh ? "
" I say I fear your engagements will pre-
vent. I hear you take part to-morrow
morning in "
Agricola suddenly stiffened.
" Professor Frowenfeld, it strikes me, sir,
you are taking something of a liberty."
" For which I ask pardon," exclaimed
Frowenfeld. " Then I may not expect "
The old man melted again.
" But who is this person in mortal peril ? "
Frowenfeld hesitated.
" Citizen Fusilier," he said, looking first
down at the floor and then up into the
inquirer's face, " on my assurance that he is
not only a native Creole, but a Grandissime
" It is not possible ! " exclaimed Agricola.
" a Grandissime of the purest blood,
will you pledge me your aid to liberate
him from his danger, ' right or wrong ' ? "
"Will It H-why, certainly! Who is he?"
" Citizen it is Sylves "
Agricola sprang up with a thundering
oath.
The apothecary put out a pacifying hand,
but it was spurned.
" Let me go ! How dare you ? How
dare you, sir ? " bellowed Agricola.
He started toward the door, cursing furi-
ously and keeping his eye fixed on Frowen-
feld with a look of rage not unmixed with
terror.
" Citizen Fusilier," said the apothecary,
following him with one palm uplifted, as if
that would ward off his abuse, " don't go !
I adjure you, don't go ! Remember your
pledge, Citizen Fusilier ! "
Agricola did not pause a moment; but
when he had swung the door violently open
the way was still obstructed. The painter
of " Louisiana refusing to enter the Union "
stood before him, his head elevated loftily,
one foot set forward and his arm extended
like a tragedian's.
" Stan' bag-sah ! "
" Let me pass ! Let me pass, or I will
kill you ! "
Mr. Innerarity smote his bosom and
tossed his hand aloft.
" Kill me-firse an' pass aftah ! "
"Citizen Fusilier," said Frowenfeld, "I
beg you to hear me."
" Go away ! Go away ! "
The old man drew back from the door
and stood in the corner against the book-
shelves as if all the horrors of the last night's
dreams had taken bodily shape in the per-
son of the apothecary. He trembled and
stammered :
"Ke— keep off! Keep off! My God!
Raoul, he has insulted me ! " He made a
miserable show of drawing a weapon. " No
man may insult me and live ! If you are a
man, Professor Frowenfeld, you will defend
yourself! "
Frowenfeld lost his temper, but his hasty
reply was drowned by Raoul's vehement
speech.
" 'Tis not de trute ! " cried Raoul. " He
try to save you from hell-'n'-damnation w'en
'e h-ought to give you a good cuss'n ! " — and
in the ecstasy of his anger burst into tears.
Frowenfeld, in an agony of annoyance,
waved him away and he disappeared, shut-
ting the door.
Agricola, moved far more from within
than from without, had sunk into a chair
under the shelves. His head was bowed, a
heavy grizzled lock fell down upon his dark,
frowning brow, one hand clenched the top
of his staff, the other his knee, and both
trembled violently. As Frowenfeld, with
every demonstration of beseeching kindness
began to speak, he lifted his eyes and said,
piteously :
" Stop ! Stop ! "
" Citizen Fusilier, it is you who must stop.
Stop before God Almighty stops you, I beg
200
THE GRANDISSIMES.
you. I do not presume to rebuke you. I
know you want a clear record. I know it
better to-day than I ever did before. Citi-
zen Fusilier, I honor your intentions "
Agricola roused a little and looked up
with a miserable attempt at his habitual pat-
ronizing smile.
"H-my dear boy, I overlook" — but he
met in Frowenfeld's eyes a spirit so superior
to his dissimulation that the smile quite
broke down and gave way to another of
deprecatory and apologetic distress. He
reached up an arm.
" I could easily convince you, Professor,
of your error" — his eyes quailed and
dropped to the floor — "but I — your arm,
my dear Joseph ; age is creeping upon me."
He rose to his feet. " I am feeling really
indisposed to-day — not at all bright; my
solicitude for you, my dear b "
He took two or three steps forward, tot-
tered, clung to the apothecary, moved
another step or two, and grasping the edge
of the table stumbled into a chair which
Frowenfeld thrust under him. He folded
his arms on the edge of the board and
rested his forehead on them, while Frowen-
feld sat down quickly on the opposite side,
drew paper and pen across the table and
wrote.
"Are you writing something, Professor?"
asked the old man, without stirring. His
staff tumbled to the floor. The apothecary's
answer was a low, preoccupied one. He
wrote and rejected what he had written two
or three times.
Presently he pushed back his chair, came
areund the table, laid the writing he had
made before the bowed head, sat down
again and waited.
After a long time the old man looked up,
trying in vain to conceal his anguish under
a smile.
" I have a sad headache."
He cast his eyes over the table and took
mechanically the pen which Frowenfeld
extended toward him.
" What can I do for you, Professor ?
Sign something ? There is nothing I would
not do for Professor Frowenfeld. What
have you written, eh ? "
He felt helplessly for his spectacles.
Frowenfeld read :
"Mr. Sylvestre Grandissime: I spoke in
haste."
He felt himself tremble as he read. Agric-
ola fumbled with the pen, lifted his eyes
with one more effort at the old look, said :
" My dear boy, I do this purely to please
you," and to Frowenfeld's delight and aston-
ishment wrote :
" Your affectionate uncle, Agricola Fusi-
lier."
CHAPTER XXXIX.
LOUISIANA STATES HER WANTS.
" 'SiEUR FROWENFEL','' said Raoul as that
person turned in the front door of the shop
after watching Agricola's carriage roll away
— he had intended to unburden his mind to
the apothecary with all his natural impetu-
osity ; but Frowenfeld's gravity as he turned,
with the paper in his hand, induced a differ-
ent manner. Raoul had learned, despite all
the impulses of his nature, to look upon Frow-
enfeld with a sort of enthusiastic awe. He
dropped his voice and said — asking like a
child a question he was perfectly able to
answer —
" What de matta wid Agricole ? "
Frowenfeld, for the moment well-nigh
oblivious of his own trouble, turned upon
his assistant a look in which elation was
oddly blended with solemnity, and replied
as he walked by :
" Rush of truth to the heart."
Raoul followed a step.
" ' Sieur FrowenfeP "
The apothecary turned once more.
Raoul's face bore an expression of earnest
practicability that invited confidence.
" 'Sieur Frowenfel', Agricola writ'n' to
Sylvestre to stop dat dool ? "
" Yes."
" You goin' take dat lett' to Sylvestre ? "
" Yes."
" 'Sieur Frowenfel', dat de wrong g-way.
You got to take it to 'Polyte Brahmin- Man-
darin, an' 'e got to take it to Valentine
Grandissime, an' V got to take it to Sylves-
tre. You see, you got to know de manner
to make. Once 'pon a time I had a difty-
cultie wid "
" I see," said Frowenfeld ; " where may I
find Hippolyte Brahmin- Mandarin at this
time of day ? *'
Raoul shrugged.
" Jf the pre-parish-ions are not complitted,
you will not fine 'im ; but if they har com-
plitted— you know 'im ? "
" By sight."
" Well, you may fine him at Maspero's, or
helse in de front of de Veau-qui-t£te, or
helse at the Cafe Louis Quatorze — mos'
likely in front of de Veau-qui-tete. You
know, dat diffycultie I had, dat arise itseff
THE GRANDISSIMES.
2OI
from de discush'n of one of de mil-littery
mov'ments of ca-valry; you know, I "
" Yes," said the apothecary ; " here, Raoul,
is some money ; please go and buy me a
good, plain hat."
"All right." Raoul darted behind the
counter and got his hat out of a drawer.
" Were at you buy your hats ? "
" Anywhere."
" I will go at my hatter."
As the apothecary moved about his shop
awaiting Raoul's return, his ©wn disaster
became once more the subject of his anxi-
ety. He noticed that almost every person
who passed looked in.' " This is the place,"
— " That is the man," — how plainly the
glances of passers sometimes speak ! The
people seemed, moreover, a little nervous.
Could even so little a city be stirred about
such a petty, private trouble as this of his ?
No ; the city was having tribulations of its
own.
New Orleans was in that state of sup-
pressed excitement which, in later days, a
frequent need of reassuring the outer world
has caused to be described by the phrase
" never more peaceable." Raoul perceived
it before he had left the shop twenty paces
behind. By the time he reached the first
corner he was in the swirl of the popular
current. He enjoyed it like a strong swim-
mer. He even drank of it. It was better
than wine and music mingled.
" Twelve weeks next Thursday, and no
sign of re-cession ! " said one of two rapid
walkers just in front of him. Their talk
was in the French of the province.
" Oh, re-cession ! " exclaimed the other
angrily. " The cession is a reality. That,
at least, we have got to swallow. Incredu-
lity is dead."
The first speaker's feelings could find
expression only in profanity.
" The cession — we wash our hands of it ! "
He turned partly around upon his compan-
ion, as they hurried along, and gave his
hands a vehement dry washing. " If Incre-
dulity is dead, Non-participation reigns in its
stead, and Discontent is prime minister ! " He
brandished his fist as .they turned a corner.
" If we must change, let us be subjects of
the First Consul ! " said one of another pair
whom Raoul met on a crossing.
There was a gathering of boys and vaga-
bonds at the door of a gun-shop. A man
inside was buying a gun. That was all.
A group came out of a " coffee-house."
"he leader turned about upon the rest :
" Ah, bah ! cette Amayrican libetty ! "
" See ! see ! it is this way ! " said another
of the number, taking two others by their
elbows, to secure an audience, " we shall do
nothing ourselves; we are just watching that
vile Congress. It is going to tear the coun-
try all to bits ! "
" Ah, my friend, you haven't got the
inside news," said still another — Raoul
lingered to hear him — " Louisiana is going
to state her wants ! We have the liberty of
free speech and are going to use it ! "
His information was correct; Louisiana,
no longer incredulous of her Americaniza-
tion, had laid hold of her new liberties and
was beginning to run with them, like a boy
dragging his kite over the clods. She was
about to state her wants, he said.
" And her don't-wants," volunteered one
whose hand Raoul shook heartily. " We
warn the world. If Congress doesn't take
heed, we will not be responsible for the con-
sequences! "
Raoul's hatter was full of the subject.
As Mr. Innerarity entered, he was saying
good-day to a customer in his native tongue,
English, and so continued :
" Yes, under Spain we had a solid, quiet
government — Ah ! Mr. Innerarity, over-
joyed to see you ! We were speaking of
these political troubles. I wish we might
see the last of them. It's a terrible bad
mess ; corruption to-day — I tell you what —
it will be disruption to-morrow. Well, it is
no work of ours ; we shall merely stand off
and see it."
" Mi-frien'," said Raoul, with mingled
pity and superiority, " you haven't got doze
inside nooz ; Louisiana is goin' to state w'at
she want."
On his way back toward the shop Mr.
Innerarity easily learned Louisiana's wants
and don't-wants by heart. She wanted a
Creole governor ; she did not want Casa
Calvo invited to leave the country; she
wanted the provisions of the Treaty of Ces-
sion hurried up ; "as soon as possible,"
that instrument said ; she had waited long
enough ; she did not want " dad trile bi-
ju'y " — execrable trash ! she wanted an
unwatched import trade ! she did not want a
single additional Americam appointed to
office ; she wanted the slave trade.
Just in sight of the bare-headed and
anxious Frowenfeld, Raoul let himself be
stopped by a friend.
The remark was exchanged that the times
were exciting.
" And yet," said the friend, " the city was
202
THE GRANDISSIMES.
never more peaceable. It is exasperating
to see that coward governor looking so dili-
gently after his police and hurrying on the
organization of the Americain volunteer
militia!" He pointed savagely here and
there. " M. Innerarity, I am lost in admi-
ration at the all but craven patience with
which our people endure their wrongs ! Do
my pistols show too much through my coat ?
Well, good-day; I must go home and clean
my gun ; my dear friend, one don't know
how soon he may have to encounter the
Recorder and Register of Land-titles."
Raoul finished his errand.
" 'Sieur FrowenfeF, excuse me — I take dat
lett' to Tolyte for you if you want." There
are times when mere shop-keeping — any
peaceful routine — is torture.
But the apothecary felt so himself; he
declined his assistant's offer and went out
toward the Veau-qui-te'te.
CHAPTER XL.
FROWENFELD FINDS SYLVESTRE.
THE Veau-qui-t&e restaurant occupied
the whole ground floor of a small, low, two-
story, tile-roofed, brick-and-stucco building
which still stands on the corner of Chartres
and St. Peter streets, in company with the
well-preserved old Cabildo and the young
Cathedral, reminding one of the shabby and
swarthy Creoles whom we sometimes see
helping better-kept kinsmen to murder time
on the banquettes of the old French Quar-
ter. It was a favorite rendezvous of the
higher classes, convenient to the court-rooms
and municipal bureaus. There you found
the choicest legal and political gossips, with
the best the market afforded of meat and
drink.
Frowenfeld found a considerable number
of persons there. He had to move about
among them to some extent, to make sure
he was not overlooking the object of his
search.
As he entered the door, a man sitting
near it stopped talking, gazed rudely as he
passed, and then leaned across the table and
smiled and murmured to his companion.
The subject of his jest felt their four eyes on
his back.
There was a loud buzz of conversation
throughout the room, but wherever he went
a wake of momentary silence followed him,
and once or twice he saw elbows nudged
He perceived that there was something in
the state of mind of these good citizens that
made the present sight of him particularly
discordant.
Four men, leaning or standing at a small
bar, were talking excitedly in the Creole
patois. They made frequent anxious, yet
amusedly defiant, mention of a certain
Pointe Canadienne. It was a portion of the
Mississippi River " coast " not far above
New Orleans, where the merchants of the
city met the smugglers who came up from
the Gulf by way of Barrataria bay and the
bayou. These four men did not call it
by the proper title just given; there were
commercial gentlemen in the Creole city,
Englishmen, Scotchmen, Yankees, as well
as French and Spanish Creoles, who in
public indignantly denied, and in private
tittered over, their complicity with the
pirates of Grande Isle, and who knew their
trading rendezvous by the sly nickname of
" Little Manchac." As Frowenfeld passed
these four men they, too, ceased speaking
and looked after him, three with offensive
smiles and one with a stare of contempt.
Farther on, some Creoles were talking
rapidly to an Americain, in English.
" And why ? " one was demanding ; " be-
cause money is scarce. Under other gov-
ernments we had any quantity ! "
" Yes," said the venturesome Americain in
retort, " such as it was ; assignats, liberanzas,
bons — Claiborne will give us better money
than that when he starts his bank."
" Hah ! his bank, yes ! John Law once
had a bank, too ; ask my old father. What do
we want with a bank ? Down with banks 1 "
The speaker ceased; he had not finished,
but he saw the apothecary. Frowenfeld
heard a muttered curse, an inarticulate mur-
mur, and then a loud burst of laughter.
A tall, slender young Creole whom he
knew, and who had always been greatly
pleased to exchange salutations, brushed
against him without turning his eyes.
"You know," he was saying to a com-
panion, " everybody in Louisiana is to be a
citizen, except the negroes and mules ; that
is the kind of liberty they give us — all eat
out of one trough."
" What we want," said a dark, ill-looking,
but finely-dressed man, setting his claret
down, " and what we have got to have, is "
— he was speaking in French, but gave the
want in English — " Representesh'n wizout
Taxa " There his eye fell upon Frow-
enfeld and followed him with a scowl.
" Mah frang," he said to his table com-
panion, " wass you sink of a mane w'at
THE GRANDISSIMES.
203
hask-a one nee-grow to 'ave-a on shair wiz
'im, eh ? — in ze sem room ? "
The apothecary found that his fame was
far wider and more general than he had
supposed. He turned to go out, bowing, as
he did so, to an Ame"ricain merchant with
whom he had some acquaintance.
" Sir ? " asked the merchant, with severe
politeness, " wish to see me ? I thought
you As I was saying, gentlemen, what,
after all, does it sum up ? "
A Creole interrupted him with an answer :
" Leetegash'n, Spoleeash'n, Pahtitsh'n,
Disintegrhash'n ! "
The voice was like Honore's. P'rowen-
feld looked; it was Agamemnon Grandis-
sime.
A I must go to Maspero's," thought the
apothecary, and he started up the rue Char-
tres. As he turned into the rue St. Louis,
he suddenly found himself one of a crowd
standing before a newly-posted placard, and
at a glance saw it to be one of the inflam-
matory publications which were a feature of
the times, appearing both daily and nightly
on walls and fences.
" One Amerry-can pull' it down, an' Ca-
mille Brahmin 'e pas'e it back," said a boy
at Frowenfeld's side.
Exchange Alley was once Passage de la
Bourse, and led down (as it now does to the
State House — late St. Louis Hotel) to an
establishment which seems to have served
for a long term of years as a sort of mer-
chants' and auctioneers' coffee-house, with
a minimum of china and a maximum of
glass : Maspero's— certainly Maspero's as far
back as 1810, and, we believe, Maspero's
the day the apothecary entered it, March
9th, 1804. It was a livelier spot than the
Veau-qui-t&e ; it was to that what commerce
is to litigation, what standing and quaffing
is to sitting and sipping. Whenever the
public mind approached that sad state of
public sentiment in which sanctity signs pol-
iticians' memorials and chivalry breaks into
the gun-shops, a good place to feel the
thump of the machinery was in Maspero's.
The first man Frowenfeld saw as he en-
tered was M. Valentine Grandissime. There
was a double semi-circle of gazers and lis-
teners in front of him ; he was talking, with
much show of unconcern, in Creole French.
"Policy? I care little about policy."
He waved his hand. " I know my rights —
and Louisiana's. We have a right to our
opinions. We have" — with a quiet smile
and an upward turn of his extended palm —
" a right to protect them from the attack of
interlopers, even if we have to use gunpow-
der. I do not propose to abridge the liber-
ties of even this army of fortune-hunters.
Let them think." He half laughed. " Who
cares whether they share our opinions or not?
Let them have their own. I had rather they
would. But let them hold their tongues.
Let them remember they are Yankees. Let
them remember they are unbidden guests."
All this without the least warmth.
But the answer came, aglow with passion,
from one of the semi-circle whom two or
three seemed disposed to hold in check.
It also was in French, but the apothecary
was astonished to hear his own name
uttered.
" But this fellow Frowenfeld " — the speaker
did not see Joseph — " has never held his
tongue. He has given us good reason half
a dozen times, with his too free speech and
his high moral whine, to hang him with the
lamp-post rope ! And now, when we have
borne and borne and borne and borne with
him, and he shows up, all at once, in all his
rottenness, you say let him alone! One
would think you were defending Honore"
Grandissime ! " The back of one of the
speaker's hands fluttered in the palm of the
other.
Valentine smiled.
" Honor6 Grandissime ? Boy, you do
not know what you are talking about. Not
Honor6 — ha, ha ! A man who, upon his
own avowal, is guilty of affiliating with the
Yankees. A man whom we have good
reason to suspect of meditating his family's
dishonor and embarrassment ! " Somebody
saw the apothecary and laid a cautionary
touch on Valentine's arm, but he brushed it
off. "As for Professor Frowenfeld, he
must defend himself."
" Ha-a-a-ah ! " — a general cry of deris-
ion from the listeners.
" Defend himself ? " exclaimed their
spokesman; "shall I tell you again what
he is ? " In his vehemence, the speaker
wagged his chin and held his clenched fists
stiffly toward the floor. " He is — he is — he
He paused, breathing like a fighting dog.
Frowenfeld, large, white, and immovable,
stood close before him.
" Dey 'ad no bizniz led 'im come oud to-
day," said a bystander, edging toward a
pillar.
The Creole, a small young man not
unknown to us, glared upon the apothecary ;
but Frowenfeld was far above his blushing
mood, and was not disconcerted. This
204
THE GRANDISSIMES.
exasperated the Creole beyond bound; he
made a sudden, angry change of attitude,
and demanded:
" Do you interrup' two gen'lemen in dey
conve'sition, you Yankee clown ? Do you
igno' dad you 'ave insult me, off-scow'ing ? "
Frowenfeld's first response was a stern
gaze. When he spoke, he said :
" Sir, I am not aware that I have ever
offered you the slightest injury or affront;
if you wish to finish your conversation with
this gentleman, I will wait till you are
through."
The Creole bowed, as a knight who takes
up the gage. He turned to Valentine.
" Valentine, I was sayin' to you dad diz
pusson is a cowa'd and a sneak ; I repead
thad ! I repead id ! I spurn you ! Go
f 'om yeh ! "
The apothecary stood like a white cliff.
It was too much for Creole forbearance.
His adversary, with a long snarl of oaths,
sprang forward and with a great sweep of
his arm slapped the apothecary on the
cheek. And then —
What a silence !
Frowenfeld had advanced one step; his
opponent stood half turned away, but with
his face toward the face he had just struck
and his eyes glaring up into the eyes of the
apothecary. The semi-circle was dissolved,
and each man stood in neutral isolation,
motionless and silent. For one instant
objects lost all natural proportion, and to
the expectant on-lookers the largest thing in
the room was the big, upraised, white fist of
Frowenfeld. But in the next — how was
this ? Could it be that that fist had not
descended ?
The imperturbable Valentine, with one
preventing arm laid across the breast of the
expected victim and an open hand held
restrainingly up for truce, stood between the
two men and said :
" Professor Frowenfeld — one moment — "
Frowenfeld's face was ashen.
" Don't speak, sir! " he exclaimed. " If I
attempt to parley I shall break every bone
in his body. Don't speak ! I can guess
your explanation — he is drunk. But take
him away."
Valentine, as sensible as cool, assisted by
the kinsman who had laid a hand on his arm,
shuffled his enraged companion out. Frow-
enfeld's still swelling anger was so near get-
ting the better of him that he unconsciously
followed a quick step or two ; but as Valen-
tine looked back and waved him to stop, he
again stood still.
" Proffesseur — you know, — " said a stran-
ger, " daz Sylvestre Grandissime."
Frowenfeld rather spoke to himself than
answered :
" If I had not known that, I should have
" He checked himself and left the
place.
While the apothecary was gathering these
experiences, the free spirit of Raoul Inner-
arity was chafing in the shop like an eagle
in a hen-coop. One moment after another
brought him straggling evidences, now of one
sort, now of another, of the " never more
peaceable " state of affairs without. If only
some pretext could be conjured up, plausi-
ble or flimsy, no matter ; if only some man
would pass with a gun on his shoulder, were
it only a blow-gun ; or if his employer were
any one but his beloved Frowenfeld, he would
clap up the shutters as quickly as he had
already done once to-day, and be off to the
wars. He was just trying to hear imaginary
pistol-shots down toward the Place d 'Armes,
when the apothecary returned.
" D' you fin' him ? "
" I found Sylvestre."
" 'E took de lett' ? "
" I did not offer it." Frowenfeld, in a few
compact sentences, told his adventure.
Raoul was ablaze with indignation.
" 'Sieur FrowenfeP, gimmy dat lett' ! "
He extended his pretty hand.
Frowenfeld pondered.
" Gimmy 'er ! " persisted the artist ; " befo'
I lose de sight from dat lett' she goin' to be
hanswer by Sylvestre Grandissime, an' 'e
goin' to wrat you one appo-logie ! Oh ! I
goin' mek 'im crah fo' shem ! "
" If I could know you would do only as
" I do it ! " cried Raoul, and sprang for
his hat; and in the end Frowenfeld let him,
have his way.
" I had intended seeing him " the
apothecary said.
" Nevvamine to see ; I goin' tell him ! "
cried Raoul, as he crowded his hat fiercely
down over his curls and plunged out.
(To be continued.)
THE CYPRIOTE INSCRIPTIONS.
205
THE CYPRIOTE INSCRIPTIONS.
EARLY in 1874, before the Metropolitan
Museum of Art in New York City was fairly !
open to visitors, the writer went thither, in
company with one of the prominent Shemitic
scholars of the city, to decipher the Phoe-
nician inscriptions of the Cesnola collection.
While thus engaged, some small sculptured
stones were shown us, inscribed with strange
characters, and bearing the label " Cypriote
inscriptions. Nobody can read them yet."
At the other's suggestion, the writer took
upon himself the task of investigating these
strange characters, and deciphering them if
possible. A few of the characters bore strong
resemblance to certain letters of the Phoe-
nician alphabet, some to the Lycian charac-
ters; but most of them presented a complete
puzzle.
On hunting over the libraries, it appeared
that this corner of archaeological research
had not been quite overlooked. The sharp
eyes of the great Hebrew lexicographer
Gesenius had found in the writing of Von
Hammer a pseudo-Phoenician inscription
from Cyprus, which he thought not really
Phoenician, but in characters like those
occurring on the coins of Pamphylia. This
inscription, by the way, the writer has since
had the satisfaction of studying on the spot.
It is over the entrance to an artificial, cir-
cular-domed grotto, cut in the solid rock,
amidst a nest of tombs at Alonia tou Epis-
copou, near New Paphos. The inscription
is in Cypriote characters, and shows that the
grotto was a shrine to Apollo Hylates.
At that stage of the work, however, the
decipherer naturally looked to the Phoe-
nician, which was not so well known as now,
even four years ago, and to the almost'
unknown Lycian and Pamphylian ; and
the task seemed hopeless. But a further
search showed that that ever-to-be-honored
investigator, the Due de Luynes, as long
ago as 1850, had obtained abronze tabletthat
was found near Dali (ancient Idalium), in
Cyprus, covered with Cypriote characters,
which moved him to collect and publish all
the inscriptions of the sort then known, in-
cluding coins and other small objects. His
work appeared in 1852, a beautiful quarto,
entitled " Numismatique et Inscriptions Cyp-
riotes," which is not yet entirely superseded
by later publications. Naturally, it contains
a few plates and descriptions which do not
belong to the subject; notably one object
from the so-called Tabula Isiaca in the museum
at Turin, whose history has been traced for
upward of four hundred years, but which is
now generally, with probable justice, consid-
ered the fabrication of some Italian silver-
smith. The Due de Luynes attempted
further to classify an alphabet and begin
the deciphering ; but without success. One
character he wrongly took to be a mark of
punctuation ; and, of all his conjectures
about the alphabet, only one has proved ac-
cidentally to be correct, viz., that a character
he took to be S, actually has that consonant
power. But his labor shows acumen ; he
proved, even then, that the writing, whatever
it might be, read from right to left.
Professor E. M. Roth, of Heidelberg,
made the next attempt, and published a
beautifully printed quarto in 1855, at tne ex~
pense of the Due de Luynes. According to
his conjectures (for they were nothing else),
he concluded the writing on the bronze tab-
let to be a proclamation of Amasis, the
Egyptian conqueror of Cyprus, to his Cyp-
riote subjects. His attempt at translation
may be called ingenious, but nothing more.
Adolph Helfferich, of Frankfort-on-the-
Main, next tried his hand at the tablet, in
1869. He made it out to be a psalm of
praise of a Phoenician colony in Cyprus, in
which the fruits of Bacchus and Ceres have
a share in the colonists' laudation. But this
was another conjectural flight.
Meanwhile, several new discoveries had
been made of Cypriote inscriptions, one of
which, had it been correctly published,
would have helped on the decipherment.
This was a bilingual (or digraphic, as both
inscriptions are in the same language), pub-
lished by De Vogue, and now in Paris. It
occurs on a mortuary monument, just be-
neath the sculptured figures of two lions-
seated back to back, closely resembling a
stone figured in one of the cuts in Cesnola's
:< Cyprus." It is here shown as Figure i.
FIG. I. - BILINGUAL OF DE VOGUE, NOW IN THE LOUVRE
AT PARIS.
The Greek scholar will see that the left hand
portion is in Greek uncials, and answers to
the English " Karyx am I " ; the word Karyx
being also the Greek common noun for a
2O6
THE CYPRIOTE INSCRIPTIONS.
FIG. 2. — BILINGUAL TABLET OF DALI, NOW IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM.
herald. The Cypriote portion on the right
contains the syllables ka, ru, xe, e, mi, which
is precisely the same as the Greek portion,
only it reads from right to left in the in-
scription. But De Vogue", not knowing
more than the rest of the learned world,
mistook a scratch on the stone for a stroke of
the first character, so that when his copy came
to be examined in the light of later years,
this character seemed to read ti., and misled
us all, retarding the work of decipherment
in no small degree. It fell to the lot of the
writer to rectify this mistake, which he dis-
covered in a moment on seeing the stone
in the Louvre, in Paris. Since then, three
French savants have confirmed the correc-
tion.
A new impulse was now given by the dis-
coveries of General di Cesnola. Among the
numerous inscriptions found by him are two
quasi bilinguals ; but even to this day they
have not helped at all, while others of his
inscriptions have afforded wonderful aid.
But at the same time that he was exploring
Cyprus, a bilingual inscription was found
by Mr. R. H. Lang, subsequently British
consul to Cyprus, which really furnished
the key. This inscription, now in the Brit-
ish Museum, is on a block of marble that
probably was once the pedestal of a statue
of Apollo Amyclaean, the Phoenician Re-
sheph Mical, at Dali. It is here represented
as Fig. 2. The upper part is in the Phoe-
nician character and language, the lower in
Cypriote. The Phoenician could TDC imme-
diately translated. It reads as follows,
being somewhat broken :
"[On the day of the month ], in the
year four (IIII) of the reign of Melekiathon [king
of Citium and Idalium, a statue] this; which our
Lord Baal Ra [m, son of Abdamelek], gave and
dedicated to Resheph Michal ; when he heard his
voice, he blessed."
This king Melekiathon, or Milkiathon,
lived about 370 B. c. Some of his Phoe-
nician inscriptions, with others of his son
Pumiathon, are in the Cesnola collection in
New York.
This inscription, with the Cesnola in-
scriptions,— which were then in London on
exhibition, before their purchase by the
Metropolitan Museum, — together with the
work of De Luynes, furnished abundant
material for the British scholars to work
upon, before the Americans had a chance.
It fell to a most deserving man, no other
than the brilliant Assyrian scholar, the late
lamented George Smith, to light upon the
key. A hint at his process will not be
amiss here. After many false starts, in the
vain attempt to pick out the Cypriote
groups of characters that represent proper
names, he observed that the first word
(legible to him) and the last word of the
first line were evidently the same, though
having different endings. He therefore
equated them with the Phoenician word
melek (king), as that word appeared to him
to occur twice in the Phoenician portion.
THE CYPRIOTE INSCRIPTIONS.
207
He was not entirely right here, but near
enough for his purpose. Next, he equated
the longest Cypriote group with the Phoe-
nician name Melekiathon, and so on with
the other proper names, though the order
of words is different in the two portions of
the inscription, causing many difficulties.
We cannot here follow the interesting detail,
but he soon found that probably the char-
acters represented syllables, that the Cypriote
nouns were inflected by case, and that the
word for king was the Greek word basileus.
Unable to proceed farther with the stone
tablet, he tried the coins, and read several
proper names. He finished his work with
a list of fifty-four characters, of which nearly
thirty have proved to be approximately cor-
rect, though far from absolutely so. The
work of Smith, however, is by far the most
brilliant that has been accomplished in the
deciphering of Cypriote.
The work was next taken up by Dr.
Samuel Birch, of the British Museum. In
ingenuity and scholarly ability his work de-
serves the highest praise. It is almost
certain that, had he not been misled by the
mistake already noticed in the publication
of De Vogu6, he would have carried the
work almost to its present point. His
results were full of brilliancy, though rather
negative than positive, consisting more in
showing what could not be true than in
that which was true. Yet he determined
several new characters, showed that the
language was substantially Greek, and fixed
the approximate date of the bronze tablet
of De Luynes. Thenceforward the sup-
position that the language was Shemitic
might be dropped. It had misled all his
predecessors. A hint of his prepared the
way for Johannes Brandis, who next made
a positive advance in the decipherment,
but death cut him short. His work ap-
peared as a posthumous one, edited by
Ernst Curtius. His alphabet may be seen
in Cesnola's " Cyprus," but, though the best
then made, it is far from perfect. With all
its help not a single Cypriote inscription
could yet be read, except the legend on a
coin or two, consisting of a proper name and
the word for king.
Such was the state of the investigation at
the time the Cesnola collection arrived in
America, when the writer felt called to the
work. The farthest advance appeared in
Brandis, and nearly half of that was errone-
ous. He had not yet discovered what
George Smith had believed — that the alpha-
bet was a true syllabary throughout. The
Cesnola inscriptions were known through
Europe only by imperfect paper squeezes
and plaster casts; but the writer had the
advantage of the originals, and was able at
once to detect Brandis's confusion of two
characters, and thus discover another. Very
soon the Cypriote portion of the British
Museum bilingual yielded to a patient attack,
and was translated nearly as perfectly as
ever since, except a word and some charac-
ters not occurring in George Smith's copy,
but read later by the writer when he saw the
stone in London. For the benefit of those
who may wish to follow it more closely, as
well as to give, at the same time, a specimen
of the deciphered writing, the Cypriote por-
tion is here appended ; first in Roman syl-
lables, and then in Greek letters. The
numbers denote the lines on the stone. In
Roman, or Italics :
(i.) * * * we, te. i, | pa. si. le. wo. se. \ mi. li.
ki. ia. to. no. se. \ ke. ti. o. ne. \ ka. te. ta. li. o. ne. \
pa. si. le. u. \
(2. ) * * * ko. me. na. ne. \ to. pe. pa. me. ro. ne.
| ne. wo. so. ta. ta. se. I to. na. ti. ri. ia. ta. ne. \
to. te. ka. te. sa. ta. se. \ o. wa. na. xe. \
(3. ) o. a. pi. ti. mi. li. ko. ne. \ to. a. po. lo. ni.
to. a. mu. ko. lo. i. \ a. po. i. wo. i. \ ta. se. \ e. u.
ko. la. se. |
(4.) e. pe. tu. ke. \ i. tu. ka. i. \ a. ke. ta. i. \
Lines (i) and (2) are defective at the be-
ginning. Lines (3) and (4) are intact. In
Greek letters, according to the best translit-
eration :
(i.) * * * Vfc'rei
Krjnwv xa <r' 'H<5aX»uv
(2.) * * *
MiXxnadwvog
v TW(V)
(u£ xa.Tetira.6s 6
(3.) 6 'A/3<5i|a»Xxuv <ru 'A*oX(X)wvt
fAnxXwi dip' uii Voi <ra£ sup^wXaj
(4.) eifsrv%e /(v) T
This is a sort of Greeek not readily read by
the tyro. The English of it is this :
" In the year - King Milkiathon, being king
over the Citians and the Idalians, - the latest
of the five intercalary days, the prince - (son)
of Abdimilcon, set up this statue to Apollo Amy-
clsean,for the (reason) that he met for him his prayers
in happy fortune."
The first of the Cesnola inscriptions to
yield was the one inscribed on a pedestal of
soft stone, between the two feet of a broken-
off statuette. The stone is that of Golgoi, but
it was found in the ruins of the temple of
Aphrodite, at Old Paphos. It is here given
208
THE CYPRIOTE INSCRIPTIONS.
as Fig. 3. The following is the reading
then made ; but there is some doubt as to
the article and adjective in the second line,
which is not yet solved. If the statuette
was really dedicated to Apollo at Golgoi,
this reading is probably correct. If to
Aphrodite at Paphos, then another reading
must be substituted, which need not trouble
us here :
(i.) "Egotos set (this) up tp the (2.) god, the
auspicious (3.) in happy fortune."
During the spring and summer of 1874,
the writer was at work at the Cesnola inscrip-
tions, together with those of D^ Luynes,
and succeeded in making considerable prog-
ress. While preparing an article for the
October meeting of the American Oriental
Society in New York, there arrived from
Europe an autograph-lithograph publication
on the subject, by Professor Moriz Schmidt,
of Jena. This was an able and learned
treatise, showing knowledge of all the sources
of information on the subject, and, in the
main, arriving at the same conclusions as the
writer. As to the differences: in some of
them one decipherer has been sustained ;
in some the other; in some neither.
Schmidt had remarkable fitness for the work
by training, having already edited the ancient
lexicon of Hesychius, which contains many
peculiarities of the ancient Greek of Cyprus
not always credited hitherto by scholars,
but now confirmed in many particulars by
the inscriptions. Schmidt has secured, as
he deserved, the priority of publication.
There were, however, other independent
workers. Drs. Wilhelm Deecke and Justus
Siegismund, of Strasburg, the latter of whom
met his death in a tomb at Amathus, in
Cyprus, had also prepared a work, which
appeared in print in Europe about the time
some instances they coincided with the writer
as against Schmidt; and in one case, where
Schmidt had made no attempt, they and the
writer had reached the same probable con-
clusion by different lines of argument, which
has since been shown to be wrong by Dr.
Ahrens, of Hanover.
Since the work above related, there has
been little progress in deciphering unknown
characters, though many inscriptions have
been read. Very soon thereafter, Dr. Ahrens
issued a treatise, such as could be written
only by a life-long student and able master
of Greek dialects ; but in several matters he
was mistaken as to the reading of the inscrip-
tions. In this last respect it has been the
writer's fortune to push the matter to the
farthest limits yet reached ; but the end is not
reached yet. Difficulties are mingled with
encouragement. The Cesnola Cypriote in-
scriptions of the first collection were pub-
lished in fac-simile by the writer, in Volume
ten of the " Journal of the American Oriental
Society," and a short treatise on the whole
subject was presented by him to the New
York State University Convocation at Albany
in 1875, when first appeared in English a
translation of the bronze tablet above re-
ferred to as figured in the work of De
Luynes. Sundry English attempts at vari-
ous inscriptions, published independently a
little later, are by no means as completely
done as those that appeared in America.
The language of the inscriptions, as has
been already said, is Greek, but it has a
number of remarkable dialectic peculiarities
interesting only to the Greek scholar. It is
by no means easy to read, nor can a fresh
hand who knows Greek well read it readily
with the help of a syllabary. In dialect it
is nearest to the Doric and Arcadian, but
its strongest peculiarities are its own. Each
FIG. 3.— DEDICATORY INSCRIPTION OF STATUETTE, FOUND AT PAPHOS. NOW IN THE
METROPOLITAN MUSEUM OF ART, NEW YORK.
that the writer's article was read before the
Oriental Society, and which arrived in Amer-
ica a short time later. They, too, had arrived
at mainly the same results ; but had made
some discoveries peculiarly their own. In
character is an open syllable, either a vowel
or a consonant followed by a vowel ; and
the characters have their own laws of com-
bination into words. There is no difference
between the different classes of mutes of the
THE CYPRIOTE INSCRIPTIONS.
209
same vocal organ ; the same character stands
for pa, ba or pha. With this exception,
together with the fact that there is no dis-
tinction between long and short vowels, the
theoretical Greek syllabary is tolerably com-
plete. Very striking, as well as refreshing
to the digger-out of Greek roots, is the fact
that the digamma here finds its resurrection.
It is actually in use in the Cypriote writing,
as well as the use of/ (Germany or English
y) as a consonant. The Cypriote writing
also adds to the general testimony of trans-
literations of Greek words into Oriental
languages, that the ancient pronunciation
of the Greek letter eta was our long English
€, as in modern Greek.
The variant characters present much dif-
ficulty. There is quite a difference between
the older writing, commonest in the west
«nd of the island, and the latex. Often,
also, the older writing reads from left to
finished master. He seemed to see the
truth, even under a false copy. That " Na-
ked Archer " inscription, by the way, though
yet undeciphered, has not been without its
use. By its help the writer was enabled to
read a difficult variant on the gold armlets
of King Ethevander, discovered by Cesnola
at Curium, the inscription on which the
writer first saw in London. The words
" king " and " Paphos " could be easily
read ; but one character made the rest a
puzzle, which the" Archer "characters solved.
The same lesson taught the writer to read
the inscriptions on a couple of statuettes
which he subsequently saw in General Di
Cesnola's magazine in Cyprus, and thus
ascertain that they had been dedicated to
Apollo Hylates. On communicating this
conclusion to General Di Cesnola, he said
at once : " I am sure of it', for 1 found them
in the temple of Apollo Hylates at Curium,
l-'p 5? ?**/•**
FIG. 4. — INSCRIPTION ON BOX OF STONE, VOTIVE OFFERING TO PAPHIAN APHRODITE, FOUND AT KYTHREA.
NOW IN THE METROPOLITAN MUSEUM OF ART, NEW YORK.
right. The imperfect copies published in
France and Germany have also produced
needless difficulties. The writer was able
to read immediately from the stone one of
the Cesnola inscriptions which, through im-
perfect copies, had baffled all the Euro-
peans, and which still baffles some Germans
who either do not know or cannot trust a
better copy. On arriving in London in the
autumn of 1875, the writer read immedi-
ately an inscription that had baffled him
and others in Schmidt's imperfect copy.
Just here it should be mentioned that, while
at the time discussing with the late George
Smith the British Museum inscription known
as the " Naked Archer," Mr. Smith re-
marked several things about that inscription
and those of the Cesnola collection which
had quite escaped the notice of the Ger-
mans, and showed that in a keen, strict fol-
lowing up of matters of epigraphy he was a
VOL. XX.— 15.
as is shown by a Greek inscription on a
terra-cotta vase." The statuettes and the
pieces of the vase are now in New York.
The number of Cypriote inscriptions now
gathered into the museums of Europe and
America is not far from two hundred. Of
these, by far the largest number are in the
Cesnola collection. The others are in Lon-
don, Paris, Cyprus, Constantinople, except
that the coins and gems are scattered over
England, France and Germany. One of
the most important bilinguals is in Cyprus.
The writing and language appear to have
been a solemn hieratic or magisterial writ-
ing that existed parallel with the more com-
mon Greek and Phoenician. The so-called
Hissarlik inscriptions have nothing in com-
mon with the Cypriote, if, indeed, they are
writing at all. Of the Cypriote inscriptions,
the most common are dedicatory and votive,
if we except the mortuary ones now beyond
210
THE CYPRIOTE INSCRIPTIONS.
FIG. 5. — BRONZE TABLET OF DALI, — I., OBVERSE. NOW IN THE CABINET DBS MEDAILLES, ETC.,
BIBLIOTHEQUE NATIONALE, PARIS.
recovery. Of these last, hundreds, if not
thousands, once existed on the tombs of the
vast city of the 'dead near New Paphos.
Their traces are there, but their legibility
has gone forever. But those that are left
are of the greatest value to the Greek
scholar and the philologist. To him they
bring many things from the dead to life,
and raise one portion of his studies out of
the realm of conjecture into that of science.
To the archaeologist and historian their im-
portance is great, but their full value in that
direction is not yet revealed.
In Fig. 4 is shown a specimen of a votive
inscription found on a small box of stone,
whose use is not well known. It was found
by Cesnola shortly before leaving Cyprus
for the last time, and is now in New York.
Its translation is as follows :
" Of Prototimos, priest of the Paphian am I ;
and he laid me up as an offering to the Paphian
Aphrodite."
This is a beautiful specimen for a begin-
ner to work upon ; it presents few puzzles
and much instruction.
But the most important and extensive
document is the bronze tablet. The inscrip-
^PPMA'fF*'!H^'l*9!*f??iJWSW*lrA,1*Ku
*w£#fa'*^^xgw ftwwsii
5i5ffi*.tp.j'^ttfp^f«ra*f<^»^sS.tUlil
fi^H'yTFrHiJstbk'W
FIG. 6. BRONZE TABLET OF DALI,— II., REVERSE. NOW IN THE CABINET DES MEDAILLES, ETC.,
BIBLIOTHEQUE NATIONALE, PARIS.
A YEAR OF THE EXODUS IN KANSAS.
211
tion is engraved on both sides of the tablet,
which is heavy, and much thicker in the
middle than at the edges. It has a ring at
one end, by which it was hung up in the
temple of Athene. Figs. 5 and 6 show
the two sides of the tablet. It is now in
the National Library at Paris, where it was
deposited by De Luynes. Its purport will
best appear by the following translation :
"When the Medes and inhabitants of Citium
attacked the city of Idalium, in the year of Philo-
cyprus that is of Onasagoras, King Stasicyprus
and the city the Idalians, commanded Onasilus the
son of Onasicyprus, the physician, and his brothers,
to heal the men that were wounded in the battle,
without compensation ; and whereas the king and
the city agreed with Onasilus and his brothers, in-
stead of compensation and instead of fee, to give
from the king's house and from the city a talent of
silver; or that instead of this talent of silver, the
king and the city would give to Onasilus and to his
brothers from the land of the king that is in the
Alampriation district, the tract in the meadow land
that borders on the vineyard of Okas, and to have
all the revenues that come thereon, with all the sale
thereof, for life, without tax. If any one shall eject
Onasilus or his brothers, or the sons of the sons of
Onasicyrus from the tract, on any pretense what-
ever, he that ejects shall pay to Onasilus and to his
brothers, or to the sons, this silver [to wit], a talent
of silver. And to Onasilus alone, apart from the
others, his brothers, the king and the city bound
themselves to give, instead of the reward, forty
minae, two drachmae and a half of silver; or that
the king and the city would give to Onasilus instead
of the said silver, from the land of the king that is
the Malanian plain, the tract that borders Ameinias'
vineyard, and all the revenues coming thereon,
which lies next to Thorus the son of Thumias (?)
and to the priestess of Athene, and to the inclosure
which is in the arable land of Simmis, the vineyard
which Dithemis, the son of Aramneus possessed,
which borders on Passagoras the son of Onasagoras ;
and to have the revenues coming thereon, with all the
sale thereof for life, without tax. If any one shall
eject Onasilus or the sons of Onasilus, from the said
land in the said enclosure, for whatever cause, who-
ever ejects shall pay to Onasilus or to his sons this
silver, forty minse, two drachmas and a half of sil-
ver. Wherefore the words of this tablet, and the
things thereon written, the king and the city have laid
up with the goddess Athene who is about Idalium,
with oaths not to break these declarations for life.
Whenever any one shall break these declarations,
may it become unholiness to him. These lands and
these enclosures aforesaid the son of Onasicyprus
and the sons of his sons shall possess forever, who
may be in the district of Idalium."
A word or two more must end this brief
account. The date of the earliest inscrip-
tions we have no means of knowing. Only
a few can be fixed within narrow limits. We
have already seen the date of the bilingual
of Milkiathon. The gold armlets of Curium
date from the time of Manasseh, king of
Judah, an age before the Babylonish cap-
tivity, and are therefore older than any Greek
letters we know or can trace. The bronze
tablets date not far from one of the times of
Persian rule. But some of the inscriptions
must be much older. When St. Paul landed
at New Paphos, most of the inscriptions in
the vast necropolis near it must have been
still legible, though to us they must have
spoken of high antiquity.
A YEAR OF THE EXODUS IN KANSAS.
ONE morning in April, 1879, a Missouri
River steamboat arrived at Wyandotte,
Kansas, and discharged a load of colored
men, women and children, with divers
barrels, boxes and bundles of household
effects. It was a novel, picturesque, pa-
thetic sight. They were of all ages and
sizes, and every modulation of duskiness,
these new comers ; their garments were
incredibly patched and tattered, stretched
and uncertain ; their " plunder," as they
called it, resembled the litter of a neglected
back-yard; and there was not probably a
dollar in money in the pockets of the entire
party. The wind was eager, and they
stood upon the wharf shivering; and when
the boat backed away, a sort of dumb
awe seemed to settle upon and possess
them. They looked like persons coming
out of a dream. And, indeed, such they
were, in more than casual fancy; for this
was the advance-guard of the Exodus.
Soon other and similar parties came by
the same route, and still others, until, within
a fortnight, a thousand or more of them
were gathered there at the gateway of
Kansas — all poor, some sick, and none with
a plan of future action beyond the abstract,
indefinite purpose somehow to find new
homes. There was an element of wonder
in the matter, which the hungry and un-
decided creatures themselves could not
explain ; they appeared to be as much sur-
prised at being there as others were at seeing
them there. They had not quitted the
South because they wished to do so, they
were mainly prompt to say ; when ques-
tioned for the specific causes of their com-
212
A YEAR OF THE EXODUS IN KANSAS.
ing, they were evasive and reticent. But
they were not going back. That much they
declared with one voice, and a resolute and
convincing emphasis; and as for what lay
ahead of them, well, "de good Lord" could
be trusted.
The case was one to appeal with force to
popular sympathy, even in its surface aspect
alone ; and when there was added the
reflection that these patient and simple peo-
ple, steeped in poverty, had left the clime of
their nativity and choice, to search, however
blindly, for a chance to better their condition,
the heart of the observer had to own a spe-
cial pity for the poor wanderers. And pity in
the West is practical. So temporary shelter
was speedily provided for them ; food and
the facilities for cooking it were furnished
them in ample measure ; and local philan-
thropists hastened to devise measures that
should secure them homes and employment.
Then came more of them. The tide
swelled daily. Protests began to go up from
the border towns, and that aroused public
feeling throughout all Kansas, and brought
meetings and speeches, committees and con-
tributions. The sentimental view of the
question quickly took precedence, as it could
hardly fail to do under the circumstances.
In a certain, effective sense, the very ragged-
ness and misery of the immigration was
accepted as its best excuse for being. The
peculiar history of Kansas — a history
crowded with opportune and feverish mem-
ories— was invoked, like a piece of holy
writ, to vindicate and exalt the movement;
there were not wanting, as there are never
wanting at such times, those who saw in it
the hand of Providence ; and the Governor
himself, speaking from the capital, welcomed
the thickening freedmen, in impulsive and
glittering rhetoric, to " the State made im-
mortal by Old John Brown."
And still they came, hundreds upon hun-
dreds of them, and reports announced thou-
sands more on the way or about to start.
So fast did they arrive, and so needy were
they all, that some organized and systematic
mode of dealing with them became a neces-
sity. To such end there was incorporated,
early in May, a State Freedman's Relief
Association, composed of the State officers
and a few other leading citizens, and hav-
ing its headquarters at Topeka. It was not
the design of this organization to invite or
promote further immigration; the object was
only the humanitarian one of ministering to
the necessities of several thousands of poor
people, thrown suddenly upon the charity of
the State. At first it was thought that Kansas
benevolence alone would be equal to the
task; but a few weeks' trial served to re-
fute this idea, and, appeals for assistance
were accordingly made to the country at
large.* During the ensuing summer, about
$22,000 in money was sent in to the Associ-
ation, and this was used in buying food and
clothing and in securing homes and work for
the freedmen. Barracks were constructed for
them ; farming utensils and lumber were
supplied them to some extent, and the ex-
periment of starting a colony, on land pur-
chased by the association, was begun with
hopeful indications.
All through the summer months they con-
tinued to come, not from any one State or
section in particular, but from nearly all parts
of the South. Perhaps the welcome and
assistance extended to such as had already
reached Kansas operated to hurry others
northward, and to take them to that friendly
locality. Certain it is that designing agents
of transportation lines, anxious only to se-
cure passenger traffic and pausing at no
deception, used this feature of the case to
stimulate a general colored hegira to what
was thus made to seem a new Canaan. All
the Missouri River boats left St. Louis
packed with them. Every train brought
squads, companies, battalions of them.
Not a few came through on foot, all the
way from Alabama. The barracks were
over-run, the resources of the Relief Asso-
ciation taxed to the utmost. Public sen-
timent grew critical and apprehensive;
the emotional view of the matter gave way
to considerations involving serious fears
and perplexities. Six months had sufficed
to stamp the movement — the problem,
as it was now seen to be — with national
importance. The Exodus was no longer a
mere random interlude; it had become a
profound and baffling study.
The closing autumn found at least 15,000
of these colored immigrants in Kansas. Such
of them as had arrived early in the spring had
been enabled to do something toward get-
ting a start, and the thriftier and more capa-
ble ones had made homestead-entries and
contrived, with timely aid, to build cabins;
in some cases, small crops of corn and garden
vegetables were raised. They had settled,
as a rule, mainly in the vicinity of five or six
* The fact is worth recording here that not a dol-
lar of public funds has ever been expended in any
way for the colored immigrants in Kansas ; even
the sick and infirm have been taken care of with-
out municipal or county help.
A YEAR OF THE EXODUS IN KANSAS.
213
different points in the State, where others of
their race, who had gone out years before,
were established ; and it is not too much to say
that, with the slender appliances at their com-
mand, they had so far done as well as could
have been expected. But they were yet
pitifully poor, and winter was close upon
them — their first winter in a climate of ice
and snow and piercing winds. Their out-
look was one to test sorely the fortitude and
self-reliance, the fertility and endurance of
any people. It was likewise an outlook that
came home, with the significance of a men-
ace, to the whole State. They could not be
permitted to starve and freeze, but how were
they to be fed, clothed and housed ? To
accept them as so many paupers and make
them a public charge was impracticable, not
to say impossible ; to prolong the existing
relief system, with its quasi-official character,
and thus indirectly pledge the State to the
oversight and maintenance not only of these,
but of all who might choose to come, was
neither right nor politic ; to set them afloat all
over Kansas and adjoining States, soliciting
alms on their own account, was no less
dangerous than inhuman and ridiculous.
There seemed to be but one way out of the
dilemma. The State officers withdrew from
the Relief Association, and confided its work
to representatives of the various churches,
with immediate executive control in the hands
of the Society of Friends; and the task was
undertaken of carrying the burden as an
organized and distinct Christian charity, hav-
ing no political taint or affiliation, and rely-
ing solely upon the generosity of religious
people everywhere. How this task was per-
formed, and how the freedmen came through
their first winter in Kansas, it is the chief
object of this paper to relate.
The weather was on the side of the new-
comers to begin with; such an open, friendly
winter was never known in Kansas before.
" God seed dat de darkeys had thin clothes,"
was the remark of one of their preachers,
" an' He done kep' de cole off." Most of
the time an overcoat could be dispensed
with, and the general want of underwear was
not so cruelly felt as had been feared ; the
fuel necessity, always an uppermost one in a
prairie country, 'was reduced to a miminum;
the almost utter absence of snow, so
often a balk and terror to the border settler,
made out-door work easy, and labor was in
more than usual demand. Even plowing
was possible a fair portion of the winter, and
a good deal of it was done, though the
scarcity of teams and plows stood constantly
in the way : in one instance, in Graham
county, a man " broke " five acres of raw
prairie with a common spade. The business
of house-building had little to "interrupt it,
and in this respect much was accomplished.
Numerous cabins of stone and sod were con-
structed while the cold season lasted ; that is
to say, the walls were laid up, with ordinary
black mud for mortar, and then they had to
wait for roofs and floors, doors and windows,
until money could be earned to buy lumber; in
many cases, the women went to the towns
and took in washing, or worked as house-
servants to meet this exigency, while the
men were doing the building. Those who
could find employment on the farms about
their " claims," worked willingly and for
small wages, and in this way many supported
their families, and procured now and then a
calf, a pig, or a little poultry ; others obtained
places on the railroads, in the coal-mines,
and on the public works at Topeka. Such
as got work at any price, did not ask assist-
ance; those who were compelled to apply
for aid did it slowly, as a rule, and rarely
came a second rime. Not a single colored
tramp was seen in Kansas all winter; and
only one colored person was convicted of
any crime.
It is impossible accurately to measure the
succor afforded the freedmen during this
period by the Relief Association, such a
large share of it was in the way not so much
of out-and-out gifts as of that better form
of charity which helps people to help them-
selves. A prominent, if not the leading,
feature of this relief work has been to pro-
cure homes and employment for all who
could not begin farming. A kind of intelli-
gence bureau was early organized, and
applications for labor of all kinds were invited ;
and as fast as such applications were received
(they came plentifully and from all quarters)
selections were made of suitable parties to
fill the places, and they were sent on, usually
at the expense of the Association, to
the persons desiring them, sometimes as
many as two hundred in a day. In this
way, it is estimated, quite 10,000 of them
were provided for, at least for a time, 4,000
of the number going to other States, chiefly
to Iowa and Nebraska. The number en-
tirely supported by the Association has at no
one time exceeded 500, and this included
a daily coming and going average of 300 in
the general rendezvous at Topeka. A con-
siderable sum has been expended in lumber,
farming implements, and horses and cattle ;
some purchases have been made of tracts
214
A YEAR OF THE EXODUS IN KANSAS.
of railroad land, at low figures, and this has
been set apart to families, in forty-acre lots,
to be paid for from their crops ; and quite
a number of individual settlers have been
supplied with funds to make the necessary
payment on lands "taken up" under the
homestead and pre-emption laws. The
work of the Association has been done con-
scientiously, there can be no doubt, and, in
the main, practically and with beneficent
and justifying results; the mistakes and
short-comings, if any, have been on the side
of a possibly too considerate and sympa-
thetic course of action.
This Relief Association received during
the winter, in round numbers, $25,000 in
money, and 300,000 pounds of merchandise,
roughly valued at $100.000. It is a note-
worthy fact that much of the money came
in small sums, and was forwarded by the
Christian women of America, through their
mite-societies and sewing-circles; and it is
also noticeable, as well as characteristic,
that fully one-third of the entire amount was
furnished by the Society of Friends. Ohio
gave more than any other single State; New
York and Pennsylvania next; then Massa-
chusetts, Michigan, Illinois and Iowa, in
the order named ; and the other States in
proportion, nearly every one sending some-
thing. Nor will it do to omit that several
thousand dollars came from England.
Another point ; the inference is self-suggest-
ing— indeed, the records avouch it as a
fact — that the bulk of the personal contribu-
tions is to be credited to the industrial and
laboring classes, and people in moderate
circumstances. The largest individual gift
was $1,000 from John Hall, a Quaker, of
Westchester, Pennsylvania; the only known
contribution by any man engaged in politics
was $100 sent by .Vice- President Wheeler.
The supplies received were principally
made up of clothing, bedding and general
household goods. One-fourth or more of
the entire quantity came from England,
and was forwarded, freight-free, from Liver-
pool to Topeka — conspicuous among the
larger shipments being several crates of
crockery from the Staffordshire potteries,
one of the most thoughtful and serviceable
of all the donations. These supplies were
distributed with care and economy, and
upon personal acquaintance with each case.
It was difficult, however, to go amiss. Few
of the immigrants had furniture, bedding,
stoves or dishes, and their wearing apparel
was, as has been hinted, scant and thread-
bare ; scores of the men were without coats
or a change of shirts ; most of the women
had but one frock each and no wraps or
stockings; half the children were barefooted,
and clad only in single cotton garments.
Much sickness resulted, of course, chiefly
pneumonia and kindred affections; and
there are plenty of graves to specify and
consecrate that first winter of the Exodus
in Kansas. But there was little grumbling,
and less lamenting, and no talk at all of
returning to the South. They ate their
humble fare with thanksgiving and praise,
and put avyay their dead with prayers. In
truth, their devout manner of measuring
privation and sorrow, and their unwavering
faith in a direct over-ruling Providence, was
a specially arresting and significant feature
of the situation; they leaned on God as if He
had been manifested to them jpi the flesh.
Perhaps it was all a trick of mimicry, caught
from association with the whites; none the
less it was admirable and impressive, and
who shall say it did not hush many a fear,
save many a heartbreak ?
There are, at this writing (April i, 1880),
from 15,000 to 20,000 colored people in
Kansas who have settled there during the
last twelve months — 30 per cent, of them
from Mississippi, 20 per cent, from Texas,
15 per cent, from Tennessee, 10 per cent,
from Louisiana, 5 per cent, each from
Alabama and Georgia, and the remainder
from the other Southern States. Of this
number, about one-third are supplied with
teams and farming tools, and may be ex-
pected to become self-sustaining in another
year; one-third are in the towns, employed
as house-servants and day-laborers, and can
take care of themselves so long as the mar-
ket for their labor is not over-crowded ; the
other one-third are at work in a desultory
fashion for white farmers and herders, and
doing the best they can, but powerless to
" get ahead " and achieve homes and an
assured support without considerable assist-
ance. The poverty of these people cannot
be too strongly dwelt upon ; for that has
been their stumbling-block from the start,
and is to-day the one paramount considera-
tion of the Exodus. Neither must it be
forgotten that, as a class, those who have
so far gone to Kansas are ordinary planta-
tion hands, unfamiliar with Northern agri-
culture and modes of life. The men
cannot at once capably take hold of any
but the rudest forms of work, however will-
ing they may be ; not one out of a hundred
of the women can go into a Northern
kitchen and, without teaching or oversight,
A YEAR OF THE EXODUS IN KANSAS.
cook a common breakfast. This is no
reproach to them, especially as they are
anxious to learn, and do learn rapidly ; but
it is a drawback, and a peril. The mere
fact that they have to begin their new and
empty-handed life by dismissing all their
old habits and traditions, and learning, for
the first time, as it were, the simple art of
making a living by their own labor, is one
of deepest import. Poverty alone is enough
to grapple with, particularly in a new
country ; add insufficiency to poverty, weak-
ness to necessity, and the balancing of
chances becomes more than doubly grave
and difficult.
The area of land bought and entered by
the freedmen during their first year in Kan-
sas is about 20,000 acres, of which they
have plowed and fitted for grain-growing
3,000 acres. They have built some 300
.cabins and dug-outs, counting those which
yet lack roofs and floors ; and in the way of
personal property, their accumulations, out-
side of what has been given to them,
will aggregate perhaps $30,000. It is
within bounds to say that their total gains
for the year, the surplus proceeds of their
own efforts, amount to $40,000, or about
$2.25 per capita. This calculation includes
those in the towns, and all those at work
for daily and monthly wages, as well as
those who are settled on the public lands
and trying to make farms. But it does not
take into account the exceptional cases —
one in twenty, at a guess — where families that
started with next to nothing now own little
homesteads and are really prosperous. It
should also be remembered that they have
had to live all this time, and that the prov-
erb of " a poor man for children " obtains
among them to a distressing degree — not to
mention their numerous aged and infirm
dependents ; eight families, living in a single
tenement-house only a stone's throw from
where these lines were written, have for-
ty-two children, the eldest not yet in its
fifteenth year. Fortunately, they long ago
learned to be content with a very meager
diet, and seem able to make a feast on what
would haunt white persons with visions of
starvation. " Gimme a sack o' meal an' a
side o' meat," said one of them, " an' my
folks kin git along han'some," and many of
them did get along throughout the winter
with little more than corn-bread and bacon
— and there were chickens nightly roosting
in the neighborhood, too. All things con-
sidered, they have given convincing evidence
of their disposition to work, and to be hon-
est, and sober, and frugal. Their savings
are not remarkable, to be sure, but they are
creditable, and not to be lightly passed
over. The wonder is that they have any-
thing whatever to show for their initiatory
twelve months of hand-to-mouth hardship
and embarrassment.
This does not solve the problem, how-
ever. They have yet to master the forces
that dispute with them for the control of
their fortunes. The ability and opportunity
barely to escape actual suffering will not
bring them independence ; a gain of $2.25
a head per annum will not rapidly pur-
chase horses and plows, and build houses
and fences, and plant orchards, and put
money in the bank for rainy days and sea-
sons of ill-luck. At the lowest estimate, it
requires $400, or its equivalent, to " take up,"
improve, and make remunerative a farm
in Kansas. If each colored family had that
much, -the prediction might reasonably be
made that a large majority of them would
ultimately succeed, and vindicate the Exo-
dus as a wise, prudent and practical move-
ment. But so long as they lack the advan-
tage of means sufficient to go upon a
homestead and develop and manage it with-
out help, their immigration to Kansas or
any other frontier State must remain hedged
about with obvious and forbidding hin-
drances. A scheme is on foot among a
number of wealthy and benevolent Eastern
men to purchase large tracts of unimproved
lands and sell them to the freedmen in
small lots, on long credit, at the same time
providing them with teams and implements
to prosecute their farming. With proper
supervision such a scheme could hardly
fail to operate favorably, as limited trial in
Kansas, by the Relief Association, has
already shown. In the hands of sympathiz-
ing and liberal men, it might even be made
profitable as a speculation; but unless
chances of this or of similar character shall
be opened to them, it is not easy to see how
the most of these people are ever to get a
secure foothold as tillers of the soil on the
naked western prairies. White men, intelli-
gent and experienced, could scarcely be ex-
pected to conquer such heavy odds ; how
much less can we look to see it done by these
unknowing and new-fashioned pioneers.
Grant that they have passed their first year
safely and with credit ; they had the friendly
and untiring services of the Relief Asso-
ciation, and benefactions reaching nearly
$150,000 to help them along, and they
found a ready demand for their labor.
2l6
A YEAR OF THE EXODUS IN KANSAS.
Take away the props and incentives of
charity, and the future becomes almost as
dark and precarious as ever to fully two-
thirds or more of them. Increase their
number by new accessions until the labor
market is glutted and public kindness over-
tasked, and the inevitable result can but
too certainly be foreseen.
And they are still coming. The influx
continued, more or less, through all the
winter months, mainly from Texas. Prob-
ably three or four thousand arrived between
November and March ; and since the first
of March, an average of three hundred per
week have reached Topeka. The flight
increases instead of diminishing. Those in
the best position to judge, say that it is not
unlikely that as many as fifty thousand may
come during the approaching summer. A
year's experience has demonstrated that
there is method, agreement, determination,
in the movement. It is now an open secret
that the question of a general removal to the
North has been thought and talked of for
several years by the freedmen in all the old
slave-holding States. The first year's out-
come has encouraged them, so reports
allege ; the infection is stronger and more
pervasive than it was twelve months ago;
and the shrewdest observer dare not venture
to name the possible limit of the strange,
risk-beset and problematic undertaking.
It is not within the writer's purpose to
attempt an analysis of the causes of the
Exodus — least of all, to touch its politi-
cal bearings or suggestions. Any survey
of the subject would be incomplete, how-
ever, which omitted to set forth, candidly
and inquiringly, the statements most com-
monly made by the freedmen in Kansas
regarding their abandonment of the South.
They assert that there is no security for
their lives and property in their old homes ;
that the laws and courts are studiedly
inimical to them and their interests ; that
their exercise of the electoral franchise is
obstructed and made a personal danger;
that no facilities are afforded or permitted
them for educating their children; that
their family rights and honor are scoffed
at and outraged, as in slave days ; and
finally, — and this is the most frequent com-
plaint,— that they are so unjustly and unfairly
dealt with by white land-owners, employers
and traders, that it is impossible to make a
living. The facts they offer in support of
these statements are not conclusive, to be
sure, since they relate chiefly to special
instances, and we cannot know how far
such instances reflect the general sentiment
in a given county or State. Isolated and
individual acts of fraud and outrage are not
alone sufficient, of course, to condemn a
whole community, particularly without
opportunity for explanation and defense;
but truth requires the admission that these
charges are too numerous, and the worst of
them too well substantiated, to be disposed
of as mere accidental grievances ; they raise
a valid presumption, to say the least, that
there must be something radically wrong
in the society where such things are per-
mitted.
For instance, it is claimed, upon what
seems to be good authority, that in the
State of Mississippi, not a single white man
has been convicted and punished for an
offense against a colored man, or made to
pay a debt due to a colored man, in the
last five years. They tell of laws in Texas,
Alabama and Georgia under which colored
men are arrested for debt, and their labor
(which is themselves, practically) sold at
auction — the standard bid being twenty-five
cents per diem, with Sundays and rainy
days deducted and board exacted for them.
Contracts between white planters and col-
ored renters are exhibited, in which the
rates fixed for the use of land for one season
run from $5 to $10 per acre — more than its
assessed valuation, and more than it would
bring at public sale. Scores of landlords' and
shopkeepers' bills have been carried to Kan-
sas, in which the prices charged for articles
of daily use-are shamefully exorbitant; from
one of these bills, a fair sample of them all,
the following entries are copied : Hire of
mule to cultivate crop, $30 (the mule was
sold at the end of the season for $25);
mess pork, $35 per barrel; spring-wheat
flour, $17 per barrel; corn meal, $9 per
barrel ; bacon sides and shoulders, 20 cents
per pound ; Rio coffee, 25 cents per pound ;
brown sugar, 12^ cents per pound; rice,
12^ cents per pound; molasses (common
"black-strap"), $1.25 per gallon; tobacco
(ordinary "dog-leg"), $1.50 per pound;
cotton drilling, 40 cents per yard ; domestic
prints, 15 and 16 cents per yard.* And
behind such things lay multiplied recitals
of personal cruelty and corruption — well-
attested stories of men beaten and murdered,
* By a singular coincidence, the man who sold
these particular goods was one of a delegation of
planters who came up to Kansas last summer to
persuade the freedmen to return to the South, and
being confronted with this bill, he admitted its
genuineness, and said it was in his own handwriting.
A YEAR OF THE EXODUS IN KANSAS.
217
and women degraded and despoiled — which
it is hard to believe, and yet impossible to
put aside as wholly fictitious.
On the other hand, it is proper to say,
there are intelligent and worthy ones among
the freedmen who insist that they were
themselves well treated in the South, and
left there only because times were dull, and
they hoped to do better ; and that much of
the misfortune of others is due to their own
folly, impudence and cowardice. Some
allowance must also be made for exaggera-
tion, and for stories told at second-hand,
and from hearsay. It should be kept in mind,
too, that farming by colored men in the
Southern States since the war has been done
almost entirely on credit — the landlord fur-
nishing or becoming responsible for all that the
renter needed to eat and wear while raising
his crop — and some share of their adversity
is justly referable, no doubt, to that vicious
system of doing business. But, after all
has been said that can be, in explication
and extenuation, there still remains a vivid
sense of some rooted and potent defect in
the general condition and tendency of affairs.
Else why, to take the simplest view, are
these people leaving there by thousands,
and refusing to go back ? They are not of
an immigrating or venturesome nature ; they
prefer the South to the North, they will tell
you; land is as plentiful and as cheap in
Texas and other Southern States as it is in
Kansas ; in the nature of things, they should
find better chances for homes and an easier
way to make a living in the region they are
quitting than in the one they are going to.
It is idle to contend that a whole race,
practically, would desert the country of
their birth, preference and peculiar adapta-
tion, with apparently no thought so strong
as that of merely getting away, unless some
vital and compelling cause bore them for-
ward. They believe, at least, that it is best,
if not imperative, for them to leave the
South, at all hazards as to consequences; so
much is self-evident. And they can be kept
there, or induced to return there, only as
they shall be convinced that their reasons
of complaint and apprehension — sound and
sufficient in their eyes, however others of us
may regard them — have been thoroughly
corrected and removed.
Assuming, then, that the Exodus is to
continue (and such is clearly the fact),
prompt efforts should be directed to so in-
forming and shaping it that the immigrants
may soonest acquire a start and become self-
sustaining. Their right to go where they
please and do what they will, as free men
and citizens, is not to be questioned, of
course ; but there are some sections of the
country to which they should not flock, some
experiments that they should not trifle with,
if they would keep the possibilities of success
on their side, and avoid frittering away their
strength and courage to no purpose. For
one thing, and principally, they ought to
keep away from Kansas. As many of them
are there now as can hope to win homes
and support in that State, unless they have
money at the outset. The idea that the
colored man — or the white man, either, for
that matter — can go upon the public lands
with a special dispensation of Providence
in his favor, and make for himself a
farm, without a team and tools and funds
enough to provide for his family until at
least one crop can be raised, is a specious
and insnaring fiction, and cannot be too
soon exploded. For abject poverty, like that
which prevails among these drifting freedmen,
there is no more unpromising refuge than
the Western frontier. The progress accom-
plished by many of them in the last year
only goes to show what they can and will do,
with means sufficient to make a beginning ;
for so much they have all had given to them
who are likely to succeed as homesteaders.
But those who go there this year cannot
expect to find such good fortune waiting for
them ; they cannot even expect to get work,
at any price, as the first ones did; since the
demand for labor in Kansas is limited, and
the supply already quite equal to it. The
ability of the State to turn to account and
furnish chances for the twenty thousand
now within her borders is far from certain ;
she surely has no room for more. And
what is true of Kansas is relatively true of
all the new and sparsely settled region west
of the Missouri, where land is so cheap and
so inviting. To send more of these indigent
and inexperienced people in that direction,
with only their empty hands to rely upon,
is to make of the Exodus a mockery and a
calamity.
The project of colonization in some
allotted and remote quarter of the public
domain has been suggested. It may be
doubted if the freedmen would consent
to that expedient; but it can hardly be
doubted that, if tried, it would end in
failure. The same causes that conspire to
render personal settlement hazardous would
not be lessened, but rather augmented, by
huddling them together in crowds. Their
poverty would still be present, their oppor-
2l8
ROCKY MOUNTAIN NIGHTS.
tunities narrowed and removed ; they would
gain little by experience, for they could
. teach one another nothing ; and their slow
ambition would miss that much-needed spur
which comes of independent contact with
the world. Any colony would be foredoomed
which did not supply every man with a
separate home and means for farming; and
such an equipment would much better
be furnished them as individuals than as
colonists.
The true and only practical solution of
the matter lies, not in keeping the freedmen
together, but in judiciously scattering them;
not in trying to set them up as farmers
where they must have $400 apiece to start
with, but in finding occupation for them
where they can at once, and without help,
earn their daily bread. They have no time
to waste on experiments. What they need
is an immediate assurance of enough to eat
and wear — not as a bounty, or even a loan,
but as wages for the work of their own hands.
The great, prosperous, agricultural States
east of the Mississippi, in which productive
land is largely rented, and in which farm-
hands are never too numerous, could absorb
them by thousands and make them a benefit:
Indiana alone might readily utilize twice as
many as there are in Kansas. They should
be met, say at Cairo, and piloted from
there to certain central points in different
Northern States, and thence distributed
among the farmers and others desiring to
employ them ; and they would require little
further attention. As has been herein stated,
10,000 were sent out from Topeka in this
way during the last eight or nine months,
4,000 of the number on solicitations from
other States — which goes to show that there
are openings for them and a disposition to
give them a chance, if only they will seek,
or can be sent to, the proper localities.
Charity will find its best occasion, prudence
its foremost duty, in the use of all proper
means to divert the freedmen from any one
nook or corner of the country, and to
disperse them generally over all sections
where unskilled and cheap labor is de-
sired, and where the laborer can at once
get the upper hand of his poverty, and,
as the philosopher says, " harmonize him-
self with his environment." With that
much compassed, there need be no concern
about the rest: the riddle of the Exodus
will unravel itself.
ROCKY MOUNTAIN NIGHTS.
ANY one who is of the opinion that it is
not hard work to ride on mule-back in
the Rocky Mountains an average of twenty
miles a day for three months, is respect-
fully referred to practical experience for an
answer. It is noteworthy, though, that the
wisest entertain widely different views on
the point of hardship at six A. M. and six
p. M. At sunrise breakfast is over, the mules
and everybody else have been good-natured,
and you feel the glory of mere existence as
you vault into your saddle and break into
a gallop. Not that this or that particular
day is so different from other pleasant
mornings, but all that we call the weather
is constituted in the most perfect propor-
tions. The air is " nimble and sweet," and
you ride gayly through sunny woods of
pine and aspen, and across meadows, be-
tween granite knolls that are piled up in the
most noble and romantic proportions. But
later, you toil up a mountain thousands of
feet high, tramp your weary way through
the snow and loose rocks heaped upon
its summit, " observe," and get laboriously
down again ; or search through forty ledges
and swing a ceaseless hammer in collecting
fossils; or march all day under a blazing
sun, or in the teeth of a dusty gale, munch-
ing only a sandwich as you plod along, —
till gradually your "glory of existence"
oozes away, while the most dismal reflec-
tions arise to keep company with your
strained muscles. How welcome after that
is the evening bivouac, when there is rest for
the aching limbs, and no longer need to
tighten the belt ! The busy hour between
the end of the march and sitting down to
dinner quickly passes, and the meal is not
hurried ; after that, leisure and the solid
comfort of camping.
It is astonishing how greatly recuperated
one feels after half an hour's rest and his
dinner, following the most tremendous exer-
ROCKY MOUNTAIN NIGHTS.
219
tions all day. It seems sometimes, when
camp is reached, that one has hardly strength
to make another move ; but after dinner one
finds himself able and willing to do a great
deal. This is the hour for exploring the
neighborhood, preparatory to next day's
work; for investigating the natural history
of the locality, or putting up the specimens
accumulated during the day ; for mending
harness and arms and clothes, and writing
memoranda, or perchance letters, against a
possible opportunity to send them out to
the civilized world by some Indian or friendly
trapper. But the most important work is
the making of your bed. It is the one
thing in this wandering life that you cannot
afford to neglect.
Unless the camp is to be fixed in that
spot for several days, it is not usual to put
up the tents, except when it is stormy.
These tents are of the army pattern known
as " dog-tents." — just large enough for two
persons to stretch themselves out in, side by
side, but not more than three feet high, even
under the ridge. The canvas is of good
quality, however, and will stand a severe
rain-fall without wetting through, so long as
the inside of the cloth is not touched; if
the precaution is taken to dig a ditch
around the tent, so that the water will run
away and not spread underneath the edges
to make pools on the floor, you will find
yourself secure from all storms. But, as a
rule, one doesn't bother to put up a tent.
No matter how firmly resolved you may
be upon roughing it, you soon find that it
pays to keep your bed dry and warm, and
to spend all needed time in making it up.
There is hardship enough inevitable ; needless
exposure is foolish. The proper supplies
in the way of bedding consist of the follow-
ing articles : a piece of moderately heavy
canvas-ducking, water-proofed, fourteen
feet long by four feet wide ; a buffalo-robe
trimmed into a rectangular piece, sufficient
to lie at full length upon ; two pairs of thick
Californian blankets, and a small pillow.
This appears to be the list settled upon by
the best experience. They are light and
warm, and can be rolled up inside the canvas
and strapped into a cylindrical bundle, so
compact as easily to be carried in one hand,
and so tight that it may be rained upon
all day and not be wetted through. The
Californian blankets are expensive, but it is
better economy to buy them. A pillow
is a great comfort ; lacking it, one finds a
fair substitute in his boots, saddle, war-bag,
or even in a piece of wood. A thick night-
cap is more convenient than your broad-
brimmed hat to sleep in; and nothing warms
chilled feet so much in bed as dry woolen
socks, which may be kicked off later in the
night.
At every opportunity air the bedding
thoroughly in the sunshine. Then, before
the evening dew comes, stretch out your
long piece of canvas, lay the buffalo-robe
smoothly on the upper end, double your
blankets and place them one over the other
upon the robe. After smoothing every
wrinkle out, the two blankets together are
evenly folded once over lengthwise, the
remainder of the canvas (seven feet) is
drawn up over the foot so that the toes can-
not push through, and the bed is made. You
have a canvas, buffalo-robe, and four thick-
nesses of blanket under you, and (except the
robe) the same over you, the blankets pass-
ing full thickness behind your back, which
you will learn to place to windward. Then
you fully undress, put your rifle, revolver,
and clothes under the flap of the canvas
cover to keep the frost off, slide gently into
your rough, clinging blankets, pull the
edges together in front, jerk the canvas over
your ears, and — pleasant dreams to you !
Such is scientific bed-making, but there
are niceties. It is important, for example,
that the surface you lie on shall be — not
soft, that is little matter — but level ; neither
sloping toward one side nor from head to
foot. Unless you are sure about this, you
will slide out of bed in some part. Then,
also, common-sense will tell you to clear
all stones and nodules away (though
sometimes this is impossible) ; but only ex-
perience, or a wise friend, will inform the
camper that his rest will be ten-fold better if
he digs a depression underneath his bed where
his hips come. The reason why persons be-
come so stiff who pass an accidental night
on the floor, or on a railway bench, is
mainly because they have had no support
for the spine, such as the yielding bed
affords. All night long many muscles have
had to keep on duty, bearing up the less
prominent parts of the body. The spring
of a mattress cannot be found in the
ground, but it can be imitated by sinking
the hips until the small of the back also
rests upon the earth. Always dig a hole
under your bed. If you fear the cold (fre-
quently an altitude is attained for which the
bedding sufficient below is an inadequate
protection, particularly if a heavy wind is
blowing or the snow is flying), a good plan is
to fold your blankets, turn up the bottom
ROCKY MOUNTAIN NIGHTS.
as usual, and then stitch the whole together
into a bag. Another way is not to erect
your tent, which is little or no protection
against cold, but to spread it over you and
peg it down, or pile enough rocks around
the edges to keep it from blowing away.
The former plan I tried in 1877, with
great success, but it was the hardest work
in the world to get into my bag, which was
just large enough and no larger. I had to
insinuate my body as gently as a surgeon
probes a wound, in order to keep the
blankets from drawing out of shape before
I was inside. When once I had wriggled
down in, how snug it was ! I could not
turn over without rolling the larger part
of my bedding with me. Yet those* very
same nights, away up on the bald brow of
a lonesome peak, when every man piled
on as many extra canvas manias and buffalo
robes as he could find, the mosquitoes were
so thick that we had to build miniature
tents of netting over our half-frozen heads
to get any sleep at all. It was the most
startling conjunction of winter and sum-
mer, zero and insects, that I ever heard of!
But at such altitudes one must expect
to find it often very cold at night, even in
midsummer. Often, down in the San Juan
country near the head-waters of the Rio
Grande, we woke up to find the canvas over
us frozen as stiff as sheet-iron. When one
rises under those forbidding circumstances, he
gets into his frosty trowsers with considerable
celerity.
I think the very coldest night I ever had
in the mountains was on the occasion of a
little adventure in Mosquito Pass, long before
Leadville, to which that pass has since been
made a highway, was ever dreamed of. It
was then a very high, rough passage over
the Range; — merely a place where it was
possible to get up and down, and used
mainly with donkeys, — but I had to go across
that way, and started. It- was a long, un-
familiar road, I was alone, a storm came up,
and I got widely astray from the dim trail,
and had a variety of minor adventures,
which I have chronicled elsewhere. The
result was that when I got over the gale-
swept crest and down to timber-line on the
right side, it was dark, and after thresh-
ing through half a mile of wet thickets
and dense woods, my horse and I at last
came to an utter standstill in front of where
a tornado had piled fallen timber across the '
already half-obliterated trail. It was useless
to go further, so I unsaddled at a little open
spot among some spruces. Securing my
exhausted horse by his long lariat, I dragged
the heavy ranger saddle to an evergreen, and
dived into the pouches after matches, for if
you are warm being hungry does not
greatly matter. Alas, there were none !
For the first and — cela va sans dire — for
the last time in the West, I had not a
lucifer ! Then I took an inventory of my
goods, which were not designed for such
an evil fate as this. First, there was my
saddle and saddle-bags, which contained
only a stupid flask empty of everything
save odor, a tantalizing pipe which could
not be lit, and a pair of woolen socks which
I pulled on as an attempt at a night-dress.
This saddle was my pillow, and a thin, worn-
out saddle-blanket, with my rubber poncho,
constituted my bedding, — rather scanty for
1 1 ,000 feet or so above the sea ! I spread my
poncho under the drooping branches of the
spruce, just where partridges love to hide,
gathered the ragged blanket about my legs,
belted my army overcoat tight about me,
and lay down. I was very weary, my nag's
steady crunching was the only disturbing
sound, and I soon fell asleep. My nap was
not a long one, however, on account of the
cold, but, re-arranging my coverings, I again
slept an hour or so. This time I awoke
thoroughly chilled, yet I dozed a little more,
until I shook in every member, and had just
sense enough left me to raise myself up and
move about. My poor horse was standing
head down, the picture of lonesome misery.
With a low neigh as I approached, he came
to meet me, and followed me with his nose at
my shoulder as I walked back and forth.
What a night it was ! All around the glade
stood a wall of black forest, except wheie, on
one side, a group of burned trunks held aloft
their white, skeleton arms. The grass was
white and crisp with frost, which crackled
under my feet as I walked. Overhead, the
stars seemed fairly to project from their jetty
background, like glittering spear-points aimed
at my cantonment. I noted the slow wheel-
ing of that platoon of nebulae, the Milky
Way. I studied the constellations, but got
little comfort. Corona only suggested that
" A sorrow's crown of sorrow is remembering hap-
pier things,"
and the Pleiades seemed to beg me to sym-
pathize with their lost sister. At one side a
bit of the creek valley was visible, over which
faintly gleamed the whitish snow-crest of
some mountain. It was profoundly still.
Icy water gurgled softly under the elders;
tall, muffled trees swayed gently; an occa-
ROCKY MOUNTAIN NIGHTS.
221
sional ringing snap of frost was heard, like
fairies clinking glasses; but these sounds were
so consonant with the whole scene that they
did not break the stillness. There was
nothing particular to be afraid of, my walk-
ing warmed me, and, giving myself up to
imaginative thought, I came readily to en-
joy the novelty of the experience, and the
calm delight which the sweet influences of
the night ever exert. Thus quieting myself,
drowsiness weighted my eyelids, till, scarcely
feeling what I did, I again laid my head on
my saddle, and did not awake until the blue
ridges were sharply and grandly outlined
against a glowing background of auroral
light.
But to recur to the camp.
Dinner over, odd jobs finished, the last
glance at the mules given, and the short
twilight rapidly falling under the assault of
the legions of darkness, we don our over-
coats and gather for our nightly chat before
going to bed.
Much of the pleasure of this hour, as of
every other, depends on our surroundings.
Persons who call a trip with a government
survey all a pleasure excursion, would bet-
ter think twice. A thousand and one small
vexations attend all the time. As a picnic,
the expedition would be a lamentable fail-
ure. There is the fatigue at night, the frost
in the morning, and the gale or the scorch-
ing sun at noonday ; your peeled nose and
scaling ears and smarting neck testify to the
power of the last. The often-encountered
alkali dust not only hurts your eyes and
parches your lips till they crack open, but
seems to decompose your skin, rendering it
so tender that the least rough touch produces
a painful wound, and your hands, which it
is almost impossible to keep clean, become
sore and unsightly. Then, half the time,
your feet are wet, and get cold in the stir-
rups, or the blankets become damp and dis-
turb your rest, or — but there are plenty of
other inconveniences. Sometimes the camp
has to be placed where there is not a single
pleasant feature near or remote, — in the
midst of a tract of sun-baked mud and
glaring white rocks, for instance, — where the
only vegetation is prickly grease-wood, like
so many Canada thistles, and where the
principal denizens are jack-rabbits, rattle-
snakes and lizards. But this is not a chapter
of complaints, and I hasten to dismiss the
wrong side of the texture.
Of all the lovely camping places in my
recollection, I think one over in Western
Wyoming, among the nameless heights be-
tween the Green and the Snake rivers, bears
the palm. A ravine diverged from the val-
ley we had been traveling through, one side
of which was a high, grassy bank, and the
other was wooded ; but in the woods opened
a little glade, down which came an icy rill,
tumbling and foaming between banks of
moss solid to the water's edge. All about
were gigantic, yellow-barked spruces, among
which this little level spot had remained
clear, just capacious enough for our tents.
It was a place for perfect repose. The eye,
weary with incessant far-seeing, rested con-
tent on the verdant slope that cut off the rest
of the world. As, after the turmoil and noise
of the city, the business man pulls the blinds
close together and drops the curtain, shut-
ting out the turbulent scenes of his daily
struggle, and shutting in the peace and love
of his home, so we were thankful that we
could not see even the loftiest summits, and
gladly gathered round our cosy hearth-
stones, where the spruce boughs crackled
like salt, and coils of black smoke writhed
up from the resinous logs.
The night " effect," as painters phrase it,
of such a bivouac as this, is weirdly curious.
One need not be afraid to walk away from
it into the gloom : the Prince of Darkness
is said to be a gentleman. And, in fact, it
is not dark out there in the open air; for
under the lamps of the constellations, and in
that strange light from the north, even mid-
night in the high mountains is only gray.
But beneath the star-proof trees there is the
blackness of plagued Egypt — a darkness
which may be felt in thrusts from a thousand
needle-pointed leaves and rough cones, if
one pushes too heedlessly into the recesses
of the woods. The blaze is orange-colored,
the smoke heavy and black, illumined redly
underneath. The pillars of the smooth fir
trunks within reach of the fire-light stand
like a stockade about the camp, but the
shifting light penetrates between thern and
summons from the darkness new boles, that
step out and retreat again as the capricious
flame is wafted by the wind toward or away
from that side.
While the centers of the great, gummy logs
are eaten by the blaze, and while we sit on their
ends and smoke our pipes, what soul-inspir-
ing talk is heard ! The stories flow as nat-
urally as the sparks explore the dark arch
overhead, but it is no more possible to com-
municate the point and living fun of these
narratives, told with the Western freedom
of language and usually apropos of some
previous tale, than it is to tickle your senses
222
ROCKY MOUNTAIN NIGHTS.
with the sizzle and delectable flavor of the
deer's juicy ribs roasting in those ashes. Shut
in by the shadowy forest, we seem to inhabit
a little world all by ourselves, with sky, sun,
moon and stars of our own ; and we converse
of you in New York as Proctor does of the
inhabitants of other planets, and speculate
upon the movements of armies along the
Danube as the Greeks discussed the life of
souls across the Styx. The affairs of the
outside world have lost interest for us, since
we are no longer spurred by the heel of the
morning newspaper. In simplifying our life
to a primitive measure we have ceased to
trouble ourselves about problems of politics
or social economy, and are beginning to
discover that the universe is less complex
than we had made it. Thus we conduct a
sort of mental exploration parallel with the
geodetic survey.
Sometimes signs of previous occupancy
added to the attractions of a camp, when it
was made near some trail, and we specu-
lated on the kind of man who had been
there before us. How long before ? What
was his object ? And whither ,was he
bound ? In a region so wild and utterly
untenanted as this, anything pertaining to
humanity is invested with extraordinary
interest. From these foundation-sticks we
could tell the size and kind of tent he had ;
from the tracks could decide that his one
animal was a horse, not a mule (which
makes a smaller, narrower track), and knew
that at this stake he picketed him at night,
and by that path led him to the water ; from
this stump we guessed the sharpness of his
axe; that wadding told the size of his rifle;
here was _ his fire; there, where the grass is
trampled, he piled his night's wood. Where
this hunter or beaver- trapper has camped
and left his history on a few chips, there
remains a civilized aspect which nature
must work long to efface.
Similarly, if we remained long, our own
halting-ground became dirty and bedraggled,
so that we were glad to change often. ~Yet
a strange familiarity attaches even to a bit of
brook and mountain side, and knowing there
is no better representation of home within
many hundred miles, you easily give it that
name. " Let us wander where we will, the
universe is built round about us, and we are
central still." Nowhere did this homelike
feeling attach itself more (and with less good
reason) than to one July camp high up on
Wind River Peak, at the very sources of the
great Sweetwater. Perhaps because we in-
vaded angry solitudes, and boldly held our
own, in spite of every effort on the part of the
well-roused spirits of the place. The trees
there were all pines and stood thickly, but
were not of great size, though straight and
tall. Many lay at full length upon the
ground, for they had shallow root-hold
among the boulders, and the very first night
the forest treated us to an exhibition of its
power to injure, as a hint, perhaps, that we
would better not violate its sacred shades
with our presence, and consume its royal
'timber in our paltry camp-fire. " When I
want fire," the forest seemed to say, " I rub
my limbs together and the flames sweep for
miles through my oily cones and dry tops,
that love the blaze." The trunks began to
fall all around us — dozens at a time, while
the air was full of tremendous concussions,
and the screams of rending fibers. But
none of these mighty bolts harmed us, be-
yond the crushing of a single tent, and when
the hurricane was over we found our fire-
wood close at hand ready cut, and so profited
by the anger of the resentful gods.
There was some of the hardest work done
in the history of the survey from the head-
quarters of this camp, but one night, when
the snow drifted steadily down on our beds
as we lay in quiet, I was not so tired but
that I lay awake for hours, stowing away in
the coffers of my memory the fast crowding
impressions ; and perhaps it was those hours
of reflection that fixed all the details of the
wild, timber-line carnp so firmly in my mind.
What a somber world that of the pine
woods is! None of the cheerfulness of the
ash and maple groves, — the alternation
of sunlight and changing shadow, the rust-
ling leaves and fragrant shrubbery under-
neath, the variety of foliage and bark to rest
the eye and excite curiosity and delight.
Only the straight, upright trunks, the color-
less, dusty ground, the dense masses of dead
green, each mass just like another, the
scraggy skeletons of dead trees, all their
bare limbs drooping in lamentation. The
sound of the wind in the pines is equally
grewsome. If the breeze be light you hear a
low, melancholy monody ; if stronger, a
hushed sort of sighing. When the hurri-
cane lays his hand upon them, the groaning
trees wail out in awful agony, and, racked
beyond endurance, cast themselves head-
long to the stony ground. At such times
every particular fiber of the pine's body
seems resonant with pain, and the straining
branches literally shriek. This is not mere
fancy, but something quite different from
anything to be observed in hard-wood for-
ROCKY MOUNTAIN NIGHTS.
223
ests. There the tempest roars ; here it howls.
I do not think the idea of the Banshee
spirits could have arisen elsewhere than
among the pines; nor that any mythology
growing up among people inhabiting these
forests could have omitted such supernatural
beings from its theogony.
But do not conclude that the gloom of
the pine-woods clouded our spirits. So
many trees had fallen where our tents were
pitched that the sun got down there, and at
night the moon looked in upon us, rising
weird through a vista of dead and lonely
tree-tops. Then, too, the brook was always
singing in our ears — absolutely singing!
The incessant tumble of the water and boil-
ing of the eddies makes a heavy undertone
like the surf, but the breaking of the current
over the higher rocks and leaping of the
foam down the cataracts, produce a dis-
tinctly musical sound, — a mystical ringing
of sweet-toned bells. There is no mistak-
ing this metallic melody, this clashing of
tiny cymbals, and it must be this miniature
blithe harmony which fine ears have heard
on the beach in summer, where the surf
broke gently.
But these are drowsy fancies, and one
night of such sleepless dreaming is about all
a healthy man can afford out of a whole
trip; and if he is not a healthy man he had
better not go into the Wind River Mount-
ains at all.
Sometimes one is kept awake by worse
disturbances than reveries, though not often.
With complete composure, you sleep through
a steady rain falling on the piece of canvas
laid over your face, or in momentary expec-
tation of being surprised by Indians. I
have heard of a few camps in the old days
having been run over by a stampede of
buffaloes now and then, but this, fortunately,
was rare. Now, few worse interruptions of
this sort occur to rest than the tramping
among the sleepers of mules, in their attempt
to make some felonious attack upon the
edible portion of the cargo, and this only
occurs where pasturage is scant ; once,
camping near a Mexican pack-train of
donkeys, we were thus greatly annoyed by
those little brutes.
Now and then, on the 'plains, coyotes
venture close to camp, and, if they are very
hungry, even come to the fireside in search
of meat, and perhaps attempt to gnaw
the straps off the saddle or boots your weary
head reclines upon. Foiled in this, they
adjourn to a respectful distance and set up
prolonged and lugubrious howls, which
either keep you awake altogether or attune
your dreams to some horrible theme. Per-
haps I ought not to use the plural, since
one coyote's voice is capable of noise enough
to simulate a whole pack. No doubt it
often happens that when a score seem howl-
ing in shrill concert, there is really but a
single wolf raining his quick-repeated and
varied cries upon our unwilling ears. These
small wolves are justly despised by all
Western men ; but the big gray wolves are
a different matter. However, I never saw
them but once.
While cougars and wolves and coyotes,
and even Mexican burros, are rare infring-
ers on the sacred privacy of your sleep,
numerous " small deer " come to investigate
the curious stranger who has stretched hjm-
self out in their domain. Rattlesnakes are
extremely numerous over many parts of the
West, and we used to fear that, with their
love of warmth, they would seek the shelter
of our bedding to escape the chill of the night;
but I do not know of any such an unpleasant
bed-fellow having been found by any of the
survey people. I myself came pretty near
to it, however, over on Cochetopa creek, in
Colorado, one night, when I unwittingly
spread my blankets over a small hole in the
ground. I snoozed on, unmindful of danger,
but when I moved my bed in the morning,
out from the hole crawled a huge rattler,
whose doorway I had stopped up all night!
He would better have stayed in, for big John
of Oregon caught him by the tail and broke
his stupid neck, before he had time to throw
himself into a coil of vantage for the strike.
If you camp in the woods you are certain
of late visitors in the shape of mice and the
ubiquitous and squeaky ground-squirrels,
whose nocturnal rambles lead them all over
your bed-covers ; often, indeed, their rapid,
sharp-toed little feet scud across your cheek,
and their furry tails trail athwart the bridge
of your nose and brush the dew from' your
sealed eyelids. To the thousand insects
rustling in the grass we never gave attention ;
and not even the most home-bred tender-
foot ever thought of cotton in his ears ! How
thus could he hear all the pleasant, faint
voices speaking through the night so close
about him ? Thoreau, writing from his
camp on a sloping bank of the Merrimac,
has well described the sounds of the night :
" With our heads so low in the grass, we heard
the river whirling and sucking, and lapsing down-
ward, kissing the shore as it went, sometimes
rippling louder than usual, and again its mighty
current making only a slight, limpid, trickling
224
ROCKY MOUNTAIN NIGHTS.
sound, as if our water-pail had sprung a leak, and
the water were flowing into the grass by our side.
The wind, rustling the oaks and hazels, impressed
us like a wakeful and inconsiderate person up at
midnight, moving about, and putting things to rights,
occasionally stirring up whole drawers full of leaves
at a puff. There seemed to be a great haste and prep-
aration throughout Nature, as for a distinguished
visitor; all her aisles had to be swept in the night,
by a thousand hand-maidens, and a thousand pots to
be boiled for the next day's feasting ;— such a whis-
pering bustle, as if ten thousand fairies made their
fingers fly, silently sewing at the new carpet with
which the earth was to be clothed, and the new
drapery which was to adorn the trees. And the
wind would lull and die away, and we, like it, fell
asleep again."
But I am dwelling too long upon this
rare wakefulness in camp, rather than the
ordinary and business-like repose of the
nig ht. One's sleep in the crisp air, after the
fatigues of the hard day, is sound and
serene. But the morning ! Ah, that is the
time that tries men's souls ! In this land one
would find it very unpleasantly cold to be
with her when
"jocund Day
Stands tiptoe on the misty mountain-top."
You awake at daylight a little chilly, re-
adjust your blankets, and want to go to
sleep. The sun may pour forth from the
" golden window of the East " and flood
the world with limpid light ; the stars may
pale and the jet of the midnight sky be
diluted to that deep and perfect morning
blue into which you gaze to unmeasured
depths; the air may become a pervading
champagne, dry and delicate, every draught
of which tingles the lungs and spurs the
blood along the veins with joyous speed ;
the landscape may woo the eyes with airy
undulations of prairie or snow-pointed pin-
nacles lifted sharply against the azure, — yet
sleep chains you. That very quality of the
atmosphere which contributes to all this
beauty and makes it so delicious to be
awake makes it equally blessed to slum-
ber. Lying there in the utterly open air,
breathing the pure elixir of the untainted
mountains, you come to think even the
confinement of a flapping-tent oppressive,
and the ventilation of a sheltering spruce-
bough bad.
TO THE IMMORTAL MEMORY OF KEATS.
(ON COMING INTO POSSESSION OF HIS COPY OF " GUZMAN D' ALFARACHE.")
GREAT. Father mine, deceased ere I was born,
And in a classic land renowned of old ;
Thy life was happy, but thy death forlorn,
Buried in violets and Roman mould.
Thou hast the laurel, Master 'of my soul !
Thy name, thou said'st, was writ in water — No;
For while clouds float on high, and billows roll,
That name shall worshiped be. Will mine be so?
I kiss thy words, as I would kiss thy face,
And put thy book most reverently away :
Beside thy peers thou hast an honored place,
Amid our kingliest, Byron, Wordsworth, Gray.
If tears will fill mine eyes, am I to blame ?
" O smile among the shades, for this is fame ! "
WILLIAM BLAKE, PAINTER AND POET.
22$
WILLIAM BLAKE, PAINTER AND POET.
il;r WBiaJt*
"DEATH'S DOOR." (FROM BLAIR'S "GRAVE." ACKERMAK, LONDON, 1813.)
THE exhibition in Boston of a number of
William Blake's pictures, brought together
from various quarters, gives opportunity for
a more complete view of his singular power
than has been possible before on this side of
VOL. XX.— 16.
the Atlantic. Ever since the publication of
Gilchrist's " Life of Blake," in 1863,* there
* A new edition of this book, with a number of
hitherto uncollected letters of Blake, is to be pub-
lished during the present year.
226
WILLIAM BLAKE, PAINTER AND POET.
has been an intelligent curiosity respecting
him as a painter, stimulated by the glimpses
of concealed beauty which the photo-litho-
graphs in that book grudgingly permitted,
and not wholly discouraged by the so-called
fac-simile reproductions which have been
published at different times. Blake's fame
as a painter has rested mainly, however, up-
on the enthusiastic testimony of a few capable
witnesses ; his reputation as a designer has
had a durable foundation in the copies of
the " Book of Job," which have found their
way to America ; his place as a poet has been
more clearly denned by the attention which
has been given to his lyrics, and the obscur-
ity in which his visionary books have been
suffered to lie. It is not impossible, now,
with the added evidence of this interesting
collection, to form a fairly clear conception
of the limitations of Blake's genius, and to
note some of the directions which it takes;
of its scope and power no one will wish to
pronounce confidently until he has seen all
of his work, for genius has a way of surpris-
ing the unwary, and new examples of power
give new and unexpected pleasure.
The circumstances of Blake's life may
quickly be recited. He was born in London
November 28, 1757, and he died in London
August 12, 1827. Excepting four years
spent at Felpham by the sea, in Sussex, the
seventy years of his life were passed in
London. He married Catherine Boucher
in his twenty-fifth year, and left her a child-
less widow. He was a poor man, as the
world counts poverty, and at no time during
his life did his profuse work bring him more
than the plainest living. When ten years
old, his artistic tendencies were so strongly
intimated, that his father, a modest hosier,
did not hesitate to send him to a drawing-
school, and afterward to apprentice him to
an engraver. He worked from the designs
of others until ten years before his death,
when he engraved thirty-seven plates for
Flaxman's " Hesiod," and he used his graver
to the last upon his own inventions. Before
he had gained his freedom he had begun
original work, and during the twenty years
of his maturity, that is, from his thirtieth to
his fiftieth year, he was engrossed with the
execution of composite works in text, line
and color, of which the authorship, design,
and mechanical process of reproduction were
his own. Even in his early engraving he
imported conceptions of his own, so that
we may set aside his artisanship as an en-
graver, reckoning it of little value in any
estimate of his distinctive work, and con-
sider him as an artist armed with a techni-
cal knowledge of engraving, and an experi-
mental knowledge of certain mechanical
processes, which he used mainly for fixing
and multiplying his own designs.
Of the amount of work done by him it is
not easy to make an exact statement. In
Gilchrist's " Life," there are annotated lists
of Blake's paintings, drawings, and engrav-
ings, confessedly imperfect, in which between
eight and nine hundred subjects are noted
as having been treated by him, some in
color, some in black and white, and
some with his graver; but, besides these,
we must reckon the very important amount
of work bestowed on the prophetic books,
and a list of more than two hundred en-
gravings from the designs of other artists.
Enough can be gathered from this to show
that Blake was an industrious man, and,
what is more to the purpose, to indicate how
very imperfect is the material now from
whicli we may estimate his genius. The
author and editors of Gilchrist's " Life "
used every effort to get sight of his work, yet
they are obliged to confess to not having
seen, among other things, a hundred and
fourteen designs to Gray's Poems, owned by
the Duke of Hamilton, and " reported to be
among the very finest works executed by
Blake."
The published designs of Blake, those,
that is, that take their place in the ordinary
method of book-illustration, afford a fairly
good introduction to a study of his more un-
usual work. He worked at a time when there
were ambitious enterprises by publishers,
who were fired with zeal, perhaps, by witness-
ing the expansive undertaking of Alderman
Boydell in his truly British monument to
Shakspere's genius. Blake was rather an
impracticable man with the publishers, and
they fouifd it less easy to make a card of
him than of the more pliant and graceful
Stothard, yet they followed the advice of
Fuseli and others and went to Blake for
illustrations, which it was promised by
Blake's admirers would sell their books. In
one instance only was there anything like
substantial success, and this was reached by
passing Blake's work through the translating
power of another engraver. Blair's Grave,
with designs by Blake, engraved by Schia-
vonetti, must have been very thoroughly pub-
lished, from the great number of copies which
have presented themselves in all quarters
since Blake's name has come forward. In
America, some bookseller's enterprise found
a fresh field, and in many families the book
WILLIAM BLAKE, PAINTER AND POET.
227
has for years been a well-known show-book.
There are few, open to any influence of art,
who do not at once confess the attractive-
ness of these engravings. The style of
execution by Schiavonetti is favorable to their
popularity : bold, strong, free from quid-
dling lines, they hold with a firm grasp
the conceptions of the artist. The topics
treated also are elemental ; they are typical
passages in human life and death, and re-
quire no subtle interpretation. Then the
statuesque beauty of design appeals clearly
to the eye, the classic forms are presented in
a tender warmth, and palpitate with a human
sympathy. One does not need to be a
student of Blake, or indeed to know any-
thing of his place in art, to be at once
impressed and moved by these inventions.
But a familiarity with the artist's mind and
mode enables one to penetrate a little further,
and to discover, through the mask of Schia-
vonetti, characteristic features of Blake. The
visionary eye, that far-seeing, vivid, and
wide-open orb which looks at one from so
many of Blake's figures, and most signifi-
cantly from Blake's own face in both the
portraits of him, is here ; and here, too, that
poetic sense of youth's slender uprightness,
and of age's patriarchal hoar wisdom, which
again and again stand as ever renewed
types in his treatment of human life. The
exaggerations of his figure-drawing have
doubtless been toned down by the engraver,
but in one instance Blake himself may
have been to blame, since it is hard to
believe that an engraver of Schiavonetti's
skill would have chosen deliberately the
feebler and less grammatical form; the title-
page of Blair's " Grave " shows an angel
with a trump blowing a tremendous blast
in the ear of a skeleton; the dead bones
are half raised to hear the alarm, but the
skeleton rests on the forearm in an entirely
impossible manner; the descending angel
is hung, unaccountably, in the air — reverse
the page and one sees a standing figure;
but Blake had elsewhere, in his own engrav-
ings of his designs illustrative of Young's
"Night Thoughts," given the same con-
ception, only there the descending figure
really rushes down with impetuous speed,
and the startled skeleton raises itself with a
weird and quite possible movement.
The illustrations to Young's " Night
Thoughts " preceded the work on the "Grave,"
and were engraved by Blake himself. The
result is by no means so satisfactory, partly
through Blake's deficiencies as an engraver
at this time, partly through what we may call
PORTRAIT OF WILLIAM BLAKE. ENGRAVED ON WOOD FROM
PORTRAIT ON IVORY BY JOHN LINNELL, FROM GILCHRIST's
"LIFE." (BY PERMISSION OF MACMILLAN AND co.)
miscalculation of effect. It is not impossi-
ble that were the page of Young reduced in
size we should not be so disturbed by the
inadequacy of the engraved lines; great
figures in little more than outline stretch in
wide reach over the large page, and wher-
ever there is a defect in drawing or feeling,
it is exaggerated by the rather empty style
of engraving. Still, there are some passages
of great sweetness and majesty, and very
often singularly unique adaptations of the
design to the thought. One thing, especially,
should be noticed, — the persistence with
which Blake treated his work in a decora-
tive as separate from a pictorial spirit, aiming
to make the page a composition in which
the stubborn square of printer's type should
compose with his engraved lines ; great fer-
tility of resource is shown in this. How
perfectly he understood and displayed this
spirit of decorative design will appear when
we come to speak of other more character-
istic work. A completely illustrated edition
of the " Night Thoughts " was projected, but
only four parts were ever published ; these
appeared in a luxuriousness of paper and
print. In the list of Blake's works, among
the undated ones, is a subject which is
shown in the Boston collection, and named
conjecturally, after the list, " Young bury-
ing Narcissa," illustrative of the lines,
" With pious sacrilege, a grave I stole ;
***** and muffled deep
In midnight darkness, whispered my last sigh."
228
WILLIAM BLAKE, PAINTER AND POET.
YOUNG BURYING NARCISSA. (KROM AN INDIA-INK DRAWING, OWNED BY MKS. GILCHRIST.)
It is an impressive picture, which has little
in common with the engraved illustrations
to the " Night Thoughts."
An episode in Blake's life brought him
for four years into close connection with the
commonplace Hayley, a decorous court poet
and Cowper's biographer. For him, Blake
made and engraved designs, including one
which appears in the Boston collection, a
broadsheet, "Little Tom the Sailor." Hayley
wrote a humdrum ballad with charitable in-
tent, and Blake furnished two designs to
stand at the head and foot of the sheet. He
calls the process by which he executed
these, " wood-cutting on pewter," and the
inferiority of the material is evident in the
prints. But these are nevertheless admira-
ble illustrations of vigorous wood-engraving,
and give a sense of Blake's fine judgment as
an artist in his handling of material. The
beauty of the lower design, where the
mother turns from her cottage, lingers long
in one's mind.
Another excellent illustration of Blake's
faculty as an engraver is seen in his very
early print, "Joseph of Arimathea on the
Rocks of Albion," professedly a copy from
Michael Angelo, done in Blake's seventeenth
year, and already exhibiting, especially in
its treatment of light on the water, his
mystic sense of supernal beauty. The most
interesting example, however, of his power
in the kind of work which we are now
examining, is to be found in his large en-
graving of Chaucer's " Canterbury Pilgrims."
A comparison of the work with Stothard's
rival picture at once discloses the superior
technical skill and grace of the successful
artist, but a comparison of Blake's work with
Chaucer's establishes a greater agreement of
truth between poet and painter. The
harshness of Blake's work is apparent ;
so, too, is its quaint mannerism, but a
nearer view shows a vigor of treatment,
a broad generalization of group and land-
scape, and an attention to historically con-
ceived details, which bring Blake's work very
distinctly into range as a presentation of
Chaucer's images, and out of the place which
Stothard's picture occupies, of a temporary
and local translation of Chaucer's story.
Not that we do not here have Chaucer
Blaked off upon us, but Blake's conception
of the subject was from an angle coincident
with Chaucer's, and the acutest reader of
Chaucer will be the most ready to acknowl-
edge Blake as a showman. When Blake
exhibited with other pictures the fresco from
which this engraving was taken, he pub-
lished a descriptive catalogue, well worth
reading for its shrewd analysis of the
characters in Chaucer's " Pilgrims," so dif-
ferent from the smooth, conventional in-
terpretation which Stothard, in common
WILLIAM BLAKE, PAINTER AND POET.
229
with other contemporaries, gave. Says
Blake :
" The characters of Chaucer's ' Pilgrims ' are the
characters which compose all ages and nations. As
one age falls, another rises, different to mortal sight,
but to immortals only the same; for we see the
same characters repeated again and again, in
animals, vegetables, minerals, and in men. Nothing
new occurs in identical existence. Accident ever
varies. Substance can never suffer change, or
decay. Of Chaucer's characters, as described in his
' Canterbury Tales,' some of the names or titles are
altered by time, but the characters themselves for-
ever remain unaltered; and consequently they are
the physiognomies or lineaments of universal human
life, beyond which Nature never steps. Names
alter, things never alter. I have known multitudes
of those who would have been monks in the age of
monkery, who in this deistical age are deists. As
Newton numbered the stars, and as Linnaeus
numbered the planets, so Chaucer numbered the
classes of mep. The painter has consequently
varied the heads and forms of his personages into
all Nature's varieties; the horses he has also varied
to accord to their riders; the costume is correct
according to authentic monuments."
He then proceeds with a running commen-
tary upon the separate characters, answering
to what he has undertaken to say with lines
in his engravings. Something of the same
vagary will be discovered in both, but both
justify Lamb's opinion of the catalogue,
that it was " the finest criticism of Chaucer's
poem he had ever read."
The " Canterbury Pilgrims " was published
by Blake in a rivalry with Stothard's print,
and at this distance of time the commercial
aspects of the competition have a humorous
touch. Blake's indebtedness to the ordi-
nary publishing facilities was not great, as
we have seen; his own willfulness, his intract-
able talents, and, above all, his individual
message of art and religion, isolated him
from the common channels of communica-
tion with the public. So much the more
did he place reliance upon his own methods.
Any one can buy now, in various editions,
Blake's " Poetical Sketches" and his " Songs
of Innocence " and " Songs of Experience."
These are included in Gilchrist's " Life," and
they have been separately printed under the
editorship of Mr. W. M. Rossetti and of Mr.
R. H. Shepherd. They have passed into the
common stock of literature, and some of the
poems have long had a life in anthologies.
The " Poetical Sketches " was published in
the ordinary manner in 1783; "Songs of
Innocence " in 1789 and " Songs of Experi-
ence" in 1794, but these last two books
were published in a very extraordinary man-
ner by Blake himself, and happy is the
occasional owner of the original copies.
To speak of " Songs of Innocence " first, it
consists of twenty songs written by Blake,
engraved by him on copper, each page
decorated, with an occasional separate
design, making twenty-seven plates in all.
In Gilchrist's " Life " this account is given
of the process.
"The verse was written and the designs and
marginal embellishments outlined on the copper
with an impervious liquid, probably the ordinary
stopping-out varnish of engravers. Then all the
white parts or lights—the remainder of the plate,
that is — were eaten away with aquafortis, or other
acid, so that the outline of letter and design was left
prominent, as in stereotype. From these plates he
printed off in any tint, yellow, brown, blue, required
to be the prevailing or ground color in his fac-
similes ; red he used for the letter-press. The page
was then colored by hand in imitation of the original
drawing, with more or less variety of detail in the
local hues. He ground and mixed his water-colors
himself. The colors he used were few and simple;
indigo, cobalt, gamboge, vermilion, Frankfort black
freely, ultramarine rarely, chromes not at all. These
he applied with a camel's-hair brush, not with a
sable, which he disliked. He taught Mrs. Blake to
take off the impressions with care and delicacy,
which such plates signally needed, and also to help
in tinting them from his drawings with right artistic
feeling; in all which tasks she, to her honor, much
delighted. The size of the plate was small, for the
sake of economizing copper, something under five
inches by three. They were done up in boards by
Mrs. Blake's hand, forming a small octavo; so that
the poet and his wife did everything in making the
book, — writing, designing, printing, engraving, —
everything excepting manufacturing the paper; the
very ink, or color, rather, they did make. Never
before, surely, was a man so literally the author of
his own book. "
It is significant of this discovery of
Blake's, for so it may be called, that he
received a revelation of it in a vision of the
night. It is easy to translate into common
language the supernatural experience of a
man, under pressure day and night of one
controlling purpose to make public his
poems and designs, but it is still easier to
take Blake's acceptance of the happy thought
as a revelation, and count it as a harmonious
part of the visionary's nature. For. mingled
with the artistic power which we have been
gradually illustrating, there was from the be-
ginning a controlling and directing influence
to which we find it hard to give a name.
The story is a familiar one, that, when a
child of eight or ten, as he sauntered through
a field near London, he looked up and saw
a tree filled with angels, "bright, angelic
wings bespangling every bough like stars,"
and that looking upon some hay-makers at
work, he saw angelic figures walking among
them. A letter written by one of Blake's
youthful disciples, just after his death, re-
lates: "Just before he died his countenance
WILLIAM BLAKE, PAINTER AND POET.
became fair, his eyes brightened, and he burst
out singing of the things he saw in heaven."
Between these two points of time lay a life
of sixty years, which owned, with unfaltering
faith, the positive presence and guidance of
the spiritual world. Blake's letters, his con-
versations, his writings, his pictures, and his
whole manner of life, bore unvarying testi-
mony to the dominance in his nature of a
spiritual existence which comprehended,
penetrated and controlled this earthly life.
It is difficult to present this subject briefly
without falling into the pitfalls set by con-
ventional statements of spiritual experience.
Life would be too short to explain wherein
Blake's spiritual belief differed from the
vulgarities of so-called spiritualism, from the
traditional belief of the church, from the con-
temporary doctrines of Svvedenborg, or from
the utterances of the great seers of the ages.
The reader of the " Life " or the student of his
art finds it more satisfactory to accept the fact
of Blake's sincerity, and treat the results of
his visionary observation in their individual
appeal to the intellectual mind. Whence
Blake's dreams came, opens an endless vista
of speculation ; what the forms were which
were precipitated from the dreams, is of
vastly more human interest. We may even
concede an occult meaning in verse and
picture capable of being discovered only by
a kindred spirit, interpretative by its finer
nature ; there is nothing in such concession
to prevent us from enjoying to the full such
loveliness and strength as we do see.
Spiritual things are spiritually discerned,
and what one finds in Blake will depend
largely on the seeing eye which he brings.
We have no intention of shielding Blake
behind any mystic veil, drawing it aside only
for the initiated ; we simply say that genius
always holds the possibility of a meaning,
and perception always holds the possibil-
ity of blindness. However, the student of
Blake's strangely diverse and comprehen-
sive art may stand expectant and hopeful
before the Songs of Innocence. Here one
may enjoy, without the painful conscious-
ness of a failure to attain the meaning;
painful, we say, for perhaps the subtlest
charm in this rainbow of poetic beauty is
the elusiveness of the spell which it throws
over us. There is no mockery in the grace,
no tantalizing of the soul, but the gentlest
of echoes to one's unspoken thought. In
none of the poems is this more manifest than
m the " Introduction," as it is called, —
" Piping down a valley wild."
This little poem has been adopted into many
books ; it sings itself into ears that desire in
vain to explain its meaning; one wishes to
hear it recited by some ethereal voice. Pre-
cisely here is the explanation — it is a voice
from the air that sings in our ears; and when
we have made this precise explanation we
J.F.JUK6LIHO-SC
'INFANT JOY." (ENGRAVED ON WOOD FROM A WATER-COLOR,
OWNED BY MRS. ALEXANDER GILCHRIST.)
have simply blown the whole thing away !
Or take, again, the lines headed " Infant Joy " :
"'I have no name,
I am but two days old.'
What shall I call thee?
'I happy am,
Joy is my name.' —
Sweet joy befall thee !
"Pretty joy!
Sweet joy but two days old.
Sweet joy I call thee.
Thou dost smile,
I sing the while,
Sweet joy befall thee ! "
The simplicity of the lines is extreme, and the
design accompanying it quite as simple and
unconstrained: ahuman figure holdinglightly
above the head a dancing, springing, winged
creature, while a flock of sheep graze below.
It is in the sweet simplicity that Blake rests,
and here we touch upon one sign of his
WILLIAM BLAKE, PAINTER AND POET.
231
genius which is persistently given. He is
constantly seeing and showing natural things
as types, and finds no surer way of reveal-
ing spiritual realities than through elemental
forms. Hence the recurrence of a few
special figures, typical of youth, of age, of
childhood, of motherhood; hence the lamb;
hence the flaming fire. It would seem as
if he were perpetually seeking to render the
large visions which he has by familiar forms
freed of their merely accidental limitations.
It may truthfully be said that he saw his
visions thus; that these common types were
expanded for him into wondrous and lumi-
nous revelations of infinite truth and beauty;
that when he saw and drew the lamb, that
little creature, with its
" Softest clothing, woolly, bright "
its tender voice
" Making all the vales rejoice ; "
was sometimes more than a conventional or
even revered type of Divine tenderness.
" He is meek and He is mild,
He became a little child.
I a child and thou a lamb.
We are called by His. name."
So he announces in his poem, and the en-
trance of the Divine love into the human
life is a present reality whenever Blake,
recording his visions, draws the lamb with
its bowed head or its affectionate caress.
The " Songs of Innocence " gives us Blake
in the youthfulness of his visionary life. At
that time, however pinched was his poverty,
he was living in the light of a conscious
power to wed beautiful visions to fitting
words and lines. He had already had some
training in poetry, as witness his ''Poetical
Sketches," from which one draws verses of
singular merit; he had already mastered his
graving tools, and served his apprenticeship
to drawing masters; he was in the early
years of his married life; he was at the height
of physical youth. Doubtless all these
influences conspired, and so he caught upon
his listening ear those accents of heavenly
beauty which as yet admitted dark lines
only for the heightening of the divine fair-
ness. Every one feels, whether or not he
puts it into words, that the hymn-book
picture of heaven as
" One sacred high eternal noon,"
is false and destructive of all the signs of
God's creation; that the recurrence of
seasons, the systole and diastole of the
universe, makes rhythm, and that without
rhythm heaven could not be. It might with
far clearer truth be said that hell was
One damned high eternal noon.
Blake thus, in the " Songs of Innocence," has
accented the sweetness with touches of a
darker side. The tears that follow the
piper's song; the weariness of the little
ones on the echoing green ; the miserable
sense of deformity in that flawless poem, the
" Little Black Boy," with its tender pity so
unsurpassably expressed : —
" And we are put on earth a little space,
That we may learn to bear the beams of love ;
And these black bodies and this sun-burnt face
Are but a cloud, and like a shady grove.
" For when our souls have learnt the heat to
bear,
The cloud will vanish, we shall hear His
voice.
Saying, 'Come from the grove, my love and care,
And round my golden tent like lambs rejoice : ' "
the sobbing of the robin heard by the happy
blossom ; the plaint of the chimney-sweep ;
the cry of the little boy lost before
" God ever nigh
Appeared like his father, in white,"
the weeping of the child Jesus in his cradle
for all the human race, which is woven so
exquisitely into the angelic cradle-song ; the
contrast of age and childhood ; the blend-
ing of poverty and pity of " Holy Thurs-
day " ; the light and shade in that solemn,
majestic poem " Night " ; the anxiety, too
real to be grotesque, of the lost emmet;
the passage of all pity into the Divine pity,
and the final voice of the Ancient Bard,
with its one warning note of the passage
from youth into life — all these are supremely
truthful notes in the " Songs of Innocence,"
by which the ethereal loveliness is saved
from the monotony of an unreal and insipid
sweetness. Of the decorative designs which
accompany the songs we cannot speak with
assurance gained by acquaintance with orig-
inal copies, but to those who have seen
similar work by Blake, as in the " Book of
Tli el," which appears in the Boston collec-
tion, the reproduction which we have in
Gilchrist's " Life " gives a teasing conviction
that we are blind men, hearing the songs but
not seeing the images which they embody;
that their beauty, wonderful as it is, would
232
WILLIAM BLAKE, PAINTER AND POET.
be heightened by the symphony of design
into some strange and inexpressible delight,
assailing eye and ear at once.
The " Songs of Experience," following five
years afterward, are to the " Songs of Inno-
cence " what we have shown certain notes in
the earlier songs are to the full strain. They
present, as the name indicates, the obverse
cence " represents a state, the " Songs of
Experience " a mood. The rhythm discov-
ered in the former by the accent of dark
lines is absent in the latter, for the white
lines do not accent the dark. Once, indeed,
may we say that the sudden entrance of light
transforms the whole poem into a magnifi-
cence which otherwise would have been a
MORNING, OR GLAD DAY." (ENGRAVED ON WOOD FROM ETCHING BY BLAKE, OWNED BY
MRS. ALEXANDER GILCHRIST.)
phase of the soul. In most cases they are
direct replies to the several " Songs of Inno-
cence " ; the " Tiger" offsets the " Lamb " :
the « Little Girl Lost " the « Little Boy
Found " ; « Infant Sorrow " " Infant Joy " ;
and, sad and beautiful as many of the
poems are, sometimes terrible in their reve-
lation of evil, the book is incontestably
weaker, and in the main, in a purely poetic
sense, untruthful. Nor could there well
be found a finer illustration of the suprem-
acy of good than is exhibited by the con-
trast of these two books. Blake's sincerity
is unquestionable, but the " Songs of Inno-
mere lurid dreadfulness; it is when, near
the close of that fiery poem the " Tiger,"
the poet asks:
" Did He who made the lamb make thee?"
Let any one read the poem and say if this
line is not the salvation of it.
In these two books, with their blended
text and design, Blake presented most per-
fectly that side of his genius which admits
of universal apprehension. If he was, as
he would claim, 'singing and drawing in
obedience to heavenly visions, we are so in-
tent upon what he gives us that we are not
WILLIAM BLAKE, PAINTER AND POET.
233
ELIJAH IN THE CHARIOT OF FIRE. (FROM A WATER-COLOR BY BLAKE, OWNED BY MRS. GILCHRIST.)
too curious over the sources of it. But we
may as well take Blake's word for it that the
persons who sat to him for their portraits,
and served as his inexpensive models, were
such as were invisible to other eyes. There
is a series of visionary heads by Blake, por-
traits of persons whom he professed to see ;
he would look up and sketch from the invis-
ible subject with all the simplicity and direct-
ness of a student, who could, if he chose,
touch the head before him. These heads
show the result of Blake's early studies,
when, an engraver's apprentice, he was left
to wander among the stones and graves
in Westminster Abbey. They are drawn
often from English history, but the charac-
ters who thronged upon him came often from
worlds of Blake's own discovery. A large
body of suggestions, however, were drawn
from Biblical subjects, where, when Blake
had his own choice, those points were taken
chiefly which were most frankly supernat-
ural. Few signs of Blake's familiar com-
merce with spiritual conceptions are more
striking than his fearless handling of subjects
usually avoided by artists, and his eager
rush at just that side of a supernatural sub-
ject which is generally veiled. The picture
of Elijah mounted in the Fiery Chariot,
shown at the Boston exhibition, is a fine
example of Blake's treatment of such scenes.
Elijah is seated in a chariot, the body of
which is partially outlined by flames, flames
also rolling the chariot along. The prophet
is a majestic figure, sitting calm in the
midst of the light, even the reins, which he
holds firmly with one hand, issuing as red
lines of fire to the horses, which are bright
with an interior blaze and stand restless.
Beside them is the figure of Elisha, his head
bowed in adoring grief, his hair and beard
making a rain of lamentation, while his
hands are clasped in profound reverence.
The movement of the picture is increased by
the chariot being placed in a great circle
of flames upon a black background, the
sky a rich cloud of yellow, and a magnifi-
cent, mysterious blackness crowding up from
below. It is a most impressive picture ; the
weight of the supernatural in it is such that
one gets from it in his study a clearer
perception of Blake's habitual dwelling
among such themes, than he could derive
from any detailed description of his mental
234
WILLIAM BLAKE, PAINTER AND POET.
habits. No one could strike so unerringly
at the central idea of the subject whose
temper was not habitually one of converse
with the supernatural.
Blake, no doubt, imported into the Bible
a crowd of fantastic ideas that sprang from
his own fertile, impetuous brain. He went
to it for a revelation of facts, and seized
chiefly upon those which other men were
trying their best to be rid of. He was
orientalized both by the Bible and by his
passion for large, swelling conceptions of
life, death and immortality. By degrees he
peopled his mind with a strange crowd of
figures, many with biblical outlines, many
also, jostling these, — variations upon a few
simple themes. The elemental facts of life,
as has already been said, were those which
were most luminous to him and for which he
found visible shapes, which were repeated
constantly in his designs. One of his earliest
designs, engraved by himself, and called
by Gilchrist " Morning, or Glad Day," is
an admirable illustration of this feeling for
Blake after a simple, yet vitalized, symbol.
Another favorite one was the familiar
" Death's Door," so often engraved, either
alone or with the added figure of the enrapt-
ured youth above it, as in Blair's " Grave."
It is found in " America " and in separate
sketches: the young man is in the "Mar-
riage of Heaven and Hell," in "America"
and in various sketches. So the groups which
appear in "The Descent of Man into the
Vale of Death" are constantly discoverable
in new combinations. It would seem as if
Blake, once catching at these forms, was so
intent upon the spiritual energy back of
them that he was constantly emphasizing it
by repetition, and in each drawing was not
so much copying a favorite design as repeat-
ing a spiritual conception. Wherever, by
some fancied fitness, he could weave these
designs into his writings he did so, and he
dwelt upon them with as much disregard of
petty variations as a minister might show
who preached year after year upon certain
great themes of religion.
In truth, Blake, in his own conception an
artist, was also in his own conception a
prophet; and whereas Ezekiel, uttering
prophecies of righteousness, illustrated them
by astounding visions of wheels and flames,
Blake's prophecies were first and foremost
his visions, wheels and flames, presented to
the eye with such textual illustration as
seemed to him to say the same thing in
words, and the burden of the whole was an
incoherent jumble of fundamental principles
of justice, pity, vengeance and the like.
The Songs of Innocence and of Experi-
ence were, as we have seen, exclusively his
publication. There followed, now, on a
larger scale, a series of so-called prophetical
books which grew mistier and mistier, as
Blake, familiarized with half-allegorical forms
of expression, wandered further and further
away in his words from the base of his alle-
gories. The first of these books, "The Book
of Thel," is slight in bulk and by no means
unintelligible. A pensive loveliness lies in
it, and without seeking for too deep a mean-
ing one glides along the plaint of the
mystical Thel. Fortunately, the Boston
exhibition has a copy of the book, and the
refinement of color, the grace of the figures,
the enchanting delicacy of touch through-
out, give a revelation to one of Blake's genius
in the first blush of his more wayward mood.
Blake abandoned himself, however, more
and more to the fascination of a work which
enabled him to set down in formal shape
the vagaries of his fancy. "The Marriage
of Heaven and Hell," with its intelligible
sporting in the same mood from which
sprang "Songs of Experience " ; "The Gates
of Paradise," "Visions of the Daughters of
Albion," "America: a Prophecy," "Europe:
a Prophecy," "The Book of Urizen," "The
Song of Los," "The Book of Ahania,"
"Jerusalem," and "Milton," were all first
produced between 1790 and 1804. One
hesitates to speak positively without a
study of them in the original copies.
Mr. Swinburne has devoted a large part
of his critical study of Blake to an exam-
ination of this class of his work, and
has discovered interesting interpretations
of them. Whoever will may pursue the
lead which he has opened. That Blake
had certain conceptions regarding abstract
principles of the moral universe, that he
chose to embody these in literary forms which
borrowed names from familiar objects, and
expressed himself also through graphic forms
consentaneous to these — this is all that we
dare say. It is plain that by America he
does not mean what the world calls America,
but the idea of freedom and futurity sug-
gested by the name ; by Albion he does not
mean England ; by Europe he does not
mean Europe; by Jerusalem he does not
mean Jerusalem. It is not unlikely that the
Biblical and prophetic use of Jerusalem,
Babylon, Egypt, as signs of historic and
moral ideas, was in his mind when he
adopted a vocabulary which seems at first
to the hopeful student to contain the key to
WILLIAM BLAKE, PAINTER AND POET.
235
the mystery. The less curious student, the
one who goes to Blake for what shall
please his eye and strike his imagination, is
satisfied not to read a line of these mighty j
books, but to take page after page as ex-
amples of subtle decorative beauty. The
art, in a decorative way, which may be
compared with this, is that displayed in
illuminated books before the invention of
printing, but Blake, freed from all merely
conventional limitations, used his liberty
under guidance of an instinctive knowledge
of the laws of art. The endless variety of
combination of text and line hints at great
spontaneity of invention ; the certainty with
which the forms compose indicates the
obedience which the artist showed to the
unwritten law of beauty. One may almost
find an excuse here for the doctrine so often
boldly put forward, that intelligibility in art
is wholly unessential, the entire pleasure
springing from the obedience of form and
color to laws of beauty which are wholly
separate from those of the understanding.
The subordination, indeed, of the thought j
in the text indicates, to the casual observer,
how much more complete mastery Blake
had of the instrument of color and line than
of the instrument of language ; how much
sharper, also, the bounding lines of art are
than those of literature. The ductility of
words, the power to whicli they may be
drawn out grammatically to a tenuous
length while one endeavors to find the
thought which they carry, is so deceptive
that truth wanders in the mazes of Blake's
writings until it is lost to sight. In art it
is otherwise ; the first departure from an
intelligible form is noticed, and the artist
is himself warned that he is untruthful. Now
Blake errs sometimes in design, he produces
exaggerated, enormous, and unregulated
shapes, just as huge bulks rise to the im-
agination through the swash of his poetry;
but the limitations of the language of art
are constantly guarding him against excess,
— the apparently boundless horizon of the
language of poetry is constantly tempting
him into mysterious and undistinguishable
distance.
Once, at any rate, Blake wrought under
singularly favorable influences, — near the
close of his life, when he was occupied with
the " Inventions to the Book of Job." The re-
sult which we have in the series of engravings,
follows two distinct works in color, a series
done for Mr. Butts, and now in the posses-
sion of Lord Houghton, and a second series
for Mr. Linnell, from which, substantially, this
engraved series is made. Differences are
pointed out in individual designs, and Mr.
Rossetti, in his catalogue raisonne, indicates
where a superiority has been gained or lost in
the final execution. But it is noticeable how
fresh the published series is, and how in-
frequently Blake has resorted in it to the
familiar types from which he had been copy-
ing all his life. That is to say, while in
Blair's " Grave " one constantly notes par-
ticular likenesses to individual figures and
groups elsewhere, in the " Job," one remarks
rather the general conformity to a well-
established Blake type, with an originality
in detail. There are no unusual circum-
stances about Blake's life which might be
held to account for this, yet there were con-
ditions which undoubtedly had their in-
fluence. He was now in his sixty-fifth
year, and at a low ebb in fortune. His rich
patrons had wearied of him, and toil brought
him but slight return. He was, however,
the center of a small group of artists who
looked upon him with admiration, and from
one of these, Mr. Linnell, he received an
order to execute this set of engravings. He
was to receive one hundred pounds for the
designs and copyright, to be paid from time
to time, and a like sum from the profits,
should these ever yield it; the entire sum
paid was a hundred and fifty pounds, in
small weekly instalments. The result of this
arrangement was that Blake was insured the
expenses of living, by a regular stipend, while
he was engaged upon the engravings; a con-
dition which freed him from the necessity of
turning aside from the one employment, and
disengaged him from the worries of a broken
life. This continuity of labor unquestion-
ably had its influence in securing an even-
ness and concentration of skill, and to the
provision of this generous friend is owing,
possibly, the full completion of a task which
without his aid Blake could scarcely have
compassed.
A higher reason for Blake's success lies
in the nature of the work. Certain subjects
had heretofore controlled and regulated
his imagination ; such a subject was the
Elijah ; but in a large part of his work he
had followed his own wayward, and often-
times willful fancy. Here he was invited to
illustrate a text which at once gave him the
widest range in his own chosen field, and
offered a dramatic unity capable of regulat-
ing and ordering his invention. The drama
of " Job," in its double scene of heaven and
earth, corresponded with the locality of
Blake's imagination ; the open exhibition of
236
WILLIAM BLAKE, PAINTER AND POET,
• ^^e sweet influgtnces <?f Pleudes or loose tfic fcih^i, r
^___ ^ ^^— ^ 'ov>,_
the Almighty as one of the dramatis personae justified
Blake's own fearless and reverent portraiture of Him;
the conflict between light and darkness in the spiritual
world, a conflict in which man is involved both
actively and passively, was here presented with a
frankness which dismissed allegory as impertinent;
and Blake's philosophy of life was constantly seeking
a similar manifestation ; the speculation of " Job "
busied itself with the high themes of life and death,
good and evil, and these themes were no strangers
to Blake's mind; then the human figures in the
drama, large, grave, heroic in thought rather than
in stature and action, elemental in their type, were
the men and women whom Blake had all his life
been drawing, as he sought to separate the substantial
from the accidental in human existence. Blake,
therefore, inevitably found in this book a congen-
ial theme for illustration ; with his reverence for
whatever appealed to him as emanating from Divine
wisdom, he could not fail of approaching the " Book
of Job " with a truly devout and humble obedience.
In one of his letters to Mr. Butts, so valuable for
their commentary on Blake's mind, he says, and the
reader must take the expression with great literalness:
" The thing I have most at heart — more than life, or all that
seems to make life comfortable without — is the interest of true
religion and science. And wherever anything appears to affect
that interest (especially if I myself omit any duty to my station
as a soldier of Christ), it gives me the greatest of torments. I
am not ashamed, afraid, or averse to tell you what ought to be
told — that I am under the direction of messengers from heaven,
daily and nightly. But the nature of such things is not, as some
suppose, without trouble or care. If we fear to do the dictates
of our angels, and tremble at the tasks set before us; if we
refuse to do spiritual acts because of our natural fears or natural
desires; who can describe the dismal torments of such a state! —
I too well remember the threats I heard! — 'If you, who are
£
| Ster sang together,
bnsr cFGbci >s}toutet{! fop i
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BORDER OF PLATE PROM THE " BOOK OF JOB." (SEE PLATE ON OPPOSITE PAGE.)
organized by Divine Providence for spiritual com-
munion, refuse, and bury your talent in the earth,
even though you should want natural bread,—
sorrow and desperation pursue you through life,
and after death, shame and confusion of face to
eternity. Every one in eternity will leave you,
aghast at the man who was crowned with glory and
honor by his brethren, and betrayed their cause to
their enemies.' Such words would make any stout
man tremble, and how, then, could I be at ease ?
But I a;n now no longer in that state, and now go
on again with my task, fearless, though my path is
difficult."
Other passages might be found, expressive
of the same sincere humility and eagerness
to be led by spiritual powers. It may even
be guessed that Blake would by this time
have wearied somewhat of the portentous
inventions of his prophetical books, which,
owing their life, as he asserted, to visions
WILLIAM BLAKE, PAINTER AND POET.
237
"WHEN THE MORNING STARS SANG TOGETHER." (INSIDE PANEL OF THE PRECEDING.)
which he had seen, would after all insinuate
an endless round of life, issuing from him
and returning to him, and that he would
rest in the strong structure of the " Book of
Job," with a sense that here were creations
truly independent of his will. At any rate
there was a great authority in this book, and
Blake, acknowledging it, was thereby gov-
erned and restrained when he came to
execute his inventions.
The student making his acquaintance
with Blake through the "Job" would not
at first recognize this restraint; however
grandly the designs might strike him, free-
dom and audacity would be first discovera-
ble. But in this study we have approached
the Job by a course which has familiarized
us somewhat with Blake's genius, and we
repeat emphatically that the greatness of
this series as an interpretation of the thought
of Job rests largely in its restrained power.
It rests also in the fine grasp which Blake
shows of the dramatic conception in-
volved in the book. The series is not a
hap-hazard illustration of various points in
the history of Job, nor even only a recital
of salient points in that history. It is, in a
large sense, an illustration of the book,
throwing light upon its meaning by a reve-
lation not contained in the book itself, and
by a profusion of subtle, natural, and sym-
bolic decoration, enlarging the very scope
of the book. In a strictly theological sense,
the plates have a singular value. To any
238
WILLIAM BLAKE, PAINTER AND POET.
spiritual discerner of the truths enfolded in
the life of the man of Uz, Blake's pictorial
interpretation is rich with suggestion.
Thus, Blake, following the book in its
presentation of the chief actors in the
drama, God, man, and Satan, the accuser,
has completed the dramatic unity of the
story by the introduction of a plate in the
series, the sixteenth in the twenty-one, en-
titled " Thou Hast Fulfilled the Judgment
of the Wicked." In this the central figure
is Satan, falling as lightning from heaven into
flames which leap up to receive him, under
the Almighty's uplifted hand, in the midst
of angels, while Job and his wife look on in
unshrinking awe, and the three friends start
back with conscious terror. This is the
most marked instance of Blake's interpreta-
tive power, but every plate bears witness to
the fullness of spiritual meaning with which
he invested the dramatic series. Each plate
is surrounded by a border containing out-
line designs and texts, either taken directly
from Scripture or so couched in scriptural
language that they have the same effect;
and when one has rested from his investi-
gation of the picture he runs to the decora-
tive border for fresh illumination. The
deep religiousness of Blake's nature is every-
where apparent, and his historical apprehen-
sion of religion was made to give a fine
subordinate value to the design. An excel-
lent illustration of this is in the use which
he makes of the Gothic minster as symbolic
of worship, and, in contrast, of the Druid
stones and forms as symbolic of pagan dark-
ness. So, too, in the twentieth plate,
where, by a significant interpolation, Job is
recounting his life to his fair daughters, the
scenes of terror are elaborated as tapestry
upon the walls. " Everywhere," it has been
said, " throughout the series we meet with
evidences of Gothic feeling. Such are the
recessed settle and screen of trees in plate
two, and, too, much in the spirit of Orcagna.
The decorative character of the stars in
plate twelve ; the Leviathan and Behemoth
in plate fifteen, grouped so as to recall a
mediaeval medallion or wood-carving; the
trees, drawn always as they might be carved
in the wood- work of an old church." There
is a striking use made of the tables of the
law in the eleventh plate, where the accuser,
tormenting Job with doubts of God, hides
from him and yet points at these stones.
The plate, " When the Morning Stars Sang
Together, and all the Sons of God Shouted
for Joy," has for its emblematic border the
map of the six days of creation. The texts
of Scripture, also, are used with admirable
allusiveness. Over the first plate, for in-
stance, where Job is presented in the inno-
cence of his untried faith, are the words
" Our Father Who Art in Heaven," while
above the final plate, " So the Lord Blessed
the Latter End of Job more than the Begin-
ning," are the words " Great and Marvel-
ous are Thy Works, Lord God Almighty, Just
and True are Thy Ways, O Thou King of
Saints ! " as if the man, triumphant in his
faith, were singing praises to the God who
had made his submission victorious.
More significant still is the entire con-
ception of these two plates as the beginning
and close of the series. In the first, Job and
his wife are seated with open books at the
foot of an oak, surrounded by the seven sons
and three daughters, Job reciting the Word
of God, while his wife and children, with
folded hands and uplifted faces, respond
with worship. The sun is setting behind
gentle hills, the moon rising over frowning
mountains. Great flocks of cropping sheep
extend back to the tents of the patriarch,
and in the foreground rams, sheep, and
lambs lie placidly before the human group.
"Thus Did Job Continually," is the legend,
and at the base of the decorative border is an
altar with aspiring flame, while an ox and a
ram show their heads at the corners of the
border, awaiting sacrifice. Upon the face of
the altar are the words " The Letter Killeth ;
the Spirit Giveth Life. It is Spiritually Dis-
cerned." This is the conception of childlike
piety, unquestioning, untried, happy in its
possessions, undisturbed by any dissension or
any outward tumult. There are grown men
among the sons, but all, young and old,
carry on their faces the aspect of innocent
purity. Turn, now, to the last plate. There
is the same decorative border, as to lines
and grouping, but the ram and ox have
changed their places ; the ram has a shep-
herd's crook by it, the ox has the head and
action of a beast that is to live and not be
slain. The fire on the altar is no longer a
simple triple flame, but bursts out in ani-
mated vigor as having an undying power
of its own, requiring no fuel or flesh to feed
it, while upon the face of the altar are the
words " In Burnt Offerings for Sin Thou
Hast Had no Pleasure." Then, in the pict-
ure itself, the locality is the same ; the great
tree is in the center ; the sun is now rising
gloriously over gentle hills, the moon and
stars are fading out in a gentle dawn. The
creatures in the foreground are still there,
but with alert, uplifted heads. Before,
WILLIAM BLAKE, PAINTER AND POET.
239
there hung upon the tree lutes, harps, and
viols, as instruments unused and unneeded
by the simple worshipers; now, before and
about the tree, Job, his wife, his sons
and daughters, stand triumphantly singing
and playing upon the uplifted instruments,
or with scrolls of beauty flowing in their
hands ; between and among the forms we
catch glimpses of the same flock as before,
with an added life and playfulness.
This detailed analysis of the two plates
will indicate something of the methods by
which Blake expresses his conception, but it
is the misfortune of most such analyses to
suggest a certain mechanical and formalistic
treatment. There is an archaic naivete in
Blake's handling of his theme here, partly
his own native apprehension, partly the
result of his artistic sympathies, but the very
openness of the stratagem by which he cap-
tures the understanding in this interpretation
of the Book of Job saves him from the
charge of a perfunctory method. We have
been compelled, in outlining the above plates,
to force the contrasted parts into a dry enu-
meration of details, but the spectator, upon
his first view of the engravings, sees only
the lovely harmony of each ; the unity
in diversity which possesses them steals
over him slowly and with enchanting grace.
Indeed, rich as the series is in its moral
suggestion, we are almost impatient with
the showman who points this out, so en-
tirely does the aesthetic interest of the plates
prevail. As examples of engraving they
are marvels of beauty. " The ' Book of
Job,' " says Mr. Ruskin in his " Elements of
Drawing," " engraved by himself, is of the
highest rank in certain characters of imag-
ination and expression ; in the mode of ob-
taining certain effects of light, it will also be
a very useful example to you. In express-
ing conditions of glaring and flickering
light Blake is greater than Rembrandt."
" The engravings," we are told by Gilchrist,
" are the best Blake ever did — vigorous,
decisive, and, above all, in a style of expres-
sion in keeping with the designs, which the
work of no other hand could have been in
the case of conceptions so austere and prim-
eval as these."
It is fortunate that copies of the " Book
of Job " exist in sufficient number to make
it possible for students to get access to it.
An excellent set is on exhibition at the
Boston collection, and both private and
public owners can easily be found. One is
not, therefore, obliged to sing the praises
of these wonderful designs to incredu-
lous ears; the best of witnesses exist in
support of the most enthusiastic words.
One hesitates to characterize them, not
from fear of speaking too strongly, but of
entangling the subject with misleading and
inadequate expression. Without this series,
it may be said, Blake's career as an artist
would fail of its ripe exhibition. These de-
signs, by their form and character, come
THE COUNSELOR, KING, WARRIOR, MOTHER AND CHILD IN THE TOMB. (FROM AN ETCHING BY LOUIS SCHIAVONETTI
AFTER DRAWING BY WM. BLAKE, FROM BLAIR'S "GRAVE.")
240
APPLE-BL OS SO MS.
specifically into place among the enduring
works of art, and may be so examined;
while much of Blake's other work is of a
nature to illustrate rather a wayward artist
than one who moves in the great procession
of erratic intelligence. They fitly complete
a career at the other end of which stands the
" Songs of Innocence."
APPLE-BLOSSOMS.
THE apple-trees with bloom are all aglow —
Soft drifts of perfumed light —
A miracle of mingled fire and snow —
A laugh of Spring's delight !
Their ranks of creamy splendor pillow
deep
The valley's pure repose ;
On mossy walls, in meadow nooks, they
heap
Surges of frosted rose.
Around old homesteads, clustering thick,
they shed
Their sweets to murm'ring bees,
And o'er hushed lanes and way-side fount-
ains spread
Their pictured canopies.
Green-breasted knolls and forest edges
wear
Their beautiful array :
And lonesome graves are sheltered, here
and there,
With their memorial spray.
The efflorescence on unnumbered boughs
Pants with delicious breath;
O'er me seem laughing eyes and fair,
smooth brows,
And shapes too sweet for death.
Clusters of dimpled faces float between
The soft, caressing plumes,
And lovely creatures 'mong the branches
lean,
Lulled by faint, flower-born tunes.
A rude wind blows, and, as the blossoms
fall,
^ My heart is borne away :
Fainter and fainter tender voices call
Of my enamored May.
Fainter and fainter— oh, how strange it
seems,
With so much sweetness fled!
I go like one who dreams within his
dreams
That, living, he is dead !
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
241
THE DOMINION OF CANADA. II.
POLITICAL AND SOCIAL HISTORY.
DYKE ON CANARD RIVER CUT BY THE ACAD1ANS ON THE DAY OF THEIR EXPULSION BY THE BRITISH.
THE political history of Canada is the
history of a pupilage not yet completed.
Hitherto the ever-broadening stage has
been occupied with actors — not altogether
uninteresting to the student of political
development — whose work lias been of a
preparatory kind. The final act has yet to be
played. The comparative calm, which has
characterized the evolution of the drama so
far, promises a peaceful, and that means a
satisfactory, denouement ; but it sometimes
thunders out of a clear sky. At any rate, no
one who regards his reputation as a seer
would care to speak positively as to what
the last act is likely to be. For while our
foresight is generally determined by our
hopes and wishes, we are warned that " it is
the unexpected which is sure to happen."
History does and does not repeat itself; and,
from what the past has been, different men,
therefore, draw contradictory inferences as
to the future. The United States took up
their position as a sovereign state after seven
years' hard righting. No one believes that
the mother country would now fight seven
minutes to retain any part of Canada, save,
perhaps, Halifax on the Atlantic and Esqui-
maux on the Pacific coast ; and this, not be-
cause she has less courage, but because she
VOL. XX.— 17.
has more wisdom ; not that she loves Can-
ada less, but that she loves freedom more.
The question of our future is left to be set-
tled by reason, and not by appeals to force ;
by our loyalty, and not by our fears. Great
Britain owes her present hold of the self-
governed colonies not to the strong hand of
authority, but to the natural affection with
which children love their parents; to their
pride in a glorious history ; to their attach-
ment to a flag which has always been to
them the emblem of protection ungrudg-
ingly given ; to their love of a Queen who
incarnates in herself the unity of the Empire ;
to their desire to preserve the continuity
of their national life ; to their participation
in the benefit of great warlike, scien-
tific and literary achievements; to their
admiration of a political constitution which,
they believe, guarantees freedom more im-
mediately and effectually than any other,
while at the same time it secures a vigorous
exercise of authority ; and to that whole-
some conservatism in human nature which
causes us to recoil instinctively from unnec-
essary revolution. The question of our
future does not press, and only theorists
desire to precipitate a solution. True, our
position is anomalous. We have no recog-
242
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
nized share in the conduct of international
relations, whether of trade or diplomacy, or in
determining the supreme questions of peace
or war. We govern ourselves, yet are not
independent. We are an integral part of
the British Empire, yet we have been told,
in effect, that we are free to secede when-
ever we choose to do so. We assert that we
are now not simply a colony or dependency,
but we are unable to define what we really
are. I suppose we ought to be dissatisfied,
but we are not. Occasionally we are re-
minded that we may be plunged into war at
any time, without our having a word to say
as to the why ; but most of us are willing to
leave this and other matters almost equally
important in the hands of the Imperial
a political necessity. Perhaps the fact that
as a people we are satisfied with our present
undefined condition, shows our political
immaturity. But those most conscious of
strength are willing to wait, and are some-
what scornful of mere restlessness. In a
word, Canadians are better satisfied with
things as they are than with anything else
that has yet been proposed. Further devel-
opments will ensue. Tendencies will work
themselves out. We are moving onward,
advancing steadily in the path of well-
ordered freedom; and when the hour strikes
for another advance, leaders will come to
the front to guide us to the fulfillment of a
destiny which only phrase-makers can now
speak of as manifest. I desire to point out
SHERBROOKE.
Government. We feel that practically we
are considered, and that as we have nothing
2tter to propose than the present arrange-
ment or want of arrangement, forbearance
on our part is not only a political virtue but
how Canada, which was French to the
core, — nothing but French, at the conquest
of 1759, and which for the next three quar-
ters of a century remained French to so
great an extent that, in 1837, popular lead-
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
243
ers believed that an independent
French nation could be built on
the St. Lawrence, — has now be-
come unquestionably, and with
the consent of all, a British
nationality. We shall thus be
led to see that though nearly
three and a half centuries have
passed away since Jacques
Cartier planted the cross at
Gaspe, the Canada with which
we have to do is but of yester-
day; that she knows not yet
what her future shall be; that
she is
" Standing with reluctant feet
Where the brook and river meet ; "
and that, having no past of her
own, her thoughts are all turned
to the future, — a future that she
can best prepare for by doing
her duty in and to the present.
In 1791, Great Britain divided
the old province of Quebec into
two distinct colonies, called Up-
per and Lower Canada. With
the exception of British resi-
dents in the cities, and the
beautiful district known as the
Eastern Townships, which re-
ceived a large infusion of the
American element, Lower Can-
ada was French. Those Eastern
Townships have always pre-
sented a striking contrast to the
rest of the Province. The
inhabitants are like New Eng-
landers in their readiness to start
manufactures. Sherbrooke, the
capital of the district, is given
over to mills, and the people
are as proud of them as Paris-
ians are of the Louvre. Cattle
are raised on the stock-farms
that vie with those of the most
noted breeders of England. And the
beauties of Lake Magog, and the Magog
and the St. Francis rivers, are commended
to the tourist with a zeal that generally has
an eye to the main chance.
True to their instincts, the American and
British residents of Lower Canada cried out
from the first for a Representative Assembly.
It was given, and before long they found
that the gift was a rod for their own backs.
No Englishman thenceforth could be elected
to the Assembly unless he became French-
Canadian in language and spirit. That, in
VIEW ON THE MAGOG RIV
itself, would have been easy, but unfortu-
nately it committed him to a party led by
men of no judgment. Visions of independ-
ence, of a north-west republic of Lower
Canada, of " a great and powerful French
nation," consisting of uneducated habitants
scattered in a thin line along the banks of
the St. Lawrence, floated before the minds
of feather-headed popular leaders. Natu-
rally enough, in such a case, the British
minority took sides with the British Gov-
ernor and Executive against the Represent-
ative Assembly, and what had been the
244
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
Liberal element in the Province became a
Conservative party. To understand the
dead-locks that occurred thereafter, it is
necessary to explain that the government of
Lower Canada, like that of the other Prov-
inces, consisted then of three bodies; (i)
a House of Assembly, composed of Repre-
sentatives appointed for a term of years by
the people; (a) an Upper House called the
Legislative Council, consisting of gentlemen
appointed by the Crown for life; (3) an
Executive appointed by the Crown, and
responsible to the Crown. The Governor,
as head of the Executive, represented the
Crown immediately and directly. From him
and his Executive all patronage and honors
flowed. This form of government was sup-
posed to be modeled, and, in fact, to be an
" exact transcript," from the British Constitu-
tion. The Assembly represented the House
of Commons; the Legislative Council the
House of Lords; and the Executive the
Privy Council. It was exactly like what the
Stuart kings imagined the British Constitu-
tion to be, but as like the British Constitution
in the nineteenth century as chalk is like
cheese. The House of Assembly could talk
and petition, but without the co-operation
of the Upper House it had little power.
Legislation depended on the assent of the
Council; and generally the Council sympa-
thized with the Executive rather than with
the demagogues who swayed the popular
branch. Occasionally the Assembly and the
Council might be animated by unity of
sentiment and aim ; but the members of the
Council derived their places from the same
source as the Executive; they represented
the same social elements ; and personal links
united the two bodies. It can easily be seen
that the Council and the Executive would be
always an overmatch for the popular branch
of the Legislature.
The Representatives of the people fretted
continually under a sense of impotency.
They could agitate and bait Governors, and
they cultivated both arts with a remarkable
measure of success ; but the agitations effected
little, and new Governors, though they might
dispense hospitality more liberally, yet
walked pretty much in the same paths as
their predecessors. Such a system of gov-
ernment could not have endured long had
the popular leaders been loyally desirous of
securing its reform within the lines of their
allegiance; but their disloyalty and childish
dreams rallied against them the real strength
of the Province ; and though the habitant
threw up his hat and cheered their voluble
speeches, and re-elected them to the Assem-
bly as often as the Governor dissolved it, he
had not, as a rule, the remotest idea of risk-
ing land or limb at their summons. We can
estimate the character of their supporters
from the petition presented by them to the
Imperial Parliament in 1828. Eighty-seven
thousand appended their names. Of these,
only 9,000 could write ; the rest made
their marks. When it became evident that
the leaders were bent on rebellion, their
apparent strength withered in a few weeks.
The influential seigneurs, the leading mer-
chants, the Church, and two-thirds of the
habitants ranged themselves in active or pas-
sive resistance to the mad enterprise. And
when the rebellion actually sputtered into
existence, it amounted to little more than
poor Smith O'Brien's cabbage-garden fight in
Ireland. To cheer eloquent speeches at a
village tavern was one thing; to shoulder
a musket was altogether another. The re-
bellion, however, though nothing in itself,
led to important results. It was clearly
impossible to govern Lower Canada longer
on the old arbitrary system. The logic of
events about the same time in Upper
Canada, and in the maritime Provinces, also
led irresistibly to the conclusion that self-
government must be conceded all along the
line. But it was equally impossible to hand
over a whole colony, one, too, that con-
trolled the mouth of the St. Lawrence, to
the will of a majority of uneducated voters.
The only solution that presented itself was
to unite the two Canadas and to trust the
people so united. In 1839, Lord Durham
urged this policy on the Imperial Govern-
ment, in a masterly report which his enemies
said he had neither written nor read. Be
that as it may, he advised the confederation
of all the British American Provinces ; but
as practical difficulties put so vast a scheme
out of the question — Halifax being then as
far removed from Quebec as from Kam-
schatka, for all practical purposes — he
dropped that for the moment, and said, in
effect, Unite the two Canadas into one Prov-
ince, let the government of the Provinces be
carried on according to the constitutionally
expressed popular will, and base loyalty on
the will of a loyal people. The majority of
the French Canadians disliked the pro-
posed re-union of the two Canadas; but
this was a necessary part of the large,
statesmanlike policy that had at length been
agreed upon. The British Government
acted on Lord Durham's report, and con-
ceding to all the Provinces the principle of
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
245
responsible government, placed their desti-
nies in their own hands. In criticizing them,
let it not be forgotten that their history as
self-governing communities commenced little
more than thirty years ago.
Prior to 1840, all contests in Lower Can-
ada were in reality contests of races, lan-
guages and religions. In Upper Canada
and the other Provinces they were simply
political, the struggles of a free-born and
intelligent people to be allowed to govern
themselves. For many years after its
organization as a Province, political parties
did not exist in Upper Canada. The House
of Assembly, the Upper House, and the
Executive worked together for the common
good, as Romans did in the brave days of
old, when
" None were for a party,
But all were for the State.''
As the homespun Representatives wanted to
get back to their farms as soon as possible,
they wasted no time in speech-making, but
pushed business through as rapidly as British
forms permitted, and made excellent laws
and regulations on every matter that came
before them. The bulk of the people had
enough to do with clearing their farms, and
cared little for politics. But as population
and wealth increased, and the probable
future greatness of the new Province began
to be understood, a ruling class, popularly
known as " the Family Compact," grew up.
Its growth was encouraged, for in high
quarters it was dreamed that the constitu-
tion of society on an aristocratic basis would
be the best way to save the Province from the
wolf of democracy. This ruling class con-
sisted of settlers of aristocratic pretensions,
half-pay officers, scions of good families in
England who had been sent out to fill offices,
and leading men of the United Empire,
— loyalists who had sacrificed everything for
the Empire, and who hated republicanism
with a hatred proportioned to the sacrifices
they or their fathers had been compelled to
make. Men of ability made a mistake simi-
lar to that which caused the division of
Canada in 1791. Then, so great a man as
Pitt thought that Lower Canada would most
likely be preserved to the Crown by keeping
it isolated from the democratic colonists who
would eventually pour into the forests of
Western Canada. The re-union of the
Canadas fifty years afterward was the
acknowledgment of a mistake that originated
in a mistrust of the people. Penetrated with
the same profound distrust, the members of
" the Family Compact," or those who inspired
them, fancied that the only way to keep
Upper Canada loyal was by fostering an
aristocracy, and buttressing it with a Church
establishment and an University fenced
around with tests. Convinced of this, and
actuated by the best of motives, men of re-
finement and learning, of probity and piety,
toiled industriously to chain the popular
giant with straw-ropes. When good men
come to consider themselves and their offices
the bulwarks of the constitution, their very
selfishness assumes a holy tinge. " I must
bring in a bill to reduce your salary to
^5,000 a year," said a Prime Minister to a
worthy Bishop. " B-but, my dear sir,"
exclaimed his horror-stricken Lordship,
" w-what, then, will become of religion ? "
To patriots of this class, not only their own
positions and salaries, but fungi or barnacles
become portions of the ark. It is allowable
to call men who propose to lay unhallowed
hands on the sacred thing adventurers, and
then disloyal, or sacrilegious wretches, in
dealing with whom summary measures are
permissible. " Turn him oot, turn him oot !
never mind the laa!" impatiently cried Dr.
Strachan, the Anglican Bishop of Toronto,
in his broadest Aberdeen Doric, to a mem-
ber of the House of Assembly who hesitated
as to the legality of taking such a step with
a political opponent. Englishmen who came
to the Colony with prejudices in favor of
everything British twined round every
nerve and fiber, found a class in Toronto
who looked upon them as only one or two
removes from radicals. One Governor
naively records his own experiences in this
respect, and his easy conversion to the
belief that the loyalty of the Province to
the mother country depended on a cocked
hat and the social dominance of a political
church. After minutely detailing how he
was snubbed by an official for his free-and-
easy notions, he goes on to say :
" I could mention hearing many simi-
lar reproofs which I verbally received from
native-born Canadians, especially one which
very strongly condemned me for a desire I
had innocently entertained to go once —
merely as a compliment — to the Presbyterian
Church, which, when quartered in Scotland,
I had often attended; but I was gravely
admonished by the son of the soil on which
I stood that, although I ought to protect
all churches, yet as the representative of
the Established Church I ought to take
part in no other service but my own ; and a
246
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
few moment's reflection told me that he was
right ; and, as a further illustration of this
transatlantic doctrine, I may state that when
the bold, venerable and respected leader of
the Church of England in Upper Canada
was lately appointed Bishop of Toronto, he
was not only immediately addressed by the
title of ' My Lord,' but his humble dwell-
ing was and to this day is designated ' The
Palace,' " * and so on, and so on. Was there
who with all their superior intelligence mis-
took bubbles and froth on the current for
the river, the Imperial Government con-
ceded the principle of responsible govern-
ment— or, as its opponents called it, " Re-
sponsible Nonsense." t " Upper Canada,"
says Dr. Scadding, " in miniature and in the
space of half a century, curiously passed
through conditions and processes, physical
and social, which old countries, on a large
A CANADIAN HOMESTEAD, 1830.
ever such twaddle? And his Excellency
gravely gives these experiences to prove that
Canadians longed, with intelligent longing,
after a system of social and political ine-
quality; and he greatly bewails the fact that
neither of the political parties in England
could be made to see Canada through the
spectacles which the Toronto men had put
on his own eyes. In spite of the oppo-
sition of Governors and Family Compact.
* "The Emigrant," by Lieutenant Francis B. Head
pages 40-50.
scale and in the course of long ages, passed
through. Upper Canada had, in little, its
primeval and barbaric but heroic era, its
mediaeval and high prerogative era, and
then, after a revolutionary period of a few
weeks, its modern, de-feudalized, democratic
era. * * * All men now acquiesce in the final
issue of the social turmoil which for a series
of years agitated Canada." Of these three
eras, the first, I confess, has most charms for
t " Toronto of Old," page 435.
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
247
A CANADIAN HOMESTEAD, 1850.
me, though its heroic memories are of life
struggles against strange and uncongenial
environments, rather than of border wars
and ambuscades. Its poet or historian has
not yet appeared, and its memories are fad-
ing so fast from the minds of men that
probably its records must remain forever
unwritten. Pity that it should be so; for
wilderness and backwoods life in Canada
abounds in pictures infinitely ' varied in
coloring, and in dramas full of poetic inter-
est. In the old world, country life is the
same from generation to generation. In a
colony the scene shifts with amazing rapid-
ity. After a few years' absence you go back
to the old spot and find everything changed.
The first period is one of savage wrestling
with nature. The camp or shanty of the lum-
berman is succeeded by the solid log-house
of the settler. This is the time of logging and
building " bees," and "bees" of all kinds,
of hard drinking and " corduroy " roads.
No beauty is seen in a living tree; it is
every man's enemy. After this rude period
comes a golden era. Thrown on their own
resources, the inventive faculties are stimu-
lated. Every young fellow becomes a thinker
and inventor in his way. One constructs
water-wheels or wind-mills, another cunning
helps for the women-folk; a third makes
gun-stocks or fiddles ; a fourth puzzles his
brains over perpetual motion. Numbers
go to college, or leave home to seek their
fortunes in the world. In a few years more,
the tides of the city's life find their way into
the hitherto isolated spot, sweep over it and
submerge the distinctive peculiarities. The
place is " improved," but it is not the same
dear old place, where every house was a
club and every man a genius in his way.
Of course, the social development of a
colony depends not only on the fixed con-
ditions of soil and climate, but on the class
of emigrants it receives. The emigration to
Upper Canada included representatives of
all the classes that make up the composite
society of Great Britain, and these mingled
together in oddest fashion, for a colony, like
misfortune, makes us acquainted with strange
bed-fellows. Half-pay officers, and military
men who, on account of the long peace
after the Napoleonic wars, had no hope of
rising in the army, gradually found their
way to Upper Canada. Some, who had
nothing before them in England but genteel
starvation, and the contemptuous pity or
dole of wealthier relations, heard that for the
price of their commissions in whole or part
they could become extensive land-owners.
Ashamed to dig at home, it would be no
degradation to work in a new country and
on their own land. Unable to dig, they
248
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
CAPE BLOMIDON FROM GRAND
had the secret conviction that a gentleman,
if he only put himself to it, could do any-
thing better than a lout. Others heard
that an old companion in arms had been
appointed Governor, and that he had offices
in his gift, or land grants of dimensions suf-
ficiently magnificent to inspire the grantees
with dreams of founding a family. The
prospect of combining good fishing and
shooting with profitable farming — most
deceitful will-o'-the-wisp that ever danced —
allured others. The possession of a gun
and the being a good shot were — and
always are to the ordinary farmer — tempta-
tions rather than advantages. Fifty or
sixty years ago little was known of Upper
Canada; and with the mingled pluck
and bull-headedness characteristic of the
true Briton, few cared to inquire into
details before resolving to go out into an
untrodden wilderness, where every condition
of life was sure to be unlike those they
had been previously accustomed to. They
were taken by a popular cry, or they
had read some tourist's book, and, trusting
to the knowledge thus acquired, they took
ship for the St. Lawrence, and rushed into
the forest as confidently as Lord Chelmsford
— prepared for every emergency by thor-
ough knowledge of his book of tactics —
marched into Zulu-land. Mrs. Hoodie's
" Roughing it in the Bush " gives a capital
account, due allowance being made for
feminine screams of exaggeration through-
out, of the kind of life lived by such gallant
fellows and their families, and of the spell
that the country throws around its adopted
children, despite the rough welcome it gives
them. For the exclamation of the French
trader, " Toujours en maudisant ce vilain
pays, on y reviens toujours " (while cursing
the vile country, one always returns to it),
has proved true of Canada as of Africa in the
case of almost every one who has once made
his home in it. The emigrant of to-day to
. Manitoba and the north-west, I believe, has
to run a terrible gauntlet of land speculators
and kindred sharks at Winnipeg. In those
days he met them at every starting-point into
the interior. Escaping from them with less
or more of damage, the journey to the prom-
ised Eden is commenced in a rough wagon,
over corduroy roads and through mosquito-
haunted woods. Such traveling almost
finishes the tenderly reared wife, half broken
down already with the long voyage and the
discomforts of the emigrant ship, not to
speak of the care of children without a serv-
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
249
ant to help. Hope, however, inspires her,
for every hour brings them nearer their
destination. At length Eden comes in
sight, but it is not quite the place the agent
represented. With sad hearts they unload
the piano and the guns, the fishing-tackle
and kitchen gear, among the stumps and
blackened logs in the clearing, and the new
life begins. At first they struggle to keep
houses of the respectable yeomanry, married
into a lower class; and perhaps the old
people, when their money was all spent and
their spirit hopelessly crushed, had to accept
the shelter and rude plenty of the boor's
shanty. Numbers fared very differently.
As cheerily as they had fought with Wel-
lington in the Peninsula, they fought a life-
battle with gloomy forest and dismal swamp,
YORK REDOUBT, HALIFAX HARBOR.
up the old forms and courtesies. Sooner
or later, the struggle is for the bare neces-
saries of life. We need not go into details.
The story ends differently in different cases.
The too severe ordeal drives one to whisky,
and then the end is not far off. Another
drifts back to a town, and perhaps is fortu-
nate enough to get some government ap-
pointment or work that a gentleman can do.
Some began by disdaining the old farmers
and " dissenting " minister in their neighbor-
hood. Their children, excluded from the
with fever and ague, with tropical heat, and
cold that froze their bread and water beside
the big chimney fire. We sons of the soil,
who know how pleasant and healthful the
climate is, can hardly realize how terribly it
bore on people unprepared to meet its sud-
den changes and wide extremes. At first,
everything combined against educated emi-
grants, military or civilian. Their tastes
became their torments, and their supposed
advantages proved stumbling-blocks. The
poorest English Hodge or Irish Pat was
25°
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
better suited for the bush. But after a few
years things began to look brighter. The
country prospered, and they prospered with
its rapidly advancing prosperity. Land
increased in value, and their investments
turned out better even than they had hoped.
Those who had brought with them a little
capital and had known how to take care of
it, could buy, sell, or lend advantageously.
Education and refinement no longer handi-
capped them. In no country is superiority
of any kind more readily acknowledged
than in Canada, provided it does not haugh-
tily assert or isolate itself, but willingly con-
tributes to the common weal. The most
jealously democratic community frankly
concedes position and respect to the bet-
ter-born and better-educated who claim
nothing on the ground of prescription.
Especially in a new country, the people in
every district are glad to hear of any one
coming to settle among them who is likely
to be useful in any way. They may appoint
a swell to the position of hog"-reeve, but will
touch their hats to the gentleman. It was
always so in Canada. The class of men I
have been describing benefited the country
in many ways. They set examples that, as
a rule, their neighbors were not slow to fol-
low. They improved their buildings, drained
the land, brought in superior stock and im-
plements; moreover, they kept before the
people higher ideals of life than the mere
attainment of rude plenty. These men
proved their superiority by being leaders of
the community ; their gentle blood by refine-
ment, superior force of character, and higher
aims ; and in many parts of Canada they
moulded society and raised its tone.
Of course, the great majority of the emi-
grants consisted of people from the lower
walks of life — people whom the straitness
of the Old World had driven in masses to
the New — mechanics, small tenant farmers,
laborers with no capital but their strong
arms and half a dozen children, servants
who intended to become masters and mis-
tresses, and along with these, Adullamites
from the States, and French Canadians
whose fathers' farms would bear no further
subdivision. The potato-famine in Ireland
had little to do with peopling Upper Can-
ada. Ulster has given us most of our
Irishry, and better settlers than Ulstermen
it would be difficult to find. On account
of the ancient law or custom of tenant-right
in their province, they could always get
something for their improvements when
leaving their old farms. Thus it happened
that they generally came out with a bit of
money in purse or stocking, and right well
did they know how to take care of the
stocking. England contributed a large
share of the immigration. From the High-
lands of Scotland came clans in almost un-
broken strength, led in some few cases by
their natural leaders, in most cases, alas !
thrust out from the loved glens, or " the
dim shieling on the misty island," to give
place to sheep, or to grouse, black-cock
and deer. Both in the east and west of
Ontario large districts are peopled entirely
by Gaelic- speaking Highlanders; and in
the north and east of Nova Scotia and Cape
Breton you are pretty safe in addressing
any man you meet by the name of Fraser
or McDonald. The Celtic Highlanders,
like the Celtic Frenchmen, emigrated to-
gether and kept together. They live as
they fight, " shoulder to shoulder." Poor,
ignorant of the climate, uneducated, they
were flung on our shores and invited to
become lairds of trackless forests. How
they managed to exist, especially in the
cruel winter, is a mystery. Their brotherli-
ness and their magnificent morale sustained
them. The thought that children and
grandchildren would reap the fruit of their
labors cheered their hearts, and the God of
their fathers was to them a pillar of cloud by
day and a pillar of fire by night. Frugal,
hardy, and in many cases God-fearing, they
laid the foundations on which we are build-
ing. A virgin soil soon yielded them more
generous fare than they had ever known
before. The log hut and log byre gave
way in a few years to the neat framed house
painted outside and plastered within, with
one or two big barns in the field near by ;
and, perhaps, before the old people were
gathered to their fathers, the oldest son had
built a brick or stone mansion for his Can-
adian bride. I have sometimes seen on the
same farm the three houses, log, frame
and brick, and have heard the owner of
all three declare that his happiest days were
spent in the first. Nothing is sweeter to
old age than the memory of hardships
endured in a good cause.
We get glimpses, in " Roughing it in the
Bush " and Doctor Cunningham Geikie's
" Life in the Woods," of the constitution
of society in different parts of Upper Can-
ada during the period when the stream of
emigration was flowing strongly. Such
works help us to understand the political
history of the Province and to forecast its
probable development. Quebec, though
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
251
Canadian in a very pronounced degree,
glories in tracing its ancestry to France, and
still appeals to French models in everything.
A vigorous English-speaking minority gives
variety to its social, educational and relig-
ious life, and tone to its commercial and
political action ; but unfortunately very little
fusion takes place between the two races.
The two streams run side by side without
commingling. Upper Canada has been
strongly British from the beginning, and
each addition to its population has helped
to make it, if possible, still more strongly
British. Considering the selected stock
from which they have sprung, we have a
right to expect much from such a popula-
tion. Clearly, a body politic, made up in
great part of energetic and aspiring emi-
grants, must be far superior to an ordinary
community in the mother country. The
bolder spirits are the first to emigrate, and
this holds true, to a certain extent, with
respect to the educated as well as to the
uneducated classes of emigrants. The pri-
vations at the outset and the entirely new
conditions of life, on the one hand, involve
a struggle for existence" and survival of the
fittest, and, on the other hand, they serve
to stimulate the general intelligence and ex-
cite ambition. The community of necessity
becomes acute, self-reliant and progress-
ive. It is willing to try political experi-
ments, for every individual has unlimited
confidence in himself, but at the same
time it is essentially conservative, because
three men out of four are land-owners.
To entertain political distrust of such a
society showed profound ignorance of its
constituent elements and of human nature.
To imagine that self-government could
be denied to such a population any longer
than it was itself indifferent about the
possession of the right, was a blunder that
might have been attended with far more
disastrous consequences than actually re-
sulted. The people of Upper Canada
proved their fitness for self-government from
the hour it was conceded to them. They
organized, all over the Province, County and
Township Councils. These are the basis
of the whole political and educational
edifice. Their range is very extensive, in-
cluding roads, common and high schools,
county courts, jails, and all local purposes
whatsoever. They are the truest organs of
popular sentiment, and the best possible
training-schools for higher political life.
The political history of the maritime
Provinces — the old Acadie — resembles in
all leading features that of the two Canadas.
I can barely refer to their general history.
The last bit retained by France was the
picturesque island of Cape Breton ; and to
that she held on till the capture of Quebec by
Wolfe put an end to her long rule in North
America. A winter port was a necessity as
long as she intended to retain Canada.
Driven by the New Englanders again and
again from Port Royal, and obliged to cede
Nova Scotia, by treaty, to Great Britain,
she fortified Louisburg in Cape Breton at
immense cost, and from this stronghold was
ever ready to strike at Acadie and New
England, or sail to the succor of Canada
when returning spring opened up the winter-
barred gateways of the St. Lawrence.
Proudly her flag floated over Louisburg and
Quebec, the twin fortresses that guarded her
vast wilderness realms and linked them to
the might of old France. Zealous priests
proved themselves the same efficient allies
in the maritime Provinces that they had
always been in the West; and as often as
Louisburg or Quebec gave the signal,
Micmac and Melicete Indians and Acadian
French armed for sudden foray or regular
war. Nova Scotia, though nominally Brit-
ish, was thus a thorn in the side of New
England, instead of the effectual shield it
could be made by a vigorous colonization
policy. In answer to petitions from New
England urging this policy, Great Britain
sent out an expedition in 1749, with a large
body of emigrants. They arrived off the
harbor of Chebucto on the 2 ist of June, and
at once began to build the city of Halifax.
The Hon. Edward Cornwallis, who accom-
panied the expedition as the future Governor
of the Province, convened on board ship
in the harbor a council of five gentlemen —
afterward increased in number to twelve — to
act as his executive, and to discharge all the
functions of government. Halifax now be-,
came and has continued to be the capital of
Nova Scotia, an honor to which its central
position, natural strength, magnificent har-
bor, and facilities for trade entitle it. Ships
approach from the ocean by an entrance
invitingly broad. At the mouth, a large island
acts as a buffer against the Atlantic rollers.
At the eastern side of this island the passage
is intricate and not very deep. At the west-
ern, a beach, shown by an ancient lighthouse,
runs out in the direction of the mainland
leaving a deep, open entrance to the har-
bor, wide enough in time of peace for the
ships of the world, and yet so narrow that in
war it could be protected at short notice
252
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
by torpedoes. On the mainland opposite
the beach, York Redoubt— a venerable fort
with a formidable modem battery on the
seaward face — crowns a high, steep bluff, its
armament of nine and ten-inch guns sweep-
ing the approaches for miles with shot and
shell, not quite as big as a barrel of flour,
but somewhat heavier. Inside, in the very
throat of the harbor, St. George's Island lies,
with bold, erect front, like a watch-dog on
the threshold of the house, ready and able
to demolish the intruder who has stolen past
York Redoubt; and on the large outer
island, and the high shores, and in the
woods of the mainland on both sides, bat-
teries are sleeping which an electric flash
would awaken in an instant, and the cross-
fires from which ought to be able to sink
monitor, ironclad, or anything else that floats.
By this time, too, the citadel might have
something to say. Up from the heart of the
business portion of the city the bare slopes
of the glacis rise 250 feet above the level
of the wharves, the granite walls on the sum-
mit crowning the whole city in queenly
fashion; and from such a vantage ground
good guns could not be silent, were the
least occasion given. Royal engineers and
artillery, supported by volunteer artillery-
men good enough to be mistaken for regu-
lars, are on hand to man forts and batteries ;
and two regiments of the line are always
stationed in Halifax. These and the West
India fleet supply society with a steady,
ever-changing stream of fine young fellows,
invaluable in the meantime at lawn-tennis
and dances. When Britain showed that she
meant to make Nova Scotia British, the old
French Acadians had no choice left but
open resistance or genuine submission.
They could not remain as traitors in the
camp, as tools to be used and laid aside as
French interests required. Unfortunately,
they did not seem to understand this, but
acted as if they could run with the hare and
hunt with the hounds. So, after repeated
provocations, several hundred families were
expatriated, and their lands and live stock
confiscated to the Government. This cruel
act — if defended at all, defensible only as
a war measure — would have probably been
forgotten long ago but for Longfellow.
Thanks to him, it will live in men's memo-
ries as long as the sad story of Gabriel and
Evangeline is read. The poet took the
poor Acadians under his wing for a moment,
and they became immortal. He touched
the Grand Pre, and made every meadow
and dyke beautiful with a new beauty.
There are lakes in Scotland lovelier than
Loch Katrine, and when, after driving in
a close coach through the Trosachs, the
prosaic tourist gets to Callander, he won-
ders why he left home. But has not genius
transmuted for him common into sacred
things ? What Scott has done for him once
and in one place, he may now do for him-
self, perhaps in a rude, unconscious fashion,
at all other times and in every other place.
He has learned the simple lesson that poetry
is not in nature, but in the seeing eye; and
thenceforth " the light that never was on
sea or land " may shine a little round his
own farm and his own fireside. In some
such way has Longfellow glorified the
Basin of Minas. Every year tourists flock
to see Evangeline's country. In truth, were
it only for the sake of the holiday they could
not do better. The wise Acadians had
found or lighted upon the garden of Nova
Scotia. Fairer scenes the eye seldom looks
upon than the Valley of the Gaspereau, or
that wider expanse seen from Lookout, or
almost any point on the North or South
Mountain. This is the lovely Annapolis
Valley where, as Joseph Howe used to
boast exultingly, "you can ride for fifty
miles under apple-blossoms." The tidal
waters of the great Bay of Fundy rushing
along the coast outside, seeking for admis-
sion into the heart of the Province, have
found an opening, three miles wide, between
the huge trap needles of Cape Split and a
cape on the opposite shore. Swirling round
Cape Split, and pressing through the narrow
passage like a mill stream, the turbid waters
peacefully expand into the Basin of Minas.
The broad basin reposing at your feet looks
like a wide-opened hand, sending out long,
beneficent fingers all round into the heart of a
grateful country. One of these fingers touches
the valley of the Cornwallis, and into its tips
stream the tidal rivers dyked by the old
Acadians. On these fat and fair dyked
lands dwells another race, with other customs
and language — in large, modern farm-houses,
embowered in roses and honeysuckle. In
fancy, you can rebuild the old thatched
cottages beside ancient apple-trees, and tall
poplars, and young willows branching widely
out from decayed roots, — sure signs of the
former inhabitants. At Grand Pre the first
person you meet points where the sturdy
blacksmith's shop stood, and the village
church, and the wells, and the once well-
filled cellars, now only grass-grown depres-
sions pockmarking the face of green fields.
The great features of the landscape are still
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
253
the same; — the vast meadows reclaimed
from the sea, and worth from one hundred
to four hundred dollars an acre, the orchards
and corn-fields "spreading afar and un-
fenced" o'er the plain; while away to the
Canard River, not one from Grand Pre to
Annapolis Royal. Farmers from New Eng-
land received the reclaimed lands; and
their grandchildren — a race as little likely
as their ancestors to surrender their fathers'
CAPE SPLIT, BAY OF FUNDY.
North, across the Basin of Minas, grand old
Blomidon uplifts to the sky his dark, cindery
forehead over bright red sandstone, and
scatters agates and amethysts at his feet.
Not one Frenchman is to be found where
everything reminds us of them and of their
handiwork. You meet their descendants
almost everywhere else in Old Acadie —
from Cheticamp to Clare, from Chezzetcook
to the Bay Chaleur; but not one on the
inheritance — now raise potatoes for the New
England of to-day, and build ships from the
forest primeval on Cape Blomidon, and not
only build but own and sail them on every
sea.
Passing to the political history of the
maritime Provinces, we find that it centers
round the same transition to popular govern-
ment that is the one thing interesting in the
political development of the Upper Prov-
254
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
inces. Here, fortunately, the transition took
place without an attempt at rebellion, though
nowhere was the contest waged with more
political acrimony than in Nova Scotia.
Nowhere was the old system so strong, be-
cause nowhere else had it existed so long,
or been administered with more efficiency,
and nowhere else was it buttressed and
beautified by so many local and accidental
supports. Halifax in those days was the
Province. As compared with Quebec, Kings-
ton or Toronto, it was near Great Britain.
The harbor was open all the year round,
giving unbroken communication with the
mother country. The presence of a gar-
rison and the fleet led a number of Eng-
lish gentlemen to settle in the city; and
the children of these and of civilian first
families entered the army, navy or civil serv-
ice, where many highly distinguished them-
selves. A visit to St. Paul's Church, the
oldest wooden church I know, and a glance
at the inscriptions on the marble slabs that
cover its inner walls, show how old a history
the city has, and the many distinguished
names recorded in its annals. In no other
city in British America did there exist an
aristocracy that combined such power, refine-
ment, social prestige and real ability. The
bench and bar, the church and college, the
magistracy and great mercantile interests, the
bank, the army, the navy and " society," all
contributed to strengthen the old political
edifice. It looked well; and as the people
of Nova Scotia were loyal and generally
contented, there seemed no reason why it
should not endure for generations, even
though changes were made elsewhere. So
its advocates pleaded. They tossed the
other Provinces to the wolf of reform. New
Brunswick they declared Yankee in spirit,
Lower Canada French, and Upper Canada
hopelessly democratic; but Nova Scotia was
a pure and perfect chrysolite. No wonder
that they scouted all mention of union with
such Provinces, and that they vehemently
attacked Lord Durham's report, chiefly on
the ground that his lordship recommended
such an union. The peninsula of Nova Sco-
tia they thought could stand by itself, even
though all the rest of British America fell
a prey to the spoiler. How wise the great
little men of Pumpernickel always are !
But the men who stand on the hill-top afar
off can see better than those who are fight-
ing hand to hand in the smoke. When the
time had come for conceding self-govern-
ment to the British Provinces, it had to be
conceded all along the line. The destiny
of one must be the destiny of all; and, in
1847, it was finally decided that the Prov-
inces themselves must determine for them-
selves what that destiny should be.
The political history of the Provinces for
the next twenty years has little to interest
outsiders, though political leaders in each,
after their manner, assured the intelligent
voters, from time to time, that the eyes of the
world were upon them. Matters connected
with their own internal development claimed
their attention : the establishment of free
schools ; the principles on which colleges and
universities should be established or main-
tained ; the abolition of every relic of feud-
alism from the tenure of land; the building
of canals round the Falls of Niagara and the
rapids of the St. Lawrence, for the sake of
their own trade and the development of
their own resources, as well as to attract
the trade of the Northwestern States to the
natural channel of the St. Lawrence ; the
building of railways in every direction ;
the best means of promoting more intimate
commercial intercourse with the United
States, — measures intensely interesting to the
Provinces concerned, and subjects for unlim-
ited discussion between the ins and the outs,
but of no particular interest to any one else
in the world. Each of the three maritime
Provinces had its own difficulties, the solu-
tion of which proved the mettle of its politi-
cians. The re-united Province of Canada
had very peculiar difficulties of political
dead-locks, dual leaderships and double
majorities, resulting mainly from the differ-
ent races in the Province being so nearly
matched. Different governments and sep-
arate systems of taxation and finance kept
all four Provinces apart from each other.
But, notwithstanding family difficulties and
isolation, all made material progress. They
undertook great public works, in order to
cheapen the means of conveyance and
communication between the far distant pro-
ductive parts of the country and distribu-
ting centers. These cost immense sums, but
the Provincial governments went fearlessly
into debt, and the result has vindicated the
bold policy. If they had not undertaken
or encouraged such works, the development
of the country would have been indefinitely
postponed. Extreme free traders assailed
the policy in the assured tone of men con-
tending for a theory, or a religion, or their
own interests. They declared that rail-
ways, canals, and every other good thing
would be built by capitalists whenever
there was a demand for them sufficient to
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
255
make the investment profitable; that if the
investment would not be good for the cap-
italist it could not be good for the country;
and that to tax the whole country for the
sake of a portion of the people was unjust.
As the Province of Canada, in particular,
went on increasing duties on British goods,
loud and repeated murmurs arose from Man-
chester. British newspapers declared that
Canada systematically increased duties with
would not wait. They saw side by side with
them another people building gigantic
works, generally with money borrowed from
Britain, and advancing in population and
wealth with rapid strides, and they felt that,
instead of lagging longer behind, they should
take a leaf from their book. At the same
time the sentiment of nationality began to
stir in their breasts. The war between the
North and South, — the issue of which proved
CAPE BLOMIDON.
hostile intentions to the industrial inter-
ests of the mother country, and with
a view to follow the benighted policy of
the United States. A few years showed
that the legislation so bitterly complained
of had developed trade with the mother
country. What was a duty of twenty per
cent, compared to the fifty to two hundred
per cent, practically imposed before, by the
cost of conveying goods from Britain to the
consumers on the lakes, and to the heavy
charges, on the other hand, that the grain,
timber, and other products of the Provinces
were subjected to in the absence of facil-
ities of communication and transportation
before reaching the British market ? The
book-learned free trader answered readily
enough that that simply proved that the
time had not come for the development of
Canada, and that duty to the universe de-
manded that it should wait patiently for a
century or two, when its day was sure to
come. The people immediately concerned
that the United States were determined to
be one nation, — with the immense popular
and patriotic enthusiasm evoked in the
struggle, quickened similar sentiments in the
British Provinces. In 1864, the next great
move in their political development, namely,
their confederation, for the first time as-
sumed practical shape. Local difficulties
in Canada had made confederation, as far
as this Province was concerned, almost a
necessity; and although at first the mari-
time Provinces opposed the project, New
Brunswick on second thought gave a popu-
lar vote in its favor, and then the legislature
of Nova Scotia voted yea, by a large major-
ity. In the legislature of the Province of
Canada, confederation was declared feasible
and desirable by 70 yeas to 17 nays, not
one member of British origin being among
the nays. A strong opposition to the pro-
ject was promptly organized in Nova Scotia,
with the Hon. Joseph Howe — long popu-
larly known as " Joe " Howe — at its head.
256
THACKERAY AS A DRAUGHTSMAN.
He had been the idol of Nova Scotians
during the contest for responsible govern-
ment, and in those days and afterward had
spoken and written many eloquent words
concerning the future of an united British
America. He had done more than almost
any other man— except, perhaps, Thomas
D'Arcy McGee, the author of "The
Felon Flag of England,"— to inspire the
youth of British America with love of coun-
try, as something immeasurably higher than
mere Provincialism. Actuated by a variety
of motives, Howe resolved to oppose con-
federation. He went into the fight without
reserve. He set the heather on fire, but all
in vain. Opposition was hopeless. The
time had come. To fancy that Nova Scotia
could have remained out in the cold, with
all the rest of British America grouped into
one confederacy, or, as Sir John A. Mac-
donald put it, " to wreck the ship for the
chance of saving one of the pieces," was a
policy no one would have laughed at more
heartily than he himself, in his better days.
The Imperial Parliament passed the act, and
the Queen appointed the first of July, 1867,
as the day on which the Dominion of Canada
should commence its existence. Howe
secured "better terms" for Nova Scotia
than those originally proposed, and then
accepted a seat in the cabinet. For the
last twelve years, Canada has been not
merely the ancient French Province, nor
Upper and Lower Canada united into one,
but a dominion, now including seven Prov-
inces and two Territories, bounded on
three sides by three oceans, and on the
fourth mainly by the water shed of the
continent. We are young, but hopeful and
lusty; big enough to hold fifty, though
as yet counting less than five, millions of
people.
YE LUXURIOUS ACADIAN.
THACKERAY AS A DRAUGHTSMAN.
THE instances are so few of a popular
writer illustrating with pictures his own
literary productions, that any prominent case
is worthy of attention. In the case of
Thackeray, the generally recognized merit
of the literary work, the wide popularity it
enjoys, and the ready admission it has
received into the rank of classical English
writing, give to the pictures which the author
himself scattered over his pages, an especial
interest. Thackeray was not sparing of his
sketches. During the thirty years of his
manhood he was always making memoranda
of faces and groups, taking notes by the
way, not, indeed, too accurate, not showing
very profound insight, perhaps, but still
clever, amusing and lively. During the
years from twenty- one to twenty-six, he
thought about an artist's life ; at first as a
man of some property and perfect leisure,
afterward as one who had lost everything
but youth and intellect, and who had his
career to choose. After he had chosen, or
drifted into, a literary life, and during all the
years that followed, while he wrote carica-
ture sketches, squibs, stories, poems, gro-
tesques, and half-a-dozen long novels, the
author's pen constantly served him as a
sketching tool. Not only was the greater
part of his literary work interspersed with
\
THACKERAY AS A DRAUGHTSMAN.
257
a
Ludovicus.
NO. I. — AN HISTORICAL STUDY.
Ludovicus Rex.
his own designs, but his children and friends
found amusement in the constant flow of his
queer fancy, in drawings more or less humor-
istic, more or less pathetic, never highly
finished, never technically skillful, but gener-
ally full of a certain native vigor, and
often expressive and significant.
There is no life of Thackeray. There are
three partial memoirs of him worth consult-
ing ; that of Dr. John Brown, reprinted
in " Spare Hours," and also in Mr. Stod-
NO. 2. — ADOLPHUS SIMCOE, ESQUIRE.
VOL. XX.— 18.
| dard's " Anecdote Biography " ; that of Mr.
Anthony Trollope, forming part of the
" English Men of Letters " series ; and the
book called " Thackerayana," avowedly an
attempt to preserve some record of his dis-
persed library, and of the odd sketches on
the margins of its books, but giving much
information besides. These different author-
ities have helped us to string our remarks
upon a chronological thread. But in none
of them and nowhere else has been pre-
served any record of the early editions of
his books, or of the many writings scattered
through the pages of different periodicals,
but either never reprinted or reprinted only
in part. Nor has any writer spoken of his
drawings except casually, and in general
terms of admiration. Therefore, there re-
mains plenty to say that will be new. No
work of Thackeray's will be spoken of or
quoted here except at first hand ; and, more-
over, it is believed that every single published
design of his has been examined in its
original form and place, except the few con-
tained in one little book which the writer
has never been fortunate enough to possess,
or even to meet with.
It is a curious tale Mr. Trollope tells
(attributing it to Dickens, who must have
told it in some speech or address after
Thackeray's death, but not in the " In
Memoriam " in the " Cornhill Magazine "),
that in 1835, when Thackeray was twenty-
four years old, and had just achieved the
expending and scattering of his inheritance,
258
THACKERAY AS A DRAUGHTSMAN.
he proposed to Dickens to illustrate that
author's next book. But, in 1835, Dickens
had published nothing, at least no " book" ;
for " Sketches by Boz " did not appear in book
form till later, and " Pickwick " not for two or
three years.* They were boys — that is about
the truth — boys who dreamed, the one of
success as a writer, the other more especially
of the graphic arts, painting, or what not.
Dickens was a year younger than Thackeray,
but was already sure of his career, and set-
ting his foot forward. In three years he
was to be famous, and to have an assured
position. Thackeray, on the other hand,
played with his own powers and with the
varied possibilities of youth and conscious
ability for ten or twelve years before he
gained great success, — before the impulse
came which was to guide him to a great
success. And during all those years he
played with drawing as well as with litera-
ture. His first independent publication was
a series of drawings published in lithography,
without text other than legends. It does
seem that he was strongly inclined toward
art; — perhaps it was only because he drew
too badly to get employment as a designer
that we ever got " Esmond " from him. For
that he did draw badly at this time there
can be no doubt. He never became a com-
plete draughtsman, nor anything approach-
ing to it, but some of his work in after life
was far better than that produced before he
was thirty years old.
In fact, it is hard to select an illustration
representing these early years; each one
that seems characteristic or interesting is so
out of drawing that the selection of it would
seem unfair. And then they are ugly, down-
right ugly, and disfigure the page. Of course,
so far as authenticity goes, it is better to
select an etching than a wood-cut ; the one
is probably by the designer's own hand
throughout, the other of necessity has
passed through the hands of an engraver,
who may well have changed it somewhat in
character. But, on the other hand, the
process of etching, although only in line,
may have been difficult to Thackeray • it
seems that it must have been so. In that
case, his work upon copper would be less
good than his freely made pencil sketches.
Certain it is that the etchings of 1837 and
* The writer is assured by an English friend that
this story was well known in London twenty years
ago, with the addition that Dickens gravely assured
the aspirant that his work was not good enough, and
that he ought to abandon all thoughts of making art
a pursuit.
the following years, such as are to be found
in the volumes of " Frazers Magazine," or
gathered together in " The Paris Sketch
Book," are exceptionally poor. Those illus-
trating the stories of " Cartouche " and
" Griskinissa " are total failures, not only in
drawing, artistic composition, etc., but also
as failing to tell the story, — as being feeble
renderings of the scenes chosen. The one we
reproduce (cut No. i) is by far the best in the
" Paris Sketch Book," because a successful
jeu d' esprit, and not needing much mastery
in drawing nor any in grouping and arrange-
ment. The well-known portrait of Louis
XIV. by Rigaud, or the engraving from it
by Pierre Drevet, has served as the hint for
this most clever squib. The bad side of
the Great King and his kingship, the vanity of
the prince and the self-abasement of his
flatterers, the pomposity of his surroundings
and the inhuman remoteness of his position,
— all of that is well suggested in the original
picture, and all of it is well analyzed and
well ridiculed in the travesty. But for
the rest of the designs in this book or
of this epoch, they are better passed by.
The singular thing is that Thackeray should
have been willing to use them. That he
should make such designs at all, at the age
of twenty-seven, seems to argue a less
strong feeling for art than has generally
been attributed to him, for one who feels
the value of fine design must of necessity
see something of the difference between it
and feeble design, and realize the relative
value of his own work. But that he should
publish them is amazing ! Think, too,
what admirable work he was doing at this
time as a writer. During the two years
before these feeble designs were made,
he had been contributing to " Frazer " the
Yellowplush Papers, including "Miss Shum's
Husband," the frightful tragedy of Mr.
Deuceace, " Mr. Yellowplush's Ajew," and
also those admirable " Epistles to the Liter-
ati, ' in which, as in the former collection,
justice is done to that great novelist, Sawed-
wadgeorgearlittnbulwig. Perhaps no very
subtle analysis was necessary to pick to
pieces "The Sea Captain" or "The Diary,"
and Bulwer's youthful absurdities have been
perceived by other writers than Mr. Yel-
lowplush : that is not the point. These
papers are exceedingly well written, — they
are real works of art, — and he would be a
bold man who should suggest a modification
of a sentence. And when we compare with
such work as that the lifeless design and
utterly bad drawing of the pictures of the
THACKERAY AS A DRAUGHTSMAN.
259
same time, we have only to renew the ex-
pression of our amazement.
But something better was to come, for
there was in Thackeray a power of burlesque
fun, and a power of simple, domestic pathos,
expressible in design as well as in words, and
when fortune bade him work at such things as
he was fitted for, he did well in despite of lack
of power to draw. In 1841 was published
" Comic Tales and Sketches, edited and
illustrated by Mr. Michael Angelo Tit-
marsh." The first volume gives the papers
of Mr. Yellowplush in full, as in " Frazer."
The second contains " Some Passages in the
Life of Major Gahagan," since often reprinted ;
" The Professor, a Tale of Sentiment," of
which the famous oyster-eater Dando is the
hero, and which is not generally included in
collected editions or reprinted volumes,
though as good fun as any of those that are
more common; "The Bedford Row Con-
spiracy," and "The Fatal Boots." Major
Gahagan and the Bedford Row story were
reprinted from the "New Monthly Maga-
zine," the others from " Frazer," except
always the last-named, which came out in
" The Comic Almanac " for 1838. But there
were two stories by Thackeray in " The
Comic Almanac" in immediate succession —
the above-named diary, in 1838, and another
diary in 1839, — videlicet, that of Mr. Coxe
Tuggeridge Coxe. Why did Mr. Titmarsh
select one and not the other for his new
volumes? Those two journals, each with
twelve etchings by the great George Cruik-
shank, filled the almanac for those two
years. Mr. Titmarsh, in his preface to his
two volumes which are now under consid-
eration, says that " if the author has not
ventured to make designs for it, as for the
other tales in the volumes, the reason is that
the ' Boots ' have been already illustrated by
Mr. George Cruikshank, a gentleman with
whom Mr. Titmarsh does not quite wish
to provoke comparisons." The designs in
this book are very amusing, although as full
of faults in drawing as a child's scrawls on
a slate. The illustrated title-page is espe-
cially clever, with full-length portraits of the
three authors, Mr. Titmarsh, Mr. Yellow-
plush and the Major.
In the same year, 1841, "The Great
Hoggarty Diamond" came out in "Frazer."
There are stories of its having been rejected
by other magazines, of its having seemed,
even to the accepting editor, too long, and
of its having been cut down. Can it be
that the delicate charm, the gentle humor,
the refinement of this exquisite story, were
so slow in finding a market ? Mr. Trollope
thinks, and no doubt rightly, for all the
testimony is with his view, that Thackeray
was his own worst enemy at this time;
that he was indolent, and not a good,
steady workman ; that he was doubtful
about his own powers and about the work
he had best do. All this may be so, but
all this does not suffice to explain the lack
of success of the two volumes of burlesques,
and of this last-named masterpiece of good
story-telling and simple pathos. How do
we explain the fact that in this year, 1841,
he had still five years to wait for recognized
success ? It is a pity that such success came
so slowly and so late, for the results of those
years of anxiety and delay are to be found in
that persistent melancholy and constant iter-
ation of gloomy thoughts about men and
women which is so sad and so annoying. The
story of " The Great Hoggarty Diamond " is
by Samuel Titmarsh, brother of the artist
Michael Angelo Titmarsh, who contributes
the illustrations, which are engraved on metal
in an odd sort of fashion. The main lines of
the design seem to be produced by ordinary
etching, but the design made in this way is
little more than an outline. Then all parts
of the picture which are not to be in high
light are covered with a pale tint of fine
ruled lines. It is an unusual style of
engraving, but lends itself to the sketchy
character of the designs.*
In 1842 and in 1843, in "Frazer," were
published without pictorial illustration the
"Fitz-Boodle Papers," " Dick ens in France,"
with the comical travesty of " Nicholas
Nickleby " into a popular drama of the Cafe
Chantant type, and " Bluebeard's Ghost," —
in which the disconsolate widow bewails,
like a pious relict, the martial virtues of the
defunct. The contributions to " Frazer " are,
in these years, of less relative importance than
previously, and none are known to us in other
monthly journals. A chance had been
offered to Thackeray, which, fortunately, he
seized with readiness. " Punch " had been
started in 1841, and after some early strug-
gles for life, and after changing hands from
its original publishers to those who have held
it firmly ever since, began its third volume
in July, 1842, with Thackeray among its
contributors. Whether anything of his had
* Mr. Trollope says that these designs were not
by Thackeray at all. But Mr. Trollope has not been
particular about accuracy in little matters. There
are many slips in his book, and this must be one
of them.
260
THACKERAY AS A DRAUGHTSMAN.
been printed before in " Punch," we do not
undertake to say. A tolerable acquaintance
with the first and second volume has not
informed us of any. But in the first number
of the third volume begin " Miss Tickle-
toby's Lectures on English History," the
NO. 3. — "SHERRY, PERHAPS!"
NO. 4. — "RUM, i HOPE."
NO. 5.— "TRACTS! BY JINGO."
text and designs of which are admitted on
all hands to be Thackeray's work. The
first picture is an ornamental W, not very
important ; the second is the famous por-
trait of Adolphus Simcoe, Esq., which,
often spoken of as it is, we must needs re-
produce in cut No. 2. This picture raises
the question, which, unfortunately, can never
be satisfactorily answered, how far the wood-
engravers modified his designs. This figure,
for instance, is more complete in its drawing,
less carelessly tossed off, — not as if the most
startling errors in anatomy, in posture and
in dress were of no consequence, — than are
the etchings. If he made this drawing on
the block, as is most probable, we can
only conclude that he took some unusual
pains to get it right. " Miss Tickletoby's
Lectures " go on ; in each number there is
an installment of the text, and usually a
picture or two. It is all sufficiently amusing,
but in the sixth number is an especially
important lecture. A poem is quoted from
" Snoro the Bard (so called because of the
exciting effect which his poem produced upon
his audience)," and a manuscript is carefully
cited for the original text, which has never
been reprinted since this appearance in
" Punch." And there follows another,
the well-known song of King Canute from
the same MS. (" Claud, xxvii., xxviii."),
and " translated, word for word, from the
Anglo-Saxon, by Adolphus Simcox [sic],
Esq." With this there is " an Anglo-Saxon
drawing * * * never seen" before.
The poem, unaltered, but not the drawing,
is in " Rebecca and Rowena," published
eight years later.
The next half-dozen lectures have each
a picture or two: but the technical merit,
such as it is, of Mr. Simcoe's portrait is
not found in them: the sketches are only
farcical. Queen Eleanor and Fair Rosa-
mond have only such fun as is to be
found in contrasting types of ugliness, King
Richard's soldiers have modern English
uniforms, and Blondell carries a barrel-
organ; we are glad to find, farther on, the
" Englishman with cloth-yard shaft," who is
a very good counter-jumper with his well-
known weapon. At this point the " Lect-
ures" suddenly cease; nor do we recognize
our artist again until, in the next volume,
the first for 1843, there appears a letter
inclosing two designs, and signed "Alonzo
Spec, Historical Painter." The designs
hitherto have not often been signed in any
way; the cipher M. A. T., in the title-page
of " Comic Tales and Sketches," is not ccm-
mon; another cipher, with W. T. for William
Thackeray, occurs, but is also rare. But in
the larger of Mr. Spec's two designs, he
himself holds in his hands the pair of 'specta-
cles which were to become a signature as
well known as the Leech in the Bottle. In
this same Vol. IV. of "Punch," on page
THACKERAY AS A DRAUGHTSMAN.
261
199, is "A Turkish Letter concerning the
Divertissement 'Les Houris,' translated by
our own Dragoman," which has a cut —
the earliest one we know of with that mark
in the corner. There is not much of
Thackeray's work in that volume : Douglas
Jerrold is in great force with two of his
continued or " serial " papers, and seems to
fill the whole journal with his personality,
while the illustrations are by Kenny Mead-
ows, Leech and Hine. - Still, there is a
second Turkish letter, but the little cut in
this has no signature. In the fifth volume
are one or two cuts, evidently from Thack-
eray's designs, not signed ; then, on page
184, is a poem, " Recollections of the
Opera," which is an imitation of Panard's
" Merveilles de 1'Opera," though not a
translation of any part of it; also a ballad,
"The Flying Duke," to each of which are
illustrations with the spectacles in the cor-
ner. Are the poems by Thackeray ? They
must be, though they are not included in any
edition of his works. Among the Thackeray
cuts in this volume are the originals of our
cuts Nos. 3, 4 and 5. An indignant letter
from the Regent of Spain, Baldomero Espar-
tero, quotes from the " Times " as follows :
" The agents of the Tract Societies have lately
had resource to a new method of introducing their
tracts into Cadiz. The tracts were put into glass
bottles securely corked; ^and * * * floated toward
the town, where the inhabitants eagerly took them
upon their arriving on the shore. The bottles were
then uncorked, and the tracts they contained are
supposed to have been read with much interest ; "
it then goes on to object to these perform-
ances of the " Tractistero dissentero contra-
bandistero," or Dissenting-tract smuggler.
The pictures explain sufficiently the point
of view from which his Highness the Regent
looks at these transactions.
In this year, 1843, appeared "The Irish
Sketch Book," in two volumes. This book
also is by M. A. Titmarsh, though the
dedication to Charles Lever is signed W.
M. Thackeray. It is the simple record of a
journey in Ireland, and is not as much read
as it ought to be. The narrative is delight-
fully rapid and easy, the comments on what
was new and strange are judicious, even in
treating the difficult question of Irish pov-
erty and shiftlessness, as contrasted with
what is poor and forlorn in other lands.
The author is discreet, moderate, successful.
Throughout the book there is almost noth-
ing of that dreary way of looking at people
and their actions which already had be-
come a fashion with Thackeray, and was
soon to be an irresistible habit. But, good
as is the " Irish Sketch Book," the best part
of it is the poem of " Peg of Limavaddy," a
gem well known to many people who have
not found it in its original setting. But
how much more delightful it is — any poem
is — in its place ! There ought to be a law
against taking "Young Lochinvar" out of
" Marmion," " Under the Greenwood Tree "
away from " As You Like It," or " The Isles
of Greece " from " Don Juan." When one
wants to read " Peg of Limavaddy " it may
seem hard to be ordered off to the " Irish
Sketch Book" — but this would be a good
general law, for all that. And, after all, the
" Irish Sketch Book " is in every edition of
Thackeray, from cheap little Tauchnitz, where
it fills two volumes at fifty-five cents each, to
the stately subscription edition of Messrs.
Smith, Elder & Co., which must be bought
complete, if at all, but which gives pictures as
well as text. In all the collected editions,
this and many another of the poems of
Thackeray is printed twice — such is the stupid
result of this habit of making up collections
of poems from an author's different works ;
indeed, the ballad of " Canute " must be
given three times, if the collected edition be
but complete enough to give " Miss Tickle-
toby's Lectures." But to return to the
poem about Peggy : one of the most
sprightly and fascinating little chants in the
language, it is disfigured in its original
form by an ugly and misshapen little pict-
ure, too hideous to reproduce. The verses
describe a beauty: the illustration gives a
deformity, a monster.
In 1844, "Little Travels" appear in
" Frazer " and " Barry Lyndon " begins in
the same journal, — the wonderful tale of a
scoundrel adventurer, worthy for its vigor
and picturesqueness almost to stand on the
same shelf with the real memoirs of some of
the famous adventurers of the last century, as
if belonging to autobiography rather than
fiction. This was the last of " Frazer " for
Thackeray. He was beginning to be known
as an author of solid, independent bound
volumes (for the "Irish Sketch Book" had
been tolerably successful), and besides he
was very busy with "Punch." In that
weekly, this year, is "The Next French
Revolution," running through many num-
bers, a piece of broad farce, with pictures still
more farcical. What was the "scunner"
which Thackeray had taken at Louis
Philippe? What had France done to him
to make him so amusingly uniform in
denunciation of everything that that nation
262
THACKERAY AS A DRAUGHTSMAN.
NO. 6. — RAILROAD SPECULATORS.
might do? When Hogarth is found to see
nothing in France but spindle-shanks and
rags, we are not at a loss to account for that :
great talent does not clear a man's
eyes as to all things at once, and
the more he sees the truth of life
and character in the people about
him, the more our man of talent will
mistake as to things not so familiar,
— fancying he sees, and convinced,
by his habit of mind, that he is
right in his fancies. Nor do we
claim for Thackeray any especial
perspicacity. He was as hasty a
critic of things he had not thought
about as anybody, as poor a judge
of books and men whom he had
not especially studied, as unreason-
able and narrow in his notions of
other nations than his own. What
does seem strange is that he should
have these insular instincts of con-
tempt for a land and a community \ p^
which he had seen so much of as
France and the French. He had
lived in Paris, and although the art-
students' life — with which Thack-
eray was largely occupied — does
not tend to make a social and polit-
ical observer, yet long familiarity N0
with people, language and customs ought
to have brought reflection after a while,
or sympathy, at least. However, there
was a ludicrous and even contemptible
side to the Citizen King, no doubt, and
it is well enough seized in these pictures
and prose sketches in Vol. VI. of " Punch."
The imitation of military spirit and Na-
poleonism on the part of the essentially
bourgeois kingship of Louis Philippe was
a fair enough butt, in this and in
other ways. But we like Thackeray better
when he gets back to England. One must
. know the true inwardness of things to
parody them — to make good fun of them;
and on page 218 we find a first installment
of what he had to say about one of
his favorite subjects of study, George the
Fourth. Rumor had it that a statue to
Beau Brummel was to be set up in Tra-
falgar Square, where "will dwell, in kindly
neighborhood, George the Beau and George
the Fourth. t * * * * Looking at
Brummel, we shall remember with glowing
admiration the man 'who never failed in
his tye.' Beholding George the Fourth,
we shall not readily forget the man to whom
all ties were equally indifferent. * * * *
George the Beau had wit. George the King
had only malice. George the Beau, when
in beggary, refused to sell the letters of his
former friends. George the King, when
7. — AN OLD FRIEND RECOGNIZES MR. DE LA PLUCHE. .
Prince of Wales, sold his party at the first
profitable opportunity." And so on, —
t Equestrian statue of George IV. by Chantrey.
THACKERAY AS A DRAUGHTSMAN.
263
reminding one of the famous "epitaphs,"*
published the very next year, and of the well-
known lectures first delivered in America.
The picture accompanying this, too large to
reproduce, gives us the statue of Brummel,
jerking his thumb toward the King, on the
other side of the page, and, inscribed on the
pedestal, the immortal words : " Who's
your Fat Friend ?"f In the next volume
"A Hint to Moses," with two capital little
cuts, .ought to be in the collected works;
see it in Vol. VII., p. 19. A few pages
on begin the contributions of " Our Fat
Contributor." His articles, with a picture
to every one, go on through the next
volume, VII. ; in which there are also
several small, separate papers and head-
piece wood-cuts by Thackeray. On page
244 appears the poem, since printed in the
volume of " Ballads," beginning:
" The night was stormy and dark, The town was
shut up in sleep; Only those were abroad who
were out on a lark, Or those who'd no beds to keep."
Cut No. 6 is copied from its illustration.
In " Punch " of the same year (Vol. IX.)
begins the story of another and greater
railway speculator, James Plush, the fortu-
nate footman. The first installment contains
the " Heligy," by Maryanne (" Jeames of
Buckley Square"), with the prefatory
account of Jeames's successful speculations,
and a capital illustration by Leech. After-
ward, our designer had more courage or more
energy and made his own pictures. We
give, in cut No. 7, the scene when "Old
Pump asked .me to drink Shampane, and
on turning to take the glass I saw Chawls
Wackles (with whomb I'd been imployed
at Colonel Spurrier's house) grinning over
his shoulder at the butler." The cuts
hereabout are as good as the best of
Thackeray's; a very good one in the same
volume is "A Doe in the City." This
accompanies a prose paper not republished,
and a brief poem, which is in some copies
of Thackeray's " Ballads," but not in all:
"Little Kitty Lorimer,
Fair and young and witty,
What has brought your ladyship
Rambling to the city?"
* Punch, Vol. IX., p. 159.
t After the quarrel between them, Brummel was
talking with a lady at a ball, when the Regent spoke
to her without noticing her companion. " Who's
your fat friend, Lady ?" said Brummel, so that
all around could hear. The story is told in many
different ways.
The " doe " is, of course, feminine for " stag,"
a bit of stock-exchange slang, which we have
not adopted into the Wall-street language
along with "bull" and "bear." Thackeray
is strong in this volume; "Punch's" com-
missioner at Brighton sends in capital
drawings of the well-known type; and there
are two ballads never since republished, and
cuts to them ; a large cut with legend, of
the regular Punch style, not common to
him, and the four "Epitaphs on the Four
Georges."
In this year, 1845. Thackeray contributed
to George Cruikshank's "Table Book" the
"Legend of the Rhine." The serio-comic
story itself has been reprinted in several
editions, but the Cruikshank wood-cuts only
of late, in the great subscription edition
already named. In this same year, too,
Thackeray went a voyage to the East, on
the occasion of an excursion organized by
the Peninsular and Oriental Company. The
little volume he made out of it, a readable
and pleasant book of travels, though of
necessity slighter and less valuable than
the Irish one, bears date 1846, and is en-
titled, "Notes of a Journey from Cornhill
to Grand Cairo, by way of Lisbon, Athens,
Constantinople and Jerusalem." The name
of Titmarsh appears on this title page, too ;
but here, as in the "Irish Sketch Book," the
dedication is signed by the author's real
name. This dedication is to "Captain
Lewis," whom every reader knows. The
book contains the ballad in which appears
" The White Squall," and is as much immor-
talized by including it as is the " Irish
Sketch Book " by " Peg of Limavaddy." An
etched and colored frontispiece and twenty
or more small wood-cuts decorate this little
work; they are not of great importance.
Leisure, fun, the library table and his
friends about him — these seem to have been
Thackeray's favorite conditions for making
drawings.
All Thackeray's other work, both literary
and graphic, becomes for the moment of
comparatively small importance as "Vanity
Fair " begins to appear. Was it in 1846
or in 1847? Our bound-up copy will not
tell, for, of course, its title-page bears the
date of the completed first edition, 1848.
The best authority seems to make for the
i st of February, 1847. The manuscript, or
an installment of it, but under another very
different name, had been offered to at least
one magazine, and declined. Dickens's
books had a way of coming out in monthly
parts in green wrappers, two " Phiz" etch-
264
THACKERAY AS A DRAUGHTSMAN.
ings in each; and, though risky, this seemed
a good way. Thackeray's publishers tried
it with yellow covers instead of green, and
with forty etchings in the eighteen parts,
and perhaps a hundred and fifty wood-
ends, — there are no more words on the
page; the rest of it (nearly half) is filled
with the scene described, Mrs. O'Dowd
bursting in and taking Amelia's hand. The
full-page etchings, in like manner, come
iff
NO. 8. — VENUS PREPARING THE ARMOR OF MARS. (FROM "VANITY FAIR.")
cuts. In fact, " Vanity Fair" is one of
the best illustrated books in the world.
That first edition ought to be re-issued in
fac-simile, and brought within everybody's
reach. As the story moves along on its
slow and winding way, with eddies and
back-sets, like a stream in a flat country,
there comes a little picture just where it is
needed, at every picturesque moment.
'"Think of those two aides-de-camp of Mr.
Moses,' " says Becky to her husband, who
is out of spirits at being kept out of London,
by fear of sheriff's officers ; and here are the
(wo sheriff's officers on the page, and just
after the line we have quoted. " The door
was flung open, and a stout, jolly lady in a
riding habit, followed by a couple of officers
of Ours, entered the room." The sentence
where they are wanted. Opposite the
beginning of chapter thirty, with the capital
bit about Peggy O'Dowd getting things
ready for her Major, on the night before
Waterloo, we have the really admirable pict-
ure carefully fac-similed in our cut No. 8.
But in the pictures we have named, and
in all, one is worried by finding the costume
that of 1847, and w/of 1815. " Why that ? "
asks the reader; "why should the people of
Waterloo year, and before it, be repre-
sented in crinoline and flounces, in trowsers
and low-collared coats ? " And at the end
of the sixth chapter we find this note and
the illustration, cut No. 9 : "It was the
author's intention, faithful to history, to de-
pict all the characters of this tale in their
proper costumes, as they were then at the
THACKERAY AS A DRAUGHTSMAN.
265
commencement of the century. But when
I remember the appearance of people in
those days, and that an officer and lady
were actually habited like this
1 >>^s
NO. II. — THE LITTLE POSTMAN. (FROM "VANITY FAIR.-'j
another one, in his preparation for " Denis
Duval."
The little tail-pieces and initial letters in
" Vanity Fair " are captivating, and these
NO. 9.— COSTUMES OF 1815. (FROM "VANITY FAIR.">
I have not the heart to disfigure my heroes
and heroines by costumes so hideous." It
NO. 10. CUFF AND DOBBIN. (FROM "VANITY FAIR.")
is strange to read those words to-day ;
very female costume that he laughs at,
thinks too bad to be used in his book,
is not far from being what is most in
fashion now for ornamental purposes,
and for the subjects of pictures.
Moreover, to the student of costume,
the little figure in this cut which he
gives as a sample of ugliness, is far
more sensibly clothed than his
Amelia ; more sensibly as to the bon-
net, more gracefully as to the gown. !
Would it not have been more exactly 'J
true, had our author said at once ^
that the labor of looking up costumes, i
etc., was not at all to his taste ?
Long afterward, Thackeray did thor-
oughly one piece of hard work, and
its results remain in " Esmond," the
"Virginians," and the " Humorists."
It seems as if he had begun to do
that
and
NO. 12. — THACKERAY AS JESTER. (PROM "VANITY FAIR."J
are so small that we have made room for
more than one of them. The C (cut No.
10), with the battle of the boys, is the initial
of the chapter which tells about the great
battle between Cuff and Dobbin. The little
postman (cut No. n) is at the end of a
NO. 13. — TAIL-PIECE TO " VANITY FAIR."
266
THACKERAY AS A DRAUGHTSMAN.
chapter which tells of Emmy's love-letters
to her poor creature of a lover. No. 12 is
a cut which has often been reproduced — on
the title page of the original collection of
Thackeray's " Ballads " : for once it seems
to hit the taste of his
readers, as an embodi-
ment of his peculiar
humor and pathos. Dr.
played out." And the picture follows close
under those words. To the present writer,
that constant reiteration of disbelief and dis-
content in men and events is a blemish, and
that constant poking out of the showman's
head among his pup-
pets an artistic fault of
the gravest character.
Thackeray's pathos and
NO. 14. — MR. HOKEY.
NO. l6. — MR. HANNIBAL FITCH.
NO. 15. — MR. WINKLES.
John Brown copies it, and speaks of it
as " like him in face as well as in more.
The tired, young, kindly wag is sitting and
looking into space, his mask and jester's rod
lying idly on his knees." Cut No. 13 is
the final tail-piece. The last words of the
novel are these : " Ah ! Vanitas vanitatum,
which of us lias his desire, or, having it, is
satisfied ? — Come, children, let us shut up
the box and the puppets, for our play is
NO. I?. — A TEA-TABLE TRAGEDY. (FROM "PUNCH.")
Miss Potts.—" Married her uncle's black footman, as I am a
woman.
Mrs. 70/&._"No?"
Mrs. Watts.— ."O!"
Miss Watts.—" Law ! "
humor are pleasant in spite of that croak-
ing mood, and his stories are admirable
in spite of his own determination that
the reader shall not forget himself and the
author, and live for the time in the story.
To the writer these two cuts embody, in a
pictorial form, that which was the weakness
of Thackeray's literary art, and they are
given because they do so ; though, indeed,
in themselves they are as good as anything
he has done.
In "Punch" for 1846, " Jeames's
Diary " is continued in serial form,
with large illustrations and fanciful
initial letters. The articles are so ap-
propriately illustrated, the little pict-
ures fit so pat, and the big ones are so
expressive, that it is a wonder that the
book has been reproduced so often
without the clever designs. "I'm a
British Lion, I am!" exclaims Jeames,
"as brayv as' Bonypart, Hannible, or
Holiver Crummle," and immediately
after these words comes a sketch of the
redoubtable Oliver with drawn sword,
and leading his Ironsides at a tearing
gallop against a forest of pikes. The
full-length portrait of Mr. Jeames de la
Pluche,and that of Lady Angelina, — the
latter the famous object of Lord South-
sinful down's lines, beginning
" The castle towers of Bareacres are fair
upon the lea," —
THACKERAY AS A DRAUGHTSMAN.
267
are quite necessary for the comprehension
of the narrative. But soon after these,
which mark the moment of Mr. de la
Pluche's highest fortune, the downfall be-
gins, and before the volume is half done the
great operator is " Jeames " once more, and
he has been in jail and got out of it again to
marry Maryanne, and be humble and happy.
Thackeray turns away from their story
before the end of it, and begins the series of
papers called " The
Snobs of England, by
One of Themselves,"
with no pictures at
first except spirited
little initials, until, at
the end of the fourth
paper, we find the
English mother in-
structing her babes in
the Peerage. So far
he has shot only at fair
game, but the mania
to find everything and
everybody snobbish
carries him too far,
as Mr. Trollope has well pointed out, and
the next cut represents Raleigh spreading
his cloak for Elizabeth to tread on — the
Queen an old hag, and* Raleigh middle-aged
and black-bearded, in rather an anachro-
nistic way — the whole scene represented
as an act of snobbery, certainly a new read-
ing of that semi-historical event. But
NO. 18. — THE TITMARSH-
CUPID OF " LOVE-SONGS
MADE EASY."
NO. 19. — MR. PUNCH S ARTIST DURING THE INFLUENZA.
NO. 20. — " IS IT A SUPPER BALL OR A TAY BALL ? "
meanwhile Jeames is recalled and finally
disposed of, in the chapters which describe
his tavern, his journey, the famous " break
of gauge," and the loss and recovery of the
baby, with two very spirited
cuts. Mr. Titmarsh, too,
writes to " Punch " to object
to remarks made upon his
having gone free to the East
in the journey we have men-
tioned, and this letter he
illustrates. " Modest Merit "
signs a letter about the
Royal Academy, in which,
in six pictures and a little
text, the exhibitors are treat-
ed instead of their works,
and as their works might
have been. Our cuts, Nos.
14, 15 and 1 6, show first
" Mr. Hokey, as watching
the effect of his picture";
then Mr. Winkles, whose
picture is floored; and Mr.
Hannibal Fitch, whose pict-
ure is on the line, because
" his aunt washes for an
Academician." Volume XI.
begins with " A New Naval
268
THACKERAY AS A DRAUGHTSMAN.
NO. 21. — A SCRAP FROM "PUNCH."
Drama," which, if by Thackeray, should be
among his burlesques; the pictures certainly
are by him. " The Snobs of England " goes
on and on until, in chapter forty-two, is the
story of Goldmore's dinner with Raymond
Gray — such a good story ! And such a good
cut of Mrs. Gray bringing in the pot of
beer she had (seemingly) fetched from the
public-house ! It is well to have these cuts
in the huge subscription edition, but why is
not the " Book of Snobs " to be had, with
its pictures, for 35. 6d. ? In this volume,
there are by Thackeray many separate short
papers, and even large cuts with only a
legend, of which we give one in No.
17. And in Volume XII., in 1847, the
Snob papers are renewed until, in the
fifty-second number, after a full year of the
discussion, they stop, like the Iliad, — not
ended, but only cut off. There is also
" The Mahogany Tree." under the title
" Punch Singeth at Christmas," and with a
stanza which is not generally printed, and
is as well left out. " Love-Songs made
Easy " are scattered through this volume,
and the one entitled " What Makes my
Heart to Thrill and Glow " is accompanied
by an initial letter inclosing the design
given in our cut No. 18. Some of them
are called " Love-Songs by the Fat Con-
tributor," and "The Cane-Bottom Chair" is
one of these, though since entirely taken
out of the list. " Punch's Prize Novelists "
begins here and runs over into Volume
XIII., including several novels never re-
printed and with a number of illustrations.
" Travels in London," with no pictures
beyond initials, and several separate papers,
come in this part of his connection with
" Punch," and we take, from a tragic account
of " Punch's " troubles with the influenza,
one of four cuts showing how the chief con-
tributors behaved. Cut No. 19 is the artist,
gallantly drawing on the block in spite of all.
Of the other three, two were hard at work,
it appears, but the third, the Fat Contrib-
NO. 22. — THE OLD GENTLEMAN GIVING HIS VIEWS OF "PUNCH" IN THE HEARING OF JERROLD AND THACKERAY.
THACKERAY AS A DRAUGHTSMAN.
269
NO. 23. — MAJOR PENDENNIS GROWING OLD.
utor, had given up wholly, and would do
nothing but wheeze and groan out objur-
gations. " He was the only man that failed
' Punch' in the sad days of the influenza,"
says Thackeray of his double, the " F. C."
as he likes to call him, making his own fun
of that laziness and dislike to work steadily,
and in despite of annoyances, which he
shared with other men of genius.
At Christmas, 1847, was published "Our
Street," a thin little quarto with full-page
wood-cuts, and thirty pages or so of text.
This is not the best of the Christmas books.
The pictures in particular have little life, and,
although better drawn than some of the
early ones, are not remarkable even in
that way. "Mrs. Perkins's Ball," another
Christmas book of a later year, is a more
amusing story, and has better illustrations.
Mr. M. A. Titmarsh is honored by a request
from Mrs. Perkins to bring with him to her
ball " any very eligible young man" : and as
he reads the lady's note the Mulligan of Bal-
lymulligan happens to call, and, as usual,
leans over Mr. Titmarsh and reads the letters
on his desk (cut No 20). " Hwat's this ? "
says the Mulligan. " Who's Perkins ? Is it
a supper ball or a tay ball ? " and he goes to
it with Mr. Titmarsh, in the latter's despite.
He is immense, both in the text and in the
picture; dancing with Miss Little he is a
splendid Hibernian whirlwind; but we have
decided for the scene at Mr. Titmarsh's
chambers. This book is said to have been
issued with colored plates, but it is known to
us as printed in black and a tint, as is the
case with " Our Street." The Christmas
book for 1848 was " Dr. Birch and his
Young Friends," with colored etchings, and
a pretty little bit of pathos at the end about
Miss Raby and Davison Major. Twenty
years ago this book was pretty well known
in New York — everybody had it; and the
pathetic but cheerful poem with which it
ends, one of Thackeray's most natural, most
manful, and most poetical utterances, has
retained its hold on its old readers :
" The play is done, the curtain drops,
Slow falling to the prompter's bell."
The Christmas book for 1849 was the
continuation to Ivanhoe, " Rebecca and
Rowena," with several of the best poems of
our poet —
" Ho, pretty page with the dimpled chin,
That never has felt the barber's shear,"
and
and
" Before I lost my five poor wits,
I mind me of a Romish clerk,"
" The Pope he is a happy man,"
together with the Latin epitaph on Ivanhoe
and Wamba's translation of it, and " Can-
ute," reprinted from " Miss Tickletoby's
Lectures." But this famous book is illustrated
NO. 24. — INITIAL TO "THE BALLAD OF ELIZA DAVIS."
by Richard Doyle, and we must pass it by.
And to have done, for the present, with
Christmas books, that for 1850 was " The
Kickleburys on the Rhine," in which that
heavy dragoon, Captain Hicks, who had
270
THACKERAY AS A DRAUGHTSMAN.
shop of Moses & Son ; how they admired
its splendor —
" I've looked upon many a pallace before,
But splendor like this, love, I never yet sor '' —
and how Mr. Smith became a complete
Englishman by means of his new suit of
\ \ clothes.
-3 V Jeames appears in print again, and writes
from his tavern to say that while he is a
" pokercuranty on plitticle subjix," he yet
longs to say a word for the footmen who
have been so abused in Paris and else-
where. There is in this volume a deal of
Thackeray, which, like the pieces we have
named, is left there, almost unknown. The
little picture we give in cut 21 belongs to a
scrap of prose of no permanent value ; but
the picture, at least, should be added to our
author's collected works. Is this out of the
NO. 25. — HENRY ESMOND'S PORTRAIT. (FROM " THB
VIRGINIANS.")
served rather as a butt for his satire,
carried off Miss Fanny Kicklebury, of
whose regard he himself had hopes.
Volume XIV. of " Punch " begins
1848, the year of revolutions. A ballad
and a picture, never reproduced, but
clearly by Thackeray, relate how " Mr.
Smith." formerly known as King Louis
Philippe, with his wife, called at the
NO. 26.— INITIAL, FROM "THE VIRGINIANS.
NO. 27. — INITIAL, FROM ''THE VIRGINIANS."
question? and may we not hope that a
supplementary volume will be added to that
edition of Thackeray's works which comes
the nearest to completion — the subscription
edition in twenty-four volumes, in which,
with every piece of Thackeray's writing
which is reproduced, is given all the illus-
trations which have ever been made for it,
whether by Cruikshank, Doyle, Du Maurier,
or the author himself ? "A Little Dinner at
Timmins's " is in this volume of " Punch";
that is, of course, in the edition we speak
of, and in that edition for the first time it
has the cuts that belong to it; but why are not
the other and more ephemeral bits preserved
there ? The opera omnia are what one asks
THACKERAY AS A DRAUGHTSMAN.
27r
for in Thackeray's case. In Volume XV.
(the same year) there is " a comedy in four
tableaux," that is, wood-cuts with legends,
"The Hampstead Road," and it is better
worth preserving even than the Timmins
story, which is very like a host of others.
And whoever it was that wrote " Model
Women" (was it not Mayhew?), it was
certainly Thackeray that illustrated " The
Model Wife," "The Model Mother," and
the rest of the papers. "Authors' Miseries"
are here, too, larger and more elaborate
illustrations than usual, and the largest of
them we give, cut No. 22.* In Volumes
XVI. and XVII. — the two for 1849 — are so
many things by Thackeray that we can only
name a few, Mr. " Spec "writes about Child's
Parties that lament concerning their extrav-
agance and absurdity which we have all
read; but to this he has added little pictures
which few of us have seen. "The Ballad
of Bouillabaisse, from the Contributor at
Paris," is found here without illustration.
"The Story of Koompanee Jehan," and a
host of small studies besides, have head-
pieces or initial letters which ought to be
known ; and " Mr. Brown's Letters to a
Young Man about Town " runs through the
whole year, in a dozen or more numbers.
It was in this year that the first volume
of " Pendennis " was finished. Of the large
etchings in that volume none are good
enough for reproduction ; the little head
and tail pieces are better, certainly, and
we give one of these in our cut No. 23 : but
it is in " Punch," still, that his best illustra-
tions appear.
In 1850, Volumes XVIII. and XIX., there
is another paper, still from Mr. J s
Plush, giving his thoughts on a new comedy.
This, we think, has never been reprinted.
" Hobson's Choice " has a head -piece; "The
New House of Commons " another. The
papers called " The Proser," and signed by
Solomon Pacifico, are also here, but have
not many pictures; and there are many
pieces and cuts besides of the authorship of
which one is sure, and some of which one is
not so sure. But the charm of these two
volumes is their poetical element. In Vol.
XVIII. is " The Ballad of Eliza Davis," with
the big initial which we give in cut No. 24,
the G of the line
" Galliant gents and lovely ladies,"
with which that poem begins. The verses are
signed " X," but there is no heading as yet
* Punch, Vol. XV., p. 198.
NO. 28. — INITIAL, FROM "THE VIRGINIANS."
identifying this with other of that author's
poems. The next one of " X's " poems,
follows soon ; it is " The Lamentable Ballad
of the Foundling of Shoreditch," and has
also a large cut. Then the strain changes,
and what is called in collected editions.
"Mr. Molony's Lament," appears as by Mr.
Finigan. Then " X " strikes his lyre again,
and chants his " Lines on a Late Hospicious.
Ewent : by a Gentleman of the Foot Guards.
(Blue)"; but gives us no picture with it.
In Volume XIX. is " Mr. Molony's Account
of the Ball," and a greal deal more, of which
NO. 2<> — INITIAL LETTER W. (FROM "THE VIRGINIANS. ">
272
THACKERAY AS A DRAUGHTSMAN.
we can only mention the numerous squibs
and satirical assaults upon the new Roman
Catholic hierarchy for England, then just
created by a bull of the pope, and exciting
plenty of jealousy, terror and vague antici-
pation. Thackeray is as hearty a partisan,
as bold an assailant of monks and monkery,
foreign priests, clerical aggression, and the
rest, as the most Protestant of Englishmen
could desire. In Volume XX. (for 1851)
for this that he thought it unwise to attack the
newly self-made Emperor of the French in
the savage way that " Punch " was doing.
But it is certain that he had almost stopped
contributing before that onslaught on
Napoleon began.
No doubt he was otherwise constantly
occupied, for in 1851 he was lecturing on
"The English Humorists"; in 1852 "Henry
Esmond " was published, in the charming
NO. 30. — A SCENE IN GLASGOW. (FROM "THE ORPHAN OF PIMLICO AND OTHER SKETCHES.")
there are several poems — " The Yankee Vol-
unteers " and " Mr. Molony's Account of
the Crystal Palace." This last appears
in the number for April 26, and relates, of
course, to the opening of the original old
Paxton " Crystal Palace," in Hyde Park,
which was to be opened formally on the
first of May. It is stated that this poem
had been intended for " Punch," but was
late, and was therefore sent to the " Times,"
where it appeared; but here it is, in
" Punch," and where it should be ! It is one
more little mistake for Mr. Trollope; he
may have been thinking of the " May Day
Ode," Thackeray's graver poem on the same
subject ; that is not in " Punch " and may
have appeared in the " Times." And now,
Thackeray's contributions to " Punch " be-
come few and scattered, and by and by
cease altogether. In a " Quarterly Review "
article, three years later, he gives as a reason
first edition in three small volumes, of old-
style typography and general appearance;
and in the same year he came first to
America with the above named lectures,
and while here delivered for the first time,
for the benefit of "The Society for the
Employment and Relief of the Poor," and
in Dr. Dewey's old church, since turned
into a theater, the lecture called " Charity
and Humor." Then came "The New-
comes," one volume in 1854 and one in
1855. In 1854 he is found again in
"Punch," writing the letters of "Our Own
Bashi Bazouk, from the Seat of War in
Turkey," exactly as if Major Gahagan had
come to life again. And in 1855 he was
again in America, lecturing on the "Four
Georges" at Dr. Chapin's old church, in
Broadway, long since swept away. In that
year there was one more Christmas book,
"The Rose and the Ring," a fairy story ;
THACKERAY AS A DRAUGHTSMAN.
273
MT JOHHSOH
NO. 31. — THE THREE OF SPADES. (FROM "THE ORPHAN OF PIMLICO," ETC.)
but Thackeray's better fun and better taste
are both wanting to it, and the wood-cuts
in particular are hideous. Some of our
readers may know Tom Hood's little pict-
ures in "Hood's Own" or the "Comic
Annual," and may remember how ugly they
are, how the fun of them seems in some
way to be mixed up with monstrosity.
Well, it is in that way that some of
Thackeray's pictures are ugly — it is a pain
to have to look at them; and these of
"The Rose and the Ring" are of that
character. " Henry Esmond " had had no
illustrations;* "The Newcomes" was illus-
trated by Richard Doyle; and it was not until
1857 that the author began once more to
illustrate a novel, and then it was " The
Virginians," for which he began to make
large etchings and small head-pieces. The
latter are clever enough; Nos. 25 to 28 are
all initial letters from "The Virginians,"
needing no explanation, except that No.
25 seems to be Henry Esmond's portrait,
above the chimney-piece at the Virginia
house of Castle wood. As for the large
plates here, they are even more careless and
weak than those in " Pendennis." There is
not one which we should care to reproduce,
if we could give a hundred illustrations.
What does it mean ? Why is this extra-
ordinary difference in Thackeray's work ?
Why is some of it so very much better than
the rest ? It is true, of course, that he
never mastered this art of etching; but then
he was usually content to leave his work
almost in mere outline, with only the slight-
est suggestion of light and shade. And,
besides, no want of skill with the etching-
needle can explain the impossible action,
the vague and meaningless gesture and atti-
* The Du Maurier illustrations to " Henry
Esmond " did not appear till several years later.
VOL. XX.— 19.
tude of the characters in many of these
plates. The writer has tried to describe this
awkward untruthful ness, and finds it a very
ungracious task, .and tedious reading, —
better at once struck out, and criticism
confined to the general statement that whole
series of these illustrations are too devoid of
form and purpose to be considered at all.
There was published in 1876 " The Or-
phan of Pimlico, and other Sketches," etc.,
a folio of carefully made reproductions by
photographic process of many of Thackeray's
drawings. This was brought out under the
care of Miss Thackeray, and avowedly to
counteract the false impression produced by
the exceedingly unpleasant little cuts given
NO. 32. — THACKERAY AT THE PLAY. (FROM THE " CORNHILL
MAGAZINE.")
274
SAD SPRING.
in " Thackerayana," in which are given
wood-cuts of the hasty little scrawls he used
to make in his books. From this carefully
made book we take one most spirited study,
a drawing worthy even of John Leech, and
somewhat in his manner. It is a scene in
Glasgow, which Thackeray found dismal; and
of the drawing Miss Thackeray speaks very
justly, as showing that " the whole atmos-
phere of the scene stamped itself with dismal
vividness upon his mind." Now it is noth-
ing to say that few of his designs were as
good as that one : had many of them been so
good he would have been a great designer,
instead of a great writer with a knack for
drawing ; but how can we account for a man
who could do that, who could see so clearly !
and express so forcibly, albeit in a humble •
fashion, contentedly drawing, engraving and !
publishing such lameness as the large pict- \
ures in " Pendennis " and " The Virginians " ? |
Among the drawings in " The Orphan of
Pimlico " are some that have been engraved
on wood. Comparison of these with the
prints of the engravings shows that the
theory that the wood-engravers improved
his work is not always, or as a rule, correct. I
There are delicacies of expression and even
of drawing which are lost in the cuts. The
explanation lies in some part of these i
evident peculiarities of the man : that he j
was by nature easily tired, easily brought
to such a state of mind that he could not i
do his best ; that he was not by nature an i
artist, inasmuch as the beauty of things and
the true and profound character of things
did not strike him forcibly, nor stay by him
long; that he was capable of excitement,
both by pity and by fun and friendship,
which would make him for a half-hour
draw men, women and children, but only
then swiftly and cleverly, seizing the more
important lines and neglecting the others,
in true artist fashion for the nonce. In
this case of " The Virginians," we all know i
how full he had filled his mind with the
men of Queen Anne's and of George the
First's day, and with their manners and
speech. He had written that wonderful
novel, " Henry Esmond," the two sets of
lectures, and part of " The Virginians " —
and yet in his designs the dress of his
own heroes and heroines is never repre-
sented with any accuracy, the decorated
interiors in which they moved are not even
hinted at, scarcely even an ornamental letter
suggests any notion of the exterior of that
old life. No, the external world, the world
of forms and colors in which the artist lives,
Thackeray hardly knew. Not a sketch
exists which shows any truthful observation
of architecture, ornament, fanciful utensils
and dress seen by him in his Eastern and
continental travel. Not a sketch exists
showing that he had observed light and
shade as an artist observes it. No. 31
is a bit of fun, of child's play, and of
it Miss Thackeray says : " My father was
specially pleased with the likeness to Mr.
Gibbon which he discovered in the three of
spades." And no wonder! Such fun as
this he was great in, and these drawings
we have given show that, in so far as a liter-
ary feeling for character — shall we say a
novelist's feeling for character ? — is express-
ible in graphic art, so far he was able
to express himself, though with a tripping
pencil which he never fully mastered. In
treating his book illustration, it must needs
be compared with the standard which we
have already set up for Cruikshank and
Leech, and of course it suffers by such com-
parison. That he should have been willing
to invite it, for so many years, is a mystery
which criticism from the outside cannot
hope to explain in a final way.
Our last cut (No. 32) is from the " Corn-
hill," to which Thackeray devoted the last
few years of his life, and is the head-piece of
one of those " Roundabout Papers " which
graced its early volumes. Of many portraits
of himself that he drew, it is probably the last.
SAD SPRING.
THE leaves will grow again, and happy birds
Find glad new songs to sing above the nest;
Sometime again the wind will breathe sweet words
Among the blossomed trees, from east to west.
But ah, but ah, when violets bud and grow
Upon a grave, — when birds their music pour
While one dear nest is empty ! I think that so
Spring must be sad to me for evermore.
EXTRACTS FROM THE JOURNAL OF HENRY J. RAYMOND. 275
EXTRACTS FROM THE JOURNAL OF HENRY J. RAYMOND. IV.
(EDITED BY HIS SON.)
FOURTH PAPER : THE PHILADELPHIA CONVENTION OF 1 866.
IT is still, perhaps, an open question as to
the true position to which the National
Union Convention, held at the city of Phil-
adelphia in 1866, should be assigned in the
political annals of our country. Some will
always maintain — and possibly believe —
that it was in its inception and consumma-
tion a deliberate scheme on the part of
Southern Democrats and their Northern
allies to disrupt the Republican or Union
party, and, by dividing it on the important
question of reconstruction, aid the Demo-
cratic party in acquiring power and encour-
age President Johnson in what those who
hold this opinion will always believe to
have been a deliberate betrayal of the
political party which made him the successor
of Abraham Lincoln.
Others believe now as they believed then, '
that the Convention was intended to be, \
and was, a gathering of prominent men of j
both parties from every State and Territory \
in the Union, assembled to add authority,
dignity and influence to the action already
inaugurated by a Conservative minority,
and to record its protest against, and call
public attention to, the manner in which, as
they believed, the Constitution was being
violated, the purpose and object of the war
forgotten, victory abused by a reckless major-
ity, and a conquered people given over
to the tender mercies of corrupt adven-
turers, ignorant demagogues, and needy
politicians.
I believe that the bitter denunciation to
which the Convention and every one who
took part in it was subjected, by what was
then known as the Radical wing of the
Republican party, has been modified in no \
small degree by subsequent events and by
mature reflection, free from prejudice or
excitement; and that many who were so
fierce then will admit to-day that their first
judgments were too severe, and possibly \
unwarranted. The Convention failed to
accomplish the object for which it had been
called into being, so far as any practical
results were achieved. The passions and
temper of the hour prompted a rejection of
its platform and principles by the people —
while those who participated in its deliber-
ations were either viewed with suspicion by
their political associates or denied all further
party fellowship. Yet, what unprejudiced
mind to-day will say that the Philadelphia
Convention, at least so far as its Repub-
lican delegates were concerned, was not
intended to be an honest and patriotic
attempt to forestall and prevent certain dan-
gerous tendencies, the shadows of which had
even then been cast before. We fought not
for conquest — but, having won the victory,
claimed and exercised the rights of con-
querors. It is as a result of this policy that
we have before us to-day the same duty that
we had in 1861 — to repudiate all doctrines
aiming, in their logical results, at a destruc-
tion of our national life. The Chitten-
den resolutions of 1861 declared that the
war was not waged for conquest, but to pre-
serve the Union. The Reconstruction Acts
assumed that the Union was a league — that
the seceded States had left the Union and
had perfected and consummated that depart-
ure, and hence, being conquered, were to
be re-admitted practically as new States.
The delegates to the Philadelphia Conven-
tion maintained that the States had not left
and could not leave the Union by their own
action, and the Supreme Court of the United
States has placed on record its judicial opin-
ion sustaining the theory so cordially repro-
bated by the majority in 1866. "The State
[Tennessee] remained a State of the Union,
and never escaped the obligations of the
Constitution, though for a while she may
have evaded their enforcement." *
But it is not the purpose of this article
either to provoke a political discussion or
attempt any vindication of the Convention,
or of those who took part in its delibera-
tions. Successful or unsuccessful, it was, in
many respects, one of the most important
political gatherings ever called together in
this country, and, as such, it will have its
place in any history of this nation during
the past twenty years. In aid of such a
history, it is my desire to contribute the
* J. F. Keith, plaintiff in error, vs. E. A. Clark,
Collector of the State, etc., in error, to the Supreme
Court of Tennessee.
276 EXTRACTS FROM THE JOURNAL OF HENRY J. RAYMOND.
reflections and impressions formed by that
Convention upon one who, willingly or
unwillingly, became one of its controlling
minds — and to give them as recorded by
him at the time. That my father sought to
accomplish that which he sincerely and
honestly believed to be for the greatest good
of the greatest number, none who knew
him could ever doubt ; and this publication
of his private memoranda, giving an inside
history of the origin of the Convention and
the manner in which he became identified
with it, will only confirm what perhaps no
one ever doubted.
The Journal begins :
" The first I ever heard of the Philadelphia Con-
vention was from Mr. Thurlow Weed, about the first
of July ( 1866). He called at my house in Washing-
ton, and in the course of conversation said that it
was thought important, as Congress had done noth-
ing toward restoring the Union and providing a
national basis of political action, that a convention
should be called, in which Union men from all the
States should be represented. He had talked with
Mr. Seward about it, and they both desired me to
prepare an address ; and, as the political season was
already well advanced, the sooner this could be done,
the better. I told him that I would think of it.
" The same day I saw Mr. Seward, who asked me
if Mr. Weed had spoken to me on the subject. I
told him he had, and that I would take it into con-
sideration ; it seemed to me not free from difficulties
and dangers. A day or two after, he asked me if I
had prepared an address. I said I had not — that,
as I understood it, what they wanted from me was
an argument for speedy restoration, addressed to the
people, and that this would come with more effect
from the Convention than in a call for one. In
this he acquiesced.
" Within two or three days after this conversation,
Senator Doolittle called at my house and read me
the draft of a call which he had prepared— substan-
tially as it was afterward issued. I suggested that
its terms were too broad — that it would admit all
who had been in rebellion against the Government,
and all whose political sympathies had been with
them, while it would exclude many who had stood
by the Government, but who now desired national
action on the questions resulting from the war. Mr.
Dooliltle said it ought to include all who n<rw accept
the Union, whatever had been their previous action,
and that this was the object of the proposed Conven-
tion. I expressed some fear that on such a basis it
might fail to command popular confidence and sym-
pathy in the North sufficient to give it success. I
did not sign the call, but expressed to him my
full concurrence in the general object which was
proposed.
" I went to New York a few days afterward, and
while there wrote and published in the ' Times • an
article in favor of a National Convention for the pur-
pose of adopting, if possible, a platform of princi-
ples upon which the Northern and Southern States
could take common political action. Before I
returned to Washington, the call was published—
signed by Senators Doolittle and Cowan and five or
six other Union men. Soon afterward a card was
published, signed by all the Democratic members of
Congress, assenting to the call and expressing their
hope that their constituents would unite in sending
delegates to the Convention.
" The Congressional Union caucus, of July I2th,
occurred after this action. The feeling of the mem-
bers was exceedingly bitter toward the Convention,
which was regarded as a scheme for breaking up the
Union party and forming a new Administration
party out of the Conservative elements of both par-
ties. The Convention was bitterly denounced and I
was directly assailed, especially by Judge Kelley, of
Pennsylvania, for having engaged in a conspiracy
thus to destroy the Union party. I repudiated any
such purpose, but declined to denounce the Conven-
tion in advance of its action. I thought it calculated
to strengthen, rather than to injure, the Union party;
but that, whenever I found that this was not likely
to be its effect, I should oppose it."
No full report of either of these two cau-
cus meetings was ever made in the newspa-
pers. What purported to be a report of the
first one was published in one of the New
York journals, but was very inaccurate and
full of misstatements. These inaccuracies,
it was stated at the second caucus, were due
to the fact that the reporter was concealed
underneath a bench in the reporters' gallery
during a part of the meeting, and his ina-
bility to see rendered it impossible for him
to report correctly. I found among my
father's papers a condensed report of both
of these meetings; but the bitter speeches
made then would hardly prove of interest
now.
" Soon after, another call appeared, as a supple-
ment to the first. This was signed by a joint com-
mittee, composed of members of the Johnson
committee and of the Democratic committee. It
called for the election of delegates from the several
Congressional districts of the United States to the
Convention, — four from each, — two of those who
voted for Lincoln and Johnson in 1864, and two who
voted against them. This was intended to divide
the Convention between the two political parties.
In the South, of course, no Lincoln and Johnson
delegates could be selected. The appearance of
this call increased the distrust of Union men in
Congress, and throughout the country, in the objects
and results of the Convention, against which the
Union feeling in the North began to be very strongly
arrayed.
"Mr. Seward, a few days afterward, referring to
the Convention, said it was understood that I would
write the address. I told him I did not feel inclined
to attend the Convention. He asked why. I said
that it seemed likely to be in the hands of the
former rebels and their Copperhead associates, and
to be used for purposes hostile to the Union party,
of which I was not only a member, but in which I
held an official position. I said that I should feel
bound, in going into another and a hostile party
organization, first to resign my position as Chair-
man of the National Union Committee, and I did not
wish to do this, or in any way forfeit my standing
as a member of the Union party.
" Mr. Seward replied that he did not concur in this
view. The Convention was simply for consultation.
It was not a party convention, nor need it affect in
any way the party standing of those who should
THE PHILADELPHIA CONVENTION OF 1866.
277
take part in it. He was a Union man, he said, and
he did not admit the right of anybody to turn him
out of the Union party; but he claimed the right
to meet and consult with any portion of his fellow-
citizens. Of course the Convention would fall into
the hands of Copperheads if all our friends deserted
it. What he wanted me to go into it for was to pre-
vent that result. If it could not be prevented, then
would be time enough to bolt. He said the Presi-
dent felt anxious on the subject, and he proposed that
I should go with him to see the President. I did so.
" When we went in to the President, who received
us in the library, Mr. Seward said to him that we
had come up to talk about the Philadelphia Conven-
tion— that I had expressed fears lest it should fall
into bad hands, and that he had told me that was
what they wanted me to prevent. The President
said yes — it was important that the right direction
should be given to it. It ought to take National
ground in harmony with Union principles, and in
favor of a speedy restoration of the Union. He
said he had read carefully a speech I had lately
made on the relations of his policy of restoration to
the Union party, and he agreed with every word
of it. He wanted the Philadelphia Convention to
take the same ground exactly. His sympathies, he
said, were with the party which had carried the
country through the war — that party ought to restore
the Union, and although it ought not to repel Dem-
ocrats who were willing to act with and to aid it, he
did not wish the Democratic party to get control.
" I told him I did not quite understand what the
Philadelphia Convention was expected to do in regard
to organized political action — whether it was to
create a new party for general action, or to aim at
specific results. It might lay the basis for a new
party which should nominate candidates of its own
in the coming State elections, or it might merely
bring its influence to bear upon the election of mem-
bers of Congress in the several districts, favorable
to the admission of loyal members — not seeking to
disturb their party relations in other respects at all.
For the first, — the organization of a new party, even
if that were desirable, — I feared it was too late, and
the only effect of such an attempt would be to
strengthen the Democratic party. The other object
might be secured. If the Convention would simply
seek the election of members of Congress favorable
to the admission of loyal representatives — throw-
ing its weight in favor of Union men where they
would take this ground, and in favor of War Dem-
ocrats as against extreme radicals, I thought great
good might be accomplished.
"The President replied that this was precisely
what he wanted done. He did not want any new
party, nor did he want the Democratic party restored
to power. He wanted Congress to restore the
Union, and if those who favored this would take
hold of it in the way I had suggested, he felt sure
the people would sustain them and that the next
Congress would be overwhelmingly on our side.
He declared his wish to have this matter settled
within the Union party, and thought the Philadel-
phia Convention would exert a wholesome pressure
on the several Union State Conventions, as well as
on the nominations for Congress, and that it would
be a great step gained toward the restoration of the
Union when delegates from all the States could
again meet in convention. The very fact that such
a convention was held, he thought, would have a
very salutary effect on public sentiment, and would
cause the leaders of the Radical movement to pause.
He spoke with a good deal of earnestness, and was
urgent that I should take part in the Convention.
" Mr. Seward took no part directly in this conver-
sation, but he occasionally threw in a word, by way
of comment and enforcing the suggestions of the
President. The impression made upon my mind by
the interview was that the President was very anx-
ious to get a foothold in the South for the Conserva-
tive wing of the Union party — that he thought the
Philadelphia Convention would lay the foundation
for a National party, which would absorb the Demo-
cratic party of the North and West, and all of the
Union party but the Radicals ; and that the South
would also join this new party, which would thus
easily gain and hold the political ascendency. It
seemed to me a desirable object — one which it was
well worth any one's while to aid. On the other
hand, if the Union men generally held themselves
aloof from the Philadelphia Convention, that body,
which in any event was destined to exercise a decided
influence on the public mind, would inevitably fall
into the hands of the Democratic party and be used
to secure its return to power. It seemed to me
desirable to prevent this result, if possible, and I
accordingly decided to do what little I could in that
direction."
To show how earnest my father was in
this conviction, I have made a few extracts
from editorials in the " Times," written pre-
vious to the assembling of the Convention :
"July 77. When the war was over and the
rebellion suppressed, a powerful public sentiment,
pervading all parties, demanded the prompt restor-
ation of national action under the Constitution and
in accordance with the fundamental principles of the
Government. * * If Congress had admitted
to their seats loyal members from the Southern
States, who could take the oath prescribed by law,
the Philadelphia Convention would never have been
heard of."
" August 8. The Philadelphia Convention, as we
regard it, has been called to promote the restora-
tion of the union of the States upon principles at
once honorable and safe, and in the spirit of har-
mony and peace. * * * Its effect will probably
be moral rather than political, and it is quite as
likely to accomplish the purpose it seeks through
its effect upon the action of the existing parties, as
by organizing a new one."
" August 10. The object of the Philadelphia Con-
vention is to bring together sections, States, and
men, now separated by memories of war and by the
fact of victory on one side and defeat on the other.
That object will be attained just in proportion as
the character and condition of the Convention may
command the respect and confidence of the great
body of the American people."
In an article under the caption " Mr.
Raymond and his Censors," my father says:
" We have steadily maintained that to accomplish
any good the movement must be confined to moder-
ate, conservative and loyal men, of both sections
and of either party."
And General Dix, in taking the chair as
temporary president, said :
" It may be truly said that no body of men have
met on this continent to consider events so moment-
ous and so important since 1787. * * We are
278 EXTRACTS FROM. THE JOURNAL OF HENRY J. RAYMOND,
here to assert the supremacy of representative gov-
ernment. * * We are not now living under
such a government. Thirty-six States are governed
by twenty-five states, etc., etc."
The Journal continues :
" This was all that occurred previous to the
adjournment of Congress — though I had several
incidental conversations with Mr. Seward on the
subject, in all of which he repeated his view of the
xelation of himself and his friends to the Conven-
tion. He called my attention to an article in the
" Springfield Republican,' which began by saying
that Mr. Seward's friends seemed so to have man-
aged the preliminary movements of the Philadel-
phia Convention that they could go into it if it was
a success, and go out of it if it should prove a fail-
ure. This, he said, was the exact state of the case.
Participation in it involved no change of political
relations; those could be effected only by approv-
ing or disapproving what it should finally do.
" A call was soon issued in New York for a State
convention to be held at Saratoga, August 10, for
the election of delegates to Philadelphia. This call
was arranged under the direction of Mr. Weed,
whose first purpose was to have it signed by lead-
ing members of both political parties throughout the
State. He afterward explained to me that the time
was too short for this, and that an attempt to secure
signatures through the whole State would be neces-
sarily so incomplete that it would create jealousies
and do harm. He accordingly decided to have it
signed only by prominent persons in New York
City and its immediate vicinity. In this form it
was issued. The names were highly respectable
and influential — but mainly of men who had never
been actually identified with political or party
movements. Mr. Weed gave me to understand
that he had consulted with Dean Richmond, John
Stryker, and other leaders of the Democratic party,
and that they were quite ready for the new move-
ment. They fully appreciated the extent to which
the Democratic party had been demoralized and
damaged by its course during the war, and that it
was absolutely necessary to rid it of its old asso-
ciations and give it a new start.
" I did not sign the call, nor did I attend the Sar-
atoga Convention. My appointment as one of the
four delegates from the State at large, with General
Dix, Ex-Governor Church, and S. J. Tilden, Esq.,
was wholly without my agency or knowledge. I
drew up an address to the people of the United
States, in accordance with the wishes of the Presi-
dent and Mr. Seward, to be submitted to the
Convention.
" There was a very large number of delegates
and others in attendance on the Convention, and a
very great interest in the proceedings seemed to
prevail. The Southern delegates, as a general
thing, were from the more moderate class of South-
ern politicians — men who had not been original
Secessionists, but who had gone with their States
after war was resolved upon, and had done every-
thing in their power to carry them through it suc-
cessfully. The general feeling was one of delight
at renewing former political, social and personal
relations with men of the North, and no extravagant
expectations seemed to be entertained in any quar-
ter as to the nature or extent of concessions that
would be made to the South by the victorious
North.
On Tuesday, the main point of interest seemed to
be the presence of Fernando Wood, of New York,
Clement L. Vallandigham, of Ohio, and Henry Clay
Dean, of Iowa, also delegates to the Convention.
The feeling was very strong that the admission of
men who had been so hostile to the Government
during the war, and who, though Northern men,
were thoroughly identified in the public mind with
the rebel cause, would be of serious injury to the
Convention, by alienating the sympathies of Union
men and by affixing to the proceedings the stigma
of having been dictated to or influenced by Copper-
head counsels. As a general thing, the Democrats
from the North and those from the South deprecated
their presence quite as decidedly as did the mem-
bers of the Union party ; but the proposal to exclude
them naturally provoked opposition from both
quarters. The Democrats felt that it would hardly
answer to desert members of their own party, and
Southern men thought their constituents would not
approve of their consenting that men from the
North should be ejected for having been their
friends during the war. The collision of sentiment
gave rise to the usual turmoil and heat which attends
the outside discussions of such a body. Wood pru-
dently withdrew from the contest early, saying, in a
brief and graceful note, that in view of the difference
of opinion that had arisen, and in order to prevent
possible injurious consequences, he should decline
to present himself as a delegate. Vallandigham
and Dean were more obstinate. The latter was
noisy, insolent, and offensive, but, after the proper
amount of swagger and bravado, followed Wood's
example. Vallandigham held out to the last, though
it came to be generally understood that he would
not, in any case, be admitted to a seat in the Con-
vention.
" On Tuesday evening I read the address I had
prepared to Reverdy Johnson, Senators Cowan,
Doolittle and Dixon — all of whom spoke of it in very
strong terms of approbation. Mr. Johnson said he
thought a portion of it, which discussed historically
the effect of slavery upon the South and the national
Government, might be omitted with advantage — but
the point was not discussed.
"Senator Cowan showed me a series of resolu-
tions which he had prepared, as he said, with con-
siderable care, for submission to the committee.
He also showed me a declaration of principles,
drawn up, as he said, by Mr. William B. Reed, of
Philadelphia, and another prepared by Governor
Sharkey, of Mississippi. Both the latter seemed to
me to treat the subject wholly from the Southern
point of view, and Mr. Cowan's struck me as open
to the same objection, or, at least, to that of evad-
ing the leading principles which the Union party
deemed essential.
" The Convention met on Tuesday. General
Dix, in his opening remarks, made with full prepar-
ation but without consultation with others, so far as
I know — certainly not with me — hit upon the same
point that I had made the leading point in my ad-
dress, viz. : the election of a Congress that would admit
loyal members from loyal States. Vallandigham
sent in a letter withdrawing from the Convention.
The preliminary organization was completed, and
a Committee on Resolutions, consisting of two from
each State, was appointed. General John A.
Dix was elected Temporary Chairman, and Mont-
gomery Blair Chairman of the Committee on Per-
manent Organization. Senator Doolittle was made
Permanent President, with one Vice-President and
one Secretary from each State.
The Committee on Resolutions was composed of
the following members, among others :
THE PHILADELPHIA CONVENTION OF 1866.
279
[Here followed a partial list of the com-
mittee, which included Hons. Reverdy
Johnson, T. A. Hendricks, Wm. Beach
Lawrence, Senators Cowan, Dixon, Davis,
McDougal, Chief-Justice Sanford E. Church,
and other prominent men of both parties.]
" The two members of the Committee from New
York were Governor Church and myself. The
Committee immediately withdrew to an adjoining
room and elected Senator Cowan Chairman, after
which it adjourned to meet at the Continental
Hotel at two o'clock P. M.
" On meeting at two, Senator Cowan's resolutions
were read, as were the others that had been pre-
pared. Before they were discussed, Reverdy John-
son said that I had prepared, an address, which he
requested me to read. I read it just as it stood
originally. It was listened to respectfully and with-
out comment, but I could hear Garrett Davis, of
Kentucky, who sat near me, now and then say to a
gentleman near him, 'that's not true,' 'not a
word of truth in that,' etc. The general impression
upon Southern members struck me as unfavorable.
One gentleman, from Massachusetts, whom I did
not know, protested against it and moved that it be
rejected. No one seconded this, however, and it
was agreed that all the resolutions, etc., should be
referred to a Sub-Committee of thirteen, which was
appointed by the Chairman, Mr. Cowan. Southern
delegates preponderated on this Committee, and
were mainly strong men. The Sub-Committee
went immediately into session, and at their request
I again read my address, just as it stood. It was
then suggested that a portion of it relating to the
effect of slavery upon the politics of the country
(the same to which Reverdy Johnson had objected)
should be omitted, not merely because it was unac-
ceptable to the South, but because the subject which
it discussed was not really within those upon which
the Convention was expected to act. There was
force in this suggestion, and I acquiesced in it.
The passage omitted embraced several pages.
" In another part of the address I had spoken of
the amendments to the Constitution proposed by
Congress — waiving discussion of them in terms on
the ground that such discussion came rather within
the scope of political debate in the several States
than within the sphere of the Convention, — but
asserting the right of Congress and the States
to make amendments, and suggesting that some
enlargement of the powers of the National Govern-
ment, in the respects covered by the amendments
proposed, might be desirable. It was objected to
this passage that it might be construed as favoring
the amendments, and the general voice of the Com-
mittee was for omitting it. To the rest of the
address there was a general assent, — the belief
being expressed that it was a very strong appeal to
the judgment and patriotism of the people, and that
it would produce good results. Some of the South-
ern members were sensitive as to the frequent use
of the words 'rebellion,' 'insurrection,' etc., as
applied to the action of the seceding States, and
expressed a wish that they mighfr be avoided. I
said that in certain parts of the address they
seemed necessary to describe in accurate language
the legal character of the acts referred to, and that
in such cases they ought not to be changed, but that
I would revise the paper and change them wher-
ever they seemed to be unnecessary. This was
assented to as satisfactory, and I did change them
subsequently in several places, as the MSS. will
show. *
" After the address had thus been accepted, the
Committee proceeded to consider the resolutions.
Senator Cowan read his, with the other declarations
already referred to, and the Committee proceeded
to consider them seriatim. Exceptions were freely
taken to them, mainly as being too abstract and
not sufficiently clear and exact in statements of
principles, and finally Mr. Reverdy Johnson, who
had become somewhat impatient at the length of
the discussion and its inconclusive character, asked
me if I had not also prepared some resolutions
embodying the general principles of the address.
I told him I had, and at his request read them.
" I had written these resolutions late on the
preceding evening. Recalling the unsatisfactory
character of those I had seen, I thought I would
put into form what seemed to me the declarations
desirable to be made. I mentioned this to Mr.
Weed in the morning, and he mentioned it to Mr.
Johnson, who spoke to me about it, and, after
hearing them, desired me to bring them to the
Committee.
" After I had read them in Committee, Mr. John-
son moved at once that they be adopted as the
series to be reported, after amendments. This was
at once carried, and they were taken up in order.
I read each one in succession, and the question was
taken on its adoption. They were all adopted,
without any special discussion and by general
assent, as they stood originally, with one or two
exceptions. In the fifth, the following clause — ' All
the powers not conferred by the Constitution upon
the General Government nor prohibited by it to
the States, are reserved to the States or the people
thereof; and among the rights thus reserved to the
States is the right to prescribe qualifications for the
elective franchise therein, with which right Con-
gress cannot interfere,' was inserted at the sug-
gestion of Mr. Johnson and written by me.
" When the seventh was reached, and I had
read the first line — 'Slavery is abolished and for-
ever prohibited,' Judge Harger, of Mississippi,
remarked : ' Yes, and nobody wants it back again. '
I at once remarked that if we could say that on
behalf of the South and on the authority of its
delegates, it would strengthen our case very much.
Judge Harger said we could so far as his State was
concerned, and turned to Governor Graham, of
North Carolina, who sat beside him, and asked if it
would not be true of North Carolina. Gov. Gra-
ham answered that it would, and of the whole South
also. I then interlined the passage, ' and there is
neither desire nor purpose on the part of the South-
ern States that it should ever be re-established,' and
re-read the resolution as thus amended. It passed
unanimously, as did the eighth and tenth.
"After this had been done, some one suggested that
one of Senator Cowan's resolutions relating to
soldiers was especially appropriate, and ought to be
included in the series. It was then read, as follows:
"'Seventh — That it is with proud and unfeigned
satisfaction that we recur to the conduct of the
American soldier all through the recent conflict —
his courage, his endurance [and his patriotism] merit
our highest encomiums [but it is only when the
strife is over that he rises to his proper height and
shames his stay-at-home neighbor]. Since the war
[*The address was written twice. In re-writing, the phraseol-
ogy was often changed, and the address shortened by the omis-
sions referred to. Both copies are in my possession. H. W. R.]
280
WATCHING THE COW.
he has shown magnanimity and generosity in mak-
ing a manly and moderate use of his victories, and
in his defeats recognizing the skill and bravery of
his opponents. No Northern soldier has yet been
heard to cry for vengeance against the South, nor
has any Southron refused a graceful submission to
the fate of war, and they are again brothers.'
" The language of this resolution was somewhat
modified, the parts in brackets being stricken out,
but the sentiment of the resolution was generally
accepted and the resolution itself elicited little dis-
cussion. It was included in the series to be reported.
" The General Committee re -assembled at five
o'clock, and the Sub-Committee made its report. I
read the address, which gave rise to very little
discussion or remark, and was adopted. The reso-
lutions were also read, and, after canvassing them as
they came up in succession, they were adopted
without any alteration in sentiment, and with very
few and unimportant changes in phraseology. The
preamble from the series of resolutions said to
have been prepared by W. B. Reed, was called for
and adopted, as a proper preamble to those which
had been adopted by the Committee.
" Just as the Committee was closing its labors, Sen-
ator Hendricks, of Indiana, said to me : ' I don't
quite like that resolution about the soldiers' — "the
American soldier." What soldier does it mean ?' I
said I supposed it meant the Union soldier. He said
it did not seem clear, and it ought not to be left
ambiguous. I replied that we would test it. I then
stated to the Committee the point that had been raised,
and said I supposed the Union soldier was referred
to, and appealed to Judge Harger and Mr. Graham,
both of whom assented. I then said that no doubt
should rest on that point, and suggested that it be
made to read ' Union soldier,' — to which . both
Judge Harger and Governor Graham at once object-
ed. This led to considerable conversation, and Sen-
ator Cowan, on being appealed to, said he intended
it to include the soldiers of both armies. Thereupon,
several Northern delegates said they could not con-
sent to that, — the people never would endorse
encomiums passed upon men in arms against the
Government, — and they insisted on a change. The
Southern delegates, on the other hand, said they j
could never be sustained in consenting to an approval
of Northern soldiers, which was not equally extended
to their own. The debate waxed quite warm. Mr.
Stewart, of Michigan, said he had sacrificed his
political position at home by consulting the sensitive-
ness of the South. He should do so no longer. It
was that which had prepared the way for the rebel-
lion, and he did not mean to repeat the mistakes of
former years. He would do justice and nothing
more. He thought it incumbent on us to applaud
the soldiers who fought for the Union and saved the
Government, though he did not know that we
could fairly call on the South to do likewise. But
he could never consent to extend equal applause to
the men who had been in arms against the Govern-
ment. These remarks were received in silence by
the Southern delegates, but created considerable
feeling in the Committee. It was finally suggested
that the resolution be omitted altogether, and this
was acquiesced in, as the only mode of preserving
harmony of feeling and of action. It was after
twelve o'clock, and the Committee, fatigued and im-
patient, voted to adjourn. They had risen and
taken their hats, when I begged their attention for a
moment before the motion was put. I said that it
seemed a pity that any difference should arise where
everything had been so harmonious. If I under-
stand this matter, I added, the difference here is
purely one oi feeling. You of the South are unwill-
ing that anything should be bestowed upon Arorthern
troops for soldierly qualities, which is not also be-
stowed upon Southern, as being equally good soldiers.
The Southern delegates assented to this. Well, I
said, I can understand and respect that feeling ; I
don't think it generous or right in us to disregard it.
But let us set aside feeling and go to business. You
cannot doubt that it is the duty of the National
Government to recognize and reward the services of
its soldiers by paying their claims and pensioning
their widows and orphans, can you? They ac-
quiesced. Very well, I said, let us pass a resolution ;
asserting that duty, going no further. They as-
sented. I hastily drew the resolution in pencil —
read it, and it passed with but one negative vote, and
the Committee adjourned. The resolution read :
"'It is the duty of the National Government to
recognize the services of the Federal soldiers and
sailors in the contest just closed, by meeting
promptly and fully all their just and rightful claims
for the services they have rendered the nation, and
extending to those of them who have survived, and
to the widows and orphans of those who have
fallen, the most generous and considerate care.'
"The Convention met the next day, and the reso-
lutions and address were adopted unanimously, and
with the greatest enthusiasm."
WATCHING THE COW
" COME, look at her, and you will love her.
Go, lead her now through pleasant places,
And teach her that our new world's clover
Is sweet as Jersey-island daisies.
" Yes, you may do a little playing
Close to the gate, my pretty warder,
But, meanwhile, keep your cow from straying
Across the elfin-people's border."
So to the boy his mother jested
About his light task, lightly heeding;
While in the flowering grass he rested
The magic book that he was reading.
At sundown, for the cow's returning,
The milkmaid waited long, I'm thinking ;
Hours later, by the moonlight's burning,
Did fairy-folk have cream for drinking?
* * Wrhat of the boy ? By hill and hollow,
Through bloom and briar, till twilight ended,
His book had charmed him on to follow
The cow — the one that Cadmus tended !
LIFE IN FLORENCE.
281
LIFE IN FLORENCE.
I HAVE so often expressed an indifference
to art, or to the antique, that friends inces-
santly ask me (with a touch of indignation
in their tone) why I chose to live for fifteen
years in Florence — a place of which the
chief attractions were these very things. I
have always replied, " Because I loved it."
" But why love it, if you are blind to its
charms ? " The question is a natural one,
and my answer a womanly one. I loved
it because I loved it. I felt an affection for
every dirty old broken-down house, merely
because it was in Florence; I loved the
pigeons that walked about the streets ; I
loved the air I breathed there, I loved the
stones, I loved the streets, the old maca-
roni stores, and, in fact, everything that was
connected with it. And yet there was no
particular virtue in these separate items, nor
did I love them as being superior to those of
other countries. Certainly, if questioned
closely, I should condemn the broken-down
houses as most unsightly, the pigeons as
being like other pigeons (only a shade dirt-
ier, perhaps), the air as being decidedly
raw the greater part of the winter, and the
streets as too crowded with one's fellow-
creatures — bumping and hustling each
other with no sort of ceremony ; and yet all
these are a part of Florence, and help to make
it what it is, one of the most fascinating, lov-
able cities in the world. Once caught- there,
but very few are able to extricate them-
selves from the web of its allurements. The
foreign society is always shifting and chang-
ing, but faces seen there once are sure to be
seen twice, and those who go there for
a few weeks' visit, are rarely satisfied with
less than as many months ; and often a stay
of a few years is apt to end in a permanent
residence, for after close acquaintance no
place on earth can give one such entire
satisfaction. Visitors to Florence always
remind me of the spinster aunt, who went to
pay her relatives a week's visit and staid
thirty years.
Now, why is this ? I could name a score
of disagreeable traits characteristic of Flor-
entines, and the most prominent are to be
found amongst the lower class, who are lazy,
ignorant, and totally innocent of truth. Ly-
ing is a real pleasure to them, and they do
not half enjoy the attainment of an object
unless by some roundabout means, prob-
ably entirely unnecessary. They sweep
truth off the face of the earth as a super-
fluous commodity too tame and common-
place to be endured. However, reach-
ing the point it does with them, falsehood
becomes a virtue by reason of its consistency.
One of their marked peculiarities is dislike to
water, either for washing or drinking. In
fact; I scarcely understand why nature
should have provided it in that region at
all, they avoid it so studiously. The Ameri-
can and English residents, according to
their ancient rites, insist upon the use of it
once a week for the washing of their linen.
Florentines of the higher class employ it
for the same purpose twice a year! I do
not by this mean to imply that they wear
the same garments for six months, and so
must explain that when married the bride
is provided with an unconscionably large
trousseau, which enables her to avoid the
weekly washes prevalent in most other
countries. Being a most economical race,
their idea, probably, is that too much wash-
ing wears out and tears, and also, being lazy,
that it gives trouble. As to the drinking
of water, they look upon that as down-
right insanity. The water in Florence is
not as pure and wholesome as in America,
but it is not so bad as to make it dangerous.
Their home-made red wine is so cheap as
to bring it within the means of all, even the
poorest beggar, who will manage to scrape
together a few centimes to buy his " daily "
wine. They even think it a risk to give
children water alone, and, from the time
they are weaned, mix with it a goodly por-
tion of red wine. It is strange to see children
scarcely three years old seated at dinner
each with his tumbler of wine. And yet,
probably, there is no more temperate race
in the world, — a drunken man being a very
rare sight in Florence. Lately, however,
drunkenness has begun to show itself. Some
years ago the grape crop failed, and for that
year the people, of course not being able to
drink water, were obliged to have recourse to
rum punch. This was too strong for their
unaccustomed heads, and, worse than all,
gave them a taste for liquor, which they
had not previously had, making them unwill-
ing to return to their comparatively insipid
vino nostrale (domestic wine).
Florentines are very fond of gambling,
but in the smallest kind of a way. They
become as much excited over a two-sous
282
LIFE IN FLORENCE.
stake as others would be over two thousand
francs. The public lottery is their "true,
true love." Such infatuation and supersti-
tion I never saw. The last centime they
owned in the world was not safe from that
villainous institution. Year after year of
constant loss never serves to convince this
confiding people that they can gain nothing,
unless by a great stroke of most exceptional
luck. The lottery consists of ninety num-
bers, five of which are drawn every Satur-
day, at two o'clock, in the public square.
During the week the gambler selects his
number, staking his money upon the chance
of that number being one of the five drawn.
According to the amount risked, is the sum
won. He may also bet on two numbers, or
three, or four, or all five. This, naturally,
lessens his chances of winning,but it increases
the amount he would win, should his num-
bers be drawn. However, one rarely bets on
all five numbers, as winning in such a
case would be almost a miracle. And yet,
most curiously, such a thing once happened.
First, let me explain that with the Floren-
tines every occurrence in life has its own
especial number — as a fire thirty-five, a
murder ninety, etc. Thereupon, should any
public calamity or rejoicing take place, it's
number is immediately selected in the
lottery by all these superstitious people.
Each one owns a book wherein is published
the number belonging to every heard-of, or
unheard-of incident that can by any possi-
bility occur to the human race. This is
their daily oracle, unless, as I said before,
some great national event supersedes the
necessity of such a divining-book. A few
years ago, all Florence arose in one great
superstitious body, and put its money on
certain' five numbers relating to the annivers-
ary of the late Pope's birthday. One of the
numbers was nine, another was the year of
his birth (taking the last two figures only), a
third was. the day of the month, a fourth his
age, and a fifth the number of years he had
reigned. Strange to say, every number
came up, and the excitement all over the
city was tremendous. This was temporarily
a fearful stroke of ill-luck for the National
Treasury, but it gained by it enormously
in the end, the people's credulity having
been so strengthened by this extraordi-
nary coincidence as to cause them to bet
more rashly and blindly than ever. A few
months after this event, while the circum-
stance was fresh in every mind, a story got
about that a monk had made his appearance
in Florence, and with great solemnity and
impressiveness had predicted five other num-
bers that would be infallible. Of course, the
whole town rushed pell-mell to the lottery
office, and the result was as might be
expected — disappointment. Not one of the
numbers predicted was drawn. The excite-
ment was so intense that there were rumors
of mobbing the monk, but the next thing
heard was that he had quietly left Florence
on the day of the drawing. So long as this
outrageous system of gambling is legalized,
so long will the Italians be poor, for every
centime is saved to be hopelessly swallowed
up in this accursed institution. Winning by
it is so rare that the exceptional cases are
known far and wide. One peculiar case
occurred a few years ago. A scissors-grinder,
returning home late one night from his weary
round, conceived the thought of enter-
ing a cafe for refreshment. He did so,
but, the refreshment being strong, it got
into his head. In this state he staggered off
to the lottery office to stake his weekly franc,
but, in the condition of things, being unable
to see plainly, he drew from his pocket a
twenty-franc piece, his savings for many a
weary month, and his cherished treasure.
The next morning, discovering his loss, he
was almost beside himself. Conjecturing
at once the whole state of the case, he
rushed headlong to the office and there im-
plored the ticket-seller to restore it to him.
He cried like a baby (Italians all do that,
however, on the smallest provocation), he
tore his hair, he raved, he threw himself upon
the ground, but all in vain. Nothing could
move the hard heart of the ticket-seller, who
had got twenty francs and intended keeping
it. The poor man was half crazed, and for
the rest of the week went about like one
possessed, unable to work, unable to do any-
thing but howl aloud over his stupidity and
ruin. On the next drawing of the lottery
he was the triumphant possessor of 20,000
francs.
The Florentines are an economical race,
and can live on less, probably, than any
other people in the world. They are content
with a very little — not requiring even what
we should call the necessaries of life.
Their diet is principally dry bread (butter
they rarely eat), coffee, macaroni, " lesso "
(boiled beef), and " minestra," — the weak-
est of wishy-washy soups. The last two are
daily inevitable ; no matter what else they
eat, "lesso" and "minestra" they must
have, or they would consider themselves
defrauded of their rights. It is easy to live
in Florence economically, for marketing is
LIFE IN FLORENCE.
283
arranged to suit purses of any size, and one
can buy any part of a chicken, even to a slice
of the breast alone. In this way there is
no waste, and only enough for one day's
consumption is ever provided.
It is really amusing to see the Florentines
bargain. They would not consider a thing
properly bought under a half an hour's
talking and argument. Buying and selling
is reduced to a system and a regular
routine, which, if neglected, would make
them unhappy, and consider themselves as
cheated beings. Their greatest triumph is
the purchase of an article at the lowest rate
possible, and this is a source of boasting for
the next twenty-four hours. They will hag-
gle over two or three centimes until an
American looker-on could cry aloud in des-
peration at their absurdity. They gesticu-
late, both talk at the same time, and lash
themselves into such a state of excitement
that one would think they were concocting
no less a plan than to dethrone the king.
Von Biilow tells a story apropos of Ital-
ian trading, very amusing, and scarcely
exaggerated. A man, observing in a shop-
window an article marked twelve francs,
thus reasoned to himself : " The price is
marked twelve francs. That means ten.
The shopman will offer it for eight. It is
not worth more than six. I don't want to
give more than four — so I'll offer him two ! "
This suggests the principles upon which
trade is carried on. I venture to give an
illustration of the process, in the words that
I have heard so often that they glide off the
end of my pen without an instant's hesitation :
Buyer : " What's the price of that hat ? "
Seller : " Twelve francs, sir."
B. (In a tone of astonishment.) " Twelve
francs ? Heavens ! What a price ! "
S. " It's not dear, sir. You couldn't get
it as cheap anywhere else in town."
B. • " Nonsense ! What's the lowest price
you'll take for it ? "
S. " Well, as it's you, I'll give it for
eleven."
B. " Per Bacco. Why, it's not worth
half that."
S. " Well, what will you give for it ? "
B. " I wont give a centime over six
francs." (This very decidedly, as if he
really meant it.)
S. " Six francs ! Why, it cost me more
than that ! "
B. "Go along!" (Tries on the hat,
which is very becoming, and continues, in a
coaxing tone.) " Come, now, let's finish this
affair. Name your price."
S. " Well, well, take it for ten." (Seizing
it as though everything was settled, and hur-
riedly wrapping it up.)
B. " Stop, stop ! I'm not going to give
that price." (Makes for the door, as though
he also thought the affair ended.)
S. " Stop, sir ! Tell me now, frankly,
the highest price you will give." (This
in an encouraging tone, with head on one
side and a sweet smile.)
B. " Come, I'll give you seven." (Makes
show of pulling out pocket-book, with the air
of having made a handsome offer that would
be snapped at.)
S. (Now beginning to get excited.) " This
is more than I can bear ! We will talk no
more about it ! "
B. (Seeing too much decision in adver-
sary's manner.) " Well, come now ! How
much will you take ? I'll give you eight
—there ! "
S. " No, no, no ! I wont sacrifice the
hat ! "
This is the right moment for the buyer
to rush from the shop, sometimes even get-
ting to the corner of the street, when the
excited seller will dash after him, imploring
him to come back and take it for nine and
a half. Then work begins in earnest, and
they rise and fall alternately by half-francs,
and sometimes fight over the last two sous,
when the bargain is completed amidst a tor-
rent of words and wild gestures and glaring
of eyes, which, to the uninitiated, would look
very like a blood-thirsty combat. The con-
queror (which is the conqueror ?) goes off with
his hat, as proud as the victor of a score of
battles, to show his hard-won treasure to
admiring friends, who turn it over and peer
at it and examine it critically, praising him
for his shrewdness in making such a bar-
gain. This hat will be a source of happi-
ness to him for two or three days, making
him a hero to a circle of admirers, to whom
he will go over the same old story twenty
times, relating his powers at bargain-making
with as much interest and energy the twen-
tieth time as the first.
The English merchants in Florence say
that when they see an Italian coming into
the store to buy, they at once add a few
francs to the price of their goods, knowing
that those few francs must be taken off before
he will buy. By this means, they get the
price they would originally ask an English-
man. With all this, the Florentines are not
avaricious. They only look upon a shop-
keeper as their natural enemy for the time
they are dealing with him, and upon the
284
LIFE IN FLORENCE.
amount saved from his clutches as so much
added to the store to be saved for amuse-
ments.
For the sake of an evening at the theater,
or a few hours at a masked ball during the
months of carnival, the Florentines will pinch
and save for months, and their enjoyment of
these things is as intense as a child's. Their
histrionic taste generally inclines to the
old melodrama, in which the villain is the
intensest kind of a villain; is secret and
dark, and ready for any iniquitous proceed-
ing, and in which Innocence is of the most
saint-like order, which appeals constantly
and in a loud voice to heaven, with vir-
tuous indignation, and which comes off
triumphant in the end, causing the villain
to shrivel up into a small heap of baffled
rage and spite. This style of performance
will cause these excitable people to shout
and hoot in derision at the unfortunate actor
representing the scoundrel, and to applaud
with loud "bravas" the sallow, dirty-look-
ing girl who, under the guise of Virtue,
flashes her dark eyes in defiance. The
audience will even cry out " Hafatto bene ! "
(you have done well), or to the ruffian "Bir-
bone.f" (rascal), or shout out a little timely
counsel to persecuted Virtue.
With such child-like qualities as I have
.described, a propensity to murder would
scarcely be consistent, and yet the general
impression in America, I find, is that the
entire lives of Italians are given up to creep-
ing about in a stealthy manner, for the pur-
pose of finding some one to kill. There are
even a few — a very few, though — who always
picture to themselves an Italian as a dark,
frowning ruffian wearing a slouch felt hat,
ornamented with a long black plume, a
loose cloak wrapped around him, one end
being thrown over his shoulder, and with a
dagger — a good old conventional dagger —
clutched firmly and desperately. Now, of
all peoples, I really must give the Florentines
credit for being the most peaceable. In a
densely packed crowd — a position prob-
ably more conducive to strong language
than any other in the world — one will hear
no sounds of anger or quarreling — nothing
but laughter and good-natured jokes against
one another. They take everything easy,
and find something to enjoy in every position
in which they happen to be placed.
Respect for rank is part of the education
of the lower classes. Their superiors can-
not exact too much, but are born to
be waited on, and should do nothing
but amuse themselves or lounge in an ele-
gant way in their drawing-rooms, and ring
for the servants on the smallest pretense,
such as wanting a book from a table at the
other end of the room. Your servants are
apt to lose respect for you and think you
no better than themselves, should you de-
mean yourself by ' opening a window or
helping yourself in any other small way to
save them trouble. This is the one thing
that makes them such capital servants.
They are taught, not only to do everything
that is told them, whether it is their business
or not, but to do it with a cheerful face and
polite manner. If you should call up your
cook in the middle of the night to sweep
every room in the house, he would look so
happy, when you gave him the order, as to
impress you with the feeling that sweep-
ing the house in the middle of the night
was the one thing he had eagerly looked
forward to all the days of his life. Their
respect is shown in the smallest things; in
their very way of standing in your presence,
or in the tones of their voice when taking
your orders. They are carefully instructed
in every movement when in the presence of
their superiors. I once heard a Florentine
lady angrily complaining of the stupidity
of a new butler; she said she had been
trying to teach him how to enter a room
and hand her a note with the proper blend-
ing of grace, elegance and respect, and was
obliged to make him repeat this ceremony
one day, with an imaginary note, six or
eight times before he succeeded in doing
it to her satisfaction.
With all this subserviency on the part
of the Italians, a lady will find walking in
the street alone a most annoying proceeding,
the reverse of respect being shown her.
This is accounted for by the fact that ladies
are never expected to be seen but in their
carriages, or sauntering about the cascine,
followed by their footmen ; therefore, the Flor-
entines cannot understand the independent
ways of American ladies, and in the street look
upon us as belonging to their own class. A
lady has to fight her way heroically, and
must expect to get shoved about and hustled
into the muddiest places. This is. of course,
exasperating, and at times I would lose all
patience and occasionally attempt to get the
better of my assailants. I never shall forget
how ingloriously I came off in one of these
encounters. The day was damp, the streets
muddy, and the sidewalks too narrow for
two persons to pass each other easily. I had
been hopping down off the pavement
all day, to make way for these men, until
LIFE IN FLORENCE.
285
at last my temper rose and I resolved
to put up with it no longer, but to force the
next man I met down into the mud. Accord-
ingly I came face to face with a good-
natured-looking creature, whom I thought
it would be easy to overthrow, and reso-
lutely took my stand, showing, by a deter-
mined and unconquerable expression of face,
that nothing could induce me to move from
that spot. He stopped, looked at me a
moment with some surprise, then, seizing
me suddenly, he waltzed me round to the
other side of him, and continued on his
way. I stood there looking after him, —
on the spot he had whirled me to, — en-
tirely speechless with rage, and I fel: that
I was drawn up to my full height and flash-
ing lightning from my eyes. But it was
quite thrown away upon him, as he went
on entirely unconscious of offense, and,
if he thought of it at all, only pleased
with himself as having hit upon so clever
an expedient to save us both from the
mud.
Only one other time did I assert my rights
upon this question, but not until after I was
asked why I did not step down from the
sidewalk. This time "my grand manner and
imposing appearance had effect, and my
opponent hurriedly made way for me, evi-
dently laboring under the impression, in a
bewildered, weak-minded way, that I was
some great state dignitary, who chose to be
eccentric for that occasion and rove about
Florence alone. On a rainy day, the men
would always keep close to the sides of the
houses under their broad eaves, — the only
dry part of the pavement, — until I finally hit
upon an expedient to rout them, which was
simply carrying my open umbrella close be-
fore my face, and charging at them with the
points. They would hop nimbly out of the
way as they saw me dashing recklessly along,
supposing I did not see them coming, and
only on one occasion was I obliged to
scratch the sticks of my weapon across the
face of a man who attempted making a
stand in front of me ; but I did it with such
an innocent air of hurry and unconscious-
ness of his presence that he believed it
accidental.
Rudeness toward women is not confined
to the lower classes, for I have seen ladies
again artd again subjected to such con-
duct, from the young nobles of Florence,
as an American man of any class would
blush to think of. They will stand in
crowds about the door of their club, filling
the whole sidewalk, and unless a lady pass-
ing be personally known to them they will
not stir a step to make room for her, not
only allowing her to go into the middle of
the street, but staring and smiling at her
in the most insulting way, as she tries to
shrink by unnoticed, and often calling her
" angela" or " bella" or " carina" Such
rudenesses and other annoyances are only
experienced by ladies who walk alone.
When a lady is accompanied by one of
the muscular sex, none more weak than the
Florentines, they being by no means a
courageous race. They are, indeed, — not
to put too fine a point upon it, — cowardly.
I once saw a lady spoken to by a street
loafer who supposed her alone, and when
the husband stepped forward and faced
him with an angry glare, it was amusing to
see his attempts at looking unconscious,
his cough of unconcern and vacant gaze
into the sky.
That the Italians are lazy, in every class,
high and low, it is scarcely necessary for me
to state. Those of the lower classes will
work, of course, being obliged to do so, but
in a very unenergetic way and by fits and
starts, as they require a little money. Go
to your shoemaker, order a pair of boots,
and you will get them in two days, should
he at that time have need of a few francs
for the letter}' or theater; otherwise you may
as well make up your mind to have your
old boots blackened up, and to make the
best of them for another month. You need
not send to him, nor go to him, nor scold
him, nor reason with him. You might stalk
into his shop in a high state of indignation
every day for weeks, and only wear out
your temper and your boots more than
ever, gaining nothing thereby. He would
meet you with the same good-natured
smile, exasperating you with his invariable
" Pazienza " (patience), an admonition which
will never fail to make you lose the little
of that meritorious quality that may remain.
You might perhaps be inclined to wait with
some attempt at good nature, could you be
sure that your boots would be satisfactory
when you did get them. But as surely as
the sun rises in the east will they be nowhere
near your size, your measure having been
forgotten in the lapse of time, and the
whole experience has to be repeated again.
This may seem like exaggeration, but, on
the contrary, is a rather. mild statement of
the fact. I remember a very severe battle
I had with a book-binder, who was six
months doing a small piece of work for me.
During the first few weeks, I several times
286
LIFE IN FLORENCE.
sent demands that the two books should
be bound and sent home. The invaria-
ble answer was, " The signora shall have
them to-morrow." Toward the end of the
fifth month I sent almost every day, not for
the bound books, but merely for the two
volumes in their original state, as they were
first put into his hands. All in vain. Then
I sent threats of claiming my property by
means of the police, and several times sent
a servant with orders not to leave the shop
without them. There is an intensity of
rage which causes extreme outward calm,
and even suavity of manner ; I had now
reached that stage, and was determined to
conquer or die. I decided to try the effect
of a personal interview. As I entered his
shop he approached me with a sweet
smile, supposing me a new customer. At
sight of him, my rage becoming greater, my
manner became proportionately blander, and
I said, with an equally sweet smile : " I am
the proprietor of two books, sent six months
ago to be bound." His smile took a sickly
hue, but, true to his colors, he said : " Oh,
yes, you shall have them to-morrow." My
only reply was, " Give me a pen and paper."
He did so wonderingly, and with a slight
look of alarm, as though he espied gleams
of insanity. " Now," I said, sternly but
quietly, " write these words :
"I promise to send to-morrow to their rightful
owner two books, which I have had in my posses-
sion, for the purpose of binding, since May 2d.
L. MOTTONI."
He demurred at this proceeding as being
a little out of the usual course, but I merely
said, " Write, or I will go at once for the
police," whereupon he hurriedly complied.
So I got my books and bound, too, but he
was true to himself to the last — not sending
them the next day, but the day after that.
He was as difficult to be bound as the books
were.
The upper classes are idle, partly because
labor is cheap, and partly because it is not
considered elegant nor befitting a high
station to be occupied in anything that bears
the remotest resemblance to usefulness.
Their ideas are exclusively confined to
dress, amusements of all kinds and flirt-
ing. Their chief delight is the theater or
opera, where they go every night, not to be
interested or amused by the play or the
music, but to meet one another. However,
let me do them the justice to say that in-
attention to the opera is scarcely to be
wondered at, as there is so little worth
listening to in that way. New or even good
operas are rarely put upon the stage, and
the singing, as a general rule, is mediocre.
The reason of this is obvious, viz.: no great
singer will condescend to take the very
small compensation offered by the Floren-
tine managers, consequently only debutantes
are heard. Many of these poor struggling
girls, far from expecting even a moderate
sum for their exertions, are only too glad to
be allowed to sing, for the first few months,
without compensation. They merely sing
as a trial, that their future may be decided
on. The critics of whom they are most
afraid, and who really are the makers or
maners of their musical reputation, are
those of the middle class — mechanics, shop-
keepers, etc. I was very much astonished,
a few days after my arrival in Florence, to
hear our butler, a gray-haired, respectable
person for his class, criticise the singer of
the evening before with nice judgment,
seeing small defects, and using language
you would expect only from an educated
musician. " She had a good voice," he
said, "but her method was bad — her vocal-
ization only tolerable," etc. It is sad, in-
deed, to see a nation once so musical, and
still with the natural gift of music in their
souls, thus sinking into mediocrity. Too
jealous and too swallowed up in self-conceit
to keep in the line of progress with othei
nations, the Italians are content to rest on
their old long-established reputation. How-
ever, indifferent as the opera is there, it is
always patronized. Each lady has hei
own private box (which is among the things
stipulated for in the marriage settlement
by her father); here she sits and receives
the gentlemen of her acquaintance, who
visit from box to box — a nightly New Year's
— until the end of the play. Then she
repairs to her house, and at midnight her
reception begins again — the hour at which
most of the fashionable women open their
doors. Until two or three o'clock, or even
later, this entertainment lasts, consisting of
card-playing, smoking and love-making.
Then the party breaks up, and these intel-
lectual beings retire to their beds, where
they remain until twelve o'clock the next
day. Then they rise and breakfast, smoke
a cigarette and dress for visiting — a lengthy
occupation, as the minutest details must be
perfectly carried out, each gentleman being
especially particular to see that the flowers
for his button-hole harmonize with the
color of his coat. I have heard quite a
prolonged discussion between two young
LIFE IN FLORENCE.
287
" swells " upon this subject. Then comes
visiting, and after that the event of the
day, viz., the drive to the cascine, where
the band plays in the open square, and
where people drive up and down in their
carriages, perpetually meeting each other.
This is their daily routine, and all that
they live for. They have no resources, and,
when the early dinners of summer begin,
they fill the air with lamentations of ennui,
and say they have nothing to do between
dinner and the hour for driving. The
trouble is, very distinctly, want of education.
They are superficially brilliant— quick at
repartee and society small-talk, but deeper
than that they cannot go. They have no
solid education and are deplorably ignorant.
They do not even get the knowledge ac-
quired by travel, for they live and die in.
their beloved Florence, never imagining
that they can be happy out of it, and so
not trying the experiment. As to crossing
the ocean, the bare idea fills them with
horror and alarm.
The lower classes carry their ignorance to
a point that is quite charming. They
have rather a feeling of patronage toward
Americans as being a sort of Italian creation.
They say that, had it not been for one of
them, we never should have been discov-
ered. My maid once asked me, quite earnest-
ly, if America was as large as the Baths of
Lucca — a village of a few hundred inhabit-
ants. I brought to this country with me an
Italian girl, as child's nurse, who was sublime
in her knowledge of nothing at all. While
making preparations for the voyage her
mind was ever on the stretch, fearing that
she might forget to lay in some common,
necessary article that it would be impossible
to find in the small town of America. She
asked me if it would not be advisable to get
herself a pair of india-rubber shoes before
leaving Italy, and I could scarcely convince
her that the very shoes she purchased there
were sent from America. She also wanted
soda, for washing purposes, and she took
with her yards of common buttons strung on
a thread. She confessed to me, one day,
after having been here several months, that
she had expected to find us all with monkey
heads. She had been told by a friend, she
said, that such was our physiognomy.
Even royalty is not so well informed as
it might be on points of general knowledge.
This I discovered upon the occasion of my
presentation at court, when Tuscany was
under the rule of its last Grand Duke. I
stood in the long line of ladies, waiting my
turn to be honored with a word or glance
from his Highness, feeling a little nervous
lest I should fail in some court etiquette,
to which, naturally, as an American, I was
unaccustomed. I watched closely as the
Grand Duke spoke to each one, and noticed
one marked rule, that he must not be
spoken to first. His chamberlain, who fol-
lowed him closely, presented the lady, who
courtesied to the ground, and then stood
respectfully awaiting a word of greeting or
a bend of his head. The great man stood
fairly in front of me, and the moment of my
trial had come. I braced myself to do
all things required of me with the utmost
propriety and rigidity of demeanor, when,
to my horror, I was pushed aside by an old
gentleman who had accompanied me and
had been standing behind me, and who,
in a loud tone and with a pompous ring
to the voice (as who should say, Listen,
Grand Duke, and humble your haughty
head), exclaimed in English :
" This young lady, your Highness, is the
grand-daughter of Washington's aid-de-
camp."
Heavens ! Was there no mouse-hole that
I could creep into and be no more seen ?
Could I not gather up my skirts about my
feet and make one good run for it, and get
out of the view of all those faces looking
at me with a half-perplexed, half-amused
smile ? The poor Duke looked utterly be-
wildered, seeming at a loss what to do. In
the first place, all court etiquette was ruth-
lessly swept away by an abrupt presentation
addressed to the sovereign himself, and
not through the grand chamberlain ; in the
next place, the language employed was Eng-
lish— an unknown tongue ; and in the third
place, even had he understood, Washington's
aid-de-camp was of no importance in his
mind, and, indeed, one might doubt
strongly if he had ever even heard of Wash-
ington himself. However, after a minute or
two, which seemed to me weeks in duration,
he bowed to me, muttering something about
" happy to meet you/' and " fine day,"
and passed on. When the presentations
were past, the good Duke evidently thought
the matter over and made some historical
inquiries, finally coming to the conclusion
that Washington had been a great man
somewhere or other, and that his aid-de-
camp was entitled to honor. The conse-
quence was that the next thing I was
aware of was the hurrying to and fro of the
great court dignitaries in search of Washing-
ton's aid-de-camp, who was to be found at
288
LIFE IN FLORENCE.
all costs, and taken up to the Duke with
due formality. Naturally their search was
fruitless, but for months afterward I went,
among my friends, by the name of " Wash-
ington's aid-de-camp." The old gentleman
who got me into this dilemma was General
M , a man well known, of southern
birth, who had been in the war of 1812.
He was a gentleman of the old school, and
most attractive in every way, but unused to
European customs, as one may suppose.
After the frightful incident just recorded,
General M distinguished himself still
further, in the course of the evening, but
fortunately this time only to his own detri-
ment. He had never seen " the German "
danced, and consequently saw no reason
why he should not seat himself in one of the
chairs which he saw vacant in that charmed
circle. He did so, but was rather aston-
ished when he was requested to leave it
by the gentleman to whom it belonged, and
who had just been dancing in one of the
figures. He hesitated, but by this time see-
ing the next chair empty, he got up and
took that. The rightful owner of that one,
also, soon returned, claiming his proprie-
torship with a polite bow. General M
began to look vexed, and muttered some-
thing not complimentary to the dancer;
however, again he moved. And so the thing
went on : as each couple left to dance in
turn he would take the empty seat, until,
finally, his patience o'er-leaped its bounds,
and he sturdily refused to vacate the prem-
ises, in these remarkable words :
" I'll be damned if I move another
peg!"
His adversary, being Italian, understood
not one word of this uncourtly speech, but
seeing by General M 's manner that
there was rage in the room somewhere, he
became a little fierce himself. Thereupon the
General burst into a torrent of words, saying
he would not be chased about the room by
a pack of whipper-snappers, and using at the
same time a little strong language. At last
he handed his card to the foe, challenging
him in mortal fight. When it got to this
point, a young American, seeing the trouble,
came to the rescue, and with great tact
smoothed it all over, by interpreting the
savage expressions in each language as
apologies and regrets, whereupon the antag-
onists shook hands, both accepting the
excuses which neither had made.
The general impression in this country
seems to be that the Italian women are all
very beautiful; nothing could be more
erroneous. In the lower classes one
sometimes sees an uncommonly lovely face,
with true classic features, reminding him of
the madonnas and saints of the old masters;
but he scarcely recognizes it as handsome
until some little time passed in Italy has
accustomed his eye to that peculiar style,
so different from that of our own country-
women, who are now universally acknowl-
edged to be the most beautiful women in
the world. With the regular features of the
Italians there will always remain the sallow
complexion and coarse hair. Among the
upper classes, eyes are all that are possessed
in the way of beauty. Those features are
always fine with the whole race, and they
know well how to use them to advantage.
Their features must be regular if they expect
to lay claim to any beauty, for they never
have — what will make many a woman pretty
who has nothing in the way of features but
a turned-up nose and largish mouth, and
eyes of no particular charm — the beauty of
youth. A young face is rarely seen. I am
firmly persuaded that they are thirty years
old when they are born ; at any rate, I have
never seen a woman in Florence look a day
younger, but very many several days older.
These remarks refer entirely to the female
portion. The men are handsome, — never
very manly in appearance, but with very un-
common beauty of coloring, expression and
features.
In manner the Italians are a polished
race, with a gloss of refinement which goes no
deeper than the surface, their true nature
being coarse, with not so much delicacy of
thought and feeling as you would find in the
most uneducated American. The men have
no chivalric sentiment for women, and it is
little, perhaps, to be wondered at, for their
loose, unhinged ideas of propriety do not
serve to make them objects of respect.
Fashionable life in Italy is undoubtedly
most corrupt, and the least said about it
the better.
Religion in Italy is fast dying out, and a
very large part of the Florentines are not far
removed from infidels. Rome has been
edging on, and arrogating so much to herself,
that even the ignorant have been startled
into a bewildered feeling that all was not as
it should be. I one day saw a young man in
the open streets of Florence put his thumb to
his nose at the Pope's Nuncio, who was
passing in his carriage. The common priests
have no respect at all shown them, and, on
the day of Victor Emmanuel's entrance into
Rome, not one dared show himself in the
LIFE IN FLORENCE.
289
street for fear of being killed. One of
the Archbishops of the Church had not illu-
minated his house on the evening of that
day, being, no doubt, depressed in mind at
these marked signs of an awakened people.
The mob surrounded his palace, shouting for
him in most peremptory and threatening
style, forcing him, finally, not only to appear
upon the balcony, but to shout, " Viva
E Italia! Viva Vittorio Emmanuele!"
Having mentioned many traits in the Flor-
entine character that are far from attractive,
it is time to acknowledge any merit that they
may have. Their conduct during the revo-
lution of 1859 was noble in its moderation
and gentle forbearance. The whole affair
was carried through quietly but deter-
minedly— no threatenings, no violent out-
breaks, no assassinations, no lawlessness of
any kind. A committee went to the Grand
Duke, and politely but firmly requested him
to leave Florence, with all the royal family.
The poor old man quietly accepted what he
saw was inevitable, simply bowing his head
in acquiescence. The next day the ducal
carriages were seen driving through the
streets, carrying the saddened and outcast
family past the gates they would never more
enter. They drove by our villa — a sad pro-
cession— and I never shall forget the sight.
The whole scene was most touching; in-
side the carriage, the old Duke, sad and
hopeless, his head bowed in utter dejection ;
outside, the people lining the road to witness
his departure, and taking their hats off in
respectful and courteous silence. Not one
word of derision or triumph was heard ; they
had gained their point, and with true gener-
osity of heart forbore to insult the fallen.
Why is it that so many Americans choose
Florence as their residence ? Why, I ask
again, do foreigners who live there enjoy
every moment of their existence, know-
ing only light-heartedness and catching
the spirit of the Italians themselves,
entering into everything gaily and joy-
ously, letting the morrow take care of
itself? There is no doubt in the world
. that it is chiefly owing to the absence of
small worries in the housekeeping line.
There the house takes care of itself, and
rolls along on the easiest of casters. The
extent of your housekeeping in Florence
is to look over the cook's accounts once a
week, and pay him. If you choose to
be very particular, you can lock up your
candles and sugar, giving them out when
required. Your cook goes to market daily,
choosing provisions to the amount that he
VOL. XX.— 20.
knows you wish to lay out for one day's
consumption, each item of which he puts
down in a book for your inspection. You
are never obliged to order your dinner, or,
in fact, give it any thought. The utmost
labor you will undergo is the eating of it when
cooked. Think of that, you poor heart-
broken American housekeeper, whose mind
can rarely soar above beef, — one-half of
your day being occupied in buying your
food and the other half in trying to teach
your obstinate or ignorant cook how to pre-
pare it. Some people make an arrange-
ment with their cook to serve them for a
certain sum weekly, but this is not a com-
mon custom, for experience has taught that
one does not fare as well nor as cheaply in
the long run, the cook generally managing
to give poorer food for the sake of pocket-
ing what he can save.
Few servants are required for an average-
sized family, as they know their place and
work for you indiscriminately and promis-
cuously, not informing you every .hour of
the day that such and such a thing is " not
their business." And what wonder that
women, old before their time from constant
conflicts for the sake of hoxise and home,
fly in despair to that refuge of rest and
peace, where, in a few years, they regain all
their freshness and spirits, and " servants "
form no longer a topic of conversation, only
being thought of at all when an order is to
be issued. Suppose you expect a dinner-party
of eight guests. You merely send word to the
cook to have a good dinner ready for that
number, and tell your waiter, to whom you
pay from $10 to $12 a month, to lay so
many plates. Perhaps you intend having a
" conversazione " of sixty or seventy people.
Instead of providing oysters, salads, boned
turkeys, fillet, ham, etc., etc., which will all
have to be prepared out of the house, you
have a table set with tea, sandwiches and
cake — that is all ; and any one who wants
such refreshments in the course of the even-
ing can help himself at any moment. Of
course, for a ball supper is required, particu-
larly as the guests always stay until daylight.
One memorable ball, a most magnificent
affair altogether, was kept up until eleven
o'clock the next morning. The dancing-room
was only opened at one o'clock, supper was at
four, the German commenced at six, break-
fast (chocolate, etc.) was served at eight,
when dancing recommenced and continued
until eleven o'clock. To return to the
housekeeping: a small family can often
live comfortably with only two servants, as
290
LIFE IN FLORENCE.
you can engage the cook to take care of the
parlors and wait on table, while a woman
will see to the bed-rooms and very likely
take care of a child or two, and mend
their clothes, etc. Everything is so com-
paratively cheap that a man and his wife,
with three children and three servants, can
live comfortably and yet not pay more
than $25 or $30 a week for all the food
consumed in the house. This will include
meat, vegetables, butter, bread — everything,
in fact, even red wine and coal for cooking.
These are prices of five years ago ; what
they are now I should not venture to say,
as every year makes a difference. Indeed,
before we left there we were obliged to
raise our cook's wages from $6 to $8, and
felt that we were ruined. A woman, too,
who had been with us for several years, who
was nurse, chamber-maid, lady's-maid, seam-
stress, and anything else that she was told
to be, had her wages raised to $6, which
we felt was more than we could stand.
Mere passing travelers cannot live as cheaply
as this, for the Florentines have two dis-
tinct prices — one for Italians and one for
Americans. This they do not hesitate to
acknowledge. I would always say, " No,
I pay no such price ; I am a Florentine."
" Ah, I did not know that," would be the
response ; " then, of course, you shall have
it for less."
One surfers intolerably from cold in
Florence, not so much on account of the
outside air, but owing to the inadequate
arrangements for heating the houses, and to
the stone floors, the chillness of which will
penetrate to your feet through the thickest
carpet. There is small doubt that the
absence of furnace-heat is most desirable
as regards health, but it seems cruel that no
happy medium can be struck between that
and no heat at all, — between floating about
one's house in a light costume and thin
slippers, and huddling over a few small
sticks of wood, smouldering in a most
minute fire-place, wrapped up in the thick-
est clothes, with shawls on, and your feet
clad in the heaviest walking-boots. The
only true way to keep warm there is to go
outdoors and stay out, and this probably
accounts for the constantly crowded streets.
Gas, too, would be acceptable, if it were
only used to light up the dark entrances to
houses, in many of which one is obliged
almost to grope his way up the prison-like
stone stairs — the common property of each
set of apartments on the different stories.
The charming society of the resident
Americans and English, of which there is
quite a large circle, is a very great attrac-
tion, but Florence suits all tastes, and those
who like variety can get it to perfection
in the traveling society. As it is impossible
to get the natives to move from it, so in
due proportion, making the most accurate
balance, do the Americans fly in and out,
hither and thither, until one is almost dazed.
These restless mortals never seem able to
stay in one place a week. You scarcely get
acquainted with their names before they
have gone, and another Jack-in-the-box
jumps up at you. You would scarcely be
astonished to see one of these unsettled
beings in the course of an introduction fade
away before your eyes, while another grad-
ually makes his appearance. It requires a
constant, painful effort of memory to dis-
tinguish and remember names and faces.
Every sort of person from every sort of
motive goes to Florence, making the close
observation of men and manners there a
most amusing study. Some go there for
their health, some for gayety, some for rest
and some for excitement ; some because they
have lost money and wish to economize, and
others because they have made a fortune and
want to spend it. Among the last-named
came a lady of newly acquired wealth, wish-
ing to purchase copies of the old masters to
ornament her New York residence. She was
much pleased with the picture of " Judith
and Holofernes," and stood entranced be-
fore it, watching the grand pose of Judith, as
shestands erect and daring, with the sword in
one hand and the bloody head of Holofer-
nes suspended in triumph in the other.
She at once went to an artist and ordered a
copy of this renowned work, with only one
" slight " alteration : the bloody head, she
said, made her nervous and uncomfortable,
so she desired that Judith should hold a
basket of flowers instead.
I was walking one day through the Uffizzi
Palace, when I heard a voice calling out :
" Papa, come here, and look at Titian's
'Flora.'"
I turned, and beheld one of the common-
est sights in Florence — an American family
dutifully going through the orthodox won-
ders of the place, with no glimmer of real
appreciation for the works of art about them.
The reply of the worthy man I shall never
forget, nor its tone of mildly reproaching
astonishment :
" My dear, I don't want to see that. I
have a copy of it at home, you know."
But as a display of real and unblushing
LIFE IN FLORENCE.
291
ignorance, what I am now about to relate
is entirely satisfactory. An American youth,
who was " doing " the sights under the
escort of a friend residing in Florence, was
shown, among other works of art, the
famous group of" The Rape of the Sabines."
Seeming rather bewildered in regard to it,
and unable to see its meaning, his friend
explained it, telling him briefly the historical
event which the marble figures represented.
He listened with rapt attention and with
evident interest, and then, stroking his chin
with a thoughtful air, he exclaimed :
" Ah ! Did that occur lately ? "
These anecdotes serve as specimens to
show one sort of traveling foreigner in
European lands. It was my fortune to
know of a tourist of a different stamp, one of
the most remarkable characters of his kind.
During our residence in Florence a young
man suddenly arose in the social horizon
who took the city by storm — not owing
to his appearance, certainly, which was
rather common, nor to his manners, which
were so easy that an enemy might in-
cline to call them impertinent. He was
high-born and rich, therefore no enemy
appeared. He was high-born, for he
announced himself to be of the English
Douglases; he was rich, for he gave
grand entertainments, at which all the creme
de la creme of Florentine society appeared, in
aristocratic magnificence. He gave splen-
did presents to the ladies, kept a running
account at all the principal stores, was seen
everywhere dashing about, and was regarded
with envy by thousands. He was honored
by notice from high places, was one of the
two or three selected as fit guests to meet
Lord Russell at dinner while the latter was
on a visit to the English embassador, and
was even requested to dance with the daugh-
ter of the Grand- Duchess Marie, of Russia.
He was allowed to do many things which
would be considered in ordinary mortals, to
put it mildly, discourteous, — such as lying
on the sofa in the presence of ladies. The
excuse, however, for this peculiar proceed-
ing was ill-health. He said his lungs were
affected, and if by accident his pocket-hand-
kerchief fell to the ground, he would hur-
riedly pick it up, " for fear," he would say
in a low voice to some one near him — " for
fear the ladies should see the blood upon it."
He became very intimate with Charles
Lever/ the novelist, who was always amiably
inclined to rank, and at whose house one
was always sure of meeting every celebrity
passing through Florence, whether aristo-
cratic or literary. A word here about the
writer of the well-known " Charles O'Mal-
ley " would not be out of place. We knew
him well, and a more genial, 'warm-hearted
man or a more brilliant talker it would be
hard to meet. He was essentially a good
companion, full of wit and humor, with a
fluency and command of language most
remarkable. He could go on indefinitely
with amusing stories or appropriate anec-
dotes, told with a piquant Irish accent, until
hearers would fairly cry with laughing,
and beg him to stop. It is said he wrote
as easily as he talked, his pen never stop-
ping for an instant. His ruling passion
was whist, which he played every night
of his life until nearly daylight. With
all Lever's worldly knowledge, he was a
man of almost child-like credulity, and was
easily duped. He was swindled to a very
heavy amount at one time, by a man whose
name presented the incredible combination
of Napoleon Finn, and who, after deceiving
Lever for years, was caught and imprisoned
at Trieste.
To return to Douglas. As the spring
came on, the Florentine mind began to bud
and put forth ideas, and at last became sus-
picious of this society favorite. Although
many bills were run up, none seemed to be
fully paid. He always had a plausible
reason why he was out of money. He
resorted to the cleverest expedients to blind
those about him. A few days after his
arrival in Florence he deposited several
valuable articles of jewelry at the principal
jeweler's, as he feared, he said, to keep
such things at a hotel, where he might be
robbed. Of course this deceived the jeweler,
who was delighted to give credit to so
rich a man, and Douglas bought bracelets
and rings to an alarming extent, which
he presented to different ladies as little
tokens of friendship or love. His credit
once established, he removed the jewels he
had deposited on pretense of wishing to wear
them. The man's unblushing coolness and
entire fearlessness, combined with such rare
powers of invention, made him a genius.
He managed to make Count B , a
man of high rank in Florence, believe him
to be his own cousin, whom he had never
seen, owing to a long residence in. India.
The Count was connected with the' Doug-
lases, and, the relationship being most satis-
factorily proved, invited this precious youth
to stay at his house, and introduced him
into the best society. The ladies all ran
after him, young men of rank and wealth
292
LIFE IN FLORENCE.
made him their boon companion, and he
was gazed at with envy by admiring
crowds. Once he contrived to borrow a large
sum from the head of one of the prin-
cipal restaurants, to whom already he
owed enormous sums, on the excuse that
ladies had commissioned him to get gloves,
etc., in Paris, where he was going for
a few days, and had not advanced the
money for them. " Of course," he added,
confidentially, " I could not ask them for it,
or tell them that my remittance from Eng-
land did not arrive yesterday as I had expect-
ed." It is almost unnecessary to state that
the ladies had given him the money, which, in
addition to that extorted from the restaurant-
keeper, made a very respectable sum to pay
his traveling expenses and start credit in a
new field, which he did. As some time elapsed
and he did not return from " Paris," suspi-
cions crept reluctantly into the hearts of his
adorers, but more especially into the heads
of his bankers, until one adventurous soul,
feeling his absence more keenly, perhaps,
than the others pecuniarily, took the bold
resolution of sending a detective after him
to Genoa, where it had been discovered
he was residing. For some reason en-
tirely inexplicable, no description of him
was taken, and the detective set off with a
bland confidence in his own unassisted
powers. Upon reaching Genoa he went to
the principal hotel, and asked if Captain
Douglas was staying there. A gentleman
lounging about the hall and overhearing
the question, stepped forward, and told him
that the person in demand was not at this
hotel but at one not far off, and that, feeling
himself some interest in Douglas's capture,
he would like to have a conversation on the
subject with him, adding that he thought
he himself might be of some assistance in
tracing this cunning impostor.
"But first," the gentleman said, "I must
have my breakfast. I will order it now,
and should be glad if you would join me.
This will give us time to talk matters over,
and I will tell you what I know of him."
Accordingly, during a sumptuous deje&ner
a lafourchette, consisting of endless courses
and expensive wines, they did talk the mat-
ter over, most exhaustively. When break-
fast was at an end, the host rose from the
table and went into his bed-room adjoining
to get his hat, telling his guest he would
join him in a few moments and start on
the search. The detective waited so long
that he got impatient, went to the bed-room
door, opened it, found it was not a room,
but merely another exit into the hall, and
then gradually, but surely, awoke to the fact
that he had breakfasted with Douglas him-
self, who had decamped and left him to
pay the breakfast bill !
The most amusing incident in this man's
Florentine career was one which caused
much merriment at the expense of Lever, who
went off to Trieste one day with Douglas ;
the arrangement having been made between
them before starting that Douglas should
" do the ordering " on the way and Lever the
paying, and that all accounts should be set-
tled upon their return home. The conse-
quence was that the ordering was on a very
extensive scale, and one which Lever was
unaccustomed to and unable to afford. He,
however,' had not the moral courage to
moderate the great Douglas, and so con-
tinued meekly paying frightful bills wher-
ever they went, for which, of course, no
settlements were made. During their stay in
Trieste, Lever told Douglas with great gustc
of the Napoleon Finn swindle, entering
into details, and telling the joke againsl
himself most good-humoredly. Whereupon
Douglas expressed a wish to see such a clevei
fellow. Accordingly they sauntered off tc
the prison, and were at once admitted to the
prisoner's cell. Lever introduced the twc
men, who at once displayed the most cordial
feeling for each other. Napoleon Fine
lamented his fate, sighing over the fact that,
when his term of imprisonment should end,
he would be an " outcast and friendless, with
no means of getting an honest living," etc.
Douglas grasped him by the hand and said,
" You shall never want a friend while I am
alive. Come to me when you are free, and
I will give 'you work, and do all in my powei
to assist you. I can thoroughly sympathize
with your feelings," — and I really think he
could. Poor Lever's life after this was
scarcely worth having, so cruelly was he
laughed at for having presented the two
impostors to each other.
Florence holds peculiar people of its own
and of every other nation. Peculiarly good
people and peculiarly bad, and peculiarly
peculiar. Taking it all in all, there is an inex-
plicable charm about it making it unique. It
is a bright, cheerful, gay, easy-going, lazy-
lounging, dear old town that, once known
and lived in, can never be forgotten, or
thought of with indifference.
MY FRIEND MRS. ANGEL.
293
MY FRIEND MRS. ANGEL.
A WASHINGTON SKETCH.
MY acquaintance with Mrs. Angel dates
from the hour she called upon me, in re-
sponse to my application at a ladies' furnish-
ing store for a seamstress ; and the growth
of the acquaintance, as well as the some-
what peculiar character which it assumed,
was doubtless due to the interest I betrayed
in the history of her early life, as related to
me at different times, frankly and with
unconscious pathos and humor.
Her parents were of the " poor white "
class and lived in some remote Virginian
wild, whose precise locality, owing to the
narrator's vague geographical knowledge, I
could never ascertain. She was the oldest of
fifteen children, all of whom were brought up
without the first rudiments of an education,
and ruled over with brutal tyranny by a
father whose sole object in life was to' vie
with his neighbors in the consumption of
" black jack " and corn whisky, and to
extract the maximum of labor from his
numerous progeny, — his paternal affection
finding vent in the oft-repeated phrase,
" Burn 'em, I wish I could sell some on 'em!"
The boys, as they became old enough to
realize the situation, ran away in regular suc-
cession;— the girls, in the forlorn hope of
exchanging a cruel master for one less so,
drifted into matrimony at the earliest possible
age. Mrs. Angel, at the age of sixteen, mar-
ried a man of her own class, who found his
way in course of time to Washington and
became a day-laborer in the Navy Yard.
It would be interesting, if practicable, to
trace the subtle laws by which this woman
became possessed of a beauty of feature and
form, and color, which a youth spent in field-
work, twenty subsequent years of maternity
and domestic labor, and a life-long diet of
the coarsest description, have not succeeded
in obliterating. Blue, heavily fringed eyes,
wanting only intelligence to make them
really beautiful ; dark, wavy hair, delicately
formed ears, taper fingers, and a fair, though
faded complexion, tell of a youth whose
beauty must have been striking.
She seldom alluded to her husband at all,
and never by name, the brief pronoun " he "
answering all purposes, and this invariably
uttered in a tone of resentment and contempt,
which the story of his wooing sufficiently
accounts for.
"His folks lived over t'other side the
mount'n," she related, " an' he was dead sot
an' determined he'd have me. I never
did see a man so sot ! The Lord knows
why! He used ter foller me 'round an' set
an' set, day in an' day out. I kep' a-tellin'
of him I couldn't a-bear him, an' when I
said it, he'd jess look at me an' kind o' grin,
like, an' never say nothin', but keep on a-
settin' 'roun'. Mother she didn't dare say a
word, 'cause she knowed father 'lowed I
should have him whether or no. ' 'Taint
no use, Calline,' she'd say, ' ye might as well
give up fust as last.' Then he got ter
comin' every day, an1 he an' father jess . ot
an' smoked, an' drunk whisky, an' he a-star-
in' at me all the time as if he was crazy, like.
Bimeby I took ter hidin' when he come.
Sometimes I hid in the cow-shed, an'
sometimes in the woods, an' waited till
he'd cl'ared out, an' then when I come in
the house, father he'd out with his cowhide,
an' whip me. ' I'll teach ye,' he'd say, swearin'
awful, ' I'll teach ye ter honor yer father an*
mother, as brought ye inter the world, ye
hussy ! ' An' after a while, what with that,
an' seein' mother a-cryin' 'roun', I begun
ter git enough of it, an' at last I got so I
didn't keer. So I stood up an' let him mar-
ry me ; but," she added, with smouldering
fire in her faded blue eyes, " I 'lowed I'd
make him sorry fur it, an' I reckon I hev !
But he wont let gn. Ketch him !"
This, and her subsequent history, her
valorous struggle with poverty, her industry
and tidiness, her intense, though blindly
foolish, love for her numerous offspring, and
a general soft-heartedness toward all the
world, except " niggers " and the father of
her children, interested me in the woman
to an extent which has proved disastrous to
my comfort — and pocket. I cannot tell
how it came about, but at an early period
of our acquaintance Mrs. Angel began to
take a lively interest in my wardrobe, not
only promptly securing such articles as I
had already condemned as being too shabby,
even for the wear of an elderly Government
employe, but going to the length of sug-
gesting the laying aside of others which I
had modestly deemed capable of longer
service. From this, it was but a step to
placing a species of lien upon all newly
294
MY FRIEND MRS. ANGEL.
purchased garments, upon which she freely
commented, with a view to their ultimate
destination. It is not pleasant to go
through the world with the feeling of being
mortgaged as to one's apparel, but though
there have been moments when I have medi-
tated rebellion, I have never been able to
decide upon any practicable course of
action.
I cannot recall the time when Mrs. Angel
left my room without a package of some
description. She carries with her always
a black satchel, possessing the capacity and
insatiability of a conjurer's bag, but, unlike
that article, while anything may be gotten
into it, nothing ever comes out of it.
Her power of absorption is simply mar-
velous. Fortunately, however, the demon of
desire which possesses her may be appeased,
all other means failing, with such trifles
a a row of pins, a few needles, or even
stale newspapers.
" He reads 'em," she explained, concern-
ing the last, " an' then I dresses my pantry-
shelves with 'em."
"It is a wonder your husband never
taught you to read," I said once, seeing how
wistfully she was turning the pages of a
" Harper's Weekly."
The look of concentrated hate flashed
into her face again.
" He 'lows a woman aint got no call ter
read," she answered, bitterly. " I allers
laid off to larn, jess ter spie him, but I
aint never got to it yit."
I came home from my office one day
late in autumn, to find Mrs. Angel sitting by
the fire in my room, which, as I board with
friends, is never locked. Her customary
trappings of woe were enhanced by a
new veil of cheap crape which swept the
floor, and her round, rosy visage wore
an expression of deep, unmitigated grief.
A patch of poudre de riz ornamented her
tip-tilted nose, a delicate aroma of Farina
cologne-water pervaded the atmosphere,
and the handle of my ivory-backed hair-
brush protruded significantly from one of
the drawers of my dressing-bureau.
I glanced at her apprehensively. My
first thought was that the somewhat mythi-
cal personage known as " he " had finally
shuffled himself out of existence. I ap-
proached her respectfully.
" Good-evenin'," she murmured. " Pretty
day ! "
" How do you do, Mrs. Angel ? " I re-
sponded, sympathetically. "You seem to
be in trouble. What has happened ? "
" A heap ! " was the dismal answer.
" Old Mr. Lawson's dead ! "
" Ah ! Was he a near relative of yours ? "
I inquired.
" Well," she answered, — somewhat dubi-
ously, I thought, — " not so nigh. He wasn't
rightly no kin. His fust wife's sister married
my oldest sister's husband's mother — but we's
allers knowed him, an' he was allers a-comin'
an' a-goin' amongst us like one o' the family.
An' if ever they was a saint he was one ! "
Here she wiped away a furtive tear with
a new black-bordered kerchief. I was
silent, feeling any expression of sympathy
on my part inadequate to the occasion.
" He was prepared" she resumed, pres-
ently, " ef ever a man was. He got religion
about forty year ago — that time all the
stars fell down, ye know. He'd been ter
see his gal, an' was goin' home late, and the
stars was a-fallin', and he was took then.
He went into a barn, an' begun prayin", an'
he aint never stopped sence."
Again the black-bordered handkerchief
was brought into requisition.
" How are the children ? " I ventured,
after a pause.
" Po'ly ! " was the discouraging answer.
"Jinny an' Nely an' John Henry has all
had the croup. I've been a-rubbin' of 'em
with Radway's Relief an' British ile, an'
a-givin' on it to 'em internal, fur two days
an' nights runnin'. Both bottles is empty
now, and the Lord knows where the next is
ter come from, fur we aint got no credit at
the 'pothecary's. He's out o' work ag'in,
an' they aint a stick o' wood in the shed,
an' 'the grocer-man says he wants some
money putty soon. Ef my hens would only
lay "
•" It was unfortunate," I could not help
saying, with a glance at the veil and hand-
kerchief, " that you felt obliged to purchase
additional mourning just when things were
looking so badly."
She gave me a sharp glance, a glow of
something like resentment crept into her
face.
"All our family puts on black fur kin, ef
it aint so nigh ! " she remarked with dignity.
A lineal descendant of an English earl
could not have uttered the words " our
family" with more hauteur. I felt the
rebuke.
" Besides," she added, naively, " the store-
keeper trusted me fur 'em."
" If only Phenie could git work," she
resumed, presently, giving me a peculiar
side-glance with which custom had rendered
MY FRIEND MRS. ANGEL.
295
me familiar, it being the invariable precursor
of a request, or a sly suggestion. " She's
only fifteen, an' she aint over 'n' above strong,
but she's got learnin'. She only left off
school a year ago come spring, an' she can
do right smart. There's Sam Weaver's gal,
as lives nex' do' to us, she's got a place in the
printin'- office where she 'arns her twenty-five
dollars a month, an' she never seen the day
as she could read like Phenie, an' she's ugly
as sin, too."
It occurred to me just here that I had
heard of an additional force being tempo-
rarily required in the Printing Bureau. I
resolved to use what influence I possessed
with a prominent official, a friend of " better
days," to obtain employment for " Phenie,"
for, with all the poor woman's faults and
weaknesses, I knew that her distress was
genuine. Work was scarce, and there were
many mouths to feed in that forlorn little
house at the Navy Yard.
" I will see if I can find some employment
for your daughter," I said, after reflecting a
few moments. " Come here Saturday even-
ing, and I will let you know the result."
I knew, by the sudden animation visible
in Mrs. Angel's face, that this was what she
had hoped for and expected.
When I came from the office on Saturday
evening, I found Mrs. Angel and her daughter
awaiting me. She had often alluded to Phe-
nie with maternal pride, as a " good-lookin'
gal/' but I was entirely unprepared for such
a vision as, at her mother's bidding, ad-
vanced to greet me. It occurred to me that
Mrs. Angel herself must have once looked
somewhat as Phenie did now, except as to the
eyes. That much-contemned " he " must
have been responsible for the large, velvety
black eyes which met mine with such a timid,
deprecating glance.
She was small and perfectly shaped, and
there was enough of vivid coloring and grace-
ful curve about her to have furnished a dozen
ordinary society belles. Her hair fell loosely
to her waist in the then prevailing fashion, a
silken, wavy, chestnut mass. A shabby little
hat was perched on one side her pretty head,
and the tightly fitting basque of her dress of
cheap and faded blue exposed her white
throat almost too freely. I was glad that I
could answer the anxious pleading of those
eyes in a manner not disappointing. The
girl's joy was a pretty thing to witness as
I told her mother that my application had
been successful, and that Phenie would be
assigned work on Monday.
"He 'lowed she wouldn't git in," remarked
Mrs. Angel, triumphantly, " an' as fur
Columbus, he didn't want her to git in no
how."
" Oh maw .' " interrupted Phenie, blush-
ing like a June rose.
" Oh, what's the use ! " continued her
mother. " Columbus says he wouldn't 'low
it nohow ef he'd got a good stan'. He says
as soon as ever he gits inter business fur
hisself "
" Oh maw ! " interposed Phenie again,
going to the window to hide her blushes.
" Columbus is a butcher by trade," went
on Mrs. Angel, in a confidential whisper,
" an' Phenie, she don't like the idee of it.
I tell her she's foolish, but she don't like it.
I reckon it's readin' them story-papers, all
about counts, an' lords, an sich, as has set
her agin' butcherin'. But Columbus, he
jess loves the groun' she walks on, an' he's
a-goin' ter hucksterin' as soon as ever he can
git a good stan'."
I expressed a deep interest in the suc-
cess of Columbus, and rescued Phenie from
her agony of confusion by some remarks
upon other themes of a less personal
nature. Soon after, mother and daughter
departed.
Eight o'clock Monday morning brought
Phenie, looking elated, yet nervous. She
wore the faded blue dress, but a smart
" butterfly-bow " of rose-pink was perched
in her shining hair, and another was at her
throat. As we entered the Treasury build-
ing, I saw that she turned pale and trembled
as if with awe, and as we passed on through
the lofty, resounding corridors, and up the
great flight of steps, she panted like a hunted
rabbit.
At the Bureau I presented the appoint-
ment-card I had received. The superintend-
ent gave it a glance, scrutinized Phenie
closely, beckoned to a minor power, and in
a moment the new employe was conducted
from my sight. Just as she disappeared
behind the door leading into the grimy,
noisy world of printing-presses, Phenie gave
me a glance over her shoulder. Such a
trembling, scared sort of a glance! I felt
as if I had just turned a young lamb into a
den of ravening wolves.
Curiously enough, from this day the for-
tunes of the house of Angel began to mend.
" He " was re-instated in " the yard," the
oldest boy began a thriving business in the
paper-selling line, and Mrs. Angel herself
being plentifully supplied with plain sewing,
the family were suddenly plunged into a
296
MY FRIEND MRS. ANGEL.
state of affluence which might well have
upset a stronger intellect 'than that of its
maternal head. Her lunacy took the mild
and customary form of " shopping." Her
trips to the Avenue (by which Pennsylvania
avenue is presupposed) and to Seventh street
became of semi- weekly occurrence. She
generally dropped in to see me on her way
home, in quite a friendly and informal man-
ner (her changed circumstances had not
made her proud), and with high glee ex-
hibited to me her purchases. They savored
strongly of Hebraic influences, and included
almost every superfluous article of dress
known to modern times. She also supplied
herself with lace curtains of marvelous de-
sign, and informed me that she had bought
a magnificent " bristles " carpet at auction,
for a mere song.
" The bristles is wore off in some places,"
she acknowledged, " but it's most as good
as new."
Her grief for the lamented Mr. Lawson
found new expression in " mourning " jew-
elry of a massive and somber character, in-
cluding ear-rings of a size which threatened
destruction to the lobes of her small ears.
Her fledgelings were liberally provided with
new feathers of a showy and fragile nature,
and even her feelings toward " him " be-
came sufficiently softened to allow the
purchase of a purple necktie and an em-
broidered shirt-bosom for his adornment.
" He aint not ter say so ugly, of a Sun-
day, when he gits the smudge washed off,"
she remarked, in connection with the above.
" It must have been a great satisfaction
to you," I suggested (not without a slight
tinge of malice), " to be able to pay off the
grocer and the dry-goods merchant."
Mrs. Angel's spirits were visibly damp-
ened by this unfeeling allusion. Her beam-
ing face darkened.
" They has to take their resks," she re-
marked, sententiously, after a long pause,
fingering her hard-rubber bracelets, and
avoiding my gaze.
Once I met her on the Avenue. She was
issuing from a popular restaurant, followed
by four or five young Angels, all in high
spirits and beaming with the consciousness
of well-filled stomachs, and the possession
of divers promising-looking paper bags. She
greeted me with an effusiveness which drew
upon me the attention of the passers-by.
"We've done had oyshters /" remarked
John Henry.
" 'N' ice-cream 'n' cakes !" supplemented
Cornelia.
The fond mother exhibited, with natural
pride, their " tin-types," taken individually
and collectively, sitting and standing, with
hats and without. The artist had spared
neither carmine nor gilt-foil, and the effect
was unique and dazzling.
" I've ben layin' off ter have 'em took
these two year," she loudly explained, " an'
I've done it ! He'll be mad as a hornet,
but I don't keer! He don't pay fur 'em !"
A vision of the long-suffering grocer and
merchant rose between me and those tri-
umphs of the limner's art, but then, as Mrs.
Angel herself had philosophically remarked,
" they has to take their resks."
Phenie, too, in the beginning, was a fre-
quent visitor, and I was pleased to note
that her painful shyness was wearing off a
little, and to see a marked improvement in
her dress. There was, with all her childish-
ness, a little trace of coquetry about her,
— the innocent coquetry of a bird preening
its feathers in the sunshine. She was sim-
ply a soft-hearted, ignorant little beauty,
whose great, appealing eyes seemed always
asking for something, and in a way one
might find it hard to refuse.
In spite of her rich color, I saw that the
girl was frail, and knowing that she had a
long walk after leaving the cars, I arranged
for her to stay with me over night when the
weather was severe, and she often did so,
sleeping on the lounge in my sitting-room.
At first I exerted myself to entertain my
young guest, — youth and beauty have great
charms for me, — but beyond some curiosity
at the sight of pictures, I met with no en-
couragement. The girl's mind was a vac-
uum. She spent the hours before retiring
in caressing and romping with my kitten, in
whose company she generally curled up on
the hearth-rug and went to sleep, looking,
with her disarranged curly hair and round,
flushed cheeks, like a child kept up after its
bed-time.
But after a few weeks she came less fre-
quently, and finally not at all. I heard of
her occasionally through her mother, how-
ever, who reported favorably, dilating most
fervidly upon the exemplary punctuality
with which Phenie placed her earnings in
.the maternal hand.
It happened one evening in mid- winter that
I was hastening along Pennsylvania avenue
at an early hour, when, as I was passing a
certain restaurant, the door of the ladies'
entrance was pushed noisily open, and a
MY FRIEND MRS. ANGEL.
297
party of three came out. The first of these
was a man, middle-aged, well-dressed, and
of a jaunty and gallant air, the second
a large, high-colored young woman, the
third — Phenie. She looked flushed and ex-
cited, and was laughing in her pretty, fool-
ish way at something her male companion
was saying to her. My heart stood still;
but, as I watched the trio from the obscurity
of a convenient doorway, I saw the man
hail a Navy Yard car, assist Phenie to en-
ter it, and return to his friend upon the
pavement, when, after exchanging a few
words, the pair separated.
I was ill at ease. I felt a certain degree
of responsibility concerning Phenie, and
the next day, therefore, I waited for her
at the great iron gate through which the
employes of the Bureau must pass out,
determined to have a few words with the
child in private. Among the first to appear
was Phenie, and with her, as I had feared,
the high-colored young woman. In spite of
that person's insolent looks, I drew Phenie's
little hand unresistingly through my arm, and
led her away.
Outside the building, as I had half-
expected, loitered the man in whose com-
pany I had seen her on the previous evening.
Daylight showed him to be a type familiar
to Washington eyes — large, florid, scrupu-
lously attired, and carrying himself with a
mingled air of military distinction and
senatorial dignity well calculated to deceive
an unsophisticated observer.
He greeted Phenie with a courtly bow,
and a smile, which changed quickly to a
dark look as his eyes met mine, and turned
away with a sudden assumption of lofty
indifference and abstraction.
Phenie accompanied me to my room
without a word, where I busied myself in
preparing some work for her mother, chat-
ting meanwhile of various trifling matters.
I could see that the girl looked puzzled,
astonished, even a little angry. She kept one
of her small, dimpled hands hidden under
the folds of her water-proof, too, and her eyes
followed me wistfully and questioningly.
"Who were those people I saw you with
last evening, coming from H 's saloon?"
I suddenly asked.
Phenie gave me a startled glance ; her
face grew pale.
" Her name," she stammered, " is Nettie
Mullin."
" And the gentleman ? " I asked again,
with an irony which I fear was entirely
thrown away.
The girl's color came back with a rush.
" His name is O'Brien, General O'Brien,"
she faltered. " He — he's a great man ! " she
added, with a pitiful little show of pride.
" Ah ! Did he tell you so ? " I asked.
"Nettie told me," the girl answered,
simply. "She's known him a long time.
He's rich and has a great deal of — of influ-
ence, and he's promised to get us promoted.
He's a great friend of Nettie's, and he — he's
a perfect gentleman."
She looked so innocent and confused as
she sat rubbing the toe of one small boot
across a figure of the carpet, that I had not
the heart to question her further. In her
agitation she had withdrawn the hand she
had kept hitherto concealed beneath her
cape, and was turning around and around
the showy ring which adorned one finger.
" I am certain, Phenie," I said, " that your
friend General O'Brien is no more a general
and no more a gentleman than that ring
you are wearing is genuine gold and
diamonds."
She gave me a half-laughing, half-resent-
ful look, colored painfully, but said nothing,
and went away at length, with the puzzled,
hurt look still on her face.
For several days following I went every day
to the gate of the Bureau, and saw Phenie
on her homeward way. For two or three days
" General O'Brien " continued to loiter
about the door-way, but as he ceased at
length to appear, and as the system I had
adopted entailed upon me much fatigue and
loss of time, I decided finally to leave Phenie
again to her own devices; not, however,
without some words of advice and warning.
She received them silently, but her large,
soft eyes looked into mine with the pathetic,
wondering look of a baby, who cannot com-
prehend why it shall not put its hand into
the blaze of the lamp.
I did not see her for some time after this,
but having ascertained from her mother that
she was in the habit of coming home regu-
larly, my anxiety was in a measure quieted.
" She don't seem nateral, Phenie don't,"
Mrs. Angel said one day. " She's kind o'
quiet, like, as ef she was studyin' about some-
thing, an' she used to be everlastin' singin'
an' laughin'. Columbus, he's a-gittin' kind o'
oneasy an' jealous, like. Says he, ' Mrs. An-
gel,' says he, ' ef Phenie should go back on
me after all, an' me a-scrapin,' an' a-savin',
an' a-goin' out o' butch erin' along o' her not
favorin' it,' says he, ' why I reckon I wouldn't
never git over it,' says he. Ye see him an'
her's ben a-keepin' comp'ny sence Phenie was
298
MY FRIEND MRS. ANGEL.
twelve year old. I tell's him he ain't no call
ter feel oneasy, though, not as /knows on."
Something urged me here to speak of what
I knew as to Phenie's recent associates, but
other motives— a regard for the girl's feel-
ings, and reliance upon certain promises she
had made me, mingled with a want of
confidence in her mother's wisdom and
discretion — kept me silent.
One evening — it was in March, and a little
blustering — I was sitting comfortably by my
fire, trying to decide between the attractions
of a new magazine and the calls of duty
which required my attendance at a certain
" Ladies' Committee-meeting," when a muf-
fled, unhandy sort of a knock upon my door
disturbed my train of thought. I uttered an
indolent " Come in ! "
There was a hesitating turn of the knob,
the door opened, and I rose to be confronted
by a tall, broad-chested young man, of
ruddy complexion and undecided features;
a young man who, not at all abashed, bowed
in a friendly manner, while his mild, blue
eyes wandered about the apartment with
undisguised eagerness. He wore a new
suit of invisible plaid, an extremely low-
necked shirt, a green necktie, and a cellu-
loid pin in the form of a shapely feminine
leg. Furthermore, the little finger of the
hand which held his felt hat was gracefully
crooked in a manner admitting the display
of a seal ring of a peculiarly striking style,
and an agreeable odor of bergamot, suggest-
ive of the barber's chair, emanated from
his person. It flashed over me at once that
this was Phenie Angel's lover, a suspicion
which his first words verified.
"Aint Miss Angel here ?" he asked, in a
voice full of surprise and disappointment.
" No, she is not," I answered. " You
are her friend, Columbus "
" Columbus Padgett, ma'am," he re-
sponded. " Yes, ma'am. Aint Phenie
been here this evenin' ? "
" No. Did you expect to find her here ? "
Mr. Padgett's frank face clouded percep-
tibly, and he pushed his hair back and forth
on his forehead uneasily, as he answered :
" I did, indeed, ma'am. I — you see,
ma'am, she aint been comin' home reg'lar
of late, Phenie aint, an' I aint had no good
chance to speak to her for right smart of a
while. I laid off to see her to-night for
certain. I've got somethin' particular to say
to her, to-night. You see, ma'am," he added,
becoming somewhat confused, " me an' her
— we — I — me an' her "
He stopped, evidently feeling his inability
to express himself with the delicacy the sub-
ject required.
" I understand, Mr. Padgett," I said,
smilingly, "you and Phenie are "
" That's it ! " interposed Mr. Padgett,
much relieved. "Yes, ma'am, that's how
the matter stan's ! I made sure of findin'
Phenie here. Her ma says as that's where
she's been a-stayin' nights lately."
I started. I had not seen Phenie for two
or three weeks.
" I dare say she has gone home with
one of the girls from the Bureau," I said,
reassuringly.
I had been studying the young man's
face in the meantime, and had decided
that Mr. Padgett was a very good sort of
a fellow. There was good material in him.
It might be in a raw state, but it was very
good material, indeed. He might be a
butcher by trade, but surely he was the
" mildest-mannered man " that ever felled
an ox. His voice had a pleasant, sincere
ring, and altogether he looked like a man
with whom it might be dangerous to trifle,
but who might be trusted to handle a sick
baby, or wait upon a helpless woman with
unlimited devotion.
"You don't have no idea who the girl
might be ? " lie asked, gazing dejectedly
into the crown of his hat. " 'Taint so late.
I might find Phenie yit."
It happened, by the merest chance, that
I did know where Nettie Mullin, in whose
company I feared Phenie might again be
found, boarded. That is to say, I knew the
house but not its number, and standing as
it did at a point where several streets and
avenues intersect, its situation was one not
easily imparted to another. I saw, by the look
of hopeless bewilderment on Mr. Padgett's
face, that he could have discovered the
North-west Passage with equal facility.
I reflected, hesitated, formed a hasty reso-
lution, and said :
" I am going out to attend a meeting,
and I will show you where one of the girls,
with whom I have seen Phenie, lives. You
may find her there now."
The young man's face brightened a little.
He expressed his thanks, and waited for me
on the landing.
The house where Miss Mullin boarded
was only a few squares away. It was one of
a row of discouraged-looking houses, which
had started out with the intention of being
genteel but had long ago given up the idea.
It was lighted up cheerfully, however, we
MY FRIEND MRS. ANGEL.
299
saw on approaching, and a hack stood be-
fore the door. I indicated to my companion
that this was the house, and would have
turned away, but at that moment the door
opened, and two girls came out and de-
scended the steps. The light from the
hall, as well as that of a street-lamp, fell
full upon them. There was no mistaking
Miss Mullin, and her companion was Phenie,
— in a gay little hat set saucily back from
her face, the foolish, pretty laugh ringing
from her lips.
The two girls tripped lightly across the
pavement toward the carriage. As they
did so, the door was opened from within
(the occupant, for reasons best known to
himself, preferring not to alight), and a
well-clad, masculine arm was gallantly ex-
tended. Miss Mullin, giggling effusively,
was about to enter, followed close by Phenie,
when, with a smothered cry, Padgett
darted forward and placed himself between
them and the carriage.
" Phenie," he said, his voice shaking a
little. " Phenie, where was you a-goin' ? "
The young girl started back, confused.
" Law, Columbus ! " she faltered, in a
scared, faint voice.
In the meantime, the man in the carriage
put his face out of the door, and eyed the
intruder, for an instant, arrogantly. Then,
affecting to ignore his presence altogether,
he turned toward the two girls with a
slightly impatient air, saying, in an inde-
scribably offensive tone :
" Come, ladies, come. What are you stop-
ping for ? "
Mr. Padgett, who had been holding
Phenie's little hand speechlessly, let it fall,
and turned toward the carriage excitedly.
" Miss Angel is stoppin' to speak to me,
sir," he said. " Have you got anything to
say ag'inst it ?"
The occupant of the carriage stared
haughtily at him, broke into a short laugh,
and turned again toward the girls.
Mr. Padgett, pushing his hat down upon
his head, took a step nearer. The gentle-
man, after another glance, drew back dis-
creetly, saying, in a nonchalant manner :
" Come, Miss Nettie. We shall be
late."
" I suppose you're not going with us, then,
Miss Angel ? " said Miss Mullin, with a toss
of her plumed hat.
Mr. Padgett turned, and looked Phenie
steadily in the face.
"Be you goin' with them ? " he asked, in
a low voice.
" N — no ! " the girl faltered, faintly. " I'll
go with you, Columbus."
A muffled remark of a profane nature was
heard to proceed from the carriage, the door
was violently closed, and the vehicle rolled
rapidly away.
I had kept discreetly aloof, although an
interested spectator of the scene. Phenie,
after one swift glance in my direction, had
not raised her eyes again.
" We'll go with you where you're goin',
ma'am," said Mr. Padgett, as the carriage
disappeared, but I would not permit this.
" Well, good evenin', ma'am," he said;
" I'm a thousand times obliged to you — good
evenin'."
With an indescribable look into Phenie's
pale, down-cast face, — a look made up of
pain, tenderness and reproach, — he put her
hand through his arm, and they went away.
As might have been expected, Phenie
avoided me, after this, more carefully than
ever. I was glad that she did so. I was
also glad when, a week or two later, Mrs.
Angel presented herself, in a towering state
of indignation, to inform me that Phenie
had received her discharge. In vain I re-
minded her that Phenie's position had been,
from the beginning, a temporary one.
" I don't keer ! " she persisted. " I'd
like ter know what difference it would 'a'
made to the Government — jess that little
bit o' money ! An' me a-needin' of it so !
Why couldn't they have discharged some
o' them women as sets all day on them vel-
vet carpets an' cheers, a-doin' nothin' but
readin' story-papers ? Phenie's seen 'em
a-doin' of it, time an' ag'in — an' she
a-workin' at a old greasy machine ! "
In vain I endeavored to prove that no
injustice had been done. Mrs. Angel's atti-
tude toward the United States Government
remains, to this day, inflexibly hostile.
" Ef Columbus had let alone interferin'
between Phenie an' them that was intendin'
well by her, I reckon she'd 'a' been settin'
on one o' them velvet cheers herself by
this time," she remarked, mysteriously, " or
a-doin' better still."
I looked at her sharply.
" They's a gentleman," she went on, with
a foolish smile, " a gineral, as is all taken up
with Phenie. He's a great friend o' the
President's, you know, an' they's no knowin'
what he might do for the gal, ef Columbus 'd
let alone interferin'."
" Then Phenie has told you of her new
acquaintance ?" I said, much relieved.
Mrs. Angel looked at me blankly.
300
MY FRIEND MRS. ANGEL.
" Lord, no ! " she answered, " she never
let on ! No, indeed ! But I knowed it —
I knowed it all along. Sam Weaver's gal,
she told me about it. I knowed she was
keepin' company with him, kind o'."
" And you said nothing to Phenie ?"
" Lord, no ! Gals is bashful, Mis' Law-
rence. No, indeed ! "
" Nor say a word of all this to Colum-
bus ? " I asked again.
" What fur ? " said Mrs. Angel, impertur-
bably. " He aint got no call ter interfere,
ef she kin do better."
I was silent a moment in sheer despair.
" Do you imagine, for one moment," I
said, finally, "that if this general, as he
calls himself, is really what he pretends to
be, a gentleman and a friend of the Presi-
dent's, that he means honestly by Phenie ?"
Mrs. Angel regarded me with a fixed
stare, in which I discerned wonder at my
incredulity, and indignation at the implied
disparagement of her daughter.
" Why not?" she asked, with some heat.
" Phenie was a-readin' me a story, not so
long ago, about a man, a lord or somethin'
like, as married a miller's daughter. The
name was ' The Secrit Marriage,' or there-
abouts. I'd like to know ef she aint as good
as a miller's daughter, any time o' day ?"
I said no more. " Against stupidity even
the gods strive in vain."
A month later, perhaps, Mrs. Angel,
whom I had not seen since the interview
just related, came toiling up the stairs with
her arms piled high with suggestive-looking
packages, and beamingly and unceremoni-
ously entered my sitting-room. With rather
more than her customary ease of manner,
she deposited herself and parcels upon the
lounge, and exclaimed, pantingly :
" Wall ! Phenie an' Columbus is goin'
ter be married Sunday week !"
" Ah ! " I responded, with a sympathetic
thrill; " so they have made it up again ?"
" Yes, indeed ! " she answered, " they've
done made it up. They was one time I was
most afeard Columbus was goin' to back out,
though. 'Twas after that time when he
come down here after Phenie, an' found her
a-goin' out 'long o' that Bureau gal an' that
man as called hisself a gineral ! "
" So you found out the character of
Phenie's friend at last ? " I said.
" Columbus, he found it out. I'll tell ye
how 'twas. Ye see, him an' Phenie was
a-havin' of it that night after they got home.
They was in the front room, but they's right
smart of a crack 'roun' the do', an' you kin
hear right smart ef you sets up clos't
enough," she explained, naively.
" ' Phenie,' says Columbus, kind o' hum-
ble, like, ' I don't want no wife as don't like
me better 'n ary other man in the world.
Ef you likes that man, an' he's a good man,
an' means right by ye, I aint one ter stan' in
your way ; but,' says he, ' I don't believe
he's no good. I've seen them kind befo', an'
I don't have no confidence into him.'
" 'Columbus,' says Phenie, kind o' spirited,
fur her, ' you aint got no call to talk agin'
him. He's a gentleman, he is!'
" 'All right ! ' says Columbus, chokin' up,
' all right. Mebbe he is — but I don't like
this meetin' of him unbeknownst. Phenie.
It aint the thing. Now I want you ter
promise me not to meet him any more unbe-
knownst till you knows more about him, an'
you give me leave ter find out all about him,
an' see ef I don't.'
" ' I wont listen to no lies,' says Phenie,
kind o' fiery.
" ' I wont tell ye no lies, Phenie,' he says.
' I never has, an' I aint goin' ter begin now.'
" Then he got up an' shoved his cheer back,
and I had ter go 'way from the crack.
" Wall, Phenie looked real white an' sick
after that, an' I felt right down sorry fur the
gal, but I didn't let on I knew anything, 'cause
'twaren't my place ter speak fust, ye know !
Wall, she dragged 'round fur three, four
days, — that was after she was discharged, you
see, — an' one evenin' Columbus he come in
all tremblin' an' stirred up, an' him an' her
went inter the room, an' I sat up ter the
crack. An' Columbus he begun.
" ' Phenie,' says he, his voice all hoarse an'
shaky, ' Phenie, what would you say ef I was
ter -tell ye your fine gineral wasrit no gineral,
an' was a married man at that ? '
" ' Prove it! ' says Phenie.
"I had ter laugh ter hear her speak up so
peart, like. ' I didn't think 'twas in her, and
she not much more'n a child.
" ' Wall,' says Columbus, ' ef /can't prove
it, I knows them as kin.'
" ' Wall,' says Phenie, ' when he tells me
so hisself, I'll believe it, an' not befo' ! '
" Then Columbus went away, an' I could
see he was all worked up an' mad. His
face was white as cotton. Phenie, she went
to bed. an' I heerd her a-cryin' an' a-snubbin',
all night. She couldn't eat no breakfast,
nuther, though 1 made griddle-cakes, extry
fur her ; an' she dressed herself an' went off
somewheres — I didn't ask her, but I reckon
she went down, ter the city ter find out about
MY FRIEND MRS. ANGEL.
301
that man. Wall, towards night she come
home, an' I never see a gal look so — kind
o* wild, like, an' her eyes a-shinin' an' her
cheeks as red as pinies. She sot an' looked
out o' the winder, an' looked, an' bimeby
Columbus he come in, an' they went into
the room. I couldn't hear rightly what they
said, the chill'en was makin' sich a noise,
but I heared Phenie bust out a-cryin' fit to
break her heart, an' then Columbus, he —
wall, Lord! I never did see sich a feller!
He jess loves the groun' that gal's feet walks
on!"
" He must be very forgiving," I said.
" Phenie has used him badly."
" Wall, I do' know," she replied, with
perfect simplicity. " I do' know as she was
beholden to Columbus ef she could a-done
better. The child didn't mean no harm."
Although aware of the impracticability
of trying to render Mrs. Angel's comprehen-
sion of maternaj duty clearer, I could not
help saying :
" But why didn't you, as the girl's own
mother and nearest friend, have a talk with
Phenie in the beginning ? You might have
spared her a great deal of trouble."
Mrs. Angel's eyes dilated with surprise.
" Lord ! Mis' Lawrence ! " she exclaimed,
" you do' know ! Why, gals is that bash-
ful ! They couldn't tell their mothers sich
things. Why, I'd 'a' died 'fore I'd 'a' told
mine anything about — love-matters ! Lord ! "
" Well," I sighed, " I'm glad Phenie is go-
ing to marry so good a fellow as Columbus."
"Y — yes," she answered, condescendingly,
" he's a good feller, Columbus is. He don't
drink or smoke, an' he's mighty savin'."
I remarked here, as on other occasions,
that Mrs. Angel regarded this being "savin"'
as a purely masculine virtue.
" He's give Phenie most a hundred dol-
lars a'ready," she continued, complacently.
" They aint no gal on the Navy Yard as '11
have nicer things 'n Phenie."
A fortnight later the newly wedded pair
called upon me. Phenie looked very sweet
in her bridal finery, but there was something
in her face which I did not like. It meant
neither peace nor happiness. She looked
older. There were some hard lines around
her lips, and the childish expression of her
lovely eyes had given place to a restless,
absent look. Her husband was serenely
unconscious of anything wanting — uncon-
scious, indeed, of everything but his absolute
bliss, and his new shiny hat. He wore a
lavender necktie, now, and gloves of the same
shade, which were painfully tight, and, with
the hat, would have made life a burden to
any but the bridegroom of a week's standing.
Phenie had little to say, but Columbus was
jubilantly loquacious.
" I've gone out o' butcherin' fur good an't
all," he declared, emphatically. " Phenie
didn't like it, an' no more do I. Huckster-
in' is more to my mind, ma'am. It's cleaner
an' — an* more genteel, ma'am. I've got a
good stan', an' I mean to keep Phenie like a
lady, ma'am ! "
She lived but a year after this. She and
her baby were buried in one grave. That
was five years ago. Columbus still wears a
very wide hat-band of crape, and mourns
her sincerely.
Her death was a heavy blow to her
mother, whose grief is borne with constant
repining and unreasoning reflections. The
fountains of her eyes overflow at the mere
utterance of the girl's name.
" The doctors 'lowed 'twas consumption
as ailed her," she often repeats, " but I aint
never got red o' thinkin' 'twas trouble as
killed her. I used ter think, Mis' Law-
rence," she says, with lowered voice, "that
she hadn't never got over thinkin' of that
man as fooled her so ! 1 wish I could see
him oncet ! Says she ter me, time an' agin',
' Ma,' says she, ' I reckon I aint a-goin' ter
live long. I'm right young ter die, but I
do' know as I keer! ' says she."
" Did her husband ever suspect that she
was unhappy ? " I asked.
" Lord no, ma'am ! Or ef he did he
never let on ! An' I never see sich a man !
There wasn't nothin' he didn't git her while
she was sick, an* her coffin was a sight !
They warn't never sich a one seen on the
Navy Yard ! An' he goes to her grave,
rain or shine, as reg'lar as Sunday comes."
As I have said, several years have passed
since Phenie's death, but Mrs. Angel's visits
have never ceased. The lapse of time has
left hardly any traces upon her comely ex-
terior. In times of plenty, her soul expands
gleefully and the brown -paper parcels mul-
tiply. In times of dearth, she sits, an elderly
Niobe, and weeps out her woes upon my
hearth-stone. The black satchel, too, by
some occult power, has resisted the wear
and tear of years and exposure to the
elements, and continues to swallow up my
substance insatiably as of yore. Occasionally,
as I have said, something within me rises in
arms against her quiet, yet persistent en-
croachments, but this is a transitory mood.
Her next visit puts my resolutions to flight.'
302
TOPICS OF THE TIME.
TOPICS OF THE TIME.
The Political Machine.
IT is readily observable that the protests against
the political machine and the efforts on behalf of
civil-service reform, as a practical outcome of that
protest, originate in the cities. People in the coun-
try follow their political leaders, without serious ques-
tion, and do not come much into contact with the bad
results which they do so much to secure. The one
or two men in each town who are relied upon at
head-quarters to do the party work, get office, it is
true, but that seems to be because they are " fond
of politics " ; and, as office has so long been the
reward of party work, it is looked upon as quite the
regular and legitimate thing. The city is almost
the only place where the authority of the political
leader is questioned. He looks to the country
towns for loyalty to his policy and decrees, and
relies upon them to carry his ends in the State.
The managing men of the small towns are always
in confidential correspondence with head-quarters,
and their work is done so quietly and cleverly that
the country voter is never made to feel the yoke, or
led to suspect that he is the tool of a corrupt cabal
of office-holders and office-seekers.
In the city, especially the great city, the machin-
ery comes more to the surface. Here we find a
class of professional politicians. Their business is
politics. There may be some, above them, who are
working for power, without any thought of office,
but they know that every man under them is at
work for what he can make out of the business.
Some work with very small aspirations and expecta-
tions. There are wheels within wheels, and there are
those who work for so small a consideration as their
drink. They furnish the machinery of all elections.
They attend and manage the primary elections and
caucuses. They do the party work, and will per-
mit no one else to do it. Good men are often
reproached with their neglect of political duty,
especially as it relates to what are called " the pri-
maries." The reply to this reproach is that no good
man can undertake to have anything to do with the
primaries unless he belongs to " the machine," with-
out the loss of self-respect. Indeed, all attempt to
have anything to do with them, in the way of influ-
encing their policy and results, is useless. If any
clear-headed gentleman doubts this, let him try it.
He only needs to do this once to be convinced.
It has been tried many times, and always unsuccess-
fully. Even in our Staten Island suburb, the
machine has proved too strong for our excellent
friend, Mr. George W. Curtis, and will have
none of him. It has been tried here in the city.
The moment a good man enters a meeting where a
primary is held, the whole crowd know him.
The latest instance reported to us was by the
victim himself. He had been reproached for neg-
lecting his duty, so he was moved to do it. He
attended a primary, and found the leaders in con-
sultation in a private room. His position was such
that they could not deny him entrance, and they
immediately informed him that he must act as
chairman. He protested that he wished to be at
liberty to speak to such questions as might arise.
The protest was hushed by the assurance that if he
wished to speak he could call some one else to the
chair. The meeting was called to order, and he
was elected. Immediately a man jumped to his
feet and moved the appointment of a list of dele-
gates to a certain convention, and the " question "
was called from all parts of the house. Our virtu-
ous chairman was caught in a trap, and had to put
the question. As soon as it was decided, as it was
nem. con. in favor of the nominations, another mem-
ber rose and moved that the meeting should imme-
diately adjourn, as the weather was warm ! So our
friend had his labor for his pains, and the men who
had used him took great pleasure in showing how
respectable their meeting was by publishing his
name as its chairman, and thus doing what they
could to make him seem to approve a list of political
scalawags !
" But if all good men would unite, they could
have their own way." That is a mistake. If all
good men would unite, all bad men would do the
same, and the bad men would draw for voters to
help them through, from all parts of the city, as
there would be nothing illegal in outsiders voting at a
primary. It is their business to outvote the good
men, and they do it every time, because they have
the whole machine of the city to do it with, and have
no scruples to stand in their way, such as the good
men have. Now do our country friends see the
point at which we are aiming, when we advocate a
reform in the civil service ? Can they not see that
just so long as office is the reward of party work,
just so long party work will and must be done by
office-seekers, who work for their party from the
basest motives ? Politics can never be purified in
this country until there is a reform in the civil ser-
vice. Such purification is practically impossible,
until office ceases to be the reward, practically
contracted for, of party service.
The machine politician has a contempt for what
he sneeringly denominates " sentimental politics."
If a man permits either moral or sentimental con-
siderations to enter into his motives of political
action, he has done all that is necessary to arouse
the suspicion — probably the contempt or hatred —
of the average party politician. Power and office
are what the party men are after, and sentiment and
principle are generally in their way. The attitude
of Mr. Conkling toward Mr. Curtis is a sufficient
illustration of this point. Mr. Conkling is a machine
politician who is fond of power and who regards
himself — with a strange hallucination — as a candi-
date for the Presidency of the United States. Mr.
Curtis is a man of principle who has refused high and
TOPICS OF THE TIME.
3°3
important office in order to serve his country more
effectually in an attempt to purify its politics. Mr.
Conkling is quite incapable of appreciating such
disinterestedness on the part of any man engaged
in politics, and his contempt for Mr. Curtis is prob-
ably as great as that of Mr. Curtis for him — if such
a thing be possible.
In the great election lying just before us, there
will be, on both sides, no small amount of bolting
and scratching. Some of this will be preliminary,
with the hope of influencing the selection of candi-
dates. We wish to bespeak for the men who
engage in this work the considerate respect of the
public, and especially of the rural public. The men
who bolt and scratch are not after office. Office lies
in another direction. They mean well by the coun-
try, and, if they could have their way, would do
well by it. Some time they will have their way.
"Sentimental politics" have just triumphed in
Great Britain, and the time will come when they
will triumph here, and the political machine will be
overthrown.
Beacor.sfield and Gladstone.
No ONE who has familiarized himself with Lord
Beaconsfield's history can witness the completion of
his career without a feeling 6f sadness. His life
has been a courageous and persistent fight against
tremendous disadvantages. Belonging to the Jew-
ish race, he suffered all the tortures possible to a
sensitive temperament, as a child and youth, from
the contempt of associates whom he knew to be his
inferiors. His faith in his own powers from the
very beginning — before those powers had had any
trial whatever — was such as to prepare him for all
the assaults of ridicule which lay before him, and
the defeats that were in store for him. His good
opinion of himself, his unbounded ambition, his un-
wavering pluck, under all discouragements, may well
excite our admiration and attract our sympathy; and
though we rejoice in his political overthrow, we
cannot witness it without feeling that, in its personal
aspects, it is a deeply pathetic event. For the de-
spised Jew, who was brutally hissed and hooted into
silence on the occasion of his first speech in Parlia-
ment, had risen to be the nation's master. Next to
the Queen, he was the highest power in the British
realm — the foremost man in the nation — and one of
the most prominent political figures of the world and
of the time. Only a few months ago, on his return
from the Berlin Congress, he was the recipient of
one of the most brilliant ovations ever accorded to
an Englishman. Millions greeted him with huzzas,
and his way was strewn with flowers. It was an
hour of triumph that must have equaled all his
dreams of power, splendid as they had undoubtedly
been.
To any man who admires unfailing pluck, it must
be sad to see this man overthrown, because it fin-
ishes his career. His old Parliamentary struggles
can never be repeated. His wit, his readiness of
sarcastic repartee, his fertility of resource, his power
of leadership, will never again be called into action,
for he is an old and feeble man, who stands upon
the brink of the grave. He appealed to the people,
and the people have decided that they want no more
of him. Lord Beaconsfield steps down and steps
out, as a political man and a political force. He
can never gather his powers again, or reassert his
influence. The persecuted boy, the youthful dandy,
the novelist and litterateur, rose to be Prime Minis-
ter, Lord Privy Seal, Earl Beaconsfield of Beacons-
field, Viscount Hughenden of Hughenden, Knight
of the Garter ; and to-day his titles are as though
they had never been, and his power has passed into
other, and, as we believe, better hands.
At the time we write this article — more than two
months before it can be published — we have not
heard the complete result of the English elections,
but enough is known to see that the ministry must
resign, and that whether Mr. Gladstone be called
upon or not to form a new ministry, he will be 3.
powerful influence in shaping it, as he has been an
essential agent in the triumph of the liberal party.
Will the Earl of Beaconsfield repeat the act of 1868,
when he advised the Queen to name Mr. Gladstone
as his successor ? We hope so. We are not famil-
iar with those rules of party procedure which are
instanced as forbidding his return to his old place,
but there is where he belongs, by the rights con-
ferred by the revolution he has been mainly instru-
mental in effecting, by his great experience and
ability in government, and by his transcendent
character.
In whatever light wemay regard the triumph of the
liberal party in England, it is the result of a struggle
between the English Premier and Mr. Gladstone.
They are respectively the representatives of the
principles and policies of the two parties that have
fought out their battle among the people, with the
result of a defeat of the government. This result is
a victory of Christian England over barbarian Eng-
land; for with all Beaconsfield's brilliancy, with
all his power of oratory and his gifts of finesse and
intrigue, he was essentially barbaric in his ideas,
his tastes and his policies. It was in the nature of
the man. He delighted in pageantry ; he gloried in
dramatic situations and effects ; he was charmed
with the exercise of power ; he loved titles. The
new title of his Queen could only have been con-
ceived in his brain ; and his foreign policy was
conceived in the love of the spectacular, and sup-
ported by the bravado of the barbarian. The
books he wrote were flooded with gold, as if he had
a barbaric delight in the conceit of easily handled
wealth of gold and gems.
Mr. Gladstone is, first of all, a Christian man.
In an age and country in which science seems to be
doing its best to put Christianity out of fashion
among its strongest men, Mr. Gladstone — who stands
a king among the strongest — abides by the old
faith not only, but is one of its wisest expounders
and promulgators. He has always been a man of
principle. Lord Beaconsfield has always been a man
of policy, when he has not been one of caprice. One
has been devoted to the betterment of the condition
of the British people ; the other has directed most
3°4
TOPICS OF THE TIME.
of his efforts to the aggrandizement of the British
Government, not forgetting himself. In literary
skill, in learning, in scientific acquirements, in the
ability to handle all the leading questions that interest
society, in the power of debate, in sympathy with the
great popular heart of England, Mr. Gladstone is
easily Lord Beaconsfield's superior. He is the Eng-
lishman of Englishmen — an Englishman at his best ;
and, although he is already old, he is still hale and
hearty, and good for years of public service.
So, while we congratulate the British people on
the revolution that has taken place in their ruling
political forces, we repeat the proverbial cry with
peculiar satisfaction and with special meaning:
"The king is dead ! Long live the king ! "
The Shadow of the Negro.
THE history of negro slavery, extending from its
beginning in Portugal over a period of four, hundred
years, and involving the exportation by violence
from their African homes of forty millions of men,
women and children, is one of exceeding and unim-
aginable bitterness. It is too late to criminate those
who were responsible for beginning the slave trade,
and for perpetuating the system of bondage that
grew out of it. Many of them were conscientious,
Christian men, who worked without a thought of the
wrong they were doing. Some of them, as we
know, really believed they were benefiting the negro,
by bringing him out of a condition of barbarism into
the enlightening and purifying influences of Chris-
tianity. For many years negro slavery prevailed in
this country, and greatly modified the institutions
and the civilization of a large portion of it. It be-
came, at last, the exciting cause of the greatest civil
war known in the history of the world ; and when
that war brought abolition, it gave to the black race
in America not only freedom but citizenship. The
question as to what all these centuries of wrong and
of servitude have done for the negro is not a difficult
one to answer, but what they have done for the en-
slaving race is not so evident without an examina-
tion. The black man has been a menial so long
that he has lost, in a great degree, his sense of man-
hood and his power to assert it. The negro carries
within him the sense that his blood is tainted — that he
is something less than a man, in consequence of the
blackness of his skin. He may be whitened out, so
that only the most practiced eye can detect a trace of
the African in him, but the consciousness of the pos-
session of this trace haunts him like the memory of
a crime, and to charge it upon him is to abase him
and cover him with a burning shame. The readiness
of the negro in all the States to be content with
menial offices in the service of the white man, comes
undoubtedly from the fact that such offices relieve
him from all antagonism. They put him in a position
free from the pretension to equality, where he is
at peace. We hear it said that the negro is a natural
menial, — a natural servant, — but the truth is that if
the negro were only relieved from the burden of con-
tempt in which his blood is held, his special adapta-
tion to menial work would disappear at once.
The harm that slavery did to the white man
was one that touched him internally and externally,
at most important points. It vitiated his sense of
right and wrong. Through its appeal to his inter-
ests, it made a system based in inhumanity and
standing and working in direct contravention of the
Golden Rule, seem to be a humane and Christian
institution, to be maintained by argument, by appeal
to the authority of the Bible, and by the sword.
This, of course, was an immeasurable harm, from
which only a slow recovery can be reached. An-
other evil result of slavery to the white man was the
disgrace that came to labor through its long years of
association with servitude. No people can be pros-
perous who despise labor, and who look upon it as
something that belongs only to a servile class. Any
people that, for any cause, have lost the sense of the
supreme respectability of labor; — any people that,
for any cause, have come to regard an unproductive
idleness as desirable and respectable, have met with
an immeasurable misfortune. The shadow of the
negro not only rests upon the white man's sense of
right, not only on the white man's idea of labor, but
upon his love of fair play. There is something most
unmanly in the disposition to deny any man who has
not harmed us a fair chance in the world. Are we,
all over this nation, giving the negro a fair chance ?
It was not his fault that he was born to slavery. It
was not his act that released him from it. Notwith-
standing all his years of servitude and wrong, he did
not revolt when his opportunity came, but bore his
yoke with patience until it was lifted from his
shoulders. He did not wrest from unwilling hands
his boon of citizenship. Now, however, as we look
into our hearts, we find that political rights were
conferred upon him rather from an abstract sense
of justice than for any love of the negro, or any
equal place that we have made for him in our hearts
and heads as he stands by our side. The North,
to-day, is true to the negro rather in its convictions
than in its sympathies. It never in its heart has
admitted the negro to equality with the white man.
It may consent to see the white man beaten by the
negro in a.walking-match at Gilmore's Garden, but
at West Point the smallest measure of African blood
places its possessor under the crudest and most im-
placable social ban. So long as this fact exists — so
long as the Northern white man utterly excludes the
negro from his social sympathies, and refuses to give
him a fair chance in the world to secure respecta-
bility and influence, it poorly becomes him to rail at
his Southern brothers who do the same thing, and
are only a little more logical and extreme in their
expressions of contempt. The shadow of the negro
lies upon the North as upon the South. It has ob-
scured or blotted out our love of fair play. We
do not give the negro a chance. It was recently
stated in one of our metropolitan pulpits, by a min-
ister of wide experience and observation, that he had
never heard in any country better speeches made
than were recently made in this city by four colored
men, who spoke on behalf of the freedmen. He gave
them the highest place in all the powers and qualities
that go into the making of eloquence. At Hampton,
HOME AND SOCIETY.
3°S
the negro is proving himself to be not only most
susceptible to cultivation, but to be possessed of a
high spirit of self-devotion. Under the charm of
this most useful institution the African ceases to be
a "nigger," and achieves a self-respect and a sense
of manhood that prepare him for the great mission-
ary work of elevating his race. It cannot be dis-
puted that the great obstacle that stands to-day in
the way of the negro is the white man, North and
South. The white man in this country is not yet
ready to treat the negro as a man. The prejudice of
race is still dominant in every part of the land. We
are quite ready in New York City to invite Indians
in paint and feathers into social circles, from which
the negro is shut out by a social interdict as irrever-
sible as the laws of the Medes and Persians. If the
negro is a man, let us give him the chance of a man,
the powers and privileges of a man. It is not neces-
sary for us to give him our daughters in marriage,
although he has given a good many of his daugh-
ters to us, as all mulattodom and quadroondom
abundantly testify. It is not necessary for us to make
an ostentatious show of our conversion to just and
humane ideas in regard to him. We should like to
see the time when the preacher to whom we have al-
luded would feel at liberty to invite one of these
orators whom he praised to occupy his pulpit, and
when such an orator would feel at home there and
seem at home there. When this time arrives, in the
coming of the millennium, all other relations be-
tween the two races may be safely left to adjust
themselves.
HOME AND SOCIETY.
Letters to Young Mothers. Second Series. I.
How hard it is to amuse children, and keep them
good-natured on rainy days ! They miss the fresh
air. They have played so hard in-doors, they are
tired and cross. They squabble with one another,
and finally they all flock about your chair, restless
and impatient for something, they don't know what.
You are perhaps hurrying to finish a piece of
sewing before the early gathering twilight quite
creeps over you, and are possibly a trifle impatient
that it has come so soon. One tired little head comes
down into your lap and a mischievous hand pulls
your work out of your hands. Another hand upon
your chair jogs your elbow and unthreads your
needle. Behind you, Johnny is slyly teasing the
baby.
Now lay aside your work. You are ruining your
eyes, your nerves, your temper, and accomplishing
nothing. First take the children to the washstand,
bathe the hot cheeks and wash the moist little
hands, — cold water is sometimes a means of grace, —
smooth the tangled hair, take off the heavy boots
and put on slippers. The judicious distribution of
clean aprons also adds materially on these occasions
to the sum total of human happiness. If you are
so fortunate as to be musical, gather your little
flock about the piano, start off with some bright and
rollicking song or Mother Goose jingle, the "Muffin
Man" or the "Shaker Dance." Lead them grad-
ually up to tenderer and quieter songs. Perhaps
by the time your husband's key clicks in the front
door he will be greeted by the strains of some
such good old-fashioned hymn as " Glory to Thee,
my God, this night."
If you tire of the piano, books are never-failing.
Read a chapter in the " Arabian Nights," " Robin-
son Crusoe," or Whittier's books of "Child-Life."
If these are beyond your audience, try " Rhymes and
Jingles," or the ever-delightful Mother Goose. Chil-
VOL. XX.— 21.
dren are naturally fond of melody and rhyme; if
they never hear anything better, they will be satis-
fied with mere jingle. But try spirited ballads and
little ballads by our best authors, and see how
quickly they will respond. Few boys will be deaf to
" How They Brought the Good News from Ghent
to Aix," and few girls but will be charmed with
Westwood's " Little Bell."
There is no- lack of books to cull from. Almost
every household possesses some of our standard
poets, or selections from their works. There are
little compilations like Lucy Larcom's " Hillside
and Roadside Poems," Mrs. Giles's " Hymns and
Rhymes for Home and School," " Hymns for Moth-
ers and Children," to say nothing of the school
readers, which contain many excellent selections.
Of larger and more expensive works, there are
Dana's " Household Book of Poetry," Mackay's
"Thousand and One Gems," or, best of all for chil-
dren, Whittier's "Child-Life."
You can make a book for yourself by saving
favorite bits of poetry, by known and unknown
authors, which go floating through our news-
papers and magazines. Before you are aware
you will have an attractive book, dear to the
children because you made it, and an education and
refreshment to yourself. But perhaps the children
are too fretful to listen quietly to reading. Try tell-
ing a story. If you cannot " make up " one, fall
back on the classics. " Cinderella,' ' or " Jack
the Giant-Killer," or Hans Andersen's tender little
" Marchen." Tell " Thumbelina " once, and see if
you haven't a story always ready.
When the children are old enough to sit up for
some time after supper there is another hour to be
provided for. Don't you remember those delightful
evenings spent at the houses of your playmates
where the mother, and sometimes the father, took
part in the games of " Twenty Questions," " Stage-
306
HOME AND SOCIETY.
Coach," or " Proverbs," where they popped corn
and ate apples with the children ? But you cry in
dismay: "What is to become of my reading hour?
The evenings are the only times I have for myself."
True, but by eight o'clock the younger ones are
ready for bed, and the older to go to their lessons or
their library books. You may become interested
in your book, but not so absorbed that you cannot
stop to help Mary about her map questions, or to
talk with Tom about Stanley's "Across the Dark
Continent." Your children's reading and study, as
well as their play, ought always to have a decided
flavor of " mother " in it.
This does not provide for the days, and that is,
after all, the main question. Have you ever tried
a scrap-book ? It makes no end of litter, unless
managed just right; but let it once become an
"institution," to be provided for as you do for the
week's washing, and it will keep the children
wholesomely busy for many an hour. First of all,
you want a place for it. If you must drag chairs
and tables out of their places and then put them all
away again in a hurry, or if the cuttings are littered
over everything, " the game is not worth the
candle." But make a broad, low table (an exten-
sion table leaf will do), just the right height to
match the little chairs. Put this table in a snug
corner of your nursery or sitting-room. Appropri-
ate a bureau-drawer or small cupboard close by the
table for the pictures, books and papers. Have
the waste-basket so near that the waste-papers will
almost go in themselves. If paste will injure your
carpet, lay down a drugget ; or mark off the bound-
aries of this "children's corner" with a piece of
chalk. Make them understand that " all the litter "
must be kept within that line, and that things left on
the floor after due notice of clearing-up time will
be liable to confiscation. If you make these
arrangements convenient for them, and if you are
firm about taking things away (for a time) which
they leave out of place, they will soon learn to put
scissors and pictures, pencils and paste, into their
proper boxes and shelves, to stuff papers into the
basket, and be ready for the next play. In this
corner they can paint or play tea-set or dolls, and,
if properly managed, it will be a delight to them,
and a relief to you.
But, you ask, where do the pictures and books
come from ? Everywhere — from odd magazines,
old papers, publishers' catalogues, advertising cir-
culars, old books whose bindings are hopelessly
broken, and the like. You can make the books for
the little ones of brown wrapping-paper, or get large
sheets of white paper at a printing-office. Fold
them into book-form, and make stout covers of
cotton cloth, pasted on stiff paper. Sew it all firmly
together, book-binder fashion.
Understand, to begin with, that the object of all
this is to amuse, not to produce results. The
younger children will be pleased with anything that
will paste, especially if it is bright-colored. It is
hardly necessary to say that they should not be
allowed to have pictures that are really bad, either
in subject or design. The older children, with the
better pictures, if you can direct them a little, will
sometimes make very handsome books.
Do not give them many pictures at a time, and in-
sist that they finish cutting them out before they begin
to paste them in. Otherwise, they will have paste,
scissors, pictures and waste-paper " heaped in con-
fusion dire." I know of no amusement to which
children will return with greater delight, and out of
which they will get so much pleasure for the same
expenditure of time and money.
If your pictures are too good to give to the chil-
dren, make the book yourself, if you have time, and
let them stand by and look. They can help by pre-
paring the pictures for you to paste.
In such a book you can put all these bright little
reward and Christmas and Easter cards, pictures
and valentines which are continually floating into
a family of children. These pretty things soon get
lost and spoiled, but if put into a book at once they
make a very interesting and pretty picture-book.
If the leaves are made of cloth, and the book, when
finished is simply bound by a book-binder, it will
last a whole generation of children and be a never-
failing delight.
When they get tired of pasting, let them paint the
pictures. The little ones can use colored crayons or
pencils ; the older ones will enjoy best the toy
water-color paint boxes. Give them a few instruc-
tions about rubbing off the colors, and teach them
to use the tips of the brushes, not to daub with the
whole brush. Provide them with tiny cups for the
water, and something on which to wipe the brushes.
A few minutes' instruction to begin with will help
them very much, and they will paint by the hour.
Another amusement can be furnished them by
cutting tissue-paper into square pieces about as
large as an ordinary book, and letting them trace
the pictures in their " St. Nicholas " or " Nursery "
or scrap-books. This is a good preparation for
their writing and drawing lessons by and by. Some
systems of drawing and writing begin with tracing
lines of copies through thin paper in just this way.
The little folks will learn a great deal about form
and color by all this handling of and looking at pict-
ures, to say nothing of what they learn from the
pictures themselves.
The success of these amusements will depend
very much upon the good condition of their tools
and materials. If the paste is lumpy, the pencils
dull, the paper crumpled, the brushes the wrong
kind or worn out, the embryo artists will soon come
flocking back to your sewing-chair, complaining,
" Oh, Mamma, we can't do anything with it. Why
can't we go out doors ? It is horrid in the house."
MARY BLAKE.
On Landing in Liverpool.
THE Atlantic steamers arriving in Liverpool usu-
ally anchor in the stream and land their passengers
by a steam-tender, to which all the baggage is trans-
ferred by the sailors and stewards. From the tender
the travelers are disembarked upon the great landing
stage, which among its other conveniences has a
HOME AND SOCIETY.
3°7
spacious customs depot for the examination of bag-
gage or " luggage," as one's impediments are invari-
ably called in England. A gang of badged porters,
licensed by the municipality and supervised by the
police, carry each passenger's effects from the tender
to the customs depot, where they are deposited in
sections, according to a lettered label which is pasted
upon them at New York. Then, if your letter is R,
you calmly walk ashore and ask in the customs de-
pot for the corresponding section, in which your
Saratogas and valises will be found. The customs
officers are civil and accommodating, and a state-
ment that you have brought no wine or cigars with
you usually obviates any further trouble than the
unlocking of your trunks. Wine containing less
than twenty-six degrees of spirits is dutiable at the
rate of one shilling (twenty-five cents) a gallon ; that
containing more than twenty-six degrees at two shil-
lings and sixpence a gallon ; unmanufactured tobacco
at three shillings and twopence a pound, and cigars
at five shillings a pound. American reprints of
English books are liable to confiscation; but, except
in large attempts at smuggling, the law is flexible,
and such tobacco and cigars as a gentleman may
have with him for personal use, provided they do
not exceed two pounds in weight, are not charged.
When the officer has written his illegible shibboleth
upon your trunk, the badge porter takes them on his
shoulders and carries them up one of the great iron
bridges that connect the landing stage with the mas-
sive pier wall. Here you engage a cab, and when
you are seated in it and your luggage has been
placed on the roof, you pay the porter, whose tariff is
fixed by municipal ordinance, at the rate of a shilling
a piece for large packages and sixpence for small
ones. Seated in the cab you probably feel gratified
for the admirable system that prevails and the pro-
tection given to passengers from " touters " of all
kinds. All the principal hotels and railway sta-
tions in Liverpool are within a mile and a half of the
landing stage. It is the custom of tourists to hasten
away from this great maritime city without seeing it,
but it is well worth a day's delay, and as it is only an
hour's ride from ancient Chester, a run may be made
during the morning or afternoon to that picturesque
and extremely interesting place, if it is not otherwise
included in your itinerary. The two leading hotels
in Liverpool are the Northwestern and the Adelphi,
and the cab fare to either, from the landing stage, is
one shilling and sixpence. Both are vast, modern,
and expensive. The average price of a room with
attendance is about eight shillings a day, and the res-
taurant tariff is about the same as in any first-class
New York restaurant. There are other hostelries
less showy and less expensive, such as the Angel,
the Imperial, the Alexandra, and the Feather's, all
good, "commercial" houses, where rooms may be
had for four shillings, attendance included.
If you stay, visit the Birkenhead Park, Sefton Park,
the Walker Art-Gallery, the Derby Museum and St.
George's Hall. At five o'clock every evening in sum-
mer a four-in-hand drag leaves the Exchange for
Childwall Abbey — avenerableold place now occupied
as an inn, which is set in a lovely garden, overlooking
one of the prettiest landscapes in England. The fare
is only one shilling and sixpence, and the route is
partly through a fashionable section of the town and
partly through meadows. After a supper at the inn,
and a tranquilizing hour in the garden with the
wonderfully soft landscape in view, you can return
to the city by the drag or by rail, after walking
between hawthorn bushes to Broad Green, a distance
of about a mile from the Abbey ; however precious
your time may be, you will not regret the evening
given to this foretaste of pastoral England.
Liverpool is the terminus of three railways to
London, the fare by all of which is the same, i. e., first
class, twenty-nine shillings; second class, twenty-
one shillings and ninepence ; third class, sixteen
shillings and ninepence. The London and North-
western is the shortest, and some of its trains make
the distance, over two hundred miles, in a little more
than five hours. The Midland, passing through
Derbyshire, has the finest scenery, and should be
selected if time allows ; some trains by this route do
the journey in about six hours, while others are
eight or nine hours. By the Great Western, via
Chester, the time is about ten hours. Before start-
ing you should see that your luggage is ticketed by
the guard with the name of your destination, and
that it is put in a through carriage, as the American
system of checks has not yet been adopted by the
English railways. Remember, also, that many
respectable people travel second and third class in
England, but that the Pullman cars are only available
by those holding first-class tickets.
ALEXANDER WAINWRIGHT.
The Culture of the Rose.
EVERY rose will not come from the slip. Of the
three great divisions into which the rose family is
separated, viz., the damask, the noisette and the tea,
the last two may be propagated with more or
less readiness from the slip, or by budding; the
first only by dividing the roots, and planting the
seed, which latter method is resorted to, however,
only when it is desired to obtain new varieties.
The best season for taking rose slips is in June,
just after the profuse bloom of early summer is over,
although a person who knows exactly how to cut
a slip may find good cuttings throughout the warm
months. Judgment and discernment are needed for
the selection at all seasons. I know a generous
lady who sent her friends immense armfuls of
boughs, with hardly a real cutting upon them.
One should choose from a good vigorous branch
of last year's growth a fresh shoot, containing
two or three buds, such as will always be found
more or less swollen at the base of the leaf stems.
It should be cut from the parent branch diagonally,
with a smooth, clean cut that will bring off a little of
the old bark as well, in order to make the condition
as favorable as possible for the formation of roots.
Have ready a box or pot of rich mold. With a
round, pointed stick, make a hole several inches deep,
and fill it up with clean sand ; insert the end of the
slip in this sand to the depth of one or two inches ;
3o8
CULTURE AND PROGRESS.
be sure to make it firm in the soil, and the sand
acting as a percolator for moisture, you may keep
your slip well watered. You can soon see, by the
swelling of the buds and the dropping off of the old
leaves, whether the slip is indeed taking root, but
do not attempt to remove it to the place where you
would wish it permanently to remain, until it has
put out several sets of new leaves.
An ingenious way to raise a set of slips has been
recommended by Mrs. Loudon, which we have
tried with unvarying success. It is to take an
earthen-ware flower-pot, gallon-size, and fill it
more than half full of broken potsherds, pebbles,
bits of slate or such things; now set in the middle,
on top of these refuse materials, another similar
flower-pot, half-pint size, with the hole at its bot-
tom stopped up tightly with a cork ; — let its mouth
be even with that of the large, outer one ; — fill up the
interstices with silver sand or other pure sand, and
set in a row of slips all around, cut according to the
directions given above. Keep the inner pot full
of water all the time, but do not water the slips,
directly. In about six weeks your slips will have
fine roots, and can be potted. A hand-glass always
hastens the process of rooting, and enables you to
take advantage of the sunshine, but if you are not
provided with one, be careful to keep your plants in
the shade until they show certain signs of independ-
ence of life.
Roses need very rich soil to bring them to per-
fection, thriving best in a mixture of well-rotted
manure, sand and garden loam, and to stint them
of nourishment is indeed poor economy.
M. S. S.
CULTURE AND PROGRESS.
Huxley's " Crayfish."*
A MONOGRAPH upon the crayfish would scarcely
find place in the International Scientific Series,
since this series is addressed to the public at large,
rather than to the select scientific few. This volume,
however, is not a monograph, but, as its supplement-
ary title denotes, an introduction to the study of
zoology. It will therefore prove of special interest
only to such students as are both willing and able
to follow the author patiently through every step
of his progress; the tedious technicalities which
invest the discussion of arthrobranchise and podo-
branchiae, coxopodite and basipodite, however, are
constantly relieved by the wide outlook over organic
nature afforded from each new point of view.
We have here, in fact, a profound sermon upon
evolution, with the crayfish for text. Unlike many
of his brethren of the pulpit, Professor Huxley
does not use his text as a mere point of departure.
The structure, development, mode of life and repro-
duction, the geological and geographical distribu-
tion of the crayfish, and the relation which it
sustains to organic nature, are all clearly set forth.
The volume might be called an introduction to
biology or physiology with almost as much justice
as it is to zoology, since every physical fact is
viewed in its widest relations. There is no problem
involved in the theory of transformism which is
not affected, and no cardinal point in human physi-
ology which is not illustrated by the processes of
life and death in this simple organism. The cray-
fish derives its importance, and has won the dis-
tinction of a biography in the present volume, not
by its own intrinsic interest, but by the place which
it occupies in the series of typical forms selected
to illustrate the doctrine of evolution.
* The Crayfish. An introduction to the study of Zoologv
yT- H- Huxley, F. R. S. New York: D. Appleton & Co.
The inductive method of scientific study — as old
as the first intellectual stirrings of the race, though
formulated and fathered by Bacon — has begotten a.
passion for generalization which pervades all the
science of our day. A better illustration of this
tendency could scarcely be found than that afforded
by this book. The fairy tales of science are no-
more. Facts have given up their knight-errantry
and act only in platoons. And so the outcome of
Professor Huxley's study of the crayfish is a flat
denial of a personal Creator. Nowhere does he more
plainly express his views upon the subject of evolu-
tion or transformism than here. After establishing
a certain unity of organization to be found through-
out the organic world, he says :
" But if this is a just mode of stating these
conclusions, then it is undoubtedly conceivable that
all plants and all animals have been evolved from a
common physical basis of life, by processes similar
to those which we see at work in the evolution of
individual animals and plants from that foundation.
That which is conceivable, however, is by no means
necessarily true ; and no amount of purely morpho-
logical evidence can suffice to prove that the forms
of life have come into existence in one way rather
than another " (page 286).
After a consideration of the aetiology, — that is, the
distribution of these forms with reference to their
probable origin, — he says :
" It would appear difficult to frame more than two
fundamental hypotheses in attempting to solve this
problem. Either we must seek the origin of cray-
fishes in conditions extraneous to the ordinary course
of natural operations, by what is commonly termed
creation ; or we must seek for it in conditions
afforded by the usual course of nature, when the
hypothesis assumes some shape of the Doctrine of
Evolution " (page 318).
On page 319, he clinches his argument, if argu-
ment it can be called, or, more properly, he blows
CULTURE AND PROGRESS.
3°9
scornfully aside with a single puff the obstacles in
his way, by this begging of the question :
" However, apart from the philosophical worth-
lessness of the hypothesis of creation, it would be
a waste of time to discuss a view which no one
upholds," etc., etc.
It is somewhat remarkable that a man so keen
and clear-headed as Professor Huxley can think to
settle the origin of all things by merely pushing the
difficulty of transformation from the non-living
elements to living organisms back a few millions of
years. A miracle differs from ordinary phenomena,
not in degree, but in kind. Granted a force able to
transform one atom of inorganic matter into a living
germ, and -we have a God capable of creating a uni-
verse. With all his brilliancy of intellect and power
of logical thought, Professor Huxley can believe that
somehow, in some infinite distance of time, by a
fortuitous combination of force and matter, some
fragment of inorganic matter became endued with
life, which was, by the action of blind force, devel-
oped into the well-ordered system of the organic
world, and yet he scoffs at the absurdity of the
belief that Will, the one uncorrelated force of
which we know, should have anything to do with
that or any other transformation. Truly, the faith
that science demands puts to shame the faith of
religion.
Professor Huxley has not lost, even in the mazes
of this dry and technical subject, the happy faculty
of saying things graphically, and even at times with
a flash of poetical feeling, or a gleam of humor.
This treatment makes oi the book — by the aid of
judicious skipping — pleasant reading for the unin-
itiated.
Hosmer's " Short History of German Literature." *
THIS is an entertaining and yet, in some respects,
a disappointing book. It betrays considerable
scholarship, without yet being scholarly. The author
appears to have read a vast deal about German liter-
ature and to have read it intelligently and critically,
but the German literature itself, or, at all events, that
part of it which precedes the Reformation, he seems
to know chiefly from anthologies and literary histories.
To be sure, he frankly acknowledges his indebted-
ness to his German predecessors, and particularly
to Kurz and Vilmar, and endeavors, both in his pre-
face and in foot-notes, to render credit where credit is
due ; but we are inclined to think that the method
he has chosen is somewhat imperfect. In some
instances he continues, for page after page, his para-
phrase of a German authority, taking sufficient
liberties with the text to make quotation marks
superfluous, and indicating merely where his depend-
ence upon Kurz, Gervinus or Vilmar ceases, but not
invariably where it begins.
Again, from a very attentive perusal of Professor
Hosmer's work we derive the impression that he
* A Short History of German Literature. By Prof. James K.
Hosmer. Second edition. St Louis: G. T. Jones & Co.
1879.
has not had a full appreciation of the gravity of the
task which he has undertaken. He interrupts his
serious narrative, at odd intervals, with accounts of
his personal experiences and adventures during a
European pilgrimage, describes his interviews with
Hermann Grimm, Leopold von Ranke and Theo-
dore Mommsen, gives free rein to his emotions dur-
ing a visit to the Cathedral of Speyer, and indulges
in semi-historical and semi-sentimental meditations
in Weimar, Nuremberg and other localities asso-
ciated with the lives of the intellectual heroes of the
Fatherland. It is but fair to admit that his expe-
riences are, in most cases, very interesting, and that
his meditations give evidence of a sensitive and cul-
tivated mind ; but their connection with German
literature is not sufficiently apparent to excuse the
digression. Even as illustrative incidents they
seem out of place, and interfere with the dignity of a
serious historical work.
Questions of proportion are notably elastic, and in
a book which makes no pretense of exhaustive com-
pleteness, it would, perhaps, be safest to accept the
author's judgment as final. We are, on the whole,
disposed to think that he has rarely erred on the
side of prolixity, except when the autobiographical
mood attacks him. His sense of the relative im-
portance of the various authors and literary epochs
is, as a rule, very accurate. Only in two or three
instances are we forced to take issue with him.
He dismisses the most ancient literature in a too
summary fashion, devoting but five lines to the
Heliand (a most profoundly characteristic and inter-
esting work, to which even so short a history as
Vilmar's devotes nearly two closely-printed pages)
and three lines and a half to Otfried von Weissen-
burg's " Harmony of the Gospels." Again, the two
Silesian schools are disposed of in a dozen lines, and
Paul Flemming is mentioned only as a writer of
hymns, although the authorities to which Professor
Hosmer so frequently refers (Vilmar and Kurz)
agree in praising him also as a secular poet of
genuine merit. To us he has always been a refresh-
ing, lyrical oasis in the poetic desert of the seven-
teenth century.
Our space does not permit us to enter into a de-
tailed criticism of each successive chapter. Of the
many notes which we have made we will, however,
select a few which suggest topics worthy of discus-
sion. On page 341 Professor Hosmer remarks that
" Goethe was forced to leave Wetzlar," and on page
369, that " Goethe sees them (Kestner and Charlotte
Buff) given to each other, and leaves Wetzlar suf-
fering from his passion." In our opinion, and in
that of Grimm (whose account of Goethe's relation
to Lotte is well fortified with documents and, more-
over, bears an internal evidence of its truthfulness)
the above passages convey an utterly erroneous
impression. What forced Goethe to leave Wetzlar
was his own conscience ; or, perhaps, the circum-
stance that after having discovered Lotte's love for
him it would be embarrassing to continue the same
free and unrestrained intercourse. Secondly, we
should conclude from Professor Hosmer's version
of the Wetzlar affair, that Kestner and Lotte were
3io
CULTURE AND PROGRESS.
married before their friend departed ; but this was
not the case. Engaged they were already when he
made Lotte's acquaintance. That Frederika Brion
served Goethe as a model for Gretchen in " Faust,"
we know has been frequently asserted, and some of
her characteristic traits do re-appear in Faust's be-
loved; but we think a closer study of Goethe's
autobiography reveals the fact (already pointed out
by Bayard Taylor) that his more immediate model
was his own youthful love Gretchen, who came near
bringing him into an unpleasant scrape while he
was yet under the parental roof in Frankfort.
Again, we submit that the voices which arouse the
recollection of his childhood, in " Faust," when he
holds the goblet of poison to his lips, are not those
of cherubs (page 396), but of holiday mummers who,
in the disguise of apostles, angels, etc., chanted the
solemn Easter choruses. Such mummers were
very common at Christmas and Easter in mediaeval
times, and are yet seen in Germany during the great
church festivals. Finally, we would venture a criti-
cism which, finical as it may seem, is yet its own
justification ; Hans Christian Andersen was not a
German, but a Dane.
In spite of these literal defects, Professor Hosmer's
" Short History " may be recommended for its
many excellences. The style is remarkably chaste
and clear, and not needlessly elaborate or over-
loaded with rhetorical decorations. The author's
reading has been varied and extensive and his
scholarship is highly creditable, although we
have ventured to find fault with his evident prefer-
ence for critical writings and literary histories, in
instances where an acquaintance with the criticised
work would have stood him in better stead ; but,
as we have already remarked, this stricture is only
applicable to that portion of his book which relates
to the earliest German literature. His mind is ap-
parently as judicial and as free from prejudice as
any human mind can be ; he is always benevolently
disposed toward every author whom he approaches,
and examines in a just and fair-minded spirit his
claims to greatness. Especially admirable are his
chapters on Luther and Lessing, with both of whom
he is in perfect sympathy. Without being a hero-
worshiper he has due respect and reverence for a
man of exalted character or exceptional intellectual
endowments. This attitude of what one might call
sympathetic neutrality, is especially manifested in
Professor Hosmer's treatment of two such antago-
nistic geniuses as Goethe and Heine, to both of whom
he endeavors to do full justice.
It is but fair to add that the present work, being
of larger compass than Bayard Taylor's " Studies in
German Literature," which we noticed a few months
ago, is necessarily, when dealing with modern
authors, more complete, while in the period preced-
ing Luther, it does not remotely rival it. Neverthe-
less, it is, every way, a more useful and satisfactory
book than Metcalf's fragmentary translation of
Vilmar, and is also a considerable advance upon
Bostwick and Harrison's "Outlines of German
Literature." For all that, it covers but partly a
field in which much yet remains to be done.
Mrs. Burnett's " Louisiana. "*
MRS. BURNETT is always at her best when dealing
with strong, primitive natures. Her " cultivated "
young women, though they need not be lacking in
interest, are, as a rule, less strikingly characterized
than are those in whom nature is allowed to assert
herself, unobstructed by the impediments of culture.
Thus the conventional types, to which belong Miss
Barholm, in "That Lasso' Lowrie's." Miss Ffrench
in " Haworth's " and Miss Ferrol, in the present
story, are necessarily at a disadvantage when con-
trasted with the noble barbarism of Joan Lowrie,
the quaintness of Janey Briarley, and the primitive
charm of Louisiana. In some of her minor stories,
too, such as "Lodusky" and " Esmeralda," Mrs.
Burnett has given proof of her deep insight into
the workings of minds as yet untouched or only
remotely touched by modern civilization. In
" Surly Tim," which belongs approximately to the
same order, there was a touch of sentimentality
which recalled Dickens, — a certain morbid and
lachrymose tendency which some of her admirers
feared would in time vitiate the wholesome strength
and spontaneity characteristic of Mrs. Burnett's
best work. " Louisiana," however, dispels all such
fear for the author's artistic future, and fortifies the
admiration of her genius and character. It is a
fresh, wholesome, human novel. In its style
there is an unstudied simplicity which impresses
one almost as improvisation. The situations are
all well conceived and possess, in some instances,
a pathos which goes directly to the heart. Thus,
in the scene where Lawrence and his sister pay
their involuntary visit to Louisiana's home and
unwittingly make themselves merry at the ex-
pense of her father, there is a rapid succession of
situations all of which are profoundly moving.
The old farmer's discourse on novels (the scenes
of which are laid in Bagdad) is especially
happy.
We might mention many other scenes in which
Mrs. Burnett utilizes apparently slight motives
with admirable effect. Thus, we are readily recon-
ciled to her apotheosis of millinery in the first half
of the story, and would not challenge the contempt
of any of her female admirers by questioning the
possibility of the transformation which Louisiana
undergoes after having been arrayed by Miss Ferrol
in her wonderful Parisian dresses. The weak point
in the book — though one which is hardly felt in the
reader's absorption in Louisiana herself — is the
vagueness of Miss Ferrol's and her brother's person-
ality. These are subordinate elements, no doubt,
and we fail to find any vigorous attempt at
characterization in either of them, while the por-
traits of Louisiana and Mr. Rogers abound in
touches which are inimitable. As a whole, the
story is dramatic and impressive, and the reader is
sorry that it comes to an end so soon.
* Louisiana. By Frances Hodgson Burnett, author of
"That Lass o' Lowrie's," "Haworth's," etc. New York:
Charles Scribner's Sons. 1880.
CULTURE AND PROGRESS.
311
James's " Confidence." *
IT must always remain a matter of wonder to
those who admire Mr. James most sincerely, that,
being so great as he is, he is no greater; that with
all the artistic perfection of his style, the keenness
of his observation and the strength and brilliancy
of his thought, he has yet so little real depth of in-
sight. Would any one, for instance, venture to
assert that Mr. James's writings display an adequate
conception of what love is ? In " Confidence,"
the cardinal passion manifests itself chiefly as a
vague unrest which has the power of propelling its
victim an indefinite number of times and in either
direction across the Atlantic Ocean. It causes
young ladies to behave in an enigmatical fashion
(which of course is perfectly proper), and up to the
moment of the happy consummation makes every-
body mildly and discreetly miserable. However,
this is undeniably the form in which love most
frequently asserts itself in the over-civilized " inter-
national" society with which Mr. James's books are
concerned ; it is a gentle and easily manageable
emotion, not a passion with a spark of Plutonian
fire in it.
Within these limitations, " Confidence " is an enter-
taining and skillfully constructed novel. Close up to
the line of real emotion, we see the whole inner life
and character of Mr. James's men and women. We
see, too, the influence that their emotion exerts on
their conduct, but not the real emotion itself. For all
that, the reader who can supply the missing links
and rewrite the love passages for himself, can only
admire the whole outgrowth of the conditions.
Judged by itself, each character is a skillful study,
and is accepted into the circle of our literary
acquaintance to a degree not usual even with
those which have stirred us more. The absurdly
conscientious Gordon Wright, with his intermin-
able letter- writing ; the chattering little coquette
Blanche Evers and her redoubtable English adorer
Captain Lovelock, are all. so originally and so
piquantly portrayed as almost to impress us as new
creations. And yet Captain Lovelock is quite a
common type in the English novel of the day, and
Blanche Evers, in her deliciously inane chatter,
reminds us constantly of Daisy Miller, of whom she
is an improved and further elaborated edition. Mrs.
Vivian, the " perverted Puritan," is also very vividly
conceived, and the mixture of timid worldliness and
minute conscientiousness in her character has a
quaint, serio-comic effect. Angela is so needlessly
enigmatical that we doubt if Mr. James himself
understands her ; but this does not deprive her of
attractiveness and fascination. Bernard Longueville,
the nominal hero, is a slightly modified repetition
of the author's favorite type. Apart from his
very clever talk and his cosmopolitan tendency
to roam the world over at a moment's notice, he
is in no wise remarkable, and we are inclined
to think that he was blessed beyond his deserts
* Confidence. By Henry James, Jr., author of "The
American," " The Europeans," etc. Boston: Houghton, Os-
good & Co. 1880.
in gaining Angela. The plot, as usual with Mr.
James, is conspicuous chiefly for its simplicity,
but contains, nevertheless, a series of delightful sur-
prises dexterously managed. Especially masterly
is Angela's successful stratagem for restoring the
disaffected Gordon to his innocent flirt of a wife.
Matthews's "Theaters of Paris."*
IN any work which partakes of the nature of a
hand-book, whether in outward form or in inward
and spiritual essence, we look for three points of
excellence — accuracy,' agreeable style, and a judicious
and effective presentation of the subject matter.
Mr. Matthews's volume on "The Theaters of
Paris," stands well this three-fold test. In form it
is a collection of smoothly written essays, almost
gossipy, at times, in tone, which sketch the history
and characteristics of the famous play-houses of the
French capital in such a way that the reader quite
unconsciously absorbs much correct, specific and
well-chosen information. Thus the book fulfills
its primary object in suiting the needs and tastes
of the general public. To the student of the drama
and the lover of the stage it must have a special
value, for the popular form in which its theme is
treated does not lessen its more serious merits.
The scheme of the book is comprehensive ; it pictures
persons as well as places, and ranges at will over
the long space between Moliere's earliest and Sar-
dou's latest play. A rather disproportionate amount
of space is devoted to "The Musical Theaters of
Paris," the record whereof is notable for its barren
frivolity ; for the Opera was an outgrowth of the
nation's social, not of her intellectual, development ;
it has never been a vital factor in civilization, nor
anything more than a luxury of super-refinement.
An index would add to the usefulness of "The
Theaters of Paris," and it is to be observed that
the author's punctilious care in translating the names
of books and plays is likely to confuse the reader
who is unacquainted with the original French ; but
the minor details of the book leave as little to be
desired as does the excellent taste shown in its
material dress and make-up.
Recent Books of Travel.
ONE of the most attractive books for young folks
brought out during the season just now closing, is
Col. Knox's capital story of the travels of two boys
in the far East.t China and Japan engage the atten-
tion of the youthful travelers, who, guided by a
friendly physician, explore precisely those parts of
the world which most boys delight to read about.
The little caravan starts from New York, across the
continent, and so, ever traveling with the sun, visits
the principal cities of the two great Asiatic empires.
The doctor is guide, philosopher, and friend. He
furnishes to the wide-awake youngsters the informa-
* The Theaters of Paris. By J. Brander Matthews. New
York : Charles Scribner's Sons. 1880,
t Through China and Japan. The Boy Travelers in the Far
East. Adventures of Two Youths in a Journey to Japan and
China. By Thomas W. Knox. New York : Harper & Broth-
ers. iE8o. Pp. 421. «
3I2
CULTURE AND PROGRESS.
tion which is naturally to be brought to the surface
by other means than that of the personal observation
of the boy travelers ; and very entertainingly does he
perform his part of the work. As the author is an
old traveler, his pictures of manners, customs, and
scenes in the east are charged with local color. The
reader must needs be carried along with the tourists,
and be interested at every step. The work is pro-
fusely and handsomely illustrated, and is bound in
the most sumptuous manner. The boy who is not
attracted and held to a careful reading of this book
must be an abnormal development of boydom.
Another admirable story of travel is Mrs. Bras-
sey's second book, in which she gives an account of
the voyage of the Sunbeam to the eastern ex-
tremity of the Mediterranean, from England.* The
course of the voyagers lay through scenery which
has already been made familiar to readers of books
of travel. But, although the author has followed
closely on the track of countless tourists, she has not
re-written an old book. Her account of things seen
and heard is as fresh as if she were the first to write
of the regions visited. The voyage extended as far
east as the Isle of Cyprus, and southward to Malta
and the coast of Algeria. The party enjoyed the
very luxury of traveling, and, in addition to the usual
personal adventures of tourists, they met with a
variety of accidents and incidents which were pecul-
iar to what might be called a private nautical
expedition. The author's style is vivacious, and,
although one may be sometimes impatient with the
pettiness of detail which is intruded, this does not
materially detract from the value of the work.
The title of Miss Bird's book, "A Lady's life in
the Rocky Mountains," is somewhat misleading.! It
is a very small part of a life which is described in
these sprightly pages. Beginning at San Francisco
in September, the writer finishes her life in the
Rocky Mountains early in the following December.
She is charmed by all she sees, and a truly feminine
sentiment pervades the whole work. It should be
remembered, however, that the book has grown out
of a series of private letters to a sister of the author's
living in England. This should account for the
familiar style adopted, as well as for what may seem
to some its needless minuteness of detail, but the
enthusiasm of the lady is contagious, and she has
made a really enjoyable book.
Two modest and unpretending books of travel,
just published by Dodd, Mead & Co., are renewed
proof of the services which Christian missionaries
have rendered to geography and ethnology. Rev.
Titus Coan is well known as a missionary to the
Sandwich Islands. But while he was yet a young
man, and before he had embarked in the enterprise
which has made his name famous in the annals of
missionary adventures and labor, he spent two
or three months among the savages of Patagonia.
^ * Sunshine and Storm in the East ; or, Cruises to Cyprus and
Constantinople. By Mrs. Brassey, anthor of " Around the
World in the Yacht Sunbeam." New York: Henry Holt &
Co., 1880. Pp. 404.
t A Lady's Life in the Rocky Mountains. By Isabella T. Bird,
author of "Six Months in the Sandwich Islands, &c. New
York : G. P. Putnam's Sons. 1880. Pp. 296.
In company with one other devoted man, he was
left on the inhospitable coast of Patagonia, near the
Straits of Magellan, while the vessel which had
brought them from the United States pursued her
way into the Pacific. During the time these two brave
men were on the land, they were the guests of the
natives, traveling with them from point to point,
sharing in their privations, and enduring numberless
discomforts. For the most part, however, the
strangers were well treated, and the entertaining
narrative* of their sojourn among the Patagonians
gives us a vivid and striking picture of the manner
of life of a people of whom almost nothing is known.
The two missionaries labored under the serious
disadvantage of not being able to hold any conver-
sation with the Patagonians, and after fairly canvass-
ing the matter they returned home, stopping at the
Falkland Islands, of which comparatively unknown
land they give us some interesting notes.
The other volume to which we refer is Rev. Dr. Jack-
son's account of the establishment of the Presbyterian
missionin Alaska.! Alaska is noted as being a country
more frequently reported upon than any of which we
have account. Dr. Jackson draws freely from the va-
rious sources, official and unofficial, which are now
accessible to him who would know aught of Alaska,
its people, resources and history. The author, who
takes a rosy and Sewardian view of our often-de-
scribed purchase, occupies the first half of his book
with extracts from the reports. The rest of the
work is taken up with a series of letters from the
missionaries and their helpers, dove-tailed together
by a running commentary from the pen of the
author and editor. The result is a tolerably inter-
esting book, whose chief value consists in its skillful
condensation of information previously collected by
other explorers. The work is copiously illustrated
by some particularly bad wood-cuts.
The Art Season.
NEW YORK has had a winter full of surprises in art
matters, but not always, to judge from the tenor of
the daily press, of agreeable surprises. Perhaps
never before have so many unfavorable criticisms
been made upon American art as during the season
of 1879-80. The minor exhibitions, such as those by
the Salmagundi Club and the Water-Color Society,
have received grudging praise, while the Academy
Exhibition and that of the Society of American Art-
ists have been assailed with vigor. Nor is this only
true of the criticisms in the press of New York City.
Correspondents of New England journals of weight,
and of the leading papers of St. Louis and Cincinnati,
have been even more out-spoken. Yet the criticisms
may be broadly divided between those that come from
adherents to the Academy work and those that find
something to tolerate, if not to admire, in the some-
* Adventures in Patagonia ; A Missionary'., Exploring Trip.
By the Rev. Titus Coan ; with an introduction by Rev. Henry
M. Field, D. D. New York : Dodd, Mead & Co. 1880. Pp.
319-
t Alaska, and the Missions on the North Pacific coast. By
Rev. Sheldon Jackson, D. D. New York; Dodd, Mead & Co.
Pp- 327-
CULTURE AND PROGRESS.
3*3
what chaotic productions of the younger artists.
Then there are the correspondents of Boston journals,
who point out, with ill-concealed triumph and not a
little justice, that New York painters have to expose
their pictures in Boston and get the stamp of approval
from the Hub before their own city dares to appreciate
them to the extent of purchases. Even in the remote
West, in new States like Colorado, the journals have
their correspondents and set up their " art column "
for local and foreign items. Denver proposes to be
an art center a few years hence, and a Leadville
paper asks in an exasperated tone why a certain
local millionaire does not found an Art Academy !
To the north, too, there is an awakening, and
Canada has at last an Art Academy, opened under the
patronage of the Princess Louise. Southward there
is less stir. Doubtless Mobile and New Orleans
will soon be heard from ; but, at any rate, Charleston
begins to " talk art," and Richmond has actually com-
passed the dubious honor of a Loan Exhibition !
The tone of criticism, as we said, is severe. What
else could it be, when such a mass of art, claiming
to be of the highest rank, is filling our galleries ?
Meanwhile, great injustice is done ; artists are wor-
ried and made desperate, lose their heads and look in
vain about them for some clue to follow, for some one
man to rest their faith upon, after the fashion of the
indiscriminate admirers of John Ruskin. But surely,
were criticisms mealy-mouthed, far greater injustice
would be done and the healthy advance of art would
be retarded ; radically weak men would be bolstered
up and the rising artists misled by hollow compli-
ments. Take them all in all, one finds that with
strong men sharp criticism, when it is free from
personal bias, oftener does good than harm, while it
disposes a poor workman to try at something else.
THE WATER-COLORS.
WATER-COLORS retained their hold on the public
and the affections of the artists ; and although several
names of note were wanting to make the exhibition
complete, new aspirants were abundantly present.
For example Mr. Winslow Homer, who is always
surprising his admirers, chose to stay away from the
exhibition altogether this year, although he showed
last year a greater number of pictures than any other
painter. Instead of hazarding again his reputation
as a water-colorist after the success of last year, he
had the inspiration to doubt the -fickle public and
prefer a sale of his own, in which it is said that good
prices were obtained. Mr. Henry Muhrman, an
artist exclusively devoted to this charming branch,
presented a large figure piece which was misnamed
a " New England Girl," since nothing distinctively
of New England was to be seen in the picture. As
the profile portrait of an innocent little girl in a
peaked cap, gazing upward, the picture had great
attractiveness. It was very freely treated, but
with all the freshness and delicacy which Mr. Muhr-
.man gives his best work. Criticism was offered that
insufficient work was expended upon it — that it was
too sketchy for its large size. But between the
artist who wants to stop when he has obtained his
best effects, and the purchaser who insists upon a
good deal of labor for his money, there seems
destined always to be war. Mr. Muhrman's Long
Island hovels, corn and cabbage fields are fresher
and sprightlier work than the views of church
interiors which he brings from Bavaria, although
the latter are apt to be more strictly correct, and
the former sometimes faulty in the perspective
of the distance. " A Bit of South Cove " and
" Buildings in Jersey City " are wonderfully happy
bits of painting. Mr. Muhrman has the genuine
artistic temperament that sees the beautiful in
things that to most persons appear ordinary and
even ugly. He is rapidly becoming acclimated once
more to America, and will doubtless in time make a
name for himself. Within certain narrow limits
Mr. Henry Farrer is a water-colorist of individual
force. " Sweet is the Hour of Rest " was the title of
a cool, quiet scene of water-marshes and trees
which forms a good example of Mr. Farrer. He
seems to know instinctively the limits of his art, for
he seldom oversteps them. He offered fully eighteen
pieces, of which " Twilight on the Creek " was
noticeable for its breadth and solemnity, two quali-
ties that he often approaches, but by no means
always obtains. Many artists' proofs of fine etchings
were contributed by the same able artist. A new-
comer among the water-colorists was Mr. Alden
Weir, who sent several sketches, taken, to all appear-
ance, during the trip of the Tile Club through the
Champlain Canal. Without being really serious
work, they showed plainly enough that the vigorous
and individual touch of Mr. Weir adapts him excel-
lently for water-colors. But even water-colors can
not be dashed off during the intervals of oil-painting,
and one cannot regard his clever raid into this
branch in the same light with the steady and thor-
ough work of Messrs. Muhrman and Farrer.
Mr. Falconer, like Mr. Farrer, is a hard-working
artist of limited scope. His water-colors still want
much of a good scheme of color, not to say a good
feeling for color, and he is at his best in etched
work. Mr. R. Swain Gifford has a cleverer touch.
Without doing anything very inspiring, the water-
colors exhibited by Mr. Gifford are remarkable
for nicety of observation and for what might be
called their taste. What he lacks in boldness and
inventiveness Mr. Alfred Kappes possesses, and
what is a grievous want in the water-colors of
the latter, namely, quiet and tenderness, is present
in Mr. Gifford's landscapes to a degree not often
found. For thoroughly charming though still some-
what indecisive work, the poetical sketches of J.
Francis Murphy are to be commended, and, as
hardly inferior, the works of Messrs. Charles Melville
Dewey and R. Bruce Crane. All three men are
just now rising rapidly out of the ordinary ranks of
artists, but their work does not yet allow of any safe
prophecy regarding their future. Mr. J. D. Smillie
and Mr. George H. Smillie are making good the
advance which of recent years has put them in front
of their brother Academicians for artistic spirit and
fine taste. A " Shepherdess " by J. S. Davis was
noticed at once for admirable workmanship, and
soon found a purchaser.
CULTURE AND PROGRESS.
THE SALMAGUNDI CLUB.
IN black and white there is so much work being
done, especially for the magazines, that the Salmagundi
Club fills a real demand. The Academy Exhibition
and that of the Society of American Artists have little
chance to display this kind of art. What there is
divides itself between the Water-Color Exhibition and
the Salmagundi, and, as might be expected, the two
leading illustrated magazines were drawn upon largely
for the original sketches in black and white from which
remarkable illustrations had been photographed and
printed. Messrs. Walter Shirlaw, WT. Taber, Alfred
Kappes and C. S. Reinhart were noticeable contribu-
tors, and Mr. J. Francis Murphy exhibited landscapes
in charcoal, which confirmed the good opinion of his
work formed from what was shown at the Water-
Color Society. Mr. Elihu Vedder sent a painting in
white and black, representing the head of a modern-
ized Medusa. George Inness, Jr., J. D. Smillie and
E. A. Abbey had excellent effects. Perhaps most
striking, after the sculpturesque " Medusa " of Mr.
Vedder, was " The Rescue," of Mr. Alfred Kappes,
a winter scene on a mill-pond, where a strong, burly
man is anxiously reaching over an ice-hole for a
half-submerged child. The situation was boldly
conceived and realistically carried out. Mr. Francis
Lathrop's portrait of Edison, engraved by Mr. Fred.
Juengling last year for this magazine, was another
of the noteworthy pictures ; Messrs. F. Hopkinson
Smith, Charles H. Miller and J. Carleton Wiggins
had good landscape work. Miss Oakey's " Dwarf
Cedar " and " Sunlight in Orchard " found admirers,
and Mr. P. L. Senat sent from Philadelphia a coast
view of New Jersey wreckers. Mr. Swain Gifford's
" Orchard by the Sea," owned by Mr. H. Harper,
deserves a mention, while Mr. A. F. Bellows sur-
prised those who know him only as an indifferent
workman in oils, by offering several pleasant studies
in pencil.
SOCIETY OF AMERICAN ARTISTS.
UNQUESTIONABLY the most cheering sign in
American art of recent years is the formation of this
society. Whether it has been conducted in the best
manner or not is a question. Its effect has been
most beneficial to art in general, and most of
the best work that is being done finds its way
into these exhibitions. Equally unquestionably,
sculpture in the society showed more advance this
year, relatively, than painting. While few of the
painters, save perhaps Messrs. Fuller, of Boston,
and Alden Weir, of New York, offer canvases notice-
ably superior to those of the season before, the busts
by Messrs. Warner and St. Gaudens are far in ad-
vance of late productions. One of our older, and
certainly one of our best, sculptors is Mr. J. Q.
A. Ward, whose noble equestrian .statue of Gen-
eral Thomas was last year unveiled in the city of
Washington. But the Thomas by Mr. Ward, while of
course a far more difficult undertaking, being of life
size and on horseback, did not offer so many nice
points nor show so much genuine artistic feeling as
the work of Messrs. Warner and St. Gaudens.
The former has modeled a strikingly masculine and
yet beautiful bust of the painter Weir ; the lattei
sent from Paris a marble half-length of ex-Presidem
Woolsey of Yale College. The former treated hi;
sitter without the smallest bit of drapery or acces
sory of any sort ; the latter has the ex- President
clothed in a stiff academic gown which by no mean;
aids the general aspect. Nevertheless, it may b<
fairly said that the beauty and truth of expression ir
pose and features overcome this drawback. Th<
highest art has been used, in so far as the sculptoi
was at liberty.
Among the painters, Mr. Walter Shirlaw causec
disappointment by exhibiting an unfinished view ol
a marble quarry, well composed, but without anj
remarkable beauty. His " Chess " was better liked
and his " Jollity " highly appreciated, being the fac<
of a girl with a jaunty expression. The pictures o
Mr. George Fuller, of Boston, were greatly admirec
by the artists, although they could hardly compart
with his contributions to the Academy exhibition
One was an afternoon view in woods, a boy driving
a calf with the mother cow following ; the othei
was the portrait of a lady. Mr. Homer D. Martir
exposed a very beautiful lake scene at sunset, illu
minated by his individual and subtle coloring, and ;
little piece of evening sky above a bit of West Tentl
street — a picture that has a fine impression in it
though with some formality in the shaded parts
Mr. W. Gedney Bunce made a charming display o:
Venetian scenes, noticeably a large canvas of " Morn
ing on the Lagoon," most exquisite in parts, am
quite adequate elsewhere. A life-size portrait of ;
young woman at a piano, by Mr. Eakins, of Philadel
phia, was little liked by the generality of critics and vis
itors to the gallery; it had, however, great merit, an<
refused to be passed over as merely ungraceful an<
harsh — there was some inner grace which mad<
itself felt. Mr. Wyatt Eaton had a fine eveninj
landscape looking down a road through tall forests
an indifferent river view, and a firmly-painted por
trait of an old lady. Mr. Albert P. Ryder has beei
growing in favor with artists and critics; whethe
the public cares for him yet can hardly be decided
although his pictures are being taken up here an<
there. His moonlight scene with a cow in the fore
ground was a most exquisite bit of work. Th<
landscape had the poetic quality of his best, and th
animal possessed the quality which is oftenest denie<
to Mr. Ryder — that of good drawing. The land
scapes and marines of Mr. Twachtman, of Cincinnati
found ready buyers. Frank Fowler showed good in
terior work with figures, and A. H. Thayer receivec
high praise for his landscapes, although criticise!
too severely for the flesh-painting, and, in sonn
cases, for the drawing, in his " Nymph with Tigers. '
Mr. Thayer deserves great credit for attemptinj
an imaginative work on so large a scale. Then
was much sweetness, purity and charm in the posi
and expression of his nymph. A large piece by Mr
George D. Brush repeated easily and well, thougl
not literally, the story of " Miggles," who lean
against her pet bear in front of the hearth. Mr
John La Farge contributed nothing very new o
striking ; of the three pieces sent, the portrait of him
CULTURE AND PROGRESS.
3*5
self, taken in 1859, was alone characteristic and sug-
gestive. The portraits of Mr. William M. Chase
showed the dexterity, adaptability and invention of
this painter ; one was a lady in maroon against a ma-
roon background; another, a young lady with a hat;
a third, an able portrait of General Webb ; a fourth,
and perhaps the best, a simple, quiet side-face of a
young lady in gray. Mr. J. Alden Weir created a
sensation with a "Good Samaritan" of almost life-
size, — a large picture hastily put together, but full of a
vigorous personality, and illuminated in places by
passages of the most beautiful brush-work — not
passages of careful handling, but of inspiration.
THE ACADEMY.
LIKE the exhibition of last year, the Academy con-
tained a great quantity of pictures with few of high
quality. Among the best were those of Mr. George
Fuller of Boston, especially the portrait of a reading
boy, which was singularly beautiful in the simplicity
and breadth of its painting. A quadroon girl in a
field was a fine composition, whether for expressive-
ness of look, or for the mystery which the painter has
had the art to throw around the figure. Mr.
Winslow Homer had several good studies of
Southern negroes, and a fresh, unusual and auda-
cious picture of a camp-fire with men. Portraits
were alarmingly plentiful, that of Mr. Douglas Volk
being among the very best. Mr. Witt redeemed
bis promise of fine achievements by several portraits
of decided merit. Mr. Alden Weir showed a tol-
erable, but no more than tolerable, portrait of an
elderly gentleman, while Messrs. Porter and Vinton,
of Boston, exhibited the likenesses of a handsome
lady and fine-looking gentleman. Among women
artists Mrs. Dillon and Mrs. Baker were remark-
able for fine flower pieces. The landscapists Wyant,
Smillie, Murphy and Dewey had pleasing views.
Space permits us to say only that the Academy
Exhibition, on the whole, was neither much worse
nor much better than those of late years. Diligent
search brought to light pictures that commanded
respect and even admiration, although hardly one
could be said to have that nameless charm which
stamps a work as a masterpiece.
THE METROPOLITAN.
THE opening of the Metropolitan Museum of Art in
its new quarters in Central Park was the occasion for
bringing together a large loan collection of American
and foreign work by moderns. Being in a separate
gallery and yet under the same roof with the antiqui-
ties and the old pictures, the loan exhibition of mod-
ern paintings afforded a good chance to compare the
old with the new, ancient art with mediaeval, mediaeval
with that of to-day. In but one or two cases the old
masters were of the highest mark ; generally speak-
ing, they were more representative than the very best
would have been. Similarly, the very finest work
of modern foreigners and Americans could not
be borrowed ; yet for that very reason what was
offered seemed more representative. It may be
safely said that neither did the old pictures, as a
collection, put the moderns to the blush, nor did the
foreign quota in the loan collection seriously injure
the American work by comparison. This latter was
a surprise even to American artists, for the advance
of American art has been necessarily so gradual and
unobserved, that it is no wonder even the artists
were afraid of comparisons. Far be it from us to say
that America is as yet even with Europe in the mat-
ter of the fine arts. All that is intended to say is, a
collection of modern American and Parisian art
being made somewhat at hap-hazard, the American
pictures held their own in the most gratifying way.
On the one hand, the French landscapists, who are
unquestionably the strongest in this century, were
not represented as they would have been in France :
the greater landscapes of Millet, Corot and Rousseau
were not there, although smaller figures and views
by Millet, Rousseau, Corot, Dupr£ and Decamps
were ; there was no Delacroix, no Ingres. On
the other hand, the American work included none
of the best things by Martin, La Farge, Ryder and
other idealists. This showed, at least, that a committee
of selection, with good judgment and sufficient breadth
of education to recognize the movement in the art
of to-day, could form a collection which no one need
be ashamed of, by simply omitting the kind of paint-
ing which has heretofore made American art the
laughing stock of cultivated people.
A collection of a few paintings by the old masters,
loaned by Mr. M. K. Kellogg to the Museum, con-
tained the most valuable picture ever brought across
the Atlantic. It is a " Herodias " by Leonardo da
Vinci, which once belonged to a noted private gal-
lery of Switzerland. The estate of the late William
M. Hunt loaned a good number of pictures by that
much regretted genius. The inequality and whim-
sicality of Mr. Hunt was seen in this small show.
Along with pictures having every evidence of direct
imitation of European masters were original land-
scapes, such as the darker view of Niagara, the sur-
prising picture of a New England surf, the exquisite
scene on a pond, and other brilliant pieces. In por-
traiture, Mr. Hunt showed most unusual sensitive-
ness and yet great inequality, too.
STUDIO SALES, ETC.
DURING the past season, Schaus imported two very
beautiful specimens of Corot, and Goupil another.
Added to the specimens brought over by Cottier and
Avery, these landscapes — "The Old Manor," "Les
Gaulois," " Twilight with Nymphs " — form a very
striking collection of the products of this master.
New York maintains its former admiration for
Meissonier, and buys his cabinet pictures as well as
his later efforts on a large scale. On the other
hand, there is a marked falling off in the admira-
tion for sentimentalists like Cabanel, Merle and
Bouguereau.
The season has shown an unusual number of
sales of the studio pictures of various artists, chiefly
in Boston. Mr. John La Farge had two sales
in that city, in which he got good prices for the
works that remained in his studio. He is now
devoting himself to stained glass and mural decora-
tion. Mr. George Inness had a successful sale of
316
THE WORLD'S WORK.
landscapes in Boston, and Messrs. Elihu Vedder
and C. C. Coleman, long residents of Rome, also
found that city appreciative. The death of the
great artist William M. Hunt made a sale of his work
imperative, and being a local celebrity and a man
of unusual individual force of character, his memory
was honored by a scramble for his work at prices
hitherto unknown to any but our flash painters
during the epoch of extravagance after the war.
These sales tend to make the exhibitions less inter-
esting, but are otherwise a healthy sign.
At the Art Students' League several excellent
little exhibitions have been made, one being of work
by Blake, owned chiefly by the family of Gilchrist,
the editor of Blake. This exhibition was to be
repeated on a larger scale in Boston.
In conclusion, it must be said that American art,
although grievously defective in many directions, is
showing continual proofs of sound vitality. If the
results are groping and ineffectual, they are not
sterile. The epoch appears to be one of rise, not
decline.
THE WORLD'S WORK.
Cheap Ventilation.
To SECURE a constant change of air in public and
private buildings so that it may never be breathed
twice, and at the same time to keep the place warm
in winter, is a question that has been settled in
various ways by a greater or less expenditure of
money. The heating and ventilating apparatus
described on page 798 in the March number gives
absolutely perfect ventilation in a large building,
changing the air every six minutes, and with any
required temperature, at a very moderate cost. In a
dwelling-house recently erected in this city the fol-
lowing method of securing warmth and pure air has
been tried with success.
A low-pressure steam boiler located under the
sidewalk, outside the building, supplies steam to
groups of radiators placed in different parts of the
basement to distribute the heat evenly through the
house. These groups of radiators are inclosed in
brick air chambers in the usual manner, where fresh
air taken from the roof is warmed and distributed to
the house. The novel features of the apparatus
consist of a sieve or strainer for purifying the air
from dust and^ excessive moisture, and appliances
for securing a rapid current in the air passages, and
thus obtaining a constant change of air or good
ventilation. In the box inclosing the radiators is
spread a wire netting covering the entire space
under the coils, and on this is placed a thick layer
of cotton batting, pressed down and kept in place
by a second netting laid on top. This makes a
strainer for arresting dust, moisture and impurities,
so that the air sent into the house is purer and
cleaner than out of doors. Above the radiators is a
large tank of water. This is not a new feature in such
apparatus except that it is of unusual size, so that
evaporation proceeds slowly and without steaming.
The purified air, warmed and softened with moist-
ure, passes to the rooms above through pipes and
registers in the usual manner, and were there noth-
ing more provided the apparatus would work slowly
and in the half-effectual manner of all such appli-
ances, filling the house gradually with warm and
comparatively stagnant air. To ventilate, there
must be a removal of the impure air by mechanical
means, or by taking advantage of the specific gravity
of the air without and within. The well for the stairs
occupies a central position, reaches from the street
floor to the roof, and has a large ventilator con-
stantly open to the sky. This makes the stair-well
an " upcast shaft," through which the air moves
rapidly. The air having a free escape at the roof
gives the currents in the hot-air passages free
movement, and a very large volume of pure, warmed
air flows out of the registers at all times. Were the
stair-well the only place to be warmed and venti-
lated, this would be all that would be needed. For
the rooms, each provided with its hot-air register,
ventilation is secured by other and independent
means. The products of combustion from the steam
boiler and the kitchen range are taken away through
stone-ware pipes, inclosed in brick shafts extending
to the roof, and opening below by means of registers
into the various rooms in the house. The interior
pipes (chimneys), heated by the smoke and gas from
the fires, warm the air in the annular spaces surround-
ing the pipes and set it in rapid motion, quickly
drawing the air from the rooms below. In
summer, when the apparatus is not in use, a stove
is connected with the chimney of the boiler, and
a small coal fire serves to keep the ventilation in
operation.
By this cheap and simple arrangement the waste
heat of the house fires is made to do the work of
moving and changing all the air in the house every
fifteen minutes. The doors and windows fit tightly,
and never need be opened, as the air is always
purer within than without. While the idea of inclos-
ing a chimney within an air shaft and using it for a
ventilator is not new, its application to a private
dwelling on a complete and liberal scale is both
a novelty and a decided success, well worth the
attention of householders and architects.
The most prolific sources of impure air in modern
dwellings are the gas lamps. An argand burner
gives only six per cent, in light and ninety-four per
cent, in heat as the result of the combustion of the
THE WORLD'S WORK.
317
gas, besides consuming oxygen and throwing upon
the air a stream of unburned and poisonous gas.
It may be laid down as a rule that every gas lamp
should have a chimney leading to the open air,
and that none of the products of combustion should
enter the room. This rule is beginning to be rec-
ognized, and in the house under consideration all the
hanging gas lamps are provided with ventilators
directly over the lamps in the ceiling, each ventilator
leading by a tin pipe laid between the floors to the
nearest ventilating shaft. The ventilators either
form a part of the ornamentation of the ceiling or
the center-piece over the lamps, or the center-piece
is lowered a few centimeters, so as to permit an
escape of air between the stucco work and the ceil-
ing, and thus to the ventilator. This plan of pro-
viding a chimney for gas lamps has received special
attention of late, and in many of the best dwellings
now erecting in this city small tin pipes, of either
round or rectangular section, are being laid in the
floors and walls as the house is built. For floors,
and leading from the lamps to the wall, round pipes
of about ten centimeters (four inches) diameter are
used, and in the walls the pipes are made wide and
shallow to economize space, and they are either led
into the chimneys or to special ventilators reaching
to the roof, the heat from the lamps being suf-
ficient to keep the current of air in the pipes in
motion. For gas fixtures, hoods of metal are hung
over the open lights or over the globes in drop
lights and chandeliers, and these are connected with
metal pipes that form part of the fixture and are
treated as part of the design. For wall lamps on
brackets, with either argand burners or fish-tail
jets, double pipes are used, the inner pipe for gas
being enclosed in the ventilating pipe. The tsvo
pipes are covered at the end with a large globe or
lantern having openings for the entrance of fresh
air.
The products of combustion are retained by the
globe or lantern, and compelled to escape through
the ventilator. Single hanging lights are arranged
in the same manner, the gas-pipe being enclosed in
the ventilator. Those ventilating gas lamps have
now been tried in private dwellings, hospitals and
theaters, and have proved of very great advantage
in ventilating the rooms, and in keeping the air pure
and cool. So great are the advantages that it would
seem as if no well-appointed public or private build-
ings could use gas unless provided with separate
chimneys for each lamp or group of lamps. Inci-
dental advantages have also been found to spring
from these ventilated lamps. There is a decided
economy of gas, and a great gain in the steadiness
and power of the light. Concerning this, more is
said under the head of '; Regenerative Gas-light-
ing" in this department.
Steam Catamaran.
THE catamaran or double-hull sail-boat (already
described in this department) has been found to
possess certain advantages in the way of speed.
Quite a number have been built, and it is now pro-
posed to apply steam power to this style of boat.
This has already been done in England, but with
only indifferent results, owing chiefly to faulty con-
struction, and a new boat now building in this
country seems to promise great stability and carry-
ing capacity, combined with light draught and high
speed. The chief objection to the catamaran arises
from the fact that the two hulls act as funnels, jam-
ming and crowding up the water between them, and
retarding their headway. To overcome this, the hulls
have been made with straight sides, or have been
placed wide apart, or have been built of very light
draught. This involves heavy bracing to keep them
upright, or very long bracing, and this implies weight
at the expense of speed. In designing the new boat
the whole aim has been to gain speed, and the two hulls
are iron cylinders, very long and narrow and exactly
alike. They are each 6 1 meters (200 feet) long and
1.67 meters (5^feet) in diameter at the center, and
tapering uniformly to a sharp point at each end, and
upon very fine lines. The material is boiler iron,
5 millimeters (3-16 in.) thick at the center and
slightly thinner at the ends, and securely riveted,
leaving a smooth surface on the outside. The
cylinders are divided into five water-tight com-
partments by bulkheads, each being securely
stayed to the sides and to each other, the whole
being held together by radial stays and braces
of angle iron. The shape of these hulls, it will
be observed, is designed for very light draught
and the least resistance to the water. When finished
with engines, boiler and house they will be sub-
merged 76 centimeters (2^ feet) at the center, the
two ends being out of water for some distance, the
total weight being only forty tons. The hulls will
be placed side by side, with a clear space in the
middle of only 2.74 meters (9 feet) ; and resting on
these and securely fastened to them will be a single
level deck, about 38 meters (125 feet) long, and 7.62
meters (25 feet) wide, overhanging the hulls on each
side to form a guard, and leaving the hulls project-
ing fore and aft. On this deck will be built a single
house, the whole width of the deck and slightly
shorter, to give an open deck at each end for hand-
ling the boat. The house will contain a ladies' cabin
forward, a smoking-room aft, and a main saloon with
glass sides in the center. The pilot house at the
bows will be kept low, and there will be no deck on
the house, the aim being to offer the least possible
resistance to the wind. The power will consist
of a single six-bladed propeller hung at a slight
angle or downward pitch, just aft of the center
compartment and between the hulls. This wheel
has a six-sided hub, so placed that it is just clear
of the water, leaving two blades constantly
submerged and four in the air. The design of this
is to save the friction and loss of power spent in
dragging the hub through the water. The wheel
will be 2.63 meters (8 feet) in diameter, and of the
same pitch. The low pitch of the screw and appar-
ently wasteful position in the water is to be com-
pensated by a very high speed of revolution and
great power. The downward pitch gives solid
water to strike against, and the great length and
peculiar shape of the hulls gives the screw free play
THE WORLD'S WORK.
in unbroken water. The engine is to be of the new
balanced type already described in this department,
and is to have two upright cylinders, leaning slightly
aft to conform to the pitch of the shaft, and is to be
of 476 horse power, and to give 325 revolutions a
minute. This type of engine runs at high speed
with great steadiness, and is exceedingly light for
the power developed. To gain still more in weight,
the boiler is to be of the high-pressure coil pattern
now being introduced as a marine boiler, and is
designed to supply steam at a pressure of 125
pounds. It is the combination of these special
features that makes this boat of interest. The whole
aim is speed, and to this end the catamaran type of
hull is adopted : the house is low to prevent wind
resistance, the screw is of low pitch and high speed
and placed in unbroken water, and the engine and
boiler are of great power and very light weight.
The novelty of the combination will no doubt
attract attention, and the practical workings of the
boat will be watched with interest.
Regenerative Gas-lighting.
EXPERIMENTS with the regenerative gas lamps
already described in this department (page 948, vol-
ume xviii. ) have been continued by the inventor, and
further progress is reported, showing the practical
value of the system. The best form of lamp appears
to be a pillar lamp (for newel posts), carrying a
single light or group of lights in a lantern at the top.
The supporting pillar is composed of an upright
standard, suitably ornamented, containing in the
center a hollow tube of large diameter, and sur-
rounded by two pipes, thus leaving two annular spaces
between them, all the spaces and pipes being filled
with fine wire netting. The gas is admitted to the
inner tube at the bottom, and rises through the wire
netting to the lamps. The second pipe is open at
the bottom to admit fresh air, and at the top
directly under the flame of the lamps. The outer
tube is open at the top, and communicates at the
bottom with a ventilating shaft that leads to the top
of the building. The globe or lantern surmounts the
three pipes, inclosing the lamps from the air. The
products of combustion rise to the top of the lan-
tern, and finding no escape move along the cool
sides of the lantern to the outlets below, and de-
scend through the outer pipe, imparting their heat
to the netting, which soon becomes intensely hot.
This heat is readily transferred to the netting of the
second pipe and the interior gas-pipe, heating the
fresh air and practically making a hot blast for the
lamps. The gas is also heated, and is burned at a
high temperature. The gain is threefold. The
netting acting as a regenerator gives a hot blast and
hot gas, and induces a more complete combustion
at a material saving of gas and a gain of light. At
the same time, all the products of combustion are
removed from the room and made to do useful work
in heating the lamp and ventilating the room.
The system is reported to give excellent results in
economy of gas, and it certainly recommends itself
as a means of ventilation. Three styles of regener-
ative lamps have been tried — upright lamps, hanging
lamps, and a wall light having the regenerator hung
on a spindle. The products of combustion escape
through the upper half of the regenerator, and the
fresh air enters through the lower half, the regener-
ator also serving as a reflector for the lamp.
After the lamp has been burning a few minutes the
regenerator is turned round, the heated portion
now being below, and the fresh air passes through
it. This lamp has, however, the objection that no
means are provided for ventilation, and is only
suitable for an out-door light. In connection with
the new ventilating gas-fixtures now being intro-
duced (described on page 316), it may be observed
that the regenerative idea is used in part, as the ven-
tilating pipes surrounding the gas-pipes tend to
heat the gas before it is burned.
Seamless Paper Boxes.
A NEW article of manufacture in the form of paper
boxes made in one piece and without seams has
been introduced, in a limited way. The boxes have
been made direct from paper pulp by hand, and have
been found to be strong, light and durable. Machin-
ery driven by power has now been perfected for
making the boxes upon a large scale. The pulp is
prepared from rags in a paper-mill in the usual
manner, and, when strained, whitened or colored, is
pumped through pipes to the box-forming machine.
This consists essentially of a circular revolving
table, carrying on the edge a number of forms or
molds made of fine wire netting. As the table
revolves these pass in turn under the end of the
pipe, and are covered with a flood of pulp under
heavy atmospheric pressure that tends to drive the
water through the netting, leaving a hood or
skin of pulp on the mold. The water escapes
through a hole in the table into the sewer, and the
mold with its paper hood moves away to make
room for the next, and passes to an ingenious piece
of mechanism that lifts the hood off the mold as a
soft paper box without seams. The boxes are
placed by the machine on a traveling board that
conveys them to a drying-room. When partly dry
the boxes are placed in a hydraulic press and stamped
with any embossed figure, lettering or ornamenta-
tion that may be desired. The press works auto-
matically, and delivers the boxes dry and finished
ready for use. If desired, they may then be
passed to a papering and pasting machine for cover-
ing with colored or printed paper. The box-form-
ing machine in principle resembles the apparatus
used in forming felt hats, where the material is
driven by air pressure over a perforated mold, and it
appears to do its work quickly and effectively. The
pulp may be colored to give the boxes any desired
tint inside and out, in which case the papering may
be omitted. Wood or rag pulp may be used, and,
if sizing is added to it, the boxes are very stiff and
strong. The machine examined was the first of the
kind ever used by power, and larger machines, of a
capacity of thirty boxes a minute, are to be erected
for the manufacture of the boxes upon a large scale.
BRIC-A-BRAC.
3*9
Bi-sulphide of Carbon in Steam-Engines.
ATTEMPTS have been made from time to time to
ind a substitute for water in steam boilers — to find
something having a low boiling point that would
rive an elastic vapor that might be used in motors
a the place of steam. Bi-sulphide of carbon has
>een made the subject of some of these experiments,
jut, so far, none of the experiments have been
wholly satisfactory. The latest experiment seems
more promising, and it may be briefly observed
that the bi-sulphide of carbon is used in connection
with petroleum in the proportion of three of the
sulphide to two of the oil. A twenty-horse-power
engine, supplied with a mixed vapor of steam and
:he mixture of oil and bi-sulphide of carbon from a
£n-horse-power boiler, has been made the subject
of experiments that certainly seem promising.
Steam is first obtained from water, and the engine
is started. The power obtained is then used to
pump the prepared mixture into the boiler. A very
minute quantity serves to raise the pressure quickly,
and the fires may then be dampened and the boiler
supplies all the needed vapor for the engine with
a very moderate use of fuel. The exhaust of the
engine is taken to a large copper coil submerged in
cold water, in which it is condensed to a liquid
form and run into a reservoir, from which it is
pumped back, as needed, into the boiler. The
usual disagreeable smell of the bi-sulphide of carbon
appears to be neutralized by the oil, and, from an
examination of the boiler and engine at work,
it appears that the mixture of oil and bi-sulphide
may be added to the water in any boiler at a very
decided gain in economy of fuel, ease of manage-
ment, and safety.
BRIC-A-BRAC.
Present and Past.
'Tis no pleasant task contrasting
Now and Then,
Though I long for kindness lasting —
Once again.
Then you said you thought me clever ;
Now you listen to me never,
And your silence seems to sever
Now and Then.
Still I cannot but adore you
Now and then,
Though I see in shoals before you
All the men ;
Women are but cattle-kittle,
And their promises are brittle ! —
Can't you love me — just a little —
Now and then ?
ARTHUR PENN.
Dianthus Barbatus.
(SWEET WILLIAM.)
I USED to know him in the olden days,
When Love and I were young, and skies w«
mellow,
And, spite of his demure and formal ways,
I rather liked the dear old-fashioned fellow
Who used to meet me in my garden walk
And entertain me with instructive talk.
He was a miracle of common-sense ;
His brain the seat of learning most prolific ;
And if a flight ideal I'd commence,
He'd bring me back to something scientific :
And I am not ashamed to own it here,
I loved him — just because he was so queer.
Women are converts to the latest fashion,
And even courting will assume rare grace
If the fond lover but declare his passion
In looks and tones that are not commonplace.
My pride was flattered that a man so shy
And wise should care for such a dunce as I.
Alas ! We parted ; and I never met
Again my queer and antiquated suitor,
Although I hear he's living single yet,
And in some Western college is a tutor;
Yet to this day my cheeks would blush with
shame
To call him out of his botanic name !
JOSEPHINE POLLARD.
A Kind of Traveler.
HE goes from Ecuador to Maine :
He studies every people,
He visits every crypt in Spain,
And every German steeple.
He roams among Liberian rocks,
He haunts Thibet's wild region ;
Men find him on the Styrian lochs,
And on the lakes Norwegian.
Greece he has seen a dozen times.
Iceland has hailed him loudly,
And in the bland Hawaian climes,
He oft has wandered proudly.
He scales the Himalayan peaks,
He strolls through vales Ionian,
He hunts the buffalo with Creeks,
And puns in Patagonian !
He goes to Europe every year,
Is known to all the sailors,
And in his life has seen, I fear,
More than ten Bayard Taylors !
A modern Wandering Jew is he,
A student of all races,
And when there's nothing left to see
In strange, exotic places,
He homeward turns for fame to look,
Quite sure that he will win it,
And writes a most ambitious book,
Without one new thing in it!
CENDRILLON.
320
BRIC-A-BRAC.
On the Trapping of a Mouse that Lived in a Lady's
Escritoire.
POOR mousie ! you have learned too late,
This lady's scorn of mice — and men,
Who envy yet thy better fate, —
To hear the music of her pen; —
To kiss the rug her feet have kissed ; —
To gambol round her dainty slippers,
And wonder if, in Beauty's list,
The foot of Venus could outstrip hers ; —
To draw the splendor of her eyes,
That flash as they discover you,
And picture in their swift surprise
Your fleeting bliss, and sentence, too; —
To have her fingers set the snare
And bait with crumbs have touched her lip,
Inviting to ambrosial fare
And sudden death's endearing grip:
While men may sigh and sigh in vain,
And suffer torturing Love's demur,
Without a smile to ease their pain
Or even leave to die for her. C. C. BUEL.
The Phonograph in the Moon Two Centuries Ago.
THE editor has been shown a curious old volume
which contains a passage showing that there is
nothing new under the moon, in the way of the
phonograph, at least. The title reads : " The
Comical History of the States and Empires of the
Worlds of the Moon and the Son. Written in
French by Cyrano Bergerac. And newly Englished
by A. Lovell, A. M., London : Printed for Henry
Rhodes, next door to the Swan Tavern, near Bride
Lane, in Fleet Street, 1687."
This book gives an account of the writer's travels
in the Sun and Moon. While in one of the cities of
the Moon, he meets an inhabitant of the Sun, who
had wandered to the Moon, and they take a stroll
through the city, discoursing, as they go, pleasantly
concerning their new surroundings. The citizen
of the Sun is suddenly called away, and before going
gives his companion two books. The writer says :
" No sooner was his back turned, but I fell to
consider attentively my books and their boxes, that's
to say, their covers.
"As I opened the box, I found within somewhat
of metal, almost like to our clocks, full of I know
not what little springs and imperceptible engines.
It was a book, indeed, but a strange and wonderful
book, that had neither leaves nor letters. In fine,
it was a book made wholly for the ears and not the
eyes. So that when anybody has a mind to read in
it, he winds up that machine, with a great many
little strings ; then he turns a hand to the chapter
which he desires to hear, and straight as from the
mouth of a man or a musical instrument, proceed all
the distinct and different sounds, which the Lunar
Grandees make use of, for expressing their thoughts,
instead of language.
"When I since reflected on this miraculous
invention, I no longer wondered that the young
men of that country were more knowing at sixteen
or eighteen years old than the graybeards of our
climate ; for knowing how to read as soon as speak,
they are never without lectures, in their chambers,
their walks, the town or traveling ; they may have
in their pockets, or at their girdles, thirty of these
books, where they need but wind up a spring to hear
a whole chapter, and so more, if they have a mind
to hear the book quite through ; so that you nevei
want the company of all the great men, living and
dead, who entertain you with living voices."
Portraits in Black and White.
I. A WOMAN OF FASHION.
UPON her brazen cheek the color's high ;
Her hair has risked the hazard of the dye;
Her heels — but why of such a trifle talk ?
Her conversation's petty as her walk.
She tries to hide, by some linguistic wrench,
Her lack of English 'neath her lack of French.
She wears no stocking of cerulean hue,
Blue, darkly, deeply, beautifully blue ;
She has no wish to vote, and make things worse
She always leaves her children with their nurse
In Lent she fasts, she prays, she hears long ser
mons,
Instead of chattering French and dancing Ger
mans ;
Indeed, she always worships God on Sunday, —
On week-days she bows down to Mrs. Grundy.
II. A FAST YOUNG MAN.
HE prides himself upon his cockney "togs,"
Goes in for horses, and goes to the dogs.
Man of the world, with not a thought of heaven
He's not puffed up by Pharisaic leaven,
But tries, like Moses, whom he thinks a dunce,
To break the ten commandments all at once.
On women and cards he spends time — money-
breath ;
Maids of dishonor to the Queen of Death,
Ixion-croupiers toiling at the wheel,
Have found in him one worthy of their steal.
Along a narrow railroad, black and fell,
He rushes on — to ruin, death, and hell :
Should not a warning shrill to this vain clown
Whistle " down brakes ! " ere all be broken down
III. POLITICAL ORGAN-GRINDERS.
THEY dare do all — for party or for pelf;
They scold and scoff, like Ghibelline and Guelf.
T3f course each holds himself immaculate —
And damns the other to a fiery fate;
All virtues in himself he has descried,
And all the vices in the other side.
'Tis pot calls kettle black, — and kettle, pot.
Believe what each says of the other ! not
What each says of himself: and thus, forsooth,
Believe the worst, — and so get at the truth.
IV. AN ADVANCED THINKER.
THIS modern scientist — a word uncouth —
Who calls himself a seeker after truth,
And traces man through monkey back to frog,
Seeing a Plato in each pollywog,
Ascribes all things unto the power of Matter.
The woman's anguish, and the baby's chatter, —
The soldier's glory, and his country's need, —
Self-sacrificing love,— self-seeking greed,—
The false religion some vain bigots prize,
Which seeks to win a soul by telling lies, —
And even pseudo-scientific clatter, —
All these, he says, are but the work of Matter.
Thus, self-made science, like a self-made man,
Deems naught uncomprehended in its plan ;
Sees naught he can't explain by his own laws.
The time has come, at length, to bid him pause,
Before he strive to leap the unknown chasm
Reft wide 'twixt awful God and protoplasm.
ScRiBNER's MONTHLY.
VOL. XX.
JULY, 1880.
No. 3.
THE YOUNGER PAINTERS OF AMERICA.
SECOND PAPER.
THE ROMANY GIRL. (GEORGE FULLER.) OWNED BY I. T. WILLIAMS, ESQ.
SUCH a series of papers as this carries its
aim upon its face ; and as this is explana-
tory, descriptive and, so far as may be in a
general way, critical, nothing that savors of
VOL. XX.— 22.
the controversial spirit need be suspected if
a few words are here quoted from a critic who
objected to the predecessor of this article as
" vicious and petty." A criticism upon a
[Copyright, 1880, by Scribner & Co. AH rights reserved. ]
322
THE YOUNGER PAINTERS OF AMERICA.
magazine article has generally one merit,
however perfunctory : it is apt to express the
thought of the writer with a frankness un-
obscured by any circumlocution, and is
entitled to attention in proportion to the
writer's dignity and position. The critic
here referred to being in these respects un-
exceptionable, I take it, is worth listening to
when he says : " A writer who commiserates
the state of American art at a time when
the Church and Kensett represented it, has
little claim to respect for his opinion."
Those of us who, if not, as he says a little
loosely, "disciples (at a long interval) of
impressionism," are at least fonder of
"impressionism " than of "literalism, "need,
it may be, to be halted and compelled to
give the countersign more frequently than
of late we have been asked to do. If it is
a little disconcerting to find an objecting
laudator temporis acti when we had fancied
the debris substantially cleared away and
that the question now concerned the best
means of progression, there is still consola-
tion in the reflection that the danger of over-
confidence, of having the thing all one's
own way, heretofore pointed out, is not,
after all, so imminent. Nothing can so
convince one of the fact that there is yet
much ground to be cleared as regards art in
America, nothing can be so salutary a warn-
ing of the wisdom of " going slow " in the
presence of a community " where every one
has some culture and where superiorities
are discountenanced " as an authoritative
statement that " a writer who commiserates
the state of American art at a time when the
Church and Kensett represented it, has
little claim to respect for his opinion." This
is another thing from saying : " The picture
of Duveneck by Chase is an impertinence,
whether painted or engraved; and young
Church's grotesqueries do not demand seri-
ous notice as art."
A writer who employs that tone may
not be esteemed a delicate judge of '• im-
pertinences," but, after all, his meaning is
clear, and whether or no Mr. Chase's
" Duveneck " is pictorially complete, and
Mr. Church's "After the Rain " pretty and
graceful or only trivial, is a detail. Whether
or no the Church and Kensett, however,
are to be considered great painters, whether
or no their art is so admirable as to sur-
pass that of any of " these disciples of im-
pressionism " — such as Mr. Eakins, possi-
bly, or Mr. Eaton ! — is so far from being a
detail as to be the essential point at issue,
since there is, it seems, something essential
still at issue. There can be no doubt that
the Church and Kensett still have a large
following, and the sequence from this cir-
cumstance is logical : it must be admitted
that the art of the " new men" is not yet as
triumphant as it has been rather hastily,
perhaps, assumed to be. And any one who
has kept abreast of the times lately and has
witnessed the surprising vogue of the new
men, has certainly been in danger of for-
getting that, besides the painters interested
and the connoisseurs to whom stock notions
are precious, there does exist, among conserv-
ative people whose familiarity with pictures
is out of all proportion to their suscept-
ibility to art, a considerable number who
may be called the dientelle of Church and
Kensett. This is equivalent to saying that
there are many people who have not yet
taken the first step toward understanding the
aims, to say nothing of appreciating the
accomplishment, of the new men. And as
their aim and accomplishment are here in
question, it is important to think of this, and
to be reminded that some consideration of
the art of Church and Kensett to this end is
not as idle as some of us had supposed, is a
service for which acknowledgment is due.
The critic referred to, it should be borne in
mind, does not speak for himself simply;
the temper of what he says betrays his con-
sciousness of weighty and, perhaps, some-
what impervious backing.
It is not difficult to see differences be-
tween the work of Mr. Church and that
of the late Mr. Kensett ; that of the latter
is of a superior genuineness, it is in general
quite unaffected, it has little that is theatric
about it, — it is less pronounced, less striking,
less brilliant. Mr. Church is fond of paint-
ing the splendors of the Andes ; Mr. Ken-
sett was content with the placidity of Lake
George. Mr. Church inclines to volcanoes;
Mr. Kensett to nooks and dells and reaches
of pleasant country; — a modern Plutarch,
indeed, could find grounds for various not
too subtle antitheses of this sort in a con-
trast of the two. There was, undoubtedly,
a good deal that was pleasing in Mr. Ken-
sett's landscapes. They were rather pale
in color, rather unintellectually simple in
design, in no way impressive — altogether
attuned to a minor key. But they had a
certain wholesomeness and even a soft
vivacity that set them in advance of most
work that was contemporary with them,
and enabled them to be of a real advantage
at the time when their vogue was greatest.
Mr. Church's vogue, however, has never
THE YOUNGER PAINTERS OF AMERICA.
323
been of service to the best interests of Amer-
ican art ; it has, on the contrary, in the
opinion of many people, done a subtle injury
to these. The essence of his art is theatri-
cality; its effort definitely, distinctly, one
may even say professedly, to excite an order
of admiration whose chief constituent is
wonder. So far as we know, before Mr.
Church no painter had ventured to treat
nature in this way. There is probably noth-
ing in any of her aspects the reproduction
of which he would regard as too ambitious
a task. In Turner's most theatrical land-
scapes there is a decorative and dramatic
purpose at the enforcement of which nature
may be said to assist ; Mr. Church has,
in a sort, laid in wait for her, entrapped
her into throwing aside for the moment
her simplicity, serenity, solemnity, even her
grandeur, in order to indulge whatever
propensities for pure display she may
have.
The difference between Mr. Church's
report of nature and Mr. Bierstadt's is
plainly one of degree ; and if the fame of
Mr. Bierstadt is more evidently in decadence
than Mr. Church's, it is because the former
has, one is tempted to say, carried the
joke too far; it cannot be so very long
before people about whose care for art
there is nothing perfunctory will make the
same discovery in the instance of Mr.
Church. Nevertheless, it is not to be for-
gotten that he exhibits in comparison with
Mr. Bierstadt a certain conservatism, both
mental and technical, which accounts for
the superior esteem in which he is held,
and makes it as possible for persons, of in-
telligence— with a bias for that sort of thing
— to protest admiration of his work as it is
difficult to assign stark reasons for disapprov-
ing it. His cleverness is indisputable, and
his powers of technical imitation unques-
tionably great ; and this is more evident than
the mechanical direction which the former
takes (it is totally unlike the mental alert-
ness of the " Fortunistes," for example), and
the unsatisfactory result of his exercise of the
latter. This is the world of Mayence hams
and not of butterflies' wings, a clever French-
man once said, and, accordingly, when
formerly Mr. Church exhibited a work of
panoramic gorgeousness, marked by great
cleverness and intensity of illusion, in a gal-
lery from which the daylight was carefully
excluded, and in which an impressive still-
ness was broken only by the hushed whis-
pering of the attendants and the spectators,
it could scarcely fail to create a sensation.
It could hardly be that the subsidence
of this sensation should not be gradual,
and that "The River of Light," now at
the Metropolitan Museum of Art, and the
" Chimborazo " at the Lenox Library Gal-
lery, should not find admirers who have
never seen " The Heart of the Andes."
No one could ask for a better test of Mr.
Church's art than these two pictures now
afford to any one interested in the matter,
and, for reasons already assigned, it is an
interesting matter. No better instances could
be found of the kind of painting which
that of the new men distinctly is not. To
any one who finds either of them capable
of stirring the emotions as profoundly as it
is legibly and somewhat defiantly stamped
upon them that they hope to do, there is cer-
tainly nothing to be said ; he is clearly for-
tunate in his enjoyment if he considers
enjoyment the end of fine art and is undis-
turbed by Saint-Beuve's criterion, namely,
the reasonableness of one's pleasure. Any
one to whom they prove a little unsatisfactory,
who receives no sensations from them be-
yond perplexity at his failure to receive any,
will find it more or less profitable to recall
one or two cardinal principles of art, and,
using these as points de repere, to examine
anew " The River of Light," say, without
any scientific strictness, but freely and sim-
ply. Painting is certainly a language of
itself, and those who use it may use it to
express their own ideas and emotions, or
to translate the ideas and emotions of the
language of nature. One of the most un-
compromising realists among living writers
upon art, calls landscape-painting "The
expression of one's emotions in the pres-
ence of nature." This is addressed to
Frenchmen, however, and in France there
is a great fund of criticism upon these mat-
ters which renders it unnecessary to make
minute explanations at every step. With
us it may seem like a dangerous concession
to " idealization," though it occurs in a book
written mainly as a protest against classic-
ism. But, throwing aside everything which
relates to a painter's direct personal ex-
pression, and considering only his interpret-
ation, his translation, of nature, it is manifest
that literal reproduction is satirically insuf-
ficient. It is, indeed, out of the question,
since the relation of the microcosm to the
macrocosm is one of correspondence, and
not of equivalence. An attempt at exact
imitation is sure to result in a libel. In art,
at least, the axiom that the whole is equal to
the sum of all its parts has no absolute
324
THE YOUNGER PAINTERS OF AMERICA.
force whatever, and even if it were possible
to reproduce in painting the actual details
of the natural scene or object it essays to
translate, the something that exists beyond
the sum of these would still prove elusive.
For a good translation, a translation that is
not a libel, the sympathetic personality of
the translator is absolutely indispensable.
There must be a personal quality in the
most literal " study from nature " to make
it different from a photograph, and it must
be sympathetic to make the painter superior
to the camera. " The real question is,"
said Mr. Matthew Arnold of Mr. Newman's
" Homer," " not whether he has given us
full change for the Greek, but how he gives
us our change ; we want it in gold and he
gives it us in copper." That is exactly ap-
plicable to the painting of nature. Some-
thing in the technique of a painter, some
artistic quality of his own which informs
his handiwork and stamps him a proficient
in his own language, as well as a sympa-
thetic appreciation of the subject he is
treating, is requisite before even a bit of
still-life can be made interesting. Bearing
these things in mind, what one should ask
himself about such imitative painting as
" The River of Light," judging it by its
own standards, is, first, whether it gives full
change for the natural scene it attempts to
interpret, and, secondly, whether, if it does, it
gives it in gold or in copper. The observer
who notes the expenditure of force upon de-
tails, the emphasis with which certain trop-
ical leaves and stems are accentuated, the
insistence upon certain obvious points, such
as the sun's blazing reflection, the general
keying-up of contrasts, the frankness which
characterizes the illusion of the whole, will
be apt to answer both these questions ad-
versely. And reflecting upon the attitude
which the painting of such a scene evinces,
as well as the character of its treatment, he
will further be apt to ask himself wherein
this art, which has had so great a vogue,
which is marked by so much mechanical
cleverness and whose illusion is so perfect
to so many minds, differs from the art of the
scene-painter. " The River of Light " is a
magnificent drop-curtain. A drop-curtain
may be the work of incontestable genius ; it
may have a thousand merits, and we have
said no more about them here because they
are so evident to all admirers of Mr.
Church ; it is simply not painting. It is
probably not unfair to treat Mr. Church's
work as imitative art solely. So far as we
know, he has never attempted to illustrate
M. Veron's definition of landscape-painting
above referred to ; and the only instance of
anything so hostile to the spirit of American
art (at the time when he and Mr. Kensett
represented it) as " idealization " that we re-
member is the curiously characteristic one
of the " ^Egean Sea," one of his latest and
most important canvases, which represents,
as in a Titan's goblet, a geographical mi-
crocosm of those famous shores, by means of
the simple expedient of placing in an ideal
juxtaposition the really wide-apart objects
to be found there.
More palpable examples of precisely the
opposite of all this could not be found, per-
haps, than the work of Mr. Fuller and Mr.
Thayer, both of whom are engaged in " the
expression of emotion in the presence of
nature," and both of whom have a tech-
nique which gives to their interpretation of
nature an interest and distinction unknown
to literally imitative art. They are thoroughly
dissimilar in many, if not in most respects,
but nevertheless association of them is nat-
ural on account of the distinctly poetic aim
of each, and the serious qualification which
both of them render necessary in a judg-
ment which accuses the new men gen-
erally of a lack of charm. Mr. Fuller is so
far from being a young painter, even in the
degree in which the oldest of those here con-
sidered is justly to be called young, that he
is a veteran of art ; but there was, we believe,
a long period during which he painted noth-
ing, and, at all events, his appearance here
two or more years ago had all the force of
a debut. Mr. Thayer, on the other hand, is
among the youngest of the new men, and if
it be admitted that the tie which connects
his work and that of Mr. Fuller's is not
wholly fancied, the leaning which the two
have toward each other not only suggests
the reality and dignity of their common
attitude toward art, but indirectly testifies
to the rather surprising singularity of this
among the new men ; it would occur to no
one to associate them if the quality known
as ideality were more generally illustrated by
these. Mr. Fuller, at all events, it will
not be denied, has a marked individuality,
and — which is perhaps another thing — in
his manner of expressing it a marked
originality. He completely puzzled the
first Academy hanging committee which
had to decide upon the comparative merit
of his pictures. Probably they were so dif-
ferent from anything theretofore submitted
to Academy Exhibitions as to appear
rather flagrant; the result being, at any
THE YOUNGER PAINTERS OF AMERICA.
325
AUTUMN AFTERNOON IN BERKSHIRE. (ABBOTT H. THAYER.)
rate, that his " Turkey Pasture " was hung on
the third line, and its companion over a door,
if we remember rightly. Even in these
positions, however, they made an impression
and got talked about, not only by that por-
tion of the public whose appetite for any-
thing sensational is quite as eager as it is
fastidious, but by persons of discernment and
knowledge, the painters themselves, of course,
being included in such a category. And since
that time, accordingly, Mr. Fuller's canvases
have been treated at the Academy as well as
elsewhere with the consideration to which, if
they were not to be utterly scouted, it was
plain they were entitled. None of them
have conspicuously surpassed these first
works, to our mind, though the " Romany
Girl " and the " And She was a Witch," ex-
hibited last year at the Academy, are far more
ambitious. Not that they are marked by
a pretension made palpable by an evident
falling short of accomplishing their intention.
On the contrary, Mr. Fuller is quite capable
of conceiving a picture in a large way and
of executing it with a directness that may
have blemishes, but avoids short-comings
very successfully. Indeed, if the witch pict-
ure is more successful than the " Romany
Girl," and it probably is, it is due to its supe-
rior dignity as a conception, and the ease
with which this is sustained. How engag-
ing the " Romany Girl " is, those who have
seen it will remember, and those who have
not will be able very adequately to appre-
ciate from the sympathetic engraving of it
here printed ; it is sweet, frank, picturesque,
excellently composed and thoroughly simple.
The quality of the other picture, however, per-
haps no reproduction could quite adequately
convey. It is one of the best instances we
have ever had in America of the just presen-
tation of what is morally dramatic, without
having this for the sole, or, perhaps, even the
main pictorial motive of the work. An ac-
cused woman is being taken from her house
among the pines by the officers of colonial
fanaticism, and another, entering the door, is
looking around at the disappearing figures.
The observer can make his own tragedy out
of it, imagine the short trial and swift con-
demnation of the unhappy victim of Puritan
superstition, and fancy the psychological
perplexities of the young woman left behind,
a daughter of the witch, possibly, and yet
too much a daughter of the time as well to
be able to persuade herself of her mother's
innocence. Nothing of this appears, and to
refer to a picture the imaginings of which it
326
THE YOUNGER PAINTERS OF AMERICA.
is only the occasion and not the cause at all
is a mistake, which is not the more excus-
able because it is so common. What does
appear is precisely what an analogous natural
scene would present, refined and heightened,
of course, by the painter's art, but in no
radical regard contradictory to natural
conditions.
This is the way in which tragedy has now
come to be treated in art ; and it is a great
change from the days of classicism. In
painting, as well as in literature, one of the
changes wrought by what is so widely
known and perhaps so little understood as
" modern realism " consists in stimulating
the imagination instead of in satisfying the
sensibility. The main idea has ceased to
be as obviously accentuated and its natural
surroundings are given their natural place ;
there is less expression and more suggestion ;
the artist's effort is expended rather upon per-
fecting the ensemble, noting relations, taking
in a larger circle ; a complexity of moral
elements has taken the place of the old
simplicity whose multifariousness was almost
wholly pictorial. This, at all events, seems
the direction which the artistic tendency of
the time has taken. Philosophers may find
it a fruitful topic for speculation ; if the age
is, as it is frequently called (both by those
who seem to have the pas and those who
are most poignantly jealous of them), mate-
rialistic, its art must share the general bent
so far as it may without ceasing to be art;
and we are undeniably more careful about
offending against natural laws, on the one
hand — Kaulbach's picture at the Metro-
politan Museum, for example, jars on one
as an anachronism — and, on the other,
more given to searching for the supernat-
ural in nature, to speak paradoxically,
instead of through it or beyond it, than
our ancestors. Instead of a landscape as
a background to a Holy Family, and having
no pertinence but an artistic one, we have
Corot's " Orpheus," in which the mysterious
Dawn is so subtly significant in earth and
sky and trees that the figure has no
value as a personification, but is itself so
permeated with the invisible natural forces
at play about it as to blend with the land-
scape whatever spiritual individuality it may
have possessed before the dusk began to
grow into daylight. That is why Corot
seems to me the greatest painter of our
time, because he best represents what the
spirit of the time has to express in plastic
art, without vain attempts to recover an ideal
of entrancing beauty, but now indisputably
grown vague and unreal to us, and without
surrendering anything to the vice, the de-
fect corresponding to the excellence, of our
own ideal — the defect of material detail.
Any one who will compare the moral treat-
ment of Mr. Fuller's witch picture with Corot's
" Les Gaulois," now to be seen in the city, in
which les Gaulois play the same relative part
that Mr. Fuller's figures do, will appreciate the
connection between all this and the picture
which suggested it. The " And She was a
Witch" may seem to be of more value than
it really is because it represents so admirably
so admirable an artistic attitude. But
though that is, after all, the main thing, and
with it we could consent to forego certain
less important excellences, these latter are
present, too, in more than respectable force,
and if the subject had been a less forbidding
one, one reflects, the picture might have
been great. Charming as the " Romany
Girl " is, it is on distinctly a lower plane,
— the plane of Mr. Fuller's " Quadroon " in
the last Academy Exhibition, — though it is a
success, whereas the last is more or less of a
failure.
The defects of Mr. Fuller's qualities are
evident enough. Occasionally his strong
individuality becomes eccentricity, and the
most prominent feature of his work now
and then remains on acquaintance what it
seemed, perhaps, at the first glance, — his
manner, namely. Occasionally, too, one is
conscious of the wish that he were less con-
tent with his somewhat monotonous palette.
At such times there is about it a certain
vagueness and spectrality that he shares
with Mr. Thayer. And in our view these
qualities are much more at home with Mr.
Thayer, who reveals in them possibilities of
delicate suggestiveness, indeed, which most
of us have never suspected, and which im-
peratively demand an unaffected sympathy
in whomsoever would illustrate them. It is
difficult to think of affectation in connection
with Mr. Thayer's work ; it is, in its own
way, as simple and straightforward as that
of Mr. Winslow Homer. It may be in
doubtful taste to mention it, but his pict-
ures irresistibly and distinctly suggest a fine
moral personality, a nature that has no dis-
turbing emotions to complicate its percep-
tions or its ambitions, incapable of anything
like artifice, and even unfamiliar with any-
thing like grossness. His delicacy seems
quite foreign to what we ordinarily under-
stand by daintiness ; his fastidiousness is so
far from being finical that it is almost aus-
tere, apparently. We know of no better
THE YOUNGER PAINTERS OF AMERICA.
327
THE BATHER. (HENRY MOHRMAN.)
way in which to characterize his art than
to say that it is the poetry of simplicity ;
for it is as poetic as it is simple, and its un-
mistakable importance reminds one how
much power there is, after all, in pure
charm, provided there be nothing factitious
about it. Beside Mr. Thayer's " pearl of
portraiture " (as it was very happily called
by a writer of great tact in the use of epi-
thets) in the recent Academy Exhibition, it
was curious to notice how weak much of the
bravura work looked. One wonders a lit-
tle, perhaps, that an artist of such character-
istics should devote himself so largely to
cows ; but there is something very nice
about cows. If one reflects, there is a pict-
uresque honesty in their aspect and bearing
— such as Troyon, for example, knew how
to idealize, without being able to teach Van
Marcke. And, like Troyon, Mr. Thayer treats
his cattle in the way just now referred to.
They contribute to and get assistance from
the landscape so as to make with it an agree-
able whole. He is not so successful with tigers,
visitors to the recent exhibition of the Society
of American Artists will remember. The tiger,
even when subdued by a nymph, must man-
age to preserve something tigerish about him.
If in Mr. Thayer's landscape, pure and sim-
ple, one could also desire more firmness and
solidity, — and, whatever the character of the
general effect, it is probably helped by dis-
tinguishing the substance of earth from the
spaciousness of sky, — it is not at all certain
that more vigorous " handling " would not
detract in some subtle way from the remark-
able delicacy which inwraps his hill-sides,
and stretches of fields, and still pools, and
hemlock groves, as in a mist. And though
they do sensibly lack color, which is not
only the main element of landscape but
landscape itself, in a sense, it is to be noticed
that the atmosphere and light, of which
they are full, is not sought by any cheap
328
THE YOUNGER PAINTERS OF AMERICA.
devices, but by a nice adjustment of gradu-
ated tones which goes for color in the
school in which Mr. Thayer got his train-
ing. In comparison with Mr. Church's
" gorgeousness," we confess it has an almost
decorative look.
Mr. Muhrman has done little in on,
but for two or three years his black and
white and water-color drawings have
attracted attention, which, indeed, con-
technically it goes to all lengths in respect
of the freedom which the new men prize so
highly, and are so right, of course, to prize.
If it be thought to lose in vigor by sacrific-
ing precision, and in effectiveness by " scat-
tering," so to speak, it is to be said that, in
water-color painting, at any rate, nothing is
so important technically as free-handedness.
Anything like hesitancy, or even anything
like deliberation, operates against the fresh-
sidering their almost defiant aggressive-
ness, could hardly be withheld from them.
His work may be said to deliver itself into
the hands of the Philistines (who disapprove
of the new men en bloc) with a frank-
ness that should be disarming. It has a
great directness, and never aims to dress
up its material into any semblance of beauty,
or even temperate attractiveness. And
(FRANK DUVENECK.)
ness which is certainly the chief charm of
water-color drawing. To any one who has
noted the singular confusion as to the limits
and possibilities of water-color that long
prevailed in the minds of most of the mem-
bers of the American Society of Painters in
Water-color, the excellent and sensible use of
his material by Mr. Muhrman has something
refreshing about it. It seems to recognize
THE YOUNGER PAINTERS OF AMERICA.
329
REVERIE. (WYATT EATON.)
that water-colors are strictly in the nature
of impressions ; that they are, to a certain
extent, artistic memoranda; that with color,
tone, depth, richness, mellowness — the mark
and end of true painting in oil. technically
— they have almost nothing to do; and that
the very excuse for their employment pre-
supposes a distinct difference between them,
and a material which, if not more serious, is
at least of a larger dignity and importance.
Failure to recognize these things results in
the always unsatisfactory and sometimes
painful attempts, of which we have all seen
so many, to make water-colors do the work
of oils. There is, to be sure, no truer
maxim of art than that which authorizes the
use of any means to produce an agreeable
effect. Hard and fast rules are nowhere so
hurtful as in art, and to object to the pick-
ing out of a high light here and there in
" Chinese white," is to lay oneself open to
the imputation of purism. After all, this is
a question of the extent to which the thing
is carried, it may be said. To which it
may be replied that the only reason for
ignoring in practice the distinction between
water-colors and oils is that it is impossible
to get as agreeable an effect in this way.
If it is impossible to get " depth " with
opaque water-color, why should it be em-
ployed at the sacrifice of transparency ?
All this has, however,- been so long well
understood by the water-color painters of
countries where art is no longer in its experi-
mental stage, has been so admirably illus-
trated by the water-colorists of France and
Holland and Italy in straits where even Eng-
lish artists found themselves driven to the use
ot gouache, and has been recently so generally
admitted by our own painters in water-color
(witness the last Exhibition, which displayed
marked progress in this respect), that the
treatment of Mr. Muhrman has no longer
the distinction of anything like singularity.
And it is his accentuation of correct treat-
ment, seen in contrast, that in the main
makes his work noticeable. Its merit is not
the less absolute, of course, but its impressive-
ness ceases when it loses its foil of stupid
treatment. Indeed, when our water-color
33°
THE YOUNGER PAINTERS OF AMERICA.
exhibitions show such work, at once artis-
tic and "legitimate," as Mr. La Farge's
flowers and Japanese lacquer and inlaid
mother-of-pearl, Mr. Weir's and Mr. Rein-
hart's landscapes with clear water reflec-
tions, Mr. Martin's airy foliage, and Mr.
Winslow Homer's rapid memoranda of a
score of quick and vivid natural impres-
sions, saturated, one may say, with pictur-
esqueness, work that is only "legitimate"
is at once relegated to the second rank.
Moreover, Mr. Muhrman's accentuation of
"legitimacy" is so emphatic as to be a little
flagrant, possibly. His work, in "handling,"
is like what Thackeray said of Hogarth's
satire: "If he has to paint a man with his
throat cut, he draws him with his head
almost off." If Mr. Muhrman has to paint
a figure that is not to look flat, he draws it
with a quantity of facets; if he has to
emphasize an element he leaves out every
other. "The Bather," here engraved for ex-
ample, is the reproduction of a water-color
of obvious merits, the difficulty being that
they are too obvious. By a well-known
principle, common to art and physics, its
defects become equally apparent. I shall
confess that I for one am unable to see all
the points that the painter evidently tried to
make plain : I do not know what the dark
mass at the bottom is meant to represent;
whether the man is in front of or behind it;
what has become of his legs in the former
case, or what he can be doing with his
swaddling clothes in the latter. Neverthe-
less, he is very distinctly a man or the
human part of a centaur, and characterized
with a good deal of force; the essential
points about him are all made very plain,
and it is perhaps a question if, consciously
or unconsciously, the painter has not taken
it for granted that, all things considered,
minor points will be of slight interest to
any one. Mr. Muhrman, too, is really a
beginner in painting, and to measure him
by the same standards which his work will
probably call for some years hence is to do
him an injustice. "The Bather" makes no
pretense to be a picture; all that Mr.
Muhrman would probably claim for it is
that it is a good portrait of a rather pictur-
esque and battered model; if it be that,
and it "has the look of it," it certainly
promises far better for his future than if it
endeavored to atone for the lack of por-
traiture by factitious and superficial " pict-
ure-making."
On the other hand, in conjunction with
Mr. Duveneck's "Coming Man," it may
be taken to illustrate one of the short-
comings of some of the new men of which
their warmest admirers are beginning to
betray a little impatience. Mr. Duveneck
may be said to be at one end of the list of
which Mr. Muhrman is at the other, and
yet, speaking strictly, "The Coming Man"
is scarcely more of a picture than "The
Bather"; it is quite as lacking in that im-
portant element of a large work of art
which we call structural composition. Com-
position in the abstract is variously regarded
by painters and critics, of course, and it is
not meant here to insist on its precedence
over more spiritual qualities. Unlike the
lack of poetry and of style heretofore men-
tioned as characteristic of some of the new
men, its absence is unquestionably not so
much a positive defect as a short-coming. It
is certainly the nearest to what is mechanical
of all pictorial elements, and, though it is
related to style more or less intimately, it is
distinctly not style, but something much
more easy to acquire and much less depend-
ent upon individuality and natural force.
A " study," for example, may have great
distinction of style, but it is naturally quite
without value as a composition. And in
the work of the new men studies abound.
Many of them seem to have avoided any
effort for excellence in composition out of a
wholesome dread of formality, which, it
must be admitted on all hands, is often its
depressing accompaniment. Indeed, it has
long been acknowledged that the vice in
much foreign art-teaching — notably that of
Germany — is the extent to which the study
of composition is carried. One of the ablest
of the younger painters told me that during
his four years under Piloty he had great diffi-
culty in avoiding this before he felt at all pre-
pared for it, and there can be little doubt that
to his resolute persistence in learning to paint
before occupying himself with anything so
artificial as composition is to be credited
a good deal of his present deserved suc-
cess. A youth who, having barely learned
to draw, sets about the blocking out of an
important historical picture is, in nine cases
out of ten, of course, wasting his time after
the familiar recipe of beginning at the wrong
end. It is easy to see how formality results
from this, almost inevitably; and formality
is plainly one of the worst traits a work of
art of any sort can possess; it is, perhaps,
to be called the worst, because it is so inim-
ical to spontaneity, which in plastic art is
of the same importance that Demosthenes
assigned to action in oratory. Whatever
THE YOUNGER PAINTERS OF AMERICA.
REVERIE — IN THE TIME OF THE FIRST FRENCH EMPIRE. (WILL H. LOW.) OWNED BY JOHN B. THATCHER, ESQ.
else they have done or failed to do, the new
men should have the grateful recognition of
every American interested in aesthetics and
familiar with the apparently permanent way
in which routine had intrenched itself here,
for their emphatic and united protest against
formality. Moreover, formality is possibly
not the most insidious peril of premature
attention to composition. The concentra-
tion upon details which it involves is often
fatal to totality: the result is a lot of lesser
pictures, or a piece of a larger one, — the
heterogeneity or else the amorphousness
that is unavoidable when one works from
the parts to the whole instead of from within
outward; no direct study of relations can
make up for the lack of a single impression
as a starting-point.
Nevertheless, right as the new men have
been in their order of procedure hitherto, it
is getting to be time, as we say, for a larger
proportion of pictures in their exhibitions.
The circumstance that this reproach has
been made against them from the first by
critics wholly given over to routine and
exhibiting all the perplexity of prejudice at
the marks of their almost boisterous spon-
taneity, is really no warrant for neglecting
whatever of truth it may embrace. Mr.
Duveneck's " Coming Man" is an admirable
study from nature ; but its pictorial impor-
tance is not large, and is wholly dispropor-
332
THE YOUNGER PAINTERS OF AMERICA.
tioned to his pictorial promise. Considered
as a study from nature, there is no possible
objection to make to it, so far as we can see;
for its lack of picturesqueness, if it is so
lacking, the subject is plainly responsible ;
and if tender sensibilities are displeased at
the rude realism' which has thus caught a
baby in dishabille, atonement is made in the
art with which the mystic non-significance
of its eyes, the helplessness of its limbs, and
its general aspect of formless inutility and
aimless inconsequence are rendered. Con-
sidered as a picture, however, it is not to
be gainsayed that there is something trivial
about its emptiness and lack of accessory
elements, and it is not, upon the whole, an
unrepresentative example of much of Mr.
Duveneck's work. It illustrates — a non
lucendo — the principle that if in art unity is
the chief requisite, in composition that of
first importance is that this unity should be
organic. Here, indeed, there is no structure
whatever; it is simply impossible to make a
" picture " out of a baby and a background.
And subordinate as structure is, it is, never-
theless, of an importance that may almost
be called vital. The assistance it affords to
expression can scarcely be overrated; in
fact, anything like completeness of expres-
sion is unattainable without it. To the
adequate presentation of an idea it is indis-
pensable, and the highest kind of art may
be said to have as much to do with ideas
as it has little to do with propositions. If
there is no art which is so artistically de-
based as that whose sole motive is to " tell
a story " — a notion which obtains currency
as art advances from caricature to charac-
terization— there is none artistically so ele-
vated as that which, to the end of producing
a profound emotion, illustrates a lofty idea.
Structure, moreover, adds another element
of a purely plastic character to a work of art
which can often show nothing finer than
the play of its parts — the combinations,
contrasts, juxtapositions of line, mass and
color that distinguish harmony from melody.
And this element heightens and enforces
every other. Whether in decorative paint-
ing its relative importance is as great as it
is in the arts of design is, perhaps, a ques-
tion for the curious in " comparative criti-
cism," but we suspect that it is not the less
essential because its significance is so subtle.
On the one hand, the greatest and most deco-
rative paintings are as admirable in their
design as in their other qualities, and, on the
other, a picture without design must always
prove unsatisfactory because, lacking struct-
ure, it lacks character in a capital direction.
Hitherto some of the younger painters have
treated structure rather cavalierly. It is
only to be got at the expense of some
drudgery, it is true; a dab of vermilion to
represent a pool of blood and suggest to the
observer that some one has been put " out of
OYSTER BOATS, NORTH RIVER. (J- H. TWACHT]
THE YOUNGER PAINTERS OF AMERICA.
333
EARLY SPRING. (W. S. MACV.)
the way," — which was Mr. Chase's attempt
to make a " picture " out of his excellent
study of an interior court in the last exhi-
bition of the Society of American Artists, —
does not serve the purpose. It is not only
because there is far more work in his " Key-
ing Up " that we find that pictorially supe-
rior, but it is very certain that to make it
superior a good deal of care and pains had
to be expended. Mr. Eaton's charming
" Reverie " and Mr. Duveneck's " Coming
Man" afford us an excellent opportunity to
illustrate by a striking contrast the difference
between a " picture " and a " study " ; it
would be difficult to find in the work of the
new men anything more gracefully and felici-
tously composed than the former; its de-
sign quite as much, perhaps, as its treatment
in other respects is responsible for the suc-
cess with which it escapes the convention-
ality a hasty glance might ascribe to it.
And it illustrates, too, a truth that it is well
never to lose sight of: namely, that in the
most mechanical element of a work of art
there is abundant scope for the spontaneity
and genuineness which are too often con-
tent with merely exhibiting themselves
instead of informing their material.
Mr. Low's " Reverie," too, is a pleasantly
and simply arranged picture, and is per-
haps his most interesting work. Those who
have never seen the original will be assisted
to see how broad its values are by learning
that the easily disposed young woman has
dark hair, a rich red dress unrelieved by
anything save the white lace, and that the
greyhound which she is absently caressing
is of a dull fawn-color. There is excellent
work in it, the few elements being directly
and largely treated, and the dog, espe-
cially, if we remember, being well painted
and vigorously drawn. But its chief merit,
perhaps, lies in the pictorial result secured
by the movement of its lines and the
arrangement of its masses ; and neither
of these could be as felicitously contrived
as they are if the picture had not been con-
ceived at the outset essentially as a whole,
and worked out from the single idea to the
manifold appearance, so to speak. That is
the secret of what is called "picture-making,"
and the test of its successful application is
that when the picture is full of details one
should note no confusion, and when, as
here, there are very few elements, one
should feel no sense of meagerness. As we
have intimated, there is small need of advice
to most of the new men to conceive their
334
THE YOUNGER PAINTERS OF AMERICA.
HEAD OF OLD FRENCH PEASANT WOMAN. (FREDERIC P. VINTON.) OWNED BY MISS MARY CURTIS.
pictures simply and totally as well as pict-
orially; much more pertinent is the advice
to work out sufficiently in the direction
they seem in general to indicate rather than
take themselves. This cannot be urged
too often, and we make no apology for
iteration of the important fact that, though
a picture is vitally different from the works
of a Waltham watch, say, and though the
notion, satirized in " Punch's" familiar carica-
ture, that its beauty does not reside in sub-
ject, drawing, color or arrangement, but " in
the pictchah," is entirely sound, a " picture "
must still have " works," as it were, and
that, to the end of "unity in variety," the
latter factor contributes as well as the
former. Mr. Low's work has, much of it,
evident faults; some of his most recent
things are curiously careless from a mental
point of view, lacking in that most vital of all
qualities, spontaneity, and not particularly
interesting in subject or treatment. He has
not Mr. Shirlaw's breadth and elaborateness
of composition on the one hand, and his work
lacks the vigor and picturesqueness of some
of the other men's " studies " on the other,
but at least he has not yet to learn that any
work of art is technically an organic unity.
Mr. Twachtman evidently does not con-
cern himself greatly about any of these
things, and much of his work undeniably
has the quality of "studies from nature."
But it is getting to have less and less of
this look all the time, and is losing mean-
while none of its genuineness. On the
contrary, as it becomes more temperate, more
kempt, as it were, its genuineness becomes
more obvious. The first canvases Mr.
Twachtman exhibited here were instances of
what was supposed to be the Munich notion
of "breadth of handling " carried to the limit
of sanity. In order to lose the tyrannizing
sense of paintiness, you were compelled to
stand at a distance too great to discern any
design that might exist in this eclipse. But
with everything he has done since, Mr.
Twachtman's " handling " has gained in
restraint and consequently in effectiveness.
Indeed, now and then its unquestionable
vigor has shown a distinct tincture of charm,
even in mechanical treatment. He sees
things very directly and feels them very
strongly, and furthermore very pictorially,
noting their relations as well as themselves,
and bringing out their picturesqueness with
a good deal of sympathetic perception.
THE YOUNGER PAINTERS OF AMERICA.
335
How far out of the way persons have been
in taking his work for a reflection merely of
Munich attitude and instruction, is very
plain in his later pictures. It may be in-
directly illustrated by comparing them with
those of Mr. W. S. Macy, who for several
years now has preserved a rather unimpress-
ive statu quo with an unvariableness that
is a little remarkable. The reader who com-
pares with any carefulness even the engrav-
ing of his " Early Spring " with that of Mr.
Twachtman's " Oyster Boats, North River,"
will hardly fail to notice in one an individ-
uality which is quite absent in the other. I
protest an inability to determine for my-
self, for example, whether I have ever seen
the original of the former or not, but I fancy
I know how it looks. This is not a bad
test, perhaps, and if it is here correctly ap-
plied it indicates, not that Mr. Macy has a
monotonous manner, merely, but that he
shares manner and inspiration with many
other painters who have popularized them
and made them the common property of all
who have the inclination and the industry
to avail themselves of them. They have
undoubtedly many excellences, but these are
too familiar to require reference in any paper
whose subject is not the Munich school.
Few of Mr. Vinton's pictures have been
seen in New York, but, of those that have, his
portrait in the last Academy Exhibition, at
least, testifies both to an unusual technical
ability and to a marked artistic sense. It is
excellently conceived, disposed, drawn and
painted. It has a mellow and even rich dec-
orative quality, properly subdued and sub-
ordinated with a great deal of tact to its
portraiture and its emphatic insistence on the
human personality which it is, of course, its
main business to make felt ; any one who
remembers the Exhibition will recall its
agreeable contrast in this respect to the
over-rich decorativeness of Mr. Porter's por-
'trait, which hung on the opposite wall.
Mr. George D. Brush's is the last name on
our present list, and it is one of the newest,
— his portrait and the " Miggles " being his
first contributions to American exhibitions, we
believe. He furnishes another illustration
of the possibility of learning how to paint in
Gerome's studio without acquiring a man-
nerism, or in any way surrendering one's
individuality of mental attitude or technical
expression. " Miggles " has much good
painting in it, and it is gracefully drawn.
Perhaps the name may suggest its failure to
portray Mr. Bret Harte's conception ; but it
has merit enough to carry such a handicap
with obvious ease, and is sufficiently agree-
able and interesting to indicate that Mr.
Brush has real feeling and no mean skill,
from which larger works may not unreason-
ably be expected.
MIGGLES. (GEORGE D. BRUSH.)
336
BJORNSTJERNE BJORNSON.
BJORNSTJERNE BJORNSON.
BJORNSTJERNE BJORNSON.
BJORNSTJERNE BJORNSON is the first Nor-
wegian poet who can in any sense be called
national. The national genius, with its
limitations as well as its virtues, has found
its living embodiment in him. Whenever
he opens his mouth it is as if the nation
itself were speaking. If he writes a little
song, hardly a year elapses before its
phrases have passed into the common
speech of the people ; composers compete
for the honor of interpreting it in simple,
Norse-sounding melodies, which gradually
work their way from the drawing-room to
the kitchen, the street, and thence out over
the wide fields and highlands of Norway.
His tales, romances and dramas express
collectively the supreme result of the nation's
experience, so that no one to-day can view
Norwegian life or Norwegian history except
through their medium. The bitterest oppo-
nent of the poet (for like every strong per-
sonality he has many enemies) is thus no
BJORNSTJERNE BJORNSON.
337
less his debtor than his wannest admirer.
His speech has, in a measure, molded the
common language and forced it to move in
the channels that he has prescribed ; his
thoughts fill the air and have become the
unconscious property of all who have grown
into manhood and womanhood since the
day when his titanic form first loomed up on
the intellectual horizon of the North.
Bjornstjerne Bjornson was born in the
parish of Quickne, in Northern Norway,
December 8th, 1832. The wildness and
solitude of these desolate mountain regions
must have tinged with a pervading solem-
nity the earliest impressions of his child-
hood, and, no doubt, remain as something
more than memories in the mind of the full-
grown poet. Later, his father, who was a
clergyman in the Lutheran Church, re-
moved to Romsdal, a broad, magnificent
mountain valley abounding in those violent
contrasts which are so characteristic of the
Norwegian coast scenery. At the age of
twelve Bjornson was sent to the State gym-
nasium at Molde, where, however, his
progress was not very encouraging. He
was one of those thoroughly healthy and
unsentimental boys who are the despair of
ambitious mothers, and whom fathers (when
the futility of educational chastisement has
been finally proved) are apt to regard with
a resigned and half-humorous regret. His
detestation of books was instinctive, hearty
and uncompromising. His strong, half-
savage boy-nature could brook no restraints,
and looked longingly homeward to the wide
mountain plains, the foaming rivers where
the trout leaped in the summer night, and
the calm, lucid fjord where you might drift
blissfully onward, as it were, suspended in
the midst of the vast, blue, ethereal space.
And when the summer vacation came, with
its glorious freedom and irresponsibility, he
would roam at his own sweet will through
forest and field, until hunger and fatigue
forced him to return to his father's parson-
age.
After several years of steadily unsuccess-
ful study, Bjornson at last passed the so-
called examen artium, which admitted him
to the University. He was now a youth of
large, almost athletic frame, with a hand-
some, striking face, and a pair of blue eyes
which no one is apt to forget who has
ever looked into them. There was a cer-
tain grand simplicity and naivete in his
manner, and an exuberance of animal
spirits which must have made him an object
of curious interest among his town-bred
VOL. XX.— 23.
fellow-students. But his University career
was but of brief duration. All the dimly
fermenting powers of his rich nature were
now beginning to clear; the consciousness
of his calling began to assert itself, and the
demand for expression became imperative.
His literary debut was an historic drama
entitled " Valborg," which was accepted
for representation by the directors of
the Royal Theater, and procured for its
author a free ticket to all theatrical repre-
sentations; it was, however, never brought
on the stage, as Bjornson, having had his
eyes opened to its defects, withdrew it of his
own accord.
At this time the Norwegian stage was
almost entirely in the hands of the Danes,
and all the more prominent actors were of
Danish birth. Theatrical managers drew
freely on the rich dramatic treasures of
Danish literature, and occasionally, for
variety's sake, introduced a French comedy
or farce, whose epigrammatic pith and vigor
were more than half spoiled in the transla-
tion. The drama was as yet merely an
exotic in Norway ; it had no root in the
national soil and could accordingly in no
respect represent the nation's own struggles
and aspirations. The critics themselves, no
doubt, looked upon it merely as a nobler
form of amusement, a thing to be wondered
and stared at, and to be dismissed from
the mind as soon as the curtain dropped.
Bjornson, whose patriotic zeal could not
endure the thought of this abject foreign
dependence, ascribed all the existing abuses
to the predominance of the Danish element,
and in a series of violently rhetorical articles
attacked the Danish actors, managers, and
all who were in any way responsible for the
unworthy condition of the national stage.
In return he reaped, as might have been
expected, an abundant harvest of abuse,
but the discussion he had provoked fur-
nished food for reflection, and the rapid de-
velopment of the Norwegian drama during
the next decade is, no doubt, directly trace-
able to his influence.
The freedom for which he had yearned so
long, Bjornson found at the International
Students' Reunion of 1856. Then the stu-
dents of the Norwegian and Danish Uni-
versities met in Upsala, where they were
received with grand festivities by their Swed-
ish brethren. * Here the poet caught the
* See a paper by the present writer in the "North
American Review," for January, 1873, entitled
" Bjornstjerne Bjornson as a Dramatist."
BJORNSTJERNE BJORNSON.
first glimpse of a greater and freer life than
moved within the narrow horizon of the
Norwegian capital. This gay and careless
student-life, this cheerful abandonment of all
the artificial shackles which burden one's feet
in their daily walk through a half-aristo-
cratic society, the temporary freedom which
allows one without offense to toast a prince
and hug a count to one's bosom — all this
had its influence upon Bjornson's sensitive
nature ; it filled his soul with a happy intox-
ication and with confidence in his own
strength. And having once tasted a life like
this he could no more return to what he had
left behind him.
The next winter we find him in Copen-
hagen, laboring with an intensity and crea-
tive ardor which he had never known before.
His striking appearance, the epigrammatic
terseness of his speech, and a certain naive
self-assertion and impatience of social re-
straints, indicated a spirit of the Promethean
type, a soul cast in a larger mold than na-
ture is wont to employ in this democratic,
all-leveling century. There was a general
expectation at that time that a great poet
was to come, and although Bjornson had as
yet published nothing to justify the expecta-
tion, he found the public of Copenhagen
ready to recognize in him the man who was
to rouse the North from its long intellectual
torpor, and usher in a new era in its litera-
ture. It is needless to say that he did not
discourage this belief; for he himself fer-
vently believed that he should before long
justify it. The first proof of his strength he
gave in the tale " Synnove Solbakken" (Syn-
nove Sunny-Hill), which he published first
in an illustrated weekly, and afterward in
book-form. It is a very unpretending little
story, idyllic in tone, severely realistic in its
coloring, and redolent with the fragrance of
the pine and spruce and birch of the Nor-'
wegian highlands.
It had been the fashion in Norway since
the nation gained its independence to inter-
est oneself in a lofty, condescending way in
the life of the peasantry. A few well-mean-
ing persons, like the poet Wergeland, had
labored zealously for their enlightenment
and the improvement of their physical
condition ; but, except in the case of such
single individuals, no real and vital sym-
pathy and fellow-feeling had ever existed
between the upper and the lower strata
of Norwegian society. And as long as
the fellow-feeling is wanting, this zeal for
enlightenment, however laudable its motive,
is pot apt to produce lasting results ; the
peasants view with distrust and suspicion
whatever comes to them from their social
superiors, and the so-called " useful books,"
which were scattered broadcast over the
land, were of a tediously didactic character,
and, moreover, hardly adapted to the com-
prehension of those to whom they were
ostensibly addressed. Wergeland himself,
with all his self-sacrificing ardor, had but a
vague conception of the real needs of the
people, and wasted much of his valuable life in
his efforts to improve, and edify and instruct
them. It hardly occurred to him that the
culture of which he and his colleagues were
the representatives was itself a foreign im-
portation, and could not by any violent pro-
cess be ingrafted on the national trunk,
which drew its strength from centuries of
national life, history and tradition. That
this peasantry, whom the bourgeoisie and
the aristocracy of culture had been wont
to regard with half-pitying condescension,
were the real representatives of the Norse
nation, that they had preserved through long
years of tyranny and foreign oppression the
historic characteristics of their Norse fore-
fathers, while the upper classes had gone in
search of strange gods, and bowed their necks
to the foreign yoke; that in their veins the old
strong Saga-life was still throbbing with vig-
orous pulse-beats — this was the lesson
which Bjornson undertook to teach his coun-
trymen, and a very fruitful lesson it has
proved to be. It has inspired the people
with a renewed vitality, it has turned the
national life into fresh channels, and it is at
this day quietly revolutionizing the national
politics.
To be sure, all this was not the result
of the idyllic little tale which marked the
beginning of his literary and political career.
But this little tale, although no trace of
what the Germans call " a tendency " is to
be found in it, is still significant as being
the poet's first indirect manifesto, and as
such distinctly foreshadowing the path
which he has since consistently followed.
First, in its purely literary aspect "Synnove
Solbakken" was a striking innovation. The
author did not, as his predecessors had clone,
view the people from the exalted pedestal
of superior culture; not as a subject for
benevolent preaching and charitable con-
descension, but as a concrete historic phe-
nomenon, whose raison d'etre was as abso-
lute and indisputable as that of the bourgeoisie
or the aristocracy itself. He depicted their
soul-struggles and the incidents of their
daily life with a loving minuteness and a
BJORNSTJERNE BJORNSON.
339
vivid realism hitherto unequaled in the
literature of the North. He did not, like
Auerbach, construct his peasant figures
through laborious reflection, nor did he
attempt by anxious psychological analysis
to initiate the reader into their processes of
thought and emotion. He simply depicted
them as he saw and knew them ; their feel-
ings and actions have their immediate, self-
evident motives in the characters themselves,
and the absence of reflection on the
author's part gives an increased energy and
movement to the story. A reader is never
disposed to cavil with a poet who is himself
so profoundly convinced of the reality of
his narrative.
Bjornson's style, as exhibited in "Synnove
Solbakken," was no less novel than his
theme. It can hardly be said to have been
consciously modeled after the Saga style, to
which, however, it bears an obvious resem-
blance. In his early childhood, while he
lived among the peasants, he, no doubt,
became familiar with their mode of thought
and speech, and it entered into his being,
and became his own natural mode of ex-
pression. There is even in his common
conversation a certain grim directness, and
a laconic ponderosity, which give an air
of importance and authority even to his sim-
plest utterances. While listening to him the
thought has often urged itself upon me
that it was thus King Sverre and St. Olaf
spoke, and it was not hard to compre-
hend how they swayed the turbulent souls
of their Norsemen by the power of. such
speech.
In Bjornson's tales and dramas this innate
tendency to compression frequently has the
effect of obscurity, not because his thought
is obscure, but rather because this energetic
brevity of expression has fallen into disuse,
and even a Norse public, long accustomed
to the wordy diffuseness of latter-day bards,
have in part lost the faculty to comprehend
the genius of their own language. The old
scalds, even if translated into Danish, would
hardly be plain reading to modern Norse-
men. Before becoming personally acquainted
with Bjornson I admit that 1 was disposed
to share the common error, believing his
laconic sententiousness to be a mere literary
artifice ; but when, at a certain political
meeting in Guldbrandsdale, in July, 1873, I
heard him hurl forth a torrent of impassioned
rhetoric, every word and phrase of which
seemed bursting with a fullness of compressed
meaning, I felt that here was a man of
the old heroic mold, inspired with the
greatness of his mission, wielding granite
masses of words as if they had been light
as feathers and pliable as clay. And such a
man does not stoop to artifices. The
thought burns at a white heat within him,
melting the stubborn ore of language into
liquid streams, and molding it powerfully
so as to express the subtlest shades of
meaning. If a style accomplishes this
result, if it reproduces the genius of the
thing it is to represent, what more do
you want of it ? What does it matter whence
it comes, or after whom it is modeled?
Bjornson's style, moreover, abounds in strong,
sensuous color, is at the same time warmly
tinged by an all-pervading poetic tone ; it is
swiftly responsive to every shifting mood,
and with all its ponderosity reflects faithfully
the characteristic features of the national
physiognomy. It has already conquered
or is conquering the rising generation ; or as
a former fellow- student of mine remarked
to me during my last visit to Norway :
" Bjornsonian is the language of the
future."
" Synnove Solbakken " has been trans-
lated into nearly ail the European lan-
guages ; in England it was published several
years ago under the title " Love and Life in
Norway." Singularly enough, no American
edition has as yet appeared.
In 1858, Bjornson assumed the director-
ship of the theater in Bergen, and there
published his second tale, " Arne," which is
too well known on this side of the Atlantic
(though in a very poor translation) to require
a detailed analysis. The same admirable
self-restraint, the same implicit confidence
in the intelligence of his reader, the same
firm-handed decision and vigor in the char-
acter drawing, in fact, all the qualities which
startled the public in " Synnove Solbakken,"
were found here in an intensified degree.
In the meanwhile, Bjornson had also
made his debut as a dramatist. In the year
1858 he had published two dramas, "Mellem
Slagene" (Between the Battles) and "Hake
Hulda " (Limping Hulda), both of which
deal with national subjects, taken from the
old Norse Sagas. As in his tales he had
endeavored to concentrate into a few
strongly defined types the modern folk-life
of the North, so in his dramas the same
innate love of his nationality leads him to
seek the typical features of his people as
they are revealed in the historic chieftains
of the past. And in the Saga age Norway
was still an historic arena where vast forces
were wrestling, and whence strong spiritual
340
BJORNSTJERNE BJORNSON.
currents went forth to infuse fresh, uncor-
rupted life-blood into the drowsier civiliza-
tions of the south. Life then moved with
full-throbbing, vigorous pulse-beats, the rov-
ing habits and indomitable valor of the
Norseman extended his horizon over the
whole known world, the liberal, though
half-barbaric organization of the state, which
placed the subject nearly on a level with
the ruler, allowed the widest scope for indi-
vidual development. In such an age one
may confidently look for large types, strong
antithesis of character and situations full
of spontaneous dramatic vigor.
Again, as the creator of a national drama,
Bjornson, as well as his great rival Henrik
Ibsen, had another advantage which is not
to be lightly estimated. That he must
have been conscious of it himself, his con-
sistency in the selection of his themes is a
sufficient proof. Only in a single instance (in
his " Maria Stuart") has he strayed beyond
the soil of his fatherland in search of his
hero. It had been the fashion in Norway,
as, unfortunately, it is in the United States
at the present day, to measure the worth
of a drama by the novelty and ingenuity of
its situations, by its scenic effects, and its
power to amuse or to move. The poet was
required to invent, and the more startling
his inventions the greater his meed of
praise. That a national drama could never
be founded on such purely subjective in-
vention seemed never to have occurred to
any one. Professors and scholars might
praise the Attic drama and marvel at its
wonderful effect upon the populace as an
educational agency and a powerful stimulus
to patriotism, but they would probably have
denounced it as a wild theory, if any one had
maintained that a similar or corresponding
effect might be reproduced in Norway and
in the nineteenth century. Nevertheless,
this is, mutatis mutandis, exactly what Bjorn-
son has attempted to do. yEschylus, Soph-
ocles, and Euripides dramatized the national
traditions; they represented upon the stage
the deeds of Agamemnon, Orestes, Ajax
— deeds and heroes which were familiar
to every Athenian from his earliest child-
hood ; they built upon a sure national basis,
appealed to strong national instincts, and,
if they violated no aesthetic law, were sure
of a ready response. Tradition and history
furnished their themes, which admitted of but
few and slight variations ; but in the dram-
atization of these long-established events, in
the dialogue and characterization, in the
introduction of choruses, in scenic effects
and in all the dramatic accessories of the
action, their genius had full scope, and in
accordance with the amount of ability they
displayed in the invention and disposition of
these, the value of their work was estimated.
In Norway, too, as in Athens, there are
historic heroes and events which are deeply
engraved in the hearts of every Norse man
and woman. There is hardly a boy whose
cheeks have not glowed with pride at the
mention of the Fair-haired Harold's name,
who has not fought at Svolder at Olaf Tryg-
vesson's side, who has not stood on Kjolen's
ridge with St. Olaf, gazing out over Norway's
fair valleys, who has not mourned the death
of the saintly king at Stiklestad, and followed
Sverre Sigurdson through fair and foul
weather while he roamed over the mount-
ains with his hardy Birchlegs. Among the
peasantry, tradition has long been busy with
these names ; ballads are sung and tales are
told in which their deeds are praised and
adorned with many fabulous accessories;
and until this very day their names have a
potent charm to the Norseman's ear Here,
then, is the historic and traditional basis
upon which a great and enduring national
drama can safely be built. Bjornson, with
all the warm Gothic strength of his nature,
has set himself to his task, and the structure
is now already well advanced.
The old Norse history, as related in the
Heimskringla of the Icelander Snorre Sturl-
ason, is an inexhaustible mine of treasure to
the dramatic poet. It abounds in tragic
themes, vivid character-drawing, and mag-
nificent situations which leap and throb with
intense dramatic life. Existence was a
comparatively simple affair then, as long as
one managed to keep it. Life was held
cheap, and death in a good cause glorious.
Men's motives were plain, strong, and
sharply defined, and their actions prompt
and decisive. The things that you must re-
frain from doing were easily counted on the
fingers of one hand. No complicated so-
cial or moral machinery obstructed the
hero's path toward the goal he had set him-
self. Strength of will then made the hero.
There was no greatness without it — no virt-
ue. And this must be kept steadily in
mind while viewing Bjornson's Sigurds and
Sverres and Eyolfs. To take an instance,
and evidently a favorite one with the
poet:
Sigurd (afterward surnamed Slembe), a
brave lad of eighteen, enters St. Olaf's
Chapel, throws his cap on the floor, kneels
before the altar and thus addresses the saint:
BJORNSTJERNE BJORNSON,
"Now only listen to me, saintly Olaf!
To-day I whipped young Beintein ! Beintein was
The strongest man in Norway. Now am I !
Now I can walk from Lindesnas and on,
Up the northern boundary of the snow,
To no one step aside or lift my hat.
There where I am, no man hath leave to fight,
To make alarm, to threaten, or to swear —
Peace everywhere ! And he who wrong hath suf-
fered
Shall justice find, until the laws shall sing.
And as before the great have whipped the small,
So will I help the small to whip the great.
Now I can offer counsel at the Ting,*
Now to the King's board I can boldly walk
And sit beside him, saying ' Here am I ! ' '
Sigurd has a dim presentiment that he is
born for something great. His foster-father,
Adalbrekt, has in wrath betrayed that he is not
his son, and the boy's restless fancy is fired
by the possibilities which this knowledge
opens up to him. In the next scene he
compels his mother, in the presence of the
chieftain Koll Saebjornson, to reveal the
secret of his birth, and on learning that he
is the son of King Magnus Barefoot, he
turns toward the image of the royal saint
and cries :
" Then you and I are kinsmen ! "
The ennobling or destroying power of a
great mission is the central thought in
nearly all of Bjornson's dramas. To Sigurd
the knowledge of his birth is a clue by
the aid of which his whole past inner life
grows clear to him. He is not Hamlet,
who shuns the results of his own thoughts.
He rather burns to shape them into actions
that shall resound far and near over the
land. It must be borne in mind that,
according to Norwegian law, every son
of a king, whether legitimate or not, was
heir to the throne and entitled to his share
of the kingdom. Illegitimacy was at that
time hardly considered as a stain upon
a man's honor. Sigurd therefore deter-
mines to go to the king and demand recog-
nition, but Koll Saebjornson convinces him
of the utter hopelessness of such an errand,
and induces him to give it up. But the
fatal knowledge has come like a new power
into his narrow life ; it lifts the roof from his
soul ; it sends down sun-gleams of strange
and high things, opens long, shining vistas
of hope, and the thoughts rise on strong
wings toward loftier goals than hitherto
were dreamt of. It becomes an inspiration,
an exalted mission in whose service tears,
and sorrow, and suffering are as nought.
The old cramped existence, with its small
* Assembly, parliament
aims and its limited horizon, becomes too
narrow for the soul that harbors the royal
thought. By the aid of Koll he fits out a
ship, takes the cross, and steers for southern
lands.
In the second division of the trilogy, en-
titled " Sigurd's Second Flight," we find
I him eight years later in Scotland, where his
ship has been wrecked and his crew scat-
tered. He has served with distinction at
the court of the Scottish king, and has
' gained great fame for prowess and daring.
! The king has now sent him to the farm
Kataness, where Harold, the Earl of the
Orkpeys, lives, having been defeated and
driven from his heritage by his brother
Paul. After a brief love-affair with Aud-
hild, a young kinswoman of the Earl's, he
conquers the usurper, makes peace between
the brothers, and starts once more for the
Holy Land.
In this, as in the last division of the
drama (Sigurd's Return), the gradual trans-
formation of the hero's character is
traced with marvelous minuteness and
skill. Through all his long wanderings the
ever-present thought that he is a king, the
born heir to Norway's throne, pushes all
mere considerations of prudence out of
sight, and fills his whole soul. After
another absence of eight years he arrives in
Norway, and demands recognition of his
brother, king Harold Gille. The king, who
is a weak and vainglorious man and an un-
conscious tool in the hands of his chieftains,
is at first disposed to receive him well, but
in the end allows evil counsel to prevail.
No one doubts the justice of Sigurd's claim,
for he bears on his brow the mark of his
royal birth. But the ambitious chiefs, who
now rule the king as well as the land, fear
him, knowing well that if he shall seize the
rudder of the State, their power will end.
They plan treachery against him, arrest
him in the name of the king, and make an
attempt against his life. Sigurd, however,
escapes to the mountains, spends the winter
among the Finns, and in the spring gathers
flocks of discontented men about him. A
long and bloody civil war commences, and
Sigurd wreaks cruel vengeance on his ene-
mies. The cold-blooded treachery of the
king has hardened him, and he repays like
for like. He lands in the night with a
band of men at the wharves of Bergen and
kills his brother. Many of those who have
secretly or openly favored him now desert
his cause, and after his last battle at Hol-
mengraa he is captured and tortured to
342
BJORNSTJERNE BJORNSON.
death. The drama closes with a beautiful
scene between Sigurd and his mother during
the battle, the result of which is distinctly
foreshadowed.
The trilogy of Sigurd Slembe is not easy
reading ; the dialogue is ponderous, full of
grave and weighty thoughts and moving
with the heavy dignity of a steel-clad war-
rior. It is absolutely lacking in plastic
grace, and has no superfluous rhetorical
ornaments. Each thought fills its phrase as
completely as if molded in liquid form
within it. It is a play to be seen rather
than read. The effects are everywhere mas-
sive, and the tragic problem is stated, with
a clear conciseness that leaves nothing to
be desired. The moral atmosphere of the
twelfth century is so artistically reproduced
that we are unconsciously forced to judge
the hero by the standards and ideals of his
own age. Even though his path is strewn
with misdeeds, he never loses our sym-
pathy; we feel the tragic force that hurries
him onward, and the psychological consist-
ency of his development from a trustful,
warm-hearted youth to a hard, reluctantly
cruel, and withal nobly inspired man. It
is no longer a mission he fights for, but a
right; and in this single-handed battle
against society the individual must suc-
cumb. Even though justice be on its side,
this very justice, violated by questionable
deeds in its own pursuit, demands a tragic
denouement; it is the iron force of the law,
from which even the hero is not exempt.
This gradual deepening and intensifying
of a life under the stress of a grand thought
or passion is Bjornson's favorite problem.
The very grandeur of the hero's character
places him in antagonism to the narrow,
short-sighted interests of society which, on
every side, hedge him in. His keenly felt
right of self-determination clashes with the
same right on the part of his neighbor, and,
in the inevitable conflict that ensues, the
weaker is sacrificed. Individually the neigh-
bor may be the weaker, and individually he
may accordingly succumb, but as represent-
ing the eternal right he will, in the end,
prevail.
In another of Bjornson's dramas (" Limp-
ing Hulda ") the passion of love plays a
rdle similar to that here assigned to the
" royal thought." Eyolf Finnson, a warrior
of the king's body-guard, loves Hulda, the
wife of the chieftain Gudleik Aslakson.
She returns his love, and they plot the
death of Gudleik, whom Eyolf slays.
Hulda has lived a bitter life of dependence,
steeped in commonplace cares, and has been
forced to smother all the high ideal yearn-
ings of her heart. But at the sight of Eyolf
they blaze up into a wild, devouring flame,
all the depths of her strong nature are
stirred, and she marches with a royal
heedlessness toward her goal, thrusting down
by her lover's arm every obstacle in her
way. Measured by the standards of her
own age, she appears grand and exalted ;
and the problem is so stated that, however
much we may condemn each separate deed,
the doer never becomes sordid, never loses
our sympathy. The motive is overwhelm-
ingly potent. The titanic passion, whether
lawful or not, has a sublimity of its own
which compels a breathless admiration and
awe.* The poet's ethical conception of his
problem is in no way confused ; he sees
himself the expiation which the guilt neces-
sitates, and the vengeance which overtakes
the lovers in the last act satisfies poetic as
well as ethical justice, and reasserts the
rights of society in its relation to the heroic
transgressor. But apart from all ethical
considerations a supreme passion has its
aesthetic justification, and what the great
Danish critic Brandes has said of the poet
Ibsen would, no doubt, as correctly define
Bjornson's attitude toward the moral law in
his capacity of dramatist : " Strength of will
— this it is which to him is the really
sublime."
Bjornson has several times been the " ar-
tistic director " of the Norwegian stage, first
in Bergen and later in Christiania, and has,
no doubt, while in this position, made the
discouraging discovery that the theatrical
public are seldom apt to take a favorable
view of any enterprise that savors, even re-
motely, of the didactic. The newspapers
in Norway, as elsewhere, are fond of talk-
ing unctuously of the elevating influence of
the stage, and the city of Christiania, and, if
we are not mistaken, the Parliament itself,
have frequently subsidized the principal
theater when it seemed to be on the verge
of financial ruin. The inhabitants of the
Norwegian capital are justly proud of their
excellent stage, which compares favorably
with that of any European capital, exclusive
of Paris and Vienna. But as the repertoire
of national dramas is as yet very small, and
Bjornson's and Ibsen's historic tragedies
have been played so often that half the pub-
* See " Bjornstjerne Bjornson as a Dramatist,"
"North American Review," January, 1873, where
an analysis and extracts of this drama are given.
BJORNSTJERNE BJORNSON.
343
lie must by this time almost know them by
heart, the managers have been forced to
rely chiefly on translations of French com-
edies and operas bouffes, which are fre-
quently anything but elevating. This state
of things Bjornson has tried to counteract
by the publication of a series of short historic
plays, the plots of which are invariably taken
from the Sagas. In his preface to the first of
these (" Sigurd the Crusader ") he develops
his plan as follows :
" ' Sigurd the Crusader ' is meant to be what is
called a 'folk-play.' It is my intention to make
several dramatic experiments with grand scenes
from the Sagas, lifting them into a strong but not
too heavy frame. By a ' folk-play ' I mean a play
which should appeal to every eye and every stage
of culture, to each in its own way, and at the per-
formance of which all, for the time being, would
experience the joy of fellow-feeling. The common
history of a people is best available for this pur-
pose— nay, it ought dramatically never to be treated
otherwise. The treatment must necessarily be sim-
ple and the emotions predominant ; it should be
accompanied with music, and the development
should progress in clear groups. * *
" The old as well as the new historic folk-litera-
ture will, with its corresponding comic element, as
I think, be a great gain to the stage, and will pre-
serve its connection with the people where this
has not already been lost — so that it be no longer a
mere institution for amusement, and that only to a
single class. Unless we take this view of our
stage, it will lose its right to be regarded as a na-
tional affair, and the best part of its purpose, to unite
while it lifts and makes us free, will be gradually
assumed by some other agency. Nor shall we ever
get actors fit for anything but trifles, unless we
abandon our foreign French tendency as a leading
one an'd substitute the national needs of our own
people in its place."
It would be interesting to note how the
author has attempted to solve a problem
so important and so difficult as this. In
the first place, we find in the " Sigurd the
Crusader " not a trace of a didactic purpose
beyond that of familiarizing the people with
its own history, and this, as he himself ad-
mits in the preface just quoted, is merely
a secondary consideration. He wishes to
make all, irrespective of age, culture, and
social station, feel strongly the bond of their
common nationality; and, with this in view,
he proceeds to unroll to them a panorama
of simple but strikingly dramatic situations,
firmly knit together by a plot or story which,
without the faintest tinge of sensationalism,
is instinct with a certain emotional vigor,
appealing to those broadly human and
national sympathies which form the com-
mon mental basis of Norse ignorance and
Norse learning. He seizes the point of the
Saga where the long-smouldering hostility
between the royal brothers, Sigurd the Cru-
sader and Ey stein, has broken into full blaze,
and traces, in a series of vigorously sketched
scenes, the intrigue and counter-intrigue
which hurry the action onward toward its
logically prepared climax — of a mutual rec-
onciliation. The dialogue, it must be ad-
mitted, is almost glaringly destitute of poet-
ical graces, but has, perhaps on that very
account, a certain simple impressiveness
which, no doubt, was the effect the author
primarily designed.
In looking back upon the long series of
monumental works which have come from
Bjornson's pen during the last twenty years,
no one can escape a sense of wonder at the
versatility and many-sidedness of his gen-
ius. His creative activity has found ex-
pression in almost all the more prominent
branches of literature, and in each he has
labored with originality and force, breaking
his own path and refusing to follow the
well-worn ruts of literary precedents. His
tales and dramas penetrated into the hidden
depths of Norse folk-life in the present and
in the past, his lyrics have expressed, in
striking words though in heavily moving
rhythm, the deepest needs and yearnings of
the Norseman's heart, and his epic (" Arn-
Ijot Gelline "), which in artistic merit falls
considerably below his other productions,
has a wild waywardness of thought and
movement which we have called epic merely
because it refuses to class itself under any
other accepted species of literary expression.
Whatever he writes is weighty and vital —
fraught with the life-blood of his profound-
est experience. He never condescends, like
so many who now claim the name of poets,
to make experiments for literary effect; and
whatever may be the technical deficiencies
of this or that work, this living, nervous,
blood-veined vitality gives it an abiding
value of which no amount of caviling criti-
cism can ever deprive it. He is no " par-
lor poet," who stands aloof from life, retir-
ing into the close-curtained privacy of his
study to ponder upon so'me abstract, blood-
less and sexless theme for the edification of
a blase, over-refined public, delighting in
mere flimsy ingenuity because their dis-
eased nerves can no longer relish the soul-
stirring passions and emotions of a healthy
and active humanity. Bjornson's poetry is
bound by strong organic chords to his life,
and his life is his nation's life. If you
sever the vital connection between the two,
the former could no more live than the
plant uprooted from its native soil. He
walks with keen, wide-awake senses through
344
BJORNSTJERNE BJORNSON.
the thick of life, rejoicing, in the fullness of
his great heart at every sign of his people's
progress, burning with indignation at every
public wrong, lifting his voice boldly for
human right and freedom, and whoever
comes but for a moment within the sphere
of his mighty personality, feels himself lifted
into loftier, more ideal views of existence —
feels himself inspired with a brighter hope
for the future of his race. Nothing small
and mean and sordid can endure the light
of his eye ; and the purblind conservatives
of Norway, soul-crippled by prosperity and
gout, can only cry themselves hoarse through
the newspapers, but seldom dare to meet
him face to face to measure strength with
him in open debate. They rather intrench
themselves behind the formidable barricades
of traditional and ancestral virtue and de-
nounce the innovator with shrill indigna-
tion, though his arguments may still remain
impregnable.
From this daily battle with political
obscurantism and superstition, from his inti-
mate association with people of all classes
and ages, from his own manful struggles for
the right, he has gained and is ever gaining
a great fund of knowledge, which in time
crystallizes in his mind and assumes the
form of poetic utterance. It is the natural
process of his mind, and to him the only
process. The common notion that the poet
must be a mere ideal thinker, unsoiled by
the dust of vulgar life, he utterly scouts.
It must be said in praise of the conservative
majority which at that time ruled the Nor-
wegian Parliament (Storthing), that it did riot
stop to cross-question him on his political
convictions, before recognizing the worth
of his poetic activity to the nation. To be
sure, he had not then unfurled his political
banner, and very likely many of those who
then voted him an annual poet's salary for
life, from the national treasury, may now
heartily regret their own generosity. Since
then, however, the power has passed into
the hands of the more radical peasant-
party, the majority of which were, until very
recently, in cordial sympathy with 'the poet.
How long will it be before our American
Congress shall have arrived at the stage
of development when it will of its own
accord — and without any friendly lobbying
on the part of anybody — thus frankly rec-
ognize a poet's claim to the nation's grati-
tude ? How long before it will, in mere
common justice, allow an author to reap
the full profits of his own labor ? In Nor-
way there is now hardly a man of any dis-
tinction in literature who is not, without any
direct stipulation to render anything in re-
turn, by the munificence of the Storthing
enabled to pursue his vocation untroubled
by the care for bread. Beside Bjornson,
Henrik Ibsen, Jonas Lie and Kristofer
Janson, and possibly several more, receive
such a " poet's salary," and all classes seem
to be agreed that never has a state invest-
ment yielded a richer return. As regards
Bjornson, he has taught the Norsemen
what their nationality means, and thereby
transformed the vain patriotic boasting of
former years into a deep and abiding love.
He is laboring, in song and speech and
action, to break down the feudal reminis-
cences of the Middle Ages which still linger
on in Norwegian politics and society; and
he is striving to make each forget his
petty, accidental advantages of birth, or
wealth, or culture, by uniting all under
the broad, battle-scarred shield of nat-
ural fellow-feeling. And a man of such
grand intellectual stature, a man of such
fire of thought, and such valor in action,
a man who has the strength to force a
whole nation to follow in his path — how
can we judge and measure him, how can
we estimate his work ? The poet is decried
and overwhelmed with petty abuse by
those who have reason to dread the re-
sults of his mighty and fearless thought;
but he heeds little the raven-cry from the
camp of frightened prudence, knowing well
that he is strong and can afford to be gen-
erous. For the people's heart still beats in
unison with his own — that people whose
deepest emotions and thoughts he has
interpreted, and whose secluded life he has
lifted into a bright, far-seen niche in the
great literature of the world.
Since the foregoing was written, Bjorn-
son has published several dramas and tales,
dealing with the various social and political
problems of modern life. Some of them,
as, for instance, " The Editor," and " Bank-
ruptcy," have had a well-deserved success
on the stage at home and abroad, while
others (" Leonarda " and the novel " Magn-
hild ") have been a great disappointment to
many of the author's sincerest admirers. In
both, the social reformer seems to have run
away with the poet. In " Magnhild," the
characters are but vaguely sketched, and
their language is exasperatingly enigmatical,
unnatural and full of mannerisms. In a
poem entitled " The King," Bjornson de-
clares monarchy to be, of necessity, a lie,
IN THE HEART OF THE CALIFORNIA ALPS.
345
and, in the guise of the republican prince,
he announces his own allegiance to the
republic.
Singular as it may seem, his popularity in
Norway has suffered severely by his refusal
to believe in a personal devil. His political
heterodoxy has long been tolerated, and
he has had innumerable partisans, always
ready to shout for him and to raise him
upon their shoulders ; but his disrespect for
Satan has frightened the majority of these
away, and the petty persecution of the re-
actionary press and the official Philistines
has made his. life at home during the last
year very bitter to him. He has, therefore,
resolved to sell his homestead in Guld-
brandsdale and to live henceforth perma-
nently abroad.
IN THE HEART OF THE CALIFORNIA ALPS.
EARLY one bright morning in the mid-
dle of Indian summer, while the glacier
meadows were still crisp with frost crys-
tals, I set out from the foot of Mount
Lyell, on my way down to Yosemite Valley.
I had spent the past summer, and many
preceding ones, exploring the glaciers that
lie on the head-waters of the San Joaquin,
Tuolumne, Merced, and Owen's rivers;
measuring and studying their movements,
trends, crevasses, moraines, etc., and the
part they had played during the period of
their greater extension in the creation and
development of the landscapes of this Alpine
wonderland. Having been cold and hun-
gry so many times, and worked so hard, I
was weary, and began to look forward with
delight to the approaching winter, when
I would be warmly snow-bound in my
Yosemite cabin, with plenty of bread and
books ; but a tinge of regret came on when
I considered that possibly I was now look-
ing on all this fresh wilderness for the last
time.
To describe these glorious Alps, with
their thousand peaks and spires dipping far
into the thin sky, the ice and snow and
avalanches, glad torrents and lakes, woods
and gardens, the bears in the groves, wild
sheep on the dizzy heights — these would
require the love-work of a whole life. The
lessons and enjoyments of even a single day
would probably weary most readers, how-
ever consumingly interested they might be
if brought into actual contact with them.
Therefore, I am only going to offer some
characteristic pictures, drawn from the wild-
est places, and strung together on a strip
of narrative.
Few portions of the California Alps are,
strictly speaking, picturesque. The whole
massive uplift of the range, four hundred
and fifty miles long, by about seventy wide,
is one grand picture, not clearly divisible into
smaller ones ; in this respect it differs greatly
from the older and riper mountains of the
Coast range. All the landscapes of the
Sierra were born again — remodeled deep
down to the roots of their granite founda-
tions by the developing ice-floods of the last
geological winter. But all were not brought
forth simultaneously; and, in general, the
younger the mountain landscapes, the less
separable are they into artistic bits capable
of being made into warm, sympathetic,
lovable pictures.
Here, however, on the head- waters of the
Tuolumne, is a group of wild Alps on which
the geologist may say the sun has but just
begun to shine, yet in a high degree pictur-
esque, and in all its main features so regu-
lar and evenly balanced as almost to appear
conventional — one somber cluster of snow-
laden peaks with gray pine-fringed granite
bosses braided around its base, the whole
surging free into the sky from the head of a
magnificent valley, whose lofty walls are
beveled away on both sides so as to embrace
it all without admitting anything not strictly
belonging to it. The foreground was now
all aflame with autumn colors, brown and
purple and gold, ripe in the mellow sun-
shine; contrasting brightly with the deep,
cobalt blue of the sky, and the black and
gray, and pure, spiritual white of the rocks
and glaciers. Down through the midst,
the young Tuolumne was seen pour-
ing from its crystal fountains, now resting
in glassy pools as if changing back again
into ice, now leaping in white cascades as
if turning to snow ; gliding right and left
between the granite bosses, then sweeping
on through the smooth, meadowy levels of
the valley, swaying pensively from side to
side with calm, stately gestures past dipping
willows and sedges, and around groves of
arrowy pine ; and throughout its whole
eventful course, flowing fast or slow, sing-
ing loud or low, ever filling the landscape
with spiritual animation, and manifesting
346
IN THE HEART OF THE CALIFORNIA ALPS.
the grandeur of its sources in every move-
ment and tone.
Pursuing my lonely way down the valley,
I turned again and again to gaze on the
glorious picture, throwing up my arms to
inclose it as in a frame. After long ages of
growth in the darkness beneath the glaciers,
through sunshine and storms, it seemed
now to be ready and waiting for the elected
artist, like yellow wheat for the reaper; and
I could not help wishing that I were that
artist. I had to be content, however, to
take it into my soul. At length, after round-
ing a precipitous headland that puts out from
the west wall of the valley, every peak van-
ished from sight, and I pushed rapidly along
the frozen meadows, over the divide between
the waters of the Merced and Tuolumne,
and down through the lower forests that
clothe the slopes of Cloud's Rest, arriving
in Yosemite in due time — which, with me, is
any time. And, strange to say, among the
first human beings I met here were two
artists who were awaiting my return. Hand-
ing me letters of introduction, they inquired
whether in the course of my explorations in
the adjacent mountains I had ever come
upon a landscape suitable for a large paint-
ing; whereupon I began a description of
the one that so lately excited my admi-
ration. Then, as I went on further and
further into details, their faces began to
glow, and I offered to guide them to it, while
they declared they would gladly follow, far
or near, whithersoever I could spare the
time to lead them.
Since storms might come breaking down
through the fine weather at any time, bury-
ing the meadow colors in snow, and cutting
off their retreat, I advised getting ready at
once.
Our course lay out of the valley by the
Vernal and Nevada Falls, thence over the
main dividing ridge to the Big Tuolumne
Meadows, by the old Mono trail, and thence
along the river-bank to its head. This was
my companions' first excursion into the
High Sierra, and the way that the fresh
beauty was reflected from their faces made
for me a novel and interesting study. They
naturally were affected most of all by the
colors. The intense azure of the sky, the
purplish grays of the granite, the red anc
browns of dry meadows, and the translucen
purple and crimson of huckleberry bogs ; th<
flaming yellow of aspen groves, the silvery
flashing of the streams, and the bright green
and blue of the glacier lakes. But the
general expression of the scenery — rocky anc
avage — seemed sadly disappointing; and
as they threaded the forest from ridge to
idge, eagerly scanning the landscapes as
hey were unfolded, they said : " All this
s sublime, but we see nothing as yet al
all available for effective pictures. Art is
ong, and art is limited, you know; and here
ire foregrounds, middle-grounds, back'
;rounds, all alike ; bare rock- waves, woods
Droves, diminutive flecks of meadow, anc
strips of glittering water." " Never mind,'
: replied, "only bide a wee." At length
.oward the end of the second day, the Siern
crown began to come into view, and whei
we had fairly rounded the projecting head
and mentioned above, the whole pictun
stood revealed in the full flush of the alpen
*low. Now their enthusiasm was excite<
Deyond bounds, and the more impulsiv
of the two dashed ahead, shouting an<
gesticulating and tossing his arms in th
air like a madman. Here, at last, was
typical Alpine landscape.
After feasting awhile, I proceeded to mak
camp in a sheltered grove a little way bac
from the meadow, where pine-boughs coul
be obtained for beds, while the artists ran her
and there, along the river-bends and up th
side of the canon, choosing foregrounds fc
sketches. After dark, when our tea ws
made and a rousing fire kindled, we bega
to make our plans. They decided to remai
here several days, at the least, while I coi
eluded to make an excursion in the meai
time to the untouched summit of Ritter.
•It was now about the middle of Octobe
the spring-time of snow-flowers. The fir
winter clouds had bloomed, and the peal
were strewn with fresh crystals, without, hov
ever, affecting the climbing to any dangeroi
extent. And as the weather was still pr
foundly calm, and the distance to the foot <
the mountain only a little more than a da
I felt that I was running no great risk i
being storm-bound.
Ritter is king of our Alps, and had nev
been climbed. I had explored the adjace
peaks summer after summer, and, but for tl
tendency to reserve a grand masterpiece li
this for a special attempt, it seemed stran
that in all these years I had made no effc
to reach its commanding summit. Its heig
above sea-level is about 13,300 feet, and
fenced round by steeply inclined glaciers, ai
canons of tremendous depth and ruggedne
rendering it comparatively inaccessible. I
difficulties of this kind only exhilarate t
mountaineer.
Next morning, the artists went heartily
IN THE HEART OF THE CALIFORNIA ALPS.
347
their work and I to mine. Former experi-
ences had given good reason to know what
storm passion might be brooding, invisible
as yet, in the calm sun-gold ; therefore, before
bidding farewell, I warned them not to be
alarmed should I fail to appear before a week
or ten days, and advised them, in case a
snow-storm should set in, to keep up big
fires and shelter themselves as best they
could, and on no account to become fright-
ened and attempt to seek their way back to
Yosemite alone.
My general plan was simply this : to scale
the canon wall, cross over to the eastern
flank of the range, and then make my way
southward to the northern spurs of Mount
Ritter, in compliance with the intervening
topography; for to push on directly south-
ward from camp through the innumerable
peaks and pinnacles that adorn this position
of the axis of the range is simply impossible.
All my first day was pure pleasure ; crossing
the dry pathways of the grand old glaciers,
tracing happy streams, and learning the
habits of the birds and marmots in the groves
and rocks. Before I had gone a mile from
camp, I came to the foot of a white cascade
that beats its way down a rugged gorge
in the canon wall, from a height of about
nine hundred feet, and pours its throbbing
waters into theTuolumne. I was acquainted
with its fountains, which, fortunately, lay in
my course. What a fine traveling companion
it proved to be, what songs it sang, and how
passionately it told the mountain's own joy !
Gladly I climbed along its dashing border,
absorbing its divine music, and bathing from
time to rime in waftings of irised spray.
Climbing higher, higher, new beauty came
streaming on the sight : painted meadows,
late-blooming gardens, peaks of rare archi-
tecture, lakes here and there, shining like
silver, and glimpses of the forested lowlands
seen far in the west. Over the summit, I
saw the so-called Mono desert lying dreapi-
ily silent in thick, purple light — a desert of
heavy sun-glare beheld from a desert of
ice-burnished granite. Here the mountain
waters divide, flowing east to vanish in the
volcanic sands and dry sky of the Great
Basin; west, to flow through the Golden
Gate to the sea.
Passing a little way down over the sum-
mit until I had reached an elevation of about
ten thousand feet, I pushed on southward
toward a group of savage peaks that stand
guard around Ritter on the north and west,
groping my way, and dealing instinctively
with every obstacle as it presented itself.
Here a huge gorge would be found cutting
across my path, along the dizzy edge of
which I scrambled until some less precipi-
tous point was discovered where I might
safely venture to the bottom and, selecting
some feasible portion of the opposite wall,
re-ascend with the same slow caution. Mas-
sive, flat-topped spurs alternate with the
gorges, plunging abruptly from the shoulders
of the snowy peaks, and planting their feet
in the warm desert. These were everywhere
marked and adorned with characteristic
sculptures of the ancient glaciers that swept
over this entire region like one vast ice-
wind, and the polished surfaces produced by
the ponderous flood are still so perfectly
preserved that in many places the sunlight
reflected from them is about as trying to
the eyes as sheets of snow.
God's glacial-mills grind slowly, but they
have been kept in motion long enough to
grind sufficient soil for any Alpine crop,
though most of the grist has been carried to
the lowlands, leaving these high regions lean
and bare ; while the post-glacial agents of
erosion have not yet furnished sufficient
available food for more than a few tufts of
the hardiest plants, chiefly carices and cri-
ogonae. And it is interesting to learn in this
connection that the sparseness and repressed
character of the vegetation at this height is
caused more by want of soil than by harshness
of climate ; for, here and there, in sheltered
hollows countersunk beneath the general
surface into which a few rods of well-ground
moraine chips have been dumped, we find
groves of spruce and pine thirty to forty feet
high, trimmed around the edges with willow
and huckleberry bushes, and oftentimes still
further by an outer ring of tall grasses, bright
with lupines, larkspurs, and showy colum-
bines, suggesting a climate by no means re-
pressingly severe. All the streams, too, and
the pools at this elevation are furnished with
little gardens, which, though making scarce
any show at a distance, constitute charming
surprises to the appreciative observer in their
midst. In these bits of leafiness a few birds
find grateful homes. Having no acquaint-
ance with man, they fear no ill, and flock
curiously around the stranger, almost allow-
ing themselves to be taken in the hand. In
so wild and so beautiful a region my first day
was spent, every sight and sound novel and
inspiring, leading one far out of oneself, yet
feeding and building a strict individuality.
Now came the solemn, silent evening.
Long, blue, spiky-edged shadows crept out
across the snow-fields, while a rosy glow,
348
IN THE HEART OF THE CALIFORNIA ALPS.
at first scarce discernible, gradually deep-
ened and suffused every mountain-top, flush-
ing the glaciers and the harsh crags above
them. This was the alpenglow, to me the
most impressive of all the terrestrial mani-
festations of God. At the touch of this divine
light, the mountains seemed to kindle to
a rapt, religious consciousness, and stood
hushed like devout worshipers waiting to be
blessed. Just before the alpenglow began
to fade, two crimson clouds came streaming
across the summit like wings of flame, ren-
dering the sublime scene yet more intensely
impressive; then came darkness and the
stars.
Ritter was still miles away, but I could
proceed no further that night. I found a
good camp-ground on the rim of a glacier
basin about 11,000 feet above the sea. A
small lake nestles in the bottom of it, from
which I got water for my tea, and a storm-
beaten thicket near by furnished abundance
of rousing fire- wood. Somber peaks, hacked
and shattered, circled half-way around the
horizon, wearing a most savage aspect in
the gloaming, and a water-fall chanted
solemnly across the lake on its way down
from the foot of a glacier. The fall and the
lake and the glacier were almost equally
bare; while the scraggy pines anchored in the
rock-fissures were so dwarfed and shorn by
storm-winds you might walk over their tops.
The scene was one of the most desolate in
tone and aspect I ever beheld. But the
darkest scriptures of the mountains are illu-
mined with bright passages of love that
never fail to make themselves felt when one
is alone.
I made my bed in a nook of the pine-
thicket, where the branches were pressed
and crinkled overhead like a roof, and bent
down around the sides. These are the best
bed-chambers our Alps afford — snug as squir-
rel-nests, well ventilated, full of spicy odors,
and with plenty of wind-played needles to
sing one asleep. I little expected company,
but, creeping in through a low side door, I
found five or six birds nestling among the
tassels. The night-wind began to blow soon
after dark ; at first, only a gentle breathing,
but increasing toward midnight to a violent
gale that fell upon my leafy roof in ragged
surges, like a cascade, and bearing strange
sounds from the crags overhead. The
water-fall sang in chorus, filling the old ice-
fountain with its solemn roar, and seeming
to increase in power as the night advanced
— fit voice for such a landscape. I had to
creep out many times to the fire during the
night ; for it was biting cold and I had no
blankets. Gladly I welcomed the morning
star.
The dawn in the dry, wavering air of the
desert was glorious. Everything encouraged
my undertaking and betokened success. No
cloud in the sky, no storm-tone in the
wind. Breakfast of bread and tea was soon
made. I fastened a hard, durable crust to
my belt by way of provision, in case I should
be compelled to pass a night on the mount-
ain-top; then, securing the remainder of my
little stock from wolves and wood-rats, I set
forth free and hopeful.
How glorious a greeting the sun gives
the mountains! To behold this alone is
worth the pains of any excursion a thou-
sand times over. The highest peaks burned
like islands in a sea of liquid shade. Then
the lower peaks and spires caught the glow,
and long lances of light, streaming through
many a notch and pass, fell thick on the
frozen meadows. The majestic form of
Ritter was full in sight, and I pushed rapidly
on over rounded rock-bosses and pavements,
my iron-shod shoes making a clanking
sound as in walking a marble floor, but
suddenly hushed now and then in rugs ot
bryanthus, and sedgy lake-margins soft as
moss. Here, too, in this so-called "land
of desolation," I met Cassiope, growing in
fringes among the battered rocks. Her
blossoms had faded long ago, but they were
still clinging with happy memories to the
evergreen sprays, and still so beautiful as to
thrill every fiber of one's being. Winter and
summer, you may hear her voice, the low,
sweet melody of her purple bells. No
evangel among all the mountain plants
speaks Nature's love more plainly than
Cassiope. Where she dwells, the redemption
of the coldest solitude is complete. The
very rocks and glaciers seem to feel her
presence, and become imbued with her own
fountain sweetness. All things were warm-
ing and awakening. Frozen rills began to
flow, the marmots came out of their nests in
bowlder-piles and climbed sunny rocks to
bask. The lakes seen from every ridge-top
were brilliantly rippled and spangled, shim-
mering like the needles of the low, dwarfy
pines. The rocks, too, seemed responsive
to the vital heat — rock-crystals and snow-
crystals thrilling alike. I strode on exhila-
rated, as if never more to feel fatigue, limbs
moving of themselves, every sense unfolding
like the thawing flowers, to take part in the
new day harmony.
All along my course, excepting when down
IN THE HEART OF THE CALIFORNIA ALPS.
349
in the canons, the landscapes were open to
me, and expansive. On the left, the purple
plains of Mono, reposing dreamily and warm;
on the right, the near Alps springing keenly
into the thin sky with more and more im-
pressive sublimity. But these larger views
were at length lost. Rugged spurs, and
moraines, and huge, projecting buttresses
began to shut me in. Every feature became
more rigidly Alpine, without, however, pro-
ducing any chilling effect; for going to the
mountains is like going home. We find
that the strangest objects in these fountain
wilds are in some degree familiar, and we
look upon them with a vague sense of hav-
ing seen them before.
On the southern shore of a frozen lake,
I encountered an extensive field of hard,
granular snow, up which I scampered in fine
tone, intending to follow it to its head, and
cross the rocky spur against which it leans,
hoping thus to come direct upon the base
of the main Ritter peak. The surface was
pitted with oval hollows, made by stones
and drift pine-needles that had melted
themselves into the mass by the radiation
of absorbed sun -heat. These afforded good
footholds, but the surface curved more and
more steeply at the head, and the pits be-
came shallower and less abundant, until I
found myself in danger of being shed off
like avalanching snow. I persisted, how-
ever, creeping on all fours, and shuffling up
the smoothest places on my back, as I
had often done on burnished granite, until,
after slipping several times, I was compelled
to retrace my course to the bottom, and
make my way around the west end of the
lake, and thence up to the summit of the
divide between the head-waters of Rush
Creek and the northernmost tributaries of
the San Joaquin.
Arriving on the summit of this dividing
crest, one of the most exciting pieces of pure
wildness was disclosed that the eye of man
ever beheld. There, immediately in front,
loomed the majestic mass of Mount Ritter,
with a glacier swooping down its face nearly
to my feet, then curving westward and pour-
ing its frozen flood into a dark blue lake,
whose shores were bound with precipices of
crystalline snow ; while a deep chasm drawn
between the divide and the glacier separated
the massive picture from everything else.
Only the one sublime mountain in sight, the
one glacier, and one lake ; the whole vailed
with one blue shadow — rock, ice and water,
without a single leaf. After gazing spell-
bound, I began instinctively to scrutinize
every notch and gorge and weathered but-
tress of the mountain, with reference to mak-
ing the ascent. The entire front above the
glacier appeared as one tremendous preci-
pice, slightly receding at the top, and brist-
ling with spires and pinnacles set above one
another in formidable array. Massive lichen-
stained battlements stood forward here and
there, hacked at the top with angular notches,
and separated by frosty gullies and recesses
that have been vailed in shadow ever since
their creation; while to right and left, as
far as I could see, were huge, crumbling but-
tresses, offering no hope to the climber. The
head of the glacier sends up a few finger-like
branches through narrow couloirs; but these
were too steep and short to be available,
especially as I had no axe with which to cut
steps, and the numerous narrow-throated
gullies down which stones and snow are
avalanched seemed hopelessly steep, besides
being interrupted by vertical cliffs; while the
whole front was rendered still more terribly
forbidding by the chill shadow and the
gloomy blackness of the rocks.
Descending the divide in a hesitating
mood, I picked my way across the yawning
chasm at the foot, and climbed out upon
the glacier. There were no meadows now to
cheer with their brave colors, nor could I
hear the dun-headed sparrows, whose cheery
notes so often relieve the silence of our
highest Alps. The gurgling of small rills
down in the veins and crevasses, and ever
and anon the rattling report of falling stones,
with the echoes they shot out into the crisp
air, — these were the only sounds.
I could not distinctly hope to reach the
summit from this side, yet I moved on across
the glacier as if driven by fate. Contend-
ing with myself, the season is too far spent,
I said, and even should I be successful,
I might be storm-bound on the mountain ;
and in the cloud-darkness, with the cliffs
and crevasses covered with snow, how
would I escape? No. I must wait until
next summer. I would only approach the
mountain now, and inspect it, creep about
its flanks, learn what I could of its history,
holding myself ready to flee on the approach
of the first storm-cloud. But we little know
until tried how much of the uncontrollable
there is in us, urging across glaciers and
torrents, and up dangerous heights, let the
judgment forbid as it may.
I succeeded in gaining the foot of the
cliff on the eastern extremity of the glacier,
and discovered the mouth of a narrow ava-
lanche gully, through which I began to climb,
35°
IN THE HEART OF THE CALIFORNIA ALPS.
intending to follow it as far as possible, and
at least obtain some fine wild views for my
pains. Its general course is oblique to the
plane of the mountain-face, and the meta-
morphic slates of which it is built are cut
by cleavage planes in such a way that they
weather off in angular blocks, giving rise to
irregular steps that greatly facilitate climb-
ing on the sheer places. I thus made my
way into a wilderness of crumbling spires
and battlements, built together in bewilder-
ing combinations, and glazed in many
places with a thin coating of ice, which I
had to hammer off with a stone. The
situation was becoming gradually more
perilous; but, having passed several danger-
ous spots, I dared not think of descending ;
for, so steep was the entire ascent, one would
inevitably fall to the glacier in case a single
misstep were made. Knowing, therefore,
the tried danger beneath, I became all the
more anxious concerning the developments
to be made above, and began to be con-
scious of a vague foreboding of what actually
befell; not that I was given to fear, but
rather because my instincts, usually so posi-
tive and true, seemed vitiated in some way,
and were leading me wrong. At length,
after attaining an elevation of 12,800 feet, 1
found myself at the foot of a sheer drop in
the bed of the avalanche channel I was trac-
ing, which seemed absolutely to bar all fur-
ther progress. It is only about forty-five or
fifty feet high, and somewhat roughened by
fissures and projections; but these seemed
so slight and insecure, as footholds, that I
tried hard to avoid the precipice altogether,
by scaling the wall on either side. But,
though less steep, the walls were smoother
than the obstructing rock, and repeated
efforts only showed that I must either go
right ahead or turn back. The tried dan-
gers beneath seemed even greater than that
of the cliff in front ; therefore, after scanning
its face again and again, I commenced to
scale it, picking my holds with intense cau-
tion. After gaining a point about half-way
to the top, I was brought to a dead stop,
with arms outspread, clinging close to the
face of the rock, unable to move hand or
foot either up or down. My doom appeared
fixed. I must fall. There would be a mo-
ment of bewilderment, and then a lifeless
rumble down the one general precipice to
the glacier below.
When this final danger flashed in upon
me, I became nerve-shaken for the first time
since setting foot on the mountain, and my
mind seemed to fill with a stifling smoke.
But this terrible eclipse lasted only a
moment, when life blazed forth again with
preternatural clearness. I seemed suddenly
Lo become possessed of a new sense. The
other self — the ghost of by-gone experiences,
Instinct, or Guardian Angel — call it what
you will — came forward and assumed con-
trol. Then my trembling muscles became
firm again, every rift and flaw in the rock,
was seen as through a microscope, and my
limbs moved with a positiveness and pre-
cision with which I seemed to have nothing
at all to do. Had I been borne aloft upon
wings, my deliverance could not have been
more complete.
Above this memorable spot, the face of the
mountain is still more savagely hacked and
torn. It is a maze of yawning chasms and
gullies, in the angles of which rise beetling
crags and piles of detached bowlders that
seem to have been gotten ready to be
launched below. But the strange influx of
strength I had received seemed inexhaustible.
I found a way without effort, and soon stood
upon the topmost crag in the blessed light.
How truly glorious the landscape circled
around this noble summit ! — giant mountains,
valleys innumerable, glaciers and meadows,
rivers and lakes, with the wide blue sky bent
tenderly over them all. But in my first hour
of freedom from that terrible shadow, the sun-
light in which I was laving seemed all in all.
Looking southward along the axis of the
range, the eye is first caught by a row of ex-
ceedingly sharp and slender t spires, which
rise openly to a height of about a thousand
feet, from a series of short, residual glaciers
that lean back against their bases; their fan-
tastic sculpture and the unrelieved sharpness
with which they spring out of the ice render-
ing them peculiarly wild and striking. These
are " The Minarets," and beyond them you
behold a most sublime wilderness of mount-
ains, their snowy summits crowded together
in lavish abundance, peak beyond peak,
swelling higher, higher as they sweep on
southward, until the culminating point of the
range is reached on Mount Whitney, near the
head of the Kern River, at an elevation of
nearly 15,000 feet above the level of the sea.
Westward, the general flank of the range
is seen flowing sublimely away from the
sharp summits, in smooth undulations; a
sea of gray granite waves dotted with lakes
and meadows, and fluted with stupendous
canons that grow steadily deeper as they
recede in the distance. Below this gray re-
gion lies the dark forest-zone, broken here
and there by upswelling ridges and domes;
IN THE HEART OF THE CALIFORNIA ALPS.
35'
ind yet beyond is a yellow, hazy belt, marking
the broad plain of the San Joaquin, bounded
an its further side by the blue mountains of
the coast. Turning now to the northward,
there in the immediate foreground is the
glorious Sierra Crown, with Cathedral Peak
i few miles to the left — a temple of marvel-
jus architecture, hewn from the living rock ;
;he gray, giant form of Mammoth Mount-
lin, 13,000 feet high; Mounts Ord, Gibbs,
Dana, Conness, Tower Peak, Castle Peak,
ind Silver Mountain, stretching away in the
iistance, with a host of noble companions
;hat are as yet nameless.
Eastward, the whole region seems a land
rf pure desolation covered with beautiful
.ight. The torrid volcanic basin of Mono,
jvith its one bare lake fourteen miles long ;
Owen's Valley and the broad lava table-land
it its head, dotted with craters, and the
nassive Inyo range, rivaling even the Sierra
n height. These are spread, map-like, be-
icath you, with countless ranges beyond,
Dassing and overlapping one another and
fading on the glowing horizon.
At a distance of less than 3,000 feet below
:he summit of Mount Ritter you may find
.ributaries of the San Joaquin and Owen's
ivers, bursting forth from the eternal ice and
mow of the glaciers that load its flanks;
vhile a little to the north of here are found
:he highest affluents of the Tuolumne and
Merced. Thus, the fountains of four of the
principal rivers of California are within a
•adius of four or five miles.
Lakes are seen gleaming in all sorts of
alaces, — round, or oval, or square, like very
nirrors ; others narrow and sinuous, drawn
':lose around the peaks like silver zones, the
jiighest reflecting only rocks, snow and the
,ky. But neither these nor the glaciers, nor
he bits of brown meadow and moorland
(hat occur here and there, are large enough
o make any marked impression upon the
nighty wilderness of Alps. The eye roves
iround the vast expanse, rejoicing in so grand
freedom, yet returning again and again to
be fountain peaks. Perhaps some one of
lie multitude excites special attention, some
jigantic castle with turret and battlement,
Gothic cathedral more abundantly spired
han Milan's. But, generally, when looking
or the first time from an all-embracing stand-
>oint like this, the inexperienced observer
s oppressed by the incomprehensible grand-
air of the peaks, and it is only after they
lave been studied one by one, long and
ovingly, that their far-reaching harmonies
>ecome manifest. Then, penetrate the wil-
derness where you may, the main telling
features to which all the topography is sub-
ordinate are quickly perceived, and the most
ungovernable Alp-clusters stand revealed,
regularly fashioned, and grouped like works
of art, — eloquent monuments of the ancient
ice-rivers that brought them into relief. The
grand canons are likewise recognized as
the necessary effects of causes following
one another in melodious sequence — Nat-
ure's poems, carved on tables of stone — the
simplest and most emphatic of her glacial
compositions.
Could we have been here to observe dur-
ing the glacial period, we should have over-
looked a wrinkled ocean of ice continuous as
that now covering the landscapes of North
Greenland ; filling every valley and canon,
flowing deep above every ridge, with only
the tops of the fountain peaks rising darkly
above the rock-encumbered waves like islets
in a stormy sea — these clustered islets the
only hints of the glorious landscapes now
smiling in the sun. Now, in the deep, brood-
ing silence all seems motionless, as if the work
of creation were done. But in the midst of
this outer steadfastness we know there is in-
cessant motion. Ever and anon, avalanches
are falling from yonder peaks. These cliff-
bound glaciers, seemingly wedged and im-
movable, are flowing like water and grinding
the rocks beneath them. The lakes are lap-
ping their granite shores and wearing them
away, and every one of these rills and young
rivers is fretting the air into music, and
carrying the mountains to the plains. Here
are the roots of all the life of the valleys, and
here more simply than elsewhere is the eter-
nal flux of nature manifested. Ice changing
to water, lakes to meadows, and mountains
to plains. And while we thus contemplate
Nature's methods of landscape creation, and,
reading the records she has carved on the
rocks, reconstruct, however imperfectly, the
landscapes of the past, we also learn that as
these we now behold have succeeded those
of the pre-glacial age, so they in turn are
withering and vanishing to be succeeded by
others yet unborn.
But in the midst of these fine lessons and
landscapes, I had to remember that the sun
was wheeling far to the west, while a new
way had to be discovered, at least to some
point on the timber-line where I could have
a fire ; for I had not even burdened myself
with a coat. I first scanned the western
spurs, hoping some way might appear through
which I might reach the northern glacier,
and cross its snout; or pass around the lake
352
into which it flows, and thus strike my morn-
ing track. This route was soon sufficiently
unfolded to show that, if practicable at all,
it would require so much time that reaching
camp that night would be out of the ques-
tion. I therefore scrambled back eastward,
descending the southern slopes obliquely at
the same time. Here the crags seemed less
formidable, and the head of a glacier that
flows north-east came in sight, which I
determined to follow as far as possible,
hoping thus to make my way to the foot of
the peak on the east side, and thence across
the intervening canons and ridges to camp.
The inclination of the glacier is quite
moderate at the head, and, as the sun had
softened the neve, I made safe and rapid
progress, running and sliding, and keeping
up a sharp outlook for crevasses. About
half a mile from the head, there was an ice-
cascade, where the glacier pours over a
sharp declivity, and is shattered into mas-
sive blocks separated by deep, blue fissures.
To thread my way through the slippery
mazes of this crevassed portion seemed
impossible, and I endeavored to avoid it by
climbing off to the shoulder of the mountain.
But the slopes rapidly steepened and at
length fell away in sheer precipices, com-
pelling a return to the ice. Fortunately,
the day had been warm enough to loosen
the ice-crystals so as to admit of hollows
being dug in the rotten portions of the
blocks, thus enabling me to pick my way
with far less difficulty than I had anticipated.
To continue down over the snout, and along
the left lateral moraine, was only a confident
saunter. Though my eyes were free, I could
afford but little time for observation. I no-
ticed, however, that the lower end of the
glacier was beautifully waved and barred by
the outcropping edges of the bedded ice-lay-
ers, representing the annual snow accretions
made at the head. Small rills were gliding
.and swirling over the melting surface with a
.-smooth, oily appearance, in channels of pure
ice — their quick, compliant movements con-
trasting most impressively with the rigid,
invisible flow of the glacier itself, on whose
back they all were riding.
Night drew near before I reached the
•eastern base of the mountain, and my camp
lay many a rugged mile to the north ; but
ultimate success was assured. It was now
only a matter of endurance and ordinary
mountain-craft. The sunset was, if possible
yet more glorious than that of the day pre-
vious. The Mono landscape seemed to be
fairly saturated with warm, purple light. The
peaks marshaled along the summit were ir
shadow, but through every notch and pasi
streamed living sun-fire, soothing and irradi
ating their rough, black angles, while compa
nies of small, luminous clouds hovered abov(
them like very angels of light.
Darkness came on, but I found my wa;
by the trends of the canons and the peak
projected against the sky. All excitemen
died with the light, and then I was weary
But the joyful sound of the water-fall acros
the lake was heard at last, and soon th
stars were seen reflected in the lake itsel:
Taking my bearings from these, I discovere<
the little pine thicket in which my nest wa;
and then I had a rest such as only a mounl
aineer may enjoy. Afterward, I made a sur
rise fire, went down to the lake, dashe
water on my head, and dipped a cupful fc
tea. The revival brought about by brea
and tea was as complete as the exhaustio
from excessive enjoyment and toil had beei
Then I crept beneath the pine-tassels t
bed. The wind was frosty and the fii
burned low, but my sleep was none the les
sound, and the evening constellations ha
swept far to the west before I awoke.
After warming and resting in the sui
shine,! sauntered home, — that is, back to th
Tuolumne camp, — bearing away toward
cluster of peaks that hold the fountain snov
of one of the north tributaries of Rus
Creek. Here I discovered a group (
beautiful glacier lakes, nestled together in
grand amphitheater. Toward evening,
crossed the divide separating the Mor
waters from those of the Tuolumne, ar
entered the glacier basin that now hol<
the fountain snows of the stream that fom
the upper Tuolumne cascades. This strea
I traced down through its many dells ar
gorges, meadows and bogs, reaching tl
brink of the main Tuolumne at dusk.
A loud whoop for the artists was answen
again and again. Their camp-fire can
in sight, and half an hour afterward I w
with them. They seemed unreasonab
glad to see me. I had been absent on
three days; nevertheless, they had alreac
been weighing chances as to whether
would ever return, and trying to decii
whether they should wait longer or beg
to seek their way back to the lowlanc
Now their curious troubles were ov<
They packed their precious sketches, ai
next morning we- set out homeward boun
and in two days entered the Yosemite V;
ley from the north by way of Indian Cane
and our fine double excursion was done.
TO CONEY ISLAND.
353
VOL. XX.— 24.
IT is not quite the easy
matter it might seem to de-
cide how to go to Coney
Island for the first time.
Shall it be by the Manhat-
tan Beach, the Sea Beach,
the Long Island, the Brook-
lyn, Bath and Coney Island,
the Brooklyn, Flatbush and
Coney Island, the Prospect
Park and Coney Island rail-
way, or, if not, by which of
the many lines of steamers
plying direct to Locust
Grove, to Norton's Point,
or to the great tubular iron
pier? There is absolutely
nothing to fix the determin-
ation— unless, indeed, it be
individual nearness to a
particular terminus. By the
railways, there is little that
is prepossessing at the start
about the roads beginning at Hunter's Point
and Greenpoint, in close proximity to the
odors with which, for its sins, in spite of
injunctions, the metropolis is still allowed to
be afflicted. The roads lie at first through
squalid suburbs, then across black marshes,
but afterward through a pleasanter country.
The Brooklyn roads from near the city
limits are much more interesting in them-
selves, but they, to be sure, have to be
reached by long preliminary journeys in the
horse-cars (from New York), and are only
for the leisurely.
There are two of them that start from
Greenwood Cemetery, one at each side.
354
TO CONEY ISLAND.
Their fast excursion-trains, rushing, with their
striped awnings flying, past the city of the
dead, and scattering back wanton cinders
over the passengers in their open cars, have
a certain shock for the sensibilities. First
it is the Prospect Park and Coney Island..
Crossing then through the pensive Rose
Paths, and Sumac Paths, and Twilight Dells,
we come upon the Brooklyn, Bath and
Coney Island. These lines are given to
route which gives you so unusually intimate
and amusing a view of the life of the country.
There is a certain fitness, however, in
going to the sea-side, when it can be done,
by boat, and beginning the enjoyment of its
cooling breezes at once. There seems a
fitness, too, in going first to the improve-
ments (particularly as they are of the largest
scale) of the shrewd, liberal, happily ven-
turesome company which has been princi-
BIRD'S-EVE VIEW AND PLAN OF
CONEY ISLAND.
using a good half of the country road
without any separation from its ordinary
traffic. The disguised locomotive, or " dum-
my," mitigates in part the asperities of the
situation, but the beasts of burden, its fel-
low travelers on the way, are not always
reassured even so. We buzz close to front
door-yard gates, among the red barns and
gray houses, into the center of a quiet vil-
lage, past the feed store, the blacksmith's, the
post-office, and up to the old stone church
and the flag-staff, where the engineer must
needs pull the throttle valve and shriek.
You blush at being so much a party to the
desecration as to have paid your fare, and
yet, when convenient, you take again a
pally instrumental in re-
deeming the island from
barbarism. Both objects
may be combined by taking
the one of the Manhattan
Beach routes which sets out
by boat from the foot of
Twenty-third street, Hudson River, and
continues by train from Bay Ridge to the
company's hotel.
The foot of West Twenty-third street
is a place of departure for boats for numer-
ous other points as well, and all have can-
vassers warmly devoted to their interests
waiting on the docks. That one who takes
the lunch-baskets of the Ferguson family, as
they alight from the horse-car, and leads
off the children by the hand, with an
intuitive divination of their purpose and a
kindliness of heart that seems charming, is
embarking them for Poughkeepsie instead
of Coney Island. But they discover his
falseness and turn indignant faces upon him
TO CONEY ISLAND.
355
MANHATTAN BEACH HOTEL.
and march away with another, through a
file of rivals, one of whom protests : " Will
you risk your life, madam, on a craft of that
character, condemned by the boiler inspectors
and without a sound plank in her frame,
when the Leonora is the only luxurious new
water-tight floating palace making unerring
connections, and at twenty per cent, below
the regular fare ? "
The breeze is somewhat fresh on the
sharp forward deck, and is likely to blow
your hat off. At the same time it is the
more favorable point from which to see how
narrowly we escape a row-boat or a mal-
adroit schooner now and then, and to view
the crowded water-front of the city, the
heights of Hoboken, with a Bremen
steamer just gliding into port below them,
and, farther down, the harbor forts and the
blue, villa- covered slopes of Staten Island.
As the boat puts off, a trio of musicians, in
velveteen jackets, prelude on a flute, a vio-
lin and a battered golden harp, and strike
up " My Johanna lives in Harlem." In the
little circle that closes in to listen to them are
two maid-servants conveying the children of
a wealthy family; a number of young men in
tweed suits, carrying small sticks, the lefthand
of each in his trowsers-pocket, a young Ger-
man matron and an unmarried sister gaudily
dressed. Then there is a sinewy, stern, portly
man, perhaps a prosperous mechanic from
theinterior, who has brought aboard an angu-
lar, poorly dressed, silent daughter, certainly
very tall of her age, for half-price. One fears
there may yet be trouble about this, and so
there is. A scowl overspreads the otherwise
adamantine face of the very next puncher of
our tickets and, though powerless to prevent,
he delivers his opinion audibly on the prob-
abilities of the case. " That child was born
on the 1 2th of October, 1867," the parent,
who has passed through the stile, cries back
in a quivering voice, and tries to make head
against the surging crowd to engage in heated
controversy. Failing in this, he can only
launch back fierce denunciations at the total
incapacity of the other in all questions re-
quiring nice discernment.
We emerge from the train in a station
forming part of the hotel itself. A Coney
Island hotel of consequence has its railway
station, and two or three special lines of
land and water transportation, as another
might have elevators or steam-heating. We
pass through a wide corridor, wainscoted and
ceiled up (as are all the interiors that meet
the eye in the neighborhood) with cheerful,
varnished pine, and out upon the enormous
piazza.. A multitude of people are dining at
little tables on it, set with linen, glass and
silver, and others are moving up and down
in close procession.
Thalatta ! thalatta / what a charming
glimpse of the sea ! A wide esplanade
between is green with turf and gay with
flowers — geranium, heliotrope, lobelia, co-
leus, the queenly, tropical leaves of the
356
TO CONEY ISLAND.
Canna Indica — all growing finely out of the
two feet of earth the careful gardeners
have put down for their sustenance. They
have a peculiar value from their situation ;
a lively fancy makes a species of jewels of
them instead of flowers, in their setting of
silvery white sand. In the center is a
music stand shaped like a scallop shell.
Benches are scattered profusely along ; — the
beach below is full of parasols and summer
costumes bright against the water; pink-
legged children with their skirts very much
tucked up, are wading in it, reflected in
the shallows ; and an eccentric sloop, cruis-
ing lazily with some curious inscription in
large letters on her mainsail, luffs up and
goes about just in the edge of the surf.
What in the name — ? " Go to Gullmore's
for Your Clothing." I for one shall never
do so if there be another establishment in
the town where clothing may be had. This
was once an honest fishing-boat, and me-
thinks the once honest fisherman has a
irregularities of every kind. As a dwelling,
and this is true of those of the island generally,
it is as uneasy as the crowds trooping through
it, or the surf in front; something more
restful here and there, some moderate space
of untroubled surface, would be a relief from
the universal movement. It is nearly an
eighth of a mile in length, and its vast
piazzas, running the entire length of the
building, are rather to be regarded as great
open pavilions. The fantastic island is not
a spectacle to be reduced to tape-line and
level, and I shall not do the guide-books
the injury of vying with them in statistics,
but here in a lump are a few of the most
considerable. There are some sixty hotels,
and five thousand separate bathing-rooms.
The great tubular iron pier runs out a thou-
sand feet into the sea, the tubular iron
observatory three hundred feet into the
air, and the captive balloon a thousand
feet, carrying up fifteen persons at a time.
The Brighton Beach hotel, the second in
ALONG THE BEACH.
shamefaced look even from here, as he
sits sulkily at the tiller, under the shade of
his weather-beaten mainsail, trimmed now
to this sentiment-destroying traffic.
Turn and look back at the hotel. It is
of wood, as the American hotel in the open
country will probably be while our forests
hold out, and is painted a pleasant shade
of ocher, with "trimmings." It bristles
with towers, turrets, dormers, " offsets," —
size, is five hundred and twenty feet long,
and seats two thousand persons at dinner.
The Manhattan Beach bathing-pavilion is
five hundred feet long, has twenty-seven
hundred separate rooms, and a capacity of
sending away two thousand wet bathing-
costumes an hour along an endless belt,
to be washed in the laundry. The figures,
in fact, however detailed, are quite idle.
The coming season, if the rumors of the
TO CONEY ISLAND.
357
HOTEL BRIGHTON.
piazzas be true, our acquaintance must be
formed all over again, and our wonder ex-
cited anew. The size of the two principal
hotels is to be doubled, the pavilion at the
eastern end is to be erected into a great
new hotel, and still another of the first
magnitude is to be built on the long vacant
stretch between. As it is, the face of
things is altered at each successive visit.
One recalls no such wholesale improve-
ment since he went to school with pious
^Eneas at the building of Carthage. In-
stant ardenies Tyrii; the enthusiastic lessees
ply the work. Some dump the white sand
of the beach from the cars of miniature
railways into the marsh, and extend the
borders of the solid land ; others fashion
a new French roof to surpass all other
French roofs hitherto conceived. Yester-
day the Sea Beach road was completed, and
its palace, once " Machinery Hall " of the
Philadelphia Exhibition, was thrown open to
the public. To-day the finishing touches
are being put to the grand stand of the race
course, and a spirited sight it is to see the
horses, brought down for practice, run like
the wind along the sands. As water always
flows to the river, it is not unreasonable to
suppose in time that the great mass of con-
structions already established will beget sat-
ellites and additions till the limits of the
space under cover coincide with the bound-
aries of the island.
Four local subdivisions are to be borne in
mind, — Manhattan Beach, Brighton Beach,
West Brighton, and Norton's. Each has its
peculiar characteristics, and there is some-
thing of a descending scale of fashion in
them, in the order named. We alighted at
the first mentioned, and may be supposed
to begin from there a desultory stroll. Its
bathing-pavilion is picturesque and has
unheard-of conveniences in the way of
security, privacy, foot-tubs and plate-glass
mirrors. It has the novel feature of an
amphitheater open to the water, in which
spectators are supposed to sit and watch
the bathers, and listen to the strains of a
band perched up behind. But this does not
prove to be quite all that could be desired.
It appears that bathers were not found so
ready to be made a formal spectacle of as
the spectators may have wished, and so an
interposed fence shuts them practically out
of the field of vision, and leaves visitors but
a feeble inducement to enter.
In a vast pavilion dining-hall near at
hand, excursionists for the day may order
from a restaurant below, or spread out
freely on the tables the more frugal pro-
vision of their lunch-baskets. The man
with the half-price daughter is here, dis-
puting with a German waiter the quality
of the clams they have eaten, and the Fer-
guson family, encompassed with fragments
of egg-shells and plebeian gingerbread, drink
cold coffee in tumblers from what was once
a chow-chow bottle. The same kind of
TO CONEY ISLAND.
THE SILHOUETTE ARTIST.
hospitality is afforded by most of the houses
of entertainment on the beach. It is both
kindly and politic, considering that out of
all the great swarms that arrive daily the
island as yet " sleeps," as the landlords say.
These family groups lunching within their
means, without shamefacedness or the trou-
bled consciousness of extravagance which
is too often the sub-accompaniment of the
American day's pleasure, are one of the
most honest and cheerful features of the
place.
The captive balloon rises out of a mys-
terious-looking structure of white, with a
green border round it, within which is an
amphitheater for those who do not care to
make the venture of an ascent in person.
Further along, the Alexandra Exhibition
Company, in a vast quadrangular inclosure,
devoted at present to cabalistic frames and
trellises prepared for a
display of fireworks, has
another amphitheater
holding four thousand
persons. As a rule,
Coney Island amphithe-
aters, when they do not
hold two thousand or
three thousand persons,
do hold four thousand.
A narrow-gauge " Ma-
rine Railway " extends
to the eastern end. The
long stretch of beach
here is still agreeably un-
improved and desolate.
There is the wrecking
station, it is true, but it
is fast locked till the
winter storms, when ice-
cakes shall come to
crackle in the surf.
Here, and here only on
this populous beach, you
may cast yourself down
undisturbed and inter-
rogate the surf on those
vague, melancholy sub-
jects, fate, free-will, the
affections and disappoint-
ments, on which surf
and sea- coal fires remain
imperturbably willing to be interrogated
to the end of time. The passing steamers
ride high on the water; the highlands of
Navesink are cobalt blue, and the white
sails of a brig are projected against them.
To think that Captain Webb swam over
from there, ten miles, while we mean to
take the Marine Railway only to go back
to Brighton Beach !
The Brighton Beach bathing-pavilion
must be accounted one of the most original
of the buildings in its form, as well as one
of the most entertaining in the variety of life
within and around it. It has a picturesque
foot-bridge coming sinuously down from the
upper story, in which the disrobing rooms
are situated, to a wide terrace and thence to
the beach, giving access to the waves. The
interdict laid at Manhattan Beach on show-
men and small merchants of the holiday
order, is lifted here, though their really
triumphant reign is yet further to the west.
A fruit-seller has set up his richly colored
booth in the veranda. Next to him is a
dealer in sea-shell jewelry, an indigenous
product to correspond in its modest way to
the corals of Naples, the glass mosaics of
TO CONEY ISLAND.
359
Venice, and the costumed fisher-dolls of the
French watering-places. An elderly man,
who professes his inability to draw a stroke
in any other way, cuts excellent likenesses
in black paper for a small consideration.
The smallest midgets in the world give
unceasing exhibitions, and their miniature
coach drives gravely on the Concourse by
way of advertisement. You can gratify any
national prejudice you may happen to cherish,
by knocking over Turks, Frenchmen, High-
landers and Prussians in the shooting-galler-
ies ; and one Crandall, who professes himself
the especial patron of children, and has signs
set up all over the place adjuring parents not
to be bothered with the little folks but to let
them come to him, sets innumerable small
legs in striped stockings twinkling up and
down a long, plank-floored rink in three-
wheeled velocipedes.
Whoever has not had enough of bathing in
the day-time, may bathe here at night by
electric light. One could take many a long |
journey and never meet elsewhere with so j
strange, so truly weird a sight as this. The {
concentrated illumination falls on the formi- j
dable breakers plunging in against the foot of j
the bridge, and gives them spots of sickly
green translucence below and sheets of daz-
zlingly white foam above. There is a start-
ling spot of foreground and nothing more.
A couple who are confident swimmers, pos-
sibly a man and his wife, come down the
bridge and put off into the cold flood. The
woman holds by the man's belt behind, and
he disappears with her into the darkness. A
circle disports with hobgoblin glee around a
kind of May-pole in the water.
A multitude of coachmen solicit your beck
and nod, at the last piazza, of the Brighton,
to convey you across the broad asphalt drive
a mile long, known as the Concourse, to the
next principal division. Hereabouts is the
especial domain of the horsemen. They
come jogging down the Ocean Parkway in
a desultory cavalcade, with that air of sub-
dued insolence, and those minor peculiarities
of costume to which the control of horse-
flesh gives rise. They throw their reins
to hostlers, who bestow their " teams " in
extensive court-yards of sheds. When the
sheds are full they tie them in long rows to
lines sustained by poles, and. regarding the
tangled perspective of legs and wheels, you
think of nothing so much as the battle
chariots of old.
The great pier demanded increasing curi-
osity as we progressed toward it, and now we
are in a position to observe it. How dif-
ferent it is from the formal, utilitarian idea
one had conceived of it ! It is not a clumsy
jetty or breakwater. It is an interminable,
dainty palace, pinnacled, gabled, arcaded,
many-storied, raised on slender columns
above the water, like a habitation of some
charming race of lake-dwellers. The bot-
tom story is full of bathing-rooms ; the next
is a grand open promenade, with Grafulla's
BATHING BY ELECTRIC LIGHT.
36°
TO CONEY ISLAND.
\v
A RIDE ON THE DONKEY.
band posted at the outer end to set a rhythm-
ical pace to the movement upon it, and
the third a mass of irregular roofs. The only
visible tubular iron is the columns constituting
its support. The sky shows through them
and through the promenade. From afar, in
a soft atmosphere, the whole is like a pattern
of lace-work, a beautiful mirage, a veritable
bit of such stuff as dreams are made of.
It is an excellent place from which, sitting
at a small table by the guard-rail, with re-
freshments upon it, to look down at the
bathers. The view shoreward either way
is one expanse of gay, coquettish, ephem-
eral forms and colors. They cannot be
said to have mass, more than meringue a la
creme. All is arcaded, festooned, floating,
honey-combed, with the free air blowing
through. Here, at the West Brighton Beach,
is the very focus and white heat of the
revelry. The central space filled and sur-
rounded with minor hotels, kiosks, booths,
TO CONEY ISLAND.
361
pavilions, theaters, galleries,
an aquarium, merry-go-rounds,
restaurants, and music-stands,
is floored with plank, and
terminates at the beach in ir-
regular terraces. Further up
the shore, carpets of rushes
are spread on the fatiguing
loose sand.
Here is "Cable's," and
"Bauer's," patronized by the
sangerbunds and schiitzenverein of his
German fello \v-citizens. Once, of a mid-
summer night, Bauer had the Arion Soci-
ety ; and Arion himself, with Neptune and
Aphrodite and all their court of Nereids
and Tritons, came ashore out of the sea
from a raft which they made the basis of
their unique divertisement. See the square
car mounting noiselessly in the lattice-work
observatory, to the strains of " Lurline."
Remark yonder monstrous effigy of a cow,
with actual hide and horns and staring
PUNCH AND JUDY.
glass eyes, set up in a kiosk, and the people
eagerly bowing down around her. It is
not the worship of paganism revived, but
the shrewd idea of a man who has bethought
him to construct a reservoir of iced milk in
this form and has set milk-maids to drawing
it from the udders.
A little inland from this, in the midst of
the levity, is found a bit of seriousness, an
amiable charity — the Brooklyn sea-side home
for invalid poor children. A fortunate few
hundreds of them and their mothers, from
362
TO CONEY ISLAND.
the tenement houses, here get their fill for a
week at a time, in a domain of their own,
of pure air, salt water, and digging in the
sand. A photographer is making a general
view of them. " Madam, will you keep
twenty-seven, thirty-four, and so on up to
eighty-one, which is certainly an allowance
of life well worth the money ; but I ought
not to marry the young woman whose fas-
cinating likeness is annexed before the age
UNDER THE IRON PIER.
your baby still ? " he requests. " Troth, I
will, sir ! There'll be never a cry out of
him," she replies, and she dandles the infant
vigorously up and down.
Along the beach establishments of many
sorts and a regiment of charlatans detain
you, one after another. The Hotel de Clam
sets forth its tempting bill of fare ; the minor
bathing establishments vie with one another
in advertisements of the newness of their
bathing-suits; children ride on donkeys;
the pail-and -shovel tree springs numerously
from the sand ; the tin-type man is driven
to distraction with business; the Punch-and-
Judy shows give Americanized exhibitions,
of which the ethnologist should take note,
with negroes and so on in the companies ;
and I buy, for a dime, of two glass demons,
worked by hydraulic pressure, called by the
merry German- American, their proprietor,
Solomon and Columbia, an envelope con-
taining my fortune and a picture of the girl
I shall marry. Pray heaven the decree of
fate be not immutable, upon this showing!
I am a person, for the rest, whose fortune
lies in the east, south, and west, who is
courageous, and understands well to speak.
My good years will be twenty, twenty-five,
of twenty-four. Solomon and Columbia,
do not give yourselves one second's un-
easiness ; it shall not be done.
It is a mile and a half yet to Norton's, at
the extreme western end, if by railway,
through sand dunes, some of which are
white as hills of snow, and through a
scenery not dissimilar to what we have
noted. By the time it is compassed the
sun is setting, throwing its mellow, level
light against the fantastic encampment be-
hind us and against the white sails scat-
tered flower-like over the blue ocean field.
The sunset should be seen once from the
bare sands at the eastern end : the cobweb
observatory is like the disembodied spirit of a
campanile ; the sharp-towered mass gathers
solidity and dignity as the shadows fall into
it, and might be of stone and be a German or
Italian medieval city. Having all day been a
dream of Venice, it might now, till the lamps
are lit, be Vicenza. Some shallows of water
stretch in between, and lie gleaming in the bare
sand like the naked steel of halberd blades.
The sunset should be seen again from
the observatory, among whose fascinating
bird's-eye views a previous hour can well
be passed. In the last subtile moments of
TO CONEY ISLAND.
363
transition from day to evening, the patches
of sand among the bunch-grass become
indistinguishable from the patches of the
creek ruffed by the wind ; the green and
blue, land and water, at the verges of the
for a day and night only, on the occasion of
some important fete, they would pass into
history ; but here they are for every day and
every night the whole summer long.
Coney Island is curiously like the Cen-
UP IN THE TOWER.
island melt into each other. Then the gas
jets come out, one by one, and sprinkle at
last the whole expanse, defining its forms.
The colored lanterns, yellow, red and green,
are set along the pier, and the electric lights,
suspended high from invisible wires, hang
like celestial orbs in the midst. Celestial,
did I say ? — the poor, far-away constellations
are faded by all this into the pettiest insig-
nificance. Were such spectacles arranged
tennial ; that is the only description that
does it justice. It is a Centennial of pleas-
ure, pure and simple, without any tiresome
ulterior commercial purposes, held amid
refreshing breezes, by the sea. There is the
same gay architecture, the same waving
flags, the same delightful, distracting whirl,
the same enormous masses of staring, good-
natured, perpetually marching and counter-
marching human beings. Its essential
character. is bound up with the crowd. Its
virtues are those of a crowd, and so are
its faults. Waiters and landlords in such
circumstances are apt, like some philanthro-
pists, to lose their interest in the individual
in their devotion to the race. There are
364
TO CONEY ISLAND.
FROM BRIGHTON PIER.
numerous minor failings which are no doubt
to be looked after as things settle quietly
into place.
There are permanent guests at the best
hotels who have certain privileges which the
mere excursionist cannot enjoy. For them
are warm, misty mornings, when the light is
mysterious, the sea white, and only a dark
figure here and there on the distant bars
at low tide occupies the shore, before the
crowd has come down. For them are lone-
some strolls, if they will, on the beach at
night, when the crowd has gone and the
initials and myriad footprints it has left look
strange under a crescent moon ; and,
again, evenings of storm without, when they
sit in pensive small groups on the piazza
and look beyond the burning lights into the
blackness. They have charming parlors and
piazza promenades reserved to them and
jealously guarded from intrusion, in an upper
story. Still, even these permanent boarders
ORIENTAL HOTEL.
TO CONEY ISLAND.
365
are not like permanent boarders elsewhere.
There is no in-door life. They cross the
dining-room at every meal to greet newly
arrived friends, and hardly expect to see
them again, and are not surprised to see
those from the most remote States, for they
have found that Coney Island is as cos-
mopolitan as Broadway. The crowd fasci-
nates them, and they come down and mingle
with it and make it their study and are pos-
sessed with its fever of arrival and depart-
ure. It is not a place to be very permanent
in. One could imagine the merry-go-round
becoming something of a dismal-go-round
with too long continuance. It does not
seem likely ever to be a restful place of the
peaceful, meditative order. Of a summer re-
sort so near to a metropolis that the metrop-
olis can pour itself out in mass upon it with
perfect ease, such a quality must not be de-
manded, and this may have been the secret
reason preventing the development of Coney
Island before. But another kind of enter-
tainment takes its place. Instead of the
saturnalia of vulgarity and discomfort that
may have been dreaded, it happily turns
out that the people, arriving in such
unique bulk and so splendidly received,
constitute a most interesting distraction in
themselves. Even those who do not like
crowds may be reconciled to this one. It is
excellently behaved. It scarcely seems to
need the vigilant special police enlisted for the
island, and the justice who holds court every
morning at the Manhattan Beach Hotel has
rarely an offender to consign to his stout
wooden Bastile in the basement. This
crowd is clean and neatly dressed, of very
respectable social grade, of great good-
humor, and on honest pleasure bent, and the
spirits are insensibly raised in moving with it.
A touch of patriotic pride really ought to
mingle with our contemplation of Coney
Island. It is quite original, distinctively
American, and charming. There is nothing
like it abroad, and its proximity and extraor-
dinary ease of access seem to insure it against
rivalry at home. Trouville is six hours by
express from Paris ; and Brighton and Mar-
gate and Ramsgate (all of which it is the
habit to mention as in the season mere
suburbs of their parent city) are fifty or
sixty miles from London. Even were they
nearer, and had they white sand and blue
ocean for shingle beach and muddy Channel
waves, there are not, in either metropolis, the
fierce heats of a New York summer to drive
the populace forth to seek their refreshment
in anything like an equal degree. It is dif-
ficult to see why the strange new island
which has all at once taken so considerable
a place in the chart, should not permanently
remain what it seems now to be — the greatest
resort for a single day's pleasure in the world.
THE SAND DUNES, BACK FROM THE BEACH.
366
PETER THE GREAT.
PETER THE GREAT. VI.*
BY EUGENE SCHUYLER.
RECEPTION OF A RUSSIAN EMBASSY AT VERSAILLES.
CHAPTER XVIII.
EMBASSIES TO VIENNA AND PARIS.
RUSSIA accepted in all seriousness, and
lost no time in carrying out one part of the
treaty of Eternal Peace with Poland, in
endeavoring to induce the Christian powers
of Europe to join them in a struggle against
the Turks. Boris Sheremetief and Ivan
Tchaadaef, who took the treaty to King
John Sobiesky for his ratification, headed
an embassy to Vienna, to prevail upon
the Emperor Leopold to join the Russian-
Polish alliance. In the negotiations which
took place at Vienna, the Russian embassa-
dors set forth their treaty with Poland, their
ancient friendship with Austria, the cam-
paign which they had made against the
Tartars in the previous year, which, without
bringing any particular benefit to themselves,
had kept the Tartars from Poland, and
had left the hands of the Austrians and Ven-
etians free, and which had, in reality, been
in part the cause of their successes against
the Turks. For this they now asked nothing
more than that the Emperor should become
a member of tlieir league, that the title of
" Majesty," and not " Serenity," should be
given to the Tsars by the Austrian Court,
and that the embassadors should receive
their letters of farewell from the hand of
His Majesty, and not from the Chancellor.
On being asked what princes they intended
to invite to join this league, they replied :
" The greatest among the Christians : the
King of France, the King of England, the
King of Denmark, the Elector of Bran-
denburg; and that they also intended to send
an embassy to the King of France and to the
Duke of Baden." One of the Austrian
negotiators replied that the Russians might
do this if they thought it best, but that His
Imperial Majesty had sufficient allies to
ruin the Turk : the Holy Father, the King
of Spain, the King of Sweden, the King of
Poland, the Republics of Venice and Hol-
land, the Electors of Saxony and Bavaria,
and, in a word, all the Empire, which was
capable enougli of destroying the Ottoman
if they went at it in good faith and with
vigor. To the application for the title of
" Majesty," and the threat to sever friendly
relations until it should be given, they were
told to say nothing more about it, or they
would be sent away, but that the Emperor
would grant the other points, would receive
from their hands the letters from the Tsars,
and would give them letters from his own
hand, on condition that the Tsars would
grant in their domains entire liberty to
the Catholic religion. To this the Rus-
Copyright, 1880, by Eugene Schuyler. All rights reserved.
PETER THE GREAT.
367
sian ambassadors replied that they had no
instructions on this point; that it was as
much as their heads were worth to listen to
any propositions which would change the
established order of things in Muscovy ;
that there could be no public exercise of
other religions, but that mass could be
said in private houses, and private schools
could be established, and that the Tsars
would protect the Catholic
religion as well as all others
as soon as quiet
should be re-estab-
THE RUSSIAN EMBASSADORS
ALBERT EDELFELT.)
lished. The Austrians said that if this were
so, the Emperor would give them a reply
by his own hand. At the last conference
there was another of the interminable dis-
putes about title, and the Austrian Commis-
sioner blamed the embassadors for having, in
the letter of credence, translated the Russian
word for " autocrat" by the Latin word
" imperator" and not "dominator" as they
claimed it should be. After a full explana-
tion of the three titles of the Russian Tsar,
the great, the medium, and the small, the
Austrians agreed to what they considered a
considerable concession in granting that
letters and decrees given by the chancel-
lories and signed by the secretaries, should
give the Tsars the title of Majesty, but that
in letters signed by his own hand the
Emperor would not confer this title, as he
gave it to no one. So great was the fear of
the embassadors at having overstepped
their powers that at this conference they
gave back the protocols and note which
they had received, signed by the Sec-
retary of the Chancellor, saying that
they did not wish them; whereupon they
were told that the
substance of the ne-
gotiations would be
inserted in the letter
of re-credence. They
begged that no de-
tails should be men-
tioned in this letter,
as it was not custom-
ary, and especially
urged that nothing
should be said on,
the head of religion,
as it might do them
harm at home. Nev-
ertheless, they were
forced to take a pro-
tocol signed by the
Secretary, under the
threat of being sent
back without any
letter of reply. The
tenor of this was
that, as the Russians
had desired that they
should be treated like
the other Christian
princes, His Imperial
Majesty wished the
Tsars, in future, when
they sent embas-
sies, to pay their ex-
penses, offering to do
the same when he dispatched embas-
sies to Russia. The Austrians, it seemed,
claimed that their last Embassador, Baron
OFFICIALS. (FROM A DRAWING BY
368
PETER THE GREAT.
LIFE IN THE UKRAINE. "THE RETURN FROM THE MARKET." (FROM THE PAINTING BY CHELMONSKI.)
Scher6fsky, did not receive carts for the
transportation of the presents to the Tsars,
and had been obliged to keep at his
own expense those which he had hired
in Poland. This was the first attempt to put
Russian embassies on a footing with other
powers. Up to that time they had been
treated in the Oriental manner, — that is,
the expenses of foreign embassies sent to
Russia had been defrayed by the Russian
Government, and, in a similar way, the cost
of Russian embassies abroad had been paid
by the powers to whom they were sent. The
total expenses of the Russian Embassy to
Vienna were about one hundred thousand
florins, including the presents; but the
presents to the embassadors were reduced
from thirty thousand florins, as originally
proposed, to fourteen thousand florins,
with presents amounting to two thousand
florins more for the secretaries. The reason
of this was, that it was reported to the
Austrian Government that the Tsars had
sent as presents furs to the amount of
thirty thousand florins, while those the
embassadors had actually given were worth
only five or six thousand florins. The con-
duct, too, of the embassadors and of their
numerous suite, — many of whom were fre-
quently drunk and made disturbances in
the street, — and the numerous complaints
brought against them, made the Austrian
Government anxious to get rid of them as
soon as possible. After they had finished
their negotiations and had had an interview
with Prince Lubomirsky, the Grand Mar-
shal of Poland, who had just come from
Rome; and after they had been invited to
the Imperial hunt at Aspern, and had been
received by the Empress, who had just
recovered from her accouchement, they were
granted a farewell audience by the Em-
peror. In a letter which the Emperor
handed them he said that he had learned,
with much joy, of the resolution of the
Tsars to make war against the common
enemy of the Christian name, as well as
of their treaty with Poland; that there was
no need to make any special treaty between
Austria and Russia : — " For," he added,
" the treaty that your secretaries have just
concluded with Poland is also sufficient to
keep us in the same alliance, and when we
shall come to the treaty of peace with the
Turks we will inform you through the King
of Poland or by letter. With regard to the
title of ' Majesty,' the embassadors to your
Serenities will inform you that it is not in
the power of our Imperial Majesty to give
% it, since there has been no example that
we have given it to any other power.
Nevertheless, to show your Serenities our
PETER THE GREAT.
369
fraternal friendship and cordiality, we have
willed that our ministers and officers should
give you the title of ' Majesty,' and we have
received at the audience of leave your
ambassadors, and given our letters from our
Imperial hand, which we shall do in future
to all the embassadors and envoys who
shall come from your Serenities. This is
on the condition, however, that your Seren-
ities shall take under their protection the
Catholic and Roman religion which we pro-
fess, and, although we have spoken about it
to your embassadors in several conferences,
they have always protested their unwilling-
ness to hear of it. Nevertheless, we find
ourselves obliged to say to your Serenities
that what we shall do in this matter accord-
ing to our Imperial good pleasure shall
be of no value in case your Serenities
are unwilling to protect the Catholic and
Roman religion — a case which, we think, will
never arise on account of your great and
fraternal friendship."
Volk6f, one of the Mission, went from
Vienna to Venice with similar instructions.
Through the kindness of the Austrian
Government, he was provided with letters
of introduction from the Emperor to the
Chevalier Cornaro.
The same year, Prince Jacob Dolgoruky
and Prince Jacob Mysh£tsky were sent on
an embassy to Holland, France and Spain.
The choice of embassadors seems to have
been unfortunate, for none of them spoke
any other language than Russian, and they
were unacquainted with the ways or even
the manners of diplomacy. In Holland
they were well received, and sent from
there a courier to announce their arrival at
Paris. Owing to ignorance of usage, the
courier refused to deliver the letter with
which he was charged to any one but the
King in person. He could not be persuaded
to communicate it to the Minister of Foreign
Affairs, and his request for an audience was
refused, and he was sent back without the
actual contents of the letter being known.
News, however, of the approaching em-
bassy had been received by the Court of
Versailles from its agents in Holland.
When the Russian embassadors reached
Dunkirk, they were met by M. de Torff, a
gentleman in ordinary of the King's house-
hold, who was sent to compliment them,
and to ascertain the object of their mission.
They promised De Torff that they would
fully explain the objects of their mission to
Monseigneur de Croissy, the Secretary for
Foreign Affairs, before demanding audience
VOL. XX.— 25.
of the King, and promised further that they
would in all respects conform to the royal
wishes. Not satisfied with verbal promises,
De Torff insisted that they should be put in
writing, which was done, and, at their dicta-
tion, he wrote a letter to that effect, which
was signed by them, and which he sent to
Versailles. On the return of the courier the
Embassy set out for Paris (on the 22d of
July), in carriages sent from the Court. All
their luggage was sealed at the Custom
House, and was not to be opened until they
reached Paris. It was fully explained to
the embassadors that there it would be
examined and passed, and that in the mean-
time the royal seals must not be touched.
In spite of this, and of their promise to
comply with the royal wishes, they broke
the seals of their luggage at St. Denis, where
they exposed for sale the articles they
brought with them. "Their house was
thronged with merchants, and they made a
public commerce of their stuffs and furs,
forgetting, so to speak, their dignity as em-
bassadors, that they might act as retail
merchants, and preferring their profit and
private interests to the honor of their
masters." De Torff managed to put a stop
to this proceeding, and the embassadors
formally entered Paris in a great procession,
on the Qth of August, and three days after-
ward had their first audience of the King
at Versailles. In Paris there was another
difficulty. The embassadors refused to
allow their luggage to be examined by the
customs officers ; locksmiths were brought,
and a police official, sent by the provost,
undertook to search the luggage. He was
reviled and insulted, and one of the embas-
sadors actually drew a knife upon him. The
affair was at once reported to the King, who
sent to the embassadors the presents he had
intended for the Tsars, and ordered them to
leave the country at once; but the embassa-
dors refused to accept the presents without
an audience of the King. Louis XIV., in-
dignant at this, sent back to the embassa-
dors the presents they had brought him from
the Tsars, and again ordered them to leave.
They refused to budge, and De Torff was
obliged to take all the furniture out of the
house in which they were living, and for-
bid them anything to eat. Next day the
embassadors were brought by hunger and
discomfort to a sense of their position, and
begged De Torff to intercede for them ; for
they feared, they said, that if the King should
refuse the presents, or if they should go away
without an audience of leave, they would
37°
PETER THE GREAT.
lose their heads on their return to Moscow.
They even consented to allow their luggage
to be examined, and to conduct negotiations
with the Minister of Foreign Affairs and not
with the King personally, which they had
previously refused to do. Not receiving a
favorable answer, they started, and it was
not until they had reached St. Denis, where
De Torff made a little delay, — though he sent
on the luggage to show that no long stay
must be thought of, — that the affair was
arranged. The luggage was at last exam-
ined, the embassadors had a political inter-
view with Monseigneur de Croissy, in which
they explained the object of their mission,
and two days afterward had a parting audi-
ence of King Louis XIV., dined at Court,
and were shown the gardens and fountains
of Versailles. By this time they had become
so pleased with France that they did not
wish to leave on the day fixed, and used
every pretext to prolong their stay. They
finally departed from St. Denis on the loth
of September, and reached Havre, with the
speed of those times, in four days. Here,
after a few days' detention from bad
weather, they were put on board a French
man-of-war, which was to take them to
Spain, for, on account of the difficulties they
had caused, permission was refused them
to go overland. Before they sailed, De
Torff made a request, in the name of the
King, that thenceforth the Tsars should pay
the expenses of their own embassies. The
King promised to do the same. To please
the embassadors, the request was put into
writing.
This proposal, like the similar one made
at Vienna, aimed at the assimilation of Rus-
sian embassies to those of European powers,
and at the abolition of the Oriental method
of mutual entertainment. No more Russian
embassies came to France for a long time,
and the matter seems to have been so far
forgotten that no specific instructions on this
subject were given to the French agents in
Moscow. At least M. de Baluze, the
French minister at Moscow, writes to the
King in August, 1704, complaining that the
hundred rubles (about four hundred French
livres) which he received weekly from the
Tsar's treasury, was not regularly paid, and
saying that he thought he had a right to this
money, as Russian embassies to France were
paid for by the king. In the preliminary
examination given to all dispatches at the
Foreign Office, the Minister of Foreign
Affairs has run his pencil through this pas-
sage, with the remark " skip," addressed to
the secretary whose duty it was to read it
aloud to the King.
With regard to the commerce which the
Embassy appeared to have carried on in St.
Denis and in Paris, it must be said that, ow-
ing to the very bad financial system prevailing
in Russia, the salary of the embassadors was
chiefly paid in furs, which they were to dis-
pose of as they could, and unless they were
allowed to sell them they might be unpro-
vided with current funds. The history of
this Embassy is as important as it is curious,,
because the embassadors, on their return,
presented false reports to the Tsars as to-
the treatment which they had undergone.
Those reports produced a strong impression
at Moscow, and brought about great cool-
ness, almost hostility, in the relations between
the two countries. It was some time before
the reason of this was ascertained at Paris.
When it became known, a memorandum,
giving a true account of what did pass, was
sent to the French residents in Poland and
Germany.
The sum and substance of the conference
at St. Denis was this : The embassadors.
began by saying that Russia had made a
league with Poland against the Turks, and
they had come on behalf of their masters to
His Majesty, as the greatest Prince in the
world, to beg him to enter into this league,,
and to join his arms with theirs for the glory
of the Christian name. De Croissy replied
that His Majesty had much friendship
for the Tsars, and had always approved
and still approved of them turning their
arms against the Turks; that he had also
heard, with pleasure, of the treaty of
alliance which they had concluded with
Poland ; that he had made known, on
several occasions, the sincerity of his inten-
tion for the glory of the Christian name;,
that in reality he ought to go to war against
the Emperor of Germany on his sister-in-
law's account, in view of the oppression she
had suffered in the Palatinate, but that he
abstained because he did not wish to trouble
the prosperity of the Christian arms. He
could not declare war against Turkey with-
out reason, for he had recently renewed the
capitulations, and, besides, a war would
injure the commerce of his subjects in the
East, and, on account of the great distance,,
would be too expensive. The embassadors
replied that the Tsars had also been at
peace with the Turks when they declared
war against him, and that, in acting for the
glory of Jesus Christ, one ought not to
have regard for treaties : that they had not
PETER THE GREAT.
hesitated on that score to attack the Turk.
As far as commerce was concerned, that
could be carried on equally well, and possi-
bly much better, with the successors of the
Turks — the Christian nations of the East.
But still, if the King would not enter the
league, they hoped at least he would not
trouble the prosperity of their arms by a
declaration of war. De Croissy answered :
"The King has no wish to disturb the
Christians in their enterprise. Tell the
Tsars that, so long as the allied princes do
not give to His Majesty legitimate cause for
complaint, he will always be very glad to
see them continue to employ their arms in
putting down the Infidels." The embassa-
dors then set forth to the minister the great
advantage which would accrue to France by
entering into commerce with the Russians
by way of Archangel, and promised French
traders all the advantages then enjoyed by
the English and the Dutch. This De
Croissy said he would take into considera-
tion, and then suggested that, as the King
of France sent missionaries to China, and
learned that caravans for Pekin left Tobolsk,
the capital of Siberia, every six months, he
would be glad if the Tsars would permit the
passage through Siberia, with these cara-
vans, of Jesuits and other missionaries, as
the last named journey was much easier
than that by the sea. The embassadors said
they had no power to consent to this, but
thought that no difficulty would be raised.
At this time there was prevalent at
Moscow a sort of suspicion of everything
French, similar in nature and effects to the
Russophobia so prevalent in England at the
present day. Sensible as the Dutch Resident
was, he was afflicted with this disease, and
saw everywhere French intrigues. It was
plain to him that the Danish Resident, Von
Horn, was acting in the interests, if not in
the pay, of Louis XIV. He calls him, in
one of his dispatches, " a better Turk than
Christian"; and in another he says: " He
makes such a show, and spends so much
money, that it must necessarily come out of
some other purse than his own." He even
discovered a Frenchman in the Danish
suite. He believed, and apparently suc-
ceeded in making the Russians believe, that
Van Horn had come to Moscow for the
purpose of putting a stop to a good under-
standing between Sweden and Russia. It
also seemed plain to the Dutch Resident
that the French had intrigued at Constanti-
nople to incite the Turks to make war on
Austria and invade Hungary, and that they
intrigued, both at Warsaw and at Vienna,
to prevent the triple alliance. It was for
the interest of France that the German Em-
pire should be humbled, and for that pur-
pose it seemed to him natural that France
should not desire Russia to enter into an
alliance with Austria, or Sweden to be on
friendly terms with its neighbor. I do not
discuss the basis for these statements; I
am only amused at the conviction with
which they were made.
The negotiations, therefore, at Moscow
were not always easy matters, and from
time to time persons came there who were
really nothing but adventurers, but to whom
a fictitious importance was given, either
from their own braggart airs or from the
suspicion that they were French spies.
Among these was a man calling himself
sometimes M. de Sanis, sometimes Comte de
Sanis, sometimes Sheikh Alibeg, but always
a relative of the Shah of Persia, and a
brother-in-law of the renowned traveler
Tavernier. He made out that he had been
baptized, and therefore could not at once go
back to Persia, but at the same time he
would set forth his great importance in that
country, and wrote, or pretended to write,
frequent letters to the Shah — at least some
drafts of letters were subsequently found
among his effects. He came with a certain
amount of money, he spent more, and
borrowed besides. He gave entertainments
at which the grandees and the most notable
foreign residents appeared ; he was on good
terms with the Danish Resident, and it was
plain to all right-thinking Dutch and English
that he was nothing less than a French spy.
In hopes, perhaps, to worm out some secrets,
they even lent him money. One night,
however, he disappeared, leaving nothing
but debts and cast-off clothing; he suc-
ceeded somehow in spiriting himself across
the frontier, and was never heard of after,
except through a small pamphlet published
at Geneva in 1685, which purported to give
his veracious history.
The prejudice against France lingered on
for a long time, even until the visit of Peter
to the Court of Versailles in 1716, and it
was, perhaps, as much due to this prejudice
as to any better reason that the government
of Sophia, on the proposition of the Envoy
from Brandenburg, gave full and free per-
mission to all Protestants driven out of
France by the revocation of the Edict of
Nantes to settle in Russia, to establish
themselves there, and to enter the public
service.
372
PETER THE GREAT.
XIX.
TROUBLES WITH TURKS AND TARTARS.
EVEN before the conclusion of the perma-
nent peace with Poland, Russia had been
brought into hostile relations with Turkey,
through the intrigues of Doroshenko, the
chief of the Zaporovian Cossacks on the
lower Dnieper. Wishing to secure the in-
dependence of his band, Doroshenko had
played, by turns, into the hands of Russia
and Poland, and had even finally given in
his submission to the Turks. He had
extended his domain to the western side of
the Dnieper, and had established his capital
at Tchigirin, or Cehryn, a small fortified
town on the river Tiasmin, near the Dnieper,
and on the very frontiers of Turkey. Al-
though the Turks insisted upon their suprem-
acy, they rendered him no assistance, and
Doroshenko, to insure himself against the
Turks, swore allegiance to the Russian Tsar
— an allegiance that was considered so lax
that the Government felt it necessary to
occupy Tchigirin with troops and send
Doroshenko to private life in Little Russia.
Up to this time there had never been any
hostilities between the Russians and the
Turks, for the capture of the town of Azof,
in the early part of the reign of the Tsar
Alexis, had been effected by the Cossacks
of the Don, and their proceedings, after
careful consideration in a grand council,
were disapproved by the Russian Govern-
ment, and the town was returned to the
Turks. The relations between Russia and
Turkey had been so friendly that the Rus-
sian embassadors at Constantinople were
always treated with greater consideration
than those of other powers, and they more
generally succeeded in accomplishing their
ends. Russia was at that time virtually an Ori-
ental power ; its embassadors understood the
feelings and ways of Orientals, and its rela-
tions with the Turks were, therefore, simpler
and more easily managed than those of the
Western nations. The occasional incursions
of the Crim Tartars into the Russian border
provinces had produced disputes and dis-
agreements, but these were readily settled.
The troubles caused by the Cossacks of the
Ukraine, since their separation from Poland
and their first oath of allegiance to Russia,
had lasted so long, and had been the cause
of so many forays of the Tartars, that
it was almost in an imperceptible manner
that the friendly relations of Russia and
Turkey became so far cooled as to pro-
duce an open war. On the representa-
tion of the Tartar Khan that Doroshenko
had gone over to the Russians, the
Sultan drew forth from the Seven Towers,
in which he was imprisoned, Yury Khmel-
nitsky, the son of old Bogdan, a fugitive
Cossack Hetman, and proclaimed him Het-
man and Prince of Little Russia. He de-
clared his claim to the whole of the Ukraine
and Little Russia, and his intention of tak-
ing possession of the country by force of
arms. The efforts of the Russians to ward
off the war were futile, as they could not
consent to deliver up the whole of the
Ukraine to the Turks. War with Turkey
seemed to the Russians of that day a much
more dangerous and terrible thing than it
really proved to be. The Turks were then
at the height of their success ; they still held
the greater part of Hungary, and their troops
had not yet been defeated before Vienna.
In point of fact, the whole war was reduced
to two campaigns against Tchigirin. In
August, 1677, the Seraskier Ibrahim Pasha,
together with Khmelnitsky, appeared before
Tchigirin, where they were to be met by the
Tartar Khan. Prince Romodanofsky had
command of the Russian forces, supported
by the Hetman Samoilovitch and his Cos-
sacks. The efforts of the Turks and Tartars
to prevent the crossing of the Russians
failed. The Pasha of Bosnia, with sixteen
thousand troops, was routed, and on the
seventh of September, only three weeks after
his first appearance there, and on the anni-
versary of the evacuation of Corfu by the
Turks, and the deliverance of Malta, Ibra-
him Pasha was obliged to raise the siege and
hastily retire, pursued by the whole garrison
of Tchigirin. The Turks retreated in such
haste that in three days they arrived at the
river Bug, although they had taken thirteen
to advance from there to Tchigirin. They
lost all their artillery and all their baggage,
and their loss in men was estimated by them-
selves at 10,000, and by the Russians at only
4,000, — a circumstance almost unique in
military annals, where it is a received rule to
undervalue your own losses and exaggerate
those of the enemy. When the Turks had
got out of reach, the Russians put Tchigirin
into a state of defense and withdrew the
great body of their troops to Little Russia,
while they discussed whether it were better
to abandon Tchigirin entirely, or to increase
its garrison and hold it against the Turks.
The latter alternative was considered prefer-
able, for Samoilovitch represented that, if the
town were destroyed, the Turks could easily
PETER THE GREAT.
373
rebuild it, and would then have an open
road into the heart of the Ukraine. As soon
as the news of the Turkish disaster reached
Constantinople, great preparations were made
for a new campaign. Taxes were increased,
and all persons in service were ordered to be
ready f0r departure. The Seraskier Ibrahim
Pasha was disgraced, and the Khan of the
Crimea, Selim Ghirei, who was charged with
the blame of the defeat, was deposed. A
Russian embassador, Porosukof, was sent to
Constantinople to endeavor to make peace,
as, in spite of their defeat, the Turks still in-
sisted on the surrender of Tchigirin and the
lower Dnieper, and the Russians were obliged
to continue their preparations for a new
campaign. About the middle of July, 1678,
the Grand Vizier Kara Mustafa Pasha ap-
peared before Tchigirin, and, after a solemn
sacrifice to God, to implore his protection,
the siege was begun. The investment pro-
gressed slowly, and the Turks were in such
straits that they were about to abandon the
siege, when, on the advice of Ahmed Pasha,
they resolved to throw themselves between
the Russians and the fortress on the other side
of the river, and risk everything in a battle.
They were signally defeated, and retreated
with great loss. Nine days later they re-
solved to make one more attack, and while
the Russians and Cossacks were celebrating,
with an unusual amount of drunkenness, the
feast of St. Matthew, which fell on a Sun-
day, they exploded two mines, which made
a breach in the wall, and took the town by
assault. Subsequently they succeeded in re-
pelling a night attack on their camp by the
Russians ; but news having reached the
Grand Vizier that the Russians contemplated
another such attack, he thought it best to
retire, and was subsequently worsted in an
encounter with the troops of Romodanofsky,
who followed him up. Although one aim
of the Turkish campaign had been accom-
plished— the destruction of Tchigirin — no
part of the Ukraine had been occupied, and
barely a quarter of the Turkish army returned
with the Grand Vizier to Adrianople.
The Turks made no further campaign,
but the Russians were constantly agitated by
the prospect of greater sacrifices and greater
losses. Negotiations for peace were carried
on, and were at last successful in 1680,
when, by the advice of the Grand Vizier,
these negotiations were continued with the
Khan of the Crimea. By the peace thus
concluded, which was ratified at Constanti-
nople in 1 68 1, a truce for twenty years was
agreed upon with the Tartars and the Turks,
the Turkish dominions were allowed to ex-
tend to the Dnieper, and even the Zapero-
vian Cossacks were for the moment given up
to them, while Kief and all the Ukraine was
recognized as belonging to Russia. Al-
though the Russians were at first unwilling
to consent to the surrender of the Zaporo-
vians, yet the news of the treaty was received
with great joy, not only at Moscow, but also
through the whole of Little Russia, for it was
thought that the relief from the dangers of
war with Turkey were cheaply bought at the
sacrifice of a bare steppe and a troublesome
population. In spite of the treaty concluded
in the reign of Theodore, the action of Tur-
key toward Russia was frequently very un-
friendly. Contrary to the provisions of the
treaty, the towns on the lower Dnieper were
allowed to be again inhabited ; more than
that, the inhabitants of the eastern bank of
the river were invited to cross and settle on
the other side, and even Tchigirin was colo-
nized by Wallachs. In addition to this, in-
cendiaries were sent across the river to set
fire to towns and farm-houses, in hopes that
the population would thus be forced to
emigrate to the western side.
The Government of Sophia was bound by
the Treaty of Eternal Peace with Poland to
make war upon the Turks, and was incited
besides by the splendid success of the Aus-
trians in recapturing Buda. and by the
progress of the Venetians in the Morea, but
it intended to direct the Russian arms not
so much against the Turks themselves as
against their dependents, the Tartars. The
relations with the Tartars had become
almost unendurable. Although the old
lines of defensive walls through the country
still existed, they were badly kept up, and
in the early part of the seventeenth cen-
tury, and even during the reign of Alexis,
in the midst of peace, towns were surprised
and their inhabitants all carried off to
slavery. In 1662, the Tartars captured the
town of Putivl, and carried off twenty thou-
sand prisoners. There was not a harbor in
the East, in Greece, Turkey, Syria or Egypt,
where Russian slaves were not to be seen
rowing in the galleys; the Khan of the
Crimea sent at one time to the JSultan eighty
Russian boys as a present. The Servian
Kryzhanitch says that, so great was the
crowd everywhere of Russian slaves, that
the Turks asked in mockery whether any
inhabitants still remained in Russia. For a
while the Tartars were kept in some kind
of order by the yearly payment of large
sums, which the Russians called presents,
374
PETER THE GREAT.
and the Tartars called tribute; but even dur-
ing the regency of Sophia the Tartar incur-
sions were renewed and the inhabitants of
whole villages were carried away, although
these forays were on a much smaller scale
than before. In 1682, the Russian Envoy
Tarakanof was seized by order of the Khan,
taken into a stable and beaten with a cudgel,
as well as tortured by fire, in order to ex-
tort his consent to the payment of a larger
tribute. As a result of this, the Russians
refused to send any more envoys, and in-
sisted that all negotiations should be carried
on at some place on the frontier. The
Government at Moscow was influenced
more and more by a feeling of national
honor, but it was remote from the scene of
hostilities. The Cossacks of the Ukraine,
who would have to bear the burden of the
campaign, and who would be exposed to
reprisals in case of disaster, were not so in-
clined to engage in war, either against the
Turks or the Tartars. If war must be, they
preferred it against their old enemies, the
Poles. For that reason the Hetman Sam-
oflovitch constantly opposed the alliance
with Poland, and deprecated any campaign
against the Tartars. He thought the Tar-
tars easy to manage — at the expense, to be
sure, of a sum of money — and preferred the
comfort and security of his subjects to the
delicate feelings of honor of the regency at
Moscow. Curiously enough, more advice
against the war came from the Patriarch of
Constantinople, who, in the name of the
Eastern Christians, begged the Tsars to
remain at peace with Turkey, as in case of
war the Sultan would turn all his rage
against them. " We beg and pray your
Tsarish Majesty," wrote Dionysius, in Jan-
uary, 1687, "do not be guilty of shedding
the blood of so many Christians ; do not
help the French and extirpate the orthodox
Christians. This will be neither pleasing to
God nor praiseworthy to men."
War, however, had been resolved upon,
and, in the autumn of 1686, the order was
given to prepare for a campaign against
the Crimea. In the decree of the Tsars it
was declared :
" The campaign is undertaken to free the Russian
land from unendurable insults and humiliations.
From no place do the Tartars carry away so many
prisoners as from Russia ; they sell Christians like
cattle, and insult the orthodox faith. But this is
little. The Russian Empire pays the Infidels a
yearly tribute, for which it suffers shame and
reproaches from neighboring states, and even this
tribute does not at all protect its boundaries. The
Khan takes money, dishonors Russian envoys, and
destroys Russian towns, and the Turkish Sultan
has no control whatever over him."
An army of 100,000 men was collected at
the river Merlo, under the chief command
of Prince Basil Galftsyn, and in May, 1687,
he was joined on the Samara by Hetman
Samoilovitch, with 50,000 Cossacks. Gal-
itsyn, though a great statesman, was not a
good general, and accepted the command
much against his will. It was forced on
him by his enemies ; he himself would have
preferred to remain at Moscow to counter-
act their schemes. This was the time when
the aristocratic party was forming itself
around Peter, and was using his name in
their opposition to the regency of Sophia.
Galftsyn was especially hated by that party.
He had only one faithful adherent in Mos-
cow on whom he could thoroughly depend,
and their interests were closely bound to-
gether. That was Shaklovity. Galftsyn had
no sooner started on his campaign than he
began to perceive the machinations of his
enemies, not only in Moscow, but in the
camp. From Moscow he heard that his
old enemy Prince Michael Tcherkasky was
rising in power, and was about to succeed to
the place of the Boyar StreshneT. Galftsyn
wrote to Shaklovity, as he did constantly dur-
ing the campaign, telling his griefs, and beg-
ging his assistance:
" We always have sorrow and little joy, not like
those who are always joyful and have their own way.
In all my affairs my only hope is in thee. Write me,
pray, whether there are not any devilish obstacles
coming from these people. For God's sake, keep a
sleepless eye on Tcherkasky, and don't let him have
that place, even if you have to use the influence of
the Patriarch or of the Princess against him."
The reason why Galftsyn talked about
using the influence of the Patriarch was
because he found that the Patriarch was not
entirely well disposed to him, and had taken
various vestments from a church which he
had built and decorated, and had prohibited
their use. In the camp, the boyars were
disobedient and quarreled over their places,
and did much to annoy him. At the out-
set of the campaign, Prince Boris Dol-
goruky and Yury Stcherbatof appeared,
dressed in deep black, with all their retainers
in mourning, and long black housings
spread over their horses. This was not
only a personal insult to Galftsyn, but also,
owing to the superstition of the time, from
which Galftsyn was not entirely free, exer-
cised a powerful influence on the minds of
the soldiery, as a presage of ill-luck. This
presage was, to a great extent, justified by
PETER THE GREAT.
375
the results of the campaign. The united
army of the Russians and Cossacks advanced
southward through the steppe till they
reached a place called the Great Meadow,
near the little stream of Karatchakrak, about
one hundred and fifty miles from the Isthmus
of Perekop. Not a sign of any kind could
be seen of the Tartars, but the Russians
were met by a worse enemy — a fire on the
steppe which destroyed all the grass and
forage for miles around, threatened the loss
of the baggage and provision trains, and
at the most oppressive period of a southern
summer, caused the army great suffering,
from flame and smoke. A timely rain filled
the streams, but still there was no forage,
and the army was obliged to retreat with-
out even having seen the enemy. Galitsyn
•encamped at the first suitable locality, pro-
posed to send a force of 30,000 men to the
lower Dnieper, and reported to Moscow
for further orders. Meanwhile a rumor got
into circulation in the camp that the steppe
had been set on fire, not by the Tartars, but
by the Cossacks, with the intention of re-
lieving themselves from the burden of the
further campaign. This story, in the highest
degree improbable, found some credence,
when connected with what was called the
obstinacy of the Hetman Samoilovitch in
originally opposing the war against the Tar-
tars, and with the numerous complaints of
oppression against him from his own subjects.
The Government, after sending Shaklovity
to investigate the case, decided to remove
Samoilovitch. Preparations were secretly
made, and, on the 2d of August, he was
arrested in the night, relieved of the post of
hetman, and sent to Moscow. The ukase
dismissing him said nothing about the ac-
cusation of setting fire to the steppes, but
stated merely that, in order to prevent an
outbreak, the interests of Little Russia
required the removal of a hetman who had
no longer the confidence of the population.
This able, energetic and remarkable man
was succeeded as hetman by the famous
Mazeppa, then the Secretary General of the
Cossack Government. Mazeppa's election,
as well as the fall of Samoilovitch, was due
in a very great measure to the personal
influence of Galitsyn, who disliked Samoilo-
vitch. Mazeppa showed his gratitude, not
oy words alone, but by a present of 10,000
rubles. This change was detrimental to
Russian interests. Samoilovitch had been
thoroughly devoted to his people and to the
Russian Government, while Mazeppa began
a policy of deceit which culminated in his
rebellion against Russia during the Swedish
invasion. Samoilovitch died in banishment
in Siberia, and one of his sons was executed.
His whole property was confiscated, and
half of it given to Mazeppa.
Galitsyn returned to Moscow late in the
evening of the i4th of September, and the
next morning was admitted to kiss the hands
of the Regent and the two Tsars. Although,
according to the Swedish Envoy Kochen,
MEDAL GIVEN TO PRINCE GALITSYN FOR THE CRIMEAN
CAMPAIGN. (DRAWN BY MAURICE HOWARD.)
forty or fifty thousand men had been lost
in the campaign, yet Galitsyn was hailed as
a victorious general, and speedily regained
all his former power and prestige. He
received a gold chain and three hundred
ducats, and gold medals were struck and
given to the officers and nobility, while
smaller medals, all of them bearing the
effigies of Sophia, Ivan and Peter, as well
as the initial letters of their names, were
given to the soldiery. Money and land
were bestowed lavishly, as never before
after a Russian campaign, and even the
troops who came too late were not left
without reward. The proclamation of the
Regent to the Russian people spoke of the
campaign as a splendid victory, recounted
the speedy and difficult march, the panic of
the Tartar Khan, the horrors of the burning
steppes, and the safe retreat. In order to
keep up the credit of the Russian arms,
equally glowing accounts of the success of
the expedition were sent abroad, and printed
in Dutch and German, and Baron Van
376
PETER THE GREAT.
Keller himself saw that an apology for
Galitsyn was properly printed in the Dutch
newspapers.
xx.
THE SECOND CRIMEAN EXPEDITION.
THE Poles were no more lucky than the
Russians in the campaign of 1687. They
vainly besieged the fortress of Kamenetz, in
Podolia, and were obliged to retire in
disgust. Their allies, the Austrians and
Venetians, were more fortunate. They
beat the Turks in Hungary, Dalmatia and
the Morea, and took possession of the chief
frontier fortresses. It was in this campaign
that Morosini took Athens, a conquest
glorious to the Venetians, but regretted by
posterity. An unfortunate bomb struck the
Parthenon, and exploded the Turkish pow-
der stored in it, and reduced this wonderful
building to its present state. From the Piraeus
Morosini took the four marble lions which
now decorate the front of the arsenal at
Venice. The Turkish defeat and disasters
resulted in a military rebellion, which cost
the Grand Vizier his life, and the Sultan
Mohammed IV. his throne. He was re-
placed by his elder brother, Suleiman II.
Turkey had never been in such straits, and
there seemed to the Christian inhabitants
every chance of freeing themselves from the
Turkish yoke. Dionysius, the former Patri-
arch of Constantinople, who had been de-
posed for the fourth time through the intrigues
of rival bishops who paid higher bribes to
the Divan, but according to his own account
for having yielded in the matter of the
metropolis of Kief, wrote to the Tsars from
his refuge at Mount Athbs, and in the name
of the orthodox Christians besought the
Russians to turn their arms once more
against the Turks.
" All states and powers," he wrote, " all
pious, orthodox kings and princes have
together risen up against Anti-christ, and
are warring with him by land and sea, while
your empire sleeps. All pious people —
Serbs, Bulgarians, Moldavians and Wallach-
ians — are waiting for your holy rule. Rise ;
do not sleep ; come to save us."
The same messenger, Isaiah, Archi-
mandrite of the Monastery of St. Paul at
Mount Athos, brought a letter from Stcher-
ba^n Cantacuzene, the Hospodar of Wal-
lachia, who also wrote that all orthodox
people begged the Tsars to deliver them
from the hands of the " Pharaoh in the
flesh." A similar letter came from Arse-
nius, the Patriarch of Serbia. The Chris-
tians, however, prayed the Russians not so-
much against the Turks as against the
Latins and Papists. They feared that if
Turkey were subjugated by the Austrians
and Venetians, without the intervention of
Russia, the religious tyranny of the Romish
Church would be worse than the oppression
of the Sultan. The Regent replied to these
demonstrations by urging the Wallachians
to send the large Slavonic forces, of which
they had boasted, to assist them in another
campaign against the Tartars, saying that
after the Crimea was conquered they would
see to the freedom of the countries of the
Danube and the Balkans. Panslavism had
already been preached in Moscow, and
especially by the Serb Yiiry Kryzhanitch, the
first great Slavophile, and it is interesting to-
see how, even in the earliest time of difficulty
between Turkey and Russia, the Slavonic
populations subject to the Sultan looked to-
Russia as their natural friend and protector.
There were many difficulties, however, in
the way of a second campaign. The finan-
cial condition of Russia was very bad, the
Russian Envoy Postnikof had been unsuc-
cessful in concluding a loan in England —
if other reasons were wanting, the troubles
of the last year of James II. were sufficient
— and taxes were already most burdensome.
Fears lest Poland and Austria might con-
clude a separate peace with the Turks
which would be disadvantageous to Russia ;
the urgent demands of the Poles for assist-
ance, and the fact that the Tartar Khan,,
in spite of strict orders from the Sultan,
had himself taken the offensive and had
ravaged the border provinces of Russia and
Poland, advancing, in March, 1688, through
Volhynia and Podolia nearly to Lemberg,.
and carrying off 60,000 of the inhabitants-
into slavery, — these were sufficient reasons-
for a new campaign.
In the autumn of 1688 the new cam-
paign against the Crimea was proclaimed.
All preparations were made for starting at
an early period in the spring, and for guard-
ing against the calamities which had frus-
trated the previous campaign, and the
troops were ordered to be at their rendez-
vous no later than February, 1689. This
time it was absolutely necessary for Galitsyn
to defeat the Tartars, in order to frustrate
the machinations of his political and per-
sonal enemies. Hatred to him went so-
far that it is said an assassin even attacked
him in his sledge, and was arrested by
PETER THE GREAT.
377
I one of his servants. The assassin was
tortured, but no publicity was given to the
I affair, just as Galitsyn was starting out on
I the campaign, a coffin was found in front
| of the door of his palace, with a warning
that if this campaign were as unfortunate as
the preceding one, a coffin would be made
ready for him. An example not only of the
suspicions which Galitsyn entertained of
those about him, but of the superstition in
which he, as well as many other eminent and
educated men of that time, believed, was
that one of his servants, Ivan Bunakof, was
subjected to torture for having "taken his
trace" — that is, for having taken up the earth
where Galitsyn's foot had left an imprint.
Bunakof explained it by saying that he took
the earth in his handkerchief and tied it
round him to cure the cramp, as this remedy
had been recommended to him, and always,
when any cramp seized him, he immediately
took up some of the surrounding earth.
The explanation was judged insufficient,
and the man was punished.
By the end of February, Galitsyn had
collected 112,000 men, and set out on his
march. A month later, he reported that the
expedition was greatly retarded by the snow
and the extreme cold. He was soon joined by
Mazeppa, with his Cossacks. About the
middle of April, news reached Moscow that,
although there had yet been no fires in the
steppe, the Khan had announced his inten-
tion to set fire to it as soon as the Russians
approached Perek6p, and orders were sent to
Galitsyn to have the steppe burnt in ad-
vance of the Russian troops in order that
they might find fresh grass springing up for
them as they went on. No misadventure
of any kind took place; there was plenty of
water, and by the middle of May Galitsyn
drew near to Perekop, and first met the
Tartar troops. The nomads, in great multi-
tudes, attacked the Russians on all sides,
and were beaten off with some difficulty,
although they still continued to harass the
Russian advance. We learn from the diary
of General Gordon that the troops were en-
gaged in several slight contests of this kind,
but that there was no decisive battle.
Galitsyn, however, reported to the Govern-
ment that he had gained a great victory over
the Tartars, and had inflicted enormous
losses upon them. On the 3oth of May,
the Russians reached the famous Perekop, a
fort protected by a high wall and a deep
ditch, running entirely across the isthmus.
It had seemed that Perekop was to be the
end of the campaign, and Galitsyn had
apparently thought that once they arrived
there the Tartars would be frightened, and
would immediately surrender. He found,
however, that the fort of Perekop was not
to be easily taken, especially by troops that
had already been two days without water;
and that, even when Perekop was taken, the
steppes of the Crimea, being arid plains,
destitute of water, and possessing only a
little saltish vegetation, were even worse
than the places he had already passed
through. He therefore sent a message to
the Khan, hoping to get from him a peace
advantageous to Russia. The negotiations
lingered, and it was impossible for Galitsyn
to wait longer. He therefore began his
retreat without having captured Perekop,
and without having secured peace. That
Galitsyn should have returned at all, that
he should have extricated his army from
this uncomfortable position without losing
the greater part of it, was interpreted by the
Government at Moscow as a great success,
and glowing bulletins were issued, and great
rewards were promised to those who had
taken part in the campaign. For reasons
of state it was necessary to uphold Galit-
syn, who was the ablest and strongest
member of the Government. But Sophia
had other excuses — her passionate affection
for Galitsyn blinded her to his defects. She
implicitly believed the exaggerated dis-
patches which he had sent home, in which
defeat was skillfully converted into victory,
and replied in letters which plainly indicate
the relations which existed between them :
" MY LIGHT, BROTHER VASSENKA : — Mayst
thou be in good health, little father, for many years.
Through the mercy of God and the Holy Virgin,
and by thy own good sense and good fortune, thou
hast been victorious over the children of Hagar, and
may the Lord give thee in future to overcome our
enemies. And yet, my love, I can scarcely believe
that thou art returning to us ; I shall only believe
it when I see thee in my embrace. Thou hast
asked me, love, to pray for you. In truth I am a
sinner before God and unworthy, yet, even though a
sinner, I dare to hope in his mercy. I always
petition him to let me see my love again in joy."
When Galitsyn had written that he had
begun to retire from Perekdp, Sophia an-
swered :
" This day is mighty joyful to me because the
Lord God has glorified his holy name, as also that
of his mother, the Holy Virgin, for you, my love.
Such a thing was never heard of, nor did our
fathers see such mercy of God. Like the children
of Israel has God led you from the land of Egypt —
then by Moses, his disciple, now by you, my soul.
Praise to our God, who has thus been merciful to
us through thee. Oh ! my little father, how shall I
PETER THE GREAT,
ever pay you for these, your countless labors ? Oh !
my joy, light of my eyes, how can I believe my
heart that I am going to see thee again, my love !
That day will be great to me when thou, my soul,
shalt come to me. If it were only possible for me,
I would place thee before me in a single day. Thy
letters, confided to God's care, have all reached me
in safety. Thy letters from Perekop came on Friday,
the nth. I was going on foot from Vozdvizhens-
koe, and had just arrived at the monastery of the
Miracle- Working Sergius, at the holy gates them-
selves, when your letter came about the battles. I
do not know how I went in. I read as I walked.
What thou has written, little father, about sending
to the monasteries, that I have fulfilled. I have
myself made pilgrimages to all the monasteries on
foot. Thou writest that I should pray for thee.
God, my love, knows how I wish to see thee, my
soul, and I hope, in the mercy of God, that he will
allow me to see thee, my hope. With regard to
the troops, do just as thou hast written. I, my
father, am well, through thy prayers, and we are
all well. When God gives me to see thee, my
love, I will tell thee about all I have done and
passed through."
The official thanks sent to Galitsyn were
in strong terms, though in somewhat differ-
ent form. He himself was most anxious to
magnify his victories, and sent messengers
direct from the camp to the King of Poland,
informing him of the defeat of 150,000 Tar-
tars, of the flight of the Khan, and of the
general panic. Employing a trick which is
now so common as not to cause surprise,
Galitsyn instructed the Resident at Warsaw
to send extracts from his letter to Vienna,
Venice and Rome, and to take measures
that accounts of his victory, printed in all
parts of Europe, should come back to
Moscow.
Not all, however, took such a rosy view
of the campaign as did Galitsyn. General
Gordon, in a letter to his relative, the Earl
of Errol, says : " The 2oth wee came befor
the Perecop, et lodged as wee marched,
where wee were to enter into a treaty with
the Tartars, which tooke no effect, our
demands being too high, and they not con-
discending to any other thing as to establish
a peace of the former conditions, so that
not being able to subsist here for want of
water, grass et wood for such numbers as
wee had, and finding no advantage by take-
ing the Perecop, the next day wee returned,
and from midday till night we were hotly
persued by the Tartars, the danger being
great et fear greater, if the Chan with all his
forces should persue us, so that I was com-
manded from the left wing with 7 Regiments
of Foot, et some of horse (yet all on
Foot), to guard the Rear. They persued us
very eagerly 8 dayes together, yet gained but
litle, haveing no such great numbers as wee
suspected. Nothing troubled us et our horses
et draught beasts so much in this march as
the want of water, for albeit wee had so
many great caskes with water along with
yet was farr short of giveing relieffe to all,
and had not God almighty send us rains
more as ordinary in these places, wee had
suffered great losses. On the i2th of June,
we came to the River Samara, where wee
were past danger, yet hold on our march
circumspectly until! we came to the R.
Merlo." And Lefort, who took part in the
campaign, wrote to his family at Geneva :
" The Muscovites lost 35,000 men — 20,000
killed and 15,000 taken prisoners. Besides
that, seventy cannon were abandoned, and
all the war material." The remembrance
of the loss of these cannon remained for a
long time, and Manstein tells us that Miin-
nich, in his campaign in the Crimea in the
reign of the Empress Anne, recovered some
of the cannon lost by Galitsyn.
Accusations were subsequently brought
that Galitsyn had been bribed by the Tartar
Khan to retreat from Perekop, and there
was a story that, before Perekop, the Tartar
emissaries brought secretly to Galitsyn's tent
two barrels of gold pieces, which turned out
afterward to be nothing but copper money
slightly gilded. This story rests on the
testimony of deserters and renegades, and
scarcely deserves notice, except that it
formed part of the charges of high treason
preferred against Galitsyn. It was not,
however, so much his imaginary treason as
it was his carelessness, his incapacity, and
his self-will in carrying on negotiations with-
out consulting the other superior officers,
that caused this disaster to the Russian
arms.
Not by any means the best satisfied
with the Crimean campaign was Peter.
Apart from the severity with which the party
of boyars who surrounded him judged all
the acts of the Government of Sophia, he
himself had been pursuing so vigorously his
military studies, and was so deeply impressed
with the importance of putting an end to
the Tartar domination, that he was a severe
critic of Galitsyn's military operations.
Galitsyn arrived at Moscow on the 8th
of July, was received in great state at
the banqueting-hall by Sophia and her
brother Ivan, and was publicly thanked;
but the rewards promised to those who had
taken part in the campaign could not then
be published, because Peter refused his con-
sent, as he was unwilling that they should
receive so much as had been promised with-
POET AND ACTRESS.
379
out consulting him. It was not until the
5th of August that, after much entreaty, and
with great difficulty, Peter was induced to
allow the rewards of the campaign to be
announced. On the next day they were
read out to the boyars and their comrades
in the inner rooms of the Palace, and after-
ward to the general public on the Broad
Staircase. Galitsyn received a large gold
cup, a caftan of cloth of gold lined with
sables, a large sum of money, and an estate
in the district of Suzdal; while the other
Russian officers received money, silver cups,
stuff for caftans, and part of the estates which
they already enjoyed as crown tenants
were made hereditary with them. The
foreign officers received each a month's
wages, sables, cups and rich stuffs. Com-
memorative gold medals were given to
every one, and it was ordered that the
names of all who died in the campaign
should be mentioned in the public
prayers in the Cathedral. Etiquette then
required that the officers who had been
thus distinguished should go to Preo-
brazhe"nsky, to pay their respects to the
Tsar Peter, and thank him for his grace.
They went, but they were not received;
" at which some were much troubled,"
says Gordon, "but others were not,
because they thought that it was better to
take the bitt and the buffet with it, for every
one saw plainly and knew that the consent
of the younger Tsar had not been extorted
without the greatest difficulty, and that this
merely made him more excited against the
generalissimo and the most prominent coun-
selors of the other party at court; for it was
now seen that an open breach was imminent,
which would probably result in the greatest
bitterness. Meanwhile everything was, as
far as possible, held secret in the great
houses, but yet not with such silence and
skill but that every one knew what was
going on."
TRAVELING SLEDGE OF PETER.
POET AND ACTRESS.
WHEN Avon's Bard his sweetest music scored,
A woman's vision with the numbers blent;
His weaving fancy robed the form adored,
And each the other equal beauty lent.
O Poet! didst thou haply see again
In living presence playful Rosalind,
Sweet Viola, and saintly Imogen,
Fair Juliet, swept by passion's withering wind ?-
'Twas thine to give the music-mated lines,
But heaven alone empowers the counterpart
To walk in splendor where such genius shines.
Twice happy we, blest heirs of dual art :
To own as mother-tongue Will Shakspere's writ-
To live when kindling Neilson voices it.
38o
THE GRANDISSIMES.
THE GRANDISSIMES.*
A STORY OF CREOLE LIFE.
By GEORGE W. CABLE, author of "Old Creole Days."
CHAPTER XLI.
TO COME TO THE POINT.
IT was equally a part of Honore Grand-
issime's nature and of his art as a merchant
to wear a look of serene leisure. With this
look on his face he re-entered his count-
ing-room after his morning visit to Frowen-
feld's shop. He paused a moment outside
the rail, gave the weak-eyed gentleman who
presided there a quiet glance equivalent to
a beckon, and, as that person came near,
communicated two or three items of intelli-
gence or instruction concerning office de-
tails, by which that invaluable diviner of
business meanings understood that he wished
to be let alone for an hour. Then M.
Grandissime passed on into his private
office, and, shutting the door behind him,
walked briskly to his desk and sat down.
He dropped his elbows upon a broad
paper containing some recently written, un-
finished memoranda that included figures
in column, cast his eyes quite around the
apartment, and then covered his face with
his palms — a gesture common enough for a
tired man of business in a moment of seclu-
sion ; but just as the face disappeared in the
hands, the look of serene leisure gave place
to one of great mental distress. The paper
under his elbows, to the consideration of
which he seemed about to return, was in
the handwriting of his manager, with addi-
tions by his own pen. Earlier in the day
he had come to a pause in the making of these
additions, and, after one or two vain efforts
to proceed, had laid down his pen, taken
his hat, and gone to see the unlucky apoth-
ecary. Now he took up the broken thread.
To come to a decision ; that was the task
which forced from him his look of distress.
He drew his face slowly through his palms,
set his lips, cast up his eyes, knit his knuckles,
and then opened and struck his palms
together, as if to say : " Now, come ; let
me make up my mind."
There may be men who take every moral
height at a dash; but to the most of us
there must come moments when our wills
can but just rise and walk in their sleep.
Those who in such moments wait for clear
views, find, when the issue is past, that they
were only yielding to the devil's chloroform.
Honore Grandissime bent his eyes upon
the paper. But he saw neither its figures
nor its words. The interrogation, " Surren-
der Fausse Riviere ? " appeared to hang
between his eyes and the paper, and when
his resolution tried to answer " Yes," he
saw red flags; he heard the auctioneer's
drum; he saw his kinsmen handing house-
keys to strangers ; he saw the old servants
of the great family standing in the market-
place ; he saw kinswomen pawning their
plate; he saw his clerks (Brahmins, Man-
darins, Grandissimes) standing idle and shab-
by in the arcade of the Cabildo and on
the banquette of Maspero's and the Veau-
qui-te'te; he saw red-eyed young men in
the Exchange denouncing a man who, they
said, had, ostensibly for conscience's sake,
but really for love, forced upon the woman
he had hoped to marry a fortune filched
from his own kindred. He saw the junto
of doctors in Frowenfeld's door charitably
deciding him insane; he saw the more
vengeful of his family seeking him with
half-concealed weapons ; he saw himself
shot at in the rue Royale, in the rue Tou-
louse, and in the Place d'Armes ; and, worst
of all, missed.
But he wiped his forehead, and the
writing on the paper became, in a measure,
visible. He read :
Total mortgages on the lands of all the Grand-
issimes $ —
Total present value of same, titles at buyers'
risk —
Cash, goods, and account —
Fausse Riviere Plantation account —
There were other items, but he took up
the edge of the paper mechanically, pushed it
slowly away from him, leaned back in his
chair and again laid his hands upon his face.
" Suppose I retain Fausse Riviere," he
said to himself, as if he had not said it
many times before.
Then he saw memoranda that were not on
any paper before him — such a mortgage to
be met on such a date; so much from Fausse
Riviere Plantation account retained to pro-
tect that mortgage from foreclosure; such
Copyright, 1879, by George W. Cable. All rights reserved.
THE GRANDISSIMES.
another to be met on such a date — so much
more of same account to protect it. He saw
Aurora and Clotilde Nancanou, with an-
guished faces, offering woman's pleadings to
deaf constables. He saw the remainder of
Aurora's plantation account thrown Jo the
lawyers to keep the question of Grandissime
titles languishing in the courts. He saw the
meanwhile-rallied fortunes of his clan com-
ing to the rescue, himself and kindred grow-
ing independent of questionable titles, and
even Fausse Riviere Plantation account
restored, but Aurora and Clotilde nowhere
to be found. And then he saw the grave,
pale face of Joseph Frowenfeld.
He threw himself forward, drew the
paper nervously toward him, and stared at
the figures. He began at the first item and
went over the whole paper, line by line, test-
ing every extension, proving every addition,
noting if possibly any transposition of fig-
ures had been made and overlooked, if
something was added that should have been
subtracted, or subtracted that should have
been added. It was like a prisoner trying
the bars of his cell.
Was there no way to make things happen
differently ? Had he not overlooked some
expedient ? Was not some financial maneu-
ver possible which might compass both
desired ends ? He left his chair and walked
up and down, as Joseph at that very mo-
ment was doing in the room where he had
left him, came back, looked at the paper,
and again walked up and down. He
murmured now and then to himself:
"Self-denial — that is not the hard word.
Penniless myself — that is play," and so on.
He turned by and by and stood looking up
at that picture of the man in the cuirass
which Aurora had once noticed. He looked
at it, but he did not see it. He was think-
ing— " Her rent is due to-morrow. She will
never believe I am not her landlord. She
will never go to my half-brother." He
turned once more and mentally beat his
breast as he muttered : " Why do I not
decide ? "
Somebody touched the door-knob. Hon-
ore stepped forward and opened it. It was
a mortgager.
"Ah ! entrhez, Monsieur"
He retained the visitor's hand, leading
him in and talking pleasantly in French
until both had found chairs. The conversa-
tion continued in that tongue through such
pointless commercial gossip as this :
" So the brig Equinox is aground at the
head of the Passes," said M. Grandissime.
" I have just heard she is off again."
" Aha ? "
" Yes ; the Fort Plaquemine canoe is
just up from below. I understand John
McDonough has bought the entire cargo
of the schooner Freedom"
" No, not all ; Blanque et Fils bought
some twenty boys and women out of the
lot. Where is she lying ? "
" Right at the head of the Basin."
And much more like this ; but by and by
the mortgager came to the point with the
casual remark :
" The excitement concerning land-titles
seems to increase rather than subside."
" They must have something to be ex-
cited about, I suppose," said M. Grandis-
sime, crossing his legs and smiling. It was
tradesman's talk.
"Yes," replied the other; "there seems
to be an idea current to-day that all holders
under Spanish titles are to be immediately
dispossessed, without even process of court.
I believe a very slight indiscretion on the
part of the Governor- General would precip-
itate a riot."
" He will not commit any," said M.
Grandissime with a quiet gravity, changing
his manner to that of one who draws upon
a reserve of private information. " There
will be no outbreak."
" I suppose not. We do not know, really,
that the American Congress will throw any
question upon titles; but still "
" What are some of the shrewdest Amer-
icans among us doing?" asked M. Grand-
issime.
" Yes," replied the mortgager, " it is true
they are buying these very titles ; but they
may be making a mistake ? "
Unfortunately for the speaker, he allowed
his face an expression of argumentative
shrewdness as he completed this sentence,
and M. Grandissime, the merchant, caught
an instantaneous full view of his motive ; he
wanted to buy. He was a man whose
known speculative policy was to " go in "
in moments of panic.
M. Grandissime was again face to face
with the question of the morning. To com-
mence selling must be to go on selling. This,
as a plan, included restitution to Aurora;
but it meant also dissolution to the Grand-
issimes, for should their sold titles be pro-
nounced bad, then the titles of other lands
would be bad; many an asset among M.
Grandissime's memoranda would shrink into
nothing, and the meager proceeds of the
Grandissime estates, left to meet the strain
THE GRANDISSIMES.
without the aid of Aurora's accumulated
fortune, would founder in a sea of liabilities;
while should these titles, after being parted
with, turn out good, his incensed kindred,
shutting their eyes to his memoranda and
despising his exhibits, would see in him only
the family traitor, and he would go about
the streets of his town the subject of their
implacable denunciation, the community's
obloquy, and Aurora's cold evasion. So
much, should he sell. On the other hand,
to decline to sell was to enter upon that
disingenuous scheme of delays which would
enable him to avail himself and his people
of that favorable wind and tide of fortune
which the Cession had brought. Thus the
estates would be lost, if lost at all, only
when the family could afford to lose them,
and Honore Grandissime would continue
to be Honor6 the Magnificent, the admira-
tion of the city and the idol of his clan.
But Aurora — and Clotilde — would have to
eat the crust of poverty, while their fortunes,
even in his hands, must bear all the jeopardy
of the scheme. That was all. Retain Fausse
Riviere and its wealth, and save the Grand-
issimes ; surrender Fausse Riviere, let the
Grandissime estates go, and save the Nan-
canous. That was the whole dilemma.
" Let me see," said M. Grandissime.
" You have a mortgage on one of our
Golden Coast plantations. Well, to be frank
with you, I was thinking of that when you
came in. You know I am partial to prompt
transactions — I thought of offering you
either to take up that mortgage or to sell
you the plantation, as you may prefer. I
have ventured to guess that it would suit
you to own it."
And the speaker felt within him a secret
exultation in the idea that he had succeeded
in throwing the issue off upon a Providence
that could control this mortgager's choice.
" I would prefer to leave that choice with
you," said the coy would-be purchaser ; and
then the two went coquetting again for
another moment:
" I understand that Nicholas Girod is pro-
posing to erect a four-story brick building
on the corner of Royale and St. Pierre.
Do you think it practicable ? Do you
think our soil will support such a structure ? "
" Pilot thinks it will. Bore" says it is
perfectly feasible."
So they dallied.
" Well," said the mortgager, presently ris-
ing, " you will make up your mind and let
me know, will you ? "
The chance repetition of those words
" make up your mind " touched Honore
Grandissime like a hot iron. He rose with
the visitor.
" Well, sir, what would you give us for our
title in case we should decide to part with it ? "
The two men moved slowly, side by side,
toward the door, and in the half-opened
door-way, after a little further trifling, the
title was sold.
" Well, good-day," said M. Grandissime.
" M. de Brahmin will arrange the papers for
us to-morrow."
He turned back toward his private desk.
" And now," thought he, " I am acting
without resolving. No merit ; no strength
of will; no clearness of purpose; no em-
phatic decision ; nothing but a yielding to
temptation."
And M. Grandissime spoke true ; but it
is only whole men who so yield — yielding
to the temptation to do right.
He passed into the counting-room, to M.
De Brahmin, and standing there talked in
an inaudible tone, leaning over the up-
turned spectacles of his manager, for nearly
an hour. Then, saying he would go to din-
ner, he went out. He did not dine at home
nor at the Veau-qui-te'te nor at any of the
clubs; so much is known; he merely dis-
appeared for two or three hours and was
not seen again until late in the afternoon,
when two or three Brahmins and Grandis-
simes, wandering about in search of him,
met him on the levee near the head of the
rue Bienville, and with an exclamation of
wonder and a look of surprise at his dusty
shoes, demanded to know where he had hid
himself while they had been ransacking the
town in search of him.
" We want you to tell us what you will
do about our titles."
He smiled pleasantly, the picture of
serenity, and replied :
" I have not fully made up my mind yet;
as soon as* I do so I will let you know."
There was a word or two more exchanged,
and then, after a moment of silence, with a
gentle " Eh, bien " and a gesture to which
they were accustomed, he stepped away
backward, they resumed their hurried walk
and talk, and he turned into the rue Bien-
ville.
CHAPTER XLII.
AN INHERITANCE OF WRONG.
" I TELL you," Doctor Keene used to say,
" that old woman's a thinker." His allusion
THE GRANDISSIMES.
383
was to Clemence, the marchande des calas.
Her mental activity was evinced not more
in the cunning aptness of her songs than in
the droll wisdom of her sayings. Not the
melody only, but the often audacious, epi-
grammatic philosophy of her tongue as well,
sold her calas and gingercakes.
But in one direction her wisdom proved
scant. She presumed too much on her insig-
nificance. She was a " study," the gossiping
circle at Frowenfeld's used to say ; and any
observant hearer of her odd aphorisms could
see that she herself had made a life-study
of herself and her conditions; but she little
thought that others — some with wits and
some with none — young hair-brained Grand-
issimes, Mandarins and the like — were
silently, and for her most unluckily, charging
their memories with her knowing speeches ;
and that of every one of those speeches she
would ultimately have to give account.
Doctor Keene, in the old days of his
health, used to enjoy an occasional skirmish
with her. Once, in the course of chaffering
over the price of calas, he enounced an
old current conviction which is not with-
out holders even to this day; for we may
still hear it said by those who will not be
decoyed down from the mountain fastnesses
of the old Southern doctrines, that their
slaves were "the happiest people under the
sun." Clemence had made bold to deny
this with argumentative indignation, and
was courteously informed in retort that she
had promulgated a falsehood of magnitude.
"W'y, Mawse Chawlie," she replied,
"does you s'pose one po' nigga kin tell a
big lie? No, sah! But w'en de whole
people tell w'at ain' so — if dey know it, aw
if dey don' know it — den dat is a big lie!"
And she laughed to contortion.
"What is that you say?" he demanded,
with mock ferocity. "You charge white
people with lying ? "
" Oh, sakes, Mawse Chawlie, no ! De
people don't mek up dat ah; de debblepass
it on 'em. Don' you know de debble ah de
grett cyounte'feiteh ? Ev'y piece o' money
he mek he tek an' put some debblemen' on
de under side, an' one o' his pootiess lies on
top; an' "e gilt dat lie, an' 'e rub dat lie on
'is elbow, an' 'e shine dat lie, an' 'e put 'is
bess licks on dat lie; entel ev'ybody say :
' Oh, how pooty ! ' An' dey tek it fo' good
money, yass — and pass it! Dey b'lieb it!"
" Oh," said some one at Doctor Keene's
side, disposed to quiz, "you niggers don't
know when you are happy."
"Dass so, Mawse — c'est vrai, ouif" she
answered quickly ; " we donno no mo'n
white folks!"
The laugh was against him.
" Mawse Chawlie," she said again, " w'a's
dis I yeh 'bout dat Eu'ope country ? 's dat
true de niggas is all free in Eu'ope ? "
Doctor Keene replied that something like
that was true.
" Well, now, Mawse Chawlie, I gwan t' ass
you a riddle. If dat is so, den fo' w'y I yeh
folks bragg'n' 'bout de ' stayt o' s'iety in
Eu'ope'?"
The mincing drollery with which she
used this fine phrase brought another peal
of laughter. Nobody tried to guess.
"I gwan tell you," said the marchande;
" 'tis becyaze dey got a ' fixed wuckin' class.' "
She sputtered and giggled with the general
ha, ha. " Oh, ole Clemence kin talk proctah,
yass ! "
She made a gesture for attention.
"D'y* ebber yeh w'at de cya'ge-hoss say
w'en 'e see de cyaht-hoss tu'n loose in de sem
pawstu'e wid he, an' knowed dat some'ow
de cyaht gotteh be haul' ? W'y 'e jiz snawt
an' kick up 'is heel' " — she suited the action
to the word — "an' tah' roun' de fiel' an'
prance up to de fence an' say: 'Whoopy!
shoo! shoo! dis yeh country gittin' too
free!'"
" Oh," she resumed, as soon as she could
be heard, " white folks is werry kine. Dey
wants us to b'lieb we happy — -dey wants to
b'lieb we is. W'y, you know, dey 'bleeged
to b'lieb it — fo' dey own cyumfut. 'Tis de
sem weh wid de preache's ; dey buil' we ow
own sep'ate meet'n-houses ; dey b'leebs us
lak it de bess, an' dey knows dey lak it de
bess."
The laugh at this was mostly her own.
It is not a laughable sight to see the com-
fortable fractions of Christian communities
everywhere striving, with sincere,- pious,
well-meant, criminal benevolence, to make
their poor brethren contented with the ditch.
Nor does it become so to see these efforts
meet, or seem to meet, some degree of suc-
cess. Happily man cannot so place his
brother that his misery will continue unmiti-
gated. You may dwarf a man to the mere
stump of what he ought to be, and yet he will
put out green leaves. " Free from care," we
benignly observe of the dwarfed classes of
society ; but we forget, or have never thought,
what a crime we commit when we rob men
and women of their cares.
To Clemence the order of society was
nothing. No upheaval could reach to the
depth to which she was sunk. It is true,
THE GRANDISSIMES.
she was one of the population. She had
certain affections toward people and places;
but they were not of a consuming sort.
As for us, our feelings, our sentiments,
affections, etc., are fine and keen, delicate
and many; what we call refined. Why?
Because we get them as we get our old
swords and gems and Jfces-irom our
grandsires, mothers, and all. Refined they
are— after centuries of refining. But the
feelings handed down to Clemence had
come through ages of African savagery;
through fires that do not refine, but that
blunt and blast and blacken and char; starv-
ation, gluttony, drunkenness, thirst, drown-
ing nakedness, dirt, fetichism, debauchery,
slaughter, pestilence and the rest— she was
their heiress; they left her the cinders of
human feelings. She remembered her
mother. They had been separated in her
childhood, in Virginia when it was a prov-
ince. She remembered, with pnde, the
price her mother had brought at auction, and
remarked, as an additional interesting item,
that she had never seen or heard of her
since. She had had children, assorted
colors— had one with her now, the black
boy that brought the basilic to Joseph ; the
others were here and there, some in the
Grandissime households or field-gangs,
some elsewhere within occasional sight,
some dead, some not accounted for. Hus-
bands—like the Samaritan woman's. We
know she was a constant singer and
laugher.
And so on that day, when Honore" Grand-
issime had advised the Governor-General of
Louisiana to be very careful to avoid dem-
onstration of any sort if he wished to
avert a street war in his little capital,
Clemence went up one street and down
another, singing her song and laughing
her professional merry laugh. How could
it be otherwise ? Let events take any
possible turn, how could it make any
difference to Clemence ? What could she
hope to gain ? What could she fear to
lose? She sold some of her goods to
Casa Calvo's Spanish guard and sang them
a Spanish song ; some to Claiborne's sol-
diers and sang them Yankee Doodle with
unclean words of her own inspiration, which
evoked true soldiers' laughter; some to a
priest at his window, exchanging with him
a pious comment or two upon the wicked
ness of the times generally and their Ameri
cain- Protestant-poisoned community in par
ticular ; and (after going home to dinne
and coming out newly furnished) she sole
ome more of her wares to the excited
Oroups of Creoles to which we have had
occasion to allude, and from whom, insensi-
ble as she was to ribaldry, she was glad to
escape. The day now drawing to a close,
she turned her steps toward her wonted
crouching place, the willow avenue on the
evee, near the Place d' Amies. But she
lad hardly defined this decision clearly in
icr mind, and had but just turned out of the
rue St. Louis, when her song attracted an
ear in a second-story room under whose
window she was passing. As usual it was
fitted to the passing event :
" Apportez moi mo1 sabre,
Ba bourn, ba bourn, bourn, bourn"
" Run, fetch that girl here," said Dr.
Keene to the slave woman who had just
entered his room with a pitcher of water.
"Well, old eaves-dropper," he said, as
Clemence came, " what is the scandal to-
day ? "
Clemence laughed.
" You know, Mawse Chawlie, I dunno
noth'n' 'tall 'bout nobody. I'se a nigga
w'at mine my own business."
" Sit down there on that stool, and tell
me what is going on outside."
" I d'no noth'n' 'bout no goin's on ; got
no time fo' sit down, me ; got sell my cakes.
I don't goin' git mix' in wid no white folks's
doin's."
" Hush, you old hypocrite; I will buy all
your cakes. Put them out there on the
table."
The invalid, sitting up in bed, drew a
purse from behind his pillow and tossed her
a large price. She tittered, courtesied and
received the money.
" Well, well, Mawse Chawlie, 'f you ain'
de funni'st gen'leman I knows, to be sho ! "
" Have you seen Joseph Frowenfeld to-
day ? " he asked.
"He, he, he! W'at I got do wid
Mawse Frowenfel' ? I goes on de off side
o' sich folks — folks w'at cann' 'have deysefl
no bette'n dat — he, he, he! At de same
time I did happen, jis chancin' by accident,
to see 'im."
"How is he?"
Dr. Keene made plain by his mannei
that any sensational account would receive hij
instantaneous contempt, and she answered
within bounds.
"Well, now, tellin' the simple trufe, he
ain' much hurt."
The doctor turned slowly and cautiousl)
in bed.
THE GRANDISSIMES.
385
"Have you seen Honore Grandissime ? "
"W'y — das funny you ass me dat. I jis
now see 'im dis werry minnit."
"Where?"
"Jis gwine into de house wah dat laydy
live w'at 'e runned over dat ah time."
" Now, you old hag," cried the sick man,
his weak, husky voice trembling with pas-
sion, "you know you're telling me a lie."
"No, Mawse Chawlie," she protested
with a coward's frown, " I swah I tellin' you
de God's trufe!"
" Hand me my clothes off that chair."
"Oh! but, Mawse Chawlie "
The little doctor cursed her. She did as
she was bid, and made as if to leave the
room.
" Don't you go away."
" But Mawse Chawlie, you' undress' — he,
he!"
She was really abashed and half fright-
ened.
"I know that; and you have got to help
me put my clothes on."
"You gwan kill yo'se'f, Mawse Chawlie,"
she said, handling a garment.
" Hold your black tongue."
She dressed him hastily, and he went down
the stairs of his lodging-house and out into
the street. Clemence went in search of her
master.
CHAPTER XLIII.
THE EAGLE VISITS THE DOVES IN THEIR NEST.
ALPHONSINA — only living property of
Aurora and Clotilde — was called upon to
light a fire in the little parlor. Elsewhere,
although the day was declining, few persons
felt such a need; but in No. 19 rue Bien-
ville there were two chilling influences com-
bined requiring an artificial offset. One
was the ground under the floor, which was
only three inches distant, and permanently
saturated with water; the other was despair.
Before this fire the two ladies sat down
together like watchers, in that silence and
vacuity of mind which come after an ex-
haustive struggle ending in the recognition
of the inevitable ; a torpor of thought, a
stupefaction of feeling, a purely negative
state of joylessness sequent to the positive
state of anguish. They were now both
hungry, but in want of some present friend
acquainted with the motions of mental
distress who could guess this fact and press
them to eat. By their eyes it was plain
they had been weeping much; by the sub-
VOL. XX.— 26.
dued tone, too, of their short and infrequent
speeches.
Alphonsina, having made the fire, went
out with a bundle. It was Aurora's last
good dress. She was going to try to sell it.
"It ought not to be so hard," began
Clotilde, in a quiet manner of contemplating
some one else's difficulty, but paused with
the saying uncompleted, and sighed under
her breath.
" But it is so hard," responded Aurora.
"No, it ought not to be so hard "
"How, not so hard?"
"It is not so hard to live," said Clotilde;
"but it is hard to be ladies. You under-
stand " she knit her fingers, dropped
them into her lap and turned her eyes
toward Aurora, who responded with the
same motions, adding the crossing of her
silk-stockinged ankles before the fire.
" No," said Aurora, with a scintillation
of irrepressible mischief in her eyes.
"After all," pursued Clotilde, "what
troubles us is not how to make a living, but
how to get a living without making it."
"Ah! that would be magnificent!" said
Aurora, and then added, more soberly: "but
we are compelled to make a living."
"No."
"No-o? Ah! what do you mean with
your no ? "
"I mean it is just the contrary; we are
compelled not to make a living. Look at
me : I can cook, but I must not cook ; I
am skillful with the needle, but I must not
take in sewing; I could keep accounts; I
could nurse the sick; but I must not. I
could be a confectioner, a milliner, a dress-
maker, a vest-maker, a cleaner of gloves
and laces, a dyer, a bird-seller, a mattress-
maker, an upholsterer, a dancing-teacher, a
florist "
" Oh ! " softly exclaimed Aurora, in Eng-
lish, " you could be — you know w'ad ? — an
egcellen' drug-cF — ah, ha, ha!"
« Now "
But the threatened irruption was averted
by a look of tender apology from Aurora,
in reply to one of martyrdom from Clotilde.
" My angel daughter," said Aurora, " if soci-
ety has decreed that ladies must be ladies, then
that is our first duty; our second is to live.
Do you not see why it is that this practical
world does not permit ladies to make a
living ? Because if they could, none of them
would ever consent to be married. Ha!
women talk about marrying for love; but
society is too sharp to trust them, yes ! It
makes it necessary to marry. I will tell you
'386
THE GRANDISSIMES.
m •
the honest truth; some days when I get very,
very hungry, and we have nothing but nee
—all because we are ladies without male pro-
tectors—I think society could dnve even me
to marriage '.—for your sake, though, darling;
of course, only for your sake!"
"Never!" replied Clotilde; "for my sake,
never; for your own sake if you choose. I
should not care. I should be glad to see
you do so if it would make you happy; but
never for my sake and never for hungers
sake; but for love's sake, yes; and God bless
thee, pretty maman."
« Clotilde, dear," said the unconscionable
widow, " let me assure you, once for all, —
starvation is preferable. I mean for me,
you understand, simply for me ; that is my
feeling on the subject."
Clotilde turned her saddened eyes with a
steady scrutiny upon her deceiver, who gazed
upward in apparently unconscious reverie,
and sighed softly as she laid her head upon
the high chair-back and stretched out her
feet.
"I wish Alphonsina would come back,"
she said. "Ah!" she added, hearing a
footfall on the step outside the street-door,
" there she is."
She arose and drew the bolt. Unseen to
her, the person whose footsteps she had heard
stood upon the doorstep with a hand lifted
to knock, but pausing to "make up his
mind." He heard the bolt shoot back,
recognized the nature of the mistake, and,
feeling that here again he was robbed of
volition, rapped.
"That is not Alphonsina!"
The two ladies looked at each other and
turned pale.
" But you must open it," whispered Clo-
tilde, half rising.
Aurora opened the door, and changed
from white to crimson. Clotilde rose up
quickly. The gentleman lifted his hat.
" Madame Nancanou."
"M. Grandissime?"
"Oui, Madame."
For once, Aurora was in an uncontrollable
flutter. She stammered, lost her breath
and even spoke worse French than she
needed to have done.
" Be pi — pleased, sir — to enter. Clo
tilde, my daughter — Monsieur Grandissime
P-please be seated, sir. Monsieur Grandis
sime," — she dropped into a chair with an
air of vivacity pitiful to behold, — " I suppos
you have come for the rent." She blushec
even more violently than before, and he
hand stole upward upon her heart to stay it
violent beating. " Clotilde, dear, I should
be glad if you would put the fire before the
screen; it is so much too warm." She
pushed her chair back and shaded her face
with her hand. "I think the warmer^is
growing weather outside, is it — is it not?"
The struggles of a wounded bird could not
have been more piteous. Monsieur Grand-
issime sought to speak. Clotilde, too,
nerved by the' sight of her mother's embar-
rassment, came to her support, and she and
ic visitor spoke in one breath.
" Maman, if Monsieur — pardon "
" Madame Nancanou, the — pardon, Mad-
moiselle."
" I have presumed to call upon you,
esumed M. Grandissime, addressing him-
elf now to both ladies at once, " to see if
may enlist you in a purely benevolent
undertaking in the interest of one who has
)een unfortunate — a common acquaintance
•« Common acquaint — " interrupted Au-
rora, with a hostile lighting of her eyes.
" I believe so — Professor Frowenfeld."
M. Grandissime saw Clotilde start, and in
her turn falsely accuse the fire by shading
ler face ; but it was no time to stop. " La-
dies," he continued, " please allow me, for
the sake of the good it may effect, to speak
plainly and to the point."
The ladies expressed acquiescence by set-
tling themselves to hear.
"Professor Frowenfeld had the extraor-
dinary misfortune this morning to incur the
suspicion of having entered a house for the
purpose of— at least, for a bad design "
" He is innocent ! " came from Clotilde,
against her intention ; Aurora covertly put
out a hand, and Clotilde clutched it nerv-
ously.
" As, for example, robbery," said the self-
recovered Aurora, ignoring Clotilde's look
of protestation.
" Call it so," responded M. Grandissime
" Have you heard at whose house this
was ? "
" No, sir."
" It was at the house of Palmyre Philo
sophe."
" Palmyre Philosophe ! " exclaimed Aurora
in low astonishment. Clotilde let slip, in j
tone of indignant incredulity, a soft " Ah ! '
Aurora turned, and with some hope tha
M. Grandissime would not understand, ven
tured to say in Spanish, quietly :
" Come, this will never do."
And Clotilde replied, in the same tongue
" I know it, but he is innocent."
THE GRANDISSIMES.
387
" Let us understand each other," said
their visitor. "There is not the faintest
idea in the mind of one of us that Professor
Frowenfeld is guilty of even an intention of
wrong; otherwise I should not be here.
He is a man simply incapable of anything
ignoble."
Clotilde was silent. Aurora answered
promptly, with the air of one not to be
excelled in generosity :
" Certainly, he is very incapabF."
" Still," resumed the visitor, turning espe-
cially to Clotilde, " the known facts are
these, according to his own statement: he
was in the house of Palmyre on some legiti-
mate business which, unhappily, he consid-
ers himself on some account bound not to
disclose, and by some mistake of Palmyre's
old Congo woman, was set upon by her
and wounded, barely escaping with a whole
skull into the street, an object of public
scandal. Laying aside the consideration
of his feelings, his reputation is at stake and
likely to be ruined unless the affair can be
explained clearly and satisfactorily, and at
once, by his friends."
"And you undertake " began Aurora.
" Madame Nancanou," said Honore
Grandissime, leaning toward her earnestly,
" you know — I must beg leave to appeal to
your candor and confidence — you know
everything concerning Palmyre that I know.
You know me, and who I am ; you know it is
not for me to undertake to confer with Pal-
myre. I know, too, her old affection for you ;
she lives but a little way down this street upon
which you live ; there is still daylight enough
at your disposal ; if you will, you can go to
see her, and get from her a full and complete
exoneration of this young man. She can-
not come to you ; she is not fit to leave her
room."
" Cannot leave her room ? "
" I am, possibly, violating confidence in
this disclosure, but it is unavoidable — you
have to know : she is not fully recovered
from a pistol-shot wound received between
two and three weeks ago."
" Pistol-shot wound ! "
Both ladies started forward with open lips
and exclamations of amazement.
" Received from a third person — not my-
self and not Professor Frowenfeld — in a des-
perate attempt made by her to avenge the
wrongs which she has suffered, as you,
Madame, as well as I, are aware, at the
hands of "
Aurora rose up with a majestic motion
for the speaker to desist.
" If it is to mention the person of whom
your allusion reminds me, that you have
honored us with a call this evening, Mon-
sieur "
Her eyes were flashing as he had seen
them flash in front of the Place d'Armes.
" I beg you not to suspect me of mean-
ness," he answered, gently, and with a re-
monstrative smile. " I have been trying all
day, in a way unnecessary to explain, to be
generous."
" I suppose you are incapabl'," said
Aurora, following her double meaning with
that combination of mischievous eyes and
unsmiling face of which she was master.
She resumed her seat, adding : " It is gen-
erous for you to admit that Palmyre has
suffered wrongs."
" It would be," he replied, " to attempt
to repair them, seeing that I am not respon-
sible for them, but this I cannot claim yet
to have done. I have asked of you, Mad-
ame, a generous act. I might ask another
of you both, jointly. It is to permit me to
say, without offense, that there is one man,
at least, of the name of Grandissime who
views with regret and mortification the yet
deeper wrongs which you are even now
suffering."
" Oh ! " exclaimed Aurora, inwardly ready
for fierce tears, but with no outward be-
trayal save a trifle too much grace and an
over-bright smile, " Monsieur is much mis-
taken ; we are quite comfortable and happy,
wanting nothing, eh, Clotilde? — not even
our rights, ha, ha ! "
She rose and let Alphonsina in. The
bundle was still in the negress's arms, and
she passed through the room and disap-
peared in the direction of the kitchen.
" Oh ! no, sir, not at all," repeated Aurora,
as she once more sat down.
"You ought to want your rights," said
M. Grandissime. " You ought to have
them."
" You think so ? "
Aurora was really finding it hard to con-
ceal her growing excitement, and turned,
with a faint hope of relief, toward Clotilde.
Clotilde, looking only at their visitor, but
feeling her mother's glance, with a tremulous
and half-choked voice, said eagerly :
" Then why do you not give them to us ? "
" Ah ! " interposed Aurora, " we shall get
them to-morrow, when the sheriff comes."
And, thereupon, what did Clotilde do but
sit bolt upright, with her hands in her lap,
and let the tears roll, tear after tear, down
her cheeks.
388
THE GRANDISSIMES.
«Yes Monsieur," said Aurora, smiling
still, "those that you see are really tears
Ha ha, ha!-excuse me, I really have to
laueh • for I just happened to remember our
melting at the masked ball last September.
We had such a pleasant evening and were
so much indebted to you for our enjoyment,
—particularly myself— little thinking, you
know that you were one of that great fam-
ily which believes we ought to have our
rights, you know. There are many people
who ought to have their rights. There was
Bras-Coup6; indeed he got them— found
them in the swamp. Maybe Clotilde and
I shall find ours in the street. When we
unmasked in the theater, you know, I did
not know you were my landlord, and you
did not know that I could not pay a few
picayunes of rent. But you must excuse
those tears; Clotilde is generally a brave
little woman, and would not be so rude as
to weep before a stranger ; but she is weak
to-day— we are both weak to-day, from the
fact that we have eaten nothing since early
morning, although we have abundance of
food— for want of appetite, you understand.
You must sometimes be affected the same
way, having the care of so much wealth,
of all sorts"
Honore Grandissime had risen to his feet
and was standing with one hand on the
edge of the lofty mantel, his hat in the
other dropped at his side and his eye fixed
upon Aurora's beautiful face, whence her
small nervous hand kept dashing aside the
tears through which she defiantly talked
and smiled. Clotilde sat with clenched
hands buried in her lap, looking at Aurora
and still weeping.
And M. Grandissime was saying to him-
self:
" If I do this thing now — if I do it here
— I do it on an impulse; I do it under
constraint of woman's tears; I do it because
I love this woman ; I do it to get out of a
corner ; I do it in weakness, not in strength ;
I do it without having made up my mind
whether or not it is the best thing to do."
And then without intention, with scarcely
more consciousness of movement than be-
longs to the undermined tree which settles,
roots and all, into the swollen stream he
turned and moved toward the door.
Clotilde rose.
" Monsieur Grandissime."
He stopped and looked back.
" We will see Palmyre at once, according
to your request."
He turned his eyes toward Aurora.
" Yes," said she, and she buried her face
in her handkerchief and sobbed aloud.
She heard his footstep again ; it reached
the door; the door opened— closed ; she
heard his footstep again ; was he gone ?
He was gone.
The two women threw themselves into
each other's arms and wept. Presently
Clotilde left the room. She came back in
a moment from the rear apartment, with a
bonnet and veil in her hands.
" No," said Aurora, rising quickly, " I must
" There is no time to lose," said Clotilde.
" It will soon be dark."
It was hardly a minute before Aurora
was ready to start. A kiss, a sorrowful
look of love exchanged, the veil dropped
over the swollen eyes, and Aurora was gone.
A minute passed, hardly more, and —
what was this ?— the soft patter of Aurora's
knuckles on the door.
" Just here at the corner I saw Palmyre
leaving her house and walking down the rue
Royale. We must wait until morn "
Again a footfall on the doorstep, and the
door, which was standing ajar, was pushed
slightly by the force of the masculine knock
which followed.
"Allow me," said the voice of Honore
Grandissime, as Aurora bowed at the door.
I should have handed you this; good-
day."
She received a missive. It was long,
like an official document ; it bore evidence
of having been carried for some hours in a
coat pocket, and was folded in one of those
old, troublesome ways in use before the days
of envelopes. Aurora pulled it open.
" It is all figures ; light a candle."
The candle was lighted by Clotilde and
held over Aurora's shoulder; they saw a
heading and footing more conspicuous than
the rest of the writing.
The heading read :
" Aurora and Clotilde Nancanou, owners of Fausst
Riviere Plantation, in account with Honore Grandts-
sime."
The footing read:
"Balance at credit, subject to order of Aurora am
Clotilde Nancanou, $105,000.00."
The date followed :
" Mar. 9, 1804,"
and the signature :
"H. Grandissime."
A small piece of torn white paper slippe<
from the account to the floor. Clotilde'
THE GRANDISSIMES.
389
eye followed it, but Aurora, without any
acknowledgment of having seen it, covered
it with her foot.
In the morning Aurora awoke first. She
drew from under her pillow this slip of paper.
She had not dared look at it until now.
The writing on it had been roughly scratched
down with a pencil. It read :
" Not for love of woman, but in the name of *ustice
and the fear of God."
"And I was so cruel," she whispered.
Ah ! Honore Grandissime, she was kind
to that little writing ! She did not put it
back under her pillow ; she kept it warm,
Honore Grandissime, from that time forth.
CHAPTER XLIV.
BAD FOR CHARLIE KEENE.
ON the same evening of which we have
been telling, about the time that Aurora
and Clotilde were dropping their last tear
of joy over the document of restitution, a
noticeable figure stood alone at the corner
of the rue du Canal and the rue Chartres.
He had reached there and paused, just as
the brighter glare of the set sun was growing
dim above the tops of the cypresses. After
walking with some rapidity of step, he
had stopped aimlessly, and laid his hand
with an air of weariness upon a rotting
China-tree that leaned over the ditch at the
edge of the unpaved walk.
" Setting in cypress," he murmured in
Creole French. We need not concern our-
selves as to his meaning.
One could think aloud there with impu-
nity. In 1804, Canal street was the upper
boundary of New Orleans. Beyond it, to
southward, the open plain was dotted with
country houses, brick-kilns, clumps of live-
oak and groves of pecan. At the hour
mentioned the outlines of these objects were
already darkening. At one or two points the
sky was reflected from marshy ponds. Out
to westward rose conspicuously the old
house and willow-copse of Jean-Poquelin.
Down the empty street or road, which
stretched with arrow-like straightness toward
the north-west, the draining-canal that gave
it its name tapered away between occasional
overhanging willows and beside broken
ranks of rotting palisades, its foul, crawling
waters blushing and gilding and purpling
under the swiftly waning light, and ending
suddenly in the black shadow of the swamp.
The observer of this dismal prospect leaned
heavily on his arm, and cast his glance out
along the beautified corruption of the canal.
His eye seemed quickened to detect the
smallest repellant details of the scene ; every
cypress stump that stood in or overhung
the slimy water ; every ruined indigo vat or
blasted tree, every broken thing, every
bleached bone of ox or horse — and they
were many — for roods around. As his eye
passed them slowly over and swept back again
around the dreary view, he sighed heavily
and said : " Dissolution," and then again —
" Dissolution ! order of the day "
A secret overhearer might have followed,
by these occasional exclamatory utterances,
the course of a devouring trouble prowling
up and down through his thought, as one's
eye tracks the shark by the occasional cut-
ting of his fin above the water.
He spoke again :
" It is in such moods as this that fools
drown themselves."
His speech was French. He straightened
up, smote the tree softly with his palm, and
breathed a long, deep sigh — such a sigh, if
the very truth be told, as belongs by right
to a lover. And yet his mind did not dwell
on love.
He turned and left the place; but the
trouble that was plowing hither and thither
through the deep of his meditations went
with him. As he turned into the rue Char-
tres it showed itself thus :
"Right; it is but right;" he shook his
head slowly — " it is but right."
In the rue Douane he spoke again:
" Ah ! Frowenfeld " — and smiled unpleas-
antly, with his head down.
And as he made yet another turn, and
took his meditative way down the city's
front, along the blacksmith-shops in the
street afterward called Old Levee, he re-
sumed, in English, and with a distinctness
that made a staggering sailor halt and look
after him :
" There-h ah but two steps to civilization,
the first easy, the second diffycult ; to con-
strhuct — to rheconstrhuct — ah ! there-h it is !
the tearhing down ! The tear "
He was still, but repeated the thought
with a gesture of distress turned into a slow
stroke of the forehead.
" Monsieur Honore Grandissime," said a
voice just ahead.
" Eh, Men? "
At the mouth of an alley, in the dim light
of the street lamp, stood the dark figure of
Honore Grandissime, f. m. c., holding up
THE GRANDISSIMES.
—
the loosely hanging form of a small man,
the whole front of whose clothing was sat-
urated with blood.
"Why, Chahlie Keene! Let him down
again, quickly— quickly ; do not hold him
so !
« Hands off," came in a ghastly whisper
from the shape.
« Oh, Chahlie, my boy
« Go and finish your courtship," whispered
the doctor.
" Oh, Chahlie, I have just made it for-
hever impossible ! "
" Then help me back to my bed ; 1 don t
care to die in the street."
CHAPTER XLV.
MORE REPARATION.
"THAT is all," said the fairer Honor6,
outside Doctor Keene's sick-room about
ten o'clock at night. He was speaking to
the black son of Clemence, who had been
serving as errand boy for some hours. He
spoke in a low tone just without the half-
open door, folding again a paper which the
lad had lately borne to the apothecary of
the rue Royale, and had now brought back
with Joseph's answer written under HonoreVs
inquiry.
" That is all," said the other Honore,
standing partly behind the first, as the eyes
of his little menial turned upon him that
deprecatory glance of inquiry so common
to slave children. The lad went a little
way down the corridor, curled up upon the
floor against the wall, and was soon asleep.
The fairer Honore handed the darker the
slip of paper ; it was received and returned
in silence ; the question was :
" Can you state anything positive concerning the
duel?"
And the reply :
" Positively there will be none. Sylvestre my sworn
friend for life.'1'1
The half-brothers sat down under a dim
hanging lamp in the corridor, and except
that every now and then one or the other
stepped noiselessly to the door to look in
upon the sleeping sick man, or in the oppo-
site direction to moderate by a push with
the foot the snoring of Clemence's " boy,"
they sat the whole night through in whis-
pered counsel.
The one, at the request of the other,
explained how he had come to be with the
little doctor in such extremity.
It seems that Clemence, seeing and under-
standing the doctor's imprudence, had sallied
out with the resolve to set some person
on his track. We have said that she went
in search of her master. Him she met, and
though she could not really count him one
of the doctor's friends, yet, rightly believing
in his humanity, she told him the matter.
He set off in what was for him a quick
pace in search of the rash invalid, was mis-
directed by a too confident child and had
given up the hope of finding him, when a
faint sound of distress just at hand drew
him into an alley, where, close down against
a wall, with his face to the earth, lay Doc-
tor Keene. The f. m. c. had just raised
him and borne him out of the alley when
Honore came up.
" And you say that, when you would
have inquired for him at Frowenfeld's, you
saw Palmyre there, standing and talking
with Frowenfeld ? Tell me more exactly."
And the other, with that grave and gen-
tle economy of words which made his
speech so unique, recounted :
Palmyre had needed no pleading to in-
duce her to exonerate Joseph. The doc-
tors were present at Frowenfeld's in more
than usual number. There was unusualness,
too, in their manner and their talk. They
were not entirely free from the excitement
of the day, and as they talked, with an air
of superiority, of Creole inflammability, and
with some contempt, concerning Camille
Brahmin's and Charlie Mandarin's efforts to
precipitate a war, they were yet visibly in
a state of expectation. Frowenfeld, they
softly said, had in his odd way been indis-
creet among these inflammables at Maspero's
just when he could least afford to be so, and
there was no telling what they might take
the notion to do to him before bedtime. All
that over and above the independent, unex-
plained scandal of the early morning. So
Joseph and his friends this evening, like
Aurora and Clotilde in the morning, were,
as we nowadays say of buyers and sellers,
" apart," when suddenly and unannounced,
Palmyre presented herself among them.
When the f. m. c. saw her, she had already
handed Joseph his hat and with much sober
grace was apologizing for her slave's mistake.
All evidence of her being wounded was
concealed. The extraordinary excitement
of the morning had not hurt her, and she
seemed in perfect health. The doctors sal
or stood around and gave rapt attention tc
DOES VIVISECTION PA Y?
39*
her patois, one or two translating it for
Joseph, and he blushing to the hair, but
standing erect and receiving it at second-
hand with silent bows. The f. m. c. had
gazed on her for a moment, and then forced
himself away. He was among the few who
had not heard the morning scandal, and
he did not comprehend the evening scene.
He now asked Honore concerning it, and
quietly showed great relief when it was
explained.
Then Honore, breaking a silence, called
the attention of the f. m. c. to the fact that the
latter had two tenants at No. 1 9 rue Bienville.
Honore became the narrator now and told
all, finally stating that the die was cast — the
restitution made.
And then the darker Honore made a
proposition to the other, which, it is little
to say, was startling. They discussed it for
hours.
" So just a condition," said the merchant,
raising his whisper so much that the rentier
laid a hand in his elbow, — " such mere jus-
tice," he said, more softly, " ought to be an
easy condition. God knows " — he lifted his
glance reverently — " my very right to exist
comes after yours. You are the elder."
The solemn man offered no disclaimer.
What could the proposition be which
involved so grave an issue, and to whick
M. Grandissime's final answer was " I will
do it " ?
It was that Honore f. m. c. should become
a member of the mercantile house of H.
Grandissime, enlisting in its capital all his
wealth. And the one condition was that the
new style should be Grandissime Brothers.
(To be continued.)
DOES VIVISECTION PAY?
THE question of vivisection is again
pushing itself to the front. A distinguished
American physiologist has lately come for-
ward in defense of the French experimenter,
Magendie, and, parenthetically, of his meth-
ods of investigation in the study of vital
phenomena. On the other hand, the Soci-
ety for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals
made an unsuccessful attempt, in the New
York Legislature last winter, to secure the
passage of a law which would entirely abol-
ish the practice as now in vogue in our
medical schools, or cause it to be secretly
carried on, in defiance of legal enactments.
In support of this bill it was claimed that
physiologists, for the sake of" demonstrating
to medical students certain physiological
phenomena connected with the functions of
life, are constantly and habitually in the
practice of cutting up alive, torturing and
tormenting divers of the unoffending brute
creation to illustrate their theories and
lectures, but without any practical or bene-
ficial result either to themselves or to the stu-
dents, which practice is demoralizing to both
and engenders in the future medical practi-
tioners a want of humanity and sympathy
for physical pain and suffering." How far
these statements are true will be hereafter
discussed ; but one assertion is so evidently
erroneous that it may be at once indicated.
No experiment, however atrocious, cruel
and, therefore, on the whole, unjustifiable,
if performed to illustrate some scientific
point, was ever without " any beneficial
result." The benefit may have been infini-
tesimal, but every scientific fact is of some
value. To assert the contrary is to weaken
one's case by overstatement.
Leaving out the brute creation, there are
three parties interested in this discussion.
In the first place, there are the professors
and teachers of physiology in the medical
colleges. Naturally, these desire no inter-
ference with either their work or their
methods. They point out the fact that
were the knowledge acquired by experi-
ments upon living organisms swept out of
existence, in many respects the science oi
physiology would be little more than guess-
work to-day. The subject of vivisection,
they declare, is one which does not concern
the general public, but belongs exclusively
to scientists and especially to physiologists,
and, in the present century, to permit senti-
mentalists to interfere with scientific investi-
gations is preposterous.
Behind these stand the majority of men
belonging to the medical profession. Hold-
ing, as they do, the most important and
intimate relations to society, it is manifestly
desirable that they should enjoy the best
facilities for the acquirement of knowledge
necessary to their art. To most, the ques-
392
DOES VIVISECTION PA Y?
tion is merely one of professional privilege
against sentiment, and they cannot hesitate
which side to prefer. In this, as in other
professions or trades, the feeling of esprit de
corps is exceedingly strong; and no class
of men like interference on the part of out-
siders. To most physicians it is wholly a
scientific question. It is a matter, they
think, with which the public has no concern ;
if society can trust to the profession its
sick and dying, they surely can leave to its
feeling of humanity a few worthless brutes.
The opinion of the general public is,
therefore, divided and confused. On the
one hand, it is profoundly desirous to make
systematic and needless cruelty impossible ;
yet, on the other, it cannot but hesitate to
take any step which shall hinder medical
education, impede scientific discovery, or
restrict search for new methods of treating
disease. What are the sufferings of an
animal, however acute or prolonged, com-
pared with the gain to humanity which would
result from the knowledge thereby acquired
of a single curative agent ? Public opinion
hesitates. A leading newspaper, comment-
ing on the introduction of the Bergh bill,
doubtless expressed the sentiment of most
people when it deprecated prevention of
experiments "by which original investiga-
tors seek to establish or verify conclusions
which may be of priceless value to the pres-
ervation of life and health among human
beings."
The question nevertheless confronts soci-
ety,— and in such shape, too, that society can-
not escape, even if it would, the responsibility
of a decision. Either by action or inaction
the State must decide whether the practice
of vivisection shall be wholly abolished, as
desired by some; whether it shall be re-
stricted by law within certain limits and
for certain definite objects, as in Great
Britain ; or whether we are to continue in
this country to follow the example of France
and Germany, in permitting the practice of
physiological experimentation to any extent
devised or desired by the experimentalisl
himself. Any information tending to indi-
cate which of these courses is best cannot
be inopportune. Having witnessed experi-
ments by some of the most distinguishec
European physiologists, such as Claude
Bernard (the successor of Magendie)
Milne-Edwards and Brown-Sequard ; and
still better (or worse, as the reader may
think), having performed some experiments
in this direction for purposes of investiga
tion and for the instruction of others, th
present writer believes himself justified in
molding and stating a pronounced opinion
on this subject, even if it seem, to some
extent, opposed to the one prevailing in the
>rofession. Suppose, therefore, we review
Briefly the arguments to be adduced both
n favor of the practice and against it.
Two principal arguments may be ad-
vanced in its favor.
I. It is undeniable that to the practice
of vivisection we are indebted for nearly all
our present knowledge of physiology. This
s the fortress of the advocates of vivisection,
and a certain refuge when other arguments
are of no avail. However questionable it
may be whether from future experiments —
and especially from that class of experiments
in which the infliction of pain is a necessity
— any additions to our present knowledge
are likely to be acquired, it is certain that
about all we have we owe to this source.
II. As a means of teaching physiological
facts, vivisection is unsurpassed. No teacher
of science needs to be told the vast supe-
riority of demonstration over affirmation.
Take, for instance, the circulation of the
blood. The student who displays but a
languid interest in statements of fact, or
even in the best delineations and charts
obtainable, will be thoroughly aroused by
seeing the process actually before his eyes.
A week's study upon the book will less
certainly be retained in his memory than
a single view of the opened thorax of
a frog or dog. There before him is the
throbbing heart; he sees its relations to
adjoining structures, and marks, with a
wonder he never before knew, that mystery
of life by which the heart, even though ex-
cised from the body, does not cease for a
time its rhythmic beat. To imagine, then,
that teachers of physiology find mere amuse-
ment in these operations is the greatest
of ignorant mistakes. They deem it desira-
ble that certain facts be accurately fixed
in memory, and they know that no system
of mnemonics equals for such purpose the
demonstration of the function itself.
Just here, however, arises a very important
question. Admitting the benefit of the dem-
onstration of scientific facts, how far may
one justifiably subject an animal to pain for
the purpose of illustrating a point already
known ? It is merely a question of cost.
For instance, it is an undisputed statement
in physical science that the diamond is
nothing more than a form of crystallized
carbon, and, like other forms of carbon,
under certain conditions, may be made to
DOES VIVISECTION PAY?
393
burn. Now most of us are entirely willing
to accept this, as we do the majority of
truths, upon the testimony of scientific men,
without making demonstration a requisite
of assent. In a certain private school, how-
ever, it has long been the custom, once a
year, to burn in oxygen a small diamond,
worth perhaps $30, so as actually to prove
to the pupils the assertion of their text-
books. The experiment is a brilliant one ;
no one can doubt its entire success. Never-
theless, we do not furnish diamonds to our
public schools for this purpose. Exactly
similar to this is one aspect of vivisection —
it is a question of cost. Granting all the
advantages which follow demonstration of
certain physiological facts, the cost is pain —
pain sometimes amounting to prolonged and
excruciating torture. Is the gain worth this ?
Let me mention an instance. Not long
ago, in a certain medical college in the State
of New York, I saw what Doctor Sharpey,
for thirty years the professor of physiol-
ogy in the University Medical College,
London, once characterized by antithesis as
" Magendie's in-famous experiment," it hav-
ing been first performed by that eminent
physiologist. It was designed to prove
that the stomach, although supplied with
muscular coats, is during the act of vomit-
ing for the most part passive ; and that ex-
pulsion of its contents is due to the action
of the diaphragm and the larger abdominal
muscles. The professor to whom I refer
did not propose to have even Magendie's
word accepted as an authority on the sub-
ject: the fact should be demonstrated
again. So an incision in the abdomen of a
dog was made ; its stomach was cut out ; a
pig's bladder containing colored water was
inserted in its place, an emetic was injected
into the veins, — and vomiting ensued. Long
before the conclusion of the experiment the
animal became conscious, and its cries of
suffering were exceedingly painful to hear.
Now, granting that this experiment impressed
an abstract scientific fact upon the memories
of all who saw it, nevertheless it remains
significantly true that the fact thus demon-
strated had no conceivable relation to the
treatment of disease. It is not to-day
regarded as conclusive of the theory which,
after nearly two hundred repetitions of his
experiment, was doubtless considered by
Magendie as established beyond question.
Doctor Sharpey, a strong advocate of vivi-
section, by the way, condemned it as a
perfectly unjustifiable experiment, since " be-
sides its atrocity, it was really purposeless."
Was this repetition of the experiment which
I have described worth its cost? was the
gain worth the pain ?
Let me instance another and more recent
case. Being in Paris a year ago, I went one
morning to the College de France, to hear
Brown-Sequard, the most eminent experi-
menter in vivisection now living — one who,
Doctor Carpenter tells us, has probably
inflicted more animal suffering than any
other man in his time. The lecturer stated
that injury to certain nervous centers near
the base of the brain would produce pecul-
iar and curious phenomena in the animal
operated upon, causing it, for example, to
keep turning to one side in a circular man-
ner, instead of walking in a straight-forward
direction. A Guinea-pig was produced — a
little creature, about the size of a half-
grown kitten — and the operation was effected,
accompanied by a series of piercing little
squeaks. As foretold, the creature thus
injured did immediately perform a "circular"
movement. A rabbit was then operated
upon with similar results. Lastly, an unfor-
tunate poodle was introduced, its muzzle tied
with stout whip-cord, wound round and round
so tightly that it must necessarily have caused
severe pain. It was forced to walk back
and forth on the long table, during which it
cast looks on every side, as though seeking
a possible avenue of escape. Being fastened
in the operating trough, an incision was
made to the bone, flaps turned back, an
opening made in the skull, and enlarged
by breaking away some portions with for-
ceps. During these various processes no
attempt whatever was made to cause un-
consciousness by means of anaesthetics,
and the half- articulate, half-smothered cries
of the creature in its agony were terrible to
hear, even to one not unaccustomed to
vivisections. The experiment was a " suc-
cess " ; the animal after its mutilation did
describe certain circular movements. But
I cannot help questioning in regard to these
demonstrations, did they pay ? This exper-
iment had not the slightest relation what-
ever to the cure of disease. More than
this : it teaches us little or nothing in physi-
ology. The most eminent physiologist in
this country, Doctor Austin Flint, Jr., ad-
mits that experiments of this kind " do
not seem to have advanced our positive
knowledge of the functions of the nerve
centers," and that similar experiments " have
been very indefinite in their results." On
this occasion, therefore, three animals were
subjected to torture to demonstrate an
DOES VIVISECTION PAY?
abstrac. fact, which probably not a single one
of the two dozen spectators would have
hesitated to take for granted on the word
of so great a pathologist as Doctor Brown-
Sequard. Was the gain worth the cost ?
This, then, is the great question that must
eventually be decided by the public. Do
humanity and science here indicate diverging
roads ? On the contrary, I believe it to be an
undeniable fact that the highest scientific and
medical opinion is against the repetition of
painful experiments for class teaching. In
1875, a Royal Commission was appointed in
Great Britain to investigate the subject of
vivisection, with a view to subsequent legis-
lation. The interests of science were repre-
sented by the appointment of Professor
Huxley as a member of this commission.
Its meetings continued over several months,
and the report constitutes a large volume
of valuable testimony. The opinions of
many of these witnesses are worthy of
special attention, from the eminent position
of the men who hold them. The physi-
cian to the Queen, Sir Thomas Watson,
with whose " Lectures on Physic " every
medical practitioner in this country is famil-
iar, says : " I hold that no teacher or man
of science who, by his own previous experi-
ments, * * * has thoroughly satisfied
himself of the solution of any physiological
problem, is justified in repeating the experi-
ments, however mercifully, to appease the
natural curiosity of a class of students or of
scientific friends." Sir George Burroughs,
President of the Royal College of Physicians,
says : " I do not think that an experiment
should be repeated over and over again in
our medical schools to illustrate what is
already established." * Sir James Paget,
Surgeon Extraordinary to the Queen, said
before the commission that " experiments for
the purpose of repeating anything already
ascertained ought never to be shown to
classes." [363.] Sir William Fergusson,
F. R. S., also Surgeon to her Majesty, as-
serted that " sufferings incidental to such
operations are protracted in a very shock-
ing manner " ; that of such experiments
there is " useless repetition," and that " when
once a fact which involves cruelty to ani-
mals has been fairly recognized and ac-
* " Report of the Royal Commission on the Prac-
tice of Subjecting Live Animals to Experiments for
Scientific Purposes." Question No. 175. Reference
to this volume will hereafter be made in this article
by inserting in brackets, immediately after the
authority quoted, the number of the question in
this report from which the extract is made.
cepted, there is no necessity for a continued
repetition." [1019.] Even physiologists-
some of them practical experimenters in
vivisection — join in condemning these class
demonstrations. Dr. William Sharpey, be-
fore referred to as a teacher of physiology for
over thirty years in University College, says :
" Once such facts fully established, I do
not think it justifiable to repeat experiments
causing pain to animals." [4°5-] Dr- Rol~
leston, Professor of Physiology at Oxford,
said that " for class demonstrations limita-
tions should undoubtedly be imposed, and
those limitations should render illegal painful
experiments before classes." [1291.] Charles
Darwin, the greatest of living naturalists,
stated that he had never either directly or
indirectly experimented on animals, and that
he regarded a painful experiment without
anaesthetics which might be made with
anaesthetics as deserving " detestation and
abhorrence." [4672.] And finally the report
of this commission, to which is attached the
name of Professor Huxley, says: "With
respect to medical schools, we accept the
resolution of the British Association in 1871,
that experimentation without the use of
anaesthetics is not a fitting exhibition for
teaching purposes."
It must be noted that hardly any of
these opinions touch the question of vivi-
section so far as it is done without the in-
fliction of pain, nor object to it as a method
of original research; they relate simply to the
practice of repeating painful experiments for
purposes of physiological teaching. We
cannot dismiss them as sentimental or
unimportant. If painful experiments are
necessary for the education of the young
physician, how happens it that Watson
and Burroughs are ignorant of the fact?
If indispensable to the proper training of the
surgeon, why are they condemned by Fer-
gusson and Paget? If requisite even to
physiology, why denounced by the physi-
ologists of Oxford and London ? If neces-
sary to science, why viewed with abhorrence
by the greatest of modern scientists ?
Another objection to vivisection, when
practiced as at present without supervision
or control, is the undeniable fact that habit-
ual familiarity with the infliction of pain upon
animals has a decided tendency to engender
a sort of careless indifference regarding
suffering. " Vivisection," says Professor
Rolleston, of Oxford, "is very liable to
abuse. * * * It is specially liable to tempt
a man into certain carelessnesses; the passive
impressions produced by the sight of suffer-
DOES VIVISECTION PAY?
395
ing growing weaker, while the habit and
pleasure of experimenting grows stronger
by repetition." [1287.] Says Doctor Elliot-
son : " I cannot refrain from expressing
my horror at the amount of torture which
Doctor Brachet inflicted. I hardly think
knowledge is worth having at such a pur-
chase." * A very striking example of this
tendency was brought out in the testimony
of a witness before the Royal Commis-
sion,— Doctor Klein, a practical physi-
ologist. He admitted frankly that as an
investigator he held as entirely indifferent
the sufferings of animals subjected to his
experiments; that, except for teaching
purposes, he never used anesthetics un-
less necessary for his own convenience.
Some members of the Commission could
hardly realize the possibility of such a con-
fession.
" Do you mean you have no regard at
all to the sufferings of the lower animals ? "
" No regard at all" was the strange
reply ; and, after a little further questioning,
the witness explained :
" I think that, with regard to an experi-
menter— a man who conducts special re-
search and performs an experiment — he
has no time, so to speak, for thinking what
the animal will feel or suffer "/ [3540.]
Of Magendie's cruel disposition there
seems only too abundant evidence. Says
Doctor Elliotson : " Doctor Magendie, * * *
in one of his barbarous experiments, which
I am ashamed to say I witnessed, * * be-
gan by coolly cutting out a large round
piece from the back of a beautiful little
puppy, as he would from an apple dump-
ling ! " " It is not to be doubted that inhu-
manity may be found in persons of very
high position as physiologists. We have
seen that it was so in Magendie" This is
the language of the report on vivisection, to
which is attached the name of Professor
Huxley.
But the fact which, in my own mind,
constitutes by far the strongest objection to
unrestrained experiments in pain, is their
general worthlessness in relation to thera-
peutics. Probably most readers are aware
that physiology is that science which treats
of the various functions of life, such as
digestion, respiration and the circulation
of the blood, while therapeutics is that de-
partment of medicine which relates to the
discovery and application of remedies for
* " Human Physiology," by John Elliotson, M.
D., F. R. S. (page 448).
disease. Now I venture to assert that,
during the last quarter of a century, inflic-
tion of intense torture upon unknown myr-
iads of sentient, living creatures, has not
resulted in the discovery of a single remedy of
acknowledged and generally accepted value in
the cure of disease. This is not known to
the general public, but it is a fact essential
to any just decision regarding the expediency
of unrestrained liberty of vivisection. It is
by no means intended to deny the value to
therapeutics of well-known physiological
facts acquired thus in the past — such, for
instance, as the more complete knowledge
we possess regarding the circulation of the
blood, or the distinction between motor and
sensory nerves, nor can original investiga-
tion be pronounced absolutely valueless as
respects remote possibility of future gain.
What the public has a right to ask of those
who would indefinitely prolong these experi-
ments without State supervision or control
is, " What good have your painful experi-
ments accomplished during the past thirty
years — not in ascertaining facts in physi-
ology, or causes of rare or incurable com-
plaints, but in the discovery of improved
methods for ameliorating human suffering,
and for the cure of disease ? " If pain
could be estimated in money, no corpora-
tion ever existed which would be satisfied
with such waste of capital in experiments
so futile ; no mining company would permit
a quarter-century of " prospecting " in such
barren regions. The usual answer to this
inquiry is to bring forward facts in physiol-
ogy thus acquired in the past, in place of
facts in therapeutics. Thus, in a recent
article on Magendie to which reference has
been made, we are furnished with a long
list of such additions to our knowledge.
It may be questioned, however, whether
the writer is quite scientifically accurate
in asserting that, were our past expe-
rience in vivisection abolished, " it would
blot out all that we know to-day in regard
to the circulation of the blood,' * * the
growth and regeneration of bone, * * * the
origin of many parasitic diseases, * * *
the communicability of certain contagious
and infectious diseases, andj to make the
list complete, it would be requisite * * to
take a wide range in addition through the
domains of pathology and therapeutics"
Surely somewhat about these subjects has
been acquired otherwise than by experi-
ments upon animals ? For example, an
inquiring critic might wish to know a few
of the " many parasitic diseases " thus dis-
DOES VIVISECTION PA Y?
396
covered; or what contagious and infectious
diseases, whose communicabihty was pre-
viously unknown, have had this quality
demonstrated solely by experiments on
animals? And what, too, prevented that
« wide range into therapeutics " necessary
to make complete the list of benefits due
to vivisection? In urging the utility of
a practice so fraught with danger, the
utmost precaution against the slightest
error of overstatement becomes an impera-
tive duty. Even so distinguished a scien-
tist as Sir John Lubbock once rashly
asserted in Parliament that, " without ex-
periments on living animals, we should
never have had the use of ether " ! Nearly
every American school-boy knows that the
contrary is true — that the use of ether as an
anaesthetic — the grandest discovery of mod-
ern times— had no origin in the torture of
animals.
I confess that, until very recently, ]
shared the common impression regarding
the utility of vivisection in therapeutics. It
is a belief still widely prevalent in the med-
ical profession. Nevertheless, it is a mis-
take. The therapeutical results of nearly
half a century of painful experiments — we
seek them in vain. Do we ask surgery ?
Sir William Fergusson, surgeon to the
Queen, tells us : " In surgery I am not
aware of any of these experiments on the
lower animals having led to the mitigation
of pain or to improvement as regards surgi-
cal details." [1049]. Have antidotes to
poisons been discovered thereby ? Says
Doctor Taylor, lecturer on Toxicology for
nearly half a century in the chief London
Medical School (a writer whose work on
Poisons is a recognized authority) : " I do
not know that we have as yet learned any-
thing, so far as treatment is concerned, from
our experiments with them (i. e. poisons) on
animals." [1204.] Doctor Anthony, speak-
ing of Magendie's experiments, says : " I
never gained one single fact by seeing
these cruel experiments in Paris. I know
nothing more from them than I could have
read." [2450.] Even physiologists admit
the paucity of therapeutic results. Doctor
Sharpey says : '" I should lay less stress on the
direct application of the results of vivisection
to improvement in the art of healing, than
upon the value of these experiments in the
promotion of physiology." [394.] The Ox-
ford professor of Physiology admitted that
Etiology, the science which treats of the
causes of disease, had, by these experiments
been the gainer, rather than therapeutics
1302.] " Experiments on animals," says
doctor Thorowgood, " already extensive and
lumerous, cannot be said to have advanced
therapeutics much."* Sir William Gull,
VI. D., was questioned before the commis-
sion whether he could enumerate any thera-
peutic remedies which have been discovered
vivisection, and he replied, with fervor :
The cases bristle around us everywhere ! "
Yet, excepting Hall's experiments on the
nervous system, he could enumerate only
various forms of disease, our knowledge of
which is due to Harvey's discovery, two
hundred and fifty years ago ! The question
was pushed closer, and so, brought to the
necessity of a definite reply, he answered :
" I do not say at present our therapeutics
are much, but there are lines of experi-
ment which seem to promise great help in
therapeutics." [5529.] The results of two
centuries of experiments, so far as therapeu-
tics are concerned, reduced to a seeming
promise !
On two points, then, the evidence of the
highest scientific authorities in Great Britain
seems conclusive — first, that experiments
upon living animals conduce chiefly to
the benefit of the science of physiology,
and little, if at all, at the present day to
the treatment of disease or the amelioration
of human suffering; and, secondly, that
repetition of painful experiments for class-
teaching in medical schools is both unneces-
sary and unjustifiable. Do these conclusions
affect the practice of vivisection in this
country ? Is it true that experiments are
habitually performed in some of our med-
ical schools, often causing extreme pain,
to illustrate well-known and accepted facts
— experiments which English physiologists
pronounce " infamous " and " atrocious,"
which English physicians and surgeons stig-
matize as purposeless cruelty and unjustifia-
ble— which even Huxley regards as unfitting
for teaching purposes, and Darwin de-
nounces as worthy of detestation and abhor-
rence ? I confess I see no occasion for
any over-delicate reticence in this matter.
Science needs no secrecy either for her
methods or results; her function is to re-
veal, not to hide, facts. The reply to these
questions must be in the affirmative. In
this country our physiologists are rather fol-
lowers of Magendie and Bernard, after the
methods in vogue at Paris and Leipsic, than
governed by the cautious and sensitive
conservatism in this respect which generally
* " Medical Times and Gazette," October 5, 1872.
DOES VIVISECTION PAY?
397
characterizes the physiological teaching of
London and Oxford. In making this state-
ment, no criticism is intended on the mo-
tives of those responsible for ingrafting
continental methods upon our medical
schools. If any opprobrium shall be in-
ferred for the past performance of experi-
ments herein condemned, the present writer
asks a share in it. It is the future that we
hope to change. Now, what are the facts ?
A recent contributor to the " International
Review," referring to Mr. Bergh, says that
" he assails physiological experiments with
the same blind extravagance of denuncia-
tion as if they were still performed without
anaesthetics, as in the time of Magendie."
In the interests of scientific accuracy one
would wish more care had been given to
the construction of this sentence, for it
implies that experiments are not now per-
formed except with anaesthetics — a mean-
ing its author never could have intended
to convey. Every medical student in New
York knows that experiments involving
pain are repeatedly performed to illustrate
teaching. It is no secret; one need not go
beyond the frank admissions of our later
text-books on physiology for abundant
proof, not only of this, but of the extent
to which experimentation is now carried
in this country. " We have long been
in the habit, in class demonstrations, of
removing the optic lobe on one side from
a pigeon," says Professor Flint, of Belle-
vue Hospital Medical College, in his
excellent work on Physiology.* " The ex-
periment of dividing the sympathetic in
the neck, especially in rabbits, is so easily
performed that the phenomena observed by
Bernard and Brown-Sequard have been re-
peatedly verified. We have often done this
in class demonstrations." t " The cerebral
lobes were removed from a young pigeon in
the usual way, an operation * * which
we practice yearly as a class demonstration. " }
Referring to the removal of the cerebellum,
the same authority states : " Our own ex-
periments, which have been very numerous
during the last fifteen years, are simply repe-
titions of those of Flourens, ami the results
have been the same without exception" §
" We have frequently removed both kidneys
from dogs, and when the operation is care-
fully performed the animals live for from
* A Text-book of Human Physiology, designed
for the use of Practitioners and Students of Medi-
cine, by Austin Flint, Jr., M. D. D. Appleton &
Co. New York : 1876 (page 722).
t Page 738. \ Page 585. $ Page 710.
three to five days. * * Death always
takes place with symptoms of blood poison-
ing." * In the same work we are given pre-
cise details for making a pancreatic fistula,
after the method of Claude Bernard — " one
we have repeatedly employed with success."
"In performing the above experiment it is gen-
erally better not to employ an anaesthetic," t
but ether is sometimes used. In the same
work is given a picture of a dog, muzzled
and with a biliary fistula, as it appeared the
fourteenth day after the operation, which,
with details of the experiment, is quite sug-
gestive. | Bernard was the first to succeed
in following the spinal accessory nerve back
to the jugular foramen, seizing it here with a
strong pair of forceps and drawing it out by
the roots. This experiment is practiced in
our own country. " We have found this result
(loss of voice) to follow in the cat after the
spinal accessory nerves have been torn out
by the roots," says Professor John C. Dalton,
in his Treatise on Human Physiology. §
" This operation is difficult," writes Professor
Flint, " but we have several times performed
it with entire success " ; || and his assistant at
Bellevue Medical College has succeeded " in
extirpating these nerves for class demonstra-
tions." In withdrawal of blood from the
hepatic veins of a dog, "avoiding the admin-
istration of an anaesthetic " is one of the steps
recommended, fl The curious experiment
of Bernard, in which artificial diabetes is pro-
duced by irritating the floor of the fourth
ventricle of the brain, is carefully described,
and illustrations afforded both of the instru-
ment and the animal undergoing the opera-
tion. The inexperienced experimenter is
here taught to hold the head of the rabbit
" firmly in the left hand," and to bore through
its skull " by a few lateral movements of the
instrument." It is not a difficult operation;
it is one which the author has " often re-
peated." He tells us " // is not desirable to
administer an anasthetic" as it would pre-
vent success; and a little further we are told
that " we should avoid the administration of
anaesthetics in all accurate experiments on
the glycogenic function." x It is true the
pleasing assurance is given that " this experi-
ment is almost painless " ; but on this point
could the rabbit speak during the operation,
its opinion might not accord with that of the
physiologist.
There is one experiment in regard to
which the severe characterization of Eng-
* Page 403. t Pages 269-70. \ Page 282. § Page
489. || Page 629. H Page 463. ] Pages 470-71.
398
DOES VIVISECTION PA Y?
lish scientists is especially applicable, from
the pain necessarily attending it. Numerous
investigators have long established the fact
that the great sensory nerve of the head
and face is endowed with an exquisite
degree of sensibility. More than half a
century ago, both Magendie and Sir Charles
Bell pointed out that merely exposing and
touching this fifth nerve gave signs of
most acute pain. "All who have divided
this root in living animals must have recog-
nized, not only that it is sensitive, but that
its sensibility is far more acute than that
of any other nervous trunk in the body." *
"The fifth pair," says Professor John C.
Dalton, " is the most acutely sensitive nerve
in the whole body. Its irritation by me-
chanical means always causes intense pain,
and even though the animal be nearly un-
conscious from the influence of ether, any
severe injury to its large root is almost
invariably followed by cries." t Testimony
on this point is uniform and abundant.
If science speaks anywhere with assurance,
it is in regard to the properties of this nerve.
Yet every year the experiment is repeated
before medical classes, simply to demonstrate
accepted facts. "This is an operation,"
says Professor Flint, referring to the division
of' this nerve, "that we have frequently
performed with success." He adds that
"it is difficult from the fact that one is
working in the dark, and it requires a
certain amount of dexterity, to be acquired
only by practice" Minute directions are
therefore laid down for the operative pro-
cedure, and illustrations given both of
the instrument to be used and of the head
of a rabbit with the blade of the instrument
in its cranial cavity.} Holding the head
of our rabbit firmly in the left hand, we are
directed to penetrate the cranium in a par-
ticular manner. " Soon the operator feels
at a certain depth that the bony resistance
ceases ; he is then on the fifth pair, and the
cries of the animal give evidence that the
nerve is pressed upon." This is one of
Magendie's celebrated experiments; per-
haps the reader fancies that in its modern
repetitions the animal suffers nothing, being
rendered insensible by anaesthetics ? " It is
much more satisfactory to divide the netve
without etherizing the animal, as the evidence
of pain is an important guide in this delicate
operation." Anaesthetics, however, are some-
* Flint : " Text Book on Human Physiology "
(page 641).
\ Dalton's " Human Physiology " (page 466).
\ Flint (pages 639-40).
times used, but not so as wholly to overcome
the pain.
Testimony of individuals, indicating the
extent to which vivisection is at present
practiced in this State might be given ; but it
seems better to submit proof within the
reach of every reader, and the accuracy of
which is beyond cavil. No legal restrictions
whatever exist, preventing the performance
of any experiment desired. Indeed, I think
it may safely be asserted that, in the city of
New York, in a single medical school, more
pain is inflicted upon living animals as a
means of teaching well-known facts, than is
permitted to be done for the same purpose in
all the medical schools of Great Britain and
Ireland. And cut bono ? "I can truly
say," writes a physician who has seen all
these experiments, "that not only have I
never seen any results at all commensurate
with the suffering inflicted, but I cannot
recall a single experiment which, in the
slightest degree, has increased my ability to
relieve pain, or in any way fitted me to cope
better with disease."
In respect to this practice, therefore, evi-
dence abounds indicating the necessity for
that State supervision which obtains in
Great Britain. We cannot abolish it any
more than we can repress dissection; to
attempt it would be equally unwise.
Within certain limitations, dictated both by
a regard for the interest of science and by
that sympathy for everything that lives and
suffers which is the highest attribute of
humanity, the practice of vivisection should
be allowed. What are these restrictions ?
The following conclusions are suggested
as a basis for future discussion :
/. Any experiment or operation whatever
upon a living animal, during which by recog-
nized anasthetics it is made completely insen-
sible to pain, should be permitted.
This does not necessarily imply the taking
of life. Should a surgeon, for example, de-
sire to cause a fracture or tie an artery, and
then permit the animal to recover so as to
note subsequent effects, there is no reason
why the privilege should be refused. The
discomfort following such an operation
would be inconsiderable. This permission
should not extend to experiments purely
physiological and having no definite relation
to surgery ; nor to mutilation from which re-
covery is impossible, and prolonged pain
certain as a sequence.
//. Any experiment performed thus, under
complete ancesthesia, though involving any
degree of mutilation, if concluded by theextinc-
THE LOVER AND THE ROSE.
399
tion of life before consciousness is regained,
should also be permitted.
To object to killing animals for scientific
purposes while we continue to demand their
sacrifice for food, is to seek for the ap-
petite a privilege we refuse the mind. It is
equally absurd to object to vivisection be-
cause it dissects, or " cuts up." If no pain
be felt, why is it worse to cut up a dog
than a sheep or an ox ? Such experiments
as the foregoing might be permitted to any
extent desired in our medical schools. Far
more difficult is the question of painful ex-
perimentation. Unfortunately, it so happens
that the most attractive physiological inves-
tigations are largely upon the nervous sys-
tem, involving the consciousness of pain as
a requisite to success. Toward this class of
experiments the State should act with cau-
tion and firmness. It seems to me that the
following restrictions are only just:
III. In view of the great cost in suffering,
as compared with the slight profit gained by
the student, the repetition, for purposes of class
instruction, of any experiment involving pain
to a vertebrate animal should be forbidden by
law, and made hereafter a penal offense.
IV. In view of the slight gain to practical
medicine resulting from innumerable past ex-
periments of this kind, a painful experiment
upon a living vertebrate animal should be per-
mitted by law solely for purposes of original
investigation, and then only under the most
rigid surveillance, and preceded by the strictest
precautions. For every experiment of this
kind the physiologist should be required to
obtain special permission from a State board,
specifying on application (i) the object of
the proposed investigation, (2) the nature
and method of the operation, (3) the species
of animal to be sacrificed, and (4) the short-
est period during which pain will probably be
felt. An officer of the State should be given
an opportunity to be present ; and a report
made, both of" the length of time occupied,
and the knowledge, if any, gained thereby.
If these restrictions are made obligatory by
statute, and their violation made punishable
by a heavy fine, such experiments will be
generally performed only when absolutely
necessary for purposes of scientific research.
In few matters is there greater necessity
for careful discrimination than in everything
pertaining to this subject. The attempt has
been made in this paper to indicate how
far the State — leaning to mercy's side — may
sanction a practice often so necessary and
useful, always so dangerous in its tendencies.
That is a worthy ideal of conduct which seeks
"Never to blend our pleasure or our pride
With sorrow of the meanest thing that feels."
Is not this a sentiment in which even sci-
ence may fitly share ? Are we justified in
neglecting the evidence she offers, pur-
chased in the past at such immeasurable
agonies, and in demanding that year after
year new victims shall be subjected to tor-
ture, only to demonstrate what none of us
doubt ? That is the chief question. For,
if all compromise be persistently rejected
by physiologists, there is danger that some
day, impelled by the advancing growth of
humane sentiment, society may confound
in one common condemnation all experi-
ments of this nature, and make the whole
practice impossible, except in secret and
as a crime.
THE LOVER AND THE ROSE.
ROSE, you were at the feast, —
The feast I could not share;
Rose, your charms increased
The charms most lovely there.
As on her breast you lay
And watched her red lips move-
Was there any, pray,
To whom they spoke of love ?
Rose, you could see her eye
Of soft and star-like beam —
On any one near by
Cast it a loving gleam ?
As on her breast you lay,
And heard her beating heart,-
Came there any nigh
Who made it quicker start ?
" No," breathed the rose, " I vow.
But had there been — I wis
His I had been now,
Nor known your loving kiss."
400
FROM PALERMO TO SYRACUSE.
FROM PALERMO TO SYRACUSE.
ONGITUDE EAST H FROM GREENWICH ir>
IT is difficult to decide in what part of
Sicily lies the chief interest of this most richly
endowed of islands. In point of scenery,
one can imagine nothing more charming
than many of the views in the vicinity of
Palermo, Termini, Messina, Taormina, Ca-
tania and Syracuse. In the way of ruins,
Segeste, Girgenti, Selinunte, Taormina and
Syracuse offer attractions not easily excelled.
In regard to historical associations, few areas
of similar extent have been the scene of such
important and interesting dramas as those
wrought out on this island, for whose wealth
the Phoenician, the Carthaginian, the Greek,
the Roman, the Saracen and the Norman
struggled in succession for nearly two thou-
sand years. On these shores the power of
Athens was wrecked, when Nicias, with the
shattered remnant of the proudest armament
that ever sailed from the Piraeus, surrendered
to the Spartan Gylippus ; here Timoleon con-
quered, using his victories, as few con-
querors have ever done, for the benefit of
liberty and 'of his fellow-men, without one
thought for his own interests; here Gelon,
Dionysius, Agathocles, Himilcon, Hannibal,
and Marcellus appeared upon the world's
stage, as statesmen or as soldiers; here
Archimedes lived and died; here the arts
and sciences flourished to an extent not sur-
passed in the mother land of Greece ; here
was the largest and most beautiful of all the
Grecian cities. There is something in Sicily
to gratify every taste; and as the prosaic
march of modern improvement has not yet
fairly commenced in that smiling land, it
will be to many not the least of its attractions
that men and things appear there very
much as they did long years ago. The
island can now be approached from almost
FROM PALERMO TO SYRACUSE.
401
any point, as steamers ply along its entire
shore-line ; and on the eastern side a rail-
way extends from Messina to Syracuse,
while from this, at Catania, a branch is in
operation some fifty miles to Leonforte ;
and from Palermo another railway skirts the
shore some twenty-five miles to Termini,
and then strikes inland about as much
further to Lecara. These lines mark the
limits within which one can travel with per-
fect safety and reasonable comfort. To
reach the interior, it is not literally necessary
to take one's life in hand, but one must be
prepared for a total absence of anything ap-
proaching to civilized comfort, and must not
be surprised if, traveling in the western or
central portions of the island without escort,
or in small parties, he is politely requested to
hand over such articles of value as may be on
hand, and convenient. The eastern part of
the island is perfectly safe for travelers;
and even in the other portions we believe
there are not such regularly organized bands
of brigands as those which formerly infested
foreigner from these gentry, and even this
precaution is seldom necessary.
We went to Palermo from Marseilles — a
very pleasant trip of nearly forty- eight hours,
for during the daylight hours land is con-
stantly in sight. When darkness falls, on
the day of leaving Marseilles, the coast of
Hyeres and the Golden Isles are quite near,
and upon rising next morning you are off
the bold coasts of Corsica and Sardinia,
and spend most of the forenoon in threading
the narrow straits of La Bonifaccia. During
this operation you have a good view of
Garibaldi's home, and ample time to wonder
what odd freak of the fancy ever drew to
such a place a man who had mixed much
in the stirring affairs of the world, unless
he was utterly disgusted with mankind.
Garibaldi's Island — Caprera — is perhaps
two miles long; its most elevated point
may be 700 or 800- feet high ; it is quite
rocky, and presents few signs of verdure as
you pass it on a steamer; a small village
exists there, and the island impresses one
PALERMO.
Southern Italy, but simply occasional rob-
bers, who rarely interfere with foreigners,
and confine their operations almost entirely
to their fellow countrymen. The escort of a
gendarme is quite enough to protect the
VOL. XX.— 27.
as desirable only for its pure sea air, its
fisheries, and fine views of the bright blue
water. The shores of Corsica and Sardinia
are remarkably bold and beautiful, but, as
seen from the steamer passing between the
402
FROM PALERMO TO SYRACUSE.
PORTA NUOVA, PALERMO. RESIDENCE OP GARIBALDI.
islands, very few indications of cultivation
or habitation are visible, and the effect pro-
duced is that of the almost complete absence
of population. Next morning, soon after day-
break, you pass by the little island of Ustica,
and, if the day is clear, the mountains of
Sicily are already in sight. About 10 o'clock
you are fairly entering the famous Bay of
Palermo, and find a semi-circle of splendid
mountains terminating abruptly in the sea
in Pellegrino on the right hand, and Catal-
fano on the left — with the plain of Palermo,
the far famed " Conca d'Oro " at their feet.
The sweep of the mountains around Palermo
is certainly superb, but it really seems an ex-
aggeration to say, as some have said, that the
bay with its surroundings is superior to that
of Naples. The city itself, although inferior
in beauty and interest to the great cities of
the Italian main-land, is yet a fine one, and
possesses many attractions well worth a visit.
No sooner is the steamer moored within
the port than it is surrounded by a fleet
of small boats, the boatmen gesticulating,
shrieking, and offering to do all sorts of
things, in the most unintelligible Sicilian.
After some little delay you get your luggage
into one of their boats, and follow it in
person; a long detour is made to the cus-
tom house, and, having complied with the
very unexacting formalities, you are at
liberty to seek rest within the comfortable
precincts of the " Trinacria," which is an
excellent hotel, situated directly upon the
shore of the bay, of which it commands a
charming view. The interest of Palermo
consists in its present surroundings, and in
the remains of the comparatively recent
period of the Saracens and early Normans.
The ancient Palermo — Panormos — was a
Phoenician and Carthagenian and after-
ward a Roman city; although it was
wealthy and powerful, there is nothing
left to recall those early days, except the
unchanged mountains and the lovely plain
upon which they have looked down since
Sicily rose from the seas. So far as art
and architecture are concerned, Palermo
possesses only some fragments of palaces
of Moorish Emirs, some glorious churches
and convents of the early Norman rulers,
and the impressive private palaces of a
century or two ago. Of pictures she has
few to show; but among them some very
good ones by Pietro Novelli, a native artist
called Monrealese, from the suburb in which
he was born ; these are certainly good —
some of them especially so; and there is a
gem in the museum, in the shape of a little
tryptich (about as large as that in the room
FROM PALERMO TO SYRACUSE,
403
of the Holbein Madonna at Dresden) by
an unknown artist.
Modern Palermo occupies only a portion
of the ground covered by its more ancient
and populous predecessor. It is divided
into four nearly equal parts by two broad,
straight streets, which cross each other at
right angles in the very heart of the city.
The cut opposite presents a view of the
Porta Nuova as seen from the outside, the
ning along the shore, and at right angles
to the Corso, is the Marina, one of the
favorite drives. It is on the Marina that
all Palermo congregates, on summer nights,
to enjoy the cool sea-breezes, and to listen
to the bands which play until midnight.
During the winter it is much frequented
in the afternoon. • From the Marina the
view is very beautiful; toward the north
the most prominent and the finest feature
PORTA FELICE, PALERMO.
Corso being visible through the gate. The
Palermitans believe that the lower portion
of the structure was designed by Michael
Angelo, and the upper by Pietro Novelli.
Be this as it may, the effect is imposing, and
the mass forms a fine termination for the
long street which ends there. The upper
portion is of historical interest, for it was
there that the liberator Garibaldi made his
residence while virtually Dictator of Sicily,
in 1860, and again when preparing for his
ill-starred expedition which terminated so
sadly on the heights of Aspramonte. It is
highly characteristic of Garibaldi's simplic-
ity of life that, with the great palace close
at hand, fully prepared for occupation and
entirely in his power, he preferred the sim-
ple pavilion over the Porta Nuova. At the
other extremity, the Corso terminates in the
Porta Felice, which is shown in the above
illustration, taken from within. On the
right is seen the pretty little square of
the Spirito Santo. Outside the gate, run^
is the grand, bare, rocky mass of Pelle-
grino, bounded on all sides by lofty preci-
pices, save for a small space toward the
city, where a zig-zag road leads to the
summit. Although not quite 2,000 feet
high, this mountain is very imposing from
its isolated position, its bold, massive shape,
and the color of its rock — for it is almost
entirely devoid of vegetation. In ancient
times it more than once played a promi-
nent part, for it was on Pellegrino . that
the Carthagenians made almost their last
effort to drive Pyrrhus back ; and it was
here that Himilcon for some three years
offered a successful opposition to the Ro-
mans. In more recent times, independent
of the superb views to be had from its
summit and the prominent place it holds
in views of Palermo, its chief interest lies
in its connection with Santa Rosalia, the
patron saint of Palermo, who for many years
lived, and at length died, in a grotto of the
mountain. More than half of the base of
404
FROM PALERMO TO SYRACUSE.
LA ZIZA, PALERMO.
Pellegrino is washed by the sea, whose
waves come sheer up to the foot of the
cliffs. Beyond it, to the north and west
and between it and Monte Gallo, is the
lovely little Bay of Mondello. More than
once have we loitered lazily on the shores
of this little bay, awaiting the orders of
a certain pair of little people busily engaged
in digging in the sand, and called away
now and then to tell the name of some
new wonder they have found, or to share
their delight in the discovery of some
especially brilliant treasure; but, in the
main, thinking only of the strange things
this now lonely bay has seen in the last
2,500 years. The little fishing village is sq
far away that no sound from it strikes the
ear ; no voice is to be heard but those of the
two busy little explorers ; no living thing is
in sight but them and the carriage horses,
with the silent driver, awaiting our pleasure
on the road. Yet the time once was when
this smooth beach was furrowed by Cartha-
genian keels and trodden down by the feet
of African and Spanish mercenaries; or,
again, when the soldiers of Pyrrhus or of
Rome stalked by, while the rocky heights
of Pellegrino were crowded with the dense
masses of Carthagenian troops, and the
now still air resounded with the sounds of
strife.
From Belmonte, and from the Marina as
well, one sees beyond Bagaria the Madonian
mountains — the highest save y£tna in the
island — crowned with snow in winter and
spring ; and, in a clear day, grand old ^Etna
itself, towering among the clouds beyond.
Between our point of view and the semi-
circle of mountains lies the Conca d'Oro,
that famous and fruitful plain of Palermo,
so often celebrated in story and in song.
We look down upon it from Belmonte and
see it dotted with villas, with domes and
spires, orange and olive groves, green fields
and straggling villages.
But we must leave this enchanting spot,
and return for a time to the interior of the
city. We have already said that the most
interesting features of Palermo date back
only to the Saracenic and Norman times.
Of the former class, the most characteristic
and the best preserved specimen is probably
the Ziza, shown in the accompanying cut.
It was originally a country palace or villa of
the Emirs, situated in the outskirts of the
city, and surrounded by gardens, artificial
lakes and fountains, in the fashion the Moors
loved so well. It is now a palace, the
interior so changed as to preserve few of its
original features, save in the entrance hall.
The only important change in the exterior
is that the large old pointed windows have
been partially walled up, and replaced by
square windows, smaller, and of a very pro-
saic pattern. Whether the grand old um-
brella pine, that tree so characteristic of
Southern Italian landscapes, stood there
in the time of the Moslem, we know not, but
FROM PALERMO TO SYRACUSE.
405
ENTRANCE TO THE CATHEDRAL OF PALERMO.
loubtless in those days many others quite
as beautiful formed a main feature in the
gardens of delight, when the luxurious
Emirs rested here from the toils and cares
of government. A portion of the Royal
Palace dates also from the Saracenic period,
and is quite similar in style to the Ziza.
The Cuba, the Cubala, and an old build-
ing on the banks of the Oreto, at the crossing
of the Santa Maria di Gesu road, are the
other most noticeable relics of Saracenic
rule. One of the earliest and most exten-
sive of the Norman structures is the Cath-
edral, on the Corso, not far within the Porta
Nuova. We give an illustration of the por-
tion adjoining the main side entrance. In
this will be seen some of the features of the
Siculo-Norman style, marred in effect, how-
ever, by an Italian dome added long after
the erection of the building, and entirely
out of keeping with it. The most interesting
objects in the interior are the tombs of the
earliest Norman kings. But the two gems
of the city are the Cappella Palatina and the
Martorana, both similar in the style of inter-
nal decoration to the unrivaled Cathedral of
Monreale, but on a much smaller scale.
The Cappella Palatina — or Palace Chapel —
is so literally buried in the mass of the royal
palace that it has no exterior, save the
mosaic-covered entrance from a piazza in
one of the palace courts. It is much smaller
406
FROM PALERMO TO SYRACUSE.
FRAGMENT OF MOSAICS IN CATHE-
DRAL OF MONREALE.
than the
Cathedral
of Monre-
ale, but so
precisely similar
in style that a
description of
the latter will
for it J
CXCCDt
that the drawing of many of the mosaics
is of a rather better style, and more graceful
than at Monreale, and that the dimensions
of the chapel are such that every detail is
readily seized by the eye. It is certainly
one of the most charming and perfect little
churches in the world. The palace, of ;
which the chapel forms a part, is one of
those buildings which has gradually grown
up in the course of ages from small begin-
nings, until from its very size and situation
it has become imposing.
The road to Monreale leaves the city by
the Porta Nuova, and is bordered by a
long and compact suburb, extending nearly
to the base of Monte Caputo, and contain-
ing several large and impressive buildings.
The Cuba now forms part of a cavalry bar-
rack on the left of the road ; the Cubala is
in a garden on the right — both simple Sara-
cenic structures of some interest. The
immense Almshouse is on this road; also
the great " Young Ladies' Boarding School,"
so closely barred and grated to the very
parapet of the roof that it more resembles a
prison for the most dangerous and desperate
criminals. The Garden of Acclimation and
Count Tasco's villa are also on this road,
and should be visited.
We made this trip on a bright and pleas-
ant day, with a most charming guide and
cicerone in the person of one of our friends
among the old residents of Paler-
mo. We did not find the drive es-
pecially-interesting until we reached
the foot of Monte Caputo, and com-
menced the long, gentle ascent
leading to our destination. With
every foot of the ascent new beau-
ties were revealed. Soon the whole
plain was stretched before us in all
its beauty of rich vegetation, while
the eye was distracted almost every
moment from the view by the pict-
uresque and striking living groups
constantly encountered. Now it
would be a group of Bersaglieri,
swinging along, with their peculiar
and rapid step— their long cocks'
plumes waving in the air. Now a group
of priests, generally jolly enough in spite
of their huge hats and black gowns. Now
a string of the high carts so peculiar to
Sicily,— painted with bright yel!6w ground,
covered with arabesques or pictures, of the
most primitive drawing but in the most
brilliant colors. On one would be seen
the history and achievements of Orlando,
or of Tancred, on another some holy sub-
ject— a madonna, a martyrdom, or a mira-
cle. Very wonderful are these quaint Sicilian
carts, with perhaps a dozen peasant men
and women — not counting children and
an occasional priest, tucked away in the
corners — the whole drawn by a mite of a
pony, or a very small donkey, fairly gor-
geous in harness of extreme brilliancy.
Sometimes these astonishing vehicles travel
along soberly enough, but the chances are
that they will pass you at a frantic gallop,
which the diminutive beasts seem to enjoy
quite as much as their drivers. Groups
of smiling, gaily dressed peasants on the
road have a pleasant nod for you, and seem
really delighted to see you. They appear
| to be a good-humored set, these Sicilian
' peasants, and it is delightful to see on what
1 terms of perfect intimacy they live with their
four-footed companions. The chances are
that the few chairs they possess are occupied
by the cats and dogs, while the masters sit
on the ground ; and as these chairs often
have little of the seat left save the frame, it
is very funny to see the efforts and twists
and turns of the animals to make a comfort-
able resting-place of them. The pigs walk
into the houses with as much self-possession
and complacency as the owners ; root about
under beds, chairs and tables, and are
perfectly at home. Chickens, goats and
donkeys follow their example.
FROM PALERMO TO SYRACUSE.
407
But we are forgetting Monreale, the object
of our expedition. The beauty of this Cathe-
dral is altogether in the interior, the outside
being entirely unattractive except the main
portal, which is finely proportioned and pre-
sents some very striking and attractive de-
tails, characteristic of the Siculo-Norman
architecture in its early period. Its ancient
bronze doors also possess great merit.
But, on the other hand, the interior is very
beautiful. The opposite illustration will
give only a very faint idea of a portion of
this interior, showing parts of one side-aisle
and of the nave. The walls, up to the sills
of the windows in the aisles and nearly to
the height of the capitals of the columns in
the nave, are lined with slabs of white mar-
ble, separated by narrow bands of mosaics
in the Saracenic style, and having continuous
horizontal borders of the same workman-
ship. These mosaics are of the most exquis-
ite beauty and delicacy, and the variety of
patterns is something almost incredible.
The pavement of the altar and of the church
is of the so-called Opus Alexandrinum, — that
is, it is made up of bands of mosaics form-
ing a great variety of geometrical figures,
filled in with pieces of porphyry, serpentine,
etc. The Bishop's chair and the old royal
throne are of white marble, also very richly
ornamented with Saracenic mosaics. Above
the white marble lining of the lower portion
of the walls, every square inch of the church,
up to the roof, is covered with mosaics of
the richest and most varied description.
Here are depicted the most striking scenes
from the Old and New Testaments, angels,
prophets, saints, kings and judges. The
roof, the interior of which is of wood, is
richly carved and is a mass of gilding and
rich coloring, in perfect keeping with the
unequaled .mosaics that adorn the walls.
No description can cbnvey the faintest con-
ception of the exquisite beauty of this build-
ing. After having seen most of the great
churches of Europe, from Saint Sophia and
the Great Isaacs, on the one hand, to Rouen,
Tours and Westminster on the other, we
remember no interior so beautiful as those
of Monreale and the Cappella Palatina.
They alone are worth a much longer voyage
than that tO| Palermo. The fatigue of the
somewhat long climb to the roof of the
Cathedral is amply repaid by the glorious
view gained from the summit.
A custom prevails in Palermo which is quite
peculiar to that city — preserving the mum-
mies of the dead of the better classes in the
convent vaults. This custom is not at all con-
fined to the monks, as is the case with the
Cappuccini at Rome, but extends to the laity
as well. We give a view of a small part of
the extensive catacombs of the Cappuccini at
Palermo. Here are to be seen the mortal
remains of men, women and children (of
course in the better walks in life, for the
privilege of being a mummy is not accorded
for nothing) fully attired, even down to
white kid gloves ; some recumbent, some
erect, some in chairs, all ghastly, and all
duly ticketed with names and date. Some
— more retiring in disposition — are modestly
put away in the boxes which appear in the
sketch. Every year or two the gloves, and
less frequently the clothes, are renewed by
the affectionate survivors, who go out on
feast days to gladden their eyes by the
sight of their family mummies, in which it
is said they actually find much consolation
and no little amusement.
We were fortunate in being in Palermo
during a portion of the Carnival, so that we
witnessed the so-called " Battaglia dei Fiori"
— battle of the flowers. The field of battle
is the Marina, bouquets being the weapons.
On the eventful day, usually Sunday, about
three in the afternoon, the drive of the
Marina is completely filled with carriages,
and the wide side-walks packed with pedes-
trians of all classes of life. Some of the
regimental bands are stationed on the Mar-
ina, playing in turn. The carriages drive
up and down in several lines, and the air is
filled with bouquets thrown from carriage
to carriage, amidst laughing and shouts of
merriment. Sometimes, toward evening, the
sport becomes a little rough, for some of the
lower order of pedestrians will occasionally
throw a stone ; but this is the exception to
the rule, for there are no people in the
world of a more kindly disposition than
the Italians of all ranks, and generally the
most reprehensible thing done is the smash-
ing down of " high hats," which, all Italy
over, are fair game in Carnival times.
We should tire out our readers com-
pletely did we attempt a description of a
tithe of the charming excursions that can
be made from Palermo, — such as the an-
cient city of Selinunte, Bagaria, Termini,
Segeste, etc., — and will content ourselves
with presenting a sketch of the lovely unfin-
ished temple of Segeste, as an indication of
the reward in store for the traveler who
undertakes this trip.
In spite of much bad weather — for the
winter months are sometimes very unpleas-
ant there — we left Palermo with much
408
FROM PALERMO TO SYRACUSE.
regret, partly for the charming surroundings
of the place itself, and, to a great extent, for
the kind friends who did so much to make
our visit pleasant.
The trip from Palermo to Messina would,
no doubt, be very charming if made in a
comfortable boat and on a smooth sea,
very remarkable church of San Gregorio;
for we preferred spending our time in driv-
ing through the city and on the road to the
Faro. Toward the east of the city the
view is bounded by the flat-topped mount-
ains of Calabria, whose slopes are generally
bare and steep, while at the base number-
THE CATACOMBS, PALERMO.
but such* was not our fortune. The un-
comfortable night, however, at length came
to an end, and, upon waking in the morn-
ing, we were not a little gratified to find
ourselves in still waters, and, on looking
out of the narrow ports, to see the coast
close abeam. By eight o'clock we were at
anchor in the busy and crowded harbor,
and, after a long and very unnecessary
detour to the custom house, reached the
hotel at an early hour. The situation of
Messina is very beautiful, and is entirely dif-
ferent from that of Palermo. It is built
upon the lower slopes of the mountains,
which here border directly upon the sea and
usually leave only sufficient space for one
narrow road along the shore. The city
itself, without being at all grand, is bright
and attractive, and full of life and activity.
It is not rich in remarkable buildings, and
the limited time at our disposal permitted
us to see only the cathedral, a fine Norman
structure of the eleventh century, and the
less white villages are scattered along the
shore, from Nicotera, on the one hand, to
distant Reggio on the other. To the left,
close under the Calabrian coast, is distinctly
seen the well-known Scylla — a bold, square
mass of rock projecting into the sea, crowned
by a ruined castle, which serves to mark it
readily to the eye. Charybdis is not so
easily pointed out ; in truth, there is not
now any such terrible whirlpool as that
which the ancients professed to dread, and,
among the numerous eddies produced by
the currents and counter-currents along the
Sicilian shore, one may give full play to the
imagination and place Charybdis where the
fancy wills. It was at Cape Pelorus that
the Corinthian cavalry of Timoleon passed
the straits, about three centuries and a half
before the Christian era ; and it was here,
also, that Count Roger, with his handful of
Normans, crossed, some fourteen centuries
later, to make the conquest of the island.
Early in the afternoon of the day we
FROM PALERMO TO SYRACUSE.
409
TEMPLE OF SEGESTE.
reached Messina, we took the train for
Taormina. The road generally passes
close to the sea, and, throughout its whole
extent, commands most charming views of
water, of mountain, and of valley. Every
turn of the road, every moment, brings to
the eye some new delight — now a glimpse
of the blue sea, through orange or olive
groves ; now a quiet village, with quaint
church and dingy houses, in the midst of
bright gardens and luxuriant vegetation ;
now mountain spurs crowned by ruined
castles, or strange old villages ; now a dis-
tant view, up some broader valley, of the high,
snow-crowned mountains, with villages, or
perhaps a monastery, on the slopes; all
these under the clear sunlight give a suc-
cession of pictures so enchanting and so
varied that you are almost wearied by the
constant change and excitement. A ride
of about an hour and a half brings us
to Giardini, the station for Taormina.
Here the carriage of the Hotel Bella Ve-
duta is waiting, and we are soon rapidly
ascending the excellent road that winds up
the mountain side to our destination, some
800 or 900 feet above the sea. Exquisite,
indeed, are the views that gladden the eye
at every turn of the road. At one moment
you see the whole coast-line to Messina and
the opposite Calabrian shore ; then the
coast to the southward, with y£tna in the
background, gilded by the last rays of the
setting sun ; now you pass by a series of
ancient tombs, almost under the foundations
of a convent ; now you see the ruins of the
A PAPYRUS THICKET.
FROM PALERMO TO SYRACUSE.
410
Roman theater above you, and pass by
other relics of the Greeks and Romans.
At length you enter the gate of the bara-
renic walls, and, after a short drive through
the narrow and dingy streets, reach the
hotel Knowing that the accommodations
were'limited in extent, we had telegraphed
two or three days in advance for "rooms
with fire and sun," for the weather was still
cold The polite old Cavaliere who, strange
to say, is the master of the establishment,
escorted us to the rooms assigned us. We
passed through a corridor precisely like
that of a convent, and found our rooms
quite like convent cells, with bare brick
floors and whitewashed walls, and furnished
quite in convent style— small iron bedsteads,
and the scantiest supply of chairs and wash-
ing arrangements. The evening was by
this time well advanced and the air was
biting, so we naturally directed our first
glances at the walls for the fire-places, but
in vain. In reply to our pressing and em-
phatic inquiries, the Cavaliere pointed out a
solitary " scaldino "— a bronze brazier for
charcoal— in one of the rooms, and asked
imploringly if that was not a very good
fire ! To cut a long story short, we found
that fire-places are unknown in Taormina,
and that scaldini are the only substitutes.
The Cavaliere was so good-natured, so
ready to provide another scaldino, so ear-
nest in his assurances that we would find
plenty of sun on our terrace and in our
rooms during those hours when it is a
proper and legitimate thing for the sun to
show himself, and regretted so keenly that
he could not keep the sun on duty for us
all night, that we were fain to be good-
natured too.
In explanation of the peculiarities of the
Bella Veduta it is but just to say that the
Cavaliere — who is a kind and charming old
gentleman — is not by any means a hotel-
keeper by profession or by training. He is
one of the wealthiest and most influential
of the resident gentlemen of the vicinity.
Two or three years ago he was so unfortu-
nate as to lose his wife, and, being very
depressed and lonely, was persuaded by an
English gentleman, recently established in
a neighboring convent-building as a success-
ful maker of wines, to convert his palace
into a hotel, and to relieve his solitude and
inaction by supplying to tourists that which
did not before exist in Taormina — a 'clean
and decent abiding-place. It thus happens
that the ideas of comfort prevailing in
the Bella Veduta are rather Sicilian than
American. Our first dinner was quite amus-
ing, for 'it happened that the guests were
more numerous that day than ever before in
the history of the hotel, so that there was
some uncertainty as to whether the supplies
would hold out. The laughing Italian man
and woman who waited on the table inter-
changed the funniest running comments as
each dish progressed toward emptiness. If
one guest helped himself too bountifully,
the bearer's face would fall, and a despair-'
ing remark be made to the companion; if
another guest were moderate in his demands,
or. still better, passed the dish altogether,
there would be a laugh and a shout of triumph.
The whole thing was so natural, so childlike,
and so thoroughly good-natured, that we
were all convulsed with laughter throughout
the meal. But we did better afterward, and
finally left the Bella Veduta with the kindest
feelings toward the good old Cavaliere, and
not unpleasant recollections of the hotel ; no
doubt if we had been so fortunate as to
have had some of the rooms which were
carpeted, etc., our first impressions would
have been more agreeable.
The situation of Taormina is singularly
happy, for it is built upon a long and nar-
row plateau, on the steep mountain side,
some 800 feet above the sea. So precipitous
is the slope below, that the Mediterranean
is literally at your feet; while high above
rise the peaks and crests of the bold mount-
ains which form the background. The
modern town — scarce worthy of the name —
occupies a portion only of the area covered
by the ancient Tauromenium ; it is dirty,
stagnant and dilapidated, and contains noth-
ing interesting of a more recent date than
its churches and palaces of the fourteenth
and fifteenth centuries; the truly modern
constructions are unusually devoid of interest
for an Italian town. The ancient city was
founded about 400 B. c., by the native tnbe
to whom Dionysius made over the territory
of the neighboring Naxos after its destruc-
tion. Some fifty years later, the remnants
of the Naxians and their descendants
established themselves here, and made it a
Greek city. This site was no doubt preferred
to that of the elder Naxos, founded nearly
350 years earlier, as affording greater facili-
ties for defense against the hostile Syra-
cusans. It became rich and prosperous, and
underwent many vicissitudes of fortune,
passing at long intervals into the possession
of the Syracusans, the Romans, the Saracens
and the Normans. It contains remains be-
longing to each of these periods, some of
FROM PALERMO TO SYRACUSE.
411
them of great interest. The chief treasure
of Taormina, the crowning glory of its at-
tractions, is the Roman Theater, and the
unrivaled view therefrom.
This theater is built upon the foundations
of an older Greek structure, and, so far as
the " scena " is concerned, is in better pres-
ervation than any ancient theater save one.
Enough of the scena remains to give a
correct idea of the whole, so that it is easy
to reconstruct, ideally, the entire edifice.
But, unless one is a most enthusiastic anti-
quary, he no sooner reaches that summit of
the structure most remote from the stage
than he forgets all questions of construction,
turns a deaf ear to the babbling of the
custode, and abandons himself to the
delights of the most noble view that ever
greeted the eyes of man, — the same pros-
pect that gladdened the hearts of so many
generations of Greeks and Romans, who,
year after year, century after century, stood
just where you now stand, gazed upon the
same wonderful works of God, and listened
withal to the strains of the sweetest bards
and grandest tragic poets of the Greek and
Latin races. Few things bring more closely
home to the mind the vast difference be-
tween those ancient races and ourselves,
between their civilization and habits and
our own, than the contrast between such a
theater as that of Taormina and one of
our modern places of amusement. We, at
unnatural hours, by hot and unhealthy gas-
lights, with tawdry scenery, listen, seldom
to the good, often to the worst productions
of our language. They, in the pure air of
heaven, under the bright light of the south-
ern sun, listened to the noblest poems of
the noblest languages, — and with what a
background ! Towering high above theater
and intervening hills, reaching almost to
heaven in its pure garment of snow, stands
jiEtna, the grandest and most beautiful of
European volcanoes. A wreath of smoke
almost always rests upon its summit, to
show that the fires beneath are slumbering,
not extinct. Following, with the eye, down
the long slope of snow, you see first thick
forests of oak and chestnut ; lower down
farms and villas, and finally the superb
plain of Piedimonte and the Cantara, so
vividly and richly green that it really
rivals the emerald in brilliancy. Almost at
your feet is the low green-and-black promon-
tory on which once stood Naxos, the earliest
of the Greek colonies in Sicily. To the
left of all, the glorious Mediterranean, with
its rich hues of blue and green ; its shores
stretching in graceful curves as far as the
eye can reach, to Catania and beyond. To
the right, mountain peaks, far inferior, it is
true, to JEtna, yet very bold and beautiful
in themselves; one crowned — now, as when
this theater was new — by a village and
castle, that of Mola ; another now topped
by the ruined Saracenic citadel, occupying
no doubt the site of some much older build-
ing. At the foot of these the old city itself,
with its steep slopes covered with orange
and mandarin, olive and almond, countless
vines and flowers. Such was the view that
greeted the old Greek or Roman as he
looked toward the stage. If he turned
toward the north, he saw the whole coast
line to Messina, with its infinite variety,
and in the distance the coast of the main-
land of Calabria. Such is the view that
greets the traveler to-day as he rests among
the ruins of buildings erected by nations
long ago no more.
It does not fall within our purpose to
do more than mention some few of the
objects of interest in and near Taormina,
such as the battlemented Saracenic walls;
the mediaeval churches and palaces ; that
most charming ruin known as the Badia
Vecchia, with its exquisite Gothic win-
dows; the Piscina Mirabile, the Nauma-
chia, and various other fragments of ancient
structures. Some of these are well enough
to occupy an occasional spare hour, but the
theater and the various views are sufficient
in themselves to satisfy the most exact-
ing traveler, and it is enough to say that
no one traveling in Sicily should omit
Taormina.
Quite reluctantly we left the bracing air
and clear sky of Taormina to take the rail
for Catania. A ride of a little more than
an hour and a half, through a beautiful and
highly cultivated region, abounding in vil-
lages, farms arid villas, with occasionally a
Spanish fort or a Moorish castle, brought us
to the city, and to that comfortable haven
known as the Grand Hotel of Catania.
Opinions appear to differ much in relation
to Catania. Before we reached it, some
persons described it to us as very black and
gloomy — not only the city itself, but also the
environs ; others held a different view. As
usual, much depends upon the temperament
of the visitor, the weather, etc. We found
bright sunlight, and failed to perceive any-
thing gloomy about the place. It is true
that, were it in America, we should, with our
habit of conferring descriptive epithets upon
cities, probably call it the " Lava City," for
412
FROM PALERMO TO SYRACUSE.
there is lava to the right and left of it, ava
behind and below it, and occasionally lava
above it. The streets are paved, and the
houses often built, of lava, the cellars exca-
vated in it, the port nearly choked up with it,
portions of the old city buried beneath lava,
most of the modern city built upon it; the
railway enters the city through lava cuts, and
leaves" it by a tunnel through lava. It is
also true that the lava hereabouts is of a
minus a distant view of one or two large
villages perched on commanding summits.
Very little has been done toward the exten-
sion of this railroad for several years, but it
now seems probable that within a few years
the very important connection between
Catania and Palermo will be completed, as
well as the branch to Girgenti. With the
development of railroads in the interior of
the island a new future will soon open for
THE FOUNTAIN OF ARETHUSA.
very dark color, usually black. But the two
most recent volcanic streams which have
approached the city are respectively a little
more than 200 and 1000 years old, so that
a good deal of disintegration and accumu-
lation of soil has taken place, and, after all,
the black masses only form a setting for the
spots of brilliant vegetation which in every
direction meet the eye. To us it seemed
that the contrast heightened the richness of
the vegetation, and afforded some of the
most exquisite pictures imaginable.
From what we saw and heard, the impres-
sion was derived that, away from the mount-
ain ranges, the interior of the island
consists chiefly of undulating plains covered
with grass or grain, without trees, with
very few detached farm-houses, but occa-
sional villages, in which the agricultural
laborers gather. That they go long dis-
tances to their work is shown by the fre-
quent straw huts, not unlike wigwams,
erected for their use in the fields. Near
Leonforte the country becomes bolder and
more picturesque, because the main range
of the Madonian mountains is closer at
hand, and one has from the railroad ter-
Sicily. While we were at Catania there was
a trifling break in the railroad to Syracuse,
sufficient, however, to derange matters so
completely as to render it advisable to go
there by the weekly steamer, rather than by
land. One bright Monday morning, then,
we took the Florio boat for Syracuse.
It need hardly be said that we had now
reached the most interesting, although not
the most beautiful city of Sicily— indeed,
there are few cities in Europe so replete
with classical interest as the once great
Syracuse. Sadly shrunken is the Syracuse
of to-day; for the modern city just covers the
area of the old Ortygia, the first settlement of
the Corinthian adventurers who established
themselves here in 734 B. c.— only one year
later than the Chalcidians and lomans
founded Naxos. The four great suburbs
which belonged to the city in its prime, and
which covered an area more than twenty
times greater than that of Ortygia, are now
abandoned, and mostly desolate ; here and
there a farm dots the surface, but over the
greater part of the expanse you search in vair
for any traces of the hand of man. So pro-
nounced are the topographical features of the
FROM PALERMO TO SYRACUSE.
environs of Syracuse that, with Thucydides
in hand, it is easy to follow the movements
of the Athenian siege, to locate the most
important points, and to follow the principal
movements of the campaign. We have no
intention of repeating the story of that
famous and ill-advised siege, which, partly
through the errors of the brave, able and
virtuous Athenian commander Nicias, and
partly through the ability and vigor of the
Lacedaemonian Gylippus, resulted in the com-
plete destruction of the most powerful arma-
ment that Athens had ever sent forth, in the
loss of her prestige, and thus prepared the
way for her downfall. He who sympathizes
with the Athenians will regret that the first
landing and victory near Dascon, the great
harbor, was not at once followed up, as it
would doubtless have resulted in the capture
of the city. The re-embarkation and post-
ponement of the attack for several months
gave the Syracusans and their allies ample
time to prepare, while the Athenians had
nothing to gain by delay.
As already stated, modern Syracuse occu-
pies the island of Ortygia, where the first
Greek colonists established themselves a
little more than 2,600 years ago. The
modern city is inclosed within massive for-
tifications, chiefly of the time of Charles V.
These are now of interest only in a historical
point of view, for they are of little use under
the conditions of modern war. They occupy
the site of the old walls of Dionysius, of
which nothing now remains save here and
there a huge stone. But there are in Ortygia
other relics of ancient days not without
interest. The first place to which the steps
will naturally be directed is the famous
fountain of Arethusa, no longer pure as of
old, and shorn of much of its pristine glory,
yet, with all drawbacks, still an attractive
spot. The illustration opposite will give
something of an idea of the quiet pool, with
its tufts of papyrus, and will show how it is
separated from the waters of the great har-
bor by the massive city walls, precisely as
in classical times. Long, long ago, an
earthquake shook the foundation of the earth
[just here, and allowed the salt water of
j the harbor to mingle with the pure water of
I the fountain.
Recent excavations have laid bare numer-
lous columns of the temple of Diana, until
lately quite concealed by houses of the mod-
ern city; they present no special beauty,
and are of interest chiefly for the reason that
their details prove that they are some 2,400
lor 2,500 years old. The most satisfactory
remnant of Ortygia is the far-famed temple
of Minerva, which had on its roof the great
golden shield so well known to ancient
mariners. The columns and much of the
architecture and frieze still remain, for very
fortunately the temple was early converted
into a Christian church, and the columns of
the peristyle and the walls of the Cella were
retained as portions of the sacred edifice, so
that, as the diameter of the columns is much
greater than the thickness of the walls filling
the intervals between them, you see the
columns very satisfactorily. This temple was
erected in the sixth century before our era,
and was renowned for the richness of its
decorations and the value of its treasures.
The Greek theater is a noble monument
of the energy and skill of the old Syracu-
sans. It is hewn out of the solid rock
nearly at the top of the steep slope of Epip-
olae, and is so large that it could accommo-
date 25,000 auditors. The seats are well
preserved, notwithstanding that for some
centuries a water-course made its way over
them, and on the face of one of the corridor
walls can still be traced, in Greek charac-
ters, the designations of the wedge-shaped
subdivisions into which the auditorium was
divided — such as " Queen Philistia," " King
Hieron," etc. Some little of the scena and
of the dressing-rooms remain, but nothing of
the stage. Here, as usual, the theater com-
manded a lovely view, in this case over the
great harbor and out to sea. This building
is at least 2,300 years old. Not far from
here, and also mostly in excavation, is the
Roman amphitheater, dating from about
the time of Augustus. An interesting fea-
ture in this amphitheater is the podium, or
masonry wall surrounding the arena. In
some parts this is well preserved, and on its
cornice may be read some of the inscrip-
tions (in Latin), giving the titles of the offi-
cials who occupied seats on the platform
just above. This amphitheater is larger
than that of Verona. The Latomie, or an-
cient quarries, form one of the most marked
and interesting features of Syracuse. They
are usually somewhat below the clift and
cut deeply into its sides, although sometimes
they are cut sheer down into the mass of the
plateau, directly from the surface. It was
from these that the materials were obtained
for the construction of the ancient Ortygia,
its extensions and defenses, so that they
are of great antiquity, very numerous, and
of vast dimensions. Originally they were to
a considerable extent excavated under the
plateau, with a roof left over portions ; but
FROM PALERMO TO SYRACUSE.
"
RUINS OF THE GREEK
THEATER AT SYRACUSE.
the frequent and
violent shocks of
earthquake have
thrown down the
most of the roof-
ing, so that they
are for the great-
er part now un-
covered. But in
ff^M^fil^r.^ V"^ some cases, as, for instance, in the Latomia del
Paradiso, which contains the "Ear of Dionysius
there still remain vast and lofty chambers in the
solid rock, some of which are used for the manu-
facture of saltpeter, for rope-walks, etc., etc. .
of these quarries cover many acres in extent, am
have vertical sides a hundred or more feet
height The marks made by the tools used in get-
ting out the stone still can be plainly perceived
The form and dimensions of the blocks can i to
traced, and the holes may still be seen in whict
were inserted the bars employed by the quarrymet
as substitutes for ladders. Often the walls are covered with a thick curtain of vines ar
the floor overgrown with the most luxuriant vegetation. Some of the Lat<
been laid out with the greatest taste and with all the arts of landscape garc
RUINS OF THE ROMAN AMPHITHEATER
AT SYRACUSE.
FROM PALERMO TO SYRACUSE.
for example, the Latomie dei Cappuccini,
di Casale and di Venere, and it would be
difficult to imagine anything more pictur-
esque than these charming spots. It must
be understood that the quarry is not a single
large chamber excavated throughout its
entire area, but that it is divided into many
compartments' by masses of fallen roof, and
huge walls never cut away, and that you pass
from one portion to another by winding
passages and by tunnels, unexpectedly find-
ing new and still more beautiful chambers
opening out before you. Orange groves,
lemon trees, olives, palms, pepper trees, the
cypress, the pine, — all the trees that flourish
in this climate, — are to be found in these quar-
ries, with the pomegranate, the oleander,
flowers innumerable and of all hues, and the
graceful acanthus; add to these the thick
vines festooning the walls, and clinging to
the fallen masses of rock. Imagine all these
most picturesquely arranged, and in the
greatest profusion, and you may form some
conception of the beauties of the Syracusan
Latomie, which are certainly unique. But
their interest is not limited by their beauty.
In one is the " Ear of Dionysius " ; in another
the famous prison of the ill-fated Athenians
and their allies, who survived the final de-
feat on the banks of the Asinarus. The
accompanying sketch shows the entrance of
the " Ear of Dionysius," a long, narrow and
THE EAR OF DIONYSIUS.
lofty excavation, extending in a winding
direction some 200 feet into the mass of the
hill. It will be seen that its outline is not
unlike a horse's ear in shape. It is about
seventy feet high, and varies in width from
about ten to nearly forty feet. Whatever
may have been the purpose for which it was
originally intended, it certainly possesses
singular acoustic properties in the way of
producing repeated echoes, and in greatly
magnifying slight noises. At the inner end,
near the roof, is a chamber which the guides
point out as the place where Dionysius was
in the habit of posting himself when he
desired to listen to the conversation of his
prisoners ; we did not test the peculiar
acoustic qualities of this position, and will
be content to allow the guides to have their
way in regard to it. It is worthy of notice
that in the Latomia di Casale there is
another unfinished ear similar to that of
Dionysius ; there is nothing to indicate the
purpose it was intended to serve, and its
construction was left incomplete because a
layer of soft and dangerous rock was en-
countered. The Latomia dei Cappuccini
bears now no traces of the sufferings of the
'7,000 wretches, survivors of the Athenian
host, who nearly 2,300 years ago were con-
fined within it; for the probabilities are that
this is the quarry described by Thucydides.
With its absolutely vertical walls of solid
rock, never less than about eighty feet high,
it forms the most secure prison possible.
Looking down now into its wide expanse of
luxuriant tropical vegetation, it is difficult to
realize the scenes of abject misery of which
it was once the theater; 7,000 brave men, of
the most enlightened and civilized race of the
age, allowed to die from hunger and thirst,
disease and squalor, in the hands of men ot
the same race, and inhabitants of a city
rivaling their own in refinement and devotion
to the arts. The theater of Taormina pre-
sents one side of the high heathen civiliza-
tion; the quarries of Syracuse show the
obverse of the medal.
The old walls of Dionysius, and of subse-
quent times, encircled the entire plateau of
Epipolae, from Ortygia and the sea to Fort
Euryalus. They may be traced throughout
almost the whole extent, and enough of the
structure remains to indicate quite clearly
what it was when perfect, and to show that,
although the walls of Dionysius were built in
great haste, the work was well and solidly
done. To reach Fort Euryalus, a distance
of more than four miles from the modern
city, you can go by carriage to within a few
THE SORCERY OF MADJOON.
hundred yards of your destination. So
much of this fort is excavated m the solid
rock that it is admirably preserved; it
affords, perhaps, the best existing example
of Greek military architecture.
At length the time had come for our
departure from Sicily; so, one Saturday
morning, we left Catania, reaching Mes-
sina in season to dine ashore before taking
the three o'clock steamer for Naples. As
long as daylight lasted the beautiful coasts
of Sicily and the main-land were in sight,
with the Lipari Islands gradually coming
more clearly into view. In the evening, the
bright moonlight was enlivened by the sing-
ing of the Italian officers. As we approached
Stromboli, faint glows of red light were from
time to time perceptible. Gradually they
grew more distinct, until, when we had passed
a little beyond the island and were in full view
of the crater, the puffs of light became very
brilliant and distinct. Altogether it was one
of the most charming experiences imagin-
able, and, although at a later hour the sea
became very rough, it was by that time so
late that we were glad to retire to our state-
rooms. The first thing that greeted our eyes
in the morning was the bold mass of Capri
rising from the sea close to us; soon we
passed by the Cape of Sorrento, and before
the morning was over were landed on the
quays of Naples.
THE SORCERY OF MADJOON.
INTERIOR OK AN OPIUM DEN.
AT night, fable returns from the shelter
of ruined antiquity and broods over the city
where, -during the hours of sunlight, we have
walked with such confidence in the order,
the reasonableness and the enlightenment
of our century. Circe, the Sirens, Were-
wolves and Basilisks — all the more cruel
forms of mystic life — do they not come
back in the darkness, to hover along the
confines of modern life and reassert their
old dominion ?
We stand in a dusk-encircled, barren spot,
a cold wind blowing into our eyes, almost
seeming to whirl dizzily hither and thither
the scattered lights of the desolate street.
Do you wish to know where we are ? In
THE SORCERY OF MAD JO ON.
the squalid quarters of a cosmopolis, at
night, you may fancy yourself — but for the
cold wind — in almost any part of the world.
Pekin, Vienna, Paris, London, New York —
what does it matter which one of these it is,
when you have left behind the distinctions
that belong to higher society, and have
descended to that stratum of poverty, vice
and dirt which encircles the globe, and is
found where the distinctions are not found ?
Fortunately we have a guide to carry us
through the sullen labyrinth — a man in plain,
unofficial clothes, but armed with a secret,
undemonstrative power against any snares
or monsters we may encounter, among the
many that infest this neighborhood. The
guide says we are close by the Five Points,
a region understood to be reformed, and
certainly changed by a marvel from what
it was ; but, as the world is at present, it
•does not take one long to pass the limits
of reform, and in a minute or two we have
plunged away easterly from the edge of the
Five Points, and again follow our friend,
who, being by habit as a detective averse
to telling beforehand what he is going to
do, moves on briskly, and suddenly halts
at a narrow doorway.
" In here," he says.
It proves to be the entrance to a Chinese
gambling-room, where a picture of His Ex-
cellency the Grasping Cash Tiger hangs on
the wall, with a votive light in front, and
men are gathered in impassive absorption
around a table where they are shuffling
counters, or lounge about, drinking tea out
of little cups. Passing out as we have
entered, quite unnoticed, we proceed on
our way, and halt at another door, not far
beyond. Through a corridor piercing the
house we have entered, we emerge upon a
dark and unaccountable alley of some sort
— a narrow, dismal alley running between
two board fences, and distinguished as the
scene of several murders. It is by no means
picturesquely horrible; on the contrary,
very plain and practical in appearance ;
but one shudders all the more at the thought
of the business-like criminal waiting here
patiently for his victim, or of the miserably
intoxicated slayer who has wrought his
deed of double ruin in this coarse obscurity,
with nothing about him to relieve its hideous-
ness by a touch of "bewildering romance.
At the gambling-rooms, just now, we were
practically in China ; here, we are once
more in our own fortunate country. But a
low door in another building, close at hand,
admits us to a dark and noisome den, where
VOL. XX.— 28.
that strangest and most destructive of in-
toxicating witchcraft is practiced — the sor-
cery of madjooti, the dreary rite of opium
smoking.
At the back of the room is an opening
into another blind apartment, where we can
dimly make out certain bunks placed one
over the other around the walls, for the
convenience of confirmed and thoroughly
stupefied debauchees. From one of these a
lean, wan face, belonging to a creature who
is just arousing himself from his drugged
sleep, stares out upon us with terrible eyes
— eyes that dilate with some strange interior
light ; ferocious yet unaggressive eyes ; fixed
full upon us, yet absolutely devoid of that
unconscious response for which we look in
human eyes as distinguishing them from
those of brutes. This is the gaze of what
is called an " opium devil," — one who is
supremely possessed by the power of the
deadly narcotic on which he has leaned so
long. Without opium he cannot live;
though human blood runs in his veins, it
is little better than poppy-juice ; he is no
longer really a man, but a malignant essence
informing a cadaverous human shape. No
one notices him, however, in this close,
sordid atmosphere, and in the minds of these
miserable devotees there is no space for
compassion or reflection. All are seeking
oblivion, and neither observe nor apparently
are observed by one another.
Nearer at hand, in the outer chamber,
are a stove and a low wooden platform —
the only furniture, excepting a broken chair
or two. The stove is probably not meant
so much for warmth as for other purposes ;
for in so confined a place the air is suitably
Asiatic, poisoned by too many Chinese
lungs and the laudanum-scented fumes
from the pipes. No ; the stove supplies
heat for the boiling of the smokers' material,
and the low platform is for the smokers them-
selves to rest upon. Curious as it may
seem to those accustomed, as most persons
are, to thinking of opium-smoking as akin
to the use of tobacco in pipes, this is the
mode of preparing the narcotic. Crude
opium is the evaporated juice of the white
poppy ( ' Papaver somniferum) molded into
cakes that remain moist and malleable, and
in which the strength is unevenly distributed.
For medicinal use it has to be dried, pow-
dered, and then prepared in the various
approved forms ; for smoking, it is reduced
by boiling to a fluid somewhat thicker than
molasses. Of this a small particle is taken
on the end of a pointed instrument, and
THE SORCERY OF MADJOON.
held by the half-reclining smoker close to
the flame of an open lamp, or a candle. He
turns and twirls it dexterously, to equalize
the heat, and the little point of glutinous
brown stuff begins to melt and swell like
sealing-wax. When, by this process, the
opium has been distended to the right
degree, it is hastily transferred to the pipe.
That implement differs totally from the one
used for tobacco. It has on the flat upper
side of its hemispherical bowl a small open-
ing, or several minute perforations, over
which the heated opium is smeared. This
is then ignited by a flame and the suction
of the smoker's breath ; but three or four
short whiffs suffice to both kindle and
consume the small allowance rated as "a
smoke." The whole proceeding, which oc-
cupies a trifle more time than the filling
and emptying of a glass of liquor, costs, I
think, about the same number of cents as
indulgence in the latter form of stimulation ;
and the slaves of madjocn repeat the act
as often as individual endurance, taste or
length of habit may determine.
As we enter, the keeper of this loathsome
haunt, the purveyor to " opium devils " and
for a time their master, appears to be in an
unpleasant mood. Shuffling along in his
bamboo-woven slippers, with one hand
holding the kettle he has just lifted from the
stove, he pauses, crouching in a rather
tigerish way, and shaking his other skinny
hand with a satirical out-stretching of the
fingers at a long-boned fellow, who, having
finished his dissipation, has risen yawning.
This partaker of the pleasures and pains of
opium, it appears, has had several " smokes "
and cannot pay for them all ; but he is in-
different to the hissing and chattering sar-
casms of the tigerish little proprietor. What
does such a man care for the petty passions
aroused by a question of money ? — he who
is the possessor of two worlds, the world
of reality and the world of illusion stronger
than the actual, yet sits amid his empire
shattered and powerless, without strength
of limb or will, wasted in mind and purse ?
Besides, has not this snarling keeper helped
to rob him of his manhood, and why should
he hesitate to steal a few grains of opium in
retaliation ? After Coleridge's example, no
further proof is needed to establish the fact
that as to the mode of procuring his only
solace, the opium-taker has no moral sense.
There is a wide interval between the mind
of Coleridge and that of this miserable
candy-dealer, whose pennies, slowly gath-
ered by day at the street corner, are vaporized
at night ; but, quite without plagiarism, the
Chinaman has arrived at the same moral
condition as that of the poor bewitched poet.
The proprietor looks around as we enter.
He is a horrible little man, with an insidi-
ous expression ; bald on the top of his head
(which is shaped like a cartridge and has a
dangerous look), but making up for the
scarcity there by an amazingly long pig-
tail. Although plainly disgusted on recog-
nizing his old friend the police-officer, and
seeing a couple of strangers with him, he
instantly subdues the visage puckered by con-
tempt for the defaulter, and, concealing the
new annoyance, comes forward with an ingra-
tiating mien. But as he is not an agreeable
companion, and can speak only a few words
of English, we have not much more conver-
sation with him than can be maintained
with an unusually shrewd monkey. So he
goes crawling about his work again, with a
suspicious indirect glance at us now and
then ; and the long-boned candy-man goes
on yawning and stretching, and gradually
freeing himself from the cramped position in
which he had slept, until in the dim light
of the place he seems to develop an un-
natural height, and almost to be growing
momently taller. What most impresses us,
now, is the silence of the scene. The pro-
prietor's harangue being over, not a word is
spoken; everything proceeds in a wicked,
ominous hush, which becomes oppressive.
How unlike the prodigal gas of the bar-
rooms, with their silver-mounted taps, their
glittering, vari-colored bottles, their seductive
air of social re-union, are the hesitating dusk
of this gloomy interior, the motionless forms
and the silence ! In the bar-room there is
bewildering brilliance; here, no concealment
or palliation is attempted — everything is in
harmony with the work of death that is be-
ing done, and the repulsion we feel is not
much unlike that which comes with passing
through the murderers' alley, just outside.
The frequenters of either resort detest the
other ; yet it is only a choice of stations on
the same highway. But that tall fellow!
Will he never stop growing ? Has his hab-
ituation to opium-smoke gifted him with
some incredible capacity for self-extension,
an elasticity resembling that of the thin blue
vapor itself that is even now curling up be-
hind him ? Or is he' nothing more than an
apparition, a phantasm evolved from a brain
touched by the misleading potency that has
left its trace in the air we are breathing ?
Come, guide, let us get out of this place! We
cannot endure the hideousness of it any
THE SORCERY OF MADJOON.
419
longer. And there is the wan creature with
the dehumanized eyes, advancing from the
further room. Come !
We waste no time in leave-takings, but
hurriedly go out, closing the door on that
\voe-begone picture. It is a relief to inhale
the air of the murderers' alley. It is a
relief to be threading the cold streets again.
No matter where we go — anywhere, so that
we get other impressions for the eye, and
try to persuade ourselves that what we have
just seen is not real, but merely the dark
record of some deadly thing that once had
an existence, but is passed away now and
has faded into the improbability of super-
stition. There are, in fact, people so
cheerfully confident in their own limited
knowledge that, although they have heard
of this thing, they do not believe it exists.
But even they, I fear, could not obliterate
our recollection just now. Such glimpses
of unutterably ruined life pursue one long
after the eyes have turned away from them
and found refreshment in the beauty of health,
and hope, and noble action. For when we
have once tracked a particular vice to its
lair and seen it in its basest form, it is
almost inevitable that we should begin to
discern its less obvious workings in other
phases, and to trace with apprehension its
relations toward the whole of society.
This handful of yellow-faced foreigners,
whom we have left in their wretched den,
represent a disorder not less dreadful than
insanity or the disease of inebriety. In-
deed, to remember them is to think of a
parcel of maniacs, struck with dumbness and
sudden lassitude, but not the less mad, sev-
ered from the sane activity which holds
things together. If the vice could be shut
up within that space, or any similar retire-
ment, it would be less terrible ; but it can-
not be. Perhaps the spread of this particular
habit is not alarmingly rapid ; but there are
more secret ways of taking opium that
thrive apace, and these are encouraged in
the neighborhoods where the Mongolian
has introduced his pipe and kettle. Good
example filters down from high places into
the lower levels of humanity ; but bad ex-
ample sends up its poisonous gases to the
upper levels also.
The smoking of opium is chiefly practiced
by the Chinese. It is only within a cen-
tury that they have used it for other than
medical ends. Yet so completely have they
now associated opium-intoxication with
their national name, that the two things
suggest each other, and one seldom hears
the Turkish name for the drug, madjoon, or
associates it with the Turks as more than a
mildly enervating influence exerted by means
of confections which contain it. It is an
odd circumstance that, while opium has
gained so strong a hold upon the Chinese
nature, with which it seems in mysterious
accord, the famous English eater of opium and
laudanum-drinker, Thomas De Quincey, in
his essay on his own habit, should write
thus of China :
" I have often thought that if I were compelled to
forego England and live in China and among Chi-
nese manners and modes of life and scenery, I
should go mad. In China I am terrified by the
modes of life, by the manners, and the barrier of
utter abhorrence and want of sympathy placed be-
tween us by feelings deeper than 1 can analyze. I
could sooner live with lunatics or brute animals."
Fitzhugh Ludlow maintains that hasheesh
(Indian hemp) has wrought itself into the
genius of the Eastern peoples, developing
the rich and strange and changeful imagery
of their romances, as in the Arabian Nights;
and De Quincey attributed to opium great
cogency in the stimulation of dreams. But
his recently published life — and other testi-
mony on the general subject — shows that it
has not this power. As for the suggestion
of Ludlow, however it may at first strike the
fancy, its acceptance would force us to admit
that the literature of a people is colored by its
stimulants. This idea cannot be borne out
by anything more than a mere fanciful and
humorous construction of the facts. We
might better assume that peoples select their
stimulants and their modes of imagination
quite independently, by an instinct or tend-
ency of that almost indefinable thing, their
race character. But I do not see any room
for a theory among these anfractuosities.
The simple fact remains that Coleridge and
De Quincey were fascinated by the same
dangerous sap of the sleep-giving poppy,
which is carrying desolation and anguish
into the empire of the " Anglo-Saxons of
Asia," for whom one of the European Anglo-
Saxons had such an abhorence. In the sur-
render to a common vice, these opposites
meet. We know how the two chief English
expositors of its effects first happened to have
recourse to the drug, in order to relieve
pain, and we know from them also what is
the pleasure that allures to a continuance of
its use, until the dependent upon it is mor-
ally manacled, and thrust into a torture
chamber from which there is small chance of
his ever escaping. From the confession of
420
THE SORCERY OF MADJOON.
William Blair,* who exemplified the danger
of De Quincey's ecstatic praises by read-
ing only " The Pleasures " and not " The
Pains of Opium" (thus being led on into
a fatal bondage), we get the most vivid
idea of the worse than mortal sufferings that
the constant use of large doses at last in-
flicts. In what degree the attraction is the
same for the Chinese, we do not seem to be
informed. There is authority for supposing
that after injuries and surgical operations the
Chinese suffer little from nervous irritation,
and show much less sensitiveness than
Europeans to affections of the spine.t Their
comparative insensibility to pain may di-
minish the first exhilarating effect of opium,
but it does not seem to lessen the destructive
physical anguish that attends any omission
of the doses after the habit is once formed.
I do not learn whether the custom of smok-
ing is more immediately injurious than that
of taking opium in pills, or in the form of
laudanum ; but as the Chinese are less sen-
sitive physically than Europeans, it may be
that they are led into taking larger quantities.
Why they succumb to the temptation in such
great numbers may be partly owing to their
willingness to throw away their lives in other
more violent modes, and to a reaction from
the restrictive pressure of their institutions
and manners. There is a popular inclina-
tion among us to believe those writers who
have attributed all manner of vileness to the
Chinese ; but plenty of evidence is offered, by
equally good authorities, to show that these
views are often superficial and unjust.
In respect of opium, to go no further, trust-
worthy writers have but one thing to say,
and this is that the majority of the Chinese
are strenuously opposed to its importation or
sale, and that the Imperial Government has
striven most earnestly to exclude it,
It is barely twenty years since the second
"opium war," ending with the barbarous
destruction of the Hundred Palaces by the
" civilized " allies, and the final legalization
of the opium trade for which humane Eng-
land, the mother of slave emancipators, had
taken up' arms. But the wrongs then and
in 1840 inflicted on China are remembered
by few. Few know . how vigorously the
Chinese Government sought to prevent the
introduction of opium by the Portuguese
East India Company, and afterwards by the
* See "The Opium Habit." Harper & Brothers,
1065.
t" Oriental Religions, China" (page 41). By
Samuel Johnson. Boston: J. R.Osgood& Co. 1877.
British East India Company; how the
directors of the latter declared that they
" would gladly have put an end to the con-
sumption of opium if they could, out of
compassion to mankind, so repugnant to
their feelings was the trade," and then con-
tinued to corrupt customs officers and assist
smugglers till, in 1833, half the British import
trade in China was in opium. At last
" compassion to mankind" led to the making
a breach with cannon for the more commo-
dious passage of the contraband article. " I
cannot prevent the introduction of the flow-
ing poison," said the Emperor Tan Kuang
to Sir Henry Pottinger, in 1842. "Gain-
seeking and corrupt men will, for profit and
sensuality, defeat my wishes; but nothing
will induce me to derive a revenue from the
vice and misery of my people." But this
nobly humane voice was drowned in the
noises of another war in 1858 ; the pestilent
practice is even said, by that time, after
spreading among thousands of the best
homes, to have been taken up by Tan
Kuang's son, who came to the throne in
1851 ; and opium is now carried into China
from India at the rate of from 5000 to
6000 tons yearly. Pumpelly says* that a
considerable quantity is raised also in China
(contrary to law) ; and when it is remem-
bered that one pound of this makes 7000
troy grains, and that forty or fifty grains is
a large supply for a day's consumption, one
has a better conception of the damage that
can be done by the importation of over
115,000,000 grains a day. And for this
gigantic piece of devil's work the Christian
merchants of England have thus far received
a clear profit of $350,000,000.
The medicinal offices of opium are, of
course, not to be confounded with its abuse.
There is a case on record of a physician
who took opium for many years, to counter-
act a consumptive tendency, and, when his
health became established, abandoned it by
slow stages extending over two years. He
lived to be ninety. The London " Specta-
tor," arguing from the analogy that whisky
has a different effect on different races, pro-
fesses to believe that East Indian opium
does not permanently injure the Chinese of
the Delta, " who may find in it a protection
against fatigue and malaria, such as the
Peruvians find in coca." But the differences
in the effect of whisky are not of kind, but
of degree ; and any palliation of opium from
an English source is to be read, in the light
* "Across America and Asia."
of " compassion to mankind," with distrust.
Of the merciful interposition of this agent
in the celebrated instance of De Quincey
there seems to be little doubt ; * but his
ill-regulated exhibition of the medicine en-
tailed upon him prodigious suffering which
he might have been spared ; and in general
it is impossible to trust in the beneficial char-
acter of opium where the consumption of it
is left to the ungoverned appetite.
On the other hand, its insidious character,
even when it is first taken into the system
with moderation under the advice of phy-
sicians, is indisputable. In 1877, some
criminal trials in Berkshire county, western
Massachusetts, revealed the fact that great
quantities of opium in the form of morphine
are consumed by the inhabitants of the
lonely hills of that region ; and that more
recently laudanum had come into general
favor among hard drinkers there, to quiet
the tremors caused by excess in liquor. One
man earning small wages swore that he
bought from two to three dollars' worth of
laudanum every week. Cases were not
rare, it was found, in which the habit had
become fixed by medical prescription.
Similar discoveries are made at intervals in
different parts of the country, exciting little
interest because the public does not know
their significance. The injection of mor-
phia under the skin, to quiet certain disor-
ders, has become one of the most prolific
sources of continued and destructive resort
to its use; the patients being tempted, by
the soothing effect of this process, to pro-
cure morphia and inject it without medical
sanction. This desire becomes a frightful dis-
ease, almost incurable.
Dr. Edward Levinstein, principal medical
officer of the insane asylum at Schoneberg,
Berlin, describes various cases of persons,
mostly of high social position, who came
voluntarily to him to be treated for this
morbid inclination, t After being deprived
of morphia for a short time, they became vio-
lent and suicidal ; some of them, although
people of character and culture, secreted
the necessary materials and took the mor-
phia subcutaneously, even while professing
a desire to be cured of the habit, and while
denying that they had morphia at hand.
Dr. Levinstein places these instances under
the head of a new phase of insanity, mor-
* See the paper on "Some Aspects of De Quin-
cey," "Atlantic Monthly" for November, 1877.
(Vol. XL., page 573.)
t" London Medical Record," Feb. 15, 1876.
phomania, and records that, out of a large
number of patients, only twenty-five per
cent, fully recovered. All the rest relapsed
after leaving the institution.
That physicians do not sufficiently consider
the risk to which they expose patients in
placing them under this spell, is hardly to be
doubted by any one who has had experience
or made observation of the subject. Opium,
in some one of its forms, is often employed
by them without the knowledge of the victim,
shall we call him ? In the city where this
article was written, a case came to my no-
tice where a man, who had first been given
opium for inflammatory rheumatism, with-
out knowing the nature of the remedy, be-
came dependent on it ; used great quantities
of laudanum for several years, and suffered
most excruciating pangs before he could
succeed in breaking away from its sorcery
by a powerful effort of the will. In "The
Opium Habit" a man is mentioned who
was habituated to morphine in the same way,,
took it for seven years, and, becoming utterly
broken down in health, abandoned the
treacherous remedy after a struggle of sixty-
five days. So thoroughly had it mastered
him that, in ten months after leaving it off, he
had only just begun to obtain a little sleep.
And even where this specific is wittingly
taken up, I have yet to hear of one instance
where, if continued, it has not brought on
some form of ill-health, incapacity, or agony
quite as intolerable as that which it was
meant to remove. One of the most pathetic
illustrations of this was the fate of the Rev.
G. W. Brush, of Ohio, who, having been ad-
vised to take morphine to relieve a dormant
cancer in the tongue, relied on it for sixteen
years, when, attempting to do without it, he
relapsed under the necessity of stimulating
himself to preach a sermon, and committed
suicide a few days afterward in despair.
Williams, in his " Middle Kingdom," says
that alcohol in western countries kills ten
persons to one that opium kills in China ;
but the Rev. Mr. Brush's attending physi-
cian remarks that, in a long practice, he has
"known of more deaths from the use of
opium in some of its forms than from all the
forms of alcoholic drinks." One morphine-
taker who has published his story* suggests
whisky as an antidote ; but his evidence is
not conclusive. David Hatch Barlow, on
the other hand, who for years preached
under the influence of opium, had recourse
* James Coulter Layard, " Atlantic Monthly,"
June, 1874.
422
IN THE M. £. AFRICAN.
to that drug in order to free himself from
the dominion of liquor, under which he
had fallen through the influence of the gen-
eral custom of drinking practiced among
clergymen in his youth. He became the
slave of both alcohol and opium, besides
using to excess strong tea, and coffee and
tobacco. Opium suppresses the lower pro-
pensities which alcohol excites, and for a
time intensifies thought, or enlarges the
capacity for emotion, while debilitating
" hardihood, manliness, resolution, enter-
prise, ambition, — whatever the original de-
gree of these qualities." Otherwise, there
is not much room for choice between them ;
and to play off one against the other is to
run the risk of forging a double chain of
captivity instead of escaping into freedom.
The curse which England forced upon
China at the point of the bayonet, in a war
which our John Quincy Adams approved,
is silently and surely returning upon the
mother country and upon us. Intelligent
observers, despite the concealment that
accompanies it, see the habit of opium-eat-
ing spreading through all classes of our social
system, secretly assisted, no doubt, by the
quack nostrums in which it forms a chief
ingredient, and by the opium-tinctured cig-
arettes with which our young collegians con-
stantly perfume the still air of their delightful
studies. It is a noiseless enchantment,
against which there will be great difficulty in
proceeding. But shall nothing be done ?
A writer in the " New York Times " once
published an estimate, based on the im-
portations of 1876, fixing the number of
opium habituates in the United States at
about 200,000. It is probably unsafe to trust
to such a calculation, for a large portion of
the imports must be devoted to occasional
medical purposes ; and it is to be observed
that only 286,137 pounds were imported in
1 87 6, against 3 1 9, 1 34 pounds in 1873 — a fall-
ing off of over 30,000 pounds. Still, there is
foundation enough forthe writer's sensible and
humane suggestion that an asylum should
be established for the cure of opium-eaters.
Better still would it be if, in addition to this,
the requirements for medical practitioners
should be elevated, and the sale of "patent
medicines " be overhauled and restricted in
this country. The Rev. Joseph Edkins,
D. D., a British missionary, has, in his lately
republished work on " Religion in China,"
reiterated emphatically the statement that
the English connection with opium has
raised a formidable barrier to the progress of
Christian teaching in China; and Johnson
asserts that, if the British advocacy of a legal-
ized opium trade were withdrawn, the whole
empire would be opened freely to commerce.
But even these arguments have not thus far
availed to rouse the apathy of public opinion
against the traffic. When, however, it be-
comes fully known that we ourselves are in
danger of fostering by neglect an evil in our
midst that may some day assume vast pro-
portions, public sentiment may perhaps be
enlisted in the right way. First, an asylum
should be established for the patient treat-
ment of the disease; then the too free use
of the drug, even among good physicians,
should be discountenanced and the present
nefarious sales of the disguised poison be
stopped; at last, a true civilization may
| bring its weight to bear upon the East
Indian cultivation of opium. Print and pict-
ure supply, to-day, the best exorcism against
evil spirits. They should have power to
banish the horrible fetich of whose dominion
only a glimpse has here been given.
IN THE M. E. AFRICAN.
** DE African church ? You doesn't mean
go to de M. E. African you'self ! Have to
make ready to hear mighty big noise ef
you goes dere. De Mefdis' church got big
mouf enough, but de African got bigger!"
And a low ripple of amusement broke
from the well-cut lips of our mulatto wait-
ress, Scylla. Her imagination was seating
us among the swaying forms and soulful
cries of the "seekers," in the little pal-
metto-guarded structure bearing " M. E.
African " above its door.
But the ripple died away and a dusky
stillness returned to the olive face, as silence
gathers again over a lonely shore after a
plash has broken its twilight rest. Where
had she learned that stately solitude ? Had
grief bestowed it on her, for a wrapping, in
heavy days gone by ?
We waited, and another gleam broke the
shadowy repose. Was this the first day of
March ? Scylla would like to know.
We started, and turned over a leaf in our
mental almanac. This sudden, scathing
IN THE M. E. AFRICAN.
423
wind, that whistled under orange boughs,
stripped banana leaves into ribbons, and
dared the skies of Florida with threats of
frost — was this a "lion" promise, for a
month to come ?
" No, Scylla, it is not. It is the last day
of February," interposed Flit, who had
brought her name upon herself by dipping
from one discovery to another with a but-
terfly sweep, as we traveled on.
" De las' of Febuerry ? Thank you, Miss
Flit. I'm glad o' dat. I thought may be
March coming in vexed ! "
And with her bandana-crowned head
well poised upon her slender neck, Scylla
turned to go.
" But, Scylla — wait a moment ! What is
the matter with the African church ? They
have a minister of their own color, haven't
they?"
" Yes, indeed — African church and every
other church ! Can't persuade de colored
people to have any odder, since de war.
Dat's de very trouble of it, too "
" The trouble of it ? Why, wouldn't you
rather hear your own people preach ? "
Scylla turned, and her pathetic almond
eyes lifted for quite a Cleopatra flash.
" I radder when dey knows what dey got
to say ! But when dey done waste all deir
time, or spend it drivin' mule, and den,
some day, think dey'll be minister all at
once, I got no use for such preacher work as
dat! An' dere's so much of 'em, too ! It
all minister, minister, — never see so much
minister since I was bawn ! "
Scylla was certainly discouraging, but no
matter — we would go to the African church
for all that.
We stepped through the open window to
the balcony outside; the wind could only
strike there in spent little puffs that scattered
the fragrance of jessamine over us like a
bath. The road wound away toward the
town, bordered with great fan-like leaves of
scrub palmetto in a heavy fringe, while here
and there the boughs of a water-oak glistened
against the sky. The dim murmur of voices
floated toward us, and a gleam of gor-
geous hats betokened a party of colored
sisters returning from the " big-mouffed "
church. On they came, with their finery
and their loose-jointed limbs, their gurgle
of childlike laughter, and their rolling,
shambling gait ; but one tall figure towered
in their midst, her ebony head, turbaned
like an October maple, held erect against
the sky, and her long black arm gesticulat-
ing with commanding force as she strode
along, the Miriam of the thronging group.
" Tell ye, chillen," — and her voice rang
with a clear, high-pitched thrill on the em-
phasized words, — " tell ye, ye can't do ev'y-
thing in a day. God say ' love me little,
love me long,' but doarfi love me all in a
day!" The palmetto scrub rustled, the
shambling feet shuffled away, and Miriam
and her troop were gone.
" Come along, sinner, if you're coming!"
Flit's voice was heard calling at the door.
Not that the words conveyed the slightest
personal reflection — they were only a snatch
from the first installment of "colored hymns"
she had succeeded in picking up :
" You come now, ef you comin' !
Ole Satan is a-loose an' a-bummin' !
De wheels o' destruction am a-hummin' !
Oh, come along, sinner, ef you comin' ! "
Not through the palmetto scrub, however,
but round by the Fort Crass road — one
long, bowered avenue of two miles in stretch,
with oak, magnolia and bay trees embrac-
ing each other overhead, sunset sky gleam-
ing through their glistening leaves, ferns
nodding along their crossing boughs, and
rose-pink lichens dotting their gnarled and
leaning trunks. We should hear the sea
murmuring on our right all the way, and
come round by the beach and the old mill,
and so into town, by the time the first lamp
glimmered in the " African."
The old sexton, March, had just lighted
it as we approached, and bobbed his crown
of white wool deferentially as he led us in.
A " dim, religious light " it was, certainly, but
March added one gleam after another till the
rows of pine pews came clearly into sight,
and then he retired to set the bell clang-
ing over our heads with a wild, discordant
crash. The crash seemed an electric sum-
mons to " Brudder Brockus's " flock, and
saints and " seekers " came hurrying in, the
brethren ranging into an army of brawny
charcoal sketches on one side, while on the
other, shawls, handkerchiefs and head-gear
swayed and fluttered like a garden of pop-
pies all abroad — and there was Miriam, with
the same prophetic glamour about her
striding form !
The younger women gathered themselves
together and made way until she should
choose her seat, but she pressed on; the
little cluster of pews standing endwise on
either side the desk was evidently a nucleus
for " pillars " and " 'ficial members," gath-
ered in their strength.
But where was " Brudder Brockus " ? The
424
IN THE M. E. AFRICAN.
church was full, not a vacant seat could
reproach him, and only the pulpit looked
spiritless and cold. Fervor was beginning
to stir in the pews — low murmurs and stifled
sounds pulsated from seat to seat as medi-
tation roused here and there a quickened
throb. Between the murmurs the hush
grew deeper and deeper still — we could
almost hear the communings of the souls
about us with hidden things. We could
see Aunt Miriam's broad, gaunt chest rising
and falling with the out-reachings of her
soul. Suddenly a voice, clear, resonant
and rich, broke upon the silence with a
thrill. It was Uncle Remus, one of the
" pillars " under the pulpit eaves, striking
up a " spirityubble song." The thrill fell
into the audience like sparks among rus-
tling autumn leaves, their glow broke into
flame, and swept in a burning chorus upon
Uncle Remus's lines :
" Feel like I'm on my journey home !
Feel like I'm on my journey home !
Feel like I'm on my journey home !
Jesus! He meet me at de do'! "
The harmony swelled pure, sweet and
triumphant, the gay wrappings of the sisters
gleamed as their broad shoulders swayed
under the fervor that was too much for
their song, and then silence fell again, and
the kindled faces dropped back into their
mournful, expectant gaze.
But hark! Uncle Remus breaks forth
once more, and this time his " linings " are
like vivid ^Etna flashes, alternated by the
deep, rolling outbreak of upheaving souls.
The " spirityubble " song dies out in a
wild, triumphant strain, expectant eyes
glow as if they saw the promise dawn be-
fore them, but the day is not yet ! Even
Brudder Brockus tarries, and Uncle Remus
sways restlessly in his seat. His great eye-
balls gleam as they roll over the assembled
flock, as if separating sheep from goats and
counting up the odds. The odds seem dis-
heartening, and this time a rich, rolling solo
breaks reproachfully forth :
" 'Zekiel saw a valley !
Roley ! Roley !
Full of bones as dry as dust !
Roley ! Roley !
**'**»
" He gib de bones a mighty shake !
Roley ! Roley !
Fin' de ole sinner too dry to quake!
Roley ! Roley ! "
* * * * * *
His eyes rolled and gleamed, his body
rocked to and fro, his No. 12 boot beat
time wildly on the floor, his mouth, like a
red-tipped cavern, yawned wide as line
followed line, and his hands clapped the
measure with a hollow clang.
The reproach seemed to be falling like
arrows among the flock, and " amens,"
swayings and cries thickened across the
church. " N'ha ! " " N'ho ! " " N'ha ! " broke
out in unearthly nasal tones, and Uncle
Remus's soul took hope, and his No. 12
broke into a more inspiring beat :
"Now de bones begin to move !
De dry-y bones begin to move! "
The wind flapped in through a broken
pane, and shook its green cambric curtain
with a hollow gust, the lamps flickered
restlessly, the murmurs thickened, and a
stir rustled over the room. Should we see
a ghostly army rattling itself into shape
with the next refrain ?
" Yes! Look ! There is the first one ! "
whispered Flit, with eyes fixed on a little
window at the side of the desk, just at the
end of Uncle Remus's seat. It was black
as Egypt outside there, but a figure muffled
in some huddled wrapping had stepped
close to the pane, and the outline of a face
was pressed against it with a swift and
eager look. In another instant a side-door
opened and " Brudder Brockus," throwing
his cloak upon a chair, stood, immaculate
white necktie and all, on the pulpit floor.
There were no dry bones about Brother
Brockus; that was plain. He gave his
hands a quick, inspiring rub, a blessing was
invoked and a "hymn-tune " read, in a clear,
well-modulated voice that scattered the
spectral fancies of Uncle Remus's song ; the
choir followed the organ steadily through
the six verses " given out," and a gentle
rustle settled the hearers down for Brud-
der Brockus's " text."
A broad, white handkerchief laid elabo-
rately on the desk took the place of manu-
script, and Brother Brockus was ready.
" Sisters and bredren, I ask your 'tendons
dis evenin' to a few words in de life of de
celebrated character history call King
David. Probably dere's very few present in
dis congregation but what sometime — some-
where in dere life — hasn't been very apt
to hear some anecdote, of one nature or
another, mention about King David. When
de great gettin'-up mornin' come, and de
everlastin' church, slumberin' dese millions
of years, wake up and rise wid healin's
in her wings, one o' de firs' spectacles
glissen in her dazzlin' eyes will mos' proba-
IN THE M. E. AFRICAN.
425
bly be dis same King David, done wrap in
glory and shakin' de golden tambourine !
But when he pass through dis howlin' wil-
derness, wid de res' of us, he was a man dat
had his puffections, and also his impuf-
fections at de same time. I doesn't intend
to ask your attentions to de impuffections.
I don' believe in it — dere's jus' one thing I
wants you to recollec', and dat's all. De
failures of de great men of de Bible wasn't
recorded for us to patronize ! Doan' make
believe you can go do one thing an' anoder
'cause King David done done it once.
Jus' remember dat, I say, an' go 'long an'
let de res' alone — an' so we comes back to
see what his puffections was.
" In de firs' place, King David was de
king o' de Hebrew men — I wont ask your
'tentions to de much provokin' question
whether dere was any women in de Hebrew
flock. It's one dere's been disputin' about,
I might say, since de firs' pulpit built, an' I
believe preachers is got better business to
do dan cussin' an' discussin', when de ques-
tion can't make a single pavin' stone, help
dere people through de wilderness to glory.
I jus' got one thing to mention, as I goes
along. When I finds a hard question in de
way, I goes to de good Book wid it, an' I
took dis one dere, an' I got my mind settled,
once for all. If dere had 'a' been any She-
brew women among King David's flock,
wouldn' de good Book said so ? Wouldn'
de good Book said ' Shebrew women ' ?
But jus' let any one o' you take ten years
an' learn to read, den hunt dat book fo' de
res' you lifetime, an' you'll fin' Hebrews in
de story an' no other sect mention, as far as
you mind to go.
"So we'll jus' look back, peacefully, to
see what a few mo' de puffections was.
Dere's one mo' illustration King David set
fo' our minds, good for po' stumblin' sinners,
dat find dey done some little t'ing dey wish
dey hadn't, once in a while. Doan' lie in de
dus' an' cry, all you lifes, 'cause you happen
stub you' toe ! Get up, an' go long 'bout
you' business !
" Now you all knows enough to know I
doan' mean you's apt to fall in de street
where de mule-cart run. I'se only usin'
what's called a metafore, an' it's one many
of you's met up with, fore now, times
enough, too — don' talk to me! So when
you come across it again, jus' remember
King David, an' get up an' go on nex' time
with a walk dat'll leave foot-prints on de
walls o1 time / Dat's another metafore, but
doan' think I'm a tryin' tickle yo' ear wid a
fine philosophy ! I means to leave foot-
prints on dose walls myself, an' King David
lef 'em, when he feed de flock, long ago !
An' every minister, like King David, to-day,
for he feed de flock of God. Dere's some
flock have mighty po' leaders, an' some
leaders feed improper food to de flock, an'
dere's different flocks to feed, but dey's all
makin' foot-prints on de walls. Dere's de
flock of infidells. Tom Paine done lead
dat flock, but he's gone to his reward. I
wont say jus' zactly where he gone, but it's
some place o' trouble, I promise you about
dat. An' dere's de flock of Universalers.
I don' jus' precisely agree wid them in all
points. Dey say, dere's a plan for all. Dat's
true enough, but if de sick man wont take
his medicine, he got to die, dat's all.
"And dere's de flock dat says dey once
start for heaven dey get dere shore — but tell
you ef any lamb fall back, and de wolf hap-
pen to be about, somebody very likely to get
hurt ! So I'm not tryin' furnish you philos-
ophy, I'm tryin' to wake up dese sinners
here to-night ! When de great Wesley break
de Mefodis' church out from the 'Piscopal
church, he say, de 'Piscopal church all
asleep, and I see heaps of po' sinners sleepin'
here to-night. Sinners. /" — and Brudder
Brockus's voice, which had been gradually
rising higher and higher through the quick,
undulating sentences that seemed almost
rubbed together with the deep, African
smoothness of his tone, burst into a wild
trumpet-like call that might almost have
startled the dry bones themselves — " Sin-
ners f Awake! Arise from where yo' are,
an' come in de porch of de church, an' join
de holy family what's marchin' through de
howlin' wilderness to de glorious Ian' above,
and you'll never do a better t'ing in yo'
lifes."
" Wha / " "Who! " flew back from the
sleepers as if a few sparks had fallen on
the tinder, and Brudder Brockus went on —
" When de thunders roll, and de light-
nin' play nimble games in de sky, mos'
people, 'specially de ladies, shake and quake
and feel like dey mus' get hold o' some man
or 'nother, but dere'll be a heap more reason
when de great and fearful day of wrath come !
Tell you, sinners, dere's a wakin' up time
comin', whether youse ready for it or not,
and God'll be there to help dese saints
pull off mortality and fix 'em up in heavenly
robes, and where'll bejvwrever-dyin' souls ?"
The last cry hissed through the air, and
fell among the listeners with an explosive
crash, and a debris of fragmentary cries flew
426
IN THE M. E. AFRICAN.
scattering back. But Brudder Brockus had
dropped his voice suddenly to the deep and
steady roll of the surf upon the shore, and
its low, regular beat seemed to strike more
mercilessly than before.
" Tell you, sinners," he continued, " where
de great sea of Time swim back and
fo', dere done stan' a little island dey
call Potmash, and de great 'postle to de
Gentiles get lock up dere fo' to stay awhile,
and he see mighty strange sights, an' de
whisper of a thousand men. He see a pale
horse ride forth, conquering unto conquer,
an' oh-h, what a terrible horse ! It wasn't
Satan ride dis terrible horse ! Satan can't
kill nobody. He plague 'em till dey mos'
wish dey was dead a hundred times, but he
can't kill. It's the rider of this terrible
horse, and his name is Death ! He can over-
take all, for Death wasn' walkin', Death was
riditf. Ridirf / An' when he strike he change
all de general 'pearance of mortality, — dere's
only de mangle form of a corpse. De man
given up de ghos' an' £»#<?. We don't know
where, but he gone. Ever since Cain HP up
his mallet an' slay his brudder, history tell
us, de Bible tell us man mus' die. Leave
his occupation — can't walk no mo' — lie down
and cover up wid de cold sod ! " The cries
were thickening into a wild, unearthly din,
but Brudder Brockus pressed relentlessly on,
with only a slight upward swell in the undu-
lation of his steady beat. " De terrible
hoise go on, but one mo' rider come swif
behind. He ride out on a black horse, an'
he say, ' He dat believe in me shall never
die,' an' Death HP up his arm an' say he
conquer all, an' de rider o' de black horse
shall fall ! An' de pale horse ride away to
a lonely hill an' wait, an' de rider o' de
black horse go on. But he come to de
lonely hill at las', and find it a garden where
olives grow, and he go in, an' Death cry,
' Aha ! I fin' him now ! ' and he wrastle,
and de rider o' de black horse cry out !
"An' who is dis dear rider o' de black
horse, in de lonely garden now ? Ah, is
dere any seeker here say he doan' know ? "
And a sudden crash of inquiry broke
through the speaker's voice and thrilled
shivering through every soul.
" It de dear Son of Heaven, God send
down for you ! An' he wrastle again, but
de rider o' de pale horse terrible ! Ah-h !
Has he conquer him now ? Mus' de dear
Son of Heaven die ? "
"No! No!" came stifled cries from
every side. Brudder Brockus had left the
desk, and, with wild gestures and full, un-
shackled voice, was striding back and forth
in sympathy with the strife.
" No ! De rider o' de pale horse force
from de garden, and go to another hill to
wait once mo'. Dere no olives dere, but
he haven't long to wait, an' he cry ' Aha !
Now ! Dis time ! ' An' he wrastle again.
Oh, shall he die ? Shall de dear rider o'
de black horse die dis time ? "
Piercing sobs broke from every side.
Aunt Miriam's breast heaved wildly, and
her long black arms were stretched entreat-
ingly forth. " Oh, doan' die ! Doan' die! "
rose in bitter cries from different corners of
the room, and Brother Brockus went on :
" Oh, sinner, de rider o' de pale horse
wrastle hard! De hour terrible an' he
wrastle for you ! Shall de dear rider o' de
black horse die dis time ? Ah, can't hold
out no mo' ! All turn pale, and Death
shout, 'I conquer all!' and he ride away
proud, an' all done !
"But wait /" and the moans hushed be-
fore the sudden piercing lift of the speaker's
cry. " Wait three days with me ! De rider
o' de black horse leap forth glorious from
sleep, and cry, ' I HP immortality to life!'
And Death feel de arrow pierce into his flesh,
an' he flee away an' lie down to die, and
we shout, ' Oh, Death, where is thy victory?
oh, Grave, you got no sting !' De murrec-
tion drawin' nigh !"
Panting, breathless and trembling, Brud-
der Brockus stood still. The strife was
ended, his wild imaginary share in the con-
test ceased, and he stretched forth his hands
to his people in mute appeal.
Suddenly he withdrew them, caught the
handkerchief from the desk, cooled his
heated face in its broad folds and stepped
down to a chair beside a little table, where
mysterious cups of water and fragments of
bread were placed. " Church " was over ;
it was " love-feast" now. Brother Brockus
was transformed into audience and sat, re-
ceptive and still, on the back legs of his
chair, waiting for the testimony of his saints.
A moment's hush ensued, and Uncle
Remus's thoughts floated on from the last
ringing words of the sermon to the up-
rising of the " promise day," and another
spirityubble song burst forth :
" Oh, who all dem come dress' in white ?
CHO. (De rmirrection drawin' nigh!)
Mus' be de chillen de Isyalites.
CHO. (De murrection drawin' nigh!)
CHORUS. " Oh, what you say, John ? *
Oh, what you say, John ?
* St. John.
IN THE M. E. AFRICAN.
427
Oh, what you say ?
De murrection drawin' nigh !
" Oh, who all dem come dress in red?
De murrection drawin' nigh !
Mus' be de people dat Moses led —
W de murrection drawin' nigh !
CHO. Oh, what you say, John? etc.
" Oh, who all dem come dress in black ?
'N' de rwurrection drawin' nigh ?
Mus' be de mohners a-turnin' back —
'N' de murrection drawin' nigh !
" The devil is a liar and a cungiour, too !
'N' de murrection drawin' nigh !
You don't look out, he cungiour you !
'N' de murrection drawin' nigh !
" I heard a voice in de promise' land,
De murrection drawin' nigh !
Make me t'ink my time at hand —
De murrection drawin' nigh ! "
The song rose and fell in strange, weird
cadences, with subtle inflections almost
impossible to catch, and the harmony
swelled melting and rich with the rare
melody of the African voice; but triumph
by and by seemed more inspiring than
struggles by the way, and another " pillar,"
in the seat behind Uncle Remus, lifted his
voice and began the beating of his boot:
" Oh, look at de Moses !
Look at de Moses !
Oh-h Lord!
Jus' look at de Moses,
Smotin' on de water!
Chillens ! we's all a-gwine home!
CHO. " Oh, de ole ferry-boat stan' a-waitin' at de
landin' —
Oh-h Lord!
Oh, de ole ferry-boat stan' a-waitin' at de landin' —
Chillens ! we's all a-gwine home !
" Moses smote de water, and de sea gabe way !
Oh-h Lord!
De Is'lites ate de fishes, an' de sea gabe way !
Chillens, we's all a-gwine home !
CHO. " Oh, de ole ferry-boat stan' a-waitin' at de
landin' !
Oh-h Lord!
Oh, de ole ferry-boat stan' a waitin' at de landin' !
Chillens ! we's all a-gwine home ! "
On went the verses — the pillars were evi-
dently improvisators as well — the choruses
came in fervid and wild, and the trembling
legs of Brudder Brockus's chair swayed back-
ward and forward, while Brudder Brockus
himself broke in here and there with stac-
cato bursts of the " holy laugh " — " Ha ! "
" Ha ! ha ! ha ! " " Ha ! ha! " while a spirit-
ual ecstasy brought his palms together and
wrung his hands. It was time for the flock
to draw together for the feast.
One by one the "members" rose and
pressed to the forward seats. They were
ready, but feasters must prove their claim as
guests before the feast begins. Had they
" kep' de fast, — come all right — all straight ? "
Brudder Brockus wished to know, and a
charcoal sketch rose suddenly to its feet,
against the wall.
" Bredren ! I done kep' de fas' ! I feel
all right — all straight — an' I's gwine to
heaven, I determined! Clar!"
"Ha! ha! ha!" laughed Brudder
Brockus, and another arose, and another
voice, low, deep and clear, confessed :
" Brudder, I hasn't been always marchin1
on, in days gone by ! I have camped on
de road, and I have slep' in my tent, but I
done burn dat now ! I's gwine on !
Gwine on, bredren ! On, de res' de way ! "
" Ha! ha ! " came the holy laugh, ecstatic-
ally, and a gay plaid shawl and swinging
arm arose in another seat.
" Sisters and bredren ! I got nothin' in
my heart 'gainst any here to-night. My
enemies or my frien's, dey all alike, and I's
gwine to heaven ! Sisters ! I's determined !
I's gwine dere ! "
She sank down, and March's woolly
crown arose :
" Bredren ! I got nothin' in my heart
'gainst any here to-night ! Ef I had, I
should rung dat bell and sot dat table, an'
gone home ! I's gwine to heaven ! I's
determined on dat ! "
" Ef you want to catch de heavenly breeze,
Get down in de valley on yo' knees ! "
rose a wild, shouting voice, and testimonies
and determinations followed from one and
another saint, till the round was gone, and
Brudder Brockus brought his chair slowly
down to rest upon four legs.
" Now, bredren," he said, in a lively voice,
"de time whiskin' on. We mus' be brief,
for we want to get dat basket pass roun' fo'
de frien's I see here to-night gets tired and
goes out. I'd like to have a prayer from
some of you, one or two, as you's moved,
but I doan' want no dry prayer ! De Lord
doan' want any ! Suppose one of you come
to me an' say, ' Brother Brockus, I's in a
heap of trouble ; I mus' have a little help !
Can't you — someway — make out, and let
me have a few dollars to-night ? ' An' I
look in you' face and see de tears streamin'
down, and distress shore 'nough, an' I say,
quick an' brisk, ' Yes, I reckon I can ! '
I jus' han' it out, right now ! But you come
along 'nother time an' say de same thing,
428
IN THE M. E. AFRICAN.
an' I looks up, see all calm — all dry — no
trouble runnin'over de eyelids — none at all —
an' I say, ' Go 'long about your business.
I got nothin' for you.' An' so, bredren —
so, I tell you — de Lord want tears! De
Lord want tears ! "
A nod to Brother Jackson in one of the
" eave " pews, and the latter dropped on
his knees, his monstrous shoulders and up-
lifted arms seeming bulwarks, indeed, for
weaker souls to look to.
" We has assembled dis evenin', oh
Lord, for de purpose of washin' up ! Oh-h,
help, dis evenin', to washup in spirit and in
truf ! Thou has' promise, if we come axin'
for faith, thou'll give it out to us. Oh-h,
give it out to us dis evenin', and be our
rock and our shelter in a mighty storm !
Oh-h-h Lord, unloose de shackles dis evenin' !
Ef any mohner try to get out o' prison dis
evenin', unloose de prison do' ! Oh-h-h,
save right now ! Fight de battles for us !
Oh-h, walk up an' down dis little place till
de wicked men an' dyin' women, los' in de
desert, gets save from shipwreck, and sail
safe in de vineyard forever mo' ! Oh-h !
help "em make dere 'scape dis evenin' !
Help thy mouf-piece in de pulpit to hoi' up
de blood-stain' banner King Emmanull !
Oh-h, help wake up these sleepers here, but
show mercy, too ! Give dese sinners an
almighty shake over hell, BUT DEFER DE
DREADFUL DROP ! "
The prayer went on, but, as one appeal
followed another, Brudder Jackson's en-
treaty strengthened into a shout, his voice
into a roar, and the roar deepened into the
bellowing of the beasts of the woods.
Would he tear himself limb from limb with
these wild contortions, those frantic, tossing
gestures, that wrenching of the breath from
the depths of quivering lungs ? Could
Heaven's ear itself gather one wish whole
out of the deafening confusion of indescrib-
able cries, shrieks, wails, amens, " n'ha's "
and " n'ho's " that shot up like rockets from
every side, and followed in the train of the
prayer, a hideous din ?
Horror, and a sense of the inexpressibly
absurd, strove for the mastery in poor Flit's
face, and she stretched out a dainty hand
with a quivering grasp — but the prayer
came to an end and the saints in the for-
ward seats began to stir.
" Are they going away ? Have they
finished ?" whispered Flit. But no! The
brethren were forming along the chancel in
two open lines, like a picket fence with a
lane between, and the sisters, headed by
Aunt Miriam, were sailing down the middle
in single file, shaking hands " in love " with
every brother as they went. On they
moved, one following the other, slowly at
first, but with a quicker and quicker step,
and the clasp must have proved sweeter
with every touch, for there was no stopping
when the round of the lines was made. It
was only to begin again, this time back-
ward, forward, or round about, no one
could tell how, for, as hearts grew warm,
shoulders began to sway and feet to spring.
Springs quickened into leaps, the leaps
rocked to one side and then to the other of
the charcoal file. The brethren could not with-
stand that, and inspiration also seized their
limbs, till the whole array melted and broke
into a wild confusion of swinging, leaping
and plunging forms, with gay shawls, black
faces, shoulders, head-handkerchiefs and
grasping hands, mingled in one mad dance.
Brudder Brockus had stood at the head
of the line, getting the first ;' shake " from
every sister as she made her start, but he
was lost now, though still alive somewhere
in the war-dance, for his holy " ha ! ha ! "
came ringing up from among the " n'ha's,"
" n'ho's," snatches of song and deafening
shouts that completed the melee. On it
went ; Flit was snatching at us for another
grasp, and the cloud of dust from the
stamping, plunging feet was thickening till
the saints seemed vanishing out of sight.
But either breath failed, or Brother Brockus-
cried " enough ! " at last. The storm lulled
away to a gale of wind, then to half a gale ;
the half-gale rocked slowly down to a calmr
and the panting lovers stole one by one ex-
hausted to their seats.
" Yes ! There he is ! He's alive ! " gasped
Flit, as Brother Brockus, with protruding
eyeballs and trembling hand, emerged
from the cloud; but the eyeballs fell on the
contribution-basket, and he sprang once
more to work. The bread and water were
quickly passed to each participant in the
dance, and the love-feast was complete.
" Now, bredren ! " and the white necktier
miraculously preserved, looked over the
edge of the desk once more. " We's got to
have a little contribution taken up here to-
night. Ef dese frien's have de kindness to
wait while de basket pass roun', we'll enter-
tain 'em wid a few songs, which I hopes
will also wake up some po' sinner an' bring
him home to res'. A pretty good collec-
tion we want 'is time, too. Our dear pre-
siding elder done gone home to glory dis
week, and we's called on to help his 'flicted
IN THE M. E. AFRICAN.
429
family lef ' behin', lef behirf, bredren !
Never took 'em wid him. How dey's
gwine to get along now?" And Brother
Jackson and another pillar stepped forward
to the basket.
" What are they doing ? Aren't they
going round with it ? " asked Flit, who
already had her " two bits " pinched between
her fingers. Evidently they were not.
The table was cleared, the basket placed
upon it, while Brother Brockus, leaning
over the desk, started a " spirityubble " song,
with a hawk's eye fixed on the receptacle
below :
" Oh, what you reckon de debbil say ?
CHO. (Keep inchin' along ! Keep inchin' along!)
De Lord's asleep an' your God gone away !
(Keep inchin' along ! Keep inchin' along!)
" Stan' "right still an' study you'self,
(Keep inchin' along! Keep inchin' along!)
God's gwine to move dis ark himself.
(Keep inchin' along ! Keep inchin' along ! ) "
The song was caught up in full chorus,
Brudder Brockus beat time with an excited
sweep, and one by one his flock arose and,
marching to the table, dropped in their
offering, while the " pillars " watched that
no pilfering finger found anything sticking to
it as it came away, and the hawk-eye glance
from the desk watched pillars and all.
" But aren't they coming to us ? " whis-
pered Miss Flit once more.
She need not have been anxious. The
arm of Brother Brockus that was not needed
for beating time had slipped under the
desk, and, without disturbing a ripple of the
song, had whisked out a basket of extra
gorgeousness, and passed it to a " light man,"
who, almost as pale and straight-featured
as the " visitors " to whose seats he brought
it, was still evidently one and the same with
the blackest of his " color." Flit dropped
in her two bits, the rest of the company
followed, and the rounds seemed complete.
Brother Brockus struck up another song,
the flock joined in wild accord, cries of
" Come, sinner ! Aint you coming ? " crashed
discordantly in, and the dust began to fly
again, but Brother Jackson and his mate
were steadily counting up the returns, and
piling bits and quarters in separate heaps —
with Brother Brockus's unswerving eye still
sharp upon them.
" How you make it ? " he caught a breath
to ask.
The answer was whispered back, and the
song came to an end.
" I's obliged to say, bredren, I doesn't feel
satisfied with dis collection, so far. I make
up my mind I want 'bout ten dollars to-night
— dere's some other little 'spenses of de
church, besides de family I mention — an'
it's only six an' a quarter yet ! We have to
try once mo'. Don't be backward, bredren.
'Bout ten dollars what I like to have to-
night, 'fo' we part. And de anxious seat
waiting! De kingdom all open ! Hope dere'll
be one po' sinner come to-night ! " and
once more Brudder Brockus's arm beat
wildly the measure of his song.
" Wise man ! Wise man ! Don't delay !
Foolish lady! Foolish lady! Come!"
The cries and shouts rose louder than
before, mingled with the boots of saints
beating time to the song, and the shoes of
sinners moving one by one toward the
door. Flit turned with a beseeching look
of distress.
" Oh, this is dreadful ! Can't we get
away ? See ! Some of them are beginning
to go ! "
We needed no second appeal. We had
gasped for every flap of the green window-
curtain for an hour, and the sense of suffo-
cation was growing equally strong on heart
and soul. In another moment we were at
the door, and sprang toward the open air.
Black figures were pressing in and out and
the chant from the inside followed us; it
was but a step to our hotel, but we glanced
hesitatingly out under the low, shadowing
branches of the water-oaks.
" See you 'cross de way, ladies ? " asked
a respectful voice at our side, and, starting,
we beheld Robert, the faithful porter of
the drawing-room car in which we had
come. He had come " home " to take
charge of a young orange grove for a former
master.
" A very good thing dey made no noise
to-night," Robert quietly observed.
" Made no noise ! " we repeated, in ex-
cited tones.
" Not quite yet. 'Bout de middle o'
next week dey'll begin, when Brudder
Brockus commence on his revival. He like
better defer a little longer till de hotel close,
but he been here three months now, an' de
church gettin' restless fo' him to show what
him can do."
43°
LA SONNAMBULA.
LA SONNAMBULA.
UNDER the great pine-tree, with its wind-
harps sounding in my ears through the quiet
noonday, I am trying to read Motley,
though I would rather wear it. It is my
duty to read, to prepare myself for my essay
on " Race and Climate." But it seems to
me that, like Bottom, "I have an exposition
of sleep come upon me " ; and as for climate,
this delicious June day was not made for phil-
osophizing upon, but for feeling and drinking
in at every pore. The little white clouds
are blinking at me through the branches,
and the birds are considering me curiously,
with sidelong glances of their sparkling eyes,
and the hammock is swinging, yes, swing-
ing, to-and-fro-swinging, yes, swinging to
and But what is this ? the wild-
est of rocky gorges, at the foot -of Mt.
Ventour? We have just dined — have we
not ? — on eels and raisins, trout, chicken, and
nougat, at the odd little inn of " Petrarch
et Laure," in the brick-paved, rough dining-
room, adorned with wooden portraits of
those ancient lovers. If Laura looked like
that, wonderful was the love of Petrarch !
The green sparkling waters of the Sorgues
are rushing past us down the ravine, which
every moment grows more savage and
lonely, as if it were winding into the very
roots of the mountains. As we climb up the
rocky path, between wild broken cliffs,
where, far up above, the gloomy castle
frowns in which Laura dwelt, lo! a weird
little dwarf, deformed and grimacing and
unpleasant, begins to gibber at us strangely.
He is surely the right man in the right place
for picturesque effect, as he starts from be-
hind an angle of rock. But our guide does
not seem to think so, for she answers him in
her singular patois, jabbering in return, and
indignantly waves him away. We think he
is a rival guide, but we can understand but
one of her words, " Ivrogne ! "
How the strong little river darts and
swirls along among the rocks that are tum-
bled upon it, and finds its way, as we all do, to
light and freedom among obstacles that would
seem insurmountable : under, over, leaping,
sliding, waiting, till it reaches the wider
valley below ! Now the precipices close in
on us on all sides, and rise higher in front,
and there seems no egress from this cut de
sac. How did Petrarch ever reach that in-
accessible castle, perched on the crags so
high? But below the great wall of rock
that fronts us is an emerald pool that bub-
bles up in wavering light from the white
sand below. It is the fountain of Vaucluse 1
No ! what was I saying ? what did you
say ? We are in the pretty theater at
Weimar ; the good-natured duke and dumpy
duchess sit on high in their box, with sons
and daughters, but their eyes, and all other
eyes, are fixed upon one man. The house rings
with his name, and with shouts and cries ;
the bouquets and wreaths fly about him like
rain, and Liszt stands in his Abb6's coat,
quiet and happy, and crowns with his wreaths
the bust of Beethoven, for it is his fete that
Liszt has honored with his presence, and we
are still reeling and spinning with the intoxi-
cation of the Ninth Symphony.
Did I say a theater ? Surely it is a field
full of orchis, and purple sage, and golden
globe ranunculus, and we are knee-deep in
grass and flowers, beside such a lazy little
stream. But as the May sunshine falls on
the rippling grasses, they turn to waves, and
I hear them dashing over the sternest, lone-
liest coast in the world. It is the eleventh
of November, a true summer's day of St.
Martin, that sweet saint, _who divided his
cloak with a beggar, and could even pity
the devil and hope for his salvation. Far
and near the sun flashes on the blue and
green and purple of the sea. We look
down the great cliffs, a dizzy height, and
hear the wild cries of the choughs and gulls,
and the long waves, as they roll in from the
Atlantic, breaking in foam and spray upon
the rocks far below, and rushing into the
dark clefts and fantastic sea caves. Bowl-
ders and islet rocks, of strange forms and
still stranger Cornish names, stand boldly
off the shore. We gather speedwell, daisies,
and wild pansies on the downs, near to a
little cabin, " the last house in England,"
from whence issue forth a little man and
woman, like those in Cowper's " weather
house, that useful toy," and they offer us
photographs and minerals to buy, for a me-
morial of Land's End. It is a strange place.
Far away the Scilly Isles, those outposts of
England, are dimly seen; landward, on the
hills, the tall creaking machinery of the
miners looms against the sky, like great
instruments of torture ; little birds they call
"tinners" flit pass me, and my eyes wander off
to sea as if to cross it, thinking of absent ones
of home, home — and we are no longer here !
LA SONNAMBULA.
It is a lonely, grass-grown square, so
calm, so pensive ! the sun shines as if he
never wished to shine in any other spot.
The wonderful creamy white buildings, un-
changed in that gentle sunshine and sweet
air, stand in their quiet glory, as they have
stood so long ; the leaning tower flings its
long shadow across the old grass-grown
pavement. It is dreamlike, tender, and
delicious, like no other spot on earth. We
climb the white tower and look down over
the bright plains of Lombardy and trace the
windings of the Po; we enter the sacred
cloister and look upon its mystic pictures
and its hallowed grass-plot; we hear the
grand echoes in the Baptistery that have
sounded there so many centuries, and —
How strange ! we are gazing down upon
the sea again, over a foreground of gorse
and a tangle of ferns, brambles, and broom.
The sun floods the sea and the cliffs. Below,
the tiny village of Lynmouth is huddled
beside the stream, that loses itself on a
stony beach, where the queer little light-
house stands. Behind us from among the
majestic hills of Exmoor, twin glens come
sweeping down, each with its wild mountain
stream ; grand headlands inclose the bay,
and the lonely enchanted Valley of Rocks
winds away behind the shores, overhung
with fantastic forms of cliff and bowlder.
But this is surely Paris ! Yes ! the long
rows of closed magazines tell that the siege
is near, and so do the little shops, with
their shopkeepers, men and women, without
customers, asleep behind their counters.
The Bois de Boulogne is filled with a sea
of tossing heads and horns of cattle, and
great flocks of sheep as far as the eye can
see, graze under the trees, and the sun shines
upon the yellow dust that their hoofs are
raising. A regiment of soldiers passes
through the street, singing the Marsellaise
with their hoarse voices.
"Dieu merci! Il-y-a des veterans!" screams
a shop girl, running forward.
Her scream changes to a long musical
shout, and we are back again in Cornwall,
standing upon those great downs that over-
look the sea. Away near the horizon the
water is strangely agitated and shining with
short ripples. The great shoals of fish, the
pilchards, are coming in! The "Huers"
stand on the hills watching, and giving
notice of their motions, by clear ringing
cries. Below is the queer little town of St.
Ives, with its picturesque headlands, and all
is buzzing and humming, for there has been
one great haul of fish, and there will soon
be another. More than " seven wives " are
there, and all the cats; women in short
petticoats are running about, and the streets
are slippery with fish-scales. Below the
promontory and the fort swarms the fish-
market with crowds of fishermen and sail-
ors in their sea-going rig, and there the little
vessels lie making ready and mending nets
and sails. There is a great excitement at
St. Ives.
I pass from the market-place, but it is not
that one, but another, and the fishermen
have changed to market-women in high
Norman caps, and they are chattering over
bright heaps of peaches and grapes. It is
night-fall as I enter the dark, solemn cathe-
dral; vespers are over, and all is empty and
quiet. One priest is gliding about, saying
mass at a distant altar, whose candles shed
long shadows across the pillared aisles.
The last faint rays of twilight glimmer
through the rose window, — not a sound
breaks the stillness. I cannot but kneel
there, and pray for the distant and the dear.
Thank God, I can do that anywhere, — in
cathedral or forest aisle.
How did I come to be upon this lofty
mountain in Switzerland ? The cathedral
was lonely and still, but here is solitude in-
expressible ; depths of stillness, heights of
quiet and calm, as on a mount of Trans-
figuration. A girl lies near me asleep upon
the short, flowery grass, wrapped in a scar-
let cloak. Eight grand glaciers, not far
away, pour their icy streams into one, so
vast, so pure, that words cannot express its
fiery glow, its penciled shadows, its spark-
ling pinnacles, its green depths. One of
them seems to stop suddenly, a frozen Ni-
agara ; the rest, in exquisite grace, slope and
wave and splinter into the lovely manifold
forms that ice alone has learned to seek.
Beyond are the beautiful, the terrible mount-
ains, the snow-peaks gleaming against the
blue, where clouds and glory flying across,
now shroud and now reveal, and make
every moment splendid with a new crea-
tion. There they stand, Monte Rosa, the
Twins, Lyskamm, and the rest of those
great, still forms, that hardly seem to belong
to this world. To the right, the weird and
witchlike Matterhorn, strangest and most
uncanny of mountains, plays hide and seek
through the hooded mists, and seems so
near that one might touch it. Near by a
lakelet glitters, and nearer a patch of pure
snow, and all around the short grass is
covered with the tiny, brilliant, alpine flow-
ers. Never are such colors seen elsewhere,
432
LA SONNAMBULA.
nor can our fields and gardens show such
intensity of pink and blue, of crimson and
gold. They glow and glisten like metals
and gems, the true jewels of the mountain-
tops, and show such hues in the pure air
and light as others alone display under the
rays of the setting sun, while each tiny
creature is as perfect as if it were the only
one in the world, the specimen upon which
all the art of Nature, all the love of God
had been lavished. To be thus alone upon
the heights is most solemn and sweet, for
one seems to be in the secret, and to see
that He hath done all things well.
One figure moves slowly about in the dis-
tance (he must be a mile away, though he
looks so near), and taps the rocks with a
hammer, then disappears over a hillock.
Perhaps it is Mr. Tyndall himself! Cow-
bells tinkle below, and now the soft gray
creatures come slowly along, followed by a
cowherd, who stops to talk with our guide.
He is a ragged fellow, rustic and simple,
with stockings inconceivably coarse. The
girl awakes, no longer tired, and we share
with these simple boys our bread and wine.
They dilute it with water, — the thin, sour
liquid, — to make it go farther, and enjoy it
highly. Then the boy milks a cow, and
gives us a drink, while the gentle, large-
eyed animals gaze on us with curiosity. He
joes off, calling, Bio ! bio ! bio !
" What does that mean ? "
" It is a country word to call the cows,"
says our guide.
Quick as lightning I have seen and felt
all these details, and now the scene changes
to a narrow, cool cleft in a rocky coast of
Massachusetts. Beyond, at the end of the
long aisle, the sea shines in with living
green, crossed with purple shadows from
the flying clouds. The tide beats slowly to
and fro, with a gentle plash upon the peb-
bly bottom, and dashes louder upon the
rocks without, and the gulls rise and fall
upon the waves, and whistle their strange,
wild call, as they fly across the opening with
white flapping wings. The girl in the red
cloak is here, too, and we are reading
Spenser, — for what else could we be reading
then and there ? — of the fair garden of
Adonis, and of the birth of Belphcebe, and
Amoret, and yet —
I stand at sunrise on the highest point of
the most wonderful cathedral of the world
and see hosts of snowy statues shining with
the same rosy, alpine glow that is lighting
the snow mountains upon the horizon. Sud-
denly, a shower glitters around us that
quickly passing away, leaves across Montt
Rosa a divine rainbow, glory upon glory
light upon light. The rich plains, the lakes
the city spread out below us, are all variousl)
beautiful; but I can look at nothing bu
the mountain and the bow, for such a visior
is seldom vouchsafed to us here.
The great roof and its silent population i;
gone, and, from the brow of Overlook, I se<
lovely valleys spread out as on a map, anc
the Hudson winds through them, gleaming
On all sides the mountains rise and inter
lock together, shining in all the softest shade:
of blue, like flowers. — campanula, forget-me
not, violet, and periwinkle. On one side ol
the great glen in front the noonday pours
and deep shadow lies on the other ; whit<
villages gleam in winding vales ; there is nc
fairer view in all the land.
Ah ! what a change ! In Seven Dials, ir
the heart of London, I am surrounded bj
the stolid, dull faces of the poor, that mak<
my heart sick with their utter vacuity anc
ignorant patience ; and yet, is it not in ou:
own city of New York that I am, among th<
eager faces of these sharp, ragged street
children, crowding round me from thei;
school benches to ask for flowers? Alas
how little do they know of flowers! Bu
all things seem to be waving and changing
before my eyes. We land upon St. Michael';
Mount, under the fine old castle, and th<
devil whispers to the boatman, " Take, ol
boatman, thrice thy fee," and he does i
willingly, for we are green. And Hilda';
tower stands at the head of the narrow
Roman street, but some one calls it th<
Monkey's tower, and the castle of Heidel-
berg looks down upon the quaint street;
and houses of Nuremberg, and Oxford's
fairest colleges, and — where am I ? I have
not been asleep ! " strange countries foi
to see!" I have only been thinking 2
little, and trying to read here, under the
pine-tree, and swinging, swinging, swing —
No ! I am not going to sleep again ! ]
am NOT !
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
433
THE DOMINION OF CANADA. III.
THE GREAT NORTH-WEST.
A SNOW-STORM IN THE MATAPEDIAC VALLEY.
IN 1867, the old British North American
Provinces became confederated into a
Dominion — whatever that word may mean.
Previously neither Upper nor Lower Canada
had access to the sea during winter, except
through the United States. Then they
got a frontage on the Atlantic, with the har-
bors of St. John, Halifax and a few score
more, and a maritime element in virtue of
which the Dominion takes rank as the fifth
maritime power in the world. True, the
connection between the Provinces on the
sea and the inland Provinces is by rather
a roundabout and rocky strip of country.
" Union is strength," urged the advocates of
confederation ; " for example, look at sepa-
rate sticks bound into a fagot." "Very
good," was the answer, " but will the argu-
ment hold if you tie a number of fishing-
rods together by their ends ? " The State
VOL. XX.— 29.
JUNCTION OF MATAPEDIAC AND RESTIGOUCHE RIVERS.
434
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
of Maine runs up like a huge wedge, all
but splitting asunder the Province of New
Brunswick from Quebec, approaching so
near the St. Lawrence that, for a consider-
able distance, the international boundary is
only from twenty-six to thirty miles distant
from the river. The Inter-colonial Rail-
way that now links the maritime with the in-
land Provinces has, in consequence, to sweep
round to the north shore of New Brunswick,
and find its way to Quebec by the Resti-
gouche and the gorges of the Matapediac.
It's an ill wind that blows nobody good, and
this almost semi- circular sweep of the railway
has proved convenient for the gentlemen
who whip the Matapediac in the salmon sea-
son. The Matapediac and Cascapedia are
magnificent rivers for tourists and fishermen.
Their pools, deep, cool and clear, lying
under the shadows of enfolding mountains,
ravish the sportsman's heart. And, if you
are un-British enough not to think killing
some of God's beautiful creatures the great-
est delight possible to man, it may be enjoy-
ment sufficient to wander over the hills, or by
the river banks the long summer day, and
" no think lang " as, from the shore or a
canoe, you watch the great thumping forty-
pounders taking their ease at the bottom of
the pools, scarcely deigning to move when you
disturb them, or only flashing for a moment
in and out among their fellows. Accessibility
to the best sporting grounds is, however,
rather a slim financial return to the Domin-
ion for two hundred miles of additional rail-
way, as the Minister of Railways has found
out by this time.
In spite of the narrowness of the ribbon
of land by which Central Canada connects
with the Atlantic, Upper Canadians hailed
with rapture the confederation that gave
them an ocean front. The creation of the
new Dominion was accompanied with an
uprising of national sentiment, instructive
as showing that the colonists felt that they
were getting out of the merely colonial
position. " Canada first " societies sprang
into existence all over the west. Though
these could not last, for they had no defi-
nite political aim or work, and mere " testi-
fying " is apt to become monotonous, their
formation revealed the deepest sentiments
of young Canadians. Canada had got to
the Atlantic on one side. Every one felt
that the next step must be to the Pacific on
the other side. On a small map that next
step did not appear so very ambitious, but
— as Lord Salisbury advised with reference
to Asia — take a big map, and look at the
size of the old Provinces of Canada com-
pared with the size of the rest of British
America, and you get some notion of what
t involved. It meant that the Dominion
aimed at annexing nearly half a continent,
a region about eight times as big as itself,
and of which it knew next to nothing. If
a good appetite is a sign of health, confeder-
ation had made Canada surprisingly healthy.
This vast and almost unknown region — if it
belonged to any one but the Indians, half-
breeds and buffaloes — belonged to the
Hudson's Bay Company as far west as the
summit of the Rocky Mountains. There,
where the fountains and streamlets trickle
toward the Pacific instead of to the Arctic
and Atlantic, begins the Province of British
Columbia, which extends over multitudinous
and interlaced snow-clad mountains down
the slope to the Pacific, and there reaches
across the Gulf of Georgia to include the
island that last century was thought worthy
to bear the name of that stout navigator,
Captain Vancouver. With great lightness
of heart, Canada bought up the Hudson's
Bay Company's rights in the North-west;
then a bargain was lightly made with Brit-
ish Columbia, which induced her to cast
in her lot with the new Dominion. From
that day to this, the question in Canada
has been, how shall we carry out the bar-
gain with British Columbia ? That ques-
tion has made and unmade our ministries.
It lies at the bottom of our tariff questions,
and throws its shadow over our future. It
is our Gordian knot, and the harder we try
to unloose or cut it, the worse it gets. The
fact is, that the bargain turned out to be im-
possible of fulfillment. One of its terms —
the principal term — was that Canada should
construct a railway in ten years from her
existing railways to the Pacific. Though the
terms were afterward modified and the time
extended, the bargain is still so completely
beyond our means that, if pressed, there can
be only the one issue of Dominion bank-
ruptcy. It might be supposed that the
British Columbians, being partners in the
confederacy, would dislike such a fate as
much as other Canadians. " For," as one
of their own commissioners put it, "not even
Shylock would have demanded his pound
of flesh if it had to be cut from his own
body." But no; they, or the gentlemen
who undertake to represent them, are fear-
less. Their cry is, let justice be done,
though the heavens should fall; and to
them justice means immediate expenditures
of money within their own borders, and the
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
435
purchase by Government of lands secured
by gentlemen with a view to the railway
.terminus and track. Canada is doing her
best to cairry out the spirit of the bargain.
From one point of view, she is doing more
than she undertook. The truth is. that
the original covenant contained mutually
inconsistent clauses. The railway was to be
commenced at both ends in two and to be
completed in ten years, but our taxation
was not to be increased in order to build it.
In other words, we undertook to learn to
swim, and undertook, at the same time, not
to go into the water. The land-holders and
their friends on the Pacific resolutely look
only at the first part of the covenant ; and
what makes the situation irresistibly com-
ical is that these same gentlemen urge the
Dominion Parliament to exclude Chinamen
Ottawa River and the plains of the North-
west; that nobody lived in the North-west;
and, worst of all, that no one knew
anything to speak of about the mountain-
ranges and the passes which intervened
between the plains and the Pacific, or about
the harbors supposed to be at the head of
every fjord on the Pacific coast. The
mistake Canada made was in being too
sanguine in her calculations ; but remem-
ber, his Lordship significantly added to
the British Columbians, " the blame for
concluding a bargain impossible of fulfill-
ment cannot be confined to only one of
the parties to it. The mountains which
have proved our stumbling-block Avere your
own mountains, and within your own ter-
ritory, and it is impossible to forget that
yourselves are by no means without responsi-
VALLEY OF THE MATAPEDIAC.
from British Columbia, though without Chi-
nese labor the railway could not be built
through the Cascades and Rocky Mountains
Adoring this century or the next. Inquiring
minds may ask: How came Canadian
public men to pledge themselves so lightly
to a physical and financial impossibility ?
Lord Dufferin made answer in British
Columbia somewhat as follows : At the
time, the finances of Canada were flour-
ishing, her revenue was expanding, and
the discovery of her great North-west had
inflamed her imagination. It had come to
be considered that a railway could be flung
across the Rocky Mountains as readily as
across a hay-field. Difficulties were over-
looked. Men apparently forgot that a
boiled-up-sea of rugged Laurentian rocks
extended for a thousand miles between the
bility for the miscarriage of the time terms of
the compact." The force of every part of
this answer is undoubted, but convincing
reasons are poor substitutes for fat contracts,
and therefore it is not to be wondered at that
some of the British Columbians loudly
threaten secession.
We are committed to a Canada Pacific
Railway. Our various provinces must be
bound together by iron. No one wants to
escape from the bond, but we object to com-
mitting suicide in attempting the impossible.
Authorities are not clear as to the best ter-
minus. The engineers are not clear as to the
best passes, though the mountains have been
crowded with their mule-trains and theodo-
lites for years. But the greatest difficulty is
in the background. If our North-west, the
country north of our boundary line, between
436
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
the ninety-fifth and the hundred and fifteenth
degrees of longitude, is not capable of sus-
taining a large population and is not to be
peopled speedily, it would be a thousand
times better to let the mountain and island
Province on the Pacific depart in peace and
at once. On the fitness of the North-west
on this side of the Rocky Mountains for be-
ing the abode of millions depends our future.
The experiment is now being tried, suc-
cessive governments doing their utmost, and
the people seconding their efforts with a
heartiness inexplicable to those who do not
understand the power of national sentiment.
Only gamblers, however, risk everything on
an untried experiment, and the Dominion
cannot afford to stake its existence even on
the North-west. It is the key to the posi-
tion, and there must be no doubt that it can
open the lock.
In the two preceding articles I sketched
the military, social and political history of
the older Provinces of Canada. This article
deals with new Canada, those vast regions
to the north-west that have no history.
Long inaccessible to all but the hardy ex-
plorers who pushed into its virgin solitudes
to hunt buffalo and trap beaver, it is now
thrown wide open. My only qualification
for attempting a description is that seven
years ago I traveled across it, getting a bird's-
eye view from the saddle that enables me to
read intelligently the writings of others.
Captain Butler gave the name of " The
Great Lone Land " to the country that
drains by the Red and Saskatchewan rivers
into Lake Winnipeg, and thence by the
Nelson River into Hudson's Bay, and event-
ually into the Atlantic. Away to the farther
north-west again is another region equally
vast, draining by the Peace and Mackenzie
rivers into the Arctic Ocean, that he calls
" The Wild North Land." Those two re-
gions constitute our North-west. For 200
years they were popularly known in England
as " Rupert's Land," from that Prince Ru-
pert of the Rhine who dashed his fiery Cava-
liers into useless spray on Cromwell's Iron-
sides. To him, and a company of associates
called " The Governor and Company of
Adventurers of England trading into Hud-
son's Bay," Charles II. gave a charter that
constituted them proprietors of territories of
wonderfully mis-defined extent, on condition
that they paid to the King " two elks and two
black beavers, whensoever and as often as
we, our heirs and successors, shall happen to
enter into the said countries, territories and
regions hereby granted." The King of Eng-
land claimed those wildernesses, though un-
able to define their boundaries, on the
grounds that Cabot, Grand Pilot to King
Henry VII., first discovered Hudson's
Bay ; that Martin Frobisher and Cap-
tain Davis made voyages there; and that
Henry Hudson " took possession of them in
the name of the King of England, traded
with the salvages, and gave English names"
to coasts and bays and headlands nameless
before. All those famous old-world sailors
made these discoveries while seeking for a
north-west passage to China and Cathay.
But while the King of England claimed the
North-west on such grounds, the King of
France claimed the whole of North America,
from the St, Lawrence to the Pole, by reason
of the actual possession of Canada. Look-
ing on the English as intruders, even when
they confined themselves to the coast line
of Hudson's Bay, French Canadians fell
upon them, and broke up the forts and
factories that the company had established
for trading with the Indians. These sta-
tions were, indeed, restored to Britain at the
Peace of Utrecht. The company re-occu-
pied them, but did not penetrate far into the
interior. They hung about the Albany,
Nelson and Churchill rivers on the frozen
shores of James and Hudson's Bays. The
discoverers of the great lone land watered
by the Red and Saskatchewan rivers were
not the agents of the company, but the
gallant Verendryes, unaided by country or
company. Peter Gaultier de Varenne, Sieur
de la Verendrye, is one of those heroic
figures that well deserve to be rescued from
obscurity and hung up in our national gal-
lery. He fought at Malplaquet, and, ac-
cording to the testimony of the Marshal de
Contades, among comrades " who them-
selves did wonders," his valor shone con-
spicuously. Left for dead on the field
where France suffered a glorious defeat, he
recovered, and his lieutenancy was given
him as a reward for bravery. Allured, like
other cadets of noble families, by the distant
enchantments of au unexplored continent,
he found his way out to Canada. While
in command of a trading post on the north
of Lake Superior, he hears from Indians of
a river that flowed to the west. He leaps
to the conclusion that this must be the long-
desired Riviere du Couchant that would lead
the explorer to that Grand Ocean of the
West on the other side of which was China.
He laid the matter before the Governor,
but France, bleeding at every pore after her
long wars on the Rhine and the Low
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
437
MANITOBA DOG TRAIN. — DOWN BRAKES !
Countries, could give no money, even to
further an enterprise that promised to lift
the veil from the ends of the earth. Ve-
rendrye thereupon girded himself for the
glorious undertaking. He had four sons
and a nephew inspired with his own spirit.
They built forts on Rainy Lake, and the
Lake of the Woods — the beautiful sheet of
water memorable as the starting-point for a
boundary line in every treaty between Brit-
ain and the States, and which divides the
thousand miles of rugged Laurentian rocks
to the east from the thousand miles of fertile
alluvial that extends westerly to the Rocky
Mountains. From this point they extended
their forts along the Winnipeg, Red and
Assineboine rivers, and traded all over
the Winnipeg basin. What they gained
by trading they devoted to further explora-
tions. To extend the dominion and com-
merce of France to the Grand Ocean was
their aim. Inspired by the heroic lieutenant
who, a quarter of a century before, had been
left on the terrible fiel$ of Malplaquet
covered with nine wounds, they patiently
endured privations and dared dangers that
few can imagine except those who know
something of the climate and the distances
of the North-west. All five were heroes, and
they obeyed the greatest hero. He was
their brain and soul. He taught them how
to prepare maps, when to march, and what
to do in emergencies. He led the advance
and secured their base; made friends with
powerful and warlike Indian tribes, opened
trails, stimulated the zeal of faint-hearted
engages, and superintended the whole enter-
prise. One son with his party of twenty-
one men, including the inevitable Jesuit, was
massacred by the Sioux on an island of the
Lake of the Woods. At the same time that
the news of this disaster reached the father,
he heard also of the death of the nephew
who had been his right hand from the be-
ginning. But neither delays nor disasters
could break the spirit of Verendrye. He
sent his remaining sons on new and more
adventurous expeditions. As they said, "He
marched and made us march in such a
way that we should have reached our goal,
wherever it might be found, had we been
better aided." They penetrated south-
westerly to the Upper Missouri and its
tributaries, reaching the Mandan Indians
whom Catlin has made so familiar to us;
and on a subsequent expedition the Cheva-
lier and his brother, accompanied by two
other Frenchmen, pushed on by the Yellow-
stone to the Rocky Mountains, being the
first to discover the country that Lewis and
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
Clark, in the beginning of the nineteenth
century, with a numerous troop in the
pay of the United States Government (and
Fremont afterward), became celebrated all
over America for rediscovering. They actu-
ally saw rising in the far distance the long,
silver-tipped range of the Rocky Mountains,
from the tops of which they believed the
western sea could be beheld ; but, just as
they felt success within their grasp, their
Indian allies forced them to return. Still
actuated by the hope of solving the problem
of this long-desired western sea, they pene-
trated north-westerly to the Saskatchewan
and the Athabasca.
While Verendrye and his sons were wear-
ing their lives out in far distant wilder-
nesses for the glory of the King and the
welfare of the colony, enemies at Quebec
ceased not to insinuate that their sole aim
was to make a great fortune from the
beaver trade, and scouted their discoveries
as travelers' tales. Wearied with sacrificing
his own fortune and his children's lives,
pressed by sickness and creditors, he gave
up the contest, and, returning, resigned his
charge into the hands of the Governor.
His poverty, and the subsequent failures of
others who tried to bend his bow, silenced
his enemies. The ministry at length became
convinced that " discoveries cause greater
expenses, and expose to greater fatigues
and greater dangers, than do open wars " ;
but as they began to give scant measures
of justice to the old hero, and as he began
to prepare for the renewal of the enterprise
on which his heart was set, death came and
took from New France the last of her great
explorers, one worthy to rank with Cham-
plain and La Salle. Eleven years after his
death, Quebec ceased to belong to France.
The transfer of Canada to Britain struck a
severe blow at the trade of the North-west.
For a time those far distant plains were
forgotten. Many of the old French com-
mandants retired from their posts. Adven-
turous coureurs des bois took the place of
the regular organization that Verendrye
had established. But the trade was too
tempting to be left long in such hands.
The North-west Company, consisting of
Canadian merchants with their head-quar-
ters in Montreal, took it up, and prosecuted
both trade and discovery with astonishing
vigor. Their voyageurs and surveyors
spread ^themselves over the northern half
of the Continent, from Minnesota to Oregon,
from Lake Superior to the two Saskatche-
wans, and thence north to the Arctic and
north-west to Alaska. The names ol
Alexander Henry, David Thompson am
Sir Alexander Mackenzie still live in th<
rivers, passes and posts of the North-west
and their journals show that they wer<
worthy successors of the Verendryes. Dur
ing all this time, the Hudson's Bay Compan;
had confined their operations pretty mucl
to their original field around the frozen coast
but the success of the new company forcec
them to push into the interior. The;
claimed the whole North-west as theirs
under the charter given to Prince Rupert
and denounced the Canadian compan;
as poachers. For years, competition wa
carried on between the two companies, t(
the apparent benefit but real loss of the re(
man. Rival traders sought him out by laki
and river side ; planted posts to suit his con
venience ; coaxed and bribed or bullied hin
not to take his peltries to the oppositioi
shop ; gave him his own price for them
and, what he liked still better, paid the pric<
in rum. The companies armed their serv
ants and voyageurs, and many a time tin
quarrel was fought out in the old-fashione(
way, in remote wildernesses, where n<
courts could interfere. The contest mean
eventual destruction to the Indians and thi
companies, and so, in 1821, the rivals wiseb
agreed to shake hands and amalgamati
into the present Hudson's Bay Company. A
the period of coalition the British company
had thirty-six stations and the Canadiai
had ninety-seven — a pretty good illustratioi
of the energy with which the latter ha(
pushed business. After the amalgamation
the Hudson's Bay Company became th<
sole representative of civilization and Chris
tianity over nearly half a continent, and sol<
monarch, too. Whether judged as a mercan
tile company or a semi-sovereign power, i
challenges our admiration as much as the Eas
Indian, or any other of those great proprie
tary companies to which Britain formerly
owed the extension of her commerce anc
dominion. It paid good dividends to th<
shareholders, and proved that the bes
way of doing so in the long run was bj
benefiting the Indians. The discipline anc
etiquette maintained among the official!
were of the strictest kind, and an esprit d
corps existed between its three thousanc
commissioned and non-commissioned offi
cers, voyageurs and servants such as yoi
find only in the army, or in connection with ar
ancient and honorable service. They treatec
Indians — even Indian prejudices — with re
spect, and this from policy as much as fron
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
439
common justice. I have yet to see the man —
red-skin, yellow-skin, black-skin, or white-skin
— whom it is safe to treat with injustice or con-
tempt. Besides, every Indian in the savage
state has the dignity and self-respect of a
gentleman, almost as much so as the Scottish
Highlander. There will be fewer Indian
wars and atrocities when frontier-men and
Government agents have imagination if not
Christianity sufficient to understand this.
The Hudson's Bay Company did well; but
the fertile plains along the Red River and
the two Saskatchewans could not be kept for-
ever as a preserve for fur-bearing animals.
The company allowed its agents to say
little or nothing about the pastoral and
agricultural capabilities of the country. The
facts about remote stations that chiefly
circulated — such as mercury remaining solid
for months, trees so ice-bound to the heart
that the woodman's axe splintered on them
like glass, the ground frozen so deep that
the warmest summer thawed only the sur-
face— the popular mind applied to the whole
of the North-west. In 1857, a Parliamentary
Committee examined the subject, but found
it difficult to get at all the facts. Among
other witnesses, Sir George Simpson, the
Governor of the company, gave unfavorable
evidence about the country. A member of
the committee, who had dipped into current
literature, called his attention to the fact
that he had described Rainy River in a very
different strain " in his very interesting work
entitled ' A Journey around the World.' "
Sir George appearing somewhat confused,
a friendly member interposed with, " It is
too glowing a description, you think ? "
" Exactly so," answered Sir George, no
doubt sincerely regretting that he had ever
allowed himself to write a book. In 1869,
after long negotiations, Canada bought up
the company's territorial rights for a sum of
money, and perquisites and considerations
that proved that the company had not for-
gotten how to trade. As a monopoly and
semi-sovereign power it then ceased to exist,
though for many a day to come it will be
a great commercial and political power in
the North-west.
When the Dominion acquired the country,
the only district with a population other
than Indian was around Fort Garry, at the
confluence of the Red and Assineboine
rivers. On these rivers some ten thousand
half-breeds, English, Scotch and French,
had settled, a hardy, horse-riding, adven-
ture-loving race, who maintained them-
selves by a little farming and a good deal of
buffalo-hunting. These swarthy sons of the
soil felt that the country was theirs by right
of possession. The Indians believed that
they had a prior claim. Recent immigrants
from Ontario acted as if it was theirs.
When the company, after a bargain made
in London, transferred it to Canada, the
bois-brules broke out into rebellion and mur-
dered a man. On the appearance of Col-
onel— now Sir Garnet — Wolseley, with a body
of regulars and Canadian militia, the rebellion
collapsed. The partially inhabited district
— a mere corner at the door of the North-
west, one hundred and thirty-five miles long
by one hundred and five broad — was formed
into the Province of Manitoba with all the
elaborate apparatus of Parliamentary insti-
tutions; a Governor with $9000 a year,
a Chief Justice, nearly equal in dignity
and salary, local Houses, representation
at Ottawa, and all the rest of it, regardless
of expense. We Canadians are not rich :
the mass of us have to live very economi-
cally to make both ends meet ; but we can
boast that we are the most governed and
the most expensively governed people in the
world. No wonder that almost every one
is a politician, and aspires to a position " in
the Government."
I have sketched the history of the North-
west. The next question is, how to get into
or out of it ? This would have been hard to
answer ten years ago, when no one but a
trapper or well-equipped tourist could have
taken the road. Now, the ordinary emigrant
with his household gods and goods has
no difficulty. There are three routes — the
American, the Canadian and the British.
The first is all rail. The railway has been
completed through Minnesota to the bound-
ary line, and thence to Winnipeg. Winnipeg
the other day was only a sort of back-yard to
Fort Garry, where the Hudson Bay factor or
commissioner lived and reigned in state.
Now, the glory has departed from the com-
pany, and Winnipeg is stretching across the
prairie with the strides of a giant. The
second route is " the Dawson road," from
the north shore of Lake Superior to the
Winnipeg basin. This was the old route
of the North-west Company. To the main
depot at Fort William, on Lake Superior,
came its great canoes from Montreal. At
this distributing point they discharged
freight, and loaded with furs to take back
to Montreal; while the merchandise was
transferred to rather smaller canoes, that
moved into the interior in brigades of from
four to eight. The height of land dividing the
440
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
LOW TIDE, ST. JOHN S HARBOR, N. B.
streams that run into Lake Superior from
those running Winnipeg-way is only about
forty miles north of Superior. Here a wilder-
ness of interlaced lakes or tarns, in granite
basins fringed with dark forest, extends far to
the north, east and west. Canoeing westward
on these lakelets and lacustrine rivers, and
portaging between, we come to the Lake of
the Woods. Out of it flows the river Win-
nipeg, winding among green islets and dash-
ing over primeval rocks in an interminable
series of rapids and cataracts till it reaches
Lake Winnipeg. The railway line now
being constructed along this route is 414
miles long. It will be open about two years
hence, at a cost to the Dominion of eighteen
millions of dollars, and will afford the short-
est and best line between the prairie region
and the navigation of Lake Superior. The
third route is the Nelson River, by which the
Hudson's Bay Company formerly entered the
North-west. A recent number of the " Nine-
teenth Century " review gives a rose-colored
description of the Red River and Saskatch-
ewan plain, and of the possibility of Britain
being supplied with cereals by this ancient
route. For the last two hundred years
vessels have sailed from London past the
Orkney Islands through Hudson's Straits
to York Factory or Port Nelson, with
British goods, returning with peltries.
According to the descriptions of those who
have been privileged to dwell in the neigh-
borhood for a few years, Siberia would be
a pleasant exchange for York Factory. Mr.
Ballantyne describes it as
" A monstrous blot
On a swampy spot,
Within sight of the frozen sea."
Sanguine men expect it to rival Montreal
or even New York some day, because it is
eighty miles nearer Liverpool than New
York is, and not Tar from vast wheat fields
that are to be. There may be " millions
in it," but I am inclined to think that
the chances are not such as to warrant
any immediate expenditure of money.
" Hypothetical geography," says Major
Emory, of the United States Frontier Com-
mission, " is pushed sufficiently far in the
United States." The remark applies equally
well to some British and Canadian descrip-
tions of unknown regions.
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
441
There is no difficulty, then, in getting into
or sending produce out of the North-west.
The people have railway communication,
and will soon be in a position to choose
between competing routes. The wrappings
in which the fair unknown was long swathed
have been removed, and we now can look
upon her open face and gigantic limbs, and
speculate as to her probable future and
influence upon the Dominion. I entered
the North-west by the second or Canadian
route. Coming suddenly in midsummer
upon the Red River prairie on this side of
Fort Garry, I saw an unbroken floral garden
extending like the sea all around to the
horizon. No one is likely to forget his first
sight of the prairie any more that his first
sight of the ocean. My feelings were prob-
ably intensified by having traveled across a
rugged granite country, and by an uncomfort-
able journey the previous night through dark
woods under rainy skies. At any rate, I
sympathized with the trapper who, in similar
circumstances, could only express his feelings
by exclaiming : '; Jack, hold my horse till I
get off and roll ! " An immense profusion
of prairie roses, and an apparently endless
variety of asters and other compositae thickly
bedded among the rich green grass, formed
a carpet rolled out by Nature from her looms
richer, fairer, softer than those of the Gobelins
or the Indies. We rode onward, across miles
of meadow, with intervening marshes full of
tall, coarse grasses. Here and there, islets
of aspens, or an oak-covered ridge, or a
line of wood betraying the course of a hid-
den stream or " creek," rose out of the sea
of green and gold. We reveled in the
beauty of this new world, where everything
was soft and sweet without a suspicion of
enervating influence; for the flower-scented
atmosphere is wondrously bracing, and every
plant and grass looks fresh and full of vig-
orous life. But the supreme thought to the
colonist is not of the panorama of beauti-
ful scenes spread out before him, but of the
farms so easily made and so easily worked
under such conditions. No chopping, log-
ging, grubbing, rooting, burning and waiting
for long years here for a first crop ; in with
the plow at once, and run your furrow from
one end of your farm to the other. Here is
the country for steam-plows, mowers, horse-
rakes, and every other labor-saving imple-
ment. "This sort of thing extends to the
Rocky Mountains," exclaimed an enthusi-
astic friend. His geography was slightly
" hypothetical," but pardonable because of
his genuine enthusiasm.
HALF-BREED NETTING SALMON. HELL GATE, FRASER RIVER.
It is scarcely possible to exaggerate the
fertility of the Red River, and much of the
442
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
Assineboine Valley. A heavy mat of the
richest loam covers a tenacious white clay,
which rests on limestone. Its productive
power seems exhaustless. Year after year
the same field yields wheat, without asking
for rest or change. Tickling the soil brings
fair crops, while care or skill insures an
extraordinary yield. Of course, there ar,e
drawbacks, and Winnipeg, like every other
western town, is filled with disappointed
emigrants, who would be glad to get home
again. There is not a State nor Province on
the continent in which this has not been the
experience of thousands. They went in, and
remained because they could not get out.
At the best, the ordinary emigrant's lot for the
first few years is a hard one. No sensible,,
man will " go West " who is fairly well off
East; and should he go to Manitoba he
need not expect a fool's paradise.. A formi-
dable list of horrors can be drawn up at a
moment's notice; severe winters, ferocious
mosquitoes, scarcity of wood and water in
some places, destructive summer storms, and,
worst of all, probable visits from the " hop-
per." This last is the most dreaded enemy.
The Minnesota or Red River farmer wel-
comes the maddest buffalo bull, and is not
afraid of Indians ; tolerates the prairie wolf
and the mosquito; takes precautions against
" blizzards," and laughs at frozen mercury ;
but all his courage leaves him at the sight of
a grasshopper. But, notwithstanding diffi-
culties and drawbacks, the tide of emigra-
tion rolls onward over the prairie lands.
Overflowing Minnesota and Manitoba, it
has now reached nearly to the Saskatche-
wan. Twenty-five years ago the population
of Minnesota was somewhere about five
thousand ; now it must be mounting up to
a million. Previous to 1857, enough wheat
was not raised in the State to supply the
wants of the few thousand lumbermen —
its first settlers. The crop last year amounted
to nearly forty millions of bushels. In Man-
itoba the same history is repeating itself.
The half-breeds are selling their lands and
scrip, moving west, and establishing them-
selves on the Qu'Appelle, the Saskatche-
wan and its tributaries, and as far away
as the Great Peace River. These hardy
bois-brules will always be the advance
guard of the army of regular emigrants.
Good farmers with large families, chiefly
from Ontario and the maritime provinces of
Canada, and Canadians who had previously
settled in Wisconsin and southern Min-
nesota, are taking their places and following
in their footsteps. It is a stirring sight to
contemplate this quiet, resistless flow of the
people to possess the waste spaces, to sub-
stitute Durhams for buffalo, and to found an
empire where formerly a few scattered bands
of Indians gained a precarious existence.
When shall King Nature say with prevail-
ing voice to this advancing human tide,
" Hitherto shall thou come, and no farther."
Can the tide first overflow the " Great Lone
Land " and the " Wild North Land " ? If
so, the North-west must eventually control
the old Provinces of Canada. The question
cannot be answered yet, " with the dogma-
tism of a God," except by students of " hy-
pothetical geography," but the signs are
promising.
In 1872, accompanying the Chief Engi-
neer of the Canada Pacific Railway, I rode
across the North-west from Fort Garry to
Fort Edmonton on the North Saskatchewan ;
thence through the woods to the Rocky
Mountains, and by the Yellow Head Pass to
the Pacific. All the way to Fort Edmon-
ton— a distance of nine hundred miles — Red
River carts carrying our luggage accom-
panied us, easily keeping up with the sad-
dles, doing an average forty miles a day
on the trail across the plains. This one fact
speaks volumes as to the open character of
the country. It leads travelers who confine
themselves to the trail to fancy that there is
little or no wood anywhere — a natural con-
clusion, for do we not all judge other people
by ourselves, and the world by what we
have seen of it ? The Red River cart was
rather a curiosity to us at first, but we soon
found that it was the right thing in the right
place. Fancy a clumsy-looking but really
light box cart, with wheels six or seven feet
in diameter and without an ounce of iron,
and you have it. The small bodies and
high wheels of these primitive conveyances
enable them to cross the miry creeks partially
borne up by the grass roots, where ordinary
vehicles would stick hopelessly. Rivers
are no more impediments than marshes.
Whip off the wheels, put them and the bpdy
on a buffalo skin, and your cart is meta-
morphosed into a coracle on which you
float across, your horses swimming beside
you. Should any part break in the course
of a thousand-mile journey, shaganappi, or
buffalo raw-hide thong, is in requisition. On
the plains, shaganappi does all that leather,
cloth, rope, nails, glue, strap, cord, tape and
sundry other articles are used for elsewhere.
More than the potato to the Irishman, or
the date-palm to the Arab, is the buffalo to
Indians and half-breeds. By " provisions,"
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
443
in the North-west everybody means pemmi-
can, or buffalo meat preserved in a pounded
and triturated state. The. best tents are
made of the hides ; good robes are better
than coats or blankets ; and no one thinks
ting Bull and his Sioux, when they crossed
the boundary line two or three years ago,
had it not been for the interference of
the Canadian Government. They felt ag-
grieved when permission was given to thou-
RED RIVER OX-CART IN WATER.
of traveling without abundant supplies of
shaganappi. A buffalo hunt is the great
excitement and joy of the Indian's life, and
the dead buffalo is house, food, clothing and
leather to him. A land without buffalo
means utter hopelessness. The Indian does
not understand what brings the white man,
possessed as he is of all wealth and wonders,
to his poor country, till he learns that
there are no buffaloes where he comes from.
That explanation is perfectly satisfactory.
But the buffalo is getting " crowded out " of
the North-west. This is the dark cloud that
the Indian sees coming over his sky. He
is enraged at anything that drives away the
buffalo, or makes the supply scanty. He
has no more idea of allowing other tribes to
come to his old hunting-grounds than we
would allow strangers to use our pastures, or
fishing-waters, or shooting-grounds without
permission. Crees and Blackfeet in our
North-west would have united against Sit-
sands of strangers to live on their buffalo.
And now, when buffaloes are becoming
scarce ! Hungry men are apt to be un-
reasonable, and though the cost of feeding
them till they are taught to farm is consid-
erable, anything is better than breaking our
long, honorable peace and crushing them
with brute force. The Indians deserve
well of us. Some of their virtues I cannot
admire too much. In an age when Chris-
tians think it legitimate to pay their creditors
from fifty to five cents on the dollar, it may
not be amiss to call attention to their hon-
esty. Here is an extract from Alexander
Henry's journal in 1768. "On May 2oth
the Indians came in from their winter's hunt.
Out of two thousand ' skins,' which was the
amount of my outstanding debts, not thirty
remained unpaid ; and even the trivial loss
which I did suffer was occasioned by the
death of one of the Indians, for whom his
family brought, as they said, all the skins
444
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
of which he died possessed, and offered to
pay the rest from among themselves. His
manes, they observed, would not be able to
enjoy peace while his name remained in
my books, and his debts were left unsatisfied."
What would our wholesale merchants give
if such an article of faith became current
with their customers! That is a creed to do
business with ! And the same spirit remains
to this day. In remote posts on the Macken-
zie River, and wherever it does not pay the
Hudson's Bay Company to keep an agent
all the time, the Indian enters the store,
deposits his furs, takes the exact equivalent in
goods from the shelves, and departs, leaving
the door securely fastened against wild beasts.
During the last eight years, the Canada
Pacific surveyors and engineers have lived
among and employed men, women and
children from twenty or thirty tribes between
the Ottawa River and the Pacific Ocean, and
I have heard the Chief Engineer say that he
had yet to hear of the first quarrel, or of an
ounce of pork stolen by an Indian !
The secret of our success in dealing with
the Indians can be told in a few words.
We acknowledge their original title to the
land. Billowy prairies rolling on to an
unknown horizon, wooded slope and broken
hill, sparkling lakes covered with wild fowl,
are theirs by inheritance and possession.
Who can question the title ? True, they
did not, after the manner of white men,
divide the vast property up into separate
estates, and keep registers of deeds. Had
they done so, no one would have questioned
their title. Their law is that the tribe holds
land and wood and water for the common
use of the tribe. But that the country which
has always yielded them support is theirs,
and not ours, they believe as firmly as any
English squire or American farmer believes
concerning his land. We recognize, then,
that it is our first duty to meet each Indian
tribe in friendly council, buy its rights, and
extinguish its title. A treaty once made
with them, we keep it as sacredly as we
would any other treaty. I am not aware
that Indians ever broke a treaty fairly and
solemnly made. They believe in the sanc-
tity of an oath.
So much for the old lords and sons of the
soil. What of the country itself ? It slopes
upward to the west and downward to the
north, so that the rivers run northerly or
north-easterly. When we came to the Red
River, it seemed to us — accustomed to see
rivers flowing to the south — to be running
up hill. Winnipeg is 700 feet above the
sea level, and a rise of 2300 feet is spread
over the thousand miles between it and the
base of the Rocky Mountains — not a uni-
form rise, but defined by three distinct
steppes. Each steppe is marked by changes
in the composition of the soil and the charac-
ter of the vegetation, though soil and flora
are really very much the same all the way
from east to west, and as far north as Peace
River. Prairie roses, gentians, asters, cas-
tilias, anemones, golden-rods, accompanied
us from the eastern verge of the prairie to
Fort Edmonton. We traveled in the month
of August. The air during the days was
all that man could wish — fresh, flower-
scented and generally breezy ; and at nights
so cool that blankets and in the early morn-
ing a cup of hot tea were always welcome.
Instead of being a dead level of monotonous
prairie all the time, the scene varied from
day to day. After a treeless, waterless
plain from five to twenty miles wide, we
would come upon a beautiful country broken
into fields by rounded hillocks and ridges
covered with clumps of aspens, or a succes-
sion of shallow basins inclosed in a larger
basin. Then the road would lead over a
rich, undulating country, or among hills,
with pools fringed with willows glistening
in the hollows at every turn. About the
little Touchwood Hills is a country of un-
equaled beauty and fertility, of swelling up-
lands inclosing in their hollows lakelets, the
homes of snipe, plover and duck, fringed with
tall reeds, and surrounded with a belt of soft
woods ; long reaches of rich lowlands, with
hill-sides spreading gently away, on which
we easily imagined the houses of contented
owners ; avenues of whispering trees,
through which we rode on without ever
coming to lodge or gate. Here is my note
of a day's ride along the North Saskatche-
wan, good horses under us, a cloudless
sky and bright sun above, and an atmos-
phere exhilarating as the purest champagne :
" A country of varied beauty, rich in soil,
grasses, flowers, wood and water ; infinitely
diversified in color and outline. In the
forenoon, we rode up two or three hill-sides
to get wider views. With all the beauty of
former days, there was now what we had
often craved, — variety of wood. Clumps
and groves of tall white spruce in the gul-
lies and valleys and along lake-sides, branch-
ing poplars with occasional white birch and
tamarack, mingled with the still prevailing
aspen. In the afternoon, we crossed plateaus
extending between the streams that meander
southward to join the Saskatchewan. Here
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
445
the trail ran by what looked like old culti-
vated clearings, hemmed in at varying dis-
tances by graceful trees, through the
branches of which gleamed the waters of a
lake or the rough back of a hill. As we
crossed the last plateau, a glorious view of
rivers, valleys, plains and mountains opened
out in the glowing twilight. We camped
here, and enjoyed our mighty supper of buf-
falo steak, with limitless pemmican for our
Cree visitors, before the twilight had for-
ripening of cereals and expose them to
complete destruction. At other times, a sim-
ilar result may follow drought. * * * Winter
has arrived in the beginning of November,
and continues, more or less, in April, and,
great God ! what winter ! I have noted
a common centigrade spirit thermometer
every day during tenyears. Thrice during
that period it has recorded 40° below zero,
and it has also thrice marked 40° above, and
on one occasion 43°. Often mercury is frozen
INDIAN SUSPENSION BRIDGE IN THE NORTH-WEST.
saken the west." So the North-west ap-
peared to us who rode rapidly across it in
the golden summer. Bishop Tache, who
has traversed it in all directions during his
twenty-three years' residence, gives the
other side. " I am not surprised," he says,
" at the impression produced on the tourist
while he experiences the real delights of a
summer excursion over these plains. * * *
But here comes the end of August. Already
cold is threatening ; severe frosts prevent the
during entire weeks." But the Bishop not-
withstanding, and in spite of the terrible
winter cold and the summer frosts, droughts
and hail-storms, I have faith in the future of
the Saskatchewan. It invites only hardy emi-
grants, and it promises to rear a hardy race.
Fort Edmonton on the North Saskatche-
wan is one of the objective points of the
Canada Pacific Railway. Here it must
strike west through thick woods, and cross
the Rocky Mountains by the Yellow Head
446
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
GLACIER MOUNTAIN, JUNCTION OF MUDDY AND NORTH THOMPSON RIVERS, BRITISH COLUMBIA.
Pass, or strike north-west to tap the bound-
less prairies of the Great Peace River, and
then cross the mountains by the Pine River
Pass. Recent testimony regarding Peace
River recalls stories of the Arabian Nights.
It would seem that, in the North-west, the
farther north we go the better the coun-
try becomes, and the milder the climate.
Bishop Tache told me that at Lac la Biche,
100 miles north of the North Saskatche-
wan, his missionaries had their favorite
wheat ground, where the wheat crop could
always be depended on. A reliable Hudson
Bay officer assured us that he had never seen
better wheat or root crops than are raised
regularly at Fort Liard, on the Liard River,
in latitude 60°. At Fort Dunvegan the
winters are milder than at Fort Garry,
more than 400 miles farther south. Two of
our fellow-travelers left us at Fort Edmon-
ton for Peace River. They struck the mighty
stream below Dunvegan, and sailed on it up
into the heart of the Rocky Mountains,
through a country rich in soil, wood, water,
coal, bituminous fountains and salt that can
be gathered from the sides of springs, fit for
the table. A scientific expedition that visited
this far-north land in 1875 asserts that
Peace River is the richest part of Canada ; —
that an area of 250,000,000 acres is as suit-
able for the cultivation of grain as Ontario ;
that coal, coal oil, and coal inter-stratified
with iron ore abound ; that there are thou-
sands of acres of pure crystallized salt, and
that miles and miles of the purest gypsum
beds crop out of the river banks. No wonder
that the Canadian Government should strain
every nerve to open its North-west, and seek
to guide to it the great tidal wave of emigra-
tion from the old world !
At Fort Edmonton, the objective points
of our party were Jasper House, an old
Hudson's Bay station in the valley of the
Athabasca, and then the Yellow Head
Pass. Necessarily discarding wheels at
Edmonton, each of us driving a pack-horse,
we struggled for 200 miles through woods
and muskegs, which often threatened to
ingulf horse and man in bottomless depths
of oozy swamp. At the western verge of
the plains, where their elevation is three
thousand feet, the " Rockies " rise boldly
in naked grandeur five or six thousand
feet higher, and form in unbroken line across
our onward path, save where cleft in the
center of the line down to their feet by the
chasm that the Athabasca long ago forced or
found for itself. The mingled beauty and
grandeur of the scenery at this portal can
hardly be exaggerated. On the left, the
mighty shoulder of Roche a Perdrix towered
a mile above our heads, scuds of clouds kiss-
ing its snowy summit, and each plication
and angle of the different strata up the giant
sides clearly revealed. Beyond, Roche a.
Myette, the characteristic mountain of the
Jasper valley, upreared the great cubical
block — two thousand feet high — which forms
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
447
its imposing sphinx-like head. Only those
who readily accept tradition will believe that
the daring French hunter whose name it
bears ever ascended that apparently scarped
and chiseled cube. On our right, Roche
Ronde was reflected in a beautiful lakelet
that showed not only every color of its sides,
— the grey and blue of the limestone, and
the red and green shales that separate the
strata, — but the vvavings and windings of the
stratification as distinctly as leaves of a
half-opened book. Our trail led up a wooded
hill that nearly filled the mouth of the valley;
and then down the other side, among tall,
dark green spruces, over rose bushes and
vetches that covered little bits of lawn, the
soft blue of the mountains everywhere gleam-
ing through the woods, and sometimes re-
flected in quiet, rush-bordered lakelets. A
little cultivation would make the Jasper
portals of the Rocky Mountains — with all
the stern and savage grandeur hard by — as
dainty and beautiful as an English gentle-
man's park.
The passage from the east through the*
Rocky Mountains by the Yellow Head Pass
is wonderfully easy. But once in British
Columbia and on the Pacific slope, difficul-
ties commence enough to daunt the most
hospitable the country becomes. It maybe
necessary to explain that no reflection on the
hospitality of the people is meant by this ad-
jective. When Mr. Blake used it in the House
of Commons, vehement was the indignation
excited in the breast of one of the people's
representatives. " To accuse us of want of
hospitality ! " Such a charge justified anger
and vigorous vernacular! British Colum-
bians are open-handed to a fault. But the
canons of the Fraser River are close. And
the Cascade or Coast Mountains are in-
hospitable. They have been pierced by at
least twelve lines of survey, terminating on
the Pacific at seven distinct harbors, but, on
every line, construction involves enormous
outlay. If the line goes by the Yellow Head
Pass, and the North Thompson and Fraser
rivers, the terminus must be Burrard Inlet —
a harbor with its best approach guarded by
the island of San Juan, which the Emperor
of Germany's decision gave to the United
States. Should it go by Peace River and
the Pine River Pass — as perhaps it should —
the terminus must be Port Simpson, 450
miles further north, and 450 miles nearer the
Asiatic coast. No matter which route is
taken, the Dominion should not spend mil-
lions among the western mountains while
NATURE'S MONUMENT, CANADIAN PACIFIC COAST.
stout-hearted. A sea of snow-clad mount-
ains, often connected by huge glaciers, —
each range requiring a long detour,— extends
in every direction for hundred of miles, and
the nearer we get to the coast, the more in-
the North-west is unpeopled. The western
end will cost an enormous sum, and when
built there is no population to furnish local
traffic. The China trade is talked of, but
how could we trade with pagans who live
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
INDIAN MONUMENTS, CANADA PACIFIC COAST.
cheaply, and, like Joseph, desire their
bones to be buried in their own country ?
The total white population is about 10,000!
Vancouver's Island has been called the
Great Britain of the Pacific by students of
" hypothetical geography." It has coal,
building-stone, harbors, and a delightful
climate. The main-land boasts, and with
reason, of exhaustless supplies of lumber,
notably the Douglas pine. Its gold mines
have again and again attracted armies of
gold-hunters. Its rivers are at times choked
with fish. But the amount of good farming
land accessible to cultivation is so limited
that the Province does not feed its handful
of people. The rivers wind to the sea, or
rather to the head of the long, narrow fjords
with which the iron coast is everywhere
pierced, round gloomy, snow-clad mountains,
through granite or trap rocks against which
they chafe uselessly. They cannot overflow
their banks, and so there are no bottom
lands to speak of. They are confined to
deep gorges instead of expanding over open
valleys. Towering rocks, with cataracts
gleaming amid dark pines, and leaping from
point to point, mountain sides curtained with
glaciers rising in the background into the
region of eternal snow, are the characteristic
features of British Columbian scenery. It is
a paradise for artists and engineers rather
than for ordinary emigrants. The Indians
greatly outnumber the whites, and promise
to be a permanent element of the population.
Journeying along the great wagon-road of
the Province, the principal pictures we get
of them are their elaborate grave-yards by
the road-sides, and down in the gorges in
which the Fraser is hemmed, the half-naked
savage, perched like a bird of prey in a red
blanket upon a rock, or clinging to his fragile
platform on the face of the cliff, and scoop-
ing up salmon from the raging torrent, while
his wife, with a creel full of fish on her back,
toils homeward up the precipice. But go
into the saw-mills, the logging camp, the
field or the store, and you find them work-
ing well and earning good wages. In no
other part of America known to me are the
Indians as a class so self-reliant. But even
should the 30,000 Indians be raised to our
level, and the resources of British Columbia
fully developed, the future of the Dominion
depends not on its Pacific Province, but on
its North-west.
I have taken my readers over a wide field,
but I could not otherwise give them an in-
telligent idea of the component parts of the
DE ROSIS HIBERNIS.
449
new Dominion, and the work that lies imme-
diately to our hands. Canada has been
/called " raw, rough and democratic," and the
more frankly the impeachment is acknowl-
edged the better. How could it be otherwise ?
We are in our raw youth, have rough work
to do, and can do it only by each man put-
ting his shoulder to the wheel. We carinot
afford an aristocracy, still less can we afford
to ape one. We can hardly afford literature
or art. We have half a continent — a stern
and rugged half — to reclaim, to people, to
animate with a common spirit. That is
the work of to-day, and it is enough to
task all our energies. The previously iso-
lated conditions and independent histories
of the Provinces make it all the more
difficult. Grattan's remark, " England is
not one country; it will take a century
before she becomes so," applies with greater
truth to Canada. Half of the people do
not understand yet the meaning of the
name their own country bears. " How do
you like Canada ? " I am asked when I
visit Halifax, as if I came from some for-
eign land. " We are English," said a lady
to me in Quebec, not many years ago;
" these," pointing the least mite disdainfully
to habitans streaming out of church, " are
Canadians." Not long since, the anger of
Manitobans, burning against all the world,
burned hottest against "Canadians." And
in British Columbia, where gold-dust once
so abounded that every one considered
economy worse than vice, we were popu-
larly known as " North American China-
men." All this is changing. Young men
are beginning to feel that there is a future
for their country. A national spirit is being
formed, which, in due time, will bear dis-
tinctive fruit. But for many years the men
who can do rough work best will be and
ought to be our kings.
All the way across, from ocean to ocean,
from the bleak, rugged Atlantic shores to
where the long rollers of the Pacific break
at the feet of the Cascades, or eat far into
the core of the range in fjords too deep for
•lead or anchor, a geographical line separates
us from the United States. Nature has de-
creed that in all matters of intercourse we
must be one with you, and if our common
Christianity be worth anything, friends as
well as neighbors we must ever be. We started
in the race long after you. We have neither
your wealth nor your resources. The rude
boats of our fishermen on the Atlantic make
a poor show beside the trim craft that hail
from the Massachusetts coast; and on the
Pacific, the barbaric columns, with their
strange devices and fantastic figures, that
adorn the ancient Hydah villages, are
almost all that we can set off against the
glories of the Golden Gate. But, rich or
poor, this wild, cold north-land is all that we
have, and we intend to make the most of it.
We are content to take a back seat now, but
give us time and we may come to the front.
DE ROSIS HIBERNIS.
AMBITIOUS Nile, thy banks deplore
Their Flavian patron's deep decay ;
Thy Memphian pilot laughs no more
To see the flower-boat float away;
Thy winter roses once were twined
Across the gala streets of Rome,
And thou, like Omphale, couldst bind
The vanquished victor in his home.
But if the barge that brought thy store
Had foundered in the Lybian deep,
It had not slain thy glory more
Nor plunged thy rose in salter sleep ;
Not gods nor Caesars wait thee now,
No jealous Paestum dreads thy spring,
Thy flower enfolds no augur's brow,
And gives no poet strength to sing.
Yet, surely, when the winds are low,
And heaven is all alive with stars,
Thy conscious roses still must glow
Above thy dreaming nenuphars;
They recollect their high estate,
The Roman honors they have known,
And while they ponder Caesar's fate
They cease to marvel at their own.
VOL. XX.— 30.
45°
JAPANESE AND CHINESE STUDENTS IN AMERICA.
TO EDMUND CLARENCE STEDMAN.
AFTER READING HIS ESSAY ON POE.
WHO but a poet knows a poet's heart ?
O tender critic ! weaving such sweet woof
Of pity with your warp of sad dispraise, —
Unvailing a dead brow to lay on it
At last the crown of justice ! Not too soon
Your generous words for one who needs them all,
Your passionate " O friends, instead of sneers,
With your protection gently hedge him round!"
Then, bravely, like a mother for her child,
You plead his strange environments, his weird
And fitful fancies, his sick, wayward brain,
His fatal birth-gift, a weak, wavering will, —
Owning him wrong with such sweet skill of words
That in our pity we forget our blame.
Oh, if his hunted spirit, held at bay
This side of death, has covert found at last,
How restful must the change be, and how sweet !
And if he heeds our censure or our praise,
As once, how glad he must be now to know —
If know he does — that in some generous hearts
The balances are just that measure him,
And that some lips are pitiful and kind,
Saying, " He might have been, and but for this,
And this, — dead weights that circumstance
Threw in the scale — he would have been, a man,
A hero, worthy of his poet-soul ! "
JAPANESE AND CHINESE STUDENTS IN AMERICA.
FOR a score of years, the Japanese
government has been accustomed to send
a few of its young citizens to the schools
of foreign nations. The first delegation
entered Holland in 1859, anc^ engaged in
the study of law, navigation and ship-
building. Before the year 1873, about two
hundred Japanese students had studied,
under the care of the home government, in
Germany, Russia, Austria, England, France,
Italy, Switzerland, Belgium and Holland.
At the present time the number of govern-
ment students residing in European coun-
tries hardly exceeds a dozen. The majority
of this number have already been graduated
at college or university ; and some of them
are now engaged in the study of the military
arts. Several private students are con-
nected with the schools of England, France,
Italy and Germany.
The first delegation of Japanese student;
that entered the United States landed a
Boston, in 1868. In the course of the sue
ceeding five years, at least one hundre(
pursued courses of study either under pri
vate tutors or in the schools of the Easten
States, of Pennsylvania and of the city o;
Washington. In the present year, abou
seventy are members of American school:
and colleges. A third of the number ar<
connected with institutions of the Westen
and Pacific States ; and the remainder an
enrolled in Eastern schools. Six-seventh:
of the entire body, however, are pri
vate students, and, as such, bear no direc
relation to the home government. Onl]
nine are under the care of the educationa
department of the empire. The extent an(
the variety of the past and of the presen
work of the ordinary Japanese student ii
JAPANESE AND CHINESE STUDENTS IN AMERICA.
American institutions are succinctly indi-
cated in the following extract from a letter
of Tanetaro Megata, the Japanese Commis-
sioner of Education in this country, in refer-
ence to his government students :
" Two of them were graduated at Boston Law
School, and are studying the practice of law. One of
them was graduated at Cambridge Law School, and
is also studying the practice in New York. One of
them was graduated at Columbia Law School, and
got another degree from the Yale Law School, where
he is studying now. Three of them were graduated
at Columbia School of Mines, and they are studying
the branch by practical investigation there. Two of
them were graduated at the Polytechnic Institute,
Troy, N. Y., and are studying now practically."
The Chinese students in America are
more in number than the Japanese, and, as
a body, they are under the supervision of
native officers residing in this country.
Near the beginning of the decade just closed,
— August, 1871, — the Chinese government
determined to educate a corps of its young
citizens for its service. In the foreigners
employed in conducting its international
relations, in collecting its customs, in com-
manding its armies and ships of war, it had
failed to find public servants of that effi-
ciency it desired. It also realized the pro-
priety of employing its own subjects for
the performance of its official work. By
the persuasion, therefore, of Yung Wing,* at
present the associate Chinese minister in
this country, it decided to educate its own
*As the head of the Chinese educational mission
in the United States, a brief sketch of the life of
Yung Wing should be presented. Born in South-
ern China, in 1828, he spent several years of his
boyhood in the schools conducted by Christian mis-
sionaries. In 1847, under the charge of Rev. S. R.
Brown, an American missionary, he came to this
country, entered an academy at Monson, Mass.,
and, after two and a half years spent in preparation,
was admitted to Yale College in 1850. Repeatedly
during his college course he won prizes for
English composition, and also contributed several
papers to the press which attracted much attention.
At this time he conceived the idea of the educational
mission which is now in process of realization.
Soon after graduation he sailed for China. For
sixteen years he was engaged in work both public
and private, but throughout this time he nursed his
scheme, and was constantly watching for an oppor-
tunity to forward it. This opportunity occurred in
1870. In June of that year the notorious Tientsin
massacre took place. The disadvantages under
which the Chinese commissioners labored, in settling
the sad affair with foreign powers whose subjects
had been murdered, allowed Yung Wing to press
his scheme very forcibly upon the attention of the
government. At last he was successful. He was
at once appointed the chief commissioner of the
mission, an office which he still holds, notwithstand-
ing his recent promotion to the position of associate
minister, with Chin Lan Pin, in the United States.
citizens for those pursuits which it had
hitherto been obliged to intrust to Amer-
icans and Englishmen. A million and a
half dollars was appropriated to the ex-
ecution of the scheme. Advertisements
were placed in the Chinese papers, request-
ing all boys who wished to go to America
to spend fifteen years in study, and, on
returning home, to enter the service of the
government, to assemble at Shanghai.
About a hundred complied with the request.
For several months they pursued the study
of the English and Chinese languages ; and
at the conclusion of the allotted period, the
thirty who had made the most rapid advance
were selected. They at once embarked for
America. The selection of this country was
founded on the preference of Yung Wing.
He could have procured the establishment
of the mission in either England, France "or
Germany ; but his regard for America and
American colleges and schools persuaded
him to establish it in this country. In
each of the three years succeeding the de-
parture of the first body of students, thirty
additional students embarked; and at the
close of the year 1876, one hundred and
twenty Chinese students had landed on
American shores. A large mansion was
erected at Hartford, Connecticut, intended to
serve both as a home and as a school build-
ing; but after a brief residence, either in
this home or in families, the young stu-
dents were placed in the different academies
and schools of New England to prepare
for college. In the last school year, one
was a member of Yale College, two of its
Scientific School, two of the Troy Polytechnic
Institute, eight of each of the academies at
Andover and Easthampton, several of the
Hopkins Grammar School at New Haven,
of the Norwich Academy, and the others
are scattered through the schools of Massa-
chusetts and Connecticut. Owing to sick-
ness, lack of interest in study or similar
causes, twelve have returned to China; and
at present one hundred and eight are in this
country.
In the selection of his studies, great lib-
erty is allowed each student. Intending to
enter one of the five professions of law,
engineering, mining, the navy, or the
military, he chooses those studies which
are best fitted to prepare him for that work
which he designs to adopt. If he intends to
become an engineer, he selects scientific
studies, and enters a scientific school. If
he intends to become a lawyer, he pursues
the regular course preparatory for college,
452 JAPANESE AND CHINESE STUDENTS IN AMERICA.
and enters Yale, Harvard, or a similar
institution.
Comparing the Japanese and Chinese
students now enrolled in American schools
and colleges, several marked contrasts and
likenesses are made evident. The most
prominent difference in respect to external
characteristics is the greater readiness with
which the former adopt the dress and man-
ners of the Western world. The Japanese
dresses a la Europeen, and in excellent taste ;
the Chinaman still braids his cue, and wears
his loose trowsers and blouse. The Japan-
ese is more easily denationalized ; the Chi-
naman is constantly impressed with the duty
of loving and serving the land that gave him
birth and is giving him education. The lat-
ter learns the English language with greater
ease, and uses it with greater facility ; the
former, after a residence of even five or six
years, experiences, in the case of not a few
individuals, difficulty in conducting an ordi-
nary conversation. Both manifest much
deference to authority, and are models of
decorum and politeness. The Japanese
belong relatively to a higher caste ; the ma-
jority of the Chinese students are from the
middle class of the empire.
In mental characteristics, the contrasts
are less marked than in physical. The
excellences and the defects of the two
types of mind are similar. In each the
memory is developed to a degree not com-
monly attained by an American school-boy;
and the Chinese draw forms and figures
which they have once seen with marvel-
ous accuracy. The superior development
of the memory seems to weaken the growth
of the logical faculties ; and a difficulty in
conducting processes of thought of ordi-
nary intricacy is one of the first defects
which a teacher notices in their mental
constitution. Intellectually, both are clear-
sighted rather than far-sighted; and are
distinguished for exactness in thought and
statement. Considered as a whole, the Chi-
nese make more rapid progress in linguistic,
and the Japanese in mathematical studies.
The former are by temperament the more
passive, the latter the more impulsive. Both
are hard students, and, though seldom rank-
ing first, maintain a creditable stand in their
classes. In respect to moral character, also,
as well as intellectual, a high degree of
similarity is obvious. Neither, as a body,
is addicted to the use of liquors, or of
tobacco, and both are free from the vices to
which American college youth are somewhat
subject.
In regard to their adoption of Christianity
both classes of students are allowed ful
liberty of choice by their respective gov
ernments. During the first years of thi
residence of the Chinese in America, con
siderable opposition was made to their com
ing under distinctively Christian influences
at present, however, this opposition is re
moved. They attend the religious service
of the church and of the school as thei
brother students ; and should any of then
desire to adopt Christianity, as several o
them have already done, the governmen
would not refuse them the privilege. Ii
fact, Yung Wing is recognized as a mos
devout Christian, and would be glad, it i
said, to adopt more aggressive measures fo
the conversion of all his young countrymei
than his government might approve. O
the Japanese students, a few are Christians
and one, Joseph Neesima, formerly a stu
dent at Amherst and the Andover Theo
logical Seminary, is now doing a grea
religious and educational work in his nativ<
island. Several of the students of botl
nationalities manifest a high degree of fond
ness for theological discussion ; their voice
are frequently heard in the prayer-meeting
of the schools to which they belong ; am
for the conversion of their friends am
nation to the religion of Christ, many o
them are exceedingly eager.
Numerous are the results which will flow t<
their native lands from the education of thi
large body of Japanese and Chinese youtl
in the United States; but the precise nat
ure of these results it is not easy to antici
pate. It is certain, however, that they wil
prove to be wide and permanent. Ii
developing the material resources of th
country, and in aiding the government ii
the management of its various departments
its citizens thus trained will be of mud
service. Their influence in educational an<
intellectual movements will be pervasive
Japan is adopting modern methods o
education with greater facility than China
and graduates of Harvard, Yale, Bowdoii
and other colleges are professors in he
great university. But the presence ii
China of a hundred young men, educate!
during the most susceptible period of thei
lives, from the age of twelve to twenty
five, in American schools and colleges
will rapidly develop the public schoo
system of that enormous empire. Thei
influence, moreover, in sustaining a higl
type of personal morality and in favoring o
opposing Christianity will be great. Thi
THE METROPOLIS OF THE ROCKY MOUNTAINS.
453
verdict of .a single Chinese or Japanese
educated in America, regarding a system
of religion, will be of greater weight with his
countrymen than the testimony of a dozen
missionaries of the American Board. Pre-
cisely how far the Chinese may, on his re-
turn in 1887, be allowed to proselyte his
countrymen without incurring the censure
of his government, is uncertain ; yet, in gen-
eral, upon the material, intellectual, moral
and religious condition of these two vast em-
pires, the influence of their youth, now being
educated in American schools and colleges,
will of necessity be great and enduring.
THE METROPOLIS OF THE ROCKY MOUNTAINS.
THAT gold existed in the Rocky Mount-
ains has certainly been known since the
earliest exploration of them ; it is one of
the most curious facts about the whole mat-
ter, indeed, that the utilization of this wealth
did not begin sooner. About 1803, for in-
stance, a Kentuckian named James Pursley,
while traveling with a band of Indians
" into the mountains which give birth to the
La Platte, Arkansaw, etc., etc." (the locality
seems to have been near Mt. Lincoln),
found gold there and " carried some of the
virgin mineral in his shot-pouch for months."
Other wanderers at various times reported
it, according to tradition, but no publicity
was given to the fact, so that the real his-
tory of the mining excitement in the lofty
mid-continent ranges, and the annals of
Denver, their metropolis, begin with the
summer of 1858.
These early annals are intimately asso-
ciated with the name of W. Green Russell.
This gentleman was a Georgian who had
learned the delights of gold-digging where
the gentle Etowah rolls its enticing sands
through charming gorges of the Blue Ridge.
When the gold excitement of the Pacific
coast aroused the country he started West,
and, taking his course up the Arkansas,
passed along the eastern base of Pike's
Peak, and so northward to the emigrant
trail. He observed at that time what
seemed to him indications of gold-gravel,
but did not pause to verify them. When,
therefore, a few years later, he retraced his
steps, he halted long enough in Colorado to
assure himself of the richness of its bars,
and then proceeded homeward to organize
a party to return with him to this point.
Two brothers, some friends and a few Cher-
okee Indians joined him.* Following up
the Arkansas River, they were joined by ad-
venturers until finally the party numbered
thirty or forty ; these reached the base of the
mountains early in the summer. Finding
nothing in the neighborhood of Pike's
Peak, they followed northward up Squirrel
Creek and then across to Cherry Creek,
where they built a village fifty miles south-
east of Denver. Their sluicing was of small
consequence, however, and finally they
worked down to this point, where Cherry
Creek empties into the South Platte. Here,
building a permanent camp, they prepared
to spend the winter. Exaggerated reports
of their success having gone back to the
border States, recruits came steadily until,
by the time cold weather really set in, three
or four hundred persons (only three of them
women) were gathered in the camp. The
settlement was christened Auraria, after the
mining town of that name near Dahlo-
nega, Georgia, and the straggling immigra-
tion brought in, during the winter, many
merchants and artisans as well as gold-
seekers.
Meanwhile, the story of the new discov-
eries of gold in Pike's Peak (for all the
mountain region was known by that name,
though the peak itself was seventy-five
miles from the diggings) hastened east-
ward, gathering marvels as it ran, and was
attested by sundry goose-quills full of dust.
Just following the financial distresses of '57,
thousands of men were ready for anything,
and the spring of 1859 witnessed the be-
ginning of such an emigration across the
plains as had only been equaled by the
* The Cherokees had previously been through
here, searching for a promised land for their tribe,
and had themselves reported gold. They concluded
to remain in the Indian Territory, but left their name
attached to several springs, mountains, etc., as a
memento of their visit of inspection.
454
THE METROPOLIS OF THE ROCKY MOUNTAINS.
wildest hours of the rush to California a
decade before. Council Bluffs, Atchison,
Kansas City and all the other outposts of
civilization became filled with excited
crowds hastily preparing for the two-
months' journey across the plains, and an
almost continuous procession of wagons of
every description filed out from their streets
to undergo the hardships and perils of that
eager race to be first at the gold-fields. He
who could not pay for the swift stage
became driver or escort of a freight wagon,
or followed along with his ambulance ;
while thousands rode on horseback, or
walked, trundling their luggage in a hand-
cart or wheelbarrow, or slung upon their
backs. Those were the storied days when
the motto " Pike's Peak or Bust " was in-
scribed on many a wagon-sheet by jubilant
owners, and those also the days when the
same wagons, hopelessly bogged in some
treacherous fording of the Arkansas, or
broken down among the rocks of a stony
bit of butte-road, were grimly labeled
" Busted, by Thunder ! "
The van-guard of this exodus reached
the Platte in April, and it is estimated that
nearly a hundred thousand persons followed
during the summer. We are told that they
were in the main from the better classes of
men at home, but that nineteen-twentieths
were entirely ignorant of gold-mining.
Thousands were disappointed, of course,
and a thin returning stream met but failed
to discourage the new comers, who pressed
across the weary, bone-marked plains, sure
that their lot would be an exception to all
the misfortunes described.
As soon as the snows were sufficiently
melted, the Russells and others pushed into
the mountains, reasoning that if these outer
streams contained a sediment of drifted gold,
the source of the riches must yet remain in
the rocks whence the waters came. One
party, under the leadership of J. H. Gregory,
started up Clear Creek, to a point just
above where Black Hawk now is, and began
prospecting in the gulch. " He climbed the
hill," says a written account of the inci-
dent, " where he believed the wash or gold-
dirt would naturally come from, scraped
away the grass and leaves and filled his
gold-pan with dirt, and took it down to the
gulch. Upon panning (washing) it down,
there was about four dollars' worth of gold
in it ! He dropped his pan and immediately
summoned all the gods of the universe to
witness his astounding triumph. That night
he could not sleep."
Whether any immortals obeyed the sum-
mons the record fails to inform us, but it is
certain that it was a very few days onlj
before the rugged trails, slippery with ice
and gagged with snow, became thronged
with eager, though disheartened emigrants
fired with a new hope. Almost simulta-
neously, discoveries of rich bars and vein;
were made at Idaho Springs, Boulder
Golden, and elsewhere, and the mountains
from Estes Park to the Sangre de Cristo
began to be overrun with prospectors
while gold and silver ledges and placers
were discovered so rapidly that no one
could keep track of them, and thousands ol
claims were taken up on both sides and
among the very summits of the Snow)
Range,* under laws and regulations framec
by the miners themselves. Valleys hithertc
undisturbed, except by the light tread oi
the moccasin and the hardly timid game i
followed ; cliffs that had echoed to no othei
sound than the noise of the elements or the
voices of bird and beast, now resoundec
with human energy and were despoiled by
the ruthless shovel and axe. The sage-brush
yielded place to wagon-tracks, and the
splendid spruces were felled to lie docile ir
the walls of log cities that sprang into shape
with the startled swiftness and decision ol
magic.
When the Georgians built their cabins
for winter quarters among the lofty cotton-
woods between the Platte' and Cherrj
Creek, they thought " Indian Row " £
good enough name ; but when a settlemeni
grew up around them and more men kepi
coming, they surveyed a town-site anc
named it " Auraria," as already stated
At the same time, a few persons crossed tc
the east side of Cherry Creek and built z
group of cabins, which they called " St
Charles," and a few others " located " on z
bench northward under the name of th«
" Highlands." These last two were abor-
tive attempts at city-making, however, and
during the winter of 1858-9 a party with
General Larimer at its head came to St
Charles, "jumped" the now deserted set-
tlement, laid out a 96o-acre town-site of
their own and christened it Denver City, in
honor of the Governor of Kansas, of which
territory all this region soon became a
county known as Arapahoe.
*Fine mines of silver, which are still worked,
were opened a few years later on the brow of Mount
Lincoln, at an elevation considerably over 14,000
feet, in the midst of perpetual snow.
THE METROPOLIS OF THE ROCKY MOUNTAINS.
455
This last deliberate movement was a
direct recognition of the advantages which
this point offered as a town-site. It lay
midway between the routes of travel to the
Pacific coast along the North Platte, and
by the way of Santa Fe\ It was at the
junction of two water-courses, along which
grew abundant timber and unlimited pas-
turage. It was a situation central to the
half-dozen passes and canons which then,
as now, constituted the gateways through
the mountain-barrier into the interior val-
leys and parks. Lastly, it had priority, and
was fast getting the advertising which has
ever since been so liberally accorded to it,
and to which it owes, in no small degree,
its present success.
Each of the forty-one shareholders was
required to erect a cabin at once, and Gen-
eral Larimer was the first man to put up
his roof. Denver thus sprang at one bound
into rivalry with Auraria, but the strife for
supremacy was brief, and resulted in a con-
solidation by which the older sister of the
twain lost her name and became simply
West Denver, or, when spoken of with con-
tumely (as, until lately, she frequently de-
served to be), simply, " 'cross the creek."
Those were wild days in the young
city's history. Thousands of excited people
thronged her streets, living in tents, in
wagons, in dug-outs and in the rudest of
log huts and shanties, — the best way they
could. All the provisions had to be brought
across the plains, except game and some
cattle that Mexicans would drive up from
Santa Fe. Yet there was no great scarcity,
and though prices were almost uniformly
ten times as high as at present, gold-dust
and coin were abundant, and wages in pro-
portion. If a man thought ii cheap to be
able to buy a sack of flour at ten dollars, he
felt outraged if he was not getting fifteei or
twenty dollars a day for his labor.
The fall of '59 saw Denver very city-like
and busy. Machinery poured in, and with
it every appliance of civilization possible at
such a distance from even the frontier of the
Western States. All kinds of business enter-
prises were projected, and among others a
newspaper. The late Hon. William N. Byers,
a gentleman who has been identified with the
best interests of Colorado, was the moving
spirit in this latter venture, and its history is
a good illustration of ways and means in
" Pike's Peak " twenty years ago. At Belle-
view, near Omaha, Mr. Byers and his
associates heard that there was lying idle
such a printing-office as they wanted, — a
relic of a starved-out journal. Mr. Byers
went there and secured the property, leaving
Omaha with it on the 8th of March, 1859.
The streams were all flooded, snow and
rain storms were frequent, and the third day
out the trains waded through a frozen sheet
of water, three feet deep and two miles wide,
breaking the ice as they progressed. The
wagon carrying the press had a variety of
disheartening mishaps, and at the end of the
month had only reached Fort Kearney, 185
miles from Omaha. Beyond there, however,
the roads were firm and faster time was made,
so that on the 2oth of April the precious
press and types entered Denver. The name
of this fair-sized and nicely printed weekly
was the " Rocky Mountain News." To-day
it is an eight-page daily, and owned by a
different company, but the name remains,
and is widely known. Its salutatory is worth
quoting as a piece of brave crowing, for that
very week was the time of the remarkable
stampede which carried back in a panic
four-fifths of the emigrants who had set out
for the promised land, — scared by a cry of
fraud and certain starvation :
" We make our debut in the far West, where the
snowy mountains look down upon us in the hottest
summer day as well as in the winter's cold ; here,
where a few months ago the wild beasts and wilder
Indians held undisturbed possession — where now
surges the advancing wave of Anglo-Saxon enterprise
and civilization, where soon, we proudly hope, will
be erected a great and powerful State, another em-
pire in the sisterhood of empires."
This was plucky and partook of the char-
acter of "bluff," for the stoutest-hearted
really had intelligent doubts about the truth
of the boast ; but the journal can take to it-
self much credit for staying the stampede,
and bringing capital and brains to the
development of the new camp.
It was not long before rivals sprang up,
and, in May of the following year, a daily
edition was begun, to which a second daily,
" The Herald," opposed itself within a few
weeks. At first the nearest post-office was
at Fort Laramie, 220 miles northward, and
the mail reached there from the East only
once or twice a month. About the ist of
May, 1859, a messenger was induced to go
to this post-office, and through an utter
wilderness he brought a mule-load of letters
and newspapers, which were delivered on
payment of twenty-five cents each for the
former, and fifty cents for the latter. Nor
did affairs speedily improve. More than two
years passed before Denver had its own post-
office, all mails being carried from the East
456
THE METROPOLIS OF THE ROCKY MOUNTAINS.
on the overland coaches, which came regu-
larly after June, 1859, and letters were
charged for as express matter, at twenty-five
cents apiece.* The war of the rebellion was
raging in the East, and a general Indian
war harassed the plains. In 1863, mails
were so irregular that weeks would elapse
without one, and what was received came
by the way of Panama and San Francisco.
The freighting business was so demoralized
that many a hundred pounds of paper cost
a hundred dollars for its transportation alone,
and wrapping, tissue and even letter paper
were used to keep up the daily issues of the
" News," which often shrunk to a mere
bulletin of military orders, etc., for lack of
something to print upon. In 1861, the
telegraph reached Fort Kearney, where it
rested two years. Then the Denver journals
began taking news dispatches, which were
printed here only four days after their origin
in New York. This increased the competi-
tion between the papers, and the most bitter
personalities were indulged in through the
editorial columns. It is great fun to read
these old files ; it is like witnessing a battle
between men of straw. Both offices estab-
lished pony-express lines to the principal
mining camps in the mountains, and their
daily editions were delivered in Black Hawk,
Central City and other neighborhoods, forty
or fifty miles away, more quickly than the
steam-cars now manage to do it. Under
these circumstances, twenty-five dollars a
year was not a high subscription rate, the
retail price being twenty -five cents a copy
in gold, which, at that time, was worth twice
as much as currency. There was no lack
of local news, of course, in so wide-awake
a community, and these journals were more
successful than is usual in manufacturing
" items "- for themselves.
In 1859, the town became overrun with
gamblers and cut-throats, who thought them-
selves too far from authority and too strong
in numbers to be interfered with ; but one
night several of them were hanged, and the
next night others. Rumors of a Vigilance
Committee got abroad, and the leading des-
peradoes found it to their advantage to
* There is a whole book to be written some day —
and a book of thrilling interest — on the overland
coach lines, the pony express and the fast freight
arrangement, which preceded the trans-continental
railways. Their histories might properly come in
here, but would take up so much space that I prefer
passing them by altogether to making an unsatisfac-
tory mention. Denver owed much in its infancy to
the enterprise and pluck of its stage and express
managers.
" skip." As a consequence, the reign of ter-
ror which forms a part of the early histor)
of all the Pacific railroad towns nevei
amounted to much in Denver. Still then
were plenty of bad men, and the carrying ol
fire-arms was a universal custom . Ga mblin g
too, was as open and prevalent as it is nov
in Leadville, Canon City or Cheyenne, anc
tanglefoot whisky, at two bits a drink, wai
to be had on every corner, and two or three
times between. As a natural result, quarrel
ing and bloodshed were of so frequent occur
rence as to excite no notice; and wher
anybody was killed " they piled the stiff;
outside the door," and went on with the
game under the impression that it servec
the dead man right for not being quid
enough to " get the drop " on the othei
fellow.
Although Auraria had long before losi
its identity, yet the west side remained ttu
business part of Denver until 1864; and one
circumstance which caused a change of base
was the memorable flood of that spring, one
of the events from which Denver people
date. For several days a mixture of rair
and snow had fallen over the whole regior
in an almost continuous storm, and Cherrj
Creek, ordinarily an insignificant, civil stream
was full to the top of its banks. At last there
came an unprecedented fall of hail, followec
by an hour or two of warmth, and then by i
thunder-storm. Hundreds of small reser
voirs up on the divide were thus unlockec
at a stroke, and in pitchy darkness, rain
thunder and lightning their loosened con
tents swept down the valley of Cherry Creek
and struck the town in a series of prodigiou:
waves. Uprooted trees, drifting houses anc
barns, and floating debris of every sort were
borne along vpon the swift water, and the
inhabitants of half the city, particularly or
the west side, were driven from their sway-
ing houses by this unexpected black anc
icy flood. It was a night of destruction of
property and horror to mankind throughoul
the whole region, for Cherry Creek was onl)
one of many streams that rose into majestic
proportions and asserted themselves as the
channels of awful power. Yet less than s,
score of persons lost their lives, and it was
all over in a few hours. The most serious
loss sustained was that of the county's safe,
wherein were deposited a large number of
deeds, leases, mining records and other im-
portant documents, the destruction of which
has been the source of a vast deal of litiga-
tion. Shrewd ones suspect that the safe was
found long ago, and that those who prefei
THE METROPOLIS OF THE ROCKY MOUNTAINS.
457
it should never turn up have paid so much
more highly to have it buried again than the
public authorities offered for its production,
that it never will be seen until exhumed by
some future antiquary.
Cherry Creek has " boomed " without
warning three or four times since then, and
will do so in future ; but the guards along
its banks and channel are such as, it is hoped,
will ward off disaster. When the water is
heard and seen coming down, in a mighty
flood, crested with great waves and spread-
ing from one trembling bank to another, the
fire-bells ring and the creek-side becomes
thronged with spectators, and men with
ropes, grapnels and hooks. As night ad-
vances they build great bonfires at the end
of* each street that touches the creek, and
the angry, chocolate-colored, swift-racing
waters run this long gauntlet of fires, that
throw their rays far across the turbid waste,
and lend new vividness to what is always an
exciting picture.
Meanwhile, Denver had grown to possess
fifteen hundred or two thousand people,
more and more persons had gone into the
mountains, and every available point near
the town had been preempted for ranch-
ing. The Arapahoes of the plains and the
Utes of the mountains, seeing this inroad
of white men, were far from pleased, and by
the spring of 1864 their depredations had
culminated in united war over the whole
length and breadth of the plains. The
transportation of merchandise from the East
became impossible except in great com-
panies under armed escort, and even then
hundreds of men lost their lives. My mem-
ory teems with thrilling incidents as I write.
The mail-service along the Platte became
broken up, and Colorado was practically cut
off from the Atlantic coast. Even the city
itself was fearful of attack and massacre.
Knowing this, it is not strange that so com-
plete a panic should have occurred as hap-
pened one memorable night early in June,
when the report that an army of Arapahoes
were about to sack the town spread through
the streets. It was a wonderfully propitious
moment for the savages. Most of the able-
bodied men of the town were away in the
mountains, with teams on the plains, or
doing service in the three regiments that
Colorado sent into the Union army. After
a night of scouting and patrolling, waiting
and watching, praying and cursing, fear and
fury, morning dawned and no trace of In-
dians was discovered. The whole scare
had originated with a nervous old couple
who were surprised at milking-time by the
advent of a band of horses. Never stop-
ping to see that they were unsaddled and
driven by only a Mexican boy or two, they
had leaped into their wagon and rushed
off to tell Denver that three thousand Ara-
pahoes were coming. The outcome of all
this excitement was the proclamation of
martial law, and the sudden organization
of a regiment for Indian fighting. The
"Sand Creek" campaign, followed, and
secured instant peace to the harassed set-
tlers and miners, over whose heads a toma-
hawk had been suspended for months.
The flood and the Indian scares lost to
West Denver its pre-eminence, and business
moved to the east side, building up Blake,
Holliday, Larimer and Fifteenth streets.
Its expansion since has been eastward and
northward. A walk through these scores
of solid blocks of salesrooms and factories
exhibits at once the fact that it is as the
commercial center of the mountainous
interior that Denver thrives, and congratu-
lates herself upon the promise of a con-
tinually prosperous future. Her assertion
that she is to be the largest city between
Chicago and San Francisco is likely to
be realized. Most of her leading business
men came here at the beginning, but, when
every article had to be hauled six hundred
miles across the plains by teams, their ener-
gies were limited. It frequently used to
happen that merchants would sell their
goods completely out, put up their shut-
ters and go a-fishing for weeks before the
new semi-yearly supplies arrived. Every-
body therefore looked forward with good
reason to railway communication as the
beginning of a new era of prosperity and
growth, and watched with keen interest
the approach of the iron track. In 1868,
the Union Pacific company was running
trains to Cheyenne, directly north of Denver,
and about 100 miles away; to which point
the Denver Pacific railway was being pushed,
being completed in the spring of 1869. In
the following August, the Kansas Pacific's
tracks connected Denver with Kansas City
and St. Louis. Thus, the young city found
itself removed in a single year from total
isolation to a central point on two through
lines of railway east and west. Later, it was
given a third line by the way of Atchison.
Now followed the season of business pros-
perity which sagacious eyes had foreseen.
When the railways were finished the town
had less than four thousand inhabitants.
A year from that time her population was
THE METROPOLIS OF THE ROCKY MOUNTAINS.
nearly fifteen thousand, and her tax- valuation
had increased from three to ten millions of
dollars. It was a time of happy investment,
of incessant building and improvement,
and of great speculation. Mines flourished,
crops were abundant, cattle and sheep
grazed in a thousand valleys hitherto ten-
anted only by antelopes, and everybody had
plenty of money. Then came a shadow
of storm in the East, and the sound of the
thunder-clap of 1873 was heard in Denver,
if the blow of the panic was not felt. The
banks became suddenly cautious in loans,
speculators declined to buy and sold at a
sacrifice. Merchants found that trade was
dull and ranchmen got less for their prod-
ucts. It was a " set-back " to Denver, and
two years of stagnation followed ; but she
only dug the more money out of the ground
to fill her depleted pockets, and survived
the " hard times " with far less sacrifice of
fortune and pride than did most of the
eastern cities. None of her banks went
under, nor even certified a check, and most
of her business houses weathered the storm.
The unhealthy reign of speculation was
effectually checked, and business was placed
upon a compact and solid foundation.
Then came 1875 and 1876, which were
" grasshopper years," when no crops of con-
sequence were raised in the whole State,
and a large amount of money was sent
East to pay for flour and grain. It was a
particularly hard blow just at that time,
but the bountiful harvest of 1877 compen-
sated, and the export of beeves and sheep,
with their wool, hides and tallow, was the
largest ever made up to that time. The
result of this successful year with miner,
farmer and stock-ranger, yielding them
more than $15,000,000, a large propor-
tion of which was an addition to the
intrinsic wealth of the world, had an almost
magical effect upon the city. Commerce
revived, business was brisk, a buoyant feel-
ing prevailed among all classes, and mer-
chants enjoyed a remunerative trade. Money
was " easy," rents advanced, and the real-
estate business assumed a healthier tone.
Generous patronage of the productive indus-
tries throughout the whole State was made
visible in the quickened trade of the city,
which rendered the year an important one
in the history of Denver's progress.
So, out of the barrenness of the cactus-
plain, and through this turbulent history, has
arisen a cultivated and attractive city of 30,-
ooo people, which is truly the metropolis of the
mountains. Her streets are broad, straight,
and everywhere well shaded with lines of
cottonwoods and maples, abundant in foliage
and of graceful shape. On each side of
every street flows a constant stream of water,
often as clear and cool as a mountain brook,
moistening the air and furnishing water for
household use to the poor. There are said
to be over 260 miles of these irrigating
ditches or gutters, and 250,000 shade-trees.
The source is a dozen miles northward,
whence the water is conducted in an open
channel, at a cost to the city of $10,000 a
year. For many miles in the southern and
western quarter of the town, — from Four-
teenth to Thirtieth streets, and from Arapa-
hoe to Broadway and the new suburbs
beyond, — you will see only elegant and
comfortable houses. A city of equal size*in
the East would show dwellings arranged
to a great extent in solid blocks ; but in
Denver there are only two or three instances
of this. Homes succeed one another, in
endlessly varying styles of architecture, and
vie in attractiveness, each surrounded by
lawns and gardens abounding in flowers.
All looks new and ornamental, while some
of the dwellings of wealthy citizens are pal-
atial in size and furniture, and with porches
which are well occupied during the long,
cool twilight characteristic of this climate.
The power which has wrought all this
change in a short score of years, truly mak-
ing the desert to bloom, is water; or, more
correctly, that is the great instrument used,
for the power is the will and pride of the
cultivated men and women who form the
leading portion of the citizens. Water is
pumped from the Platte by the Holly sys-
tem and forced over the city with such
power that, in case of fire, no steam-engine
is necessary to send a strong stream through
the hose. The keeping of a turf and gar-
den, after it is once begun, is merely a mat-
ter of watering. The garden is kept moist
mainly by flooding from the irrigating ditch
in the street or alley, but the turf of the
lawn and the shrubbery owe their greenness
to almost incessant sprinkling by the hand-
hose. Fountains are seen in nearly every
yard. After dinner (for Denver dines at
five o'clock, as a rule), the father of the house
lights his cigar and turns hoseman for an hour,
while he chats with friends ; or the small
boys bribe each other to let them lay the
dust in the street, to the imminent peril of
passers-by. The swish and gurgle and
sparkle of water are always present, and
always must be ; for so Denver defies the
desert and dissipates the dreaded dust.
459
Considering this abundance of water, the
dirty and unsanitary condition of central
Denver is a disgrace to her, and will pres-
ently be an alarm. Many alleys are filled
with disgusting refuse, and the gutters,
where there is not a swift stream, are choked
with filth. It is not so bad as the same
condition of things in a southern or eastern
town would be, because the dryness of the
air causes desiccation rather than the pu-
trescence of decaying matter. But it is bad
enough, and long ago it was understood
that well-water must not be consumed
inside the city limits. Now the surface-
drainage has affected even the Platte and
the Holly water, and during the summer
of 1879 much sickness resulted from drink-
ing it. At this rate, Denver's population
will be changed from a race of recon-
structed invalids to one of newly afflicted
candidates for the hospital. It is offered in
defense against these charges that the city
has increased in population ahead of its
accommodations — has outgrown itself; and
new works of great magnitude are being pro-
jected, which will bring the melted snows
directly from their rocky reservoirs in the
foot-hills and distribute the purest water in
the greatest abundance. Then it is prom-
ised that sewers will be dug, proper escape-
pipes be arranged, and an era of sanitation
begun. Hasten the day ! There is no ex-
cuse for ill-health to a sound body in this
dry, clear, exhilarating atmosphere.
Its climate is one of the things Den-
ver boasts of ; but a region where the
temperature will fall 48 degrees in a single
hour, as it actually did one January day in
1875, is °Pen to criticism, to say the least.
That the air is pure and invigorating is to
be expected at a point right out on a plat-
eau a mile above sea-level, with a range
of snow-burdened mountains within sight.
From the beginning to the end of warm
weather it rarely rains, except occasional
thunder and hail storms in July and Au-
gust. September witnesses an ugly storm,
succeeded by cool, charming weather, when
the haze and smoke is filtered from the
bracing air, and the landscape robes itself
in its most enchanting hues. The coldest
weather occurs after New Year's Day and
lasts until April. Then come the May
storms and floods, followed by a hot, dry
summer. The barometer holds itself pretty
steady throughout the year, but the ther-
mometer goes crazy, and the anemometer
is sometimes " driven almost to death."
There is a vast quantity of electricity in the
air, and the displays of lightning are mag-
nificent and often destructive. Sunshine is
superabundant. Records show less than a
score of days in seven years when the sun
has been totally obscured. It glares down
through the thin, brilliant air with burning
heat and an insupportable brightness which
it pains the eye to encounter. One can by
no means judge from the brightest day in
New York of the wonderful dazzle sunlight
has here ; nor can he fail to notice the in-
stant relief felt when he steps out of the
direct rays into the shadow. Summer heat
often reaches a hundred in the shade, and
is stifling at midday ; but with sunset comes
coolness, and the nights allow refreshing
sleep. In winter, the mercury sometimes
sinks thirty degrees below zero and stays
there for long periods, — the average for Jan-
uary is frequently more than ten degrees
below, — but one doesn't feel this severity as
much as he would a far less degree of cold
in the damp, raw climate of the coast.
Snow is frequent, but not very useful for
sleighing on account of the wind.
This wind, in fact, is the great feature
about the weather at all seasons. It does
not always blow, but the pauses are so rare
as to be a positive relief. In congratulating
herself that Cheyenne has from 1500 to
2000 more miles of wind a month than she,
Denver asserts no strong claim to being a
calm locality. The dust, which is Denver's
bete noir, is swept in blinding clouds at the
shortest notice away from before you, to be
deposited in some less desirable place, while
you get the full benefit of some else's pul-
verulent property. Nor has this Colorado
wind a decent and fixed purpose. It is a
perfect Puck of a wind, dashing down from
the mountains, or tearing in off the plains, at
a pace that defies all preparation or caution.
All the cinders resulting from kitchen fires
are required by law to be put into little close
domes of brick, — quaint little structures, like
Mexican ovens, that attract a stranger's eye
at once as he glances over the palings of
the back-yard. In one breeze a family lost
three wash-tubs, among numberless other
things, blown miles away on the plains. A
good, motherly woman, hating frivolity and
camping to please her children in the mouth
of a canon, is what this dare-devil wind
loves above all things to meet with. It
holds still till she has made everything ready,
and is just reaching out to set her frying-pan
upon the nicely glowing coals; then — piff!
and the embers are going over the top of
the hill, and the whole camp devotes itself
460
THE METROPOLIS OF THE ROCKY MOUNTAINS.
for the rest of the evening to collecting
scattered articles. There is a yarn about
a miner who, being swift of foot, chased his
vagrant fire and held his skillet over it as it
traveled. When his bacon was done he
found himself fifteen miles from camp !
Denver is not only built with the cap-
ital of her own citizens, but constructed of
materials close at hand. Very substantial
bricks, kilned in the suburbs, are the favorite
material, and no less than twenty millions
will be put into walls this year. Then there
is a pinkish trachyte, almost as light as
pumice, and ringing under a blow with a
metallic clink, that is largely employed in
trimmings. Sandstone, marble and lime-
stone are abundant enough for all needs,
and the foundations of most of the large
buildings are made of stone which will as-
say eight dollars' worth of silver to the ton !
Coarse lumber is supplied by the high pine-
forests, for the great cotton woods that shade
the lower streams are of no account, but all
the hard wood and fine lumber is brought
from the East. The fuel of the city is wholly
lignite coal, which comes from the foot-hills.
It is dirty stuff, yielding a dense smoke, and
a noticeable effect follows. A dozen years
ago, it seemed some days as though the
mountains rose abruptly from the Platte, and
one can almost credit the popular yarn of
the Englishman who started to walk out to
them before breakfast, never dreaming their
nearest slopes were a dozen miles away ; now,
however, close as they sometimes approach,
and wonderfully as they loom up before the
eye, they always seem more distant and
dim. No doubt the smoke of thousands
of fires and the exhalations of a crowded
and somewhat dirty city have made the
whole atmosphere perceptibly dense and
impure.
While she has thus been looking well
after the material attractions, Denver has
not forgotten the mental inducements to
make her midst your dwelling-place. She
is very proud of her school-buildings, con-
structed and managed upon the most ap-
proved plans ; of her fine churches, of her
flower-bedecked State offices, her seminaries
of higher learning, and her recently organ-
ized natural history and historical asso-
ciation. Society is cosmopolitan. Five
hundred people a day, it is said, enter
Denver. Nowadays " the tour " of the
United States is incomplete if this mount-
ain city is omitted. Thus, the registers of
her hotels bear many foreign autographs
of world-wide reputation.
Surprise is often expressed by the critical
among these visitors (why, I do not under-
stand) at the totally unexpected degree of
intelligence, culture in music and art, appre-
ciation of the more refined methods of
thought and handiwork, and the knowledge
of science that greets them here. Do they
think because we live on the western side
of the plains that we are out of the world ?
or because we are pioneers that we are,
therefore, boors ? Or do they cling to the
old notion that Denver is a place where one
half the population is practicing with revolv-
ers on the other half? Art and music, par-
ticularly, find friends and cultivation among
the educated and generous families who have
built up society here. There are schools and
societies devoted to sustaining the interest,
just as there are reading circles and Shaks-
pere clubs. And, withal, there is the
most charming freedom of acquaintance and
intercourse, — polish and good-breeding, de-
livered from all chill and exclusiveness, or
regard for " who was your grandfather ? "
Yet, this winsome good-fellowship by no
means descends to vulgarity or permits itself
to be abused. After all, it is only New York
and New England and Ohio, transplanted
and considerably enlivened.
One result of this, unfortunately for the
magazinist, is that there is little distinctive
character in the community. What there is
is merely off-color, if not criminal, and can-
not be dwelt upon. There used to be
plenty of life and color in the streets that
was picturesque, but, if not all gone, it is fast
going, and Denver has become as tame and
conventional as any Ohio town. I can
think of only one single custom that maybe
regarded as altogether local. In the sub-
urbs nearly every citizen keeps a cow ; and
this requires a pasture. But about Denver
there are no fenced fields, — when you get
away from the houses you are at once out
on the open plains, and could walk to the
Missouri without jumping a fence. A few
men, therefore, make it their business to col-
lect all the cows in a certain quarter of the
city every morning, drive them out on the
plain to feed, and bring them back at night.
It is a pleasant sight to see this "town-
herd" come in, in the evening, and find
their way lazily to their own doors, while
the weary herder on his decrepit broncho
lags behind, or spurs with sudden zeal and
much Mexican profanity after some truant
beast that refuses to go right.
To return to our consideration of Den-
ver's resources, it will readily be seen that
THE METROPOLIS OF THE ROCKY MOUNTAINS.
461
she stands as the supply depot and money-
receiver of three great branches of industry
and wealth, namely, mining, stock-raising
and agriculture.
The first of these is the most important.
Many of the richest proprietors live here
and spend their profits. Then, too, the ma-
chinery which the mining and reduction of
the ores require, and the tools, clothing
and provisions of the men, mainly come
from here. About 65,000 lodes have been
discovered in Colorado, and numberless
placers. Only a small proportion of these,
of course, were worked remuneratively, but
the cash yield of the twenty years since the
discovery of the precious metals has aver-
aged nearly $5,000,000 a year, and has
increased from $200,000 in 1869 to over
$10,000,000 in 1879. Not half of this is
gold, yet it is only since 1870 that silver
has been mined at all in Colorado. These
statistics show the total yield of the State
in gold and silver thus far to approximate
$100,000,000, not to mention tellurium,
copper, iron, lead and coal.
The second great means of revenue to
Denver is the cattle and sheep of the State.
The wonderful, worthless-looking buffalo-
grass, growing in little tufts so scattered that
the dust shows itself everywhere between,
and turning sere and shriveled before the
spring rains are fairly over, has proved one
of Colorado's most prolific sources of wealth.
The herds now reported in the State count
up 800,000, and the annual shipments
amount to 100,000, at an average of $22
apiece, giving $2,200,000 as the yearly
yield. Add the receipts from the sales of
hides, tallow and beef butchered here, and
the dairy consumption, and you have a
figure not far from $3,000,000 to represent
the total annual income from this branch of
productive industry. The whole value of
the cattle investments in the State is esti-
mated by good judges at $12,000,000,
nearly one-fourth of which is the property of
citizens of Denver. Yet this sum, great as
it is for a pioneer region, represents only
half of Colorado's live stock. Last year
(1878), over 2,000,000 sheep were sheared,
and more and more capital is being invested
in this industry. Perhaps the total value
of sheep-ranches in the State is not less
than $6,000,000, the annual income from
which approaches $1,000,000.
The third large item of prosperity to the
State is agriculture," although it advances in
'the face of much opposition. The main
planting, of course, is of wheat, and the
total crop at present amounts to about
2,000,000 bushels, averaging seventy cents
in price. Add to this other grains, etc., and
the annual yield of the soil in Colorado is
brought to over $2,000,000 in value.
Farmers are learning better and better
how to combat the great obstacles to agri-
culture in this State, and the tillage is
annually wider.
Nor is this the whole story. Denver is
coming more and more to be a manufactur-
ing center. The largest ore-reduction works
in the West are here ; and there are rolling-
mills, iron-foundries, machine-shops, woolen-
mills, shoe factories, carriage and harness
factories, breweries, and so on through a
long list. The most valuable of all, possi-
bly, are the flouring-mills, representing an
investment of $350,000, and handlinghalf the
wheat crop of Colorado. I have dwelt upon
these somewhat prosy statements in order to
point out fully what rich resources Denver has
behind her, and how it happens that she finds
herself at twenty years of age amazingly
strong commercially. Not only a large pro-
portion of the money which gives existence
to these enterprises (nearly every householder
in the city has a financial interest in one or
several mines, stock-ranges or farms), but the
current supplies that sustain them, are pro-
cured in Denver, and a very large percentage
of their profits finds its way directly to this
focus.
Denver thus becomes to all Colorado what
Paris is to France. Through all the enormous
area, from Wyoming far into New Mexico, and
westward to Utah, she has no respectable
rival, and she keeps pace with its rapidly
thickening population and increasing needs.
Every extension of the railways, ever}' good
crop, every new mineral district developed,
every increase of stock-ranges, directly and
instantly affects the great central mart. This
sound business basis being present, the
opportunity to dispose pleasantly of the
money made is, of course, not long in pre-
senting itself. It thus happens that Denver
shows in a wonderful measure the amenities
and means of intellectual culture that make
life so attractive in the old- established cen-
ters of civilization, where selected society,
thoughtful study and the riches of art have
ripened to slow maturity through long time
and under gracious traditions. There is an
abundance here, therefore, to please the eye
and touch the heart, as well as fill pockets, and
year by year the city is becoming more and
more a desirable place in which to dwell as
well as to do business.
462
TOPICS OF THE TIME.
TOPICS OF THE TIME.
The West Point Affair.
THERE are certain qualities and characteristics
which always distinguish the gentleman. He is
always kindly in spirit, courteous in manner, and
gallant in the defense of the weak, and especially of
those — whether men or women — who have no
power to defend themselves. Describe any man,
anywhere, in these words, and there would be no
hesitation, in any society, in pronouncing him a gen-
tleman. Great surprise has been manifested among
the people in different parts of the country that a
system of offensive and persistent discourtesy has
been practiced toward the cadet Whittaker at West
Point, on account of the fact that he had a tincture
of African blood in his veins. It was supposed that
the typical West Point cadet was a gentleman, and
that such treatment as had been bestowed upon
Whittaker would be impossible there.
Now, there is a very simple explanation of the
social treatment of Whittaker, and there is really
no occasion for surprise in the matter. For, con-
sider how the school is made up. Nothing more
miscellaneous than the components of the West
Point school can possibly be imagined. A large
number seek appointments here because they can-
not afford to pay for a first-class education them-
selves. They are often the sons of helpless widows
— perhaps sometimes of pushing and thrifty trades-
men. Indeed, we suppose that the most of those
who go to West Point are in circumstances which
render it desirable to get an education for nothing.
What sort of an assemblage would this condition
naturally bring together ? Would it naturally bring
those who have been well bred — those who have
had the culture of polite society, and of high-toned
Christian homes ? Is it reasonable to expect that
the average cadet will be a gentleman ? Is it not
asking too much that he shall make equal progress
in mathematics and polite ideas ? The smart boy
of a Congressional district may have been regarded
with pride in the little community he came from,
but he could not reasonably be expected to blos-
som at once into a gentleman when ingrafted upon
a community whose roots strike into the same soil
from which he has hitherto drawn all his nourish-
ment.
Now, the difference between West Point and Har-
vard, so far as the manners of the students are con-
cerned, is the difference between the parentage and
home and social culture of the students. There are
other colleges which share with Harvard the pat-
ronage of those whom we call our best people —
those who stand highest in the social scale — but
Harvard is, without question, the institution which
holds the largest number of students from the best
homes and highest society of the nation. Well,
how does Harvard treat the African, when brought
into direct association with him as a student?
Professor Greener, who appeared at West Point in
the trial of the Whittaker case, was a man of African-
blood, and a Harvard man. While in Harvard, he
roomed with a white man — that is, they had their
parlor together, like the other students, with sep-
arate beds in alcoves or rooms opening into the
parlor — and he was treated in all respects as if he
had been a white man, eating at the table with white
students. Indeed, the testimony seems to be that
he was much more of a favorite than many of the
white students, and particular pains were taken that
he should never feel that he was at any sort of dis-
count on account of his color. In other words, they
treated him as men of good breeding always treat
those with whom circumstances bring them into
association, provided they themselves are well-be-
haved and inoffensive. They answered our descrip-
tion of gentlemen. They were kindly in spirit;
they were courteous in manner ; and, knowing the
history of the African in this country, they took
special pains that their African associate should not
feel, while among them, any social disadvantage
which that history had subjected him to in the
minds of rude or snobbish men. There can hardly
be more than one opinion among our readers in
regard to the nature of the treatment of Greener
and Whittaker in the institutions to which they
respectively belonged. Greener was treated like a
gentleman by gentlemen ; Whittaker has been
treated with rude and disdainful discourtesy by
men who were not gentlemen. And here lies the
pity of it : the West Point boys have conceived
themselves to be gentlemen, and have looked upon
and treated Whittaker as their social inferior, and
by so doing have proved themselves not to be gen-
tlemen at all. They have made a great mistake.
What they have done has proved them to be ill-
bred boors. It has also testified to an uncomforta-
ble consciousness on their part of weakness in their
polite associations. Men of good families and an
assured position in society have no fear of com-
promising their position by being polite to a negro.
On the contrary, they are gentlemen enough to
know that they would compromise their position
very much by giving a negro any slight whatever on
account of his color. Whittaker, before the law and
at the ballot-box, is any man's equal. The Govern-
ment gives him an equal place in the West Point
institution, and the slights put upon him and all the
bitterness of race contempt that has been dealt out
to him there is an insult to the Government whose
bread he has eaten in common with those who have
persistently shunned or abused him.
There must be some among the cadets, of good
families and good instincts, whose impulses would
naturally be to treat Whittaker in a gentlemanly
way. We are sorry for these, for they have been
morally overborne by the baser elements in the
institution. They have not had the backbone to
stand by the poor African, and take the proscrip-
tion that would come of it. They must settle it
TOPICS OF THE TIME.
463
with themselves as to whether this bending to pub-
lic opinion is an evidence of bravery or cowardice,
and as to whether they can afford to have their
sense of justice sophisticated and their character for
Christian courtesy sacrificed by yielding deference
to a collection of ill-bred snobs.
The West Point Academy may be a very useful
institution in its educational and military aspect,
but until an African can have as good a chance
there as a white man, through the social respect and
kindness of all who come into contact with him, it
can lay no valid claim to being a collection of gen-
tlemen.
The Apotheosis of Dirt.
A NOTABLE meeting was held at one of the public
halls of this city, on Sunday night, May 2d. It
appears from the report of the gathering that Mr.
Bradlaugh, the English infidel, had been invited to
make a special journey to America to preside, and
that he excused himself on account of his parliament-
ary duties, and expressed the hope that Mr. Elizur
Wright would be invited to the honor which he
was compelled to decline. Mr. Wright was offered
the very doubtful honor, and accepted it. At this
meeting various men and women spoke, wjth a show
of a good deal of feeling, to a large number of appar-
ently sympathetic people. What was the occasion ?
Mr. D. M. Bennett had just emerged from the
Albany Penitentiary, and been invited by those who
had the matter in charge to put in his appearance
as a martyr. It was originally proposed that he
should appear in his prison clothes, but we presume
that he was not permitted to bring them away, so
that part of the programme failed.
And what had Mr. D. M. Bennett done — first, that
he should have been sent to prison, and, secondly,
that he should have the honor of a public reception
thrust upon him on the expiration of his term of
confinement ? He had been, by due process of law,
after a full hearing of testimony and examination
of facts, convicted of sending obscene matter through
the mails — a book which could only have been written
by its author from an impure motive, and could
only have been received by the public with a pollut-
ing and degrading effect. The claim that this book
was of a scientific nature, or that it only contained
certain advanced views of social and sexual ques-
tions, was not admitted by the court, and could not
have a moment's consideration by any body of men
excepting one made up of bawds, blackguards and
free-lovers generally. After Bennett was incarcerated,
while serving out his sentence, there appeared a
series of letters written by him to a young woman,
with whom he seems to have had criminal associa-
tion, so reeking with nastiness that even Bob Inger-
soll would not believe them, or believe Bennett was
the author of them, until assured of the fact by him-
self. Well, the assurance came in the form of a
letter from Bennett, dated at the Penitentiary.
" Yes, my dear friends," he says, " I wrote those
indiscreet letters." In one of these letters, he
says : " I have no reverence for the ceremony
mouthed over by a priest." This declaration gives
the man's status, as he stands related to one of the
great social questions, while the details of the letters
are so gross and vile, fairly groveling in moral
filth and delighting in it, that it is quite impossible
to conceive that he could work in any field of moral
effort with anything but a foul motive.
This, then, is the man ; and, now, what is the
point of all this excitement over him? It is claimed
that the liberties of the people are compromised by
the suppression of free discussion! It is claimed
that Mr. Bennett has the right to send any opinions
on anything that he chooses to print through the
United States mails, and that this right has been
infringed upon by his condemnation and incarcera-
tion ! Who are those who sympathize with him ?
Infidels — to a man ; infidels — to a woman ; for it is
to be remembered that some of the speakers — to
their everlasting shame be it spoken ! — of the Sun-
day-night meeting were women. Now, we have a
natural sympathy with doubters. We appreciate
the force of Tennyson's most suggestive couplet :
"There lives more faith in honest doubt,
Believe me, than in half the creeds — "
but the doubt must be honest. We have great
respect for a doubt that makes a man better, but we
have no respect at all for one that makes him
worse. The conclusion is entirely legitimate that
when a man's infidelity leads to a loosening of the
sense of moral obligation and to the bestializing of
his character, his doubts come from his dishon-
est heart, and not from his honest head. The great
majority of the infidels of this country have sympa-
thized with Bennett. A noble minority have de-
nounced him. The Boston " Index," an infidel
paper representing this minority, in an issue of last
October, says :
" There is not another man in America who has
wrought such incalculable injury to the Liberal
cause as D. M. Bennett, by confounding its name
with free love and obscenity in the public mind,,
depraving the tone of its literature, misleading its
adherents into a mad crusade against necessary-
laws, sacrificing its highest interests to his own.
vindictiveness and greed, and disgracing it by his-
character and life."
There speaksan honest man, and, we have nodoubt,.
an honest doubter ; but the great majority of the infi-
dels of this country are, heart and soul, with Ben-
nett. They have openly and blatantly confessed
themselves to be sympathetic with the free-love doc-
trines of the man whom they have undertaken to-
make a hero and a martyr of. The " Index " makes-
one mistake. Mr. Bennett has not transformed
his aiders and abettors in the infidel ranks into-
men and women like himself. He has only fur-
nished them an occasion for the expression of their
opinions and sympathies. He is not a man of such
intellectual force and magnetic influence that he has
been able to draw the great majority of infidels in
the country after him, but he has been able to
show, or, rather, the country has been able, through
him and the sympathy manifested for him, to see,,
that the prevailing infidel sentiment of this country
464
TOPICS OF THE TIME.
is impure to the last degree, and is not to be trusted
with any social interest or with any political influence
whatever. The safety and purity of society rests,
as it always has rested, with the believers in and
professors of Christianity. The purer influences
among the " Liberals," as they delight to call them-
selves, have been formally and effectually voted down.
Of course, no considerable meeting of such a
crowd as now compose the infidel population of this
country could be held without the abuse of Anthony
Comstock, — a man whose neck some of them would
be as glad to wring as they would that of a Thanks-
giving turkey, but who stands by his duty like the
Christian man he indubitably is. When Mr. Com-
stock came into the field which he now occupies so
efficiently, there were 165 obscene books published
in this country. Of these he has seized and de-
stroyed the plates of 163, and the owners of the
remaining two, getting scared, destroyed them
themselves. He has seized and confiscated twenty-
four tons of obscene printed matter, and arrested
425 persons for dealing in this matter. He has
seized and destroyed 1700 photographic negatives
of obscene pictures, 530 wood-cuts, and 350 steel and
copper-plate engravings. All this filthy material,
and the power of its multiplication, he has saved
from being unloaded upon the youth of this coun-
try. The watchfulness, the intrepidity, the self-devo-
tion with which he has effected these wonderful
results, stamp him as one of the most useful and
remarkable of the Christian workers of our time.
We know of no social reformer who deserves more
gratitude from the American people than Anthony
Comstock. May God spare him long to stand
between the villainous host who hate him, and our
beloved children, whom they are trying, with fiend-
ish malignity, to pollute and destroy !
And may Elizur Wright live to be ashamed of
the use the free-lovers have made of him !
Industrial Education Again.
To THOSE who look intelligently and thoughtfully
•upon the popular life of the nation, a certain great
and notable want manifests itself, — a want that is
comparatively new, and that demands a new adjust-
ment of our educating forces. At the time when
the public school system of our country was founded,
nearly everybody was poor, and the girls of every
family, in the absence of hired service, were neces-
sarily taught, not only to knit and sew, but to cook
and keep the house. Then women could not only
weave but make up the garments which they wore,
and keep them in repair. At the same time, boys
were taught to do the farm work of their fathers,
and, in case they chose a mechanical employment,
they entered an apprenticeship, under regulations
well understood and approved at the time. In
short, there were ways by which every girl and boy
could learn to take care of themselves and the
families that afterward came to them.
Various changes have come over the country
since that day. In the first place, a great change
has been made in the course and amount of study
in the schools themselves. So great has been the
pressure of study upon the schools of some of our
cities, that physicians have united to protest against
it as a prolific source of insanity. Girls, for instance,
cannot fulfill the requirements of their teachers and
have any time at home to learn any of the house-
hold arts which are so necessary to them, not only
as wives and mothers, but as maidens having only
to take care of themselves. Boys are absorbed by
their studies in the same way, and the apprentice-
ship system has been given up; our foreign mechan-
ics have, through their trades unions, entered into
a thoroughly organized conspiracy against it. A
boy is not at liberty now to decide what handicraft
he will learn, because the boss is shamefully in the
hands of his despotic workmen, and the workmen
decide that the fewer their number the better wages
they will get. Their declared policy is to limit
apprenticeships to the smallest possible number.
The result of these changes — for some of which
the public school is itself responsible — is the great
and notable want to which we have alluded, viz.,
the lack of sufficient knowledge, or of the right
kind of knowledge, on the part of boys and girls,
to take care of their own persons and to earn their
own living. Girls grow up without learning to
sew, and multitudes of them do not know how to
mend their own garments. Boys leave the public
schools without fitness for any calling whatever,
except it may be some one which calls into requi-
sition that which they have learned of writing and
arithmetic. Some sort of clerkship is what they
try for, and a mechanical trade is the last thing that
enters their minds. So we import our mechanics,
and they legislate against the Yankee boy in all
their trades unions.
Now, there are two points which we would like to
present :
1. The public school, as at present conducted, not
only does not fit boys and girls for the work of taking
care of themselves and their dependents, but absolutely
hinders them from undertaking it, or engenders ideas
that are impracticable or misleading,
2. That the public has to pay in some way for
all the ignorance of practical life in which the public
school leaves its pupils.
The pauperism that grows out of this ignorance is
an almost intolerable burden upon the public purse.
The crime that attends it is so notable that all who
are familiar with the subject know that a very large
percentage of culprits and convicts never learned a
trade. When a man of low moral sense and weak
will finds that he knows no trade by which he can
make a living, he becomes a thief by a process as nat-
ural as breathing. Pauperism and crime are, there-
fore, the inevitable result of ignorance in the way
of taking care of one's self and earning one's living.
The question of expense is one which an intelligent
and enterprising public ought easily to settle. This
ignorance is to cost money. Shall this money be
paid for the purpose of removing the ignorance/ and
obviating the necessity for pauperism and crime, or
shall it be paid for the pauperism and crime ?
We know, or appreciate, the practical difficulties
COMMUNICA TIONS.
465
that stand in the way of a system of industrial
schools, supported by public tax, but surely if it is
needed — imperatively needed — American ingenuity
will be sufficient to give it practical direction, and
secure a satisfactory result. Our good neighbors in
Boston have been trying to do something, more
particularly for the girls. They have introduced
not only plain sewing into their schools, but the
making of dresses and other garments. Only two
hours of each week are devoted to the matter, and
twenty-nine special teachers employed, but the
results are most encouraging. Mrs. Jonathan
Sturges and her associates in the Wilson Industrial
School for Girls, of this city, more than a year ago
appealed to the New York Board of Education on
behalf of the project of introducing sewing into our
public schools here, and backed their appeal by
this quotation from a Boston report : " Every girl
who passes through the Boston schools now receives
three years' instruction m various kinds of needle-
work, and is capable of being an expert seamstress.
It is said the benefits resulting from this instruction
are seen in the appearance of the children's clothing
in the schools, and are felt in thousands of homes."
Now, we ask our Board of Education if they have
anything to show, in their reports of the last ten
years, that is calculated to give a practical man or
woman the pleasure and satisfaction to be found in
such an announcement as this. Can they not see
that what these girls in Boston have learned in this
way, with a comparatively small expenditure of time
and money, is of incalculable value ? What is a
little less of algebra, or geography, or even of arith-
metic, by the side of this surpassing gain ?
Well, our Board reported against Mrs. Sturges,
though Commissioner Wheeler presented a minority
report in favor, very much to his credit ; and now
we assure our good friends of the Board that this
subject will not down, and that the times and the
public exigency demand that they shall take the
matter up again, and treat it effectively in the inter-
est of the public welfare, safety and economy.
Their own nautical school indorses the principle
involved. Even the Normal College and the Col-
lege of the City of New York may, in one sense,
be considered industrial schools. Teaching is an
industry, and these institutions, supported at the
public charge, are mainly devoted to preparing men
and women for the pursuit of that industry. It
would be the brightest feather that New York ever
won for her cap if she would establish a great free
industrial school, in which boys could get instruc-
tion in the mechanic arts, so that every poor boy
could learn a trade.
There certainly is no good reason why we should
not at least do for our girls what Boston has done
for hers, even if the boys are obliged to wait
awhile longer.
COMMUNICATIONS.
The Restoration of St. Mark's, and the English
Protest.
EDITOR SCRIBNER'S MONTHLY :
DEAR SIR : I have read, with interest and some
amusement, the English protest against the " res-
toration " of St. Mark's, to which your corre-
spondent refers in the February number. This
protest is characteristic, but singularly anomalous,
and it directs attention to a remarkable state of
things in England as well as Italy.
It is agreed that the " restoration " or alteration
of St. Mark's facade would be a loss next a calamity;
but that a nation of iconoclasts should so consider it
excites surprise. For generations the Britons have
battered the architectural structures and monuments
of their fathers. Thus perished many grand old
abbeys and cathedrals, their very ruins pathetically
eloquent of former greatness. Was the destruction
of these ecclesiastical edifices necessary? What of
the mutilation of the tombs and the breaking of the
more than three hundred ancient crosses at lona ?
What of the heaps of ivy-covered stones all over Great
Britain ? What a besom of destruction at Oxford ! —
spoliated chapels, demolished statuary and plastered
up niches. And of the present, — if the old zeal ran
mad, has its spirit departed? The lunacy which
VOL. XX.— 31.
suggested tinkering with St. Mark's is violent in
Britain to-day. Witness the modernization and
restoration at Chester. In 1878 the work upon the
cathedral had cost immense sums of money ; it was
to continue, and to include the ancient cloisters. As
to the work itself, if the exterior chancel wall is a
specimen, — to what blundering incompetence is it
committed : this restored wall is many inches out
of perpendicular ; a window in it is ludicrously
irregular, — the defects are so apparent that street boys
laugh at them. What important feudal castle,
stronghold, palace or old cathedral has escaped this
mania for restorative desecration ? Not Stirling.
Not old Grey Friars' on the hill. Not St. Giles' or
Grey Friars', Edinborough; not the Castle. Not
the noble Cathedral at Durham. Not the Chapter
House and Cathedral at York. Not the round tem-
ple of the Knights, London ; with its new tile-and-
wood work, its fashion is much like a museum at
Kensington. Not the church in whose steeple ring
the " sweet Bow Bells. " Not poor St. Margaret's by
Westminster — to destroy which was talked of; it
looks, in its "restoration," all white within, like our
new temple in ash on Fifth avenue. Not the London
Tower. Not its Norman arched St. John's Chapel.
Nor its St. Peter's Chapel, melancholy witness of
466
HOME AND SOCIETY.
the funeral gloom which hung so heavily when the
headless bodies of England's proudest were laid
away under its pavement or chancel. Not any of
its towers have escaped, where " restorationist's "
chisel could cut or hammer strike. What of the
Cathedral at Dublin, " restored by the munificence
of Sir B. L. Guiness, the wealthy brewer" ?— or of
Christ's Church, where another brewer has ex-
pended thousands to break the lines which tie pres-
ent and past ? Space forbids the continuation of
even the shortest catalogue. Almost countless
buildings are now undergoing the carving and
polishing process, or have just been finished. As at
Oxford little escaped mutilation, so now, less escapes
this ambition to restore. In a few instances, it is
true, the ancient is uncovered and brought to light.
If, as the English memorialists hold in the case of
St. Mark's, "it is within the power of science to
devise a remedy which would restore its stability
without moving a stone or altering the present sur-
face in the least," why was the same not true of
old Temple Bar? What in Britain more interest-
ing? It was the eye of all England; it swept the
whole historic page. Did the royal family or the
prime-minister interfere ? Not they. No foreign
people protested. " Unsafe ? " Where the boasted
science which could save St. Mark's ? In August,
1878, two piles of solid masonry, perhaps ten feet
high, were all that were left of the ancient gate-
way either side the Strand. Show-bills covered
them. How were the mighty fallen! Kings
waited beneath the arch erected here, while Lord
Mayors, with golden key and pomp and state, swung
! wide the bar giving lordly entrance to the city.
Queens ! Elizabeth, Mary, all, even Victoria. On
iron spikes above, many a time the bloody heads
' of traitors had been set in ghastly order. England
had nothing its equal, save possibly the Tower.
English science, vaunted by " memorialists," knew
not how to open way one side or to strengthen and
save historic Temple Bar.
A nation which destroys its own memorials of the
past and ruthlessly " restores " with savage hand
the few it spares, looks ill indeed, when as a valiant
champion for the " old " it goes among the nations
to "protest." Yours respectfully, D. C. P.
HOME AND SOCIETY.
The Slavery of To-day.
A VERY clever hit entitled " Hidden Despotism"
appeared in one of our weeklies a number of years
ago. The first Japanese Embassy had come and
gone, and the national flutter thereafter had scarcely
subsided. The sketch, written in a grave, historical
form, purported to give the impression produced
upon the Japanese mind by our American institu-
tions, customs and manners. Beneath the freedom
conferred by the Constitution a subtle but control-
ling tyranny was detected, though its nature and its
source remained hidden in mystery. After much
discussion and philosophizing, a Japanese savan was
dispatched to seek out and formulate this subtle
power, and to determine and measure the modifica-
tion it exercised upon the republican freedom of
society. The tireless efforts of the philosopher
were at last rewarded by success : the rod of iron
by which society was ruled was discovered to be in
the hands of the Irish " girl."
Few mistresses have been so fortunate as entirely
to escape this subjugation. And yet, whose fault is
it ? It is more than could be expected, even of the
most enlightened human nature, to refrain from
ruling when willing subjects present themselves.
Where tyranny is exercised there must of neces-
sity be two elements — the tyrant and the slave.
There are many reasons why really excellent,
efficient servants attain a complete ascendency in a
multitude of homes. Girls of the present day —
each one of whom in a few years will, in all prob-
ability, be at the head of a large establishment
— are educated to do absolutely nothing. They
are sent to school, probably to a fashionable board-
ing-school ; they dip into all the " ologies " and
come out with a smattering of many subjects, but
with minds in a far less vigorous, healthy and
rational condition than that in which they went in.
They rush into the rapid and empty whirl of society
— balls, parties, kettledrums, calls, theater, opera,
and, when other things fail, inordinate church-
going — till the small remnant of what they have
learned is effectually dissipated.
Without any special training for her duties, and,
what is of infinitely more consequence, lacking a
well-disciplined reason, self-control and moral ear-
nestness, such a girl marries, and is installed as queen
of her own little kingdom, — a kingdom that needs
constant vigilance, intelligence and executive ability.
The first tyranny is the worst of all — anarchy.
The poor little wife, after the misery and discom-
fort of trying to rule ignorant servants, and endeav-
oring to teach them what she does not herself know,
falls an easy victim to the first efficient woman who,
as cook or housekeeper, consents to take charge of
her ill-regulated menage and reduce it to order.
She gladly sells her birthright for a mess of pottage,
always providing the pottage be well cooked and
well served.
No woman, capable of doing higher work, should
consent to become a mere drudge if her circum-
stances permit her to delegate the household work
to other hands. But, just for this very reason, she
should inform herself in regard to every kind of
work which is to be done in her house. A large
part of it she should know how to do with her own
hands. She should be able to go into the kitchen
and show her cook how to make bread, roast meat,
prepare vegetables ; she should understand the cor-
HOME AND SOCIETY.
467
rect ways of sweeping, dusting, bed-making ; she
should be able to set a table, wash dishes, polish
silver. She should know when the laundry work
is badly done, why the clothes are muddy in color,
streaked with blue, flimsy or ill-smelling — and how
to rectify the evil. Such knowledge will not add to
the drudgery of life, but will save an immense
amount of worry, anxiety, waste and trouble. To
know just how to do a thing is the way to com-
mand and insure its being well done by dependents.
As a matter of common honesty, no woman has
a right to marry — even to marry a rich man, in our
unsettled state of society — who does not know how
to order a house, how to apportion and direct the
work of her servants, and how to oversee it intelli-
gently. She is entering into a contract which she
has not taken the trouble to fit herself to fulfill.
Marriage is, or should be, something far above and
beyond this; but there is, nevertheless, a material
side to it. All the grace, the beauty of life are
valueless, apart from a fulfillment of the homely
duties which belong to it. Putting aside all the
higher obligations, as beyond the question at issue,
a woman when she marries tacitly undertakes to
perform the inside duties of the home, just as her
husband undertakes the outside work which shall
insure its support. Her obligation to administer
the means supplied her is just as solemn as his to
supply them. If the household work does not go
smoothly and well, she will find that she has no
time or spirits to make home bright and sweet.
A girl who has grown up in a well-ordered home,
has at least the advantage of possessing a good ideal
of household comfort. Though she may have been
kept in dense ignorance of the means by which such
results have been attained, she will at least know
toward what she is working ; the not knowing how
to reach her result will entail much heart-sickening
despondency, many failures, and many tears. It
is the most foolish, the most cruel policy on
the part of a mother to permit a young girl to
undertake the duties of married life without ade-
quate preparation, special or general, to meet the
responsibilities involved. And yet, how many
mothers do this, and justify themselves, with a curi-
ous mixture of indolence, selfishness and tenderness,
by saying, " She will never be young but once; I
want her to enjoy life while she can."
One of the main difficulties in the adjustment of
domestic service comes from our artificial mode of
life. The machine-like regularity with which our
daily life moves on has a sadly dehumanizing ten-
dency. The relation between those who serve and
those who are served has come to be so rigidly
fixed, aqd the human element so entirely eliminated,
that it might almost be expressed by a mathemati-
cal formula. Every day and many times a day we
come into contact with people who have no claims
upon us, nor we upon them. We meet for the pur-
pose of making a cold and calculating exchange of
service or property, on the one hand, for a stipu-
lated amount of money on the other. In many
cases this is as it should be. We cannot and do
not want to be on terms of social equality with the
man who sells us our beef, or sharpens our knives.
The orbit of our lives must touch many others
which it is neither necessary nor right that they
should intersect.
There are relations, however, quite as incompati-
ble with any recognition of social equality as these,
where the humanities have a place ; such, for
instance, as that between mistress and maid. In a
certain sense, a servant coming into a family severs
her relation with her own people; in that sense the
new relations should supply the loss. The kitchen
walls should not inclose a dependency in revolt,
where the prevailing feeling, under the outward
appearance of cheerful civility, is that of a strong
class antagonism ; they should include a part of the
organic family life. The house should never be
divided against itself.
A young housekeeper is always in danger of ship-
wreck upon one of two dangerous rocks. She is
apt either to treat her servants as equals, or as
machines, and so forfeit either their respect or their
love. The suggestion of loving service in our
modern life is so foreign to our notions as to seem
almost ludicrous. And yet, just here it is that the
secret of perfect service lies. And just here it is,
too, that we American women make the fatal mis-
take. The relation is usually founded upon a cold,
hard, purely mercenary basis. We give our money
and our work to foreign, possibly to domestic mis-
sions, and we forget that into our hands have been
given, in a certain, though limited sense, souls per-
haps starving for sympathy, or hanging on the very
verge of destruction. It is not quite enough that
you, as mistress of a household, should be firm and
kind, high-principled and self-controlled, though
that is far more than most women can pretend to
be ; but you should feel a sense of personal obliga-
tion in the relation between yourself and your serv-
ants. A young, ignorant, perhaps pretty, girl is
brought into your house, and this is her first situa-
tion. She is cut off from such restraints as have
been around her in the home she has left. Her new
sense of liberty is sweet to her, and is apt to be too
much for her. It is not enough that you train her
in her special work, though that is much. You
must remember that she is human, that she is
young and a woman ; that she has her joys and sor-
rows, her heart-sickness and disappointments ; her
small vanities, and fluttering hopes, and peculiar
temptations. The very fact that, with all the work
she has to do, her material surroundings are
brighter and easier than those to which she has
been accustomed, that she is warmed, clothed and
fed, leaves her free to feel the flatness and monotony
of her life. The familiarity with elegancies before un-
known to her creates a want; temptations crowd thick
upon her. You, her mistress, who have introduced
her into this new life of temptation, are in a degree
responsible. You should take some oversight of
her evenings ; you should leave as little temptation to
small pilfering as possible in her way. This first
experience may determine, for good or for evil, her
life here and hereafter.
The only way open to a mistress for the exercise
468
HOME AND SOCIETY.
of such an influence, without that meddling to which
no lady can condescend, is to remember always
that this servant is not merely a device for the
accomplishment of certain work, but a human
being who has claims upon her consideration and her
sympathy. Servants are unquestionably hired to
perform certain offices, and do certain work ; it is
no kindness to them to accept as satisfactory care-
less and imperfect service. But since we are always
failing in our duties as mistresses, let us cultivate
charity and forgiveness for the frailties of others.
It is quite possible to be both strict and lenient —
strict in maintaining a high ideal even in regard
to the petty details of daily life, and lenient to the
frailty which fails of reaching our standard.
Special directions how to deal with servants would
be almost as impertinent as such directions in regard
to the training of children, but if the true relation
is established and the proper feeling cherished, — that
feeling which recognizes the difference of station
and at the same time the oneness of nature, — the
details can scarcely fail of presenting and adjusting
themselves.
In order to establish the proper state of things, a
lady should, in the first place, know precisely to the
minutest detail the work which each servant in her
house is to do; and know as well how that work
should be done. The new waitress, chambermaid,
maid-of-all-work, or whatever she may be, should,
when she is hired, be told what will be expected of
her. She should also be given general directions
each day as to the duties of the day, and the
order in which they are to be done. If she is
familiar with the duties of the place she has taken,
it is, perhaps, best to let her go to work in her
own way, and then make such changes as the indi-
vidual tastes, wishes or habits of the mistress may
dictate. Every servant who is a good worker has
ways peculiar to herself, and she will work better in
her own way than in any other. If the results are
thoroughly satisfactory, it is well to give individual-
ity a little play. If, however, the work is new to the
servant, the same routine should be followed each
day, the same orders given and the same oversight
exercised as at first, till she is thoroughly drilled.
Particular orders conflicting with the general should
be given with a recognition in words that the general
duties must be deferred for the special. Nothing is so
paralyzing, even to the disciplined mind, as a conflict
between duties. A margin of time and energy
should be allowed each day, in which special or
unexpected work may be accommodated. While a
mistress sees that her orders are reasonable,
she should also insist that they be received in
respectful silence or with cheerful assent, and stand-
ing, and also that they* be literally obeyed.
Whatever is done imperfectly or forgotten, no mat-
ter how small the thing may be, should be noticed
and corrected, and whatever is especially well done
commended. A kind word of notice is not very
hard to bestow, and it gives point and emphasis to
reproof, raising it above the mere level of fault-
finding.
While it is a cardinal mistake to do servants' work
for them, it is only right and Christian to notic<
when they are ill and unfit for work, and then tc
offer practical sympathy in the way of aid. Then
is a vast deal of cruelty practiced on servants ir
keeping them to their work when they are reallj
ill. Of course, in such a case the poor creature ha;
the liberty of leaving, but if she is honest and ha:
not, by means of small pilferings, feathered a nes
for herself outside to which she may go, it may no
always be possible for her to forfeit part of a month';
wages, or even to lose her place.
It is always good policy, if nothing more, to be
courteous to servants, to recognize little voluntar)
acts of politeness on their part. Done in the righl
way it never makes a rule less stringent, but onlj
less galling. And it is always the worst possible
policy to scold. Quiet and dignified reproof, of
course, must be given, but scolding never. Noth-
ing that cannot be effected without scolding was
ever effected with it, unless it be the silent contempl
of the servant for her mistress.
S. B. H.
On Arriving in London.
THE Liverpool lines approach London through
miles and miles of cuttings and tunnels, and ovei
high viaducts. You see very little of the city unti!
you alight, and then its vastness dawns upon you
with mingled impressiveness and uneasiness. Lon-
don read about and heard of, wondered at and
dreamed of, is at last under your feet ; and the traffic
in the streets seems to have unusual proportions
and vitality. If you are a stranger, the distances
and the relations of one part of the city to anothei
are perplexing, and it is on the supposition that yov
are a stranger that I propose to offer a few hints,
The North-western Railway lands its passengers
at Euston Square, the Great Western at Paddington,
and the Midland at St. Pancras. Euston and St.
Pancras are in the northern division of the city,
Paddington is in the north-western district, anc
each of the three stations is about equidistant from
Charing Cross — a cab fare being one shilling and six-
pence. The cab charges are one shilling for anj
distance less than two miles, and sixpence for eacli
additional mile, with twopence extra for each piece
of luggage ; but it is the custom to pay a trifle more
than the amounts prescribed by the municipality.
There is an excellent hotel at each of the stations,
controlled by the railway company, and that at St.
Pancras is probably the finest in the kingdom. If
your means will allow it, and you have not made
other arrangements, it might be well to stop at one
of these until you have learned the elementarj
geography of the city. If, however, you wish to be
economical, buy a copy of Bradshaw's " Railway
Guide," and consult the advertisements of hotels.
You will find the announcements of many in sucJ
streets as Norfolk, Surrey and Arundel, off the
Strand, which offer bed, breakfast and attendance
for from four to six shillings. The neighborhdot
of the Strand is noisy, but it is convenient to ever)
part of the city, and is traversed by omnibuses, the
under-ground railways, and the Thames ferry-boats
HOME AND SOCIETY.
469
A better class of hotels in the same locality are the
Charing Cross, the Golden Cross and Morley's. The
Langham, which is much frequented by Americans,
has rooms to let at prices from five shillings a day,
including attendance, and is also a convenient
point for visitors. The Strand has a further advan-
tage in its proximity to innumerable good restaur-
ants. You can walk from your hotel to St. James
Hall, or the Criterion of the famous Spiers and
Pond, and dine at the table d'hote for three shillings
and sixpence ; or in the Criterion grill-room, where
all the appointments are unexceptionable, you can
have a chop, or steak, or a cut off the joint with veg-
etables and bread, for one shilling and sixpence.
At the same time, in forming your estimates, it is
advisable to calculate the cost of living as being no
less than it is in American cities, while at the fash-
ionable hotels it is considerably more than at similar
establishments in Boston or New York.
Let us suppose that you wish to limit your
expenses to about ten shillings a day. You have
obtained a cab at the station on arriving from Liv-
erpool, and selected a hotel in one of the streets off
the Strand. You take your baggage in the cab with
you, and the fare is two shillings. There are no
expressmen in London. The room that you obtain
with breakfast for four or five shillings will not be
large or handsomely furnished, and the breakfast
will consist of cold meat or a chop ; but the room
will be moderately comfortable and the chop good.
You can lunch and dine at a restaurant in any part
of the metropolis you may reach in your wanderings,
and it is always possible to obtain a good dinner
" off the joint " for two shillings and sixpence. A
dinner off the joint means roast or boiled beef or
mutton, with vegetables and cheese ad libitum.
If you are to be in the city several weeks, you
will, of course, take lodgings, the best means of
finding which are the advertising columns of the
London "Telegraph," "Times," or "Echo." A
small parlor and bedroom may be rented for a
guinea a week, which should include fire, gas and
attendance. Do not select a regular lodging-house.
There are innumerable pretty villas in the suburbs,
in which you can obtain charming apartments at a
reasonable price, and, if you require it, the landlady
will cook any provisions you may buy without
additional charge.
ALEXANDER WAINRIGHT.
Letters to Young Mothers. (Second Series.) II.
GIRLS* DOLLS AND BOYS* COLLECTIONS.
I THINK Eve must have been the only woman who
couldn't recollect playing with paper dolls. There is
a limit to a family of ordinary dolls, for the dresses are
generally beyond the power of the little mothers to
make ; and the patience of the best-natured real mother
fails if she has too many grandchildren to sew for.
But paper dolls ! Why, a child can have a hundred or
two, and if she makes and clothes them all, who can
complain ? Of course, those they make themselves
are a great deal more precious than any you can buy.
Besides, like almost everything else, the doing is
better than the thing done. But home-made dolls
are apt to have homely faces. To remedy this, let
them make bodies to match the pretty little heads
that come among the embossed pictures used for
decorating. An ingenious girl will soon learn how
to do it, if you give her a single pattern, and will
vary the bodies to suit the heads. As for the ladies,
a body is not at all necessary, — the elaborately
trimmed and trailed skirts make up for that slight
deficiency. Old fashion-plates and pattern catalogues
will furnish hosts of dolls, and tissue paper and a
little ingenuity will provide wardrobes. I saw a
little girl of eight years made as happy as a queen by
a birthday present of a complete dress-making estab-
lishment for her paper dolls. It was a small wooden
box, neatly lined with colored paper, and holding a
bottle of mucilage, a pair of blunt-pointed scissors
" for her very own," and a dozen half-sheets of
bright-colored tissue paper. The other half-sheets
were laid one side to be brought out when these
were gone. The cost of such a box, as you see,
is trifling, but more amusement could be got out of
it than from many a costly toy.
If your little girls are like mine, they are con-
stantly teasing for "something to sew," and that,
too, when you are too busy to oversee their patch-
work, or anything you wish them to do well. If you
give them an old stocking to darn, it takes only
a few minutes to mend that all up into a heap, and
then the cry begins, " Mamma, that is all sewed up ;
I want something more." At your leisure cut some
perforated card-board into pieces small enough to be
handled easily ; mark with a lead pencil some sort of
a pattern, — flowers, birds, letters, animals, anything,
— and let them embroider it with bright-colored
worsted. (Between you and me, they will not be
much more hideous and useless than a good deal of
the " fancy work " with which grown-up girls amuse
themselves.) Older children can prick patterns in
stiff paper with a large needle. Words like papa,
mamma, sister, etc., can be marked for them to prick
and work into "book-marks " for birthday presents.
Do not expect any of these things to be either pretty
or good for anything; then you will not worry
yourself or the children over them. All you care
for is to keep them busy and interested ; it is only
another form of play.
When, however, the children are large enough to
sew in good earnest, they can amuse themselves
and learn a great deal about cutting, fitting and
sewing by making their dolls' clothes. Cut paper
patterns for them, show them how to lay these pat-
terns on the cloth, and give them a few directions
about beginning; then let them cut the garments
out themselves. When the cutting is finished, pin
the separate pieces together and let them baste the
garment. Stitch the long seams on your machine,
leaving them to do such short ones as will teach
them the various stitches without discouraging them
by the amount. " What ! " says one, who believes
that woman was made for the needle, not the needle
for woman, — "teach a girl to sew by stitching her
doll's clothes on the sewing-machine?" Yes; why
not ? We do not teach children to walk by starting
them on a pedestrian tour from New York to Bos-
47°
CULTURE AND PROGRESS.
ton. Nor is it necessary, in order to teach a girl to
sew, that she should do a great deal at once of one
stitch. (I never could see any sense in giving the
tiresome "over-and-over " to beginners. It is one of
the most difficult stitches to do well, and yet " patch-
work" is usually the first lesson.) Many a woman
harbors a life-long dislike to sewing because of the
coarse towels and dull patch- work she dragged over
in those dreary hours when she was "learning to
sew." Don't you remember how you used to say,
" If I could only have something pretty and inter-
esting, and that could ever be finished ! " What
grown woman does not get " tired to death " of a
garment which lies in her work-basket for weeks ?
And a little girl's sewing-work, soiled by long
handling, and, perhaps, by bitter tears, is anything
but inviting; she hates it long before she finishes
it. But if it is a doll's dress which she has helped
cut out and partly sewed, if it " goes together " in a
single afternoon, she is eager to see it on the doll,
and she works happily and quickly under the spur
of the present interest.
An ingenious mother can use many of the " gifts "
and "occupations" of the Kindergarten, even if
she does not carry out the plays fully. There are
paper-pricking and mat-weaving, for instance.
Children delight, too, in clay-modeling ; it is a sort
of scientific mud-pie, — but it is rather dirty work.
But we must not forget the boys. Through the
summer days let them turn their country rambles to
good account by making "collections." The ar-
ranging and re-arranging of these things will keep
them busy many a stormy winter's day. It is not
the things collected which are of any value,
usually, — though they do pick up a good deal of in-
formation from their bugs, butterflies, stones, shells,
coins or postage stamps, — but, most of all, the school-
ing in energy and perseverance. Even a collection
of stamps and postmarks from old envelopes, insig-
nificant as it may seem at first sight, will help to
organize their geographical knowledge. The coun-
tries, states or subdivisions arrange themselves,
and form a rough frame-work to uphold the facts
learned from books or general reading in after
years. That is the Kindergarten idea, I believe, —
to use the brains, and eyes, and fingers ; to learn to
be deft, and quick, and neat.
Besides, these collections will furnish a wide-
awake mother constant favorable opportunities for
training her children, morally as well as mentally.
An over-generous child, who will be tempted to
give everything away, will learn to count the cost
before he commits himself. A careless one will,
perhaps, learn to take care of his treasures, if he
finds that is the only way to have any. Again,
the continual exchanges with their playmates may
be the means of teaching them to be both honest
and prudent. A boy who has learned to be
thoroughly fair, and who is not often imposed upon,
has made good progress in the principles of a sound
business education.
MARY BLAKE.
CULTURE AND PROGRESS.
De Kay's "Hesperus and Other Poems."
THE tendency of the imaginative literature of
our day, and especially of poetry, to feminize itself,
if we may coin the word, meets in this powerful,
manly verse the same wholesome corrective that
has hitherto been supplied by such men as
Browning, Emerson and Whitman. In boldness
of expression, passion as distinguished from
sentiment, freshness and accuracy of observation,
and the invariable prominence given to the idea
over the form, Mr. de Kay suggests without imita-
ting one or another of these widely varying poets. His
originality is that of one who sees every-day nature
with his own eyes, who hears her message with his
own ears, and is bent upon translating to the world
in his own words the beauty that has been revealed
to him. A glance over the table of contents will
show how wide is his range of subjects, while his
skillful reproduction of archaic or foreign forms ac-
complished in the " Poems of Other Lands," evinces
a sympathy as deep and keen as it is broad. The
elaborate workmanship which Rossetti, Swinburne
and Morris have bestowed upon their Northern
ballads contrasts unfavorably with the rugged, terse
simplicity of " Ulf in Ireland." Here Mr. de Kay
succeeds in dramatically reviving the primitive sav-
age passion of the brutal Celt, and proves himself
equal to the crucial test of managing a refrain so
that it shall be, not an excrescence, but an integral
part of the whole, adding to the climax of horror.
However, he need not resort to remote periods and
countries for his inspiration, — he is nowhere stronger
than on his own soil, dealing with the commonest
scenes and emotions (as in the love-songs and some
of the miscellaneous poems, — " Serenade," " In
Central Park," "Off Sandy Hook," "On Revisiting
Staten Island," etc.), or when he narrows or rather
localizes his thought to a national theme, as in
the poem referring to the Tuly riots of 1863, and
"The Seer." His work when he is not treating
foreign subjects is essentially American, not only in
its tone of fearless independence, but in the hues and
figures of the landscape, its flora and fauna, its at-
mosphere, and, so to speak, its whole aroma.
The singular union of a luxuriant imagination
with a keen perception and strong grasp of the
actual, — a streak of morbid fantasy lying side by
side with an intensely practical and realistic vein, —
which we have seen already twice exemplified in
American literature, by Hawthorne and Poe, we
find repeated in Mr. de Kay. Contrast in his
volume such poems as " Goats," " Friendship,"
" Spring in the City" (at times realistic to the verge
of baldness), with the spectral eeriness and glamour
of the sonnets on the Beethoven sonata, the snake-
CULTURE AND PROGRESS.
like beauty and brightness of " Longings," the
terrible fascination of such lines as this from " Sur-
render ":
" There's a strange luxury in being undone,
Crushed flat, brayed fine, wiped out and all destroyed,
A mighty joy to meet that glorious one
Whose power is boundless as the unsounded void, —
To feel a force that plays with you a while,
Takes your best life's blood for his lawful spoil
Till, fed superb by you, the careless render
Stalks on in splendor."
Like all true poets, he is near enough to
nature to entertain intimate relations with the
little creatures whose secrets are hidden from the
prose-sense of the world. He is never more
charming or more original than when he plays with
these children of his imagination. We know of
nothing more graceful, more sportively elfin and
picturesque, than the woodsy poem entitled " Little
People." The last two lines of the third stanza
are a poem in themselves :
" They sighed and ogled, whispered, kissed,
In meetings of the swaying dance ;
Then fled not, but were swiftly missed,
Like love Jrom out a well-known glance."
As for the uncanny beauty of the satyrs' revel
around the " smooth red lizard " in the " Arcana
Sylvarum," we should be at a loss to find a parallel
for its mysterious and powerful charm.
That Mr. de Kay should have the "defaitts de ses
qualites " is only to be expected. His faults are all on
the surface, and lie so much more within the range
of the ordinary reader's mind than do the subtle,
vigorous characteristics of his genius, that in all
probability they will materially delay a fitting gen-
eral estimate of his work. The most conspicuous
is the absence of a proper standard of taste ; this
makes him at times overshoot, at times fall short of
his aim. His aversion to the artificial, the senti-
mental and the false makes him sometimes sink into
the trivial and commonplace; on the other hand,
his audacity of imagination sometimes misleads him
into sheer bombast and caricature, as in " The Two
Giants." Occasionally he comes so near to the
proverbial limit of the sublime, that one is inclined
to think him lacking in a delicate sense of humor.
Throughout the volume we are also not infrequently
disturbed by a clumsiness of expression which
sometimes entangles him in hopeless obscurity.
The four season poems, while containing some
of his finest passages of description and most faith-
ful report of nature, are altogether lacking in struct-
ural beauty, — both in symmetry of shape and unity
of design. The opening stanza is crude, defective
in rhyme, and so abrupt as to be well-nigh unintel-
ligible. Mr. de Kay, unfortunately for his popular
success, has reversed the usual order of poetic de-
velopment: his thought and intellect have ripened
in disproportionate advance of his power of expres-
sion. His verse is not the melodious echo of his
predecessors or contemporaries, but the bold, some-
times stammering utterance of an original observer.
As the admirable M. Doudan says : " It is not
enough [for the artist] to see and feel; he must
make others see and feel." This will be an almost
impossible task for Mr. de Kay, as far as the general
public is concerned, until he has more completely
mastered the technical difficulties of his art. We
are not sure that the fault is not deeper-rooted in
an excess of self-consciousness, hampering expres-
sion, and only giving way before the most genuine
impulse of intellect or feelings. Certain it is that
we find on one page a boyish inflation or triviality
of style ; on the next, a depth and originality of
reflection or feeling which prove the earnest man
and the born poet.
From these criticisms, as we have already sug-
gested, a good portion of the book must be excepted.
The best poems, especially the love-lyrics, are
complete gems. "The Blush," besides having that
rare tenderness which accompanies masculine
strength, is perfect as a mere specimen of style,
recalling the rich, manly sonnets of the Elizabethan
period. " Dawn in the City" is full of fresh, imag-
inative beauty. " The Serenade " is a masterpiece
of spontaneity, and but for the worldly-Quaker
mixture of " thee " and "you," a good example of
metrical finish :
" When on the pane your face you press,
The twin lights gazing toward the shore
Are my two eyes forevermore.
Behold and weigh their dumb distress:
Against that one sweet fleeting sight
They bide them constant all the night.
" The gray gull blown from out the sea,
That gams swift-winged your purple shore
When, far put, grievous tempests roar
Is my embodied thought of thee.
My world, so dry with hopeless drouth,
Grows fresh at thought of one red mouth.
" The wild rose reaching forth a hand
To grasp your robe on bridle-path
Be sacred from your gentle wrath —
It is my longing fills the land.
The grasses on each favored sod
Bow down to kiss where you have trod.
The winds that in the chimney blow
Are babbled words of tenderness,
And tributes to your loveliness
The red leaves falling from the bough ;
In love so wide and yet so rare
Each thing of nature asks a share."
Mr. de Kay paints his pictures with a large brush,
and with a glowing wealth of color; it seems as
if a background of gold relieved and heightened
the bold imagery of these verses on Summer :
"Love, love, yes, love!
AU up the wood the faint aromas creep;
Sonorous bells are pealing from the lake,
And wide-eyed night is drinking — breathless, deep —
A marsh-born chorus, glorious for the sake
Of some great joy. But we are couched on mold,
Wliere webs of steep trees etch a mellow moon ;
From rhythmic waters, pulsing to a tune,
Our low lids catch a shifting foil of gold, —
For you are found, the riddle known not of,
But longed for long, my sun-moon-stars of love.
"Yea, life, life, life!
At my first change, the glad earth rustled green
At thy first coming, sharper grew the shades.
But now close-linked, the tasseled maize between,
We guide the hurrying sap, we part the blades
Where thin ears peep ; we pull the buckwheat head,
And as we pass the peach turns golden-brown;
472
CULTURE AND PROGRESS.
Great roses blow; the blackberry its crown
Sinks heavily, while deeper grows its red.
Oh, love is work, our life-work, love; we strive
In love for new life, and our aims arrive."
It is difficult to convey in a brief notice an ade-
quate idea of Mr. de Kay's descriptive power, for it
pervades whole poems, and consists rather in im-
parting the feeling, — the spirit of the scene, — than
in accumulating, after the manner of most modern
word-painters, highly finished single traits. Our
meaning is exemplified by the striking poem, " An
Arab/' — sultry, vivid and real in its orientalism:
"Yes, like an Arab, sworn the desert still
Shall hold him gaunt within its virgin bounds,
Like him I march. For he, perceiving sounds,
Sees through the gate-ways of an and hill
Wide-gleaming lakes, where birds of luscious notes
Swing the green palms to throbbing of their throats.
Where flowers expand, whose face, eyes, ears form one
Clear, trembling cup, to drink of the filtered sun,
And mark the time to harmonies begun.
" Yes, like the Arab, for he may not bide,
Should these be real; but false, why then he may
Prick with his spear the shadowy array,
And chase the enchantment o'er the desert wide.
But if! — but if! The senses are not clear
When long the sun has charred, and hideous glare
Of baked gray plain to weary brain has stung;
When heat roars past the ears like anthems sung
Deep down in hills by many an Afreet's tongue. '
Here is a separate bit of a different color, no less
fresh and graphic, from the spirited Irish legend of
" The Four Konans " :
" The stranger laughed, and quaffed with lips as cranberries
red.
All golden were the curls about his shoulders shed ;
His eyes flashed blue as ice when north- winds yarely blow;
His forehead had the splendor of newly-fallen snow.
Mr. de Kay is one of the very few living writers
of English who can write a song ; witness " The
Tall Wheat," " Song for Wet Weather," " In the
Green Woods," and this rippling little nameless
stream of melody, which seems to set itself to
music :
" Light, light, light is the hand of my love in the morning,
Light as the foam, cool as the breeze, white as the day ;
Dear, dear, dear the vein that her arm is adorning,
Blue as the hills, irises smothered in spray.
" Warm, warm, warm is the shoulder I press in our roaming,
Kind as a pet, timid and brave, tender and true;
Hush, hush, hush ! guess what I found in the gloaming,
Richer than roses, sweeter than wine, fresher than dew."
An encouraging feature of the book is that it
steadily progresses to the end, to the ringing ballad
of " The Seer " (pithy, direct and stern, like an echo
of the Eddas), closing with the noble poem which
gives the volume its title, and which strikes a
deeper note, and sustains a fuller and broader har-
mony than any of its predecessors.
The last stanza of this thoroughly modern piece
of verse may fitly close our view of this remarkable
young poet, whose genius may be trusted to work
out its own salvation.
" Some one foreknew the desperate heart of man
When stars and moon and the bright northern sky,
Obedient to a Sun-of-suns, began
Through the dark night the name of Light to cry.
A fly's love-lantern to the swamp is pledge
That somewhere dwells a midmost soul of flame ;
Through the black storm a sword of dazzling edge
Flashes a hope and scores an eternal name.
And since the night forms but a lovely version
Of glorious day, different but no less real —
Mortal, look up ! so shall this clay's dispersion
Prove but the step into a life ideal."
" Certain Dangerous Tendencies in American Life."*
THIS book has merit of an unusual kind, and is to
be judged by other than a merely literary standard.
It is in the main a close study of aspects of Amer-
ican life which are of great importance to the
national welfare, and which have failed to receive
the attention they deserve. The author has gone
as a careful observer among the industrial classes in
towns and manufacturing villages. He has studied
the condition, tendencies, dangers, and opportu-
nities of these classes, and the duty toward them of
the educated and the wealthy. Several of the
chapters have essentially the quality of first-class
newspaper reporting. They are testimony, and
not mere theorizing. Such is the graphic and
valuable description of " A New England Village ";
such are the papers on "Three Typical Working-
men" and " Workingmen's Wives." But the
writer is something more than an observer. He
has drawn large inferences, and enforces them with
vigor, as to the remedial appliances which our in-
dustrial and social system calls for. He is not the
expounder of any new creed, nor does he offer any
patent panacea. The substantial ideas which un-
derlie his recommendations are largely the old, and,
in a sense, familiar ones of education, thrift, and
mutual helpfulness. But he deals in specifics and
not in generalities. He sharply points out the
habitual mistake of educated people in thinking
that when an idea has once been lucidly presented
to the world it may be trusted thereafter to do its
own work. He urges the systematic and vigorous
diffusion among the mass of the people of those
notions which are already commonplace among the
well-educated. The wide prevalence of the crudest
superstitions in regard to labor, social organization
and religion, is strikingly represented. There is
shown the ultimate, and, in some cases, the near
danger to property and the fundamental interests of
the State, if a higher intelligence and more rational
morality are not diffused. One of the strongest
points of the book is its enforcement of the direct
and vital interest of capital in the moral elevation
of labor. It is forcibly shown to be not a matter of
mere sentiment or disinterested philanthropy, but of
dollars and cents, for the wealthy class to see to it
that the laboring poor are directed and helped into
more rational ways of thinking and living. The
need is well presented of another class of news-
papers and books, of more direct utility and sim-
plicity,— intellectual food at once nutritious and
easy of digestion. We mention these only as
specimens of the special recommendations of the
volume. It covers, condensedly, a large and some-
what various field. Occasionally the author falls
into misstatement or exaggeration. Thus, he puts
* Certain Dangerous Tendencies in American Life, and
Other Papers. Boston : Houghton, Osgood & Co. 1880.
CULTURE AND PROGRESS.
473
the national debt incurred by the war at two thou-
sand millions — about half the real amount ; and also
speaks of the national debt as being prodigiously in-
creased after the war, which is incorrect. When he
says : " Perhaps a majority of the members of the
Evangelical Protestant Churches in this country
have at some time consulted the spirits of dead
people, by the help of some professional ghost-seer
or medium," we are inclined to think that his
" perhaps " covers an enormous exaggeration. An
occasional something of this kind a little impairs our
confidence in his trustworthiness as a witness to
points. The book is sober and realistic in style,
but we have an impression that the author is at
bottom a thorough idealist, and liable to interpret
facts through the medium of his own perceptions.
His pet aversion is the optimists, the people who
believe that all is coming out right anyhow, and
that our chief duty is to sing hallelujah over human
progress. He leans, we think, toward the other ex-
treme, is more gloomy in his prognostications than
facts fairly warrant, and does not make due account
of the reserve forces of intelligence and moral
sobriety in the American people. Our political
history, especially since the war, is full of threaten-
ing lurches of the ship of state, from which
she trims herself and recovers balance as
time and talk bring out the quiet second
thought of the people. The conservative forces
which thus show themselves in politics are no
less at work in the other phases of national life.
But, in the main, we consider this book truthful in its
views and most valuable in its lessons. It is a fine
example of one of the most promising manifestations
of intellectual activity among us, — the close and
serious study by earnest men of the real conditions
and requirements of American life. The long anti-
slavery conflict, culminating in the passion of the
war, trained a generation of reformers into reliance
upon broad and simple moral sentiments, and com-
parative disregard of the complicated phenomena of
free industrial civilization. Now we are beginning
to study more closely the relations of classes, and
the mutual requirements ,of the millions who toil
with their hands and those who possess science
and culture and capital. This book deals with its
subject in the true spirit of high moral aim united
to sober study of fact. It deals in no technicalities ;
its style is lucid and simple; and it will do good
service in stimulating and suggesting.
Lanier's "Science of English Verse."*
IT is scarcely too much to say that this is the
most important as it is the most original work on
versification with which we are acquainted. In his
preface, Mr. Lanier cites at length a number of treat-
ises on verse-making, from the twelve-hundred-year-
old " Epistola ad Acircium," of Aldgate, to the
" Laws of Verse " of Professor J. J. Sylvester, and to
the " Essay on Alliterative Metre," by the Rev. W.
* The Science of English Verse, by Sidney Lanier. New
if ork : Charles Scribner's Sons. 1880.
W. Skeat : he omits, we notice, the unpretending but
useful " Rules of Rhyme," by the late Tom Hood,
and the pretentious and useless " Treatise on Eng-
lish Versification," by Mr. Gilbert Conway, pub-
lished in London only two years ago; but no one
of these many books, old or new, good or bad,
attempts to cover the ground Mr. Lanier has here
pre-empted. Hitherto the subject has been treated
with entire inadequacy, and it calls strenuously for
reconsideration in the light of later ideas. A study
of foreign meters, especially old French and Italian,
has done much during this century to break the
bonds of the rigid heroic couplet in which Eng-
lish poetry had for a hundred years or more been
bound ; and there was urgent call for a book which
should set forth the foundations on which the science
of versification rests, for the benefit both of those
who may seek to speak in numbers, for the numbers
come, — a class which includes, at some period of
their lives, nearly all who may be in any way tinct-
ured with literature, — and of those who, merely
reading poetry, need more or less knowledge of the
mechanism of verse for the fuller enjoyment of the
poet's work. A book was wanted which should set
before us the internal structure of the verse of
Shakspere and of Milton, — "mighty-mouthed invent-
or of harmonies," — and which should tell us wherein
consisted the charm of the emptier meters of Poe
and Swinburne. It is only in the discussion of these
purely artistic questions that Mr. Lanier's book is
wanting ; he has confined himself strictly within the
limits indicated by his title, — indeed, if he were to
discuss the art as well as the science of verse, twice
his ample three hundred pages would scarce suffice.
After this statement of what Mr. Lanier's prede-
cessors have not done, and of what he has not done
himself, it may be well to declare just what it is that
he has done. And this is no easy task. Mr.
Lanier has not made any modification of the accepted
theories of English verse; he has torn them up by
the roots ; and he offers us in their stead another
theory of his own, in accordance with the latest dis-
coveries of the essentially modern science of sound.
That Mr. Lanier's theory will meet with much
opposition, and even ridicule, is possible and even
probable. That it is, in the main, the right one,
and will therefore in the end prevail, we have no
doubt. To set forth, in the scant space here at our
disposal, this new theory of Mr. Lanier's is ob-
viously impossible. Its radical basis may, however,
be briefly indicated, and as far as may be in Mr.
Lanier's own terms and phrases.
Verse is a set of specially related sounds. Now,
sounds may be studied with reference only to four
particulars — duration, intensity, pitch, and a quality
which Mr. Lanier terms tone-color, including there-
under, rhyme, alliteration and the proper apportion-
ment of vowels and consonants. For exact co-ordi-
nations of intensity the human ear has no means;
but the other three qualities it can exactly co-ordinate ;
when it does so with primary reference to dura-
tion, the result is rhythm ; when the primary reference
is to pitch, the result is tune. After an introductory
chapter, therefore, Mr. Lanier divides his volume
474
CULTURE AND PROGRESS.
into three parts, in which he discusses, first, the
rhythms of English verse; next, the tunes of English
verse, and finally the colors of English verse.
This explanation may seem unduly technical, but
Mr. Lanier carefully explains and illustrates every
term as he introduces it, and any one may follow his
lead without difficulty. Even the frequent analogies
he finds in music are so set down that even those
ignorant of musical terms cannot but understand.
It is in the first part, on the rhythms of English verse,
that Mr. Lanier is most radically original, and, it is
a pleasure to add, most undoubtedly right. The
pages in which he lays the foundation of versifica-
tion on the rock of modern physics deserve study
by all who have ever given any attention to prosody.
Indeed, if it be not deemed impertinent, one might
suggest a careful perusal of it to the learned gentle-
men who continue to befog Latin verse with medie-
val theories of scanning. To that ubiquitous
person, the general reader, the third part of the book
is perhaps the most interesting; it is pleasant to see
that with logical exactness Mr. Lanier gives in to no
out-of-date theory of " allowable rhymes," and of
"rhymes to the eye," both palpable absurdities which
have only too long cumbered the text-books. Before
leaving the volume it should be noted for the benefit
of Shaksperean students that Mr. Lanier has occa-
sion to consider carefully the Shakspere verse-texts,
at which Mr. Swinburne, with characteristic un-
wisdom, has lately taken it upon himself to sneer.
" DEMOCRACY " falls short of being a clever
novel, but its pages bear evidence to the fact that it
has been written by a very clever author. The
criticism on Madame de R6musat's memoirs, that
they showed some observation and much imagina-
tion, may be applied to this American novel.
The author's cleverness is manifested in that charm-
ing colloquial and easy style which, with us, in
conversation and books, is the woman, and by the
power of rendering the usual "society" novelist's
lay figures interesting and pleasant, while they
move without volition of their own, although the
author occasionally galvanizes them into a sem-
blance of naturalness. The principal personages in
the book are the pretty, cultivated, wealthy and unin-
cumbered widow, Mrs. Lightfoot Lee; her sister
Sybil, a babyish young lady of twenty-five ; Victo-
ria Dare, an American girl of the type which Mr.
James tones down and Ouida exaggerates, who
captivates a stupid and good-hearted young earl;
Silas P. Ratcliffe, a compound of Daniel Webster
and the Honorable Bardwell Slote ; Carrington, the
melancholy and aristocratic Southerner ; the British
Minister ; and the diplomatist Baron Jacobi, a Vol-
tairian, and of the Old World to the tips of his
fingers. Of these Jacobi is decidedly the best.
The tilts between this old cynic of the eighteenth
century and the senatorial Ratcliffe, "the Prairie
^/Democracy. An American Novel. New York : Henry
Holt & Co.
Giant of Peoria," the favorite son of Illinois, an
neatly described. The two are in love with Made
leine (Mrs. Lee) — Ratcliffe earnestly, the baroi
because it is his habit to be in love with the pret
tiest woman in his set. Here is a glimpse ol
Jacobi's courtship :
" He delighted in exposing to Madeleine's eye
some new trait of Ratcliffe's ignorance. His con
versation at such times sparkled with historical allu
sions, quotations in half-a-dozen different languages
references to well-known facts which an old man'
memory could not recall with precision in all their de
tails, but with which the Honorable Senator was famil
iarly acquainted, and which he could readily supplj
And his Voltairian face leered politely as he listene
to Ratcliffe's reply, which showed invariable ignc
ranee of common literature, art and history. Th
climax of his triumph came one evening when Ral
cliffe unluckily, tempted by some allusion to Molier
which he thought he understood, made reference t
the unfortunate influence of that great man on th
religious opinions of his time. Jacobi, by a flas
of inspiration, divined that he confused Moliere wit
Voltaire, and, assuming a manner of extreme suavitj
he put his victim on the rack and tortured him wit!
affected explanations and interrogations, until Made
leine was, in a manner, forced to interrupt th
scene."
In an earlier part of the book, Senator Ratcliff
offends the proprieties by wearing at dinner " th
largest and whitest pair of French kids that coul
be bought for money on Pennsylvania avenue," bu
it does not seem to strike the author that his offens
was venial compared with the vulgarity of the littl
diplomatist in quoting from " half-a-dozen differen
languages."
As an evidence of the tendency of a certain clas
of Anfericans to despise themselves and their in
stitutions, " Democracy " is significant. It woul<
teach us that Silas P. Ratcliffe, ignorant, savagel1
immoral in the sense of not comprehending moral
ity, is a fair specimen of the men whom the Wes
delights to honor, and that the aristocratic and unex
ceptionable Carrington is a fair specimen of thi
Virginian gentleman — that democracy is a failure
and that life abroad is so infinitely higher and bet
ter, that no American of culture ought to endure thi
demoralizing contact of the masses.
Well-known names are very thinly disguised ii
the novel, and some of the characters may possibh
be considered portraits by persons who have nevei
lived in Washington. The British Minister, Lore
Skye, who, being a bachelor, cannot be supposec
to represent the present amiable envoy, offers ;
favorable contrast to the wild Western people ii
the book, and even Lord Dunbeg, though he is i
mild idiot, is redeemed by the Americans who
whatever brains they may own, have actually beer
known to wear flaming colored cravats at a dinner
party ! The stars and stripes refuse to drop a:
effectively as the British flag at Lord Skye's f£te
and, on the whole, the base Western people an
always shown in the attitude of refusing to apolo
gize to the cockneys for not dropping their "h's.'
And yet, with all its faults of exaggeration, and bar
taste, and that cadishness which is only a reactior
CULTURE AND PROGRESS.
475
after many Fourth-of-Julys of defiance of the " effete
monarchies," " Democracy " is worth reading, if
only as a study of our political and social position
from the point of view of a class which the author
thoroughly represents.
Marion Harland's "Loitering in Pleasant Paths."*
MARION HARLAND had established a wide repu-
tation for herself as a novelist when she entered
the well-trodden field of cookery-book literature.
Her household essays gave her a new and enviable
fame. And now that she has printed her impres-
sions of foreign travel, there will naturally be some
curiosity manifested to discover if the novelist and
model housekeeper is equally at home in these new
paths. It must be confessed that it requires a little
audacity to write a book of travel nowadays ; espe-
cially does it to give to the world pictures of Euro-
pean scenery and places already made familiar to the
million of traveling Americans by their own jaded
experience, and to the other millions of untraveled
Americans by the multitudinous books of travel
which groaning presses have thrown off during
the past few years of the republic. Nevertheless,
the writer has contrived to make a readable book.
We shall none of us, probably, ever grow weary of
reading about the things with which we are already
well acquainted, whether these are at home or
abroad ; it is only necessary that the telling shall
be well done, and we are ready to be told the same
old story many times. This loiterer in pleasant
paths was clearly most at home in Old England,
"our old home." It is here that she is most deeply
touched by the memories of the past, most willing
to be imposed upon, if need be, when sight-seeing ;
for her charity is very great when she looks through
the England of the present to the dear old England
of the past. But she quickens the reader's classic
recollections, also, when she reaches Rome and
ponders over its monuments, and brings history out
of its moldering ruins. If there were a little less
of the ego in the book, less of the intrusion of the
invalid and her personal worries, less of the individ-
ualities of the traveling party, the reader, who is
not apt to care so much for a traveler as for what he
sees, would be better pleased. But it is not given
to every writer of a book of foreign travel to efface
himself from the pages of his work.
Janson's "Spell-Bound Fiddler. "f
THIS is a very unpretentious little tale, and, like all
Mr. Janson's later writings, it has a pronounced
tendency. The moral lesson, which undoubtedly
needed to be impressed upon the audience which the
author particularly had in view, has not the interest
of novelty on this side of the ocean, although it is
* Loitering in Pleasant Paths. By Mnrion Harland, author
of " The Dinner Year-book," " Common Sense in the House-
hold," etc. New York: Charles Scrihner's Sons. Pp. 435.
1 The Spell-Bound Fiddler. A Norse romance. By Kris-
tofer Janson. Translated from the original by Auber Forestier,
author of " Echoes from Mist-Land," etc. With an introduction
by Rasmus B. Anderson. Chicago : S. C. Griggs & Company.
one which has its application everywhere, and there-
fore may well bear repetition. That healthy and
innocent pleasure is more ennobling than morbid
and lachrymose piety is a proposition which is by
no means universally recognized among the peas-
antry of Norway, and religious movements of a
fiercely Puritanic character frequently sweep through
the distant mountain-valleys, making the little world
between the mountains in the most literal sense " a
vale of tears." The various phases which such a
movement assumes in a primitive community are
impressively depicted in the present volume, although
of course the author's chief interest centers in its
effect upon the hero — a weak, sensitive and imagina-
tive nature, and apparently with Mr. Janson a
favorite type of the artistic temperament.
The fanatical preacher, though we get but a few
brief glimpses of him, is by all odds the best piece
of psychological characterization in the book. The
fiddler himself, too, and his faithful and sensible
wife, are sufficiently vivid to enable us to sympathize
in their sorrows and aspirations. We venture to
assert, however, that the judgment of God, as ex-
pressed in the land-slide, the very morning after the
rich man has scornfully rejected Jon's suit, will
fail in its effect upon the transatlantic reader.
It is too tremendous, too direct, too old-testamental
to gain credence even with the most sternly ortho-
dox of these days.
Professor Anderson's explanatory preface, which
deals chiefly with incidents from the life of Ole
Bull (who also figures in the book), is more than
half as long as the tale itself, but is sufficiently
entertaining to be its own excuse for being. The
translator, in our opinion, makes a serious mistake
in violating good English usage for the purpose,
not of finding the equivalents, but the exact cognates
of Norwegian words. Thus, for instance, the word
force used in the sense of cataract (corresponding
to the Norwegian Foss) is a piece of affectation with
which we have no patience.
Gov. Long's Translation of the ^Eneid. *
THE slight prejudice entertained by most critics
against a Governor's ability to translate the classic
authors, has given way before the genuine and sim-
ple merit of this book. It is, in fact, a good version
of a poem by no means easy to render into English
— as the impaled corpses of William Morris and
other poets who have unsuccessfully tried it suffi-
ciently indicate. Morris is a much better poet than
Governor Long, but he has made a far . inferior
translation. The volume before us is spirited, easy
and clear in its style ; by no means free from faults
of version and of diction, but on the whole easy to
read. The short preface is the worst part of the
book, giving a wholly inadequate view of Virgil and
his chief poem. Indeed, it is on the poetic side that
Mr. Long is most defective. He is a good rhetori-
cian, but a mediocre poet. His work was too has-
tily done, and could be much improved by a leisurely
* The jEneid of Virgil. Translated into English by John D.
Long. Boston : Lockwood, Brooks & Co.
476
THE WORLD'S WORK.
revision, such as the chief magistrate of Massachu-
setts can hardly have time for until he leaves the
chair of state.
Although Mr. Long is no poet and has not aimed
at poetic effects in his version, he yet cannot avoid
them when translating closely and with a picturesque
diction. For Virgil is a great poet, whose force is
somewhat concealed by the elegance with which he
always writes, and which reminds us more of the
modern Italians than of the old Romans. Thus,
in the Fourth Book, where betrayed Dido falls by
her own hand, we have this picture of the quiet
night, in which she forms her sad resolve :
" "Twas night ; and weariness o'er all the earth
In peaceful slumber sank to rest. No breath
Was in the woods or on the fitful sea.
It was the time when, half their circuit o'er,
The stars began to fall; when fields and flocks
Lay still, and birds were nestling 'neath their wings
Of many hues ; when all that lives within
The water-depths, and all that in the fields
And forest dwell, under the silent night
In deep sleep lying, dreamed all care away,
And human hearts forgot that life is toil."
Book IV., lines 697-707.
In a different and more Roman vein is the passage
where ^Eneas has just depicted the murder of Priam,
—the poet thinking, no doubt, of the murder of
Pompey, on the Egyptian shore, in his own time :
" Such was the end
Of Priam's fortunes, such the fate of him
Who, Asia's sovereign once, so many lands,
So many tribes beneath his haughty sway,
Saw Troy to ashes burn and Pergamos
In ruins. On the shore his great trunk lies,
His head from off his shoulders torn, a corse
Without a name."
Book II., lines 691-9.
These passages indicate the graphic merit of the
new translation, while they also show how it falls
short of the melody that Bryant or Tennyson would
have found natural in turning the Latin hexameters
into English blank verse.
THE WORLD'S WORK.
Improved Methods of Heating Dwellings.
WITH the steady decline in the price of gas, has
sprung up an increased interest in the subject of
heating dwellings and conservatories by means of
gas stoves. All the appliances for heating by gas
now in use are more or less defective, and, in the
interest of the housekeeper, it may be worth while
to point out briefly the most effective, the most
healthful, and the cheapest method of burning gas
for its heat. Air, in contact with heated surfaces,
absorbs heat slowly, and, for this reason, a gas
stove will raise the temperature of a room or green-
house to a high point in its immediate neighbor-
hood, while the other end of the room may be
freezing. Added to this is the still greater defect,
that none of the gas stoves for sale has any chim-
ney. The products of combustion from a gas stove
must be got rid of before it can be of any value in
heating dwellings, shops, or green-houses. The
most simple and effective way to do this is to in-
close the stove in an air-tight box, or to make the
stove itself air-tight, and to take the air needed for
combustion from out-of-doors, and to add a chim-
ney. For a small gas stove, an iron pipe, an inch
in diameter, passing directly through the wall of
the house and communicating with the bottom of
the stove, will be sufficient to supply air to the
burners. A two-inch iron pipe from the top of the
stove, led through the wall on the same side as
the smaller pipe, will make a chimney that will
never smoke or cause the flame of the burner to
" strike back," whatever the force or direction of
the wind. There is only one effective and econom-
ical method of burning gas in heating, and that
is in connection with a water circulation. Heating
by a water circulation, familiar to every house-
holder in the water-back system, needs no special
description. It is very simple, merely a flow and
return system of pipes in which hot water circulates
by its own expansion. It is estimated that a gas
stove having two Bunsen burners, consuming 14
feet of gas an hour, will heat 28 feet of 3-inch
water-pipes. This is sufficient for a "lean-to"
green-house 20 x 7 feet, or a room in a dwelling-
house one-third larger. No such results are likely
to be obtained from an ordinary two-burner gas
stove merely heating the air. A gas stove for heat-
ing water must be practically a boiler with a suffi-
cient number of flues to absorb all the heat of the
gas-jets. A tin stove, 10 inches high, by 10 inches
long, by 7 inches wide,with six narrow sheet flues
nearly the whole width of the boiler, will give three
square feet of heating surface, which will be suffi-
cient to absorb all the heat of two burners. Such a
boiler could be made by any skillful tinman, and
ought to last two years. Made of sheet copper, it
would last much longer. It will heat 28 feet of
3-inch pipe, and give out far more heat than can
be obtained from any two-burner stove now in use.
Such a system of heating would cost about as much
as an ordinary coal stove, and, with the exception
of the boiler, would last in good order for many
years. It will be seen that, by this method of em-
ploying gas, all the heat is saved by means of the
very large heating-surface, the heat is carried to all
parts of the room (or wherever the pipes may
lead), and it is distributed slowly and evenly, and
without the slightest injury to the most delicate
plant or lungs.
In this connection it may be observed that, in
some new styles of open fire-places recently intro-
duced in France, use is made of a hot-water circu-
lation to warm one or more chambers from the
waste heat of an open fire in a room below. Sev-
enty per cent, of the heat of an open fire, whether
of wood, coal or gas, is spent in heating the chimney
THE WORLD'S WORK.
477
flue, or is thrown away out the top of the chimney.
Attempts to save this waste heat have been often
made, and there are base-burning stoves in this
market that heat two rooms, the one below by a
stove and the one above by a hot-air flue in the
chimney. These stoves work well, but are still
somewhat wasteful and are generally vicious, because
the air heated in the flues is often taken from the
room below, instead of from out-of-doors. The
French stoves made on this plan appear to be of
much better design, as they have more heating sur-
face. The water circulation stoves consist simply of
a cast-iron water-back placed in the chimney above
the open fire, and. connected with a system of flow
and return hot- water pipes in the rooms above. A
cheap and unpatented method of economizing the
heat of an open fire would be to give the fire a
rather large flue, and in this flue, extending down-
ward from the room above and reaching nearly to
the fire-place, to hang two pieces of wrought-iron
pipe (an inch in diameter), joined at the lower end
by a common coupling, or "return bend." One of
these pipes must be a few inches longer than the
other, and must be connected with the flow-pipe
of a hot-water system, the shorter pipe connected
with the return pipe. Every housekeeper is aware
that a few feet of brass pipe bent around the inside
of a cook-stove will supply a family with abundance
of hot water, without apparent effect on the fire.
The stove cooks as well with the pipe as without it,
and the heat in the hot water is a direct saving of
heat that would otherwise go up the chimney. In
like manner, a length of pipe hung in a chimney will
save heat that otherwise would be lost, and by a
well-designed water system the heat may be used to
warm a room on the second floor. Where strong
coal fires are maintained in open grates, a second
pipe reaching down from the third story might also
be added, and another room might be warmed by
the same fire.
The Hydraulic Mining System Applied to Dredging.
DIAMOND REEF, in New York Harbor, has always
been troublesome to navigation, and many efforts
have been made to remove it. All the larger rock-
masses were blown up and removed, and then
nothing remained but a mass of hard-pan contain-
ing bowlders, gravel, and sand. Blasting was not
available, and efforts were then made to mine the
reef by means of a powerful water-jet, precisely
as gravel banks are torn down by a stream from
a hose in hydraulic mining. It was found that
with a powerful steam pump, and an iron pipe, and
hose lashed to a spar and held in position by guy-
ropes, suspended from the dredging-scow, the clay
could be easily torn up. This sub-aqueous jet,
when directed downward, soon made a hole or
" pot " in the reef, and much of the fine material
was swept away into deep water by the tide, or
could be raked away by divers, or by means of
rakes moved by steam-power from the scow and
guided by ropes. When the jet was directed
against the side or face of the reef, it was rapidly
torn down, until the accumulation of the loosened
material blocked up the jet and stopped the work.
This obstruction led to the invention of a second
and quite novel application of the same idea. The
reef is surrounded by deep water, and it is not
necessary to dredge up this loosened material, but
merely to push it a short distance away into deep
water. A long iron pipe, of large diameter, was
then fitted with a hose, the nozzle being placed
within the pipe, under one end, and pointed toward
the other end. A grating was then fitted over the
end next the hose, and the whole apparatus was
suspended by chains in a horizontal position from
the scow, with the inlet end next to the reef. The
other hose was then brought to bear on the reef,
and a powerful stream was driven through each
hose. It will be observed that the water-jet di-
rected through the large pipe formed an injector,
inducing a powerful current through the pipe.
The outer hose stirred up the gravel (the grating
keeping back all the large stones), the induced
current sweeping all the loosened sand and gravel
through the pipe, and discharging it at the other
end, in deep water. A long series of experiments
with the apparatus was tried, and it was found to
work to great advantage in removing all except the
largest bowlders, even in very deep water and in a
strong tide-way. When the discharge-end of the
pipe was raised to the surface, it was found that the
stream of mingled sand and gravel and water was
thrown out of the top, quite clear of the surface, so that
by proper arrangements it could have been caught
in floating barges or in sluices leading to the shore.
In this instance this was not necessary, as the aim
was simply to sweep the material away into deep
water. Modifications of this idea of stirring up a
sand bar by hydraulic jet have already been tried
elsewhere, but not on so effective a scale, and the
valuable suggestion has been made, that the injector
apparatus would be useful in raising all kinds of
light material in dredging, and in lifting argentifer-
ous sands in sea-coast mining.
New Metallic Compound.
A NEW metal, possessing several novel and valu-
able properties useful in the mechanic arts, has been
introduced under the name of " Spence's metal."
Its discovery arose from the fact that the sulphides
of metal combined with melted sulphur formed a
liquid that on cooling gave a solid mass that exhib-
ited several new properties. It was found that
many metallic sulphides would combine with an ex-
cess of sulphur, and nearly all gave the same results,
— an ore of pyrites containing zinc and lead sulphides
being found among the most useful in making the
new alloy. It is chemically regarded as belonging
to the class known as " thiates," and the name " fer-
ric thiate " has been proposed for it. The melting
point is 320° Fahr., and on cooling it has the un-
usual property of expanding. It resists the action
of common commercial acids and alkalies and the
action of the weather, and readily takes a very high
polish. These properties make it of special value in
478
THE WORLD'S WORK.
art casting, as its tendency to expand on cooling
causes it to fit the most delicate moulds accurately,
and to reproduce the design so perfectly as to re-
quire very little after finishing. Its low melting-
point makes it useful in casting in plaster and
even gelatine molds, for the metal cools so rapidly
that the form of the mold is impressed upon it
before the gelatine can melt, and if the gelatine
softens it again hardens over the metal and re-adapts
itself to the form it gave the metal, reproducing the
design ready for a second casting. For joining iron
water-pipes the new metal has the advantage of use
without " calking" or after finish of any kind, as its
expansion on cooling causes it to fill any irregular-
ities in the pipe, and to fit the joint perfectly. Four
lengths of moderate-sized street mains, supported
equally everywhere, were joined together by pouring
the metal into the joints, with a clay rope, as in mak-
ing lead joints. Then, without further finishing, the
supports, except at the ends, were removed; the
joined pipes bent somewhat but remained unbroken
and water-tight. The metal is said to be valuable
for tanks in the manufacture of sulphuric acid (in
place of lead), and as a sheathing for cellar walls to
prevent the entrance of moisture. Its price is about
one-sixth less than lead, while its bulk is three
times greater, which reduces its cost to about one-
fourth.
Preservative Wrapping-papers.
Two new preservative wrapping-papers have
been recently brought out, one designed for fruit
and one for furs, cloths^ etc. The first is made by
dipping a soft tissue-paper in a bath of salycilic
acid and hanging it in the air to dry. The bath
should be made from a strong alcoholic solution of
salycilic acid, diluted with as much water as it will
bear without precipitation. The apples, oranges, or
other fruit may be wrapped in the paper before
packing, and when the fruit reaches its market the
paper can be removed and used again. A manilla
wrapping-paper may be prepared for resisting moths
and mildew by dipping it in a prepared bath, squeez-
ing it and drying it over hot rollers. This bath is
made by mixing 70 parts of the oil removed by the
distillation of coal tar naphtha, 5 parts of crude car-
bolic acid containing at least 50 per cent, of phenola,
20 parts of thin coal tar at 160° Fahr., and 5 parts
of refined petroleum.
The Profilograph.
THE profilograph is a new automatic device for
tracing the profile of a road or district. It consists
essentially of a two-wheeled carriage having sus-
pended from the body between the wheels a heavy
pendulum, free to swing in a line with the direction
in which the carriage moves. As the carriage is
drawn by a horse over the ground, the pendulum
maintains a vertical position, whether moving on a
level or up or down hill. The upper end of the
pendulum, above the point of support, carries a pen-
cil that touches a ribbon of paper moved by clock-
work or by the movement of the wheels of the
carriage, and, as long as the carriage is moving,
makes a trace on the paper that is, as may be read-
ily seen, a profile of the country passed over by the
machine. At the same time one of the wheels, by a
simple pedometric device, gives the distance trav-
ersed and makes a scale for comparison with the
profile trace, to show the relations of the two meas-
ures of height and distance passed over by the
machine.
Light from Oyster Shells.
IT has long been known that certain compounds
of lime and sulphur had the property of absorbing
light, and giving it out again when placed in the
dark. A simple way to do this is to expose clean
oyster-shells to a red heat for half an hour. When
cold, the best pieces are picked out and packed
with alternate layers of sulphur in a crucible,
and exposed to a red heat for an hour. When
cold, the mass is broken up and the whitest
pieces are placed in a clean glass bottle. On ex-
posing the bottle to bright sunshine during the day,
it is found that at night its contents will give out
a pale light in the dark. Such a bottle filled more
than a hundred years ago still gives out light when
exposed to the sun, proving the persistency of the
property of reproducing light. Very many experi-
ments have been more recently made in this direc-
tion, and the light-giving property greatly enhanced.
The chemicals, ground to a flour, may now be mixed
with oils or water for paints, may be powdered on
hot glass, and glass covered with a film of clear
glass, or mixed with celluloid, papier-mache, or other
plastic materials. As a paint, it may be applied to a
diver's dress, to cards, clock dials, sign-boards and
other surfaces exposed to sunlight during the day ;
the paint gives out a pale violet light at night suffi-
cient to enable the objects to be readily seen in the
dark. If the object covered with the prepared
paint is not exposed to the sun, or if the light fades
in the dark, a short piece of magnesium wire burned
before it serves to restore the light-giving property.
The preparation, under various fanciful names, is
about to be made upon a commercial scale.
Extraction of Perfumes.
BY the use of a new material in a new way, the
usual process of extracting perfumes from scented
woods and flowers has been quite superseded by
methods that promise better results than ever before
reached. The new material is chloride of methyl,
purified and rendered inodorous by the use of con-
centrated sulphuric acid. The process employs a
series of vessels combined somewhat after the man-
ner of a refrigerating apparatus. The first vessel,
called the digester, is filled with roses, jasmine or
other flowers, and a portion of the liquid chloride
of methyl is showered over them through an open-
ing, controlled by a stop-ceck, at the top. After a
short delay for digestion the liquid is drawn off
below into an air-tight tank, and a second and
third showering is given to the flowers, the liquid
being removed after each digestion. When the
perfume is nearly all taken up in this manner,
BRIC-A-BRAC.
479
:eam is forced under pressure through the digester,
id then removed to another tank where it is cooled
id condensed, and the liquid chloride of methyl is
hturned to the vessel containing the original store
f liquid and may be used again. The liquid from
ic digester containing the extracted perfume is now
Lraporated, by passing water, at 86° Fahrenheit,
[trough a jacket surrounding the vessel, and at the
.me time producing a vacuum in the tank by means
an air-pump. At a pressure of half an atmosphere
e chloride of methyl is removed, leaving a waxy
d fatty matter behind that contains all the per-
imes in a highly concentrated form, and on treat-
icnt with alcohol this residuum gives up the per-
me in all its original strength and delicacy. The
loride of methyl is afterward passed through cold
ils, and returns to its liquid state ready for use in
apparatus again. All kinds of flowers, seeds,
arks, woods and roots may be readily treated by
e methylic process, and at a very decided gain in
uality and quantity over any of the methods now
use. The process is one that should find employ-
ent in our Southern States, where the floral
ason is much longer than in France, where the
erfume-extracting business is now chiefly concen-
•ated. Many Southern plants and flowers would,
o doubt, give new and valuable perfumes by this
rocess, the delicacy of the flowers having pre-
anted their use by the old processes of extraction.
Novel Application of Frictional Electricity.
THE use in the arts of electricity obtained by
friction (as in the common school electrical appara-
tus) has not made much progress, magneto-electricity
and electricity from batteries having apparently
covered the whole industrial field. A new use for
frictional electricity — in the manufacture of flour
— promises not only important improvements in that
business, but suggests an entirely new field for
electrical work. In bolting machines, as now used
in flour mills, the bran is separated from the flour
by a blast of air, designed to blow away the light
bran and leave the flour behind. This is accom-
plished, but at a serious loss of fine flour blown
away with the bran, and the inconvenience of great
quantities of flour-dust, to say nothing of the danger
of dust explosions in such bolting machines. In
place of the air-blast, hard rubber cylinders are
placed horizontally over the moving bolting-cloths
containing the mingled flour and bran. These
cylinders are made to revolve by any convenient
power, and as they turn they press against pieces
of sheep-skin (or other electrical excitant) and be-
come charged with frictional electricity ; the loose
bran is attracted to them, flies up and clings
to the cylinders precisely as a bit of paper will
cling to a rod of sealing-wax when electrically ex-
cited by friction. Apparatus is provided for taking
off the bran as fast as it gathers on the rollers.
BRIC-A-BRAC.
Two Loves.
" The cure for love is more love." — THOREAU.
'NEATH olden trees, to which the breeze
Spoke soft of summer weather,
(A book of verses on our knees)
We sat and read together.
Her voice was low with lulling flow ;
Her lips had rosy fragrance;
And round her ran with golden glow
Her tresses — lovely vagrants !
She turned and shook the dreamy book,
And said, with dreamier murmur :
" When on such lovely lines we look,
We feel love's faith grow firmer."
Methought the birds had caught her words,
They sang so sweetly after;
Methought the brook her cadence took
Of love amid its laughter.
But from the book she lightly shook
Fell something, which went curling
A moment gay on the wind away —
Then down the brook came whirling.
"Child of an hour, vain flying flower! "
She said, with tuneful measure :
" Poor Arthur thought my heart was caught,
When I received that treasure."
Was it her tone, or look alone?
Or was it but the letting
That love-gift go with little show
Of care or kind regretting ?
I know not. Something deep, though dumb,
Within my soul gave warning.
I know not — but there seemed to come
A shade across the morning.
The brook's gay bound seemed but a sound-
A mere melodious murmur;
It lost the note of her sweet throat
Who said, "Love's faith grew firmer."
I turned away; and from that day
The siren spell was broken,
And I with thankful heart can say:
"Of me she has no token."
For fairest face and rarest grace
And beauty most Elysian,
Which have 'of tenderness no trace,
Are emptier than a vision.
So let fair maids remember this:
The gem exceeds the setting,
And love that never gained a kiss
May yet be worth regretting.
H. W. AUSTIN.
480
BRIC-A-BRAC.
Epigrams.
ILLUMINATION.
' WHAT splendor lights my sweetheart's eyes ?-
What heavenly beam, so strangely bright?"
' No ' heavenly beam,' " the maid replies,
" But only the Electric Light ! "
TO FATE RESIGNED.
FAIR Maud is weary of her lonely lot ;
Her friends are gone, — why should she wish to
tarry ?
The world's vain pleasures now delight her not ;—
She has resolved to take the vail and — marry !
AN unplucked rose saw fairest Annie tie
Its neighbor on her throat, with tender grace;
And, envious, thought 'twere happiness to die
In such a way — on such a resting-place !
DURABILITY.
THE ladies of the present day
Quite frequently endeavor
To find a practicable way
To keep their charms forever ;
There was a dame with such a fault,
Of some historic nation,
Was transmigrated into salt
For surer preservation !
A MODERN CUPID.
IN papers that are sent about
We every day discover
The suicidal snuffing out
Of some unhappy lover ;
It worries little Cupid so
To slay a modern suitor,
He lays aside his cedar bow
And tries a seven-shooter !
A Practical Young Woman.
YOUNG Julius Jones loved Susan Slade ;
And oft, in dulcet tones,
He vainly had besought the maid
To take the name of Jones.
" Wert thou but solid, then, be sure,
'Twould be all right," said she,
"But, Mr. J., whilst thou art poor
Pray think no more of me."
Poor Jones was sad; his coat was bad;
His salary was worse ;
But hope suggested : "Jones, my lad,
Just try the power of verse."
He sat him down and wrote in rhyme
How she was in her spring,
And he in summer's golden prime —
And all that sort of thing.
The poem praised her hair and eyes —
Her lips, with honey laden.
He wound it up — up in the skies —
And mailed it to the maiden.
She read it over, kept it clean,
Put on her finest raiment,
And took it to a magazine
And got ten dollars payment.
IRWIN RUSSELL.
Keramos.
THERE was a young lady named Nancy,
Who for bric-a-brac had such a fancy
That a family jar
'Twixt her ma and her pa
Delighted the soul of Miss Nancy.
Advantages of Ballast.
A WILD ANIMAL OFFERS A
TEMPTING NECK TO THE
HUNTER'S LASSO.
THE WILD ANIMAL SPRINGS,
AND THE HUNTER FINDS
THAT HE IS JUST ABOUT
UK OWN WEIGHT.
HE THROWS OUT BALLAST.
THIS PLAN SUCCEEDS.
NOTE.— Both the process and the beast above described are th<
vention and property of the artist ; readers may as well be inforr
once for all, that the inventor is protected from them by the gen
copyright on this magazine.
-~ f.- £' f "4 »--. <r- JP?
SAVONAROLA.
[FROM A PAINTING BY FRA BARTOLOMMEO.l
MIDSUMMER HOLIDAY NUMBER
ScRiBNER's MONTHLY.
VOL. XX.
AUGUST, 1880.
No. 4.
OUR RIVER.
RIVERS are as various in their forms as
forest trees. The Mississippi is like an oak
with enormous branches. What a branch
is the Red River, the Arkansas, the Ohio,
the Missouri! The Hudson is like the pine
or poplar — mainly trunk.
From New York to Albany there is only
an inconsiderable limb or two, and but
few gnarls and excrescences. Cut off the
Rondout, the Esopus, the Catskill and two
or three similar tributaries on the east side,
and only some twigs remain. There are
some crooked places, it is true, but, on the
whole, the Hudson presents a fine, symmetri-
cal shaft that would be hard to match in
any river of the world.
Among our own water-courses it stands
pre-eminent. The Columbia — called by
Major Winthrop the Achilles of rivers — is
a more haughty and impetuous stream ; the
Mississippi is, of course, vastly larger and
longer ; the St. Lawrence would carry the
Hudson as a trophy in his belt and hardly
know the difference ; yet our river is doubt-
less the most beautiful of them all. It
pleases like a mountain lake.
It has all the sweetness and placidity
that go with such bodies of water, on the
one hand, and all their bold and rugged
scenery on the other. In summer, a pas-
sage up or down its course in one of the
day steamers is as near an idyl of travel as
can be had, perhaps, anywhere in the world.
Then its permanent and uniform volume, its
fullness and equipoise at all seasons, and its
gently flowing currents give it further the
character of a lake, or of the sea itself.
When Henry Hudson discovered it, he
was searching for the North-west passage to
India, and he may well have hoped that
this stately ebbing and flowing water led
into some northern sea, by means of which
the vexed problem might at last be solved.
VOL. XX.— 32.
Of the Hudson it may be said that it is
a very large river for its size, — that is, for
the quantity of water it discharges into the
sea. Its water-shed is comparatively small
— less, I think, than that of the Connecticut.
It is a huge trough with a very slight in-
cline, through which the current moves
very slowly, and which would fill from the
sea were its supplies from the mountains
cut off. Its fall from Albany to the bay is
only about five feet. Any object upon it,
drifting with the current, progresses south-
ward no more than eight miles in twenty-
four hours. The ebb tide will carry it
about twelve miles, and the flood set it
back from seven to nine. A drop of water
at Albany, therefore, will be nearly three
weeks in reaching New York, though it will
. get pretty well pickled some days earlier.
Some rivers by their volume and impetu-
osity penetrate the sea, but here the sea
is the aggressor, and sometimes meets the
mountain water nearly half-way.
This fact was illustrated a couple of years
ago, when the basin of the Hudson was
visited by one of the most severe droughts
ever known in this part of the State. In
the early winter, after the river was frozen
over above Poughkeepsie, it was discovered
that immense numbers of fish were retreat-
ing up stream before the slow encroach-
ment of the salt water. There was a
general exodus of the finny tribes from the
whole lower part of the river ; it was like
the spring and fall migration of the birds,
or the fleeing of the population of a district
before some approaching danger : vast
swarms of cat-fish, white and yellow perch
and striped bass were en route for the fresh
water farther north. When the people
along shore made the discovery, they turned
out as they do in the rural districts when
the pigeons appear, and, with small gill-nets
[Copyright, 1880, by Scribner & Co. AH rights reserved.]
482
OUR RIVER.
SPRING FLOODS.
let down through holes in the ice, captured
them in fabulous numbers. On the heels
of the retreating perch and cat-fish came
the denizens of the salt water, and cod-fish
were taken ninety miles above New York.
When the February thaw came and brought
up the volume of fresh water again, the sea
brine was beaten back, and the fish, what
were left of them, resumed their old feeding-
grounds.
It is this character of the Hudson, this
encroachment of the sea upon it, that
led Professor Newberry to speak of it as a
drowned river. We have heard of drowned
lands, but here is a river overflowed and sub-
merged in the same manner. It is quite
certain, however, that this has not always
been the character of the Hudson. Its
great trough bears evidence of having been
worn to its present dimensions by much
swifter and stronger currents than those that
course through it now. Hence, Professor
Newberry has recently advanced the bold
and striking theory that in pre-glacial times
this part of the continent was several hun-
dred feet higher than at present, and that
the Hudson was then a very large and
rapid stream, that drew its main supplies from
the basin of the Great Lakes through an
ancient river-bed that followed pretty nearly
the line of the present Mohawk ; in other
words, that the waters of the St. Lawrence
once found an outlet through this channel,
debouching into the ocean from a broad,
littoral plain, at a point eighty miles south-
east of New York, where the sea now rolls
500 feet deep. According to the soundings
of the coast survey, this ancient bed of the
Hudson is distinctly marked upon the ocean
floor to the point indicated.
To the gradual subsidence of this part of
the continent, in connection with the great
changes wrought by the huge glacier that
crept down from the north during what is
called the ice period, is owing the char-
acter and aspects of the Hudson as we see
and know them. The Mohawk valley was
filled up by the drift, the Great Lakes scooped
out, and an opening for their pent-up waters
found through what is now the St. Lawrence.
The trough of the Hudson was also partially
filled, and has remained so to the pres-
ent day. There is, perhaps, no point in
the river where the mud and clay are not
from two to three times as deep as the
water.
That ancient and grander Hudson lies
back of us several hundred thousand years —
perhaps more, for a million years are but as one
tick of the time-piece of the Lord ; yet even
OUR RIVER.
483
it was a juvenile compared with some of the
rocks and mountains the Hudson of to-day
mirrors. The Highlands date from the ear-
liest geological age — the primary ; the river
— the old river — from the latest, the terti-
ary ; and what that difference means in terres-
trial years hath not entered into the mind of
man to conceive. Yet how the venerable
mountains open their ranks for the strip-
ling to pass through. Of course, the river
did not force its way through this barrier,
but has doubtless found an opening there
of which it has availed itself, and which it
has enlarged.
In thinking of these things, one only has
to allow time enough, and the most stupen-
dous changes in the topography of the
country are as easy and natural as the going
out or the coming in of spring or summer.
According to the authority above referred
to, that part of our coast that flanks the
mouth of the Hudson is still sinking at the
rate of a few inches per century, so that in
the twinkling of a hundred thousand years
or so, the sea will completely submerge the
city of New York, the top of Trinity-church
steeple alone standing above the flood.
We who live so far inland, and sigh for
the salt water, need only to have a little
patience, and we shall wake up some fine
morning and find the surf beating upon
our door-steps.
But I must not tarry longer over this
phase of my subject.
No man sows, yet many men reap a har-
vest from the Hudson. Not the least im-
portant is the ice harvest, which is eagerly
looked for, and counted upon by hundreds,
yes, thousands of laboring men along its
course. Ice or no ice sometimes means
bread or no bread to scores of families,
and it means added or diminished comfort
AN ICE-FLOE.
486
OUR RIVER.
lite
A BIRD S- EYE VIEW.
sun first strikes the ice. At other times it is
like a great gong; then it sounds like a
giant staff beating the air. It is more no-
ticeable during a change of temperature
either way, but is most pronounced when
the water is yielding up its heat under the
pressure of severe cold. It seems to pro-
ceed from something in swift motion. It
bounds and rebounds from shore to shore.
It will apparently start from under one's
very feet, with a snort or a whoop, and van-
ish in the distance. When the ice is new
and strong it makes a shining path through
it, as if it might be a current of electricity ;
this path or track has a spiral character, as
if the force that made it went with a twist.
It is quite different from an ordinary crack.
The expansive force of the sun upon the
ice is sometimes enormous. I have seen
the ice explode with a loud noise and a
great commotion in the water, and a crevasse
shoot like a thunderbolt from shore to shore,
with its edges overlapping and shivered into
fragments.
A beautiful phenomenon may at times be
witnessed in the morning after a night of
extreme cold. The new block ice is found
to be covered with a sudden growth of frost-
ferns — exquisite fern-like formations from a
half-inch to an inch in length, standin
singly and in clusters, and under the mori
ing sun presenting a most novel appearanci
They impede the skate, and are presentl
broken down and blown about by the wine
The scenes and doings of summer ai
counterfeited in other particulars upon thes
crystal plains. Some bright, breezy day yo
casually glance down the river and behol
a sail — a sail like that of a pleasure yacht <
summer. Is the river open again belo
there, is your first half-defined inquiry. Bi
with what unwonted speed the sail is moi
ing across the view! Before you ha\
fairly drawn another breath it has turne(
unperceived, and is shooting with equ;
swiftness in the opposite direction. Wh
ever saw such a lively sail ! It does nc
bend before the breeze, but darts to an
fro as if it moved in a vacuum, or like
shadow over a scene. Then you remembe
the ice-boats and you open your eyes to th
fact. Another and another come into vie'
around the elbow, turning and flashing i
the sun, and hurtling across each other
paths .like white-winged gulls. They tur
so quickly and dash off again at such speec
that they produce the illusion of somethin
singularly light and intangible. In fact, a:
OUR RIVER.
487
ice-boat is a sort of disembodied yacht ; it is
a sail on skates. The only semblance to a
boat is the sail and the rudder. The platform
under which the skates or runners — three in
.number — are rigged, is broad and low ;
upon this the pleasure-seekers, wrapt in their
furs or blankets, lie at full length, and, look-
ing under the sail, skim the frozen surface
with their eyes. The speed attained is
sometimes very great — more than a mile per
minute, and sufficient to carry them ahead of
the fastest express train. When going at this
rate the boat will leap like a greyhound,
and thrilling stories are told of the fearful
crevasses, or open places in the ice, that are
cleared at a bound. And yet, withal, she
can be brought up to the wind so suddenly
as to shoot the unwary occupants off, and
send them skating on their noses some
yards.
Navigation on the Hudson stops about
the last of November. There is usually more
or less floating ice by that time, and the river
may close very abruptly. Beside that, new
the naked earth with great intensity. On the
29th the ground was a rock, and, after the
sun went down, the sky all around the hori-
zon looked like a wall of chilled iron. The
river was quickly covered with great floating
fields of smooth, thin ice. About three
o'clock the next morning — the mercury two
degrees below zero — the silence of our part
of the river was suddenly broken by the
alarm bell of a passing steamer ; she was in
the jaws of the icy legions, and was crying for
help ; many sleepers along shore remembered
next day that the sound of a bell had floated
across their dreams, without arousing them.
One man was awakened before long by a
loud pounding at his door. On opening it,
a tall form, wet and icy, fell in upon him with
the cry, " The Sunny side is sunk ! " The man
proved to be one of her officers and was in
quest of help. He had made his way up a
long hill through the darkness, his wet
clothes freezing upon him, and his strength
gave way the moment succor was found.
Other dwellers in the vicinity were aroused,
THE OLD CEMETERY AT MARLBOROUGH LANDING.
ice an inch or two thick is the most danger-
ous of all ; it will cut through a vessel's hull
like a knife. In '75, there was a sudden fall
of the mercury the 28th of November. The
hard and merciless cold came down upon
and with their boats rendered all the assist-
ance possible. The steamer sank but a few
yards from shore, only a part of her upper
deck remaining above water, yet a panic
among the passengers — the men behaving
488
OUR RIVER.
KNITTING SHAD-NETS.
very badly — swamped the boats as they were
being filled with the women, and a dozen or
more persons were drowned.
The subsequent fate of the sunken steam-
er was tragic enough. The tide presently
carried her out, when she sunk in twelve
fathoms of water. Here she lay until the
May following, slowly filling up with mud.
In May a band of wreckers from New
York undertook to raise her. Floats and
boxes and canal-boats, and various non-
descript crafts were collected above her,
with great derricks and cables and colossal
timbers. Divers went down, and after many
efforts succeeded in getting huge chains
under her, when the work of lifting her
began. It was a tedious process, and re-
quired great skill and patience and an enor-
mous outlay of power.
Late in June, the vessel swung in her
chains many feet from the bottom. One
day, with an auspicious wind and tide, the
wreckers started with her for the shallower
water of the flats, a few miles above. It
was no holiday procession that went by. It
moved slowly and solemnly. The steamer
could not be seen, but the great empty
hulls that bore her settled low in the water
under their enormous burden. The scene
was tragic and impressive. The flats were
reached, and at low water another hitch was
taken on her. Then the flood tide lifted
her again. Finally her upper works emerged
from the water. Her walking-beam was
exposed ; her bell emerged, and was cleaned
and rung in triumph. But the jealous river-
gods were not going to be robbed of theii
victim so easily. That night the wind shifted
and blew a furious gale from the north ; the
tide joined hands with it, and before the twc
the wrecker's fleet was unable to stand
hawsers and anchor-chains broke, stean
was powerless, and back the processior
started. The hold upon the steamer waj
maintained, but every effort to arrest it
backward progress proved futile. The tid<
below, the wind above, and fate at the helm
When within a few yards of her old ceme
tery — again in the early morning — shi
broke loose from her captors, demolished o
overturned the floats, parted huge timbers
and, with a sound like a young earthquake
plunged to the bottom again, in sevent;
feet of water.
The wrecking fleet was literally scattere*
to the four winds. The next day one boa
was observed tied to the shore here, anothe
there, while some had disappeared entirely
But the wreckers were plucky, and were nc
going to give up their prey neither. Afte
OUR RIVER.
489
weeks of delay they got together their
forces, strengthened and recruited, and grap-
pled with the sunken vessel a second time,
and in the fall bore her again in their talons
to the flats above. Here she was finally
but a slow and deliberate movement of the
whole body of the ice, like an enormous
raft quietly untied. You are looking out up-
on the usually rigid and motionless surface,
when presently you are conscious that some
ON ITS WAY TO THE
taken out piecemeal, a complete and almost
worthless wreck.
In March, usually, though some seasons
not till April, the river breaks up. It is no
sudden and tumultuous breaking of the fet-
ters, as in more rapid and fluctuating streams,
point, perhaps a cedar bough used by the
ice men, or the large black square of open
water which they recently uncovered, has
changed its place; you take steadier aim
with your eye, and with a thrill of pleasure
discover that the great ice-fields are slowly
49°
OUR RIVER.
drifting southward. I happened to be cross-
ing the river one spring when the first move-
ment of the ice took place. My attention
was attracted by a heavy crunching and
grinding sound on shore, in front of me.
Looking thither I saw, but not with a feel-
ing of pleasure this time, that I was being
borne up stream. My dog, who was a few
rods in advance of me, had taken the
hint before I had, and was now making
a sudden rush for shore. I was quick
to act upon the same impulse, and reached
the land in safety, though I quite neglected
the precaution I had hitherto taken of
examining the ice with the heavy staff
presents : in one part of the day the great
masses hurrying down stream, crowding and
jostling each other, and struggling for the
right of way ; in the other, all running up
stream again, as if sure of escape in that
direction. Thus they race up and down,
the sport of the ebb and flow ; but the flow
wins each time by some distance. Large
fields from above, where the men were at
work but a day or two since, come down ;
there is their pond yet clearly defined and
full of marked ice ; yonder is a section of
their canal partly filled with the square
blocks on their way to the elevators; a
piece of a race-course, or a part of a road
OLD COOPER-SHOP AND SHAD-NETS.
I carried in my hand, avoiding the places
— and there were many of them — where
I could punch it through. Both dog and
man were considerably demoralized, and
it was some time before either could
bring his courage up to the point of mak-
ing the return trip home, though the ice
had moved up thirty feet, the width of the
ice-harvesters' canal above, and had stopped.
If it had been a downward movement or
the work of the ebb tide, any attempt to
recross would have been foolhardy indeed.
After the ice is once in motion, a few
hours suffice to break it up pretty thoroughly.
Then what a wild, chaotic scene the river
where teams crossed, comes drifting by
The people up above have written theii
winter pleasure and occupations upon this
page, and we read the signs as the tide
bears it slowly past. Some calm, brigh
days the scattered and diminished masse;
flash by, like white clouds across an Apri
sky.
Ducks now begin to appear upon th<
river, and the sportsman, with his whit<
canvas cap and cape, crouched in his lov
white skiff, simulates as far as possible J
shapeless mass of snow ice, and thus seeks
to drift upon them.
When the river is at its wildest, usuallj
OUR RIVER.
491
FISHERMAN S HOUSE BY THE RIVER.
in March, the eagles appear. They prowl
about amid the ice-floes, alighting upon
them or flying heavily above them in quest
of fish, or a wounded duck, or other game.
I have counted ten of these noble birds
at one time, some seated grim and motion-
less upon cakes of ice, usually surrounded
by crows, others flapping along, sharply
scrutinizing the surface beneath. Where
the eagles are, there the crows do congre-
gate. The crow follows the eagle as the
jackal follows the lion, in hope of getting
the leavings of the royal table. Then I
suspect the crow is a real hero-worshiper.
I have seen a dozen or more of them sitting
in a circle about an eagle upon the ice, all
with their faces turned toward him, and
apparently in silent admiration of the dusky
king.
The eagle seldom or never turns his
back upon a storm. I think he loves to
face the wildest elemental commotion. I
shall long carry the picture of one I saw
floating northward on a large raft of ice one
day, in the face of a furious gale of snow.
He stood with his talons buried in the ice,
his head straight out before him, his closed
wings showing their strong elbows — a type
of stern defiance and power.
When the chill of the ice is out of the
river, and of the snow and frost out of the
air, the fishermen along shore are on the
lookout for the first arrival of shad. A few
days of warm south wind the latter part of
April will soon blow them up: it is true,
also, that a cold north wind will as quickly
blow them back. Preparations have been
making for them all winter. In many a
492
OUR RIVER.
farm-house or other humble dwelling along
the river, the ancient occupation of knitting
of fish-nets has been plied through the long
winter evenings, perhaps every grown mem-
ber of the household, the mother and her
daughters as well as the father and his sons,
lending a hand.
The ordinary gill or drift net used for
shad fishing in the Hudson is from a half to
three-quarters of a mile long, and thirty feet
wide, containing about fifty or sixty pounds
of fine linen twine, and it is a labor of many
months to knit one. Formerly the fish were
taken mainly by immense seines, hauled by
a large number of men ; but now all the
deeper part of the river is fished with the
long, delicate gill-nets, that drift to and fro
with the tide, and are managed by two men
in a boat. The net is of fine linen thread,
and is practically invisible to the shad
in the obscure river current; it hangs sus-
pended perpendicularly in the water, kept in
position by buoys at the top, and by weights
at the bottom; the buoys are attached by
cords twelve or fifteen feet long, which allow
the net to sink out of the reach of the keels
of passing vessels.
The net is thrown out on the ebb tide,
stretching nearly across the river, and drifts
down and then back on the flood, the fish
being snared behind the gills in their efforts
to pass through the meshes.
I envy the fishermen their intimate ac-
quaintance with the river. They know it
by night as well as by day, and learn all its
moods and phases. The net is a delicate
instrument that reveals all the hidden cur-
rents and by-ways, as well as all the sunken
snags and wrecks at the bottom. By day
the fisherman notes the shape and position
of his net by means of the line of buoys ; by
night he marks the far end of it with a lan-
tern fastened upon a board or block.
The night-tides he finds differ from the
day — the flood at night being much strongei
than at other times, as if some pressure had
been removed with the sun, and the freed
currents found less hindrance.
The fishermen have terms and phrases
of their own. The wooden tray upon
which the net is coiled, and which sits in
the stern of the boat, is called a " cuddy/
The net is divided into "shots." If a pass-
ing sloop or schooner catches it with hei
center-board or her anchor, it gives way
where two of these shots meet, and thus the
whole net is not torn. The top cord 01
line of the net is called a " cimline." One
fisherman "plugs" another when he puts
out from the shore and casts in ahead of
him, instead of going to the general starting
place, and taking his turn. This always
makes bad blood.
The luck of the born fisherman is about
TRYING OUT STURGEON.
THE WHIP-POOR-WILL.
493
as conspicuous with the gill-net as with the
rod and line, some boats being noted for
their great catches the season through. No
doubt the secret is mainly thorough applica-
tion to the business in hand, but that is about
all that distinguishes the successful angler.
The shad campaign is one that requires
pluck and endurance : no regular sleep, no
regular meals, wet and cold, heat and wind
and tempest, and no great gains at last.
But the sturgeon fishers, who come later and
are seen the whole summer through, have
an indolent, lazy time of it. They fish
around the " slack- water," catching the last
of the ebb and the first of the flow, and
hence drift but little either way. To a
casual observer they appear as if anchored
and asleep. But they wake up when they
have a " strike," which may be every day,
or not once a week. The fisherman keeps
his eye on his line of buoys, and when two or
more of them are hauled under, he knows his
game has run foul of the net, and he hastens
to the point. The sturgeon is a pig, without
the pig's obstinacy. He spends much of the
time rooting and feeding in the mud at the
bottom, and encounters the net, which is also
a gill-net, coarse and strong, when he goes
abroad. He strikes and is presently hopelessly
entangled, when he comes to the top and is
pulled into the boat, like a great sleepy sucker.
For so dull and lubberly a fish, the stur-
geon is capable of some very lively antics ;
as, for instance, his habit of leaping full
length into the air and coming down with
a great splash. He has thus been known
to leap unwittingly into a passing boat, to
his own great surprise, and to the alarm and
consternation of the inmates.
I have spoken of the equipoise and in-
variableness of the Hudson as like that of
a lake or of the sea itself. Only once or
twice, perhaps, in a life-time is there a fall
of rain upon its water-shed sufficiently heavy
to markedly increase its volume.
The Columbia during the spring floods
often rises fifteen feet, completely over-
coming and annulling the tides its entire
length, but the heaviest fall of rain in the
valley of the Hudson for fifty years (that
of December gth and loth, 1878) only
caused the river to rise three or four feet.
But this was sufficient at the point where my
observations were made — namely, midway
of its course — to push back the tide, and the
current ran down for three days. Its waters
were as turbid as those of the Missouri, and
its surface covered with the wrecks of farms
and villages, brought down mainly by the
Rondout and the Esopus. It was an un-
wonted spectacle to dwellers upon its banks to
see barns, and sheds, and out-houses, and hay-
stacks, together with vast masses ofdS&roand
drift- wood,in which were mingled beds,chairs,
tables, parts of houses and roofs of barns, and
the contents of the cellars and larders, apples,
cabbages, barreled pork, flour, cider, fowls,
alive and dead, the bodies of horses, borne
along by the current or driven by the wind
into the coves and bays along shore. By
rare good luck no lives were lost, but many
humble homes were engulfed and blotted out.
THE WHIP-POOR-WILL.
OH, whip-poor-will, — oh, whip-poor-will!
Nhen all the joyous day is still,
Vhen from the sky's fast deepening blue
"ades out the last soft sunset hue,
'hy tender plaints the silence fill,
)h, whip-poor-will, — oh, whip-poor-will !
n the sweet dusk of dewy May,
Or pensive close of Autumn day,
"hough other birds may silent be,
3r flood the air with minstrelsy,
u carest not, — eve brings us still
Thy plaintive burden, — whip-poor-will !
When moonlight fills the summer night
With a soft vision of delight,
We listen till we fain would ask
For thee some respite from thy task;
At dawn we wake and hear it still, —
Thy ceaseless song, — oh, whip-poor-will !
We hear thy voice, but see not thee;
Thou seemest but a voice to be, —
A wandering spirit, — breathing yet
For parted joys a vain regret; —
So plaintive thine untiring thrill,
Oh, whip-poor-will, — oh, whip-poor-will!
Oh, faithful to thy strange refrain, —
Is it the voice of love or pain ?
We cannot know — thou wilt not tell
The secret kept so long and well;
What moves thee thus to warble still,
Oh, whip-poor-will, — oh, whip-poor-will ?
494
ABOUT ENGLAND WITH DICKENS.
ABOUT ENGLAND WITH DICKENS.
RICH as England is in historic mem-
ories, she possesses a charm far subtler
than this. The associations which bind city
and country alike to the creations of her
great novelists have a fascination to Ameri-
cans impossible to an Englishman, to whom
such places have long been familiar in a
common, every-day sort of way. Of no
one of the great English romancers is this
truer than of Charles Dickens. He caught
the inspiration of the ancient dramatists,
and made nature herself serve as the scenic
background to his dramatis persona. He
felt what he wrote with such vividness, his
characters were to him so real, that it would
have been scarcely possible for him to assign
them to shadowy homes in imaginary places.
It is somewhat singular that, while the
scenes which Scott and Burns used in their
pictures of life have been illustrated, the
same has never been attempted for Dickens.
No modern author has ever given surer
data for the identification of the localities
to which he refers. Many of the most
interesting of these old landmarks are
disappearing, and many more are irrevo-
cably gone, but enough still remain to war-
rant an attempt to bring them together in
this way ; and these few which do remain,
like the remnant of the sibylline books,
have gained an added preciousness. The
country landmarks are naturally more per-
manent, though usually more difficult to dis-
cover, than those of the city, where reform
is wiping dUt in the purlieus of London
many of those buildings, streets or neigh-
borhoods with which he made his pages
picturesque. Being more at home in the
city, and so surer of his ground, he usually
gives there the clearest indications of the
place to which he is referring, sometimes
naming street after street, so that one can
follow with perfect ease expeditions through
the by-ways of old London.
Again and again, in reading the life or
letters of Dickens, the reader is impressed
with the reality which his characters had to
himself. They were no more phantasms to
him than to his readers ; the wonderful life-
likeness which he has imparted to them was
no mere trick of writing ; the power which
has peopled our memories and added to
our experiences lay far below the mere
aesthetic perceptions, or even the cold intel-
lectual faculties, deep down in the heart
of the man. His life was so bound up
with the life of his own creations that he
seems sometimes a little dazed, and hardly
to know which world he lives in — the world
he was born into or the world to which he
has given birth. Speaking of Nell, who
seems to have taken peculiar hold upon his
affections, he says, in a letter to Forster :
" You can't imagine how exhausted I am
with yesterday's labors. I went to bed last
night utterly dispirited and done up. Ail
night I have been pursued by the child, am
this morning I am unrefreshed and miser-
able I don't know what to do with
myself. * * * I have only this mo-
ment put the finishing touch to it. The
difficulty has been tremendous, the angui;
unspeakable."
In the volume of letters comes anothei
allusion. In writing to Cattermole, with ref-
erence' to an illustration for the " Old Curi-
osity Shop," he says :
"I am breaking my heart over this story
and cannot bear to finish it."
It is not only the pathetic character
which possess this reality to him. He ha
a whimsical and altogether charming wa;
of mixing up his own experiences with tb
of the creatures of his imagination. Relal
ing something in regard to his miserabl
childhood, he says :
" A back attic was found for me at t.
house of an insolvent court agent, wh
lived in Lant street, in the borough whei
Bob Sawyer lodged many years afterward,
What is true of his people was, in a less<
degree, true of the places where they hve<
He usually, perhaps always, mastered tt
situation topographically, as well as dr
matically. He studied up the localities of h
novels with nearly the same zeal which 1
bestowed upon the study of the characte
themselves. This is common enough no'
when studying from « the life " is the fas
ion and has become a cant expression
everybody's mouth, but Dickens was wor
ing from conviction, and in the face of
fashion of his day.
By such faithful study persons and plac
alike became complete, rounded realities
his memory or imagination; and even t
mere hints which we find scattered throuj
his books hold together because, howev
slight they may be, they are always parts
an organic whole. His bits of testimony,
ABOUT ENGLAND WITH DICKENS.
495
incomplete, are yet true, and so cannot be
reciprocally destructive. As an illustration
of the pains he took, even in minor matters,
a few words may be quoted from a letter to
Forster :
" I intended calling on you this morning
on my way back from Bevis Marks, whither
I went to look for a house for Sampson
Brass."
This house, it will be remembered, scarcely
figures in the story, receiving little more
than an allusion.
Since "Oliver Twist " is the first complete
novel by Dickens,— the earliest work which
possesses a connected plot and serious pur-
pose, and since, moreover, the scenes through
which Oliver passed recall much of Dickens's
own early life,— it has some claim to be con-
sidered first in this imperfect series.
The new poor-law had come into force,
and some of its provisions had served to
arouse the righteous anger of Dickens.
Against these enormities, and many others
besides, this earliest novel of the great author
was directed. The time had come when a
reaction against the idealizing of crime was
to take place, and this reaction was led
by Dickens. There is no romantic flavor
about the pictures which he so graphically
drew. Vice is always hateful under his de-
lineations, and usually loathsome. To the
charge that, in dealing with vice and misery,
he is liable to work an evil to society, he
brings rebutting testimony, enforced by a
plea full of eloquence and earnestness. " I
have yet to learn," he says, " that a lesson
>f the purest good may not be drawn from
the vilest evil. I have always believed this
to be a recognized and established truth laid
down by the greatest men the world has ever
seen, constantly acted upon by the best and
wisest natures, and confirmed by the reason
and experience of every thinking mind."
He evidently had in mind Pelham, or some
of the earlier works of " Sawedwadgeorge-
rhttnbulwig." For, in his own terse Eng-
lish, he goes on to define his purpose :
" I had read of thieves by scores — seduct-
ive fellows (amiable for the most part), fault-
less in dress, plump in pocket; choice in
orseflesh, bold in bearing, fortunate in gal-
antry ; great at a song, a bottle, pack of
cards, or dice-box—fit companions for the
>ravest. But I had never met (except in
Sogarth) with the miserable reality. It
ippeared to me that to draw a knot of such
issociates in crime as really do exist; to
aaint them in all their deformity; in all
heir wretchedness ; in all the squalid pov-
erty of their lives ; to show them as they
really are— forever skulking uneasily through
the dirtiest paths of life, with the great,
black, ghastly gallows closing up their pros-
pect, turn where they may,— it appeared to
me that to do this would be to attempt
something which was greatly needed, and
which would be a service to society."
No sound and healthy mind can fail to
respond to such words. It is not the sub-
jects selected, but the manner in which they
are treated, that constitutes the difference
between a bad or a good, a helpful or a
hurtful literature.
" Oliver Twist " opens, as every one knows,
m the parish work-house. Just where this
work house was to be found it is impossible
to determine. Later on in the book, we
find that the city of Oliver's nativity was
seventy-five or eighty miles north of London.
With a radius corresponding with this dis-
tance, and taking London as a center, a
circle may be described which passes through
Market Harboro and Peterboro — either of
which might claim the honor. The minuter
description given in the thirty-eighth chapter
enables us to select Peterboro as the more
likely of the two, though not precisely to
identify the place.
He there speaks of "a scattered little
colony of ruinous houses, distant from it
[the town] some mile and a half, or there-
abouts, and erected in a low, unwholesome
swamp bordering upon the river. * * *
This place was far from being of a doubt-
ful character, for it had long been known as
the residence of none but low ruffians, who,
under various pretenses of living by their
labor, subsisted chiefly on plunder and crime."
A collection of houses resembling that
described in the passage just quoted may
be found in Peterboro, bordering on the
Nen River, though, perhaps, not quite so
disreputable in all respects as Dickens has
made it. It appears to be a collection of
dwellings occupied by the poorer class of
bargemen or fishermen.
It is, however, probable that Dickens
selected no special work-house, nor beadle,
but only some good type, which Peterboro'
as well as another city, might afford, for it
was not against places but against powers
that he directed his artillery. He made
war upon such institutions as the poor-
houses; such systems as that of uncondi-
tional apprenticeship; such wrongs as arose
from intrusting irresponsible power to the
keeping of dense ignorance, or brutal indif-
ference, if to nothing worse. He showed the
496
ABOUT ENGLAND WITH DICKENS.
weary, that Oliver was accosted by the
immortal Mr. John Dawkins, the Artful
Dodger, who undertook to supply his tem-
porary wants, and to find him a home
in London.
It is somewhat difficult for an Ameri-
can, used to the all-embracing charity of
our city limits, to understand
what a number of villages,
each bearing its own name,
go to make up London, and
are mere suburbs of the great
city. Barnet is one of these
suburbs, though eleven miles
north of London proper.
It is a pretty village,
still retaining some-
thing of its rural char-
acter, and built upor
the highest ground be-
tween London anc
York, its full name be
ing High Barnet.
We now follow th<
poor child from th<
misery of such guardianship as the la\
afforded him, to the equally wretched
where lawlessness reigned. Under th
guidance of the Artful Dodger, at eleve:
BARNET, WHERE OLIVER TWIST MET THE ARTFUL DODGER.
crime, and shame, and misery into which
thousands upon thousands of innocent chil-
dren were every year born, and the dens
of infamy which alone were open to the
penniless outcast 'in the midst of a prosper-
ous, Christian civilization.
A little later on in the story, where
Oliver, shaking off the intolerable burden
of parish tyranny, escapes, and, taking his
life in his hands, sets out on his weary
trudge of seventy-five miles, we leave the
region of conjecture and are able to follow
upon the map his journey. " On the seventh
morning after he had left his native place,'
says the record, « Oliver limped slowly into
the little town of Barnet. The window-
shutters were closed, the street was empty;
not a soul had awakened to the business of
the day. The sun was rising in all his
splendid beauty ; but the light only seemed
to show the boy his own lonesomeness and
desolation as he sat, with bleeding feet and
covered with dust, upon a cold door-step."
Here it was, crouching desolate and
THE CLOCK OF ST. ANDREW S.
ABOUT ENGLAND WITH DICKENS.
497
j'clock at night Oliver struck into the
' turnpike at Islington. They crossed from
;he Angel into St. John's road, struck down
;he small street which terminates at Sadler's
Wells Theater ; through Exmouth street and
Coppice Row, down the little court by the
side of the work-house, across the classic
ground which once bore the name of
Hockley in the Hole,' thence into Little
saffron Hill and so into Saffron Hill the
bravery of brick, and plate-glass, and many-
jetted gas, it figures merely as the stop-
ping-place for many of the London omni-
buses and as a first-class 'beer and spirit
shop. After leaving the Angel, they struck
down St. John's road, and passed Sadler's
Wells Theater. This place has experienced
many vicissitudes, being at one time a favor-
ite resort for invalids, the water resembling
that of Tunbridge Wells, and at another
SEVEN DIALS.
eat; along which the Dodger scudded at
rapid pace, directing Oliver to follow
se at his heels. * * * * Oliver
just considering whether he hadn't
ter run away, when they reached the
ttom of the hill. His conductor, catch-
him by the arm, pushed open the door
a house near Field Lane, and, drawing
into the passage, closed it behind
>
The Angel Inn at Islington, as seen by
:kens, is no longer in existence : it has
en replaced by a spick and span new
stelry bearing the same name. It for-
:rly possessed some interest from the fact
it was the terminus for the line of
rthern coaches. Now, with all its new
VOL. XX.— 33.
containing one of the most widely known
theaters in Europe. At this theater the
celebrated clown Grimaldi, whose life
Dickens edited, acted and made himself
famous. After being for many years under
a cloud, the theater has again been opened
under the auspices of Mrs. Bateman.
After passing the work-house, or Clerken-
well house of correction, as it is now called,
they probably took Farringdon road, and so,
through an intricate maze of streets, came
into Field Lane. Hockley in the Hole was
the ancient ground for outdoor sports :
bull-baiting, bear-fights, contests with back-
sword, dagger, single falchion and quarter-
staff were held here. Thackeray several
times alludes to this fact in "The Virginians."
498
ABOUT ENGLAND WITH DICKENS.
The name Hockley is the Saxon for muddy
field, a name derived from the overflow-
ing of the Fleet. Holborn viaduct, one of
the greatest feats of modern engineering
skill in London, has greatly changed that
portion of the city, and in doing this has
excised that foul ulcer from the city's life.
It is extremely interesting to follow on a
map of London the route of the poor foot-
sore Oliver from the streets of Barnet
to Fagin's loathsome den. The desolate
childhood of Oliver Twist after coming to
London holds in it a suggestion of Dickens's
own experience, more fully shown forth in
young Copperfiel-d's London life. He came,
like Oliver Twist, a little boy to the great
city, and received his impressions at a
similar age. Though not, as Oliver was, an
orphan, he was scarcely better off in point
of parental care; with a father who was
the original Mr. Micawber, and a mother
pictured in Mrs. Nickleby, it,is scarcely sur-
prising that the boy had pretty much to
shift for himself.
It is very interesting to notice how, out
of the barrenness of his early experiences,
the germ of his future life began to push
itself up. London, at first the type of
dreary desolation to his childish eyes, as his
vision became adjusted presented to him
the richest field his genius ever found.
Even as a little child, the picturesqueness
of its misery laid hold upon his fancy.
Long before he was able to formulate his
feelings, he had begun to recognize the
fascination of its most squalid life, as no
ordinary child would have done. Forster
says, speaking of the time when Dickens as
a child lived there :
" There were then at the top of Bayham
street some almshouses, and were still when
he revisited it with me nearly twenty-seven
years ago, and to go to this spot, he told
me, and look from it over the dust-heaps,
and dock-leaves, and fields (no longer there
when we saw it together), at the cupola of
St. Paul's looming through the smoke, was
a treat that served him for hours of vague
reflection afterward. To be taken out for
a walk into the real town, especially if it
were anywhere about Covent Garden, or
the Strand, perfectly entranced him with
pleasure."
This last, of course, was normal to any
observant child, but what was really re-
markable Forster goes on to tell :
" But, most of all, he had a profound
attraction of repulsion to St. Giles. If he
could only induce whomsoever took him
out to take him through Seven Dials he was
supremely happy. ' Good heavens ! ' he
would exclaim, ' what wild visions of prod-
gies of wickedness, want and beggary arose
n my mind out of that place ! ' '
But to return to Oliver's new home, o
rather his habitat. Saffron Hill, formerly
the abode of Fagin and his crew, has utterl;
changed character ; yet, though the dirt, th<
crime and the misery are gone, the plac
has not entirely lost all interest. When th
old houses of Field Lane were torn down t
make improvements in the district, it ws
discovered that they were built over a
ancient ditch, and that some of them wei
provided with convenient trap-doors for tr.
safe and easy disposal of the bodies of sue
unfortunates as had been lured to these dei
and made away with. Saffron Hill is no
the abode of the peripatetic Italian orgai
grinders of London, while in Field Lai
the miserable buildings of fifty years ago a
replaced by large warehouses, decent bee
houses and apartment-houses for the poc
their unpleasing baldness touched to bngh
ness, here and there, by the brilliant cont
dina dress of some Italian girl. Upon tl
sign of the first warehouse which greets tl
eye as one enters the precincts of old Fie
Lane from the Holborn side, one reac
oddly enough, "T. Dawkins, warehous
man." Has the Artful as well as Mr. Char]
Bates reformed, and taken unto himself wi
his new trade a new Christian name?
Though Field Lane, with all the squal
misery which infested it, is no more, it
not difficult to discover in London and
Liverpool streets which answer accurately
Dickens's description of this resort of thiev
Fontenoy street, in Liverpool, for example
said to be its counterpart by one who is w
acquainted with both.
Exception has been taken to the fact tl
Dickens should have chosen a Jew as 1
typical trainer of thieves. But it must
borne in mind that Fagin's heavy busin
was not as a mere thief-trainer, but as
broker in the spoils of their calling. Lik.
true Jew, he traded first in their industry a
finally in themselves, when they were \
ficiently involved to be worth selling to i
law; and moreover Fagin was a port]
from the life. Later on, to the charge
having held the Jews up, in the pen
of this wretch, to undeserved opprobrw
Dickens offered the amende honorable in
creation of Riah, the stately old Hebi
in " Our Mutual Friend."
The facility with which street robbei
ABOUT ENGLAND WITH DICKENS.
499
KEW BRIDGE ON THE THAMES.
were committed in those days seems some-
what surprising to us, and more so to an
Englishman, for the new police present a
happy contrast to the old. The ancient
night-watchman was a fit companion to
Dogberry and Verges. When the darkness
closed in, this official was wont to retire to
his watch-box, and, if he did not " snore
out the watch of night," he contented him-
self with taking his rounds periodically,
giving ample warning of his approach to
misdoers by vociferating the hour. The
new police which superseded the watchman
were introduced by Sir Robert Peel, — hence
the sobriquets " Peelers " and " Bobbies,"
as the members of the force are indifferently
called by their natural enemies, the populace.
When, at last, Oliver's marvelously inno-
cent eyes were opened to the real calling
of his companions by the picking of Mr.
Brownlow's pocket, when he found himself
under arrest as the thief, and brought to
the police court to answer before the magis-
trate Fang, we have a portrait from the life.
This magistrate, whose name was Laing,
actually ruled in one of the London courts.
Some of his sentences are no less extraordi-
nary than that pronounced upon Oliver, and
very similar in character. One may be cited
which will give some idea of the fitness of
this gentleman for the magisterial office, and
of the happy manner in which Dickens has
caught his characteristics.
On one occasion a witness came into
court, attended by a stray dog which had
attached himself to him.
" Why do you bring your dog into court ? "
demanded the magistrate.
" He is not mine, your worship," said the
witness.
" Not yours! Whose is it, then ? " said the
justice. " I, myself, saw it come into court
with you."
" I do not know whose it is, your worship."
"Do you hear that?" said the vigilant
administrator of justice, with cheerful alacrity,
— " a dog stealer ! "
" But, your worship," said the unfortunate
witness, " he followed me, and I could not
shake him off."
"Well, well, sirrah!" said the irate mag-
istrate, " give your evidence for what it is
worth, and, clerk ! make out a dog case to
follow. A very likely story, indeed ! "
The witness, however, escaped the trial
by the favor of the clerk, who understood
how to manage the magnate, and succeeded
in settling the matter without appeal to
the law.
The expedition of Sikes and Oliver to
Chertsey, on the house-breaking business, is
one of the finest pieces of description in all
5°°
ABOUT ENGLAND WITH DICKENS.
Dickens's writings. They set out from Sikes's
den in Clerkenwell and passed through Beth-
nal Green, which was near his abode. This
was then a most disreputable neighborhood,
but it has since been greatly improved. A
LONDON BRIDGE — THE LANDING STAIRS.
committee of the council on education have
redeemed in part this forsaken locality. A
branch of the Kensington Museum has been
established here, where there are some per-
manent collections, though in the main it is
supplied by loans — the first of which was the
magnificent collection of paintings and other
works of art which for three years were lent
by Sir Richard Wallace; and after they were
removed their place was supplied by other
loans, including the Indian presents to the
Prince of Wales — admission being usually
free. The picture of this walk, as Dickens
gives it, is full of color. The dull, cheerless
morning ; the somber light of the coming
day, " only seeming to pale that which the
street lamps afforded, without shedding any
warmer or brighter tint upon the wet house-
tops and dreary streets " ; the waking
of the busier portions of the great
town as they came along, until the
center of activity was reached in
Smithfield market. The description
of the market was applicable then
as it is not now. The stalls and
spaces filled with sheep, and oxen,
and pigs all tell of the time when a
lively trade was driven here in cattle
" upon the hoof." Annually a mill-
ion and a half animals were brought
thus into the very heart of London,
and offered up in sacrifice on the
ground made sacred by the Smith-
field fires of centuries before. Now
the slaughtering is done upon the
farms where the cattle are raised
— much of it on this side of the
water; and the market, instead of
the open squares filled with booths
and shambles, is a fine building,
within which the comparatively quiet
traffic in " dead meat " goes on.
Upon all this medley and these
shifting scenes, St. Bartholomew's,
in its cloistered calm, has looked
down unchanged for centuries.
As they turned out of Smithfield
market into Holborn— " ' Now,
young un,' said Sikes, looking up at
the clock of St. Andrew's church,
' hard upon seven ! You must step
out. Come, don't lag behind al-
ready, lazy legs.' " The face of St.
Andrew's clock, which is transparent
and lighted from within, had prob-
ably served to tell the time to Sikes
and his companions on many of
their nocturnal expeditions.
Passing Hyde Park corner and
so on through Kensington, Isle worth and
Hammersmith, they came to Kew Bridge. A
very good idea of this latter is given in the
illustration. Notwithstanding its nearness
to London it retains a quiet country look,
having lost less of its distinctive character
than most of the resorts about the city.
The bridge is an old stone structure, one
end of which abuts on the village green and
the other on Brentford. The chief inter-
est of Kew belongs to its botanic garden
and its botanists, the Hookers, father and
son, with whom it is closely associated.
ABOUT ENGLAND WITH DICKENS.
501
Having passed Brentford, — Falstaff's
Brentford, — Hampton, Sunbury and Shep-
perton, they finally, through the city's roar
and the country's quiet, reached the dilapi-
dated dwelling where flash Toby Crackit
and Barney received them, till the hour for
the burglary in Chertsey should arrive.
By far the most touching portion of
" Oliver Twist," and that which shows the
most masterly perception of character, is the
story of Nancy — the lost, degraded creature
who yet feels an outgoing of tenderness
toward the innocent boy whom' she has
helped to recapture, and a loyalty for the
man who maltreats her. The story culmi-
nates after her visit to London Bridge, where
she endeavors to harmonize the two best
instincts of her nature, — to save the boy and
cling still to the man who would ruin him,
— and for the effort pays the penalty of her
life.
The steps down which Nancy and Oliver's
friends go to escape all observation are on
the further end in the illustration — the Surrey
side. By day this thoroughfare across the
bridge is one of the busiest in the world ;
1 four streams of wagon traffic flow on in a
steady stream, while on each side is an un-
broken procession of pedestrians.
Nancy's murder is the pivot upon which
the whole story turns : by it Oliver is saved,
and Fagin and Sikes are lost. It is one of
those scenes in which the brutal and the
pathetic are so closely interwoven that one
shrinks from re-reading, and even from too
vividly recalling it.
Newgate Prison, the predestined end of
Fagin's miserable career, stands under the
same roof as the Central Criminal courts.
It fronts on the Old Bailey, the street lead-
ing from Ludgate Hill to Newgate street.
This portion of the city itself, low and vile
in the olden time, formed an outskirt of
the neighborhood which extends between
Blackfriars Bridge and the Temple. This
region is interesting from the fact that here
lay the ojd Alsatia, that portion of London
which was reserved as a city of refuge for
criminals. Here they could flee and be
safe from pursuit, for into this " sanctuary "
no officer of justice was permitted to enter.
A cesspool of wickedness in the very heart
of the city, into which crime and lawless-
jness were permitted to pour unchecked,
and there to lie festering and rotting un-
disturbed. What hope could there be for
I the moral health of London while the cen-
srs of disease and death were sacredly
irded from purification by the will of the
king? Later, this sanctuary was removed
south of the Thames to the Borough, and
called the Mint.
At Newgate was originally one of the old
city gates, of which only the names remain,
such as Ludgate, Bishop's gate, etc., to
remind modern London that she was once
a walled town. The debtor's prison which
was formerly here has been removed.
Pictures drawn with great power are to be
found in " Pickwick," " David Copperfield "
and " Little Dorrit," of the miserable fatuity
of the laws which condemned a man, who
had been unfortunate or thriftless, to perpetu-
ate his folly to the end of time in these
debtors' prisons. But " Oliver Twist " deals
with the somberer side of prison life.
Dickens had occasion to learn some-
thing of the courts from the fact that he
was at first clerk in a law office, and later
a reporter in Doctors' Commons and other
courts ; and this intimate knowledge is mani-
fest in the correct and characteristic sketches
he gives of them, and of the administration
of — let us say — justice in them.
The ease with which Oliver and Mr.
NEWGATE PRISON, TH
Brownlow gained admission to Fagin's
cell is calculated to excite some surprise in
these days, when such access is very difficult.
Prison reform was still in its inception. A
glance into " Sketches by Boz " shows how
502
ABOUT ENGLAND WITH DICKENS,
"THAT PART OF THE THAMES ON WHICH THE CHURCH AT ROTHERHITHE ABUTS.
easily Dickens was admitted into Newgate
— that singular court where life waits in the
antechambers of death — and to what pur-
pose he used his opportunities.
Close by Newgate stands St. Sepulchre's
church. Here the knell is tolled for the poor
wretch who is about to pay the penalty of
his crimes, and here, at one time, the singular
and beautiful custom prevailed, of present-
ing a bunch of flowers to the malefactor, as
he passed from the prison to the gallows
at Tyburn Hill. A little further on in the
same journey he was supplied with a tankard
of beer.
The companion picture to the Jew's
death is that of his coadjutor Sikes. The
contrast between the Jew's miserable end,
almost like that of a poisoned rat dying in
his hole, and the desperate death of the
robber, brought to b*ay, is drawn with a
masterly hand. The scene of Sikes's death
is on the southern or Surrey side of the
Thames, just at the bend below Tower Hill.
The little island formed by the mill-pond
or Folly ditch, into which the wretched
man attempted to escape, is still to be found
upon the maps of London. But the place
itself no longer exists. Indeed, its existence
was denied, even at the time of Dickens's
description ; and one Alderman Lawrie
publicly expressed his belief that " there
aint no sich a place as Jacob's Island." In
consequence of which, in his new edition
of 1867, the novelist declared in his preface
that it might even then be seen, just as he
had originally described it. Now, the crazy
old houses with their overhanging galleries,
the great, empty warehouses, roofless and
decaying, the shaky little bridge, spanning
the slimy ditch, — all are swept away. The
description of the pursuit, and the escape of
Sikes from the hands of his pursuers, is thus
introduced :
" Near that part of the Thames on which
the church at Rotherhithe abuts, where the
buildings on the banks are dirtiest and the
vessels on the river blackest with the dust
of the colliers and the smoke of close-built
and low-roofed houses, there exists at the
present day the filthiest, the strangest, the
most extraordinary of the many localities
that are hidden in London, wholly unknown
even by name to the great mass of its inhab-
itants."
Near here were gathered, in the upper
rooms of a crumbling and deserted ware-
THE PLAIN STORY OF SAVONAROLA'S LIFE.
5°3
house, the three men who constituted the
remnant of the gang scattered by Sikes's
flight and Fagin's apprehension, and hither
Sikes had fled before the fury of the mob.
" Oliver Twist " is strongest in the iso-
lated dramatic scenes, like these illustrated
in the present article. Not even in " Bleak
House," or " The Tale of Two Cities," has
the author been more forcible in effect, as is
evinced in the fact that one of the very few
successful attempts at dramatization of his
works has been based upon this theme.
THE PLAIN STORY OF SAVONAROLA'S LIFE.
INTERIOR OF THE CHURCH OF SAN DOMENICO.
FRA GIROLAMO SAVONAROLA, priest and
prophet, patriot and politician, is one of the
grandest figures of Italian history. His
whole life was a protest against the corrup-
tion of his age, his death, the fitting and
inevitable crown of the career of one who —
in that age — " conceived and almost
achieved the splendid notion of an equal
republic of Christian men acting on the
highest Christian principles."*
Savonarola has been the subject of so
much controversy, his career the theme of
so many celebrated works, that it is no part
of our purpose to enter into any examina-
* Dean Milman.
S°4
THE PLAIN STORY OF SAVONAROLA'S LIFE.
SAVONAROLA PREACHING IN THE DU<
tion of his doctrines. One fact, however,
emerges, clear as sunlight, from the mass of
evidence collected by his most competent
biographers ; namely: that although to main-
tain his cause of reform he braved single-
handed the whole power of the Papacy, he
was a reformer of morals rather than of
creed, and remained to the last a devout
believer in the dogmas of the Roman Cath-
olic church.
The plain story of his life will serve to
show what ardent faith stirred this man's
soul, burnt through all obstacles, and con-
verted the shrinking, meditative student into
the fervid orator whose words roused sin-
ners to repentance, into the sagacious ruler,
who, for a space of more than three years,
evolved order out of chaos, and governed
factious Florence with consummate tact and
statesmanship.
Girolamo Savonarola saw the light a
Ferrara on the 2ist September, 1452, an<
was the third-born of an honorable family o
Paduan origin. His grandfather, a physiciai
of talent and celebrity, author of man;
works* on medicine, settled in Ferrara at th
invitation of Marchese Nicholas III. of Este
But little is known of Michele, Girolamo'
father ; he is said to have devoted much tun
to scholastic learning, but he does not appea
to have turned his studies to any practica
account, for he led the life of a courtier am
speedily dissipated the fortune accumulate!
by the elder Michele's labors. But his wife
Elena Buonaccorsi, of Mantua, was of an
other stamp, and, like the majority of th
mothers of great men, was a woman o
elevated mind and remarkable strength o
character. Girolamo's letters to her provi
the depth of tender, respectful affection shi
THE PLAIN STORY OF SAVONAROLA'S LIFE.
5°5
inspired in her son, and show her to have
possessed his fullest confidence in every
vicissitude of his extraordinary career.
The little Girolamo was a serious, quiet
child, and his biographers agree that he
showed precocious signs of superior capacity.
Even in his early childhood the hopes of
the family were centered in his future; he
was to be a great physician, good and gifted
as the wise old grandfather who guided
his first footsteps to knowledge. He was
barely ten years old when his grandfather
died, but he had already drawn much profit
from his teachings, and was passionately
fond of study. Few details remain to us of
his boyish years ; we only know that he read
St. Thomas Aquinas and the Arab com-
mentators upon Aristotle with intense de-
light, and acquired much mastery of scho-
lastic subtleties. He also wrote verses ;
learnt drawing and music, avoided gayety
and pleasure, and loved to take solitary
walks by the banks of the Po. In those
days Ferrara was a busy, populous city, its
reigning prince, Duke Borso D'Este, one of
the most magnificent potentates of the times,
and his glittering court the scene of per-
petual festivities and entertainments. All
sorts of exalted personages, popes and em-
perors even, were continually passing
through Ferrara, and, of course, all sorts of
pageants were got up in their honor. Mi-
chele Savonarola being a hanger-on of the
court, his household must have breathed an
atmosphere of parade and excitement, and
Girolamo's repulsion for all these pagan re-
joicings proves the early development of his
individuality. Once, while still a mere child,
he was taken by his parents to the Ducal Pal-
ace, but they could never persuade him to
go there again. It may be that his first fer-
vor for religion was awakened by the pas-
sage of Pope Pius II. on his way to Mantua
to preach the crusade against the Turks; at
any rate the grave, quiet child soon devel-
oped into an earnest, melancholy student,
zealous in fasting and in prayer, and strangely
out of harmony with his gay surroundings.
Before long a fresh element of unrest, in the
shape of an unrequited love, came to add
to the tumult in his soul. He conceived an
ardent passion for the daughter of an exiled
Strozzi with whom his family lived on neigh-
borly terms, but when one day he found
courage to reveal his love, he was crushed
by the girl's scornful reply that no Strozzi
could stoop to wed a Savonarola. At that
time he was not yet twenty. Then followed
two years of bitter internal struggle. His
mind revolted from his destined profession,
and day by day it became clearer to him
that his vocation was to cure men's souls 111-
THE DEATH-BED OF LORENZO DE MEDICI.
506
THE PLAIN STORY OF SAVONAROLA'S LIFE.
PIAZZA, CHURCH AND CONVENT OF
IARCO. FLORENCE.
stead of men's bodies. Yet he was distracted
by a thousand doubts, a thousand conflicting
emotions. His longing for the cloister was
no desperate resolve born of Madamigella
Strozzi's disdain, though the pain of rejection
must have confirmed his disgust for the
world. His purpose had nobler roots than
any personal suffering, and he was slowly
gathering strength to flower into action.
His daily prayer was " Lord ! teach me the
way my soul must walk," and suddenly, in
1474, when he was twenty-two, he heard a
sermon at Faenza that gave him the answer
he sought. His way was clear now, and he
returned home decided to become a monk.
But now came a still more painful wrestle with
domestic affections; his resolution often
quailed when he met his mother's eyes,
fixed upon him with a sad tenderness that
seemed to divine his unspoken purpose. He
could not face the ordeal of farewell, so, on
the 24* of April, 1475, when all the rest of
the family were abroad at the festival of St.
George, he stole away from the empty
house and, hurrying to Bologna, entered the
convent of St. Domenico. The same day
he wrote a tender letter to his father, asking
his blessing, and explaining why he had
sought refuge in the cloister. The world
was intolerably wicked, he said ; everywhere
in Italy he beheld vice exalted, virtue de-
spised. Among the papers he left at Ferrara
was an epistle on " Contempt of the World,"
in which he inveighed against the prevailing
corruption, and foretold divine punishment
—such as had befallen Sodom and Go-
morrah.
But now, with fasting, prayer and contin-
ual mortification of the flesh, Girolamc
entered upon his novitiate and gave himself
up to the contemplation of celestial things
Contemporary writers tell us that, at this
period, he looked more like a shadow thar
a man.
All painted portraits of this extraordinary
monk are, at first sight, almost repulsive
but written descriptions assure us that thos<
strange, irregular features of his were beau
lifted by an expression of singular force am
goodness; that his blue eyes sparkled am
flamed beneath his black eyebrows am
rugged forehead, that the large mouth am
projecting under-lip, if sometimes closed n
lines of power and resolve, would also rela:
into smiles of exceeding sweetness am
gentleness. He was of middle height, of da
complexion, of a sanguine bilious tempera
ment and a nervous system of very dehcat
fiber. His manners were simple, his speec
unadorned and almost uncultivated,
wonderful power of oratory was as yet ur
suspected, although his superiors, recogmzm
THE PLAIN STORY OF SAVONAROLA 'S LIFE.
5°7
his intellectual gifts, employed him to in-
struct the novices instead of in the menial
offices he had humbly asked to fulfill. He re-
mained in this Bologna convent for six years,
years of outward tranquillity, although the
poems he composed during the period attest
to his fever of indignation against the grow-
ing corruptions of the church, and his intense
grief for the afflictions of his country.
In 1482 he was sent to Ferrara. He went
with reluctance, and avoided his family as
much as possible, regarding the promptings
of earthly affections as so many snares of the
evil one. His sermons seem to have made
little mark in the city, for, as he lamented
later, no man is a prophet in his own land.
He was soon recalled, for, one of the usual
petty wars with Venice being imminent,
Ferrara was no longer a fitting home for the
peaceable Dominican, and he was then dis-
patched to Florence to the convent of St.
Mark, the scene of his future triumphs and
trials.
n.
!. AT the time of Savonarola's arrival in
Florence, Lorenzo il Magnifico was in the
heyday of his power and prosperity, the city
was given up to pleasure, and lost liberty was
forgotten in a trance of luxurious ease. Fresh
from gloomy Bologna, the friar was at first
enchanted with his new surroundings. It
seemed like a foretaste of heaven to become
the inmate of a cloister sanctified by the
memory of St. Antonino, adorned by the
inspired paintings of Fra Angelico, in the
midst of this fairest of Italian cities. But
his illusions were speedily dispelled; he
heard Lorenzo's canti carnascialeschi re-
sounding through the streets, he found the
smooth, cultured citizens dead to all sense
of faith or virtue, St. Marco itself invaded by
the prevailing mania for pagan philosophy.
In 1483, Savonarola was appointed Lenten
preacher at St. Lorenzo, but his sermons
had no attraction for hearers accustomed to
pulpit oratory replete with classic learning
and fashionable graces of style. How could
they listen to a man who, in plain rough
words, earnestly called them to repentance,
instead of pleasing their taste by a display
of elegant subtleties? So all the world
thronged to Fra Mariano's adorned dis-
courses in Santo Spirito, and San Lorenzo
was deserted.
Discouraged by this failure, which seemed
to close one career of usefulness, Savona-
WITH THE NOVICES AT SAN MARCO.
5o8
THE PLAIN STORY OF SAVONAROLA'S LIFE.
DIVERSION IN THE CLOISTER.
rola almost determined to abandon the
pulpit and devote himself to teaching in
the convent, but zeal for the redemption of
those corrupt Florentines soon prevailed
over self-love ; he must, he would stir them
from their lethargy of sin — the Almighty
would show him the way to their hearts.
For, already convinced of his divine mission,
the colder, the more indifferent his hearers,
the greater the need of saving them from
perdition. Already, too, he saw visions, and
discovered, in the Apocalypse, symbols of
the heavenly vengeance about to overtake
this guilty people. We find bis pent-up
feeling expressed in a poem addressed to
the Saviour, written at this period. Innocent
XIII. now occupied the pontifical throne,
and the atrocious scandals of his reign threw
into the shade the infamy of his predecessor,
Sixtus IV.
It was at the little hill town of St. Gemig-
nano that the friar had the first gleam of
success as a preacher, found his voice, as it
were, and gained some confidence in his
own powers, but it was- only a year or two
later, at Brescia, that he suddenly revealed
his might as an orator. On this occasion
he had to treat of his favorite theme, the
Apocalypse, and he shook men's souls by
his predictions, brought them around h
in panting, awe-struck crowds. This rr
sion proved the foundation of his fame ;
hearers were transported by an ecstasy
mingled terror and faith, when, at the cl<
of awful denunciations of the wrath to cor
his tones of thunder sank to accents of
finite tenderness in describing the lovi
mercy of God. A Brescian friar rela
that more than once an aureole of light v
seen flashing round the preacher's head.
Soon, at Reggio, during a Dominic
council attended by many eminent laym
Savonarola had an opportunity of showi
himself to be not otily a fervid orator bul
learned theologian, versed in all the subl
ties of the schools. The celebrated P
Delia Mirandola was so impressed by 1
friar's ability, that he is said to have urg
Lorenzo de' Medici to obtain his recall
Florence. Thither he finally returned
the Lent of 1490, intending to resume
humble office of reader to the novices, 1
his fame had gone before him, the gr
Pico had sounded his praises, and I
Florentines were in a fever of impatiei
to listen to the orator they had forme
despised.
At first, — perhaps doubtful of his pov
THE PLAIN STORY OF SAVONAROLA'S LIFE.
5°9
THE ARREST OF SAVONAROLA.
*j to compel Florentine attention, — his lectures
ic|were delivered in the convent garden, and
£ only a small audience admitted. But day
*by day fresh hearers obtained entrance;
Eithey besought him to choose a wider arena,
-and at last one Saturday, at the conclusion
;:<of his discourse, the friar implored the
sprayers of his congregation, and simply
: :said :
" To-morrow we will address you in
church ; there will be a lecture and a ser-
mon."
Legend adds that he announced that he
should preach for eight years.
The morrow was the ist of August, 1490.
St. Mark's was crowded to suffocation, and
Savonarola delivered — as he himself tells us
— a " terrible sermon." From that moment
his success was complete. Florence went
mad with admiration, and in discussing the
510
THE PLAIN STORY OF SAVONAROLA'S LIFE.
THE NIGHT BEFORE THE EXECUTION.
was the aim of every word, every line, every ac
of Girolamo Savonarola.
And now, early in 1491, St. Mark's church n
longer sufficing for the friar's hearers, h
was invited to preach in the cathedra
and from the moment when his voic
was first heard beneath Brunelle:
chi's dome, his rule over Floi
ence may be said to begh
That he was now a pow<
was plain from the angt
and uneasiness of Lorenz
de' Medici. Five of th
leading men were depute
to recommend the preach*
to moderate his tone, an
— in his own and th
convent's interest — sho'
more respect to author
ties. This Savonarola cur
ly refused to do, addin
that he well knew wh
had prompted the advia
" Tell your master," h
said, in conclusion, " tru
although I am an humbl
stranger, he the city's lore
yet that I shall remain, h
will depart." Afterwarc
in the presence of man
witnesses, he declared tha
mighty changes were ovei
hanging Italy ; that Loren
zo, the Pope and the kin
of Naples were all nea
unto death.
In July of the same yea
he was elected Prior of Si
Mark's. The convent hai
been rebuilt by Cosimc
enriched by the donation
merits of this wonderful preacher even
Plato was for a time forgotten.
But Savonarola, warned by experience,
knew that this momentary triumph would
not silence learned skeptics ; he foresaw.that
he would be accused of insufficient doctrine,
and determined to publish a collection of
his writings for the instruction of the people,
and a confutation of hostile pedants. These
writings proved him to be an accurate stu-
dent of the pagan philosophy he so fiercely
denounced, and that it was no ignorance of
the fathers that drove him to seek texts and
inspiration from the Word of God alone.
" The Triumph of the Cross " is his princi-
pal theological work, and all are animated
by the burning religious spirit that informed
his whole life. To bring mankind to God
of the Medici; it was therefore judgei
necessary for the new Prior to pay a visit o
respect and homage to Lorenzo. Savona
rola would not conform to the usage. H
owed his election to God, not to Lorenzo
and to God alone would he render obedi
ence. Lorenzo was furious. " This stran
ger comes to inhabit my house, and doe
not stoop to pay me a visit." He trie(
conciliatory measures ; it was beneatl
his dignity to recognize the hostility Ol
a simple monk. Accordingly, he severa
times attended mass at St. Mark's, anc
then walked in the convent garden
but the Prior always remained invisible
and took no notice of the Magnifico's pres
ence. He then placed large sums of money
in the alms-box, and Savonarola sent his
THE PLAIN STORY OF SAVONAROLA'S LIFE.
gold-pieces to the Buoni Uomini di S. Mar-
tino, for distribution among the poor. He
felt nothing but the keenest abhorrence for
the tyrant who had robbed Florence of her
liberty, and demoralized her people. In
his eyes, Lorenzo's pagan learning and rare
intellectual gifts were only so many engines
of ill and corruption. To come to any
compromise with the Magnifico would be
an offense against God.
Lorenzo now tried other means. Fra
Mariano da Genazzano was invited to re-
sume his preachings, and on Ascension Day
chose for his text: "It is not for you to
know the times and seasons " (Acts i. 7).
Crowds flocked to hear him ; he had the
prestige of former popularity; had he kept
his temper, he might have severely damaged
his rival's rising reputation. But rage and
envy carried him beyond all bounds, and
his scandalous invectives and accusations
against Savonarola thoroughly disgusted his
hearers. Meanwhile, Fra Girolamo had
taken up the challenge by preaching on
the same text, and his arguments and elo-
quence combined made his victory so com-
plete that Fra Mariano was silenced. The
Franciscan feigned indifference to his defeat,
invited Savonarola to his convent, and there
was an interchange of clerical courtesies.
But he never forgave him, and later, in Rome,
became one of the most active instruments
of his downfall.
THE CONVENT OF SAN MARCO.
III.
WE now approach one of the best-known
scenes of Savonarola's life. In April, 1492,
Lorenzo de' Medici lay dying in his pleasure
palace at Careggi, burdened by the load of
his crimes. Neither the affection of his
most faithful friends nor the full absolution
granted by his confessor, availed to appease
his guilty terrors. How could he feel as-
sured of Divine pardon when it was only
announced by lips too obsequious to contra-
dict his lightest wish ? Formerly it was his
boast that no man dared to say him nay ; now
it was his despair. Suddenly he remembered
the unyielding monk who had withstood
both his flattery and his threats ; this man, at
least, would tell him the truth ; absolved by
him, his sins would drop from him and leave
him white as snow! In hottest haste a
messenger was dispatched to St. Mark's,
and, although with much reluctance, Savon-
arola obeyed the surprising summons. Of
the many versions of this celebrated inter-
view Politian's and Burlamacchi's are the
best known. Politian denies that Savona-
rola refused absolution, but Politian was a
courtier and a devoted adherent of the
Medici. Burlamacchi was a contemporary
and friend of Savonarola, and wrote his ac-
count at a period when public opinion was
hostile to the friar's memory, and many were
living to contradict his tale had it been false.
This, then, is what he tells us : Savonarola
gravely listened to Lorenzo's agitated con-
fession, and tried to soothe him by repeat-
ing : " God is good, God is merciful." But
to obtain Divine forgiveness three things
are necessary : I. Sincere and living faith in
His mercy.
Lorenzo professed his faith.
II. The restitution of all ill-gotten gains.
The dying man hesitated, but soon bowed
his head in token of assent.
Then Savonarola rose up, and fixed his
wonderful, blazing eyes on the cowering
prince — " And thirdly," he solemnly cried,
" thirdly, you must restore the liberty of
Florence." Upon this, Lorenzo turned his
face to the wall and made no reply. Savon-
arola waited a few moments, but the silence
was unbroken, so he left the room without
giving absolution, and shortly after Lorenzo
de' Medici drew his last breath, aged only
512
THE PLAIN STORY OF SAVONAROLA'S LIFE.
TOMB OF SAN DOMENICO.
forty-four years. After this event Savona-
rola's influence rapidly increased, and he
gained many fresh adherents among men
who had been admirers of Lorenzo, but
who were disgusted by the coarse violence
and inefficient policy of his successor, Piero.
The affairs of the state went from bad to
worse ; Florence was fast losing the pre-
dominance she had acquired under the
astute rule of Lorenzo. Men recalled Sa-
vonarola's predictions, and in the July of
the same year the second of these was ful-
filled by the death of Innocent XIII. The
woes of Italy approached their climax in the
scandalous election of Cardinal Borgia to
the Papal chair.
Savonarola's discourses were marked by
continually increasing fervor; his medita-
tions on the state of his country, on the
one hand, on the other his study of the
prophets, had wound him up to a religious
frenzy, in which he saw visions and believed
himself the mouth-piece of Divine revelation.
It was while preaching one of his terrible ad-
THE PLAIN STORY OF SAVONAROLA'S LIFE.
vent sermons that he beheld the famous
vision, recorded in contemporary medals and
wood-cuts, which has almost become a sym-
bol of his doctrines. He saw a hand with a
flaming sword, on which was inscribed :
" Gladius Domini supra terram tito et veloc-
iter," He heard supernatural voices pro-
claiming mercy to the faithful and punishment
to sinners, and cries that the wrath of God
was at hand. Then the sword bent toward
earth, the sky darkened, thunder pealed,
lightning flashed and the whole earth was
wasted by famine, war and pestilence.
Soon after this, Savonarola was removed
from Florence, and we find him preaching
happen in Bologna." He is said to have seen
visions on his lonely journey, to have been
accompanied by a celestial messenger who
restored his strength with food and drink,
and who only disappeared at the St. Gallo
gate. Certain it is, that he reached Florence
without molestation, and was rapturously
welcomed by his brethren at St. Mark's.
His first undertaking was to re-establish
the former rigid discipline of his order, and
the better to carry out this reform, he con-
trived, after battling through innumerable
difficulties, to obtain a Papal brief freeing
St. Mark's from its subjection to the Lom-
bard vicars of the Dominican order. Now,
THE EXECUTION OF SAVONAROLA. (FROM AN OLD PAINTING.)
to excited crowds in the north of Italy.
The principal incident of these missions
was the danger he ran at Bologna, by pub-
icly rebuking the wife of Bentivoglio, lord
of that city, for her noisy entrance in church
during divine service. Assassins were sent
to dispatch the insolent monk, but it is
said, they were so awed by Savonarola's
words and demeanor, that they fled in
dismay from his presence. At the conclu-
5ion of his last sermon, the friar, with
:haracteristic boldness, announced the day
md hour of his departure from Bologna,
>ade those who had business with him seek
i at once and added with significant
Jmphasis : " I know that my death will not
VOL. XX.— 34.
at last, his hands were free ; he was an in-
dependent authority, and no longer liable to
be sent hither and thither at the pleasure of
superiors in the north. One of his new
measures was to relegate a portion of the
brotherhood to a quieter retreat outside the
city, only leaving in Florence those best
furnished with intellectual gifts. Henceforth
the convent was to be self-supporting, and
the friar opened schools for various branches
of art, and promoted the study of Oriental
languages. St. Mark's flourished as it had
never flourished before and many Floren-
tines of noble birth flocked to take the vows,
fired with enthusiasm for Savonarola's saintly
life. Meanwhile he was hurling from the
THE PLAIN STORY OF SAVONAROLA'S LIFE.
pulpit fiercer and fiercer denunciations of
the abuses of the church and the sins and
corruptions of mankind, never ceasing his
prediction of divine wrath.
And now, in 1494, the sword of God was
in truth near at hand, for the Duke of Milan
had summoned France to his aid, and King
Charles and his army had crossed the Alps.
Piero de' Medici, in an agony of weak con-
sternation, forgot that in all former wars
Florence had been the firm ally of the
French, and entered into close alliance with
the Neapolitan king whose throne Charles
claimed as his own. But, with characteristic
vacillation, Piero immediately repented this
step, and hurried in person to the French camp
at Pietra Santa. Here, without asking coun-
sel of any one, he at once succumbed before
Charles VIII., conceded even more than was
asked, promising a huge sum of money and
the surrender of the fortresses of Pisa and
Leghorn up to the termination of the war.
Thereupon Florence rose to arms. The
popular fury was so great that excesses of
the worst kind seemed inevitable. But,
wonderful to relate — notwithstanding the
confusion of those terrible days — Savona-
rola's sermons quieted the passions of the
mob and a bloodless revolution was effected.
Piero di Gino Capponi was the first to
embody in words the universal feeling that
" it was time to have done with this baby
government," and to declare the deposition
of Piero de' Medici. The first act of the re-
suscitated republic was to dispatch a fresh
embassy to the French king, to arrange
the terms of that dangerous friend's recep-
tion in Florence. Of course Savonarola
was one of the envoys, for it was known
that Charles had an almost superstitious
veneration for the friar who had so long
prophesied his descent into Italy and de-
clared it to be divinely ordained. With
characteristic humility, Fra Girolamo elected
to make the journey on foot, and lingered
in Florence after the departure of Cappo-
ni and the other embassadors in order once
more to exhort the citizens to maintain
peace and order. " Remember," he said,
" the cry of the Lord : ' Misericordiam volo? "
Woe, woe to those who should disobey the
command. Probably it was to these exhort-
ations that Piero de' Medici owed his life,
for when the arrival of the new embassa-
dors showed him that Florence rejected
his yoke, and he hurried back to the city to
snatch hysterically at the reins that had
dropped 'from his impotent fingers, he was
allowed to re-enter without molestation, and
though driven into exile after a few days of
agitated, purposeless striving, he was peacea-
bly expelled. His former subjects treated him.
like a bad child and literally hissed him out
of the city. His brother, the Cardinal, re-
mained behind for a day or so, and stealthily
collecting his more portable treasures, in-
trusted them to the safe keeping of the
monks of St. Mark's. When we remember
that the convent was the head-quarters of
the victorious party, it is hard to imagine a
stronger proof of the esteem inspired by
Savonarola's community.
During these events, Savonarola had been
received in the French camp with every
demonstration of respect. The king listened
more attentively to the friar's emphatic dis-
course than to the conciliatory statements
of his fellow envoys, and although he de-
clined binding himself to any definite course
of action before going to Florence, Savon-
arola returned there full of hope and cour-
age. Yet to ordinary minds the aspect of
public affairs was, from all points of view,
of the gloomiest. Pisa had revolted on the
very day of the expulsion of Piero from
Florence, and the rebellion was — at least
tacitly — encouraged by the French king; no
new government had as yet been organized,
and the foreigner was knocking at their
.gates. To preserve public confidence at this
crisis needed all the efforts of Savonarola
and Capponi, who were truly the head and
arm of the bewildered city.
And now, on November i7th, Charles
entered Florence at the head of an impos-
ing force — more like a conqueror than a
visitor — and encircled by a pompous cortege
of unprecedented magnificence. Yet, not-
withstanding their just cause for fear, much
of the uneasiness of the Florentines vanished
at the first sight of the dreaded monarch.
This the threatened scourge! They beheld
a puny, ill-made youngster, with a ridicu-
lously ugly face, ignoble gestures and hesi-
tating speech, whose weak insignificance
was all the more apparent in this setting of
regal splendor. Florence was moved to
laughter rather than awe. Charles was
lodged in the Medici palace (Palazzo Ric-
cardi), and soon, under the influence of
Piero's wife and mother, began to show his
hostility toward the Florentines, and to put
forward the most exorbitant pretensions.
The greatest agitation reigned in the city,
serious collision with the foreign troops
seemed inevitable, already riots had broken
out, and the citizens had shown their teeth.
The Signory saw that the moment had
THE PLAIN STORY OF SAVONAROLA'S LIFE.
5'5
:ome to make a decisive arrangement with
:heir troublesome guest, and when the king
igain dictated ridiculous terms, /'. <?., the
•estoration. of the Medici and exorbitant
sums of money, the magistrates indignantly
•efused their consent.
"Then we will sound our trumpets!"
;ried the little sovereign, beside himself
vith rage. At this Capponi snatched the
reaty from the secretary's hands, indignantly
ore it to shreds, and made his immortal reply :
" And we will ring our bells."
The king was cowed, he withdrew his
pretensions, signed a more satisfactory
;reaty, and, yielding to Savonarola's urgent
>ersuasions, rid Florence of his presence on
November 28th.
We may imagine the joy of the Floren-
ines. Now, at last, they could breathe
reely, and so great was their relief that at
irst they hardly grudged their light-fingered
quests the numberless art-treasures they had
:arried off from the precious accumulations
n the Medici palace. But if Florence was
ree she had yet to learn the use of her
iberty. During the seventy years of Medi-
nan rule, there had been more than time
enough to forget the art of self-government,
md, like a newly released prisoner, her eyes
vere still dazzled by the light of day, her
imbs still stiff with the weight of her chains.
Vith commerce ruined, exchequer drained,
lisorder everywhere, Florence felt the need
f a strong hand to guide her tottering steps,
nd with one accord all eyes were turned
Dward the patriot monk whose words had
d them of King Charles, and Savonarola
ecame the lawgiver of Florence.
IV.
SAVONAROLA'S first care was to provide
[r the material necessities of his flock. He
jiUected money for the poor of the city
ltd of the outlying territory; he caused
ops to be opened to give employment to
Is needy ; he lightened all taxes, especially
pse weighing on the lower classes ; he en-
rced strict justice and exhorted all men to
jplore the Divine assistance.
was soon found that the exigencies of
I; times precluded the revival of the old
jchinery of government as it existed before
domination of the Medici. It was alto-
|her too cumbrous for a state, at war with
three revolted provinces of Pisa, Arezzo
M ontipulciano, and the Medici had
|wn how easily all the jealous precautions
insuring impartiality and independence
could be converted into efficacious engines
of tyranny. Thus, while it proved easy
enough to choose the twenty Accoppiatori
charged with the nomination of the magis-
trates, serious disputes arose regarding the
councils or assemblies of the Republic. The
Council of Seventy, so flexible in the hands
of the Medici, was promptly abolished, but
it was found impossible to reconstitute the
councils of the people and the commune,
because these had represented a state of
things, a division of citizens, no longer in
existence and impossible to be renewed.
Animated discussions took place, — noisy de-
bates in council-chamber, street and market-
place. The popular party, headed by Paolo
Antonio Soderini, fresh from Venice and
hot with admiration for Venetian institu-
tions, proposed a great council, open to all
citizens, and a less numerous council of
Ottimati, precisely on the pattern of the
Grand Council and the Pregadi of
Venice. This proposal was combated by
the party led by Guido Antonio Vespucci,
who desired a more restricted form of
government. The great council, they said,
might be useful in Venice, where it was
composed of aristocrats, but would be most
perilous in Florence, where — for lack of
nobles — it would be necessary to admit citi-
zens of all ranks. The majority of the
magistrates sided with Vespucci, for they
numbered many secret partisans of the
Medici, ,and also the Accoppiatori whose
office was about to cease, and who desired a
government in which they could retain
power. Fortunately, at the moment when
it seemed most impossible to come to an
agreement, Savonarola threw the weight of
his influence on Soderini's side by preaching
in favor of an " Universal " or general
government, with a great council on the
Venetian plan, but modified to the needs
and customs of Florence.
Great was the joy of the Florentine people
when, after long days of anxiety haunted by
fears of a narrow rule that would lead the
way to tyranny as grievous as that from
which they had but now escaped, they
heard the voice of their beloved preacher
boldly uplifted in defense of their rights.
They were given a great council of 1500
citizens, of blameless antecedents and over
twenty-five years of age, — a third of this
total number was to sit for six months in
turn ; * and also a sort of upper council of
* The Hall of the Cinque Cento in the Palazzo
Vecchio was built expressly for this assembly.
THE PLAIN STORY OF SAVONAROLA'S LIFE.
eighty, in which all magistrates were entitled
to sit, and which — conjoined with the Sig-
nory — held weekly meetings to decide ques-
tions of too grave and delicate a nature to
be discussed in the larger assembly. These
institutions amply satisfied the demands of
the people, and offered a fair prospect of
equitable government. And here — space
lacking for closer details — it may be inter-
esting to give the precise formula in which
Savonarola summed up his programme of
the new constitution :
I. The fear of God, and purification of
manners. II. The promotion of public
well-being rather than of private interests.
III. A general amnesty to all political of-
fenders. IV. A council on the model of
that of Venice, without a Doge.
At first all went well, public business was
carried on with sufficient regularity, men's
minds were at rest, and the war with Pisa,
not as yet of threatening proportions, served
the good purpose of keeping the Floren-
tines from quarreling among themselves.
What, it may be asked, was the position in
the new commonwealth of the man to whose
authority it owed its birth ? He held no
recognized office save his normal one of
Prior of St. Mark's, yet he was chief guard-
ian of the public weal, and de facto Dictator
of Florence. As an instance of his remark-
able political wisdom, we may mention that it
was at his instance that the whole oppressive
system of arbitrary imports, and so-called
voluntary loans, was swept away, and re-
placed by a tax of ten per cent, (la decima)
on all real property. All the laws and edicts
of this memorable period read like para-
phrases of Savonarola's sermons, although
his political counsels were only, as it were,
interpolated among his religious admoni-
tions, with which he tasked the sins of his
countrymen, the degradation of the church,
and urged Florence to purge itself of its
corruptions until it should become a truly
Christian city, a model, not to Rome only,
but to the world at large. Now it was that
his eloquence poured forth in fullest tide.
Day after day his impassioned exhortations,
pregnant with the spirit of the Old Testa-
ment, wrought upon the minds of the Flor-
entines, stirring them to a fervor of holiness
to which they had never before — have
never since attained. The tension, indeed,
was too strong to be lasting, and Savona-
rola was too uncompromising a partisan not
to arouse the keenest hatred of his political
adversaries, as well as of the shameless court
of Rome. Thus, even when his authority
seemed most firmly established, when \
fame drew even inhabitants of distant citi
around his pulpit, and the Piazza del D
omo would frequently be filled with tl
overflowing throng who could find no pla
within the vast cathedral, his enemies-
as yet afraid to raise their voices — we
secretly intriguing for his downfall.
Meanwhile, pleasure-loving Florence f<
lowed the routine of the cloister; half t
year was devoted to abstinence, and hard
any citizen ventured to purchase meat <
a day set apart by Savonarola as a fa
Houses, schools and shops were closed <
the days when he preached. Lauds, char
and psalms were heard in the streets th
not long before had echoed the ribald son
of Lorenzo de' Medici. Men dressed in s
ber colors, and women discarded finery ai
jewels. Wives quitted their husbands to ent
convents, and husbands left their wives. Mi
riage became an awful and barely permitti
rite ; women now nursed their own infant
and people of all ranks, scholars, artis
literati, gave up the world, and assumed tl
Dominican habit. But it was to the childn
of Florence that Savonarola addressed r
tenderest appeals, and there is no great
proof of the marvelous magnetic power
the man, of his genuine goodness and puri
of soul, than the enthusiasm with which tl
youth of the city responded to his ca
Soon he had them organized into a sort <
sacred militia, into a republic within tl
republic, with special magistrates and fun
tionaries charged with the enforcement <
all his rules of holy living. It was with tl
aid of these youthful bands of inquisitors-
who, as was to be expected, frequent
abused their singular power, and tyrannize
over the elder citizens — that Savonarola c
ganized the sacred carnival of 1496, wh<
people surrendered their costliest possessioi
for the good of the poor, and the square <
St. Mark's beheld the curious spectacle <
tonsured monks, crowned with garlanc
singing lauds and performing wild dances f
the glory of God. David had danced b
fore the ark, and therefore Savonarola ini
ated and encouraged these novel religio
exercises. The following year, in the sar
spirit, and to emphasize the doctrine of i
nunciation of carnal gauds, he celebrat
the carnival by the famous Burning of t
Vanities. This ceremony, however, had
modern precedent, for St. Bernardino
Sierra had held a bonfire at Perugia of t
same species, although on a smaller sea
Some of the old writers have greatly ex£
THE PLAIN STORY OF SAVONAROLA'S LIFE.
gerated the value of the objects consumed
on Savonarola's pyre in the Piazza della
Signoria, but it is a fact that a certain Vene-
tian merchant scandalized the Piagnone Sig-
nory, then in office, by asking to be allowed
to purchase the pyramid of vanities, and
offering the sum of 22,000 gold florins. The
offer was indignantly rejected, and a por-
trait of the godless Venetian promptly added
to the pile.
Meanwhile, events were darkening; Sa-
vonarola's power drooping to its fall.
Already, two years before, Pope Alexander
had repented his consent to the enfran-
chisement of St. Mark's from the authority
of the Lombard Dominicans. A transcript
of one of the terribly graphic sermons, in
which the Prior ascribed the past and
present evils of Italy and the whole world
to the scandalous vice of the pontifical
court, had reached the Pope's eyes, and
he resolved to silence the daring preacher,
who so openly denounced his crimes. Fair
means were first tried ; the Prior was even
offered the archbishopric of Florence ; hints
of a forthcoming cardinal's hat whispered
in his ear.
But Alexander had mistaken the man
with whom he had to deal ; personal ambi-
tion had no entrance in Fra Girolamo's soul.
His indignation rose to its fiercest height,
and from his pulpit he uttered these pro-
phetic words : " I will have no hat but that
of the martyr, red with mine own blood."
As long as the French king remained in
Italy, the Pope was too much harassed about
his own safety to take any vigorous steps
to indulge his hatred of Savonarola. But
he was only biding his time ; the Borgias
never forgot their enemies, and the news of
the marvels accomplished by the friar — of
skeptical Florence transformed into an
austerely Christian republic, claiming our
Saviour for its head — served to inflame his
rage and dread to the highest pitch. This
friar must be crushed ! Other enemies
were also at work, among them Ludovico
Sforza, the powerful Duke of Milan, and
already, in July, 1495, a Papal brief had
courteously summoned Savonarola to Rome.
The Prior, with equal courtesy, alleged vari-
ous excuses for declining to go. In Sep-
tember came another summons — less softly
worded — and soon after a third, threatening
1 to lay an interdict on Florence in case of
I refusal. Savonarola would not obey the
citation, but for a while he suspended his
(sermons in Florence, preaching instead in
other Tuscan cities. In the Lent of 1496 he
gave his famous series of sermons upon the
Prophet Amos, reiterated the necessity of
church reform and ingeniously strove to rec-
oncile his rebellion against Alexander, the
man, with his unalterable fidelity to the suc-
cessor of St. Peter. By this time the eyes
of all Italy were turned on the simple friar,
who dared, single-handed, to brave the
Papal authority. It was a deadly duel, in
which one of the combatants must succumb,
and Savonarola's utterances were arousing
a storm which might not impossibly van-
quish even the tremendous force of Rome.
This the Pope knew, so his enemy must be
destroyed. The religious carnival of 1496
furnished the desired pretext for new pro-
ceedings against Savonarola. A commission
of Dominicans found him guilty of her-
esy, schism and disobedience to the Holy
See. The threatened sentence of anathema
was still, for some reason, delayed ; but
meanwhile a fresh brief united the convent
of St. Mark's to a new Tuscan province of
the order, and Savonarola was no longer
vicar-general. Fortunately for him, the
Piagnoni were in power at the beginning of
1497, and his firm friend, Francesco Valori,
took the lead in public affairs. In March,
however, things changed. The Arrabbiati
and the partisans of the Medici merged
their political differences in common hatred
of the friar. Piero de' Medici attempted to
enter the city, and, although he failed, his ad-
herents actively pursued their intrigues, and
party spirit burst out with all its virulence.
The citizens were growing weary of the re-
ligious constraints imposed upon them, and
Alexander saw that the moment was coming
when revenge would be within his grasp.
In May, a Signory avowedly hostile to the
friar came into office, and on Ascension
Day his enemies exchanged sullen silence
for active insult. Stealing secretly into the
cathedral, they heaped his pulpit with filth,
spread an ass's skin over the cushion, and
ran sharp nails into the board on which the
preacher would strike his hand. His vigilant
disciples discovered the atrocity. In time
the pulpit was purified, and, although the
church was half-filled with clamoring Ar-
rabbiati, who even tried to make an attempt
upon his life, Savonarola calmly delivered
a most impressive sermon, which speedily
found its way to distant provinces. Still, the
incident showed the strength of the hostile
current, and the Signory, in feigned anxiety
for the public peace, begged the Prior to
suspend his preaching for a while.
Almost immediately afterward, the long-
THE PLAIN STORY OF SAVONAROLA'S LIFE.
threatened bull of excommunication was
launched. Fra Mariano was in Rome, and
had urged the Pope to no longer delay
his vengeance. Still Savonarola was un-
daunted, and declared the sentence to be
null and void ; adding, too, that his mission
came direct from the Almighty, and that
Alexander, elected simoniacally and stained
with crime, could be no true Pope. Never-
theless, the public proclamation of the sen-
tence, on the 22d of June, could not fail to
make a deep impression on the public mind.
All the clergy and the members of several
orders hostile to Savonarola assembled in
the Duomo ; the brief was solemnly read,
and then all the lights were extinguished to
symbolize the spiritual darkness that had
fallen on the friar and his disciples. The
Arrabbiati being still in office, the Com-
pagnacci had full liberty of action, and the
city gave itself up to license as in the days
of Lorenzo il Magnifico. But in July the
new Government was favorable to the friar,
and corresponded actively with Rome to ob-
tain the removal of the excommunication.
Meanwhile, the plague had broken out in
Florence, and for a time party strife was
stayed by the presence of this invincible
foe. Savonarola calmly faced the danger
and supported the courage of his two hun-
dred and fifty brethren, taking wise pre-
cautions for their safety, and sending the
younger monks into the country away from
the contagion. His enemies blamed him
for not going about the town visiting the
sick, willfully forgetting that such ministra-
tions were forbidden to an excommunicated
man. About this time Rome was in com-
motion about the mysterious murder of the
Duke of Gandia, and the Pope, his bereaved
father, was plunged in the wildest despair.
Savonarola sent a letter of condolence in
which he, the excommunicated, boldly bade
the Pontiff bow to the heavenly wrath, and
repent of his sins while there was yet time.
The cessation of the plague brought no
peace to Florence, for Medician intrigues
were spreading, and a powerful conspiracy
aiming at Piero's restoration was discov-
ered. Five leading citizens were impli-
cated in the plot; among them Bernardo del
Nero, an old man of seventy-five years, of
high talent and position. The Gonfalonier,
Francesco Valori, exercised his influence
to obtain their condemnation, and all five
were put to death. It is said that Sa-
vonarola might have saved at least Ber-
nardo del Nero, had he wished ; and 'it is
certain that, although he took no active
part against the prisoners, he refused to rais
his voice in the cause of mercy. Whateve
his motives, his silence destroyed his pop
ularity with moderate men, and gained th
Arrabbiati — crushed as they were for th
moment — numerous fresh adherents. Th
execution of the guilty men served to ex
asperate the fury of the Pope, of Sforza an<
all potentates friendly to the Medici, t
the highest point. Fra Girolamo was no\
interdicted from preaching even in his owi
convent, and he was again summoned t
Rome. He again refused obedience, am
although consenting to abstain from pub
lie preaching, he held conferences in Si
Mark's that were attended by all his dis
ciples, and on Christmas day he defied th
interdict by publicly celebrating mass am
heading a solemn procession through th
cloisters.
v.
THE next year, 1498, which was to wil
ness the close of his wonderful careei
opened under apparently favorable auspice;
Now, again, the Piagnoni ruled affairs, am
at their invitation Savonarola resumed hi
sermons in the Duomo, while his best-be
loved disciple, Fra Domenico Buonvicin
preached in San Lorenzo. Again a scaffold
ing of seats had to be erected in the cathe
dral to accommodate the throng of the Prior1
hearers, and the Arrabbiati could only ver
their spite by rioting on the Piazza outsidt
This year — for the last time — the carnivj
was again celebrated with fantastic religiou
displays, and a second burning of the Vani
ties, in which perished many priceless vol
umes and treasures of art.
Briefs more and more furious arrived fror
Rome; the Pope had read one of Savona
rola's recent sermons on Exodus ; Florenc
itself was threatened with interdict, and th
Florentine embassador with difficulty ob
tained a short delay. But now the Piag
noni term of office had expired ; the nei
men were less favorable to the Prior, am
accordingly his friends persuaded him t
withdraw to St. Mark's. There, howeve
he continued to preach with unabated fei
vor, and one day in the week was set apai
for his sermons to women who could nc
brook entire deprivation of his teaching!
The Signory tried to mitigate the Pope'
rage by representing the wonderful spiritui
effects of Savonarola's words ; the Pope
plied that they must either silence the
or send him to be judged in Rome.
THE PLAIN STORY OF SAVONAROLA'S LIFE.
But in his own danger Savonarola saw
only an additional motive for denouncing
the unrighteous ruler of the church. He
resolved to appeal to all Christendom against
this wicked Pope, and dispatched letters to
all the potentates of Europe, solemnly ad-
juring them to call a council to judge this
anti-pope. The council of Constance and the
deposition of John XXIII. were still fresh in
men's memories. One of these letters was
destined to be the friar's death-blow, for,
being intercepted by the Duke of Milan, it
was by him forwarded to Rome. And now
so tremendous a bull was hurled at Florence
that the Signory were thoroughly alarmed,
and entreated the friar to cease preaching.
Savonarola unwillingly consented. He bade
his hearers a tender farewell, and so mourn-
ful, so solemn were his concluding words,
that possibly he felt a presentiment that he
would never again mount his pulpit stairs.
It was hoped that now the Pope would
be appeased, and Florence permitted to
breathe.
The prophet was dumb, but now the folly
of his disciples brought about the often
related event that precipitated his fate. In-
stigated by the Arrabbiati, a Franciscan
monk, Fra Francesco di Vuglia, challenged
Savonarola to the ordeal by fire, in order to
prove the falsity of the friar's doctrines.
At first Savonarola treated the unseemly
provocation with the contempt it deserved,
but unfortunately his zealous disciple, Fra
Domenico, took it upon him to accept the
challenge. The Franciscan declared that
his defiance was directed to Savonarola; with
him only would he go through the fire.
Fra Domenico, conceiving the honor of the
whole Dominican order to be at stake, vowed
to maintain by the trial of fire the truth
of his master's prophecies. As Savonarola
[persisted in refusing the trial for himself,
Fra Francesco deputed a convert, one Giu-
I liano di Rondinelli, to go through the ordeal
with Fra Domenico. The preliminaries of
this dispute were long; Savonarola perceived
[that his foes were laying a trap for him, and
[discountenanced the " experiment " until
[overcome by Fra Domenico's supplications,
llndeed, he showed a curious wavering of
Imind throughout this affair, which was a
[kind of reductio ad absurdum of his most
Cherished beliefs. Yet, so genuine was his
iith in the divinity of his mission that, in
liis more ardent moments, he anticipated the
Imccess of the terrible ordeal a sperimento.
|x> he hesitated, now listening to the voice
|)f reason, now swayed by passionate zeal,
till at last he let his calmer judgment be
overborne by the fanaticism of his followers.
The Arrabbiati and Compagnacci pressed
the matter on, aided therein by the Signers
who were playing into the hands of Rome.
Now, at last, the way was clear to the ac-
complishment of the friar's destruction.
On the yth April, 1491, an immense crowd
gathered in the Piazza della Signoria to wit-
ness the barbarous spectacle. The Francis-
cans on one side, the Dominicans on the
other, came in procession to the scene of
action, and stationed themselves beneath the
Loggia di Langi, divided by a boarding into
two compartments. A double hedge of
combustibles, forty yards long, with a nar-
row path between, had been erected in front
of the palace, and a force of five hundred
soldiers kept a clear circle around. Some
writers assert that the pile was charged with
gunpowder. Never, perhaps, had so dense
a throng been seen in Florence. Not only
the square itself, but every roof, every win-
dow, every balcony commanding the small-
est glimpse of it, was filled with eager
spectators. Savonarola, after celebrating
mass at St. Mark's, headed in person the
Dominican procession. He bore the Host
in his hands, and placed it on an altar
erected in his portion of the Loggia. As
Fra Domenico bent his knee before it,
the Piagnoni burst into an enthusiastic
chant. The magistrates now gave the
signal for the advance of the two champions.
Fra Domenico stepped forward, but neither
Rondinelli nor Fra Francesco, the origi-
nator of the strife, was anywhere to be seen.
Then the Franciscans began to make all
manner of strange objections. Fra Domen-
ico's sacerdotal robes might be enchanted,
they said. He quickly changed his dress
for a friar's robe ; still they were not con-
tent; he had stood near the friar and
probably had been re-enchanted. At least,
he must remove his cross. He removed it ;
he was ready to consent to anything in
order to enter the fire. Still the Francis-
cans found fresh pretexts for delay, and
when Savonarola insisted that his champion
should bear the Host, they raised loud cries
against the sacrilege of exposing the Re-
deemer's body to the flames. The crowd,
meanwhile, was frenzied with impatience —
all was confusion and turmoil. Fra Giulio
came not, yet the Signory sent an impatient
message to inquire of the Dominicans
why the trial was delayed. The Arrabbiati
went about among the people foment-
ing their discontent, and throwing the
C2O
THE PLAIN STORY OF SAVONAROLA'S LIFE.
blame of all upon Savonarola. A band of
Compagnacci made a rush toward the
Loggia, intending to seize the Prior and
slaughter him on the spot, but were re-
pulsed by Salviati and his Piagnom.
foreign troops, seeing the excited crowd
pressing toward the Palazzo Vecchio, reso-
lutely drove them back, and for a moment
the tumult was hushed. By this time it
was late in the afternoon ; a heavy thunder-
shower gave the Signory an excuse for de-
claring that heaven was opposed to the
ordeal. The wily Franciscans quietly dis
appeared, but Savonarola, bearing the Host,
began to lead his brethren away across the
Piazza in the same solemn order as they had
come. This was the signal for the bursting
of the storm. Cheated of their bloody
diversion, the populace were mad with rage
and excitement. Fra Girolamo's power
had suddenly crumbled away ; these Flor-
entines who had worshiped him now
turned on him with virulent hate; their
blind devotion had changed to blind fury.
But for the efforts of Salviati and his men,
neither Savonarola nor his brethren would
have regained St. Mark's alive. As it was,
they were pelted, stoned, and insulted by
the bitterest execrations. No word of
blame for the real culprits, the cowardly
Franciscans; the devoted friar, the prophet,
the lawgiver was the popular scapegoat.
We may imagine the intensity of Savon-
arola's grief. Yet he preserved a noble
calm, and going straight to his own pulpit
in St. Mark's, he quietly recounted the
events of the day to the kneeling congre-
gation and then withdrew to his own cell,
while the Piazza outside was ringing with
the yells of the mob.
On the following day the Signory decreed
the Prior's banishment from Florence, and
Francesco Valori,with other Piagnoni, hur-
ried to St. Mark's to deliberate how best to
assure his safety. Presently it was made
public that the Government had decided to
arrest Savonarola, and this was the signal
for a ferocious assault upon the convent.
The gates of St. Mark's were hastily secured,
arms and munitions were brought out, and
it was found that, unknown to the Prior,
his adherents had carefully prepared it for a
siege. Thereupon the Signory commanded
all laymen to quit the convent, and specially
summoned Francesco Valori to appear
before them. After much hesitation he
decided on obedience, in the hope that his
influence would rally all Piagnoni to the
rescue. A few minutes later he was mur-
dered in the street, and his palace was sacked
by the mob. The monks and their remain-
ing companions rushed to arms, prepared
to resist to the death. Savonarola in vain
begged them to desist. The defense was
desperate. Some tore tiles from the roof
and hurled them down on the assailants.
Fra Benedetto, the painter, and others,
fought like lions. When at last the church
was stormed, Savonarola was seen praying
at the altar, with Fra Domenico near him,
keeping off the assassins with the blows of
an enormous candlestick. Then, amid the
smoke and confusion, Savonarola was borne
by his disciples to the inner convent library,
and earnestly besought to seek safety by
flight from a window. For a moment he
seemed about to consent; then the voice of
a cowardly monk, one Malatesta, was heard
crying that the shepherd ought to lay down
his life to save his flock. Savonarola's brief
hesitation ended. In a few soul-touching
words he bade farewell to his friends, and,
with faithful Fra Domenico at his side,
quietly gave himself up to his enemies,
Later followed the arrest of Fra Silvestro
betrayed by the same Malatesta. The pris-
oners were conveyed through the streets sur
rounded by the exultant, bloodthirsty mob
who reviled them, spat upon them and tor
tured them as they passed. Savonarola wa:
confined in the same little cell in the towe
of the Palazzo Vecchio in which Cosimo de
Medici had once been a prisoner.
The Pope was intoxicated with joy 01
receipt of the welcome news from Florence
Now the Florentines— said his brief— wer
indeed true sons of the church ; all thei
prayers should be granted, fullest absolutio:
should be theirs, but— the trial over, th
three friars must forthwith be sent to Rom
to suffer punishment. Sforza was equall
rejoiced at Savonarola's downfall, and th
single potentate who would perhaps hav
interposed to save him from the stake-
Charles of France— had expired on th
very day appointed for the ordeal by fire.
Thus another of the friar's propheci*
was fulfilled, at a moment when its fumllmei
deprived him of his sole protector.
VI.
WE must hurry to the fatal end. Tl
result of the trial was decided even befo
it began. The Signory would not sei
their prisoners to Rome, but they determm*
to do Rome's will. The judges charg<
THE PLAIN STORY OF SAVONAROLA'S LIFE.
521
with Savonarola's examination were chosen
from his worst enemies. His fragile body,
weakened by asceticism and by the anxie-
ties and mental struggles of the past months,
was brutally tortured day after day. And
day after day, for nearly a fortnight, his
delicate frame quivering in agony, he ad-
mitted all that his tormentors wished, only
to recant the forced confession directly the
examination was over. The first wrench of
the cords threw him into delirium, and
no legal process could be framed on his
incoherent declarations. At last, a notary
of infamous character, one Ceccone, offered
his services as reporter. Concealed in the
torture-chamber, he composed a garbled
account of the friar's confessions, filled with
monstrous falsehoods and exaggerations,
and this was published instead of the genu-
ine report.
Notwithstanding Savonarola's physical
incapacity to resist torture, his mind regained
its clearness whenever he was left in peace
in his prison. Until pen and paper were
withheld, he employed himself in composing
a commentary on the Psalms, in which,
while re-asserting all his doctrines, he de-
clared his innocence of heresy, and his un-
shaken belief in the Roman Catholic faith.
His death, however, was resolved upon, and
was only delayed by the difficulty of ob-
taining the Pope's permission for the exe-
cution to take place in Florence. Alexander
frantically desired to have his enemy in his
own hands, and to enjoy the satisfaction pf
punishing him himself. But the Signory
remained firm. It was absolutely neces-
sary, they said, that the deluded Florentines
should witness the death of the false prophet
who had for so long led them astray.
At last, the matter was compromised by
the appointment of Apostolic commissioners
to hold a second mock trial of the doomed
man and his fellow-prisoners. It was nec-
essary to preserve a certain show of for-
mality and justice in the prosecution of a
member of the priesthood. One of the
new judges was a Venetian, general of the
Dominican order, the other a Spaniard of
the true inquisitorial type. Meanwhile, the
trial of Fra Domenico and Fra Silvestro was
going on. The former remained nobly
consistent with his faith, true to his master
and to himself. The most atrocious torture
could not induce him to recant, nor to utter
a syllable to the injury of Savonarola. He
had the genuine martyr spirit, and it was
plain that his ardor for the ordeal by fire
had been no passing fit of zeal, but the
expression of firm — if fanatic— conviction in
the divinity of his master's mission. As
for poor Fra Silvestro, the hysteric seer of
visions, he at once gave way utterly, own-
ing himself and his master guilty of every
crime laid to their charge.
The Papal Commissioners made short
work of their deadly task. They came
armed with the Pontiffs command that
Savonarola must die, " were he even another
St. John the Baptist." On three successive
days the Prior appeared before them, and was
tortured more cruelly than at first. Now,
however, he withstood the pain better, and,
although now and again the intensity of
his sufferings made him promise to recant,
no sooner was he unbound than he re-asserted
his innocence, crying : " Oh, God ! I have
denied thee for fear of pain." Then, on the
evening of the 22d May, the death sentence
was communicated to him and his two fol-
lowers. Savonarola listened calmly to the
awful words, and quietly resumed his inter-
rupted prayers. Fra Domenico heard his
doom with joy ; at least he should die by
his master's side. Fra Silvestro, as might
have been expected, fell into weak trans-
ports of despair. Then came the most
touching scene of this cruel tragedy.
When Jacopo Niccolini, member of a re-
ligious association dedicated to the office of
consoling the last hours of condemned pris-
oners, entered Savonarola's cell and asked
what service he could render him, the Prior
begged to be allowed a short interview with
his fellow-prisoners. Niccolini hastened to
the Signory to obtain the favor, only granted
after long debate, — for the tortured victim
still excited the fears of his judges, — and
meanwhile a monk was sent to shrive the
dying men. They were then conducted to
the hall of the Cinque Cento. This was
their first meeting after forty days of confine-
ment and torture, forty days during which
each had been told that the others had re-
tracted everything, and the two monks had
been shown the false report of Savonarola's
confessions. Yet, the instant the two men
beheld the face of their chief, their old love
and loyalty was rekindled. Savonarola
prayed with them, blessed them and ex-
horted them to copy their Divine Master,
and submit silently to their fate.
The night was far advanced by the time
Savonarola was led back to his prison.
Spent with fatigue and weakness, he asked
permission to rest his head on Niccolini's
lap and quickly fell into a quiet sleep. As
he slumbered, happy smiles flitted over his
522
WILL THE FRENCH REPUBLIC LAST?
face and his wan, worn features became se-
rene as a child's. On awakening, he spoke
kind words to Niccolini, and then is said
to have prophesied that heavy calamities
would befall Florence during the reign of
a pope named Clement. The carefully
recorded prediction was verified by the
siege of 1527.
The next morning the execution took
place. On the spot before occupied by the
pile for the ordeal a great platform had
been erected, with a huge cross at one end
heaped about with fagots. The scaffold was
connected, by means of a wooden bridge,
with the Ringhiera, which was occupied by
the magistrate. As the prisoners crossed
the bridge, clad in penitential garb, wanton
boys thrust pointed sticks between the
planks to wound their bare feet. Then
followed the ceremony of degradation. For
the last time they were dressed in their
sacerdotal robes, which were then roughly
stripped off by two Dominicans, the Bishop
of Vasona and the Prior of Santa Maria
Novella.
" / separate you from the church militant
and the church triumphant" said the Bishop.
" Not from the church triumphant" re-
plied Savonarola, i-n a firm voice. " That
is beyond thy power."
By a refinement of cruelty, Savonarola
was the last to be put to death. Only
when his companions' bodies were already
dangling from the two arms of the cross
was he hung from the center stake. Then
the pile was fired. For a moment the wind
blew the flames aside, leaving the corpses
untouched. " A miracle, a miracle ! " cried
the trembling Piagnoni, but the next instant
the fire leapt up and the Piazza resounded
with shouts of ferocious triumph. The
martyrs' remains were carted away at dusk
and cast into the Arno.
Savonarola was dead, his party crushed,
but when, in later years, Florence was a
prey to the horrors his voice had predicted,
the most heroic defenders of his beloved and
ungrateful city were Piagnoni who ruled
their lives by the Prior's precepts and
revered his memory as that of a saint.
WILL THE FRENCH REPUBLIC LAST?
"FRANCE, gradually transformed, has become a pure democracy." — Jules Grevy (~Le Gouvernement
Necessaire, pamphlet, 1873).
WHEN an American, even one the most
friendly toward France, questions a French
republican regarding his government, he
always finds in some moment of the con-
versation, no matter how amicable it may
be, an occasion for saying: "You have
already overthrown two republics, almost
three, if, as your great Lafayette affirmed,
he selected the best one for you in 1830;
do you believe that this one will last ? "
I reply to the doubt :
Without going back as far as the Deluge,
it is easy to show that the primitive char-
acter of our race was democratic.
Our ancestors, the Gauls, were levelers,
attached to the form of an elective govern-
ment; they only recognized worth in those
who proved it individually, either in the
art of speech in the assemblies of the nation,
or in the art of war in battle. At the time
of great national crises the Gaulish confed-
erations elected a chief for the duration
of the danger, and set him aside if he proved
himself unworthy of the suffrages of free
men.
After the Prankish conquest, while a
victorious foreign aristocracy raised the
walls of its strongholds, to oppress and
dominate the slaves, the freemen and the
affranchised colonists of Rome, reconciled
before the common enemy, imitated the
Latin cities, fortified the Gaulish clans,
raised the ramparts of towns, to close with-
in them and to defend therein democracy
and liberty.
At the beginning of the nineteenth century,
Philippe-le-Bel, copying the old Gaulish
charters that were carefully guarded in the
archives of cities, convoked the assemblies
of the nation. At the Etats-Generaux the
democratic element re-appeared in two
orders : in the clergy, — composed of the
younger sons of the nobility, of merchants'
sons, of bourgeois, of affranchised serfs, — and
in the Third Estate.
The great Gaulish tribe of free men, tl
Latin colony of citizens, had not therefor
WILL THE FRENCH REPUBLIC LAST?
523
been annihilated by the feudal aristocracy.
It found itself again, after eight centuries, in
the communes t'hatwere affranchised by royal
power, ready to deliver royalty from the yoke
of the lords and from the yoke of Papacy.
Scarcely rescued, by the united help of
the cities and of the States, the French
monarchy, attributing to itself the tyrannical
privileges of the vanquished powers, became
despotic, declared itself infallible, and op-
pressed those who had snatched it from
oppression. The king of France, throwing
a challenge to the nation, dared to say:
" L'Etat, Sestmoi/"
The old Latin-Gaul at once re-under-
took, against royalty, the struggle it had
carried on against feudalism. It was the
national assemblies, the Etats-Generaux,
that overthrew the monarchy which had be-
come aristocratic and Prankish in its turn.
The French Revolution proclaimed the
victory of democracy, which had not ceased
its growth throughout the ages of our his-
tory; to the recognition of the Gaulish
principles of the rights of free men, the
revolution added the classical form of the
Latin republic.
There issued from this great national up-
rising— like a tempest that throws impuri-
ties to the shore — a singular fact : while
the Gaulish territories and the Gallo-
Roman cities proclaimed the triumph of
the nation, the Frankish nobility returned
to Coblentz, on the other side of the Rhine,
whence it had come.
At this moment, the Gallo-Latin revolu-
tion was personified in three men belonging
to the Third Estate : Mirabeau, of a Latin
family ; Danton, born in the Aube, (whence
foreigners were driven by the law which
compelled forfeiture to the crown of an
alien's property, on his death ;) and Monsieur
de Robespierre, of a Picard stock, a Gaulish
race that had given birth to Velleda.
Why did not the French Revolution that
had been prepared so long, during centuries,
and that was based upon the primitive
elements of democracy, which had unceas-
ingly increased, — why did not this revolu-
tion that remained, after all, mistress of the
power of the nation — why did it not know
how to preserve, on its first trial of govern-
ment, the republican form ?
Because the lower classes of France that
were thoroughly Gaulish did not identify
the republic with the revolution. Left to
themselves they would have raised a military
chief, which they did do later. Still bar-
barous, they were ignorant of the traditions
of the Latin or Italian republics, from which
the cities gathered strength, — and it was the
cities that proclaimed the republic.
What the majority of the nation wished
was that democracy should reign, should
govern. Not one of the castes that was
favored by the revolution would have con-
sented to have allowed itself to be dis-
possessed of a franchise. The earth was
cultivated without taxation ; the merchant
followed his trade freely; the soldier did not
see fetters of birth raised between himself
and his rank. The government seemed, in
comparison to these immortal conquests, an
affair of but little importance, especially as
it had been conceived in all its parts by men
of letters, by "philosophers," as they said
then, and from the fact that the two-thirds of
the country did not understand its formulas
and phrases, overflowing as they were with
classical reminiscences.
The idea of the nation alone excited the
Gauls ; they even went so far as to substi-
tute for it the idea of country. The Romans
found in it the city, the commune, the strug-
gle of opposite parties, but very few persons
attached themselves to the republic — a con-
ception too elevated for them, and appreci-
able only by a small number of educated
people.
When the nation, the country, the fields,
the commune, were in danger, those who
perhaps would not have given their lives for
the republic, feeling awakened within them
the military instincts of two races, rushed
almost without arms to the frontier.
To the French people, composed of these
elements which I have analyzed, the first
revelation of national pride did not come
from institutions, but from renown, and the
victories of military men fascinated them
more than did the quarrels of lawyers.
The love of war and of battle was so
great in France that those who remained
away from the armies wished to have their
share in heroic combats also. They sought
enemies around them, and they found them.
The country was in danger without, they
saw it imperiled within. Patriots rained
death externally, they made it rain inter-
nally. More than one Jacobin thought he
was saving France by killing his enemies
the royalists, while the delegates of the
Comite de Salut Public exterminated for-
eigners, the friends of the emigres.
The Terror was considered as powerful a
means for delivering France as was victory
in the field. By suppressing the nobility and
the courageous, active individualities of the
524
WILL THE FRENCH REPUBLIC LAST?
privileged classes, by raising farmers, masons,
blacksmiths and postillions to the rank of
army commanders, the Government made
havoc of democracy, but did not consoli-
date the republic.
The disciples of Rousseau, of Voltaire,
of the reformers of all ages, of the philoso-
phers of all times, might disappear, the
republic might be repudiated, without the
majority of the country believing that
equality and democracy were menaced, and
the Emperor Napoleon could be crowned
without the peasant in his field and in his
municipality, without the national clergy in
its parishes, sheltered by the Concordat,
without the soldier in his ambition, fearing
the re-establishment of " privileges."
It is necessary to reiterate these facts
in spite of the protestation of partisans.
Csesarism is democratic, although it creates
a disturbing democracy, — the institutions of
the Empire and those of the Republic are
identical. There is only one differential
point between the two forms of government—
an imperceptible point for the people, until
it has seen it enlarge, extend, swell and
pour frightful calamities over the nation.
The Empire, which is a personal govern-
ment, develops democratic institutions for
its own profit ; one man directs the national
sovereignty for his benefit and for that of
his dynasty : while the Republic is national
sovereignty developing itself, the country
governing itself, and being benefited by its
own resources and conforming its institu-
tions for the general need, not for individual
wants.
The Emperor Napoleon — and there is no
reason for being astonished at this — seemed,
therefore, to the masses the continuator of
the revolution, the defender of democracy.
After a time, it had to be recognized that
the private interests of an emperor may
be in contradiction to the public interests
of the nation. The peasant saw invasion
ravage his land, war overburden him with
taxes, the Imperial government carry off his
sons; merchants saw blockade stop com-
merce, the army take away arms from indus-
try, the fortune of France compromised.
The soldiers themselves, wearied by defeat,
saw only the miseries of glory.
The nation, for a moment exhausted and
vanquished, let itself be surprised by the
European coalition and by the invasion,
and, as it could not resist it, in spite of the
united efforts of the false Imperial democ-
racy and of the true democracy of the
revolution, it capitulated and endured the
government of a Bourbon, " a friend to his
enemies."
The exhaustion lasted but a little while;
the strength of the French democracy was
revived with the force of an indestructible
body ! The old ideas of charter, of reform
were taken up again, and followed out in
history by liberal writers ; an opposition was
formed which endeavored to instruct the
French democracy, and to associate in its
mind, in a better manner, democratic and
republican principles.
The revolution of 1830 arose, created
again by the educated classes of the cities,
and was accepted as before by the French
democratic nation ; but it was powerless to
attempt even a bad republic. The bour-
geoisie, becoming aristocratic after having
conquered the aristocracy, as royalty had
become despotic after having vanquished
feudalism, took possession of power, and
created a privileged caste in the democracy.
But already the republican party, free from
its classical conceptions of republics, its
illusions destroyed with regard to the bene-
fits of an Imperial democracy, no more in
contact with a certain number of educated
workmen, and increased by the addition
of "capacity," — which had till then been
unrecognized by the leading classes, but
which was already influential, — looked be-
low, saw the depths of the disorganizatior
of the democracy, the hunger of its wants
and became eager to satisfy demands tha'
were without doubt legitimate, but whicl
were still violent, disorderly and infeasible
and it went wrong a second time. Th<
republican party, which at the epoch ol
the first revolution had not sufficient!]
taken into account the silent masses o:
the French democracy, was lost in 184!
with it, and with them.
The democratic and socialist republican
regarded the State as an individuality, a
a person, whose duty it was to make i
distribution of riches, to create labor, t<
establish credit, to decree reform — a danger
ous, Utopian dream, which made the masse
believe that they could exact public pros
perity and a benign government.
The systems of Fourier, of Cabet, of Loui
Blanc, etc., were therefore held in hono
until they had thrown the people into th
arms of a second Emperor, "destined t
extinguish pauperism." Again was wil
nessed the spectacle of an empire wit
popular, democratic institutions, re-establish
ing universal suffrage (which had bee
suppressed by the reaction), taking care c
WILL THE FRENCH REPUBLIC LAST?
525
laborers, giving a forced impulse to credit,
to commerce, to industry, and creating by
this false democracy a false prosperity and
a false extinction of pauperism.
The republicans, who had become more
numerous, less ignorant, less Utopian, less
passionate, were struck by the similitude of
the advent of the two empires, and they
studied and investigated more seriously the
bearings and relations of democracy and
republican government.
Influential men of the leading classes,
united with the eminent personalities of the
" new social stratas," foresaw the disasters
brought about by the empire, and endeav-
ored to destroy the terrible impression which
the republic of 1793 had left upon the
country, and to calm the anxiety which the
bourgeoisie and the peasants felt in conse-
quence of the Utopian ideas concerning the
division of land and of money disseminated
by 1848. Instructed by the working of
universal suffrage for twenty years, struck by
the irresistible power, of the popular masses,
and convinced of their growing capacity,
they finally conceived a republic born of the
democracy, the living expression of national
sovereignty, which should invite the country
to take the initiative itself, the responsibility
of reforms, and to endow every freeman with
the power of participating in the govern-
ment in the person of his representatives.
The republic became, therefore, in the
minds of liberal statesmen of all parties, the
regulated working of the democracy, the one
logical and necessary government, and, ac-
cording to the judgment of Monsieur Thiers,
gathered from his own lips by Edmund
Adam, a few years before the end of the
empire : " The republic would rise from out
the first national calamity, and henceforth
be indestructible."
The calamities came, and the republic
rose from them. The mistakes of a democ-
racy warped by the revolution of 1848,
excited by the empire, maddened by pub-
lic misfortunes (turned to profit by our
enemies of all kinds — both external and
internal), would certainly for a third time
have overthrown the republic, if the divi-
sions of the monarchical parties had not
contributed to increase the number of the
partisans of the republican government.
" France," wrote Monsieur Jules Grevy,
at the time of the attempts toward a legiti-
mist restoration. " will only find its safety in
the organization of the democracy."
" The coming of the new social stratas,"
said Monsieur Gambetta, "by creating a
middle power between the directing classes
and the people, permits France to advance
with equilibrium."
It is thus that both tradition and develop-
ment permit the Gallo-Latin and French
mind to be summed up in one word :
Democracy. Thus French democracy is in
possession of all its rights through universal
suffrage. Thus two attempts of the empire,
ending in two national catastrophes, have
convinced the democracy of the need of a
republican form of government.
It is true that the wheels of the republic
still grind harshly sometimes; the dissensions
of the republican groups among themselves,
the ignorance of the greater part of the
nation, or a false political education, — a fault
due to socialism on one side, to Imperialism
on the other, — give to certain political mani-
festations, to certain speeches, to certain
opinions proclaimed in journalism, a super-
ficial importance, and foreigners living in
a capital where everything is exaggerated,
where everything resounds, where every-
thing reverberates, believe that France is
still disturbed, and that the republic is not
durable.
Since I am addressing the great American
nation, that is so republican, so devoted to
its government, so careful of order, of
democracy and of liberty, I will end with a
contradictory comparison between it and
France, and I hope to convince my readers
of the inutility of the fears which our friends
express concerning our political future.
When America established the republican
government, she was able to endow it with
unlimited liberty. If the exact formula
of the liberty of citizens is this : " the liberty
of each individual is limited by the liberty
of others," in America during many years,
on account of the immensity of its wide-
spread surface, her citizens did not easily
encounter this limit, and the words unlim-
ited liberty were well chosen for the earliest
institutions of the American republic.
However, in proportion to the agglomer-
ation of the population, when the great
centers were overflowing with inhabitants,
did not the limit created by the liberty of
others become narrower, thus diminishing
the sum of each one's liberty ?
Instead of seeking reform in the conquest
of a larger amount of liberty for the indi-
vidual, the American democracy sought it in
the larger amount of protection.
I could cite a great many facts to prove
that the difficulty in reform comes from the
condition of surroundings, from interests,
526
MIDSUMMER.
and that when it is a question of liberty, it
is necessary to take into consideration the
limits existing between citizens.
What was more disturbed than the small
Italian republics shut up in cities ?
We are advancing in France toward lib-
erty amid a great number of impediments,
because, at the smallest reform, obstacles
arise between individuals who are closely
united, and between interests that are en-
tangled. The new rights overthrow too
many old ones ; and the apparent disorder,
the groping, the drawing back, the hesita-
tion, the resistance come, so to speak, from
our agglomeration.
I claim, therefore, for my party, and for
the establishment of the French republic,
the work of time. The history of the two
Presidential terms of Washington, and the
correspondence of the admirable founder of
the American republic, furnish me an ex-
ample of the puerility of weakness, of the
conflicts, of the competitions of individuals
which must be overcome to establish a free
government.
I have said of the republic, which the
insurrection of the Commune might have
overthrown, that it triumphed over its ene-
mies on account of their divisions. The
triumph of the republican party is a definite
one for the same reason.
The republican parliamentary groups in
the Senate and in the Chamber of Deputies
in Paris, accustomed to struggle against the
Empire, against the 24th of May, against
the 1 6th of May, though committing faults
unceasingly, have all the qualities of the
party of opposition, and none of those of
the governmental party. The danger would
be grave, if, for the same reasons, the con-
servative parties, and, above all, the Imperial
party, which is the most numerous, had not
more governmental qualities than qualities
of opposition.
MIDSUMMER.
WHITE as a blossom is the kerchief quaint,
Over her sumptuous shoulders lightly laid;
Fairer than any picture men could paint,
In the cool orchard's fragrant light and shade.
She stands and waits: some pensive dream enfolds
Her beauty sweet, and bows her radiant head;
The delicate pale roses that she holds
Seem to have borrowed of her cheek their red.
She waits, like some superb but drooping flower,
To feel the touch of morning and the sun,
And o'er her head the glowing petals shower,
And to her feet the shifting sunbeams run.
I follow to her feet their pathway fine,
And while my voice the charmed silence breaks,
What startled splendors from her deep eyes shine!
Into what glory my rich flower awakes !
THE GRANDISSIMES.
527
THE GRANDISSIMES.*
A STORY OF CREOLE LIFE.
By GEORGE W. CABLE, author of " Old Creole Days."
CHAPTER XLVI.
THE PIQUE-EN-TERRE LOSES ONE OF HER
CREW.
ASK the average resident of New Orleans
if his town is on an island, and he will tell
you no. He will also wonder how any one
could have got that notion, — so completely
has Orleans Island, whose name at the be-
ginning of the present century was in every-
body's mouth, been forgotten. It was once
a question of national policy, a point of dif-
ference between Republican and Federalist,
whether the United States ought to buy
this little strip of semi-submerged land, or
whether it would not be more righteous to
steal it The Kentuckians kept the question
at a red heat by threatening to become an
empire by themselves if one course or the
other was not taken; but when the First
Consul offered to sell all Louisiana, our com-
missioners were quite robbed of breath.
They had approached to ask a hair from
tie elephant's tail, and were offered the
lephant.
For Orleans Island — island it certainly
was until General Jackson closed Bayou
danchac — is a narrow, irregular, flat tract of
brest, swamp, city, prairie and sea-marsh
ying east and west, with the Mississippi,
rending south-eastward, for its southern
>oundary, and for its northern, a parallel
and contiguous chain of alternate lakes
and bayous, opening into the river through
Jayou Manchac, and into the Gulf through
he passes of the Malheureuse Islands.
)n the narrowest part of it stands New
Drleans. Turning and looking back over
the rear of the town, one may easily see
from her steeples Lake Pontchartrain glis-
ening away to the northern horizon, and
in his fancy extend the picture to right and
eft till Pontchartrain is linked in the west
by Pass Manchac to Lake Maurepas, and
Ji the east by the Rigolets and Chef Men-
eur to Lake Borgne.
An oddity of the Mississippi Delta is the
labit the little streams have of running
tway from the big ones. The river makes
ts own bed and its own banks, and contin-
uing season after season, through ages of
alternate overflow and subsidence, to elevate
those banks, creates a ridge which thus be-
comes a natural elevated aqueduct. Other
slightly elevated ridges mark the present
or former courses of minor outlets, by which
the waters of the Mississippi have found the
sea. Between these ridges lie the cypress
swamps, through whose profound shades the
clear, dark, deep bayous creep noiselessly
away into the tall grasses of the shaking
prairies. The original New Orleans was
built on the Mississippi ridge, with one of
these forest-and- water-covered basins stretch-
ing back behind her to westward and north-
ward, closed in by Metairie Ridge and
Lake Pontchartrain. Local engineers pre-
serve the tradition that the Bayou Sauvage
once had its rise, so to speak, in Toulouse
street. Though depleted by the city's pres-
ent drainage system and most likely poisoned
by it as well, its waters still move seaward
in a course almost due easterly, and empty
into Chef Menteur, one of the watery threads
of a tangled skein of "passes" between the
lakes and the open Gulf. Three-quarters
of a century ago this Bayou Sauvage (or
Gentilly — corruption of Chantilly) was a
navigable stream of wild and somber beauty.
On a certain morning in August, 1804,
and consequently some five months after
the events last mentioned, there emerged
from the darkness of Bayou Sauvage into
the prairie-bordered waters of Chef Menteur,
while the morning star was still luminous in
the sky above and in the water below, and
only the practiced eye could detect the first
glimmer of day, a small, stanch, single-
masted, broad and very light-draught boat,
whose innocent character, primarily indicated
in its coat of many colors, — the hull being
yellow below the water line and white
above, with tasteful stripings of blue and
red, — was further accentuated by the peace-
ful name of Pique-en-terre (the Sandpiper).
She seemed, too, as she entered the Chef
Menteur, as if she would have liked to turn
southward; but the wind did not permit this,
and in a moment more the water was rip-
pling after her swift rudder, as she glided
away in the direction of Pointe Aux Herbes.
Copyright, 1879, by George W. Cable. All rights reserved.
528
THE GRANDISSIMES.
But when she had left behind her the mouth
of the passage, she changed her course and,
leaving the Pointe on her left, bore down
toward Petites Coquilles, obviously bent
upon passing through the Rigolets.
We know not how to describe the joyous-
ness of the effect when at length one leaves
behind him the shadow and gloom of the
swamp, and there bursts upon his sight the
wide-spread, flower-decked, bird-haunted
prairies of Lake Catharine. The inside and
outside of a prison scarcely furnish a greater
contrast; and on this fair August morning
the contrast was at its strongest. The day
broke across a glad expanse of cool and
fragrant green, silver-laced with a net-work of
crisp salt pools and passes, lakes, bayous and
lagoons, that gave a good smell, the inspir-
ing odor of interclasped sea and shore, and
both beautified and perfumed the happy
earth, laid bare to the rising sun. Waving
marshes of wild oats, drooping like sated
youth from too much pleasure; watery acres
hid under crisp-growing greenth starred with
pond-lilies and rippled by water-fowl; broad
stretches of high grass, with thousands of
ecstatic wings palpitating above them ; hun-
dreds of thousands of white and pink mal-
lows clapping their hands in voiceless rapt-
ure, and that amazon queen of the wild
flowers, the morning-glory, stretching her
myriad lines, lifting up the trumpet and wav-
ing her colors, white, azure and pink, with
lacings of spider's web, heavy with pearls and
diamonds — the gifts of the summer night.
The crew of the Pique-en-terre saw all these
and felt them; for, whatever they may have
been or failed to be, they were men whose
heart-strings responded to the touches of
nat. fure. One alone of their company, and
he the o^ ^e who should have felt them most,
showed inseu*. -..^h'ty, sighed laughingly and
then laughed si^ tangly in the face of his
fellows and ot all t- hig beautVj and profanely
confessed that his ^,g degire wag tQ get
back to his wife. * « nt d been absent from
her now for nine hours', c
But the sun is Se"«J hi h Petites
Coquilles has been passeo -P^f^ ^^
the eastern end ot i,as ^^ .g ^ ^
after-larboard-quarter the ^n
Lake Borgne flash far ^ fee the
zling white and blue, and ^ s ^
issues from the deep channel o
the white-armed waves catch L n 8 ,
their daz-
waters of Bayou Sauvage, declared in favor
of the Rigolets as — wind and tide consid-
ered — the most practicable of all the passes.
Now that they were out, he forgot for a
moment the self-amusing plaint of conjugal
separation to flaunt his triumph. Would
any one hereafter dispute with him on the
subject of Louisiana sea-coast navigation ?
He knew every pass and piece of water like
A, B, C, and could tell, faster, much faster
than he could repeat the multiplication
table (upon which he was a little slow and
doubtful), the amount of water in each at
ebb tide — Pass Jean or Petit Pass, Unknown
Pass, Petit Rigolet, Chef Menteur, -
Out on the far southern horizon, in the
Gulf — the Gulf of Mexico — there appears a
speck of white. It is known to those on
board the Pique-en-terre, the moment it is
descried, as the canvas of a large schooner.
The opinion, first expressed by the youth-
ful husband, who still reclines with the tillei
held firmly under his arm, and then by
another member of the company who sits
on the center-board-well, is unanimousl)
adopted, that she is making for the Rigolets
will pass Petites Coquilles by eleven o'clock
and will tie up at the little port of St. Jean
on the bayou of the same name, before sun
down, if the wind holds anywise as it is.
On the other hand, the master of the dis
tant schooner shuts his glass, and says to th<
single passenger whom he has aboard tha
the little sail just visible toward the Rigolet
is a sloop with a half-deck, well filled witl
men, in all probability a pleasure-part;
bound to the Chandeleurs on a fishinj
and gunning excursion, and passes int
comments on the superior skill of landsmei
over seamen in the handling of small sailin
craft.
By and by the two vessels near eac
other. They approach within hailing dis
tance, and are announcing each to eac
their identity, when the young man at th
tiller jerks himself to a squatting posture, am
from under a broad-brimmed and slouche
straw hat, cries to the schooner's one pa;
senger :
" Hello, Challie Keene!"
And the passenger more quietly answei
back:
" Hello, Raoul, is that you ? "
M. Innerarity replied, with a profar
parenthesis, that it was he.
" You kin hask Sylvestre ! " he conclude
The doctor's eye passed around a sern
circle of some eight men, the most of who
were quite young, but one or two of who
THE GRANDISSIMES.
529
were gray, sitting with their arms thrown
out upon the wash-board, in the dark neg-
lige of amateur fishermen and with that
exultant look of expectant deviltry in their
handsome faces which characterizes the Cre-
ole with his collar off.
The mettlesome little doctor felt the odds
against him in the exchange of greetings.
" Ola, Dawctah ! "
" He, Doctah, que-ce qui fapresfe? "
" Ho, ho, compere Noyo /"
" Comment va, Docta ? "
A light peppering of profanity accom-
panied each salute.
The doctor put on defensively a smile of
superiority to the juniors and of courtesy to
the others, and responsively spoke their
names :
" Tolyte — Sylvestre — Achille — Emile —
ah! Agamemnon."
The doctor and Agamemnon raised their
hats.
As Agamemnon was about to speak, a
general expostulatory outcry drowned his
voice; the Pique-en-terre was going about
close abreast of the schooner, and angry
questions and orders were flying at Raoul's
head like a volley of eggs.
"Messieurs," said Raoul, partially rising
but still stooping over the tiller, and taking
his hat off his bright curls with mock
courtesy, " I am going back to New Orleans.
I would not give that for all the fish in the
sea; I want to see my wife. I am going
back to New Orleans to see my wife — and
to congratulate the city upon your absence."
Incredulity, expostulation, reproach, taunt,
malediction — he smiled unmoved upon them
all. " Messieurs, I must go and see my
wife."
Amid redoubled outcries he gave the
helm to Camille Brahmin, and fighting his
way with his pretty feet against half-real
efforts to throw him overboard, clambered
forward to the mast, whence a moment
later, with the help of the schooner-master's
hand, he reached the deck of the larger
vessel. The Pique-en-terre turned, and with
a little flutter spread her smooth wing and
skimmed away.
"Doctah Keene, look yeh!" M. Inner-
arity held up a hand whose third finger
wore the conventional ring of the Creole
bridegroom. " Wat you got to say to dat ? "
The little doctor felt a faintness run
through his veins, and a thrill of anger follow
it. The poor man could not imagine a
love affair that did not include Clotilde
Nancanou.
VOL. XX.— 35.
" Whom have you married ? "
" De pritties' gal in de citty."
The questioner controlled himself.
" M-hum," he responded, with a contrac-
tion of the eyes.
Raoul waited an instant for some kind-
lier comment, and finding the hope vain,
suddenly assumed a look of delighted ad-
miration.
"Hi, yi, yi! Doctah, 'ow you har look-
ingue fine."
The true look of the doctor was that he
had not much longer to live. A smile of
bitter humor passed over his face, and he
looked for a near seat, saying :
" How's Frowenfeld ? "
Raoul struck an ecstatic attitude and
stretched forth his hand as if the doctor
could not fail to grasp it. The invalid's
heart sank like lead.
" Frowenfeld has got her," he thought.
"Well?" said he, with a frown of impa-
tience and restraint; and Raoul cried:
" I sole my pig-shoe ! "
The doctor could not help but laugh.
" Shades of the masters ! "
" No ; ' Louizyanna rif-using to hantre de
h-Union.' "
The doctor stood corrected.
The two walked across the deck, following
the shadow of the swinging sail. The
doctor lay down in a low-swung hammock,
and Raoul sat upon the deck a la Turque.
" Come, Raoul, tell me, what is the news ? "
" News ? Oh, I donno. You 'card con-
cernin' the dool ? "
"You don't mean to say "
"Yesseh!"
" Agricole and Sylvestre ? "
"Wat de dev'! No! Burr an' 'Ammil-
tong; in Noo-Juzzylas-June. Collonnel
Burr, 'e "
" Oh, fudge ! yes. How is Frowenfeld ? "
"'E's well. Guess 'ow much I sole my
pig-shoe."
"Well, how much?"
"Two 'ondred fifty." He laid himself
out at length, his elbow on the deck, his
head in his hand. "I believe I'm sorry I
sole 'er."
" I don't wonder. How's Honore ? Tell
me what has happened. Remember, I've
been away five months."
" No ; I am verrie glad dat I sole 'er.
What ? Ha ! I should think so ! If it have
not had been fo' dat I would not be mar-
ried to-day. You think I would get mar-
ried on dat sal'rie w'at Proffis-or Frowenfel'
was payin' me? Twenty-five dolla' de
53°
THE GRANDISSIMES.
mont' ? Docta Keene, no gen'leman h-ought
to git married if 'e 'ave not anny'ow fifty
dolla' de mont'! If I wasn' a h-artiz I
wouldn' git married ; I gie you my word ! '
« Yes," said the little doctor, " you are
right. Now tell me the news."
" Well, dat Cong-ress gone an' male' —
« Raoul, stop. I know that Congress
has divided the province into two territories;
I know you Creoles think all your liberties
are lost ; I know the people are in a great
stew because they are not allowed to elect
their own officers and legislatures, and that
in Opelousas and Attakapas they are as
wild as their cattle about it "
" We 'ad two big mitting' about it," inter-
rupted Raoul ; " my bro'r-in-law speak at
both of them ! "
« Who ? "
" Chahlie Mandarin."
" Glad to hear it," said Doctor Keene, —
which was the truth. " Besides that, I
know Laussat has gone to Martinique ; that
the Ame"ricains have a newspaper, and that
cotton is two bits a pound. Now what I
want to know is, how are my friends ? What
has Honore done ? What has Frowenfeld
done? And Palmyre,— and Agricole ?
They hustled me away from here as if I
had been caught trying to cut my throat.
Tell me everything."
And Raoul sank the artist and bridegroom
in the historian, and told him.
CHAPTER XLVII.
THE NEWS.
" MY cousin Honore", — well, you kin jus'
say 'e bit-ray' 'is 'ole fam'ly."
" How so ? " asked Doctor Keene, with a
handkerchief over his face to shield his eyes
from the sun.
« Well,— ce't'nly 'e did! Di'n' 'e gave
dat money to Aurore De Grapion ? — one
'undred five t'ousan' dolla' ? Jis' as if to
say, ' Yeh's de money my h-uncle stole from
you* 'usban'.' Hah ! w'en I will swear on a
stack of Bible' as 'igh as yo' head, dat
Agricole win dat 'abitation fair! — If I see
it? No, sir; I don't 'ave to see it! I'll
swear to it ! Hah ! "
" And have she and her daughter actually
got the money ? "
« she — an' — heh — daughtah — ac— shilly
— got-'at-money-sir ! W'at ? Dey livin'
in de rue Royale in mag-;/^ycen' style on
top de drug-sto' of Proffis-or Frowenfel'."
" But how, over Frowenfeld's, when
Frowenfeld's is a one-story "
" My dear frien' ! Proffis-or FrowenfeP
is moove ! You rickleck dat big new free-
story buildin' w'at jus' finished, in de rue
Royale, a lill mo' farther up town from his
old shop ? Well, we open dare a big sto' !
An' listen! You think Honore di'n' bit-
rayed 'is family ? Madame Nancanou an'
heh daughtah livin' upstair' an' rissy-ving
de finess soci'ty in de Province ! — an' me ?
down-stair' meckin' pill' ! You call dat
justice ? "
But Doctor Keene, without waiting for
this question, had asked one :
" Does Frowenfeld board with them ? "
" Psh-sh-sh ! Board ! Dey woon board
de Marquis of Casa-Calvo ! I don' b'lieve
dey would board Honor£ Grandissime ! All
de king' an' queen' in de worl' couldn' boarc
dare! No, sir! — 'Owever, you know, 1
think dey are splendid ladies. Me an'^ m)
wife, we know them well. An' Honore — ]
think my cousin Honore's a splendid gen'le
man, too." After a moment's pause h<
resumed, with a happy sigh, " Well, I don
care, I'm married. A man w'at's married, '<
don' care. But I di'n' think Honore coul<
ever do lak dat odder t'ing."
Do he and Joe Frowenfeld visi
there ? "
"Doctah Keene," demanded Raoul, ig
noring the question, "I hask you now
plain, don' you find dat mighty disgressfi
to do dat way, lak Honore" ? "
" What way ? "
"W'at? You dunno? You don' ye
'ow 'e gone partner' wid a nigga ? "
" What do you mean ? "
Doctor Keene drew the handkerchief o
his face and half-lifted his feeble head.
" Yesseh! 'e gone partner' wid dat qua(
roon w'at call 'imself Honore Grandissim
seh!"
The doctor dropped his head again an
laid the handkerchief back on his face.
" What do the family say to that ? "
" But w'at can dey say ? It save de
from ruin ! At de sem time, me, I think
is a disgress. Not dat he h-use de mone
but it is dat name w'at 'e give de h-establis
men'— Grandissime Freres ! H-only for
money we would 'ave catch' dat quadro<
gen'leman an' put some tar and fedd<
Grandissime Freres! Agricole don' spii
to my cousin Honore no mo' ! But I thu
dass wrong. W'at you t'ink, Doctor ? "
That evening, at candle-light, Raoul g
the right arm of his slender, laughing w
THE GRANDISSIMES.
about his neck; but Doctor Keene tarried
all night in suburb St. Jean. He hardly
felt the moral courage to face the results of
the last five months. Let us understand
them better ourselves.
CHAPTER XLVIII.
AN INDIGNANT FAMILY AND A SMASHED SHOP.
IT was indeed a fierce storm that had
passed over the head of Honore Grandissime.
Taken up and carried by it, as it seemed to
him, without volition, he had felt himself
thrown here and there, wrenched, torn,
gasping for moral breath, speaking the
right word as if in delirium, doing the right
deed as if by helpless instinct, and seeing
himself in every case, at every turn, tricked
by circumstance out of every vestige of
merit. So it seemed to him. The long
contemplated restitution was accomplished.
On the morning when Aurora and Clotilde
had expected to be turned shelterless into
the open air, they had called upon him in
his private office and presented the account
of which" he had put them in possession the
evening before. He had honored it on the
spot. To the two ladies who felt their own
hearts stirred almost to tears of gratitude,
he was — as he sat before them calm, un-
moved, handling keen-edged facts with the
easy rapidity of one accustomed to use
them, smiling courteously and collectedly,
parrying their expressions of appreciation —
to them, we say, at least to one of them,
he was " the prince of gentlemen." But, at
the same time, there was within him,
unseen, a surge of emotions, leaping, lash-
ing, whirling, yet ever hurrying onward
along the hidden, rugged bed of his honest
intention.
The other restitution, which even twenty-
four hours earlier might have seemed a pure
self-sacrifice, became a self-rescue. The
f. m. c. was the elder brother. A remark
of Honore, made the night they watched in
the corridor by Doctor Keene's door, about
the younger's " right to exist," was but the
echo of a conversation they had once had
together in Europe. There they had prac-
ticed a familiarity of intercourse which
Louisiana would not have endured, and
once, when speaking upon the subject of
their common fatherhood, the f. m. c., prone
to melancholy speech, had said :
" You are the lawful son of Numa Grand-
issime; I had no right to be born."
But Honore" quickly answered :
" By the laws of men, it may be ; but by
the law of God's justice, you are the lawful
son, and it is I who should not have been
born."
But, returned to Louisiana, accepting,
with the amiable, old-fashioned philosophy
of conservatism, the sins of the community,
he had forgotten the unchampioned rights
of his passive half-brother. Contact with
Frowenfeld had robbed him of his pleasant
mental drowsiness, and the oft-encountered
apparition of the dark sharer of his name
had become a slow-stepping, silent embodi-
ment of reproach. The turn of events had
brought him face to face with the problem
of restitution, and he had solved it. But
where had he come out ? He had come
out the beneficiary of this restitution, extri-
cated from bankruptcy by an agreement
which gave the f. m. c. only a public recog-
nition of kinship which had always been his
due. Bitter cup of humiliation !
Such was the stress within. Then there
was the storm without. The Grandissimes
were in a high state of excitement. The
news had reached them all, that Honore
had met the question of titles by sell-
ing one of their largest estates. It was
received with wincing frowns, indrawn
breath and lifted feet, but without protest,
and presently with a smile of returning con-
fidence.
" Honore knew ; Honore was informed ;
they had all authorized Honore ; and Hon-
ore, though he might have his odd ways
and notions, picked up during that unfor-
tunate stay abroad, might safely be trusted
to stand by the interests of his people."
After the first shock, some of them even
raised a laugh :
" Ha, ha, ha ! Honore would show those
Yankees ! "
They went to his counting-room and
elsewhere, in search of him, to smite their
hands into the hands of their far-seeing
young champion. But, as we have seen,
they did not find him; none dreamed of
looking for him in an enemy's camp (19
Bienville) or on the lonely suburban com-
mons, talking to himself in the ghostly twi-
light; and the next morning, while Aurora
and Clotilde were seated before him in his
private office, looking first at the face and
then at the back of two mighty drafts of
equal amount on Philadelphia, the cry of
treason flew forth to these astounded Grand-
issimes, followed by the word that the sacred
fire was gone out in the Grandissime temple
532
THE GRANDISSIMES.
(counting-room), that Delilahs in duplicate
were carrying off the holy treasures, and that
the uncircumcised and unclean — even an
£ m> c. Was about to be inducted into the
Grandissime priesthood.
Aurora and Clotilde were still there,
when the various members of the family
began to arrive and display their outlines in
impatient shadow-play upon the glass door
of the private office; now one, and now
another, dallied with the door-knob and
by and by obtruded their lifted hats and
urgent, anxious faces half into the apart-
ment ; but Honore would only glance toward
them, and with a smile equally courteous,
authoritative and fleeting, say :
"Good-morning, Camille" (or Chahlie —
or Agamemnon, as the case might be),
" I will see you later; let me trouble you to
close the door."
To add yet another strain, the two ladies,
like frightened, rescued children, would
cling to their deliverer. They wished him
to become the custodian and investor of
their wealth. Ah, woman ! who is a tempter
like thee? But Honore said no, and
showed them the danger of such a course.
" Suppose I should die suddenly. You
might have trouble with my executors."
The two beauties assented pensively ; but
in Aurora's bosom a great throb secretly
responded that as for her, in that case, she
should have no use for money — in a nunnery.
" Would not Monsieur at least consent to
be their financial adviser ? "
He hemmed, commenced a sentence
twice, and finally said :
"You will need an agent; some one to
take full charge of your affairs ; some per-
son on whose sagacity and integrity you can
place the fullest dependence."
" Who, for instance ? " asked Aurora.
" I should say, without hesitation, Pro-
fessor Frowenfeld, the apothecary. You
know his trouble of yesterday is quite cleared
up. You had not heard ? Yes. He is
not what we call an enterprising man, but
— so much the better. Take him all. in
all, I would choose him above all others ; if
you "
Aurora interrupted him. There was an ill-
concealed wildness in her eye and a slight
tremor in her voice, as she spoke, which
she had not expected to betray. The quick,
though quiet, eye of Honore saw it, and it
thrilled him through.
" 'Sieur Grandissime, I take the risk ; I
wish you to take care of my money."
" But, Maman," said Clotilde, turning
with a timid look to her mother, " if Mon-
sieur Grandissime would rather not "
Aurora, feeling alarmed at what she had
said, rose up. Clotilde and Honore did
the same, and he said :
"With Professor Frowenfeld in charge
of your affairs, I shall feel them not entirely
removed from my care also. We are very
good friends."
Clotilde looked at her mother. The three
exchanged glances. The ladies signified
their assent and turned to go, but M. Grand-
issime stopped them.
" By your leave, I will send for him. If
you will be seated again "
They thanked him and resumed their
seats; he excused himself, and passed into
the counting-room and sent a messenger
for the apothecary.
M. Grandissime's meeting with his kins-
men was a stormy one. Aurora and Clotilde
heard the strife begin, increase, subside, rise
again and decrease. They heard men stride
heavily to and fro, they heard hands smite
together, palms fall upon tables and fists upon
desks, heard half-understood statement and
unintelligible counter-statement and derisive
laughter ; and, in the midst of all, like the
voice of a man who rules himself, the clear-
noted, unimpassioned speech of Honore,
sounding so loftily beautiful to the ear of
Aurora that when Clotilde looked at her,
sitting motionless with her rapt eyes lifted
up, those eyes came down to her own with
a sparkle of enthusiasm, and she softly
said:
" It sounds like St. Gabriel ! " and then
blushed.
Clotilde answered with a happy, meaning
look, which intensified the blush, and then
leaning affectionately forward and holding
the maman's eyes with her own, she said :
" You have my consent."
" Saucy ! " said Aurora. " Wait till I get
my own ! "
Some of his kinsmen Honore pacified;
some he silenced. He invited all to with-
draw their lands and moneys from his charge,
and some accepted the invitation. They
spurned his parting advice to sell, and the
policy they then adopted, and never after-
ward modified, was that "all-or-nothing'1
attitude which, as years rolled by, bled them
to penury in those famous cupping-leeching-
and-bleeding establishments, the courts of
Louisiana. You may see their grandchil-
dren, to-day, anywhere within the angle of
the old rue Esplanade and rampart, hold
ing up their heads in unspeakable poverty
THE GRANDISSIMES.
533
their nobility kept green by unflinching self-
respect, and their poetic and pathetic pride
reveling in ancestral, perennial rebellion
against common sense.
" That is Agricola," whispered Aurora,
with lifted head and eyes dilated and askance,
as one deep-chested voice roared above all
others.
Agricola stormed.
" Uncle," Aurora by and by heard Hon-
ore say, "shall I leave my own counting-
room ? "
At that moment Joseph Frowenfeld en-
tered, pausing with one hand on the outer
rail. No one noticed him but Honore, who
was watching for him, and who, by a silent
motion, directed him into the private office.
" H-whe shake its dust from our feet ! "
said Agricola, gathering some young retain-
ers by a sweep of his glance and going out
down the stair in the arched way, unmoved
by the fragrance of warm bread. On the
banquette he harangued his followers.
He said that in such times as these every
lover of liberty should go armed ; that the
age of trickery had come ; that by trickery
Louisianians had been sold, like cattle, to a
nation of parvenues, to be dragged before
juries for asserting the human right of free
trade or ridding the earth of sneaks in the
pay of the government ; that laws, so-called,
had been forged into thumb-screws, and a
Congress which had bound itself to give
: them all the rights of American citizens —
I sorry boon ! — was preparing to slip their
birthright acres from under their feet, and
I leave them hanging, a bait to the vultures
I of the Americain immigration. Yes ; the
|, age of trickery ! Its apostles, he said, were
[' even then at work among their fellow-citi-
j> zens, warping, distorting, blasting, corrupting,
poisoning the noble, unsuspecting, confiding
I Creole mind. For months the devilish work
; had been allowed, by a patient, peace-loving
people, to go on. But shall it go on for-
ever ? (Cries of "No!" "No!") The
t smell of white blood comes on the south
I breeze. Dessalines and Christophe have
I recommenced their hellish work. Virginia,
i too, trembles for the safety of her fair
j ' mothers and daughters. We know not what
is being plotted in the cane-brakes of Louis-
i iana. But we know that in the face of these
I 1 things the prelates of trickery are sitting in
I Washington allowing throats to go unthrot-
: tied that talked tenderly about the " negro
| slave"; we know worse: we know that
k mixed blood has asked for equal rights from
f a son of the Louisiana noblesse, and that
those sacred rights have been treacherously,
pusillanimously surrendered into its posses-
sion. Why did we not rise yesterday, when
the public heart was stirred ? The forbear-
ance of this people would be absurd if it
were not saintly. But the time has come
when Louisiana must protect herself! If
there is one here who will not strike for his
lands, his rights and the purity of his race,
let him speak ! (Cries of " We will rise
now ! " " Give us a leader ! " " Lead the
way ! ")
" Kinsmen, friends," continued Agricola,
" meet me at nightfall before the house of
this too-long-spared mulatto. Come armed.
Bring a few feet of stout rope. By morning
the gentlemen of color will know their
places better than they do to-day; h-whe
shall understand each other ! H-whe shall
set the negrophiles to meditating."
He waved them away.
With a huzza the accumulated crowd
moved off. Chance carried them up the
rue Royale ; they sang a song ; they came
to Frowenfeld's. It was an Americain
establishment ; that was against it. It was a
gossiping place of Americain evening
loungers ; that was against it. It was a sor-
cerer's den — (we are on an ascending scale) ;
its proprietor had refused employment to
some there present, had refused credit to
others, was an impudent condemner of the
most approved Creole sins, had been beaten
over the head only the day before; all these
were against it. But, worse still, the build-
ing was owned by the f. m. c., and, unluck-
iest of all, Raoul stood in the door and
some of his kinsmen in the crowd stopped
to have a word with him. The crowd
stopped. A nameless fellow in the throng
— he was still singing — said : " Here's the
place," and dropped two bricks through
the glass of the show-window. Raoul, with
a cry of retaliative rage, drew and lifted
a pistol; but a kinsman jerked it from
him, and three others quickly pinioned him
and bore him off struggling, pleased to
get him away unhurt. In ten minutes,
Frowenfeld's was a broken-windowed, open-
doored house, full of unrecognizable rubbish
that had escaped the torch only through a
chance rumor that the Governor's police
were coming, and the consequent stampede
of the mob.
Joseph was sitting in M. Grandissime's
private office, in council with him and the
ladies, and Aurora was just saying :
" Well, anny'ow, 'Sieur FrowenfeP, ad laz
you consen' ! " and gathering her veil from
534
THE GRANDISSIMES.
her lap, when Raoul burst in, all sweat and
rage.
" 'Sieur Frowenfel', we ruin' ! Ow phar-
macie knock all in pieces ! My pig-shoe is
los' ! "
He dropped into a chair and burst into
tears.
Shall we never learn to withhold our tears
until we are sure of our trouble ? Raoul
little knew the joy in store for him. Tolyte,
it transpired the next day, had rushed in
after the first volley of missiles, and while
others were gleefully making off with jars of
asafcetida and decanters of distilled water,
lifted in his arms and bore away unharmed
« Louisiana " firmly refusing to the last to
enter the Union. It may not be premature
to add that about four weeks later Honor6
Grandissime, upon Raoul's announcement
that he was "betrothed," purchased this
painting and presented it to a club of nat-
ural connoisseurs.
CHAPTER XLIX.
OVER THE NEW STORE.
THE accident of the ladies Nancanou
making their new home over Frowenfeld's
drug-store, occurred in the following rather
amusing way. It chanced that the build-
ing was about completed at the time that the
apothecary's stock in trade was destroyed ;
Frowenfeld leased the lower floor. Honore
Grandissime f. m. c. was the owner. He
being concealed from his enemies, Joseph
treated with that person's inadequately
remunerated employe. In those days, as
still in the old French Quarter, it was not
uncommon for persons, even of wealth, to
make their homes over stores, and buildings
were constructed with a view to their par-
tition in this way. Hence, in Chartres and
Decatur streets, to-day — and in the cross-
streets between, so many store-buildings
with balconies, dormer windows, and some-
times even belvideres. This new building
quickly caught the eye and fancy of Au-
rora and Clotilde. The apartments for the
store were entirely isolated. Through a
large porte-cochere, opening upon the ban-
quette immediately beside and abreast of the
store-front, one entered a high, covered
carriage-way with a tesselated pavement
and green plastered walls, and reached, just
where this way (corridor, the Creoles always
called it) opened into a sunny court sur-
rounded with narrow parterres, a broad
stairway leading to a hall over the " corri-
dor" and to the drawing-rooms over the
store. They liked it ! Aurora would find
out at once what sort of an establishment
was likely to be opened below, and if that
proved unexceptionable she would lease the
upper part without more ado.
Next day she said :
•' Clotilde, thou beautiful, I have signed
the lease ! "
" Then the store below is to be occupied
by a — what ? "
" Guess ! "
Ah!"
" Guess a pharmacien ! "
Clotilde's lips parted, she was going to
smile, when her thought changed and she
blushed offendedly.
«Not "
" 'Sieur Frowenf ah, ha, ha, ha ! — ha,
ha, ha ! "
Clotilde burst into tears.
Still they moved in — it was written in the
bond; and so did the apothecary; and
probably two sensible young lovers never
before nor since behaved with such abject
fear of each other— for a time. Later, and
after much oft-repeated good advice given
to each separately and to both together,
Honore Grandissime persuaded them that
Clotilde could make excellent use of a por-
tion of her means by re-enforcing Frowen-
feld's very slender stock and well filling his
rather empty-looking store, and so they
signed regular articles of copartnership,
blushing frightfully.
Frowenfeld became a visitor. Honore
not; once Honore had seen the ladies'
moneys satisfactorily invested, he kept aloof.
It is pleasant here to remark that neither
Aurora nor Clotilde made any waste of
their sudden acquisitions; they furnished
their rooms with much beauty at moderate
cost, and their salon with artistic, not ex-
travagant, elegance, and, for the sake of
greater propriety, employed a decayed lady
as housekeeper; but, being discreet in al.
other directions, they agreed upon one bole
outlay — a volante.
Almost any afternoon you might hav<
seen this vehicle on the Terre aux Bceuf, o:
Bayou, or Tchoupitoulas Road ; and becaus<
of the brilliant beauty of its occupants i
became known from all other volantes a
the " meteor."
Frowenfeld's visits were not infrequent
he insisted on Clotilde's knowing just wha
was being done with her money. Withou
indulging ourselves in the pleasure of cor
templating his continued mental unfolding
THE GRANDISSIMES.
535
we may say that his growth became more
rapid in this season of universal expansion ;
love had entered into his still compacted
soul like a cupid into a rose, and was crowd-
ing it wide open. However, as yet, it had
not made him brave. Aurora used to slip
out of the drawing-room, and in some
secluded nook of the hall throw up her
clasped hands and go through all the mo-
tions of screaming merriment.
" The little fool ! " — it was of her own
daughter she whispered this complimentary
remark — " the little fool is afraid of the
fish ! "
" You ! " she said to Clotilde, one even-
ing after Joseph had gone, " you call your-
self a Creole girl ! "
But she expected too much. Nothing
so terrorizes a blushing girl as a blushing
man. And then: — though they did some-
times digress — Clotilde and her partner met
to " talk business " in a purely literal sense.
Aurora, after a time, had taken her money
into her own keeping.
" You mighd gid robb' ag'in, you know,
'Sieur Frowenfel','' she said.
But when he mentioned Clotilde's fortune
as subject to the same contingency, Aurora
replied :
" Ah ! bud Clotilde mighd gid robb' ! "
But for all the exuberance of Aurora's
spirits, there was a cloud in her sky. Indeed,
we know it is only when clouds are in the
sky that we get the rosiest tints ; and so it
was with Aurora. One night, when she
had heard the wicket in the porte-cochere
shut behind three evening callers, one of
whom she had rejected a week before,
another of whom she expected to dispose
similarly, and the last of whom was
Joseph Frowenfeld, she began such a merry
raillery at Clotilde and such a hilarious
ridicule of the " Professor " that Clotilde
would have wept again had not Aurora, all
at once, in the midst of a laugh, dropped her
face in her hands and run from the room
in tears. It is one of the penalties we pay
for being joyous, that nobody thinks us
capable of care or the victim of trouble until,
in some moment of extraordinary expansion,
our bubble of gayety bursts. Aurora had
been crying of nights. Even that same night,
Clotilde awoke, opened her eyes and beheld
her mother risen from the pillow and sitting
upright in the bed beside her; the moon,
shining brightly through the bars, revealed
with distinctness her head slightly drooped,
her face again in her hands and the dark
folds of her hair falling about her shoulders,
half-concealing the richly embroidered
bosom of her snowy gown, and coiling in
continuous abundance about her waist and
on the slight summer covering of the bed.
Before her on the sheet lay a white paper.
Clotilde did not try to decipher the writing
on it ; she knew, at sight, the slip that had
fallen from the statement of account on the
evening of the ninth of March. Aurora
withdrew her hands from her face — Clotilde
shut her eyes; she heard Aurora put the
paper in her bosom.
" Clotilde," she said, very softly.
" Maman," the daughter replied, opening
her eyes, then she reached up her arms and
drew the dear head down.
" Clotilde, once upon a time I woke this
way, and, while you were asleep, left the bed
and made a vow to Monsieur Danny. Oh !
it was a sin ! But I cannot do those things
now; I have been frightened ever since. I
shall never do so any more. I shall never
commit another sin as long as I live ! "
Their lips met fervently.
" My sweet sweet," whispered Clotilde,
" you looked so beautiful sitting up with the
moonlight all around you ! "
" Clotilde, my beautiful daughter," said
Aurora, pushing her bedmate from her and
pretending to repress a smile, " I tell you
now, because you don't know, and it is my
duty as your mother to tell you — the mean-
est wickedness a woman can do in all this
bad, bad world is to look ugly in bed ! "
Clotilde answered nothing, and Aurora
dropped her outstretched arms, turned away
with an involuntary, tremulous sigh, and,
after two or three hours of patient wakeful-
ness, fell asleep.
But at daybreak next morning, he that
wrote the paper had not closed his eyes.
(To be continued.)
536
THE SWEET O' THE YEAR.
THE SWEET O' THE YEAR,
ACT I.
SCENE.— A LOWLY COT.
TENANT (Tenor).
TENANT'S WIFE (Soprano}.
TENANT'S MOTHER-IN-LAW (Contralto).
LANDLORD (Basso).
Words by NELLIE G. CONE. Music by E. C. PHELPS.
Allegro Moderate. TENOR SOLO, mf
=f=f=*=
-»-'—f-\-f— f— 9 1— I "t* ^P
1 1 M-; 1 P 0 f J 0 -U
=• =y3?=fct=: ===
How happy is our lot, Beneath our vines and fig-trees, In
PIANO.
3^
— *-*H — «, i i — P>- P — i — •}
— » F+ 7 M--TI -*-l —
^^'1
this sub - ur - ban spot, A - m«ng so man - y big trees ! Our landlord's ver - y kind, His
f- f. — 50 — _ W. — E
4 — — 8^ C
P^* 0-
$ — V — y-
-y-
V — y-
speech is mild and gen - tie, He nev - er was inclined To go and raise the ren - taL
! - 1 —
^ i
* i *:
§lfpjl=?=
^
f-1
THE SWEET O' THE YEAR.
537
TRIO.
,N__ N _ft_
How hap - py is our lot Beneath our vines and fig - trees, In this suburban spot, A-
mf
& — ?:
i=5
i=:iS=$=$=^_\ K fv
bfr-EjUj jN=i— jS^
— g~ ^ ^— * »-
*=£=£
1-
mong so man - y big trees ; How hap - py is our lot ! How hap - py is our lot !
rit. /-s
ENTER LANDLORD— BASSO.
- ^ _ . — r-fty- f ^ h-r
7 A brrjEr1?^- jVg^
How do you do ? [-^.wVfe.] I'll try a few de -vi - ces ; I've
5335
^:
paid a five -cent fare, To see if my prem-i - ses Were wanting much re -pair.
-*•
ff*
--*=*--}
533
THE SWEET O' THE YEAR.
TENOR.
BASSO [aside'].
Sir, the whole house neat and nice is, And re - quires no ex - tra care. Got him
~±r=z±=pzzr
mf -4
j— pL- j-..— jr-j ^
Y *- -1
•»•-»• -*•
TENOR.
BASSO
:^=p:
there ! This is in - deed a love - ly spot, " Beyond com - pare. Got him there ! I
YftT ?
TENOR. BASSO [aside]. [Direct.]
TENOR.
P-=»=3B:-qw=L_| — —
i H P—Jl — ^H — B
:-- t=i±=±5^ii=_
thinkyou never find it hot? Fine cool air. Got him there! Handy to the cars and boats? Pretty
^^a^^^^^bUd-3^^
-^-^-.j.- -=ifi^- -^-i^?1^
>T|p?E EEiE ^^3^£?"E?:
3=?--=^=*=^^=^=p
fair. Got him there ! Far removed from geese and goats ? So we air. Got him there ! Think IV.
=f=f=
•4 _T
-y — y— ^ — b
got him ev -ery -where; Bless you ! af - ter so much praise, I shall real-ly have to raise^
THE SWEET O' THE YEAR.
539
MOTHER-IN-LAW — CONTRALTO [to Tenor].
=3=
'S.
Agitato.
— rs — k — -N
oh, oh ! No, no, no ! Have you the feelings of a man To
f* %* tp
I
*
=P=P^=~r~j — -N— is j^z^zz^-HT^jzzj-fo
:•=*=•= *=f *- j? ^=t=zg=^=i*=*= &
stand such wick - ed im - po - si - tion ? An old house built on such a plan, And
-J ?-
afczst:
^
--h-
SOPRANO. /
CONTR.
lit 4
-N ly
J * «h^
H 1 (-
in the ver - y worst con - di - tion. The pa - per's hanging on the wall. The
*> K 2> — gi— V g1 N — t r
P fs — N— B— N-R — N — it v-
~ff K K K N K
0 0 «l * 0 * *
plas - ter's tumbling from the ceil - ing. The front pi - az - za. is li- a- ble to falL Oh,
TENOR. /
^^^
« » f ^| P ^ 1 ^ — I 1 1 ff 1
are you a man of an - y feel - ing ? I won't pay ! First of May.
1 — *=\i=*p3£=q= =it=ii=iE^
i* _i , j j i *•
f — •<— J — 3 — uw — d— i ^ — itn^tnzj:
-+ W •&- -!-+<&•
[INTERMISSION — Agent heard without tacking up bill.]
Y
54°
THE SWEET O' THE YEAR.
ACT II.
ENTER LEFT— Chorus of Feminine House-Seekers and Chorus of Masculine House-Seekers, waving
permits.
Allegro. FULL CHORUS, mf TENOR.
ff I want to see. Oh, certainly ! Be kind e-
It X WCLllL \>\J 3t\i. \*r*-*y VA.I. M-M»»»^ •
FEM. CHO.
nough to fed-low me. This par - lot's ra - ther nice ; This par - lor's ra - ther small ; Are you
V •*
=t
•* •* J*
-» — P
MALE CHO. ^__^M> CHO'
•oubled with rats and mice? Will the landlord paint the wall? Does the roof leak when it's clear? Are the
*• •*• 4 ^. ._ __& =_ 1 r r- ^ — ^ — I-
JL +.
fat
3t
b^roomstint-edbte? Ho» tog have you lived here ? Willthe
r
THE SWEET O' THE YEAR.
y-
FULL CHO.
FEM. CHO. MALE CHO.
FEM. CHO.
MALE CHO.
--* N f»
=j— «i— «L-
5-±:
V V V
It would-n't do 1
[Re-enter R.]
K I :===:^+»==0 ^ ^ ^— ZZZZSZir
It's warm ! It's cold ! It's quite too new ! It's quite too old !
V-
•fit '
FULL CHO. f Animate.
I want - ed gas ! I wanted grass ! We all expected fine plate-glass ! And shelves for cheese ! And
*• •*• * +- ~ » T* * H*--*-*-*- * *
-
P^5 — . 5555 1 — I— 1 — . — I
— • — a — * g— B— f-g— i^^ «. -M~^
-- — - - -
o - range trees, And beds for raising straw-ber-ries. I dwell in a mar-ble hall, And I
|S d N S N j * -
-•—r-t—0—ft—^ r N— N-
* 1^ w
. ft y Er?-p
couldn't make it do ; And I don't see how you live at all ; And I'm much obliged to you.
542
JIM ALLTHINGS.
JIM ALLTHINGS.
ONE thing was very extraordinary about
Tim Allthings— he never could be found.
It was a faculty or misfortune, which lay
entirely beyond my comprehension. He
had certainly become possessed of the ring
of Gyges without knowing it, for he never
meant to be invisible. He never kept,
knowingly, and in malice prepense, out of
the way. On the contrary he was always
happy to see his friends, and at a picnic, or
ride or boating excursion, he was as punctual
as any one, and always happy to go, besides
being the life of the company. So agree-
able he made himself that he was always
wanted, and, if never searched for, was ever
on the spot. For instance, Jim is in my
office. (I am a great man in a small way,
viz • a Justice of the Peace.) He lives
about a mile from the village (Eaglepme).
It is a beautiful golden day, just the day for
a ride to White Lake, a lovely sheet of
water a few miles from the village.
"What do you say, Jim, shall we make
up a party this afternoon?"
« Certainly, with all my heart !" and away
Tim would go, happy as a lark, the party
would be invited, and at the proper time
two horses' heads would rise above the
brow of the village hill, and there would be
Jim with his bright, new wagon and a
young lady beside him, almost the first for
the ride.
So, if in the glow of a lovely sunset the
desire should rise on my part for a bath in
the cool silver of Pleasant Lake, a short
distance from Eaglepine, and, wishing a
companion, I, not thinking particularly of
him, should cast my eye along the village
street; ten chances to one, the first person I
saw would be Jim,— either lounging along
the maple sidewalk, or, with his chin tipped
back and his heels in air, in Raffle's Tavern
stoop, whittling ; and he was always ready
to accept my proposition.
And not only was Jim a compamonabl<
fellow but a keen sportsman. He knew th
finest streams and ponds for pickerel, trout
or yellow perch, and the best run-ways for
deer the region round, and that was an
added reason why I liked his society — that
is, whenever I chanced to obtain it j as for
finding him — but why repeat?
Before I begin, however, be it known,
that not a suspicion of this strange invisi-
bility of Jim had dawned upon me at that
time. I used to think it singular he could
never be found, but I had not the least idea
a wayward angel, or rather fiend, had taken
possession of my friend. If so, I should not
have tried so faithfully to seek him out, but
have abandoned the search at the first dis-
appointment. I was always led on, however,
by the idea that the next moment, or at the
next place, I should undoubtedly find him.
Only lately has this truth opened upon me
and I now chronicle the phenomenon a;
one of those oddities in life, strange anc
unaccountable as a lusus natura, or atmos
)heric wonder.
One June morning a longing came ove
me for a day's fishing. It was just th«
time for it. The wind was southerly, mell
mg over the person like liquid balm an<
bringing two messages blended on its breath
One was from the woods — the rich fra
grance swung from the golden balls of th
bass-wood, telling me how pleasant it wa
in the dark, green coverts whence it wa
wafted; the other was from the wild stream
therein, the pungent scent "fuming (a
Leigh Hunt says) from the thick-clusterm
mint that lines their borders, and saying i
its bland kisses, "The trout are all
to-day." ,. .
A soft vail of silver was overspreading tl
sky so evenly, and sheathing the sunshir
so completely and yet so transparently th;
the whole arch seemed a dome of silv
somewhat like that visioned to the rapt e
of Coleridge in that
or as if
" Miracle of rare device,"
"Through fog-smoke white
Glimmered the white moonshine.
I threw aside the book whose leaden co
tents I was endeavoring to thrust into r
« palace of the soul," and withdrew my he<
deliberately from the desk. I next aro
saying mentally (in the interim of my d
tressing labors as Justice, I was also tl
prominent candidate for the poor-house
village Attorney) that clients might go
where they chose, and stalked out, addi
also in my mind, " I will go find Jim A
things and have a fish." I knew no bet
Collecting my lines and bait, I started
my mile's walk for Jim, and soon reachi
JIM ALLTHINGS.
543
the tavern kept by his father (one of the
first settlers), saw the old Captain, who was
very deaf, .sitting on the antique porch that
squared its elbows in front of the edifice.
" How do you do, Captain ! Is Jim
in?"
" Yes, we've got gin, but I like brandy
myself. However, we've got both."
" True, but I want to find whether your
son is here or not! "
" Yes, I find the sun hot, too. Come in,
come in ! "
" No, I thank you. I'm after James ! "
" Laughing at James ! Ah, well, I laugh
at him myself sometimes."
" Is James in ? " I roared.
Bless my soul, this last upheaval was
awful.
"Yes, you'llfind him in the bar-room.
He went there about ten minutes ago."
I turned the corner of the house, and
entered the bar-room. It was perfectly
empty. I thought, however, I would wait a
little time for him. There was the small,
green counter with the bar-picket in one cor-
ner, showing its kegs, bottles, cigars and
lemons; there was the bench, stretching
along a portion of the wall ; the six wooden
chairs ; the gaudy print of the death of
Wolfe, and a ferocious one of a huge panther
grinning from a limb hardly large enough to
hold his paws, with a squat hunter beneath,
who was aiming a rifle larger than himself.
(What a terribly long-winded story the Cap-
tain used to tell about the death of the
"painter." " Bang! and George Washing-
ton! boys, the critter fell dead at my feet."
We all used to believe that story.)
On the counter was a glass with a sugar-
crusher in it, and a portion of sugar melted
in a few drops of liquid which looked mar-
velously like punch (Jim was fond of punch),
which look was assisted by the squeezed half
of a lemon lying near, like a little yellow
chapeau. In the glass were a score of flies
trooping toward the bottom — a real El
Dorado for the little adventurers. A circle
of dark backs were at the very spot sipping
like mad, while two or three had ventured
on the sticky surface itself, and were lifting
up one hairy foot and then another, in a
vain attempt at extrication. A rivulet of the
melted sugar was also setting slowly from the
rim of the glass toward the bottom, evidently
the trace of the liquor on its way to Jim's
throat, and along this channel other flies in
double row were drinking to their hearts'
content. A large drop or two had splashed
upon the counter, and here was another
drinking bout among the flies. One little
fellow particularly amused me. He had evi-
dently been drinking, either in the glass or
at the counter, and now was feeling very
jolly. First he lowered the gray of his body
to the counter, pointed his fore-limbs up-
ward and screwed them over each other as
swift as lightning; then he patted his dull-
red, gold-banded head repeatedly, ducking
it all the while like a mandarin ; then he
rubbed the deep ring that served for his neck ;
then he balanced himself on his fore-feet and
twisted his hind-legs together ; stroked them
down with his gauzy, veined wings, and then
off he cantered, with that queer gait peculiar
to flies, once more toward the liquor.
All this time a large blue-bottle, who had,
without doubt, been indulging scandalously
in the punch — in fact, until he was blind
drunk, was darting furiously from floor to
ceiling, now and then dashing himself head-
foremost against the window-panes, and
then bob, bobbing over the glass with a hor-
rible humming, as if determined to discover
what struck his head so pertinaciously. I
soon became tired of this, however, and
went out again to the Captain.
" Jim is not there, Captain ! "
" Yes, there's a little more air there than
here."
" No, no ; Jim is not in the bar-room,
Captain ! "
" Well, he may have gone over to the
barn. I rayther guess he has, on the hull."
So, over to the barn I went.
A broad beam of hazy light was slanting
through and through — a grindstone was
standing by the door, with its smooth gray
wheel so still that it seemed as if it never
had and never could stir; the two horses
of Allthings were munching their hay and
stamping lightly; a ladder was leaning
against the mow, and a great black cat as-
cending from round to round with a most
vinegary aspect, as if resolved on silencing the
squeaking up there which told of belligerent
mice ; there was an open bin of oats, with a
dusty cloud hovering and sparkling in a pen-
cil of sunshine above it, as though Jim, or
some one, had just disturbed the contents
beneath ; a two-horse harness was hanging
from a beam, with a buckle, ring or clasp
gleaming out in bits of light — but no Jim.
" Jim ! Jim ! "
The echo roamed from corner to corner,
like a bat trying to escape. The horses
ceased stamping and munching, and pricked
their ears. The cat re-appeared at the edge
of the hay-mow and looked down with
544
JIM ALLTHINGS.
eyes like two balls of green fire, and I
caught the flight of a huge gray rat from
the oat-bin, but no answer. On the con-
trary the stillness was so intense I heard
the slight rustling that runs through a barn
in quiet, as if insects were stirring in the
Well, Tim was not here, at all events, so
I sallied out. While going, I saw in the
dust, chaff, and chopped straw, the print of
a human foot. It was the size Jim boasted.
It doubtless belonged to Jim.
On the other side of the barn was a hen,
scratching up the earth with her yellow feet,
clucking occasionally to a solitary chicken
with a specter of a tail, like a knobbed dump-
ling A superb rooster was near her, stretch-
ing his head majestically and glancing every
way as if amazed that any one should dare
intrude into his presence. Another, but
smaller, of the species was sneaking about
like a sheepish bumpkin in a ball-room. A
large hog was lifting his round snout at me,
gazing wisely and solemnly, " umph, umph,
umpiring" all the time, as if asking my
business; a pair of ducks, waddling along,
were quacking to each other as if convers-
ing on a deep subject, while a great turkey-
cock, after bursting out into such a full orb of
glory as to lift himself almost off his feet,
commenced strutting, jerking up his legs
and turning, in a sort of slow polka,— but no
Jim! ,.
At length I detected a large lump of dirt
stuck between the boards of a fence, which,
at last, resolved itself into a mouth, a
nose, and a pair of eyes. Looking a little
closer, I discerned the face of a small lad.
" I say, my boy, can you tell me where
Jim Allthings is ? "
" I dunno, man ! "
" Have you seen him lately ? "
" I seed— I seed— I seed 'm go up— go
Up_to that— that aire— aire — aire — aire — to
that aire saw-mill, man ! "
"When?"
" A little while ago, man ! "
"Thank you, my little fellow. Here's
sixpence for you. Now trot home and tell
your mammy you're a good boy, but your
face wants washing ! "
And off I started for the mill. I was
somewhat surprised on approaching that I
did not hear the usual cheerful clatter. I,
nevertheless, descended the slope leading
to the low, dark, slabbed structure. The saw
had been stopped when half-way through a
beautiful, smooth pine-log, a few grains of
sawdust still clinging to the edge of the
particular tooth just raised above the cut.
The clean white boards, lately sawed, stood
piled neatly on one side, forming alleys and
lanes like a worm-eaten cheese. The hand-
spike, used to fit the log under the iron
claws of the " slider," lay at full length, as
if thrown down in a hurry. The axe and
beetle were in their place. On the loose-
boarded loft above, a beautiful tame rabbit
belonging to Jake, the sawyer, was crouched,
gazing down upon me with great rounded
eyes and erected ears. The huge, dark
wheel, the drops falling from the buckets
with a light, splashing sound, stood motion-
less. I heard the gurgle of the water
through the throat of the mill-race,
whole scene was one of solitude and silence.
No Jim there, to a certainty. In the saw-
dust I perceived once more the same large
print of a man's foot, certainly Jim's, and
leading outward. Just then I heard the
click of a hammer underneath, and looking
there, through the parted slabs that form
the floor, saw Jake tinkering at the machin-
ery. I entered at once into my business.
" Where's Jim Allthings, Jake ? "
" He just went away from here, sir,
hardly a moment ago, to the grist-mill."
" Thanks ! machinery a little awry, ]
suppose ! "
" A little out of tune, sir. Can fix it in a
few minutes, though."
Sure enough. I had not more than
threaded my way through the labyrinth of
logs that, peeled and ready, lay in then
sleek, russet coats, ready for their turn upon
the "slider," before Jake ascended,
then pulled the handle of the machined
protruding near the frame-work of the per
pendicular saw, like the scaffoldings of I
guillotine, a throb followed from the mill
then a jarring groan, the saw began t
move and the log to slide, the clat-clatter
clat-clatter of the mill rose mernly, and, 11
the midst, the keen whistle of Jake pierce<
my ears, executing the air of
" Happily glides the sawyer's life ! "
All these were seen and heard during m
swift way toward the grist-mill,
becoming very impatient, as the day wa
going to waste.
' I soon entered the dusty precincts (
the mill. Here I should certainly fin
Tim No doubt of it. There he wa
by that very first hopper. Deacon Pester
horses and wagons were by the door, 01
of the former giving his mate a sly I
JIM ALLTHINGS.
545
then hanging his head in a very docile
and innocent manner, while the mate set one
ear back and then the other, his tail sweep-
ing on this side and that, like a pendulum, he,
at the same time, keeping a constant winking
with his sleepy eyes, as if he were cogitating
some knotty point to the extent of winking
himself into a dead slumber. In the wagon
was a multiplicity of sacks for the mill. I
entered. Here were the customary sights ;
bags lolling on, backed up against, and stand-
ing aloof from each other ; two or three hop-
pers,— one filled with yellow, glazy corn,
another with brown rye, and still another
with tawny wheat. The contents of these
hoppers was whirling around, each with a
whirlpool in the midst, the grains creeping
stealthily yet swiftly around its mouth, into
which, at last, they slipped with a twirl and
vanished, while the tubs underneath were
letting forth the white threads of warm flour
into the boxes, and thence into the sacks.
The rafters overhead dangled with cobwebs,
filled with white dust so that even the spi-
ders in them were whitened. While I was
gazing, a great sulphur butterfly flew in at the
open window, but before he had accom-
plished many turns his eye-spotted pinions
became so powdered with the dusty particles
that he was transformed to silver.
Ha, there, at last, is Jim ! there in the
half-light of that nook, looking into a
hopper.
" Well, Jim, I have at last found you,
thank fortune! I want you to go fishing
with me ! "
The former suddenly turns and discloses,
iiot the frank face of Jim, but the stern,
Puritanical features of Deacon Pester.
Now, if there was a person in the village
hat I detested, it was the deacon. He was
|ilways upon the strictest propriety of speech
d manner, and abhorred harmless pleas-
ntry ; never was guilty of a slip of the
ongue, but when it came to a bargain, then
>k out ! Steel is sharp, and a vice griping,
nit Deacon Pester — ahem ! As for fishing,
had a perfect horror of it. He turned
!.is forbidding gaze at me.
" Ah, is it you, Deacon ! Pardon ; I
lought it was Mr. Allthings ! "
" Look closer, young man, next time. I
on't want to be taken for any idle Vagabond
'ho thinks more of fishing and hunting than
f the good of his soul."
" Pardon again, Deacon. By the way,
.1 Mr. Poundpulpit leave the parish,
ink you ? "
I really don't know. He talks a good
VOL. XX.— 36.
deal of the inadequacy of his salary. I'm
'feared he thinks too much of laying up
treasure here on airth for a minister."
" Ah ; — allow me to ask what is his
salary ? "
" A hundred dollars per annum, a bar'l
of apples a month, a pair of fowls monthly,
donation-bee once a winter, with two demi-
johns of cider ! Now, what do you think
of that, sir ? And yet, in spite of this liber-
ality of the parish, that impudent school-
teacher, Robson, says the salary is a dis-
grace to Eaglepine, and he livin' on the fat
of the land, boardin' 'round, as he does :
pancakes every mornin' and sassengers al'ays
for dinner ! "
I turned away, and ascended the- stairs to
the upper loft, in the hope of encountering
Jim. By this time I had almost relin-
quished the idea of fishing, but still contin-
ued the search, more from a determination
of finding my friend, if possible, than any-
thing else.
At some distance down the white, glim-
mering perspective, webbed with straps glid-
ing round large, whirling wheels, I espied a
form that looked to my excited fancy like
Jim's.
" Halloo, Jim, how are you?"
The figure turned. It was the miller.
" Have you seen Allthings lately ? " in-
quired I, with the emphasis of despair.
" He was here a moment ago, Squire, but
he went to the woods out there, to look at a
bee-tree he found yesterday."
I advanced to the square window out of
which the miller had been looking, and
gazed in blank hopelessness upon the woods.
Below lay the mill-pond. It was framed in
by the forest. The back-water of the new
dam had lately reached far beyond the
pond's former limits, and hundreds of trees,
some mossy and dead, some full-leaved
and luxuriant, some scattered saplings,
were standing in the sable water. There
was the tamarack hanging its boughs
with a slouching look, but beautiful with
its vivid green, star-like fringes; there low-
ered the great burly hemlock, stretching
like a tent its canopy of tiny particles ;
there soared the white pine, with a trunk as
large as a pillar of the Parthenon, lifting
straight upward a mass of short fringes that
murmured softly in the wind like the mono-
tone of the bee ; there, also, crooked the
gnarled yellow pine, jagged, gaunt, fierce-
looking and hideous, with its head with-
ered, and striving to cover its baldness with
gray moss. Clusters of laurel, too, were
546
JIM ALLTHINGS.
there, glossy, fresh, and bright as the drink-
ing of cold water all their days could make
them.
I saw, also, islets of splendid tiger-lilies,
their sweet blue leaves streaked with furzy
gold ; the bulrush with its brown wig-; the
sedge like an emerald dagger, and the water-
cress looking so loose it seemed it might
break with any ordinary ripple, and a score
of other lovely things.
The black head of a musk-rat, too, would
occasionally peep up, or a slight nibble, forc-
ing some water-lily to give a slight courtesy,
would tell the presence below of a fish.
I gained from the miller the exact where-
abouts of the bee-tree, left the mill and
crossed the outlet of the pond by a little
rustic bridge of slabs from Jake's saw-mill.
The stream went sparkling along, bright as
a romp's eye in a dance, to be whirled in
daily waltzes over the great wheel of the
mill above mentioned. I then turned sharp
to the right, and entered a wood path
leading through the forest to an upland
called South Ridge. The cool, green light
of the thick woods was grateful ; the sun-
shine lay upon the shrubs and moss like
golden net-work ; birds sparkled in and out
their " leafy house," but I was thinking of
Jim, and on I went. At last I came to the
bee-tree. It stood in a little glade — a sweet,
sunny, sylvan spot, with a grass carpet like
green velvet, grouped with bushes and
walled with forest. In the center stood the
bee-tree, like a gigantic plume.
The glade was steeped in quiet — no Jim.
A few bees were darting about the stem of
the tree; a ground-bird, like a great brown
spider, was skipping around, shooting his
black speck of an eye here and there, and
turning his cunning little striped head to
every side as if on a hinge, but no Jim.
Just then I heard a whistling further in
the woods. It was Jim's whistle. He was
whistling his favorite song. Off I started
The faster I went, the further the whistle
receded. It was a " winged voice," like the
cuckoo's, according to Wordsworth, or like
our bluebird's when he carols from bush
to bush in April. First, it sounded near a
great pine I saw lifting its green banner ir
the blue. Through the laurels I burst, anc
reached the tree — no Jim. Then it pierced
the air close to where I knew gleamed a
pure gem of a spring. I bounded there so
swiftly, the soft ooze of the margin closec
over my feet before I could recover nr
impetus. No Jim. Then it seemed to comi
from a rock with a birch-tree hanging ove
t, like a feather over a helmet. I dart-
d there— no Jim ! Still, ahead of me,
ounded the tantalizing whistle, until I heard
t close and shrill by the brush fence that
ined the hill-lot on the south side of South
Ridge. The lot was scattered with stumps
and covered with bushes, with here and
here ashy spots plumed with fire-weeds.
'Aha," thought I, "Ihaveyounow. I Would
certainly see you a quarter of a mile through
these low bushes." I accordingly sprang tc
the spot and — found it vacant. Yes, abso-
utely. The whistle was heard no more
There, smooth and printless, was the margir.
of black mold that striped the brush fence
at the only gap where a man would natural!}
cross, or, in fact, could cross, without grea
trouble. I looked over the fence ; the hill
lot lay sloping up certainly a quarter of :
mile in plain sight — no human form coul(
I see. I shouted "J-i-m!" No answer
" J-i-m ! " I began to feel wild ! Was h<
really uncanny? "J-i-m!" It could no
be possible! He could not have hiddei
himself. He had no means of knowing
was on his track, and playing on me a prac
tical joke. "J-i-m/" Well, this beat
everything ! I'll— I'll— I'll go home.
I subsequently ascertained from him tha<
in a very great hurry, he went from the bee
tree to visit a distant trap he had set on
little stream flowing through a beaver-dar
meadow, to catch its single otter. Tha
reaching the brush fence, he had turne
short round a laurel cluster, where began
line of old blazed trees, unknown to m<
and was soon beyond the hearing of m
shouts of his name.
Another time I wanted his companionshi
deer-hunting. It was a sweet, genial, Ii
dian summer day. The red sun ha
plunged the evening before in a bath (
purple mist, and the thick, soft night ha
called out nearly all the summer music, tr.
crickets, the tree-frogs, and re-awakened tr.
katydid — " most musical, most melancholy
of voices. Now that voice recalls fl
romance of my youth, when I heard the sa
sweetness on moonlit nights, telling rr
that autumn was at hand, and that fl-
air so soft and kindly would change 1
tempest soon, and bring decay and withe
ing to Nature.
The day opened swathed in a pink-silv
fog, and with an atmosphere so mild at
gentle that the blood glowed like decante
champagne. The distant forests winke
like a child's eye in a doze, as did the woo<
and streams the June before, giving me i
JIM ALLTHINGS.
547
invitation to come and spend the day with
them, and furthermore they would probably
present me with a haunch of venison for
dinner. So I thought of Jim. There was
a run-way by the Sheldrake Brook that my
friend knew all about, and I didn't. Inde-
pendently of this, I really liked and wished
him as a comrade. The Joseph's-coat the
woods had flaunted for a fortnight — purple
like the mantle Caesar wore the
" Summer evening in his tent,
The day he overcame the Nervii," —
red, like a maiden's' love-blush, green as
Virgil's grottoes of the naiads, yellow as the
golden spangle of the Yuba, was now torn,
defaced, and lying partly in shreds and
patches on the forest floor, ankle deep.
The trees would therefore yield sight of a
deer half a mile off — all plain sailing.
As I passed the tavern, I saw the small,
green box-wagon belonging to Jim, under
the shed, a certain sign of his being in the
village.
" Aha," thought I, " a walk is saved me.
I'll lend Jim one of my rifles, so he need not
go home for his."
The first person I met was Loafer Joe.
I "Joe, have you seen Mr. Allthings lately ? "
" Yes, Squire, I see him but a minute ago
at Owlet's."
Owlet's smithy stood on the downward
slope of the village hill, a low, black struct-
ure, next his little red cabin of a house.
I entered the shop. Owlet's son, a boy of
sixteen, with two black streaks at the corners
pf his mouth, like mustaches, was at the
[bellows. With his left elbow he was press-
ing down the handle ; his right hand held
the iron instrument with which he every
aow and then raked up the coals, whenever
the red spots glowing in the sable heap of
:he hearth threatened to break out into a
>laze. Horse-shoes were ranged along the
lark beams, and on one side was a frame-
ork with a broad leathern band, for shoe-
ng oxen. Two anvils, glimmering dully,
•ere squatting on the earthen floor, and a
crew machine was yawning from a rude
nch beneath the eyeball of a window.
It was in vain, however, I scanned the
[hop — no Jim did I see. Nearest me was
|)wlet, with the rear foot of a fractious gray
olt in his leathern lap, shoeing him.
" Good-morning, Mr. Owlet. Have you
n Mr. Allthings lately ? "
" Tack, tack, tack, whoa, you brute, you.
"things ? " (jerking out his words in a sharp,
pettish way* his usual custom) "Allthings ?
tack, tack, tack, whoa ! " as the colt tried with
all venom to give a kick, making Owlet
stagger so, he came mighty near dropping
on the sharp point of his anvil. " Of
all things in this world, deliver me from this
cross young divil-a-most, of old Gripes.
Allthings ? whoa, now ! tack, tack! Jacob "
(to his boy), " hand me the other box; these
tacks are all wrong! Allthings, did you
say ? " (An awful attempt at kicking by the
colt.) " Whoa, whoa, whoa ! The deuce
take the critter ! No, I haven't ! Yes, I
have ! He left the shop not a minute ago,
for Shaver's, over the way."
Over I went to the shop of the carpenter.
There was a fresh scent of pine shavings in
the room of four wooden walls with two car-
penters' benches running along, and a board
or two just planed, looking bright as silver
in a corner. Shaver, himself, was planing a
pine board as I entered. No Jim.
" Good-morning, Shaver ! Can you tell
me where Mr. Allthings is ? "
" Sh - a - a - ave, — sh-a-a-ave, — sh-a-a-ave-
shuck " (as he tore a shaving off). " All-
things ? Sh-a-a-ave, — Yes, I can ! " (taking
up the board, squinting along the edge, then
replacing it and grasping his plane). " All-
things? Sh-a-a-ave, — sh-a-a-ave, — he was
here — sh-a-a-ave — a minute ago, — sh-a-a-ave
— but he went to the corner store."
This store was of granite, and went by the
name of the " stone house " throughout the
village.
I hurried over to Seabright's. There was
a little square counter, heaped with calicoes
and other gear, except a small space clear
for measuring, with the yards tacked off with
brass tacks. Everything that could be
thought of dangled from the rafters over^
head, — whips, whip-lashes, 'sugar-loaves,
baskets, etc. Rows of crockery stood on one
side ; axe-helves were in the corners, saws
hanging all around. Boxes filled with nails
occupied recesses, on the walls were niched
shelves of dry goods; in the background
were ranged casks marked in gilt with the
names of various liquors ; in short, the whole
picture of a country store was there presented.
Seabright stood at the counter waiting on
his customers.
" Good-morning, Seabright ! Have you
seen Allthings lately ? "
" Did you say a yard, Miss ! Thimbles !
yes, mam ! Allthings ? Two and sixpence !
Four shillings a yard ! That calico ? a shil-
ling a yard! Allthings? Yes; he was
here. John, hand Deacon Pester a glass of
JIM ALLTHINGS.
spirits! Allthings? Yes; he 'was here a
moment ago ! "
« Where has he gone ?
» Sixpence for that tape. Allthings? Beg
pardon ! He's gone to Strap's.1;
To the shoe-maker's I accordingly went.
I found him, with his two journeymen,
each on his low, leather-basined bench, stitch-
ing and tapping away, and talking industri-
ously over the scandal of the village.
« How do you do, Strap ! Have you seen
Mr. Allthings lately ? "
" I sez, sez I to him,—' Pete, sez I, 1
don't hardly bleeve that aire last story of
yourn,' sez I. Sez he, 'You may depend
on't,' sez he, < I heerd it,' sez. he, 'from the
very best 'thority,' sez he "
" I say, Strap, have you seen Allthings to-
" Allthings ? tap-tap,rattlety-tap-tap. All-
things? Sw-i-tch. Hev you heerd about that
aire other story, about that aire
^ Vfcu« r*-ji - , . - „
" Strap, have you seen Allthings t _
"Allthings ? tap-tap, rattlety-tap, sw-i-tch,
Mr. Allthings? Yes; he was here a min-
ute ago, and said he was going over to
Cabbage's."
Cabbage was the village tailor, and s
I hurried to the shop.
The room was warm and close with a
scent pervading it from the hot pressure of
cloth. ,
"Good-morning, Cabbage! Has Mr.
Allthings been here lately ? "
Now Cabbage stuttered dreadfully, sput-
tering till red in the face, then bolting out
his word as from a catapult ; always flying
into a passion at his difficulty of articulation
before he ended.
"An-an-an-Allthings? N-n-n-no. He
1-1-1-1-left he-he-here con-con-con-/0««*
the und-a min-min-minute ago" (dashing
down his shears, knocking his goose over,
and jumping from his tailor's knot, where he
was coiled like a rattlesnake), " bub-bub-
bub-but he's gah-gah-gah-gah-gog-gog-gog
(rattling in his throat and bending back-
ward and forward until I really thought he
was on the eve of choking, while his eyes
rolled as if he were going mad), " gone to
S-s-s-swingle's."
Swingle was the tinman of Eaglepme,
and in I rushed. As I entered, a chaos of
sounds almost crushed my brain.
" Tink, tink, swink, swink, tingle, tangle,
tang, swang, racketty, clacketty, ncketty,
clicketty."
" Halloo ! " as loud as I could scream.
" Tink, tink, swink, swank, clang, swang,
tingle, tangle, racketty-clacketty, ncketty-
clicketty."
" Is Jim Allthings h-e-r-e ?
" Tink, tank, swing, swang, tingle, tangle,
tang, clang, racketty-clacketty, ncketty-
clicketty."
« Halloo, there ! Swingle, for conscience
sake, come here ! "
"What's wanting?" answered Swingle
popping his head out of a recess whence th<
horrible clangor proceeded.
" Do tell me if Allthings has been here i
"Allthings? tang, swang, tingle, jingle
ricketty-clicketty."
"Yes, Allthings," I gasped, out of al
patience. , „
" He was here, but he went to Karri'
With tremendous strides I went to th
tavern. ,
An irruption from the tannery at th
Mongaup was there, clamorous for drink.
"Do tell me, Raffle! is Jim AUthin|
here ? "
"Some whisky you want. Allthings
here's your glass, sir;— punch, did you say
Allthings ? he was— old Jamaiky ? here it i
cigar, three cents— Allthings ? He w;
here a moment ago, but he's gone!
took a punch, and that's the last I ve se<
of him."
Off I dashed. At that moment I hea
a wagon leaving the tavern shed, and, as
reached the porch, I saw the green back «
a box wagon just lowering the brow ot t
hill, flashing in a ray of the noontide hgl
with the white hat of Jim Allthings
aglow with it. .
That was the last time I ever tried to i
Jim Allthings.
THE WESTERN MAN.
549
THE WESTERN MAN.*
I HAVE always observed that an audience
is most interested in that about which it
knows the most. On the other hand, you
may have noticed that writers are apt to
write on subjects of which they know the
least. It will seem reasonable to you,
therefore, that I should say something here
about the Western Man.
There has always been a Western Man.
There has always been a man leading the
advance in discovery, exploration, settle-
ment; the mass of mankind has removed
westward with this aggressive fringe. It has
often happened that the Western Man has
deflected in his course, or turned back ; and
when he turned aside or turned back he
usually brought trouble, in his wanton and
playful way, to the older civilizations.
We find the Western Man on the march
as soon as he could collect his effects after
the Deluge. The emigrants journeyed from
the east till they found a plain in the land
of Shinar; and they dwelt there. They
were adventurous, mighty men, full of ambi-
tion and genius. They said : Go to, let us
build a city, and a tower — let us make us a
name. They were great men, these West-
erners, strong of limb and mighty in brain,
full of invention and daring, men of renown ;
but the Lord saw how dangerous they were
becoming, and he said, now nothing will be
restrained from them which they have im-
agined to do, and he came down and con-
founded their language, and scattered them
abroad on the face of all the earth. He
scattered them ; but the ablest men of them
pulled themselves out of the confusion and
went westward into the land of Canaan.
It is true that the very first emigration of
the race was to the east. When the Lord
drove Adam and Eve out of Paradise, he
placed at the east of the garden of Eden
cherubims and a flaming sword. Cain also
moved into the land of Nod, on the east
of Eden. This experiment of emigration to
the east was, however, a failure, and ended,
as is well known, in the catastrophe of the
Deluge. After that event, man took his
way westward along the path of prosperity
and empire.
It has always been characteristic of the
Western Man that he could never rest, nor be
content with any prosperity or success, so
long as there was anything beyond him to the
westward to explore. When, before the in-
vention of the mariner's compass, he reached
his limit in Europe, he was like a traveler
stayed unwillingly in his journey ; he foamed
along the shore of the Atlantic as restless as
the surges he encountered ; and, since he
could not overpass it, he turned southward
and eastward, back upon the old civilizations
which he had passed by, and set his barba-
rian strength against their refinements. He
was never a welcome visitor, this rough-
rider, in Rome, or Athens, or Constantinople.
He had an immense capacity of enjoyment
and appropriation, and what he could not
understand he could destroy. He was a
refluent wave of destruction for a time.
But always, in the end, the result was the
same ; the conqueror was conquered. About
his sturdy limbs were slowly woven the fine
nets of an artificial society, and before he
knew that his strength had gone from him
he was a bound slave in the meshes of luxury.
His battle-axe was of no use against the
invisible net of desire. The Western Man
eventually came to grief when he turned aside
or turned back : — the Greek in Asia Minor,
the Roman in Egypt and Syria, the Goth,
the Vandal, the Hun in North Africa and
Italy. You may have seen in your own
time the independent Western Man, who
knows no master, not even the old masters,
and has a well-sustained contempt for the
past, for the arts, for conventionality, and a
charming confidence, born of inexperience,
in his own opinion — since knowledge makes
a man diffident, — bound hand and foot, and
a captive beyond the chance of escape, in
the rosy tissues which Paris weaves about
the profitable stranger.
It was an immense relief to the Western
Man to find his way across the Atlantic. To
leap ashore on a new continent, to run to
and fro on it, to penetrate it, hack it, dig it,
appropriate it, has been his masculine joy
for three centuries. For the first time in
history he has been unrestrained. Here was
room enough. Every night he could pitch
his tent on virgin soil; every morning he
drank from a new spring ; at every sunrise he
was invigorated by a fresh western breeze
which came to him untainted by any other
civilization; every day he hewed a new path
through primeval forests. He carried his .
laws in his knapsack. He enforced them
* Read before the annual Psi Upsilon Convention at Michigan University, May 26, 1880.
55°
THE WESTERN MAN.
with his rifle. For the first time he was be-
yond the reach of custom, beyond the tram-
mels of tradition. He could not be touched
any more by the Oriental— the Asiatic
civilization, which forever had pursued him,
reclaimed him, civilized him, destroyed him.
How he exulted in his liberty !
I need not sketch his lively history on this
continent. He is the insatiable mover. With
him it is always the first of May. He is the
historical character who never sleeps twice
in the same bed. He always builds his
house to sell. When it is finished, that is the
signal for him to move. His ancestors must
bury themselves, his posterity are heirs of
the future. He has time neither to inherit
nor to make his will. It is always in his plan
to settle down, but never in the place where
he is. He pays his debts by incurring new
ones. He is the great laborer and hardship-
endurer of the nineteenth century. But he
always expects to reach a spot to-morrow
where he will have nothing to do. Almost
within the memory of men now living, the
Western Man has passed the Atlantic slopes,
flowed over the table-lands and prairies of
the interior, crossed the Mississippi, laid
highways over the plains, seized and pos-
sessed the Rocky Mountains, honey-combed
the Sierras with his drills and sluices, made
a garden of California, and occupied all the
Pacific coast between thirty degrees of
latitude.
The Western Man, you perceive, has
reached his limit. If he goes a step further
he becomes an Oriental. He would not
violate his restless character if he took this
step, and began over again his circuit of the
globe. But I think he will not do it, not
for some centuries at least. You may say
for the moment that there is no Western
Man. For the first time in the history of
the world, he has come to a place where he
must stay his march, where he must rest.
For the first time in history, he has the
opportunity forced upon him to develop
himself, to let the world see what manner
of man he will become when he is stationary
He is, so to say, turned back on himself
There is no other outlet for his superabun-
dant energy except in his self-develop-
ment. He lias nowhere else to go. There
is nothing for him to do but to grow. The
interest of this experiment is its absoluti
novelty. It is a situation in human affair
which we have scarcely as yet begun to
comprehend. There are two points of inter
est : — what the world will be henceforth
what course history will take, what the rac
trill do without its primeval escape-valve in
he Western Man, is one thing ; what the
Western Man himself will become, forced to
top and grow like a tree, instead of running
ike a cucumber-vine, is another thing.
Fortunately he has stopped in a gooc
place. He has room enough to spread
limself. He has no neighbors, — at leasi
none whom he cannot gently persuade tc
depart into another world. The resource;
at his command are simply unparalleled
There has been nothing invented or dis
covered in all time that he has not at hand
His desires can scarcely go beyond hi
opportunities; and it is saying all that cai
be said of his opportunities, that they an
only excelled by his opinion of his deserts
He is planted on a soil which is bottomless
He is the first man in history who has eve
had enough to eat. And now he has leisur
to eat, to grow, to possess life.
What the Western Man, stationary, wi'
become is the most interesting study eye
offered to the observer of human affairs
What manner of man will he be ? Whs
sort of civilization will he produce ? Th
elements are so complex that the foreca;
of it must be purely speculative. The siti
ation has been so suddenly created that w
scarcely yet apprehend its novel feature
It is only a little while ago, in this grez
State of Michigan, that the emigrants di
puted'the possession of the oak opening
with the gray wolf. I remember when tr
State capitol was built in the woods at Lai
sing. It was said that the members of tl
State legislature used to shoot deer from tl
front steps. Unless your legislature diffe
greatly from some others, it has never sin<
been more profitably or harmlessly employe*
But the change has been rapid. The spe
ulator was too sharp for the wolves; tl
farmer, the merchant, the lumberman, tl
miner, supplanted in turn the speculate
competition speedily developed wealth; wi
wealth came more leisure and opportumti
of culture ; and now, while we hear yet tl
echoes of the first axe in the forest th
broke the ancient silence when only
"The blackbird was singing on Michigan shor<
we meet here at a great university
learning, risen as rapidly as King Fortage:
palace by the aid of Merlin on Sahsbu
Plain, thronging with students, and vil
with a noble emulation — the sign and crov
of a high civilization. It is an astonishu
transformation.
There is ample field for speculation <
THE WESTERN MAN.
the future of the Western Man. I can offer
only a few suggestions.
The mingling of races, traditions, religions,
varied civilizations, which we see here, is
not new in the world, nor has it always
resulted in progress, — some of the most stag-
nant communities in the Orient are the least
homogeneous ; but it is unique in this, that
the field of operation is fresh, that the meet-
ing elements represent the youth and advent-
ure of many people, the restless spirit of
aspiration, of dissatisfaction with the present,
of willingness to cut loose from the past;
and the moving energy of the whole is
the old Teutonic passion for acquisition and
achievement. This is the motive of progress.
The question of physical ability is settled.
We hear no more of the deterioration of the
Americans. The delusion, which has occa-
sioned so much anxiety to foreign critics,
that Americans would shake themselves
to pieces or shrivel up in the dry air, that
there could never be in this climate a robust
and enduring race, has passed. The lank
and parchment-skinned settler, who leaned
against his cabin door, on the off days of his
private earthquake, and pitied the passing
emigrant, is no longer a type. The subju-
gation of the soil to cultivation, a generation
of abundance, with more orderly living and
improved cooking, have produced a different
type of men and women. The lines have
filled out, the eager look has given place to
more placid expression. The Western
Man is to be large, powerful, full-blooded,
filled with the confidence of physical su-
premacy, perhaps with a tendency to a too
pronounced adipose superiority. The West-
ern Woman is to be fair, comely, handsome
if she chooses, with conquest in her eyes,
and clemency in her heart.
Under these tremendous physical im-
pulses, what sort of society will be formed ?
How soon will the conventionalities of the
Old World overtake it, and how will they
affect it ? How far will it represent merely
material prosperities ? Will it be what
other societies have been, with much wealth
and the temptations of leisure ? With the
added breadth and freedom of the new
condition, I think it cannot be a reproduc-
tion of any other. Will' it be better or
worse ? This depends, I apprehend, upon
two things, education and religion, or
rather, I should say, upon the results of a
diffused education, and the place of religion
in the social structure. It is not a question
of houses, of dress, of manners, of style, but
of character.
I am not of those who think that univer-
sal education is the panacea of mankind,
any more than universal suffrage is. Both
are instruments, not ends. The one fails if
it does not produce a people having in
them the everlasting verities, keepers of
the commandments out of a love of virtue,
who are truthful, industrious, patriotic ; the
other fails if it does not make a good
government. What is the value of a uni-
versal election unless it selects the best men?
We have invented what we call a system of
education approaching perfection as an or-
ganization, comprehensive, diffused, all-in-
clusive, necessarily more or less superficial.
Its aim is to teach everybody everything.
Perhaps a more exact statement of the truth
is, that the aim is to train everybody to pass
an examination in everything. It may be
said that the exclusive examination system
encourages two virtues — to forgive and to
forget — in time to forgive the examiner, and
to forget the subject of the examination.
The tests of the value of our system of edu-
cation, already tending to become too
machine-like, will be two-fold, and the re-
sults may not be marked before the lapse of
a generation or two. First, what kind of an
education, as to the more important elements
of character, are we to get; and, second,
what is to be the effect of a universal educa-
tion, or a universal smattering of learning,
upon the inclination to work, to work with
the hands, to earn a living by manual labor?
The noblest aspiration of youth is the culti-
vation of the mind — if the body is not neg-
lected. But if the Western Man should get
the notion that it is any less honorable, or in
the end less satisfactory, to work with a hoe
than with a pen or a yard-stick, he will
foster an idea that is neither new nor needed
in the world, for the Eastern Man has already
run it into the ground. What is to be the
Western Man's religion ? This is, perhaps,
the most serious question of all, considering
the great physical abundance in which he
riots and grows strong, the pride in national
acquisition and display, the tendency born
of national success, and of an imported
philosophy, to deny the supernatural. Has
the Western Man a notion that somehow
he is sufficient to himself, and that he is to
build a new heaven as well as a new
earth ? That the Atlantic is a veritable cut-
off in the stream of historical Christianity?
When I was a boy, a man pounded away
from sunrise to sunset to maul out a few
bushels of wheat, and, after swinging the
flail all day, felt that he needed the aid of
452
THE WESTERN MAN.
Providence. Now, by steam, you thresh
out a whole county in the morning, ship
your fortune in the afternoon, draw your bill
on Liverpool, and at night " cable " to your
wife, who is in Paris — is she not ? — to buy
out the Bon Marc he if she takes a fancy to
it. On the spot where the Caliph Omar
prayed, his followers built a minaret. The
spot of our most successful aspirations is
marked by an elevator. Go to, we say, let
us build a city and a town, let us make a
name, and the Lord said, now nothing
will be restrained of them which they have
. imagined to do.
To the Western Man life is evidently
worth living, for itself. Never before did
man have so many solicitations to develop
himself in it freely. But, unless human
nature is changed, no material success can
long satisfy him. I am not saying that
western civilization has been irreligious.
Far from it. We are making an observa-
tion of the future, under the new conditions
we have named. We are speculating upon
the prodigious development close at hand,
which already has in it so much hunger for
the material, so much skepticism of the
supernatural, so much tendency to abate
the importance of historical Christianity.
Is the Western Man going to make the ex-
periment of a new sort of culture, say of art,
which shall take the place of a religion
worn out? Has he a notion that conserv-
atories of music, academies of painting,
decorating and wood-carving, habits of
refinement and polite living, mitigated by
systematized charities, in place of faith in
the unseen, will keep his society sweet and
strong ? There are indications, here and
there, in more than one great city, of an
attempt to build society upon a gospel of
culture, shored up by a philosophy of nega-
tions, worshiping in a Temple of Art, using
an agnostic shorter catechism beginning :
Question. Who made you ?
Answer. I don't know.
And ending with :
Q. What is your destiny ?
A. I don't know.
I have a vision of a society very differ-
ent from this. The possibilities of a noble
life and a noble empire are immense ; so are
the hindrances. And the hindrances are
the very material abundance and physical
exuberance which create the possibilities
of a splendid future. On this great arena
is renewed the struggle of liberty and
authority, a struggle that in the nature of
things can never end in the world, but the
violence of which can be mitigated by a
recognition of the limits of each. The
pendulum of these two forces swings back
and forth in history. Perhaps the mosl
needful lesson of our time is to learn thai
all liberty is a delusion that is not exercised
in the discipline of authority.
I have said nothing of manners, or the
contrasts of the manners of Europe anc
America which are the theme of so much ol
our recent literature, not because I under
value the interest of the matter, but it fail;
to assume a comparative importance in th<
presence of things more vital. We know
that self-assertion and a certain "bump
tiousness" of position go along with self
consciousness and newness of position
Good manners are called the final flowei
of civilization, some say they are the sigr
of its decay. Much depends upon race, nc
doubt. The polishing of a nation is a slow
process and a mystery. After a thousanc
years of civilization the typical Englishmar
is a chestnut bur; the meat is apt to b<
sweet when you get • it, but you are prett)
certain to prick your fingers in getting it
Perhaps not in two thousand years will th<
Western Man have the high breeding of th<
desert Arab, the social polish of the Turk
Perhaps never. For the conditions her<
are new under which manners are to b<
formed, new not only in the absence of th<
traditions of caste, chivalries, ceremonials
but new in the addition of the dogma ol
equality.
The Western Man, as a moving, geo
graphical factor, is about to disappear fron
history. The progress of the race in al
time does not offer so interesting a study a:
he is at this moment.
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
553
THE DOMINION OF CANADA. IV.
PRESENT POSITION AND OUTLOOK.
I HAVE tried to sketch Canada's develop-
ment, down to the time when she emerged
from the status of the ancient French Prov-
ince, or the British colony hermetically
sealed from the sea for six months of the
year, into the present Dominion, with a terri-
tory about the size of Europe, her frontiers
on three oceans, and in possession, for all
practical purposes, of political and commer-
cial independence. We have now — as a
friend from Maine remarked — " quite a big
farm, but it wants fencing badly." What
about the fencing, or the organization, for
purposes of government, of our numberless
arpents of snow and ice?
We have imitated both the United States
and Great Britain in framing our constitu-
tion. It is on the federal principle, with the
central authority strong, and tending to be-
come stronger. The various Provinces pre-
serve their autonomy for local and private
matters, for property and civil rights, and
for education. All other important matters
are handed over to the General Parliament
that meets in the city of Ottawa, and acts
through a cabinet, which, after the British
model, may be considered a committee of
Parliament. The limits of the local and of
the Dominion authorities, respectively, and
the superiority of the latter as regards all
questions on the boundary line between the
two, are so clearly denned that questions of
State rights, or rather Province rights, can
hardly emerge, or at any rate become seri-
ous. The appointment of the Provincial
Governors, and of the inferior and supreme
Provincial Judges, as well as of the Judges
of the Court of Appeal for the Dominion, is
in the hands of the Central Government.
ll our lawyers look to Ottawa. Our judges
are independent, and are almost our only
aristocracy. Though appointed by a Gov-
ernment representing one party in the State,
they hold office during good behavior, and
have no temptation to carry their previous
political bias to the bench. The Central
Government regulates trade and commerce,
navigation and shipping, banking, and every-
thing thereto pertaining. It has also entire
control of the war power. If, as Carlyle
puts it, " the ultimate question between every
two human beings is ' Can I kill thee, or
canst thou kill me,'" such ultimate question
is not likely to be agitated at any time be-
tween a Province and the Central Govern-
ment. There is no military or naval force
of any kind to do the bidding of the Provin-
cial authorities. The sword is indubitably
in the hands of the Dominion as a whole.
The powers of the General Parliament
being so large, the necessity for local parlia-
ments is sometimes questioned. Young
men ardent for a speedy unification of the
country, and old men who would model
all creation on the British Constitution
as if it had originally been let down from
heaven, advocate a legislative union of
the Provinces similar to that which binds
together England, Scotland and Ireland ;
with one Parliament to take cognizance of
everything not strictly municipal. Practi-
cally, that would be as difficult in our case
as the United States would have found
it a century ago, or would find it now. The
British Parliament, legislating for two small
islands, finds itself overworked, though its
members work — and without pay — like gal-
ley-slaves for more than half the year. It is
easy to run up to London from John O' Groat's
or the Land's End, but the expense of
getting small local bills through Parlia-
ment is enormous. What would it be .
in our case ! Provincial legislatures are
necessary, but certainly not such as those
we have, — which, like a well-known class
of horses, are pretty much " all action
and no go." Their work, except where it
touches on education, is municipal rather
than political, but they ape the parapher-
nalia of the Central Parliament all the
same as when they had real power, and
fight out trumpery matters as if political
issues were involved. What with our Cen-
tral Parliament and these seven local par-
liaments revolving round it like satellites
round a sun, we Canadians have a govern-
mental machinery as extensive and expen-
sive as the heart of politician could desire.
| There are signs that even our patient people
i are getting tired of the burden, however,
{ and a new party will probably arise on this
issue. Very simple machinery would be
j sufficient for all that our local legislatures
have to do. Their revenue comes chiefly
from the Dominion treasury, and flows into
! them without effort The chief items of
554
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
expenditure are fixed. More business, and
business requiring more thought, is done by
many a mercantile house with two or three
clerks than is done by several of them ; but
they maintain party lines with ridiculous
tenacity, make political speeches for the
electorate, vote themselves large indemnities,
and cling to Windsor uniforms, black
rods, ushers with swords and all the trap-
pings that may be excused as the gilding
of power, but are offensive as the symbols
of nothing. A paddle in a birch-bark
canoe is better than a steam-engine, and
cheaper. The expense at present is incred-
ible. Thus, the three Atlantic Provinces
with a population between them about that
of Maine, have three Governors, five or six
local houses of parliament, and I shall
not venture to say how many heads of
departments. Let us stick to the three
Governors. Their salaries and the cost
of keeping up their residences amount
to about forty thousand dollars a year !
Maine, I believe, gets a very good Gov-
ernor— occasionally a duplicate — for one
thousand dollars. When the Province
of Manitoba was carved out of the un-
plowed prairie, the Central Government
sent a Governor to rule over it with a salary
equal to nearly a dollar per head of the
population. Think of the poor little Prov-
ince, not yet out of moccasins, with such
finery! This was the doing of one Govern-
ment. The next bettered the example by
sending another Governor, with the usual
salary, Windsor uniform, and so forth, to the
adjacent territory before it had got even the
moccasins on. The Dominion Legislature
itself is on the same extensive and expensive
scale. Few grudge the fifty thousand dol-
lars that our Governor- General receives.
He is the personal link between the mother
country and Canada. We could not get
the right kind of man for less. He is the
crown and apex not only of our politica.
edifice, — which is on the King, Lords anc
Commons model, — but of our social life as
well. His indirect influences and function:
more valuable than those that are
are
expressed in statutes. Having never be-
longed to either of our political parties
he exercises a powerful influence on both
He can bring the leaders of Govern
nvent and Opposition together under his
roof in circumstances where political dif
ferences have to be ignored, and where
the asperities of conflict are softened. Yoi
see the good features of your adversary
through the flowers of the dinner-table, or a
. bonspiel on the ice, far better than through
lie thundery atmosphere of debate, and it is
lardtopiay the irreconcilable with opponents
*vhen you ask their wives and daughters to
oboggin or dance. Our Governors-General
ire expected to encourage art, education
and all that tends to develop the higher
ife of the country ; and to diffuse charity as
well as hospitality liberally. This they do
at a cost that leaves very little of the fifty
housand dollars by the time the year is half
over. So that few object to the salary, who
consider the circumstances. But in every-
thing else about our Legislature there is
room for the axe or pruning-knife. When
Dr. Chalmers surveyed the Cowgate of
Edinburgh and saw the thousands of dirty,
unkempt men and women streaming out of
the whisky shops, his eye glowed with en-
thusiasm and turning to one of his city
missionaries, he remarked, "A fine field, sir;
a fine field for us ! " Certainly, were I a poli-
tician, I could wish for no finer field than
that which Ottawa presents. The United
States think a cabinet of eight sufficient. We,
with one-twelfth of the population, surround
our Governor-General with thirteen, giving
to each of the baker's dozen seven thousanc
dollars a year, and his indemnity of anothei
thousand. Eight thousand a year in i
country where most clergymen have to b<
content with eight hundred or less, adju
tants-general of militia with seventeen hun
dred, and where bishops, principals oi
universities, and such like celestial mortal;
live comfortably on two or three thousand
'< < Mori] the more you get, ' pro patria} ou
of your country, '•duke est] the sweeter i
is," says Mr. Samuel Slick. The thirteei
colonies began with twenty-six senators
we, with seventy-two. Our House of Com
mons starts with nearly as many member
as your House of Representatives now has
At our rate of representation, your Housi
should have some three thousand mem
bers. Every man of our three hundred an<
odd senators and commoners gets a thou
sand dollars for the two or three white
months he spends in Ottawa, besides mile
age and franking perquisites. Some of ther
live the whole year on half the mone>
But I must not go on or every politician i
the United States will migrate to Canada.
Partly because the Queen has given title
to sundry individuals who are or were pol
ticians, a suspicion seems to be arising i
some quarters in the United States that
deep scheme exists for establishing an an;
tocracy in Canada. No one acquainte
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
555
with our conditions of living, and with the
temper of our people, would entertain such an
idea. We are devoted to the monarchical
principle, but any aristocracy save that of
genius, worth or wealth, is as utterly out of
the question with us, as with you. We think
it a good thing that the Queen, as the fount-
ain of honor, should recognize merit in
any of her subjects; but such recognitions
have to stand the test of public opinion, and
except in as far as the titles are upborne by
desert, they give no more real weight than
" Honorable " or " Colonel " gives in the
United States. If men will work harder in
the public service, inspired by the hope of
getting a ribbon, a medal or a handle to
their name, it would be Puritanical to grudge
them the reward. Knighthood bestowed on
judges or nineteenth-century politicians does
seem somewhat of an anachronism. But
men are queer creatures and even when
they care little for the title, their wives may
care much. Educated as she is, the thought
of being one day addressed as " your Lady-
ship " thrills every one of the pericardial tis-
sues of the average woman. That is about
all the title does for her or her husband. It
gives neither money, place nor privilege.
The idea of a privileged aristocracy, or a
court, between the representative of the
throne in Canada and our homespun farmers,
no sane man would entertain. The fact is,
that while we have strong monarchical predi-
lections and traditions, and would fight to the
death for our own institutions that recognize
monarchical supremacy, we are, perhaps,
more democratic than you. Our institutions?
reflect the national will, and our Executive
can be unmade in a day by the breath of
the popular branch of Parliament. The
-"Executive is composed of men who must be
members either of the popular or the sena-
torial House. There they are during the
session, face to face with their opponents,
obliged to defend every measure and to
withdraw it if they cannot command a
majority in its favor. If beaten they must
resign, and the Governor-General at once
sends for some one who reflects the views of
the House more faithfully, and intrusts the
seals of office to him. If no one can form a
stable government, His Excellency dissolves
the popular House, and the people have the
opportunity of returning new men, or the old
members back again, re-invigorated by their
descent among their constituents. The
Governor-General, the center of our govern-
ment, is fixed and above us. His responsible
advisers may remain in office during a life-
time, or may be turned out after having
tasted its sweets for twenty-four hours. We
have no idea of throwing the central point of
government periodically into dispute, and just
as little of putting a yoke on our necks
that by no possibility can be got rid of till
after a term of years. We think that our
present system combines the opposite advan-
tages of being stable and elastic, and that
there is nothing like it in the world.
When the Queen selected Ottawa as the
capital of Canada, loud mutterings rose
from cities like Toronto, Kingston, Mont-
real and Quebec, each of which had pre-
viously been the capital for a longer or
shorter time, and each of which considered
its claims superior to those of a city just
being built of slabs away up in the back-
woods. But time is vindicating the wisdom
of the selection and at any rate Ottawa is
certain to be the capital for a century or
two, when it may give place to Winnipeg.
Without comparing it with Quebec — the
historical capital — the site of which is the
finest in America, Ottawa can hold its own
with most of our cities as regards beauty,
accessibility, possibilities of defense and
central position. Two rivers winding
through and around it, and tumbling over
the picturesque falls of the Chaudiere and
Rideau, the broken wooded cliffs rising
abruptly from the Ottawa, crowned with the
magnificent Parliament buildings, the Laur-
entian range giving a well-defined back-
ground of mountain forms, are the features
that at once arrest a stranger's attention and
that never pall. 'From the cliffs and from the
windows of the Government offices above, a
glorious picture is hung up that makes one
anxious to be a Government clerk or deputy
or employe of some kind or other — the
Chaudiere Falls, pouring a volume of water
almost equal to Niagara into the broad basin
below. This, and the view from the Sap-
per's bridge, redeem Ottawa in my eyes and
reconcile me to its being the capital. Of
course, I am bound to believe that Kingston
should have been chosen, but that " the
king can do no wrong " is an axiom in
British law and opinion. Canals, railways
and the river give all parts of the country
easy access to Ottawa; and though, ten or
twelve years ago, it looked more like the
back-yard of the Government buildings than
anything else, it is becoming more and more
a fit center for the Dominion. In the win-
ter months it is crowded with strangers,
lobbyists preponderating, though Rideau
Hall, first under the sway of the Dufferins
556
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
and now with Lord Lome and H. R. H.
the Princess Louise, is a formidable com-
petitor of the lobby, and attracts a different
class of visitors. Lord Dufferin, as a won-
derful advertising agent, was worth more to
Canada than all her emigration agencies. A
fair speaker in the House of Lords, the air of
this continent, where every man naturally
orates, made him blossom out into oratory
that surprised those who had known him
best. Having begun, there seemed no end
to him. He was ready for a speech, and
always a good one, on every occasion.
Unless his Irish heart and fancy deceived
himself as well as us, he took a genuine
pride and interest in Canada, and " cracked
us up " after a style that Mr. Chollop would
have envied. Lord Lome is not equally
florid or exhaustless and we like him all
the better. The mass of our people are
very plain, matter-of-fact farmers, and it is
questionable if they ever fully appreciated
Lord Dufferin. They read his wonderful
speeches and did not feel quite sure
whether he was in fun or in earnest,
whether he spoke as a business man, or
post-prandially and as an Irishman. They
only half-believed that they were the great,
good and generous people he declared them
to be, or that they had such a paradisaical
country as he constantly averred. Never
could man make a summer more readily
out of one swallow, than Lord Dufferin.
Under" his magic wand long winters fled
away, or forty degrees below zero seemed
the appropriate environment for humanity;
snow-clad mountains appeared covered with
vineyards, and rocky wildernesses blossomed
as the rose. Our terribly prosaic people
were just beginning to get slightly tired of
the illimitable sweetmeats and soap-bubbles,
and even to fancy that the magician was
partly advertising himself. Lord Lome is
commending himself to them as one deter-
mined to know facts, anxious to do his
duty, and not unnecessarily toadying to
the press. He and his wife are already
exercising a salutary influence on Canadian
society. I do not know if the citizens of a
republic quite understand the feeling of
loyalty that binds us to a house that repre-
sents the history and unity of our Empire,
and how the feeling becomes a passion when
the members of that house are personally
worthy. A thrill of subdued enthusiasm
runs through the crov/d in whatever part of
Canada the Princess appears, simply because
she is a daughter of the Queen ; and when
it is known that her life and manners are
simple and her own household well man-
aged, that she is a diligent student, an
artist and a friend of artists, and that her
heart is in every attempt to mitigate the
pains and miseries of suffering humanity, she
leaps into the inmost heart of the people,
and they rejoice to enthrone her there.
The spirit of chivalry, far from being dead,
has gone beyond the old charmed circle
of noblesse and knights, and found its home
among the common people. The influence
of such a Princess, especially over our girls,
before whom a worthy ideal is set by the
acknowledged leader of fashion, is one that
no true philosopher will despise. Many
of us are grateful for such an influence in a
new country where the great prize sought
is material wealth, its coarse enjoyment the
chief happiness dreamed of by the winners,
and opportunities of selfish idleness and
dissipation popularly considered the boons
enjoyed by their sons and daughters; where
the claims of culture are apt to be over-
looked in the struggle against nature, and
the laws of honor disregarded in the con-
test for place. What Shakspere says of
Queen Elizabeth we apply to our own
Princess :
"She shall be * * *
A pattern to all princes living with her,
And all that shall succeed: ' Those about
her
From her shall read the perfect ways of honor,
And by those claim their greatness, not by blood."
Whatever influences society in Ottawa,
^will reach over the country, for the capital
is becoming more than the political center
of the Dominion. Our legislators come
from the people, and we need not be
ashamed of the personnel of either House.
In Canada, as in Great ^Britain, the best
men are willing to serve' the state, and a
stranger who judges us by our legislatures
will not go far astray. They are divided
into two great parties, and each party in-
cludes representatives of the various denom-
inations and races that compose our people.
The dividing line between them is neither
race, nor religion, nor geography. It is
sometimes difficult to know what the divid-
ing line is, yet the necessities of party sc
completely prevent them from splitting up
into the various sections and cross-sections
to be found in the legislatures of Franc*
and Germany, that, as in Great Britain and
the States, independent members are few ir
number. With us, too, the " independents '
have the rather shady reputation of being
waiters on Providence or sitters on the fence
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
557
After confederation, the main question
between the two great political parties turned
on the best method of constructing the
Canada Pacific Railway. During the dis-
cussion, the Liberal Conservative leaders
fatally compromised themselves with a
would-be contractor, and a general election
in 1873 sent the Reformers into power with an
enormous majority. In 1878, a fiscal ques-
tion predominated over all others. The Re-
formers contended that Canada's industrial
and commercial policy should be deter-
mined generally by the principles of free
trade. The Liberal Conservatives urged
the adoption of protectionist principles or
" a national policy." At the general elec-
tion, all the Provinces — New Brunswick
excepted — voted heavily in favor of the
national policy. Several facts indicate that
this decision reflected more than a passing
sentiment on the part of the people; and
that, though details may be changed from
year to year, the two principles will be
kept in view of "measure for measure"
with all neighbors, and the adjustment of
the tariff so as to foster industries suited
to Canada. For instance, the great Prov-
ince of Ontario, which always gave a ma-
jority to the Reformers, deserted its leaders
on this question, and returned Liberal Con-
servatives in the proportion of three to
one. Again, the provinces of Nova Scotia
and Prince Edward Island are historically
and naturally free-traders, but they, too,
gave large majorities in favor of the national
policy. To understand the full significance
of the position taken, it must be remem-
bered that almost all our public men had
previously been free-traders. We have few
independent thinkers, and are accustomed
to take our opinions on most subjects from
England. Probably nineteen out of twenty
writers there are not only free-traders, but
consider belief in protection, more absurd
than belief in witchcraft. It is no longer
" Jew, Turk or Atheist
May enter here, but not a Papist."
Any one may enter good society in Great
Britain but a protectionist. For all purposes
of trade, it is held that nations do not or
should not exist. Various causes predisposed
us to hold the same views on the subject.
Being in favor of maintaining our connec-
tion with Britain, there was no desire to
adopt a radically different commercial pol-
icy. The desire was all the other way.
Besides, the arguments in favor of free
trade as the right system for all nations are
demonstrable. Every one must admit that,
confining ourselves to the region of abstract
principles, the protectionist has little to say
for himself; that the truths of free trade
are truths of common sense ; that it would
be well to have trade as free and unfettered
as labor ; that when trade is free the buyer
and the seller are benefited, and that when it
is shackled both are injured. Most persons
also admit that protection is not a good
thing in itself; that it is, at the best, only a
weapon of defense or retaliation, and that it
is intended to be temporary ; that its gen-
eral effect is to enrich the few at the ex-
pense of the many, and that its tendency is
to form rings to control legislation in the
interests of the few. All this was under-
stood thoroughly, yet the Canadians voted
protection with an enthusiasm quite per-
plexing when we consider what evoked the
enthusiasm. Bishop Berkeley once started
the question of whether it was possible for
a whole nation to go mad. In the judgment
of an orthodox free-trader or an ordinary
Englishman, the Dominion must have gone
mad in 1878. The great aim of politi-
cians and people in England is to get taxes
reduced. A ministry trembles for its exist-
ence if it imposes an additional tax. But
here the general cry was " Increase the
taxes ! " The great dread of the people
was that the men they had returned to Par-
liament, would prove false to them by not
taxing them enough. And when new du-
ties were imposed and old duties doubled,
enthusiastic votes of thanks were sent from
popular associations to the Cabinet ministers
for so nobly redeeming their pledges. It
was altogether a very curious phase of na-
tional sentiment.
How did the thing come about ? Tem-
porary and permanent causes co-operated.
Financial depression made many people
willing to try a new policy. Some be-
lieved that it was possible to get rich
not only by the old-fashioned ways of
working and saving, but by a new patent
according to which everybody would take
from everybody, and yet nobody be any the
poorer. Then, with the debt and expendi-
ture of the Dominion increasing and the
revenue decreasing, we had the unpleasant
fact of annual deficits to face. Since the
formation of the Dominion its debt has
nearly doubled, and at the present rate of
increase it will soon be equal per head of
population to yours, with the important dif-
ferences that in the United States the debt is
becoming smaller, while the revenue shows
558
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
remarkable elasticity, whereas in the Do-
minion prospective liabilities are indefinite,
and revenue can be increased only by fresh
taxes. Neither of the two political parties
proposed to diminish expenditure, and as
additional revenue had to be raised, a cry
for re-adjustment of taxation, with the object
of fostering native industries, could plead a
solid basis of necessity as a justification.
Two other causes co-operated. In this, as in
all the other important steps taken by them
in political development, Canadians have
been greatly influenced by the example of
the United States. Half a century ago, the
spectacle of a people on the other side of
what is only a "line," self-reliant, self-govern-
ing and prosperous, had much to do with
determining us to have a government re-
sponsible to ourselves. Again, the national
spirit evoked in the United States during
the civil war influenced us toward confed-
eration. We saw on a grand scale that,
where the dollar had been called almighty,
national sentiment was mightier. Cana-
dians, with such an example before them,
could hardly help feeling that they must rise
above pett provincialism, and aim at being
a nation. In the same way, they felt that if
a protectionist policy was good for you, it
must be good for them. They are quite
sure that, whether you can do other things
or not, you can do business, and that you
seldom get the worst of a bargain. Cer-
tainly, if imitation be the sincerest flattery,
they ought to get the credit of being your
greatest admirers. Along with the feeling
that it would be wise to imitate, was a sore-
ness begotten of the fact that they had tried
to charm you into free trade or reciprocity,
and had failed. You would not reciprocate
their semi-free-trade attitude. The Cana-
dian manufacturer waxed angry, and even
the farmer became irritated. The manufac-
turer saw that if he established himself on one
side of the line, he had forty-four millions of
customers, and if on the other side he hac
only four millions ; and, still worse, that his
rival, who had forty millions as a special mar
ket, could afford to " slaughter" him who had
no special market at all. And the farme
felt that his neighbors would 'not likely tax
his grain unless it was their interest to do so
and argued accordingly that it must be fo
his interest to tax their grain as much a:
they taxed his. As a matter of fact, sue]
notions influenced the average bucolic mind
Besides, there is a certain satisfaction t<
human nature to hit back, even though i
may injure rather than benefit. Nation
lave not got yet beyond the spirit of the
ewish code of an eye for an eye, and a
ooth for a tooth. Perhaps few have got so
ar. Another cause that made the pro-
posal of a national policy popular was the
distinctively Canadian spirit that is growing
tronger every year. Men in whom this
pirit is strong believe that each country must
egislate entirely with a view to its own
nterests; and that if Great Britain found
ree trade beneficial, and the United States
bund protection necessary, Canada might
hid a mixture of the two best adapted to its
special position. These men were irritated
at the patronizing language too often used by
British newspapers, and at the inconsistent
anguage of politicians of the Manchester
school, who with one breath declare the
colonies useless to the Empire, and with the
icxt express amazement that they should
Dresume to understand their own business
and to act independently in fiscal matters.
The changes recently made in the tariff
will have, at least, the one effect of teach-
ing all concerned that • Canada, like the
mother-country itself, studies what it con-
siders its own interests, and does so in the
faith that what benefits it most will in the
long run benefit the Empire most. Any
other relationship in fiscal matters between
Canada and the rest of the Empire must be
matter of special agreement. Until such is
come to, the present relationship of commer-
cial independence must continue.
It is interesting to note how the countries
most concerned have taken this change of
fiscal policy on our part. You, on the
whole, have recognized our right to cut
our coat according to our cloth and accord-
ing to our fancy. You have been accus-
tomed to do so yourselves, and must have
wondered at our entertaining the question,
" Will other countries be offended if we act
as if we were no longer in a state of com-
mercial pupilage?" But Manchester has
scolded as it never scolded before. Mr.
John Bright declares that our present trade
policy is not only injurious to the inhabitants
of the Dominion,— poor children who cannot
take care of themselves, — but that, " if per-
sisted in, it will be fatal to its connection
with the mother country." There is the
shop-keeper's last word to his pastor—" If you
don't deal at my shop, I will leave the
church." If the life of man could be sum-
med up in the one duty of buying in the
cheapest and selling in the dearest market,
a change in the Canadian tariff might break
up that wonderful thing called the British
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
559
Empire. But only Manchester thinks so
and Manchester is not the Empire. You
are far more guilty of the deadly heresy of
protection than we. But of you, Mr. Bright
writes more in sorrow than in anger. Of
us, always more in anger than in sorrow.
Whether the change in our trade policy
will prove beneficial to the Canadian peo-
ple, or the reverse, I will not predict ; but it
is safe to say that in spirit it will be con-
tinued henceforth, except in so far as it may
be modified by treaties. There is now on
our statute-book a resolution to the effect
that, as you lower duties on our products,
we will lower duties on yours. We thus
hold out the flag of peace. But the tend-
ency of the present state of things is not
only to hamper free intercourse between
two peoples who should be one for all pur-
poses of internal communication, but to
build up new walls between them. The
longer men build at these the higher they
make them, until, at length, important in-
terests in Canada will be opposed to every
form of reciprocity.
Besides, the treaty of Washington did not
settle the fishery question. And surely the
time for a satisfactory settlement has come.
All the points in dispute, the question of
headlands and bays especially, are as much
in dispute as ever. After 1883, when the
present term of occupation for which you
have paid us terminates, they will crop up
again. The responsibility rests upon you
as it is your turn to take the initiative.
The commercial relations of Canada are
simple and easily understood. Our trade
is pretty much confined to three countries, —
the United States, Great Britain and the
West Indies. The commercial capital is
Montreal. A walk in spring or autumn
along the massive stone wharfage that lines
the glorious river, flowing oceanward with
the tribute of half a continent, is sufficient
to show its unrivaled facilities for trade. A
dozen lines of ocean-going steamships are
taking in cargo, and improvements are pro-
jected to afford indefinite expansion for
others. But Montreal has the great disad-
vantage of a long winter to contend against.
The contrast between October and January
is the contrast between life and death.
Quays, docks, sheds and everything else up
to the revetment wall have been wiped out.
The ice-covered river has risen to the level
of the lowest streets, and an unbroken ex-
panse of ice and snow stretches up and
down and across to the opposite side.
Business has fled, except that which keen
curlers delight in, with the thermometer at
20° below zero. In April, the ice begins
to groan, melt and shove. Everything that
resists has to yield to the irresistible pres-
sure, and, therefore, everything had been
removed in time. Huge cakes pile above
each other, and, as the river rises, the lower
parts of the city are often completely inun-
dated. Scarcely has the ice commenced to
move, when the laborers are at work fitting
the sections of sheds, clearing the railway
track, and putting the wharves in order for
the spring work. The channels of trade
open, and life throbs again in all the arteries
of the city.
Montreal abounds in contrasts. No-
where else in America are past and present
to be seen so close to each other. Landing
near the Bonsecours Market, from the
steamer in which you have run the Lachine
Rapids, everything speaks of nineteenth-
century life and rush. You have just passed
under the Victoria bridge, one of the great-
est monuments of modern engineering skill,
and steamers are ranged along the extensive
wharfage as far as the eye reaches. But
go up the lane leading to the quaint, rusty-
looking Bonsecours church, hard by, and at
once you find yourself in the seventeenth
century. A small image of the Virgin,
standing on the gable nearest the river,
points out the church, which otherwise
would be scarcely distinguishable from the
ruck of old buildings built all around and'
on it. Pass the queer little eating-houses
and shops, thrown out like buttresses from
the walls of the church, and turn in from the
busy market to say a prayer. The peasants
who have come to market deposit their
baskets of fish, fruit or poultry at the door,
and enter without fear of anything being
stolen while they are at their devotions; or
sailors, returned from a voyage, are bringing
with them an offering to her who they be-
lieve succored them when they prayed, in
time of peril, on the sea. Inside, you can
scarce believe you are in America, — you are
in some ancient town in Brittany or South
Germany, where the parish church has not
yet been desecrated by upholstery or mod-
ern improvements. The building, and every-
thing in and about it, the relievos on the
walls, the altar, the simple but exquisite
antique pulpit, are a thousand times more
interesting than the huge, stiff towers of
Notre Dame and the profusion of tawdry
gilt and color inside, which everybody goes
to see, while not one in a hundred has
heard of the Bonsecours church. The
56°
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
cathedral and the Jesuits' church are loudly
modern ; but the Bonsecours — though the
old church was burnt in 1754 — takes us back
to the past, and reminds us of Marguerite
Bourgeoys, who laid the foundation-stones
more than two centuries ago. The Baron
de Fancamp gave her a small image of the
Virgin, endowed with miraculous virtue, on
condition that a chapel should be built for
its reception in Montreal. Gladly she re-
ceived the precious gift and carried it out
to Canada. As enthusiastically, the people
of Montreal seconded an undertaking which
would bring such a blessing to the city.
From that day, many a wonderful deliver-
ance has been attributed to our Lady of
Gracious Help. No wonder that the de-
vout French sailor, as he goes up and down
the river, looks out for the loved image and
utters a prayer to Mary as it comes in sight.
From the Bonsecours (the first stone
church built on the island), a short walk
along St. Paul street (the street that consti-
tuted the city at first) leads to Jacques Car-
tier Square, where Nelson stands with his
back to the water — the first time he ever
stood in such a position, as an old salt
grumbled when he saw the monument.
Passing around the corner to the magnifi-
cent new City Hall and the old Government
House opposite, where Benjamin Franklin
set up a newspaper with the remark that, if
Canada was to be Americanized, it would
.be only through the printing-press, a semi-
subterranean smithy suddenly arrests your
attention. The sight and the sounds are so
unexpected in such a center that you look
down. Through the horses, carters, and
rows of horse-shoes hanging from the low
roof, you see that the modern blacksmith
has taken possession of one of the old,
strongly built, arched vaults where the Gov-
ernment long ago kept its archives and
other valuables. Here, too, the past and
the present are clasping hands, for the
current of life, running more strongly, has
the same color and direction as in Franklin's
day. The French tongue is universally
spoken, and the ultramontane, conversing
with his compatriots, still speaks of English-
men in Canada as foreigners.
The west end is altogether another city.
Formerly some of the best French families
lived here, but gradually they moved away
to the east end, drawn by the influences of
race, religion, traditions and sympathies.
The splendid mansions on Sherbrooke street
are occupied by English and Scotch mer-
chants ; and the Windsor is an American
hotel after the best model. But, go where
you will in Montreal, it is not possible to
forget that you are in a Roman Catholic
city. A group from the Seminary ; a proces-
sion of Christian Brothers ; a girls' school out
for a walk, with softly treading nuns quietly
guiding them ; a church near the Windsor
silently taking form in imitation of St Peter's;
the Hotel Dieu; the enormous and ever-grow-
ing establishment of the "Sceurs Crises,"
who care for every form and class of suffer-
ing humanity, from helpless foundlings to
helpless second childhood; — thus by match-
lessly organized bands, in medieval garb,
shaping the lives of the boys and girls, and
by stone and lime on a scale that Protest-
antism never attempts, Rome everywhere
declares herself, and claims Montreal as her
own.
Toronto considers itself the intellectual
capital of Canada, grudgingly acknowledg-
ing Ottawa and Montreal as, in the mean-
time, the political and commercial centers.
University College is a noble building, and
respectably endowed. The act of confeder-
ation left education in the hands of the
respective Provinces, and as there is no uni-
formity in laws or practice, a separate article
would be needed to do justice to the sub-
ject. The general principles of the educa-
tional system of Ontario and the maritime
Provinces are those that prevail in the
United States. All public schools are free,
are supported chiefly by local rates, and the
rate-payers elect trustees to manage the
schools. The main difference between the
Provinces which I have specified, is that in
Ontario education is not only free but — if
the bull be permitted — compulsory, and that
Roman Catholics who desire to establish
separate schools with their rates may do so
where they are strong enough to support
them. In such localities, the school-rates of
those who desire a separate school are col-
lected for that purpose, and those schools
share in the Legislative grant in proportion
to their attendance. In the Province of
Quebec, the religious principle divides the
public schools into two classes still more
markedly. A council of public instruction
appointed by the Provincial Government is
divided into two committees, — the one with
certain powers so far as schools for Roman
Catholics are ' concerned, the other with
similar powers over the Protestant schools.
Local boards are constituted on the same
principle of division according to religion,
but as in most parishes there is only the one
church, and the masses are devout and sub-
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
PARLIAMENT BUILDINGS. OTTAWA.
missive, the schools are practically in the
hands of the hierarchy. Their condition is
far from being satisfactory, except in the
principal cities, where co-ordinate boards
exist side by side and where enough of
wholesome rivalry exists to insure a meas-
ure of excellence.
In Montreal, the system, so far as the Prot-
estant community is concerned, is as perfect
as in the best cities of Ontario, the course from
the common schools to the University being
open to all, and free the whole way up to every
promising scholar. While elementary schools
have always been defective in quality and
quantity in Quebec Province, it is otherwise
as regards provision for the higher kinds of
VOL. XX.— 37.
A MONTREAL WHARF IN JUNK.
562
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
elementary and collegiate education. Clas-
sical, industrial, commercial and theological
colleges are to be found in every center, con-
nected with one or other of the various
educational communities that the church
encourages, and with every Bishop's see. In
these institutions the children of the best
families and promising boys obtain an educa-
tion which, though neither comprehensive in
range, nor scientific in method and spirit,
equips them fairly for their proposed work in
life, and enables them to appear to advantage
in the world and in Parliament. The French
members of the legislature are a better aver-
age in point of education than the English.
rate work ; and when Dr. Dawson became
principal it got something better than money.
Education in Canada is left to the respect-
ive Provinces. Religion, except in Quebec
Province, where the church of Rome reigns
over homogeneous masses of submissive
children and enjoys a semblance of State
Churchism, is left to the individual. With us,
as with you, the fruits of individualism are
seen in the multiplication of sects, and in the
keen rivalry existing between them that leads
to the erection of half a dozen churches, and
the genteel starvation of half a dozen minis-
ters, in almost every village. It is instructive
to note the different outcome of the principles
A MONTREAL WHARF IN MARCH.
They are certainly their superiors in preci-
sion and elegance of language. In found-
ing institutions for higher education, the
Protestants of Quebec have not shown as
much liberality in proportion to their wealth
as the Roman Catholics. The rich Mon-
treal merchants, who have built palatial resi-
dences for themselves by the hundred at the
foot of the mountain, have done compara-
tively little even for McGill College. The
Scotchman who founded it more than half
a century ago built for himself a monument
more lasting than brass ; but few of his fel-
low-citizens have been animated by his spirit.
But with scanty means McGill has done first-
of Protestantism in Germany, in Great
Britain, and on this side of the Atlantic.
We see how the same fundamental princi-
ples are modified by the character of peoples
and by their historical developments. In
Germany an almost boundless liberty of
thought in theology is allowed within the
church. The results of scholarship, and
theories on the results, are published withoul
fear of consequences, while in outward things
the church is bound hand and foot, and
works simply as the Government's moral
police. There is no dissent to speak of,
The church represents whatever spiritual
force there has been, or is, in each kingdom
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
OPEN-AIR MARKET.
or duchy; and the churches to-day are
geographically and in all outward things,
about as the peace of Westphalia left them,
though the state of theological opinion varies
with every generation.
In Great Britain the established churches
enjoy more outward liberty, and allow less
liberty of thought than in Germany ; they
include great varieties of theological opin-
ion, but this is made ground of serious
reproach against them by vigorous dissent-
ing organizations that constitute an import-
ant element in the spiritual life of the
nation. There are religious circles in Eng-
land and in Scotland, that assume that the
church ought to be based on peculiarities of
dogma, ritual and discipline, and not on the
broad principles of Christianity, and that
anything like breadth is inconsistent with
moral and spiritual earnestness. In Canada,
as in the United States, no Protestant church
has any official recognition or advantage
above another, and our boundless liberty of
organization has led to the formation of
sects representing every variety of opinion.
Astonishing outward religious zeal and clat-
tering activity has been generated by our
" fair field and no favor " plan. Each sect
feels that, if it is active enough, the whole
country may be won over to its side. Half
a dozen zealous men, or half the number of
zealous women, will build a church, with a
mortgage on it, probably, and engage a
minister who well knows that, whether he
quickens spiritual life or not, " those pews
must be filled." A competition among
ministers is insured, in which the sensitive
and honorable often come off second best.
People who have made large money sacri-
fices for the sect are not inclined to be-
564
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
OLD BONSECOURS CHURCH, FROM THE RIVER.
little its peculiarities. The sect is " the
cause," and the cause is the Lord's. The
old idea of the church as the visible body of
Christ, including all who are professedly His,
and all who are animated by His spirit, is
lost. A church is merely a club, with its
well-defined constitution and by-laws. If
you think outside of these, you must leave
the club, and form or join another, or live
without connection with any club ecclesi-
astical. That our condition of things is
favorable to the development of sects is
undoubted. Whether, notwithstanding the
advantage of free church government, it is
more favorable to the growth of true religion
than even the condition of things in Ger-
many, may be doubted. The German army
marched in the last war to the tunes of
popular hymns as often as of patriotic songs.
Their serried ranks swung into Metz singing
a grand old hymn dear to the heart of every
true son of fatherland. Would or could a
British or American army do likewise ? But
the church of the future has not taken shape
yet, in the old nor in the new world.
In Canada, there is little theological
scholarship and less speculation. I am not
acquainted with a Canadian author or vol-
ume known in Europe, so far as these de-
partments of literature are concerned. It
may be that the churches have too much
rough missionary work on their hands to
give their strength to scholarship; or that
the conditions of things in the churches
do not encourage independent . thinking ;
or that nineteenth-century mental and
spiritual inquietude has not yet influenced
the Canadian mind. The people generally
are attached to Puritan and evangelical
theology, and possess much of the old
robust faith. They contribute with extra-
Ordinary liberality to build churches, and,
according to their means, to support the
ministry. The trouble is that in many
places they have too varied a ministry to
support. Many of our ecclesiastical edifices,
notably the Anglican cathedrals of Frederic-
ton and Montreal, and the Scottish (St
Andrew's) churches of Montreal and To-
ronto, are as perfect specimens of architec-
ture, after their kind, as could be desired.
Robust health characterizes the Cana-
dians, not only religiously but from whatevei
point of view you look at them,
world has no finer oarsmen than those ol
Halifax, St. John and Lake Ontario. f.
look at the crowds who throng the fain
held every autumn near the chief centers
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
565
or at the army of the Ottawa-river lumber-
men, or at our volunteer reviews, is enough
to show that they " bulk largely in the fore-
front of humanity." That they preserve the
military spirit of their ancestors recent in-
stances evidence. On the occasion of the
last Fenian raid, companies of militia, sup-
posed from their muster-rolls to represent
ten thousand men, were called out. Mak-
ing allowances for absentees, cases of sick-
ness and other causes, a total of eight
thousand were expected to appear at the
rendezvous. Instead of eight or ten, four-
teen thousand actually presented themselves.
The explanation is that clothing is issued to
the companies every third year. As, new
men take the place of those who from year
to year drop out, the company is main-
tained at the regular rate; but, in every
district, members whose names are not re-
tained on the rolls keep their uniforms.
When there was a prospect of service, these
oldsters flocked to the standard and com-
panies appeared with double their normal
strength. Two Irishmen were looking out
for a good point from which to see a
steeple-chase. " Mike," exclaimed one, as
they came to the worst-looking ditch,
" here's the spot for us ; there's likely to
be a kill here, if anywhere." Our volun-
teers are as eager to be in at the death as if
they were all Irish. Four years ago, the
Government established a military college
at Kingston, on the model of Woolwich
and West Point, for training officers. As
we have no standing army, it looked like a
case of putting the cart before the horse,
and "they" said that young men would
not attend when no prospects of future em-
ployment were held out. But young men
of the best class are eager to attend. The
institution is well officered and has about
a hundred cadets. I do not know what
examination is required before entering
West Point, but the standard at Kingston
is lower than at Woolwich. The duty of
Xself-defense has been imposed by the im-
perial government on Canada, as part of a
predetermined policy, and the duty has
been cheerfully assumed. This is simply
another step taken in the course of our de-
velopment from political nonage to the full
responsibilities of maturity, and, like all the
previous steps, each of which was thought
dangerous at the time, it has had the effect
of binding Canada more firmly to the Em-
pire. The opponents of responsible govern-
tnent declared that it meant the creation
of several little provincial republics. The
opponents of confederation argued that it
involved separation from the Empire'. When
Great Britain withdrew her regiments from
the inland Provinces, and sold or shipped
off even the sentry-boxes, people on both
sides of the water asserted that this, at any
rate, meant the dissolution of the Empire.
And when a change is made in our tariff, or
when an official has his salary diminished,
Cassandras all around prophesy that this must
lead to separation. Yet Canada is more in
love with the old flag to-day than ever, and
though the general commanding bitterly
complains that the militia vote is always
the one most easily reduced, the real reason
is not indifference, but a sense of security.
Some companies of mounted police to pro-
tect and watch the Indians in the North-
west, two batteries of artillery stationed
respectively at Kingston and Quebec, and
an effective militia of 40,000, — the whole
costing about one million dollars a year, —
constitute the present war power of the
Dominion. In case of need the militia
PULPIT IN OLD BONSECOURS CHURCH.
566
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
CHRISTIAN BROTHERS AT THE GATE OF THE SEMINARY OF ST. SULPICE.
could be increased indefinitely. The war-
like spirit of the people and their sympathy
with the mother-country were shown two
years ago, when the Eastern question
seemed likely to culminate in war with
Russia. Though it's a far cry from Canada to
Constantinople, ten thousand of the militia
volunteered for service, and had war broken
out, their offer would have been accepted.
And what as to the probable future of
this " Canada of ours " ? The preceding
articles indicate the point of view from
which I am likely to regard such a ques-
tion. Attempts have been made to enlist
popular sympathy in favor of schemes of
independence, annexation, Britannic con-
federation and the like, but in vain. None
of these schemes has ever risen to the dig-
nity of the hustings Or the ballot-box. They
have all been still-born. No interest has
been taken in them by the people. Cana-
dians, like all liberty-loving people, are keen
politicians. In this respect we err by ex-
cess rather than defect. We have too
much politics. Our press takes up nothing
else heartily. Give a practical question,
and the country will ring with it to the ex-
clusion of almost everything else. Let a
statesman propose to the people a remedy
for one of the evils of their present consti-
tution or condition, such as sectionalism or
over-government, and they will deal with it in-
telligently. But they calmly ignore fancypoli-
tics. And just as a healthy man does not
know that he has a stomach, so the best sign
of their robust political health is that eloquent
writers cannot persuade them that their pres-
ent condition involves serious dangers, and
that something dreadful will happen unless
they tack, or back, or do something heroic.
Some years ago the Canada First party
was supposed to favor independence, but
they rid themselves of the imputation, and
the common sense of the people rejected
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
567
the scheme before it was formulated. To
break our national continuity! Did any
people ever do that in cold blood ? To
face the future with a population of four
millions scattered over half a continent,
whereas we now belong to an empire of
two or three hundred millions ! Would we
be stronger in case of war, or more respected
in time of peace ? Would we govern our-
selves more purely or economically, or
would there be more avenues of distinction
-open to our young men ?
Mr. Goldwin Smith, who formerly advo-
cated independence, believes that annex-
ation is inevitable. Mr. Smith's literary
ability is so marked that everything he
writes is widely read; but in his estimate
of the forces at work he has never taken
full account of the depth and power of
popular sentiment. One of his phrases
indicates that he could understand if he
would. Referring to extravagant English
eulogies on Lord Dufferin, he remarked
that Lord Dufferin had as much to do with
creating Canadian loyalty, as with creating
the current of the St. Lawrence. The illus-
tration is a happy one. The force of the
most deeply seated sentiment, like that of
a mighty river, is seen only where some-
thing opposes itself to the current. Cotton
is king, it used to be said. Every one
thought so, but when action was taken
accordingly, a kinglier power made light of
cotton. Sentiment is the strongest thing in
human nature. It binds the family and
nation together, and rules the world. Where
true and deep sentiment exists, everything
is possible. " But see how — as in your trade
policy — sentiment gives way to business
considerations," it has been said. It does
not give way. A more vulgar fallacy was
never put in words. Because a bank man-
A MONTREAL STREET IN WINTER.
568
THE DOMINION OF CANADA.
A FLEET OF WOOD BARGES ON THE ST. LAWRENCE.
ager refuses to give special accommodation
to his father, is he necessarily unfilial ?
Canadians are willing to entertain any pro-
posals that the mother-country may make
with regard to closer political and commer-
cial relations. These must be, not on the
old basis of dependence, but on the present
basis of equality. And such proposals may
be made before long. If not, why then a
century or two hence we may set up house
for ourselves. In the meantime, we give
affection for affection, and share the fortunes
of the mother-country and the dangers of
our connection with her.
Toward the United States there is no
feeling in Canada but friendship, and a de-
sire for increased intercourse of every kind.
It is not our fault that there are so many
custom-houses on the frontier lines. But,
were there no other reasons, the one consid-
eration that puts annexation totally out of
the question with us is that it involves the
possibility of our having to fight some day
against Great Britain. I dislike to suggest
such an unnatural possibility. The sugges-
tion would be criminal in any other con-
nection. But my object now is to go down
to the ultimate basis on which our present
relations rest. It is easy to declare that
such a contingency is impossible. Improb-
able ! yes. But impossible ! no ; as long as
Great Britain and the United States remain
separate, and human nature is human nature.
Therefore, annexation is an impossibility to
us until the grander scheme outlined by our
Joseph Howe can be carried into effect,—
namely, some kind of alliance or league of
all the English-speaking peoples. That
would be a consummation worth hoping for,
worth praying for as men used to pray. It
would be the first step to the " federation
of the world."
" Then let us pray that come it may,
As come it will, for a' that —
That men to men the world o'er
Shall brothers be, and a' that."
PETER THE GREAT.
569
PETER THE GREAT. VI.*
BY EUGENE SCHUYLER.
PETER AT THE TROITSA MONASTERY RECEIVING THE DEPUTATIONS OF THE STRELTSI.
CHAPTER XXI.
THE FINAL STRUGGLE BETWEEN
AND PETER.
SOPHIA
THIS unfortunate campaign of Galitsyn
was the turning point in the struggle between
the aristocratic party and the Government
of Sophia. The boyars had gradually been
getting stronger, and had* even succeeded in
forcing their way to power and preferment.
One of the Naryshkins had been made a
boyar shortly before. The gravamen of any
charge against Sophia was that she had
made herself the equal of her brothers, the
Tsars, by assuming the title of Autocrat, in
commemoration of the peace with Poland. So
long as her government had been successful,
this assumption might have been permitted,
but now that two campaigns had shown the
weakness and inefficiency of the regency, now
that the aristocratic party was strong enough
to take matters into its own hands, this
could be used as an accusation against her.
(This was foreseen by others, if not by Galit-
syn himself, and even as early as April Van
Keller had written to Holland: "If the
campaign against the Tartars shall be no
more successful than the last, there will
probably be a general rebellion," saying, at
the same time, that he dared not write much
lest his letters should be opened.
Another point of accusation against
Sophia, although at this time it was not
proved that there was anything criminal in
her design, was her desire to have herself
crowned as Empress and Autocrat. In point
of fact, in August, 1687, Shaklovity had
endeavored to persuade the Streltsi to
petition the Tsars for the coronation of the
Regent. This, however, was such an un-
heard-of thing that the Streltsi received the
proposition coldly, and no more was done
at that time. The next year the idea was
revived, and, after the end of the first
Crimean campaign, a Russian, or rather, a
Polish artist from Tchernigof, named Tar-
asevitch, engraved a portrait of Sophia,
together with her brothers, and also a por-
trait of Sophia alone, with crown, scepter
and globe ; her full title as Grand Duchess
and Autocrat encircled the portrait and
Copyright, 1880, by Eugene Schuyler. All rights reserved.
57°
PETER THE GREAT.
about this, in the style of the portraits of the
German Emperors, were placed, instead of the
portraits of the Electors, the symbolic figures
of the seven cardinal virtues of Sophia. The
monk Sylvester Meclvedief composed an
inscription in verse of twenty-four lines, in
which the Princess was declared to be the
equal and superior of the Babylonian Semira-
mis, of Elizabeth of England, and of the Greek
Pulcheria. Copies of these portraits were
printed on satin, on silk and on paper, and
were distributed in Moscow. None now
exist. One impression was sent to Amster-
dam, to the Burgomaster Nicholas Witsen,
with the request that he would have the in-
scription and titles translated into Latin and
German, and a new portrait engraved in
Holland, for distribution in Europe. Copies
of this engraving reached Russia just before
the fall of Sophia, and were nearly all
destroyed by order of Peter, so that now it
is the greatest rarity among Russian histori-
cal portraits. Two copies only are known
to exist.
A sketch of Sophia, written by De Neu-
ville in this very year, 1689, will perhaps
assist us in forming a more accurate idea of
her:
" Her mind and her great ability bear no relation
to the deformity of her person, as she is immensely
fat, with a head as large as a bushel, hairs on her
face and tumors on her legs, and at least forty years
old. But in the same degree that her stature is
broad, short and coarse, her mind is shrewd, unpre-
judiced and full of policy."
An incident which occurred about the
time of the return of Galitsyn shows, in a
measure, the position of affairs at Moscow
about this time. On the i8th of July — the
festival of the miraculous appearance of the
Picture of the Virgin of Kazan — there was a
procession from the Kremlin to the Kazan
Cathedral, founded by Prince Pozharsky, in
commemoration of the delivery of Moscow
from the Poles, in which the Tsars usually
took part. The Regent Sophia appeared
in the Cathedral of the Assumption with her
two brothers, just as she had done in pre-
ceding years. On the conclusion of the
liturgy, Peter, in consequence of a remark
of one of his counsellors, approached his
sister and ordered her not to walk in the
procession. This was an open declaration
of war. To prevent Sophia from appearing
in public at a state ceremony, as she had
done during her whole regency, meant to
remove her from the conduct of public
business. She accepted the declaration but
refused to obey the command. She took
from the Metropolitan the Picture of th
Virgin, and walked after the crosses an
banners. Peter angrily left the processior
went for a moment into the Cathedral c
St. Michael the Archangel, and immediatel
afterward left Moscow and went to h:
villa at Kolomenskoe.
The tension of the two parties was no
very great, and, as always in such case
private individuals loudly expressed the
grievances, their hopes and their fear
Such irresponsible utterances were natural!
exaggerated by rumor, and each party w;
-convinced that the other was threatenir
and had an intention of attacking it. E:
tracts from Gordon's diary give us son
slight idea of the feeling then prevaler
On the yth of August, he writes : " Thin]
continue to have a bad look, as they pror
ised to do on Saturday." On the gtl
" The heat and bitterness are even great
and it appears that they will soon bra
out." On the i6th he mentions "rumo
unsafe to be uttered." Both parties natural
took up a defensive position. Whatev
might be their suspicions of the motives ai
intentions of their opponents, it was saf<
with the forces at their disposal, to meet i
attack than to make one, and at the same tir
the moral effect was stronger. What excu
could Peter have to attack his elder broth
and his sister in the Kremlin while
would be very difficult to get even the Stn
tsi to assist in an attack on Preobrazhensk}
They still had too much respect for the p<
son of the Lord's anointed, and remember
too well the consequences of the riots
1682. In such a situation, as every where, be
parties were on their guard, and both w€
suspicious. As when Sophia, in August, i6£
went to visit Peter at Preobrazh£nsky,
the occasion of the benediction of t
river Yauza, she took with her three hu
dred Streltsi to guard against any sudd
attack of his guards, so now on St. Ann
day, when Peter was expected at the Kre
lin to visit his aunt the Princess Anne, at t
Ascension Convent, Shaklovity posted fi
men in a concealed place near the R
Staircase, to be ready for an emergen<
The Princess Anne had long been an im
lid and was greatly loved and respect
by the whole Imperial family, especia
by Peter. Peter came from Kolomensk<
remained several hours with his aunt a
went away to Preobrazhensky, and th<
was no need of alarm. Nevertheless,
needed but a spark to cause a general <
plosion and it was not long before it came.
PETER THE GREAT.
•3
THE OFFENDING PICTURE OF SOPHIA BY TARASEVITCH, WITH THE INSCRIPTION BY SYLVESTER MEDVEDIEF.
In order to strengthen her position,
icphia took whatever occasion offered to
ound the Streltsi, and to urge them to be
ithful to her side in case of a conflict.
[eeting some Streltsi in the church of the
lantle of the Virgin, she said : " Can we
ndure it any longer ? Our life is already
urdensome through Boris Galitsyn and
•eo Naryshkin. They have had the room
~ our brother, the Lord Ivan Alexeievitch,
Jed up with firewood and shavings, and they
ave desired to cut off the head of Prince
asil Galitsyn who has done much good.
He made peace with Poland and had suc-
cesses on the Don ; and it is for his very
successes that they hate him. Do not
abandon us. May we depend upon you ?
If we are unnecessary, my brother and I
will take refuge in a monastery."
"Your will be done, O lady," they
replied; and for their acclamation they
received a present of money. It was by
speeches of this kind and frequent gifts,
that Sophia attempted to maintain an
authority and influence which she felt to be
gradually declining. Prince Basil Galitsyn,
572
PETER THE GREAT.
who was always averse to taking decided
measures, remained quiet, assisted Sophia
with his advice, but opposed any plans of
open attack on the party of boyars who
surrounded Peter, and thought it best to
await events. Shaklovity was much more
decided. He held frequent meetings with
those Streltsi in whom he had the greatest
confidence, and was unsparing in his
denunciations of the party of Peter. While
not absolutely inciting any attempt against
Peter himself, he constantly suggested the
possibility of doing away with Prince Boris
Galitsyn and Leo Naryshkin, and sending
the Tsaritsa Natalia into a convent or
otherwise getting rid of her. In order
to encourage his supporters, he professed
the greatest contempt for the boyars of
the opposite party, calling them all " withered
apples."
On the i yth of August, Sophia ordered a
small, body of Streltsi to come armed to
the Kremlin, in order to accompany her
on a pilgrimage she intended making to
the Donskoy Monastery. They were to
be armed because, in a similar pilgrimage
which she had made a few days before to
another convent, a man had been killed in
the neighborhood shortly before her arrival.
OUR LADY OF KAZAN.
After these arrangements were made,
placard or anonymous letter, was broug
to the palace, stating that on that very nig]
the guards from Preobrazhensky would ma
an attack on the Kremlin. Apparently, ]
inquiry was made into the origin of this 1<
ter, and it may possibly have been invent
by Shaklovity, or one of his men, for t
purpose of giving an excuse for a larg
collection of Streltsi. Still, in the positii
of affairs, it is very natural that Sophia w
rendered uneasy, even by anonymous 1<
ters, and that she took what, under the c
cumstanceSjWere very necessary precautior
Shaklovity thereupon collected many me
Streltsi, part of them inside the Kremli
others in the old town, and others still
the Lubianka Place, outside the wall, in t
direction of Preobrazhensky. Orders we
also given that the gates of the Kreml
should be closed all night, and that in futu
a rope should be tied to an alarm bell of t
Cathedral, so that it could be pulled frc
the palace, and Shaklovity with sevei
officers, came to the Kremlin and slept ;
night in the banqueting hall. The ordf
for the assemblage of Streltsi in the o
town, and on the Lubianka, were not ace
rately carried out. There was much ridii
to and fro, and consequently gre
confusion, as no one knew t
exact reasons for their assembliri
and Shaklovity did not considei
necessary to inform them. Th
were there to wait for orders,-
that was enough. Some explain*
that they were there to prote
the Kremlin against an attai
from Preobrazhensky, while othe
thought they were to mar*
that night against the Naryshk
party.
In Preobrazhensky there w
also much excitement in cons
quence of the rumors broug
there from Moscow. Many <
Peter's adherents had gone the
during the day and many of the
had remained there during tl
night, but no measures of preca
tion seem to have been taken ar
there was no apprehension of i
immediate attack. During tl
night Plestcheief, one of Petei
chamberlains, brought a dispatc
to the Kremlin. It was on currei
routine business and had nothir
to .do with the present circur
stances. In the disorder and excit
PETER THE GREAT.
573
ment which prevailed there, espe-
cially with numbers of soldiers
tired of waiting and .eager for the
melee to begin, this arrival was
wrongly interpreted, and one of the
Streltsi named Gladky seized on
Plestcheief, dragged him from his
horse, tore away his saber, beating him, and
after took him into the palace to Shaklovity.
Among the Streltsi, and even among the
confidants of Shaklovity, Prince Boris Galit-
syn and Leo Naryshkin had succeeded in
gaining over a number of men to serve
them as spies and give information of what
passed. With money, with promises, with
assurances that Peter would inevitably come
into power, and that in the end it would be
far more profitable to serve than to oppose
him, it was comparatively easy to obtain
tools. Seven men, the chief of whom was
the Lieutenant-Colonel Larion Yelisarof, had
orders to bring immediate information to
Preobrazhensky of any decisive step. Yel-
isarof, who had been given by Shaklovity
command of the forces stationed that night
on the Lubianka, met his fellow-conspirators,
compelled the sacristan to open the church
PETER WAS AWAKENED.
of St. Theodosius, and called up a priest,
when they all took solemn oath of mutual
fidelity and secrecy. On learning from one of
them who had been sent to the Kremlin to
see what was going on, that Plestcheief had
been pulled from his horse and beaten, they
apparently believed that the crisis had come,
and two of their number, Melnof and La-
dogin, rode at full speed to Preobrazhensky
to give notice of the murderous attack which
was being organized against Peter and his
mother. They arrived a little after mid-
night. Peter was awakened out of a sound
sleep and told to run for his life, as the
Streltsi were marching against him. In his
night-dress and bare-footed, he ran to the
stables, had a horse quickly saddled and
rode off to the nearest woods, where he
directed his companions to bring his clothes
as soon as possible. Dressing in the woods,
574
PETER THE GREAT.
he rode in haste to the neighboring village
of Alexe"ievo, and thence to the monastery of
Troitsa, where he arrived about six o'clock
in the morning, so weary that he had to be
lifted from his horse and put to bed. Burst-
ing into tears, he told the Abbot of his sad
fate and of the attack his sister was mak-
ing upon him. His mother, his wife and
his sister, attended by the boyars and the
guards of Preobrazhensky, arrived at Tr6'itsa
two hours later, and shortly after came the
Sukharef regiment of Streltsi, which was de-
voted to Peter, and to which Naryshkin and
Galitsyn had immediately sent marching
orders.
Meanwhile, if there had been any inten-
tion in the Kremlin — which is very doubt-
ful— of advancing on Preobrazhensky, it had
been given up, and no one there, except the
seven spies of Peter, knew of the message
sent to Preobrazhensky. Two hours before
daylight, the Princess Sophia went to matins
at the church of Our Lady of Kazan, ac-
companied by Shaklovity and many Streltsi.
Yelisarof himself was there, and to a re-
mark made by one of the scribes attending
Shaklovity, that it was unusual to have so
many Streltsi assembled in the Kremlin at
night, replied simply that it was unusual,
nothing of the kind having been done be-
fore. After matins, Sophia, turning to the
Streltsi who accompanied her, said : " Except
for my alarms and my precautions the guards
would have murdered all of us." On re-
turning from church, Shaklovity sent a
message to Prince Basil Galitsyn, tellir
him that the Princess wished to see hin
Galitsyn excused himself on the ground <
illness and remained at home. Very short
afterward, the messengers sent by Shal
lovity to watch on the road to Preobrazhei
sky for the movements of Peter's adherent
two of whom had been among those bougl
up by the Naryshkins, returned as if the
had faithfully performed their mission, an
reported that Peter had ridden away in tl
night, bare-footed, with nothing on but h
shirt, and that none knew whither he ha
fled. " He has plainly gone mad," sai
Shaklovity; "let him run." When Shal
lovity said this, it was very possible he di
not feel the full force of the effect of Peter
escape from his fictitious danger. But it di
not require a long reflection to show Soph
and her counsellors that a most decisive ste
had been taken. Sophia herself had show
the advantages of a refuge at Troitsa in tr.
affair with Prince Havansky. It would h
impossible to induce the Streltsi to marc
against a monastery of such sanctity i
Troitsa, and against their anointed rule
Peter would have the support of the coui
try at large, as Sophia had previously ha<
and would eventually be able to dictate h
own terms. The flight to Tr6'itsa had bee
prepared beforehand by Galitsyn and Na:
yshkin, and everything had been arrange
in view of an emergency. It was a gre<
coup cPetat, but it was only saved from bein
also a comedy by Peter's plain good faith,-
PETER THE GREAT,
575
by his manifest ignorance of the plans of
his friends, and by his evident fright when he
was told that an attack was imminent. Al-
though the flight had been arranged before-
hand,— although the information given by
Yelisarof and his companions of the ex-
pected attack was false, — we are not neces-
sarily to suppose that it was arranged for
this very night. The plan was that Peter
should escape to Troitsa whenever the emer-
gency made it necessary; and it was the
zeal of Yelisarof and his companions to earn
their reward which incited them to send
such startling news with such little founda-
tion. The struggle between the two parties
could no longer have been avoided, but it
might have been a struggle of a very differ-
ent character.
The next day, the nineteenth, Peter sent a
messenger to his brother and sister, inquiring
the reason of the great assemblage of Streltsi
in the Kremlin. The answer was that the
Streltsi were assembled for the simple purpose
of accompanying Princess Sophia to the
Donskdy Monastery. No other reason
could be given, for it was impossible to say
that the Streltsi were brought together in
apprehension of an attack. It was equally
natural that this answer was in the highest
degree unsatisfactory, and gave the party of
Peter additional strength, because it seemed
to every one equivocal. Immediately after-
ward, Peter sent a request for the presence
of Colonel Tsykler and fifty Streltsi. After
some hesitation, Tsykler was sent with fifty
men carefully selected from those who had
no knowledge of the affairs of the Govern-
ment. It subsequently became known that
this was a little intrigue of Tsykler, who had
been one of the chief men in the first revolt
of the Streltsi in May, 1682, and who, hop-
ing to win favor with Peter, who was strong
and whose claims seemed to be in the as-
cendant, had sent word by a friend to have
lim called to Troitsa. As soon as he arrived,
lie revealed all that he knew and gave in
writing copies of all secret orders which, to
tris knowledge, had been given to the Streltsi
and officers. Immediately afterward, Yelis-
arof, Melnof and others of Peter's spies
succeeded in making their way to Troitsa,
where they gave such information and made
such denunciation as they could. Sophia,
in particular trouble of mind, resolved to at-
tempt a reconciliation, and sent to Troitsa
Prince Ivan Troekurof, whose son was an
intimate friend of Peter, charging him to
persuade her brother to return to Moscow.
This was the only way of ending the quar-
rel honorably for her and of preserving some
semblance of power and dignity. Peter's
friends, however, saw that this was inadvis-
able for them, and that the advantages he
possessed by remaining at Troitsa he might
lose by being at Moscow. Troekurof re-
turned with neAvs by no means reassuring.
Immediately afterward, there followed writ-
ten orders from Peter to the colonel of each
regiment of the Streltsi and of the regular
soldiers, commanding him to make his ap-
pearance at Tr6itsa before the 3oth of Au-
gust, accompanied by ten of his men. These
orders were the subject of a council at the
Kremlin, and ultimately the picked men of
each regiment were called together and told
not to go to Tr6itsa, nor to meddle in the
dispute between Sophia and her brother.
The colonels still hesitated and said their
going to Tr<5itsa would make no difference
in the position of affairs. Sophia, hearing
of this, came out again and said very deci-
sively to the colonels that, if one of them at-
tempted to go to the Tr6itsa Monastery, he
would immediately lose his head. Prince
Galitsyn gave an absolute command to Gen-
eral Gordon not to leave Moscow on any
order or under any excuse. Next day, Peter
sent word to Ivan and Sophia that he had
sent for the officers of the Streltsi, and re-
quested that his orders should be complied
with. Prince Prosorofsky, the tutor of Ivan,
together with Peter's confessor, were sent to
Troitsa with instructions to give reasons
why the officers were not allowed to go, and
to make another attempt at conciliation.
They returned two days after, without hav-
ing been able to accomplish their mission,
and reports were spread through Moscow
that the orders for the journey of the col-
onels to Troitsa had been given without
the knowledge of the Tsar.
Shaklovity sent spies to Tr6itsa to ascer-
tain what was going on there. Some were
caught; those who returned brought him
anything but comforting intelligence. An
endeavor was then made to work on the
feelings of the wives and families of the
Streltsi, that they might induce those men
who were at Tr6itsa to return, especially the
soldiers of the Sukharef regiment. These
tentatives, however, were vain and more
and more people went to Troitsa every day.
Finally, Sophia persuaded the Patriarch to
go to Troitsa and try to bring about a rec-
onciliation. The Patriarch Joachim was
probably very ready to abandon the camp
of those who were actually his enemies.
Though he had supported the Government
576
PETER THE GREAT.
SOPHIA'S APPEAL TO HER PARTISANS.
of Sophia, he was by his family — the Sav£-
liefs — closely connected with the aristocratic
party and had never been in the most
cordial relations with Sophia's immediate
adherents. He especially hated Sylvester
Medve'dief, and had reasons for being sus-
picious of Shaklovity. As soon as he reach-
ed Tr6itsa he was shown the revelations of
the spies, and the confessions obtained by
torture from the prisoners, in which mention
was made of plots not only against the life
of Peter, but against his own. This con-
vinced him. He believed without further
inquiry, and remained in Tro'itsa, thus
openly taking the side of Peter. After a
few days' waiting, on the 6th of Septembe:
still more urgent letters were sent to Mo;
cow, addressed not only to the Streltsi, bx
also directly to the people, ordering th
immediate appearance at Tro'itsa of th
colonels and ten ot their men, together wit
deputies from each class of the populatioi
Disobedience was punishable with deatl
In the disturbed state of the city, agitate
by constant rumors, these letters produced
very great impression. It became apparer
that the Tr6'itsa party would be the wii
ners. A crowd of Streltsi, with five colonel
marched to Tro'itsa. They were receive
by the Tsar and the Patriarch, who state
PETER THE GREAT.
577
to them the results of the investigation into
the alleged plot, urged them to confess all
they knew, and promised them pardon.
The Streltsi with one voice affirmed their
allegiance to Peter's Government, disclaimed
any intention of insubordination, and denied
all knowledge of any plot or conspiracy.
Two men only accused Shaklovity of plots
against the Tsar.
Finally, Sophia resolved as a last effort
at conciliation, to go herself to Troitsa and
seek a personal explanation with her brother.
Taking with her an image of the Saviour,
she set out from Moscow on the 8th of
September, accompanied by Prince Basil
Galitsyn, Shaklovity, Nepluief and a guard
of Streltsi. She halted about eight miles
from Troitsa, in the village of Vodvizhen-
skoe, where Havansky had been executed,
and was met by the chamberlain, Ivan
Buturlm, with the order not to come
to the monastery. " I shall certainly go,"
replied Sophia, angrily, but afterward Prince
Troekurof appeared, with a threat from Peter
that, if she should be bold enough to come,
she would be treated as perhaps she might
not like. Disappointed and furious with
anger, Sophia immediately returned to Mos-
cow, which she reached on the night of the
nth September, and two hours before dawn
sent for the most faithful of her adherents.
Telling them of the insults she had received,
she said : " They almost shot me at Vodvi-
zhenskoe. Many people rode out after me
with arquebuses and bows. It was with
difficulty I got away, and I hastened to
Moscow in five hours. The Naryshkins
and the Lopukhins are making a plot to kill
the Tsar Ivan Alexeievitch, and are even
aiming at my head. I will collect the regi-
ments and will talk to them myself. You
obey us and do not go to Troitsa. I believe
you; whom should I believe rather than
you, O faithful adherents ! Will you also
run away ? Kiss the cross first," and So-
phia herself held out the cross for them to
kiss. " Now, if you run away," she added,
41 the life-giving cross will not let you go.
Whatever letters come from Troitsa, do not
read them ; bring them to the palace."
The same day, Colonel Ivan Netchaef
came from Troitsa to Moscow with letters,
'both to Ivan and to Sophia, containing an
official statement of the plot against Peter's
iife, and with a demand that Shaklovity,
the monk Sylvester Medvedief and other
accomplices should be immediately arrested
and sent to Troitsa for trial. This pro-
duced very great confusion in the palace
VOL. XX.— 38.
and general disturbance among the people.
Sophia asked Netchaef how he dared take
upon himself such a commission. He
answered that he did not dare to disobey
the Tsar. The Princess, in her rage,
ordered his head to be struck off at once, a
command which would probably have been
faithfully fulfilled had an executioner been
found at hand. The Streltsi who had
escorted Netchaef from Troitsa were ordered
to present themselves in the court of the
palace, together with those other Streltsi
who happened to be at the Kremlin.
Sophia went out to them and made a long
and earnest speech, in the course of which
she said :
" Evil-minded people have consented to act as
tools. They have used all means to make me and
the Tsar Ivan quarrel with my younger brother.
They have sown discord, jealousy and trouble.
They have hired people to talk of a plot against
the life of the younger Tsar, and of other people.
Out of jealousy of the great services of Theodore
Shaklovity, and of his constant care, day and night,
for the safety and prosperity of the empire, they have
given him out to be the chief of the conspiracy, as if
one existed. To settle the matter and to find out the
reason for this accusation, I went myself to Tr6Usa,
but was kept back by the advice of the evil coun-
selors whom my brother has about him, and was
not allowed to go further. After being insulted in
this way, I was obliged to come home. You all
well know how I have managed for these seven
years; how I took on myself the regency in the
most unquiet times ; how I have concluded a famous
and true peace with the Christian rulers, our neigh-
bors, and how the enemies of the Christian religion
have been brought by my arms into terror and
confusion. For your services you have received
great reward and I have always shown you my
favor. I cannot believe that you will betray me and
will believe the inventions of enemies of the general
peace and prosperity. It is not the life of Theodore
Shaklovity that they want, but my life and that of
my elder brother."
She concluded by promising to reward
those who should remain faithful, who
should not mix in the matter.; and threat-
ened to punish those who should be dis-
obedient and assist in creating confusion.
Then the notables of the burghers and
of the common people were sent for,
and Sophia addressed them in a sim-
ilar tone. A third time, on the same day,
she called them all together and made them
"along and fine speech," as Gordon calls
it, in the same spirit. As the Patriarch
was away and the elder Tsar was not in
perfect health, all the preparations for the
festival of the New Year, which occurred
on this day, the nth (ist O. S.) of Septem-
ber, were abandoned ; vodka was given to
the Streltsi; the chief nobles and the
foreigners were asked to wait awhile, and
PETER THE GREAT.
about noon received a cup of vodka from
the hand of the elder Tsar. Meanwhile,
the wrath of Sophia against Netchaef had
passed away. She sent for him, pardoned
him, and was then gracious enough to offer
him also a cup of vodka. Some of the
Streltsi whose surrender had been demanded
by Peter were concealed by their comrades ;
Shaklovity found refuge in the palace of
Sophia; Medvedief and some others ran
away. It was reported, nevertheless, that
the Tsar Peter had promised to spare the
lives of those persons in case they surren-
dered.
The next day, Prince Boris Galitsyn, who,
as Peter's chief counselor, had the manage-
ment of affairs at Troitsa, sent a counsel to
his relative, Prince Basil Galitsyn, to come
to Trditsa and " preoccupate the Tsar's
favor." Basil Galitsyn replied by sending
a scribe to his cousin to ask him to be the
means of reconciliation between the two par-
ties. The answer was, that the best thing
he could do, in any case for himself, was to
come as soon as possible to Trditsa, being
assured of a good reception from Peter.
But honor and duty both forbade him leav-
ing the side of Sophia.
In spite of the orders which had come
from Troitsa to the Streltsi to keep quiet and
make no disturbance, and in spite of the re-
quests made to them by Sophia, they began
to fret at this long period of commotion, so
that Sophia finally gave out that she would
again try to go to Tr6"itsa and her brother
Ivan. The Streltsi at Trd'itsa were anxious
to return to Moscow, promising to win the
others to their side; and many officers of
Peter thought it would be better for him to
transfer himself to Preobrazhensky, or Alex-
e'ievo, or some other village in the imme-
diate neighborhood of Moscow, where his
adherents would be greatly increased without
danger to himself. Galitsyn and Naryshkin,
however, feared bloodshed, and it was
thought better to remain at Tr6itsa. On
the I4th of September, there was brought to
the German suburb a rescript to all the gen-
erals, colonels and other foreign officers,
although no one was mentioned by name,
giving a brief statement of the conspiracy
of Shaklovity, Medve"dief and ten Streltsi
against the Tsar, the Patriarch, the Tsaritsa
Nataliaand several distinguished boyars, and
announcing that an order had been given for
the arrest of the persons implicated, and
commanding furthermore, all officers into
whose hands this rescript should come to
appear at Tr6itsa, fully armed and on horse-
back. This paper was received by Colone'
Ridder, who brought it to General Gordon
and the latter called together all the foreigr
generals and colonels and in their presence
unsealed the packet. On consultation, ii
was resolved to communicate it to Prince
Basil Galitsyn. He was much disturbed
but, appearing as calm as he could, saic
he would report it to the elder Tsar anc
the Princess, and would send him wore
how to act. Gordon remarked that the]
risked their heads in case of disobedience
The boyar replied that he would certainly
give an answer by evening, and askec
him to let his son-in-law, Colonel Strasburg
wait at the palace for it. Gordon mad<
preparations for immediate departure, anc
told every one who asked his advice that
no matter what the order might be, h<
was resolved to go. The other foreigi
officers followed his example. They se
out that evening and arrived at Troitsa th<
next morning, where they were given ai
audience of Peter and allowed to kiss hi
hand. The departure of the foreign officer:
from Moscow practically decided the con test
Sophia, on receiving information that sh<
would not be allowed to go to Tr6'itsa, wai
very indignant, and did not wish to give he
consent to the surrender of Shaklovity. Th<
Streltsi, who had begun to see the impru
dence of their long support of Sophia, cam<
in crowds to the palace and asked tha
Shaklovity might be given up, offering t(
take him to Tr6itsa themselves. The Regen
refused absolutely, and again besought then
not to meddle in the quarrel between he:
and her brother. The Streltsi were discon
tented with this ; voices were raised in th<
crowd, saying : " You would better finish the
matter at once. If you wont give him up
we will sound the alarm bell." This cr]
stupefied Sophia, who saw that it was al
over. Those who surrounded her fearec
violence, and told her that it was in vain tc
oppose this demand ; that in case of a rising
many people would be killed, and it woulc
be better to give him up. She reluctantlj
gave her consent, and Shaklovity, who uj
to this time had been concealed in the pal
ace chapel, received the eucharist and was
sent to Tr6itsa that night, the iyth of Sep
tember, with the Streltsi who had come foi
him. Those boyars who had, up to that time
remained in Moscow, all took their leave foi
Troitsa, except Prince Basil Galitsyn, whc
retired to his villa of Medvie"dkovo, when
the news of the surrender of Shaklovftj
greatly disturbed him. Shaklovity, on his
PETER THE GREAT.
579
arrival, was straightway put to the torture
of the knout. After the first fifteen blows
he made a confession, in which, however, he
denied that there was any plot whatever
against the life of the Tsar Peter, and that
any plans had ever been concocted for the
murder of the Tsaritsa Natalia, the Narysh-
kins or the boyars of Peter's party, although
the subject had been mentioned in conver-
sation. The same day, Prince Basil Galit-
syn, Nepluief and others of his adherents
presented themselves at Tro'itsa. They were
not allowed to come within the walls of the
monastery but were ordered to remain in
the village outside. At nine o'clock in the
evening, Galitsyn and his son Alexis were
ordered to come to the abode of the Tsar.
When they appeared on the staircase they
were met by a councilor, who read to them
an order depriving them of the rank of
boyar, and sending them, with their wives
and children, into exile at Kargopol, and
confiscating all their property, on the ground
that they had reported to the sister of the
Tsars without reporting to the Tsars person-
ally; that they had written her name in
papers and dispatches on an equality with
that of the Tsars, and also because Prince
Basil Galitsyn, by his conduct in the Cri-
mean expedition of 1689, had caused harm
to the Government and burdens to the
people.
CHAPTER XXII.
VICTORY AND VENGEANCE.
THERE had been great disputes among
the friends of Peter about Galitsyn. Pre-
cedence had still left its traces. Time had
not yet sufficiently elapsed for the new sys-
tem to come into play. The condemnation
of Prince Basil Galitsyn for treason would
have been a disgrace to the whole family,
and Boris Galitsyn was therefore anxious to
save his cousin, himself and his family from
such a calamity. But the enemies of
Galitsyn did their best to excite Peter's
anger and to render the fate of Basil
harder. After Shaklovity had been tortured
once, and when he was expecting his
second trial, he determined to give the
Tsar, in writing, an exact account of the
whole matter. Prince Boris Galitsyn him-
self took him paper and pen. Shaklovity
wrote eight or nine sheets, and as it was
after midnight when he had finished and the
Tsar had gone to bed, Prince Boris took
the papers home with him, intending to
give them to the Tsar on the following
morning. The enemies of Galitsyn, espe-
cially the Naryshkins, who carefully followed
all his movements, hastened to report to
Peter that the Prince had taken away the
confession of Shaklovity, with the intention
of taking out all that reflected on his cousin,
Basil Galitsyn. The Tsar immediately sent
to Shaklovity to ask whether he had written
a confession, and ascertained that he had
given it to Prince Boris Galitsyn. The
latter, however, was luckily informed by a
friend of the impending catastrophe, and
hastened with the papers to the Tsar, who
asked, in a threatening tone, why he had
not presented them immediately. Galitsyn
replied that it was too late at night, which
satisfied Peter, who continued, as before, to
keep Galitsyn in his confidence, although
the Tsaritsa Natalia and her friends were
still hostile to him.
After listening to his sentence, Prince
Basil Galitsyn wished to hand to the coun-
cilor who read it to him an explanation, in
which he had briefly set forth the services
he had rendered to the Government during
the time he had taken a part in public
affairs. He wished to be allowed to write
this to the Tsar or to the council, but
the councilor did not dare receive it.
Galitsyn afterward found some way of
having it presented to the Tsar, but it
produced no effect. Nepluief was con-
demned to exile in Pustozersk (afterward
changed to Kola), ostensibly for his harsh
treatment of the soldiers under his com-
mand, and was deprived of his rank and
property. Zm&ef was ordered to reside on
his estate in Kostroma, while Kosogof and
Ukraintsef were retained in their former
posts. These noblemen went back to
their quarters, when they were advised
by some of their friends at court to start
immediately for their places of exile. This
they did, but rumors were immediately
spread that they had run away, and they
were sent for and finally went off under
guard. Galitsyn's enemies still attacked
him, and insisted that banishment to Kar-
gopol was too light a punishment, and that
he should be sent to Pustozersk. Finally,
the place of his exile was changed to
Yarensk, a wretched village in the province
of Archangel, but much better than Pusto-
zeVsk, where Matveief had lived so long.
Galitsyn's enemies still insisted that he
should undergo examination and torture,
and finally an official was sent out to meet
him at Yaroslav. He was again examined,
58o
PETER THE GREAT.
although he escaped the torture. He con-
fessed to no complicity in any plot or
conspiracy, and stated that he was not in
any way an intimate friend of Shaklovity,
but merely an acquaintance. His suite was
diminished, he was allowed altogether only
fifteen persons, and the money, furniture and
clothes with which he started were taken
away from him, and orders were given that he
should be kept closely guarded on the jour-
ney and not permitted to speak to anybody.
In Vologda he was met by the Chamberlain,
Prince Kropotkin, not, however, with any
further order from the Government, but
with a tender message from Sophia, who
hoped soon to procure his release, through
the intercession of the Tsar Ivan, and who
sent him a packet of money for the journey.
With great difficulty in the, wintry weather
he reached Yarensk in January, but even
here he was pursued by new denunciations,
had to submit to fresh examinations, and
finally was removed, first to Pustozersk, and
later to Pinega, where, after nearly a quar-
ter of a century of wretched existence, — his
numerous petitions for mercy being disre-
garded,— he died in 1714.
Shaklovity and his accomplices were con-
demned to death. It was reported that
Peter was utterly averse to this sentence,
and only yielded on the insistence of the
Patriarch. When it was known that Shak-
lovity was to be punished without under-
going a second torture, many of the officials
collected in the monastery and petitioned
that Shaklovity should be again tortured,
that he might be forced to declare all his
accomplices. The Tsar, however, sent word
to them that he himself was satisfied with
the confessions of Shaklovity, and it was
not for them to meddle in this affair. The
investigation of the plot — so far as we can
judge from the fragmentary papers which
have come down to us — does not seem to
have been very careful. Reliance was
chiefly placed on the denunciations of Yelis-
arof and his band, and on the evidence
obtained by torture. The evidence is very
contradictory ; and, apart from that, very
little reliance can be placed on confessions
obtained in this way. There was appar-
ently no cross-examination of the denouncers,
and in very few cases were they confronted
with the accused. Yet, notwithstanding all
this, very few persons were found to be
actually guilty, and even the extent of their
guilt is very doubtful. There does not
appear to have been any plot for the mur-
der of Peter, although attempts were made
to excite the Streltsi against Peter's friends,
and in private it was hinted that it would
be an advantage if the Tsaritsa Natalia,
the Naryshkins and two or three other
of the nobles were out of the way. In
no case was the Princess Sophia at all
implicated by the testimony, although it is
very probable that she knew of what had
been going on — that is, of the attempts to
excite the Streltsi. She was ambitious ; the
habit of power had fed the love of it ; and
she would doubtless have been glad to take
advantage of a successful rising, by which
she might have contrived to retain for some
time to come a certain share of the supreme
authority.
On the 2ist of September, Shaklovity,
Petrof and Tchermny were beheaded.
Major Muromtsef, Colonel Riazantsef and
the private Lavrentief were beaten with the
knout, and after having their tongues torn
out, were exiled to Siberia. Sylvester Med-
vedief had escaped from Moscow, and had
gone toward the Polish frontier, where he
was arrested in the monastery of Biziuk,
together with Major Gladky, and sent to
Trditsa. When tortured, he refused to con-
fess himself guilty of conspiracy, admitted
that he had heard proposals against the
lives of some of Peter's adherents, but that
he had threatened those who spoke in such
wise with ruin in this life and hell-fire in
the life to come, if they should engage in
any such attempt; he denied that he had
committed any act whatever against the
Government, or had any designs against
the Patriarch; but admitted having written
an inscription with complimentary verses
for the engraved portrait of Sophia. He was
degraded from the clergy, and was placed
in a monastery under strict surveillance,
Here he was induced to retract the views
expressed in his book on religion, called
"The Heavenly Manna." He was subse-
quently again denounced by Strizh6f, who
had been in the confidence of Shaklovity,
and who accused him of having been in
league with a Polish sorcerer who had come
to Moscow to cure the eyes of the Tsai
Ivan; that there they had told him of the
approaching marriage of Sophia to Prince
Basil Galitsyn, and that Medvedief would
be made Patriarch instead of Joachim,
Medvedief was again subjected to the severe
torture of fire and hot irons, and was finally
executed in 1691.
After the surrender of Shaklovity, Petei
wrote from Trditsa to his brother Ivan thai
the scepter of the Russian state had been
PETER THE GREAT.
confided to them — two persons — by the
solemn decree and ceremony of the church,
and that nothing had been said about any
third person who should be on equality in
the Government, and that, as their sister
Sophia had begun to rule of her own will,
and had interfered in affairs of state, in a
manner disagreeable to them and hard for
the people, and as Shaklovity and his com-
rades had made criminal attempts against
his life and that of his mother, he therefore
thought the time had come, as he was now
of full age, for himself and his brother to
govern the country without the interference
of a third person such as his sister, who, to
their lasting shame, had even wished to be
crowned. He therefore begged his brother
to grant him permission to change all unjust
judges and to appoint just ones, — without
specially consulting him in each case, — for
the good of the state, and ended by asking
his paternal and fraternal blessing. The
demands of Peter were of course complied
with. Nothing was said at that time about
the future fate of Sophia, but shortly after an
order was given excluding the name of So-
phia from all the official documents where it
had previously been inserted. Immediately
afterward, Peter sent Prince Ivan Troekurof
to his brother to request the removal of his
sister Sophia from the palace of the Krem-
lin to the Novodevitchy monastery, where
he had appointed her to live in a sort of
honorable confinement. Sophia for a long
time was unwilling to retire into this monas-
tery, and did not remove there until about
the end of September. Well-furnished
rooms were prepared for her there, looking
out on the Devichy plain. She had a large
number of servants and everything which
was necessary for a pleasant and peaceful
life. She was not, however, allowed the
liberty of going out of the monastery, and
could see no one but her aunts and her
sisters, and these only on the great festivals
of the church.
So long as Sophia remained in the Krem-
lin, Peter refused to return to Moscow, and
it was only after she had gone to the convent
that he set out from Trditsa, passed a week
or more in cavalry and infantry maneuvers,
under the direction of General Gordon, in
the neighborhood, and finally arrived at
Moscow on the i6th of October. He went
first to the Cathedral of the Assumption,
where he was received by his brother
Ivan, who rushed to his embrace, and after-
ward, arrayed in his robes of state and
standing at the top of the Red Staircase,
showed himself to his people as their lawful
ruler.
In the middle of this revolution, when
the city was all in confusion and terror,
Mazeppa, Hetman of the Cossacks of the
Ukraine, arrived at Moscow. By order of the
Regency, he was met at the Kaluga gate by
a secretary with one of the Tsar's carriages,
which, apparently, was somewhat the worse
for wear, for Mazeppa, on taking his seat,
said : " Thank the Lord ! Through the grace
of the Tsar I am now riding in one of the
Imperial carriages. But what sort of a car-
riage is it ? " (with a sniff). " It is apparently
an old German one." " In this carriage the
extraordinary embassadors of foreign rulers
always ride," answered the secretary, with
dignity. In his further conversation, and
also in the speech which he made on being
received at the palace, he spoke of the un-
heard-of victories which Galitsyn had won
in the Crimea, as surpassing those of Darius,
the Persian King.
When matters began to go badly for So-
phia and Galitsyn, when Shaklovity had been
surrendered, and every one was going to
Troitsa, Mazeppa became alarmed about
his relations to the new Government, fear-
ing it might be remembered against him
that he had been an ardent partisan of
Galitsyn. He, too, therefore, hastened to
Troitsa. Among the advisers of Peter,
there were some who thought it better
to get rid of Mazeppa, but others more
wisely represented that the Hetman had
been changed for misconduct or unpopu-
larity only; that it would be dangerous to
introduce a new precedent; and that in
any case, in the disturbed state of affairs,
it would be difficult to find a successor to
Mazeppa without the expenditure of much
money. Mazeppa was therefore well re-
ceived, and, seeing his good reception, he
thought to make sure of the future by break-
ing completely with his past. He said that
Galitsyn had extorted large sums of money
from him before being willing to install him
as Hetman, and begged to be remunerated
from the property of the traitor. This re-
quest was regarded as a sign of complete sub-
mission, and all his demands were complied
with. He received a charter confirming all
the previous rights and liberties of Little Rus-
sia; he obtained additional Russian troops
for the defense of the Ukraine ; he induced
the Government to consent to keep the Rus-
sian officials and soldiery in better order and
under stricter discipline, and with less incon-
venience to the Cossacks; and was also
582
PETER THE GREAT.
successful in carrying out some plans of
vengeance against his personal enemies.
Satisfied with this and with the presents of
money he received, he returned to the
banks of the Dnieper.
CHAPTER XXIII.
OUTBURST OF FANATICISM.
THE only practical result of the downfall
of Sophia was that the aristocratic party
filled the offices of state and administered
the Government. Peter himself left every-
thing in the hands of his counselors, and for
several years took nothing but a merely formal
part in the administration. He confined
himself almost entirely to military exercises
and boat-building, and to indulging his
mechanical tastes. He had no care for
things of state, and felt no interest in them.
His uncle, the Boyar Leo Naryshkin, occu-
pied the most prominent position in the new
Government as Director of Foreign Affairs,
in which office he was assisted by the coun-
cilor Ukramtsef, a man of great experience
and capacity. The other prominent offices
were divided among the chief families of the
aristocratic party, especially among those
most nearly connected with Peter, his moth-
er and his wife, — Urusof, Ramodanofsky,
Troekurof, Streshnef, Prozor6fsky, Lopuk-
hin, Gol6vkin, Lvof, Sheremetief, Dolgoruky,
Lykof, — so that the whole cabal was well rep-
resented. Prince Boris Galitsyn, in spite
of his difficulty with the Naryshkins, retained
his old position as Director of the Depart-
ment of the Palace of Kazan, and four other
prominent men who served under Sophia —
Repnin, Sokovnin, Od6iefsky and Vinius
— were kept in their posts. The provincial
administration, and even the government of
the army, remained almost untouched. The
Boyar Boris Sheremetief, in spite of the
favor with which he was regarded by the
Regency, was maintained as general-in-chief
of the army which protected the southern
frontier against the Tartars. General Gor-
don, too, kept his place and his influence.
Except that the energy of Sophia, Galitsyn
and Shaklovity was wanting, the policy of
the new ministers differed little from that of
their predecessors.
One of the first consequences of the
change of administration was an outburst
of the popular hatred against foreigners, a
hatred which had long been accumulating
in the minds of the people, and which had
not infrequently manifested itself in various
and even violent forms. There was a seem-
ingly ineradicable feeling in the Russian
mind that the country suffered from foreign-
ers, that foreign merchants came like a
swarm of locusts and ate up all the good
things of the land, and that foreign countries
were in conspiracy to keep Russia poor.
The political economists, Ivan Pososhkdf
and Yiiry Kryzhanitch, sensible men as they
were in other respects, shared this feeling,
and wished to put a sort of Chinese wall
around Russia, so as to keep people from
going in or out. They were protectionists in
the most positive form. Very few Russians
had been abroad, except on Government
embassies, and those were diligently occu-
pied in carrying out the prescriptions of a
formal etiquette, and were cut off, by their
ignorance of foreign languages, from the
possibility of understanding western Europe.
There was the fear lest contact with the west
and with foreigners should corrupt Russia,
and above all lead to heresy, especially
Roman Catholicism. The few cases where
Russians had gone abroad for purposes of
study were not re-assuring. Of all the young
men sent abroad by Boris Godunof, not
more than two or three returned, and the
son of the celebrated Boyar Ordin Nastcho-
kin, who had been educated by a Polish
teacher and had traveled in Poland, finally
ran away from his father and his country,
and renounced his religion. This possible
corruption of Russian orthodoxy and of
Russian manners seemed to weigh the most
heavily on the mind of the Russian Conserv-
atives. There were but few men at different
epochs who rose superior to this preju-
dice— Ivan the Terrible, Godunof, the so-
called false Demetrius, Theodore, Sophia,
Prince Basil Galitsyn and Peter. But the
aristocratic party that surrounded Peter was
deeply conservative, and, therefore, very
prejudiced. The Patriarch, who was now
one of the leaders of the aristocratic party,
had, even before the last Crimean cam-
paign, protested against the employment of
foreign soldiers, and especially of that arch-
heretic General Gordon, and had predicted
disaster to the Russian arms in consequence.
His advice was naturally disregarded, for
the foreigners were the only officers capable
of taking command ; but, as disaster did
come, his predictions were by many thought
to be verified. Prince Basil Galitsyn, in a
way an enlightened man and well-disposed
to foreigners, had, to a certain degree, pro-
tected the Jesuits. Such protection was
PETER THE GREAT.
583
necessary, for, in spite of the toleration at the
Court of Moscow toward Calvinists and
Lutherans, the Catholics were never allowed
for long to have churches specially set apart
for the purpose, although they were admit-
ted at times to say mass in private houses.
As soon as Galitsyn was overthrown, a
decree was issued for the banishment of the
Jesuits within two weeks, and the Austrian
Envoy found it impossible to obtain excep-
tions, or even much delay. It required a
long diplomatic correspondence, the urgent
demand of the Emperor Leopold, and all
the personal influence of General Gordon
with Peter, to get permission for one priest,
not a Jesuit, to reside in Moscow.
One case of religious persecution had be-
gun months before. A German fanatic
from Breslau, Quirinus Kuhlmann, another
German preacher, Nordermann, and a
painter, Henin, were accused of teaching
and disseminating heretical and blasphe-
mous doctrines. Their case was investigated
by the translators of the Foreign Office, and,
for better information, referred to the Prot-
estant pastors then living in Moscow, as
well as to all the Jesuits then there. Ap-
parently Kuhlmann was a sort of Quaker,
but had developed a body of doctrine based
on the mystical works of Jacob Bohme.
The report of Pastor Meincke was very
strong against Kuhlmann, and after the
three men accused had been subjected sev-
eral times to violent tortures without bring-
ing them to yield, they were condemned
to death. Kuhlmann and Nordermann
were burned alive in the Red Place at Mos-
cow on the 1 4th of October, four days before
Peter came to the capital. Henin avoided
a like death by taking poison in prison and
committing suicide.
We must remember the time at which
this took place. Thomas Aikenhead was
executed for heresy at Edinburgh in 1696,
witches were burned in England in 1676,
and hanged even in 1716. A witch was
burned at Wurtzburg in 1749, and nineteen
were hanged at Salem, Massachusetts, in
1692.
Not only were the Jesuits expelled, but,
within a year from the permission given to the
exiled Huguenots to settle in Russia, strict
orders were sent to the frontier to stop all
foreigners and thoroughly examine them as
to where they came from and what reasons
they had for visiting Russia, and to detain
them until orders were received from Mos-
cow. Among others kept in this way was
Dr. Jacob Pelarino, a Greek physician recom-
mended to the Tsar by the Emperor of
Germany. Another physician of Peter, Dr.
Carbonari, also recommended by the Em-
peror Leopold, had his letters and papers
seized and was strictly forbidden to carry
on any further correspondence with Vienna
or with the Jesuits, under pain of expulsion.
At the same time, orders were given to
Andrew Vinius, the Director of Posts, to
inspect all letters which passed the Russian
frontier, either going or coming. This
measure regarded especially the exchange
of correspondence with persons in Poland.
The Polish minister complained greatly
that either he did not receive his letters at
all, or else that they had been opened.
According to Van Keller, this was denied
by the Government, but General Gordon
wrote to his son, who was in Poland, not to
date his letters from any place in that
country, and always to send them by the
way of Riga or Danzig, in order to prevent
their being opened or confiscated.
The previous system of exclusion had, in
fact, changed very little. The second son
of General Gordon, James, had been edu-
cated in the Jesuit College at Douai. In
1688 he came to Moscow, but showed an
unwillingness to enter the service of the
Tsar and went to England, took up arms
for King James II., was wounded in a
fight with the Dutch and forced to leave
the country. He next went to Warsaw
with the intention of entering the Polish
service, but his father pressed him hard to
come back to Russia. One thing only
stood in the way — James did not desire to
enter the Tsar's service unless he could
have the privilege of leaving Russia at the
expiration of the term for which he should
be engaged. This was an unheard-of thing
in Russia, for all foreigners in the Russian
service were obliged to remain there until
they died, and even General Gordon
himself, in spite of his excellent position at
court during the whole of the reign of
Sophia, although allowed to go abroad for
business and on special missions, could
never get permission to resign. After many
requests on Gordon's part, all he could
obtain was that if his son came to Russia
he would not be compelled to enter the
Russian service, and could return, but that
if he once took the oath he must remain.
Gordon, on this business, was in frequent
correspondence with his son during the
whole of 1690, and finally advised him to
come to Russia, but not to engage himself,
and to remain a free man "until circum-
584
PETER THE GREAT.
stances changed." By this expression —
"until circumstances changed" — General
Gordon evidently meant the same thing as
he did when, in a letter, he said : " If the
Tsar Peter should take upon himself the
government," referring to the fact that Peter
not only took no part in public affairs, but
had very little influence with the real rulers of
the country, who were nominally his ministers.
On the loth of March, 1690, Gordon was
invited to dine at court at the banquet
given in honor of the recent birth of Peter's
son, Alexis; but the Patriarch, who now
felt himself strong, protested against the
presence of foreigners on such an occasion,
and the invitation was withdrawn. On the
next day, nevertheless, Peter invited him to
a country house, dined with him there, and
rode back to town with him, conversing all
the way.
A few days later, on the 27th of March, the
Patriarch Joachim died. In the form of a
testament especially directed to the Tsars,
he left a powerful expression of his hatred
toward the foreigners. He counseled the
Tsars to drive out from Russia all heretics
and unbelievers, foreigners and enemies of
the orthodox church, and warned them
against adopting foreign customs, habits
and clothing, begged them to forbid all
intercourse of any kind with heretics,
whether Lutherans, Calvinists or Catholics,
and laid great stress on the danger fraught
to the country if, in the blessed land ruled
over by the Tsars, foreigners should hold
high places in the army and thus rule over
orthodox men. He advised the immediate
destruction of the foreign churches, and was
especially bitter against the Protestants for
their attacks on the adoration of the Virgin
and the saints. He held up the fate of the
Princess Sophia and of Basil Galitsyn as a
warning; they had rejected his advice
about the employment of foreigners in the
last Crimean campaign. He said, in con-
firmation of his complaints : " I wonder at
the counselors and advisers of the Tsar
who have been on embassies in foreign
countries. Have they not seen that in
every land there are peculiar rites, customs
and modes of dress, that no merit is allowed
to be in any one of another faith, and that
foreigners are not permitted to build
churches there? Is there anywhere in
German lands a church of the orthodox
faith ? No ! not one. And what here
never should have been permitted is now
allowed to heretics. They build for their
accursed heretical gatherings temples of
prayer, in which they evilly curse and bark
against orthodox people, as idle worshipers
and heathens."
Great difficulty was found in choosing a
new Patriarch, and it was five months be-
fore the election was made. Peter and the
higher and more educated clergy were in
favor of Marcellus, the Metropolitan of
Pskof, '•' a learned and civilized person,"
while the Tsaritsa Natalia, the monks and
the lower clergy were in favor of Adrian,
the Metropolitan of Kazan. According to
General Gordon, "the greatest fault they had
to lay to the charge of Marcellus was that
he had too much learning, and so they
feared and said he would favor the Catholics
and other religions, to which purpose the
Abbot of the Spasky monastery had given in
a writing to the Queen Do wager, accusing him
of many points, and even of heresy. But
the younger Tsar, continuing firm for him,
removed with the elder Tsar and the whole
court to Kolomenskoe." At a later date,
the 3d of September, Gordon says : " The
Metropolitan of Kazan, Adrian, was chosen
Patriarch, notwithstanding the Tsar's incli-
nation for Marcellus, the Metropolitan of
Pskof, whom the old Boyars and the gener-
ality of the clergy hated, because of his
learning and other great good qualities, and
chose this one because of his ignorance
and simplicity." Subsequently, when Peter
passed through Livonia, according to Blom-
berg : " He told us a story that, when the
Patriarch in Moscow was dead, he designed
to fill that place with a learned man, that
had been a traveler, who spoke Latin, Ital-
ian and French ; the Russians petitioned
him, in a tumultuous manner, not to set such
a man over them, alleging three reasons :
(1) because he spoke barbarous languages;
(2) because his beard was not big enough
for a Patriarch ; (3) because his coachman
sat upon the coach-seat and not upon the
horses, as was usual."
(To be continued.)
COR CORDIUM. 585
COR CORDIUM.
THE freshness of the woods is mine.
I lie in baths of mountain air ;
The forest's depths of beech and pine
Fold grandly round me everywhere.
The thrush's song is sweet and low ;
A water-spirit stirs the ferns
Down where the silvery trickles flow
O'er em'raid brims of sylvan urns.
On leafy glade and granite walls
The sunshine's misty splendors stream.
Afar a lone dove sorrowing calls
As if the wood moaned in its dream.
I see where purple lichens glow,
Where mosses drink supreme content,
Where spreads the clematis, like snow,
The curtains of its spotless tent.
I see what chronicles are graved
On splintered cliff and weird ravine,
And how the teeming ground is paved
With beauteous forms of what has been.
The pine-tree's sigh and brooklet's mirth
Are in my heart with joy and pain,
And all the sad and sweet of earth
Pleads in the pathos of the strain.
Far o'er me palpitates the blue,
As if Love hovered softly there,
And, from her tender bosom, drew
The holy calm that fills the air.
O sky above and world below !
What is the secret of your speech ?
Oh, why, beyond your glorious show,
Does soul with restless yearnings reach ?
What is the Life that life conceals ?
The inner force ? the primal fire ?
The potency that makes, and feels,
And baffles most as we aspire ?
What is the end, the good at last,
When each appointed task is done,
When every phase of change is past,
And being's goal of conquest won ?
The mystic pageant comes and goes ;
The old is new ; the sad is gay ;
The Everlasting Order flows
While hearts grow still and suns decay !
Amid the Infinite I grope;
I faint with reaching for a shore,
But hear the angels, Faith and Hope, —
" To Love shall life be more and more."
S86
MR. SEYMOUR HADEN'S ETCHINGS.
MR. SEYMOUR HADEN'S ETCHINGS.
[WE venture to preface Mr. Hamerton's notice of Mr. Seymour Haden's work with a few words upon th
general subject of etching. The uninitiated public seems to be divided in its estimate of the place whicl
etching should take among the arts ; it is considered by some as mere pen-drawing, and by others as ai
inferior kind of engraving. It is, however, an art quite distinct from either, with capabilities and limitation
peculiar to itself. Briefly, the process is as follows : A metal plate, preferably copper, is covered with
coat of blackened varnish or wax. On this surface the artist — with a needle not unlike a common sewing
needle, set in a handle — sketches in his composition. The needle usually only removes the varnish, leav
ing the design in glittering lines upon a black background. The plate is then immersed in an acid batt
and when the lines have been sufficiently bitten it is removed. If variation of tone and a difference of fore
in the lines is required, as is usually the case, the more delicate portions of the sketch are " stopped out,!
that is, covered by varnish so that they shall not be affected by any subsequent exposure in the bath. Th
plate is again immersed, and the process of stopping out repeated. In the plate by Maxime Lalann
entitled " Fribourg, Switzerland," for example, the copper was five times subjected to the action of the acid
After three minutes' biting, the most delicate lines, indicating the extreme distance, were stopped out am
the plate was exposed for three minutes more. After this the nearer distance was stopped out, and so 01
with successive portions of the plate, protected from the action of the acid for four, ten and again tei
minutes respectively — making the entire time occupied by the biting process only thirty minutes.
It will be seen, even from this cursory explanation of etching, not only that the work is autographic, but tha
it requires the mastery gained only by thorough artistic training, as well as natural powers of no meai
order, to become a master etcher. The hand must be firm and true, the lines must all have meaning, th
mind must be clear to grasp essentials, and the whole process must be purely intellectual, as no greate
difference in effect can be imagined than that produced by glittering lines on a black surface, on the om
hand, and that of delicately graded black lines upon a white background, on the other. A positive proces
is sometimes used, when the etching appears upon the plate as black lines upon a white surface, but ii
this process other difficulties occur — as the lines have to be etched in the order of their depth to insur
the relative amount of biting. The numbers in this article refer to Sir William Drake's recently publishei
catalogue. ]
THE mental constitution of mankind dif-
fers so very widely in different individuals
that the old adage, " What is one man's
food is another man's poison," is as true of
the intellectual as it is of the physical life.
The stronger the nature of the food and
poison the more decided are its effects when
administered ; one recipient affirming that it
is particularly good food, and another that it
is a particularly toxic poison. In art criti-
cism, the ultimate reason is never anything
more than a statement of the relation be-
tween the critic's own mental constitution
and the sort of art which it rejects or
assimilates.
The art of etching, as practiced by the
few powerful men who have really attained
to mastery in it, is an excellent example of
the double effect which I have just been
attempting to describe. Some minds ac-
cept it with avidity as a kind of art precisely
adapted to their natures, — a language they
were born to understand; while others
reject it at once as a coarse, rude and im-
perfect means of expression. Before exam-
ining Mr. Haden's work, it may be well,
as an introduction to the subject, to state
the case for and against as briefly and clearly
as possible.
The two sides of the question are repre-
sented in England by two writers upon art,
Mr. Ruskin and the writer of this article
Mr. Ruskin is hostile to etching as practicec
by Rembrandt and other great etchers ; thi
writer of this article is in its favor. Thi
English public has thus the opportunity o
hearing both sides of the question.*
Mr. Ruskin's argument is to the^followinj
effect : Etching is at the best an indolen
and blundering art : indolent because it i
easier to draw a line with the etching
needle than to engrave it with the burin
blundering because the biting cannot bi
properly controlled, and the result, such a
it is, is attained by a mixture of art anc
accident. Nobody can shade properly ii
etching ; even Rembrandt's shading is coarst
and imperfect, and bad as chiaroscuro. Th<
art is so imperfect that nature cannot b<
satisfactorily imitated by its means : nobod]
ever etched a cloud, or a head of hair
Artists ought not to etch, — they should lean
to engrave ; and art students ought not t(
study etchings. If, however, etching ii
done at all, it should be of the simplest kind
with one or two deep bitings, — one ii
enough, — and shade should only be indi
cated, all delicate bitings being avoided. J
* Every word of the paragraph given as th(
expression of Mr. Ruskin's opinion 'can be substan'
dated by quotations from his writings.
MR. SEYMOUR If A DEN'S ETCHINGS.
587
disapprove of chiaroscuro altogether, in en-
gravings of all kinds. I dislike it in etch-
ing especially, and only like engraving in
pure line, without shade, done patiently
with the burin, like the engravings of the
early Italian masters.
The answer to this may be divided into
two parts. There is room in the fine arts for
the most various and opposite tastes, and we
must learn not only to tolerate them but to
welcome them, because they keep up an in-
terest in the subject. Nevertheless, although
a critic may say that he does not like an art,
he ought not to be unjust, as Mr. Ruskin is in
this instance, to the art which is the object of
his dislike, and to those who pursue it. It is
unjust to say that etching is an indolent art,
merely because it is comparatively rapid; for
an artist may be as industrious in etching as
in anything else, and good etching, however
apparently slight, can never be done in a
really careless or indolent spirit. It is quite
true that there is a certain manual facility in
etching as compared with engraving with the
burin ; but this facility imposes responsibilities
of its own which the etcher does not accept
without anxiety, and yet which he cannot
avoid. Having a free instrument, he is ex-
pected to put all the more knowledge and
intelligence into his drawing. Now, as to
the accusation of blundering, Mr. Ruskin
says that biting is uncertain, so that the
etcher blunders to his result. Bad etchers
do, no doubt, but bad workmen blunder in
everything. Etching is well within the com-
mand of a good workman, who knows
beforehand how to advance safely to his
conclusion. When Flameng engages to
deliver a plate at a fixed date, and a near
date, too, leaving no margin for any serious
mistake, the plate is always delivered, prop-
erly bitten, at the date agreed upon. If
errors are committed, the art has abundant
resources for their correction, but they may
generally be avoided by proceeding gradu-
ally. If a plate happens to be insufficiently
bitten in parts, it can be made darker by re-
biting in the old lines — a process which has
become much easier since the use of the
roller has been properly understood. If the
plate is over-bitten, the lines can be made
paler with a burnisher, or reduced still fur-
ther with charcoal. A consummate etcher
under-bites and over-bites on purpose dur-
ing the progress of his work, with the
intention of reducing or deepening certain
parts afterward. Flameng always does
this. Again, Mr. Ruskin describes Rem-
brandt's work as a mixture of art and acci-
dent. To this it may be replied that in all
the fine arts, as in the military art, when
accidents happen favorably the true master
always avails himself of them, and when
they happen unfavorably he takes care to
neutralize their effects.
Our most serious conflict with Mr. Ruskin
refers to the use of chiaroscuro, which he dis-
likes. I should say that it is far too valuable
a means of expression to be sacrificed, more
particularly in landscape. At the same time,
I want to point out an injustice in Mr. Rus-
kin's way of thinking about the chiaroscuro
of etchers. He seems to think that, when
their chiaroscuro is arbitrary or incomplete,
it is so from ignorance of the true relations of
tones in nature. This is a misunderstanding.
The etchers may know, and in some in-
stances certainly have known, as much about
chiaroscuro as the most delicately observant
painters ; but they have used their right of
selection and given what they pleased — what
seemed to them most necessary to the effect
to be produced upon the mind. I have not
space to enter fully into this question of
chiaroscuro here, but may say that I am
clearly aware of all that criticism has to say
on the subject, and that when I praise an
etching which is arbitrary and incomplete in
its chiaroscuro, I know that it is so, and am
content that it should be so. There is a
stage in criticism beyond that of simple fault-
finding— a stage in which the critic sees quite
clearly the difference between art and nature,
perceives the liberties which the artist has
taken, but does not blame them because he
knows the reasons for them.*
Etching is a valuable art because it ena-
bles the artist to express himself plainly and
directly to people scattered all over the world.
To this it may be answered that, since the
invention of the photographic process of re-
production, a simple drawing does as well,
because it can be photographed and so dis-
tributed. No, this is a mistake: photographic
reproductions are always different from,
and generally very far inferior to, the orig-
inals, whereas an etching, properly printed,
is the original expression itself. Again, the
best photographic processes (those on plates
of metal) really are etchings, bitten with acid
as we bite our plates, and under conditions
* We cannot but think that Mr. Hamerton makes
too much of his controversy with Mr. Ruskin —
since it is to be doubted whether another man in
England, other than Mr. Ruskin himself, holds his
views on the subject of etching and of Rembrandt ;
in a word, whether his opinions on the subject really
do exist in England. — ED. S. M.
588
MR. SEYMOUR HAD EN'S ETCHINGS.
of still greater technical difficulty.* How
much better, then, that the artist should do
the work himself, when he can do it!
Again, with reference to drawings, I have
seen it asserted, by a critic who ought to
have known better, that an etching has only
the technical qualities of any other sort of
drawing. This is entirely untrue ; an etch-
ing has technical qualities which cannot be
imitated by any other process. Mr. Haden
has shown the reasons for this in his excel-
lent lectures on etching, delivered at the
Royal Institution, and published afterward,
though very incompletely, in " CasselFs
Magazine of Art." An impression from
an etching is not simply stained paper;
it is really a cast, and so much so that
a plaster cast of an etched plate, without
ink or stain of any kind, will reveal the
state of the plate better to a practiced eye
than a flat copy of it with pen and ink. A
line etched in metal is a hollow of a very
peculiar kind, which gives a cast quite un-
like any other sort of line, drawn or engraved,
and the peculiar quality of a properly bitten
etching is due in great measure to the nature
of this cast. Again, one of the advantages
of etching on metal over simple drawing
on paper is that dry-point work can be com-
bined with it on the copper, and dry-point,
again, has its own peculiar qualities of soft-
ness like mezzotint when the bur is not re-
moved, and extreme delicacy, far surpassing
any delicacy attainable with the pen, when
the bur is removed, t Now a critic may or
may not like these technical qualities of
etching, and we have seen that Mr. Ruskin
does not like them; but only a very ignorant
critic would deny their existence, and say
that etching had only the qualities of any
other kind of drawing.
"Opinions differ," says Mr. Haden, "as
to what is the best metal on which to etch.
Steel is never used by etchers ; it is entirely
an engraver's material. Copper is usually
used, but I prefer zinc. Copper is sometimes
soft, sometimes hard, and this very materi-
ally affects the execution, the biting-in and
* I know the inside of M. Amand Durand's pri-
vate laboratory, where he works without an assistant,
and I know all the instruments he uses, and all his
processes. The only secret of the extreme perfection
with which he reproduces the etchings of Rem-
brandt is that he himself, Amand Durand, is an un-
commonly skillful master of the common processes
of etching. The photographic work is merely pre-
paratory, and gets nothing but the drawing of the
plates.
t The bur is the copper raised by the dry-point as
it makes its furrow.
the endurance of a plate. An etching on
copper is, perhaps, more delicate and refined,
but one on zinc gives a more painter-like and
artistic impression, is richer in color, and is
bolder and bigger ; it has besides the advan-
tage of being more easily bitten.
" The biting-in of the etching is, though
it may hardly be thought so, the most im-
portant part of the whole process ; it corre-
sponds to the painting of the picture — on
it depends all the color and effect of the
work. It is astonishing how few of our
etchers possess the two essentials to a good
etching — the power of drawing and biting-
in. Many have one without the other.
Samuel Palmer and Meryon, Herkomer and
Hook combine both. Turner possessed the
power of biting-in to a marvelous degree."
Samuel Palmer is the most astonishing
master of biting whom I have ever known
personally, because he gets his results,
(which are always just what they ought to
be) without rebiting. Flameng, as we have
seen, is very sure, but his work is systemat-
ically tentative. Mr. Haden himself effects
the biting-in of his plates grandly and with
much power, but his chiaroscuro is often
very much simplified by intentional omis-
sions of tones which a professional etcher
from pictures would be obliged to render ;
and, besides this, as Mr. Haden's purpose
is generally more artistic and intellectual
than technical, he does not mind over-bit-
ing occasionally. Of the two faults, under-
biting and over-biting, he prefers the latter
as giving more vigor and force. Any kind
of acid that will eat into the metal will de-
fer biting, and the most different mordants
are used by different artists. I give those
employed by Mr. Haden :
FOR COPPER.
Nitrous acid, 33^
Water, 66%
2.
Hydrochloric acid, 20
Chlorate of potash, 3
Water, 77
FOR ZINC.
Nitric acid, . . 25
Water, 75
Hydrochloric acid, lo
Chlorate of potash, 2
Water, 88
The chlorate of potash is first dissolved in boil-
ing water, the hydrochloric acid is mixed with cold
water, and then the two are mixed together. The
above are slow but safe mordants.
Before quitting this part of the subject, I
may mention that Mr. Haden has been the
MR. SEYMOUR H ADEN'S ETCHINGS.
589
first to practice in any complete way the
biting of an etching while the drawing was
going on. Some of his plates have been
drawn in the bath itself, and bitten as they
were drawn. This is what he calls the
" continuous method." It is, of course, a
great saving of time, and is practically
available for sketches; but it hurries the
artist unpleasantly for plates of importance,
unless he does them part by part, and it is
not pleasant, when working in the house, to
have acid always under one's nose. In the
continuous method, the dark lines have to
be all drawn first, and the pale lines reserved
to the last, which is a cause of embarrass-
ment. I have done a good deal of work
according to this method, and fully appre-
ciate those advantages which it possesses,
but, for the reasons just given, I do not
consider it likely to come into general use.*
Mr. Haden owes much of his knowledge
of etching to his long-established habit of
having a printing-room. An etcher can
hardly be expected to print whole editions
of his works, but he ought to be able to
take his own trial proofs, which will teach
him more than anything about the progress
of a plate. Mr. Haden has been for many
years handsomely equipped as a printer,
and of recent years magnificently. Whilst
on this subject, I may tell a little anecdote
in illustration of the importance of a press.
Mr. Samuel Palmer had etched a beautiful
plate, which had been a good deal printed,
but nobody ever suspected how beautiful
the plate really was until, some years after,
Mr. Palmer set up a press, and his son
took impressions under his superintendence
which were quite incomparably superior to
all the earlier ones. A parallel anecdote is
narrated by Mr. Haden : " The most ex-
quisite series of plates which Whistler ever
did — his sixteen Thames subjects — were
originally printed by a steel-plate printer,
and so badly, that the owner thought the
plates were worn out, and sold them for a
small sum in comparison to their real worth.
The purchaser took them to Goulding, the
* My positive process is a further development
of the continuous method. In this process, the
plate is first thinly coated with pure silver, and
then with a very thin covering of pure white wax.
Being placed in a potash bath (No. 2, copper, in
preceding note), it is then etched on the continuous
principle. The lines show black upon white, and.
though all are drawn with a fine point, the dark
lines enlarge gradually and regularly in a manner
that can be calculated upon. The process is good
for clever sketchers in the open air, but by no means
to be recommended for tyros.
best printer of etchings in England, and it
was found that they were not only perfect, but
that they produced impressions which had
never before been approached, even by
Delatre." Mr. Haden recommends etchers
to print their works themselves, — good advice
so far as the trial proofs are concerned, but
an etcher might prefer, for the other impres-
sions, to follow Mr. Haden's own practice,
which is to have his plates printed by a
good workman under his own superintend-
ence.
Messrs. J. Hogarth & Sons, of Mount
street, Grosvenor Square, London, published
in 1877 a list of Mr. Haden's etchings, which
was nearly complete up to that date. It
included one hundred and thirty-five
works, but others have since been executed
or published. Sir William Drake has just
published a complete catalogue, which men-
tions about one hundred and eighty works
of the most various degrees of importance.*
It was known long ago, amongst artists
and lovers of art in London, that an eminent
London surgeon had been pursuing etching
with some success, but the subject of this
notice did not become famous as an etcher
till the appearance of his " Etudes k 1'Eau-
forte," in 1865. This set, published in a
portfolio, contained twenty-five etchings
mounted on boards and six of minor im-
portance pasted on the title-page, and the
sheets of a printed introduction by Mr.
Burty. There was also a catalogue of fifty-
four subjects, both catalogue and introduc-
tion being in the French language, as the
intention was to publish the work in Paris,
because it was supposed that the English
public would receive a set of etchings with
comparative indifference. The result proved
that the progress of general information
about the fine arts in Great Britain had
prepared a sufficient number of people for
the appreciation of original work in etching.
Many reviews in the London press, and
especially an article in " The Times," made
people flock to Mr. Colnaghi's, where Mr.
Haden's works were exhibited, so that he
became, in the course of a few weeks, one
of the most famous artists in town. There
has never been a previous instance of an
amateur who attained such a position, and
what is still more remarkable is that, during
the fifteen years which have elapsed since
then, the position has not only been kept,
* A Descriptive Catalogue of the Etched Works
of Francis Seymour Haden, by Sir William Richard
Drake, F. S. A. Large 8vo. Macmillan. 1880.
59°
MR. SEYMOUR HADEN'S ETCHINGS.
but strengthened, notwithstanding many
attempts at rivalry which have never in a
single instance done anything to displace
the etcher of " Shere Mill-pond."
Of the " Etudes & PEau-forte," two hun-
dred and fifty sets were announced for pub-
lication, but only one hundred and eighty
were printed, because some of the more
delicate plates began to show signs of wear.
The edition was soon exhausted, and a good
copy, when it happens to fall into the mar-
ket, now commands at least double its pub-
lished price.* The earliest period of Mr.
Haden's work was not represented amongst
the " Etudes." He began to etch in the year
1843, producing six Italian subjects in that
and the following year, t He then seems to
have abandoned etching entirely until the
year 1858, though he drew in other ways.
That year was productive, as we find its
results to be nineteen plates. There is noth-
ing to the credit of 1859, but the following
year gives ten plates, and by this time the
artist's skill had attained its full develop-
ment. Then there is a pause, till 1863
comes with eleven plates. The next year
is a good one, giving thirty-three etchings,
and there are twenty-two in 1865. The
following year is a blank, but the art was
resumed in 1867 with two plates, and fully
resumed in 1868 with nineteen. There are
three plates for 1870, including the famous
" Breaking up of the Agamemnon" three
for 1873, and seven for 1874, including the
magnum opus after Turner, "Calais Pier."
Since that date five or six etchings have been
executed by Mr. Haden, the last being a
view of Greenwich with which he intends
to close his career as an etcher, though
without abandoning the practice of the fine
arts, amongst which he has, of course
(like all good etchers), other means of ex-
pression at command.
* The " Etudes a 1'Eau-forte " were published at
a loss at fifteen guineas a copy (of which only twelve
guineas found their way into the pockets of the
artist), while every copy in reality cost him sixteen
guineas. Now, when a copy comes to auction it
brings thirty guineas, and when broken up (as it
generally is by the dealers), they make sixty guineas
by it. In this way an artistic work passes at once
out of the possession of the artist and becomes the
property of the trade, and this is the reason why the
trade are always anxious that there should be as few
impressions taken from a plate as possible. — ED.
S. M.
t The titles of these may interest some readers.
They are as follows: I. "Tomb of Porsena."
2. "Castle of Ischia." 3. "Gate of Belisarius."
4. "Houses on the Tiber." 5. "Pisa." 6. "Villa
of Maecenas."
The " Etudes a 1'Eau-forte " were a selec-
tion from the plates executed up to the year
1865. They were very various in subject
and in treatment, some being rapid and
slight sketches, whilst others were much
more elaborately finished, but they had one
or two valuable qualities in common. They
all, without exception, possessed a remark-
able freshness. However much labor may
have been bestowed upon them, there was
never, in any instance, the slightest appear-
ance of weariness, and so the spectator in
his turn was refreshed by them instead of
being wearied. Again, they had been done
in the true spirit of an amateur, which is the
best of all spirits for the production of happy
art; I mean that the artist had worked from
a pure love of nature and art, not for some
outside purpose, such as the acquisition of
fame or wealth. In an excellent essay on
" Elementary Principles in Art," Professor
Seeley has shown, conclusively, as it seems to
me, that art even of the most serious kind is
a play of the faculties, accompanied, of
course, by earnest endeavor to play well, but
still the presiding spirit of art is not labor
but delight. Whatever there is of toil and
trouble in art should be kept as much as
possible out of sight, and conquered in pre-
liminary and preparatory training. We do
not wish to see the poet squeezing his brains
for similes or consulting the rhyming diction-
ary; we like to believe that poetry flows
easily from the lips of the inspired poet, as a
form of speech natural to him though so supe-
rior to ours. We do not care to hear the
violinist conquering the difficulties of his in-
strument, but we like to hear him play as if
it presented no difficulty whatever. So, in
the graphic arts, we are not perfectly satisfied
till they look easy. Mr. Haden's etchings
had the merit of seeming to be done with-
out an effort, and they were really done
without effort in this sense, at least, that there
was no strain, though the etcher always did
his best, even when apparently most care-
less. He understood, too, the real nature of
a sketch, which did not prevent him from
drawing more elaborately when he had
time, and felt disposed so to employ it. " The
Teivy at Cardigan " (D. 60) was a rapid mem-
orandum of a sunset on a broad stream, with
houses and trees on the opposite bank, the;
whole done at a single sitting, whilst the im-j
pression was quite fresh, and scarcely re-
touched afterward, except by two or three
scratches of dry-point. "Kilgaren Castle" (D.
58) was another sketch of the same class, with
a simple opposition of light and dark, the
MR, SEYMOUR HADEN'S ETCHINGS.
591
castle and the ground on which it stood be-
ing all in light, and the wooded foreground
bank in shade. There is not two hours'
work in the whole plate, though it quite con-
veys the idea of a castle's grandeur, both of
construction and situation. " The House
of Benjamin Davis " (D. 57), " Kenarth" (D.
55) and " Newcastle in Emlyn " (D. 56) are
three other small etchings of the same rapid
character, with simple and exaggerated op-
positions of light and dark, and point-sketch-
ing too hasty to be accurate, yet always in
the highest degree suggestive.* " Shere
Mill-pond " (D. 35) is a work of quite differ-
ent character, much larger in size, the copper
measuring thirteen and a quarter inches by
seven, and much more elaborately finished.
I have always considered that this and the
"Herdsman " of Claude (" Le Bouvier" in the
French catalogues) were the two most perfect
landscape etchings ever executed. Mr. Haden
chose to represent the pond at a moment
of extreme calm, disturbed only in the right
corner by the motion of a wild duck starting
in hasty flight from the rushes. There are no
clouds in the sky, which is left blank (white
paper often plays a very important part in
fine etchings), and there is nothing in the
water but the reflection of the trees and
plants. A very few words will suffice to ex-
plain the whole artistic purpose of the plate.
Its object is to convey the idea of calm, and
to present a contrast between very massive,
rich trees and very delicate and elegant
Ones, each having its own virtue and quality.
There is also a contrast between bold, strong
work in the nearer rushes, and very delicate
work in the details of the opposite shore.
This plate has been copied on wood for a
French illustrated newspaper and is here
represented also, but from the nature of etch-
ing its qualities cannot be really represented
in block-printing of any kind, and the reader
who cares about the subject should try to see
the original, if he can. Another of the more
highly finished plates was " Lord Harring-
ton's House from Kensington Gardens " (D.
12), executed in an effective combination of
etching and dry-point work, and worth atten-
tion as a fine example of Mr. Haden's treat-
ment of trees. He always pays loving atten-
tion to stems and branches, especially rugged
ones, of which he gets the texture admirably,
and he is a master of foliage in the mass, but
hardly ever troubles himself to draw indi-
* These five Welsh plates were all done out-of-
doors in one day — xyth August, 1864. Drake cata-
logue.
vidual leaves, even when they would be
clearly visible. As the foliage is thin in
the plate under consideration, it is nearer to
leaf- drawing than is generally the case with
Mr. Haden's work, and it has the advantage
of letting us see the branches. There are
some vigorously sketched poplar-trunks in
the foreground of the plate called " Ful-
ham" (D. 18), but they are printed too
black. There is no objection to the most
intense blackness of line in etching (when
it occurs in the right place), but a per-
fectly black space of any breadth is always
heavy and objectionable. The houses and
tower in this plate are beautifully sketched,
and Mr. Haden lets us see in the trees to
the right, and in the bridge, some work left
intentionally in its very earliest stage. It
is not, as a general rule, prudent to attempt
much finish, or any complete tonality in
etched skies. The best way to etch a sky,
unless the artist is able to give the tone as
soundly as Samuel Palmer does, is to sketch
it frankly like a memorandum with the point
of a hard pencil — a method of treatment of
which Mr. Haden has given an admirable
example in the view " Out of Study Window "
(D. 17). Another very good example of his
treatment of skies, this time with fuller tone, is
the " Sunset on the Thames " (D. 83), which in
its own way can hardly be surpassed. It is
easy, of course, to imagine clouds with more
form in them, but it is always rather a peril-
ous experiment to draw clouds too definitely,
and it is very possible that, if these had been
more carefully defined, we should have lost
the flush of light which radiates from the
setting sun to the upper part of the picture.
This word picture has just been used by a
happy accident, and is preserved because
the etching really suggests color and light,
so that the spectator's imagination easily
turns it into a painting. The dry-point called
" Sunset in Ireland" ( D. 44), or" SunsetinTip-
perary," is rich in tone, but not very luminous,
so that the idea of sunset does not occur to
us before we read the title. The same sub-
ject was afterward etched in the bath (by
the continuous process) and published in the
" Fine Arts Quarterly Review," and the etch-
ing was more luminous than the dry-point.
The softness of dry-point is pleasing to many,
but the intrinsic superiority of etching as a
kind of drawing is plainly visible after any
serious comparison. The etcher can give
rapidly the most various lines ; the worker in
dry-point is confined either to straight lines
or to restrained curves, at least when he
works with facility, though drawing appar-
592
MR. SEYMOUR HADEN'S ETCHINGS.
ently free may be done in dry-point, with an
effort, by a very clever man. " Mytton Hall"
(D. 13) is one of the finest of Mr. Haden's dry-
points ; the entrance to the house is shown
at the end of a very deeply shaded avenue,
with two large stone balls on the ground
near the spectator. The rich soft blacks
attainable in this kind of engraving always
win the admiration of critics not much accus-
tomed to it, but the real merit of a dry-point
is to have luminous quality in its darks —
anybody can make a dark smudge with the
necessary amount of labor. On this ground,
I prefer the right side and the middle of
this plate to the left side, which is like mid-
night, though there is sunshine on the house-
front. A similar criticism might be applied
to the etching of " Kidwelly " (D. 22), in
which the roofs of the houses are unfortu-
nately much too black for their distance and
for the light work around them, so that they
produce the effect of spots or patches.
When these etchings appeared, in 1865, Mr.
Palgrave considered the " Egham " (D. 14)
to be the best of the whole collection. It is
one of the best, but I do not quite like the
license by which the trees in the middle
distance (a good way from the spectator)
are made absolutely black. Of course,
this was not done from ignorance, — Mr.
Haden knows as well as any of us that they
could not be so; but he wanted the true
opposition between the trees and the sky,
and sacrificed everything to that. The dis-
tance is charmingly drawn, and with the min-
imum of labor. The " Egham Lock " (D. 15)
is a more perfect plate, though not so pretty
and pleasing, nor so rich ; it has throughout
the qualities just noticed in the distance of
the " Egham." A very beautiful plate in a
mixed manner, including etching, dry-point
and a salissure of the copper in imitation
of mezzotint, is " Early Morning in Rich-
mond Park"(D. 21), a poetical and luminous
piece of work with many of the qualities of a
good charcoal drawing. After this success,
it is rather surprising that Mr. Haden did
not make more use of a combination which,
in his hands, whether legitimate or not,
promised such good results. In the plate
the artist showed us some of those noble
trunks of trees which adorn Richmond Hill,
lighted by the early sunshine, with a sketch
of the view over river and plain, not made
out topographically, but sufficiently sug-
gested. A lark just visible in the sky illus-
trates a quotation from Shakspere lightly
scratched in dry-point in the foreground, —
" The lark at heaven's gate sings."
This hasty account of the " Etudes a 1'Eau-
forte " does them insufficient justice, but it is
scarcely possible to go much further into
detail without wearying the general reader
who can take little interest in technical
matters. It will be enough to say that, in
the way of free etching from nature, nothing
so good as these plates had ever appeared
in England, and to find their equals in their
own kind we must cross over to Holland
and go back to another century.* The only
English landscape etchers who stand on the
same level of absolute rank with Mr. Haden
are Turner and Samuel Palmer, but their
art is so fundamentally different in principle
that a comparison cannot properly be made.
Turner never executed etchings which were
intended to stand by themselves. He was
a very powerful workman in what we call
the organic line, but he did not combine
much shading with it,f as the shading in
his scheme was dependent upon mezzotint,
which was allowed for from the beginning.
In Mr. Haden's work, line and shade are
conceived and drawn simultaneously in a
complete synthesis. Again, there is no
evidence that Turner ever etched from
nature; his plates are studio compositions,
either from various sketches or, in many
instances, from pure invention. Mr. Haden
has always preferred, whenever possible, to
etch from nature directly upon the copper,
and as engravings are never done from
nature, this practice widely differentiates his
etchings from all engravers' work what-
ever. When we come to Samuel Palmer
we find a great artist, both in conception
and in extraordinary technical skill, but
the principles of his work are deliberation
and elaboration, whilst its qualities are
those which come of patient and profound
thinking, whereas Mr. Haden has made
it his principal business to seize passing
impressions in their freshness. Some at-
tempts have been made in recent years
to elevate John Crome to the rank of a I
master etcher, but he is not to be com-
pared for one moment with Haden, either ]
for mental or technical power. Crome was ]
a niggler with the needle, with the ideas <
* A letter is extant from Meryon, the great French
etcher, to the editor of the " Gazette des Beaux
Arts," cautioning him against being taken in by
these plates, which he declared were " not done by
Mr. Seymour Haden, and moreover not in that
century." — ED. S. M.
t There is a little shading in the etchings of
Turner, always simply and deeply bitten to sustain
rather dark or very dark parts.
MR. SEYMOUR HA DEN'S ETCHINGS.
593
nd execution of. an amateur,* Haden is a
arge-minded and powerful artist. He is a far
>etter etcher than Ruysdael ever was, and the
nly master of landscape etching with whom
e can be fairly and profitably compared is
is illustrious master, Rembrandt, who taught
im nearly half of what he knows, whilst
ature taught. the other half. Of course,
* This refers exclusively to Crome's etchings,
hich have all the characteristics of amateur's
ork, and not to his pictures, some of which are
ic.
VOL. XX.— 39.
he is not to be compared with Rembrandt in
range and extent of invention, or in the
delineation of humanity, but in landscape
the comparison is fair and reasonable. In
this department, Mr. Haden has had the
advantage of combining Rembrandt's teach-
ing with the beneficial influences of the
modern English mind, in which the love
of landscape is more connected with a
poetic feeling for beauty than it ever was
in Holland.
After the publication ofhis " Etudes a 1'Eau-
594
MR. SEYMOUR If A DEN'S ETCHINGS.
forte," the etcher continued at intervals
the practice of his art. It had been at first
a relief for physical and mental fatigue
brought on by overwork in the medical pro-
fession, but after recovery from this the love
of the art remained, and production could
not be wholly abandoned, though it was
suspended at times for considerable inter-
vals. Etchings were quietly accumulating
for another projected portfolio, but after
ing luminary as typical of the departing glories o:
both, and I will try to do this yet if, when you hav
taken off the impressions you require, you will le
me have the plate back again — reserving the secom
state for the new book which I hope one clay, bu
not yet, to publish.
" Be so kind as to let me know whether you fee
inclined to accept a crude performance of this son
and, if so, where and how I am to get it printed
The plate is sixteen inches long by seven and a hal
high, and the object itself no less than nine inches
If it is too big and gaunt for your purpose, tell m
OUT OF STUDY WINDOW. (1858.)
some time this idea was abandoned, the
artist fearing that the trade would break up
the collection and sell the etchings separately.
The history of Mr. Haden's next publication,
the isolated plate of the Agamemnon (D. 1 28),
is for a peculiar reason better known to me
than to most people. I had asked Mr. Haden,
in the beginning of 1870, to etch a plate for
an art magazine edited by me and then re-
cently founded. The following letter, which
I am permitted to print, as the reader will
see by the postscript, explains itself and is
a document of great interest in the history
of etching, for reasons to be given shortly :
" MY DEAR MR. HAMERTON : Yesterday, in the
belief that I had lost the power of working on cop-
per in (the open air, and with a load on my con-
science as to a request of yours that I would furnish
an etching for the ' Portfolio,' I went out and
made, or rather tried to make, a free-handed draw-
ing (on the plate sous entendu) of the hull of the
Agamemnon, now breaking up opposite Deptford.
That drawing I take the liberty to offer to you.
From its size and the space it occupies on the plate
it is scarcely capable of pictorial treatment, and you
are to be good enough to regard it as a conscientious
effort only to lay down on copper, without mechani-
cal aid, the lines, curves and proportions proper to
a ship-of-the-line of the old class. I do not mind
confessing to you that, simple as it looks, I never
undertook a more perplexing job. I had thought
of making the sun set behind the old hulk and the
distant cupolas of Greenwich, and of using the sink-
so, please, at once, as I will try in that case to fir
ish the plate whilst the ribs of the old warrior hoi
together.
" I hope you are well and that your labors do ne
try you. For me, I am old, blind and unhand)
The faculties (/'. e., the mechanical ones) no longe
obey the will.
"Yours,
" F. SEYMOUR HADEN.
"P. S. — As I read this letter over before commii
ting it to the post, it strikes me that it may help yo
to explain to your readers the ghost I am offerin
you. If so, print it with the etching just as it i:
SLOANE STREET, July 3d."
It was determined not to print the etchin
of the Agamemnon in the " Portfolio," wher
it could not have appeared, on account o
its length, without being folded, and instea<
of it we published a small plate called i:
the catalogue " Brig at Anchor, Purfleet" (E
.
This decision was most fortunate, as ;
turned out, for an appearance in the maga
zine would have entirely taken away th
freshness from the plate in the eyes of th
public and of collectors, whereas when put
lished separately at Colnaghi's, at the con
siderable price of five guineas a copy, :
reached an extraordinary sale, which ma
be accounted for in various ways. First, i
was an excellent etching, which counts fc
something, but, besides this, the now famou
MR. SEYMOUR HAD EN'S ETCHINGS.
595
" Etudes a 1'Eau-forte " had created a desire
to possess some specimen of Mr. Haden's
work, and the price (fifteen guineas) was
so high and the copies printed (one hun-
dred and eighty) too few for that publication
to be generally accessible, so people seized
on the new opportunity. Besides this, pa-
triotism had something to do with it, as it
had with the fame of Turner's analogous
subject, " The fighting Temeraire tugged
to her last berth, to be broken up." What-
ever may be the reasons, this etching, in
its pecuniary return, was the most suc-
cessful ever published in the world. It
brought in a regular income of more than
artist in this instance had no thought of
pecuniary results.*
There is an interesting melancholy ex-
pression at the end of Mr. Haden's letter
— " for me, I am old, blind and unhandy " ;
but this is not to be taken literally. It
means simply that the artist was no longer
disposed for minute work, and was passing to
a broader style of drawing, which he has
since pursued and developed. Again, as to
the plate being a ghost, this has reference
only to the very first state. After the
addition of the sky and some other work,
the etching at once showed the inherent
strength of its nature, and revealed itself as
A BY-ROAD IN TIHPERARY. (1860.)
a hundred pounds a week for a considerable
time, and, even after that slackened, the sale
was still very profitable. As I happen to have
calculated, on imperfect information, that
the "Agamemnon " paid its author a guinea
a minute for the time spent upon it, I may
say here that a more accurate calculation,
made since on fuller data and including
subsequent sales, proves the etcher's pay-
ment to have been three guineas a minute
for the time spent in actual work. This
does not affect the rank of the performance
| as a work of art, but it is a curiosity of art-
story, and the more remarkable that the
one of the most robust things ever produced
either by its author or anybody else. The
work is extremely simple in style, the lines
* The first state of the Agamemnmi brought, from
first to last, 2500 guineas. Money could not falL
into better hands. As Mr. Haden is not a profes-
sional artist, the profits of his etchings enable him
to increase his charities, and especially to help the
Hospital for Incurables, of which he was really the
founder. He has also made etching support etch-
ing by devoting the sums it has brought him to the
acquisition of his magnificent collection of etchings
by the great masters, in the formation of which he
has more than once given as much as ^300 for an
impression at auction.
596
MR. SEYMOUR H ADEN'S ETCHINGS.
KILGAREN CASTLE. (1864.)
being kept very visible and well open and
strongly bitten, without any attempt at com-
pleteness of tone, though effect is well sug-
gested. On this some dry-point work was
used in moderation. It is seldom really
necessary to carry etching much further, if
the artist has the intelligence to make it
suggestive in the right way. The disman-
tled vessel was presented to the spectator
with a directness which was most impres-
sive, occupying as much of the drawing as
it could without being too overwhelming,
and very artfully prevented from appearing
too monotonous by being shown beyond a
floating crane, which, with all its cordages,
was etched with remarkable power. A dis-
tant view of Greenwich hospital to the left
recalled the old age of sailors, whilst that
of ships was still further illustrated by the
hull of the Dreadnought in the middle
distance.
The strong style of etching adopted for
the Agamemnon was carried still further in
the same direction when Mr. Haden success-
FROM THE BRIDGE AT CARDIGAN (1864.)
MR. SEYMOUR H ADEN'S ETCHINGS.
597
fully attempted to translate into his own art
an important picture by Turner, the well-
known "Calais Pier "in the National Gallery.
This etching measures two feet nine inches by
one foot eleven inches, and in its earlier
states has no pretension to the full tone of
the original picture, of which it gives the
drawing and composition powerfully, with a
suggestion of the chiaroscuro, but in a much
lighter key. It is a grand etching, but as it
is carried out entirely on the principles of
interpretation, and exhibits no work which
can be called imitative either of painting or
of nature, it generally offends those who
are not accustomed to interpretative work.
The large size of this etching and its high
and the "Agamemnon" would sustain mezzo-
tinting well, but a real lover of etching does
not feel the necessity for it, as his imagina-
tion easily supplies what is wanting when
the suggestion is made intelligently. Sug-
gestive etching, when of the right kind, is
decidedly of a higher class than imitative
etching, cleverly as the latter is often done
in these times. Really good suggestive
work, not carried too far, is a noble exer-
cise of the mind, both in the artist who
brings the whole force of his mind to its
execution, and in the student or critic who
uses his intelligence to understand it.*
Since the publication of" Calais Pier," Mr.
Haden has applied the same style of execu-
ERITH MARSHES. (1865.)
price (twenty-five guineas) have also been
obstacles to its popularity. Even the depth
of the biting offends some people, who look
at it too near and do not bear in mind that
it is intended for its own distance. I re-
member a very mistaken criticism on it, in
which the writer affirmed that it had been
over-bitten, and that to conceal this defect
it had been printed in brown. The fact is,
that the sepia printing was decided upon
from the beginning, most probably in defer-
ence to the example given by the " Liber
Studiorum " of Turner, which is also remark-
able for very deep bitings. There has been
some intention of having the plate mezzo-
tinted, as Turner's were. Both this plate
tion to a plate called " Greenwich" (D. 184),
measuring twenty and a half inches by thir-
teen and a half. In this etching the sun is
declining very nearly in the same place as
in the " Agamemnon" and we have a noble
view of the fronts of Greenwich hospital
catching the evening light. The sky is
cloudy and vigorously sketched, the water
a blank, — in nature probably a dull gray, —
* Mr. Haden says that " Calais Pier " was done
as an interesting study and in homage to the genius
of Turner, of which it was a sort of analysis. It
was never intended as a copy. One hundred im-
pressions (of which ten only remain) were taken
from the plate, which was then prepared for mezzo-
tinting. A press had to be built to print ^it.
MR. SEYMOUR HAD EN'S ETCHINGS.
which Mr. Haden has not attempted to
render in its equivalent of tone. Every-
thing in the plate is treated with a settled
determination not to go beyond a certain
well-understood point in the rendering of
light and shade, which is indicated but not
imitated. This restraint may be disap-
proved of by artists accustomed to the full
tones of painting, and we know that the
regular professional etcher-engravers now
take a pride in getting as near full tone as
they can, whilst there are critics who always
look for it and blame a work as inferior
when they do not find it. To this the an-
swer is simple. You cannot possibly have
the peculiar qualities of a sketch-etching in
line and those of an etching in tone at the
same time. The line-etching is the more
conventional and the more intellectual and
rapidly expressive ; the tone-etching or en-
graving (when the tones are correct, which
they very seldom are) comes nearer to the
aspect of nature. For example, take the
sky and water in this " Greenwich." The
sky itself is left blank, by which the tran-
quillity of the natural sky is conveyed to the
spectator's mind, but not the shade-value
of its color. The clouds are boldly outlined
with the point, and there is a rough indica-
tion of shade without the slightest attempt
to hide the lines; but all these lines would
have been inadmissible in a tone-sky, and
the blank water would have required a week's
work in delicate shading — work perfectly un-
necessary to the intellectual result, and which
would have completely destroyed the effect of
the performance as a rapid and spontaneous
expression. There is no objection to labor-
ious tone-etching when it is good, but it is an-
other thing — it is a slow expression full of
technical delays and elaboration, whereas
line-etching, in which tone is suggested but
not imitated, is a direct and rapid expression,
suitable for working from nature. I ask
pardon for insisting so much upon this dis-
tinction ; I do so because it ought to be
generally understood, and might be under-
stood quite easily if people would give it a
little serious attention. The importance of
it is such that, when critics will not take the
trouble to master it, they fall of necessity into
sins against justice, which are as deplorable
as they are easily preventable. For example,
I remember seeing an etcher blamed be-
cause he had left a country lane white in
summer, no country lanes in nature being
really white, except under snow. The
criticism would have been just if the artist
had pretended to full tone, as painters gen-
erally do, but he had been working, with
perfect judgment, in limited tone, which the
critic was too ignorant to understand. So
with Mr. Haden's ''Greenwich": it is a
work in line with restricted tone, suggestive
of more than it expresses, and a critic who
did not understand this would be sure to
write about it unjustly. It is a noble work
in its own order, perfectly suggestive of
light and space, of water and sky, of magnifi-
cent buildings and stately shipping. It is
perfectly harmonious throughout, being the
clear statement of one mental impression,
and if the reader cares to know the difference
between art and fact, he has nothing to do
but to compare this etching with a photo-
graph of the same well-known and very
accessible locality.
The twelve etchings published for Mr.
Haden, by Messrs. J. Hogarth & Sons, in
1878, were not all of recent production.
"Mount's Bay" (D. 114), the "Three Sis-
ters " (D. 116)," Battersea Bridge" (D. 120)
and "Purfleet" (D. 122) were etched in
1868. "On the Test— Twilight" (D. 19)
was done ten years earlier. The plates pro-
duced after the beginning of 1874 were
" The Complete Angler" (D. 149), '•' Dusty
Millers" (D. 165), "Windmill Hill" (D.
146) and " Grim Spain " (D. 168). Not-
withstanding these wide differences of date,
there is little inequality of treatment until we
come to " The Mill-wheel " (D. 136), 1874,
and " Dusty Millers," 1877, which are plainly
in the later and broader manner that began
with the " Agamemnon " and culminated
in the " Greenwich."
Of the plates just enumerated, some con-
tain a good deal more than others. "The
Complete Angler " and " Dusty Millers " are
very slight sketches, legible by a practiced
eye, but which the general public might well
be excused for not appreciating. " Mount's
Bay " is a study of tumbling sea waves with
a cloudy sky, and St. Michael's Mount
in the distance. The waves are well
sketched, but the clouds are hard and too
much shaded, considering the crude quality
of the horizontal shading. The sentiment
of this plate is fine, and this is all that can be
fairly said in its favor. " Battersea," etched
on zinc, is fine in intention but" too hasty in
execution, more particularly in the sky, where
the clouds are formless. "Grim Spain, Bur-
gos," makes us feel the grim grandeur of the
towers on the city walls most efficaciously.
"A Water Meadow " (D. 20) is a lovely
etching of a meadow partly flooded from a
sluice, with some groups of trees in the mid-
MR. SEYMOUR HADEN'S ETCHINGS.
599
die distance, exquisitely drawn. Another
very charming plate is "The Three Sisters "
— three old trees near a forest glade, on slop-
ing ground. This is a capital specimen of
Mr. Haden's masterly treatment of trunks.
Here, with a moderate allowance of deeply
bitten lines, he gives the texture of the bark,
the light and the reflection at a minimum
cost of labor. There is a charming variety
of lighter tone in other parts of the plate.
" On the Test " is a rich dry-point, a kind of
drawing on copper done entirely without cor-
rosion by acid, in which the bur raised by the
point catches the printer's ink and produces
soft darks very much resembling mezzotint.*
It is very good for the soft mystery of twi-
light effects, and Mr. Haden is one of the
very few etchers who can use it. Engrav-
ers' dry-point, as used with great skill by
ground seem too big, but altogether this is one
of the liveliest and most expressive plates in
the collection.
The general impression left by a careful
examination of Mr. Haden's works is that he
is really a good and even a great etcher,
worthy on some points to be compared with
the very greatest. Without pushing eulogy
too far, it is evident, I think, that Mr. Haden
is the most accomplished and most powerful
landscape and marine etcher of modern times
amongst original artists. It is of no use to
compare him with etchers from pictures, who
are engravers in another form. His pur-
poses are as distinct from theirs as oratory
from parliamentary reporting. It is their
business to make themselves masters of set
methods of interpretation ; it has been Mr.
Haden's purpose and pleasure to convey to
BREAKING UP OF THE AGAMEMNON. (1870.)
Waltner, is quite a different thing, the bur
being removed. If the bur were taken off
such a plate as " On the Test," all the tone
would be gone in an instant. The sketch on
zinc, " The Mill-wheel," is good and fine in
method for a rapid sketch, but the subject is
rather unfortunately chosen because the view
is entirely blocked up by an uninteresting
house. Another etching on zinc, " Pur-
fleet," is admirable for the lively confusion
of boats on the water, all of them capitally
sketched, with a true understanding of a
boat's nature. The two figures in the fore-
* Dry-point and mezzotint are really just the same
thing, the only difference being that in dry-point the
bur is raised in lines, whilst in mezzotint it is raised
with sharp points in small dots; but the tone of both
is got by bur, whilst there is no bur at all on a pure
etching.
others by means of etching the sensations
he receives from nature, with as small a loss
of freshness as possible. The public can
hardly know how very rare such a talent as
that of Mr. Haden's is in the world and
how very common, in comparison, are the
abilities required to make a respectable
etcher from pictures. The one talent is as
rare as that of the poet, the other as com-
mon as that of a respectable translator. It
is for this reason that the position occupied
by Mr. Haden in the world of art is superior
to that of the very cleverest etcher-engravers,
though his work may often appear rude and
defective in comparison with their skilled
and careful handicraft. It may seem won-
derful that an amateur should have attained
to such a position that his works should be
treasured in the most exclusive collections,
6oo
MR. SEYMOUR HADEN' S ETCHINGS.
./ 4 ja^ .<&>.••.> V»
SAWLEY ABBEY. (1873.)
and admired by the most fastidious artists
and critics, but i( the reader could only
know as I do how miserably low the level
of amateur performance in etching generally
is, the wonder would seem to him far
greater. It can be explained, however, in
two ways. Mr. Haden was born with a
strong artistic gift, which is quite distinct
from the mere love of nature, — the gift, I
mean, of a masterful power and disposition,
which impels an artist to deal with natural
material in his own fashion. Besides this, Mr.
Haden has constantly surrounded himself
with the best works of the great masters,
especially Rembrandt, whom he knows so
well that, on any given occasion, he can
almost divine the treatment Rembrandt
would have adopted. It is something to
have the spirit of such a master always by
your side to give you a kindly hint; but
although Rembrandt is always in Mr. Ha
den's mind to be referred to, the Englisl
master works in his own way. It is thi
mixture of originality and tradition in hi
style which makes his work attractive t<
the intelligent. That work is often willfu
and apparently careless, full of those de
viations from absolute truth which aboum
in all masterful drawing, and it is opei
enough to the attacks of criticism, whicl
the artist treats with a wise indifference
Whatever may be its defects it has grea
and rare virtues — vitality, intelligence
freshness, not merely knowledge, but als<
the free play of the human faculties ii
the enjoyment of knowledge, and ii
the communication of that enjoyment t<
others.
[We are indebted to Mr. Samuel P. Avery for kind assistance in the illustration of this article and fo
his courtesy in loaning us proofs of the etchings, here reproduced.]
CURIOSITIES OF ADVERTISING.
60 1
AT NIGHT.
THE skies are dark, and dark the bay below,
Save where the midnight city's pallid glow
Lies like a lily white
On the black pool of night.
O rushing steamer, hurry on thy way
Across the swirling Kills and gusty bay,
To where the eddying tide
Strikes hard the city's side !
For there, between the river and the sea,
Beneath that glow — the lily's heart to me —
A sleeping mother mild
And by her breast a child.
CURIOSITIES OF ADVERTISING.
HE world was not very old in civilization
when it began to advertise. Disinterred
Pompeii reveals among its ashes many ap-
peals of its tradesmen and public enter-
tainers for patronage. The populace was
reminded of the location and existence of
the school by the sign of a boy enduring a
penitential thrashing ; of the dairy by the sign
of a goat and of the baker by the sign of a
mill-stone or a sheaf of wheat. The sym-
bols were made of stone or terra-cotta
relievo, set in pilasters at the sides of the
buildings, and more explicit announcements
were made in tablets affixed to pillars. In
Rome, the physician proclaimed himself by
putting a cupping-glass outside his door;
the poulterer by a coop of fowls ; the sur-
veyor by a measure; the perfumer by the
representation of four men carrying vases
A filled with his exquisite distillations, and the
« tavern-keeper by a bush, which, from its
omission by certain conservative and, no
doubt, self-sufficient vintners, gave existence
to the proverb flatteringly cherished among
themselves — " Good wine needs no bush."
But commerce leads to competition and
competition to pressure, and whether the wine
is as pure as April snow on the top of the Mat-
terhorn or as vile as the ordinaire served at
some dinners we have experimented with, it
must be " bushed " nowadays, or, except by
some old and steady (or unsteady) topers, it
6O2
CURIOSITIES OF ADVERTISING.
will never be found out. If man universally
could make a point of ascertaining precisely
what he wants, and having done that have
the leisure to devote himself to a search for
the most appropriate place in which to
obtain it, the "bush" would be unnecessary.
But the world is either too preoccupied or
too lazy to find out many of its own wants,
and the advertisement is a perpetual re-
minder, insistent and omnipresent, and
as ivory, fastening them and sweetening the
breath," may be obtained at the Holy
Lamb, East End of St. Paul's Church-yard ;
that "the barber and perry wigge-maker,
over against the Grayhound Tavern, gives
notice that any one having long flaxen hayre
to sell may repayr to him and shall have ten
shillings the ounce "; that at the Miter is to
be seen "a rare collection of curiosityes, much
resorted to and admired by persons of great
A BAKERY IN ANCIENT POMPEII.
indispensable under modern conditions.
When newspapers were invented — between
the middle and end of the seventeenth cen-
tury— the notices and puffs of tradesmen
and others found them a more convenient
vehicle than had hitherto been known, and
the merits of advertising were appreciated
as they had not been before. The an-
nouncements were brief and simple. • We
read that " the excellent China drink called
by the Chineans Tcha, by other nations
Tay alias Tee, is sold at the Sultan's Head
Cophee House" ; that at " the Queen's Head
Alley, in a Frenchman's house, is an excel-
lent West India drink, called chocolate";
that " Mr. Theophilus Buckworth doth at
his house, on Mile-End Green, make and
expose to sale, for the public good, those so
famous lozenges or pectorals " ; that " most
excellent and approved dentifrices to scour
and cleanse the teeth, making them as white
learning and quality " ; and that " small
bagges to hang about children's necks, which
are excellent both for the prevention and
cure of rickets, are prepared by Mr. Edmund
Buckworth."
The quack, the showman and the publi-
can are here with lineaments that are little
different from those we are familiar with in our
own day. But out of these five and ten line
paragraphs have grown this modern wonder
that we spread out before us with breakfast
— the newspaper of twenty pages — twelve
of them filled with advertisements that are
so various in motive and object and so com-
prehensive of all current affairs, that we
question if they are not the most inviting as
they are the preponderating part of the con-
tents ; for while the news may be unauthentic
and the comments biased, the advertisements
are ex parte and obviously give us only the
advertiser's views, without the pretense of
CURIOSITIES OF ADVERTISING.
603
AN ANCIENT PERFUMER S ADVERTISEMENT — ROME.
admitting an opponent's light upon the sub-
ject. Here, indeed, is " Vanity Fair " revealed
to us at a glance through the compactly set
columns — "bullies pushing about; bucks
ogling the women; knaves picking pockets:
policemen on the look-out; quacks bawling
in front of their booths and yokels look-
ing up at the tinseled dancers and poor old
rouged tumblers, while the light-fingered
folks are operating on their pockets behind."
Here we can see the traffic of the world, the
condition of trade, the fashions and the
manners of the hour.
To those who read between the lines there
are humor, mystery and many salient ele-
ments of character beyond the epitome of
the times ; the commercial activity or quiet
is infallibly reflected, and we, at least, find
no end of entertainment in these columns,
which often contain much more than com-
monplace announcements of things for sale
and services to be disposed of. A grocer,
A MODERN PERFUMER S ADVERTISEMENT — NEW YORK.
604
CURIOSITIES OF ADVERTISING.
MANY ADS OF MANY KINDS.
with a vocabulary that
would do credit to a
penny-a-liner, adver-
tises, not tea and
coffee, but " the pecul-
iar delicacies of the
far-off Ind, and the finely flavored and
humanizing leaf of the still farther-off Cathay ;
the more exciting though not less delicious
berry of Brazil, and the spices, sugars and
luscious fruits of the Antilles; the sugar,
condiments and blood-enriching
wines of the Mediterranean, and the
salt-cured and brain-renewing fish of
our own waters."
A young lady " who has received
a good education, can read and
write, and is versed in geography,
history, music, dancing and ele-
mentary mathematics, wishes a sit-
uation in a respectable family as
washer and ironer." A converted
burglar is announced to preach at a
certain hall, where he will "break
the doors of hell with a gospel
jimmy." A large number of " oil
paintings by the ancient masters of
the day " are offered for sale, and
" Reformation " wants a pew in " a
Protestant Episcopal Church, where
the services are the same as they
have been for three hundred years
— no candles, no choral services,
no incense, no gaudy robes or other
mummery or nonsense."
Too often truth is sacrificed to
personal interest in advertisements,
but here are two instances of extraor-
dinary disinterestedness. A large
quantity of whisky is offered, " not
particularly good, but as good as
most of the whisky sold in this
neighborhood," and a country-seat,
in a village where fever and ague
prevails, is thus described by its ten-
ant : " I hereby offer for sale my country
residence, at West Morrisania, near Melrose
station, where I have lived for the past three
years, and where I could not live much
longer. I have always heard that people
looking for places to purchase could nevei
find one where they had chills and fever —
they always had it about a mile, a mile and
a half or two miles off, but never right there
at the place for sale. Now I offer for sale,
as a curiosity, something rare — the precise
THE TWO DROMIOS.
CURIOSITIES OF ADVERTISING.
605
LHST NIGHTS! LHST MATWEtS!
A PANTOMIMIC ADVERTISEMENT.
and exact spot where fever and ague is. I
will warrant it to be there. Three of my
children have it ; my groom has sure pre-
monitory symptoms of it, and I have it my-
self. The place, in fact, is beautiful, and
beside fever and ague has all that befits an
American gentleman's country residence.
I bought it to please my wife, and I leave
it to please the whole family."
In another column, a farmer warns the
public against harboring his wife, who has
left him at the beginning of summer's work,
though he has had the expense of " winter-
ing her," and a laundress is wanted who
will be willing to " take her pay in lessons
on the guitar, and board on washing days."
The facetiae is but incidental, however,
and the predominant effect is that of the
extraordinary variety of interests put in
juxtaposition, and the freedom with which
space is used. In the afternoon and evening
long strings of people may be seen in the
main office of the paper, patiently waiting
to deliver their advertisements — people of
the most diverse aspect, purpose and con-
dition: the threadbare clerk out of a position;
the amply proportioned cook, conspicuous
and unmistakable Anonyma in illy-earned
gorgeur; the small tradesman and conse-
quential advertising agents. At the branch
offices about town the crowd is also great on
some nights, and, as the advertisements are
delivered, they are telegraphed by private
wires to the main office. Thousands of
dollars are paid for the announcements of
one issue — millions of dollars in a year, and
of twenty pages three-fifths are filled by
advertisements.
Let us glance at those perambulatory
advertisements which are set in motion
through the busy arteries of a city, following
the movements of the crowds, and pertina-
THE SHIRT MAN.
6o6
CURIOSITIES OF ADVERTISING.
crously thrusting
themselves into
positions where
they must be
observed. The
strong element of
human interest
THE ROCKS BELOW.
which the peripa-
tetic "sandwich
man " excites is
often supplemented
by the grotesqueness
of his apparel. Car-
ing little for what his
announcement is,
there is a disposition on the part of most
pedestrians to look into the face of the un-
fortunate, who, with all his emotion and
immortality, is reduced to the level of a bill-
board, and from the face, which often enough
is sad and worn, the glance is continued
to the big lettering which emphasizes the
fame of Brown's shirts or Kydd's indestruct-
ible pen-wipers. The sandwich man, so far
from being a purveyor of any kind, as the
reader unlearned in city slang might suppose,
is a bill-board, or, more properly speaking,
two bill-boards, between which he is braced
and set adrift in the crowded streets early
interest him in the stream of traffic — motives
to fathom and passions to read ; but he
bears himself with an air of preoccupation,
and, being himself a cynosure, pays no atten-
tion to the other sights that surround him.
Up and down the street, puffing at a phe-
nomenal pipe which, apparently without re-
filling, emits smoke in all sorts of positions,
and which neither wind nor rain puts out,
solitary and uncommunicative, he marches
hither and thither; and no wonder that
his countenance sours, that the purposes
of existence seem frustrated, when his eye
falls upon any vacant wall covered with
posters, and he is forced to exclaim :
" That wall is as much as I am, and that
automatic bear, in the toy-shop window,
is a more versatile creation than me ! "
The world knows little of the wounds it
inflicts on the peripatetic sandwich man;
and he conceals his embitterment under a
placid condition of mental reservation, un-
rippled by the faintest indication of any dis-
turbance. He is silent and cogitative, like
a philosopher. Nothing is left to his discre-
tion. Pinned to his back or heart is a small
open case containing his employer's cards,
with a request to " take one " painted across
it ; even the courtesy of offering the passing
crowd a circular is not left to him, and the one
thing required of him is constant motion.
A shrewd manager, at whose theater
D'Ennery's capital drama was being acted,
took advantage of the habitual and charac-
—
STEWED
TERRAPIN
&*-*•*•• I
OPENING OF THE TROUT SEASON.
in the morning, to confront the public with
his employer's advertisement until dusk
brings him a welcome relief. His pace is
not hurried, but his motion is constant. If
he were an observer, he might find much to
teristic gloom of the sandwich man to ad-
vertise his attraction. He selected two of
the saddest he could find, and set them
adrift in the bleak November weather, bear-
ing between them the name of the play, the
CURIOSITIES OF ADVERTISING.
607
THE CHIROPODIST.
" Two Orphans." The two orphans were
met in the street when the rain was soaking
them, and when the sleet was falling chill
against the panes. Smileless, voiceless and
bedragged, those men embodied in uncon-
scious burlesque
the bereavement
of the parentless ;
and as Brown,
Jones or Robin-
son saw them
trudging along in
the twilight, as he
went home from
business to din-
ner, he naturally
mentioned so
good an adver-
tisement to his
wife, and that
lady, being re-
minded of the
piece, of course
insisted upon his
taking her to see it. The very woe of the
sandwich men thus became a medium of
the astute manager's success, and
while they braved the wintry weather
for an incredible pittance, he sat in
the box-office contentedly smoking a
" big cigar."
The sandwich man of London is
the object of an amusing sketch in
" Punch." He is boarded between
an advertisement of Mr. Toole, the
comedian, in the farce of " Id on
Parle franfaise." " Ha! Un inter-
prete ambulant. Quelle bonne idee ! "
exclaims a stranger from Paris who
meets him in the street, and who
wishes to know the way to the South
Kensington Museum, " Pardon,
Monsieur Tole," this gentleman says,
" mais par ou faut-il prendre, s'il vous
plait, pour arriver au Musee de Soutte
Quinzingqueton ? "
But, after all, extravagantly lugu-
brious as he is — sometimes carrying
a scarlet umbrella, with great white
letters and stars upon it, that invites
custom to a certain manufacturer
when the country is suffering from a
drouth ; sometimes exhibiting two
immaculate shirt bosoms, framed and
glazed, counterparts of which may be
purchased at the small price of a
dollar, though no shirt at all is visible
upon him, and sometimes bearing
above the double sign-boards, or
"sandwiches," which conceal his body, a third
advertisement imposed upon a heavy pole —
after all, his melancholy goes too far in some
instances for any mirth. No one who saw
a lofty and handsome old man, straight, ex-
cept in the shoulders, with a large-featured,
candid face and white hair, patrolling Nas-
sau street last Christmas Eve, with a ban-
ner advertising some sort of stuff, could
have smiled at him. This ignoble and
wearisome business, with its few cents a day,
had spared him from starvation when that
gaunt wolf was staring him in the face, and
one need not have been very penetrative to
see the humiliation and despair that lay
beneath his faded overcoat. At the same sea-
son there was another old man, with a for-
eign, aquiline face like that of Meissonier's
organ-grinder, who marched to and fro on
Broadway with an announcement of a cheap
edition of the " Turkish March "; and though
there was something nearly laughable in the
incongruity between his own abject appear-
ance and the lively, martial tune that he pro-
claimed, his misery turned the laugh into
more decent pity.
A CONFERENCE.
6o8
CURIOSITIES OF ADVERTISING.
As a sub-
stitute for
the " ani-
mated sandwich," the tradesmen occasion-
ally employ men and boys whom they
bedeck in fantastic costumes and place in
the streets to distribute circulars. But, in
the opinion of experts, the hand-bill as a
means of advertising is worth little, and who-
ever has seen how it is treated by the unwill-
ing persons upon whom it is thrust must also
conclude that its value is, at least, obsolete.
The most valuable advertisement is that
which creates a permanent impression by the
pertinence, wit and freshness of the device.
Devices of this sort are not often seen, but
a clever one was set in motion some months
ago by the manufacturer of a certain soap,
and the writer's experience of it was probably
identical with that of thousands of others who
happened to be in Broadway.
There came down the street, with long
strides and an air of ineffable superiority, a
handsome young negro, full six feet high,
with broad shoulders, and an assiduously
cultivated moustache. A new yachting suit
of blue flannel fitted him like a glove ; his
boots were polished to a degree of luster
unattainable by ordinary methods; a dainty
cane swung between his fingers, and a Derby
hat of the latest fashion was set on his head,
with a fastish inclination over the right eye.
The whole effect was, in the vernacular of
the hatter, extremely " nobby." In the
rest of the dress there was nothing extrava-
gant except neatness, but the collar, of a
standing pattern known as the " clipper,"
was tremendous ; the collar made us all
smile, though it was not at all so ostensible
as the articles worn in negro-minstrel enter-
tainments. The good taste that had served
him in other things vanished at the collar,
which was more than he could manage, and
with it he degenerated into a silly vulgarian.
Amused at the self-consciousness of his
magnificence, we continued on our way up-
town, thinking, perhaps, that some lucky
stroke had befallen him ; but not far ahea'd
we were confronted by two exact coun-
terparts of him, each wearing the same
sort of blue suit, the same sort of hat, the
same sort of shoes, and the same amplitude
of linen about the neck. They were the
same height, and carried themselves with
the same mock dignity and indifference to
observation as their precursor, twirling
their canes with the same elegance, and
having their Derbys set with precisely the
same inclination. They came toward us
and passed us with a lofty and inimitable
unconcern for the attention which they at-
tracted. This was too much for human
curiosity ; it was impossible to resist looking
after them ; we yielded, and saw, in clear
black letters around the backs of those won-
derful collars, a simple invitation to use
CURIOSITIES OF ADVERTISING.
609
Lye's German Laundry Soap! Had the col-
lars been half an inch narrower, they would
not have been noticed ; had they been half
an inch broader, their purpose would have
been obvious. There was genius in the ad-
vertisement: a nice sense of comedy, and a
masterly control of resource ; those who
saw it will always remember it, though other
soaps than Lye's may be as unfamiliar to
them as to the Patagonians.
In addition to his bill-boards, the sand-
wich man carries in glass cases sample boots,
sample shirts, sample weather-strips, and a
variety of other incumbrances; but his
strength is human, and when the advertiser
to whom he belongs wishes to make what
he would call a " splurge," he supersedes
him, or compliments him by a wagon with
various devices erected upon it. When
; Pinafore " was being played at a west-side
theater, a full-rigged frigate, at least eight
feet long, was carted through the principal
avenues of traffic as a counterfeit present-
ment of that famous vessel ; when " Uncle
Tom's Cabin " was revived at the Grand
Opera House, a large truck was seen in the
streets with a little log house built upon it,
and out of the window an old negro with
white hair was peering ; when the Modoc
war was dramatized at the Old Bowery
Theater, a detachment of real Indians, with
the genuine brogue of Killarney, were dis-
played in Broadway on fine afternoons; and
at all times elaborate exhibitions are made
on wheeled vehicles by certain tradesmen.
One of the most familiar in lower Broad-
way is the perambulatory advertisement of
a dealer in dumb-bells and Indian clubs,
who is evidently somewhat uncertain in
ethnology and as to the derivation of the
name of his principal article. His sign is
made conspicuous on a wagon fantastically
decorated, and drawn by a feeble and pitia-
ble nag, whose extreme attenuation is partly
covered by a diverse and incongruous mass
of adornment, including plumes, bells and
the American flag. In front of the wagon
a papier-mache cat blinks with vacuous
solemnity at the hurrying crowds, and the
reins are carried over her ears to the driver,
who sits high upon a pedestal behind, and
embodies his employer's confusion in a
nondescript dress, mixing the Oriental, the
American and the undefinable with bewilder-
ing license. The designer of the costume
seems not to have known whether the mus-
cle-developing implements were an invention
of the prairies or of the land of the Taj
Mahal, and he has nearly crushed the
VOL. XX.— 40.
patient little colored boy, who sits upon the
seat with smileless dignity, under a composite
ensemble which at one glance recalls a Cos-
sack of the line, a scout and a feather-duster.
The "big Injun," as the business men call
the little fellow, is imperturbable in his
gravity, and continues his parade all day
long, nodding now and then to an un-
mounted comrade on the sidewalk, who is
also a slave to the Indian clubs, in a dress
almost as heterogeneous as his own.
One of the more recent advertisements is
a vast balloon secured to a truck, and a
more familiar one is the wagon carrying an
enormous transparency, illuminated after
dark, upon which some panacea or patent
dentifrice is extolled. Sometimes a bell
placed within the transparency is rung by
an invisible small boy, and a few months
ago, a cornet player discoursed his music
under the cover of a transparency announc-
ing the production of a thrilling new serial,
the " Brigand's Lair, or, the Tin Sixpence,"
and the " Mystery of Sir Hildebrand," in the
" Chambermaid's Companion." The vari-
ety of street advertisements in New York
is almost inexhaustible. Furniture dealers,
nostrum venders, tobacconists, clothiers
and grocers compete in the display, and
though an advertisement-hater may confine
himself to the news matter in his paper, re-
fuse every circular offered him, and close his
eyes wherever the bill-poster has been, he
cannot avoid having impressed upon his
mind the existence and location of certain
indefatigable tradesmen. People who will
not waste time at the shop windows loiter
to see the street-show. The inventor of a
portable bed finds a large audience when he
exhibits his article upon a wagon, taking it
apart, putting it together, lying down upon
it, and refolding it in a minute. The stere-
opticon at the junction of Broadway and
Fifth Avenue never fails to hold a crowd.
Up there, on the roof of a small building,
magic-lantern pictures are cast upon a
screen, the disinterested ones alternated by
advertisements. Niagara Falls dissolves into
a box of celebrated blacking, and the cele-
brated blacking is superseded by a jungle
scene, which fades into an extraordinarily
cheap suite of furniture. On very cold and
unpleasant nights the stereopticon has spec-
tators, and, though it is no longer a novelty,
its attractiveness continues.
The pertinacity of the American adver-
tiser, which lets no circumstance thwart it,
was forcibly instanced at Coney Island last
summer. All the city was there, and all
6io
CURIOSITIES OF ADVERTISING.
eyes were turned seaward; but intervening
between them and the soft purple horizon
were innumerable sloops, cruising up and
down the beach, with staring advertisements
painted on their sails. The procession of
sandwich men, the banners and transpar-
encies, and the various advertisements on
wheels are usually unobjectionable, and lend
additional activity and, perhaps, interest to
the city streets, as a sort of every-day carni-
val. But many advertisers have exceeded
both taste and discretion, especially the
proprietors of quack medicines and patent
soaps; they have emblazoned the ridiculous
names of their wares upon the loveliest
spots, and have invaded the most sacred
precincts of nature with their undesirable
notoriety. The offense given to all sensible
people by their vandalism counteracted any
beneficial effect their advertisements might
have had, and now, when there is scarcely a
prominent cliff or bluff in a frequented part
of the country that is undefaced by them,
they perceive theprofitlessnessof the method.
One thing about the otherwise monstrous
business compelled some degree of admira-
tion. It was the ubiquity and audacity of
the sign-painter, who, in many instances,
must have imperiled his life to accomplish
his purpose. When — last summer — whirl-
ing toward the Pacific, we saw his handi-
work high up on the colossal escarpments
of Echo Canon ; again on the somber granite
cliffs of Weber ; further west on the arid rocks
of the Humboldt ; even on the forlorn wig-
wams of the Piutes, straggling over the fallow
desert, and continuously over the sierras and
down the golden valley of the Sacramento
— sign after sign high above the level, and
often in positions the manner of reaching
which was inexplicable, — our first impulse
of indignation was mitigated by a faint
stirring of admiration for the pluck and
impudence of the one individual whose name
under most of the inscriptions indicated how
completely he had done his work.
When we came back to New York, we
sought him out and found him. He was
neither penitent nor apologetic. " I guess
I've desecrated more nature than any other
man in the United States," he said, with
cool defiance and a twinkling eye that told
us he -appreciated his own audacity, " and
what of it ? I guess a pretty bit of lettering's
a heap nicer than an ugly rock, and though
I use the word ' desecrate,' and a whole
crowd of people and newspapers are blow-
ing at me, I guess I've beautified more or
less every city in the United States. I'm a
gazetteer of the United States ; not a towi
or village I aint been into, and I can pain
S (mentioning the name of a paten
medicine) standing on my head with m;
eyes shut. Often do it with my eye
shut, too, especially when they are tire<
and the sun's strong. I've walked si:
times up and down the Hudson; painte<
on rocks while standing up to my necl
in water, and I've put up the name o
' Vitality Bitters ' on Lookout Mountain
Seen a good deal of human nature
and had many queer experiences in ou
business. That was one at Lookout Mount
ain. I'd slung myself up on a face of roclf
with my brushes and pots, and was slap
dashing away, when spat! something hi
the rock. I supposed may be it was a ston
rolling from above, when spat! came anothe
one, and spat ! spat! spat! spat! four more
Well, I glanced at the rock and saw a lo
of little dents in it, like bullet marks; but
couldn't see where they came from. Spat
again — five more spats! This was begin
ning to get lively, and I stretched mysel
out to make an investigation, and awa;
down below I saw a mean old photographe
who took pictures of the fellows and thei
girls who came to see the mountain. H
was standing in the smoke of his owi
revolver, and was loading it again to peppe
me because I was painting a part of th<
mountain that came into the backgroun*
of his darned old photographs. Well,
dabbed away as fast as I could; spat! si:
times more, but I finished the sign and thei
vamoosed. Didn't I remonstrate with th
old man when I got down ? No, sir ; yoi
bet I didn't. They shoot remarkably we!
in that country, and it was lucky for me tha
I was just out of the old man's range."
He was evidently exhilarated by his owi
recital, and, as he lighted a fresh cigar, hi
eyes were sparkling and his face was smilinj
with immense satisfaction.
" Why, my partner, old man Brad," hi
continued, " painted ' Kaiser Bitters ' on tin
pyramid of Chops, or whatever you cal
him, and just after the war I stuck up ' Buf
lo's Liver Pills' in letters three feet higl
around old Fort Sumter. You see, I got •<
darkey to take me over from Charleston ii
one of those little boats that they sail dowr
there, closer to the wind than anything J
ever saw before. The fort was unoccupied
except by an old soldier, who showed m(
all over the place. 'Have a drink, cor
poral ? ' said I to him, after a while. ' Nc
objections,' said he, and we walked anc
CURIOSITIES OF ADVERTISING.
6ir
talked a little further. ' Pretty lonesome
here, eh, sergeant?' 'Very, indeed,' an-
swered the old duck, warming to me as I
brevetted him a grade higher every two or
three minutes. 'Ah,' said I, 'it's a tough
old biz, the army, aint it, lieutenant?'
' Faith, an' it is, upon me life,' said he. Well,
I brought my flask out again, and pressed
it upon him. ' Now look here, captain,'
said I, ' you don't mind me painting a sign
around the old fort, do you ? ' ' Not a bit,
my son ; paint as much as ye plaze,' he
answered, quite willingly, and away I went
to work, finishing the lettering before sun-
down. That little business nearly got me
into trouble; it raised an awful dust, and I
left Charleston in a hurry. Nearly as bad
as the time when I was painting ' Dr. D id-
ler's Elixir of Life ' on a bee-hive. I was
walking along the railway track with my
pots and brushes, and saw the hive, which
was in an A No. i position, bound to be
seen by everybody in the trains. I stole
up to it and slathered on the paint, taking
care not to make much noise. Buz-z-z!
one little fellow came to look at me, then
another, then another, and then a score or
more all at once. They didn't seem to ob-
ject— in fact, seemed to admire the richness
of the coloring; but in slinging my leg
over the top of the hive I upset my can of
turpentine, and not one bee in the crowd
would listen to a word of reason. I was
laid up for a week or two after that ; but I
can't be quiet long; it aint in me to be
still ; I'm an out and out Yankee, and it
warms my heart to be off with the paints —
and it aint incumbent upon me now."
He added this with a complacent and
pregnant glance at his massive watch-chain
and jeweled sleeve-buttons, which indicated
no little prosperity.
" When anybody gets his back up at me,
I just let him blow his steam off and then
I talk to him," he continued. " Down in
Maryland, one day, I was painting a sign on
a fence, and a fellow working in a field near
by hollered out : ' Hi! Get away from that
yar fence ! ' I let on not to hear him.
' You git, now ! ' the old man shouted once
more, but I dabbed and dabbed away as
industriously as ever. 'You wont, wont
yer?' said he, and then he came for me
with a pitchfork in his hands. Folks in
Maryland are generally pretty much in
earnest when they are mad, but I didn't
move an inch ; he'd have lifted me like a
piece of toast if I had, and instead of toast
it would have been a roast for me. I
looked as mild and innocent as I could ;
shaped out the letters, and held my head
back now and then as if to study the effect.
'Don't you like it?' said I, as he got up to
me. Well, he met me with some highly
seasoned expostulations, but, as I told you,
I never interfere with a man when he's
blowing off steam — it isn't safe. The pitch-
fork did not look salubrious, but I held to
my work, and as I was finishing it he began
to cool off, and at the same time to take
an interest in the sign. 'Got a family?'
said I. ' Yes,' said he. ' Young uns, too,
may be?' 'Yes,' said he, again. 'Well,
now,' said I, ' aint you ashamed of yourself,
to let your temper get the better of you in
this way? Think of the bad effect on the
children. But I'll paint it out.' ' No ; leave
it on, stranger; I like it,' he answered, and
we went over to the house together, which
proves that, when a man's blowing off, it's
best not to sit on his safety-valve. I went
up the Mississippi with old Captain Leath-
ers, in the Natchez, with her smoke-stacks
painted crimson to signify that they would
be burned red-hot before she should be
passed ; and at the first landing I set to
work on all the rocks. The old captain was
immensely tickled with the idea. ' Look at
that darned Yank!' he cried to the passen-
gers. ' How long before you start, Cap ? '
shouted I. ' We'll wait till you get through,'
he answered, and he did the same thing at
every other landing. But the newspapers
have made such an outcry against the dese-
cration of nature, as they call it, that a law
forbidding it has been passed in some of
the States, and on the whole rock-painting
is discouraged by our patrons, who think it
spoils the sale of their articles, and we are
limited to bill-boards and fences, in which
we've got the prettiest business to be found.
Yes, I'm a Yankee, and have gone through
life with one motto: 'Don't be bashful, and
never allow yourself to be set down upon
by nobody.' "
These very simple principles have led
him to a most substantial success. In the
winter of 1858, a young sign-painter in the
Bowery found his business failing, and, hav-
ing nothing else to do, went along Harlem
Lane painting his name, occupation and
address on the rocks and fences. Several
business men were struck by the novelty
of the method, and employed him to adver-
tise their wares in a similar manner. His
customers increased in number. He trav-
eled with his brush and paint up the Missouri
River by steamer, and across the plains and
6l2
CURIOSITIES OF ADVERTISING.
Rocky Mountains by pack-mules in 1858,
when that expedition was not the easy matter
it is to-day. His signs appeared under the
palmettos of the Gulf and among the flow-
ers of the Antilles. He reached Oregon ; he
daubed the pyramids; the railways were
hedged in by his handiwork. But his suc-
cess was harassed by a competitor, who was as
bold, as pushing, as adroit and as irreverent
as he was. He converted this enemy into
a friend, and the two together continued the
profanation of nature, until the whole face
of the country near the main lines of traffic
was degraded into a vast bill-board.
" We traveled over a million and a half
of miles, sir," said the arch vandal whose
adventures we have given ; " painted more
than ninety thousand signs, and used more
than five hundred barrels of linseed oil,
mixed with five hundred barrels of turpen-
tine and a hundred and fifty tons of white
lead. I say tons, sir, and will show you the
books to prove it."
He beamed with exultation in mentioning
this stupendous fact, and seemed to breathe
with difficulty whenever he recurred to it.
He overwhelmed us with figures, and begged
that, if anybody questioned their authentic-
ity, he would either "put up or shut up,"
jingling the coin in his own pockets to indi-
cate that he was prepared to back all his
assertions.
The firm has over eighteen hundred agents,
he told us, and in addition to painting it has
facilities for distributing and posting bills in
every city. The cost of painting the name
of any article containing not more than ten
letters, each about eight inches long, is about
one dollar, and small posters are designed,
printed, distributed and hung in every city
east of Omaha at a cost of about six cents
each. Over three million " gutter-snipes "
are distributed for one tobacco-manufactur-
ing concern in a year, and a certain patent
medicine was " billed and painted " in seven-
teen different States one year for thirty thou-
sand dollars. A " gutter-snipe," let us add,
is a long, narrow bill usually pasted on the
curb-stones of prominent streets. In all large
places the bill-stickers' privileges are valu-
able, and there is a good deal of competition
where any are to let. They consist of dead-
walls, fences and boards, upon which one
concern usually acquires by purchase the
right of exhibiting their advertisements ; and
as an example of the prices sometimes paid
we may mention that, during the erection of
a new building on Broadway, three thousand
dollars were offered for the use of the boards
surrounding it. There are also " window
privileges," of which theatrical managers
avail themselves, exhibiting their pro-
grammes and lithographs in the windows of
the smaller stores and saloons, and rewarding
the tradesmen for their permission with
three or four gratuitous tickets a month
while the season lasts. But the average
bill-sticker does not limit his operations to
the extent of the privileges which he has
purchased ; he has a lawless instinct to put
up one of his posters in every position where
it can possibly attract attention, and through
his lack of principle he sometimes becomes
involved in dispute with the competitor upon
whose space he has encroached. A bill-
sticker's war is chiefly damaging to the ad-
vertisers whose posters are being distributed,
as the combatants efface the bills of one
another as fast as they are put upon the
walls. The bill-sticker is also open to the
charge of being a nuisance, from his habit
of using his paste where it is obviously
inappropriate ; but, charitably overlooking
these proclivities, which are less the out-
come of evil than of excessive zeal, he is an
industrious, honest and sober person; and
if in a bleak winter you should see him start-
ing out at midnight on his round, with ladder,
brushes and paste, to cover his boards with
announcements that will be fresh in the
morning, your antipathies would vanish.
The craft is so numerous, prosperous and
special in its nature that it has a newspaper
wholly devoted to its interests — a curious
publication, which is printed on one side
with red ink and on the other side with
blue ink, and which sometimes appears on
yellow paper, the object being that of all
bill-stickers' endeavors — to excite interest and
comment by its dress, if not by its contents.
But the contents are unique and forcible.
The column of editorial scraps is called
" snipes," after the gutter posters which we
have mentioned, and a department of biog-
raphy is devoted to the vicissitudes and
successes of various " men of paste." The
style is as unrestrained and familiar as the
conversation of a smoking-car filled with
drummers. " Give ample credit to fair and
square men," says the editor to his corre-
spondents, " and the interlopers and cheats,
lash them unmercifully," — which indicates
a lofty interpretation of the functions of
journalism. " To be successful in this voca-
tion," he says further on, in tribute to the
bill-poster, " is a guarantee of ability that
cannot be surpassed in any class of society
or position in life. The bill-poster's is a
THE BOOK OF MORMON.
613
rough experience, and the actor is a bold,
eccentric fellow. But for generous, genial,
kindly traits of character, the bill-poster and
sign-advertiser are proverbially noted." He
acknowledges a compliment to his paper
thus: "Thanks; the boys in all directions
are shouting the same tune, and if we did
not keep a very level head, our blushes
would scorch our shirt-collars." Announcing
that a certain issue will be on red, green,
blue and yellow paper — " We are open,"
he writes, " for comment or ridicule. You
ghostly white metropolitan dailies; all-pow-
erful country weeklies ; dry, stale and staid
old monthlies, we've got the cake ! Chew
us up, annihilate us — we can stand the blunt
— twig ? "
Probably we have gone far enough with
these choice extracts; the reader is mysti-
fied by the "blunt — twig," and we cannot
enlighten him as to its meaning. Among
the other contents is a catechism worth
reproducing, however :
" Q. What is advertising ?
A. The art of exciting curiosity.
Q. What is curiosity ?
A. A feeling of inquisitiveness, which nothing
short of investigation or trial will satisfy.
Q. What is the result of creating this feeling ?
A. Prosperity and riches to the advertiser.
Q. Who are the most inquisitive people in the
world ?
A. Americans. Therefore, if you would succeed
in advertising, excite curiosity, and you will hit the
mark every time. "
Some of the advertisements are metrical,
and are worthy of Silas Wegg. Here is
poetry for you :
" Go forth in haste
With bills and paste ;
Proclaim to all creation
" That men are wise
Who advertise
In this our generation."
" Would you have your pasting done,
Your bills put up quite natty ?
Then do not fail to send the same
Straightway to your friend Batty.
" To post and paste in proper haste
Such orders as you'll send him,
'Tis his delight; he'll do it right,
You bet ; now don't forget him.
" He'll circulate your ads wide-spread,
Through Mystic's pleasant valley ;
So call attention to your wares,
That buyers soon may rally."
The name of the paper is elaborately de-
signed on a landscape of town and country,
but both town and country are almost invis-
ible under examples of the bill-sticker's and
sign-painter's " art." The same advertise-
ments that have appeared far and wide on
rocks and fences are reproduced in minia-
ture ; the pyramids are " decorated " with the
legend of " Fizzler's Bitters " ; " stove-polish "
is inscribed around a mountain peak, and an
extended arm in the clouds, with a paste-
brush in hand — the symbol of the trade —
is branded : " A power in the land."
THE BOOK OF MORMON.
FROM my earliest childhood there has
been a tradition in my family that the Mor-
mon Bible was taken from a manuscript
written by my great-uncle, the Rev. Solomon
Spaulding. Recently, while in Washington,
D. C., I had the pleasure of meeting for the
first time Mrs. M. S. McKinstry, the only
child of Mr. Spaulding, and received from
her lips full confirmation of the story. Mrs.
McKinstry is a remarkably intelligent and
conscientious woman, of about seventy-five
years of age. She has lived for fifty years
in Monson, Massachusetts, and has a son,
who is a well-known physician at Long
Meadow, near Springfield, in the same State,
and a son-in-law, Mr. Seaton, chief clerk in
the Census Bureau, Washington, D. C.
Soon after the first excitement on the sub-
ject of Mormonism, Mr. Spaulding's widow
and daughter were interviewed by the re-
porter of a Boston newspaper ; but the fol-
lowing statement, taken on oath from Mrs.
McKinstry, is the first full statement of the
subject, and the only attempt ever made by
Mr. Spaulding's family to set th is matter right.
In order to give the statement its full
force, it will be necessary to prelude it by
a slight explanation of some facts bearing
upon the subject. Solomon Spaulding was
born at Ashford, Connecticut, in 1761,
graduated at Dartmouth College in 1785,
studied divinity, preached a few years and
then, from ill-health, gave up the ministry.
He was a peculiar man, of fine education,
614
THE BOOK OF MORMON.
especially devoted to historical study, and
with a great fondness for the writing of
romances. In 1812, he resided in Con-
neaut, Ashtabula county, Ohio. In the
vicinity there are several earth-mounds,
which excited his curiosity and fired his
imagination. He was one of the earliest
persons, if not the very first, in that part of
the country to become interested in these
curious monuments of a past civilization.
He caused one of the mounds near his house
to be explored, and discovered numerous
portions of skeletons and other relics.
This discovery suggested to him the sub-
ject for a new romance, which he called a
translation from some hieroglyphical writing
exhumed from the mound. This romance
purported to be a history of the peopling of
America by the lost tribes of Israel, the tribes
and their leaders having very singular names
— among them Mormon, Maroni, Lamenite,
Nephi. The romance the author called
" Manuscript Found." This all occurred
in 1812, when to write a book was a distinc-
tion, and Mr. Spaulding read his manuscript
from time to time to a circle of admiring
friends. He determined finally to publish it,
and for that purpose carried it to Pittsburgh,
Pennsylvania, to a printer by the name of
Patterson. After keeping it awhile, Mr.
Patterson returned it, declining to print it.
There was, at this time, in this printing-
office a young man named Sidney Rigdon,
who twenty years later figured as a preacher
among the Saints.
In 1823, Joseph Smith, — a disreputable
fellow who wandered about the country
professing to discover gold and silver and lost
articles by means of a " seer stone," — gave
out that he had been directed in a vision to
a hill near Palmyra, New York, where he
•discovered some gold plates curiously in-
scribed. In 1825, he called upon Mr. Thur-
low Weed, who was the proprietor of a
newspaper in Rochester, New York, and
asked him to print a manuscript, as' appears
from the following statement, which has
never before been given to the public :
MR. THURLOW WEED'S STATEMENT.
NEW YORK, April I2th, 1880.
In 1825, when I was publishing the " Rochester
Telegraph," a man introduced himself to me as Jo-
seph Smith, of Palmyra, New York, whose object, he
said, was to get a book published. He then stated
he had been guided by a vision -to a spot he
described, where, in a cavern, he found what he
called a golden bible. It consisted of a tablet which
he placed in his hat, and from which he proceeded
to read the first chapter of the Book of Mormon.
I listened until I became weary of what seemed
to me an incomprehensible jargon. I then told him
I was o'nly publishing a newspaper, and that he
would have to go to a book publisher, suggesting a
friend who was in that business. A few days after-
ward Smith called again, bringing a substantial
farmer with him named Harris. Smith renewed
his request that I should print his book, adding that
it was a divine revelation, and would be accepted,
and that he would be accepted by the world as a
prophet. Supposing that I had doubts as to his
being able to pay for the publishing, Mr. Harris,
who was a convert, offered to be his security for pay-
ment. Meantime, I had discovered that Smith was
a shrewd, scheming fellow who passed his time at
taverns and stores in Palmyra, without business, and
apparently without visible means of support He
seemed about thirty years of age, was compactly
built, about five feet eight inches in height, had reg-
ular features, and would impress one favorably in
conversation. His book was afterward published in
Palmyra. I knew the publisher, but cannot at this
moment remember his name. The first Mormon
newspaper was published at Canandaigua, New
York, by a man named Phelps, who accompanied
Smith as an apostle to Illinois, where the first Mor-
mon city, Nauvoo, was started.
(Signed) THURLOW WEED.
In 1830, the Mormon Bible was printed
at Palmyra, New York, by E. B. Grandin.
Two years later, the Mormon religion seemed
to be gaining ground. A band of thirty
were settled at Kirkland, Ohio. Later, these
converts, with large accessions to their num-
bers, went to Missouri, from which place
they were expelled. They then crossed the
river and made a settlement at Nauvoo, in
Illinois. In 1845 they removed to Salt
Lake, where their numbers have enor-
mously increased.
Joe Smith seems to have lacked the
inventive genius common to religious fanat-
ics. He followed the story of Mr. Spauld-
ing with almost servile closeness. Mr.
Spaulding's book purported to be a transla-
tion from some metal plates found in the
earth-mound to which he had been guided
by a vision.
This was precisely Smith's story. As the
new-made prophet could scarcely lay claim,
with any hope of credence, to sufficient
learning to translate the hieroglyphical
writing, he added to the original story
the Urim and Thummim, — the great spec-
tacles which he professed to have found in
a stone box, together with the golden plates,
and by means of which he could decipher
the mysterious characters.
Smith had now become a prophet, and
he proceeded forthwith to add his peculiar
tenets in regard to marriage, etc., to the
original manuscript.
The statement of Mrs. McKinstry is as
follows :
THE BOOK OF MORMON.
MRS. MATILDA SPAULDING MCKINSTRY'S STATE-
MENT REGARDING THE " MANUSCRIPT FOUND " :
WASHINGTON, D. C., April 3d, 1880.
So much has been published that is erroneous con-
cerning the " Manuscript Found," written by my
father, the Rev. Solomon Spaulding, and its supposed
connection with the book called the Mormon Bible,
I have willingly consented to make the following
statement regarding it, repeating all that I remember
personally of this manuscript, and all that is of im-
portance which my mother related to me in connection
with it, at the same time affirming that I am in toler-
able health and vigor, and that my memory, in com-
mon with elderly people, is clearer in regard to the
events of my earlier years, rather than those of my
maturer life.
During the war of 1812, I was residing with my
parents in a little town in Ohio called Conneaut. I
was then in my sixth year. My father was in bus-
iness there, and I remember his iron foundry and the
men he had at work, but that he remained at home
most of the time, and was reading and writing a
great deal. He frequently wrote little stories, which
he read to me. There were some round mounds of
earth near our house which greatly interested him,
and he said a tree on the top of one of them was a
thousand years old. He set some of his men to
work digging into one of these mounds, and I vividly
remember how excited he became when he heard
that they had exhumed some human bones, portions
of gigantic skeletons, and various relics. He talked
with my mother of these discoveries in the mound,
and was writing every day as the work progressed.
Afterward he read the manuscript which I had seen
him writing, to the neighbors, and to a clergyman, a
friend of his who came to see him. Some of the
names that he mentioned while reading to these peo-
ple I have never forgotten. They are as fresh to me
to-day as though I heard them yesterday. They were
"Mormon" " Afaroni" " Lamenite" "JVepAi."
We removed from Conneaut to Pittsburgh while I
was still very young, but every circumstance of this
removal is distinct in my memory. In that city my
father had an intimate friend named Patterson, and I
frequently visited^ Mr. Patterson's library with him,
and heard my father talk about books with him. In
1816, my father died at Amity, Pennsylvania, and
directly after his death my mother and myself went
to visit at the residence of my mother's brother, Wil-
liam H. Sabine, at Onondaga Valley, Onondaga
county, New York. Mr. Sabine was a lawyer of
distinction and wealth, and greatly respected. We
carried all our personal effects with us, and one of
these was an old trunk, in which my mother had
placed all my father's writings which had been pre-
served. I perfectly remember the appearance of this
trunk, and of looking at its contents. There were
sermons and other papers, and I saw a manuscript
about an inch thick, closely written, tied with some
of the stories my father had written for me, one of
which he called " The Frogs of Wyndham. " On the
outside of this manuscript were written the words,
" Manuscript Found." I did not read it, but looked
through it and had it in my hands many times, and
saw the names I had heard at Conneaut, when my
father read it to his friends. I was about eleven
years of age at this time.
After we had been at my uncle's for some time,
my mother left me there and went to her father's
house at Pomfret, Connecticut, but did not take her
furniture nor the old trunk of manuscripts with her.
In 1820, she married Mr. Davison, of Hartwicks, a
village near Cooperstown, New York, and sent for
the things she had left at Onondaga Valley, and I
remember that the old trunk, with its contents,
reached her in safety. In 1828, I was married to
Dr. A. McKinstry, of Monson, Hampden county,
Massachusetts, and went there to reside. Very soon
after my mother joined me there, and was with me
most of the time until her death, in 1844. We
heard, not long after she came to live with me — I do
not remember just how long, — something of Mor-
monism, and the report that it had been taken from
my father's " Manuscript Found "; and then came to
us direct an account of the Mormon meeting at
Conneaut, Ohio, and that, on one occasion when
the Mormon Bible was read there in public, my
father's brother, John Spaulding, Mr. Lake, and
many other persons who were present, at once rec-
ognized its similarity to the " Manuscript Found,"
which they had heard read years before by my
father in the same town. There was a great deal
of talk and a great deal published at this time about
Mormonism all over the country. I believe it was
in 1834 that a man named Hurlburt came to my
house at Monson to see my mother, who told us
that he had been sent by a committee to procure the
" Manuscript Found," written by the Reverend Solo-
mon Spaulding, so as to compare it with the Mor-
mon Bible. He presented a letter to my mother
from my uncle, William H. Sabine, of Onondaga
Valley, in which he requested her to loan this man-
uscript to Hurlburt, as he (my uncle) was desirous
" to uproot " (as he expressed it) " this Mormon
fraud." Hurlburt represented that he had been a
convert to Mormonism, but had given it up, and
through the " Manuscript Found " wished to expose
its wickedness. My mother was careful to have me
with her in all the conversations she had with Hurl-
burt, who spent a day at my house. She did not
like his appearance and mistrusted his motives ; but,
having great respect for her brother's wishes and
opinions, she reluctantly consented to his request.
The old trunk, containing the desired " Manuscript
Found," she had placed in the care of Mr. Jerome
Clark, of Hartwicks, when she came to Monson, in-
tending to send for it. On the repeated promise of
Hurlburt to return the manuscript to us, she gave
him a letter to Mr. Clark to open the trunk and de-
liver it to him. We afterward heard that he did
receive it from Mr. Clark at Hartwicks, but from
that time we have never had it in our possession,
and I have no present knowledge of its existence,
Hurlburt never returning it or answering letters re-
questing him to do so. Two years ago I heard he was
still living in Ohio, and with my consent he was asked
for the " Manuscript Found." He made no response,
although we have evidence that he received the letter
containing the request. So far I have stated facts within
my own knowledge. My mother mentioned many
other circumstances to me in connection with this sub-
ject which are interesting, of my father's literary tastes,
his fine education and peculiar temperament. She
stated to me that she had heard the manuscript alluded
to read by my father, was familiar with its contents,
and she deeply regretted that her husband, as she be-
lieved, had innocently been the means of furnishing
matter for a religious delusion. She said that my
father loaned this " Manuscript Found " to Mr.
Patterson, of Pittsburgh, and that, when he returned
it to my father, he said : " Polish it up, finish it,
and you will make money out of it. " My mother con-
firmed my remembrances of my father's fondness for
history, and told me of his frequent conversations
regarding a theory which he had of a prehistoric
race which had inhabited this continent, etc., all
showing that his mind dwelt on this subject. The
6x6
A SKETCH OF AMERICAN DIPLOMACY.
" Manuscript Found," she said, was a romance
written in Biblical style, and that while she heard it
read she had no especial admiration for it more than
for other romances he wrote and read to her. We
never, either of us, ever saw, or in any way com-
municated with the Mormons, save Hurlburt,
as above described, and while we had no per-
sonal knowledge that the Mormon Bible was taken
from the " Manuscript Found," there were many
evidences to us that it was, and that Hurlburt and
others at the time thought so. A convincing proof
to us of this belief was that my uncle, William H.
Sabine, had undoubtedly read the manuscript while
it was in his house, and his faith that its production
would show to the world that the Mormon Bible
had been taken from it, or was the same with slight
alterations. I have frequently answered questions
which have been asked me by different per sons regard-
ing the " Manuscript Found," but until now have
never made a statement at length for publication.
(Signed) M. S. McKiNSTRY.
Sworn and subscribed to before me this 3d day of
April, A. D. 1880, at the city of Washington, D. C.
CHARLES WALTER, Notary Public.
I wrote this statement at Mrs. McKinstry's
dictation, and was obliged to change it and
copy it four times before she was satisfied,
so anxious was she that no word nor expres-
sion should occur in it to which she could
not solemnly make oath.
About forty years ago, affidavits were
made by John Spaulding, the brother, and
Mr. Lake, the partner of Mr. Solomon
Spaulding, and afterward published, con-
taining the statement that they had heard the
author read his manuscript in 1812, and
that there was a striking similarity between
it and the Book of Mormon; but these affi-
davits cannot now be found.
There is no possible way of finding out
what Hurlburt did with the manuscript which
he carried away, since he has ignored the
letter of application which was personally
put into his hands. There was a report to
the effect that he sold it to the Mormons for
$300, and that they then destroyed it.
The question remains : how did Smith
become possessed of the " Manuscript
Found " ? Rigdon, who was in Patterson's
office while the manuscript was lying there,
had ample opportunity of copying it, and as
he was afterward a prominent Mormon
preacher and adviser of Smith, this is not
improbable. Smith, however, could easily
have possessed himself of the manuscript if
he had fancied it suitable to his purposes, for
it is understood that he was a servant on the
farm, or teamster for Mr. Sabine, in whose
house the package of manuscript lay exposed
in an unlocked trunk for several years. At
all events, it is evident that Smith had access
to the manuscript, since both stories are
alike, — the peculiar names occur nowhere
else but in these two books, — and that Mr.
Spaulding's romance had been read by a
number of people in 1812, while the Mor-
mon Bible was not published till 1830, and
not heard of earlier than 1823. Out of the
curious old romance of Solomon Spaulding,
and the ridiculous " seer-stone " of Joseph
Smith, has grown this monstrous Mormon
State, which presents a problem that the
wisest politician has failed to solve, and whose
outcome lies in the mystery of the future.
SKETCH OF AMERICAN DIPLOMACY.
[AT the dinner given by the American residents in Paris, on February igth last, to General Lucius W.
Fairchild, on the occasion of his quitting his post of Consul-General, at that city, for the office of Minister to
the Court of Spain, Mr. Richard H. Dana responded to the toast respecting the diplomatic history of the
United States. At our request, he has written out the notes prepared for this occasion. — ED. S. M.]
MR. PRESIDENT, MY COUNTRYMEN AND
COUNTRY-WOMEN: You have done well, Mr.
President, in selecting as one of your subjects
to-night the international relations of our
country — not only because they form one of
the noblest chapters of our history, but be-
cause this place, Paris, was the birthplace of
American diplomacy. Few probably con-
sider how instantly, and with what zeal, those
who had charge of our public affairs in the
struggle for our independence betook them-
selves to international relations. They saw
that the cause of our independence hung
upon a war of diplomacy on the continent
of Europe, and not solely upon a contest
with the weapons of war at home. Before
we declared our independence, immediately
after Lexington, Concord and Bunker Hill,
our Congress appointed a Committee on
Foreign Affairs, and a secret agent was sent
out to France, who succeeded in sending
home half a million of pounds sterling, with
ammunition and clothing for our troops, on
the credit of a government which could be
hardly said to exist; for we had not even
adopted any articles of confederation. Yet
A SKETCH OF AMERICAN DIPLOMACY.
617
this committee did a good deal of work,
and had the management of all foreign corre-
spondence, already voluminous and critical.
Within two months of the Declaration of
Independence, hoped-for treaties of com-
merce and of alliance were drawn up at
Philadelphia, and Benjamin Franklin was
sent out at the head of our commission, —
for commissioners we are obliged to call our
agents, as our independence had been no-
where acknowledged. Little could be ex-
pected in Europe for a country which fought
a year before committing itself to independ-
ence, and two years more before establish-
ing a form of confederate government ; yet,
during all that time, with both the instinct
and fact of unity determining everything,
our Congress levied men, borrowed money,
sent ministers, concluded treaties, and per-
formed most of the acts of a sovereign
government ; and the world, with the same
kind of prescience, seemed to take us at our
word.
When the confederation was adopted,
among the foremost of its provisions was the
following :
" The United States, in Congress assembled, shall
have the sole and exclusive right and power of
determining on peace and war, of sending and
receiving embassadors, entering into treaties and
alliances."
And when, in 1781, a " Department of
Foreign Affairs " was created, in place of
the committee, the preamble to the report
declared :
" The extent and rising power of these United
States entitle them to a place among the great po-
tentates of Europe, while our political and commer-
cial interests point out the propriety of cultivating
with them a friendly correspondence and connection.
That, to render such an intercourse advantageous,
the necessity of a competent knowledge of interests,
views, relations and systems of those potentates is
obvious. That a knowledge in its nature so compre-
hensive is only to be acquired by a constant attention
to the state of Europe, and an unremitted application
to the means of acquiring well-grounded information.
That Congress are, moreover, called upon to main-
tain, with our ministers at foreign courts, a regular
correspondence, and to keep them fully informed of
every circumstance and event which regards the
public honor, interest and welfare. Whereupon,
resolved, that an office be forthwith established for
the Department of Foreign Affairs."
From that time until the adoption of the
Constitution, the post of head of that de-
partment was held successively by Robert
R. Livingston and John Jay.
I am mentioning these things, my coun-
trymen and country women, to show you
how the United States from the beginning
met and dealt with its foreign relations.
Poor and ill-equipped as we were, we filled
every post abroad creditably to ourselves,
and with an eye to the creditable appearance
of our representatives. Dr. Franklin was
at the head of the French Commission ;
John Adams was added to it. John Jay
was sent to Spain, Arthur Lee and William
Lee to Vienna and Berlin, Francis Dana
to Russia, Henry Laurens to Holland and
Ralph Izard to Tuscany. However slight
might be our chance of obtaining a treaty
of commerce with a power having but one
port, we must not let it escape us: it might,
perhaps, at least give shelter to our cruisers
and privateers.
I have said that Congress meant our
agents to present a creditable appearance.
The report of the head of the Department
of Foreign Affairs says :
" Dr. Franklin has a part of Mr. Chaumont's house
at Passy. He keeps a chariot and pair, and three or
four servants, and gives a dinner occasionally to the
Americans and others. Mr. Adams lives in lodg-
ings, keeps a chariot and pair and two men servants.
Mr. Dana's salary, even if he should assume a public
character in Russia, where the value of money is so
high, is very ample. Of Mr. Jay's manner of living
I have been able to give no account ; but I should con-
clude from the price of the necessaries of life in that
part of Spain in which he lives, from the port, the
court and the people main tain, and, above all, from its
sitting in different parts of the kingdom, that to live
in the same style with Dr. Franklin, his expenses
must amount to nearly double of theirs."
Comparing the cost of living now in
Europe, with what it was in 1780, Mr. Ly-
man is justified in saying, in his history
of our diplomacy : " The confederation
generally paid their ministers better than is
now done." Among the documents sent to
the ministers was an engraved design of the
uniform to be worn by them at foreign
courts when full-dress should be required.
But these liberal preparations led at first
to no results. No nation would acknowl-
edge our independence ; not even France
nor Spain would move. Tuscany, with her
one sea-port, Leghorn, was in fear of Great
Britain, and would make no treaty of any
kind nor receive our minister, and Mr. Izard
returned to Paris. As far as I recollect, the
Lees could accomplish nothing in Austria nor
Prussia — not even the prevention of the Hes-
sian mercenaries. But whatever else failed,
Franklin triumphed. His reputation as a
philosopher put him very high in France,
and his dress and manners made him a
great favorite with those ladies of the court
who were wearied with stars and ribbons,
6i8
A SKETCH OF AMERICAN DIPLOMACY.
with pomatum and perfume. Besides his
receptions among men of letters, think of
that hour when, amid the court beauties,
the most beautiful out of three hundred
was selected to place a crown of laurels on
his head, and to implant two kisses upon
his cheeks ! Ah, Benjamin ! Benjamin ! I
fear it was then thou feltest that thou hadst
indeed drawn the electricity from heaven !
The cause of the colonies at the close of
1777 was at its lowest ebb. New York and
Philadelphia had been taken ; our army
had been driven through the Jerseys into
the interior of Pennsylvania and was dwin-
dling away, and an expedition of the highest
promise had been formed by Burgoyne, to
march from Canada to join Clinton from
New York, on the Hudson, and so separate
New England, which furnished the most
men and money ; and he seemed to be car-
rying everything before him. The French
were apologizing and explaining to England,
and abandoning us. But the turn in the
tide was to come. Beaumarchais, in a state
of agony and despair, in December, 1777,
was at the house of Franklin, at Passy,
when the intelligence was brought of the
surrender of the army of Burgoyne. He
set off instantly for the capital, but in such
haste that he overthrew his carriage and
dislocated his arm. But such news did not
depend upon one man. It spread itself.
The rapidity with which events followed
was remarkable. In the same month in
which the news was received, the American
commissioners were informed that, after
long and mature deliberation, His Christian
Majesty had determined to acknowledge
their country's independence, and the com-
missioners were invited to a formal confer-
ence as diplomatic agents of an independent
country; and a little more than a month
after all the details of two treaties, one of
commerce and one of alliance, had been
agreed upon and were signed on the 6th
of February, 1778.
I have said, Mr. President, that Paris was
the birthplace of American diplomacy.
Am I not justified ? Our first commission
was sent to Paris. Paris was made the
head-quarters of our European diplomacy,
with which all the more distant members
held correspondence. The first diplomatic
letter dispatched by an American agent from
Europe was dated at Paris, January 17, 1777.
After the recognition of our independence,
the first minister ever sent from the United
States was sent to Paris, and the first min-
ister we ever received came from Paris.
Our negotiations with Holland were mostly
conducted at Paris, and it was at Paris that
a Swedish embassador, specially instructed
to that purpose by his king, made a treaty
with Dr. Franklin, in January, 1782, saying
that Sweden was the first country in Europe
which had volunteered to make a treaty
with the United States, without request on
our part, and that he hoped it would be
remembered. The treaties of peace with
England, the provisional treaty of 1782 and
the final treaty of September 3d, 1783, were
executed at Paris. And, lastly, it was at
Paris that Dr. Franklin, in July, 1785,
affixed his signature to the celebrated treaty
with Prussia of that year, the last public act
of his life in Europe.
But the war had again its vicissitudes. We
lost more cities and some battles, the expec-
tations from the French fleet were disap-
pointed, and all this had its effect in Europe.
Holland, sinking in naval importance and
obliged to pass her commerce through the
British Channel, was unwilling to give any
cause of offense to England, though her
feelings were favorable to us. William Lee,
on his way back from Berlin, made at Frank-
fort a treaty with the Dutch agent, in such
a way that the Dutch Government need not
acknowledge it, unless the treaty itself should
be seen ; and this did take place by a singu-
lar accident. The treaty was hustled safely
out of Europe and put on board a Congress
packet, and got as far as the banks of New-
foundland, when the packet was pursued
and taken by the British frigate Vestal,
Captain Keppel. The precious document
was thrown overboard, but an enterprising
sailor from the Vestal sprang after it and
brought it aboard in safety, but little injured.
It was dried and sent to the Foreign Office,
and dispelled all misconception the British
were under as to the real position of the
Dutch. We sent Mr. Henry Laurens Min-
ister to Holland, but he was captured on
his way over and confined in the Tower
nearly two years. But Mr. Adams, Mr. Lee
and Mr. Dana succeeded in getting consid-
erable loans from Holland, and, in 1782,
Mr. Adams, after vexatious and annoying
delays, succeeded in completing a treaty of
amity and commerce. With Russia we had
no direct success, for the Empress had re-
served for herself the office of mediator, and
would not acknowledge our independence
nor receive our minister. Yet Russia hung
poised, a menacing avalanche that might
at any time descend upon British trade
and commerce in the Baltic and German
A SKETCH OF AMERICAN DIPLOMACY.
619
Ocean. But, if nothing else, we escaped a
misfortune. In its zeal to obtain the co-
operation of Russia, Congress had authorized
Mr. Dana to accede to the armed neutrality
of the North. This is the only instance in
our history in which we have volunteered to
become a party to European belligerent
affairs, and had it taken effect it might have
seriously altered the history of the United
States. And, after the peace, Congress was
very anxious lest some step of this kind had
been taken. But, fortunately, the rigid
neutrality of Catherine forbade all treaties,
and the general peace that followed the
treaty of Paris broke up the league of the
armed neutrality.
If my hearers, Mr. President, are willing
to go with me farther, we will transfer the
scene to the other continent, the home of
most of us. The Constitution had been
adopted less than four years, and was still
an experiment as to which many were doubt-
ful and some hostile; the Government was
but little experienced, and Washington was
without a navy, or even a naval department ;
we had only a few troops employed on the
Indian frontiers, with a very long coast and
numerous bays and harbors to look after,
when the ground-swell of the great war of the
French Revolution broke upon our coast.
Yielding to the necessity of obtaining the
French aid in 1778, we had incorporated into
the treaty of that year some provisions re-
specting maritime warfare which were incon-
sistent with neutrality and impartiality, in
case France should be engaged in a war of
that description. The republic had taken
the place of the monarchy, and the envoy
of the republic, M. Gen£t. a hot-headed
man, relying upon the sympathy of the
Americans for his republic, and our grati-
tude for the aid of France, as well as what
he supposed would be a natural hatred on
our part against England, had pushed the
claims of the French Government for the
exclusive use of our ports for all purposes
of naval outfitting and prize tribunals, be-
yond all endurance. And so little respect
had he for our sparse and unarmed repub-
lic that, when Washington remonstrated, he
appealed from the President to the people.
Great Britain objected to what had been
done, and was still going on, and with
reason. It was impossible to stop M. Genet,
for he had in truth the sympathy of a
considerable part of the American people,
especially in the more southern sea-ports.
A history of this famous struggle is too long
and complex for me to hope to hold your
attention to it. Let it be enough for me to
say that our affairs were in the hands of
three such men as AVashington, Hamilton
and Jefferson. On the 22d of April, 1793,
Washington issued his renowned proclama-
tion of neutrality, and on the 25th of May
following, Mr. Jefferson, as Secretary of State,
wrote his celebrated letter laying down the
principles of maritime neutrality as regards
both commerce and belligerency, in a man-
ner which will move the admiration of the
student of those subjects who has followed
them through the subsequent eighty-seven
years. The next week appeared Washing-
ton's dispatch to the British and French
ministers. In that, he admitted to Great
Britain the range he had been compelled by
the treaty to allow to France; gave notice
to France that from the date of the dispatch
the articles of the treaty were terminated;
declined to make compensation for what
had preceded his proclamation, and made it
understood that from that time the United
States would hold itself answerable to do its
utmost to preserve neutrality upon the prin-
ciples laid down by these several documents.
In a circular letter of August following,
Washington gave directions of the most
stringent character to the officers of the
revenue and the customs, to prevent any
acts in violation of neutrality ; and, imme-
diately upon the assembling of Congress,
Washington suggested legislation for the
preservation of neutrality, and on the 5th
of June, 1794, we passed the first statute for
that purpose, known in the history of the
world. And these statutes and proclama-
tions were put into execution, feeble as our
Government was in military force by sea or
by land. The militia of New York seized
one French vessel and held it for a year, and
a company of militia from Richmond, Vir-
ginia, on a few minutes' notice, marched a
hundred miles to seize an armed vessel about
to sail from the James River under French col-
ors. Washington complained of the conduct
of M. Gen6t, and the French Government
recalled him, substituting a reasonable and
acceptable person. Nor let it be forgotten
that, in addition to all his other difficulties,
Washington had to contend against Jacobin
clubs and journals, which had started up
through the country, and against a strong
party which did not wish to see neutrality
enforced, and scarcely recognized its obliga-
tions. Let me conclude this part of what I
have to say, by the assertion, I make with-
out fear, that there is no part of the inter-
nal administrative history of any country of
620
A SKETCH OF AMERICAN DIPLOMACY.
modern times which, under all the circum-
stances, lias done more honor to its ability
and purposes than has the preservation of
the neutrality of the United States under the
administration of Washington. And, besides
the acts done, we may take pride in remem-
bering that the documents composed and
issued by him and his cabinet are regarded
as masterpieces by the scholars of jurispru-
dence throughout Christendom.
Nearly one generation after this, our neu-
trality was put to a severe test by the wars,
largely maritime, between Spain and Portu-
gal and their South American provinces,
which had declared their independence. As
they had all adopted the republican form
of government and were struggling against
foreign powers which they had outgrown,
the sympathy with them in the United
States was very general, and cupidity was
appealed to by the opportunities for Amer-
ican privateering under the South American
colors against a rich Spanish and Portu-
guese commerce. Besides, our coast was
very long, including our side of the Gulf of
Mexico, and full of harbors and rivers in
which those clipper schooners which did
most of the privateering could be easily
fitted out and dispatched. The case was
not one of large steamers built in great sea-
ports like New York or Boston, whose pur-
pose and destination would be seen and
known of all men. It must be acknowl-
edged that the Spanish and Portuguese suf-
fered greatly at our hands. From the port
of Baltimore alone twenty- three vessels had
sailed under the American flag, to bring up
their armaments and crew and hoist their
privateer colors as soon as they had passed
the capes of Virginia. But we have some
things to say in our favor. The republic
had a complete judicial system extending
over the whole country, with prosecuting
officers in every State, and a neutrality stat-
ute which had satisfied Great Britain and
which we thought sufficient. The Portu-
guese minister suggested additions to our
neutrality act of a preventive character.
We have not found that our own sugges-
tions of improvement in statutes of that
character have been well received, even by
our nearest relations. President Monroe
immediately suggested these additions to
Congress. They were adopted at once,
and in less than two months from the date
of his letter of request, the Portuguese min-
ister had occasion to express his satisfaction
to the Secretary of State. We had pre-
viously, at the request of the Spanish minis-
ter, introduced into that statute a new
clause adding to the word " state," wher-
ever it occurred, the words "colony, dis-
trict or people," to quiet his apprehension
that the South American republics, whose
independence had not been acknowledged,
might not be included by the courts under
the previous phrase. And, at the request of
the Portuguese Government, we went be-
yond our obligation and suppressed by a
naval force semi-piratical establishments at
Amelia Island and Galveston, beyond our
jurisdiction, which were preying upon her
commerce. We prosecuted criminally both
citizens and foreigners, made restitution of
prizes brought into our courts, and with an
admiralty court in every State, opened for
complaints for any violation of the neutral-
ity laws, the Government put itself in such
a position that the Portuguese minister did
not allege that the executive had failed of
its duty, but, on the contrary, spoke of its
" conscientious earnestness." Still, the claims
of her citizens for losses have not been met
to her satisfaction. With Spain, a series of
negotiations and balancing of claims must
be considered as having settled all ques-
tions arising out of those wars.
I wish I had lime to speak to you of our
judicial system, and to remind you of its
glories achieved upon the sea. There is
nowhere in the world a court having so
great a jurisdiction and such enlarged
functions as the Supreme Court of the
United States. Among other things, it is
our supreme court of -admiralty and prize.
During the period when these great ques-
tions principally came up, we had Marshall
and Story upon the bench, and Pinckney,
Webster — I was going to mention other
names scarcely less illustrious, but I must
stop. We had a great bar, and the officers
of the inferior courts of admiralty were men
of high reputation. Look at any book on
the international laws of war, and especially
maritime war, published within this gener-
ation, and your American hearts will beat
high with pride as the long rolls of those
now world-renowned decisions pass before
you, and you see what honor and authority
are accorded by all nations to your judicial
tribunals.
But the South American wars of independ-
dence did not cease without putting the
diplomatic powers of the United States
again to the test. The result of the con-
gresses at Leybach and Verona was an alli-
ance between Russia, Prussia, Austria and
France, against all changes in the direction
A SKETCH OF AMERICAN DIPLOMACY.
621
of liberal institutions not made with the
entire consent of the sovereign. In accord-
ance with the spirit of this alliance, the
movements for free constitutions in 1821, in
Spain, Naples and Piedmont, were put
down by armed intervention, and absolutism
re-instated. And, in 1823, France invaded
Spain, suppressed the constitutional govern-
ment of the Cortes and restored absolutism
in the person of Ferdinand VII. Immedi-
ately there were signs, which could not be
misread, that it was the purpose of those
powers to assist Ferdinand in regaining his
American possessions. Against this Eng-
land stood alone, — England, the home of
free principles — though sometimes perse-
cuted— the birthplace of popular govern-
ment, and, above all, the inventor of that
political and judicial machinery which can
only work in free air, and without which no
declarations nor constitutions, whatever their
language, furnish any real security. The
popular feeling of England had been for
war in defense of Spain, and it could hardly
be controlled even on the question of the
colonies ; but the odds were overwhelming.
England sought to counteract the purposes
of the alliance by diplomacy, and Mr. Can-
ning was in the midst of his manly corre-
spondence with Prince Polignac when the
message of President Monroe, of December
2d, 1823, was received in London. It was
received not only with satisfaction, but with
enthusiasm. Mr. Brougham said, in the
House of Commons :
" The question with regard to Spanish America is
now, I believe, disposed of, or nearly so; for an
event has recently happened than which none has
ever dispersed greater joy, gratitude and exultation
over all the free men of Europe ; that event, which
I think is decisive, is the language held with respect
to Spanish America in the message of the President
of the United States."
It was on that occasion that Sir James
Mackintosh spoke of England and the
United States as " the two great English
commonwealths," which he prayed might
ever be united " in the cause of justice and
liberty," and " whose attitude now cannot
be contemplated without the utmost pleasure
by every enlightened citizen of the earth."
And the question was settled, and without
any further diplomacy. Those absolutist
dynasties had no disposition to hazard a
war with such a power, moral and material,
as Great Britain and the United States
would have presented, when united in the
defense of independent constitutional gov-
ernments.
What more I might say in honor of the
diplomacy of my country would be too near
to our own times to be presented without
fear of exciting sensibilities which it is just
and generous to respect. If I were to point
out the few cases which present themselves
most strongly to my mind at this moment,
I would refer to the management by Mr.
Seward of the attempt of Napoleon III. to
establish an empire of the Latin races in
place of the Mexican republic, to his meet-
ing the demand of Lord Palmerston in the
matter of the Trent — a demand couched
in terms which made it very difficult for
the administration of a popular government
not to resent, even after it had been shorn
of its worst features by the intervention of
the kindly spirits of Her Majesty and her
admirable consort — acts for which their
memories will always be cherished by
American patriots, for they probably made
it possible for us to extend the mantle of
diplomacy over an embarrassing maritime
occurrence.
I will add to my list what is perhaps the
shortest diplomatic letter on record, — that
with which Mr. Adams closed his corre-
spondence with Lord Russell respecting the
rams building for the. Confederates at Liv-
erpool, in which he says :
" It is superfluous for me to point out to your lord-
ship that this is war."
I know you all have in your thoughts
what many will esteem the most honorable
achievement .of the diplomacy of this gen-
eration : I mean the arbitration at Geneva.
It was our latest act of marked diplomatic
distinction, and may well form a close of
this sketch of our diplomatic history. That,
too, was not without its intimate connec-
tions with Paris. Paris was, for much of
the time, the head-quarters of the mem-
bers of the tribunal and of the counsel of
the respective countries ; and it was here
that a diplomatic arrangement was skill-
fully made between the leading counsel on
each side, and acceded to by the tribunal,
without which it is probable that the arbi-
tration could not have gone on. To carry
through and close this international debate
and adjudication, " the two English com-
monwealths " came together in that spirit
of " unity, peace and concord " which the
Litany invokes for all nations.
622
MARRYING TITLES.
MARRYING TITLES.
IT is the subject of general remark that the
majority of the marriages of American girls
with foreigners are unhappy. This is suffi-
ciently indicated in the newspapers, where,
from time to time, is recorded the evidence
of such domestic infelicity. There are nat-
urally many instances of the kind which do
not reach publicity, through a desire of those
concerned to avoid the exposure of private
misfortune and the common discussion of
their domestic affairs. A natural inquiry
arises as to the cause or causes of such
unfortunate result, in response to which sev-
eral reflections suggest themselves.
In this case, the Englishman can hardly
be regarded as a foreigner, for his mode of
life and thought approximate to our own, and
his language is the same. Hence he must
be regarded as exceptional. What brings
him still nearer to the American in the mat-
ter of marriage, is the absence of the dowry
system which prevails in most of the other
countries of Europe.
The countries which chiefly furnish these
titular distinctions to American aspirants are
Germany, Italy and France, where, it is
hardly necessary to say, the titles are not
held in much esteem unless they represent
talent, character or wealth ; not being in this
respect as in England, where the title is
usually backed by houses, lands, stocks, and
social and political power.*
There is in America, perhaps more than
in any other country, a desire for some kind
of distinction, which is another and charac-
teristic form of the ambition of a young
people. Indeed, the desire to be something
better than their neighbors belongs, in greater
or less degree, to all people. The ancestral
lines which mark out the elect in old coun-
tries are absent here, and the Americans are
obliged to seek for superiority in the material
they have at hand. To be wealthy is of
course desirable ; but there are now so many
who are wealthy that to be so does not con-
fer the distinction it once did. Riches, being
largely held in the hands of the vulgar as
well as the refined, something else is found
* A distinction which is, of course, due to the law
of primogeniture in regard to titles and the custom
of entail of property in England ; whereas, on the
Continent, while the property is dissipated by fre-
quent subdivision, the titles often belong alike to all
the descendants. — ED. S. M.
necessary. Men strive to be distinguished
in the arts and sciences ; but as special gifts
are requisite, comparatively few reach the
coveted honors, and it never can be other-
wise. The old question, Is lie rich? is now
supplemented with, What has he done ? If
the man is neither rich nor talented, he
must, under pain of social excommunication,
belong to a "good family."
The desire to be of good family is intense
throughout the Union, and the man is yet
to be found who admits that he belongs to
a bad one. One thinks of the child, read-
ing the records of tombstone virtues, who
asked where the wicked were buried. It is
exhibited in the popular speech by F. F. V.'s,
F. F. K.'s, and so on. The subject is so
dwelt upon that a stranger might suppose
that we were made up of Montmorencies
and Howards. He finds, to his surprise,
that more importance is attached to this
feature in this democratic country than in
an aristocratic one. This naturally arises
from the insecurity of the position here,
where no strong lines of demarkation sep-
arate the ordinary from the distinguished
people. Hence, every town, village and
cross-roads is composed principally of "good
families," a notification thereof being com-
municated to the stranger immediately on
his arrival. This reaches a point that is
grotesque in some States, where almost
every shanty is pointed out as containing
" blue blood."
It has passed into a proverb that the Eng-
lishman loves a lord; but he must be an
English lord, with an ancestral scroll, and
the Englishman who loves him most, belongs
to the middle and lower classes. To see an
obsequious tradesman of London, in his self-
abasement before such a one, is a painful
sight, which, so far, is foreign to American
experience in these States. In the intel-
lectual class of England, however, much
less importance is attached to a title. Many
Englishmen think Disraeli made a mistake
in becoming the Earl of Beaconsfield, mean-
ing that he has thereby lost political in-
fluence. The same affirm that a good share
of Pitt's influence arose from remaining him-
self a commoner, whilst distributing titles to
others with a generous hand. There is an-
other influence operating against the accept-
ance of titles in this class, and that is the
Englishman's inbred distaste of novelty and
MARRYING TITLES.
623
innovation, and his love of his identity in
name, character and associations.
This is still more the case with the intel-
lectual class of France. Under the reign
of Louis Philippe, when a distinguished per-
son persisted in addressing Guizot and
Thiers as barons, the former at length ob-
served: "We are not barons, Thiers and I; if
we wanted titles we would be at least dukes."
Italy has furnished the United States with
a good many gentlemen of rank, who have
put foot on the soil at the Battery, from the
steerage. A number of them, in the pursuit
of a livelihood in the country of their adop-
tion, have shown a familiarity in the man-
ipulation of the razor and the making of
lather, which has led to some doubts in the
minds of the young women with rank aspira-
tions as to the authenticity of the names
they bear, especially as there are enough of
undoubted titles from whom to choose.
The genuine and the spurious, however, are
always alike in their poverty. The fortunes
of Italy's nobility appear to have been pur-
sued with especial disaster. In Naples I saw
a tailor who was a marquis, and a water-
carrier who was a prince, and several gentle-
men of the same race and caste have come
within my observation in America in the
pursuit of various callings, such as the vend-
ing of fruits and nuts, and the playing of a
hand-organ as an accompaniment to the
performance of a monkey. This is not noted
as a reproach, but as an interesting fact in
connection with the titled. They were sad-
faced men, not disposed to make light of
their misfortunes. As one turned the crank
of the organ to the air of " Lannigan's
Ball," and the other turned the roasting
chestnuts, the minds of both, probably, dwelt
on the splendor of ancestral halls. There
were tears in their voices as they spoke to
each other, and no allusion was made to
another life beneath Italian skies. Their
lips uttered no title. The chestnut-roaster
addressing the monkey-carrier as " my dear
marquis " would have produced a grotesque
effect of which only an American humorist,
or a French claqueur, would have been
capable.
As has been intimated, the young woman
who desires rank no longer encourages the
interesting stranger who is introduced to
metropolitan society through the Battery.
A rude experience has taught her that, even
when the noble foreigner comes in the cabin,
it is well to wait for confirmatory testimony
as to the name he bears before accepting
his account of himself.
Germany also furnishes America with a
number of noblemen — as a rule, barons;
but as almost every fourth man one meets
in that land is a baron, the title is not so
highly esteemed among the title-hunters of
the United States as some others. Ger-
many may be considered as the home of
titles, for professional names are used in
ordinary conversation as well as those
created by royal patent. Not only is the
doctor, the director and the lawyer spoken
to with this prefix, but it is shared in by
their wives, and is exacted by the rules of
politeness.
There are conditions under which mar-
riages may be effected in a foreign land,
with approximate chances of happiness, as
in the native one. They involve a long
residence in the country, and intimate ac-
quaintance with its people and friendly rela-
tions with some honest families. Familiarity
with the language is naturally implied. The
exercise of ordinary prudence under such
circumstances is attended with the results
following marriage at home. These con-
ditions are hardly feasible to Americans,
who are generally travelers, or at best so-
journers of a year or two. Those who
reside abroad longer are usually deprived
of the prudent presence of the head of the
family, who cannot absent himself from his
business, whatever it may be, for an undue
length of time. There are men, however,
entertaining this singular idea of domestic
life, who permit their families to dwell in
foreign parts for years, they remaining at
home to toil and supply them with money,
from which separation, it is hardly necessary
to add, estrangement and unhappiness fre-
quently follow.
To establish friendly relations with honest,
decorous and esteemed families of, say, a
country like France is exceedingly difficult
for the foreigner, unless opened up with
kindred ties, and these very few Americans
possess. If the American girl does not
encounter the nobleman on what is con-
sidered, by a fiction of international law,
American soil — the floor of the legation —
she meets him in one of the houses of
the American colonists which keeps up a
social connection therewith, and where a
group of noblemen may always be found.
Although such a colonist may have been
residing ten years or more in the place, it
is rarely that a French woman is seen in
her house; of the sisters and mothers of
these needy noblemen she knows nothing.
The freedom and accessibility of such a
624
MARRYING TITLES.
drawing-room are contrary to the customs
of the country, and, if no other reason ex-
isted, this would be sufficient to account
for their absence. The nobleman in quest
of money goes there rather for business
than pleasure, in his continuous hunt after
the American heiress. Indeed, this prac-
tical way of looking on marriage is a feat-
ure that extends through all classes of the
French nation ; and yet it is a fashion
among French publicists to look upon the
French as a people of sentiment and ideas,
while they regard Americans as a positive,
practical people, given over to the pursuit of
the dollar to the exclusion of the gentle sen-
timents of romance. For instance, that
impractical leaning toward mysticism which
conduces to vague, unsatisfactory results, in
theology and spiritualism, is a trait of Amer-
ican character which the Frenchman cannot
comprehend, and, not comprehending, he
attributes it to what he calls American hum-
bug,— that is, something done with an ulte-
rior motive of pocketing a gain. In all the
affairs of material life, the French are really
the most practical people in the world.
The nobleman in quest of money to
regild his blazon says in his defense that a
title should be regarded in the same way as
a valuable commodity ; it has a high market-
value in America, — higher, perhaps, than in
any other country, — and of this he proposes
to take advantage ; the young woman wants
his title and he wants her money, and the
marriage becomes a fair exchange. The
owner of the titular ornament of course
holds it at its highest value, and garlands
it with the traditions of his ancestors, from
the founder of the family down to himself.
This account often produces the same effect
on the fair American listener which the
story of Othello did on the gentle Desde-
mona. What most probably contributes to
the birth of this love, however, is the coro-
net of a countess on cards, coupe"-panels,
plates, knives and forks, and all the para-
phernalia of a household.
This explanation or defense of the noble-
man, from his point of view, may satisfy his
conscience, but as much can hardly be said
of the father of the young woman, reared
in the midst of republican institutions, who
pays down the money. With an equa-
nimity surprising in one who has been
taught from childhood that marriage should
be based on affection, and affection only,
the father sometimes enters into money
stipulations, as if he were selling a horse or
a bale of cotton. In thus disposing of his
daughter, he has nothing to say in vindica-
tion of the home principles in the midst of
which he has been reared, and they go
down before the first vigorous attack in a
foreign land. The cause of this surrender
is naturally to be found in a new-born
vanity. He is going to become the father
of a countess. He would probably like to
become a count, but, that being unfeasible,
he contents himself with the second part;
and it is this variance between profession
and practice which often makes of the
American father a fair target for ridicule.
It is not the intention of the writer to be
understood as saying that moral deficien-
cies are the traits of noblemen as a class,
for there are probably as many good men
among them in proportion to their number
as in any other class, but these the young
American woman seldom meets, for they
are not the kind to haunt legations and the
houses of Americans in quest of marriage
settlements, making of it the business of
their lives.
Thus it is that the young stranger from the
other side of the Atlantic is apt to meet
only the worst of the titled people. It is a
rule in France that those who are of easiest
access in social life are the least desirable
as friends or acquaintances. Among these,
the titled who are bankrupt in character and
money press forward, at the possible chance
of filling their purse by marriage with some
stranger who knows nothing of them and
their past.
All this before the wedding; for the
American father and mother and sisters of
the bride expect, after that event, that the
doors of the noble groom's family will be
thrown open to them, and that they will
enjoy intimacies before denied. This hope
is dwelt and built upon by the expect-
ant republicans with an alacrity and joyous-
ness sad to contemplate. Their future entry
into the noble world is made known to
friends on both sides of the Atlantic. Copies
of the coat-of-arms of the husband that is
to be are contained in most of their let-
ters. A slight damper may be thrown over
this expectant gladsomeness in the rigid per-
sistency of the noble groom in drawing up
each clause of the marriage contract, and in
his insisting that the exact sum shall be paid
down previous to the ceremony. They,
however, soon recover from this passing
chill, in view of the great results which are
to follow the marriage.
This ante-marriage draft on the fortune
of the American family is not so much
MARRYING TITLES.
625
minded by the women as by the father, who
probably himself has made every cent he
possesses, and knows, in consequence, the
value of money.
Generally, it then occurs to him, if it has
not before, that he is paying a heavy sum
for an unknown, unsubstantial thing which
cannot be estimated in dollars and cents.
And yet he is obliged to recognize that it
has a market value among his own fel-
low-countrymen. The women-members of
the household are in such a state of beatific
hope, usually, that they would as soon think
of haggling with St. Peter about the price
of admission within the celestial gates as
to challenge that demanded by the noble
groom for opening unto them the portals
of the new world to which it is his privilege
to belong.
After the marriage consummation, the
American family are prepared to become
the friends of the noble husband's family.
Calls are exchanged, and politeness is
shown to the transatlantic people — a
politeness that is unexceptionable. The
Americans wait for that expansion which
usually precedes intimacy, and, as they
wait, discover that the newly made countess
is being gradually withdrawn from them,
that she is surrounded, and that barriers are
being erected between her and them. In a
word, the parents learn that they have
served as a ladder to what they considered
a higher social life. The relatives of the
new husband have virtually said to him :
" Your wife is now one of us, and we re-
ceive her, but you have not married her rel-
atives, and we draw the line there."
The young American woman, with the
natural affection which belongs to her sex,
may protest against this virtual separation
from her parents, but is trained and amused
in such a way that she, as a rule, grad-
ually becomes accustomed to it.
The separation does not take place at once,
but the visits between mother and daughter
become fewer and then at longer intervals, un-
til finally the mother ceases to enter into the
daily life of the daughter. And yet neither
the father nor mother can find an act or a
word in their brief intercourse with their
daughter's new relatives which they can
term positively unfriendly or impolite.
Everything, in appearance, is smooth and
conventional, and an objection is difficult to
find.
The American father chafes under this.
He would rather receive some act of prov-
ocation, give them a piece of his mind
VOL. XX.— 41.
and be done with it ; but the provocation
never comes, and at last he finds it incon-
sistent with his dignity to hold any inter-
course with people who keep him at such a
distance, and he will have nothing more to
do with them. The mother may still yearn
for her daughter, but the aroused father will
permit her to make no further visits to the
daughter's house ; then, only once in a long
while, the countess comes to them. Thus
is brought about what the husband and. his
family have desired.
The following case, which will throw light
on another side of this subject, came within
the personal knowledge of the writer. The
count, a good-looking fellow with a fair
family name and no money, sought to
remedy this deficiency by wooing a young
American woman, and in a short time he
won her affections — after he had ascertained
that her father was rich. The titular orna-
ment on sleeve-buttons, handkerchiefs and
note-paper, joined to an agreeable person,
did their work speedily and effectively.
The count whispered in her ear, between
love's murmurings, that he would be* mod-
erate in his demands on the paternal purse
—enough in hand to repair the house of his
ancestors, and ten thousand dollars a year.
The infatuated young woman was not
affrighted at the language of tenderness
thus sandwiched with financial demands.
But when he proposed to put on his black
coat and white cravat, in accordance with
the custom of his country, to talk over the
matter with her father, it occurred to her
that the latter, with his American notions,
might discover some impropriety in the
overtures of the man she loved, and she
begged him to leave the matter in the hands
of herself and mother. This was " irregu-
lar," but he submitted in deference to the
wishes of his beloved.
The ornaments appertaining to the title,
set in sleeve-buttons and wearing apparel,
had also produced their effect on the mother,
and she was ready to do anything in her
power, to enable her daughter to share the
privilege of the count, in wearing and display-
ing this Gallic wampum ; but, knowing her
husband as she did, she stood aghast at the
conditions which her proposed son-in-law
imposed, and that person was informed by
the daughter that the terms were out of the
question.
Between love's murmurings, the count
knocked off the sum intended for the repair
of the ancestral home, because he could not
live without her. When the mother was in-
626
MARRYING TITLES.
formed of this concession, she thought, even
without that, the terms were still excessive,
and he was made acquainted with her
opinion.
The count consulted with his sister and
his cousins, and particularly with his uncle,
who also was a count, the head of the family,
and nearly as penniless as his nephew. The
result of this conference was that, at the
next interview with the young woman, inter-
lined between the tender speeches, he softly
confided to her that he would make it five
thousand dollars a year, — only twenty-five
thousand francs, — because he loved and
could not possibly live without her. He
gently whispered, as he told her that she
was an angel, that this was his ultimatum —
his uncle, sisters and cousins would not
permit him to come down another dollar.
When the mother was persuaded that the
nobleman would not recede from this posi-
tion, she communicated his proposition to
her husband, an oil-striker, who had worked
with his hands for a living, before he "struck
oil." It was received with an expletive which
was too forcible to write, and coupled with the
remark that he would never give one cent to
the man who married his daughter, count
or no count. This stern resolution was made
known by the weeping daughter to her noble
swain, who kissed away her tears, swore he
loved her more than ever — but was obliged
to adhere to the last figures he had named.
With a view of further impressing the
American family with the dignity and im-
portance of his title and connection, he
invited them to make a visit with him to his
uncle, who dwelt in the country, about two
hours' ride from Paris by rail. The oil-striker
refused the invitation, but the mother and
daughter accepted. The head of the noble
family burnished up everything for their re-
ception. An additional servant was had up
from the neighboring village, and put into a
black coat to do general duty during the
visit of the Americans. The old woman-
cook did her best in the preparation of
a deje finer a la fourchette at twelve. The
man-of-all-work had dusted down the old
furniture and waxed the floors. The re-
past was flanked with two or three of the
last bottles of the old gentleman's wine.
He received the visitors with the suavity of
the old school, exhibited to them the parch-
ments of the family, showing the deeds and
honors which had crowded thick and fast
along the whole ancestral line, and when he
had satisfied their hunger with appetizing
food, and their thirst with toothsome Yquem,
he brought them out in front of the old
house, by way of crowning his work, and
showed them the statue in bronze of the
founder of the family. This, in a word, the
language of his own countrymen, he had
reserved as the bouquet.
Mother and daughter were more enam-
ored than ever with nobility, and a system-
atic suit was instituted by them to induce
the oil-striker to make the marriage-settle-
ment asked for ; but he remained obdurate.
The twain averred that the nobleman was
not the mercenary person which the ancient
striker of oil believed him to be, but wanted
to be married because he loved ; whereupon
the old man proposed to submit the matri-
monially inclined nobleman to a test, to
which the women reluctantly consented.
In two or three days it came to the ears
of the count that the oil-well belonging to
the father of his beloved, Avhich heretofore
had poured forth its oleaginous wealth in a
continuous stream, had stopped, and the
large stock of oil comprising the bulk of his
fortune, held for a rise, had caught fire, and
there was no insurance thereon.
The count and the members of his family
held a consultation, after being apprised of
the double disaster, when it appeared to
them that the path of duty was clear. In
accordance with and in pursuance of this
general conclusion, the love-smitten noble-
man presented himself before the object of
his adoration and told her that he had come
to perform the saddest task which could pos-
sibly be imposed upon him — to relinquish
all claim on the woman he loved. It "tore
his heart " to do so, but a sense of duty
impelled him to rise above all other consid-
erations. Her father could give her no
assistance ; he, himself, had no money ; and
if he were to be united to her, the union
would compel her to live a life of privation
and misery. He, himself, might undergo
the misfortunes which such a union offered ;
but he never could entertain the idea of ask-
ing her to share them — he loved her too
much for that. Even were he so far to for-
get himself and what was due to her as to
ask her to share such a humble and misera-
ble life, his family would never consent to it.
Saying which, the French ^Eneas, with a
face of anguish, bowed himself out, never
to return, and left a pale American Dido on
the sofa who refused to be comforted.
The comment of the oil-striker was sig-
nificant. It was comprised in the question
of, " What did I tell you ? " The result of
the test, however, did not bring the daughter
TOPICS OF THE TIME.
627
to the same conclusion as her father, and it
is an article of faith with her to this day that
the count loved her, with a love unknown to
ordinary men.
Six months later, it was discovered by
the count and his uncle that the well con-
tinued to flow, and the stock of oil, held for
a rise, was unburned, except in lamps, after
furnishing a handsome profit on the topmost
wave of the rise. Another family confer-
ence was held, when the path of duty again
became clear, and in compliance therewith
the young nobleman, at the earliest moment,
presented himself at the residence of the
oil-striker ; but, through the orders of that
person, admittance was denied to him.
Another instance is found of a French-
man who met this demand in a way that is
not new, but it was successful. Learning,
soon after his arrival in America, that some
of the young women were possessed of an
intense desire to become countesses, he
straightway called himself a count, which
it is needless to say he had never done in
his own land. " // n'avait que jeter son
mouchoir." He -selected a good-looking
young woman with money, whom he
married. She experienced the sensation of
hearing herself called a countess, and of see-
ing the appellation inscribed on her visiting-
cards. He could not take her to his pro-
vincial home in France, where he and his
'• father were known as ameliorated peasants,
but he took her to Paris, where she at pres-
ent resides under the pleasing fiction that
she has become part of a noble and illustrious
family.
In conclusion, it must be owned that the
evidence of conjugal unhappiness, however
strong, will hardly deter the young American
woman from striving to be a countess, if her
head be once filled with the notion. Were
it proved to her that, in nine cases out of
ten, such unions are miserable, she would
with a fatal facility believe hers to be the
exceptional tenth, and unhesitatingly place
upon her head tbe coronet destined in the
end to become a crown of thorns.
TOPICS OF THE TIME.
Life in Large and Small Towns.
IT is said, by those who have good opportunities
of judging, that fifty thousand strangers spent last
winter in this city. Every hotel and every board-
ing house was full. Of these fifty -thousand, prob-
ably more than half were permanent boarders for
the winter, while the remainder were merchants,
coming and going, on errands of business. The
fact shows that New York is becoming more and
more regarded as the great capital of the country,
and is beginning to hold toward the country the
same relation that London holds to Great Britain,
and Paris to France. This latter fact means more
than winter boarding : it means that New York is
coming to be regarded as a desirable home for all
who have money enough made to enable them to
live at leisure. The Californian who has become
rich has, in many instances, brought his. family to
New York, and bought his house on Fifth avenue.
The country manufacturer, who has grown to be a
nabob in his little village, domiciles himself on Mur-
ray Hill, that his family may have a better chance
at life than they get in the narrow village.
What is true of the commercial capital of the
country is also true, to a considerable extent, of the
political. Washington has grown to be a beautiful
city, and nothing has more directly ministered to its
growth than the gathering to it from far and near of
wealthy and cultivated families, who have sought it
as a residence and a resort. New York, the com-
mercial capital, and Washington, the political, will,
for many years, divide between them those families
whom wealth, instead of binding to the place where
its stores were acquired, has made migratory.
Those who wish to hear the best operas and witness
the best acting, and who desire to be where the best
in art of all kinds is to be found, and especially
those whose tastes are commercial, will come to
New York ; while those who are fond of politics, and
the peculiar social life that reigns at a political cen-
ter, will go to Washington ; and it is hard to say
which will have the better home. Few who have
not kept themselves familiar with Washington can
appreciate the long strides she has made, during the
past few years, in population, and in all desirable
conditions as a residence. Her climate, her lovely
position, her possession of the national Government,
the residence she gives to the high officials of the
nation and the representatives of other nations,
conspire to make her one of the most attractive cities
in America.
But we do not undertake to represent the beauties
and attractions of the two cities. They do not seem
to need our help ; but we would like to say a word
about those conditions of life in small towns which
make these changes of residence desirable. Inter-
ested in New York, it is pleasant for us to see it
628
TOPICS OF THE TIME.
prospering and growing, but our interest in its
growth does not blind us to the fact that it ought
not to grow because life within it is more significant
and fruitful than it is in the country. It seems to
us a great mistake for a man to leave the region
where he makes his money to spend it and his life
in another. If the life he leaves is not significant to
him, it is quite likely to be his fault more than that
of any and all other men. For he has had the
money more than others to enrich the character of
the life around him ; and the possession of that money
has placed upon him the burden of certain duties
which he has left unperformed. Wealth acquired in
any modest locality belongs there, by a certain
right, for it cannot exist there for a moment without
assuming certain very definite relations to the popu-
lar needs and the public good. To take money
away from where it has been made is to impoverish
all the life of the community. It reduces its means
of living and its possibilities of progress. It not
only takes bread and clothing from the poor, but it
reduces all its means of social improvement.
The city of Cincinnati has recently held another
musical festival, and won to herself the glory of sur-
passing New York and Washington in musical cult-
ure and the power of producing great musical
works. It cannot be hard to. see that the life of
Cincinnati has been made so significant to its people
that they can have no temptation, however rich they
may be, to go to New York or Washington to live.
A commercial town that can give up a week to
music, and furnish all the money and the time nec-
essary to produce a great musical triumph, has no
call to go elsewhere to find a more interesting life
than it secures at home. People are much more
apt to go to Cincinnati to live than to go away from
there, because it is an honor to live there, and to be
associated with the generous life and development
of the place.
What we say of Cincinnati illustrates all that we
have to say about the smaller towns and cities.
Men of wealth who have sense enough to long for a
better life than they can find in their little city or vil-
lage are to blame for not making the life around them
as good as they want it to be. There is not a city or
a village in America that has not within itself — in its
men and women and money — the means for doing
some good, or noble, or interesting thing, that shall
lift, its life above the commonplace, and hold its own
against all the attractions of metropolitan life. Where
a man makes his money there he should make his
home, and, as a rule, it will be mainly his fault and
that of his family if he cannot spend his life there
with profit and satisfaction.
Personal Economies.
IN this country, we naturally go to New England,
and, alas ! to an earlier time, for examples of per-
sonal economy and thrift. Almost any New-
Englander can recall a country minister who, on
his little yearly salary of three or four hundred
dollars, managed, by the help of his wife, to live re-
spectably and comfortably, educate a large family for
self-support and social usefulness, and lay up some-
thing every year against the rainy day which comes
in all men's lives. We have wondered how it was
done, but we know it was done, and that he died at
last the possessor of a nice little property. New
England has been noted for its hard soil and its
hard conditions generally, yet there is no other spot
on the face of the earth that contains so much human
comfort to the square mile. Every man born on
New England soil tries and expects to better his
condition during his life, and he goes to work at the
beginning with this end definitely in view. The
rich men of New England are men who began their
prosperity with humble savings. Whatever their
income was, they did not use it all. Twenty-five
or fifty dollars a year was considered quite worth
saving and laying by. These small sums, placed at
interest, accumulated slowly but surely, until the
day came at last when it was capital, to be invested
in business with larger profits. A fortune acquired
in this way was cohesive, strong and permanent.
We are quite aware that something of grace and
lovableness was lost in the habit of these small
economies. Men grew small quite too often, and
pinched and stingy, by the influence of the habit of
penny savings. This has been brought against
New England as a reproach, but New England has
replied, with truthfulness and pride, that no people
of the country or of the world have been more be-
nevolent than her own economical children. She
points to the vast sums she has expended on Chris-
tian missions, and to the great public charities
whose monuments crown her hill-tops, and shows
that at the call of Christianity and humanity her
purse, filled with such painstaking and self-denial,
flies open and empties itself to fill the measure of the
public need. At any rate, we know that there is
not a State in all the West that has not gone to New
England for the money to build her towns and her
railroads, and that if she has ever been laggard in
her hospitalities, such as she has practiced
have been at her own expense, and not at that of
her creditors. New England is rich — and this, after
all, is what we are trying to say — notwithstanding a
hard soil and an inhospitable climate. Circum-
stances were against her from the beginning, and
economy was what enabled her to conquer circum-
stances, and to lift herself to the commanding posi-
tion of wealth and influence which she holds to-day.
The men who had an income of $300 a year, at the
beginning lived on $200. The men who had an
income of $500 lived on $300. Those whose in-
come reached $1000 lived on half of that sum, and
so on. They practiced self-denial. They had no
great opportunities for making money, and knew
that wealth could only come to them through saving
money. The old farmer who, when asked what the
secret of his wealth was, replied : " When I got a
cent I kep' it," told the whole story of New Eng-
land thrift and comfort. Now, if we look around
us here in the city of New York, we shall, in the
light of this New England example, learn why it is
that so many men and women drop into pauperism
with such fearful rapidity on the first stoppage of
TOPICS OF THE TIME.
629
income. We know very few men of fixed incomes
who do not live up to the limit of these incomes,
whatever it may happen to be. A man who this
year has a salary of $2000 uses it all, and when it
goes up to $3000 or $4000 he uses it all in the
same way. It seems to make no difference how
much he receives — the style and cost of living ex-
pand immediately so as to absorb all that comes.
Those who have no fixed income, and are engaged
in trade, adopt the style of the prosperous men
around them, and strain every effort to bring up
their income to meet the requirements of that style.
Every family, instead of endeavoring to see how
small they can make their expenses, endeavor to see
how large they can make them, or how large their
income will permit them to be. The fixed purpose
to save something out of every year's income, and
so to graduate expenses that something shall be
saved — the policy of rigid self-denial for the purpose
of accumulating property, even though it be slowly,
does not apparently exist in this community. So,
when the bread-winner is disabled, or dies, his
family drops into abject and utterly helpless poverty
in a day, and all life is embittered thenceforward,
simply because no self-denial had been practiced
while the worker lived, or was able to work. The
man of small or modest income looks around him
and sees many who are rich and who are not obliged
to think of every penny they spend. He regards
himself as their social equal, and wonders why it
should be necessary for him to be so pinched in his
spendings and so plain in his surroundings. He
does not consider how much, and exactly what, the
wealth which moves his envy has cost. He may be
sure that somewhere, at the foundation of all the
wealth he sees, there was once a man who prac-
ticed rigid self-denial, and studiously lived within his
income, and saved money although his income was
small. All fortunes have their foundations laid in
economy. The man who holds the money to-day
may have inherited it through the accident of birth,
but it cost his father or his grandfather years — per-
haps a life-time — of economy and self-denial. There
is no royal road to wealth any more than there is to
learning. It costs hard work, and the relinquish-
ment of many pleasures, and most men may have
it who will pay its price. If they are not willing to
do this, why, they must not complain of their lot
when their day of adversity comes ; and they ought
to have the grace to make themselves just as little
of a nuisance as possible to those who have secured
a competence and paid the honest price for it.
The Legitimate Novel.
IT is a curious fact that while the novel, as a form
of literary art, is becoming every year more universal,
it is hardening into a conventional form. What is a
novel in its broadest definition? It is an invented
history of human lives, brought into relations with
each other, whose first office is to amuse. Some of
these inventions have no end nor aim but amusement,
and those which have other aims rely upon amuse-
ment for effecting them. The novelist who has a
lesson to teach, or a reform to forward, or a truth or
principle to illustrate, does not hope to do it through
his work, unless he can secure its reading through
its power to amuse. Mr. Dallas, in his " Gay
Science," says that the first business of all art is to
please, which, after all, is only our doctrine in other
words. Any work of literary art, whether novel or
poem, has no apology for existence, if it do not have
the power to convey pleasure of some kind.
Now, the fact that the novel has been seized upon
the world over, for a great number of offices, shows
how naturally it is adapted to a wide range of aims
and ends in its construction. Political, moral, social
and religious topics can be treated through the medi-
um of invented stories, and they have been treated
in this way with the most gratifying success. We
have the political, the moral and the religious novel,
and we have also the society novel, and it is only at
a comparatively recent date that a set of critics have
appeared who are inclined to rule out of the category
of legitimacy everything but the society novel. Even
this must be a certain kind of society novel in order
to meet their approval. It must always deal with the
passion of love, as its ruling motive, and consist of
the interplay of the relations between men and
women. It must have absolutely no mission but
that of amusement. In performing this mission it
must be true to certain ideas of art that relate to the
delineation of character, the development of plot,
and the arrangement of dramatic situations and cli-
maxes. If the rules are all complied with — if the
love is properly made, and the characters are properly
handled, and the novel is interesting, — the book is
legitimate. If, however, the book is made to carry
a burden — if it illustrates — no matter how powerfully
— an important truth or principle in politics, economy,
morals or religion, its legitimacy is vitiated, or posi-
tively forfeited.
Now, it is to protest against this ruling that we
write this article. The dilettanti assuming author-
ity in this matter should have no weight among
earnest men and women, because they are not earnest
themselves. They have no moral, religious, social
or political purpose, and they are offended when they
meet it in the writings of others. It is beyond their
comprehension that a man should have any purpose
in writing beyond the glorification of himself through
his power to interest and amuse others. If he un-
dertakes anything beyond this, then they pronounce
him no true artist, and place his book outside of all
consideration as a work of art. In the overwhelming
popularity of such works as " Uncle Tom's Cabin "
and "Nicholas Nickleby," written with a humane
or Christian purpose, these fellows cannot make
their voices heard, but Mrs. Stowe has only to retire
and Dickens to die, to bring them out of their holes
in protest against all that does not accord with their
petty notions of novel- writing.
We claim for the novel the very broadest field.
It may illustrate history, like the novels of Walter
Scott, or philosophy, like those of George Eliot, or
religion, like those of George MacDonald, or domestic
and political economy, like those of the late Mrs.
Sedgwick, or it may represent the weak or the ludi-
630
HOME AND SOCIETY.
crous side of human nature and human society, like
many of those of Dickens and Thackeray, or it may
present the lighter social topics and types, like those
of James and Howells, or it may revel in the ingenu-
ities of intricate plots, like those of Collins and
Reade — every novel and every sort of novel is legiti-
mate if it be well written. It may rely upon plot for
its interest, or upon the delineation of character, or
upon its wit or its philosophy, or upon its dramatic
situations, and it may carry any burden which its
writer may choose to place upon its shoulders, and
it shall never forfeit its claim to legitimacy with us.
The man who denies to art any kind of service to
humanity which it can perform is either a fool or a
trifler. Things have come to a sad pass when any
form of art is to be set aside because a board of self-
constituted arbiters cannot produce it, or do not sym-
pathize with its purpose. There is more freshness
and interest in " The Grandissimes " of Mr. Cable,
with its reproduction of the old Creole life of New
Orleans, and its revival of early Louisiana history,
than in all the novels these dilettanti have written
in the last ten years. It is unmistakable that the
tendency of modern criticism upon novels has been
to make them petty and trifling to a nauseating
degree. It is a lamentable consideration that the
swing of a petticoat, or the turn of an ankle, or the
vapid utterance of a dandy, or even the delineation
of a harlot and a harlot's disgusting life, shall be
counted quite legitimate material for a novel, when
the great questions which concern the life and pros-
perity of the soul and the state are held m dishonor,
and forbidden to the novelist as material of art.
It is all a part and parcel of the heresy that art is
a master and not a minister — an end and not a means.
The men who maintain it have a personal interest in
maintaining it. Any art or form of art, that does
not end in itself or in themselves is one of which
they are consciously incapable, or one with which
they cannot sympathize. So they comfort themselves
by calling it illegitimate ; and as they are either in a
majority or in high or fashionable places, the public
are misled by them, so far as the public think at all
on the subject. It is a doctrine of literary pretend-
ers and practical triflers, and the public may prop-
erly be warned to give it no heed whatever.
HOME AND SOCIETY.
Letters to Young Motners. Second Series.— III.
THE QUESTION OF ORDER AND SUNDAY.
Now a word as to the disorder and dirt these
amusements make.
Have you not a room, that you can devote to the
children and their playthings ? Not some dark
and dismal corner, good for nothing else, but warm
and light, and not too far away from you. Such a
room needs some furniture, too. An empty room is
as desolate and uninviting for them as for you. An
old lounge, not too good to be climbed all over and
made into a coach or railroad train, a large table for
the pasting and painting and drawing, with chairs of
the right height for them to sit comfortably at it, an
old book-case for the boys' " collections," an old
bureau or trunk for the doll's clothes, will make it a
child's paradise. Every article of furniture will have
a dozen different uses. The girls will curtain off the
corners with sheets or mosquito nettings for their
separate houses, and will display much taste and
ingenuity in arranging their dolls and furniture.
The boys can fit up their side with their work-bench
and tools, and make ships and shavings without
disturbing anybody. If the room has a large closet
with shelves and drawers, so much the better. It
will sometimes be — as a forcible old lady said once
of & similar place — "a perfect old glory-hole."
There will be dolls in various kinds of undress
uniform all over the floor. The large wooden box
you have covered with carpet for the playthings
will hold all sorts of toys in all stages of demolition.
If a child wants to find one, he tips the box over,
empties them all on the floor, then runs away and
leaves mamma to pick them up, if she will. But she
mustn't — for here is just the place to teach the
children hcnv to be neat and orderly ; a larger how
than we are apt to think, sometimes. Habits of
neatness and order are something to be learned as.
well as Latin grammar, and for most people they are
quite as difficult. The children will enjoy their
play-place moch better if their playthings are where
they can find them. They will not play long in a
room in hopeless disorder, though they will do their
best to get it so.
I am inclined to think that one cause of our ill-
success in teaching our children to be orderly is often
that they really do not know where different articles
belong; perhaps they do not belong anywhere.
Ought we to blame a child, when his playthings are
kept in a closet at the end of a long, dark passage-
way, if he dreads to put them up, and runs off when
he can, leaving you to " pick up " after him ?
It will be a good deal easier for you to do all this
yourself than to teach him to do it. It will be much
more convenient for you to clear away blocks than to
stand over him and patiently direct his unwilling
efforts and firmly insist that no other play shall be
begun till these things are put in their places ; but
mothers must not ask what is the easiest way, but
what is the best.
Of course, even if they have the responsibility of
keeping their play-place in order, you will have to
exercise considerable supervision. But a few min-
utes of your practiced hand, when you are making
your morning rounds, will straighten out a good
many matters. The children can spend an hour or
two occasionally on a rainy day, under your direc-
tion, playing "clean house." Just think what
" eternal vigilance " our houses demand of us, and
HOME AND SOCIETY.
631
be charitable toward the children's short-comings in
their domains.
Other people's children, visitors, not so carefully
trained as yours, perhaps, will sometimes bring dis-
may and disorder. I knew a mother who was much
annoyed by her child-visitors, who would scatter
everything over the floor till the instant of depart-
ure arrived, then leave the poor little host, tired and
flushed, to do the " clearing up," which, of course,
seemed very stupid after the fun was all over and the
company gone. She told her boy when he went
visiting that he might stay five minutes, after the
time set for coming home, to help his little play-
mates put their things away. Whether the other
mothers took the hint and gave their children similar
directions, I have never heard.
But perhaps you cannot set apart and warm a
room expressly for the children. Or even if you
could, the children may be too young and timid to
be happy away from you. There is no place quite
like mamma's room, after all. In such cases, a
"children's corner," like the one described in my first
letter, and under such restrictions, would satisfy some
of the needs of the younger children. For their
other plays you must provide other places. For
instance, give up one of the lower shelves of your
library book-case for their picture and story books.
Let the girls have a hall-chamber for their dolls'
houses, where boys are not allowed except in slip-
pers and "on good behavior." Give the boys a
corner in the wood-shed or attic, for their bench and
tools, and you will be able to solve more or less
satisfactorily the problem of where to keep the
children's things.
I know a household where the boys' turning-lathe
and jig-saw occupies a corner of the back-parlor,
opposite the piano. A large square of oil-cloth pro-
tects the carpet and defines the boundaries, but
there the boys make chess-men and chips, wall-
pockets and saw-dust, right "in the midst of things."
Not every mother could or would give up her back-
parlor, but many mothers would be willing to set up
a jig-saw in every corner of the house if it would
insure her boys growing up into such fine, manly
fellows, such a help and comfort, as this mother's
sons are to her.
Another very important thing, and one too often
forgotten, is to teach the children to respect each
other's property. Let each child have his or her
shelf or drawer for his most precious possessions, and
allow no one else to molest it. Give the older
children the high shelves, out of the reach of the
younger ones, for their treasures. It is not a small
matter to come home from school and find that
something very precious has been ruined beyond
repair, and to be carelessly told in excuse, " Oh, the
baby got it." I fear we do not always appreciate
how much suffering the havoc of the " baby " causes
the older ones. And see that you respect their
rights, too. It may be nothing but a ragged bit
of lace, or a string tied to a button, which you are
sweeping into the dust-pan, but if you are as well
acquainted with your children's pastimes as you
ought to be, you will recognize dolly's best lace col.
lar or a part of Ned's " machinery." It is only in
your eyes a stray picture from an old SCRIBNER, or
perhaps a cast-off blank-book which you are throw-
ing into the fire, but it is the frontispiece for Jane's
scrap-book, or Mary's diary, precious to her soul.
It takes only a minute to rescue these trifles and put
them in their places, and that minute is well and
wisely spent; for in it you have shown your sympa-
thy with your children's pleasures and given them a
practical lesson on the rights of property.
Amusements of some kind children must and will
have. It depends upon you whether they have them
under your eye and with your cordial co-operation,
or whether, repressed and chidden at home, they
steal slyly away to other and quieter, but perhaps
disreputable sports. To forbid children doing every-
thing they like is not training them. Children who
are constantly hushed and repressed, so far from be-
ing trained, grow up spiritless and subdued, or sullen
and defiant. Even noise, trying as it is to us, is a
necessary part of a child's life, just as is his con-
stant restless activity. To play " bear " or " blind
man's buff" without the noise is, as Kingsley says
of something else, " like playing ' Hamlet ' with
the part of Hamlet left out, and the ghost and
queen into the bargain." It is not always, or even
usually, the quietest children who are the most
trusty. Said a lady of much experience in a boys'
boarding-school, " I often think that these noisy
fellows, who ' slam and bang ' around their rooms
and wear out the carpets and nick the crockery, are
not half as apt to have vicious habits as these quiet,
sly fellows who always move about as if they had
rubbers on."
Now as to the question, what to do on Sunday
with the little ones who are too young to read. It
is true that if the mother spends all her spare time
reading and talking to them, Sunday is anything but
a day of rest to her, and the children are apt to get
nervous and restless, and by night are " too cross
for anything." But we recognize that the day must
be made different from others. It ought to be the
pleasantest and sunniest of the whole week. I
know of one family in which the custom was
adopted of giving some trifling present on Sunday
morning at the breakfast-table. It was often noth-
ing more than an orange or a bunch of white
grapes or a paper doll, but, slight as it was, it
marked the day and made it one to be pleasantly
anticipated. The experiment has been tried of
having Sunday toys, or a book of Sunday pictures,
not to be brought out except on that day. Noisy
plays should be forbidden — the croquet set and the
carts should be put away. If the little girls have
their dolls, they are not to make dresses for them,
but only to take care of them, just as mamma takes
care of the baby on Sunday. It is carefully explained
to the little ones that when they get old enough to
read they will be " too big " to play on Sunday.
All this sets apart the day as one of quiet enjoyment,
and prepares them to understand real Sabbath-
keeping when they grow up. Happy that family
where the father, perhaps too busy through the week
to get much acquainted with his children, takes an
632
CULTURE AND PROGRESS.
hour or two of the precious Sunday-time to talk or
read to them. We hear a great deal of the value of
the mother's influence — the father's ought to be just
as valuable. The children need the invigorating
influence of another mind, fresh from a new sphere
of thought and action. Papa's stories are different
from mamma's, and so refresh the children. While
the weary mother steals away, out of all the chil-
dren's chatter and confusion (so necessary and yet so
wearisome when you hear it all the time) for a
precious quiet hour or two all by herself, she has the
inexpressible comfort of feeling that the children are
not left to hear the gossip of servants, but are being
taught in some things even better than she could do
it. Our younger children are sometimes too much
left to feminine influence. The servants and their
day and Sunday-school teachers are almost always
women ; good and faithful ones they may be, but the
children need the masculine element of strength and
enterprise to supplement the feminine teachings of
docility and gentleness. One balances and com-
pletes the other. The girls ought to be stimulated
and strengthened in character by contact with their
father's mind; the boys should learn from his ex-
ample what true manliness is. They see sham
manliness enough every week-day among their
school-fellows. To our busy business and working
men, Sunday is the only time they have to really
reach their children. The fact that papa is to be at
home all day ought to be the very biggest and best
treat of the whole happy Sunday-time. I heard a
four-year-old "tot " say, last night, in the midst of
the bed-time frolic : " Oh, isn't it most time for
Thunday to come again ? I think Thunday is the
bethtest of all."
Do not be troubled. Children can be taught to
be orderly without becoming precise little prigs,
and they can have jolly good times without being
riotous.
MARY BLAKE.
CULTURE AND PROGRESS.
Taylor's " Critical Essays and Literary Notes."*
BAYARD TAYLOR was by nature an optimist. It
gave him pleasure to praise and he was always loth
to condemn. His indomitable optimism asserts it-
self especially in his " Prince Deukalion," and also,
though less directly, in his prose writings ; it formed,
as it were, a rose-colored medium which imparted
a tinge of beauty to whatever object he might hap-
pen to gaze upon. As a critic, it disposed him
to err on the side of leniency, rather than that
of severity, and the present volume, containing
many of his scattered contributions to newspapers
and magazines, gives evidence of a tolerance in
aesthetic matters and a moderation and catholicity
of judgment which would of themselves suffice to
raise him above the herd of modern critics. In
addition to this, his scholarship (which was extensive
rather than profound) always stood him in good
stead, and enabled him to draw his illustrations and
comparisons from a wider field of knowledge than
was at the command of any of his colleagues in crit-
ical journalism ; hence the broad and liberal spirit
which animates all his writings, their fresh and
wholesome tone and their freedom from literary
cant.
In the present series of essays, which, belonging
to different periods of the author's life, are neces-
sarily of varying quality and merit, Bayard Taylor
unconsciously gives the reader occasion to admire
the intellectual equipment of his mind. In his
review of Tennyson's literary activity, which could
have been written by no one but a poet, he traces
with minute critical acumen the laureate's slow and
gradual growth, emphasizes his complete surrender
to his art, and shows how he has pressed every form
* Critical Essays and Literary Notes. By Bayard Taylor.
New York : G. P. Putnam's Sons. 1880.
of knowledge into the service of poetry. We are
not surprised to find that he has no sympathy with
Tennyson's over-conscientious realism, that he ob-
jects to Lilia's " silken-sandaled foot " in " The
Princess," and is positively shocked at the elabora-
tion of unessential details in " Audley Court." He
would rather remain in ignorance as to the pattern
of the napkin and the ingredients of the pasty, and
" the flask of cider, * * * prime which I knew "
impresses him as being almost ludicrous. On the
other hand, he has a very sensitive appreciation of
Tennyson's rhythmical gift, and analyzes strikingly
the subtly interchanging effects of sound and sense
in his finest lyrics. He holds that the laureate has
yielded a little too often to what might be styled the
musical temptation, that, although a vigorous thinker,
he has unduly subordinated the thought to the har-
mony of his verse, and is thus indirectly responsible
for the inane but musical jingle which his many
imitators annually present to us under the title of
poetry. It is, however, especially in tracing the
intellectual ancestry of the Tennysonian poems that
Bayard Taylor incidentally reveals the fineness of his
own insight, as well as his wide acquaintance with
the literatures of many lands. Even so volatile a
thing as a rhythm or a musical cadence he is able
to pursue to what was probably its source or its
first suggestion, and few will question the correctness
of the conjecture which derives the melody of Ten-
nyson's " Brook" from Burns's " Hallow-e'en," while
perhaps (as Taylor himself hints) the connection
between the lullaby in " The Princess " and the
Corsican cradle-song quoted by Gregorovius is more
than problematic. Another parallelism which is
still more striking is to be found between " The
Miller's Daughter " and a song by the Danish poet
Christian Winther, in which the lover's three desires,
to be a jewel in his mistress's ear, the girdle around
CULTURE AND PROGRESS.
633
her waist and the necklace about her throat, all
occur ; and if Taylor did not cite this instance, it was
probably because he was aware that these conceits
are as old as love itself and are to be found in the
Minnesingers and in the ballads of several nations.
In summing up his impressions of Tennyson and
denning his position among English poets, Taylor
uses the following imaginative comparison :
" When he reaches a high level, he does not hang
on moveless wings, like a Theban eagle, but keeps
his place by a rapid succession of strokes. Yet,
whatever he may lack of that ' supreme dominion '
which belongs only to the masters of song, his life
has been an effort to conquer and to possess it. "
The essays treating of German subjects, which
occupy about one-third of the volume, are chiefly
made up of personal reminiscences interspersed
with literary studies and criticisms. In the latter we
are inclined to question some of the conclusions at
which the author has arrived, believing that in his
estimate of poets like Hebel and Riickert he has
accepted a little too readily the uncritical verdict of
their compatriots. There can be no doubt that
Riickert was an excellent Oriental scholar and a
rhythmical artist of surprising dexterity and skill, but
with his monstrous productivity (he wrote some-
times more than 400 poems a year) it was but
natural that his thought should in time become thin
and diluted. His " Sonnets in Armor " impress any
one who reads them for their literary worth as mere
rhymed patriotism, and his " Wisdom of the Brah-
min " is p. vast desert of sententious maxims and
aphorisms, in whose arid waste are scattered at wide
intervals little green oases of poetry. Bayard Tay-
lor, who made the acquaintance of Ruckert in his
old age and was greatly delighted with his gentle
and yet imposing personality, naturally dwells on the
indisputable excellence of his versification, his won-
derful command of the tuneful resources of his
mother tongue and his great accomplishments as
an Orientalist, but he passes very lightly over his
evident deficiencies, and manages thereby to give
the impression of a much greater man than Ruck-
ert in reality was. Whether the translations (all
extremely cleverly done) of Rebel's Alemannic
dialect poems quite sustain Bayard Taylor's high
estimate of his poetic gift, we leave to the decision of
our readers. And yet there is so much positive
knowledge to be gained from these very essays
which we have ventured to criticise, and they con-
vey both directly and by inference so much valuable
information concerning the authors with which they
deal, and concerning the modes of thought and life
in the Fatherland, that no one who is interested in
modern German literature can afford to ignore
them.
The most valuable portion of the book is perhaps
the two chapters on .Weimar, in which the author
sketches in 2 vivid and entertaining manner the
still surviving members of the circle of which Goethe
was once the center. Bayard Taylor, being a
welcome guest in all the old families of Weimar
and having discovered an inexhaustible mine of
anecdote in the venerable Alwine Frommann, had
the most favorable opportunities for collecting all
the facts and documents which (as he devoutly be-
lieved) were in time to compel the world to revise
its judgment concerning him whom many believe to
be the greatest of modern poets. There are, as yet,
unpublished diaries and many other important papers
in the possession of Goethe's grandsons, who, for
reasons of their own, stubbornly refuse to admit the
public into their grandfather's confidence. They
were, however, comparatively gracious to Bayard
Taylor, gave him full liberty to inspect the house,
and accorded him other exceptional favors. More
valuable, however, in view of Taylor's special object
in coming to Weimar, were the personal reminis-
cences of the artist Preller, and the Frommann
family in Jena, of which Minna Herzlieb was once an
adopted member. The vast amount of gossip, Tay-
lor argues, which has accumulated concerning
Goethe has been too credulously and indiscrimi-
nately accepted by his biographers, who were them-
selves incapable of comprehending a mind of such
Titanic structure. The small and distorted anec-
dotes, circulated chiefly by his enemies, were magni-
fied and elaborated, instead of being guardedly
accepted or rejected, allowance having been made
for the temper of the original narrator and the
myth-making propensity of communities in which a
great man has lived. Bayard Taylor agrees with
Hermann Grimm (whose admirable " Lectures on
Goethe " had not appeared at the time when these
essays were first printed) in his essential estimate
of Goethe's moral character, and having received
the true version of the Minna Herzlieb episode from
the girl's surviving relatives, he very naturally con-
cludes that there are many other incidents in
Goethe's life that have been as persistently mis-
represented. Lewes's " Life " was, in Taylor's
opinion, not a biography, but an elaborate apology,
written by a man who was clever but had no real
sympathy with the spirit of the master's life.
It is very evident to any one who reads these
essays attentively that the author was holding back
his most important facts regarding Goethe, fearing to
commit himself before he could properly fortify his
position and give full sway to his mind, as he was
yet hoping to do in his projected biography of his
hero. But, as this work must forever remain un-
written, we accept with gratitude the vague hints
of what it would have been, and the fragmentary
reflections contained in this posthumous volume.
Miss Woolson's "Rodman the Keeper."*
POETRY and rhetoric are not necessarily antago-
nistic elements ; but in a mind where they are not
perfectly fused they are apt to interfere sadly with
each other. Thus, in Miss Woolson's " Southern
Sketches," a rhetorical vein appears every now and
then and spoils the illusion produced by the vividly
* Rodman the Keeper : Southern Sketches. By Constance
Fenimore Woolson, author of "Castle Nowhere," "Two
Women," etc. New York : D. Appleton & Co. 1880.
634
CULTURE AND PROGRESS.
poetic descriptions of Southern life and scenery.
We dare not positively assert that Southern girls,
when wrought up sufficiently, may not make use of
such hollow phrases as the following : " Shall I
forget these things ? Never ! Sooner let my
right hand wither by my side ! " etc., but if they
do, they are not so genuine in their grief or in their
wrath as Miss Woolson would have us believe.
So, also, when that semi-savage little mongrel
Felipa, a girl of twelve who wears a boy's trowsers,
remarks, apropos of these same trowsers : " The
son of Pedro being dead at a convenient age, and his
clothes fitting me, what would you have? It
was a chance not to be despised," — we are again
incredulous. It is per se a delightful little touch,
but it is utterly untrue. The humorous idea that
Pedro's son died just at the proper age to bequeath
his trowsers to her, or rather the consciousness
of its being humorous, which is plainly indicated
in, the above quotation, implies a complexity of
thought which is out of keeping with Felipa's primi-
tive nature. In the case of Felipa, however (who is a
charming creature, or, we rather suspect, a charmingly
elaborated sketch from some living original), this is
the only lapse from psychological realism. The
passionate attachment of the yellow little savage to
the beautiful, fair-skinned Northern lady, her hunger
for praise and her resolute despair at being repulsed,
are in themselves very pathetic, and the pathos is
nowise weakened by the half-humorous manner in
which the story is related.
The other nine sketches in the volume also show
that Miss Woolson has had excellent opportunities
for observation, and, what is more, that she possesses
the faculty of observing accurately and of reporting
vividly and without exaggeration what she has seen.
Her chief merit, to our mind, apart from her mere
literary gifts, which are too well known to be com-
mented upon, is that in all essential things she is
convincing. It is impossible, after having read her
book, to doubt that the South is just as she pictures
it With artistic impartiality she draws the promi-
nent types which now figure on the social and
political arena of the Southern States ; the unscrupu-
lous carpet-bagger, who incites the negroes to blood-
shed and riot and sells them whisky at exorbitant
prices; the noble New England enthusiast who,
driven by his own stern conscience, grapples with
the gravest problem of emancipation, viz. : how
to educate the freedmen into intelligent citizens ; the
embittered and impoverished planter, whom the war
has left nothing but his family pride and his hatred
of the North; the superfluous little gentleman of
blue blood who studies his pedigree, copies family
documents and is entiiusiastic about the history of
the lady who married his grandfather's second
cousin ; the poor little haughty lady who guards her
aristocratic and fiercely relentless heart under a
faded muslin or a worn-out calico gown, and at
length the wounded soldier, of high and low degree,
who finds himself unable to adapt his shattered ex-
istence to the altered state of things. Amid all these
forlorn and broken lives the Northern tourist appears
as a dnus ex machina, falls in love happily or un-
happily, is benevolent or rascally, in accordance
with his nature and temperament. There is no
indication of partisanship in the author's attitude
toward, and treatment of, Southern men and women.
She has a deep sympathy for the inevitable afflictions
brought upon unoffending individuals by the war.
She comprehends fully and respects their grief and
even their hatred of their oppressors, and she evi-
dently regrets (as every patriotic citizen would) that
the bitterness of the struggle should have been need-
lessly prolonged by the thievish rule of the carpet-
baggers.
The most artistically complete of these ten stories
is " Miss Elizabetha," which abounds in delightful
situations. Miss Daarg's interview with the prima
donna is especiably admirable. " Rodman the
Keeper " strikes us as being a little superfluously
fantastic in some of its minor details ; thus, for in-
stance, we cannot help smiling at Rodman's heroism
in refraining from smoking because his fourteen
thousand comrades under the sod could not partake
of the same enjoyment. The best writing (if com-
parisons were not so odious) is probably to be found
in the " South Devil," which is brilliantly tropical
and lingers long in the memory. In fact, the whole
book makes a strong impression and refuses to be
forgotten.
Adams's " Gallatin." *
ALBERT GALLATIN'S career was singularly varied
and romantic. He was a member of one of the
most distinguished families of the little republic of
Geneva. The family was a very ancient one, though
not so ancient as it was believed to be by a certain
Jean de Gallatin, who maintained that it was de-
scended from Atilius Callatintis, Consul in the Ro-
man years 494 and 498. In support of this opinion,
he fought a duel on horseback with Baron de Pap-
penheim. The family really appears to date from
the thirteenth century. The original seat of the
future Genevan Gallatins was near the Rhone, and
some thirty or forty miles below Geneva. In about
the year 1510, the representative of the family had
enrolled himself a citizen of Geneva. From that
time on, the Gallatins were perhaps the first people
in the State.
Albert Gallatin was born in 1761. Both his par-
ents died before he was ten years old, and Gallatin
was adopted and brought up by a Mile. Pictet, a
distant relation of his father. Gallatin came to
America in 1780, having run away from home.
An incident which is described by Mr. Adams as
in part the cause of this act is somewhat curious.
Gallatin's grandmother was a friend- of the Land-
grave of Hesse, a Royal Highness somewhat noto-
rious in revolutionary American history. Madame
Gallatin proposed to obtain for her grandson a com-
mission of lieutenant-colonel in the service of her
friend. On speaking to young Gallatin about the
* The Life of Albert Gallatin, by Henry Adams. Philadel-
phia : J. B. Lippincott & Co.
The Writings of Albert Gallatin, edited by Henry Adams.
Three vols. Philadelphia : J. B. Lippincott & Co.
CULTURE AND PROGRESS.
635
matter, he replied, rather disrespectfully, that he
would never serve a tyrant. For this his grand-
mother gave him a box on the ear. Gallatin's de-
parture from Geneva was secret, and was made in
the company of a friend named Serre. The two
sailed from Nantes to Boston in an American ship.
For several years Gallatin lived in various parts of
the country, and was at one time a teacher of French
at Harvard College. He found his way afterward
to Richmond, where he was very kindly received.
In 1 784, he carried out the purpose with which he
came to America, which was to settle in the wilder-
ness. He had learned from the philosophers of the
French Revolution that a wise man should live away
from society. This crotchet, imbedded in a will of
unusual strength, accompanied him through life.
The mistake appears to have brought him less harm
than similar mistakes bring to many able and self-
willed people. Gallatin bought land and settled on
the Monongahela River. But it was his destiny to
live mainly in cities. Nearly forty years later, on
his retirement from the mission in Paris, he sent his
son home to enlarge and make ready for him the
house which he had built in this part of the world.
Here he went to live for a time in 1823.
Mr. Adams's work contains a valuable discussion
of Gallatin's career as Secretary of the Treasury, and
a particularly interesting account of his conduct of the
negotiations which resulted in the Treaty of Ghent.
The book is full of suggestions to persons inter-
ested in the present and future of this country.
Among these may be mentioned the account given
by Mr. Adams of Gallatin's treatment, while Min-
ister in France, of his instructions concerning the
seizure of the Apollon. The frank expression of
his opinion of the badness of their case which Galla-
tin then made to his Government is most unlike the
habit of later diplomatists, who rarely have the
hardihood to hold opinions of their own, much less
express them. Diplomatists, of course, should be
obedient, but they should not be automatons. The
telegraph has, no doubt, rendered it unnecessary
that they should enjoy their former liberty of discre-
tion, but it has not destroyed the advantage of the
man who is on the spot where the negotiation takes
place over one who is 3000 miles away ; it has not
and never can destroy the advantage of intelligence
and attainments like Gallatin's.
The book has also many situations of a natural
human interest. After making the Treaty of Ghent,
Mr. Gallatin took the road to Geneva, which he had
not seen since he left it as a boy. Even to one ap-
proaching Geneva as a stranger, the impression
made by the first sight of Mont Blanc is lively
enough. What must it have been to one who, after
an absence of thirty-five years, revisits the place as
the home of his boyhood and of his ancestors ! He
left only one allusion to the subject. He said that
as he approached Geneva, calm as he was by nature,
his calmness deserted him. Just previous to his
death, at the age of ninety, one of the signs which he
detected in himself of failing mind was that when
alone he caught himself talking in French as when a
a boy. " His mind," says Mr. Adams, " recurred
much to his early youth, to Geneva, to his school, to
Mile. Pictet, and undoubtedly to that self-reproach for
his neglect of her and of his family which seems to
have weighed upon him through life."
Mr. Adams might have made his work possibly
more interesting and effective, and certainly more
popular, had he made it shorter and less technical.
He has investigated the circumstances of Mr. Gal-
latin's career with great industry and with perfect
fairness of purpose. He has evidently spared no
trouble which would enable him to comprehend the
man himself, his achievements and the time in which
he lived. Doubtless all biographers should be as
thorough as this — very few, we imagine, actually are.
A biographer should aim to know everything about
his subject, no matter how much of his knowledge
he may think it necessary to suppress. It is pos-
sible that, had Mr. Adams written a book of smaller
size, he might have produced a better work of art.
But he is deeply interested in the history of the
time with which Gallatin was connected, and he has
thought best to give us, with some detail, the re-
sults of his very'sincere study. The reader will be
the less likely to regret Mr. Adams's course because
of the paucity of really good writing upon matters
connected with American history. Mr. Adams's work
is very simple and conscientious, and entirely devoid
of that affectation which is sometimes adopted by
weak writers in order to conceal their want of real
industry and ability. We have also much pleasure
in praising the author for his modesty. Along with
the energy and vigor to be expected in one of Mr.
Adams's name and connection, we note with satis-
faction his freedom from narrowness and bumptious
self-conceit.
The life is accompanied by a selection from the
writings of Albert Gallatin, prepared by Mr. Adams
with great pains. This is in three volumes, the first
two containing the correspondence of Mr. Gallatin
with distinguished persons, and the third containing
essays and publications.
Skelton's " Essays in Romance." *
FROM an author little known perhaps to American
readers, comes in goodly dress a volume made up
of stories', sketches, and verses, gleaned from the
literary work of many years, and covering a wide
variety of topic and treatment. Here are Scotch idyl
and Venetian romance; love-songs, and rambles like
Izaak Walton's, and the experiences of a heretical
minister. There is throughout the touch of a
skillful workman, and passages of strong feeling
and description. The charm is strongest when the
author is on Scottish ground. The rugged and
picturesque national character comes out in vivid
glimpses ; but it is especially on the heather and
among the hills, alone with nature, that we are con-
scious of a fresh and invigorating atmosphere, and
draw deep breaths of enjoyment, for which we
gratefully remember the author.
* Essays in Romance and Studies from Life. By John Skel-
ton, author of "The Impeachment of Mary Stuart," and other
works. William Blackwood & Sons, Edinburgh and London.
636
COMMUNICA TIONS.
Judge Ricord's Translations.*
IT would be remarkable, indeed, if the necessary
requirements for poetic translating — so rare even in
poets of acknowledged ability— could be fulfilled by
Judge Ricord, a gentleman whose honored position
in his native city leads him in the farthest possible
direction from the world of fantasy and art (and
who, we understand, has only devoted to this ardu-
ous task " his leisure hours during the four or five
years that he has been upon the bench "). Like all
untrained versifiers, he finds himself, in despite of
his literary conscience, frequently obliged to sacrifice
the thought to the rhyme ; and not being endowed
with the broad sympathy and the keen intuition of
the true poet, he fails to render the individual spirit
and the varying styles of the different authors. Thus
in reading these translations, which number about a
hundred, and which embrace a range wide enough
to extend from the classic French of Voltaire, Mo-
liere and Sainte-Beuve, to the Swabian and Aleman-
nic dialects of obscure or nameless authors ; from
the scholarly elegance of Petrarch to the colloquial
freedom of La Fontaine and Beranger; from the
dainty grace of Metastasio and Voiture, the grandiose
vigor of Victor Hugo, the flawless perfection of
Goethe, the finished miniature painting of Leconte
de Lisle, to the reckless, almost insolent, charm of
Heine — we derive the impression of only a single
style. The familiar rhymed prose of La Fontaine
and Florian finds a fair interpretation at Mr.
Ricord's hands. His excellent translations of " Love
and Folly" and "Truth and Fiction" suggest the
careless ease of Gay. One of his happiest efforts is
an Austrian folk-song, "The World's Way," and
* English Songs from Foreign Tongues. By Frederick \V.
Ricord. New York : For sale by Charles Scribner's Sons.
he renders very well the spirited archness of a
charming song from the French of Malherbe, from
which we quote the first and last stanzas :
"That other maids may be desired,
That other maids may be admired,
I will of course, of course agree,
But that one may with you compare
In beauty, fairest of the fair,
Oh that can never, never be.
" That I, within my silent grave
At last may cease to be thy stave,
I will of course, of course agree.
But that the fear of death can move
Me in my service and my love,
Oh that can never, never be."
We must find space also for two madrigals by
Metastasio, which are translated with admirable
terseness and skill :
" In dreams while on my bed I lie,
Comes she, for whom I live and sigh,
To say, I'm not forsaken.
If thou be justj O Love, ordain
My dream the living truth contain,
Or that I never waken."
"If each man's deeply hidden woe
Were written out upon his brow,
For many then our tears would flow,
Who rather move our envy now.
" Alas ! how many in whose breast
The keenest agonies exist,
Make in appearing to be blest
Their sum of happiness consist."
If the author cannot answer to the definition of
the poet, who must be " of imagination all com-
pact," yet this volume proves him to be what our
great-grandparents would have called a "man of
parts," familiar with an unusual number of lan-
guages, endowed with poetic sensibility and a grace-
ful, versatile mind.
COMMUNICATIONS.
June 1 6, 1880.
EDITOR SCRIBNER'S MONTHLY.
DEAR SIR : My attention has been called to
an assertion made in an article of your June num-
ber, 1880, of SCRIBNER'S MONTHLY, which I deem
of sufficient importance to ask you to correct. It
occurs in an article entitled " A Year of the Exodus
in Kansas," upon page 216, and speaks of the labor
of a colored man, practically the colored man him-
self, being sold for debt in Texas, Alabama and
Georgia, by virtue of the laws of these States. A
practice of the law in Texas, accompanied by a dili-
gent study of the statutes of that State, for several
years past, enables me to state with confidence that
no such law there exists, and the practice is wholly
unknown. So it is in Georgia, and so I believe it
is in Alabama. It is a fact well known to every
lawyer in the country, that imprisonment for debt
has long since become obsolete both in England and
this country, the single vestige being the writ of
ne exeat (to prevent an insolvent debtor from flee-
ing the country to avoid process, etc.). To many
people, however, ignorant of the law, but otherwise
honest and well-meaning, the bare assertion of the
fact, in your excellent and usually most reliable
monthly, will carry conviction, and will give their
minds a very prejudiced idea of the jurisprudence of
these States. It is particularly in behalf of Texas,
a young and growing State, which invites immigra*
tion by every inducement of soil, climate, and laws,
that I write ; and it is in her behalf, as well as that
of justice and truth, that I beg you will insert in
your columns the substance, at least, of this correc-
tion. Very respectfully your obedient servant,
WM. AUBREY.
THE WORLD'S WORK.
637
THE WORLD'S WORK.
Magazine Guns.
ARMS designed to carry a supply of cartridges in
a magazine of some kind attached to the gun, so as to
admit of the rapid firing of a number of shots in suc-
cession, are already in use, as instanced by the
Galling gun, a number of magazine rifles and even
the common revolver. Any improvement in this
class of arms must, therefore, be sought in more
finished charging and firing mechanism and in an
increase in the number of shots that may be carried
in one gun. From an inspection of a number of
arms of different patterns, now being made in this
country, some improvements may be described that
may prove of value to the general reader.
The plan upon which these new arms are con-
structed is essentially the same, whether it is applied
to a sporting gun, battery, or machine rifle, or field-
gun for horse artillery. It may also be applied to
the largest sized siege-gun, though the guns already
constructed range only from a shot-gun to a field-
gun throwing solid shot or shells. In all, the maga-
zines are placed on either side of the gun-barrel, so
that they can be easily removed for loading with
cartridges. The cartridges are pushed into the
open end of the magazine till it is full, when the
coiled spring in the magazine tube is locked auto-
matically, preventing the spring from pushing the
shots out until released by pressure of the finger on a
stop on the outside of the tube. In the shot-gun,
two tubes are placed on each side of the barrel, and
are designed to hold from 32 to 64 shots according to
the size of the gun. In the military rifle, the maga-
zines are placed in a circle round the barrel, and
when filled will carry 128 shots, all of which may be
fired in succession in less than one minute. The
firing apparatus consists essentially of a steel slide
containing two chambers and designed to move
laterally in the stock behind the barrel, one chamber
always being in line with the barrel. The move-
ment of the mechanism is very simple. While one
cartridge is pushed by the spring from the tube into
one chamber, another is being fired from the barrel.
The next movement repeats this on the other side of
the gun, and, at the same time, the exploded cartridge
is pulled out and allowed to fall to the ground. The
mechanism appears to work with precision and with
the least exertion on the part of the gunner. The
barrel is screwed into tfye loading and firing appara-
tus and is quite distinct from it, so that a new
barrel can be put on if required.
This also admits of the use of old barrels 'in mak-
ing the improved arm. To compensate for the in-
creased weight of so many magazines and shots, the
gun is made quite light, and to compensate for the
recoil that is so troublesome in a light gun, a rubber
recoil-cushion of a novel form is placed in the firing
apparatus, to take up the shock when the gun is
fired.
The single-barrel guns examined consist of a small
rifled gun on a light carriage, with the slide for loading
and firing but without magazines, the cartridges being
slipped into the open chamber of the slide alternately
exposed on each side as the gun is fired ; a long and
light rifled gun, and a regular field-piece for throw-
ing shells. In the long rifle, eight magazines are
ranged round the barrel in a circle. These may be
filled with solid shot, or with case-shot, or with shells.
By turning a hand crank, any magazine may be
brought to the firing slide, so that shells, case or
solid shot may be fired at will. The movement of
the slide is controlled by a hand lever, moving from
side to side, the charging and firing being all done
by one motion, one man being able to fire the gun
continuously, at a speed of from one to two shots per
second. In the field-gun, four magazines are placed
on each side of the gun ; the firing mechanism being
the same as in all the other guns, and controlled by
the movement of a single lever. The barrel is of
steel, rifled, and designed for very long range. It is
screwed into the firing apparatus, so that if injured
it can be replaced in a few minutes. The magazine
tubes are loaded in position, though they can be re-
moved if injured, or if more convenient to load them
at some other place. This gun is mounted on the
usual field artillery truck, and is designed to be
handled in the usual way, except that there are no load-
ers and no swabbers; one man being sufficient to
handle the gun till its entire store of shots is spent.
In this gun the powder and shot are inclosed in a steel
case that serves as a gas check, and at the same
time keeps the gun clean. A recoil-cushion is also
provided, and by permitting the case to retreat, en-
larges the space for the formation of gas. The other
rifled gun is mounted on a steel frame moved at two
points, so that it can be elevated or depressed by
turning a hand crank. This form rests on a table
giving it free play in a horizontal plane, so that the
gunner, by turning a crank, can swing the gun
entirely round the horizon in a few seconds. The
whole is placed on a four-wheel carriage, so as to be
above the horses, and enabling the gunner to fire
directly over their heads, even when on the full gallop.
The same general system of construction is designed
to be applied to guns of the largest size, but so far
only field artillery has been constructed.
In machine guns, the same system has been carried
out. In the gun examined, thirty-six heavy rifles
are placed in line, and above and below each barrel
is a magazine, each carrying 22 shots, making in all
72 magazines, holding 1582 shots, all of which may be
fired by one man in less than one minute. This
arm is also mounted on a pivoted frame, with mechan-
ism for depressing and elevating, and stands on a
table having a free horizontal motion in every direc-
tion. The whole is placed on a four-wheeled car-
riage, designed for horses or men, and is to be
accompanied by a one-horse cart, containing a large
supply of magazines already filled, besides extra
cartridges in boxes. This arm is put forth as the most
effective instrument of its kind ever made, both in
638
THE WORLD'S WORK.
simplicity of construction, ease of management and
large range of firing, and general usefulness for
military purposes. All of these arms are soon to be
publicly exhibited in operation, and will, no doubt,
be worthy the attention of military people, both from
the novelty of their design and the admirable manner
in which they have been built.
Apparatus for Treating Metallic Sands.
THE deposits of black and colored sands found
in different parts of this country, and containing a
large percentage of iron and a trace of gold, or
other valuable metals, have been made the subject
of frequent experiment for the purpose of extract-
ing the gold, but with few exceptions these experi-
ments have been found to be too costly to be of any
commercial value. A new apparatus for extracting
the loose iron from the mingled sand, gold and
other materials that make up the so-called "iron
sands " employs an electro-magnet in a novel and
most interesting manner. The apparatus is simple
and quite inexpensive, and can be readily under-
stood from the accompanying outline drawing. It
consists of a prism-shaped hopper of wood about
1.50 meter (5 feet) long, and having a slit or open-
ing at the bottom 3 m. m. (1-16 inch) wide. This
hopper is supported on a wooden frame, as shown
in the drawing, and has a slight lateral movement
so that it may be adjusted for work. When the ap-
paratus is to be used in buildings, the hopper may
be built into the floor and the frame-work omitted.
Immediately below the hopper is a box divided into
two parts by a wooden partition having a sharp
edge at the top. This box has also a movement
from side to side to adjust it for work. Suspended
on a bracket to the frame is a wide electric magnet,
made of a piece of plate iron bent into a horse-shoe
and wound with wire, as shown in the drawing.
The wires from the magnet are designed to be led to
a small dynamo-electric machine, intended to be
turned by hand or other light power. In using the
apparatus, the dry sand is shoveled into the hopper
and falls in a thin shower into the box below. The
box or the hopper is so placed that the whole of the
sand falls into one of the compartments of the box,
and, until the magnet is excited, it all falls in that
way and nothing is accomplished. On exciting the
magnet, all the particles of iron are drawn out of
their path in falling, and tend to approach the poles
of the magnet, and would cling to them were it not
so adjusted that the attraction of gravitation over-
comes the magnetic attraction. The iron sand
practically passes through the magnetic field without
stopping and then falls to the ground. This alter-
ation of its path, or trajectory, is sufficient to cause it
to fall clear of the partition in the other part of the box.
All the gold quartz or other non-magnetic material
falls through the magnetic field without altering its
path. This application of a magnet for separating
particles of iron from other materials is quite novel,
and differs essentially from the two new methods of
accomplishing the same thing recently described in
this department. Gangs of magnets are employed
in elevators and flour-mills to extract the bits of wire
from self-binders found in wheat, and in separating
bran from flour by the use of cylinders excited by
frictional electricity. Though designed for treating
the iron sands of California, the apparatus may prove
of use in flour-mills, both for cleaning the bran from
flour (by frictional electricity) and in arresting bits of
iron in wheat, and in separating iron ore from the
rock in which it may be imbedded. It would seem
as if it might be less costly to crush and grind iron
ores, particularly those of a poor grade, and to pass
the sand through such an apparatus, and thus
save the iron in a pure state. Many red sands
contain a percentage of iron too small to render
them of value as ores, and in this apparatus they
might prove of value, as the separation of the iron
from the sand would cost only the labor of shovel-
ing it into the hopper and turning the crank of the
dynamo-electric machine.
New Applications of Dynamo-Electric Machines.
THAT one dynamo-electric machine, driven by
steam, or other power, would cause a second ma-
chine properly connected with it to reproduce a
portion of the power spent on the first machine, has
long been known, and a number of practical appli-
cations have been made of the fact, such as pump-
ing water, driving machinery, and even plowing.
Within a short time, the application of electricity to
traction has been made the subject of experiment,
BRIC-A-BRAC.
639
both in this country and in Europe. Detailed de-
scriptions of the European experiments have not
been easily obtained, but enough has been learned to
show that on a short line of narrow-gauge railway,
laid on a level along a garden walk, an electrical
engine has been used to drag moderate loads at a
very fair speed. The experiment in this country,
with characteristic thoroughness, has been made to
test the actual commercial value of electrical traction-
machines on cheap, rough roads, with sharp curves
and steep grades. The science of the thing is
familiar — the real question is, what is the good of it ?
The traction machine (it is not an engine) consists
of a Faradic machine, of the pattern described on
page 317, Vol. 19, of this magazine, laid down on its
side upon an iron frame supported on four flanged
wheels. The larger pair of these wheels is insu-
lated with wood between the tread and the hub,
having a brass ring fastened to the center on the out-
side, and insulated from the bearings by hard rubber.
Brass rods connect these rings to the outside face of
each wheel, near the tread, and electrical conductors
made of brushes of wire press against these rings to
convey the electrical current that passes from the
rails to the tread of the wheel, through the brass
connections to the rings and brushes, and thence by
wire to the Faradic machine. The revolving arma-
ture of the machine carries a small pulley, and from
this is taken a steel wire rope, or belt, to a larger
grooved pulley, while a third pulley and second rope
convey the motion directly to the axle of the driving
wheel. The object of this use of wire rope connec-
tions is to convey the very rapid rotation of the
armature at a reduced speed to the traction wheels,
without danger from the sudden starting and stop-
ping of the machine. For stopping the machine,
wooden brakes of a simple form are used, and to
reverse the machine, the electrical current is reversed
by a simple shunting device. The power for mov-
ing the machine is obtained from a stationary steam-
engine driving one or two Faradic machines in a
building near the end of the railroad. From these
machines wires are laid underground to the rail-
road, the positive wire being connected with one rail
and the negative wire with the other rail. The road
itself is a narrow-gauge single track, laid cheaply and
roughly on common fire-wood logs, and ballasted
with sand. All the rails are connected with fish-
plates, and when each plate is put on, two pieces of
copper wire are laid against the rail and held in
place by the fish-plate. This serves to give good
electrical connection from rail to rail. No insulation
is required beyond the wooden sleepers, and even in
wet weather the loss of electricity is found to be very
small. The operation of the machine is exceedingly
simple. The current from the stationary Faradic
machines follows one rail till it meets the traveling
machine, when it takes the short circuit through one
wheel and the machine and down through the other
wheel to the other rail and thence back to the station.
Practically, it makes no difference whether the ma-
chine is at rest or moving at a speed of 30 miles an
hour ; the electrical current follows the rails to the
moving machine, whichever way it may be moving
along the road, and is transformed into useful work
in moving the machine and its load. The present
road has curves of 6l meters (200 feet) radius and is
laid along a common country-road, across fields and
up and down hills, following the face of the country
wherever a horse could drag an ordinary wagon.
The machine may yet be materially modified, but it is
already proved that it will work, and on a commercial
scale. For mining regions, for horse railroads, and
all short lines, particularly when water power can be
obtained, this method of traction will prove of un-
doubted value in replacing locomotives and horse
power. It will follow any grade that a horse can
climb, and will take curves that would be impossible
on any steam road. It is silent, swift and safe, and,
in spite of the necessary loss of power in the conver-
sion from one form of energy to another, it is thought
it will be cheap. It is estimated that a single stationary
engine can control the movement of such machines
over a line often miles, or five miles in each direction.
BRIC-A-BRAC.
Parting Lovers.
FROM THE CHINESE.
SHE says, "We tarry late — do you not hear
The silvery clarion of chanticleer ? "
He says, "Be still, my love, and do not hark;—
'Tis early yet, and all the sky is dark."
She says, " I see the sun's first glancing ray ;
Are we not lingering to the break of day ? "
He says, " I fail to note one streak of light,
'Tis you alone that makes the morning bright."
She says, " Can you, in truth, arise and say,
The shades of night are fading not away ? "
He says, " I will not say — I only know
For all the world I would not have it so."
He says, "At last, 'tis true, the morning star
Shines in the east like some drawn scimitar ; "
She says, " I bid you quickly then depart " —
He says, " But for the tumult in my heart
" I should have gone from here an hour ago —
But curse the bird whose voice proclaimed my
woe,
And curse the sun, and all the impertinent crew
That hurry on to sever me from you."
JOEL BENTON.
640
BRIC-A-BRAC.
THE conservatism of most people is nothing more
than their radicalism gone to seed.
No man is envious of what he can equal, or even
imitate.
The man who is ever ready to take the chances will
very probably take his last one in the almshouse.
Men have been known to correct their vanity,
subdue their pride and even overcome their super-
stitions, but, once impregnated with it, it is impos-
sible for a man to get rid of his vulgarity.
The man who lives for others must expect most
of his pay in self-satisfaction.
Most successes spring up, Phcenix-like, from the
ashes of some failure.
The most cunning of all egotists is the man who
never speaks well of himself.
Good breeding is a letter of credit all over the
world.
A man of true genius is generally as simple as a
•child, and as unconscious of his power as an elephant.
If we would measure our happiness by the condi-
tion of those below us, instead of those above, we
•should find ourselves very well off.
The man who can distinguish between good
advice and poor does not need either.
Every man makes his own reputation ; the world
only puts on the stamp.
There is a great deal of modesty in this world
which will gaze at almost anything, — provided it can
"be seen through a crack.
Silence is a hard opinion to beat.
Next to silence comes brevity — the wise man's
strength and the fool's refuge.
A gentleman never will insult any one, and a loafer
cannot.
Bigotry knows of but one way to reach heaven,
while faith knows of a hundred.
Man is a two-legged, eccentric animal that deals
in politics, religion and general merchandise.
It is well to give heed to your doubts, for they are
very often the dawnings of truth.
Literary men, as a class, are unsatisfactory com-
panions ; if you flatter their vanity enough to make
them agreeable, you disgust yourself.
He who does a good deed makes heaven his
debtor.
Chastity is like a broken vase ; it can be mended,
but can never be made whole.
A thoroughly good man is invariably a brave one.
It is much more difficult for a man to make a cir-
cumstance than it is for a circumstance to make a
man.
It requires wisdom to be able, and it requires
honesty to be willing, to call things by their right
names.
Man is the only creature that laughs ; angels do
not, animals cannot, and devils will not.
A Somnolent Vagary.
AN idle dreamer, an idle dream;
A napping sun and a breeze at play;
A vagrant shadow, a drowsy stream,
A lazy, loitering, summer day.
A bold-eyed sunflower in vulgar rags,
A knot of weeds with a sailor air,
A pumpkin-vine with its gaping bags,
To catch what specie the sun can spare.
A spider winding his silver keep
To hold as hostage a fly or two;
A robin rocking himself to sleep,
Serenely reckless that notes are due.
A butterfly-boat on a wave of air,
With all its satiny sails unfurled,
For port in a blossom here and there,
The busiest things in this idle world.
A gossipy corn-field, making weird,
Fantastic bows in a languid way,
A tawny upland, with unshorn beard,
Gone fast asleep with the sultry day.
The sky is teeming with restless ghosts
From Mount Olympus and days of old;
They flit and vanish, and lo, the hosts
Of Jason, seeking the fleece of gold.
As sweet a fable as one can find
Is hid in the " golden fleece," they say —
Oh, you are snoring! Well, never mind;
I'll tell the fable some other day.
H. O. KNOWLTON.
THERE was a young person of Munster,
Who was such an inveterate punster
That when asked to take tea
He said: "Why not take D?"
Which convulsed a large portion of Munster.
SCRIBNER'S MONTHLY.
VOL. XX.
SEPTEMBER, 1880.
No. 5.
MR. PICKWICK AND NICHOLAS NICKLEBY.
COPPERFIELD'S RECOLLECTIONS OF CANTERBURY.
VOL. XX.— 42.
ROCHESTER, with its bridge and river, its
castle and cathedral, and its surrounding
country, is perhaps more closely associated
with Dickens than any other place in Eng-
land. The walks in the vicinity which he
loved so much, and the favorite spots to which
they led him, figure in many of his books : —
Canterbury, so closely associated with Cop-
per-field; Cooling church-yard, the marshes
and the river of " Great Expectations," the
Leather Bottle Inn, at Cobhana, in which the
lovelorn Tupman sought retreat. Salis House
and Watts Charity are veritable buildings still
' ting in the city. "Pick wick," his first book,
opens, if it does not begin in Roch-
ester, and " Edwin Drood," his last
book, closes there. In " Pickwick "
^ the city goes by its own name;
in " Edwin Drood " it is veiled under
the transparent disguise of " Clois-
terham." So intimate is this asso-
ciation with Dickens's life
and works that a brass tab-
let has been erected in the
,:; ':,.,, south-west transept of the
cathedral, bearing as part
of its inscription the follow-
ing words : " To connect his
memory with the scenes
H^^_ . in which his earliest and
^^^^^| his latest years were
passed, and with the as-
sociations of Rochester
Cathedral and its neigh-
borhood, which extend-
ed over all his life."
In the immediate
vicinitv of the city
is Gad's Hill Place,
the goal toward which
his childish aspirations
reached out, and the
[Copyright, 1880, by Scribner & Co. All rights reserved.]
642
MR. PICKWICK AND NICHOLAS NICKLEBY.
ROCHESTER CASTLE.
place where he drew his last breath. In a
letter to his friend, M. de Cerjat, he speaks
of the feeling with which it inspired him
when scarcely more than a baby :
" It has always a curious interest for me,
because, when I was a small boy down in
these parts, I thought it the most beautiful
house (I suppose because of its famous old
cedar-trees) ever seen. And my poor father
used to bring me to look at it, and used to
say that, if ever I grew up to be a clever
man, perhaps I might own that house, or
such another house. In remembrance of
which I have always, in passing, looked to
see if it was to be sold or let, and it has
never been to me like any other house ; it
has never changed at all."
The contrast between the rollicking fun
of the Pickwickians on their first outing, and
the pathos of those last words which the
great novelist ever penned, — the opening and
closing scenes of his imaginative work, — is
very striking. Jingle's " Old cathedral, too,
— earthy smell — pilgrims' feet worn away the
old steps — little Saxon doors — confessionals
like money-takers' boxes at theaters — queer
customers those monks — Popes and Lord
Treasurers and all sorts of fellows," forms a
pathetic contrast to the touching description
of the same place in Edwin Drood : "A
brilliant sun shines on the old city. Its an-
tiquities and ruins are surpassingly beautiful,
with the lusty ivy gleaming in the sun, and the
rich trees waving in the balmy air. Changes
of glorious light from moving boughs, songs
of birds, scents from gardens, woods and
fields, or rather from the one great garden
of the whole cultivated island in its yielding
time, — penetrate into the Cathedral, subdue
its earthy odor, and preach the Resurrection
and the Life. The cold stone tombs of
centuries ago grow warm, and flecks of
brightness dart into the sternest marble
corners of the building, fluttering there like
wings."
On just such a morning as is here de-
scribed, within sight of Rochester Cathedral
and within sound of its bells, these words
were penned, not forty-eight hours before
his death.
The old stone bridge across the Medway
which David Copperfield crossed, weary and
footsore, on his journey to Dover, and over
which Mr. Pickwick leaned, meditatively
looking at the cathedral, the ruined castle,
the placid Medway, is no longer in existence,
having been replaced by a handsome iron
structure. When the old bridge was demol-
ished, one of its massive balustrades was
sent to Dickens in token of the many asso-
ciations it had with his works. That balus-
trade, surmounted by a sun-dial, still stands
in the grounds of Gad's Hill Place.
The view from the bridge remains un-
changed, and cannot better be described
than in Dickens's own words : " On the
left of the spectator lay the ruined wall,
broken in many places, and in some
overhanging the narrow beach below,
in rude and heavy masses. Huge knots
of sea-weed hung upon the jagged and
pointed stones, trembling in every breath of
wind ; and the green ivy clung mournfully
around the dark and ruined battlements.
Behind it rose the ancient castle, its towers
roofless, and its massive walls crumbling
away, but telling us proudly of its old might
and strength, as when seven hundred years
MR. PICKWICK AND NICHOLAS NICKLEBY.
643
ago it rang with the clash of arms or re-
sounded with the noise of feasting and
revelry." The description which follows,
though charming, is too long for insertion
here.
" Pickwick," with the mere thread of plot
upon which its stories, adventures and char-
acters are loosely strung, has in it a certain
charm, a freedom in the touches of nature
and of character, which Dickens does not
seem to possess in perfection when hampered
by a more intricate plot and a more serious
purpose. His works show more ambitious,
perhaps more eloquent, descriptions of natu-
ral scenery than those found in " Pickwick,"
"four by the day," in the morning of the rob-
bery at Gad's Hill. Said Dickens, pointing it
out " That is the inn with the new chimney.
I discovered it as I was walking into Roch-
ester one morning at the same hour, and
saw t'he constellation in that very position."
You enter the inn through an archway; on
each side-post sign are Jingle's words :
" Nice house, good beds, vide Pickwick."
The great beams above are hung with sides
of bacon, with fowls and geese, with huge
joints of beef and mutton : through this
" mutton grove " one passes to the bar and
the coffee-room. These, the wide staircases,
hung with old-time engravings, the long cor-
BULL INN AT ROCHESTER.
but none which flow in a more simple,
spontaneous way, or have a flavor so idyllic.
This view of the valley of the Medway, the
walks through the charming lanes of Kent,
or the " deep and shady woods cooled by
the light winds," are redolent of the very
breath of the country. Kent was alike the
home of his childhood and of his imagina-
tion ; he rarely failed to respond with open
heart to her invitations.
The Bull Inn still exists as when Mr.
Pickwick and his friends with Jingle drove
up; perhaps it remains unchanged since the
days when the carrier in King Henry IV. saw
Charles's wain rising over its new chimney at
ridors, the unexpected corners, the sitting-
room half a mile from the bedroom, all
stand for what is ironically called the com-
fort of the old-fashioned English inn. The
great ball-room — indispensable adjunct of
all old county inns — is now empty and deso-
late, except to us, who people it with Tup-
man and Jingle in Winkle's coat, making
violent love to the plump widow, and little
Dr. Slammer, wild with jealousy.
Mr. Pickwick's enumeration of the prod-
ucts of Stroud, Rochester, Chatham and
Brompton, supplemented by Mr. Jingle's still
more laconic description of Kent, give many
characteristic features in a very small space.
644
MR. PICKWICK AND NICHOLAS NICKLEBY.
WHITE HART INN, HIGH STREET.
" The principal productions of these towns,"
says Mr. Pickwick, " appear to be soldiers,
sailors, Jews, chalk, shrimps, officers and
dock-yard men. The commodities chiefly
exposed for sale in the public streets are
marine stores, hard-bake, apples, flat-fish
and oysters." " Kent, sir," says Mr. Jingle,
— " everybody knows Kent, — apples, cher-
ries, hops and women."
Dingley Dell, to which the Pickwickians
so often turned their steps, is probably a
creation of the author's fancy, — at least, noth-
ing corresponding to it is to be found in that
locality. Mr. Frost, in his rambles in Kent,
looking up the various points associated
with Dickens, made an ineffectual though
exhaustive search for the manor farm. Since
Muggleton is unquestionably an imaginary
place, Dingley Dell and Mr. Wardle's home
are no doubt to be classed in the same
category.
The chapter introducing Sam Weller opens
with a delightful description of the London
inns. Even in the days of Pickwick, these
rambling old buildings were giving way
before the stately hostelries of more mod-
ern times. To discover them, the record
goes on to say, one " must direct his steps
to the obscurer quarters of the town, and
there, in some secluded nooks, he will
find several still standing with a kind of
gloomy sturdiness amidst the modern inno-
vations which surround them. Great, ram-
bling, queer old places they are, with galleries
and passages and staircases wide enough
and antiquated enough to furnish material
for a hundred ghost stories, supposing we
should ever be reduced to the lamentable
necessity of inventing any." High street
was for centuries the great, and, indeed,
the only road from the south and west to
London Bridge, before crossing which the
horses were put up in one of its many
inns. It was emphatically a quarter of inns
and shops for farmers, carriers and drovers.
Many of these inns are still in existence.
Crossing the Thames by London Bridge, we
find an immense traffic still pouring through
High street Borough : we pass the " George,"
the " King's Head," the " Queen's Head,"
famous old inns in their day, now dropping
to pieces. Their great yards, — once the
MR. PICKWICK AND NICHOLAS NICKLEBY.
645
starting-place of the mail-coaches, were in
Shakspere's day the spot on which the tem-
porary stages were erected for their per-
formances, the spectators grouped about or
looking down from the balustracled gal-
leries,— are now filled with huge vans load-
ing the goods for the railway companies,
who make use of these yards as local receiv-
ing stations for their freight and packages,
while the dingy little tap-rooms do a flour-
ishing business with the drivers of the carts
and vans. The remains of the " Tabard " inn,
from which the Canterbury pilgrims set out,
were still standing in 1875, but nothing but
the name on the sign of a miserable little drink-
ing-den now remains ; the building, or what
was left of it, having been replaced by a large
warehouse. " It was in the yard of one of
these inns — of no less celebrated a one than
the White Hart — that a man was busily em-
ployed in brushing the dirt off a pair of
boots." The White Hart Inn is scarcely so
memorable from its association with Jack
Cade as it is from that with Sam Weller.
Strolling into its yard, we find Sam brushing
the boots in the open quadrangle, while the
plump chambermaid from the galleries above
amuses herself with chaffing him. Sam's view
of society from the stand-point of boots, — in-
verted, as it were, — is exquisitely funny.
" ' There's a wooden leg in number six,'
said Sam ; ' there's a pair of Hessians in
thirteen ; there's two pair of halves in the
commercial ; there's these here painted tops
in the snuggery inside the bar, and five more
tops in the coffee-room.' ' Nothing more ? '
said the little man. ' Stop a bit,' said Sam,
suddenly recollecting himself. 'Yes; there's
a pair of Vellingtons a good deal worn, and a
pair o' lady's shoes in number five.' ' What
sort of shoes ? ' hastily inquired Mr. Wardle,
who, together with Mr. Pickwick, had been
lost in bewilderment at the singular cata-
logue of visitors." Miss Rachel's precautions
not having extended to her feet, she is dis-
covered by means of her shoes.
Before the arrival of Mr. Wardle, in
pursuit of the mature spinster, Sam gives
the story, which has made him immortal,
of the inveigling of his famous father by
the " two porters as touts for licenses "
around Doctors' Commons. To this very
DEAN S COURT — DOCTORS COMMONS.
646
MR. PICKWICK AND NICHOLAS NICKLEBY.
THE ABBEY GATE, BURY ST. EDMUND S.
day, as one strolls through that quiet court,
just off St. Paul's, with the school for the
choir boys on its opposite side, " a cove in
a white apron" will glide up, and with a
significant show of secrecy and of sympa-
thy, whisper : " License, sir, license ? " The
will office to which the elder Mr. Weller
was going to prove his deceased wife's will,
when he was thus inveigled into making
his " second wentur," has been removed
from Doctors' Commons to Somerset
House, though the license office still re-
mains in the old place.
Bury St. Edmund's, to which place Mr.
Pickwick and Sam followed Jingle, is de-
scribed by Dickens as a well-paved, " hand-
some little town, of thriving and cleanly
appearance." The Angel Inn, at which they
drew up, is still standing, and in as perfect
preservation as it was in on the day made
memorable by the appearance of Mr. Job
Trotter, with his pink pocket-handkerchief,
mulberry suit, and unfailing fountain of
tears. Here Sam Weller, for once and only
once, met his match ; and then follows the
absurd scene of Mr. Pickwick's discomfiture
at Miss Smithers's school.
The abbey in the square opposite the
Angel Inn is the magnificent abbey of St.
Edmund, and though it is now seven or
eight centuries old, the carvings upon the
tower, as well as those upon the ruin, are
almost as sharp and clear as they were on
the day when it was demolished.
From Bury St. Edmund's let us follow Mr.
Pickwick and Sam to Ipswich, whither the
elder Weller had directed them, in search of
both Jingle and Trotter. They put up at
the great White Horse, " rendered the more
conspicuous by a stone statue of some ram-
pacious animal, with a flowing mane and
tail, distantly resembling an insane cart-
horse, which is elevated above the principal
door." Here occurred the episode of Mr.
Pickwick's invasion of the chamber sacred
to the lady in yellow curl-papers, and the
consequent wrath of Mr. Peter Magnus.
" The morning after this distressing occur-
rence, Tony Weller sat in a small room
in the vicinity of the stable-yard, awaiting
his son, and beguiling the time over a liberal
allowance of cold beef, bread and ale,
till Sam entered.
" ' I am wery sorry, Sammy,' said the
elder Mr. Weller, shaking up the ale by
describing small circles with the pot, pre-
paratory to drinking, — ' I'm wery sorry,
Sammy, to hear from your lips as you let
yourself be gammoned by that 'ere mul-
berry man. I always thought, up to three
days ago, that the name of Veller and
gammon would never come into contact,
Sam m y — n e ver. '
" ' Always exceptin' the case of a widder,
of course,' said Sam.
" ' Widders, Sammy,' replied Mr. Weller,
slightly changing color, ' Widders are 'cep-
tions to every rule. I have heerd how
many ordinary women one widder is equal
to in pint o' comin' over you. I think it's
twenty-five, but I don't rightly know vether
it aint more.' "
Sam's repentance in St. Clement's church-
yard was soon dispelled by a sudden oppor-
tunity for reprisals which offered itself.
" Mr. Samuel Weller had been staring up
at the old red brick houses, now and
then, in his deep abstraction, bestowing a
wink upon some healthy-looking servant-
girl, as she drew up a blind or threw up a
bedroom window, when the green gate of a
MR. PICKWICK AND NICHOLAS NICKLEBY.
647
garden at the bottom of the yard opened,
and a man, having emerged therefrom,
closed the green gate very carefully after
him, and walked briskly toward the very
spot where Mr. Wellerwas standing." This
man, in spite of his ingenious attempt to
avoid recognition, by the violent contortions
of his features, Sam soon discovered to be
Job Trotter.
The last garden gate, in the church-yard
shown in the illustration, is the gate which
Dickens himself has indicated as the one
he meant. The inhabitants of Ipswich take
great pride in this gate, as showing the
precise place of meeting between Sam and
Job Trotter, on the " return match."
Ipswich is a most interesting place, retain-
ing many ancient dwelling-houses, with
have at last reached the condition of
shops.
Though a large part of the street has
completely changed character, being now a
busy thoroughfare filled with noisy drays
and horse-cars, there still remains in the
lower part of the street a row of buildings
which answer to the description of Mrs.
Bardell's house, where, in the pathetic lan-
guage of Sergeant Buzfuz, the disconsolate
widow " courted the retirement and tran-
quillity of Goswell street, and placed in her
front-parlor window a written placard bear-
ing the inscription: 'Apartments furnished
for single gentlemen.' "
The view which Mr. Pickwick saw is
still the view to be seen from these win-
dows. " Samuel Pickwick burst like another
" THE OPPOSITE SIDE OF GOSWELL STREET."
quaint overhanging gables, not unlike the
houses of the old Flemish towns. The
gate-way built by Cardinal Wolsey remains,
and other evidence to his residence here is
still extant in the names of the streets —
Cardinal street and Wolsey street, for
instance, bearing testimony to the fact.
Now let us return to London for the trial,
which brings us to the house of Mrs. Bardell,
in Goswell street. This street affords an
excellent type of the part of London in
which it is situated. It is bordered on
either side with long rows of roomy dwell-
ing-houses, which have for many years been
steadily descending from their original
estate ; they were once tenanted by fash-
ionable people, but through the successive
stages of surgeries and lodging-houses, they
sun from his slumbers ; threw open his
chamber-windows and looked out upon the
world beneath. Goswell street was at his
feet, Goswell was on his right; as far as
eye could reach Goswell street extended on
his left, and the opposite side of Goswell
street was over the way."
The eloquent words of Sergeant Buzfuz
just quoted, his " chops and tomato sauce,"
the little judge's irascibility, Winkle's confu-
sion, Sam's coolness, all the fun of the im-
mortal trial, take visible shape as we stand in
Guildhall, where the trial was held. The
original building dated back as far as the
fifteenth century. In the western side of the
hall the tutelary divinities of London are to
be seen — the gigantic wooden images of Gog
and Magog. The personages thus repre-
648
MR.' PICKWICK AND NICHOLAS NICKLEBY.
GRAY S INN.
sented boast of a magnificent antiquity,
having been found, so saith the chronicler,
when the son of Athenor, King of Troy,
conquered Britain and founded the city of
London, three thousand years ago. Nearly
the whole of Guildhall building was de-
stroyed, together with the ancient images,
in the great fire of 1666, but both were
restored some years afterward.
Fleet street, where Mr. Pickwick was
incarcerated for his refusal to pay the costs
and damages in the case of Bardell ver-
sus Pickwick, is one of London's busiest
thoroughfares. Its name is derived from
Fleet River, the course of which it follows,
the brook finding outlet by a sewer-main,
running through Holborn valley. On the
south side of Fleet street, just opposite the
point where Chancery Lane opens into it,
lies the Temple Inn and its gardens, stretch-
ing formerly to the river but now bordering
on the embankment.
Back from the Thames for a mile or more
extend the beautiful gardens of the several
inns of court — those of the Temple, Lin-
coln's Inn Fields, and again the gardens of
Gray's Inn, with only the break of Fleet
street and Holborn. There is scarcely
a part of London more interesting to an
American than these inns of court. The
life which they house is so alien to our ex-
perience that a reader on this side the At-
lantic, unless he has either visited or studied
up these places, is bewildered in attempting to
understand the constant allusions he meets
in English books. Of these, the Temple is
the oldest; the youngest dates from Eliza-
beth's time. These inns, with their rich
medieval architecture, carving and stained
glass, and their associations, infinitely richer
still, lie in the very heart of London.
Around the ancient gardens, where the York
and Lancaster badges — the red and the white
roses — were plucked, pours the flood of the
modern city's life. The old buildings em-
bowered in their trees or shrubbery form one
of those delightful anachronisms which carry
to Americans, with their consciousness of
youth and rawness, such a peculiar charm.
The Temple was founded thirty years
before England had wrested her freedom
from the craven John, at Runnymede. It
was at first a lodge of the Knights Tem-
plar. Upon the dissolution of that order,
in 1313,11 reverted to the crown; but in
1346 it became the property of the knights of
St. John, who leased it to the students of the
common law. In 1608, it was declared the
free, hereditary property of the corporations
of the Inner and Middle Temple. The name
inn is somewhat misleading to an American
reader, and is yet perfectly appropriate,
since the great collection of buildings which
go to make up each one of these inns is not
MR. PICKWICK AND NICHOLAS NICKLEBY.
649
GATE-WAY. LINCOLN S INN.
only a school of law, but contains sets of
chambers, in which lawyers and law students
live. The reply of one of the old habitues of
the inns to Mr. Pickwick's remark about them
condenses in a paragraph the ideal history
of these places. " I was observing," said
Mr. Pickwick, " what singular places they
are." " You" said the old man, contemptu-
ously,— " what do you know of the time
when young men shut themselves up in those
lonely rooms and read and read, hour after
hour, and night after night, till their reason
wandered beneath their midnight studies ;
till their mental powers were exhausted; till
morning's light brought no freshness or
health to them ; and they sank beneath the
650
MR. PICKWICK AND NICHOLAS NICKLEBY.
unnatural devotion of their youthful energies
to their dry old books ? * * How many
vain pleaders for mercy do you think have
turned away heart-sick from the lawyer's
office, to find a resting-place in the Thames,
or a refuge in the jail ? They are no ordinary
houses, those. There is not a panel in the
old wainscoting but what, if it were endowed
with the powers of speech and memory,
could start from the wall and tell its tale of
horror — the romance of life, sir, the romance
of life. Commonplace as they may seem
now, I tell you they are strange old places,
and I would hear many a legend with a
terrific-sounding name rather than the true
history of one old set of chambers."
Lincoln's Inn, which comes second in
antiquity, is an especial favorite of
Dickens; he characterizes it in a single
phrase more happily than could be done in
pages of mere description, when he calls it
the " perplexed and troublous valley of the
shadow of the law."
The four inns of court are the Middle and
Inner Temple, Lincoln's Inn and Gray's
Inn; besides these, there are associated with
them a number of inns of chancery, as they
were called, which were formerly a sort of
preparatory school to the higher inns, but
which are now used entirely as chambers.
Dickens himself lived in Furnival's Inn early
in his literary career. Forster states that he
heard Thackeray say, at one of the Royal
Academy dinners : " I can remember, when
Mr. Dickens was a very young man, and had
commenced delighting the world with some
charming humorous works, in covers which
were colored light green, and came out once
a month, that this young .man wanted an
artist to illustrate his writings; and I recol-
lect walking up to his chambers in Furni-
val's Inn, with two or three drawings in my
hand, which, strange to say, he did not find
suitable." The author of an article in
SCRIBNER for June throws some discredit
upon this story. It, however, comes direct
upon Forster's testimony, and admits of no
question.
Unlike "Pickwick," "Nicholas Nickleby"
was written with a serious purpose. In his
early childhood, the horrors practiced upon
the victims of the Yorkshire cheap schools
caught the attention of Dickens, and im-
pressed his imagination. " I cannot call to
mind now." he says, " how I came to hear
about Yorkshire schools when I was not a
very robust child, sitting in by-places near
Rochester Castle, with a head full of Par-
tridge, Straps, Tom Pipes, and Sancho
Panza ; but I know that my first impression
of them was picked up then. * * * The
impressi<jn made upon me, however, never
left me. I was always curious about them ;
fell long afterward, and at sundry times,
into the way of hearing more about them.
At last, having an audience, resolved to
write about them." He then tells how he
went to Yorkshire under pretense of having
a poor widow's son to place at school, and
endeavored to extract information about
these schools. The person to whom he
carried letters for this ostensible purpose
was a free-hearted, ruddy-complexioned
man, whom he found ready to discuss every-
thing but Yorkshire cheap schools. At last,
however, after vainly dodging the subject,
being hard pressed, he " suddenly took up
his hat, and leaning over the table, and
looking me straight in the face, said, in a
low voice : ' Weel, Misther, we've been vary
pleasant toogather, and ar'll spak my moind
tiv'ee. Dunot let the weedur send her
lattle boy to yan o' our school-measthers
while there's a harse to hoold in a' Lunnun,
or a goother to lie asleep in. Ar wouldn't
mak' ill words amang my neeburs, and ar
speak tiv'ee quiet, loike. But I'm dom'd ef
ar can gang to bed and not tellee, for wee-
dur's sak', to keep the lattle boy from a' sike
scoondrels, while there's a harse to hoold
in a' Lunnun, or a goother to lie asleep in ! '
Repeating these words with great heartiness,
and with a solemnity on his jolly face that
made it look twice as large as before, he
shook hands and went away. I never saw
him afterward, but I sometimes imagine
that I descry a faint reflection of him in
John Browdie."
In going through England one cannot fail
to be impressed with the great inns, which
now scarcely support a landlord in any
position above that of a publican. The in-
terior of the house gives back only echoes
from the vast, empty rooms and long, wind-
ing and deserted corridors. The coffee and
smoking rooms are tenantless, and every por-
tion only bears testimony to the glory of the
old coaching days, which the railroads have
so completely superseded that their very
memory has almost faded away. These old
county inns are only galvanized into a
semblance of life, for a brief period, on a
market or fair day, to fall back into forlorner
desolation after it has passed, — affording a
perfect illustration of Dickens's expression,
•' the coachfulness of the past and the coach-
lessness of the present time." In London,
MR. PICKWICK AND NICHOLAS NICKLEBY.
651
the inns which were the starting points of
the mail-coaches, the Saracen's Head, the
Belle Sauvage, the George and Vulture, are
gone, while the Golden Cross is replaced by
a new inn bearing the same name.
Closely related with the ancient hostelries,
so often and so lovingly depicted by the
author, the mail-coach of the period of
his earlier works lives now only in such
descriptions as he and others have left us.
in cocked hats and laced coats, flourished,
and took their tribute in defiance of the
guard's blunderbuss, gave place to some-
thing more modern, and regarded in its day
as the ne plus ultra of rapid transit. What
school-boy has not followed with envious
interest young Tom Brown, in his journey
from the Peacock, Islington, down to Rugby,
on the top of the fast "Tally-Ho"-? What
pictures there are of English road-side scen-
GEORGE INN.
In the serious business of this age of steam
the classic vehicle has no place", though in
England, and even in this country, may
occasionally be seen a spurious imitation,
laboriously and expensively contrived for
the delectation of those who aspire to han-
dle the ribbons after the fashion of the days
when England rallied around the road as
one of her institutions. What a world of
cheery, hearty associations revolve about
the old coaching times ; how the king's
highway runs more or less through half the
fiction since the reign of the Stuarts ! The
old lumbering coach, which did the service
in the days when Turpin and Duval, and
the rest of the gallant crew of road-agents,
ery and incident in this graphic description !
Less attractive is the experience of Nich-
olas Nickleby when, in company with
Squeers and the unhappy little recruits for
the discipline of Dotheboys Hall, he made
his journey by coach to York :
"The night and the snow came on to-
gether, and dismal enough they were.
There was no sound to be heard but the
howling of the wind; for the noise of the
wheels and the tread of the horses' feet
were rendered inaudible by the thick coat-
ing of snow which covered the ground, and
was fast increasing every moment. * * *
Twenty miles further on, two of the front
outside passengers, wisely availing them-
652
MR. PICKWICK AND NICHOLAS NICKLEBY.
NEW INN.
selves of their arrival at one of the best inns
in England, turned in for the night at
the George, at Grantham. The remainder
wrapped themselves more closely in their
coats and cloaks, and, leaving the light and
warmth of the town behind them, pillowed
themselves against the luggage, and prepared,
with many half-suppressed moans, again to
encounter the piercing blast which swept
across the open country."
In the description given in " Tom Brown,"
there are some capital suggestions of the type
which Dickens has individualized and per-
sonified in the senior Weller — husky of voice
and purple of visage from much facing of all
weathers and fortifying of the inner man
against the same, and bulky of body from
the combined effect of these tonics and the
good cheer of a more substantial sort for
which the road-side inns were justly famed ;
condescendingly gracious with hostlers and
jocosely gallant with bar-maids; supreme
authority upon all matters pertaining to the
road generally, and with horseflesh in par-
ticular; whose society and acquaintance
were esteemed rather in the light of an
honor by young bloods of a sporting turn —
the Kews, the four-in-hand Fosbrookes —
who made a point of booking for the box-
seat always when on their travels. " Is there
any young fellow of the present time who
aspires to take the place of a stoker ? " says
Thackeray ; " Where are you, charioteers ?
Where are you, O rattling 'Quicksilver,' O
swift ' Defiance ' ? " You are passed by racers
stronger and swifter than you! Your lamps
are out and the music of your horns has died
away.
Dickens, either intentionally or by acci-
dent, says that "Nicholas, Mr. Squeers, and
MR. PICKWICK AND NICHOLAS NICKLEBY.
653
the little boys and their united luggage, were
all put down together at the George and
New Inn, Greta Bridge," as though it were
a single inn with a double name, whereas,
in fact, there are two separate inns several
hundred yards apart, each bearing one of
these names. It is very possible that he
made the change purposely; a name which
struck his fancy he often transplanted to
another place. Tony Weller's inn, for
example, — the " Markis o' Granby," — does
not exist in Dorking, where the story places
it, but in Esher, where it still stands, a queer
old road-side tavern on the edge of the vil-
lage green. The inn described under the
name of the Marquis of Granby is, indeed,
the King's Head, at Dorking, the name
alone having been transplanted, Mr. Hassard
tells us. It is hardly probable that Dickens
made any mistake, for this was a road he
had occasion to travel probably more than
once in his capacity of newspaper reporter.
Both of these hostelries, the George and
the New Inn, have been converted into com-
fortable dwellings, while their ample stables,
where the post-horses lodged, serve as farm
out-buildings. The George seems almost
to rise out of the beautiful river Tees.
The principal point of interest in " Nicho-
las Nickleby " is Dotheboys Hall. It is
almost impossible to believe that such
enormities as are depicted in this book could
ever have been committed upon defenseless
children. And yet the testimony already
cited from the original of Mr. John Browdie,
as well as Dickens's own refutation of the
charges preferred against him, in the pref-
ace to a later edition, bears evidence to
the correctness of his delineation. " The
author's object in calling public attention to
the system would" be very imperfectly ful-
filled if he did not state now in his own
person, emphatically and earnestly, that
Mr. Squeers and his school are faint and
feeble pictures of an existing reality, pur-
posely subdued and kept down lest they
should be deemed impossible; that there
are upon record trials at law, in which dam-
ages have been sought as a poor recom-
pense for lasting agonies and disfigurements
inflicted upon the children by the treatment
of the master in these places, involving
such offensive and foul details of neglect,
cruelty and disease as no writer of fiction
would have the boldness to imagine."
It is an old story, but none the less to the
point, that several Yorkshire school-masters
found Mr. Squeers's cap to be such a perfect
DOTHEBOYS HALL.
654
MR. PICKWICK AND NICHOLAS NICKLEBY.
fit that they threatened to sue the author for
damages, as a plaster for their wounded
vanity and injured business. It is also well
known, and also to the point, that the cheap-
school system in Yorkshire from that day
began to die.
As a matter of fact, the school-masters
PUMP AT DOTHEBOYS HALL.
were not alone to blame for these outrages
upon humanity. Some refuge was demanded
for repudiated children, — step-children who
had no one to stand up for their rights; natu-
ral children, who stood as a bar in the way of
position, promotion or a desirable settlement
in life ; children who, having lost their par-
ents, were left to the tender mercies of some
distant relation. And those who demanded
such a place, where they might hustle out
of sight and memory the poor little waifs at
the least possible expense to themselves,
were equally guilty with those who supplied
the demand. The unhappy children were
delivered over to a power from which there
was no appeal, and which was totally irre-
sponsible— a power which acted with the
certainty that, whatever it might effect, the
interest of its employer would serve to
secure it from punishment or publicity.
Dickens has given such clear indications
of the school which stood for the picture
of Dotheboys Hall, that it is confidently
pointed out by the villagers. We read that
Nicholas had time to observe that the
" school was a long, cold-looking house, one
story high, with a few straggling out-build-
ings behind, and a barn and stable adjoin-
ing." The dwelling-house, as seen here,
still remains, but the school-room and
dormitories have been pulled down. The
house would here be called two-storied, but
in Yorkshire the term one-story is applied
to buildings like this, the ground floor not
being counted as a story.
By an oversight, or as a touch of bur-
lesque, which, however, seemed scarcely in
keeping with the earnest purpose of the
book, Dickens makes the exercises of the
school to include " weeding the garden " by
" No. Two," on the day following a violent
snow-storm, and on the very morning when
the pump was frozen, and Nicholas requested
to make himself contented with a dry polish
in place of a wash.
After Nicholas has broken out into open
revolt of the many weeks of dastardly cruelty
which he was called upon to witness, he
comes with poor Smike — the most touching
figure in the book — to London, and there,
starting out afresh to seek his fortune, meets
Crummles's troop and enlists as a theatrical
character. In Portsmouth still remains the
little theater in which Nicholas makes posi-
tively " his first appearance on any stage."
It is not a very impressive edifice, but
who can look at it without smiling at the
remembrance of the delicious drollery of the
infant phenomenon, the real tubs and pump,
and the dramatic company in general ?
The story at this point turns aside from
following the fortunes of Nicholas, and takes
up those of his sister. We find ourselves in
a curious old part of London which still
stands, unchanged since the days when Kate
visited her uncle in Golden Square. This
is a favorite spot with Dickens, and he in-
troduces it into several of his books. A
stranger might not readily find it, though it
lies directly between the two great arteries
through which the life of London pours, —
Piccadilly and Oxford streets, — and only a
few seconds' walk from the brilliant and
crowded Regent street. But " it is not ex-
actly in anybody's way to or from anywhere,
and is one of the squares that have been
a quarter of the town that has gone down in
the world, and taken to letting lodgings.
Many of its first and second floors are let fur-
nished to single gentlemen ; and it takes
boarders besides. It is a great resort of for-
MR. PICKWICK AND NICHOLAS NICKLEBY.
655
eigners. The dark-complexioned men who
wear large rings, and heavy watch-guards,
and bushy whiskers, and who congregate
under the opera colonnade and about the
box-office in the season, between four and five
in the afternoon, where they give away the
orders, — all live in Golden Square, or within
a street of it. Two or three violins and a
wind-instrument from the opera band reside
within its precincts. Its boarding-houses are
musical, and the notes of pianos and harps
float in the evening time around the head of
the mournful statue — the guardian genius
of a little wilderness of shrubs in the center
of the square." Ralph Nickleby's dwelling
can be identified without question, since it is
the only double house on the square.
Around this house on Golden Square and
its master the incidents of the story gather.
Nicholas, Kate, Smike, Newman Noggs,
says that Nicholas Nickleby had taught him
singing in his own youth, and that he often
wondered how so mild a mannered man
could have tackled the school-master. His
wonder, however, ceased when he had an
opportunity of seeing the original Nicholas
passing through Manchester, at the time of
the riots. He also speaks of calling at the
warehouse, in Cannon street, of the Grant
Brothers (the well-known originals of
the Cheeryble Brothers). Although finding
but one person in the office, and this a
clerk perched on a high stool, it did not
occur to him, till the old clerk, sticking
his pen behind his ear and turning around
upon his stool, said, " What is your pleas-
ure, sir ? " that here was Tim Linkenwater
in the flesh. "It is quite true," he says;
"the
off."
old fellow refused to be pensioned
THEATER AT PORTSMOUTH.
are all closely associated with it, from first
to last.
The sunny side of this story is most hap-
pily touched in the delineation of Miss
La Creery, the good-hearted little portrait-
painter, and in the Cheeryble Brothers, with
their old clerk, Tim Linkenwater. A writer
in the " London Literary World " gives
some pleasant glimpses of the originals of
some of the characters in this novel. He
Dickens, having mentioned in the preface
to one of the early editions of " Nicholas
Nickleby " that the portrait of the benevo-
lent brothers was from nature, quotes the
paragraph in which he makes that state-
ment, and then adds : "If I were to
attempt to sum up the hundreds upon hun-
dreds of letters, from all sorts of people, in
all sorts of latitudes and climates, to which
this unlucky paragraph has given rise, I
656
RECOMPENSE.
RALPH NICKLEBY'S MANSION.
should get into an arithmetical difficulty
from which I could not easily extricate
myself. Suffice it to say, that I believe
the applications for loans, gifts and offices
of profit which I have been requested
to forward to the original of the brothers
Cheeryble (with whom I never interchanged
any communication in my life) would have
exhausted the combined patronage of all
the Lord Chancellors since the accession of
the House of Brunswick, and would have
broken the rest of the Bank of England."
RECOMPENSE.
HEART of my heart ! when that great light shall fall,
Burning away this veil of earthly dust.
And I behold thee, beautiful and strong,
My grand, pure, perfect Angel, wise and just;
If the strong passion of my mortal life
Should in the vital essence still remain,
Would there be then — as now — some cruel bar
Whereon my tired hands should beat in vain ?
Or should I, drawn and lifted, folded close
In eager-asking arms, unlearn my fears
And in one transport, ardent, wild and sweet,
Receive the promise of the endless years ?
EIGHTEEN YEARS ALONE.
657
EIGHTEEN YEARS ALONE.
A TALE OF THE PACIFIC.
OF the group commonly called the Santa
Barbara Islands, so near the main-land that
on the map they seem mere crumbs of the
Pacific coast, little is known even by Cali-
fornians. Scarcely an American but has read
of the tropical islands where the mythical
Robinson Crusoe was wrecked, yet few per-
sons know that over the desolate steeps of a
nearer island of the same vast sea hang the
mystery, the horror and the pathos of a story
of a captive woman ; a story, if it could be
fully told, more thrilling than that of Cru-
soe, inasmuch as one is fiction, the other
fact ; one, the supposed exploits of a hardy
man, the other, the real desolation of a suf-
fering woman; one, the tale of a mariner
whom the waters flung against his will into
a summer-land, the other, of one who volun-
tarily breasted the waves, and fought death,
in response to the highest love of which the
human heart is capable.
The Santa Barbara Islands, on one of
which this strange romance was enacted, lie
to the southward of Santa Barbara channel,
the nearest of the group being about twenty-
five miles distant from the main-land. The
names of the islands are Anacapa, Santa
Rosa, San Miguel, Santa Cruz, Santa Cati-
lina, San Clemente, Santa Barbara, San Nico-
las. They are now uninhabited, and have
been so for years. The islands nearer the
coast are used for sheep-grazing ; a sail-boat
carries over the shearers and brings back
the wool. The more distant are known to
trappers as fine beds of otter and seal. The
sea-lions and sea-elephants in the Centen-
nial Exposition, New York Aquarium and
Cincinnati Zoological Gardens were lassoed
off the outlying islands of the Santa Barbara
group. Boats visit the beaches for abalones,
the meat of which is dried and shipped to
China for food, while the shells (Haliotis
splendens, Haliotis rufescens and Haliotis
cracherodii), sold at an average price of
fifty dollars per ton at the San Francisco
wharf, are bought by dealers in marine
shells, cut into jewelry to be sold to tourists,
or shipped to Europe, to be manufactured
into buttons and other pearl ornaments.
Excepting the occasional camps of shearers,
seal-hunters and abalone-packers, the islands
are totally deserted.
VOL. XX.— 43.
Yet, wild and desolate as they now are, Ca-
brillo says that in the fifteenth century they
were densely peopled by a superior race, and
that the main-land was dotted by villages.
The children of the islanders are described by
early navigators as being " white, with light
hair and ruddy cheeks," and the women as
having "fine forms, beautiful eyes and a mod-
est demeanor." The men wore loose cloaks,
the women dressed in petticoats and capes
of seal-skin, heavily fringed and handsomely
ornamented. The more industrious and
wealthy embroidered their garments with
pearl and small pink shells. Necklaces of
sparkling stones and carven ivory were worn
by the higher caste, and ear-rings of iris-
hued abalone were not uncommon. They
cooked their food in soapstone vessels, or in
water heated by dropping hot stones into
water-tight baskets. Bancroft, in his "Na-
tive Races," mentions, among articles of their
manufacture, needles, awls and fish-hooks
of bone or shell ; water-tight baskets, ollas
of stone, and canoes, deep and long, with
both stem and stern equally elevated above
the water. Fletcher wrote of the coast
when he visited it with Sir Francis Drake
in 1579.
In the year 1542, Cabrillo landed at what
is now known as San Miguel, and christened
it Ysal de Posesion. He died on the island
in 1543, and is buried in its sands.
Going back still further in our search, we
find that before the Spanish fleet, Sir Fran-
cis Drake or Cabrillo ever visited the coast,
the villages thereon were thrifty and popu-
lous, and the isles of the sea swarming cities
of the period.
Of San Nicolas, on which the scenes of
this wild romance are laid, very little has
been known until a recent date. It is the
outermost of the group, distant seventy
miles from the coast, and thirty miles away
from its nearest neighbor. It is thought to
have been at one time the abode of a people
differing in manners, habits and mode of
life from the inhabitants both of the main-
land and the neighboring islands. Mons.
De Cessac, a gentleman engaged in collect-
ing archaeological specimens for the French
Government, says that the relics found by
him on San Nicolas are more elaborate in
form and finish, and show a superiority of
658
EIGHTEEN YEARS ALONE.
workmanship. This testimony tends to
confirm the story of the early voyagers con-
cerning the cultivation and remarkable taste
of the handsome dwellers in Gha-las-hat,
centuries ago. Mons. De Cessac has found
also upon San Nicolas articles of warfare
and domestic use, evidently belonging to a
northern tribe, similar to those picked up
by him on the borders of Alaska. Hence,
he infers that the place was at one time the
dwelling of north country tribes.
Corroborating Mons. De Cessac's opinion,
search through ancient manuscript has
brought to light the fact that, many years
ago, a ship belonging to Pope and Board-
man, of Boston, and commanded by one
Captain Whitmore, brought down from
Sitka a lot of Kodiaks for the purpose of
otter-hunting on San Nicolas Island. They
were left upon the island, and years of feud
resulted in a massacre, in which every grown
male islander was killed by the powerful
and well-armed Kodiaks. The women were
taken by the victors, lived with them as
wives and bore children to the murderers of
their husbands and fathers. The fact is
recorded that the inhabitants of San Nicolas
faded away strangely and rapidly, so that,
in 1830, less than two score men, women
and children remained of the once dense
population.
Meantime, Franciscan zealots poured
from the south of Europe into America,
and under lead of Father Junipero Serra
found their way up the coast, building
churches beside the sea, planting gardens
of olive and palm, making aqueducts and
altars, founding a kingdom of temporal and
spiritual splendor, which leaves to Protest-
ant America the names of saints set indel-
ibly on every stream, headland and island
along the southern slope of the Pacific. It
was the dawn of a temporary civilization,
imposing and ' wonderful, a civilization
whose ruins are most artistic and fascinating.
The missionaries pressed the Indians into
service. They set them to tilling the soil,
herding the flocks and quarrying the rock.
The coast Indians having been put to labor,
the thrifty padres turned their gaze to the
islands in the offing, and brought to the
main-land the people from Santa Rosa, San
Miguel, Santa Cruz and Santa Catalina.
The more distant island of San Nicolas was
left a while to repose in its heathen darkness.
How affairs progressed during that time on
the island we have no account. At this
day the queen isle of Gha-las-hat lies bare
and silent as a tomb amidst the sea.
In this deserted spot, for eighteen years, a
human being lived alone. Here she was
found at last by fishermen who are living,
and whose affidavits, properly witnessed,
stamp as true every detail of the remarkable
incident.
ii.
IN the year 1835, Isaac Sparks and Lewis
L. Burton, Americans, chartered a schooner
of twenty tons burthen, for otter-hunting on
the lower California coast. The vessel was
owned by a rich Spaniard of Monterey,
and was commanded by Captain Charley
Hubbard. The schooner bore the name
Peor es Nada, and she started out of Santa
Barbara harbor, on a fine April morning,
followed by the eyes of the entire popu-
lation. In those times, the sight of a sail-
ing vessel was not an every-day occurrence.
It drew the men to the beach, the women
to the casements, and attracted the friars
from their usual meditative gaze on ground
or book. For hours previous to the de-
parture of the schooner, the curving stretch
of sand had been alive with racing horse-
men and lazy pedestrians, exchanging in
Spanish words of praise concerning their
visitor.
After a successful cruise, the Peor es Nada
came, three months later, into the more
southerly harbor of San Pedro, unloaded
her pelts, and immediately, under direction
of Captain Williams, collector of the port,
set sail for San Nicolas to bring the island-
ers to the main-land, in accordance with the
will of the church fathers. Before they
reached their destination a sudden gale came
up, rising almost to the severity Of a tempest.
The winds — which by the Santa Yuez mount-
ains are deflected from the valleys of the
southern coast — struck with full force upon
the upper end of San Nicolas, lashing the
shoal waters into fury, and shooting the
spray in volleys through the picturesque
carvings of the low cliffs. The landing was
effected with difficulty. The wind increased
in violence. The weather became so bois-
terous as to endanger the safety of the ves-
sel. No time was wasted. The islanders,
some twenty in number, were hurried into
the boats and all speed was made to reach
the schooner.
In the excitement and confusion of the
final abandonment of their home, it was not
known until they were on the ship that a
child had been left behind. The mother
supposed it to have been carried aboard in
EIGHTEEN YEARS ALONE.
659
the arms of an old sailor. She frantically
implored the men to return. The captain
replied that they must get to a place of
safety ; after the storm — to-morrow, perhaps
— they would come back for the baby.
Finding that they were going out to sea, the
young mother became desperate, and, despite
all efforts to detain her, jumped overboard
and struck out through the kelpy waters for
the shore. She was a widow, between
twenty and thirty years of age, of medium
height and fine form ; her complexion was
light, and her hair of a dark, rich brown.
No attempt was made to rescue her, and in
a moment she was lost in the seething waves.
The ship, already under headway, staggered
through the storm; the affrighted islanders
huddled together on deck, and fear shut
every other emotion for the time from their
hearts.
After an adventurous voyage, the Peor e's
Nada eventually reached San Pedro, where
the exiles were landed. Some of them were
sent to Los Angelos, fifteen miles back from
the coast; some were put to work in the
neighboring mission of San Gabriel ; two of
the women were soon married to wealthy
men of Los Angelos.
It was the intention of Captain Hubbard
to return to San Nicolas immediately, to see
if the woman or child were living. But the
schooner had orders to come direct to Santa
Barbara, to take George Nidiver and a party
of otter- hunters to Santa Rosa Island;
afterward, carry from Monterey a cargo of
timber to San Francisco. The boat was in
urgent demand along the coast, and these
two trips were imperative before a second
visit could be made to San Nicolas. Delay-
ing their errand of humanity and justice a
few weeks, they lost it forever ; for on that
very trip the Peor eff Nada capsized at the
entrance to the Golden Gate. The men
were washed ashore in an almost exhausted
condition, and the schooner drifted out to
sea. It was reported long after, though
without confirmation, to have been picked
up by a Russian ship.
After the loss of the Monterey schooner,
there was no craft of any kind larger than the
canoes and fishing-boats on the lower coast.
No one cared to attempt a passage of seventy
miles to San Nicolas in an open boat, and after
a time the excitement and interest faded out.
Those who at first had been most solicitous
that assistance should be sent, settled into
the belief that the couple had perished dur-
ing the days of waiting; the remainder of
the community, never having believed that
the woman had reached shore through the
storm', were indifferent, supposing that the
child had died soon after the tragic death of
the mother.
Their uncertain fate lay heavy on the
more tender-hearted of the Mission fathers;
but it was not until 1850 that Father Gon-
zales found an emissary to search for the
lost. Thomas Jeffries had come into pos-
session of a small schooner, and was offered
$200 should he find and bring the woman
or child to Santa Barbara alive. Fifteen
years having passed since the abandonment
of the island and no one having visited the
spot during that time, the probability of the
death of the parties was universally accepted,
although no actual proof of death had been
sought or found.
But when Thomas Jeffries's boat was seen,
at the close of a balmy day of midwinter,
coming up the bay without the signal he
was to have displayed provided his search
had been successful, the matter was settled.
Groups of persons congregated on the
sands. Some watched from shore the small
craft fold her wings and settle to rest on the
mirror-like water, others put off in canoes to
meet the boatmen, and gossip concerning
the trip. Jeffries had found no trace of liv-
ing beings on the island, and whether the
woman had been beaten to death in the surf,
or died after gaining the land, would prob-
ably never be known. The schooner was
left idly rocking close to shore ; sailors and
landsmen strolled slowly up to the town.
Night mantled the moaning waters, and the
great deep was left in possession of another
secret.
The return of Jeffries brought up afresh
the incident which by some had been almost
forgotten. For a few hours, little was talked
of save the heroic young mother and her
child in the sea-girt isle.
Time passed swiftly on, and in the dreamy
full contentment of the land the dead
woman of San Nicolas slipped from mind,
and thought, and speech.
in.
TOM JEFFRIES'S visit to San Nicolas was the
theme of more than one day's gossip. The
island he described as seven or eight miles
long, by three or four in width ; the body of
the land near six hundred feet above the
beach, the plateau falling in steep gulches to
the sea. There were quantities of small
lark inland, but no other fowl, save sea-
66o
EIGHTEEN YEARS ALONE.
gulls, pelicans and shags. Numbers of red
foxes were seen in the hills, and droves of
curious wild dogs, tall and slender, with
coarse, long hair and human eyes. On a
flat, near the upper end of the island, and
half hidden by sand dunes, he found the re-
mains of a curious hut, made of whales' ribs
planted in a circle, and so adjusted as to
form the proper curve of a wigwam-shaped
shelter. This he judged to have been
formerly either the residence of the chief,
or a place of worship where sacrifices were
offered. He had picked up several ollas,
or vessels of stone, and one particularly
handsome cup of clouded green serpentine.
But of all the wonders of the island, the
features on which Jeffries liked best to
dwell were the fine beds of otter and seal
in the vicinity of San Nicolas. So fabulous
were his yarns, that the interest of the other
hunters was aroused, and early in the fol-
lowing year a boat was fitted out, and
George Nidiver, accompanied by Thomas
Jeffries and a crew of Indians, started on
an otter hunt to the wonderful otter-beds
seventy miles away.
A landing was effected near the southern
end of the island, and, climbing the cliffs to
see where the otter lay, they had a mag-
nificent view of the islands to the north and
east. On the south-west the Pacific rolled
out its azure breadth, unspecked by shore,
or raft, or spot of any kind. The island
on which they stood seemed a quiet, calm,
deserted spot, in the sunshine that then en-
folded it. Butterflies hovered over the wild
sage upon the knolls; soft breezes rocked
lazily the scant grass about their feet ; thick-
ets of chaparral dotted the hills; cactus
held out waxen trays, where, on burnished
mats of thorns, reposed fringed yellow satin
flowers; a trailing sand plant, with thick,
doughy leaves, wafted from its pink clusters
a most delicious odor, — an odor that had in
it the haunting sweetness of the arbutus and
the freshness of the salt sea wind.
The otter-hunters did not linger long on
the cliff, for on one side they found the
rocks swarming with black seal, thousands
of them mingling their sharp bark with the
heavy roar of sea-lions. The otter were
thick on the reefs, and a stranded whale lay
in the edge of the crinkling surf.
The party remained six weeks in camp
on the beach. Oars stuck upright in the
sand, covered by canvas, composed their
shelter ; a spring was found midway up the
cliff, so that during their stay no one had
occasion to go inland or wander far from the
otter-beds, which were on the side of the
island where their tents were pitched. The
seal is caught asleep on the rocks, lassoed or
knocked in the head; incisions are made in
the flippers, lower jaw, lip and tail, and about
four minutes are required by a good work-
man to skin an ordinary seal. The hides are
salted, and, after a week or two, bundled
and packed. The otter, most timid of the
animals of the sea, is caught in nets spread
upon swaying beds of sea-weed, or is shot
while lying with head buried in kelp to shut
out the sound of a storm. It is very sensi-
tive to noise, and so shy that it takes alarm
at every unusual sight. The loose hide is
taken from the body with one cut, turned
wrong side out, stretched and dried.
Before the schooner left the vicinity of
San Nicolas, a terrible storm arose, lasting
for eight days, carrying away a mast and
dragging the anchor, so that another had to
be improvised of a bag filled with stone.
During the tempest, a sailor fancied he saw
a human figure on the headland of the
island. Through the washes of spray it
seemed to be running up and down the edge
of the plateau, beckoning and shouting.
The captain was called, but the apparition
had vanished. On the eighth day, the
schooner was enabled to run over to San
Miguel, and from there to Santa Barbara,
where the sailor's story of the beckoning
ghost of San Nicolas haunted for a long
time the dreams of the superstitious on
shore.
A second cruise of the otter-hunters failed
to bring any additional news of the phantom
of the sea. Everything on land was just as
before; not a leaf had been disturbed, not a
track was found.
In July, 1853, the otter-men made a third
trip to San Nicolas, anchored off the north-
east side, and established a camp on shore.
The party consisted of Captain Nidiver, a
fisherman named Carl Detman, who went
among sailors by the sobriquet of Charlie
Brown, an Irish cook and a crew of Mission
Indians.
The evening after their arrival, Nidiver
and Brown strolled several miles down the
beach, enjoying their pipes and discussing
plans for work. It was one of those limpid
nights, such as California knows — a night
when the stars shine large and warm from
the low sky, when the moon burns with an
amber blaze, and fragrance is in the air.
As the comrades were about to retrace
their steps, Nidiver stopped, looked quickly
about him, then stooped and closely exam-
EIGHTEEN YEARS ALONE.
66 1
ined something on the ground. In the weird
moonlight, plainly outlined on the lonely
shore, was the print of a slender, naked foot.
" The woman of San Nicolas ! My God,
she is living ! "
He lifted his voice, and shouted in Span-
ish that friends were come to rescue her.
Overcome by the conviction that the lost
woman must have been near when he was
in camp two years before, — that it was not a
creation of fancy, but a living being, they
had seen in the storm, — the captain ran to
and fro, calling, looking and swearing by
turns. Hours were spent by the two men
in search, but in vain.
The next day, Nidiver found a basket of
rushes hanging in a tree. It contained bone
needles, thread made of sinews, shell fish-
hooks, ornaments, and a partially completed
robe of birds' plumage, made of small
squares neatly matched and sewed together.
Nidiver proposed replacing the things, but
Brown scattered them about, saying that, if
they were picked up, it would be proof that
the owner had visited the spot. Inland they
discovered several circular, roofless inclos-
ures, made of woven brush. Near these
shelters were poles, with dried meat hanging
from elevated cross-pieces. The grass was
growing in the pens, and nothing indicated
their recent habitation. In fissures of per-
pendicular rocks near the springs were
wedged dried fish and seals' blubber; but
no sign of the near presence of the hermitess.
After several days, the men abandoned the
chase. There was no doubt that some one
had been on the island very lately. Either
the woman, or the child grown to woman-
hood, had lived there, or, perhaps, both
mother and child had survived until re-
cently. But they must have been dead
months at least. The footprint was older
than at first supposed. The robe had not
been replaced in the tree. The captive per-
chance died of despair after they left her
beckoning in the storm.
After that, the fishing went on for weeks,
and they were about returning home, when
Nidiver said he believed a person was hiding
on the island. If she was living he was
bound to find her. If dead, he would find
her body if he had to scrape the island inch
by inch. This provoked a laugh of derision.
Of course the wild dogs had devoured her
remains. But Nidiver was convinced that
the woman was afraid; had concealed her-
self, possibly on the opposite side of the
island, where the shore was precipitous, dif-
ficult of access, containing perhaps gulches
and caves unknown to them. The men
murmured at the delay, were incredulous as
to the success of the raid, rebelled at the
long tramps over a wild country.
The old captain was firm; suitable prepa-
rations were made, and the entire force of
otter-men started on their final hunt for a
ghost. Near the head of the island they
came across the bone, house Jeffries had de-
scribed. Rushes were skillfully interlaced in
the rib frame-work, an olla and old basket
were near the door. It stood amidst un-
trampled weeds. After several days' march,
a dangerous climb over slippery rocks
brought Brown to a spot where there were
fresh footprints. He followed them up the
cliffs until they were lost in the thick moss
that covered the ground. Walking further,
he found a piece of drift-wood, from which
he concluded the person had been to the
beach for fire-wood, and dropped the faggot
on her way home. From a high point on
the ridge he saw the men moving about
below. Then his eye caught a small object
a long way off on the hills. It appeared like
a crow at first glance, but it moved about in
a singular manner. Advancing toward it
stealthily, he was dumbfounded to find that
it was the head of a woman, barely visible
above the low woven-brush sides of her roof-
less retreat in the bushes.
As Brown drew nearer, a pack of dogs re-
clining close to the woman growled; but
without looking around the woman uttered
a peculiar cry which silenced them, and they
ran away to the hills. Brown halted within
a few yards of her. and, himself unseen,
watched every movement within the hut.
Inside the inclosure was a mound of grass,
woven baskets full of things, and a rude
knife made of a piece of iron hoop, thrust
into a wooden handle. A fire smouldered
near, and a pile of bones lay in the ashes.
The complexion of the woman was much
fairer than the ordinary Indian, her personal
appearance pleasing, features regular, her
hair, thick and brown, falling about her
shoulders in a tangled mat. From the time
Brown arrived within hearing, she kept up a
continual talking to herself. She was lean-
ing forward, shading her eyes with her hand,
watching the men crossing the flat below
her dwelling. After looking at them with
an anxiety impossible to be depicted, she
crouched in terror, but immediately started
up as if to run. The men on the flat had
not seen her, and Brown, putting his hat on
the ramrod of his gun, alternately lifted and
lowered it to attract their attention, then by
662
EIGHTEEN YEARS ALONE.
signs he intimated that the woman was
found, and they should spread out so as to
catch her if she tried to escape. Before the
men reached the knoll, Brown stepped
around in sight and spoke. She gave a
frightened look into his face, ran a few
steps, but, instantly controlling herself,
stood still, and addressed him in an un-
known tongue. She seemed to be between
forty and fifty years of age, in fine physical
condition, erect, with well-formed neck and
arms and unwrinkled face. She was dressed
in a tunic-shaped garment made of birds'
plumage, low in the neck, sleeveless, and
reaching to the ankle. The dress was simi-
lar to the one found in the tree. As the
men came up, she greeted them each in the
way she had met Brown, and with a simple
dignity, not without its effect on both Indi-
ans and white men, made them welcome and
set about preparing food for them from her
scanty store. The meal consisted of roasted
roots, called by Californians carcomites ; but
when was there known a more touching
hospitality ?
Among the Indian crew, there were several
dialects spoken, but none of the party were
able to converse with their hostess, or under-
stand a word she uttered, and they were
forced to try and make her know by signs
that she was expected to go with them.
Brown went through the motion of packing
her things in baskets, shouldering them, and
walking toward the beach. She compre-
hended instantly, and made preparations to
depart. Her effects were neatly placed
in pack-baskets, one of which she swung
over her back, and, taking a burning stick
from the fire, she started with a firm
tread after the Indians to the shore. Be-
side the load the female Crusoe carried,
Nidiver and Brown had their arms full.
Upon reaching the boat, she entered with-
out hesitation, going forward to the bow,
kneeling and holding to either side. When
the schooner was reached, she went aboard
without any trouble, sat down near the stove
in the cabin, and quietly watched the men
in their work on board. To replace her
feather dress, which he wished to preserve,
Brown made her a petticoat of ticking; and
with a man's cotton shirt and gay necker-
chief, her semi-civilized dress was complete.
While Brown was sewing she watched him
closely, and laughed at his manner of using
a needle. She showed him that her way
was to puncture the cloth with her bone
needle, or awl, and then put the thread
through the perforations. She signified that
she wished to try a threaded needle, and
Brown good-naturedly gave her sewing ma-
terials, but she could not thread the needle.
Brown prepared it, and gave her an old
cloak of Nidiver's to mend, and while she
took her first lesson in sewing, she told her
teacher on shipboard, by signs, portions of
her life on the island.
She had from time to time seen ships
pass, but none came to take her off. She
watched as long as she could see them, and,
after they were out of sight, she threw her-
self on the ground and cried, but after a
time she walked over the island until she
forgot about it and could smile again. She
had also seen people on the beach several
times. She was afraid and hid until they
were gone, and then wept because she had
not made herself known. She said that he
had taken her by surprise and she could not
run, and she was glad because he would
take her to her people ; her people had gone
away with white men in a ship. Brown
understood by her signs that at the time of
the desertion of the island she had a nursing
baby, which she represented by sucking her
finger, and placing her arm in position of
holding an infant at the breast ; she waved
her hand over the sea, to indicate that the
ship sailed away, calling back "Manana"
(to-morrow); then she could not find her
child, and wept until she was very ill, and
lay prostrate for days, in a bed of plants
resembling cabbage, and called by Califor-
nians " Sola Santa." She had nothing to
eat but the leaves. When she revived some-
what, she crawled to a spring, and after a
time, as her strength returned, she made fire
by rapidly rubbing a pointed stick along the
groove of a flat stick until a spark was struck.
It was a difficult task, and she was careful
not to let her fire go out; she took brands
with her on her trips, and covered the
home fire with ashes to preserve it.
She lived during her captivity on fish,
seals' blubber, roots and shell-fish ; and the
birds, whose skins she secured for clothing,
were sea-birds, which she caught at night
off their roosts in the seams of the crags.
The bush inclosures she made for a screen
from the winds, and as a protection while
asleep from wild animals. She made fre-
quent excursions over the island from her
main dwelling, which was a large cave on
the north end of San Nicolas. She kept
dried meat at each camping-station; the
food in the crevices by the springs was for
the time when, from sickness or old age, she
would only be able to crawl to the water and
EIGHTEEN YEARS ALONE.
663
live on what she had there stored out of
reach of the dogs.
That the woman had faith in a supreme
power was evinced soon after the schooner
set sail from the fishing-grounds. A gale
overtook them, and the passenger made
signs that she would stop the wind. With
her face turned in the direction from which
the storm came, she muttered words of
prayer until the wind had abated, then
turned with a beaming countenance and
motioned that her petition had been answered.
They anchored under the lee of Santa Cruz,
where the woman was highly interested in
seeing another island than her own. When
they approached the shores of Santa Bar-
bara, an ox-team passed along the beach.
The stranger was completely bewildered.
Captain Nidiver's son, who had been on the
look-out for his father's sail, rode down to
the landing on a handsome little bronco.
The islander, who had just stepped ashore,
was wild with delight. She touched the
horse and examined the lad, talking rapidly,
and, if the sailors turned away, calling to
them to come back and look. Then she
tried to represent the novel sight by putting
two fingers of her right hand over the thumb
of her left, moving them to imitate the horse
walking.
Captain Nidiver conducted the woman to
his home, and put her in charge of his
Spanish wife. The news spreading, Father
Gonzales, of Santa Barbara Mission, came
to see her ; many persons gathered from the
ranches round about, and the house was
crowded constantly. The brig Fremont
came into port soon after, and the captain
offered Nidiver the half of what he would
make, if he would allow her to be exhibited
in San Francisco. This offer was refused,
and also another from a Captain Trussil.
Mrs. Nidiver would not hear of the friend-
less creature being made a show for the
curious.
The bereft mother evinced the greatest
fondness for Mrs. Nidiver's children, caress-
ing and playing with them by the hour, and
telling the lady, by signs, that when she
swam back to the shore her baby was gone,
and she believed the dogs had eaten it.
She went over, again and again, her grief at
its loss ; her frantic search for it, even after
it had been gone a long time ; her dread of
being alone ; her hope, for years, of rescue,
and at last the despair that in time became
resignation.
The visitors sometimes gave her presents,
which she put aside until the donors had
departed, seeming to know by intuition that
they would be offended if she refused to
accept them ; but as soon as the guests were
gone she called the little children, and dis-
tributed her gifts among them, laughing if
they were pleased, and happy in their joy.
A few days after her arrival, Father Anto-
nio Jimeno sent for Indians from the mis-
sions of San Fernando and Santa Yuez, in
hope of finding 'some one who could con-
verse with the islander. At that time there
were Indians living in Los Angelos county,
belonging to the Pepimaros, who, it was said,
had in former years communication with the
San Nicolas Indians. But neither these,
nor those from San Buena Ventura, or Santa
Barbara, could understand her, or make
themselves understood. In less than two
decades after the little band had left San
Nicolas, their whereabouts could not be dis-
covered. They were a mere drop in the
stream of serfs known by the general name
of Mission Indians. Beyond a few words,
nothing was ever known of her tongue. A
hide she called to-co f/b-kay') ; a man, nache
(nah'-chey) ; the sky, /<?-gua (tay-gwah) ; the
body, pine he (pin-0<?-chey). She learned a
few Spanish words: pan (bread), papas (po-
tatoes), caballo (horse). Sometimes she
called Captain Nidiver, in Spanish, tata
(father), sometimes ndna (mother).
The gentleness, modesty and tact of the
untutored wild woman of the Pacific were so
foreign to ideas of the savage nature, that
some parties believed that she was not an
Indian, but a person of distinction cast away
by shipwreck, and adopted by the islanders
before their removal from their home. Others
were certain, from her evident refinement,
that she had not been long alone, but had
drifted to San Nicolas after the Indian
woman perished in the surf, and had by
mistake been taken for the original savage.
The old sailors who rescued her affirm that
she was an Indian, the same who jumped
from the schooner to save her child. The
representative of a lost tribe, she stands out
from the Indians of the coast, the possessor
of noble and distinctive traits; provident,
cleanly, tasteful, amiable, imitative, consid-
erate, and with a maternal devotion which
civilization has never surpassed.
She was greatly disappointed when none
of her kindred were found. She drooped
under civilization; she missed the out-door
life of her island camp. After a few weeks she
became too weak to walk ; she was carried
on to the porch every day in a chair. She
dozed in the sunshine, while the children
664
THE ROSE.
played around her. She was patient and
cheerful, looking eagerly into every new face
for recognition, and sometimes singing softly
to herself. Mrs. Nidiver hoped a return to
her old diet would help her. She procured
seal's meat, and roasted it in ashes. When
the sick woman saw it, she patted her nurse's
hands affectionately, but could not eat the
food. She fell from her chair one morning,
and remained insensible for hours. Seeing
the approach of death, Mrs. Nidiver sent for
a priest to baptize her protege. At first he
refused, not knowing but that she had been
baptized previously, although the burden of
proof was against it. At length, heeding the
kind Catholic lady's distress, he consented
to administer the rite, conditionally. As she
was breathing her last, the sign of the cross
was pressed on her cold brow, and the un-
known and nameless creature was christened
by Father Sanchez, in the beautiful Spanish,
"Juana Marie." In a walled cemetery,
from whose portals gleam ghastly skull and
cross-bones, close to the Santa Barbara Mis-
sion, under the shelter of the tower, is the
neglected grave of a devoted mother, the
heroine of San Nicolas.
The abandonment of San Nicolas occurred
forty-six years ago. The survivor of eight-
een years' solitary captivity arrived in Santa
Barbara the 8th of September, 1853. Cap-
tain Nidiver's house, where the stranger died,
stands in sight of the ocean, and can be
pointed out by any school-boy in the town.
Nidiver and his wife are living, and their son
George follows the sea, as his father did be-
fore him. Carl Detman, or Charlie Brown,
as he is called by old sailors, may be found
any day where the retired boatmen congre-
gate. Thomas Jeffries walks the streets in
blouse, wide hat, and flowing gray hair. Dr.
Brinkerhoff, who attended the woman of San
Nicolas, is a well-known physician of the
city. Father Gonzales died a few years ago,
after a continuous residence of more than a
quarter of a century in the Mission. For a
long time he was partially paralyzed, and
was carried about in a chair. I remember
him as a little dark man, with eyes that
blazed unnaturally from sunken sockets, his
appearance rendered more startling by a
white turban bound around his head. He
is buried under the floor of the old chapel.
The rambling mansion on State street,
known as the Park Hotel, may have shel-
tered tourists who read this account. It was
the first brick house built in Santa Barbara,
and was the private residence of Isaac Sparks,
the lessee of the sail-boat from which, in
1835, the woman jumped overboard. " Bur-
ton's Mound," a picturesque knoll, threaded
by rows of olive trees, belongs to Lewis L.
Burton, another lessee of the Peor es Nada.
A lady in San Francisco has some of the
islander's needles. Nidiver and Brown retain
her curious water-tight baskets. 'The Mis-
sion fathers sent her feather robes to Rome.
They were made of the satiny plumage of
the green cormorant, the feathers pointing
downward, and so skillfully matched as to seem
one continuous sheen of changeful luster.
The record of baptism is in the church
register. Her grave will be pointed out to any
one by the Franciscan brothers on the hill.
THE ROSE.
'Tis Summer : the days are long,
Long with the breath of June,
And the air is full of song,
And broken snatches of tune,
And broken whispers of winds that pass ;
The butterflies drop in the tender grass,
And breezes die on the fainting air
That throbs with the heat of the sun,
And the earth is full of a power rare,
And the earth and the air are one !
And now, in the heart of June,
With her sudden life and light,
With the fullness of her noon,
With the silence of her night,
The rosebud loosens her outer dress
And blushes in fainting loveliness,
Nor opens her heart to the common air,
Nor shows you her inmost light,
But leaves you to dream what is hidden there
With the dews of the falling night.
GEORGETOWN COLLEGE. 665
WORLD-MUSIC.
JUBILANT the music through the fields a-ringing, —
Carol, warble, whistle, pipe, — endless ways of singing;
Oriole, bobolink, melody of thrushes,
Rustling trees, hum of bees, sudden little hushes,
Broken suddenly again —
Carol, whistle, rustle, humming,
In reiterate refrain,
Thither, hither, going, coming;
While the streamlets' softer voices mingle murmurously together;
Gurgle, whisper, lapses, plashes, — praise of love and summer weather.
Hark ! A music finer on the air is blowing, —
Throbs of infinite content, sounds of things a-growing,
Secret sounds, flit of bird under leafy cover,
Odors shy floating by, clouds blown swiftly over,
Kisses of the crimson roses,
Crossings of the lily-lances,
Stirrings when a bud uncloses,
Tripping sun and shadow dances,
Murmur of aerial tides, stealthy zephyrs gliding,
And a thousand nameless things sweeter for their hiding.
Ah ! There is a music floweth on forever,
In and out, yet all beyond our tracing or endeavor,
Far yet clear, strange yet near, sweet with a profounder sweetness,
Mystical, rhythmical, weaving all into completeness;
For its wide, harmonious measures
Not one earthly note let fall ;
Sorrows, raptures, pains and pleasures,
All in it, and it in all.
Of earth's music the ennobler, of its discord the refiner,
Pipe of Pan was once its naming, now it hath a name diviner.
GEORGETOWN COLLEGE, D. C.*
IT is well that the distant prospect of a
college should have in it something pictur-
esque and poetic — some liberal suggestion
of other than commonplace life. He who
gets from the Virginia shore a glimpse of
flood below, may dream for a moment of
the Rhine. Nor does a nearer approach
too rudely shake the illusion. The quaint
old town, whose rest the disenchanting
hand of traffic has lightly touched, with its
the towers of Georgetown College, through ' old-fashioned houses, and drowsy streets,
the kindly haze of a September sunset, with attunes itself easily to his fancy, and if he
the yellow vineyard and wooded slopes came from a bustling place, there will be
beyond and above them, the noble many- in its very quiet something foreign and
bridged and islanded river rolling a golden remote. By the college gates stands a
* Since the following account was written, some three years ago, many changes and improvements have
been effected in the college grounds and buildings, chief of which is the completion of the new college,
pictured on page 675. This will explain to the friends of the college certain discrepancies between its
present aspect and its description here.
666
GEORGETOWN COLLEGE.
DECATUR'S MEDAL.
church which might have been caught up
bodily out of some old California mission,
and near it a queer little house that has, if
not a history, at least that sort of poor-
relationship with history which enables it
to hold its shaky head up among its thrift-
ier neighbors. Here Stephen Decatur's
widow lived for twenty years, and here she
died, bequeathing to the college museum
many curious relics of the gallant sailor.
The house is picturesque enough to make
the idea of dying in it more attractive than
that of living in it.
Once inside the gates, our illusion fades
a little "into the common light of day."
Yet the view has still a placid charm of its
own. Passing between two whitewashed
gate-houses which look like guard-houses,
and were, indeed, used as such during the
military occupation of the College in the
war, we are in the play-ground, some half-
dozen acres of greensward, divided into
two nearly e-qual fields by a road bordered
with trees. The field to the left is used for
the foot-ball matches, and the odd-looking
structure of brick at its upper end, like the
standing center- wall and gable of a ruined
house, is the ball alley. Here, in days gone
by, the "joyous science" of hand-ball had
fit interpretation. More modern pastimes,
base-ball, boating, billiards, now usurp its
place. Here, too, after class-time, would
sometimes repair belligerent youths, who
had learned to scoff at Dr. Watts. For
these dark deeds, however, " The Walks "
were preferred, because, being then "out of
bounds," to go there was to break several
rules at once — a temptation irresistible to
the under-graduate mind. " The Walks "
are a charming sylvan road through the
college grounds, which comprise in all one
hundred and fifty-six acres, sixty-four of
them woodland. These we shall visit later.
Now we must hasten to the college pump
in the middle of the yard, whence, after a
draught of waters that are thought to have
the age, if not the virtues, of Hippocrene,
we are at leisure to view the buildings.
These are some half-score in number,
and include the North Building, that of the
Towers, the South Row and Infirmary
overlooking the Potomac, the Observatory
on a slight eminence, distant some 400
yards to the west, the Gymnasium and
greenhouse, together with various shops and
offices connected with the College Farm.
In the North Building are the dormitories
and class-rooms of the senior department,
the college library and museum, the chem-
ical laboratory and philosophical cabinet,
besides a billiard-room, reading-room and
smoking-room for the students. Here, too,
are the visitors' reception parlor, and the
president's room, where hangs a fine paint-
ing by Luca Giordano, surnamed Fa Presto,
"The Calling of St. Matthew," one of the
few art-treasures the college can boast.
In the South Row, the West Building
contains the students' refectory and chapel
and the senior study-hall ; the Middle
Building, the oldest of all, is the commu-
nity house, and the East Building holds
the dormitory, study-hall, and class-rooms
of the junior students, who have likewise a
separate play- ground, and whose domain
is known as the "small boys' side." The
Infirmary, kept in excellent order, is the
college hospital, where the sick student is
cured and the lazy one sometimes gets
himself endured, until found and put out.
The views from its windows up and down
the river, and away over smiling farm and
forest land to the blue Virginia hills, are
almost enough of themselves to make a
sick man well, or to entice a well man to be
sick.
Seen thus .near, the buildings hardly bear
out the gracious promise of the further shore.
The North Building is said to have been
built upon the model of a French chateau,
but the pattern seems to have been followed
with a freedom of detail not perhaps unbe-
coming in a republic. One of these amend-
ments, no doubt, is the spacious porch, a
favorite lounging-place at all times, especially
in summer. In its shadows famous men
have sat and talked. Thirty or forty years
ago the statesmen of the capital would
GEORGETOWN COLLEGE.
667
sometimes stroll up to the college for a
chat with the learned fathers, or perhaps a
dip into their library. Benton, Clay and
Calhoun are said to have been fond of it.
Another departure from the plan was the
famous towers, which were only (sad irony
of chance!) an after-thought, to strengthen
the rear wall. The view from their upper
windows repays the climb, and has, no
doubt, lent a pensive solace to the captivity
of many prisoners of state, confined there
for forbidden trips to the ball-alley or " The
Walks."
The other buildings, like this, are of brick,
and designed with that severe simplicity
which marks our earlier college architecture.
The first founders thought more of adorning
minds than of embellishing fagades, and
indeed, had seldom means for both. Of
Georgetown this is pre-eminently true. From
the first, want of money was a let and a
hindrance. Wholly unhelped, as its faculty
have been, by endowment, subscription or
donation, it is a wonder they have been
able to do so much with the tuition fees
which have been practically their sole re-
source. Yet they have at most times had
free scholars — an ornament better, perhaps,
than Gothic finials. The general effect of
the pile, plain as it is, is not unimpressive
even at hand, and (one feels that) a more
pretentious architecture might have had a
less happy effect. Chance and time some-
times render the justice the architect denies
to a landscape's divine right that nothing
unseemly shall be obtruded on its beauty.
About the close of the Revolution, the
opportunity came to a young Maryland
priest to carry out a pet project of founding
a Catholic college. The undertaking could
have had no better sponsor. First cousin
to Carroll of Carrollton, and afterward the
first American Catholic Bishop and Arch-
bishop, John Carroll was even then a man
of mark. With his cousin he had done
yeoman service in the struggle just ended.
The opening of the Revolution found him
domiciled at Wardour Castle as chaplain to
Lord Arundel, the suppression of the Jesuits,
of whom he was one, in 1773, having
driven him from his professorship at Bruges
to England. . The revolt once a certainty,
Father Carroll sailed instantly for home to
cast his lot with his countrymen. In 1776,
by request of Congress, he went with a
committee of that body, Benjamin Franklin,
Samuel Chase and Charles Carroll, to
Montreal, to aid in securing the alliance or
neutrality of the Canadians. To the friend-
ship with Franklin thus begun, F. Carroll
owed perhaps his miter, for when the for-
mer was Minister to France, in 1784, it was
partly on his advice to the Papal Nuncio
that Carroll's name was chosen from the list
submitted, for appointment as " Superior of
the Catholic Clergy in the United States."
Dr. Carroll was a man of learning, of lofty
character and unaffected piety, of courtly
address and winning manners. (From the
Archbishop's portrait by Gilbert Stuart our
engraving is taken.)
Dr. Carroll's removal to another sphere,
with its engrossing duties, left him little
leisure for personal supervision of the infant
college ; b'ut his character and influence had
certainly much to do with its final success.
The site was chosen by himself. Though
the first building was put up in 1789, classes
were not formally opened till the fall of
1791, when the first Catholic college in the
United States started with the Rev. Robert
Plunkett for first president and William
Gaston, of North Carolina, for first pupil.
The career of that eminent jurist and states-
man made it an auspicious beginning. A
pane in one of the windows of the old col-
lege still bears his name where he cut it in
1791. His son and namesake was a student
at the college many years after, and, grad-
uating at West Point, was killed by the
Indians in the Mormon war. In the same
first class with the elder Gaston were Enoch
and Benedict Fen wick, both in turn presi-
dents of the college, and the latter subse-
quently Bishop of Boston. From the first,
attention was given to the classics, which
soon won for the college a reputation not
since lost, and the new school grew so
rapidly in favor that the corner-stone of the
North Building was laid in 1794, though
lack of funds deferred its completion to
1808. Father Plunkett was succeeded by
Rev. Robert Molyneux, who, after a short
service, gave way to the Abbe Dubourg,
afterward Bishop of New Orleans and Arch-
bishop of Besangon, in France.
Father Dubourg's term yields us one in-
teresting episode — a formal visit of Wash-
ington to the college, in response to a call
of its Faculty upon him. This must have
been in 1797, since "he was received with
a poetical address of welcome by Robert
Walsh, aetat 12," afterward to become
widely known as editor and publicist, and,
later, as United States Consul to Paris.
Robert Walsh was twelve when he entered
college in 1797. Washington rode up un-
attended to the gate, where he alighted and
668
GEORGETOWN COLLEGE.
hitched his horse to the palings. He was
welcomed by Professor Matthews, afterward
president of the college (in 1808). This visit
of the first President may almost be said to
have set a precedent, since for many years
his successors have not failed to give out
the medals and premiums at the college
commencements. The name is a familiar
one on the college rolls, Augustine and
Bushrod, sons of Judge Bushrod Washing-
not only removed one great stumbling-
block — the lack of skilled teachers, but
their ratio studiorum supplied for the first
time a full and symmetrical college course.
The completion of the North Building soon
after gave house-room to the students and
professors who had been, the former al-
ways, the latter often, forced to reside in the
town.
Nevertheless, the new custodians had to
1 BE TO MY FAULTS A LITTLE BLIND."
ton, the General's nephew, having entered
in 1793, George W., son of the younger
Bushrod, then residing at Mount Vernon,
in 1830, and Henry, son of Lawrence
Washington, of Westmoreland County, Vir-
ginia, in 1834.
Mr. Dubourg was succeeded, in 1799,
by another of the Bishops, for whom the
college seems then to have been a nursery
— Rev. Leonard Neale, second Archbishop
of Baltimore.
About this time the change occurred
which raised the college from the level of
an academy to something nearer the prom-
ise of its name. In 1806, the society of
Jesus, having been re-organized in the
Province * of Maryland, the schools at
Georgetown were put under their care,
where they have since remained. The se-
vere and systematic training of the Order
* In the internal polity of the Society, a " prov-
ince " answers nearly to a secular diocese, and its
" provincial " to a Bishop.
face serious difficulties. The number oi
students in 1806 had sunk to fifteen, and
the faculty were often put to sore straits
The earlier presidents, being for the mosl
part missionary priests, were much of theii
time in the saddle, and could naturally give
but a divided attention to their office,
Energy and perseverance, however, so fai
overcame these obstacles that not only was
the North Building finished, as we have
seen, in 1808, but in the following year the
faculty were able to establish in New York,
under the Rev. Benedict Fenwick, a semi-
nary which may be regarded as the first of
the many offshoots of the college, planted,
from time to time, in various cities. This
was called " The New York Literary Insti-
tution," and the school-building was erected
on the site of the Fifth Avenue Cathedral,
the land being bought at the then high
price of $13,000.
Congress, on May ist, 1815, granted tc
the University of Georgetown the chartei
which empowers it to confer degrees in any
GEORGETOWN COLLEGE.
669
of the faculties. It was not, however, till
many years later that the departments of
Medicine and Law could be established, the
former in 1851, the latter in 1870. A school
of theology, for many years held at the col-
lege, was some time since removed to
Woodstock, Md.
The charter was obtained under the pres-
idency of Fr. Grasse, and had, no doubt,
its share in swelling the attendance to 100
in 1817. In that year the college established
in the capital Washington Seminary, now
Gonzaga College. From that point, how-
ever, the number of students fell off till it
touched low- water mark with 30, in 1826.
But in that year a new departure again
turned the tide, and began an era of pros-
perity, which continued steadily brightening
till the war, and is now, after weathering
that almost fatal storm, nearly restored.
The initial impulse came with the return
of several young American Jesuits from
Rome, whither they had been sent to per-
fect their literary culture. Assuming various
positions in the faculty, these new-comers
speedily infused fresh life and vigor into
every department. Foremost among them
were Messrs. Mulledy, Ryder, George Fen-
wick, Young and McSherry, the first of
whom became president in 1829, with F.
Ryder as vice-president and Father Fen wick
as prefect, or director of studies. To these
three men Georgetown College owes, no
doubt, in great measure, whatever promi-
nence she has since won.
Father Mulledy, or Father " Tom," as he
was generally called, was a man not only
of great executive ability, but a certain
brusque geniality combined with a native
force and resolution, by no means unservice-
able in dealing with the turbulent elements
then common among the students. More
than once concerted rebellions threatened
not only the life of the college but even of
some obnoxious prefect, as the officers
charged with the discipline of the school
are called. In the famous entente, still fond-
ly embalmed in college legend as the Great
Rebellion of '37, a prefect, it is said, had to
intrench himself in his room against a mob
of malcontents, thus unpleasantly reversing
the old-time school trick of " barring-out."
A story is told of President Mulledy, while
still a scholastic, — a Jesuit is so known
previous to ordination, — which marks the
temper of the man, and the occasional
roughness of the material he had to mold
to ways of peace and gentleness. While
teaching class one day, a burly backwoods-
man, renowned for
fistic prowess, de-
fied his authority,
and proposed to
throw him out of
the window if he
insisted on it. It
was a crisis, as all
present knew, and
unless the teacher
could command it,
his usefulness was
gone. Mr. Mulledy,
without stopping
the lesson, quietly
sent to his President
for permission to
treat the defiance in
his own way, and,
that obtained, tuck-
ed up his soutane
and gave battle to
his refractory pupil,
polishing him off
artistically, to the
delight of his class.
It is even said
that he completed
the challenger's pre-
scription by pitch-
ing him out of the
window, which, for
the story's sake, as
the window was a
low one, one would
like to believe.
However this may
be, it is. safe to say
that that teacher's
authority was not
again questioned,
nor was there ever a
more popular presi-
dent. Boys do not
dislike to see their
teacher abdicate his
throne on occasion,
and show himself
of the same flesh
and blood as them-
selves. Perhaps
few schools in the
country had a wild-
er set of students
than sometimes
gathered in George-
town, and about
the borders of the
skating pond and
FEEDING THE PRISONER.
670
GEORGETOWN COLLEGE.
the canal yet linger vague but thrilling
traditions of terrific " town and gown "
rows in days gone by.
President Mulledy's term of eight years
was a period of activity and progress. The
number of students was largely increased,
especially from Virginia, his native State,
where his popularity was great. Many im-
provements were made, and new buildings
erected. In 1831 the west building of the
south row was begun, and finished in 1833.
This gave a long-needed hall for studies
and commencement exercises, which, up to
that, had been held in old Trinity Church.
At the same time the west half of the infirm-
ary was built.
A no less important achievement in the
eyes of every true lover of the college was
the completion of "The Walks." The
origin of this charming woodland prome-
nade is said to have been an ordinary cow-
path, first enlarged by the then owner of the
land in 1826. Upon his joining the Order
as a lay brother, soon after he extended
his labors, and with no other instrument
than a spade, a natural turn for landscape
gardening, produced a little sylvan para-
dise. Starting from the greenhouse and
gymnasium at the east end of the north
building, "The Walks" wind along the
sides of a romantic, deeply wooded glen, in
an irregular semicircle about the college
buildings, for nearly a mile. Through the
center of this glen bickers a slim rivulet,
under hospitable shades of pine and poplar
that make one think involuntarily of the
lovely lines he dares not quote, however,
even in academic solitudes. Nowadays
Huxley has dismounted Horace, and only
the pedantry of science is forgiven. Here
has always centered much of .the poetry
and pleasure of college life ; here the stu-
dent came to fight his battles, physical and
metaphysical — to cram for examination in
its cool silence or to pummel his enemy in
its unguarded remoteness ; hither stole to
enjoy the furtive pipe in days when smok-
ing was a college crime. It sometimes
chanced that an amiable professor was
encountered " on like errand bent," when
the freemasonry of the weed would triumph
over the harshness of discipline in a pleas-
ant little comedy of diplomatic blindness.
Now that " The Walks " are free, and smok-
ing is no longer forbidden to the senior
students, these fearful joys of the past must
be sadly curtailed. It seems improbable
that a collegian should ever enjoy a per-
mitted pastime as thoroughly as a forbidden
one. But since these privileges are some-
times denied by way of penalty, even the
student of the present may have his taste
of precarious delight.
During Father Mulledy's term also, in
1830, the college museum and library were
arranged in the rooms they now occupy, at
opposite ends of the tower corridor in the
north building. These quarters are quite
inadequate, and the library, in particular,
needs urgently the roomier accommodations
designed for it in the new building which is
to make the west side of the college quad-
rangle, and which it is hoped to begin dur-
ing the current year.* The present library,
23 by 33, holds, with the octagonal tower
chamber adjoining, only a part of the 30,000
books of the college. The usefulness of the
collection, in many respects valuable and in
some unique, is impaired by its enforced
want of order. The museum has a rare
assortment of shells, a good one of birds,
and, for its size, an excellent cabinet of miner-
alogy and geology. There are, too, many
interesting reminders of famous men besides
those of Decatur already mentioned. But,
for the reasons given, neither library nor
museum is quite what the friends of the col-
lege should wish, though far better than
could have been expected from the limited
means at the command of the faculty.
Considering the small number of her
alumni, Georgetown counts among them a
fair proportion of distinguished names in
every walk of life : United States senators
and congressmen, judges and lawyers of
eminence, bishops and governors of States.
The record of this period would be in-
complete without some notice of Father
George Fenwick. An admirable talker, a
good teacher, a sound scholar, he seems to
have had an especial gift in winning the
affections of all with whom he came in con-
tact, and no one has left a deeper personal
impression upon the college history. Father
Fenwick did much to improve and expand
the order of studies ; but it is as a man and
not as professor, though an excellent one,
that he is still fondly remembered. The
" boys " of his day have scores of stories
concerning his kindliness, his wit, his good-
humored help in shielding them against the
consequences of college scrapes. He died
at the college in 1857, and is buried in its
pretty little grave-yard.
* 1877. As already stated, this building is now
completed, and the library, museum, etc., removed
to it
GEORGETOWN COLLEGE.
671
Father McSherry, who had been the first
provincial in Maryland, suc^eded F. Mul-
ledy ; he was in ill health at the time,
and died during his term. Thence till 1851
Dr. Ryder alternated with Dr. Mulledy in
the rectorship, and the college continued to
prosper. Under the former, in 1843, with
the aid of Fathers Stonestreet, Curley and
Thomas Meredith Jenkins, of Baltimore,
the Astronomical Observatory was estab-
lished.
At the observatory Father Curley has
since been in charge, and here he first deter-
mined the true meridian of Washington. A
distinction his unassuming nature would
value more highly is to have won an abid-
ing place in the affections of so many gen-
erations of his pupils, for whom his gentle
erudition has realized Pope's character of
Gay.
In 1843, also, was established the fourth
of the colleges that trace their origin to
Georgetown — the College of the Holy Cross,
at Worcester, opened on November 2d of
that year, with Father Mulledy as president,
and a faculty from the banks of the Poto-
mac. For many years, also, the parent
university conferred degrees on the gradu-
ates of Worcester, to which a charter had
been denied by the Massachusetts Legisla-
ture. This disability was removed, and a
charter to confer all degrees but that of
medicine granted to the college at Worcester,
in 1865. A like charter had been given two
years before to Boston College, the faculty
of which was in like manner chiefly supplied
from Georgetown. Both Worcester and
Boston colleges have already attained a
vigorous and independent growth. It is
not the least of Georgetown's claims to
praise that she has been able, out of her
slender resources, to establish such schools,
and to furnish such masters for them.
In 1848, the political troubles in Europe
gave the college faculty an accession of
strength, including Fathers Sestini, Ciampi
Rosa, Secchi and Sacchi — Secchi being the
famous Roman astronomer, and Sacchi per-
haps the most finished Latin poet we have
had in America, and one of the foremost
linguists of the day. At this time the gas-
works were constructed, by which, the
college buildings became the first in
Georgetown to be lighted with gas, and in
1851 the medical department was opened
and has since been in successful operation.
The Reverend C. H. Stonestreet brought
to the presidency in 1851 many admirable
qualifications for the office, which he had,
however, short time to exercise. Being
made provincial the year after, he was suc-
ceeded by the Reverend B. A. Maguire, a
name familiar to Washington ears, under
whose energetic guidance the college
reached its climax of success. In 1854,
the large east building of the south row was
erected for younger students, and a green-
house built and gardens laid out behind
the north building.
Since 1859 the college has boasted of two
military companies (of senior and junior stu-
dents), drilling as light infantry, with arms
and accouterments furnished by the Gov-
ernment. Their parades in Washington,
when, to the inspiring strains of the college
band, they were sometimes reviewed by the
Secretary of War, were occasions of much
joy and excitement, not only in college but
in Georgetown, the staid old borough actu-
ally waking up to honor her youthful war-
riors. The war came, to turn, for many of
them, their mimic wars to deadly earnest,
and kept them facing each other on South-
ern battle-fields, from which too few were
to return.
The war was a sad blow to the college,
not alone in lessening the attendance, but
in the military occupation which, beginning
on May ist, i86i,at an hour's notice, lasted
till the 4th of July following. In turn the
Sixty-ninth New York and the Seventy-ninth
Highlanders were quartered in the south
row, which they nearly filled, — professors
and students being often halted for the
countersign in going about their necessary
duties. So, for two months, the gown made
way for the sword, and the boys found a
new reading for their Cicero. It was a
strange medley of war and science — the
rattle of musket-butts in the corridors punc-
tuating a re'citation, and military battalions
deploying on the ball-field. Nor was greater
excitement wanting, — the enemy being so
near that night-alarms were frequent, and
the " long roll " often broke the students'
sleep.
Nevertheless, during this and a much
longer occupation in the following year, —
when the college, having served as a bar-
rack, was again taken for a hospital after the
second Bull Run, — studies went on unin-
terruptedly, though the attendance fell from
350 to 120. The presidency of the Rev.
John Early had opened, in 1859, with brilliant
prospects, thus speedily clouded. With the
close of the war, however, students came
back ; among them more than one who had
made his campaigns, and, like Napoleon's
672
GEORGETOWN COLLEGE.
conscript, was a veteran before his beard;
and the college has now something like its
old numbers, while it is, in point of comfort
for the pupil and efficiency in the methods
and appliances of study, better equipped
than ever before.
The opening of the Law School, in 1870,
added a third faculty to the university.
Like the medical department, it is situated
in Washington, and gains thereby similar
advantages. Besides having the Congres-
sional Law Library at command, the student
can follow all the forms of judicial proced-
ure, from the lowest local tribunal to the
Supreme Court of the United States. Its
usefulness is enhanced by the fact that the
lectures are delivered in the evening. Up
to this time, the university diploma has.
been conferred on seventy-nine Bachelors of
Law.
Father Early — replaced by Father Ma-
guire in 1866 — received the presidency in
1870, but died in 1874, as deeply regretted
as he was greatly beloved. He was suc-
ceeded by the Rev. P. A. Healey, whose
progressive and enlightened policy, admin-
istered by an able corps of professors, has
promoted at once the comfort of the stu-
dents and the effectiveness of their studies.
In the former respect the college now lacks
few of the ameliorations which the modern
collegian deems essential to his welfare,
REV. B. A. MAGUIRE, S. J.
except that of separate rooms. This privi-
lege is, as yet, accorded only to the gradu-
ating class ; for the others the general dor-
mitory system still prevails, but only for want
of proper accommodations. With these, in
REV. JAMES RYDER, S. J.
time, it is intended to allot separate rooms
to all, at least, of the senior students. A
new gymnasium was lately built by the
faculty ; a billiard-room was opened and £
boat-club organized. That other preseni
necessity of American college life, a college
paper, has likewise been in existence since
1872. It is called " The Georgetown Col-
lege Journal," is a neat, twelve-page quarto
published monthly by a stock associatior
of the students, and is edited by a com-
mittee of the stockholders chosen by them
selves and presided over by a member of
the faculty, who acts as 'editor-in-chief. Ii
is owing perhaps to this that " The George
town Journal " shows a degree of thoughi
and a quietness of style not often found ir
papers of its class.
Such, in its main outlines, is the historj
of the college. It remains to ask whai
peculiarities of discipline and study distin-
guish it from other like institutions. Enougl:
has been said to show that the system i$
quite unlike that of colleges modeled or
the general plan of Yale and Harvard
Georgetown College at present is more
akin to an English public school, or to the
French Lyceum described by Matthew
Arnold in the " Essays in Criticism " as £
French Eton. The Petit College of the
latter has its counterpart in the " small boys
side." of Georgetown. But the latter has
a somewhat wider scope and higher aims
than either the French or the English Eton,
These are and are meant to be but stepping-
stones to a university, of which George-
town might rather be called the corner-
stone.
At present, Georgetown College does nol
GEORGETOWN COLLEGE.
673
claim to have reached, in
its academic department,
the highest standard of
its hopes and aims. This
would be, under exist-
ing conditions, impos-
sible to achieve, injudi-
cious to attempt. It does
claim to be thorough,
so far as it goes, and to
dismiss its graduate the
equal in scholastic attain-
ments of the graduate of any other Ameri-
can college. Indeed, of its system it may
be said that while the pupil eager and apt
to learn will be able to learn at least as
much here as elsewhere, the idler or slug-
gard will perhaps be made to learn more.
What that system is, it may be of interest
briefly to explain.
The classes are eight in number, four of
them being strictly preparatory. The col-
lege, indeed, virtually consists of a grammar
school and a college proper, the former of
which will, no doubt, be dropped whenever
the university becomes a fact. The union
is not without its advantages. It allows, at
least, that unity of design which most Euro-
pean educators are agreed should subsist
between the primary school and the upper.
It tends, perhaps, also to strengthen the bond between
teacher and pupil, between school-mates as opposed to
class-mates. There is, at least, at Georgetown, none
of that singular class-spirit which marks and often
mars so many American colleges. True, it would not
be tolerated, but, equally true, it has never existed.
The classes in the college consist of two of rudi-
ments, three of humanities (or grammar), of which
the first answers to the freshman ; poetry, rheto-
ric and
THE OLD STAIR-WAY.
THE OLD PUMP.
philosophy — these names corre-
sponding to sophomore, junior and senior,
with the advantage of having an idea be-
hind them. Up to the class of philosophy,
the student follows three parallel courses :
the classical and main one embracing Latin,
Greek and English grammar, literature and
history; the mathematical, as far as calcu-
lus and mechanics; and one of modern
languages, including French and German,
as far as poetry, becoming there eclectic. No
attempt is made to read many or recondite
authors, the most difficult Latin being Taci-
tus and Juvenal ; the hardest Greek, Soph-
ocles and Demosthenes ; the aim is to
ground the pupil thoroughly in the princi-
ples of each language — to imbue him with its
spirit and style. Frequent compositions and
translations, in prose and verse, are there-
fore required in every language studied.
VOL, XX.— 44.
674
GEORGETOWN COLLEGE.
OLD TRINITY CHURCH.
With the latter class the study of belles-
lettres and mathematics ends. The pupil
has hitherto been providing and sharpening
his tools; he is now to learn to use them.
The highest class is given to the study of
logic, metaphysics, ethics and natural right
in rational philosophy, and, in natural sci-
ence, physics, mechanics, astronomy, geol-
ogy and botany. In the former branch his
text-books and lectures are in Latin, which
he is now supposed to have mastered suffi-
ciently for that purpose ; and in that lan-
guage, too, his public disputations once a
month are held, and his essays often written.
In the latter branch the students deliver
public lectures and essays, with experiments.
In a post-graduate course, natural right is
continued, with the fundamental principles
of civil, political and international law.
The merit of this plan seems to consist in
its symmetry, its simplicity, and what may
be termed a certain elastic reserve. It does
not crowd the pupil's mind, while it gives
him a taste for study and trains him to
think. Certainly it has stood the test of
time and success : for practically the same
to-day as Father Maldonatus arranged it
300 years ago, this ratio studiorum has
produced as many men eminent in every
branch of human learning as any other
system in the world. It does not teach a
man everything; it does not try; that
would be folly within the limits of an ordi-
nary college-course ; but it teaches him to
teach himself.
The discipline is of the kind called pater-
nal, and is, doubtless, in many points stricter
than would be possible or useful in the uni-
versity. For students of the average age
of those at Georgetown, an age much below
the average of most American colleges, the
discipline is probably salutary. From much
of it the graduating class is exempt. The
students, who, with few exceptions, board in
the college, go to bed and get up, go to
studies as they go to meals, and to class at
stated hours. Studies occupy something
over four hours a day, in the common study-
hall, under the eye of a teacher ; an hour in
the morning, before breakfast, known as
morning studies; an hour at noon, after
dinner, middle studies ; and night studies,
from supper till bed-time at half-past nine
o'clock. Classes take three and a quarter
hours in the morning and two and a quarter
hours in the afternoon. For sleep eight
hours are allotted in summer, eight and a
half in winter. The remainder of the day,
about six hours, is given to meals and
recreation, with the exception of a half-
hour in the morning and a quarter-hour in
the evening devoted to religious exercises.
These, of course, follow the Catholic ritual,
and all students — about one-fourth of
the number are usually non-Catholic — are
ARCHBISHOP CARROLL.
required to attend them. Of Catholic
students it is besides exacted that they
shall comply with certain obligations of
their faith. Tuesdays and Thursdays are
half-holidays, and there are many others
GEORGETOWN COLLEGE.
675
through the year,
so that the ten
hours daily work-
ing time is not so
arduous as it might seem.
Following this scheme of education, and
in the face of difficulties few colleges have
had to contend with, Georgetown College
has attained a position in which her friends
and alumni may take a just pride. Her
faculty are not content to stand on this ;
they mean to go forward. The new build-
ing to be begun this year, and which is to
include a library and chapel, is an earnest of
their sincerity and vigor. With but a tithe
of the support so freely lavished on other
schools, they would speedily go not forward
only but far. There has been much talk in
Catholic circles of establishing an American
Catholic Univer-
sity which shall be
worthy of the name.
It might be well for
these enthusiasts to try what a little help
would do toward lifting to that dignity the
one American Catholic College, which has
as yet even " saluted it from afar." No
university was ever built on tuition fees, or
in a day ; no real university was ever aught
but the slow accretion of years. The uni-
versity must have traditions ; it must have
the dignity of age — an ancestry of culture,
the " grace of a day that is dead." There
must linger about it that aroma of learning
which time alone can give. Georgetown
has not all of these ; but it is nearer, by a
century, to having them than any university
whose foundation shall be dug to-day.
THE NEW COLLEGE.
676
WHEN WOODS ARE GREEN.
WHEN WOODS ARE GREEN.
"Than longen folks to gon on pilgrimages."
IF lie is a public benefactor who makes
two blades of grass grow where one grew
before, surely he is a lover of his kind who
discloses one more hidden haunt where
woods are green.
It is one requisite of a summer resting-
place that it shall be easy of access and yet
not easily accessible; by which we mean
that those who want to go there must be
able to reach it comfortably, while those
general enthusiasm for islands, let us choose
rather a peninsula, where the neck of land
connecting us with the city shall be so long
and so narrow that cottages will be far
removed from the dusty highways, and we
may walk the woods and fields for barber-
ries or cardinal-flowers with no fear of meet-
ing any but those "rosy tramps of turnpike
and of lane " of which we are deliberately
in search.
THE SOUTH BEACH.
whom you do not wish to have there will
never think of trying it. Few of us really
wish to retire to the " interior of Massachu-
setts " beyond the reach of necessary tele-
grams ; news from the humming city must
be able to come to us, even if never deliber-
ately sought. It is scarcely a disadvantage
that the New York and New Bedford pro-
peller does not stop at our way-side wharf,
when a little steamer of our own will bring
travelers back within an hour to a cluster of
cottages matronized by one hotel, which,
with no glorious rocks like Gloucester, no
sounding surf like Narraganset, no notoriety
like the Vineyard, no wooded loveliness like
Naushon, and no splendid beach like Nan-
tasket, seems at first to offer no attractions
that need bind us to pause here rather than
at any other point along the shore. The
sea is, of course, indispensable; but com-
munication by land is by no means unde-
sirable; and, far from sharing the present
Whatever charm may tempt you to linger
here week after week, and lure you back
again summer after summer, will be due
solely to the place itself. We have positively
no associations ; no trace is to be found of
even the ubiquitous Washington ; nor will
you find a quaint country-folk, among whose
homes you may search for old clocks and
china. There will be here none but your-
selves, for the few outlying farms that supply
the occasional berry and the much-desired
tomato are occupied by a sturdy race of
practical farmers, who bring your household
supplies early in the morning and are gone
again before your eyes have opened to the
necessity for omelet and beefsteak.
A certain historical haze pervades the
atmosphere, it is true ; for tradition hath it
that this was once part of the hunting-
grounds of King Philip, and that the Non-
quitt, which is said to bear the name of
King Philip's brother, was part of the town-
WHEN WOODS ARE GREEN.
677
ship originally
purchased by
Mr. William
Bradford, Cap-
tain Stand ish and others, for " thirty yards
of cloth, eight moose-skins, fifteen axes,
fifteen hoes, fifteen pair of breeches, eight
blankets, two kettles, one clock, £2 in
wampum, eight pair stockings, eight pair
shoes, one iron pot, and ten shillings in
another commoditie." But the sign-boards
bearing Indian names, which are elab-
orately erected in the fields and marshes,
point rather to the future than the past
glories of the place ; for a map is known
to exist in the minds of present proprietors
of the soil, on which those who appear to
be lodging in a vast wilderness are seen
really to reside on the corner of Pequot
and Massasoit avenues, or on the edge of a
park skirting the shore, which is still with
blossomed furze un profitably gay.
That its architecture will never be the
means of rescuing Nonquitt from oblivion,
will be inferred on learning that fifteen days
after one of the " first families " decided to
build here, they were in the house. The
early settlers, attracted hither by the delight
of boys who had camped out year after
year at " Bare-kneed Rocks," intended only
a release from culture that should be of the
most primitive description ; but man is at
heart a civilized animal; the instinct for
luxury is. unquenchable in his breast; one
day a delicate hammock is swung quietly on
a shady piazza, where it is thought it will
escape observation, and, finding that we all
take kindly to it, a brilliant awning, of the
most desirable city make and texture, makes
its more conspicuous appearance at the
eastern windows. People who thought noth-
ing so delightful as to boil their own eggs
for breakfast over a spirit-lamp, begin to
build out kitchens and to hire maids. The
flannel dresses, that were not only "so sen-
sible," but " so comfortable," are gradually
exchanged at twilight for the soft, white
camel's-hair, or even for an occasional mus-
lin with knots of pale-pink ribbon. We
begin to have three mails a day, and the
Sunday papers. One by one we add red
roofs and little balconies and quaint towers
to our houses, till suddenly we find a
real little Newport cottage nestled among
us, so graceful, so unassuming with all
its beauty, that we have not the heart
LIGHT-HOUSE BY DAY.
678
WHEN WOODS ARE GREEN.
to cast it out, and secretly plan how to
make our own look exactly like it.
&& :**»
THE ROCKY HEADLAND.
What sea-shore was ever complete with-
out a " Point"? This of ours is a rocky
headland, rising abruptly from the water,
crowned by the low juniper with its snowy
berries, and by the pale New England
cedars, desperately holding their scant
foliage a little higher beyond the reach
of the pursuing sea. A sharp descent,
and you come upon the bathing beach;
a tiny curve of sand almost landlocked,
with magnificent bowlders tossed one
upon another at the furthest point, where
on the sunniest day you can find shelter
for an hour's reading or dreaming in their
shadow. Just on the other side lies the
larger curving beach, where a low surf
makes silence audible with soft monotony
of sounds. Happy he who first found
this silver horse-shoe at his feet!
If you seek your hammock early
enough, you shall see the sun rise timidly
from the v/ater, as if he dared not hope
to find agnin the lovely scene lie looked
on yesterday; then, with gathering de-
light, higher and higher will he rise on
the horizon, scattering before him a
largess of rosy gold that ripples on till it
reaches your very feet, while instantly every
WHEN WOODS ARE GREEN,
679
little light-house flame that has been watch-
ing all night for his coming, darts from
sight; like Semele, struck dead by the glory
of the god she had herself invoked.
And now all the bay dimples with breezy
One cannot find the large white wings to bear
A strong soul where it will, — high in the air
I see the little sea-gulls rise, and fly
Swifter than yon swift ship through her low sky,
Swifter than aught save longing to be there!
Are small white wings then best for daring flight ?
"THE SHIP HAS SPREAD HER CANVAS."
life and sunshine. Anon comes the merry
company of bathers, swinging their towels ;
and though at first the little landlocked
beach may look monotonous to the bold
swimmer from Narraganset or Long Branch,
one morning's plunge will convince him
that there are compensations in a silvery
meadow, where ssvimming ceases to be ex-
ertion and becomes absolute rest. So safe,
so gently shelving is the beach, that children
of a year venture fearlessly into sunny
depths where undertow was never heard of,
un chilled by the caress of the warm waters.
And this may even be the very morning
when the New York yachts, with all sail set,
What is it that the sea-gull hopes to win? —
A nest in the low sand, beyond the white
Cool breakers, where the slender reeds begin
To mark the lonelier marsh; and where two light
Soft-folded wings hide all that lies within.
As the splendor of high noon approaches,
and your eyes tire of the dazzling bay, you
have only to turn your head on the pillow
in your hammock, and look away to the
westward, over the restful beauty of the
marsh. No dread miasma need be feared
from that soft green meadow; it is health-
fully drained, and the pools that dot it here
and there are full of bright clear water, and
edged with deep borders of meadow pinks.
THE LIGHT-HOUSE BY NIGHT.
sweep into the bay, " a sight to make an
old man young."
The ship has spread her canvas wide to dare
A cold, defiant deep; and as I lie
Here on the listless shore, and wonder why
The droning hum of insects, " like tiniest
bells on the garment of Silence," the distant
mowers busy with their scythes, the tall
grasses glistening in the sunlight as if
sprinkled with bright rain, and the belt of
68o
WHEN WOODS ARE GREEN.
woods
yond,
guile you
into believ-
ing that this
is the country rather than the shore ; till,
with the lengthening shadows, your eyes
gain strength again to sweep slowly to the
southward, past Mishaum Point, beyond
which the open sea is tossing, past Round
Hills, with their sudden slopes of tender
green, and over the sunlit bay again to
linger on the islands.
You shall spend a summer of three months
here, and never see those lovely islands
twice alike. Sometimes, indeed, you shall
not see them at all, though the sun shines
clear in the heavens, and the haze that
hides them is so delicate that it is an added
grace to the landscape; till here and there
it lifts on the horizon, revealing the warm
glow of deep-tinted cliffs, a slope of sunny
greenery, or a bank of dazzling, snow-white
sand.
The shadows gather. Across the bay a
lonely fisherman, with steady sweep of the
oars, comes bringing for your early tea the
delicious lobster, whose life he has consider-
ately relieved you of taking, knowing you to
be a director of the " Society for the," etc.
The sun sets in a splendor of blue and gold,
and instantly the light-house lamp flashes
across the water, though it
is not yet dark, — bringing
into the landscape the one
element that to Ruskin
would have been all day
lacking: the element of
human endurance, sympa-
thy and valor. For a brief
while the timid crescent of a
young moon tries to main-
tain the supremacy of nat-
ure ; but it soon hides itself,
discouraged; while with su-
perb self-reliance the human
glow shines on across the
sea, and is still shining when
you seek your couch, to be
wrapped in slumber which
even the undismayed mos-
quito here thoroughly re-
spects.
If, happily, you are not
condemned by indolence or
invalidism to the slender
joys of a hammock, great are
the resources for further en-
tertainment. You may take
the wings of the morning — the large white
wings of the Comet or the Flash, with a
native skipper, skillful of hand and garru-
lous of tongue — to skim over the bright sur-
face of the bay ; either dreaming in the lazy
shadow of the sail, or pursuing the exhil-
arating blue-fish. Pursuing, did I say ?
Nay ; for there is a charm peculiar to this
manner of fishing that renders it especially
suitable to the tender conscience of a director
of the " Society for the," etc. You are not
pursuing the fish, the fish is pursuing you ;
you flee before him on the wings of the
Comet or the Flash, as if in horror at the
temptation to catch him that assails you.
If he chooses to follow, if he even catches
at the slender line with which you negli-
gently troll, are you to blame ? So fair he
is, so shining, so eminently adapted to the
frying-pan and the fire, that you feel like
addressing him in his last writhings with
the satire of the cannibal Mother Goose :
" Not wish to be eaten ? Not want to be stewed ?
Then go and be raw ! "
If you prefer to furl your sail and lie at
anchor, you may bring up in an hour fifty
or more fish with whose names the waiter
at the tea-table will startle the uninitiated,
by shouting, with an emphasis to which
no printer's ink can do justice : " Scup !
Squitteague ! ! Tautog ! ! ! "
WHEN WOODS ARE GREEN.
68 1
Or you shall walk ; and, if your nature is
scientific, you shall make many a discovery
in a land so near the favorite Penequese of
the lamented Agassiz. And, even if your
love of nature is more like Wordsworth's
than like Agassiz's,
— "a feeling and a love
That has no need of a remoter charm
By thoughts supplied, nor any interest
Unborrowed from the eye,"
great shall be your delight in the minuter
pleasures of the landscape. The little four-
leaved clover will spring up before your
feet, entreating to be gathered. The ground
is bright everywhere ; yellow, not with the
plebeian buttercup, but with the sensitive
wild acacia, or, later in the season, splendid
with golden-rod. It is either red with ripen-
ing cranberries, that you may crunch pleas-
antly beneath your feet if not minded to
gather them, or purple with marsh rosemary,
or pink and blue with a hundred pretty
blossoms that you cannot and do not care
to name. It may be to you that the rare
Siamese lily reveals itself — two water-lilies
growing from a single stem ; or the scarlet
leaning forth from it, a silvery, silken cloud
of feathery beauty. The boughs of the old
apple-trees in the orchard are laden with
rich lichen ; the cat-o'-nine-tails, stiff and
straight in the marshes, and the tall grasses
waving in the wind, are ready with a
thousand suggestions for embroidery. You
will find here woods so beautiful that
you shall believe yourself for the moment
at Campton or Gorham ; and, if you are
brave enough to leave the half-worn roads
for the tempting wilderness on either side
of you, great shall be your reward. Splen-
did tiger-lilies, seven feet high, shall light
you on a path otherwise dark with the
heavy underbrush through which you must
push your way ; now and then you will
come upon a noble oak whose magnificent
growth is a marvel at the sea-shore; and
perhaps you will stumble on a small prime-
val forest of queer old trees, so different
from the lighter woods about them that
they seem like a colony of Wends, come
down from the north into the very midst of
modern life, but refusing to assimilate any-
thing of either the strength or the beauty
THE SEA-GULLS WHEELING THROUGH THE AIR.
and gold Indian-pipe, growing gorgeous
beside her snowy sister. For you the tall
and slender milkweed skirts anxiously the
road-side, hoarding its white loveliness from
common gaze, longing to be borne to a city
home, where, in the warm atmosphere of
culture and refinement, like the beggar-
maid whom King Cophetua loved, it will
burst slowly its sheath of green, not casting
it away in scorn of old associations, but
that is around them. And the woodland
ramble will end at a stone wall, beyond
which lies, in the peaceful afternoon sun-
shine, a farmer's field, with a hay-rick so
picturesque that, if you have the soul and
pencil of an artist, you may easily compel
it to pay all your expenses for the summer ;
and beyond the field is a leafy lane, where
the barberry " droops its strings of golden
flowers " and green boughs meet above
682
WHEN WOODS ARE GREEN.
your head ; and, as you wander through it,
suddenly all the splendor of the sea will
burst upon you. It will be as wonderful as
if you had not known all the time it must
be there, and, for an instant, there will fill
your mind something of the ecstacy of him
who stood
"Silent, upon a peak in Darien."
Every summer resort must be like New
Hampshire, " a good place to emigrate
from." There must be pleasant excursions
not only in it, but away from it. Our
piece de resistance is Gay Head. There are
few days in the summer when wind, weather
and tide will combine to let you land there ;
three, four or five times, you shall set sail
with everything apparently in your favor,
yet not be able to reach it. Rare then is
the exhilarating excitement when at last
you find yourself beyond the swift tides of
Quicks Hole, with the glorious headland
shining in the distance. In the shifting
morning lights, the color of Gay Head
is not simply that of a red cliff; it pales
and deepens and changes with ever-varying
tinge, till, as we draw nearer, the other
colors come out in bold relief, green and
purple, yellow and white and black, — not
in a mottled mixture of unmeaning brill-
iancy, but in broad, alternate bands, distinct
in their separation. Three hours' sail
from Nonquitt leaves us at anchor where
the Indians of the place, or even strong
young oarsmen of our own party, row us
easily ashore. We climb the steep bank,
feeling it a duty to pause awhile at the
beacon crowning the precipice with one of
the finest lights on the coast, as if man had
felt himself challenged to match his most
splendid achievement witli the marvelous
creation of nature ; then we hurry down the
cliff again, feeling as if the red clay beneath
our feet must be a burning lava, till we reach
the foot and gaze up at it from beneath with
ever-increasing sense of its singular beauty.
For the charm of Gay Head is stronger the
closer you are to it ; to the " peasant gath-
ering brushwood in its ear " it is even more
wonderful than to the distant sailor who can
scarcely believe his vision. Your awe is
never greater than when you stand upon its
shore with some of the red clay in your
hand ; for so yielding is the beautiful bright
surface that you can pick it up in handfuls,
or shape it with a penknife into any form
you choose. Indeed, so easily does it
crumble into a fine powder that perhaps the
best way of preserving it, if you care to
preserve it, is in vials. But those of us
AUTUMN FLOWERS AND PLANTS.
WHEN WOODS ARE GREEN.
683
THE SALT VATS.
who are not geologists, who care in nature
for no charm " unborrowed from the eye,"
and who believe firmly with Emerson that
all these things will " leave their beauty on
the shore," since we cannot " bring home
the river and the sky," prefer to carry away
with us only a memory of the splendid
headland, as we trim our sail for the after-
noon return.
The bay is broad enough to give one a
wild, free sense of being unrestrained ; yet
we have the advantage over places directly
on the ocean, that there are innumerable
charming spots which can be made the
object of a sail, if sailing is not in itself to
you its own excuse for being. Of these,
perhaps the loveliest is Naushon. First,
catch your breeze, and, once caught, you
may be reasonably sure of its continuance.
It has been the remarkable experience of
one summer that no sailing party has been
becalmed. Eight o'clock has invariably
found us at our moorings, not too late to
secure the cup of coffee or tea which is all
we ever desire after the delicious lunches
that result from the combined resources of
the hotel and the housekeepers.
Hadley's Harbor is the most beautiful
entrance to Naushon ; a narrow opening,
more of a river than a cove, compelling you
to a series of short tacks by the picturesque
windings that lead you on beyond each
beckoning bend. Tempting woods skirt the
very shore, pleasant with the hum of insects,
the flight of birds and drowsy wanderings
of cattle. The delicate, shining verdure,
the fragrance and freshness and delicious
summer-sounds, are in singular contrast to
the barren and uninviting shores of every
other island that you know.
And now it is the very last of August.
For the beauty and the belle the melancholy
days have come when there will be no more
visitors, no more officers from the Constella-
tion, no more hops, no more clam-bakes,
no more moonlight drives. The water is
colder, though not yet cold, and the bathing-
houses have a pitiable appearance of having
outlived their usefulness. There will be
fewer sails and very little rowing, for white
caps dot the bay, the quickened breezes
send a lovely surf upon the shore, and if a
south-east storm should come up, glorious
will be the fine white spray that dashes high
over the rocks. But if the sun shine, what
royal pleasure for the domestic " tramp ! "
Cast aside your shade-hat for the season,
and revel in the exhilarating brightness ; for
who shall sing aright of September sunshine ?
The pale-pink rose still climbs over the stone
wall, beside the more brilliant woodbine ;
water-lilies still linger on the ponds, though
low bushes are beginning to take the vivid
coloring that will make them by and by a
glory in the marshes. If you still haunt the
woods, little brooks will startle you by run-
ning suddenly across your path with a hand-
ful of cardinal flowers, which they leave
gracefully at your feet, and rumor says that
after you are gone the shy fringed-gentian
ventures out into the sun.
Nor shall you be confined to the silent
companionship of flowers and leaves. The
sparrows walking your piazza. ; the little
field-mice that build beneath the steps and
sit at their door- ways, nibbling fearlessly in
WHEN WOODS ARE GREEN.
your very presence; the brave quail running
through the grass between you and the
shore, or the white-throated plover falling an
easy prey to your gun ; the meadow-lark
with its few lovely notes; the friendly chip-
munk, unable to control his curiosity at your
invading footsteps; the sea-gulls wheeling
through the air, or those will-o'-the-wisps of
the sea, the white-winged coots, that dive
and re-appear in such unexpected places if
you startle them from their stately, swan-like
swimming; the lone woodpecker, clinging
with forlorn hope to the post of a rail fence-
the reflective kingfisher, standing solitary on'
a small rock m the water, or the still more
reflective heron, erect on one leg in the
marsh, and stiff as the cat-o'-nine-tails behind
him,— all these shall yield their charm to you
You may even go crabbing, and with a slen-
der pole which has a bit of meat fastened to
a string, attract the unsuspicious crab who !
is ured on to his supper— or, more espe- i
cially, to your supper— by no cruel hook or '
treacherous flash of
gun. If he is
caught, it is his own
claws that catch
him, fastened of his
— •
woke at midnight to ask, in an impressive
whisper: "Jimmie, do you suppose it is
wicked to rob birds' nests for purposes of
science ? "
. On the joth of September, if the weather
is favorable, you shall see a pretty sight.
Then the swallows begin to think of migra-
ting In little groups they sweep round and
round above a single cottage, or cling to a
twig or bending reed,
" Clatterin' in tall trees,
An settlin' things in windy congresses ;"
tion — type, alas ! of
so much in human
nature! And on
your way home
across the fields,
you may pick up a
bird's nest at your
feet, built curiously
on a tripod of slen-
der grasses, and
perhaps tempting
the conscience of
the little fellow who
m
"THE BRAVE QUAILS."
till the sense of the meeting is discovered to
be favorable, and they gather in one large
group to wing their swift way southward
A pleasant excursion for a clear cool
day is to the salt works; the ancient wind-
mills, the queer rocks filled with brushwood
through which the salt water is allowed to
trickle, the curious low vats where it after-
ward accumulates, with their tiny movable
roofs and, more than all, the exquisite crys-
tals that it is impossible to carry far away—
all these will be well worth the walk or
drive.
And if you long once more to send your
row-boat "cleaving the liquid paths of silver
sea, the light-house will well repay a visit
Ihe ancient mariner will be sitting in what
seems now the loveliest and coolest of sum-
mer parlors, but which is in reality a place
so exposed to the fury of the elements that
he sits here winter nights when on the
watch, precisely because the discomfort to
which he is exposed will not suffer him to
fall asleep. The place is pretty enough
now, with its little imitations of luxury- and
you may, perhaps, wonder what Hawthorne
would have made of the little girl who was
born on the island, and taught to leap so
fearlessly from rock to rock that, when she
was first taken
to the shore
and had to walk
on level ground,
she stumbled
and fell as other
children do on
rocks.
But there
comes a time
when even our
loyalty begins
to yield. The
days are not
only colder, but
cold. The doors
WHEN WOODS ARE GREEN.
685
'THE WHITE-WINGED COOTS."
that all summer have opened hospitably from
the piazza directly into the parlor, are now
inhospitably closed against the intruding
wind. The white matting aad uncushioned
Wakefield chairs make us shiver to look at
them. Golden-rod and cardinals brighten,
but cannot warm. At evening we gather
in the billiard-room or bowling-alley ;
sometimes even in the kitchen, for the
ostensible purpose of making caromels ;
but the pleasures peculiar to the place are
gone ; we can make caromels at home.
The dreariness of empty corridors at the
hotel, and of shuttered cottages at the Point,
begins to impress us with the beauty of the
brotherhood of man. We begin to have
less faith in Thoreau, and more in the friend
who said : " Of men and trees, if I cannot
have a judicious mixture, I must say I
prefer men ! "
We first ponder and then pack, for the
brotherhood of man has conquered.
Dear land, where only glad suns rise and set,
Whose only shadows are the grateful shade
Of cool, delicious woods ; where joy has made
Her bright abiding-place, nor where as yet
The restless care and anxious thought that fret
Elsewhere our souls, have ever dared invade ;
How strange that I can see thy beauty fade,
And turn away from thee without regret !
So have I faith that it will be with me,
When all the lovely world shall fade before
My dying eyes ; its beauty will no more
Lure me to linger ; though I cannot see,
Nor my heart know, what fate may be in store,
So have I faith in God that it will be !
686
RICHARD HENRY STODDARD.
RICHARD HENRY STODDARD.
IT is said that the ink of the great
Declaration is slowly fading from the parch-
ment on which it is written. After fifty
centuries shall have followed the one that
has gone since its date, even the ideas that
frame its substance will have dropped out of
their combination, forgotten as a whole, re-
solved into atoms of the common fund of
human conceptions, to be recomposed at
some other time in some other form. There
can be no such thing as originality in mod-
ern ideas. The poet does not create — he
merely varies the aspects of existing thought.
And as this mental process has been going
on since letters began, it can be only the
strongest poetic instinct that inspires a new-
comer to seek for unexhausted material, and
to attempt molding it into yet unused
images. Such a strong poetic instinct has
urged Stoddard to the work of his life. The
volume of his poems* lately produced gathers
up the fruits of the labor of thirty years,
originally offered to the public at long inter-
vals, a great part of them in scattered frag-
ments. For many readers, the book will
recall their early days of delight in verse,
and will afford to many others the first occa-
sion forforming a judgment upon the author's
productions and poetic character as a whole.
Richard Henry Stoddard was born about
fifty-five years ago, in Hingham, a small
sea-port of Massachusetts. His forefathers
were sea-faring men, his early surroundings
those of the plainest life in that rude region.
If the stern beauty of its rocks and waves
impresses the memory, and its simple habits
strengthen the character, while both are
forming, they seldom inspire passionate at-
tachment. Homesickness is a luxury rather
than a malady for the New-Englander,
whose Ranz des Vaches has yet to be com-
posed. Stoddard's widowed mother tired
of the incoming and outgoing tide, the old
home overlooked by a hill crowned with
immemorial grave-stones, and the glimpses
of mill-interiors, before the boy was old
enough to have more than a confused rec-
ollection of those elements of monotony.
After migrations that included a few months
of hard and sickly life in Boston, followed
by an effort for his own support, showing
even then his independent character, by
* The Poems of Richard Henry Stoddard. Com-
plete Edition. New York : Charles Scribner's Sons.
working in a cotton-factory, the family made
its last removal, and fixed their residence
in New York.
The life of a city at that early age was for
Stoddard a season of literal toil and hard-
ship. He began work as a lawyer's clerk,
but was quick to perceive that such uses of
the pen could only lead for him to a future
of impecunious leisure, like that of his em-
ployers. With them he had idle hours
enough to read poetry, and to write it, too.
His resolve to become a poet was formed
early, and he began betimes to practice his
real art, and, under all discouragements,
never paused in following it with industry.
After a brief experience as a reporter, and
after trying and quitting the yet more un-
congenial business of keeping books for
some small tradesman, he found a place for
downright sledge-hammer labor, as appren-
tice to an iron-molder. These stern early
lessons tempered that earnestness, that
straightforward virility, which strengthen all
his work.
" The steel, enduring blows and battering long,
Grows at the last more keen and glittering."
Adept in the primal art of Tubal-Cain, he
might have likened his own genius to the
solid stubborn mass beneath his hand,
slowly suffusing with glow and color, then
flowing at white heat into enduring forms
of beauty. He wrote incessantly, while he
read steadily, feeding at once and feeling
his powers, modest in presence of the high
models, yet persevering to be like them.
His earliest publications are of this period,
in the form of contributions to the weekly
and monthly magazines — all alike, the
poems and the periodicals, soon perishing.
In 1848 he first presented himself to the
public as an author, offering it a little
volume of verse, entitled " Foot-prints." It
made him known, at least, to the smaller
and juster public of literary people. Dr.
Griswold, the Lucina of the time for embryo
reputations, gave him a place among the poets
of America. It was one of the selections of
the critic which were not mistakes.
A little earlier than this turning-point in
his literary life, Stoddard made the friend-
ship of Bayard Taylor, and a little later he
married. If any effect of others' personality
ever touched so independent a genius as
his, that influence is to be traced in these
RICHARD HENRY STODDARD.
687
two unions. It is easy to measure the
value to a poet of kindness joined with
keenness in a critic who could write such
books as " The Morgedsons " and " Two
Men." The pen of their author is a divin-
ing-rod, pointing to the deep springs. The
outward conditions of New England being,
both of nature and of men, are all in them,
rugged, plain, and cold, as they exist. So,
too, are the resolved tenderness, the endur-
ing sense of duty, that are to character in
that region as the May-flower is to its stern
woods. Not single lives or motives, but
their implications in a whole, are drawn in
these books. They are pungent, real, and
shot through with fine threads of elective
affinities between nature and man, man and
woman.
Between Stoddard and Taylor a friend-
ship grew up, welded by generous emula-
tion in the same pursuit, which continued
intimate and unbroken until the hour came
that severs all ties. They read together the
same books and compared their own pro-
ductions, probably with mutual indulgence.
Sometimes they chose the same or similar
subjects for the practice of their differ-
ing theories. From this early seclusion
while both were fledglings, Taylor soon
issued, through the definite adoption of a
literary career, into a wider life of wander-
ings. His related experience, his treasures
of adventure and store of picturesque ma-
terial, as they were unfailing sources of
pleasure generously open to all who knew
him well, so they must have been of pecul-
iar advantage to Stoddard, limited by his
lot to one place and one range of associa-
tions. Not that either ever borrowed from
the other. The method in art and the cast
of mind of each were too original to admit
such exchange. A curious proof of this
independence is found in the fact that not a
trace of German influence appears in Stod-
dard's writings. He will have none of their
introspection. Their mysticism is not his
mysticism. His simplicity differs from
theirs as a man's does from a child's. So
far as they are not respectively original,
Stoddard orientalizes, as Stedman Hellen-
izes, and Taylor Germanizes. The beautiful
sonnet to Taylor on page 219 of the volume
expresses more warmly than Stoddard's reti-
cence usually permits him to do the affec-
tionate relation between Taylor and himself.
If it was denied to Stoddard to learn by
travel strange regions and the ways of
various men, it did at least befall him to
find a niche in an institution where all
products of foreign climes pass in review,
and many a traveler who has reached the
end of his usefulness or his hopes in life
comes to a harbor, — the New York Custom
House. Remembering Hawthorne at Salem,
Lamb in the East India House, and our
author and others here, one might pro-
nounce such a retreat of dry routine to be
the true arida nutrix leonutn. For nearly
seventeen years he discharged the duties of
his place, which offered at least more easy
and agreeable employment than mechani-
cal toil, with something of the leisure and
release from care essential to careful literary
production. During these years, his grow-
ing powers and maturing taste found ex-
pression in good and various work. The
"Songs of Summer," which may be judged
as his first serious contribution to literature,
contain some of his freshest and most
original verse. The " King's Bell," pub-
lished in 1863, and the composition of the
" Book of the East " belong to this period,
together with much that was mere task-
work, though valuable to letters for the
accuracy and research with which it was
done. He edited during these years the
" Life and Travels of Humboldt," " Loves
and Heroines of the Poets," " Melodies and
Madrigals from old English Poets" — the
last perhaps the most thorough work of
this description he has produced. In
several volumes of children's stories, and in
the versification of old legends in ballad
form, he showed a turn for narrative and a
mastery of simple old English indicating
powers capable of very finished performance
in composition of that nature.
During these quiet years that graver friend
whom men call sorrow took Stoddard's hand
and led him into darkness first, and then
into clearer regions of feeling and knowl-
edge. To this passage in the poet's life
we owe that series of little poems called " In
Memoriam," of which " What shall we do
when those we love " and the " The dreary
winter days are past," are the most im-
personal, and therefore, the most profoundly
poetic. An echo of deeper seriousness from
this grief sounds faintly in whatever Stod-
dard has since written. His verse from
that time gained a manlier fullness, marked
by less of imitative fancy, more of original
treatment. It was two years later, in 1863,
as if after a pause in the growth of his
creative power, a concentration and new
nerving of faculty under the weight of feel-
ing, that his longest poem, the " King's
Bell," was published.
688
RICHARD HENRY STODDARD.
RICHARD HENRY STODDARD.
Through the war and for several years after
it, Stoddard held his post in the Custom
House, although his politics were those of
the minority, until it was taken from him in
1870, without censure of his discharge of
its duties, or disapproval of anything but
his convictions. After a few months, he
entered official life again, in a sphere that
offered him a share in real work among
accomplished workmen, becoming secretary
to General McClellan in the Dock Depart-
ment of the city. There was literary occu-
pation enough besides, of a homely kind,
to employ all his leisure, even if idleness
could have had a charm for a nature so
strenuous as his. The vacant place at his
hearth-stone was filled again, as the sweet
pathos of " A Follower " tells us, and the
years bringing new household cares had not
been liberal with the favors of fortune that
might give him ease to bear them. He
traversed diligently and resolutely in many
directions that middle ground between con-
ception and commentary that may be called
useful literature. There was hardly a
magazine of note in the country that did
not receive his contributions, in the form
of tales, critical notices and occasional
stanzas. Those of the daily journals not
too one-sided to spare from politics a col-
umn for letters, welcomed his aid in essays
and reviews. His peculiar ability as an
editor found scope in such presentations
as "Political Essays by General Lyon,"
" Twenty-one years round the world," by
Vassar, "Griswold's Poets, and The Female
RICHARD HENRY STODDARD.
689
Poets of America," and the " Bric-a-Brac
Series," in ten volumes, a collection of
sketches of persons not notable enough to
be personages, principally theatrical and lit-
erary. Many of these books were brought
out with carefully written prefaces, pro-
viding them with a symmetrical setting and
finish. Often these preludes surpass in
interest and value the works they introduce.
For most students unblessed with fortune,
the post of a salaried librarian would seem
the crown of their wishes. To have the
range of a good collection of books, " to be
the daily guest of those immortals, finding
them always at home, always ready for con-
verse,"— what a society it promises ! To
have the control of them, giving each its
ordered place, and fitting dress, and indexed
history, — what a curious felicity for the
scholar! No wonder Dominie Sampson's
occupation never came to an end, nor fairly
made a beginning, even. If any such fancy
crossed Stoddard's mind when he was made
keeper of the City Library, in 1877, it soon
vanished. A glance convinced him that all
those shelves held less to feed the intellect
than one of the book-stalls he used to loiter
past in younger days. That municipal
treasure of literature is a collection of
which the old part is not valuable, and
the valuable part is not old. Its foundation
was the contribution of Alexander Vatte-
mare, an agent for international book-ex-
changes— the volunteer Cadmus of two
continents — who visited New York a little
more than thirty years ago. The lawyer
may find in this disorderly collection of six
or eight thousand volumes some broken sets
of statutes ; the publicist, a complete copy
of " Niles's Register," and a few imperfect
newspaper files ; old directories and Patent
Office reports fill up odd shelves, — the
greater part of it deserves the coal-hole.
This Alexandrine museum had been further
despoiled by the Ring underlings, just be-
fore Stoddard took charge of it. In this
dingy den he sat for nearly two years, un-
visited, except by City Hall vagrants, court
reporters, and occasional book-thieves.
About a year ago another turn of the politi-
cal wheel displaced him, to become once
more free master of himself and of his muse.
The publication of his later poems, written
between 1871 and 1880, completes the
poetical work of thirty years, and displays
the maturest fruits of his genius.
The peculiar traits of Stoddard's genius
are distinct through all the changing forms
and preparing studies that taught him the
VOL. XX.— 45.
mastery of his art. At the first, as at the
last, his thought is clear, virile and single,
and uttered in words of force and simplicity.
There is not in all his work a hazy concep-
tion nor a wavering line. There are in it
combinations purely original, and sentences
cut like gems. Its sincerity bespeaks free-
dom from conceit and strained effects — its
direct purpose compels it into Saxon syl-
lables and lucid phrase. The outline of his
subjects is firm, positive as a swift-drawn
circle, bounding the parts in proportioned
concord. Why is it that precision, that
priceless classic quality of ancient art, is
held in less regard by the moderns ? Per-
haps because sculpture and architecture,
earliest of arts, imperatively demand perfect
contour to satisfy the eye; while painting, per-
fected later, triumphs by color independent of
form, touching through sight a subtler inner
sense of harmony ; and music, youngest of
them all, released from restraint of space
and matter, loses itself vaguely in emotion.
Or is it that the modern spirit, imbued with
the feeling of the universal, insists that each
separate work shall involve all the relations
and embody all the dependences of its
guiding idea — expanding toward infinity
the old definition of beauty, il piu neW uno?
Even in literature, the strain is not after
condensed simplicity in work, but after large
generalizations " that sail among the shades
like vaporous shapes half seen," as if " all
thoughts that wander through eternity "
might be bodied forth with all their implica-
tions. We need not call the metaphysicians
to witness, with Browning at hand. Under
the stress of a philosophy, language may
suffer itself to be so subtilized into indefinite-
ness ; but the canons of literature as an art
forbid it. Precision is the practice of unity
as a theory. It demands in subject the
choice of a single definite topic ; it exacts in
arrangement proportion of parts to the
whole, and among each other, for singleness
of effect; and it requires in language con-
gruity of expression and descriptiveness of
epithets, with economy of words. The
careful reader of Stoddard's poetry must
concede his faithfulness to these rules. And
this study of precision must be observed in
the smallest as in the greatest. It is one of
the laws of the lyric — how well obeyed in
the main by our author we may clearly see,
in the two irregular odes to " History" and
the " Guests of the State," wTiich are the
highest flights of his muse. It is not only
one of the laws, but almost the single law,
of the sonnet ; and here, too, the few speci-
RICHARD HENRY STODDARD.
mens Stoddard has given us are models of
fidelity to it.
Such rules, prescribing the body and dress
of a subject, are common to poetry and
prose. The animating soul is a thing apart.
In this respect Coleridge's definition of the
distinction between the two modes of com-
position seems faulty. " Prose is — words in
the best places; poetry, the best words in
the best places." This is Coleridge's
" Table-talk," not the impulse that created
"Christabel"
"With the loveliness of a vision."
Unless it is restricted to the arrangement of
the signs of thought, there is more point
than truth in the saying. That is only the
power of selecting and disposing. The
power to create is of another order. The
psalmist unconsciously touches the real dis-
tinction :
"While I was musing, the fire kindled."
Through imagination, poetry springs into
light and life. It was not alone set purpose,
working by system, that made Stoddard a
poet. The fire could never have kindled un-
less the spark had been born with him. It is
our assured belief that to no American poet
has this gift been given in fuller measure.
All of his best performance is so conceived
and inspired. Whether we " walk the solemn
shores of death" with Charon, or hear, with
the King's Sentinel, the voice " wailing like
some magic bird," or see the blood-stained
snow and feel the grim despair of Valley Forge,
or go forth to meet che shadowy Two Kings,
or welcome the great shapes of the Guests
of the State, it is this wand that evokes
them all from the past or the unknown.
Sometimes it gives spirit to the simplest
themes, as in " The Messenger at Night,"
or " The Necklace of Pearls " ; sometimes it
thrills us with the lightest touch, like those
of "Adsum," and, again, sweeps the soul
away into regions of darkness that may be
felt, as in the story of " Teberistan," or of
unsounded mystery, such as " Brahma's
Answer " shadows. In certain of the longer
poems appear specters of the mighty past,
and trains of processional grandeur that
only a powerful imagination could summon
up. Of these are the Ode to Rome, His-
tory, and the Centennial Ode. Again it is
condensed into single phrases, lambent
among the lines. " Where, little seen but
light, the only Shakspere is," "like liquid
pearls through golden cells," " the light
that sleeps in the air," " gone like a wind
that blew a thousand years ago" — these, and
innumerable others like them, sparkle down
the page. In his earliest poems the faculty
luxuriated in imitation, wandering through
paradises of sense, which Keats might have
dreamed, or pursuing the ghostly trace of
Greek fable. When it had felt its own
vigor it ceased to copy, and its later crea-
tions issue from its native force, showing an
ordered energy, a tempered fire, that reveal
the complete mastery Stoddard has gained
of his powers and his art.
He perfected the last through under-
standing both of the quality and the limita-
tions of the first. This consciousness dictated
his preference for the models that first fixed
his regard, as he listened to the sensuous
swell of Keats's music, with its undertone
of pain, or caught the voices, vibrant
though thin, of early English song- writers.
In his long-drawn descriptions of what is
vivid and splendid in nature, his pictures
of luxurious elegance, in the vague sighs
that echo Shelley, of his " Hymn to the
Beautiful," even in the slight early songs,
the person is nothing, only that which is
outward to it is perceived. It was of nature
he was thinking most in saying, "And the
self-same canons bind nature and the poet's
mind." This, then, is one of his limitations
— that the world of the individual is sealed
to him. Nor can it be said that this is seem-
ing, and due to the freshness of inexperi-
ence. Always in his poetry the picture
comes first, and the reflection follows it.
It is that the inner life of reasoning, and mo-
tives, and silent struggle interests him little.
He often puts a single doubt into a startling
question, or utters a simple emotion in a
musical strain, but complex feelings, and
contending purposes, and what makes the
growth of a soul, remain unspoken by him.
The isolated problem " Why are we here ? "
or " When we are ended does all end ? "
may seize his wonder a moment, but he does
not pause to reason about it ; a sigh or a
tear may glide into his verse, but he does
not hold and vex and analyze it. We are
so used in this day to Princesses and Sordel-
los, so much of the alloy of philosophy is
mingled with the fine gold of poesy, the
harsh and crabbed notes of speculation so
drown the music of Apollo's lute, that we
welcome the bringerof peace in beauty who
offers us pure poetry, not caring whether it
is because he cannot give us metaphysics
with it.
He escapes, too, perplexities of language
RICHARD HENRY STODDARD.
691
and the temptation to use inexact forms,
the undress of indistinct sense. For his clear
themes the frank words struck out while
our tongue was new suffice — they do not
need composite tokens, coined in the labor
to express intricate thought. His smooth
page is blurred by no conceits of language,
no neologisms or harsh compounds that
vague conceptions grope for to wrap them-
selves in. His command of the original
stores of English speech is extensive. Bry-
ant praised the purity of his prose. He
drew it from pure sources, seeking it through
familiarity with authors earlier than the
English Augustan age. The splendid, if un-
couth, vigor of Marlowe among dramatists,
the natural turn of Herrick among singers,
nourished his style. It need not be said
that the greatest of the masters was his con-
stant study. His acquaintance with early
English literature, indeed, is so wide and
sympathetic that he might well have served
the cause of letters by teaching from a
professor's chair, if he had not preferred that
form of devotion to it which proved itself
by authorship.
The language employed by Stoddard in
his poems flows with a natural felicity that
seems spontaneous. It is, in truth, the
product of faithful conscientious labor.
As in his ordinary work the slightest in-
accuracy annoys him, and he will hunt
for weeks after an exact date or fact, so in
poetic composition he is content with no
word that does not fit the thought as
closely as if both had sprung together from
the brain. It follows that his conceptions
clothe themselves always in congruous style.
The simple sentiment of a song flows into
melodies as simple — he lingers with caress-
ing amplitude of diction over luxurious fan-
cies and the richness of nature ; his narrative
is even and dignified ; each phrase of the
sonnets has its polish — the few verses of
war exult in stern, short syllables — and the
lyrics unfold in a large and splendid utter-
ance. Yet — as the extreme of merit runs
the risk of becoming a fault — the accurate
critic cannot neglect to note that the au-
thor's severe selection of the Anglo-Saxon
elements of our language leaves sometimes
in his style — the instances are infrequent
— a trace of baldness and constraint. If,
justly confident in his true ear and his
trained taste, he had ranged with larger
freedom of choice among the materials lib-
erally and legitimately gathered from an-
cient and alien speech by our mother
tongue, he might have enriched his verse
with even readier flexibility of form and
fuller variety of expression.
Stoddard's facility in the use of standard
material forms, and his ingenuity in adapt-
ing new ones to the varying demands of
his subjects, deserve attention. He begins
writing with a measure little less regular
than the favorite one of his first master,
moving in long, even passages of rhymed
ten-syllabled lines, with an occasional shorter
quatrain interposed as a point of rest. As
his themes, passing from description to in-
vocation, ask a less monotonous movement,
he adopts alternating lengths of line, separa-
ting the rhymes more widely and produc-
ing the effect aimed at by Keats in some of
his minor poems — grave with tenderness.
" Spring," " Autumn," and " Triumphant
Music" are among our author's instances.
At last, impatient of restraint, his verse
beats with higher, swifter pulse in the
splendid " Carmen Naturae," that pictur-
esque confession of his religion of nature,
with its frank " Creation is enough for me."
Still more broken and effective in its returns
is the measure of that singular allegory,
" The Children of Isis," and that of " Why
Stand Ye Gazing ? " that creed of non-re-
ligion, startling, but not irreverent in its
boldness, which reads like something for-
gotten out of the Book of Job. His lyrical
faculty soars at length to its highest sweep
and largest freedom in the " Guests of the
State," the fine centennial ode, with its
stately, intermitting march. The noble poem,
" History," more symmetrical in its num-
bers, falls naturally into the Spenserian
stanza. This poem was delivered before
the Phi Beta Kappa Society, at Harvard,
fifty-six years later than that of Bryant on
the same subject, pronounced on a similar
occasion, the " Hymn of the Ages." It is
modeled on a like plan, presenting a rapid
review of the progress of mankind in a se-
ries of grand pictures, irregularly outlined,
and not all equally sharp and clear. In
the eager rush of its development, the
poet seems always on the point of breaking
the fetters of that cramping measure and
spreading into the looser rhythms of the
ode. It must be owned that this gives an
effect of precipitancy, and that the long
lines closing the separate stanzas of this
poem are too often harsh and unmusical,
jarring upon the cadence into which each
period in this species of verse should
smoothly subside. " Abraham Lincoln ; a
Horatian Ode," is composed in a special
measure, yielding a solemn effect like
692
RICHARD HENRY STODDARD.
requiem music. It is written in worthy
imitation of Andrew Marvell's " Ode to
Cromwell." Its fire and dignity deserve
the title to which it aspires, of Horatian,
though its construction does not copy any
of that poet's lyric meters. In the sequence
of two shorter upon two longer lines, it re-
sembles his favorite Alcaic measure, but the
arrangement of the feet is quite different,
and the prevalence of spondees weights it
with mournful gravity. In this poem the
first two lines of a stanza frame an idea,
which the last two iterate or complete, with
a short, sudden stroke, like the beat of a
muffled drum. It is Hebraic in tone and
cadence. It evokes and concretes all the
great associations belonging to the man, set
to the notes of his passing funeral pomp.
" One of the People ! Born to be
Their curious epitome ;
To share yet rise above,
Their shifting hate and love.
" Common his mind, (it seemed so then,)
His thoughts the thoughts of other men :
Plain were his words, and poor,
But now they will endure !
"No hasty fool, of stubborn will,
But prudent, courteous, pliant still ;
Who, since his work was good,
Would do it as he could.
" Doubting, was not ashamed to doubt,
And, lacking prescience, went without:
Often appeared to halt,
And was, of course, at fault ;
" Heard all opinions, nothing loath,
And, loving both sides, angered both ;
Was — not like Justice, blind,
But watchful, clement, kind.
" No hero this of Roman mould,
Nor like our stately sires of old:
Perhaps he was not great,
But he preserved the state."
Stoddard is always thus attentive to ad-
just the movement of his numbers to the
character of the subject they sustain. After
the best word for the thought, he seeks the
best modulations for combined expressions.
When he recognized his capacity for narra-
tive, he perceived that its sustained course
required the support of a flowing, even
verse, a little less simple than the ballad,
rather less dignified than blank verse.
He found it in the ten-syllabled rhyming
lines chosen for the earliest of his poems of
this class, the " Stork and the Ruby " and
the " King's Sentinel." Improving on this
choice, as his execution grew more sure, he
adopted, for the more elaborate of these
poetic legends, the " Pearl of the Philip-
pines " and " Wratislaw," the more rapid
octo-syllabic verse, giving greater spring and
animation, and condensing the thought
through the quicker recurrence of rhyme.
Lastly, in the management of blank verse,
the despair of ordinary poets, the touch-
stone of ear and judgment, Stoddard has
studied to as fortunate a result. The Greek
subjects presented themselves to his mind
in that classic frame of "monumental verse."
The workmanship of these poems is very
remarkable for an author unfamiliar with the
originals of ancient literature. The sub-
stance of them is transfused, not translated.
Long studies of imitation would fail to im-
bue an ordinary mind with the spirit of the
antique as thoroughly as Stoddard's kindred
genius has caught it. " Charon " and " Per-
sephone " have more to tell of suffering than
of joy, but the suffering is calm. Their
controlled emotion, under the aspects of
unsympathizing nature, their cold grace,
could only express themselves in that high,
passionless measure. Some of the Eastern
poems of a graver cast, as the " Abdication
of Noman," are well suited to its character.
And in his latest and most thoughtful work,
the " Hymn to the Sea," the poet employs
it with vigor and aptness to embody large
ideas and reflections.
Beyond the precepts, and apart from the
labor of composition, the poet is aware of
something variously called impulse, mood,
inspiration, that prepares and spurs his
mind. The moment may melt away in
dreamy longing, impotent to create, or the
will may guide the mind, yielding and kin-
dled by the happy influence, to strenuous
production. Few of such moments that
came to Stoddard have been wasted, and as
the earnest habit of seizing and improving
them became fixed, the energy that com-
pelled them to transmute inspiration into
effect grew constantly more facile and fruit-
ful. Something of the impress of habit may
be perceived in this — that he has not desert-
ed any of the forms of composition he first
chose. The early poems — as is the rule —
are imitations. He confesses and is grateful
to his first master. The few songs scattered
among them taught him his inventive touch.
The first effort of narrative appears in
" Leonatus "; the "Arcadian Idyl," part
Greek, part Tennysonian, betrays an experi-
ment in classic style ; and, in still another
strain, the " Household Dirge " rehearses
RICHARD HENRY STODDARD.
693
the elegiac feeling that is to deepen through
reality into " In Memoriam." In his next
collected volume the performance is limited
within the same varieties. It is chiefly
made up of short poems framing detached
thoughts. The narrative power gains dis-
tinctness, with an unusual touch of playful-
ness, in the " Squire of Low Degree." Once
more classic models declare their influence,
in the two longer poems on Greek subjects.
The lyric faculty first asserts itself, though
not all free as yet from imitative descrip-
tions ; and an occasional adaptation shows
traces of Oriental impression, probably then
due to Taylor.
" We read your little book of Orient lays."
The " King's Bell," following in the series,
is again a narrative, of no clime or age,
only not here and now, illustrating the
vanity of life, and carefully elaborated with-
in the limits of an imaginary picture, free
from local color. Next in the order of pro-
duction comes the " Book <yf the East,"
half of which is employed with subjects
indicated by its title, while in its later pages
the poet resumes his practice with song and
story, writes some striking poems of occa-
sion, and develops perfectly his exact and
comprehensive management of the ballad
form. At this period the shadow of the
East first falls on his spirit, chasing the sun-
shine and roses of his earlier knowledge.
With reflection and absorption of its nature
into his own, he learns to dwell on the mys-
teries of the region where questions as to
the origin and meaning of life were first
asked. The later poems, closing the present
volume of collected works, show originality
working itself clear, and preference for lyric
and legend become nearly exclusive. A
graceful strophe breathes regretful farewell
gratitude to Keats, " master of my soul."
"Songs unsung" are modulated in 'chords
that foretell their own disuse. Orientalism,
imbuing the mind till it no longer reflects
mere accidents of clime, broods over the
oldest divinations of Indian philosophy. On
the other hand, the accent of the narrator,
like the improvisatore's trained talent, gains
its fullness of intentness and vivacity, and
the lyric voice of the odes closes in triumph-
ant music.
This rapid review of Stoddard's poetic
development may point the value to the
artist not only of the selection of such sub-
jects as are within his powers, but also
of continuous method in the use of those
forms most consonant with them. Satis-
fied, after trial, with the figures he chose, as
the ones in which his poetic conceptions
could be most deftly molded, Stoddard
does not quit them in caprice, but perse-
veres in their fashioning till they yield, as
plastic under his hand as the forms of prose.
Constant practice has made certain shapes
of verse so familiar that he needs to heed
only the spirit that shall inform them — as
the expert musician forgets the mechanism
of his instrument, caring only for the har-
monies he may call forth from its strings.
A glance is all that space permits to test
the correctness of these judgments as ap-
plied to our author's separate works. In
that outburst of song with which our bards
saluted the Centennial festival, no notes
were stronger, more passionate with patriot-
ism than those poured out by Stoddard, in
the " Guests of the State." This ode is a
grouping of colossal national forms, lifted to
sight from afar, like the array that sweeps
in living grace and urging force over the
breadth of frieze belting an ancient temple.
The figures are firmly outlined with few
strokes, filled in with distinct lines of char-
acter. The construction of the piece ac-
cords strictly with the elemental rules of art.
Introduced by direct statement, the theme
breaks, as it expands into suggestions of dis-
tinct impersonations, then, kindling into
more vivid life, rises to bold, pure embodi-
ment. It takes no strain of allegory, the
impulse being that of high, direct action and
description, not veiled in metaphor, nor
pointing moral. The historic past and the
present of each shape fuse into unity. The
political spirit animating the disjointed frame
of Russia is clearly touched. Stupendous
Asia and wrinkled Egypt, in their twofold
life of what has been and what is, rise large
and solemn. Japan, " the lady of the East,"
advances lovely in her strangeness. Africa,
an uncouth, brutish, half-born thing, prone
in ooze and parched by sun, is an original
conception. This poem is composed with
unusual richness of language, with many
bold compulsions of rhyme, in an " exulting
and abounding " measure, not too broken to
suit the dignity of the subject. It is full,
both by assertion and contrast, of patriotic
fervor; the same fire that in many of the
poet's strong minor pieces shows that it is
by his heart and not only by rules that he
writes.
The " Book of the East " is one of the
ripening — not the ripest — fruits of Stoddard's
genius. Why it was turned in this direction
RICHARD HENRY STODDARD.
it is difficult to say — perhaps won by the
simplicity of Oriental themes, or by their
bold speculations on the unseen, both ele-
ments of largeness. Or it may be that the
spoils of travel brought home by. Taylor
tempted him, too, to visit that ancient treas-
ure-house of legend. He may have remem-
bered that " better half a year of Europe
than a cycle of Cathay " was only an epi-
gram of action, flung from the unquiet heart
of complex Western civilization at the sol-
emn calm of those slow, unchanging ages ;
may have felt that humanity glassed itself
more truly in that vast, pulseless surface
lying close to Nature, than in the million
sparkling facets of Occidental life. Many
of these pieces are wrought up from hints
and fragments found in the publications of
Oriental societies; others form a part of the
common fund of fable among Western
nations, popularized from unknown Eastern
sources. The verses of this collection are
often reflections of reflections, being derived
from prose translations. Yet this double
transmission imparts no weakness to the
thought nor remoteness to the tone. Stod-
dard has polished and set rough diamonds
dug out by others from that mine of ancient
literature. Narrow as is the range of feel-
ing covered by these poems, the differences
of color and expression peculiar to each
people are carefully preserved. Among all
these songs, breathing little else than pas-
sion, it is curious that the Chinese have the
most of a certain homely tone — of humor,
even — and delicate imagery. We quote
from the " Chinese Songs " the following :
" Before the scream of the hawk
The timid swallow flies;
And the lake unrolled in the distance,
Like a silver carpet lies.
"The light that sleeps in the air,
Like the breath of flowers, is sweet ;
The very dust is balmy
Under the horses' feet.
"We sit in the tennis court,
Where the beautiful sunlight falls ;
The mountains crossed by bridges
Come down to the city walls.
" The houses are hid in flowers,
Buried in bloomy trees ;
But under the veils of the willows
Are glimpses of cottages.
" What makes the winds so sweet ?
Is it the breath of June ?
'Tis the jasper flute in the pear-tree,
Playing a silent tune."
There are many among the " Hymns of the
Mystics " that recall the quatrains of Omar
Khayyam, that Persian combination of Hor-
ace and Voltaire, who wrote two hundred
years before Dante. Should the task of
translation again invite Stoddard, he might
find material for an interesting contribution
to human thought in the hundreds of stanzas,
yet without a paraphrase, of this poet, richly
imaginative as they are, and penetrated by
a tone of sadness strangely consonant with
the pessimism of our day.
The attentive reader of this volume will
note many things unmentioned that might
heighten the praise given in this sketch to
its author's merits. He will discern many
more sure to win his consent to the general
opinion that Stoddard is a poet largely
gifted with imagination, an assiduous student
of his art, who with slender early opportuni-
ties has attained, through mastery of its
rules, to a forcible expression of original
combinations, easy control of its resources
of melody, and a manner always direct,
and by turns dignified, or pathetic, or im-
passioned, rising at moments into grandeur.
His productions in prose, in the form of criti-
cism, essays and comments, have insensibly
become for the public a part of the elements
of education, and gained for him a literary
reputation. The judgment of men of letters
has bestowed on him that which does not
always follow common reputation — the
promise of fame. It is idle to predict im-
mortality for any work, even of transcend-
ent power, remembering how short is the
date of fame among men, and that a shred
of papyrus rescued from a tomb, or a pots-
herd scratched with the name of some for-
gotten king, are all the relics of letters that
have tfome down to us from five thousand
years ago, through a moment only in the
duration of the race. Yet, until the history
of our country has grown so old that its
earliest records have lost all distinctness,
we may believe that Stoddard's name will
remain written in them as that of one of
the few poets — less than a score would
round the tale — whose genius illustrated the
first century of its national literature.
THE GUARDIAN OF THE RED DISK. 695
THE GUARDIAN OF THE RED DISK.
SPOKEN BY A CITIZEN OF MALTA 1300.
A CURIOUS tide held in high repute,
One among many honors, thickly strewn
On my lord Bishop's head, his Grace of Malta.
Nobly he bears them all, — with tact, skill, zeal,
Fulfills each special office, vast or slight,
Nor slurs the least minutia, — therewithal
Wears such a stately aspect of command,
Broad-cheeked, broad-chested, reverend, sanctified,
Haloed with white about the tonsure's rim,
With dropped lids o'er the piercing Spanish eyes
(Lynx-keen, I warrant, to spy out heresy) ;
Tall, massive form, o'ertowering all in presence,
Or ere they kneel to kiss the large white hand.
His looks sustain his deeds, — the perfect prelate,
Whose void chair shall be taken, but not filled.
You know not, who are foreign to the isle,
Haply, what this Red Disk may be, he guards.
'Tis the bright blotch, big as the royal seal,
Branded beneath the beard of every Jew.
These vermin so infest the isle, so slide
Into all byways, highways that may lead
Direct or roundabout to wealth or power,
Some plain, plump mark was needed, to protect
From the degrading contact Christian folk.
The evil had grown monstrous : certain Jews
Wore such a haughty air, had so refined,
With super-subtile arts, strict, monkish lives,
And studious habit, the coarse Hebrew type,
One might have elbowed in the public mart
Iscariot, — nor suspected one's soul-peril.
Christ's blood ! it sets my flesh a-creep to think
We may breath freely now, not fearing taint.
Praised be oar good Lord Bishop ! He keeps count
Of every Jew, and prints on cheek or chin
The scarlet stamp of separateness, of shame.
No beard, blue-black, grizzled or Judas-colored,
May hide that damning little wafer-flame.
When one appears therewith, the urchins know
Good sport's at hand ; they fling their stones and mud,
Sure of their game. But most the wisdom shows
Upon the unbelievers' selves ; they learn
Their proper rank; crouch, cringe and hide, — lay by
Their insolence of self-esteem ; no more
Flaunt forth in rich attire, but in dull weeds,
Slovenly donned, would slink past unobserved ;
Bow servile necks and crook obsequious knees,
Chin sunk in hollow chest, eyes fixed on earth
Or blinking sidevvise, but to apprehend
Whether or not the hated spot be spied.
I warrant my lord Bishop has full hands,
Guarding the Red Disk — lest one rogue escape !
696
THE GRANDISSIMES.
THE GHANDISSIMES.*
A STORY OF CREOLE LIFE.
By GEORGE W. CABLE, author of "Old Creole Days."
CHAPTER L.
A PROPOSAL OF MARRIAGE.
THERE was always some flutter among
Frowenfeld's employes when he was asked
for, and this time it was the more pro-
nounced because he was sought by a house-
maid from the upper floor. It was hard for
these two or three young Ariels to keep their
Creole feet to the ground when it was pres-
ently revealed to their sharp ears that the
" proffis-or " was requested to come up-
stairs.
The new store was an extremely neat,
bright, and well-ordered establishment ; yet
to ascend into the drawing-rooms seemed
to the apothecary like going from the hold
of one of those smart old packet-ships of
hii, day into the cabin. Aurora came for-
ward, with the slippers of a Cinderella twink-
ling at the edge of her robe. It seemed
unfit that the floor under them should not
be clouds.
" Proffis-or Frowenfel', good-day ! Teg
a cha'." She laughed. It was the pure
joy of existence. " You's well ? You
lookin' verrie well ! Halways bizzie ?
You fine dad agriz wid you' healt', 'Sieur
Frowenfel' ? Yes? Ha, ha, ha ! " She sud-
denly leaned toward him across the arm of
her chair, with an earnest face. " 'Sieur
Frowenfel', Palmyre wand see you. You
don' wan' come ad 'er 'ouse, eh ? — an' you
don' wan' her to come ad yo' bureau. You
know, 'Sieur Frowenfel', she drez the hair of
Clotilde an' mieself. So w'en she tell me
dad, I juz say, ' Palmyre, I will sen' for
Proffis-or Frowenfel' to come yeh; but I
don' thing 'e comin'.' You know, I din'
wan' you to 'ave dad troub' ; but Clotilde
— ha, ha, ha ! Clotilde is sudge a foolish —
she nevva thing of dad troub' to you — she
say she thing you was too kine-'arted to
call dad troub'— ha, ha, ha! So anny'ow
we sen' for you, eh ! "
Frowenfeld said he was glad they had
done so, whereupon Aurora rose lightly,
saying :
" I go an' sen' her." She started away,
but turned back to add : " You know,
'Sieur Frowenfel', she say she cann' truz
nobody bud y'u." She ended with a low,
melodious laugh, bending her joyous eyes
upon the apothecary with her head dropped
to one side in a way to move a heart of
flint.
She turned and passed through a door,
and by the same way Palmyre entered.
The philosophe came forward noiselessly
and with a subdued expression, different
from any Frowenfeld had ever before seen.
At the first sight of her a thrill of disrelish
ran through him of which he was instantly
ashamed; as she came nearer he met her
with a deferential bow and the silent tender
of a chair. She sat down, and, after
a moment's pause, handed him a sealed
letter.
He turned it over twice, recognized the
handwriting, felt the disrelish return, and
said :
" This is addressed to yourself."
She bowed.
" Do you know who wrote it ? " he asked.
She bowed again.
" Out, Michel
"You wish me to open it? I cannot
read French."
She seemed to have some explanation to
offer, but could not command the necessary
English ; however, with the aid of Frowen-
feld's limited guessing powers, she made
him understand that the bearer of the letter
to her had brought word from the writer
that it was written in English purposely that
M. Frowenfeld — the only person he was
willing should see it — might read it. Frow-
enfeld broke the seal and ran his eye over
the writing, but remained silent.
The woman stirred, as if to say " Well ? "
But he hesitated.
" Palmyre," he suddenly said, with a
slight, dissuasive smile, " it would be a prof-
anation for me to read this."
She bowed to signify that she caught his
meaning, then raised her elbows with an
expression of dubiety, and said :
" 'E hask you "
" Yes," murmured the apothecary. He
* Copyright, 1879, by George W. Cable. All rights reserved.
THE GRANDISSIMES.
697
shook his head as if to protest to himself,
and read in a low but audible voice :
" Star of my soul, I approach to die. It is not for
me possible to live without Palmyre. Long time
have I so done, but now, cut off from to see thee,
by imprisonment, as it may be called, love is starv-
ing to death. Oh, have pity on the faithful heart
which, since ten years, change not, but forget heaven
and earth for you. Now in the peril of the life, hid-
den away, that absence from the sight of you make
his seclusion the more worse than death. Halas !
I pine ! Not other ten years of despair can I
commence. Accept this love. If so I will live for
you, but if to the contraire I must die for you. Is
there anything at all what I will not give or even
do if Palmyre will be my wife ? Ah, no, far other-
wise, there is nothing ! "
Frowenfeld looked over the top of the
letter. Palmyre sat with her eyes cast
down, slowly shaking her head. He re-
turned his glance to the page, coloring
somewhat with annoyance at being made a
proposing medium.
" The English is very faulty here," he
said, without looking up. "He mentions
Bras-Coupe." Palmyre started and turned
toward him; but he went on without lift-
ing his eyes. " He speaks of your old
pride and affection toward him as one who
with your aid might have been a leader and
deliverer of his people." Frowenfeld looked
up. "Do you under "
" Allez, Miche" said she, leaning forward,
her great eyes fixed on the apothecary and
her face full of distress. " Mo comprend
bien."
"He asks you to let him be to you in the
place of Bras- Coupe"."
The eyes of the philosophe, probably for
the first time since the death of the giant,
lost their pride. They gazed upon Frow-
enfeld with almost piteousness; but she
compressed her lips and again slowly shook
her head.
" You see," said Frowenfeld, suddenly
feeling a new interest, " he understands
their wants. He knows their wrongs. He
is acquainted with laws and men. He could
speak for them. It would not be insurrec-
tion— it would be advocacy. He would give
his time, his pen, his speech, his means, to
get them justice — to get them their rights."
She hushed the over-zealous advocate
with a sad and bitter smile and essayed to
speak, studied as if for English words, and,
suddenly abandoning that attempt, said,
with ill-concealed scorn and in the Creole
patois :
" What is all that ?
What I want is ven-
geance
" I will finish reading," said Frowenfeld,
quickly, not caring to understand the pas-
sionate speech.
" Ah, Palmyre ! Palmyre ! What you love and
hope to love you because his heart keep itself free,
he is loving another ! "
"Quid (a, Miche?"
Frowenfeld was loth to repeat. She had
understood, as her face showed; but she
dared not believe. He made it shorter :
" He means that Honore Grandissime
loves another woman."
" 'Tis a lie ! " she exclaimed, a better com-
mand of English coming with the moment-
ary loss of restraint.
The apothecary thought a moment and
then decided to speak.
" I do not think so," he quietly said.
" 'Ow you know dat ? "
She, too, spoke quietly, but under a fear-
ful strain. She had thrown herself forward,
but, as she spoke, forced herself back into
her seat.
" He told me so himself."
The tall figure of Palmyre rose slowly
and silently from her chair, her eyes lifted
up and her lips moving noiselessly. She
seemed to have lost all knowledge of place
or of human presence. She walked down
the drawing-room quite to its curtained
windows and there stopped, her face turned
away and her hand laid with a visible ten-
sion on the back of a chair. She remained
there so long that Frowenfeld had begun to
think of leaving her so, when she turned
and came back. Her form was erect, her
step firm and nerved, her lips set together
and her hands dropped easily at her side ;
but when she came close up before the
apothecary she was trembling. For a mo-
ment she seemed speechless, and then, while
her eyes gleamed with passion, she said, in
a cold, clear tone, and in her native patois :
" Very well ; if I cannot love I can have
my revenge." She took the letter from him
and bowed her thanks, still adding, in the
same tongue, " There is now no longer any-
thing to prevent."
The apothecary understood the dark
speech. She meant that, with no hope of
Honore's love, there was no restraining mo-
tive to withhold her from wreaking what
vengeance she could upon Agricola. But
he saw the folly of a debate.
" That is all I can do ? " asked he.
"Out, merci, Miche" she said; then she
added, in perfect English, " But that is not
all / can do," and then — laughed.
698
THE GRANDISSIMES.
The apothecary had already turned to go,
and the laugh was a low one; but it chilled
his blood. He was glad to get back to his
employments.
CHAPTER LI.
BUSINESS CHANGES.
WE have now recorded some of the
events which characterized the five months
during which Doctor Keene had been vainly
seeking to recover his health in the West
Indies.
" Is Mr. Frowenfeld in ? " he asked,
walking very slowly, and with a cane, into
the new drug-store on the morning of his
return to the city.
" Is Professo' Frowenfel's in ? " replied a
young man in shirt-sleeves, speaking rapidly,
slapping a paper package which he had
just tied, and sliding it smartly down the
counter. " No, seh."
A quick step behind the doctor caused
him to turn ; Raoul was just entering, with
a bright look of business on his face, taking
his coat off as he came.
" Docta Keene ! Tecka. chair. 'Ow you
like de noo sto' ? See ? Fo' counters !
T'ree clerk' ! De whole interieure paint
undre mie h-own dirrection ! If dat is not a
beautiful ! eh ? Look at dat sign."
He pointed to some lettering in harmo-
nious colors near the ceiling at the farther end
of the house. The doctor looked and read :
MANDARIN, AG*T, APOTHECARY.
" Why not Frowenfeld ? " he asked.
Raoul shrugged.
" 'Tis better dis way."
That was his explanation.
" Not the De Brahmin Mandarin who
was Honore's manager ? "
" Yes. Honore wasn' able to kip 'im no
long-er. Honore isn' so rich lak befo'."
" And Mandarin is really in charge
here ? "
" Oh, yes. Profess-or Frowenfel' all de
time at de ole corner, w'ere 'e <r0#tinue to
keep 'is private room and h-use de ole shop
fo' ware'ouse. 'E h-only come yeh w'en
Mandarin cann' git 'long widout 'im."
" What does he do there ? He's not
rich."
Raoul bent down toward the doctor's
chair and whispered the dark secret :
" Studyin' ! "
The doctor went out.
Everything seemed changed to the re-
turned wanderer. Poor man ! The changes
were very slight save in their altered relation
to him. To one broken in health, and still
more to one with broken heart, old scenes
fall upon the sight in broken rays. A sort
of vague alienation seemed to the little doc-
tor to come like a film over the long-familiar
vistas of the town where he had once walked
in the vigor and complacency of strength
and distinction. This was not the same
New Orleans. The people he met on the
street were more or less familiar to his mem-
ory, but many that should have recognized
him failed to do so, and others were made
to notice him rather by his cough than by
his face. Some did not know he had been
away. It made him cross.
He had walked slowly down beyond the
old Frowenfeld corner and had just crossed
the street to avoid the dust of a building
which was being torn down to make place
for a new one, when he saw coming toward
him, unconscious of his proximity, Joseph
Frowenfeld.
" Doctor Keene ! " said Frowenfeld, with
almost the enthusiasm of Raoul.
The doctor was very much quieter.
" Hello, Joe."
They went back to the new drug-store,
sat down in a pleasant little rear corner in-
closed by a railing and curtains, and talked.
" And did the trip prove of no advantage
to you ? "
" You see. But never mind me ; tell me
about Honore ; how does that row with his
family progress ? "
" It still continues ; the most of his people
hold ideas of justice and prerogative that
run parallel with family and party lines,
lines of caste, of custom and the like ; they
have imparted their bad feeling against him
to the community at large ; very easy to do
just now, for the election for President of
the States comes on in the fall, and though
we in Louisiana have little or nothing to do
with it, the people are feverish."
" The country's chill day," said Doctor
Keene ; " dumb chill, hot fever."
" The excitement is intense," said Frow-
enfeld. " It seems we are not to be granted
suffrage yet ; but the Creoles have a way of
casting votes in their mind. For example,
they have voted Honore Grandissime a
traitor; they have voted me an incumbrance;
I hear one of them casting that vote now."
Some one near the front of the store was
talking excitedly with Raoul :
"An' — an' — an' w'at are the consequence?
THE GRANDISSIMES.
699
The consequence are that we smash his
shop for him an' he 'ave to make a noo-start
with a Creole partner's money an' put 'is
sto' in charge of Creole' ! If I know he is
yo' frien' ? Yesseh ! Valuable citizen ?
An' w'at we care for valuable citizen ? Let
him be valuable if he want; it keep'
him from gettin' the neck broke ; but — he
mus'-tek kyeh — 'ow — he — talk' ! He-mus'-
tek-kyeh 'ow he stir the 'ot blood of
Louisyanna ! "
"He is perfectly right," said the little
doctor, in his husky undertone ; " neither
you nor Honore is a bit sound, and I
shouldn't wonder if they would hang you
both, yet ; and as for that darkey who has
had the impudence to try to make a com-
mercial white gentleman of himself — it may
not be I that ought to say it, but — he will
get his deserts — sure ! "
" There are a great many Americans that
think as you do," said Frowenfeld, quietly.
" But," said the little doctor, " what did
that fellow mean by your Creole partner ?
Mandarin is in charge of your store, but he
is not your partner, is he ? Have you one ? "
" A silent one," said the apothecary.
" So silent as to be none of my busi-
ness ? "
- No."
' Well, who is it, then ? "
' It is Mademoiselle Nancanou."
' Your partner in business ? "
'Yes."
' Well, Joseph Frowenfeld, "
The insinuation conveyed in the doctor's
manner was very trying, but Joseph merely
reddened.
" Purely business, I suppose," presently
said the doctor, with a ghastly ironical
smile. " Does the arrangem — " his utter-
ance failed him — " does it end there ? "
"It ends there."
"And you don't see that it ought either
not to have begun, cr else ought not to have
ended there ? "
Frowenfeld blushed angrily. The doctor
asked:
" And who takes care of Aurora's money ? "
" Herself."
" Exclusively ? "
They both smiled more good-naturedly.
" Exclusively."
"She's a 'coon ; " and the little doctor rose
up and crawled away, ostensibly to see
another friend, but really to drag himself into
his bed-chamber and lock himself in. The
next day — the yellow fever was bad again —
he resumed the practice of his profession.
" 'Twill be a sort of decent suicide without
the element of pusillanimity," he thought to
himself.
CHAPTER LII.
LOVE LIES A-BLEEDING.
WHEN Honor6 Grandissime heard that
Doctor Keene had returned to the city in a
very feeble state of health, he rose at once
from the desk where he was sitting and
went to see him; but it was on that morn-
ing when the doctor was sitting and talking
with Joseph, and Honore found his chamber
door locked. Doctor Keene called twice,
within the following two days, upon Honore
at his counting-room ; but on both occasions
Honore's chair was empty. So it was sev-
eral days before they met. But one hot
morning in the latter part of August, — the
August days were hotter before the cypress
forest was cut down between the city and
the lake than they are now, — as Doctor
Keene stood in the middle of his room
breathing distressedly after a sad fit of
coughing, and looking toward one of his
windows whose closed sash he longed to
see opened, Honore knocked at the door.
" Well, come in ! " said the fretful invalid.
"Why, Honore, — well, it serves you right
for stopping to knock. Sit down."
Each took a hasty, scrutinizing glance at
the other ; and, after a pause, Doctor Keene
said :
" Honore, you are pretty badly stove."
M. Grandissime smiled.
" Do you think so, Docta ? I will be
mo' complimentary to you ; you might look
mo' sick."
" Oh, I have resumed my trade," replied
Doctor Keene.
" So I have heard ; but, Chahlie, that is
all in favor-h of the people who want a skill-
ful and advanced physician and do not
mind killing him ; I should advise you not
to do it."
" You mean " (the incorrigible little doc-
tor smiled cynically) " if I should ask your
advice. I am going to get well Honore."
His visitor shrugged.
" So much the betta. I do confess I am
tempted to make use of you in yo' official
capacity, rhight now. Do you feel strhong
enough to go with me in yo' gig a li ttle way ? "
" A professional call ? "
" Yes, and a difficult case ; also a confi-
dential one."
" Ah ! confidential ! " said the little man,
700
THE GRANDISSIMES.
in his painful, husky irony. " You want to
get me into the sort of scrape I got our ' pro-
fessor ' into, eh ? "
" Possibly a worse one," replied the amia-
ble Creole.
" And I must be mum, eh ? "
" I would prhefeh."
" Shall I need any instruments ? No ? "
— with a shade of disappointment on his
face.
He pulled a bell-rope and ordered his
gig to the street door.
" How are affairs about town ? " he
asked, as he made some slight preparation
for the street.
" Excitement continues. Just as I came
along, a prhivate difficulty between a Crheole
and an Americain drhew instantly half the
strheet togetheh to take sides strhictly ac-
cawding to belongings and without asking a
question. My-de'-seh, we ah having, as
Frhowenfeld says, a war-h of' human acids
and alkalis!"
They descended and drove away. At
the first corner the lad who drove turned,
by Honore"'s direction, toward the rue Dau-
phine, entered it, passed down it to the rue
Dumaine, turned into this toward the river
again and entered the rue Conde. The
route was circuitous. They stopped at the
carriage door of a large brick house. The
wicket was opened by Clemence. They
alighted without driving in.
" Hey, old witch," said the doctor, with
mock severity ; " not hung yet ? "
The houses of any pretension to comfort-
able spaciousness in the closely built parts
of the town were all of the one, general,
Spanish-American plan. Honore led the
doctor through the cool, high, tesselated
carriage-hall, on one side of which were the
drawing-rooms, closed and darkened. They
turned at the bottom, ascended a broad,
iron-railed staircase to the floor above, and
halted before the open half of a glazed
double door with a clumsy iron latch. It
was the entrance to two spacious chambers,
which were thrown into one by folded
doors.
The doctor made a low, indrawn whistle
and raised his eyebrows — the rooms were
so sumptuously furnished ; immovable large-
ness and heaviness, lofty sobriety, abundance
of finely wrought brass mounting, motionless
richness of upholstery, much silent twinkle
of pendulous crystal, a soft semi-obscurity
— such were the characteristics. The long
windows of the farther apartment could be
seen to open over the street, and the air
from behind, coming in over a green mass
of fig-trees that stood in the paved court
below, moved through the rooms, making
them cool and cavernous.
" You don't call this a hiding-place, do
you — in his own bed-chamber ? " the doctor
whispered.
" It is necessary, now, only to keep out
of sight," softly answered Honore\ " Agrhic-
ole and some othehs rhansacked this house
one night last Mahch — the day I announced
the new firm ; but of co'se, then, he was not
heah."
They entered, and the figure of Honore
Grandissime, f. m. c., came into view in the
center of the farther room, reclining in
an attitude of extreme languor on a low
couch, whither he had come from the high
bed near by, as the impression of his form
among its pillows showed. He turned upon
the two visitors his slow, melancholy eyes,
and, without an attempt to rise or speak,
indicated, by a feeble motion of the hand,
an invitation to be seated.
" Good morning," said Doctor Keene,
selecting a light chair and drawing it close
to the side of the couch.
The patient before him was emaciated.
The limp and bloodless hand, which had
not responded to the doctor's friendly pres-
sure but sank idly back upon the edge of
the couch, was cool and moist, and its nails
slightly blue.
" Lie still," said the doctor, re-assuringly,
as the rentier began to lift the one knee and
slippered foot which was drawn up on the
couch and the hand which hung out of
sight across a large, linen-covered cushion.
By pleasant talk that seemed all chat, the
physician soon acquainted himself with the
case before him. It was a very plain one.
By and by he rubbed his face and red curls
and suddenly said :
" You will not take my prescription."
The f. m. c. did not say yes or no.
"Still," — the doctor turned sidewise in
his chair, as was his wont, and, as he spoke,
allowed the corners of his mouth to take
that little satirical downward pull which his
friends disliked, — " I'll do my duty. I'll
give Honor6 the details as to diet ; no
physic; but my prescription to you is, Get
up and get out. Never mind the risk of
rough handling ; they can but kill you, and
you will die anyhow if you stay here." He
rose. " I'll send you a chalybeate tonic ; or
— I will leave it at Frowenfeld's to-morrow
morning, and you can call there and get it.
It will give you an object for going out."
THE GRANDISSIMES.
701
The two visitors presently said adieu and
retired together. Reaching the bottom of
the stairs in the carriage "corridor," they
turned in a direction opposite to the entrance
and took chairs in a cool nook of the paved
court, at a small table where the hospi-
tality of Clemence had placed glasses of
lemonade.
" No," said the doctor, as they sat down,
" there is, as yet, no incurable organic de-
rangement; a little heart trouble easily
removed ; still your — your patient "
" My half-brother," said Honore.
" Your patient," said Doctor Keene, " is
an emphatic ' yes ' to the question the girls
sometimes ask us doctors — ' Does love ever
kill ? ' It will kill him soon, if you do not
.get him to rouse up. There is absolutely
nothing the matter with him but his unre-
quited love."
" Fawtunately, the most of us," said
Honore, with something of the doctor's
smile, " do not love hahd enough to be
killed by it."
" Very few." The doctor paused, and his
blue eyes, distended in reverie, gazed upon
the glass which he was slowly turning around
with his attenuated fingers as it stood on the
board, while he added : " However, one may
love as hopelessly and harder than that man
upstairs, and yet not die."
"There-h is comfo't in that — to those
who must live," said Honore, with gentle
gravity.
" Yes," said the other, still toying with his
glass.
He slowly lifted his glance, and the eyes
of the two men met and remained stead-
fastly fixed each upon each.
" You've got it bad," said Doctor Keene,
mechanically.
" And you ? " retorted the Creole.
" It isn't going to kill me."
" It has not killed me. And," added M.
Grandissime, as they passed through the
carriage-way toward the street, " while I
keep in mind the numbe'less otheh sorrows
of life, the burhials of wives and sons and
daughtehs, the agonies and desolations, I
shall nevvah die of love, my-de'-seh, fo'
verhy shame's sake."
This was much sentiment to risk within
Doctor Keene's reach ; but he took no ad-
vantage of it.
" Honore," said he, as they joined hands
on the banquette beside the doctor's gig, to
say good-day, " if you think there's a chance
for you, why stickle upon such fine-drawn
points as I reckon you are making ? Why,
sir, as I understand it, this is the only weak
spot your action has shown; you have taken
an inoculation of Quixotic conscience from
our transcendental apothecary and perpe-
trated a lot of heroic behavior that would
have done honor to four-and-twenty Bru-
tuses ; and now that you have a chance to
do something easy and human, you shiver
and shrink at the ' looks o' the thing.' Why,
what do you care "
" Hush ! " said Honore ; " do you sup-
pose I have not temptation enough
alrheady ? "
He began to move away.
" Honore," said the doctor, following him
a step, " I couldn't have made a mistake —
it's the little Monk, — it's Aurora, isn't it ? "
Honore nodded, then faced his friend
more directly, with a sudden new thought.
" But, Doctah, why not take your-h own
advice ? I know not how you ah prhe-
vented; you have as good a rhight as Frhow-
enfeld."
" It wouldn't be honest," said the doc-
tor ; " it wouldn't be the straight up and
down manly thing."
"Why not?"
The doctor stepped into his gig
" Not till I feel all right here." (In his
chest.)
CHAPTER LIII.
FROWENFELD AT THE GRANDISSIME MANSION.
ONE afternoon — it seems to have been
some time in June, and consequently earlier
than Doctor Keene's return — the Grandis-
simes were set all a-tremble with vexation
by the discovery that another of their num-
ber had, to use Agricola's expression, " gone
over to the enemy," — a phrase first applied
by him to Honore.
"What do you intend to convey by that
term ? " Frowenfeld had asked on that earlier
occasion.
" Gone over to the enemy means, my
son, gone over to the enemy ! " replied
Agricola. " It implies affiliation with Amer-
icains in matters of business and of govern-
ment ! It implies the exchange of social
amenities with a race of upstarts ! It im-
plies a craven consent to submit the sacred-
est prejudices of our fathers to the new-
fangled measuring-rods of pert, imported
theories upon moral and political progress !
It implies a listening to, and reasoning with,
the condemners of some of our most
time-honored and respectable practices !
702
THE GRANDISSIMES.
Reasoning with ? N-a-hay ! but Honore has
positively sat down and eaten with them !
What ? — and h-walked out into the stre-heet
with them, arm in arm ! It implies in his
case an act — two separate and distinct acts
—so base that — that — I simply do not un-
derstand them! H-you know, Professor
Frowenfeld, what he has done ! You know
how ignominiously he has surrendered the
key of a moral position which for the honor
of the Grandissime-Fusilier name we have
felt it necessary to hold against our heredi-
. tary enemies ! And — you — know " here
Agricola actually dropped all artificiality
and spoke from the depths of his feelings,
without figure — " h-h-he has joined himself
in business h-with a man of negro blood !
What can we do ? What can we say ? It
is Honor6 Grandissime. We can only say,
' Farewell ! He is gone over to the enemy.' "
The new cause of exasperation was the
defection of Raoul Innerarity. Raoul had,
somewhat from a distance, contemplated
such part as he could understand of Joseph
Frowenfeld's character with ever-broadening
admiration. We know how devoted he be-
came to the interests and fame of "Frowen-
feld's." It was in April he had married.
Not to divide his generous heart, he took
rooms opposite the drug-store, resolved that
" Frowenfeld's " should be not only the
latest closed but the earliest opened of all
the pharmacies in New Orleans.
This, it is true, was allowable. Not
many weeks afterward his bride fell suddenly
and seriously ill. The overflowing souls
of Aurora and Clotilde could not be so near
to trouble and not know it, and before
Raoul was nearly enough recovered from
the shock of this peril to remember that he
was a Grandissime, these last two of the
De Grapions had hastened across the street
to the small, white-walled sick-room and
filled it as full of universal human love as
the cup of a magnolia is full of perfume.
Madame Innerarity recovered. A warm
affection was all she and her husband could
pay such ministration in, and this they paid
bountifully ; the four became friends. The
little madame found herself drawn most
toward Clotilde ; to her she opened her
heart — and her wardrobe, and showed her all
her beautiful new under-clothing. Clotilde,
Raoul found to be, for him, rather — what
shall we say ? — starry, starrily inaccessible ;
but Aurora was emphatically after his liking ;
he was delighted with Aurora. He told her
in confidence that " Profess-or Frowenfel' "
was the best man in the world; but she
boldly said, taking pains to speak with a
tear and a half of genuine gratitude, —
" Egcep' Monsieur Honor6 Grandissime,"
and he assented, at first with hesitation and
then with ardor. The four formed a group
of their own ; and it is not certain that this
was not the very first specimen ever pro-
duced in the Crescent City of that social
variety of New Orleans life now distin-
guished as Uptown Creoles.
Almost the first thing acquired by Raoul
in the camp of the enemy was a certain
Aurorean audacity ; and on the afternoon to
which we allude, having told Frowenfeld a
rousing fib to the effect that the multitudi-
nous inmates of the maternal Grandissime
mansion had insisted on his bringing his
esteemed employer to see them, he and his
bride had the hardihood to present him on
the front veranda.
The straightforward Frowenfeld was much
pleased with his reception. It was not
possible for such as he to guess the ire with
which his presence was secretly regarded.
New Orleans, let us say once more, was
small, and the apothecary of the rue Roy-
ale locally famed ; and what with curiosity
and that innate politeness which it is the
Creole's boast that he cannot mortify, the
veranda, about the top of the great front
stair, was well crowded with people of both
sexes and all ages. It would be most pleas-
ant to tarry once more in description of this
gathering of nobility and beauty ; to recount
the points of Creole loveliness in midsummer
dress; to tell in particular of one and an-
other eye-kindling face, form, manner, wit ;
to define the subtle qualities of Creole air
and sky and scene, or the yet more delicate
graces that characterize the music of Creole
voice and speech and the light^ of Creole
eyes; to set forth the gracious, unaccentuated
dignity of the matrons and the ravishing
archness of their daughters. To Frowen-
feld the experience seemed all unreal. Nor
was this unreality removed by conversation
on grave subjects ; for few among either the
maturer or the younger beauty could do
aught but listen to* his foreign tongue like
unearthly strangers in the old fairy tales.
They came, however, in the course of their
talk to the subject of love and marriage.
It is not certain that they entered deeper
into the great question than a comparison
of its attendant Anglo-American and Fran-
co-American conventionalities ; but sure it
is that somehow — let those young souls
divine the method who can — every un-
earthly stranger on that veranda contrived
THE GRANDISSIMES.
7°3
to understand. Suddenly the conversation
began to move over the ground of intermar-
riage between hostile families. Then what
eyes and ears! A certain suspicion had
already found lodgment in the universal
Grandissime breast, and every one knew in
a moment that, to all intents and purposes,
they were about to argue the case of Honore
and Aurora.
The conversation became discussion,
Frowenfeld, Raoul and Raoul's little seraph
against the whole host, chariots, horse and
archery. Ah ! such strokes as the apothe-
cary dealt ! And if Raoul and " Madame
Raoul " played parts most closely resem-
bling the blowing of horns and breaking of
pitchers, still they bore themselves gallantly.
The engagement was short ; we need not
say that nobody surrendered ; nobody ever
gives up the ship in parlor or veranda
debate ; and yet — as is generally the case in
such affairs — truth and justice made some
unacknowledged headway. If anybody on
either side came out wounded — this to the
credit of the Creoles as a people — the suf-
ferer had -the heroic good manners not to
say so. But the results were more marked
than this ; indeed, in more than one or two
candid young hearts and impressible minds
the wrongs and rights of sovereign true
love began there on the spot to be more
generously conceded and allowed. " My-
de'-seh," Honore had once on a time said to
Frowenfeld, meaning that to prevail in con-
versational debate one should never follow up
a faltering opponent, " you mus' crhack the
egg, not smash it ! " And Joseph, on rising
to take his leave, could the more amiably
overlook the feebleness of the invitation to
call again, since he rejoiced, for Honore's
sake, in the conviction that the egg was
cracked.
Agricola, the Grandissimes told the
apothecary, was ill in his room, and Mad-
ame de Grandissime, his sister — Honore's
mother — begged to be excused that she
might keep him company. The Fusiliers
were a very close order; or one might say
they garrisoned the citadel.
But Joseph's rising to go was not imme-
diately upon the close of the discussion ;
those courtly people would not let even an
unwelcome guest go with the faintest feel-
ing of disrelish for them. They were casting
about in their minds for some momentary
diversion with which to add a finishing touch
to their guest's entertainment, when Clem-
ence appeared in the front garden-walk and
was quickly surrounded by bounding chil-
dren, alternately begging and demanding a
song. Many of even the younger adults
remembered well when she had been " one
of the hands on the place," and a passionate
lover of the African dance. In the same
instant half a dozen voices proposed that
for Joseph's amusement Clemence should
put her cakes off her head, come up on
the veranda and show a few of her best
steps.
" But who will sing ? "
" Raoul ! "
" Very well ; and what shall it be ? "
" < Madame GabaV
No, Clemence objected.
" Well, well, stand back — something bet-
ter than ' Madame Gaba.' "
Raoul began to sing and Clemence in-
stantly to pace and turn, posture, bow,
respond to the song, start, swing, straighten,
stamp, wheel, lift her hands, stoop, twist,
walk, whirl, tip-toe with crossed ankles,
smite her palms, march, circle, leap — an
endless improvisation of rhythmic motion to
this modulated responsive chant:
RAOUL. " Mo pas raimein fa."
CLEMENCE. "Miche Igenne, oap / oap / cap / ' '
HE. " Ye donne vingt c inq sous pou' manzf poule."
SHE. " Michi Igenm, dit—dit—dlt "
HE. " Mo pas raimein faf"
SHE. " Micht Igenne, oap ! oap ! oap / "
HE. " Mo pas raimein fa!"
SHE. " Miche' Igenne, oap ! oap ! oap / ' '
Frowenfeld was not so greatly amused as
the ladies thought he should have been, and
was told that this was not a fair indication
of what he would see if there were ten
dancers instead of one.
How much less was it an indication of
what he would have seen in that mansion
early the next morning, when there was
found just outside of Agricola's bedroom
door a fresh egg, not cracked, accord-
ing to Honore's maxim, but smashed, ac-
cording to the lore of the voudous. Who
could have got in in the night ? And did the
intruder get in by magic, by outside lock-
picking, or by inside collusion? Later in
the morning, the children playing in the
basement found — it had evidently been
accidentally dropped, since the true use of
its contents required them to be scattered in
some person's path — a small cloth bag, con-
taining a quantity of dogs' and cats' hair, cut
fine and mixed with salt and pepper.
" Clemence ? "
" Pooh ! Clemence. No ! But as sure
as the sun turns around the world — Palmyre
Philosophe!"
7°4
THE GXANDISSIMES.
CHAPTER LIV.
" CAULDRON BUBBLE."
THE excitement and alarm produced by
the practical threat of voudou curses upon
Agricola was one thing, Creole lethargy
was quite another; and when, three morn-
ings later, a full quartette of voudou charms
was found in the four corners of Agricola's
pillow, the great Grandissime family were
ignorant of how they could have come
there. Let us examine these terrible engines
of mischief. In one corner was an acorn
drilled through with two holes at right
angles to each other, a small feather run
through each hole ; in the second a joint of
cornstalk with a cavity scooped from the
middle, the pith left intact at the ends, and
the space filled with parings from that small
callous spot near the knee of the horse,
called the " nail " ; in the third corner a
bunch of parti-colored feathers; something
equally meaningless in the fourth. No
thread was used in any of them. All fastening
was done with the gum of trees. It was no
easy task for his kindred to prevent Agricola,
beside himself with rage and fright, from
going straight to Palmyre's house and shoot-
ing her down in open day.
" We shall have to watch our house by
night," said a gentleman of the household,
when they had at length restored the Citi-
zen to a condition of mind which enabled
them to hold him in a chair.
" Watch this house ? " cried a chorus.
" You don't suppose she comes near here,
do you ? She does it all from a distance.
No, no ; watch her house."
Did Agricola believe in the supernatural
potency of these gimcracks ? No, and yes.
Not to be fool-hardy, he quietly slipped
down every day to the levee, had a slave-
boy row him across the river in a skiff, landed,
re-embarked, and in the middle of the
stream surreptitiously cast a picayune over
his shoulder into the river. Monsieur D'Em-
barras, the imp of death thus placated, must
have been a sort of spiritual Cheap John.
Several more nights passed. The house
of Palmyre, closely watched, revealed noth-
ing. No one came out, no one went in, no
light was seen. They should have watched
it in broad daylight. At last, one midnight,
'Polyte Grandissime stepped cautiously up
to one of the batten doors with an auger,
and succeeded, without arousing any one,
in boring a hole. He discovered a lighted
candle standing in a glass of water.
" Nothing but a bedroom light," said one.
"Ah, bah ! " whispered the other ; " it is
to make the spell work strong."
" We will not tell Agricola first ; we had
better tell Honore," said Sylvestre.
" You forget," said 'Polyte, " that I no
longer have any acquaintance with Mon-
sieur Honore Grandissime."
They told Agamemnon; and it would
have gone hard with the " milatraise " but for
the additional fact that suspicion had fas-
tened upon another person; but now this
person in turn had to be identified. It was
decided not to report progress to old Agric-
ola, but to await and seek further develop-
ments. Agricola, having lost all ability to
sleep in the mansion, moved into a small
cottage in a grove near the house. But
the very next morning, he turned cold with
horror to find on his door-step a small black-
coffined doll, with pins run through the
heart, a burned-out candle at the head and
another at the feet.
" You know it is Palmyre, do you ? "
asked Agamemnon, seizing the old man as
he was going at a headlong pace through
the garden gate. " What if I should tell
you that, by watching the Congo dancing-
ground at midnight to-night, you will see
the real author of this mischief — eh ? "
" And why to-night ? "
" Because the moon rises at midnight."
There was firing that night in the deserted
Congo dancing-grounds under the ruins of
Fort St. Joseph, or, as we would say now, in
Congo Square, from three pistols — Agric-
ola's, 'Polyte's, and the weapon of an ill-
defined, retreating figure answering the
description of the person who had stabbed
Agricola the preceding February. " And
yet," said 'Polyte, " I would have sworn that
it was Palmyre doing this work."
Through Raoul these events came to
the ear of Frowenfeld. It was about the
time that Raoul's fishing party, after a
few days' mishaps, had returned home.
Palmyre, on several later dates, had craved
further audiences and shown other letters
from the hidden f. m. c. She had heard
them calmly, and steadfastly preserved
the one attitude of refusal. But it could
not escape Frowenfeld's notice that she
encouraged the sending of additional let-
ters. He easily guessed the courier to be
Clemence; and now, as he came to pon-
der these revelations of Raoul, he found
that within twenty-four hours after every
visit of Clemence to the house of Palmyre,
Agricola suffered a visitation.
(To be continued.)
PETER THE GREAT.
7°S
PETER THE GREAT. VII.*
BY EUGENE SCHUYLER.
THE YOUNG MOTHER. (FROM A PAINTING ON PORCELAIN BY E. EGOROFF.)
CHAPTER XXIV.
THE GERMAN SUBURB AT MOSCOW.
ALTHOUGH foreigners came to Russia
from the earliest period, yet it was not
until the time of Ivan III. that they came
in large numbers. That prince received
foreign artists and artisans so well that num-
bers of Italian architects, engineers, gold-
workers, physicians and mechanics came
to Moscow. His marriage with the Greek
Princess Sophia Palaeologos gave rise to
new and more frequent relations with Italy,
and he several times sent to Rome, Venice
and Milan for physicians and men of tech-
nical knowledge. It was in this way that
the Cathedral of the Assumption came to
be built by Aristotle Fioraventi of Bologna,
that of St. Michael the Archangel by
Aleviso of Milan, and the banqueting hall
of the palace, and the walls and gates of
the Kremlin, by other Italian architects.
German miners, too, came, or were sent by
Matthew Corvinus, King of Hungary, and
some of them discovered silver and copper
mines in Siberia.
Ivan IV., the Terrible, appreciated for-
eigners, and invited large numbers of them
into Russia. But, besides this, it was during
his reign, in 1558, that an English expedi-
tion penetrated into the White Sea, and the
VOL. XX.— 46.
Copyright, 1880, by Eugene Schuyler. All rights reserved.
•jo6
PETER THE GREAT.
trade with England be-
gan, which soon took
great proportions, and
brought to Russia many
English merchants. The
conquest of Livonia and
portions of the south-
ern shore of the Baltic
brought to Moscow, and
elsewhere in the interior
of Russia, very many
prisoners of war, who
were never allowed to
return to their own
country.
Under Ivan's son
Theodore, and Boris
Godun6f, the inter-
course with western
Europe constantly
increased. Favors were
given, not only to the
English merchants, but
also to Dutchmen and Danes,
to immigrants from Hamburg
and the Hanse towns. Go-
dunof invited soldiers and
officers as well as physicians
and artisans. His children
were educated with great de-
viations from Russian routine.
He even thought of marrying
his daughter to a Danish
prince, and, when at his coun-
try estate, was fond of the
society of foreigners. The
so-called False Demetrius had
very great inclinations toward
foreigners. This was very
natural, for he had been edu-
cated in Poland, and had
seen the advantages of west-
ern culture. Polish manners
prevailed at his court; he
was surrounded by a guard
of foreign soldiers; he pro-
tected all religions, especially
the Catholic; he urged Rus-
sians to travel abroad, and so
willingly received foreigners
that a Pole, in writing about
the immigration of so many
foreigners into Russia, said:
"For centuries long it was
hard for the birds even to get
into the realm of Muscovy,
but now come not only many
merchants, but a crowd of grocers and
tavern-keepers." Under the Tsar Theodore,
son of Ivan the Terrible, there were, accord-
ing to Fletcher, about 4300 foreigners in the
Russian service, most of them Poles and Lit-
tle Russians, but still about one hundred and
fifty Dutchmen and Scotchmen. In the reign
of Boris Godunof, the foreign detachment
in the army was composed of twenty-five
hundred men of all nationalities. Two
officers, owing to their conduct during the
Troublous Times, and the memoirs which
they have left, are well known — the Livon-
ian, Walter Von Rosen, and the Frenchman
Margeret. The body-guard of Demetrius
was composed of three hundred foreigners,
all of them so well paid that they stalked
about in silk and satin. Margeret was
captain of one division of this body-guard.
In the beginning of the sixteenth century,
the Grand Duke Basil established the resi-
dence of his foreign body-guard, consisting
of Poles, Germans and Lithuanians, on the
right bank of the river Moskva, outside the
town in a place called Naleiki, in order, as
Herberstein said, that the Russians might
not be contaminated by the bad example of
their drunkenness. Later on,
this district became inhab-
ited by Streltsi and the com-
mon people, and the Livonian
prisoners of war were estab-
lished by Ivan the Terrible
on the Yauza, near the Pokrof
gate. When Demetrius was
so desperately defended by
his foreign body-guard that
a Livonian, Wilhelm Fursten-
berg, fell at his side, the
Russians said : " See what
true dogs these Germans are :
let us kill them all " ; and
during the Troublous Times,
the foreigners in Moscow
were subject to constant at-
tacks from the Russians.
Persecutions were organized
against them, as in other
countries against the Jews.
There was not a popular
commotion in which threats,
at least, were not made
against them, and during one
of the attacks the whole
foreign quarter was burnt to
the ground. After this, the
foreigners lived within the
walls, and for a while en-
TH^NcmNxTouRT Joyed the same privileges
GUARD. (FROM "AN- as Russian subjects, adopting
TIOUITES DE LA ,i • j j ., • l i -.
RUSSIE." their dress and their habits.
PETER THE GREAT.
707
Livonian prisoners of war had, even be-
fore the Troublous Times, made their way
within the town, and had built a church
or two. For some reason they incurred the
still containing the chief Protestant and
Catholic churches. It is fairly depicted to
us in one of the drawings made by the artist
who accompanied Meyerberg's embassy in
ARQOEBUSE OF TSAR ALEXIS MICHAELOV1TCH, MADE IN 1654. (FROM "ANTIQL'ITES DE LA RUSSIE.")
wrath of the Tsar, were driven from their
houses, and their property was plundered.
Margeret says of them :
" The Lutheran Livonians, who, on the conquest
of the greatest part of Livonia, and the removal of
the inhabitants of Dorpat and Narva, had been
brought as prisoners to Moscow, had succeeded in
getting two churches inside the town of Moscow,
and celebrated in them their public divine service.
At last, on account of their pride and vanity, their
churches were torn down by the Tsar's command,
all their houses were plundered, and they them-
selves, without regard to age or sex, and in winter,
too, were stripped to nakedness. For this they were
themselves thoroughly to blame, for instead of re-
membering their former misery, when they were
brought from their native country, and robbed of
their property and had become slaves, and being
humble on account of their sufferings, their de-
meanor was so proud, their conduct and actions so
arrogant, and their clothes so costly, that one might
have taken them for real princes and princesses.
When their women went to church, they wore noth-
ing but satin, and velvet, and damask, and the mean-
est of them at least taffeta, even if they had nothing
else. Their chief gains were from the permission
they had to sell brandy and other kinds of drinks,
whereby they got not ten per cent., but a hundred
per cent., which appears most improbable, but is
nevertheless true. But what always distinguished
the Livonians marked them here. One could have
imagined that they had been brought to Russia to
display here their vanity and shamelessness, which on
account of the existing laws and justice they could
not do in their own country. At last, a place was
given to them outside the town to build their houses
and a church. Since then, no one of them is
allowed to dwell inside the town of Moscow."
When affairs became more settled under the
Tsar Alexis, by a decree of 1652, there was
a systematic settling of all foreigners in a
suburb outside the town ; the number of the
streets and lanes was set down in the regis-
ters, and pieces of land, varying from 350 to
1800 yards square, were set apart for the
officers, the -physicians, the apothecaries and
the artisans, and the widows of foreigners
who had been in the Russian service. This
suburb, which was nicknamed by the Rus-
sians Kukui, now forms the north-eastern
portion of the city of Moscow, intersected
by the Basmannaya and Pokr6fskaya streets,
1 66 1. As the houses were of wood, and sur-
rounded by gardens, this suburb had all the
appearance of a large and flourishing village.
Reutenfels, who was in Russia from 1671
to 1673, estimated the number of foreigners
living in Russia as about 18,000. Most of
them lived in Moscow, but a large number
inhabited Vol6gda, Archangel and other
towns where there was foreign trade, as well
as the mining districts.
The residence of the foreigners in a sepa-
rate suburb naturally enabled them to keep
up the traditions and customs of western
Europe much more easily than if they had
mingled more with the Russians. They wore
foreign clothing, read foreign books, and
spoke, at least in their households, their own
languages, although they all had some ac-
quaintance with the Russian tongue, which
sometimes served as a medium of commu-
nication with each other. The habitual use
of a few Russian words, the adoption of a
few Russian customs, conformity to the
Russian dress and ways of thinking on some
points, was the most they had advanced
toward Russianization. Rarely did they
change their faith to advance their worldly
prospects, although the children of mar-
riages with Russians were brought up in the
Russian church. In general, they held close
LOCK OF ARQL'EBUSE.
to their own religion and their own modes of
education. They kept up a constant inter-
course with abroad, by new arrivals, and
by correspondence with their friends. They
imported not only foreign conveniences for
708
PETER THE GREAT.
their own use, but also received from abroad
the journals of the period, books of science
and history, novels and poems. Their in-
terest in the politics of their own lands was
always maintained, and many and warm
were the discussions which were caused by
the wars between France and the Low
Countries, and the English Revolution. In
this way, the German suburb was a nucleus
of a superior civilization.
In thinking of the foreign colony in Mos-
cow at the end of the seventeenth century,
it is impossible not to remember the Eng-
lish and German colonies in St. Petersburg
and Moscow of the present day. Here they
have kept their own religion, their own lan-
guage, and, in many cases, their own cus-
toms. But still they have something about
them that is Russian. In no respect is the
comparison more close than in the relations
which they keep up with the homes of their
ancestors. Although most of the English
colony at St. Petersburg, for instance, were
born in Russia, and some of them are even
descended from families who came there
during the time of Peter the Great, or even
before, yet frequently the boys are sent to
English schools and universities, there are
English houses of the same family connected
with them in business, and, in several cases,
one of the family is a member of Parlia-
ment. The English colony, especially in St.
Petersburg, is on a better footing than it is
in most foreign countries. Its members are
not living there to escape their debts at
home, or to avoid the consequences of dis-
grace, nor are they there simply for the pur-
pose of making money. Russia has been
their home for generations, and they de-
servedly possess the respect and esteem, not
only of their own countrymen, but of the
Russians.
CHAPTER XXV.
THE INFLUENCE OF THE FOREIGN COLONY.
THE influence of the foreign residents in
Russia was especially seen in the material
development of the country. The Russians
were then, as they are now, quick to learn
and ready to imitate. A Pole, Maszkiewicz,
in the time of the False Demetrius, remarked
that the metal and leather work of the Rus-
sians, after oriental designs, could scarcely
be distinguished from the genuine articles.
Foreigners understood this quality of Rus-
sian workmen, and frequently endeavored
to keep their trades as a monopoly for
themselves. We know that Hans Falck, a
foreign manufacturer of bells and metal
castings, sent away his Russian workmen
when engaged in the delicate processes, in
order that they might not learn the secrets
of the art. The Government found it
necessary, in many cases, to make contracts
with foreign artisans, that they should teach
their trades to a certain number of Russian
workmen. It was the Englishman John
Merrick, first merchant and subsequently
embassador, who was one of the earliest to
teach the Russians that it was better for
them to manufacture for themselves than
to export the raw materials. He explained
to the boyars how people had been poor in
England as long as they had exported raw
wool, and had only begun to get rich when
the laws protected the woolen manufacturers
by insisting on the use of wool at home,
and especially on the use of woolen shrouds,
and how greatly the riches of England had
increased since the country began to sell
cloth instead of wool. It was in part
through his influence that a manufactory of
hemp and tow was established near Holmo-
gory. In a similar way, paper-mills, glass-
factories, powder-mills, saltpeter-works and
iron-works were established by foreigners.
A Dane, Peter Marselis, had important and
well-known iron-works near Tula, which
were so productive that he was able to pay
his inspector three thousand rubles a year,
and had to pay to his brother-in-law, for
his share, twenty thousand rubles. We
can see the relative value of this, when we
remember that, at that time, two to two and
a half quarters of rye could be bought for a
ruble, and that, twenty years later, the salary
of General Gordon, one of the highest in
the Russian service, was only one thousand
rubles a year; while the pastor of the
Lutheran church in Moscow in 1699 re-
ceived annually only sixty rubles. Con-
cessions for copper mines were also given to
Marselis and other foreigners, and the
Stroganofs, who possessed such great and
rich mining-districts on the frontier of Siberia,
constantly sent abroad for physicians,
apothecaries, and artisans of all kinds.
It has already been said that the foreign-
ers in Russia were not too well pleased with
the ease with which the Russians learned
their trades; neither did this please foreign
governments. The famous Duke of Alva
said that it was " inexcusable to provide
Russia with cannon and other arms, and to
initiate the Russians into the way war was
carried on in western Europe, because, in
PETER THE GREAT.
709
GENERAL PATRICK GORDON.
this way, a dangerous neighbor was being
educated." Sigismond, King of Poland,
did his best to hinder the intercourse which
sprang up between Moscow and England,
and wrote to Queen Elizabeth that " such
commercial relations were dangerous, be-
cause Russia would thus receive war mate-
rial ; and it would be still worse if Russia,
in this way, could get immigrants who
would spread through the country the tech-
nical knowledge so necessary there. It was
in the interest of Christianity and religion to
protest against Russia, the enemy of all free
nations, receiving cannons and arms, artists
and artisans, and being initiated into the
views and purposes of European politics."
It was natural that, with constant and in-
creasing intercourse with foreigners, the
Russians should adopt some of the customs
which they had brought with them. For a
long rime the foreigners were greatly laughed
at for eating salads, or grass, as the peasants
called it, but this habit greatly spread. In
the early part of the seventeenth century,
the Dutch introduced the culture of aspara-
gus, and garden roses were first brought by
the Dane, Peter Marselis. The use of snuff
and of smoking tobacco was very speedily
acquired, much to the horror of all right-
thinking and orthodox people, who saw in
this a plain work of the devil ; for was it not
said in the Bible : " Not that which goeth
into the mouth defileth a man; but that
which cometh out of the mouth, this defileth
a man." Many Russian nobles even adopt-
ed foreign clothes, and trimmed their hair
and beard. Nikita Romanof, the owner of
the boat which Peter found at Ismailovo,
wore German clothes while hunting, for
which he was sharply reprimanded by the
Patriarch ; and the conduct of Prince An-
drew Koltsof-Masalsky, for cutting his hair
short, in 1675, caused so much displeasure
that the Tsar Alexis issued an ukase, forbid-
ding, under heavy penalties, the trimming
one's hair or beard, or the wearing of foreign
clothes. This decree soon fell into desue-
tude, and at the time of which we are
speaking, foreign clothes and foreign habits
were not at all uncommon among the Rus-
sians of the higher ranks. Even Peter him-
self occasionally wore foreign dress, and was
severely blamed by the Patriarch for daring
to appear in such costume at the death-bed
of his mother.
The theatrical performances devised by
Matveief for the Tsar Alexis have already
been mentioned, as showing the influence
of foreigners. But it is curious to find that
the performances were directed by Johan
Gottfried Gregorii, the pastor of the Lu-
theran church. He not only wrote some of
the plays, but started a theatrical school,
where the school-boys in the German suburb
and the sons of .some of the chief inhabit-
ants were taught acting.
One of the most important steps in civili-
zation introduced by foreigners was the
letter-post. Postal communications had
previously existed in the interior of the
country, but, even for government purposes,
they were very slow, and nearly all letters
were sent by private hand, or by a chance
messenger. It was in 1664 that a decree
of the Tsar Alexis gave a Swede named
John privileges for the organization of an
international letter-post, and in 1667 the
first postal convention was made with
Poland. John, of Sweden, was succeeded
by Peter Marselis, the Dane, and he by
Andrew Vinius, who first received the title
of Postmaster of His Majesty the Tsar, and
was ordered to conclude postal conventions
with the neighboring States. The institution
of the post-office did not please all Russians
as much as it did the foreigners, and, if we
may judge from the continued existence of
a censorship, it is still looked upon with a
certain degree of suspicion. The Russian
political economist, Ivan Pososhkof, writing
in 1701, complains:
" The Germans have cut a hole through from our
land into their own, and from outside people can
now, through this hole, observe all our political
and commercial relations. This hole is the post.
Heaven knows whether it brings advantage to the
Tsar, but the harm which it causes to the realm is
PETER THE GREAT.
incalculable. Everything that goes on in our land
is known to the whole world. The foreigners all
become rich by it, the Russians become poor as
beggars. The foreigners always know which of our
goods are cheap and which are dear, which are plenti-
ful and which are scarce. Thereupon they bargain,
REVOLVER CANNON OF PETER'S TIME.
and know immediately how much they are obliged
to pay for our goods. In this way trade is unequal.
Without the post, both sides would be ignorant of
the prices and the stock of goods on hand, and no
party would be injured. Besides, it is a very bad
thing that people know in other countries every-
thing that happens in ours. This hole, then, should
be shut up — that is, the post should be put an end
to; and, it seems to me, it would be very sensible
not to allow letters to be sent, even through mes-
sengers, except with a special permission each time
from the proper authorities."
CHAPTER XXVI.
PETER'S FRIENDS AND LIFE IN THE GER-
MAN SUBURB.
WITH very many inhabitants of the Ger-
man suburb Peter had already made ac-
quaintance at Preobrazhensky, and as the
German suburb lay on the road from Preo-
brazhensky to Moscow, it is not improbable
that he occasionally halted, from time to
time, to say a word to his friends. But
his first continued and frequent relations
with the foreign quarter began in 1690, and
so soon after the death of the Patriarch that
it would seem almost as if, in dining with
General Gordon on the loth of May, in
the company of his boyars and courtiers, he
was actuated in some degree by a spirit of
opposition to the feeling against foreigners
then prevalent at court. Gordon says that
" the Tsar was well content," and this must
have indeed been the case. Peter must
have found in the hospitality shown to him
by a foreigner something new and agree-
able, for, from this time, his visits to the
German quarter became so frequent that,
at one period, he seems almost to have
lived there. For a long time, his most
intimate and trusted friends were foreigners.
The name of General Gordon has already
been often mentioned. He was at this
time about fifty-five years old, the foreign
officer of the greatest experience and the
highest position, and, beside this, a man of
wide information, of great intelligence, of
agreeable manners, shrewd, practical, even
canny, and full of good common-sense, a
devout Catholic, a stanch royalist, in the
highest degree loyal, honest and straight-
forward. Patrick Gordon was one of the
well-known and illustrious family of Gordon ;
by his mother an Ogilvie, a cousin of the
first Duke of Gordon, and connected with
the Earl of Errol and the Earl of Aberdeen,
he was born on the family estate of Auch-
luchries, in Aberdeenshire, in 1635. His
family were stanchly Catholic and royalist,
and in the heat of the Revolution there was
no chance of his receiving an education at
the Scotch universities, or of his making his
way in public life, so that, when he was
only sixteen, he resolved on going abroad.
Two years he passed in the Jesuit college
at Braunsberg, but the quiet life of the
school not suiting his adventurous spirit,
he ran away with a few thalers in his pocket,
and a change of clothing and three or foui
books in his knapsack. After staying a
CIRCULAR MITRAILLEUSE OF PETER'S TIME.
short time at Kulm and at Posen, he found
his way to Hamburg, where he made the
acquaintance of some Scotch officers in the
Swedish service, and was readily persuaded
to join them. This was at a time wher
PETER THE GREAT.
711
PRINCE BORIS GALITSYN.
very many foreigners, and especially Scotch,
were serving in the armies of other coun-
tries. This was the era of soldiers of fort-
une, of whom Dugald Dalgetty is the type
best known to us, but of whom more hon-
orable examples could be found. Whether
officers or soldiers, they were hired to fight,
and generally fought well during the time
of their contract; but changing masters
from time to time was not considered wrong
nor disgraceful, either by them or the govern-
ments which they served. Gordon, after
being twice wounded, was twice taken
prisoner by the Poles. The first time he
escaped, but on the second occasion, as the
band with whom he was caught was ac-
cused of robbing a church, he was con-
demned to death. He was saved through
the intercession of an old Franciscan monk,
and was then persuaded to quit the Swedes
and enter the Polish army. A few months
later, in the same year, 1658, he was cap-
tured by the Brandenburgers, allies of the
Swedes, and was again persuaded to join
the Swedes. Marauding was considered at
that time a necessary part of war, and Gor-
don succeeded several times in well filling
his pockets, of which he gives an honest
and simple account; but he lost everything
in a fire, and once was himself robbed.
For a while he found it better to leave the
service, and apparently engaged with some
of his friends in marauding on his own
account, and his band of partisans soon
became well known througli the whole
region. Again he entered the Swedish
service, and again, in November, 1658, was
taken prisoner by the Poles, who could not
be persuaded to exchange him, and insisted
on his again joining them. He served
for some time with the Poles in Little Rus-
sia, and was present in a warm battle with
the Russians, where he was wounded.
When Charles II. ascended the English
throne, Gordon wished to go home to Scot-
land, but Lubomirsky, the Crown Marshal
of Poland, persuaded him to wait a little
time, and promoted him to the rank of
captain. His father meanwhile wrote to
him that there would be little chance for
him at home, and, at the same time, he
received pressing offers from both the Rus-
sians and the Austrians. He decided in
favor of the Austrian service, but the nego-
tiations in part fell through, and he finally
made a contract with the Russians for three
years. It was only when he had arrived at
Moscow that he found that the contract
made with the Russian agent was repudiated,
and that he would never be allowed to leave
the Russian service. For a long time he
refused to take the oath, and insisted on
the terms of the contract. He finally had
to yield. All his efforts to resign and to
leave Russia were fruitless, and, apparently,
it was not until 1692, when he was already
an intimate friend of the Tsar, that he en-
tirely gave up the idea of ending his days
in Scotland. Once settled in Moscow, he
found his best chance for promotion lay in
marrying, and thus showing his interest in
the country. He did good service in the
Russian army wherever he was placed — in
Little Russia, at Kief, at the siege of Tchig-
irin, and in the Crimean expeditions. He
had long enjoyed the confidence of the
government, and was in intimate social
relations with the chief Russian boyars.
Once, on account of his influential royalist
connections, he had been sent to England
on a diplomatic mission, to present a letter
of the Tsar Alexis to King Charles II. with
reference to the privileges of the English
merchants, and twice he had been allowed
to go to Scotland for personal reasons, but
his wife and children were always kept as
hostages for his return.
Gordon's travels had brought him into
connection with many great personages of
the time. He knew personally Charles II.
and James II., and had been presented to
Queen Christina after she had left Sweden.
Greatly interested in foreign politics, he
everywhere had friends and acquaintances,
from whom he received news, gossip, wine,
scientific instruments and books, — whether
712
PETER THE GREAT.
PUGILISM IN THE TIME OF IVAN THE TERRIBLE. (DRAWN BY A. BRENNAN.)
Quarle's Emblems, or treatises on fortifica-
tion or pyrotechny. With all his friends,
with his relations in Scotland, Lord Melfort
at Rome, embassadors and Jesuits at Vien-
na, officers in Poland and at Riga, and with
merchants everywhere, he kept up a constant
correspondence. There was not a post-day
that he did not receive many letters, and send
off an equal number. Of many of these he kept
copies. On one day there is an entry in his
diary of his dispatching twenty-six letters.
His carefully kept diary, in which he set
down the occurrences of the day — telling
of his doings, the people he had met and
talked with, his debts and expenses, the
money he had lent, his purchases of wine
and beer, his difficulties about his pay, — is
invaluable to the student of the political as
well as of the economical history of Russia. *
* This diary of General Gordon, which is written
in English in six large quarto volumes, is preserved
in the archives at St. Petersburg. Unfortunately,
some parts are missing, notably from 1667-1677*
and from 1678-1684. A German translation, in
some places altered, was published by Posselt, 1849-
1852, and a few extracts are printed from the orig-
inal manuscript in " Passages from the Diary of Gen-
eral Patrick Gordon," published by the Spalding
Club at Aberdeen in 1859.
PETER THE GREAT.
In September, 1690, the Tsar, attended
by his suite, dined with General Lefort.
This was the first time that Peter had visited
a man who was soon to become his most
intimate friend, and to exercise great influ-
ence over him, and whose acquaintance he
had made not long before. Franz Lefort
was born at Geneva in 1656, of a good
family (originally from Italy), which has kept
a prominent position in Genevese society
a dozen gentlemen, comrades and retainers
with them, and some of the Lutheran princes
brought a style of life not at all in har-
mony with the strict Puritanical and Calvin-
istic manners of the place. Much as the
solid burghers of Geneva objected to the
contamination to which their sons were
exposed by mingling with this gay and
worldly society, yet they had too much
respect for the persons of the princes to take
MARRIAGE OF DWARFS BEFORE
BY J. C. PHILIE
and politics until the present time. His
father was a well-to-do merchant, and his elder
brother, Ami, was one of the syndics of the
town. At this time Geneva had become
rich, and was developing a certain amount
of frivolity and luxury. The old Calvinistic
habits were being corrupted by dancing and
card-playing. Paris was looked upon as the
home of the arts and graces, of culture and
of pleasure, and the youths of Geneva took
the Parisians as their model. The schools
of Geneva were famous, and the Protestant
princes and aristocracy of Germany fre-
quently sent their sons to finish their educa-
tion in this Protestant stronghold. Without
neglecting the solid studies they could learn
French, and, at a time when the wars made
visiting Paris impossible, could learn, too,
French politeness and manners, fencing,
dancing and riding, and the exercises of a
gentleman, and prepare themselves for hold-
ing their little courts in rivalry of Louis XIV.
These princes 'had sometimes as many as
very strong measures, and perhaps, by their
too great deference, increased the preten-
sions of the young men and the admiration
they excited. The record books of the con-
sistory are full of complaints against the
princes and their followers. But there are
also examples of the pretensions of these
noble youths. The Prince of Hesse-Cassel
and the Prince of Curland complained
against some clergymen, who, they said, by
their remonstrances had prevented a dancing
party at the house of Count Dohna (then the
owner of the chateau of Coppet, which was
afterward to be known as the residence of
Madame de Stael), and had thus deprived
them of an evening's enjoyment. The
Council recommended that more respect
should be paid to people of such position.
Between 1670 and 1675, no less than twenty
princes of reigning families — the Palatinate,
Wiirtemburg, Anhalt, Anspach, Branden-
burg, Brunswick, Holstein, Saxony, Saxe-
Gotha, etc., etc. — were receiving their edu-
PETER THE GREAT.
cation at Geneva, to say nothing of the
lesser nobility. Lefort, whose instincts had
already taught him to rebel against the
strict discipline of Calvinism, had, by his
amiability and his good manners, become
an intimate member of this society. It can
easily be understood that late suppers, card-
playing and worldly conversation did not
increase any desire for following the sober
life of a merchant recommended to him by
his family. To get him away from tempta-
tion, he was sent as clerk to a merchant
in Marseilles, but this in the end did not
suit him, and he returned home. Partly
from his own feelings, partly from the ex-
ample of the society which he frequented.
he had a great inclination to enter the mili-
tary service and see a little of war. This,
besides being against the laws and policy
of Geneva, was looked upon with horror by
his family, who did all in their power to
prevent him; but he finally extorted their
consent, and went to Holland to take part
in the war then going on in the Low Coun-
tries. He was provided with a letter of
introduction to the hereditary Prince of
Curland, from his brother, whose friend he
had been at Geneva, and served as a volun-
teer with him, though, through the intrigues
of the Curland officers, he never succeeded
in obtaining a commission. Finally, seeing
no chance of promotion, he left the prince,
and was persuaded to enter the Russian
service with the rank of captain. Arriving
in Russia in 1675, he did not succeed in
getting the position he desired, and lived
for two years at Moscow, as an idler in the
German suburb, where he enjoyed the
friendship and protection of some of the
more distinguished members of the colony.
At one time, he even acted as a secretary
for the Danish Resident, and intended to
leave Russia with him. At last he entered
the Russian service, and, like most other
officers who intended to secure their posi-
tion, married. His wife was a connection
of General Gordon. His personal qualities
brought him to the notice of Prince Basil
Galitsyn, who protected him and advanced
him. His promotion was to some extent,
perhaps, due to the interest taken in him by
the Senate of Geneva, which, on his sugges-
tion, addressed to Prince Galitsyn a letter in
his behalf. After serving through the two
Crimean campaigns, he went to Troitsa,
along with the other foreign officers, at the
time of the downfall of Sophia, and was
shortly afterward, on the birth of the Prince
Alexis, promoted to be major-general.
At this time about thirty-five years old,
Lefort was in all the strength of his man-
hood. He had a good figure, was very
tall, — nearly as tall as Peter himself, but a
little stouter, — had regular features, a good
forehead, and rather large and expressive
eyes. He was a perfect master of knightly
and cavalier exercises, could shoot the bow
so as to vie with the Tartars of the Crimea,
and was a good dancer. He had received
a fair education and had a good mind,
although he was brilliant rather than solid,
and shone more in the salon than in the
camp or the council-chamber. His integ-
rity, his adherence to his Protestant princi-
ples and morality, his affection for his
family, and especially for his mother, com-
mand our respect. What endeared him .to
all his friends was his perfect unselfishness,
frankness and simplicity, his geniality and
readiness for amusement, and the winning
grace of his manners.
It is not astonishing that the Tsar found
Lefort not only a contrast to the Russians
by whom he was surrounded, but also, in
certain ways, to the more solid but less
personally attractive representatives of the
foreign colony, such as Van Keller and
Gordon. To Gordon Peter went for ad-
vice, to Lefort for sympathy.
From this time on, Peter became daily
more intimate with Lefort. He dined
with him two or three times a week, and
demanded his presence daily, so that Bute-
nant, Sennebier, and all who wrote to
Geneva, spoke of the high position which
Lefort held, and his nephew, the young
Peter Lefort, complained that he was
rarely able to talk to his uncle, even about
business, as he was constantly in the com-
pany of the Tsar. The letters written by
Lefort to Peter, on the two or three occa-
sions when they were separated from each
other, show what a merry boon companion
he was. At the same time, no one, except
Catherine, was able to give Peter so much
sympathy, and so thoroughly to enter into
his plans. Lefort alone had enough influ-
ence over him to soothe his passions, and
to prevent the consequences of his sudden
outbursts of anger. While Lefort was in
no way greedy or grasping, his material
interests were well looked after by his royal
friend. His debts were paid, a house was
built for him, presents of all kinds were
given to him, and he was rapidly raised in
grade, first to lieutenant-general, then to
full general, commander of the first regi-
ment, admiral and embassador. Peter,
PETER THE GREAT.
too, entered into correspondence with the
Senate of Geneva, in order to give testi-
mony at Lefort's home of the esteem in
which he held him.
In a society which included such men as
Lefort and Gordon,Van Keller and Butenant
Von Rosenbusch, — the Dutch and Danish
envoys, — and representatives of such good
and well-known names as Leslie, Crawfuird,
Menzies, Earl Graham, Bruce, Drummond,
Montgomery, Hamilton and Dalziel, not to
mention the eminent Dutch merchants, it
was natural that Peter should find many
persons whose conversation would be inter-
esting and useful to him. His chief friends,
however, among the foreigners were Von
Mengden, the colonel, and Adam Weyde,
the major of the Preobrazhensky regiment,
in which Peter served as a sergeant ;
Ysbrandt Ides, who was soon sent on a
mission to China ; Colonel Chambers, Cap-
tain Jacob Bruce and Andrew Crafft, the
English translator Of the foreign office, — with
all of whom he was in constant communica-
tion, and with whom, during his absences,
he frequently exchanged letters. But a
surer friend and assistant, and a more con-
stant correspondent, was Andrew Vinius, the
son of a Dutch merchant, who had estab-
lished iron-works in Russia during the time
of the Tsar Michael. His mother was a
Russian. He therefore knew Russian well,
and was educated in the Russian religion.
He had served at first in the ministry of
foreign affairs, but, during the latter years
of Alexis, had been given charge of the
post-office.
Peter's Russian friends were chiefly the
comrades and companions of his child-
hood, most of whom held honorary positions
at court. Such were Prince Theodore
Troekurof, Theodore Plestcheief, Theodore
Apraxin, Gabriel Golovkin, Prince Ivan Tru-
betskoy, Prince Boris Kurakin, Prince Nikita
Repnin, Andrew Matveief and. Artemon
Golovin. Most of these showed by their
after life that they had been educated in
the same school with Peter. To these
should be added a few young men who had
served in his play regiments, and who
occupied positions in the nature of adju-
tants, or orderlies, such as Lukin and Voro-
nin. There were, besides, a few men far
older than Peter, who were personally
attached to him, and nearly constantly
with him. Such were Prince Boris Galit-
syn, the two Dolgorukys, Ivan Buturlin,
Prince Theodore Ramodanofsky, his early
teacher Zotof, and Tikhon Streshnef, the
head of the expeditionary department.
There is something a little curious in the
relation of these older men to Peter. They
served him faithfully, and were on occa-
sion put forward as figure-heads, with-
out exercising any real authority. To most
of them, also, Peter, in his sportive mo-
ments, had given nicknames, and both
he and they always used these nicknames
in their correspondence. Thus, Zotof was
called the " Prince Pope," from a masquer-
ade procession in which he officiated in this
way, surrounded by a band of bishops,
priests and deacons ; and frequently, too,
in masquerading attire, he and his troop of
singers went about at Christmas-tide to sing
carols. The Boyar Ivan Buturlin, perhaps
the oldest of them all, was given the title of
" The Polish King," because, in one of the
military maneuvers of which I shall speak
presently, he had that title as the head of
the enemy's army. Prince Ramodanofsky,
the other generalissimo, got the nickname
of " Prince Caesar," and is nearly always
addressed by Peter in his letters as
" Majesty," or " Min Her Kenich " (My
Lord King). Streshnef, in the same way,
was always called " Holy Father."
These, with many more of the younger
court officials, Timmermann and a few
others, formed the so-called "company,"
which went about everywhere with Peter,
and feasted with him in the German suburb,
and with the Russian magnates. The " com-
pany " went to many Russian houses, as
well as among the Germans. Leo Narysh-
kinwas always glad to see his royal nephew
at his lovely villa of Pokrofskoe or Phfli. A
splendid church built in 1693, in the choir
of which Peter sometimes sang, still attests
his magnificence, and the fact that it was
here that Prince Kutuzof decided on the
abandonment of Moscow to the French in
1812, adds still more to the interest of the
place. Close by is the still lovely Kuntsovo,
then inhabited by Peter's grandfather, the
old Cyril Naryshkin. Prince Boris Galitsyn,
who was much more than the drunkard de
Neuville tells us of, frequently showed his
hospitality. Sheremetief received them at
Kiiskovo, and the Saltykofs, Apraxins and
Matveiefs were not behindhand.
What especially attracted Peter and his
friends to the German suburb was the
social life there, so new to them and so
different from that in Russian circles. There
was plainly a higher culture; there was more
of refinement and less of coarseness in the
amusements. The conversation touched
716
PETER THE GREAT.
PETER FINDING THE GRANDFATHER OF THE RUSSIAN FLEET. (FROM A PAINTING BY COUNT MASOYEDOFF.)
foreign politics and the events of the day,
and was not confined to a recapitulation of
orgies and to loose talk — for we know only
too well what the ordinary talk at Russian
banquets was at that time. There was
novelty and attraction in the occasional
presence of ladies, in the masking, the danc-
ing, the family feasts of all kinds, the wed-
dings, baptisms and even funerals. In
many of these Peter took part. He held
Protestant and Catholic children at the
font, he acted as best man at the marriages
of merchants' daughters, he soon became
an accomplished dancer, and was always
very fond of a sort of country-dance known as
the " Grossvater." When, too, did any Rus-
sian lose a chance of practicing a foreign
language which he could already speak?
Dinner was about noon, and the feast
was frequently prolonged till late in the
night — sometimes even till the next morning.
Naturally, even in German houses at this
epoch, there was excessive drinking. Gor-
don constantly speaks of it in his diary, and
not unseldom he was kept in his bed for
days in consequence of these bouts. He,
however, suffered from a constitutional de-
rangement of his digestion. Peter seemed
generally none the worse for it, and Lefort,
we know by the account of Blomberg, could
drink a great quantity without showing it.
The consumption of liquors must have been
very great, for when Peter came to dine
he frequently brought eighty or ninety
guests with him, and a hundred servants.
Lefort, in one of his letters, speaks of having
in the house three thousand thalers' worth
of wine, which would last only for two or
three months. Judging from the prices
paid by Gordon for his wine — his " canary
sect," his "perniak," his "white hochlands
wine," and his Spanish wine — this would
represent now a sum of about twenty-five
thousand dollars (^£5000). It is not to be
supposed that, because so much liquor was
used, the company was constantly intoxi-
cated. In the first place, brandy and
whisky were drunk only before or between
meals ; the greatest consumption was prob-
ably of beer and of the weak Russian
drinks, mead and kvas. A dinner with
some rich provincial merchant, or a day
with some hospitable landed proprietor in
the south of Russia, would give us typical
examples of the heroic meals Peter and his
friends enjoyed, with their caviare and raw
herring, their cabbage and beet-root soup,
their iced batvinia and okroshka, the sucking
pig stuffed with buckwheat, the fish pastry,
the salted cucumbers and the sweets. The
guests did not sit at the table guzzling the
whole day long. There were intervals for
smoking, and the Russians enjoyed the inter-
dicted tobacco. There were games at bowls
and nine-pins, there were matches in archery
and musket practice. Healths were proposed
and speeches made, attended with salvos of
artillery and blasts of trumpets. A band of
German musicians played at intervals during
the feasts, and in the evening there were ex-
hibitions of fire- works out-of-doors, and there
was dancing in-doors. Lefort, in a letter
describing one of these nights, says that half
the company slept while the rest danced.
PETER THE GREAT.
717
Such feasts as these, so troublesome and
so expensive, were a burden to any host,
and we know that Van Keller, and even
Gordon, were glad to have them over.
When Peter had got into the habit of din-
ing with his friends at Lefort's two or three
times a week, it was impossible for Lefort;
with his narrow means, to support the ex-
pense, and the cost was defrayed by Peter
himself. Lefort's house was small, and al-
though a large addition was made to it,
yet it was even then insufficient to accom-
modate the number of guests, which, at
times, exceeded two hundred. Peter there-
fore built for him, at least nominally, a new
and handsome house, magnificently fur-
nished, with onebanqueting hall large enough
to accommodate fifteen hundred guests.
Although Lefort was called the master of
the house, yet it was, in reality, a sort of
club-house for Peter's "company." During
the absence of Peter, and even of Lefort, it
was not uncommon for those of the " com-
pany " remaining at Moscow to dine, sup,
and pass the night there.
Peter and his friends entered with readi-
ness into the Teutonic custom of masquer-
ading, with which, according to the ruder
habits of that time, were joined much coarse
horse-play, buffoonery and practical joking.
Together with his comrades, Peter went
from house to house during the Christmas
holidays, sang carols, and did not disdain to
accept the usual gifts. In fact, if these were
not forthcoming, revenge was taken on the
householder. Korb, the Austrian Secretary,
— for these sports were kept up even in
1699, — says in his diary:
" A sumptuous comedy celebrates the time of Our
Lord's nativity. The chief Muscovites, at the Tsar's
choice, shine in various sham ecclesiastical dignities.
One represents the Patriarch, others metropolitans,
archimandrites, popes, deacons, sub-deacons, etc.
Each, according to whichever denominations of these
the Tsar has given him, has to put on the vestments
that belong to it. The scenic Patriarch, with his
sham metropolitans, and the rest in eighty sledges,
and to the number of two hundred, makes the round
of the city of Moscow and the German suburb, en-
signed with crosier, miter, and the other insignia of
his assumed dignity. They all stop at the houses of
the richer Muscovites and German officers, and sing
the praises of the new-born Deity, in strains for
which the inhabitants have to pay dearly. After they
had sung the praises of the new-born Deity at his
house, General Lefort recreated them all with
pleasanter music, banqueting and dancing.
" The wealthiest merchant of Muscovy, whose name
is Filadilof, gave such offense by having only pre-
sented two rubles to the Tsar and his Boyars, who
sang the praises of God, new-born, at his house,
that the Tsar, with all possible speed, sent off a
hundred of the populace to the house of that mer-
chant, with a mandate to pay forthwith to every one
of them a ruble each. But Prince Tcherkasky,
whom they had nicknamed the richest rustic, was
rendered more prudent by what befell his neighbor :
in order not to merit the Tsar's anger, he offered a
thousand rubles to the mob of singers. It behoved
the Germans to make show of equal readiness.
Everywhere they keep die table laid ready with cold
viands, not to be found unprepared."
Gordon, during these years, always men-
tions at Christmas-tide the companies of
carol singers, among whom may be particu-
larly remarked Alexis Menshikof and his
brother. On one occasion he says:
" I paid them two rubles, which was half too
much.
Once Peter appeared at Lefort's with a
suite of twenty-four dwarfs, all " of remark-
able beauty," and all on horseback ; and a
few days after, Peter and Lefort rode out
into the country to exercise this miniature
cavalry. In 1695, the court fool, Jacob
Turgenief, was married to the wife of a
scribe. The wedding took place in a tent
erected in the fields between Preobrazhensky
and Semenofsky. There was a great ban-
quet, which lasted three days, and the festiv-
ities were accompanied by processions, in
which the highest of the Russian nobles ap-
peared in ridiculous costumes, in cars drawn
by cows, goats, dogs, and even swine. Tur-
genief and his wife at one time rode in the
best velvet carriage of the court, with such
grandees as the Galitsyns, Sheremetiefs
and Trubetskoys following them on foot.
In the triumphal entry into Moscow, the
newly married pair rode a camel, and Gor-
don remarks : " The procession was extraor-
dinarily fine." Although the jesting here
was perfectly good-natured, yet it may have
been carried a little too far, for a few days
after poor Turgenief died suddenly in the
night.
CHAPTER XXVII.
FIRE-WORKS AND SHAM FIGHTS.
FOR fully five years Peter left the govern-
ment to be carried on by his ministers, who
managed affairs in the good, old-fashioned
Russian way. During the whole of this
time not a single important law was passed,
or decree made with regard to any matter
of public welfare. Peter neither interested
himself in the internal affairs of the country
nor in the increasing difficulties with Poland,
and the need of repressing the incursions
of the Tartars. In spite of his years, his size,
7i8
PETER THE GREAT.
and his strength, he was nothing but a boy,
and acted like a boy. He devoted him-
self entirely to amusement, to carousing with
his "company," to indulging his mechanical
tastes, to boat-building, and mimic war.
He had no inclination toward the more
brutal pastimes so much enjoyed by the old
Tsars, but, at the same time, he had no taste
for horsemanship or field sports, and did not
care for the chase, either with dogs or fal-
cons. Sokolniki, with its hunting-lodge, fell
into decay. Its name recalls the falconers
MODEL OF A SHIP MADE BY PETER. — FROM MARINE Ml
ST. PETERSBURG.
of old, but the May-day festival now' held
there, with the outspread tents, which bear
the appellation of "the German camp," takes
us back to Peter and the German suburb.
During the " Butter-Week " or carnival ot
1690, Peter gave on the banks of the river
Presna, in honor of the birth of his son
Alexis, a display of fire-works, made in part
by himself, the first at that time seen in
Moscow, for previously he had confined
his experiments to Preobrazhehsky. These
displays were not always unattended with
danger. A five-pound rocket, instead of
bursting in the air, came down on the head
of a gentleman, and killed him on the spot;
at another time, an explosion of the material
wounded Captain Strasburg, son-in-law of
General Gordon, and Franz Timmermann,
and killed three workmen. As soon as the
river Moskva had got clear of ice, Peter
organized a flotilla of small row-boats, and
going himself aboard of his yacht, the same
which he had found at Ismailovo, sailed
with a company of boyars and courtiers
down the river as far as the monastery of
St. Nicholas of Ugretch, and spent some
days feasting in the neighborhood. He no
sooner returned to Moscow than he pre-
pared for some military maneuvers, and
stormed the palace at Semenofsky. Hand-
grenades and fire-pots were freely used, but
even when slightly charged or made of
pasteboard these are dangerous missiles,
month
gaged ;
and by the bursting of one of them the
Tsar and several of his officers were in-
jured. Peter's wounds were probably not
light, for he ceased his amusements, and
appeared rarely in public from June until
September, when other mock combats were
fought between the guards and various
regiments of Streltsi. In one of these Gen-
eral Gordon was wounded in the thigh, and
had his face so severely burnt that he was
kept a week in bed.
The following summer was passed ir
much the same way. At the open-
ing of navigation, a new yacht
built by Peter's own unassistet
hands, was launched on the Mosk
va, and again there was a merr)
excursion to the monastery ol
Ugretch, in spite of stormy weather
Military exercises then continuec
all the summer at Preobrazhensky
and a grand sham battle was or
dered. This was postponed fo
two months on account of th<
serious illness of the Tsaritsa Nata
lia, and took place only in th<
of October. Two armies were en
the Russian, consisting chiefly oi
Peter's play troops, or guards, commandec
by Prince Theodore Ramodanofsky, t<
whom was given the title of the General
issimo Frederick, was matched against th<
Streltsi under Generalissimo Buturlin. Th<
fight lasted five days, and resulted in th<
victory of the Russian army, though no
without disaster, for Prince Ivan Dolgoruk}
died, as Gordon says, " of a shot got nin(
days before, in the right arm, at the fiek
ballet military."
Tired of his soldiers, Peter again turnec
to his boats, and at the end of November
1691, went to Lake Plestcheief, where h<
had not been for more than two years. H(
remained there a fortnight, in a smal
palace built for him on the shore of th<
lake, a mile and a half from Pereyaslavl
It was a small, one-story, wooden house
with windows of mica, engraved with dif
ferent ornaments, the doors covered fo:
warmth with white felt, and on the roof i
two-headed eagle, surmounted by a gil
crown. During the course of the next year
he visited the lake four times, on two occa
sions staying more than a month. H(
occupied himself with building a ship, as h(
had been ordered to do by " His Majesty '
the generalissimo, Prince Ramodanofsky
and worked so zealously that he was un
willing to return to Moscow for the recep
PETER THE GREAT.
tion of the Persian embassador, and it was
necessary for Leo Naryshkin and Prince
Boris Galitsyn to go expressly to Pereya-
slavl to show him the importance of return-
ing for the reception, in order not to offend
the Shah. Two days after, he went back
to his work, and invited the '• company " to
the launch. Only one thing remained
to complete his satisfaction, and that was
the presence of his family. His mother,
sister and wife finally went to Pereyaslavl
in August, 1692, with the whole court, and
remained there a month, apparently with
great enjoyment. Troops came up from
Moscow, and the whole time was spent in
banquets, in parties on the water, and in
military and naval maneuvers. The Tsar-
itsa Natalia even celebrated her name's-
day there, and did not return to Moscow
until September, ill and fatigued with this
unaccustomed life.
Her illness soon passed over, but Peter
was seized with a violent attack, from his
too hard work and his over-indulgence in
dissipation. In November, he was taken
down with a dysentery which kept him in
bed for a month and a half. At one time
his life was despaired of. It is reported
that his favorites were aghast, as they felt
confident that in case of his death Sophia
would again ascend the throne, and that
nothing but exile or the scaffold awaited
them; and it is said that Prince Boris
Galitsyn, Apraxin and Plestcheief had
horses ready, in order, in case of emergency,
to flee from Moscow. Toward Christmas,
Peter began to mend, and by the middle
of February, 1693, although still not en-
tirely recovered, was able to go about the
city, and, in the quality of best man, invite
guests to the marriage of a German gold-
worker. In the same capacity, he took
upon himself the ordering of the marriage
feast and plied the company well with drink,
although he himself drank little. Appar-
ently from this illness date the fits of melan-
choly, the convulsive movements of the
muscles, and the sudden outbursts of pas-
sionate anger with which Peter was so sadly
afflicted.
During the carnival, the Tsar again gave
an exhibition of fire-works on the banks of
the Presna. After a thrice-repeated salute
of fifty-six guns, a flag of white flame
appeared, bearing on it the monogram of
the generalissimo, Prince Ramodanofsky, in
Dutch letters, and afterward was seen a
fiery Hercules tearing apart the jaws of a
lion. The fire-works were followed by a
supper, which lasted till three hours after
midnight. The Tsaritsa was so pleased
with the fiery Hercules that she presented
her son — the master fire-worker — a full uni-
form as sergeant of the Preobrazhensky
regiment.
As soon as the carnival was over, Peter
went again to Pereyaslavl, where he stayed
at work during the whole of Lent, and in
May went there again, and sailed for two
weeks on the lake. This was his last visit,
for he soon went to a larger field of oper-
ations, on the White Sea, and visited
Pereyaslavl only in passing from Moscow to
Archangel, and again before the Azof cam-
paign, to get the artillery material stowed
there. After that, he was not there again
for twenty-five years — until 1722, when on
his road to Persia. He then lamented over
the rotten and neglected ships, and gave
strict instructions that the remnants of them
should be carefully preserved. These
orders were not obeyed, and of the whole
flotilla on Lake Plestcheief there now exists
only one small boat, which was preserved by
the peasants, and since 1803 has been kept
in a special building, under the direction of
the local nobility, guarded by retired sailors.
There remains nothing else but the tradi-
tional name of the Church of Our Lady at
the Ships, and a festival on the sixth Sun-
day after Easter, in commemoration of
Peter's launch, when all the clergy of
Pereyaslavl, attended by a throng of peo-
ple, sail on a barge to the middle of the
lake and bless the waters.
The revival of Peter's interest in boat-
building and navigation was probably due
in part to the conversations which he had
heard among his foreign friends. He had
dined with the Dutch Resident, Van Keller,
in June, 1691, and both from him and from
the Dutch merchants whom he was con-
stantly meeting he heard expressions of
joy that the commercial intercourse between
Archangel and Holland, which had been
interrupted for two years by the French
cruisers, had at last been renewed. All the
goods had been detained at Archangel, and
there had been a general stagnation of
trade ; but now that the Dutch had sent a
convoy into the North Sea, several mer-
chant vessels had safely reached their desti-
nation. Together with this news, came the
intelligence that the richly laden Dutch
fleet from Smyrna had also arrived at
Amsterdam, without mishap. About the
same time, Peter had received from Nicho-
las Witsen, the Burgomaster of Amsterdam,
720
.PETER THE GREAT.
PETER BUILDS HIS FIRST FLEET. (FROM A PICTURE PAINTED FOR THE RUSSIAN
— who had been in Russia years before, and
had written a very remarkable book, the
" Description of North and EastTartary," — a
letter, urging the importance of the trade
with China and Persia, and suggesting means
for its advancement. It was in consequence
of this letter that Ysbrandt Ides was sent on
a mission to China, and this, together with
the talk about the Dutch trade, had doubt-
less given Peter some new ideas of the
importance to the country of commerce,
and of its protection by ships of war. In
the dispatches which Van Keller wrote
about Peter's occupations on Lake Plestch-
eief, he remarks : " The Tsar seems to take
into consideration commerce as well as
war." Subsequently, he mentions the pro
posed sham-fight, but says that the peopli
of Moscow augured no good of it. Afte
reporting that he had informed Peter of th<
great victory which King William and th<
English fleet had obtained over the Frencl
at La Hogue, he says that Peter desired t<
see the original dispatch, and had it trans
lated, " Whereupon it followed that his Tsar
ish Majesty, leaping up and shouting fo:
joy, ordered his new ships to fire a salute.'
In another dispatch, he wrote that thi:
young hero often expressed the great desin
that possessed him to take part in the cam
paign against the French, under King Will
iam, or to give him assistance by sea.
OVER THE BALKANS WITH GOURKO.
721
OVER THE BALKANS WITH GOURKO.
WITH the fall of Plevna and the capture
of Osman's army it was thought that the
backbone of the Turkish resistance was
broken, but it was only a few days before
every one knew that there was to be no
rest in the campaign. Orders were imme-
diately issued sending the troops who had
blockaded Plevna to one or the other of the
advanced guards in the Balkans, and at the
end of a week they were all in motion.
Every one obeyed cheerfully, nobody
knowing what would come of it, but nine
out of ten believing it could only result in
terrible disaster, to be brought about by
lack of food and extreme suffering from
cold. These views were only confirmed
by a change in the weather, which hither-
to had been raw and wet, with occa-
sional snows, but now suddenly changed
to a temperature of about zero Fahren-
heit, accompanied by a raging snow-storm
of three days' duration. Everything was
frozen solid, the roads became beds of
ice, the animals staggered and fell dead
with the cold, and the men huddled to-
gether in silence, shivering in their ragged
clothing which had not been renewed since
summer.
I left Plevna and the Grand Duke's
head-quarters on the zoth of December,
two days after the departure of the ninth
corps, which had been detailed to General
Gourko at the Orkhanie Pass. I intended
to overtake these troops on the road, and
follow the campaign with General Gourko's
army. At the close of a long day's ride
the storm increased in severity, and I was
preparing to leave the road and seek shelter
for the night in a village bivouac, whose
smoke I could see not far off, when a weird
picture attracted my attention just in front
of me. Alone in the road, without a
human being in sight, stood a company
wagon heavily loaded with the men's
rations ; the ground was frozen hard beneath
it and covered with snow on all sides; the
snow was driving furiously through the air,
and the eye could penetrate its mass but a
short distance ; against this white back-
ground stood the black silhouette of the
middle horse of the " troika " ; the other
two lay dead and stiff at his feet on either
side, and he alone was still standing, gaunt
and feeble, swaying backward and forward
in sad and terrible silence before the blasts
VOL. XX.— 47.
of the storm, and waiting, half insensible,
his turn to fall.
I found refuge for the night with a cap-
tain of a " park " of reserve artillery ammu-
nition which was bivouacked in the village.
He occupied one room of a little hut, the
other being filled with a family of some ten
or twelve Bulgarians, of both sexes and
various ages. His reception was in unison
with that which I invariably received from
every one of his class, and the open-hearted
warmth of which I was often puzzled to
account for. He spoke but a few words
of French and German, barely more than
the few phrases of Russian which I had by
that time acquired, but it was enough for
him to understand that I was an American.
Everything was immediately placed at my
disposal : my horses had the best stalls in
the wretched little stable, and plenty of for-
age to eat ; the samovar was immediately set
boiling for tea ; whatever meat he had was
at once put to cooking; his little flask of
brandy was half drained to warm my
chilled stomach; his chest was opened to
take out the one or two delicacies which he
possessed in the way of food ; his one knife
and fork were cleaned for my use ; his serv-
ant was called a fool and a blockhead for
not being quicker with the supper; his few
St. Petersburg cigarettes were forced upon
me ; and when it was time to go to bed he
insisted long and urgently, though I would
not yield, that I should sleep on his camp-
bed while he took the mud floor.
In the morning, he was equally urgent
that I should take the greater part of the
half-dozen cans of potted meats which he
possessed, on the ground that I would need
them out in the storm, while he might
remain where he was for ten days or more.
In a word, everything that was possible was
done to make us change places for the
night, — he to become the ill-provided trav-
eler, and I the comparatively comfortable
lodger in a house, such as it was. I never
saw this man before nor after the one night
I passed with him, yet, had I been his
foster-brother and playmate from child-
hood, now rejoining him after a long
absence, he could not have done more for
me. The same thing happened to me on
dozens of occasions, and as I found that
more than once, when I was mistaken for
an English officer or correspondent, my re-
722
OVER THE BALKANS WITH GOURKO.
ception was very cold, I at last became
convinced that all this kindness was due to
my nationality. It is a fact, strange as it
may appear to some people, that there ex-
ists throughout the length and breadth of
Russia a sentimental attachment for Amer-
icans, of the depth of which we have very
little conception at home. The policy of
the rulers of Russia, from the time of Cath-
erine to the present, has been one of uni-
form and unbroken friendship for the
United States ; this is a well-known fact in
politics, and people account for it on the
ground of self-interest, or of genuine admi-
ration, according to their political opin-
ions. But what is not generally known is
the fact that this friendly feeling permeates
all classes of society, and is far more firmly
rooted in those portions of the community
which never see St. Petersburg than it is in
the more cosmopolitan court circles of that
capital. It is of no use to argue that the
feeling is superficial, that it has no substan-
tial foundation, that the political customs
and the habits of the people of the two
countries are diametrically opposed, and
that they have no interests in common.
The feeling does exist, and it is a very
strong one. Certain reasons may be given
for it, which, although at first sight they
may appear insufficient and superficial, have
nevertheless a great deal of force. Remote-
ness and the lack of clashing interests are,
no doubt, among the prime causes, coupled
with the fact that Russian interests do clash
so constantly with those of other European
nations; in addition to this, there are ele-
ments of sympathy in the fact of mere geo-
graphical bigness, Russia and the United
States standing first among civilized nations
in point of continuous territory and number
of inhabitants of one race; each of us is
sensitive to foreign criticism, and each,
while conscious of its own strength, has felt
the sneers of other countries ; but, above all,
Russia has come to look upon itself as the
inveterate and eternal enemy of England,
and it rightly judges us to be the natural
rival of England in all those elements of
commercial success which have made her
present greatness. Russia looks to see
England decline as we advance, and this
decline she considers her greatest advan-
tage. A wide-spread illusion also exists,
which I never succeeded in dispelling with
any one with whom I conversed, that the
minute England becomes involved in war
we will destroy her commerce by precisely
those means which certain Englishmen em-
ployed in our hour of trouble to destroy
ours. Our feelings and probable action in
the event of England being involved in a
Continental war are more correctly appreci-
ated at St. Petersburg, but in the country at
large — as represented by the army officers —
the opinion is universal that we would at
once send out cruisers to depredate on
English commerce the moment England's
fleet was occupied elsewhere. Both being
enemies, the Russians argue, of the same
power, we must naturally be friends of each
other.
One other incident, which is almost for-
gotten at home, made a deep and lasting
impression in Russia; this was the mission
of Mr. Fox in 1867. The sending of a fleet of
vessels, partly composed of monitors, which
had proved their merit in action at home,
but had never before been seen in European
waters, to convey an embassador bearing a
special message from the whole American
people, as represented in Congress, of good-
will to the Russian people and hearty con-
gratulations on the escape of their emperor
from assassination — all this had a flavor of
generous sentiment in it peculiarly accept-
able to the people of Moscow and " old Rus-
sians" generally. The fame of this mission
penetrated to the ends of the empire, and
consolidated a friendship which has been
growing for years, and the very inertness of
the Russians, which prevents them from re-
ceiving a new idea every day, makes them
hold very fast to those they do receive and
accept.
I left my generous host early the next
morning, and making my way through the
storm, arrived two days afterward at Gen-
eral Gourko's head-quarters, on the northern
slope of the Balkans, near Orkhanie. The
troops destined to re-enforce his army arrived
the same day, and on the next the orders
were issued for the advance. The follow-
ing day, Christmas morning, in intense cold
and in the midst of a dense, impenetrable
fog of particles of ice, we set out to cross
the Balkans. The troops found almost in-
superable obstacles in dragging their guns
up the steep, icy slopes of the narrow road
which had been made over the mountain to
enable them to turn the position of the
Turks in their front. The guns had to be
taken apart and dragged piecemeal by ropes
up the mountain, and late that evening, at
the time when it was intended that more than
half of the troops should have been at the
southern outlets of the mountain passes, not
a gun had reached the summit. The posi-
OVER THE BALKANS WITH GOURKO.
723
tion was a precarious one ; the troops were
spread out over an immense length and
there was the greatest danger that the move-
ment would be revealed to the Turks and
might be wholly aborted by flank attacks
as the isolated detachments should reach
the southern valleys. At night-fall, Gen-
eral Gourko reached the summit and lay
down in the snow for a little rest, thoroughly
harassed by the anxieties of the moment.
It was one of those critical periods when
success or failure hang in the balance, and
the general's impatience knew no bounds,
as successive reports came to him of the
difficulties and delays which the different
columns met with. After admiring the mag-
nificent view which was disclosed from the
top of the mountain, at the base of which lay
the broad plain of Sophia, clad in snow, but
dotted here and there with the numerous
dark clusters of huts and curling smoke of
the villages, I declined an invitation to
pass the night on the mountain, and deter-
mined to push forward to a regiment which
held the outposts in the valley below. Sev-
eral hours after night-fall, when I was begin-
ning to fear I had wholly lost my road and
was wandering into the Turkish lines, as I
once did at Plevna, I stumbled upon the vil-
lage where the Russians were bivouacked;
applying at once at the first hut, I was
received with the usual cordiality by the
half-dozen officers quartered in it, and was
immediately offered more than my share of
whatever creature comforts they possessed.
While the troops were slowly dragging
themselves and their guns over the mount-
ain range, I took advantage of the delay to
pass a day or two with the brigade of Cau-
casian Cossacks who were employed in
scouting and skirmishing with the Turks in
the valley of Sophia. These men are of an
entirely different type from the Russians
proper. They come from the mountains and
valleys of the Caucasus, not very far from
that portion of the earth which is spoken of
as the cradle of the human race, and they
are of a remarkably pure Caucasian type —
ruddy complexions, dark hair and eyes,
short black beards, and compact, well-knit
frames ; their wild, picturesque costume con-
sists of a black, woolly, sheep-skin hat, one
or two long tunics coming to their heels, the
inner one of red or black silk and the outer
of brown woollen cloth, a pair of trowsers,
and low boots outside of them. The tunic
is gathered in at the waist by a very narrow
belt of leather, ornamented with silver
worked in enamel ; the scimiter-like sword
is hung by a similar piece of leather passing
over one shoulder, and over the other hangs
the carbine, in a sheath of sheep-skin ; on
each breast are half a dozen cases for car-
tridges. Their horses are the counterpart
of themselves — short, thick-set, extremely
hardy, and very intelligent. The men are
wonderfully bold riders, though their seat
and appearance — with short stirrups and
high saddles — have little in common with
what we are accustomed to call good horse-
manship.
These people differ as much from the
Russians in their character as in their ap-
pearance. Though among the most faithful
of the Tsar's subjects, they are all Moham-
medans, understand but very little of the
Russian language, are very quick-sighted
and self-reliant, never at a loss to take care
of themselves, and render the best service
when left to their own resources. They are
a species of amiable barbarians, devoted to
their friends and absolutely relentless to
their foes ; they talk but little among them-
selves, have a serious expression of counte-
nance, rarely smile, and do not sing except
when they give themselves up to a dance
around a camp-fire, which bears a strong re-
semblance to the sun dances of our Indians,
although the motions are more varied and
graceful. They have little of the regular
discipline of European troops, though they
are by no means disorderly, and they love
nothing so much as danger and wild advent-
ure for its own sake.
The brigade was bivouacked in one of
the little villages of the Sophia plain when I
joined it, just at daylight a day or two after
Christmas. The village was wrapped in
snow, and showed no sign whatever of the
thousand men who were hid in it, except
that a good many horses were in the yards
of the huts. I found the hut of the com-
mandant, who was just rolling out of his
blankets, and refreshed myself with a few
glasses of the customary hot tea. Half an
hour afterward we were in motion, and
moved out through the deep snow toward
the town of Sophia, to reconnoiter the strength
of the Turks at that place. As we passed
from one to another of the villages, where
no Russians had previously been seen, the
Bulgarians met us in large numbers at the
entrance of each, usually preceded by their
priests bearing a cross and the elders of the
village bringing salt and bread. At our
approach they bowed their heads to the
ground and cried <l Welcome, welcome," and
then rushed up to kiss our hands or clothes.
724
OVER THE BALKANS WITH GOURKO.
Whatever knowledge they had concerning
the Turks was cheerfully given (though their
reports were often unintelligible and contra-
dictory), and their ample pro visions of grain,
bread, geese and poultry were freely placed
at our disposal. But as they saw that we
did not remain, their enthusiasm cooled most
decidedly, as they remembered that to-mbr-
row might bring a body of Turks back upon
them.
As we approached one village, we were
received with a few shots coming from be-
hind the hedges. The column was halted
and some skirmishers thrown out, who re-
ported a body of Turkish infantry in the
village, engaged in crossing a deep little
stream which was covered with a thin coating
of ice, not strong enough to bear our horses.
Those of the Turks who had already passed
were drawn up in line on the opposite bank,
and as the Cossacks could only approach
the ford through a narrow street they were
at a considerable disadvantage, considering
that their object was merely a reconnaissance,
and nothing was to be gained by losing forty
or fifty men. So they only skirmished with
the Turks for half an hour, when all the latter
being across the stream, they broke into a
double-quick on the road to Sophia. The
Cossacks put after them, but the ford was
very narrow, and it was some time before
they were over; the Turks got a start of a
good half-mile, and as soon as the Cossacks
came near them they stopped long enough
to give them a warm fire and then ran on.
The Cossacks could easily have caught them
on the road, which was firm and hard, but
would have lost thirty or forty men in doing
so, and there was no object in it, as it was
only a small force of five hundred or six
hundred men retreating from an outpost in
the mountains. Then the Cossacks tried
to go around and get ahead of them,
but the deep soft snow in the fields
made their progress slower than that of
the Turks. So they merely kept up the
chase for three or four miles, until they came
to the main high road at a point where it
crossed a considerable stream about three
miles in front of Sophia. The Turks got
safely across the bridge and then we were
saluted by a fine rattling fusillade extending
over a length of about a quarter of a mile of
the opposite bank of the stream, and we
saw a regiment or more of Tcherkesses *
deploy on the opposite bank. Here we
were in full sight of the town, and the officers
* Caucasian cavalry in the Turkish service.
had a good opportunity to sketch the posi-
tion of its fortifications, so the Cossacks fell
back to about 1200 yards and, spreading
out over a long line, kept up a good skir-
mish fire. A curious and very interesting
incident now occurred. The Cossacks sat
there exchanging shots for nearly an hour,
and while with our glasses we could plainly
see many a Turk knocked out of his saddle
by our Berdans, not a man on the Russian
side was hit, and not a bullet was heard to
whistle. The Tcherkesses were armed with
the Winchester repeating carbine, which only
carried about 800 to 900 yards, and we
were wholly out of range ! A week later
another skirmish took place at the same
locality. This time it was the main body
of Gourko's troops forcing their way to
Sophia; they met with resistance at this
same bridge, and a smart skirmish took
place, lasting about an hour, and costing the
Russians fifty or sixty men. On this occa-
sion I was with General Gourko's staff, and
we stood watching the fight on a tumulus
about three hundred yards in rear of the
place where I had been before; this time
the bullets flew fast and thick, and a few
horses in our group were wounded; but
now it was Turkish infantry opposed to us,
armed with the Peabody- Martini rifle, a
splendid weapon which carries with deadly
effect to 2000 yards.
As the sun began to go down the Cos-
sacks gradually withdrew, having gained as
much information as was possible with their
force. Along the road were the evidences
of an affair in which these same troops had
been engaged a few days before, and which
was more to their taste than to-day's gentle
skirmishing. Pieces of broken wagons,
dead horses, immense stains of blood in the
snow, men with their heads severed in two
pieces, these were the marks, of an attack
on a transport train guarded by a company
of infantry, every man of which had been
cut down. And yet — so strange are the
anomalies of semi-civilized nature — at the
end of that affair, an infant, not over six
months old, who had been discovered de-
serted among the debris, was picked up,
wrapped in a big cloak, tenderly cared for
during the night, and the next day carried
back on horseback, thirty miles over the
mountains, to the nearest hospital, and there
delivered to the Sisters of Charity of the
Red Cross, by whom it was taken in charge
and sent to Russia for adoption.
The picture of the rough Cossack carry-
ing this child, laughing in his face, on the
OVER THE BALKANS WITH GOURKO.
725
pommel of his saddle through the snow,
was a most attractive one; and yet the
same man, without a moment's hesitation,
would pull out his sword and hack off the
head of its wounded father, lying on the
ground and begging for mercy ; and, while
enjoying the zest of it at the moment, would
forget all about it the next day. While this
reconnaissance had been going on, the main
body of the troops were still tugging pain-
fully at their guns on the mountain range.
It was six days before they had pulled them
up one side, slid them down the other, and
then put them together again, mounted
them on their wheels, and turned them over
to the horses for draught. Finally the
troops were all assembled in the valleys on
the southern side ; and an attack was made
at Taskossen on the last day of the year —
on the position which the Turks had taken
up by throwing back their left flank to
oppose the Russian advance against their
rear. Their troops were commanded by
the well-known Valentine Baker, who made
a short but good defense, keeping it up
until a dense fog settled just before sunset,
and prevented Gourko's getting in the rear
of the main Turkish army and bagging it
entire, as the Turkish army was bagged at
Shipka.
It was a pretty fight to look at. The
Turks had a good position along a pass in
a spur of the mountain through which the
road passed. They were on high ground,
and the Russians had to advance through
an open valley. In front of them, directly
opposite to the Turkish position and about
two miles from it, was a high spur on which
we were situated, and from which every
movement of the battle could be seen with
perfect clearness.
The Turks gave way about three o'clock
in the afternoon, but it was impossible
to follow them for any distance at that
late hour of the short winter day, as the
weather was inclement and the men were
exhausted. The next morning, New Year's
day, the troops were put in motion, the
general and staff preceding them with a
small escort. As we rode through the pass
we came into a small valley not over four
miles in width, in rear of the main range
of the Balkans, which bounded it on the
north, while natural spurs encircled it on
the other sides. The principal body of the
Turks had been on the Balkans, and we
looked eagerly to see whether they still re-
mained there ; nothing could be discerned.
But off on our right we noticed a few black
dots moving toward the south over a
snow-covered slope. With our glasses we
thought that a large body of troops could
be seen massed in and near the village at
the foot of the slope, about three miles
off. The leading Russian battalions and
batteries were immediately hurried in that
direction, and, in a few minutes afterward,
an enormous black mass, like a swarm of
busy ants, was seen slowly ascending the
mountain. Evidently a portion of the
Turks were in retreat, but we knew nothing
of what had transpired at their principal
position, and scanned eagerly the sides of
the main range in search of further develop-
ments, while a few officers were sent forward
to reconnoiter. Soon afterward, a long wind-
ing column made its appearance, descending
the southern slope of the main range. Was
it the rest of the Turks, or was it a portion
of the Russians ? Officers were sent off
post-haste to learn. In less than half an
hour one of them came galloping back to
say that it was their own men, and that the
whole position on the Balkans had been
abandoned during the night. The troops
we saw off on our right were, therefore, a
large rear-guard of the Turkish army. The
general took out of his pocket a piece of
chocolate, — the only delicacy he had with
him, — and divided it with his staff in con-
gratulation of their success ; for, in fact, the
supposed impassable line of the main Balkan
range had been passed in the depth of win-
ter, and the Turks were in full retreat.
Short dispatches were at once written and
sent to the end of the field-telegraph on the
other side of the mountains, and others,
more at length, were written later in the
day and given to an officer, to take with the
utmost speed and deliver into the Emperor's
own hands at St. Petersburg. It was a New
Year's congratulation worth offering.
Five days later the Russian troops entered
the town of Sophia, which the Turks had
evacuated during the preceding night. At
the entrance of the town we were met by a
procession of two or three thousand people,
headed by a large number of priests of the
orthodox church, attired in the robes of
their office. Some of them bore crucifixes
of silver, which were presented to the Rus-
sian commander, who devoutly uncovered
his head, crossed himself three times and
kissed them. Others carried a silver platter
containing a loaf of bread and some salt —
the ancient emblems of hospitality. Behind
them was a choir of several hundred voices,
that immediately began singing an anthem.
726
OVER THE BALKANS WITH GOURKO.
The rest of the crowd was made up of Bul-
garians, who broke forth into loud cheers
and shouts of welcome as we rode along
past them.
This town, which was founded by the
Byzantine Emperor Constantine in the sixth
century, captured by the Bulgarians and
made their capital in the ninth century, con-
quered by the Turks in 1382 and now re-
conquered by Christians in 1878, presented
strange scenes — scenes which have little in
common with the nineteenth century as we
understand it, and are possible now in no
other civilized land but Turkey.
Nearly all the shops had been owned by
Turks or a few Greeks. The Turkish pop-
ulation had either fled with the Turkish
troops or had hidden out of sight, and for
about eight hours — from two o'clock in the
night, when the Turks left, until ten o'clock
in the morning, when the Russians entered
— the Bulgarians had been engaged in in-
discriminate and ruthless pillage. Every
shop in the town had been broken open,
and its contents carried off or scattered
about the streets. The Russians very
quickly brought order out of this confusion.
Their Cossack whips were freely used on
the backs of the Bulgarians, and any person
found with goods in the street or suspicious-
looking property in his house was required
to bring it into one of the open squares of
the town, where it was heaped up in great
piles and guarded by sentries until its own-
ership could be clearly proven.
The only solitary instance of pillage by
the troops — a Cossack who was found
guilty of stealing a watch from a man in the
street — was summarily punished by hang-
ing within an hour from the time of the
robbery.
This instance of pillage by the Bulgarians
was, unfortunately, not the exception, — it
was the common rule on similar occasions ;
and as the war went on and instances of it
multiplied, it sadly dampened the ardent
enthusiasm with which the Russians had
begun the war for the relief of their suf-
fering co-religionists. Misgovernment ex-
tending over centuries cannot be righted
without the hatred which it has engendered
finding vent in horrible excesses, and this
war will stand out pre-eminent among
those of modern times for the suffering
which it inflicted upon the non-combatant
population. Whenever the Russian armies
approached a village, the Turkish popula-
tion abandoned everything and fled before
them ; when the Russians were obliged to
fall back and the Turks followed in pursuit,
the Bulgarians fled before them; when, finally,
the Russian advance surged forward during
the winter without interruption to the gates of
Constantinople, a large portion of the entire
Mohammedan population left their homes
and villages, and packing a few possessions
and still less food in one or two bullock
wagons, they formed the nucleus of cara-
vans of refugees — one of which, receiving
fresh additions at every village, finally
stretched out over a length of twenty miles
and contained two hundred thousand souls!
This great train became mingled with
the retreating Turkish troops, and was
caught between two fractions of the advanc-
ing Russians — General Gourko from Sophia
and General Skobeleff from Shipka. Its
escort of a few battalions foolishly made a
defense against the troops of the latter
general, and being beaten it took refuge in
flight toward the Rhodope Mountains,
followed by all the able-bodied portion of
the community, who left the old, the sick
and the babes to perish in the snow.
The train was at once plundered of all its
possessions by the Bulgarians of the neigh-
boring villages, who mercilessly put to
death all those who had not yet perished
of cold. For three successive days we
marched through the remnants of this car-
avan, scattered over a length of seventy
miles, — broken wagons, scattered contents,
dead animals ; here a man and his wife, who
had stretched a blanket in the snow and
lain down to die side by side ; there a
stately old Turk, with flowing white beard,
green turban and brightly figured robe,
lying by the ditch with his throat cut from
ear to ear ; and again a naked little infant
frozen stiff in the snow, with its eyes up-
turned to heaven. Our blood curdled as
we saw a Bulgarian clod, grinning and
staring at us from the road-side, who an-
swered as we asked him who murdered those
two Turks lying a few feet from us :
" Nashe bratte (Our brothers, we did
it)-"
In the villages which the Turks had left,
their houses, land and effects were all
promptly seized and used by the Bulgarians.
On the other hand, in the wagons of the
caravan were found silver altar-pieces which
the Mohammedans had stolen from the
Christian churches before beginning their
flight.
Meanwhile, the refugees of this particular
caravan eked out a precarious existence in
the Rhodope Mountains until spring, when,
OVER THE BALKANS WITH GOURKO.
727
aided and led by one or two English ad-
venturers, they began an insurrection against
the Russian troops who had been left to
guard the line of communications. When
this had been subdued, some months later,
the tale of their sufferings reached Con-
stantinople, and a commission of foreign
consuls was sent to investigate the matter.
They reported that more than a hundred and
fifty thousand homeless and starving refu-
gees were scattered about in the villages of
this inhospitable region, with no resources
of food or clothing for the coming winter.
Subscriptions were opened in England for
their relief, and measures were taken, the
war being now over, to return them to their
homes. Arriving there, they found all their
property appropriated by others, and they
met with a bleak reception from the Bul-
garians, who imagined they had seen the
last of their long-time enemies and op-
pressors ; and it is questionable whether
it would not have been more humane in
the end, as several Russians suggested, to
make them continue their flight to Asia.
The caravan of which I have spoken was
the largest, but it was only one of many.
The migration of the others continued all
the way to Constantinople, where, on our
arrival, there were reported to be three
hundred thousand refugees. The mosque
of St. Sophia alone contained nearly three
thousand of them when I first saw it. They
were herded about in mosques and in open
squares until the typhus fever broke out
among them, when the Turkish authorities
displayed unwonted energy and in a few days
dispersed the whole mass, sending about half
of them over into Asia and the other half
back toward Bulgaria.
It is probably within the limit of fact to
say that seven hundred thousand Moham-
medans abandoned their homes and pos-
sessions during the war, and set foith on
a long journey the aim and end of which
they knew not, and that not one-half of
them have ever returned, and a large pro-
portion have perished. In addition to this,
about three hundred thousand Bulgarians
abandoned their homes at the time of
Gourko's retreat in July. A million of people
were thus wandering about during the course
of the war, with only such possessions as
two or three families could pack into one
bullock wagon. The sufferings which they
endured can never be told, much less appre-
ciated. Even now, more than two years
after the events of which I am writing, we
constantly read in the papers of a new com-
mission being formed to make arrangements
for returning the Turkish refugees to their
homes.
We stayed at Sophia just a week, recuper-
ating the men and getting together the sup-
plies for a further advance. Our way then
lay on the ancient Roman road to Adrianople.
We had to cross a second range of mount-
ains, where the same difficulties were en-
countered with the guns as before, only
lessened to the extent that smooth roads are
less difficult than mountain paths, although
both be covered with frozen, icy snow.
Emerging from the mountains at last in the
wide and beautiful plain of the Maritza, we
came nearly up with the retreating Turks,
and then for three days, marching from day-
light to dark and always in sight of each
other, we kept up the exciting chase, hardly
stopping long enough to extinguish the blaz-
ing fires in every village which marked the
line of Turkish march.
.On the afternoon of the third day, the
advance guard, under Count Shouvaloff,
with whom I was marching, were met by
some cavalry which were scouting on their
right, who reported that a column of Turks
was moving directly toward a village just
abreast of them, with the intention of cross-
ing the Maritza River and gaining the high
road on which they were. Count Shouvaloff
immediately turned his men to the right, and
they plunged into the stream — a river more
than a hundred yards wide and four feet
deep, filled with cakes of floating ice which
struck against the men's breasts as they forded
it. Arrived on the other side, their clothing
was soon stiff with ice ; but the men pressed
on through the village and formed on the
opposite side. But the Turks had already
seen their movements, and had turned back
to the railroad along which they were march-
ing, and continued their retreat in that
direction. The rear of the column, on a
good run, was over half a mile from us ; the
sun was just setting, and Shouvaloff had only
about 5000 men at hand. He rightly argued :
If they have a large force, I am too weak
for them to-day ; if a small force, I would
rather they escaped than that my men should
freeze to death with their icy clothes in these
fields to-night. So, sending a small force of
cavalry to reconnoiter their strength, he
turned his men back to the village and bade
them crowd twenty or thirty into each hut
and dry their clothes around blazing fires.
The general picked out one of the squalid
little huts for himself, and invited the two
foreign officers who were present, Major von
728
OVER THE BALKANS WITH GOURKO.
Liegnitz and myself, as well as his chief of
staff and two aids-de-camp, one of whom
was his son, to share it with him. We got
some black bread of the peasants, and each
one contributed a little tea or potted meats
— whatever he had in his saddle, the wagons
being all behind — to make a meal. After-
ward we discussed the probabilities of the
next day. There was plainly visible from
our hut a long line of fires stretching
across the country, about three miles from us.
Liegnitz had, as the sequel proved, the
best military instinct, and argued that this
was a line of bivouac fires of a large body
of Turkish troops, who had selected that
position to give battle ; the others inclined
to the opinion that the fires were caused by
burning the tops of the rice stalks which
projected above the snow. In any event,
the necessary orders were given by the
general for the disposition of the troops for
the morrow — for an attack if the Turks stood
firm, or for a pursuit if they should retreat.
Then we sandwiched ourselves about on
the floor, and slept during the night. Two
thoughts kept running through my mind:
one was the contrast between the present
squalid surroundings of Count Shouvaloff
and his large estates and beautiful home in
St. Petersburg, and his patriotism in leaving
all this and asking to come to the army in
an inferior position after having been passed
over in the first assignment of generals; and
the other was about my own position — going
again into a battle in which I might lose
my life as easily as any one else, but in
which I had no more direct concern than
that of an observer watching the develop-
ment of an interesting problem, in which
if I got hit I would neither receive nor be
entitled to any sympathy, and to the result
of which I was incapable of contributing in
any way whatever. There is a peculiar
sense of foolishness in the feeling of being
hit as a bystander in a row. But our
thoughts are mastered by physical needs,
and one sleeps easily after bodily exhaustion,
no matter in what surroundings.
We were up before daylight the next
morning, and just as the sun arose — a bright
morning of intensely bitter cold — the troops
which had come up during the night, and
slept in the fields on the other side of the
river, began crossing the stream. As they
had to fight all day in the snow it was very
important that their clothing should not be
wet, and they were therefore ordered to
strip naked, roll their clothes in a bundle
and carry them on their heads. As they
came out of the icy river they were as red
as boiled lobsters, but made merry as they
squatted about in the snow to put on their
clothes. They then formed and marched
through the village, where the general sa-
luted them as usual.
" Good morning, my men."
" Good morning, your Highness."
" Did you burn your feet coming over?"
"No, indeed, your Highness!" they an-
swered in a shout, as a broad grin stole over
their good-natured faces.
The troops were soon deployed in the
fields outside the village, and, looking in
the direction of the fires we had noticed
the night before, we saw a ridge of slight
elevation rising out of the rice-fields, and
at intervals along it were several batteries,
and we knew very well that plenty of in-
fantry lay either between or behind them.
The advance was gradually made toward
this position, and when the line of skirmishers
came within about two thousand yards of
it the artillery opened fire, accompanied by
some straggling infantry shots. The men
were ordered to advance slowly, or to lie
down in the furrows of the field, as it was
not intended to attack seriously from this
side.
The Turkish artillery kept up a good
racket, and one battery in particular singled
out the general's staff and followed us
closely, as we moved over the field, with
its shells and shrapnel; for the former we
cared little, as they buried themselves in
the ground, spattering the mud and snow
over us, but the shrapnel breaking in the
air just over your head, and its pieces and
bullets screaming past you, has an ugly and
disagreeable sound. In about an hour the
men had got up in good range, and the
battle was in full play. It was not an ex-
citing spectacle. The whole plan of the
fight, which lasted this day (January i5th)
and the two following days, was to hold the
Turks, with whose rear the Russians had
caught up, in place, while other portions
of the Russian troops should pass around
their right and rear, and either capture the
whole force or cut them off from their line
of retreat along the high road, and drive
them into the Rhodope Mountains. The
part assigned to Count Shouvaloff's troops
was therefore to simply engage the Turks
with sufficient energy to keep them in
position. This sort of affair was entirely
deficient in the dramatic grandeur of the
magnificent advances in line at Plevna.
The two lines now lay down, firing away
OVER THE BALKANS WITH GOURKO.
729
at each other with right good will, and the
artillery on each side increasing the din.
But on either side there was no movement
visible except of couriers or generals moving
along their men, or occasionally a battery
shifting its position. We sat on our horses,
a few hundred yards behind the line of
skirmishers, nearly an hour, watching the
monotonous progress of the fight. We were
a group of perhaps twenty horsemen in all,
counting the orderlies, and we were under
a large branching tree, hoping that this
would make us less prominent. But the
singing of the bullets gradually increased in
such a degree as to let us know that we
were becoming a special target. Finally
the well-known " s-s-s-s-sta/ " of a bullet
that has struck, as distinct from the
" whiss-j--y-j " of one that has gone by, made
us all turn, and we saw a young orderly
officer in the rear of the group bending over
his saddle, with his hand at his head. He
fell from his horse into the arms of a couple
of Cossacks who had dismounted to help
him, and was laid down in the snow, while
the nearest passing stretcher was called to
carry him off. The bullet had passed
through his forehead, and he was dead when
he reached the nearest temporary hospital.
In taking off his overcoat, it was then noticed
that he had another bullet directly through
his heart.
Strange fate, that out of twenty men
standing quietly under fire for an hour, but
one, and he the youngest, should be hit, and
with two bullets simultaneously, either one
of which was certainly fatal !
This incident warned us to move away
from this place, and we rode slowly across
to a part of the ground where a small brook,
with banks about four feet high, meandered
through the field. The general peremptorily
ordered his staff to dismount and sit down
under the shelter of the bank, and to have
their horses led behind a neighboring clump
of bushes. He. Major Liegnitz and myself
then walked up and down for a while, look-
ing at the Turkish line, and talking of the
probable result of the day. Presently two
or three of the horses were hit, and the gen-
eral then politely requested Liegnitz and
myself to also shelter ourselves under the
bank. He was then left alone on the bank,
and I shall long remember the picture of
him, in his long overcoat, pacing up and
down in the snow, the noise, but inertness
of the battle, and the incessant whizzing of
the bullets over our heads. Many of them,
plunging just over us, traced little furrows in
the snow, barely beyond our feet ; and we
commented on the infinite variety which
could be made in the simple sound of
" whiss-s-s-s."
Two or three hours later, as no new de-
velopments were taking place here, I deter-
mined to set out to find General Gourko,
the commanding general, and learn the news
of the battle on the other flank. I rode
back with my orderly over the field, past the
reserves and back into the village. Here
were some temporary hospitals in the huts,
and here also were the skulkers, who are
always found in the rear of every battle-field.
Little groups of five or six men, who had
probably got there by bringing back the
wounded, were crouched against the hedges
of the garden here and there, laughing, chat-
ting, eating, amusing themselves in any way,
in as utter disregard of the battle which was
roaring in their ears, and in which the lives
of their comrades were at stake, as if they
had been at home in Russia.
Crossing the river again, I saw consider-
able masses of troops in reserve lying down
in the fields, and was warned by an officer
that the direct road to the left of the Russian
position was commanded by a very heavy
fire, and that I would do well to circle
around behind the troops. The river was
bordered with quite a considerable growth
of small trees, which shut out the Turks
from direct view, but the bullets which came
whistling from that direction gave very plain
indication of their whereabouts.
The plain was dotted here and there with
ancient tumuli, about eight to ten feet high,
and I rode from one to another of these in
search of General Gourko. I finally saw in
the distance a considerable number of horses
and dismounted men behind one of these,
and riding up found it was the general and
his staff. He and his chief of staff were
stretched flat on the top of the mound,
peering over the top with their glasses, and
the rest of the group were crowded together
at its base. As I came up he turned around
and slid down the mound for a short dis-
tance, and asked me to sit down and tell
him how things were going in Count Shou-
valofif's front, and also asked if I had
seen anything on my way of a certain brig-
ade whose arrival he was awaiting with the
utmost impatience, as they were to move
around the flank of the enemy and block
his retreat.
How very prosaic a modern battle can
be with its long-range muskets, and espe-
cially in the middle of January, with the
73°
OVER THE BALKANS WITH GOURKO.
thermometer away below freezing ! There
was a deafening roar, two curving lines of
black dots could just be distinguished in the
snow, and the bullets were singing over our
heads as we squatted behind a mound — and
that was all of the picture. Yet it would
have been the merest masquerading for the
general and his staff to go parading up and
down the field to draw the fire of sharp-
shooters. He was in the most central part
of the field and on the greatest eminence
— insignificant as it was — that the field
afforded. Nevertheless, at the time I could
not help thinking how tame it all was, as a
mere spectacle, — how little action there was
in it. Yet this is the characteristic of nearly
all battles now, up to the last moment of the
final advance, which is decisive of victory or
defeat, but which seldom lasts half an hour.
The range of the infantry aim is so great (a
mile and a quarter) that the action may be-
come fierce, and many thousands of men can
be hit without either side clearly seeing its
opponents, and one must be well inside the
line of infantry fire to follow the movements
clearly, even with a glass. Cavalry charges
cannot stand under the withering fire of
rapid breech-loaders, and the final advance
of infantry will only be made after hours of
preliminary but possibly deadly maneuvering
have been passed. The dramatic features
of battle have become very short-lived and
infrequent.
This day's fight brought no permanent
result. The brigade that was to get in rear
of the Turks came too late, and the latter
slipped through the gap and took up another
position a few miles in rear. As night came
on the firing simmered down, and the gen-
eral and staff sought the nearest village for
shelter.
In the morning, the battle was renewed on
the same principle as before — of trying to
hold the Turks on one side and get around
them on the other. While it was going on,
the general and staff rode along the road
toward the left of his position, near the large
town of Philippopolis, about four miles off.
This town is peculiarly situated. It was
founded in the days of the conquests of
Philip of Macedon, when war was made at
short range, and the party who was the
highest had a great advantage ; and when
a town situated on an eminence, from which
an advancing enemy could be seen in time,
was sure of a good defense. For these rea-
sons, the town was perched on the sides of
three abrupt rocky eminences which rise in
solitary grandeur from the midst of a plain,
which is hardly broken for twenty miles in
one direction and sixty in another. Its ap-
pearance is at once unique and striking. It
stood boldly out against the sky as we rode
toward it, and our thoughts naturally drifted
back through the long series of strange scenes
it has witnessed during these last three and
twenty centuries. There is no bloodier cock-
pit in all Europe than these plains of ancient
Thrace, the fertile and beautiful valley of the
Maritza or Hebrus. Here the Macedonians,
under Philip and Alexander, first subdued
the Thracian tribes; here the Romans, under
Trajan and Adrian, passed on their conquests
of the lands beyond the Danube ; here they
built roads and other public works during
their administration, which still exist to-day.
Here the Bulgarians fought for the founda-
tion of their kingdom out of the tottering
ruins of the Roman Empire in the East;
through this same valley the contending
hosts of Christians and Turks have surged
back and forward for the past five centuries ;
and here, finally, under the shadow of the
three rocky peaks on which Philip of Mace-
don founded the town of his own name in
the fourth century before Christ, was now
being fought the last great battle of the latest
war in the long series of those which have
been fought on the questions of whether the
Turks shall live and govern in Europe. The
mind is staggered by the long retrospect of
history which the associations of this place
call forth, and we felt that we were now
assisting at one of the not least important
steps of that development of historical
sequence. The advance of this Christian
army and the retreat of the Mahommedan,
and the still more important migration of the
immense numbers of refugees in front of us,
marked one of the final steps — not the last,
but very near it — of that retrocession of the
Turkish wave of conquest, which came into
Europe only to blight every land where it
penetrated, and which has now been surely
receding for two centuries, and early in the
next century, at the latest, will be gone for-
ever.
The battle of Philippopolis lasted through-
out the 1 5th, 1 6th and i7th of January.
On the afternoon of the last day, the Rus-
sians had gained positions on three sides of
the Turks and cut them off from their line
of. retreat toward Adrianople. The latter
fought with their backs to the mountains,
and fought hard and well, as the Turkish
rank and file always do. But, on a final
advance of the Russians, they were obliged
to abandon all their artillery and train, and
FORGOTTEN.
disperse in small bands over the Rhodope
Mountains to the yEgean. Pursuit was
impossible, and these scattered detachments
pursued their way unmolested until, two
weeks later, they reached the shores of the
sea, and were picked up by ships of the
Turkish navy and transported to Constan-
tinople.
The Shipka army having been captured
in bulk, and Suleiman's Sophia army hav-
ing been routed and dispersed, no armed
force of any magnitude lay between the
Russians and Constantinople. They en-
tered Philippopolis and remained there four
days to refit, then pressed on to Adrianople,
where we found General Skobeleff ' s detach-
ment, which had arrived two days before us.
From there the advance again pushed for-
ward and came in front of the lines of Tchek-
medje, the defenses of Constantinople, on
the 3ist of January, just fifty-two days after
the fall of Plevna. On the same day the
armistice was signed which put an end to
active operations.
In these fifty- two days, the column which
I had the honor to accompany had marched
six hundred miles and had crossed two high
ranges of mountains. The combined Rus-
sian forces had captured one army of 40,000
men, dispersed another of 50,000 men, had
taken 213 pieces of artillery, over 10,000,000
rounds of cartridges, 12,000,000 rations and
enormous numbers of tents, baggage, pon-
toons, and military supplies of every descrip-
tion. They had, in short, for the moment
annihilated the military power of Turkey,
and were only deterred from entering Con-
stantinople by questions of political expe-
diency. The manner in which the men
lived, and the sufferings which they endured
in the snow and ice of these fifty-two days
of midwinter, I have endeavored to explain
elsewhere ; * their self-abnegation and cheer-
fulness under great physical suffering, to
which their brilliant success was pre-emi-
nently due, are excelled by nothing of which
we have any record in history, and they en-
title every man of those trans-Balkan col-
umns to the lasting gratitude of their own
countrymen and the friends of Christian
government everywhere, no less than to the
admiration of the entire world, which still
appreciates the value of military heroism.
* " The Russian Army and its Campaigns in Turkey
in 1877-78." Pages 369-374.
FORGOTTEN.
AMONG some cast-off trinkets, laid away
Within a curious box of eastern make,
I found a sandal casket closed to-day,
Which had been quite forgotten since that May
I kissed the contents for a dead boy's sake.
Ay ! and I wept, and bitter tears they were,
Although my memory held the things so slight:
For the brown scentless blossom nestled there
Above his still heart, and the wisp of hair
Had shaded brows forever hid from sight.
I thought that day .1 never could forget
How well I loved him, as I sorrowed so:
But still, altho' my eyes have oft been wet,
It has not been that we no more have met,
Nor for his lying thus beneath the snow.
Ah ! live and love, then die and be forgot,
So roll the cycles of our years away ;
Nor can we hope to find a single spot
Wherein our memories shall fail to blot,
And blur, and be effaced some sunny day.
732 JEAN FRANCOIS MILLET— PEASANT AND PAINTER.
Man's love is nothing ! Mind you, I who speak
Do love as strongly as man ever loved !
But oh ! 'twere foolishness to think one cheek
Shall lose its bloom forever, when I seek
That haven man's gross knowledge ne'er has proved.
Yet I who sing this know that there are those
Who love me better than aught else on earth,
And follow me with prayers till daylight's close ;
But when I pass the reach of human throes,
I know as well they will forget my birth.
So, little box of sandal and of pearl,
An o'erwise lesson you have taught to-day
To me who had forgotten bloom and curl,
Which — wild with grief as any love-lorn girl —
Within your case that spring I laid away.
I had forgot ! poor foolish words are these
To offer at the dust-bound shrine I raised
To him I loved, and where upon my knees
I vowed, at each recurring May, tho' seas
Should intervene, to mourn him whom I praised.
I had forgot! Well, let it be so! I
Shall gain no other epitaph than this.
Let those who love me best so pass me by
With these three words, while gazing where I lie,
" I had forgot ! " 'Tis better so, I wis.
SERENADE.
GOOD-NIGHT, my love ! The stars shine bright
And the moon hangs over the sea;
But I see the gleam of a taper's light
That is more than them all to me,
For it watches my love in her dreams to-night,
As the low moon watches the sea.
My heart beats loud, but I hush my lay
Lest I break her peaceful rest ;
The summer night will pass away
And the moon will sink in the west.
I shall meet my love at the dawning of day,
I shall meet her and be blest !
JEAN FRANgOIS MILLET— PEASANT AND PAINTER.
THE traveler from America who wanders
through the Palace of the Luxembourg
finds on the walls of the narrow corridor
connecting the galleries a picture of two
bathers, one of whom is helping the other
from the water. It is only a few inches in
extent, yet it attracts the eye at once by
reason of its contrast with most of its sur-
roundings;— it does not take long to dis-
cover that this little picture must be from
the hand of one of the men that France
has never been without during the last hun-
JEAN FRANCOIS MILLET— PEASANT AND PAINTER. 733
dred years, — who have kept alive, either
as painters or sculptors, not merely the
tradition, but the essence of high and
genuine art.
The American interested in art will not
here make his first acquaintance with Mil-
let, for nowhere outside of France is he
so widely recognized as in America; no-
where, except in his own country, has he
so strong and increasing an influence. Yet
the Luxembourg picture will help to deepen
the impression of a painter belonging to the
line of true modern artists, and who is also,
as we believe, the one artist of the century
most sure to take his place among the great
of all time.
In France, where Delacroix, Rousseau, Co-
rot, Millet, and other men of the same serious
and original stamp, had such a hard struggle
for recognition by academical authorities and
influences in their own day, they are now
ostensibly acknowledged by such authorities;
certainly the posthumous opposition to them
is naturally not so bitter, and the influence
is felt of new men who have been strongly
affected by them, and who are now them-
selves in places of authority and influence.
Yet, by the men of " the school," those who
are so in the limited sense, Millet is still
accepted, if accepted at all, with large reser-
vations. Year by year, however, the French
school of thirty and forty years ago — in
which men like Ingres, of the stronger sort,
and Delaroche of the weaker, gave eclat to
views based upon a narrow understanding
of Raphael — year by year this school is
losing its hold in France, and giving way
to broader and juster views.
As it is to Millet's " technique " that the
remnants of a false scholasticism still object,
it may be well to say something upon this
matter. Taste, strictly speaking, is not a
point of technique, yet it is an indispensable
element in the making of pictures ; and this,
notwithstanding all that has been said to the
contrary, Millet had, — as the most doubtful
must admit in presence of a later so-called
realism. He knew that art is a selection, and
he knew how to select. He is called the chief
of the realists; but he never painted ugli-
ness for its own sake. He never mistook
the unusual or the merely brutal for the
powerful. He gave the thorns with the
roses, the shadows with the sunlight — for
that is nature and life ; but he had no
morbid affinity with pain and ugliness. In
a word, like every artist whose work is
destined to live, he had the sense of beauty.
Color is a part of technique, and Millet
was a colorist — how excellent may be seen
when we compare him on the one hand
with the Italian and Dutch masters of color,
and on the other with contemporaneous ex-
hibitions of French art, — where it must be
said, however, that even a passable colorist
stands out in bold relief, and a strong color-
ist like Vollon extinguishes a whole Salon.
Composition is a part of technique, and
in this Millet was supreme ; for he com-
posed without letting you see that he com-
posed : he had the final art of hiding his
art.
There is another point of technique in
which he excelled, and pre-eminently. He
could draw action. Raphael himself, the
great academist, did not surpass him in that.
We do not, of course, mean merely people
in movement, but the action of the body,
whether in repose or in motion; this he
could give with a justness, an intensity of ex-
pression never running to extravagance, and
a propriety that have never been surpassed.
The effect of a painting by Titian or
Giorgione upon a wall, even of " old mas-
ters," is generally as a judgment upon the
paintings about it in respect to color. At
once it becomes the canon. The eye recog-
nizes the fact that, whereas one neighbor is
too cold, another too warm, Titian's color
seems exact — just right; it is nature itself, or,
rather, nature as properly expressed in art ;
the eye is satisfied with it, and, as a rule, com-
paratively dissatisfied with its surroundings.
We may say almost the same thing as to
the action of Millet's figures, — it is exact.
Where, then, was Millet lacking in tech-
nique ? Was he lacking in that kind of
minute modeling, the knowledge and prac-
tice of which is acquired yearly by hundreds
of boys in Paris, and which enables them to
make those numerous and clever drawings
which resemble so remarkably the work of
photography, and which are so curiously
destitute of artistic expression ? But Millet
could do this — when he wanted to. You
may hear of figures of his most minutely and
delicately worked out ; hands painted with
every vein, the texture and variable color
of the skin softly and exquisitely imitated.
But even then his work was not little : to
be minute, and at the same time broad,
that is one of the arts of a master. As a
rule, he did not draw with exterior minute-
ness ; but he always drew with a cor-
rectness, a knowledge of the forms and
articulations, the build and action of the hu-
man body, that were the result of the most
unwearied study. His modeling had a se-
734 JEAN FRANCOIS MILLET— PEASANT AND PAINTER.
vere and graphic simplicity which associates
his work with that of the noblest period of
Greek sculpture.
In addition to this — and a matter of less
moment — Millet had a marvelously quick
and sure touch. He worked with ease.
There are artists known among their com-
rades as men of extraordinary rapidity and
exactness of handling. Among living
sculptors the American St. Gaudens is one
of these ; among painters the French Bas-
tien-Lepage. Millet was such an artist ; his
hand answered promptly the commands of
his brain.
But it seems almost an absurdity to argue
in favor of the technical part of Millet's art.
There are those who say that Millet was a
great artist, but not a great painter. The
thing is impossible. We only know an art-
ist's greatness through his expression of it.
If the expression has accomplished its pur-
pose of displaying the mind of the artist,
then it is good. It may have faults, it may
be comparatively weak at this or that point,
but it must be in some qualities, and per-
haps is in all qualities, a thing of power
— a thing to be revered and studied. We
should never have heard of Millet if he
had not had great technical as well as great
spiritual qualities.
Millet had an exquisite and a majestic
individuality, and in giving utterance to his
thoughts he conveyed this also to his canvas.
An artist's technique can be discussed with
some sort of exactness, but it is just when
one comes to the most important matter that
it is difficult to be either definite or convinc-
ing. Perhaps, after all, it is here where there
is least necessity to be precise. No amount
of telling will reproduce in an unsympa-
thetic mind the effect of any great work
in any art, and if one does not feel for
himself the power of Shakspere's " King
Lear," of Michael Angelo's " Dawn," or of
Millet's " Sower," it is idle to try to make
him feel it. And then, too, the writer who
dares to group the name of a contemporary
with names that have been hallowed by
centuries, how can he escape a lurking doubt
lest he should have fallen into the snare of
overestimating the grandeur of that which
is near ? Yet it cannot be wrong to record
one's profound convictions, even in a ques-
tion of contemporary aesthetics. We have
only our own lives ; we cannot tarry here in
earthly galleries and libraries, awaiting the
judgment of the ages upon the poems and
pictures that come straight to our own hearts
from the hearts of those who are suffering
and working in our own times. If after
generations decide that we were mistaken,
at least we have erred on the generous and
human side ; and as for Millet's fame, surely
its slow but ever deepening and broadening
growth is an augury in favor of its justness
and perpetuity. Millet's is, indeed, at the
present moment the most powerful, as we
believe it to be the most saving, modern
influence in France and America, both in
sculpture and in painting.
This is, we believe, what is felt by those
who have been most impressed by Millet —
something in his work for which the word
" largeness " seems to be the closest expres-
sion. That is a term technical with artists,
yet clear to all. The most trivial things
are treated by him in the large way. Writ-
ten upon a sheet covered with tiny sketches,
ducks waddling on shore, or swimming in the
water, or running away in a pack, a woman
burning brush (bigger than the rest), some
cottages, a woman seated, a sail-boat, a
head, a man plowing, a hoe, — written upon
this sheet is the following sentence, in Mil-
let's handwriting : " We must be able to
make the trivial serve for the expression of
the sublime ; that is true power." No one
could have formulated better the principle
upon which he acted. But in this there is a
trace of self-consciousness, not of inartistic
self-consciousness, but the consciousness of a
principle upon which he deliberately acted
after arriving at his full mental and artistic
maturity. Yet, in those of his mature de-
signs where he was least conscious of
intending to give an impression of the sub-
lime, still the sublime is there. He was a
painter of genre, but not a genre-painter, as
the expression generally applies. His work
could not help bearing the impress of his
mind. Even when he was not painting
subjects taken from the Bible, how often his
pictures remind us of such themes as the
" Madonna and Child " and the " Flight
into Egypt." His leading theme was the
labor of the fields; but his peasants were
not only types of peasants, but types of
mankind. What he said of the sculptor of
the David can be said of himself: he was
" capable with a single figure to personify
the good or evil of all humanity." It was
said by one who had, for the first time, been
brought into the presence of Rembrandt's
principal works, that Rembrandt was one
of the great souls. This is what is felt
about Millet. For largeness, for intensity
of expression, for sanity and health fulness
of tone, for Biblical majesty and elevation,
JEAN FRANCOIS MILLET— PEASANT AND PAINTER. 735
and for the sense of beauty, Millet must he
set apart with such natures as those of
Giotto, Michael Angelo and Rembrandt.
While seeking lately in France for details
with respect to the life and works of Millet,
we learned that the late M. Sensier, the
author of the " Life of Rousseau," and the
constant friend of both Rousseau and Millet,
had left behind him a life of Millet, a large
part of which was in Millet's own words.
It is through the courtesy of Frangois Millet
(painter and son of the great artist), of M.
Le Bran (executor of M. Sensier, and one
of the early appreciators of Millet as well as
the possessor of some of his most interesting
works), and of the well-known publisher,
M. Quantin, that we are enabled to open
to American readers, even before it has
been read in France, the hitherto sealed
book of Millet's life *
In many respects the story is what might
have been imagined. The massive forms,
the tragic landscape of his youth, the primi-
tive and serious people who were about him
in early life — these were what he was
always painting, even when distance and
poverty made him an exile from them.
The high intellectual attributes revealed by
his letters and other literary remains will
surprise no one who had already recognized
these traits in the slightest touches of his
pencil. That his was a nature which could
not escape suffering was divined in his
childhood. But how keenly he suffered
will be a revelation even to many who knew
him personally. One thinks of Michael An-
gelo. There is a sturdy pathos in the life
of the Florentine. His pain was that of
a man of action, a man always fighting —
one who could give and take. Millet's
nature was passive; he had to endure.
They were both exiles.
THE harbor of Cherbourg is bounded on
the east by Point Fermanville, and west
by Cape de la Hague. Seen from the sea,
the country of La Hague looks deso-
late and forbidding. High granite cliffs
surround it on all sides. Masses of black
rock, thrown up in the volcanic age, stand
* M. Sensier's manuscript has been edited by one
of the most prominent French critics, M. Mantz.
In preparing the translation for SCRIBNER'S MAGA-
ZINE, no changes have been made except in the
way of condensation. The present installment is
illustrated with fac-similes made by the Yves &
Barret process, most of them directly from Millet's
drawings.
out from the water in all sorts of strange
and jagged shapes. The shores, covered
with sharp points and needles which might
be iron or steel, give it the look of a land
uninhabitable by man. But when you reach
the heights, the aspect changes and looks
bright ; plowed fields, pastures of sheep and
cows, woods and houses, show that the
country is fertile and kindly. In the fold of
a little valley, open toward the sea, lies the
hamlet of Gruchy, belonging to the parish
and commune of Greville.
Forty years ago a family of laborers lived
there, who, from father to son, tilled their
land. This family, named Millet, consisted
of a grandmother, a widow, her son and his
wife, eight children and one or two servants.
The grandfather, ^Nicholas Millet, had been
dead some fifteen years. The grandmother
had brought up all the children with the
care which the babies of Normandy enjoy,
— according to the custom of the country,
the grandmother has charge of their first
years, the mother being too busy with the
work of the fields and the stables.
Louise Jumelin, widow of Nicholas Millet,
the grandmother, came from Saint-Germain
le Gaillard, some leagues from Greville ; her
family, of the old race of the country, had
strong heads and warm hearts. One brother
belonged to a religious order. Another, a
clever chemist, was almost celebrated; a
third, though a miller in the Hochet valley,
spent his leisure reading Pascal, Nicole, the
writers of Port Royal and philosophers like
Montaigne and Charron. He was not a
reasoner, but a strong-headed fellow, full
of good sense and uprightness. An old
sister named Bonne, whom they called Bon-
notte, cared for the children with untiring
devotion. Bonnotte was one of Millet's
dearest remembrances ; a thoroughly faithful
creature, thinking of everything and every-
body but herself Another brother Jume-
lin, a great walker, went to Paris on foot,
without rest, in two days and two nights.
He had knocked about the world. At
Guadaloupe he became overseer on a plan-
tation, and came back with some money to
the hamlet of Pieux, where he worked a
little farm.
The grandmother was like her family, and
she rivaled her relations both in wisdom and
fervor. She was a worthy peasant-woman,
talking patois and wearing the dress and
cap of La Hague. Humility was one of her
virtues. All her strength was concentrated
in love of God, doing her duty, and love of
her family. Full of religious fire, harsh toward
736 JEAN FRANCOIS MILLET— PEASANT AND PAINTER.
herself, gentle and charitable to others, she
passed her days in good deeds, with no less
an ideal than that of a saint. Her consci-
entious scruples went so far that at the least
doubt she asked counsel of the cure of her
village ; and she was so rigid in her duties
as grandmother that she never allowed her-
self to inflict the slightest punishment upon
her grandchildren in a moment of impatience,
but waited until the next day, in order to
explain to them in cool blood the importance
of the fault and the justice of the punish-
ment. Her charity was boundless. She
had the old traditions of hospitality and re-
spect for the poor. If a colporteur passed,
he did not need to ask for lodging; he knew
the door of the Millet house was always open.
The beggars came there as if to a home.
The grandmother, with a curtsy, made them
come near the fire, gave them food and lodg-
ing, talked of the affairs of the neighbor-
hood, and when they left, filled their wallets.
Her son, Jean Louis Nicholas Millet, sim-
ple and gentle, was pure in his life and highly
respected by his neighbors. If the village
jokes were rather coarse and Jean Louis
came near enough to hear, they said :
" Hush ! here's Millet." He had a contem-
plative mind and a musical temperament,
highly developed. A singer in the parish
church, he directed with intelligence the
country choristers whom the people came to
listen to for miles around. At that time the
congregation responded to the chanting of
the priest and the choir. Jean Louis Millet
picked out the best voices and taught them.
Millet had some chants which his father had
written down, and which looked like the
work of a scribe of the fourteenth century.
Sunday, after mass, Jean Louis liked to
receive his relations and friends, and there,
at home, in the midst of Tiis family, he cele-
brated the Lord's day like a patriarch, offer-
ing them the bountiful and simple meal of
a peasant who wishes to honor his guests.
This worthy man doubtless ignored the
germs of art which existed in himself. He
was absorbed by work until the hour of his
death ; but his elevated nature surely rose
above his circumstances. He died without
knowing his own worth and gifts. A con-
fused instinct, however, sometimes showed
itself. Taking a bit of grass, he would say
to his son Fran9ois : " See how fine ! Look
at that tree — how large and beautiful ! It is
as beautiful as a flower ! " From his win-
dow, looking at a depression in the hill-side :
" See ! " he would say : " that house half-
buried by the field is good ; it seems to me
that it ought to be drawn that way." Some-
times with a little clay he tried to model, or
with a knife he would cut in the wood an
animal or a plant. Tall, slender, his head
covered with long black curls, gentle eyes
and beautiful hands — such was the father
of Jean Fra^ois Millet.
His mother, Aimee Henriette Adelaide
Henry, born at Sainte-Croix-Hague, be-
longed to a race of rich farmers who at one
time were called gentlemen. They were
called the Henry du Perrons. She was
entirely engrossed in her household, her
children and her work. Pious, but not given
to the spiritual exaltation of the Jumelin
family, she lived for her work and in obe-
dience to her husband.
The family of Henry du Perron ^-as com-
posed of several children, who all married
and lived in Sainte-Croix. Millet remem-
bered his mother saying that the home of
her parents was a large, big building of
stone with a fine court-yard shaded by old
trees, under which the ox-carts and plow
stood around a water-trough. The house
was said to have been a noble house a cen-
tury before, which, in time of trouble, had
fallen into the hands of peasants. Perhaps
the Henry du Perrons were themselves the
descendants of the fallen masters.
Another relation whom Millet always
spoke of with feeling was his great-uncle,
Charles Millet, priest of the diocese of
Avranche. Before the Revolution he had
taken orders and read mass, but when the
law allowed him to return to civil life, the
Abbe" Millet came back to his village.
He wished to remain faithful to his vows,
and, in spite of the danger, he became a
laborer in sabots and soutane, and would
never lay aside his priestly garments. He
might be seen reading his breviary on the
high fields overlooking the sea, following
the plow, or moving blocks of stone to wall
in the family acres. He taught the older
ones to read. During the Revolution his
liberty and even his life had been threatened
because he would not take the oath to the
Constitution, which he believed to be hostile
to the Pope.
This excellent and faithful man passed his
days in field-work and contemplation, and
gave to his nephews the pattern of a spot-
less life. If he had a furrow to plow or a
garden to hoe, he tucked his priest's coat
into his belt, put his missal in his pocket,
and went cheerfully to work. He saw that
his nephew needed help ; for, if the life at
Gruchy was at all comfortable, it was at the
JEAN FRANCOIS MILLET— PEASANT AND PAINTER. 737
price of untiring exertion. The steep fields
made the work heavy, and life on land and
sea required very hard and often very dan-
gerous work.
For the people of the neighborhood, the
sea was an inheritance. Gruchy had no
fishermen, but they got from the beach a
waves. Then the entire village, armed with
long rakes, rushed to the sea-shore to reap
the sea- weed — a rich but dangerous harvest.
Some of the men of Gruchy were hired by
smugglers, and spent long nights in avoiding
the coast-guards. The Millets never indulged
in this suspicious industry. " We never ate
PORTRAIT OF MADAME MILLET, BY J.-F. MILLET.
manure, which the horses and mules had to
carry up the steep, narrow paths to the fields
above. They were always watching the
wrecks, to seize them before they were
carried out again; and after great storms
whole banks of sea-weed came up on the
VOL, XX.— 48.
that bread," said Millet; "my grandmother
would have been too unhappy about it."
Millet, the painter of peasants, was born
October 4th, 1814, in the village of Gruchy,
commune of Greville, canton of Beaumont
JEAN FRANCOIS MILLET— PEASANT AND PAINTER.
(Manche). He was the second child of
Jean Louis Nicholas Millet, farmer, and his
legal wife, Aimee Henriette Adelaide Henry.
The eldest child was a daughter (Emily),
who later married an inhabitant of the vil-
lage, named Lefevre.
His grandmother was his godmother.
She called him Jean, after his father, and
Frangois, because he was a saint whom she
loved and whose protection she constantly
invoked. St. Francis of Assisi, the faithful
observer, in his contemplations, of the things
of nature, was a happy choice of a saint for
the man who, later, was to be the passionate
lover of the works of God. Proud of hav-
ing a boy to rear, the grandmother tended
him as her own child and her heart's favor-
ite. In the vague recollections of his baby-
hood, Millet could always see her busy about
him, rocking him, warming him in her bosom,
and singing all day long songs which de-
lighted him. I have lived more than thirty
years in Millet's intimacy, and I know that
the thought of her face, as nurse and com-
forter, was an ever-recurring image in the
heart of her grandson. While he was still a
little child, she would come to his bedside
in the morning and say gently : " Wake up,
my little Frangois ; you don't know how
long the birds have already been singing the
glory of God ! " Her religion, as Millet told
me later, was mixed with her love of nature.
All that was beautiful, terrible or inexplica-
ble seemed to her the work of the Creator,
to whose will she bowed. " It was a beau-
tiful religion," added he, " for it gave her the
strength to love so deeply and unselfishly.
She was always ready to work for others, to
excuse their faults, to pity or to help them."
I have now come to the notes which Mil-
let himself gave me, when I begged him
to write out his youthful remembrances. I
have pages written under the impression of
his love of his family and his home, and of the
sufferings of his life in Cherbourg and Paris ;
but the time has not come to say all, — so of
these sketches, written by Millet himself, I
will only publish as much as propriety allows.
When a whole generation of the present day
has passed away, we shall know a corner of
Millet's heart which we may not now unveil
— his resignation, his knowledge of men,
and how much their ignorance of what is
good and generous made him suffer. Here
are the precious lines written by Millet con-
cerning his childhood :
" I remember waking one morning in my little
bed and hearing the voices of people in the room.
With the voices sounded a sort of burrr, which
stopped now and then and began again. It was the
sound of the spinning-wheels, and the voices of the
women spinning and carding wool. The dust of
the room came and danced in the sunshine which
one small, high window let in. I have often seen
the sun and the dust in the same way, for the house
fronted east. In the corner of the room was a big
bed, covered by a counterpane with wide stripes of
red and brown falling down to the floor ; next to the
window at the foot of the bed, against the wall, a
great wardrobe, brown too. It is all like a vague
dream. If I had to recall, even a little, the faces of
the poor spinners, all my efforts would be in vain,
for, although I grew up before they died, I remem-
ber their names only because I have heard them
spoken in the family.
" One was a great-aunt whose name was Jeanne.
The other was a spinner by trade, who often
came to the house, and whose name was Co-
lombe Gainache. This is my earliest recollection.
I must have been very young when I received that
impression, for more distinct images seem to have
been made after a lapse of time.
" I only remember indescribable impressions, such
as hearing, on waking, the coming and going in the
house, the geese cackling in the court-yard, the
cock-crowing, the beat of the flail on the barn floor
— all sounds in my ears out of which no particular
emotion came.
" Here is a little clearer fact. The commune had
had new bells made, two of the old ones hav-
ing been carried away to make cannon and the third
having been broken (as I heard afterward). My
mother was curious to see the new bells, which were
deposited in the church waiting to be baptized be-
fore being hung in the tower, and she took me with
her. She was accompanied by a girl named Julie
Lecacheux, whom I since knew very well. I re-
member how struck I was at finding myself in a
place so terribly vast as the church, which seemed
to me bigger than a barn, and also with the beauty
of the great windows, with lozenge-shaped leads.
" We saw the bells, all on the ground. They, too,
seemed enormous, for they were much larger than
I was, and, also (what probably fixed the whole
scene in my mind), Julie Lecacheux, who held a
very big key in her hand, probably that of the
church, began to strike the largest bell, which gave
out a great sound, filling me with awe. I have
never forgotten that blow of the key on the bell.
" I had a great-uncle who was a priest ; he was
very fond of me, and trotted me about with him con-
tinually. He took me once to a house where he
often went. The lady of the house was elderly, and
remains in my -mind as the type of a lady of the olden
time. She petted and kissed me, and gave me a
freat honey-cake, and, besides, a peacock's feather,
remember how delicious I thought the honey, and
how beautiful the feather ! I had already been
struck with admiration at seeing, as we entered the
court-yard, two peacocks perched in a big tree, and
I could not get over the fine eyes in their tails.
" Sometimes my great-uncle took me to Eulleville,
an adjoining little commune. The house to which
he took me was a sort of seignioral dwelling, which
was called the Eulleville mansion. There was a serv-
ant named Fanchon. The head of the house, whom I
never knew, had a taste for rarities, and had planted
some pine-trees. You would have to have gone a
great way to find so many. Fanchon occasionally
gave me some pine-cones, which filled me with
delight.
" My poor great-uncle was so afraid of something
happening to me that if I was not beside him he
JEAN FRANCOIS MILLET— PEASANT AND PAINTER. 739
could not breathe. As I was already big enough to
run fast, I went off one day with some other boys,
and we went down to the sea-shore. Looking for
that I jumped up, and saw him on the cliff making
an urgent sign for me to come up. I did not let
him repeat it, for he had frightened me ; if there had
me everywhere, and not finding me, he went toward
the sea, and saw me leaning over the pools which the
sea left at ebb-tide, and where I was trying to catch
bull-heads. He called me, with such a cry of horror
been a shorter way than the narrow path I would
have gone up it, but the steep cliff made that abso-
lutely necessary.
" When he had me up and safe, he got angry. He
740 JEAN FRANCOIS MILLET— PEASANT AND PAINTER.
A SPINNER.
took his three-cornered hat and beat me with it, and
as the cliff was still very steep toward the village, and
my little legs did not carry me very fast, he fol-
lowed me, beating me with his hat, and as red as a
cock with anger. At each blow he would say : ' Ah,
I'll help you mount.' It gave me a great fear of the
three-cornered hat. Poor uncle ! All the following
night he had nightmares ; he woke up every little
while, crying out that I was falling down the cliff.
"As I was not of an age to understand a tender-
ness which showed itself by blows with a hat, I
gave him many another torment.
" This I remember hearing about my great-uncle ;
he was brother of my father's father. He had been
a laborer all his life, and had become a priest rather
late. I think he had a little church at the time of
the Revolution. I know that he was persecuted, for
I have heard that men came to search the house of
my grandfather, to whom he had returned, and that
they made their search in the most brutal manner.
JEAN FRANCOIS MILLET— PEASANT AND PAINTER.
74i
He was very inventive, and had contrived a hid-
ing-place which communicated with his bed, and into
which he threw himself when any one came. One
day they entered so suddenly that the bed had not
had time to cool, and although they were told that
he was not there, they cried :
"'Yes, yes, he is here, the bed is still warm, but
he has found some way of getting off.'
He almost always took me with him. Arrived
at the field, he took off his soutane and worked in
shirt-sleeves and breeches. He had the strength
of a Hercules. There still exist, and they will last
a long time, some great walls which he built to hold
up a piece of sliding ground. These walls are very
high, and built of immense stones. They have a
cyclopean look. I have heard my grandmother and
PEASANTS RETURNING HOME.
" He heard them. They turned the house upside
down in their fury, and went away.
"He said mass whenever he could, in the house,
and I have still the leaden chalice which he used.
After the Revolution he remained with his brother
and performed the duties of vicar of the parish. He
went every morning to the church to say mass.
After breakfast he went to work in the fields.
my father say that he allowed no one to help him
even to place the heaviest stones, and some of them
would require the combined strength of five or six
men, and then using levers.
" He had a most excellent heart. He taught, for
the love of God, the poor children of the commune,
whose parents could not send them to school. He
even taught them a little Latin. This made his
742 JEAN FRANCOIS MILLET— PEASANT AND PAINTER.
confreres of the neighboring communes very indig-
nant ; they went so far as to write about it to the
bishop of Coutances. I have found among some
old papers the rough draft of the letter he addressed
to the bishop in justification, and in which he said
that he lived with his brother who was a laborer,
that in the commune there were very poor children
who would have been deprived of every sort of in-
struction, that pity had decided him to teach them
what he could, and he begged the bishop in the
name of charity not to prevent him from teaching
these poor little ones to read. I think I have heard
that the bishop finally consented to let him continue.
Very magnanimous, to be sure ! * * * When
he died I was about seven years old, and it is curious
to realize how deep are the impressions of an early
age, and what an indelible mark they leave upon the
character. My childish mind was filled with stories
of ghosts and all sorts of supernatural things. To
this day I enjoy them, but whether I believe them
or not I cannot say. The day that my great-uncle
was buried, I heard them speaking in a mysterious
way about the way he should be buried. They said
that at the head, on the coffin, must be laid some big
stones covered with bundles of hay; their instru-
ment got embarrassed in the straw, and then broke
on the stones, which made it impossible for them to
hook the head and draw the body out of the grave.
Afterward I knew what this mysterious language
meant, but from the time of the burial, several
neighbors, with the servant of the house, who all
had hot cider to drink, passed the night, armed
with guns and scythes, watching the grave. This
guard was continued for about a month. After that
they said there was no more danger. This was the
reason : some men were said to make a profession
of digging up bodies for doctors. They knew when
a person died in a commune, and they came immedi-
ately at night to steal it. Their way of doing was
to take a long screw and work through the earth
and the coffin, catching the head of the dead man ;
with a lever they drew the body out of the grave
without disturbing the earth. They had been met
leading the dead man, covered with a cloak, holding
him under the arms and talking to him as if he
were a drunken man, shaking* him and telling him
to stand up. Others were seen with the body be-
hind them on horseback, the arms held round the
waist of the rider, and always covered with a great
cloak, but the feet of the body were seen below the
cloak.
" Some months before the death of my great-
uncle I had been sent to school, and I remember well
the day he died the maid-servant was sent to bring
me home, so that I should not be seen playing in. the
road under such solemn circumstances. Before
sending me to school I had, doubtless, at home
learnt my letters and to spell, as the other chil-
dren thought me very clever. Heaven knows what
they called clever. My introduction to the school
was for the afternoon class. When I arrived in
the court-yard where the children were playing,
the first thing I did was to fight. The bigger chil-
dren who brought me were proud of bringing to
school a child of six and a half who already knew
his letters, and besides I was large of my age, and so
strong that they assured me that there was not one
of my age or even of seven who could beat me.
There was none there less than seven, and as they
were all anxious to make sure of the matter, they
WOMEN BRINGING HOME CLOTHES AFTER WASHING.
JEAN FRANCOIS MILLET— PEASANT AND PAINTER.
743
brought up a boy who was considered one of the
strongest, to make us fight. It must be confessed
that we had no very powerful reasons for not liking
each other, and perhaps the combat was rather luke-
warm. But they had a way of interesting the honor
of the parties concerned. They took a » chip, and
putting it on the shoulder of one, said to the other,
' I bet you don't dare knock that chip off ! ' If you
did not want to seem a coward you knocked it off.
The other, of course, could not endure such an insult
So the battle was in earnest. The big ones excited
those whose side they had taken, and the fighters
were not separated. One must conquer. I turned
out the stronger and covered myself with glory.
Those who were for me were very proud, and said :
' Millet is only six and a half, and he has beaten a
boy more than seven years old.' "
When twelve years old, Fran$ois Millet
went to be confirmed at the church of
Greville. He could not learn anything by
heart, but a young vicar found his answers
so full of good sense that he asked him if he
did not want to learn Latin.
" With Latin, my boy, you can become a
priest or a doctor."
" No," said the child ; " I don't wish to
be either ; I wish to stay with my parents."
" Come, all the same," said the vicar ;
" you will learn."
So the child went to the parsonage with
several little companions. He translated
the Epitome Historia Sacra and the Selectee
e Profanis. Virgil came under his eyes, —
although translated by the Abbe Desfon-
taines, this book, half Latin, half French,
charmed him so much that he could not
stop reading it. The Bucolics and Georgics
captivated his mind. At the words of Virgil,
" It is the hour when the great shadows descend
toward the plain,"
the child felt filled with emotion ; the book
revealed to him his own surroundings — the
life in which he was growing up. Some
time after, the vicar, 1'Abbe Herpent, was
sent to the curacy of Heauville, a village a
few miles from Gr6ville. It was decided
that the little Francois should go with the
Abbe to continue his instruction. After four
or five months with the Abbe Herpent, he
begged his grandmother so hard not to be
made to leave home again, that it was de-
cided that he should not go. A new vicar
had come to the village, the Abbe Jean
Lebrisseux, who was willing to continue the
child's instruction. The good man liked to
make him talk about his first impressions,
and often took him with him to see the
Cure of Greville, a gentle and sickly man,
who encouraged the child in his confi-
dences. The school-boy told him his inno-
cent love of nature, his wonder at the clouds
and their movements, his thoughts of the
depth of the sky, and the dangers of the
ocean, his reading of the Bible and Virgil,
and the poor Cure would say :
" Ah, poor child, you have a heart that
will give you trouble one of these days ; you
don't know how much you will have to
suffer!"
The schooling of Millet, begun by the
good vicar, Jean Lebrisseux, was often in-
terrupted by field-work. He did not go any
further than the Appendix de Diis et Heroi-
bus Poeticis of P. Jouvency, and had to give
up Virgil. He was soon obliged to be a
serious help to his father, and to devote all
his time to the rough farm-work. He was
the eldest of the sons, and in this lay a duty
which Francois accepted without regret. He
then began to work beside his father and
" hands," to mow, make hay, bind the
sheaves, thresh, winnow, spread manure,
plow, sow, in a word, all the work which
makes the daily life of the peasant. So he
spent years, the companion of his father
and mother in the hardest labor, his only
amusement the gatherings of the family.
Millet devoured hungrily the books of the
home library, the " Lives of the Saints," the
" Confessions of St. Augustine," "St. Francis
of Sales," " St. Jerome," especially his let-
ters, which he liked to re-read all his life,
and the religious philosophers of Port-
Royal, and Bossuet, and Fenelon. As to
Virgil and the Bible, he re-read them, always
in Latin, and was so familiar with their lan-
guage that in his manhood I have never
seen a more eloquent translator of these
two books. He was not, therefore, as has
been said, an ignorant peasant up to the time
of his coming to Paris. On the contrary,
his education was rapid, and rather by eye
and reason than by grammar. As a child
he wrote well, and when he reached Cher-
bourg he was already an educated man, full
of reading, and one who did not confuse
unhealthy literature with that which could
be of use to him.
At his father's house, in the midst of his
work, the vague idea of art began to take
form in his mind. Some old engravings in
the Bible gave him the desire to imitate
them, and every day, at the noonday rest,
alone in -a room in the house, while his
father slept, he studied the perspective of the
landscapes before him. He drew the gar-
den, the stables, the fields with the sea for
horizon, and often the animals which passed.
His father, more watchful than asleep, did
744 JEAN FRANCOIS MILLET— PEASANT AND PAINTER.
V.
PORTRAIT OF MILLET, DRAWN BY HIMSELF IN 1847.
not say a word, and sometimes got up softly
to peep at what Francois was doing.
The sea was for Fra^ois Millet the occa-
sion both of study and of profound feeling.
He wished to reproduce its greatness and
terror. A recollection of the ocean storms
remained all his life with him. I will give
one of his many impressions, which tells in
his simple and pathetic way the horrors of a
disaster which befell his village :
" It was All Saints' day, in the morning we saw that
the sea was very rough, and every one said there would
be trouble; all the parish was in church; in the
middle of mass we saw a man come in dripping wet,
an old sailor, well known for his bravery. He im-
mediately said that as he came along shore he saw
several ships which, driven by a fearful wind, would
certainly shipwreck on the coast. ' We must go to
their assistance,' said he, louder, ' and I have come
to say to all who are willing that we have only just
time to put to sea to try and help them.' About fifty
men offered themselves, and, without speaking, fol-
lowed the old sailor. We got to the shore by going
clown the cliff, and there we soon saw a terrible
sight, — several vessels, one behind the other, driving
at a frightful speed against the rocks.
" Our men put their boats to sea, but they had
hardly made ten strokes when one boat filled with
water and sunk, the second was overturned with
the breakers, and the third thrown up on shore.
Happily no one was drowned, and all reached the
shore. It was easy to see that our boats would be
no use to the poor people on the ships.
" Meantime the vessels came nearer, and were
only a few fathoms from our black cliffs, which were
covered with cormorants. The first, whose masts
were gone, came like a great mass. Every one on
shore saw it coming, no one dared speak. It seemed
to me, a child, as if death was playing with a hand-
ful of men, whom it intended to crush and drown.
An immense wave lifted itself like an angry mount-
ain, and wrapping the vessel brought her near, and
a still higher one threw her upon a rock level with
JEAN. FRANCOIS MILLET— PEASANT AND PAINTER.
745
the water. A frightful cracking sound, — the next
instant the vessel was filled with water. The sea
was covered with wreckage, — planks, masts, and
poor drowning creatures. Many swam and then
disappeared. Our men threw themselves into the
water, and, with the old sailor at their head, made
tremendous efforts to save them. Several were
saw them all on their knees, and a man in black
seemed to bless them. A wave as big as our cliff
carried her toward us. We thought we heard a
shock like the first, but she held stanch and did not
move. The waves beat against her but she did not
budge. She seemed petrified. In an instant every
one put to sea, for it was only two gun-shots from
THE NEW-BORN LAMB.
brought back, but they were either drowned or j shore. A boat was made fast alongside ; our boat
broken on the rocks.
" The sea threw up several hundred, and with
them merchandise and food.
"A second ship approached. The masts were
gone. Every one was on deck, which was full ; we
was filled instantly ; one of the boats of the ship put
off, threw out planks and boxes, and in half an hour
every one was on shore. The ship had been saved
by a fare accident; her bowsprit and forepart had
got wedged in between two rocks. The wave which
746 JEAN FRANCOIS MILLET— PEASANT AND PAINTER.
had thrown her on the reefs had preserved her as if
by a miracle. She was English, and the man who
blessed his companions was a bishop. They were
taken to the village and soon after to Cherbourg.
" We all went back again to the shore. The third
ship was thrown on the breakers, hashed into little
bits, and no one could be saved. The bodies of the
unhappy crew were thrown up on the sand.
"A fourth, fifth, and sixth were lost — ship and cargo
— on the rocks. The tempest was terrific. The
wind was so violent that it was useless to try to op-
pose it. It carried off the roofs and the thatch. It
whirled so that the birds were killed, — even the
gulls, which are accustomed, one would think, to
storms. The night was passed in defending the
houses. Some covered the roofs with heavy stones,
some carried ladders and poles, and made them fast
to the roofs. The trees bent to the ground and
cracked and split. The fields were covered with
branches and leaves. It was a fearful scourge. The
next day, All Souls' day, the men returned to the
shore ; it was covered with dead bodies and wreck-
age. They were taken up and placed in rows along
the foot of the cliffs. Several other vessels came in
sight; every one was lost on our coast. It was a
desolation like the end of the world. Not one could
be saved. The rock smashed them like glass, and
threw them in atoms to the cliffs.
" Passing a hollow place, I saw a great sail cover-
ing what looked like a pile of merchandise. I lifted
the corner and saw a heap of dead bodies. I was so
frightened that I ran all the way home, where I found
mother and grandmother praying for the drowned
men. The third day another vessel came. Of this one
they found possible to save part of the crew, about
ten men, whom they got off the rocks. They were
all torn and bruised. They were taken to Gru-
chy, cared for for a month, and sent to Cherbourg.
But the poor wretches were not rid of the sea. They
embarked on a vessel going to Havre ; a storm took
them, and they were all lost. As for the dead, all
the horses were employed for a week in carrying
them to the cemetery. They were buried in uncon-
secrated ground; people said they were not good
Christians."
Frangois spent his life thus, in the midst
of his family whom he loved, in the heart of
a country which was the source of all his
inspiration, reading and drawing, without
thinking of leaving his father's house. His
only ambition was to accomplish his duties as
a son, to plow his furrow in peace, and to turn
up the earth whose odor delighted his young
senses. His whole life, he thought, would be
passed in this way. Coming home one day
from mass, he met an old man, his back
bowed, and going wearily home. He was
surprised at the perspective and movement
of this living and bent figure. This was for
the young peasant the discovery of fore-
shortening. With one glance he under-
stood the mysteries of planes advancing,
retreating, rising and falling. He came
quickly home, and taking a lump of char-
coal drew from memory all the lines he had
noted in the action of the old man. When
his parents returned from church they in-
stantly recognized it — his first portrait made
them laugh.
Millet was eighteen ; his father was deep-
ly moved by the revelation of this unforeseen
talent. They talked, and Francois admitted
that he had some desire to become a painter.
His father only said these touching words :
" My poor Frangois, I see thou art troub-
led by the idea. I should gladly have sent
you to have the trade of painting taught you,
winch they say is so fine, but you are the
oldest boy, and I could not spare you; now
that your brothers are older, I do not wish
to prevent you from learning that which
you are so anxious to know. We will soon
go to Cherbourg and find out whether you
have the talent to earn your living by this
business."
Frangois then finished two drawings that
he had imagined. One represented two
shepherds, the first playing the flute at the
foot of a tree, the other listening near a
hill-side, where sheep were browsing; the
shepherds were in jackets and wooden shoes,
like those of his village, the hill-side was
a field with apple-trees, belonging to his
father. The second drawing represented a
starry night — a man coming out of a house
and giving some bread to another man, who
accepted it anxiously. Under the drawing
were the words of St. Luke : Etsi non
dabit illi surgens eo quod amicus ejus sit prop-
ter improbitatem tamen ejus surget, et da-
bit illi quotquot habet necessaries. [" Though
he will not rise and give him, because he is
his friend, yet because of his importunity he
will rise and give him as many as he need-
eth." — St. Luke. chap, xi., 8th verse.] The
peasant seems almost a man of letters. This
drawing I have seen for thirty years ; it is
the work of a man who already knows the
great bearings of art, its effects and re-
sources ; it seems like the sketch of an old
master of the seventeenth century.
There was then giving lessons at Cher-
bourg a painter called Mouchel, a pupil of
the school of David. The father and son
went to see him, and took the two drawings
above mentioned. Mouchel had no sooner
seen them than he said to the father :
" You must be joking. That young man
there did not make the drawings all alone."
" Yes, indeed," said the father ; " I assure
you, I saw him make them."
" No, no. I see the method is very awk-
ward, but he never could have composed
that — impossible."
The Millets asserted so energetically that
it was the work of Frangois, that Mouchel
JEAN FRANCOIS MILLET— PEASANT AND PAINTER.
747
had to believe it. He then turned to the
father and said:
" Well, you will go to perdition for hav-
ing kept him so long, for your child has the
stuff of a great painter ! "
From that moment the career of Millet
was decided ; his father even urged it, and
arranged his apprenticeship with Mouchel.
Mouchel was a strange and original fellow
— he deserves notice in the biographies of
Normandy painters. He had studied at
the Seminary and had married a good peas-
ant woman, who lived with him at Roule,
in a little valley where he cultivated his
garden, near a mill which belonged to him
and whose musical tic-tac could be heard in
the studio. He loved art to fanaticism.
Teniers, Rembrandt and Brawer were his
idols. He loved the country and animals,
and passed hours tete-a-tete with a pig, whose
dialect and confidences he pretended to
understand.
Millet was two months with Mouchel.
He copied engravings and drew from the
round. Mouchel would not give him any
advice : " Draw what you like, choose what
you please here, follow your own fantasy —
go to the museum." He was busy copy-
ing at the museum of Cherbourg wnen the
servant of the family came to him with the
announcement that his father was danger-
ously ill. Millet made one fierce rush from
Cherbourg to Gruchy. He found his father
dying of a brain fever. He had not even
the consolation of hearing his voice for the
last time or seeing his eyes turned upon
him : the poor man was voiceless and sense-
less. His brain had already lost conscious-
ness ; he could not even feel the loving
-pressure of his hand in his son's. To Millet
it seemed a double death, the death that
all men must die, and the death of a father
who could not even, like dying Isaac, touch
the garment of his child.
Frangois tried to keep the old farm going
on in the old way, but his heart was heavy
with his bereavement, and beside, art had
made itself felt in him. The notabilities of
Cherbourg, not seeing the young peasant
painting, tried to do something for him.
His grandmother heard some rumors of it.
and said: " My Frangois, you must accept
the will of God; your father, my Jean Louis,
said you should be a painter; obey him and
go back to Cherbourg." There he entered
the studio of Langlois, who also gave him
very little advice. A great amusement for
Millet at this time was reading. He read
everything — from the Almanack boiteux, of
Strasbourg, to Paul de Kock, from Homer to
Beranger; he also read with delight Shaks-
pere, Walter Scott, Byron, Cooper, Goethe's
" Faust," and German ballads. Victor Hugo
and Chateaubriand had especially impressed
him. The emphatic style of the author of
Atala and Rene did not displease him; under
his stilted manner he recognized a love of
the past, a touching recollection of his family
and country, and a bitterness of life which
he, too, felt. As to Victor Hugo, his great
poetic pictures of the sea and the splendors
of the sky, his bronze-like rhythm, shook
him like the word of a prophet. He wished
to throw out all the exaggerations and make
up a Victor Hugo of his own, of two or
three volumes, which would have been the
Homer of France. The reading-rooms of
Cherbourg were all passed in review, and
when he got to Paris he was already a cul-
tivated man, familiar with letters, — though
this fact was little seen, as he was suspicious
of the opinion of great cities, and scarcely
answered questions put to him. He knew
a clerk of a library in Cherbourg, who got
him books and became his companion and
friend. He was M. . Feuardent, whose son
married, later, Millet's eldest daughter.
This is what he said about his studious
youth :
" I never studied systematically. At
school, when writing from dictation, my
task was better written than the others,
probably because I read constantly, and the
words and phrases were pictured rather in
my eyes than in my mind, and I instinct-
ively reproduced them. I never followed
programmes; I never learnt a lesson by
heart; all my time was spent in writing
capital letters and drawing. I never could
get beyond addition in mathematics, and
I do not understand subtraction and the
rules following. My reckoning is always
in my head, and by ways that I could
not explain. I came to Paris with all my
ideas of art fixed, and I have never found
it well to change them. I have been more
or less in love with this master, or that
method in art, but I have not changed
anything fundamental. You have seen my
first drawing, made at home without a mas-
ter, without a model, without a guide. I
have never done anything different since.
You have never seen me paint except in a
low tone ; demi-teinte is necessary to me in
order to sharpen my eyes and clear my
thoughts, — it has been my best teacher."
The young painter from the country made
some little noise in the town of Cherbourg.
748 JEAN FRANCOIS MILLET— PEASANT AND PAINTER.
WOMAN BRINGING HOME MILK.
People talked about his work and the bold-
ness of his handling. The general opinion
was that he ought to be sent to Paris to
study. On the other hand, Langlois watched
the progress of his scholar like a hen who
has hatched a young eagle; he let him
exercise himself as he chose, in portraiture
or Biblical subjects. Sometimes he got
Millet to help him on his religious pict-
ures. At the Church of the Trinity at
Cherbourg may be seen two large pictures
from sacred history, at which Millet worked
with Langlois, on delicate parts such as
the drapery and the hands. Langlois felt,
however, that he could not teach Millet
anything. He therefore addressed the
municipal council of Cherbourg a petition,
which led them to vote an annuity of 400
francs for Millet's education. The general
council of La Manche added later six hun-
dred francs, which should be paid until the
completion of the young artist's studies.
Millet told me several times that this an-
nuity did not last long, and that it was far
from being sufficient for his needs; soon the
little pension from the town of Cherbourg
was suppressed on account of lack of funds.
It was a great event in the Millet family
JEAN FRANCOIS MILLET— PEASANT AND PAINTER. 749
when Francois departed for a place so far
away, and to a city which had the reputa-
tion of being so corrupt as Paris. Mother
and grandmother loaded their dear child
with warnings against the seductions of this
Babylon.
" Remember," repeated again and again
the grandmother, "remember the virtues
of your ancestors; remember that at the
font I promised for you that you should
renounce the devil and all his works. I
would rather see you dead, dear son, than
a renegade, and faithless to the commands
of God."
He went off in a fever of expectation and
of distress at leaving these two poor women
a prey to all the troubles which beset unpro-
tected widows. He took with him some
savings which his mother and grandmother
gave him at leaving, and which, joined to
the pension of the city, made a sum of six
hundred francs. He felt embarrassed by
so much wealth, as if a treasure of the
Arabian Nights had fallen from heaven.
" I always had my mother and grandmother on
my mind, and their need of my arm and my
youth. It has always been almost like remorse to
think of them, weak and ill at home, when I might
have been a prop to their old age ; but their hearts
were so motherly that they would not have allowed
me to leave my profession to help them. Besides,"
he would add " youth has not the sensitiveness of
manhood, and a demon pushed me toward Paris. I
wanted to see all, know all that a painter can learn.
My masters at Cherbourg had not spoiled me during
my apprenticeship. Paris seemed to me the great
center of knowledge and a museum of everything
fine and great.
" I went off with a full heart. All that I saw on
the way to Paris made me still sadder. The great
straight roads, the trees in long lines, the flat fields, the
pasture-lands so rich and filled with animals that they
seemed to me more like scenes in a theater than
reality ! Then Paris, black, smoky, muddy, where
I arrived at night, and which was to me the most
discouraging sensation of all.
" I got to Paris one Saturday evening in January,
in the snow. The light of the street-lamps, almost
put out by the fog, the immense quantity of horses
and wagons passing and repassing, the narrow
streets, the smell and the air of Paris went to my
head and my heart so that I was almost suffocated.
I was seized with a sobbing which I could not con-
trol. I wanted to get the better of my feelings, but
they overcame me with their violence. I could only
stop my tears by washing my face with water, which
I took from a street-fountain.
" The coolness gave me courage. A print-seller
was there, — I looked at his prints, and munched my
last apple. The lithographs displeased me very
much ; loose scenes of grisettes, women bathing and
at their toilettes, such as Deveria and Maurin then
drew ; they seemed to me signs for perfumery or
fashion-plates. Paris seemed to me dismal and
tasteless. For the first, I went to a little hotel,
where I spent the night in a sort of nightmare ; see-
ing my home, the house full of melancholy, with my
mother, grandmother and sister spinning in the
evening, weeping and thinking of me, praying that I
should escape the perdition of Paris. Then the evil
demon drove me on before wonderful pictures, which
seemed so beautiful, so brilliant, that it appeared to
me they took fire and vanished in a heavenly cloud.
" My awakening was more earthly. My room was
a hole with no light. I got up, and rushed to the
air. The light had come again, and I regained my
calmness and my will. My sadness remained, and I
remembered the complaint of Job : ' Let the day
perish wherein I was born, and the night in which
it was said, there is a man child conceived.'
" So I greeted Paris, not cursing it, but with the
terror of not comprehending its material and spirit-
ual life, and full, too, of desire ,to see those famous
masters of whom I had heard so much, and seen
some little scraps of, at the museum of Cherbourg. "
(To be continued.)
75°
THE LOSS OF THE « ONEIDA:
THE LOSS OF THE "ONEIDA."
HOMEWARD BOUND.
ON the 24th of January, 1870, the United
States steamer Oneida was sunk in the Bay
of Yedo, Japan, by collision with a British
merchant steamer, the Bombay, of the Pen-
insular and Oriental Steam-ship Company.
The Oneida was a wooden screw-steamer,
211 feet long, 1695 tons, eight guns, and,
when lost, had on board 24 officers and 152
men— in all, 176 souls. After being em-
ployed on blockade duty during the civil
war, she was, in 1867, dispatched to the
Asiatic Station, where she proved a most
efficient cruiser.
It was at the close of three years ot this
arduous service, when homeward bound,
their hearts elated with the prospective joys
of home, and their ears still ringing with the
farewell cheers, that 115 of her happy crew
met a sudden death. Among these were
the captain, and all, save two, of the com-
missioned officers.
The sailing of a man-of-war for home is
generally the occasion of much conviviality,
mingled with the display of tender feelings'
and bitter regrets. During her three years on
the station, she frequently falls in with the
armed vessels of other nations, and pleasant
relations grow up with the residents ashore,
so that, by the time the cruise is over, a web
of friendship has been woven with threads
extending to every port. It has been
charged that some of the Oneida 's officers
were intoxicated on the day of sailing. The
fact that she was just out of port — home-
ward bound — and that, probably, many
mutual good wishes had been pledged in
wine, lent color to the charge. But, besides
my own knowledge of the matter, I have
the word of the late Mr. Charles E. De
Long, then United States Minister to Japan,
and other gentlemen who were on board up
to the last moment, that the charge is false
in even its mildest form.
Now, to proceed to the circumstances of
the collision. About five p. M., the Oneida,
having weighed anchor, steamed slowly, out
of harbor. It was a fine evening, sharp
and wintry, but with a clear sky, stiff breeze,
and the water of the bay smooth. As she
successively passed the various ships of war,
they manned the rigging and gave her cheer
after cheer that resounded far and wide.
The Oneida sped on; the fading twilight
deepened into the gloom of night, and
THE LOSS OF THE " ONEIDA."
her outline rapidly blended with the dark-
ness.
Proceeding under easy steam, the Oneida
was soon off the light-ship. Here the execu-
tive officer set the proper sails, and took all
the precautions usual on going, to sea.
Everything .being lashed and snug, Lieuten-
ant Yates took charge, and the Oneida con-
tinued on her course, S. by E. ^ E., under
both steam and sail, making seven knots
per log. About 6.20, Lieutenant Yates no-
ticed, by the light on Kanon-Saki, that
leeway was causing the ship to approach
the western shore. He sent at once for the
navigator, and at this juncture the Bombay's
mast-head light came into sight ahead; the
officer of the deck saw it just rounding
Kanon-Saki, and then rapidly pass to a
bearing on the starboard bow.*
the Bombay'' 's while and green lights about
two miles away, and both expressed the
opinion that she would pass to starboard.
Suddenly, when but a short distance off, the
Bombay changed her course, and it was at
once clear that she was heading directly for
the Oneida — attempting to cross her bows.
The instant this became certain, the Oneidd's
helm was put hard-a-starboard, with the
hope of escaping the Bombay. The Oneida
went rapidly to the left, but her pursuer
closed in more rapidly upon her, and soon
they struck ; the sharp iron prow of the
Bombay cut into the wooden sides of the
Oneida, tearing diagonally through her
quarter and leaving a gaping wound. It
exposed the interior of the cabin, from
which a gleam of light burst, and people on
the British steamer might easily have seen.
THE COLLISION OF THE "BOMBAY AND "ONEIDA.
The navigator, now coming on deck,
directed Lieutenant Yates as to the proper
course, and then both officers plainly saw
* By international agreement, all vessels, when
under way, are required to carry at night running-
lights, i. e., a green light on the starboard, and a red
light on the port side. In addition, steamers, when
under steam, carry a -white light at the foremast-head.
the waves rolling in through the breach in
the American vessel.
The Bombay crushed the Oneida' s quarter-
boat into splinters, and carried away the
poop, spanker-boom and gaff, wheel, bin-
nacle, and most likely the rudder and pro-
peller. While she yet lay across the
Oneida' s stern, the executive officer hailed :.
752
THE LOSS OF THE "ONEI&A?
iIEIDA AFTER THE COLLISION.
" Steamer ahoy ! you have cut us down —
remain by us ! "
The OneicMs steam-whistle was instantly
turned on and kept blowing, and guns were
fired, but the Bombay steamed on to Yoko-
hama without lowering a boat, or for a
moment heading in the direction of the
sinking ship ; nay, worse — with even the
malicious boast on his lips, that " He had
tut the quarter off a Yankee frigate, and it
served her right! " I quote the remark from
the testimony of Lieutenant Clements, a
British naval officer, before a British court.
The helm gone, the ship became unmanage-
able. Order and discipline continued,
however, and the most judicious measures
were immediately taken for the safety of
both ship and crew ; the steam and hand-
pumps were vigorously worked, and such
disposition of sail was made as would beach
the vessel on the nearest shoal ; but all to
no avail. The rent through which the water
flowed was too large, and soon the flood of
waters extinguished the fires, steam failed,
pumps and engines stopped. The quarter-
deck was now under water; men were
clearing away the only two serviceable boats
that remained, the first and third cutters,
and these only got clear of the ship as the
spar-deck became submerged. The captain
and officer of the deck stood on the bridge
till the water reached their feet ; then the
latter jumped for his life — the former re-
mained. In an instant the Oneida disap-
peared ; the captain and most of his officers
and men went down with her, to rise no
more ; others came to the surface, only to
struggle a little longer and then sink for-
ever ; while a few were rescued by the
cutter near by.
It has often been asked : How, with the
land so near, did so many perish ? I can only
give an answer that satisfies myself. For
some time after the collision, the efforts of
all were in the direction of saving the ship
— no one thought of himself. They seemed
oblivious of the fact that every compartment
was flooded with rushing waters — that dan-
ger was imminent; and it was only when
the reality burst upon them that they found
it too late to devise means of personal safe-
ty ; every grating, every ladder, every mov-
able spar that would float a man, was
securely lashed in its place — now out of
reach — submerged !
All the boats save two were disabled,
and these were loaded to the gunwales.
Thus, only as the deck was slipping away
THE LOSS OF THE " ONEIDA."
753
from them, did they realize that they must
go down with the ship. By far the greater
number were sucked into the vortex, while
those at the surface were so benumbed that
they could make little effort to save them-
selves. Furthermore, the nearest land over
t\vo miles distant — certainly too far for an
exhausted man to swim on that cold night.
To follow the survivors : The first cutter
remained near the sunken vessel picking up
the men, until the last one visible was
rescued; among these was Lieutenant Yates,
the only officer in the party of forty-five per-
sons crowded into that small boat — a shiver-
ing crew, whose thin clothes, saturated with
water, were stiffening about
them. The boat was leaking,
much water was already in it,
and the spray and crest of „ *
waves breaking over it added A ^
to the difficulties and hard-
ships to keep afloat — the men
had to bail constantly with
caps and shoes.
Amidst these vicissitudes
they worked on through the
three miles that separated
them from a little cove near
Kanon-Saki, where, at length,
they arrived, landed, and pro-
ceeded to a Japanese village,
where they were received with
kindly hospitality.
The third cutter had sixteen
men in it, with Doctor Sud-
dards in charge. It got clear
of the ship as she was rapidly
settling. Observing a junk
standing down the bay at
some distance, the cutter vig-
orously pulled for it, to bring
it to the sinking ship and take
off the crew. But the junk
was too swift, and, uncon-
scious of the service it might
have rendered, passed rapidly
out of reach. The cutter re-
turned to the Oneida, but now
nothing was to be seen of her
but the top-gallant masts just
out of water. The boat then
headed for shore, and after
passing through much the
same experience as the first
cutter, eventually landed near
the same place, though the
people in each boat did not
know that any but themselves
had been saved.
VOL. XX.— 49.
Doctor Suddards procured a guide and
walked to Yokohama, eighteen miles, where
he arrived the next morning at four o'clock,
and reported the disaster to the command-
ing officer of the Idaho.
The Idaho, a large store-ship, with but
few officers and a small crew, was the only
vessel of our squadron in harbor. She had
no steam launch, and but few of those
equipments that usually form the outfit of
a man-of-war; hence her commander was
unable to render immediate succor to those
who might possibly be clinging to fragments
of the wreck. This was ten miles away
— a long distance to dispatch the only re-
ENTRANCE TO YEDO BAY, SHOWING COURSE OF THE
"BOMBAY."
'ONEIDA AND
754
THE LOSS OF THE "ONEWAY
source the Idaho possessed — a boat under
oars.
The Bombay, with steam still up, lay
about half a mile from the Idaho / and as
she could afford the quickest relief I was
Bombay.
Oneida.
DIAGRAM SHOWING THE POSITION OF THE VESSELS AT THE
TIME OF THE COLLISION, AND THE CONDITION OF THE
" BOMBAY " AFTERWARD.
sent to request it. I told Captain Eyre he
had sunk a ship with 160 men; that many
might still be floating on spars and booms,
and if speedy succor were given, they might
be saved; that his was the only vessel in
harbor with steam up — would he go down ?
" No ? "
After making some trivial excuse about
his vessel being damaged, he remarked :
" 1 think I can clear myself."
I returned to my boat and proceeded to
the British flag-ship, a few cables distant.
Very different was the feeling I found there :
hearty sympathy and an earnest desire to do
all they could.
An officer was dispatched in haste to
H. M. S. Sylvia, with an order to get up
steam at once, and another was directed to
return with me to the Bombay. The evi-
dence of this gentleman before the court
will best describe what occurred. He
says:
" An officer came from the Idaho * * * Captain
Tinklar [of the Ocean\ told me to ask him to take
me on board the Bombay, and that I was to request
the captain of the Bombay, as his was the only ship
in harbor with steam up, to go down to where the
accident took place, and see what he could do. I
went on board. * * * I gave him Captain Tink-
lar's request ; he replied, ' I can't ; I've got a hole in
my bows.' I asked him if that was his answer,
and he sent for his chief officer ; he asked the chief
officer how much water there was in the hold or
compartment, and the officer answered about nine
feet. The captain then said, ' Do you hear that ? '
I said yes, and I wanted an answer, yes or no. He
then said, ' No, I can't.' "
The Bombay was partitioned into water-
tight compartments, and the place spoken
of as having nine feet of water in it was a
small one in the very bows ; evidently it
might have been filled to the ceiling with-
out cause for apprehension. Indeed, Cap-
tain Eyre's own estimate of the damage, on
his arrival at Yokohama (it is from the
evidence of Lieutenant Clements, R. N.),
was " that the ship was making water, but
nothing very serious." In Captain Eyre's
own testimony, though it makes his con-
duct of the evening before the more dis-
creditable, he says :
" The next morning [that is, the one on which I
sought his aid] I steamed down to the scene of the
collision and back, without having made any repairs."
Yes, he finally went — at the request of
his agent — but he was too tardy. His
assistance should have been given imme-
diately after colliding, even though he was
" not aware whether it was customary for
two vessels which have come into collision
on a dark night to communicate in order
to ascertain the amount of injury each has
sustained." All which facts seem plainly to
indicate that the defect that prevented ex-
tending a helping hand to the Oneidtfs
drowning crew, existed in the heart of
Captain Eyre, and not in the hull of the
Bombay.
It is gratifying to turn from this conduct
to the generous action of the British and
Russian naval officers, who, with the Ameri-
can steamer Yangtse, Captain Strandberg, got
up steam and went down immediately, so
that by 8 A. M. the Bombay, Sylvia and
Yangtse (the latter having manned boats
from the Vsadnik and Idaho in tow) were all
under way for the wreck. On arrival,
nothing of the Oneida but her top-gallant
masts were visible, and the boats engaged
in the melancholy work of searching the
beach for corpses, but without finding any,
and in the evening all went back to the
city.
By request of the agent of the Peninsular
and Oriental Steam-ship Company, a naval
THE LOSS OF THE " ONEIDA."
755
court of inquiry was immediately instituted
at Yokohama to take evidence regarding
the circumstances of the collision. It was
composed of the British consul at Kana-
gawa as president, two commanders of the
Royal Navy, and two masters of British
merchant-vessels in harbor.
All persons that knew anything of the
subject were examined under oath ; a
printed copy of their evidence now lies
before me, and with it I have refreshed my
memory, although I heard every word, and
saw every motion of each witness as he
spoke.
It may cause surprise to find that the
officers and men of the United States navy
appeared in a British court. That court
was the first organized. An American
court, composed solely of naval officers,
was subsequently formed; it examined
carefully into the circumstances of the col-
lision and entirely exonerated the Oneida' s
officers. But, in order to have .all the
evidence pro and con taken and weighed
by the same tribunal, the United States
naval authorities allowed their witnesses to
go into the British court. It was a conces-
sion— not a compulsion. Besides the regu-
lar attorney retained by the owners of the
Bombay, the British Minister to Japan
was in constant attendance, and the Ameri-
can Minister, Mr. De Long, kindly ten-
dered his services to the survivors of the
Oneida. Many of the essential points be-
ing of a purely technical nature, I was
requested by Lieutenant Yates to assist
Mr. De Long, and thus I became familiar
with every feature of the case.
The court opened at the British Consulate
in Yokohama, on the 27th of January, and
continued its sessions every day until Febru-
ary 1 2th. Lieutenant Yates and the other
witnesses of the Oneida were excluded from
the court, except while giving their evidence;
Captain Eyre was always in attendance with
the company's agent; but this gentleman
has long ago gone before a Judge who tem-
pers justice with mercy. I shall, therefore,
touch lightly on his failings.
This court cleared Captain Eyre of all
blame for the collision, and hence, by impli-
cation, threw it on the Oneida. My endeav-
or shall be so to contrast the evidence of
different witnesses on the same point as to
enable every one to judge for himself who
was right, and who wrong.
First. Captain Eyre says that the Oneida 's
speed was " about fourteen knots an hour";
his chief officer, " eleven or twelve," and
his pilot, " about eight knots." It was really
seven, so that, of the three, the captain's
judgment was the most erroneous.
Second. He says, "The Oneida must
have been about one mile from me when I
first saw her light ; " his second officer says
" five or six miles away," and the pilot,
" four or five miles." Other parts of the tes-
timony show that all three saw the light at
nearly the same instant. The actual distance
was four miles, so that here, too, the captain
was most in error.
Third. He says, " From the time I
stopped the engines until I went on again,
was about ten minutes." The log-book of
the Bombay being produced in court, the
following extract from it was accepted as
evidence : " (About) Stop, 6:15 ; easy ahead,
6:19; full speed, 6:21."
Fourth. He says, " I imagined the Onei-
da's quarter-gallery was cut off; it never
occurred to me that she was in danger."
What, with the Oneida, as he must have
seen, deep in the water ! But it was not the
gallery alone — it was the entire quarter,
exposing the interior of the cabin, from
which a glare of light issued that was seen
by various people on the Bombay, whose
testimony was taken. The " table," a
dozen witnesses mentioned, stood in the
captain's cabin, the floor of which was on a
level with the water ; and as this was lit up
by the light they speak of, the peril of the
Oneida must have been apparent — the
water must then have been entering through
the breach. Is it possible that Captain
Eyre alone could have been blind to all
this?
Fifth. With regard to the hail, " Steamer
ahoy ! " etc., uttered in so loud and clear
a voice by the executive officer of the
Oneida that the second and fourth officers
of the Bombay, and five others, all testified
to having heard it, Captain Eyre alone was
deaf to the appeal. In fact, all his senses
seem to have been unusually obtuse at this
juncture. But he was not left ignorant of
what had occurred ; listen to the fourth
officer's evidence on this point :
"Immediately afterward, as the ship [Oneida]
dropped astern, she hailed us. * * * I went to
the bridge and reported to the captain what had
occurred. The commander asked the pilot if there
was any safe place where the other ship could go
ashore ; the pilot said yes, she was close to the Spit."
From this it may justly be inferred that
Captain Eyre feared the Oneida was in real
danger, notwithstanding his evidence to the
756
THE LOSS OF THE " ONEIDA."
contrary, for he well knew that vessels are
not beached for trifles.
Sixth. Shortly after the collision, the
Oneida began firing guns of distress, and
continued them until she sank. Now, the
report of a six-pound charge fired from an
eight-inch gun is loud, and its flash bright ;
but neither Captain Eyre nor any one else
on the Bombay, at the distance of two
miles, on a still night, heard the one nor
saw the other; yet at Yokohama, ten miles
beyond the Bombay, the guns were dis-
tinctly audible. Curiously enough this is
one of the " material points " on which all
aboard the Bombay are in perfect accord
with their captain.
Seventh. The second " material point "
on which the witnesses for the Bombay all
agree, is the bearing of the Oneida; accord-
ing to every one of them, she was just one-
half point on the port bow, notwithstanding
that, to be strictly correct, the bearing of a
near object must be different to each ob-
server.
Eighth. The Oneida carried a spare
top-sail-yard lashed three feet from the
water. The Bombay cut this in two be-
tween the lashings, and one end of it pene-
trated through the iron of the port bow and
fractured the starboard bow, passing through
double iron plates. Captain Eyre's evi-
dence says :
" It was almost immediately after the collision that
•we discovered the spar. * * The Oneida's
gaff and spanker boom, and part of her sail, were
left hanging on my bow. * * * It did not strike
me that I must have penetrated pretty far into the
other vessel in order to take the boom. * * *
I think it possible that a spar from a vessel could
penetrate and remain in the bows of another vessel
without the hull of the former vessel receiving an
injury."
All this from a sailor of thirty-seven years'
standing, twenty of them in command of
both sailing and steam ships ! Such was the
man whose professional errors, however
gross, can be regarded with charity; but
whose want of heart, whereby he left one
hundred and fifteen brother seamen to die in
the water, can never be considered but with
horror and loathing.
I shall now proceed to discuss the tracks
of the ships.
The hour the Oneida began steaming
ahead from her anchorage was noted — 5:15
P. M.; the distance from the anchorage to
the light-ship is one and a half miles; she
steamed slowly at first, to return the cheers
that were given her; sail was not set until
after passing the light-ship; then, when
under all sail and easy steam, her speed was
seven knots an hour — certainly it could not
have been greater than six between the
anchorage and light-ship; at this rate it
would require fifteen minutes to reach the
light-ship, which brings the time to 5:30 p.
M. Heading then S. by E. % E. from 5:30
p. M., the Oneida proceeded at the rate of
seven (or at most eight) knots an hour until
6:20 P. M. During this fifty minutes she
went seven miles, which would have brought
her to where her officers first discovered the
lights of the Bombay, and concluded that
she would pass well on the starboard. The
Oneida therefore proceeded straight on until
the Bombay was suddenly discovered open-
ing her red light. This showed at once that
the merchant steamer was violating the in-
ternational rule of the road, that approach-
ing vessels shall put their helms a-starboard,
to give each other a wide berth. Besides
conforming to the rule, the putting the Onei-
da's heim a-starboard was the most feasible
means of escaping the Bombay, for they must
have met within three minutes. Had the
Oneida's helm been put a-port at this point,
it would have required several seconds for
her to/^f/it, besides which, all the after sail
would impede her ready motion to star-
board, and it is most probable that the two
ships would . have met bows-on, before the
maneuvers could have been effected.
Just previous to collision, the Bombay's
helm was put hard a-starboard, to swing the
ships parallel to each other, whereby she
struck the Oneida at an acute angle near the
mizzen-rigging, instead of cutting her in two
near the mainmast, as she would otherwise
have done. Consideration of the condition
of the man-of-war after she was struck, and
the time she had in which to drift to the
point where she sunk, establishes her posi-
tion at the instant of collision with almost
absolute certainty.
To locate the Bombay, I have a variety of
tracks offered, no two witnesses agreeing.
I will take first the statement of the captain :
"When Kanon-Saki light-house was abeam of my
ship, I should think it must have been about a mile
distant, as nearly as I can guess. * * * We
altered the ship's course to north when the light was
abeam, I think. That course would carry me clear
of Saratoga Spit."
Plotting this on a chart, I have a course
which, at the rate the Bombay was going,
would run her aground in twenty minutes
upon Saratoga Spit. For the next position
of the Bombay, he says :
THE LOSS OF THE « ONEIDA."
757
" At 6.15 P. M. on the 24th instant, the light-house
on Kanon-Saki was bearing S. by E. ; the Spit was
bearing E. by N., as near as I could judge."
At this point he says :
" I saw a light (the Ondda's') half a point on the
port bow — a bright light. Shortly afterwards I
made out two lights — side lights — a green and a red
light. * * * . When I saw the light, i
was due north."
my course
These statements cannot be reconciled.
They require a screw steamer, with no sail
set, running eight knots an hour, to be drifted
nearly two miles in a run of three. Impossible !
A mail steamer, to which time is an im-
portant item, will take the shortest good
route ; and as the Bombay could pass Kanon-
Saki with the greatest safety at a point half
a mile from the beach, with twenty fathoms
depth of water, she did undoubtedly do so.
Adding the testimony of the pilot, and
plotting it on the chart, beside the captain's
and others, it appears most lamentable that
the Bombay did not continue the straight
course she was steering when first sighted ;
then both vessels would have passed to star-
board of each other, at the distance of
nearly half a mile.
In order to have the collision occur where
it did, the Bombay must have gone far out
of her way to crowd the Oneida upon a dan-
gerous shoal — with what object ? To get on
the right-hand side of the channel! as the
testimony shows in these words:
" In coming up a narrow channel, it is usual to
keep on the starboard side of such channel."
Yes, there seems to be some local Eng-
lish custom, that in navigating narrow inland
waters vessels must keep to the right ; and
in order to conform to this regulation an
international rule of the road was violated
in a broad bay, miles in width.
The pilot says he thought the Oneida " was
a Japanese by the way she acted." Every
one who cruised in Eastern waters in. those
days is well aware of the lamentable want
of consideration of all foreigners for native
craft; and this fact may be of use in ex-
plaining why the Bombay's helm was per-
sistently kept a-port, even when only the
Oneida 's green and mast-head lights were
seen over a mile off, as the pilot testifies.
In view of all that precedes, this seems
the most fitting place to introduce an ex-
tract from a letter of the Secretary of the
(U. S.) Navy to the Speaker of the House
of Representatives. He says :
" From an examination of the evidence in the pos-
session of the Department, the testimony taken
before a Court of Inquiry composed of British offi-
cers, the evidence of Master (now Lieutenant) Yates,
the officer of the deck on board the Oneida at the
time of the collision, the accompanying charts, and
the analysis of Lieutenant Lyons, it is the opinion
of the Department that the Oneida was, when she
was struck, steering her proper course out to sea
from the Bay of Yedo, bound to the United States ;
that the ship was well commanded and her discipline
good, and that all the necessary precautions were
taken by her commander to insure the safe naviga-
tion of the vessel and to prevent collision ; and the
rules of the road conformed to, agreeably to the reg-
ulations-of the United States Navy; and that no
blame is to be attached to the officers or crew of
the Omida for the collision.
The curious may wonder what was the
result of the Court of Inquiry at Yoko-
hama. After giving a summary of all the
points, it exonerates Captain Eyre from any
blame whatever for the collision, and then
closes its decision with these words :
" We recognize the fact that he [Captain Eyre]
was placed in a position of great difficulty and
doubt; and in circumstances under which he was
called upon to decide promptly. But we regret to
have to record it as our opinion that he acted hastily
and ill-advisedly, in that, instead of waiting and en-
deavoring to render assistance to the Oneida, he,
without having reason to believe that his own vessel
was in a perilous position, proceeded on his voyage.
This conduct constitutes, in our opinion, a breach of
the 33d section of the 63d chapter of the Merchant
Shipping Act, amendment act of 1862, and we
therefore feel called upon to suspend Mr. Eyre's
certificate for six calendar months from this date."
One hundred and fifteen lives lost — six
months' suspension !
In all trials in which interested witnesses
are allowed to testify, there is much vague-
ness ofrecollection about anything calculated
to injure themselves. Mr. Eyre was explic-
itly warned, before any evidence was taken
and by the President of the Court, that
whatever he said might afterward be used
against him, should any charges be brought
on which he might be brought to trial. He
was also informed that if this inquiry devel-
oped sufficient evidence, he would be ar-
rested by the United States Minister on the
charge of murder. Captain Eyre, therefore,
and all his subordinates, were extremely
careful not to criminate themselves.
My object in writing this article is, not to
exhibit the unamiable points of any individ-
ual's character, but to clear the officers of
the Oneida of any stigma that may attach
to them for the collision.
In conclusion, I must say that although
Captain Eyre left a temporary stain on the
name of a British sailor, still it should never
be forgotten that it was British sailors who
nobly came forward in our moment of ex-
treme necessity and rendered efficient aid —
758
HICKETTS HOLLOW.
British sailors who helped us search for
the Oneidcfs drowned — British sailors who
enabled us to pay befitting obsequies to her
recovered dead — and British Royal Marines
who fired the requiem volleys o'er the cap-
tain of the Oneida's grave.
LIST OF OFFICERS LOST WITH THE ONEIDA.
Captain E. P. Williams, commanding;
Lieutenant-commander William F. Stewart,
executive officer ; . Lieutenant-commander
Alonzo W. Muldaur, navigator; 'Watch
Officers, Masters Walter Sargent and John
R. Phelan, Ensigns James W. Cowie,
Charles E. Brown, William E. Uhler, George
K. Bower, Charles A. Copp, James C. Hull
and George R.Adams; Paymaster Thomas
L. Tullock, jr.; Assistant-surgeon Edward
Frothingham; First-assistant engineers N. B.
Littig and Haviland Barstow; Second-assist-
ant engineers Charles W. C. Senter and John
Fornance; Carpenter J. D. Pinner and Pay-
master's Clerk W. C. Thomas — in all twenty.
LIST OF OFFICERS SAVED FROM THE ONEIDA.
Master Isaac I. Yates, watch officer;
! Surgeon James Suddards ; Acting Boatswain
| Nicholas Anderson; and Captain's Clerk
William W. Crowninshield — in all four.
Ninety-five men lost — fifty-seven saved.
HICKETTS HOLLOW.
" WHO-A-O-A-A-HUP ! "
The stage stopped with a jerk ; the cloud
of dust which we had been outrunning all
the way down the mountain suddenly
swooped in at the windows, making itself
evident to every sense, and, now that our
motion had ceased, the air grew at once
many degrees hotter. The incessant rattle
and jolt of the past four hours was displaced
by an oppressive, sultry quiet, which ren-
dered every movement of the horses in the
harness distinctly audible. The driver
swung himself leisurely down from his seat,
choked his wheel with a stone, and, after
extricating my baggage from the boot,
assisted me to alight, remarking, as he did
so, that " this hyar " was " t' Fork."
Apparently I had missed connection.
My friends were to have met me here but
no carriage was in sight save the triumphant
" Mountain Rover," as it bumped its way
on toward its destination. I was all right
as to locality ; there was the white house on
the slope, and the broken sign-post which
had been described to me, but for other
indications of human life only a dissolving
view of the rusty coach, becoming more and
more vague in its own dust.
At this moment, while I sat deliberating,
a tall woman emerged from the woods
which skirted the turnpike, and walked off
up the road. She had a basket filled with
blackberries on her head, while an empty
tin pail, stained with the same fruit, hung on
her arm. She moved too fast for me to ob-
tain a sight of her face, except a profile
glimpse which I caught as she passed.
This gave me the impression of strongly
marked features and a peculiar complexion.
There was a self-reliant poise expressed in
the erect, angular figure which made me
watch her with considerable interest.
Strange to say, she did not stop and stare.
She gave one quick, sidelong glance in my
direction without turning her head; then
tramped on with the air of having a long
walk before her and was soon out of sight.
Seeing no other alternative, I trudged up
the slope to the white house, and asked the
man, who sat in the door- way, if I might not
come in and wait until Mr. Williams should
send for me. He assented at once, said the
stage was " earlier'n gin'ral," and escorted me
into a sort of best bedroom, where I waited
what seemed to me an interminable time.
Just as my head was aching its worst, from
. the combined causes of fatigue and hunger,
the man, who divided his attention between
me and the road, announced quietly :
"'Yere's yer wagin an' t' tumbley cart fur
yer trunks."
Headache better in a moment ! I ran to
the door and cordially greeted my rough
I charioteer — a farm hand, minus coat and vest
| — who helped me* to my seat beside him,
• while my baggage was being lifted from the
j road-side into the tumbley cart by a sullen-
looking black boy. A brisk trot down the
rocky road, in the comfortable little j agger,
i a slow walk across the prettiest little river
1 ever forded, a further progress of two miles
i with those great solemn mountains all
around, like giant sentinels guarding the
lovely valley. Finally, we drew up before a
substantial brick dwelling — my destination.
Mrs. Williams ran out to meet me, accom-
panied by her daughter, a pretty girl of
fifteen, and her sister, Belle Holmes. The
HICKETTS HOLLOW.
759
sight of Belle was a surprise to me. I had
thought her far away at her home in Penn-
sylvania, but her unexpected appearance was
a great treat. Surely a more cheerful, pleas-
antly helpful woman than she, never existed.
The unaffected kindness felt and expressed,
the genuine hospitality manifested by my
hostess, did more to render me comfortable
and happy than even fresh water, clean
clothes and a good supper.
The sun was high in the heavens when I
awoke next morning. Afraid of being late,
I sprang up and dressed quickly — then,
re-assured by hearing no bell, I drew aside
my curtain and looked out. It was too
late to see the mist wreaths melt away.
The sun had already cleared all impedi-
ments from his path, and now shone on in
undimmed glory — there was not even one
white speck in the perfectly blue sky.
Here and there, down the blue-green mount-
ain-side, one could detect little patches of
cultivated ground, while clustered in a
clump about the base of the nearest mount-
ain was what appeared to be a tiny village,
the only indication of human habitation in
this wild mountain-region.
In our after-breakfast chat in the shady
front-porch, I casually mentioned the singular
figure I had seen while waiting at the Fork.
" That must have been Ibbie Hickett," said
Belle. " She is a character, and you must
see her when she conies to sell her berries."
I soon grew profoundly interested in
Belle's account of the Hicketts and of
Hicketts Hollow — which I found was the
name of the small settlement I had noticed
from my window. They were all of one
family, though it would be difficult to
define their relationship to one another, as
the marriage relation was almost unknown
among them, — very ignorant and poor.
When I asked if something could not be
done to improve them, Belle said she had
often tried to get the children to come to
her, Sunday afternoons, but so far her efforts
had been entirely unsuccessful ; they would
not come and she could not go to them.
She had thought of doing so, but when she
mentioned her plan her brother-in-law posi-
tively forbade it, and said no lady should
ever go alone to Hicketts Hollow. The
men drank whenever they could get the
liquor, they were rude and impertinent, and
the idea was altogether impracticable.
" There was a cabin some distance off —
further up the mountain. Is that one of
them ? " I asked.
She looked in the direction I indicated.
"Yes, that is Simps Hickett's house.
Mr. Williams calls him the ' head devil of
the lot.' He is a handsome savage, and
possesses rather more intelligence than most
of his kinsfolk — but his temper is terrible.
He lives there with his wife, Ibbie, and
three children. The mountain women say
he treats her cruelly, yet, in spite of this,
she is devoted to him and fears him to an
extent which is almost amusing, when you
see what a powerful creature she is."
A few mornings later, as I sat alone in
my room, Belle knocked at the door.
" Come down in Emma's room," she
said. " Ibbie Hickett is there ; she has
sold her berries, and I am afraid she may
go without your seeing her."
Down I went at once. I found, sitting
in an easy chair in Mrs. Williams's bed-
room, an odd-looking figure enough. It
was a woman, tall, raw-boned and muscular,
with long strong arms and powerful, sinewy
hands. Her perfectly straight black hair
hung down, lank and greasy, around her
gaunt face. She was barefooted, and her
short stuff petticoat reached very little
below the knee. Something there was
about her which recalled the degraded
type of the North American Indian; the
complexion was thick and muddy, with
dashes of ugly red about the high, prominent
cheek-bones. Singularly at variance with
the black hair and tawny skin were the
eyes; these were of a light-gray color,
bright, restless and almost fierce. A wide
mouth, containing a set of even white
teeth, completed this description, and Ibbie
Hickett sits before you. Something strangely
familiar about the woman, apart from her
grotesque appearance, made me look at her
rather fixedly. She was perfectly free from
embarrassment. As I entered, she bent for-
ward and coolly returned my gaze with a
self-possession which a London belle might
have envied.
" Ibbie," said Mrs. Williams, "here is a
lady from away down the railroad. You
must look at her well, and tell me which
you think is the prettier, she or Belle."
Ibbie could scarcely have looked at .me
much harder than she was already doing ;
but, as Mrs. Williams spoke, she darted her
glittering light eyes around on Belle for an
instant, then they were brought to bear on
me again. I thought I detected a flash of
recognition in them as they seemed to take
in, with one comprehensive glance, my face,
figure and costume. Her opinion was given
in a sort of guttural sing-song. She began
760
HICKETTS HOLLOW.
low down the scale, gave full value to the
first note, gradually quickened the time as
she increased in pitch, until she reached
the word " fattest," when she suddenly
dropped her voice to its first tone and com-
pleted the sentence :
" Wy, t' biggest one ; t' fattest one's t'
puttiest."
I suppose I must have looked a little
disconcerted. It is not pleasant to listen to
a candid disapproval of one's personal
appearance, even when that disapproval is
expressed by a wild creature like Ibbie
Hickett. Belle read my countenance, and
hastened to interpose in my behalf.
" Why, Ibbie, I thought you would like
her fair skin. I've heard you say you liked
white skins many a time, and I'm so dark."
Ibbie took a cool, leisurely survey of my
slender proportions, and presently chanted
out as before :
" Ye-a-as, she's whi-ite 'nuff, an' she's
ri-ight good-lookin' gal — too ; but she's too
poor fur me; w'en I see her standin' in t'
pi-ike I knowed s' haint got 'nuff meat hon
her."
This, then, was the woman whom I had
seen on the road. I wondered that I had
not recognized her sooner, her individuality
being so marked.
Belle, perceiving the impossibility of ex-
torting a compliment for me from Ibbie,
tried a change of subject.
" Ibbie, I hear you have a new baby ; is
it pretty ? "
" Ye-a-as, hit's putty, Baal," — Ibbie never
said Miss, — "hit's reel putty; hit favors
Simps ; he's 'bout t' puttiest man I ever see."
" Is he fond of it?"
The woman's face changed in a moment.
She rose abruptly, and gathered her baskets
from the floor.
" Someti-imes h' li-ikes hit; someti-imes h'
don't," she replied, curtly. " Nobody can't
make him li-ike nut'in' 'dout h' wants ter;
h' kin whup any man in t' holler; he haint
'feard er nobody," she added, with an odd
kind of pride.
" Does he ever whip you, Ibbie ? " inquired
one of the children, who was standing
nea*r.
" I haint a-gwine to tell none on yer
nut'in' 't all 'bout Simps," said Ibbie, with
rough decision. She continued, her face
wearing an uneasy expression:
" Ef he knowed hit, ef Simps knowed hit,
he'd jess lief pick hup some 'um nuther an'
knock me in t' head 's not."
" But he wouldn't know it," said Belle.
" Who on earth would be mean enough to
tell him such things ? "
" Oh, plenty powerful mean critters 'bout
yere," replied Ibbie, sententiously. " 'Sides,
h' knows everything 'pears li-ike. Gimme
my money, Mis' Williams ; I mus' g' home
ter t' chill'un."
She took the coin without a word of
thanks, and stalked out of the room. Just
as she reached the hall door, Bessie Will-
iams commenced playing a popular melody
very badly ; the parlor was opposite, the door
open, and the sound to us was disagreeably
audible. Ibbie did not think so, however.
She pricked up her ears, showed her white
teeth in a grin, nodded her head in time to
the tune, and finally threw back to us, over
her shoulder, by way of a parting salutation :
" That there thin' makes er mi-ighty putty
noise."
A moment more and we saw her tall
figure striding up the road, with the heavy
baskets poised on her head.
" Well, what do you think of her ? " said
Belle.
" Oh, I hardly know ; it seems to me she
is a woman of tremendous force. Did you
notice how reserved she was about her hus-
band ? "
" Yes, indeed."
" I believe he does beat her ; Mr. Will-
iams," said I, as the Squire entered the hall,
" you are a magistrate. Could not a stop
be put to such cruelty ? "
" What cruelty ? " inquired the big, good-
humored man. " Oh, I suppose Belle has
been enlisting your sympathies in behalf of
Ibbie Hickett — it's a sort of hobby with Belle.
Now, you know, Mrs. King, /think our friend
Ibbie needs no champion. I met her just
now on the road, and it struck me she looked
quite as capable of self-defense as any man I
know, besides, she dotes on Simps. I don't
believe she would ever forgive me if I was
to interfere between him and her. So I let
them alone, and am very popular with both.
Emma," turning to his wife, " can't you
stop that thrumming in the parlor? Come,
Mrs. King, let's let our neighbors' domestic
affairs alone, and have some good music."
One Sunday morning, early in September,
as I went down to a late breakfast, I found
Mrs. Williams and Belle in the hall, busily
engaged in packing two large hampers with
eatables of various kinds. The children were
running excitedly around, getting in the
way, and everything betokened some exo-
dus of an unusual kind.
HICKETTS HOLLOW.
761
" We are going to a big meeting at the
' Hawk's Bill,' " said my hostess, before I
had time to ask questions. " We only
heard of it this morning. Make haste and
eat your breakfast, — you must not fail to go;
it will be an entirely new experience to you."
" Will it be right to go on Sunday ? " said
I, remembering a graphic account I had
received of these meetings.
" Well, I'm afraid you will not be spirit-
ually much benefited," replied Belle. " I
would rather go on a week-day myself; but
the difficulty lies just here — the meeting
only lasts one day."
" You haven't much time to lose," put in
the Squire ; " the Hawk's Bill is a good "long
way off, and Emma is always late."
I stifled the rising voice of conscience,
soon finished my breakfast, changed my
dress, and was ready for the expedition.
Our party was a pretty large one. Mr.
Williams, the children, the nurse and the
baskets were packed in the bottom of the
rickety spring-wagon, as tightly as sardines
in a box. Mrs. Williams, who rivaled Jehu
in her style of driving, and who prided her-
self upon her proficiency in that exercise,
assumed the reins quite as a matter of
course. Belle and I, less ambitious, and
certainly less capable, made ourselves con-
tent with the back seats of the "jagger,"
while Joe, the ploughman, undertook the
management of our horses.
It was after eleven o'clock before we
reached the meeting-house, and the sermon
had already begun. The various carts,
wagons and buggies, with the crowd
which surged and swayed before us, ren-
dered it a matter of impossibility to come
within thirty yards of the building. So we
remained seated in our respective vehicles,
on the extreme outskirts of the congregation.
The preacher, for the greater convenience of
most of his hearers, was stationed in the open
air, a few paces from the door. As well as I
could judge from the discourse, of which I
caught only stray fragments, the speaker
taught fatalism of the most radical kind.
"Why do you send for a doctor when
your children are sick ? " he vociferated
hoarsely, gyrating his arms about in erratic
and redundant gesture. " It's because
you haint got faith. I tell you the thing's
displeasin' to Almighty God. Do you
doubt His power to save you ? Then why
employ human means ? If your child dies,
what then? It dies because its time is
come ; if the Lord wills to take it, all the
doctors in the world wont save it. An'
ag'in, all this yere nonsense 'bout Sunday-
schools; 'taint right; if the children are
goin' to be saved, they will be, that's all;
if not, you might send them to Sunday-
school for fifty years, an' 'twouldn't do
no good. Ag'in, there's a good many
people says you mus' go to school, an' go
to college, 'fore you're fitten to preach. /
never learned at college, an' yere I've ben
a-preachin' to big crowds for twenty years.
Yes, brethren, I thank the Lord / never
rubbed my head ag'in' a college wall."
Just then Belle touched my arm.
" Ibbie Hickett is behind us," she said, in
a low tone. " I wonder what she came for;
I never knew her to attend a religious
meeting before."
I turned around, and looked out from the
tiny window in the back of the carriage.
The woman was standing in the shade of a
large tree, with two forlorn children near
her. Certainly it was not a holiday-seeking
spirit which had brought her to the " Hawk's
Bill." She was attired in her usual short
homespun gown, and she carried a calico
sun-bonnet in her hand.
Her manner was entirely free from self-
consciousness, except, perhaps, that she
seemed to shun observation with a sort of
instinct which made no demand on her
attention. The contrast which her haggard
face and soiled garments made with the
gaudy finery of the other women present was
very marked. Her restless gray eyes did
not glance around with their accustomed
alertness; instead, she kept them intently
fixed on a distant part of the grounds.
Looking in that direction, I had just espied
a tall man and a gayly dressed woman talk-
ing together, when Belle exclaimed :
" She is watching Simps and that Cox
girl ; there they are," and she designated the
couple I had noticed. "I heard that he
visited at Cox's a great deal. Now I know
what brought Ibbie here to-day; she's as
jealous as Othello."
" Aunt Belle," called out one of the chil-
dren, " mamma says come and help her with
dinner."
The morning sermon was by this time
concluded, and the congregation had begun
to bestir themselves. Most of them were
making for their respective baskets.
Belle descended from the carriage and
walked off with her little nephew, and I was
left alone — Joe having long since betaken
himself to more congenial society than ours.
I was unable to resist a strange impulse
which kept my eyes fixed in the direction
762
HICKETTS HOLLOW.
of Ibbie Hickett. I felt for her an almost
unaccountable sympathy, and this in spite
of her repulsive appearance.
The poor thing's jealous misery, so plainly
expressed in her countenance, seemed to
confer upon her a kind of dignity. She
never once withdrew her steady gaze from
the man and woman who were walking
together, but presently I saw her eyes take
a shorter range. At the same time she
quickly and carefully withdrew herself and
children behind a large farm-wagon which
stood between her and the crowd, and which
served to screen the trio entirely from my
view. Simps must be somewhere near. I
scanned the crowd for him and Jinny Cox,
with the scarlet dress of the latter for a
guide. Ah ! there they were, scarcely ten
yards from me now. They formed two of a
lot of people grouped around a water-melon
stand. The vender of the melons was driv-
ing a brisk trade. The preacher himself,
determined to be consistent with his teach-
ing, was slowly working his way through the
crowd toward the pine boards piled up with
dark-green " Mountain Sweets."
Simps Hickett stood on the side next our
carriage, waiting for his turn, and I had abun-
dant opportunity to satisfy my curiosity
regarding him and his companion. She was
a blowsy, vain-looking girl of about twenty,
with a round, simpering face, rosy cheeks
and dark eyes — rather pretty in spite of the
five distinct shades of red she had contrived
to combine in her costume. The man's
magnificent physique almost startled me.
Tall and well formed, broad in the shoulders,
deep in the chest, he held his handsome head
like a stag. The features were clearly cut
and almost perfectly regular; the long, sen-
suous eyes were a deep, perfect blue, well
shaded by profuse black lashes. He would
have been beautiful, but the lower jaw was
too heavy and sullen, the mouth too dogged ;
and, as he turned to speak to the girl, one
lost sight of the pure tint of his eyes after
their expression became visible.
" Jinny," said he, in a mellow baritone,
which accorded well with his face and figure,
" arter w' gits t' watey-melin, le's take hit
in t' woods. We kin eat hit thar, an' I kin
talk t' yer better — I ca-ant s' nutin' to yer
fur t' fellers a-runnin' arter yer."
Jinny seemed to object; possibly, being a
belle, she did not care to waste her engag-
ing manners and brilliant costume on Simps
Hickett alone.
" Oh, no, Simps," she said, giggling ; " I
don't keer fur t' melin hin t' woods — t'
preachin' '11 'gin 'fore long. Yere's er good
place, nigh dis wagin. • Come 'long ; no-
body ca-ant yere yer thar."
After a little demur she seemed to carry
her'point. Simps shouldered the melon, and
they sat just back of our carriage, with only a
farm wagon between them and Ibbie. Belle's
voice, speaking close to me, made me start.
" What's the matter ? " she exclaimed.
" Your face is as white as your dress ; I am
afraid this long jaunt has been too much for
you."
I nodded toward the man and woman,
now busily engaged with their collation.
" Ibbie is hiding behind that wagon. Oh,
Belle, something will surely happen."
Scarcely was this sentence uttered when
the little ragged girl, who had evidently
escaped from her mother, crept from her
hiding-place and accosted the man.
" Gimme er piece, daddy," she said, ex-
tending her little dirty hand; "I'm so
hongry."
Simps had been too much occupied with
the feast and Jinny to notice the child's ap-
proach until she spoke; his first expression
was that of astonishment; but almost im-
mediately his face darkened.
" Who brung yer yere, Nance ? " he asked.
" Mammy brung me ; sh' brung Pete, too;
we's ben yere putty nigh all t' mornin'."
" Whar's yer mammy now ? " said Simps,
rising.
" She's roun' thar, 'hin' t' wagin. She let
me an' Pete play all 'roun' yere tell w' seed
yer an' Jinny a-comin' ; den mammy hid us
'hin' t' wagin, she did."
" She's hid 'hin' t' wagin, are she ? Well,
yer g' back t' her, an' take that wid yer."
Here he struck the child with his heavy
hand, as he added, with a short laugh, " Yer
kin tell her I gin hit t' yer."
Nancy shrieked with pain and terror. At
that instant, as if summoned by an irresist-
ible voice, the mother sprang into view and
caught the sobbing child in her arms. Then
she turned fiercely, like a she-wolf at bay,
her blazing light eyes glaring on silly, fright-
ened Jinny Cox.
" Twuz you got her that thar lick ; he
wouldn't er teched her ef hit warn't for you.
I tell yer, Jinny Cox, yer'd better cl'ar 'way
f 'om yere putty quick, if yer want to save yer
mushy face."
Ibbie still preserved her peculiar guttural
chant, even in the midst of her rage. I re-
member I thought at the time it increased
her resemblance to an angry beast. Jinny
Cox began to whimper.
HICKETTS HOLLOW.
763
" La, Ibbie, / never teched Nance. I
wouldn't hurt her no way. She's welcome
t' a piece er melin. Yere, Nance, take er
piece, an' go give mammy some."
Ibbie dashed away the peace-offering, and
strode up to her rival.
" Ef she teches hit, /'// whup her worser'n
he done. Go 'way whar yer come Pom, an'
leave my man 'lone."
Jinny shrank in her terror closer to Simps,
and this goaded Ibbie to frenzy.
" If yer don't want ter git hurt, yer'd bet-
ter step dis minnit."
She added, with a still, deliberate utter-
ance, which I had to strain my ears to catch :
" I swar, ef I ever gits hole yer, yer wont
nuver Yer'd better take keer, Jinny
Cox."
Jinny was beginning to move off in a
bewildered fashion, when Simps, who had
been watching the frantic woman with a set,
dark attention, now interposed.
" Yer kin jis' stay whar yer is, Jinny," said
he, touching the girl's shoulder. " Leave
her t' me. I kin fix her; set down an'
wait er minnit. I'll soon git done."
Approaching Ibbie, with his half-closed
eyes fastened on her, I thought, in spite of
his handsome face, he was neither pleasant
to see nor safe to encounter. When he
spoke it was in his deepest voice, and with
a sense of mastery which had its effect at
once.
" Haint yer knowed no better'n t' come
yere peekin' arter me ? Is I got ter learn
yer 'gin ? "
Ibbie, after the first glance at him, looked
down at the child in her arms, and began
nervously to pick at its frock.
" I s'pose yer feels mighty smart braggin'
'bout tearin' people's faces," he continued,
" but I tell yer, an' yer know I haint
mucher han' fur foolin', ef I ever yere yer
talkin' that way 'gin, w'y I'll sarve yer like
I done t' big rattlesnake tried to bite me
las' week; he'll never p'isen nobody no more ;
yer seen me hit him," and his grim smile
pointed his last remark significantly. " Take
dem chillun an' g' home faster'n what you
come — d'yer yere ? "
The woman was no match for Simps
Hickett; she knew it, and attempted no
reply to his threat. One felt, while listen-
ing to him, that there was a strong reserve
of moral force which he kept in check ; he
might employ it at any time, but the pres-
ent occasion did not demand its use.
As he spoke, Ibbie's flushed face gradually
settled into the scared, ashen look we had
noticed once before. Even then her jeal-
ous fondness for this man, stronger than fear,
asserted itself in a last effort to recall him.
" I never meant to make yer mad, Simps,"
she faltered. " Come, g'home wid me an'
t' chillun. Yer cloze his all mended good
an' t' dinner's on a-cookin'."
He made no reply — he was letting her
exhaust herself.
Poor Ibbie blundered on, with a ghastly
attempt at ease :
" W'y, I brung t' chillun yere so I could
fin' yer, an' tell yer about hit. Come,
Simps, haint yer a-gwine ? "
" D'yer think yer kin fool me 'bout dinner
an' cloze, an' sech ? I haint no fool. Yer
come yere to peek arter me," replied he.
" I knows yer ways, an' 'member, ef I ever
ketches yer peekin' arter me 'gin — w'y, jis'
take keer, that's all. Jinny 'n' me 's keepin'
comp'ny ter-day. I reckon I'll hev to go
whar she sez. She's er powerful good-
lookin' gal, yer see, Ibbie," with a cold
smile, " an' hit kinder res's er man ter look
at her arter he's ben had so much er sich
ugly wimmin."
He turned from Ibbie, and walked
toward the Cox girl, saying :
" Come 'long, Jinny. Sh' wont pester
you no more."
Jinny, now all possible harm to herself
had been averted, had recovered her habit-
ual self-complacency ; she stood waiting for
Simps, bridling rather triumphantly. Ibbie
did not face either of them after that last
taunt ; for the first time her grotesque figure
seemed to trouble her. She gave one of
her quick looks at her muddy frock and
soiled ankles, then she wheeled suddenly
around, put on her slat sun-bonnet, called
" Pete," and was ready for her ten miles'
tramp. She had to pass our carriage in
order to gain the road. Her bonnet did
not hide her face. We could see that the
bright, fierce eyes were dimmed with tears,
and the hard mouth was working.
She still carried the little girl in her arms,
the boy trotted by her side, holding on to
her frock. The children did not appear
to think anything unusual had happened,
except the fact of their mother's tears.
" Nance " was begging her not to cry, and
" Pete " was asking if her foot hurt much.
The whole party had a travel-worn and
weary appearance, and Belle's kind heart
could stand it no longer.
" Come here, Ibbie," she called; " sit
down, while I run and get you some din-
ner."
764
HICKETTS HOLLOW.
She walked quickly away to give Ibbie
time to recover herself, and I turned my
head toward the crowd for the same reason.
She was the first to speak.
" I never seed y' all 'fore. Is yer ben
yere all t' time ? "
The unsubdued emotion in her voice told
me I must not look at her yet.
" For some time," I said, as lightly as I
could. " What do you think of the new
preacher, Ibbie ? "
" I didn't git t' yere him," she replied.
" I wur too fur off." Then, after a pause, —
" Did you see me jis' now? "
I looked toward Belle, who was return-
ing, as I answered:
" I saw you talking with a man. Is
he your husband ? "
" Yes, that's Simps, an' that there gal wur
his cousin, Jinny Cox; he haint seen her
fur er good piece; she's ben stayin' way
'roun' t' udder side t' mpunt'n wid her aunt.
She's his cousin, yer see, an' he's gwine ter
take her home. Nance, yer must 'a' switched
yer coat in my eye, — 'pears li-ike hit keeps
hon a-waterin'."
Belle's hands were full of eatables, and the
children were soon eating with an eagerness
which told of long fasting. Ibbie refused
to take anything; she took one mouthful
when we insisted, but she shook her head
as we again proffered the food.
" I ca-an't eat," she said ; " 'pears li-ike
t' vittles'd choke me ; but thanky, Baal, fur
t' chillun. Come, chillun, yer got 'nuff
now; 's long way home."
We watched her until her tall figure was
no longer visible. Then I looked at my
companion. She drew a long breath, and
we descended from the carriage, and walked
on toward the meeting-house.
" Some people is sech fools ! " observed
" Marthy Ann," the house-girl, as she vigor-
ously dusted the mantel-piece. It was about
four or five days after the meeting at the
" Hawk's Bill."
I gave a murmur of assent to this most
truthful statement, and returned to my book.
But this did not satisfy " Marthy." She
evidently had some communication to make.
She invited inquiry, lingering in my vicinity
dusting and re-dusting the furniture, glanc-
ing in my direction every now and then ;
but I asked no questions, and she presently
broke out again with : " Thar'll be er broken
head 'bout yere 'fore long, I'm thinkin', ef
some people don't look out an' learn some
sense," wagging her own head mysteriously.
" Hit do 'pear like Ibbie Hickett haint got
t' sense sh' wuz born with."
" What about Ibbie Hickett ? " I asked,
roused into sudden interest.
"W'y, she's follerin' Simps 'roun' ag'in.
An' ef he ketches her at it — well, I wouldn't
like ter stan' in her shoes, that's all ! "
" How do you know she is following
him ? "
" I seen her at it, Mis' King — that's w'y.
Yeste'day ev'n' I come 'long home f'om
mammy's, over thar t' udder side t' Holler,
an' I come acrost Simps Hickett an' Jinny
Cox, plump. Sh' wuz goin' over ter t'
Holler. An' I stopped an' talked ter Jinny
er piece, an' bimeby I started 'long home.
An' I hadn't went no way 'fore I come
acrost Ibbie, free-pin' 'long easy, like, up
'g'in t' bushes. I speak'n ter her, but sh
wouldn't stop. Sh' said sh' wur in er hurry.
An' Jim Bryles, he come acrost her ter-day.
He tell'n' Mis' Pettit, an' Mis' Pettit tell'n'
me. Well, all I got ter say, I hope Simps
wont see her ; he wont take no foolin' off
nobody — much less off Ibbie."
Only two days after this the September
rains set in, and, as a matter of course, the
little Shenandoah became swollen and tur-
"bulent, detaining me in the neighborhood
beyond my time. There was no flood, but
the ford could not be used, and I was told
to make myself content, as I could not get
home for a week or more.
One evening, as we were sitting in the
parlor at work, Mr. Williams came in and
stood quietly beside the table. I looked up,
and met such a grave look that I immedi-
ately asked if anything had gone wrong on
the farm.
" Not on the farm," he said. " At least,
not on this farm; but that old bridge at
Kite's is gone at last, and carried a poor
woman with it into the brook. She was
alive when I come from Kite's; but the
doctor says she wont get well."
" Why, the water's not deep enough to
drown any one there;" said Belle.
" No ; but she has received severe internal
injuries, and she can't live long, no how.
She's been asking for you, Belle, and I want
you to get ready. I'll take you 'round to
Kite's right away."
" Who is it? " we all cried.
" It's that poor thing, Ibbie Hickett. She
was picked up by one of Kite's men, and
taken there. I don't understand," pursued
the Squire, with a perplexed countenance,
"how that bridge come to go. 'Twas a
HICKETTS HOLLOW.
765
crazy old thing, to be sure; but nothing
short of a yoke of oxen and cart could
make it give way. One woman of Ibbie
Hickett's weight ought to cross safe enough.
I thought may be Simps's devilment was al,
the bottom of it; but she says she was
entirely alone. Well, poor thing, she's done
for now. You'd better go with Belle,
Emma," said he, addressing his wife.
Mrs. Williams hesitated. One of the
children was not well, and she had been a
little anxious all day.
"I'll go," said I; "I've nothing to keep
me," and about fifteen minutes later found
us on the road.
Kite's farm-house was only about two
miles distant, and we soon reached the cabin
where Ibbie Hickett lay. There was a dim
light burning inside, and two or three women
were seated around the room as we entered.
/ Belle walked right up to the bed, and
spoke.
" Is that you, Baal ? " said the sick
woman, feebly.
" Yes, Ibbie. How do you feel ? "
" I'm mos' pas' feelin' bad," she said,
brokenly. " I'm a-goin', Baal, I'm a-goin',
shore. An' I aint sorry ter go," she added,
after a short pause. " Not much. 'Taint
so good a-livin' ter make er body hate ter
die, ef 'twa'n't fur them poor chillun an' t*
baby. I spec he's hongry now," she said,
making an effort to rise.
" He's yere, Ibbie," said one of the women.
"Jim Kite went over ter the Holler and
brunged him."
" Bring him in, Patty," said Belle. " Ibbie
wants him — don't you, Ibbie ? "
I repeated this request.
" Who's that ? " said Ibbie, suddenly, as
she looked in my direction.1 I came forward.
" It's I, Ibbie. Don't you remember
me?"
She looked at me fixedly, and then said,
wearily :
" Oh, yes. I 'member now — you wuz at
t' * Hawk's Bill ' that day. She's er good
gaal, too, Baal. W'en she sees er body's in
trouble, she don't make um feel wussern t'
do, talkin' 'bout hit."
The woman here entered with the baby.
Ibbie stretched out her brawny arms for
him, and they placed him beside her.
" Mammy's baby," she murmured, bro-
kenly, as she stroked the little plump cheek
with her hard hand. " Don't he favor
Simps, now ? " she continued, turning to us
with a feeble attempt at a smile.
" Where is Simps ? " asked Belle.
" /dunno — I dunno," said the sick woman,
with a kind of wail. " I telled t' men ter tell
him t' come ; but I'm 'feered he haint at t'
Holler. He's 'feered I'll tell," she muttered,
tossing her head uneasily from side to side.
" He needn't be 'feered. I wouldn't tell, not
ef they killed me dead What did I
say ? " she said, suddenly, in a different tone.
"Y' all mustn't mind me. Words comes
outen my mouth sometimes, an' 'pears li-ike
I don't have nuthin' ter do wid 'em."
" Here's Simps now," said Belle, as a tall
figure darkened the door-way.
" Oh, sen' him yere," said his wife, eagerly.
" Come yere, Simps ; I got sumun' ter tell
yer. Go 'way, y' all ; you too, Baal ; all on
yer — I don't want nobody 't all."
We stepped into the next room, and sat
there in perfect silence. We could hear a
faint hum of voices from the room where the
dying woman lay. About ten minutes
passed, when Simps came and called us to
come in. Ibbie was looking brighter, and
one of the women evidently thought her
well enough to answer a few questions.
" I ca-an't make out how t' ole bridge
• come t' fall, Ibbie," she said. " Me an' Pat-
ty's ben er studyin' 'bout hit putty nigh all
t' eve'n', an' we ca-an't make out how yer
done it, 'dout yer had 'er fight, or sumun',
an' yer say t' wa'n't nobody thar to fight wid."
Simps stood by the fire, looking down at
the coals; but I, who was standing next
him, thought I detected a look of quick at-
tention as Ibbie replied :
" T' bank give way thar ; 't wuz muddy an*
slip'ry, an' 1 fell down hard on t' ole bridge,
an' fore I knowed hit I wuz in t' water."
" Wa'n't nobody nowheres nigh, ter yere
yer holler ? "
" Thar wa'n't nobody nigh me, I tell yer,"
said Ibbie, feverishly eager; " nobody 't all,
tell Jim Kite come 'long — nobody 't all."
At this moment the doctor returned. I
asked him if she were not talking too much.
He merely shook his head; but I knew
from his look that the end must be very
near — nearer than we thought.
"Baal," said Ibbie, "yer'll take Nance
an' learn her, yer say ; Simps don't keer."
" Yes, Ibbie, I promise you."
" She's er gal, an' I want her t' learn sum-
un'; t' yuthers is boys; they'll git 'long
some way; 'pears li-ike 'taint so hard for
boys t' git 'long."
There was a long silence, unbroken
except by the crackle of the fire, and the
faint sound of the coals, as they dropped
now and then.
766
THE VALUE OF VIVISECTION.
Presently Belle began to speak in a low
tone to Ibbie. I could now and then catch
a word. She was trying to take the place
of the priest at this bed of death.
The sick woman appeared to listen. All
at once, she gave a kind of smothered groan.
" My bres','' she cried, piteously, " hit
hurts so! Ca-an't some er you do sumum'
for me ? "
I ran for the bottle of liniment, but the
doctor whispered, " It's no use."
Belle heard him, and fell on her knees
beside the bed.
" Ibbie, Ibbie," she cried, " can't you try
and love God? Can't you try and listen
while I pray to Him for you ? Oh, Ibbie,
He loves you ! He died on the cross for you
— for you. He let them kill Him because
He loved us so. Can't you understand
that ? "
" Died — 'cause — He— loved — us — so," re-
peated Ibbie, as if groping for the meaning.
Then her tone changed.
"Yes, I know what yer mean." A slight
pause, then she added, in a hoarse whisper,
'"'Taint — so — hard — ter — do — hit, — Baal, —
ef — ef yer — ef yer think much — think 'nuff
er anybody "
When Belle rose, Ibbie was speechless,
and the doctor motioned us to leave the
room. Simps would have gone, too, but
Ibbie stretched a feeble, detaining hand
toward him, and we passed out and left him
standing irresolutely in the middle of the
room.
We entered the carriage, and drove home
in perfect silence.
An hour later, the doctor stopped to tell
us Ibbie Hickett was dead.
THE VALUE OF VIVISECTION.
" DOES vivisection pay ? " is the question
which was discussed, with much moderation
and force, in the July number of SCRIBNER'S
MAGAZINE. Since in this country public
opinion is at once jury and judge, it is nat-
ural that men like myself, who have prac-
ticed vivisection largely, and who believe in
its great importance, should desire that the
reasons for an affirmative answer to the
question should be heard by those who have
read the negative reply.
It should be clearly borne in mind that
the existence of an abuse of a practice is no
reason for the abolition of such practice,
although it may be a good reason for its
regulation by law. It is further plain that
the law must reach the abuse to do good,
and that consequently it is essential that the
abuse should be proven to exist where the
law is demanded. Cruelties practiced in
France are not to be remedied at Albany
nor Harrisburg.
So far as concerns the medical schools
of Philadelphia, vivisection without anaes-
thetics is not practiced to any extent, if at
all, for class demonstration, and, in my own
opinion, demonstrative vivisection is not jus-
tifiable, unless with the use of anaesthetics.
It will be seen, therefore, that there is no
discord between the first three conclusions
reached in the previous paper and my own
views.
It is the last proposition of the paper
under consideration to which most strenu-
ous objection is here offered, because it is
believed to contain an important misstate-
ment as to facts, and because it would, if
carried out, strike a staggering blow at that
scientific study of medicine which is in
America still in its infancy. The proposition
alluded to is as follows :
" IV. In view of the slight gain to practical medi-
cine resulting from innumerable past experiments of
this kind, a painful experiment upon a living verte-
brate " (is an invertebrate animal not endowed with
nerves ?) " animal should be permitted by law solely
for the purposes of original investigation, and then
only under the most rigid surveillance, and preceded
by the strictest precautions."
No word is more winsome to the non-
scientific American mind than is "practi-
cal," but no word is more easily abused.
Every new truth which gives us greater
grasp over the forces and materials of nature
is a practical fact. Upon science the most
abstruse rest the practical applications of an
Edison; a Henry must needs precede a
Morse. What is z'w/ra<r//<rtf /medicine? Every
fact which adds to our knowledge of the
healthy structure or of the normal workings
of the animal organism; every revelation
as to the nature of disease poisons, — the
avenues through which they enter the
body, the methods in which they work out
their deleterious results, the ways in which
nature triumphs over these effects and gets
THE VALUE OF VIVISECTION.
767
rid of them, — in other words, every fact which
is an addition to our knowledge of the laws
of health and disease is a practical fact; and
when these facts have been added by the aid
of vivisection, one to the other, until all is
known concerning the healthy and diseased
workings of the human system, one great
branch of medical science will have been
perfected. Knowing disease, we will be in
a position to undertake its cure.
Anatomy or the structure of animals may
be studied upon the dead. Physiology or
the science of life and life actions must be
studied upon the living. It would occupy
many pages of this magazine to show in
detail what vivisection has been to physiol-
ogy. Such a demonstration would indeed
be simply a co-writing of the history of
vivisection and of physiology. Fortunately,
it is not at present necessary ; the SCRIBNER
essayist himself says :
" It is undeniable that to the practice of vivisec-
tion we are indebted for nearly all our present knowl-
edge of physiology. However questionable it may
be whether from future experiments, and especially
from that class of experiments in which the infliction
of pain is a necessity, any additions to our present
knowledge are likely to be acquired, it is certain that
about all we have we owe to this source."
One thought is naturally suggested by
this quotation. As there is no other known
way of making physiological researches ex-
cept by vivisection, as " about all we know"
has been discovered through vivisection and
as these discoveries continue to be made in
an increasing rather than a decreasing
ratio up to the present writing, it is not
reasonable to suppose that no future addi-
tions will be made through vivisection to
our present very imperfect knowledge of
physiology.
Exactly what is meant by " practical medi-
cine," I do not know ; but all medical science
rests upon or is bound up with the science
of physiology, and, on the principle that
the greater includes the less, the admission
made in the paragraph last quoted dis-
proves the statement that practical medicine
has had but " slight gain " from experiments.
This is true even if the term physiology
be used in the narrower sense to which
it has been incorrectly limited by some
modern writers, — that is, the science which
treats of healthy function. As well might
it be said that Newton's law of gravitation
was a slight gain to practical astronomy,
or that light is a slight gain to the searcher,
as that a knowledge of the blood supply
of the liver, the way its nerves control the
action of its blood-vessels and of its secre-
ting cells, the methods in which it acts
upon the crudely prepared food brought
to it, of the effects it has upon the blood,
of the substances which it casts out, of the
relation of its bile to the lower intestine,
was a slight gain to the doctor who meets
liver disease in the sick-room. Without
modern physiology, modern medicine were
not. The vivisector working in the labora-
tory lays the foundation on which the
clinician working in the hospital builds.
Physiology, however, in its original sense,
includes the science of diseased as well as
of normal life actions. The study of physi-
ology of disease, or " experimental pathol-
ogy," has not progressed nearly as far as
has that of normal physiology, partly be-
cause, until we understand the laws of
health, we cannot investigate wisely those
departures from these laws which we call
disease, partly on account of the greater
difficulties which beset the study of morbid
physiology, and partly because only within
a few years have the profession begun to
recognize the importance of the subject.
So far from this field offering little prospect-
ive hope of gain, in it lie really the hopes
of medical science ; we have scarcely com-
menced to dig for the precious ore.
The study of disease by the bedside has
been prosecuted so earnestly, so ably, so
long, that it has in great part reached the
limit beyond which it of itself cannot pass.
Take, as an instance, the subject of lung and
heart disease; there has been a perfecting
of details, but in no important point has our
knowledge of these diseases progressed since
I was a student of medicine, save only
where they have been studied by means of
experiments upon the lower animals. The
fact that a piece of glass placed under the
skin will produce consumption in the rabbit
may not seem a very practical one, yet it,
and the series of experimental facts to which
it belongs, have completely upset the views
universally held by the profession a few
years since in regard to the most common
and most fatal of maladies. Through years,
popular belief held to the suspicion that
consumption is contagious ; the profession
derided the idea. Now the experimentalist
has proven that he can pass it from man to
the lower animals, and from one lower ani-
mal to another. To complete the chain of
evidence, we ought to pass it from the lower
animal to man, but this is neither justifiable
nor really necessary. There is enough to
show that the popular suspicion was well
768
THE VALUE OF VIVISECTION.
grounded. Is it a " slight gain " that we
are able to warn the wife who is nursing a
consumptive husband against sleeping in
the same bed or room with him, or coming
into unnecessary personal contact ? Is it a
" slight gain " for us to know that the attend-
ants in a consumptive ward must not be
too closely confined in the air, and espe-
cially must take precautions against any
possible inhaling of the sputa of the sick ?
In order to meet any cause of evil judi-
ciously, it is essential that the nature of
this cause be understood. Studies upon
man himself never have, and probably never
can, isolate and determine the nature of the
poison which produces such diseases as diph-
theria, small-pox, typhoid fever, etc., etc.
Supposing we had five bottles of organic
matter, and knew that in one of them was
the veritable poison of diphtheria, pure and
isolated, and that the other four contained
only more or less poisonous animal products,
thousands of lives, it might be, would be
saved by knowing the nature of the diph-
theria poison; but would public opinion jus-
tify the investigator in going into a foundling
hospital, and there make trial until out of the
heap of dead babies came forth the perfected
knowledge ? It is plain that, in order to
recognize any principle, we must have some
test for it, and the only original test for dis-
ease-poison is its power of producing the
disease. Progress in this line is impossible
except by experiments upon the lower ani-
mals. In the difficulty of passing conta-
gious human diseases to the lower animals
lies at present the great obstruction to our
ascertaining the nature of disease-poison.
But some diseases certainly do pass from
man to animals, and from animals to man.
Moreover, there are many contagious ani-
mal diseases, and here is opportunity of
determining the nature of the contagious
poisons. For the sake of animal life, for the
preservation of our wealth of herds, the
government should further not suppress ex-
periment. Such a disease as hog-cholera
should by government aid be siudied until
absolutely known.
Only one or two more instances of the prac-
tical application of experimental pathology
can be mentioned for want of space. A
reader of SCRIBNER'S said to me, " Of what
use is it to know that a stick in a certain
part of the rabbit's brain will cause
diabetes ? " Not long since, I saw a case
of diabetes in consultation which had re-
sisted all treatment. Certain symptoms
made me believe that the trouble was due
to a specific tumor of the brain, pressing
upon the diabetic spot. Sure enough; in
three weeks, under appropriate treatment,
the diabetes was cured. Brown-Sequard has
discovered that, if you cut the sciatic nerve
of the Guinea-pig, epilepsy is developed, but
that, if a certain region of the skin of the face
is cut out, the animal gets well. Some time
since, a boy was struck on the head with a
brick; epilepsy followed, and two years of
complete wreck of health, threatening idiocy.
A vivisector was at last called in consulta-
tion, and, bearing in mind Brown-Sequard's
experiments, had the scar on the head cut
out. Result — cure. A considerable gain,
that, to one young life.
So far I have spoken of the aid rendered
by vivisection to our knowledge of disease.
Knowing disease and how to recognize it,
the physician wants to know how to remedy
it. Hence the great science or art of healing
known as therapeutics. This is certainly
practical, and it is just here that vivisection
has been most active in the last fifteen
years and accomplished most of good. It
is plain that the chief obstacle to the suc-
cessful study of therapeutics at the bedside
lies in the difficulty in deciding whether the
patient has got well in consequence of or in
spite of the administration of the medicine.
The sho'e-maker of a village was sick of a
fever; a customer called and said, "John
sick of a fever! Give him cabbage and
pork." So it was done, and in a day or two
the cobbler's shop resounded as of yore with
cheery song and its lapstone accompaniment,
whilst in the note-book of the cobbler was
written, " Fever cured by pork and cabbage."
Weeks rolled on. The blacksmith's forge
was one day silent. Note-book in hand,
over ran the warm-hearted son of Crispin.
"Fever?" "Yes." " Give him pork and
cabbage." The next day, the crape swayed
heavily upon the door-knob of the smithy.
The shoe->maker stands before it nonplussed,
but suddenly his face lightens up, and tug-
ging out his note-book, he writes, " Fever :
Pork and cabbage cures shoe-maker, but kills
blacksmith " — and is satisfied.
In this over-true incident lies an epitome
of the older methods of therapeutics. So
many patients, so many recoveries after this,
so many more after that — that is the remedy.
The modern method of therapeutics tries to
find out the natural history of the disease, —
its course, progress, its dangers — how nature
brings about the recovery when left to itself,
and how the disease kills, — and thus learns
what can be and what cannot be done,
THE VALUE OF VIVISECTION.
769
and also what it is desirable to do. It then
stifdies its drugs, and, knowing what it wants
to do and what it has to work with, adapts
its means to the end. As a simple and
familiar example of this, take typhoid fever.
The profession has learned that the typhoid
fever process once fairly established cannot
be aborted, but that it tends to stop in
three weeks if the patient live; also that it
kills sometimes by producing general ex-
haustion, sometimes by the fever burning
up the strength, sometimes by diarrhea.
We do not try to arrest the fever process,
but by appropriate means to prevent ex-
haustion, to check or, better still, prevent the
diarrhea ; if the fever be excessive, to remove
the heat by cool sponging or bathing; and
thus, as it were, to bring the ship safely
through the storm we cannot prevent.
It is evident that there is only one way in
which we can learn the action of drugs upon
human beings — namely, by experiments upon
the lower animals, supplemented by studies
upon man himself in health and disease.
It has been denied that drugs act upon the
lower animals as upon man. The discussion
of this subject would be too technical for a
magazine article like the present. Suffice it
to state that this objection is at present
almost never heard from medical men under
fifty years of age, and that the two books on
therapeutics which practically hold in this
country the market are written avowedly
upon the principle here upheld.
A single illustration will suffice to indi-
cate the necessity of vivisection to the
therapeutist. A drug reduces the rate of
the heart's beat ; this reduction may be pro-
duced by a stimulation of one set of nerves,
or it may be caused by a paralysis of
another set of nerves. In order to deter-
mine in which way the drug acts, the first
set of nerves are removed under anaes-
thetics, and when the animal has recovered
the medicine is administered; if, now, it
lower the pulse rate, it is evident that it
paralyzes the second set of nerves. Lack
of space forbids further illustration, but it is,
I think, sufficiently evident even to the lay
reader that, in order to determine how a
drug acts; we must be able to vary at will
the conditions of the experiment, removing
this or that possible cause of the symptoms
produced, until we find the real cause. We
never can do this except upon the lower
animal, unless, indeed, we are willing to lay
aside our consciences and go to China.
I have seen it stated, with an air of tri-
umph, that vivisection has never added a
VOL. XX.— 50.
single new remedy to our list of medicines.
The mere assertion of such a fact as an argu-
ment shows the total absence of any com-
prehension of the province of vivisection.
Vivisection does not originate — it tests and
determines. I had sent to me, not long
since, a lot of plants belonging to the genus
Astragalus, said to be the poisonous " Loco-
plant" or " Crazy- weed," which kills so many
horses and cattle upon the western plains ;
a few experiments showed, however, that the
plant in question was not a poison, and that
further search must be made for the true crazy-
weed. The natives of Africa have certain
ordeal barks and beans ; the vivisector, pro-
curing these, determines whether they will
be useful to the physician or are merely
poisonous. Such is the province of vivi-
section— not to originate remedies, but to
determine their value and the ways in which
they act.
It is not possible here even to enumerate
the various individual additions made by
vivisection to our knowledge of action of
drugs upon man ; let me, however, point out
a very old and a very recent subject as ex-
amples : When I was a student of medicine,
digitalis had been studied at the bedside by
the profession for over three hundred years,
having been introduced into notice by Fuch-
sius in 1 542 ; and the books and memoirs
which had been written about it would
almost fill a small library. It had been for
centuries known to have the power of reduc-
ing the pulse, and in 1860 we were most
earnestly taught that it was a powerful car-
diac depressant, to be avoided strenuously
when the heart was weak. In the last fif-
teen years the vivisector has been at work,
and now we know that digitalis is an invalu-
able heart tonic and stimulant, — a gain to
practical medicine which has brought ease
and prolonged existence to hundreds of suf-
ferers, and, not rarely, even life to the dying.
It is almost universally acknowledged by the
medical profession that ether is a safe but
inconvenient anaesthetic, and chloroform an
unsafe but convenient one. There is, there-
fore, a constant search after a new agent.
Not long since, the bromide of ethyl was
brought forward as a substance uniting to
the safety of ether the good qualities of
chloroform. It rapidly rose in favor. The
vivisector took hold of it, and announced
that it was even more dangerous than chlo-
roform, and would certainly kill in the same
sudden, uncontrollable manner. Some clin-
icians believed this. Many were too much
charmed to do so. Scarcely a week elapsed,
770
THE VALUE OF VIVISECTION.
however, before a case was reported in
which death was nearly produced in the
way which had been foretold ; a few weeks
later, the prediction of the vivisector was
fully verified upon the operating-table, and
now the whole profession acquiesces in his
verdict. Is it a " slight gain " to be able to
determine, at the expense of the lives of a
few dogs or cats, that a remedy is not safe,
and not to be forced to experiment on
human beings until, by repeated fatal results,
the lesson has been learned ?
Verbum sat sapienti. I think enough has
been said to justify my opinion, that the con-
tinued progress of medical science is alone pos-
sible through •vivisection, and that without it
our medical knowledge, except in certain special
directions, will become as crystalline as that
of the Chinese.
In the United States, vivisection certainly
does not pay — the vivisector. To him it is
a costly business, in the actual outlay re-
quired, in the toil gone through, and in the
indirect personal results to himself. A
memoir upon certain actions of the nervous
system, now being published for me by the
Smithsonian Institute, has been prepared at
a cost of over $1000 (partly defrayed by
the Institute) in money, and about 2500
hours of personal labor, besides a more
than equal amount of work performed by
mostly unpaid assistants (young physicians
in training) — -labor which in some of the
experiments involved thirty-six to seventy-
two consecutive hours of constant watchful-
ness. What is the reward of such work ?
The pleasure of doing, even at the expense
of physical exhaustion ; the consciousness
of having accomplished some little thing
which shall tend toward the relief of human
suffering and human trouble ; the esteem of
fellow-laborers, and a not inconsiderable
loss of character and good-will amongst an
influential and estimable, though misled, por-
tion of the laity. I have known ladies to
canvass against a doctor because he was a
vivisector, and have seen cultured women
leave the room at a social gathering because
they could not associate with a vivisector.
Perhaps I can best express the feelings of
this class by quoting the words with which
Professor Rutherford, of Edinburgh, closes
a very laborious and valuable research :
" The discourtesy and misrepresentation that we
have suffered at the hands of those who should have
acted otherwise has not, however, induced us to
prove false to the interests of suffering humanity.
We are conscious of having faithfully done our utmost
to advance the scientific treatment of disease, and
while steadily pursuing this object we have been most
careful to avoid the infliction of all pain that wa^not
absolutely necessary."
Are in this country laws to control vivisec-
tion necessary, or is it probable that they
will do good ? Possibly there might be a
law regulating the use of vivisections as
means of demonstration which would be
satisfactory; but it does not seem as though
this law was necessary. There is more pain
inflicted upon the first day of October of each
year by sportsmen in the United States
than has been caused the brute creation
by American vivisections since the world
was. Did the reader ever see reed-bird
shooting ? The tiny mites are " bunched,"
as it is called, — that is, carefully and slowly
driven together until the reeds are covered
with them, — and then the torrent of shot
rushes to kill many, and to maim it may be
even more. In the thick reeds the most expert
professional can only find a portion of the
wounded, so that, as any one may see in the
season, the marsh becomes full of wounded
birds, although the snakes and eels do flock
to the banquet. Why not divert some of the
humanitarian energy which is making the life
of the scientific man miserable into such chan-
nels as these just pointed out ? There is cer-
tainly nowhere in the United States any abuse
of vivisection as ameans of investigation. The
personal sacrifices are too great, the rewards
too impalpable, to induce many Americans to
do the work. What is wanted is not a law
to check, but aid to foster and encourage
scientific investigations. So far as my knowl-
edge goes, only in Baltimore and Philadel-
phia, and Easton, Penn., is there at present
steady, persistent work of this kind going
on in the United States ; probably, however,
Boston and New York ought to be included
in the list. Glean the country from the
Gulf to Canada, and not more than a dozen
men can be found who are with any steadi-
ness engaged in the making of vivisections
for the purpose of investigation. Shall laws
be passed in half a dozen States, and ex-
pensive inspection organizations be main-
tained, to exercise strict surveillance upon
these few men, only to save an amount of
animal pain which, compared with that
under which the brute creation groans, is
inconceivably minute — pain, too, which ac-
complishes so much for the human race ?
Is it necessary that the population shall be
taxed in order to render more irksome and
laborious that progress in the divine art of
healing which is even now possible only
through unrequited labor ?
THOMAS PAINE AND THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
771
THOMAS PAINE AND THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
THE relations which Thomas Paine held
to the French Revolution of 1789 do not
appear to have ever been very widely treated
upon in all that has been written and said
of that somewhat remarkable man. It is
not the purpose of the present paper to
touch upon the controversy, in regard to his
personal character and habits, his writings,
and his alleged want of religious belief,
which has to some extent agitated public
opinion for three-quarters of a century.
Setting aside all the heated discussion in
relation to him, both in England and in
our own country, it is simply proposed to
review his career in France in the midst
of the most stupendous events ever set
down in the annals of any nation. A
somewhat extended study of the French
Revolution, during the extraordinary period
in which Paine was so intimately connected
with it, fails to show anything to the preju-
dice of his personal or political character,
but, on the other hand, it reveals many things
eminently creditable to him.
Paine was in Paris in the earlier days of
the Revolution and at the time of the flight
of Louis XVI. and his family, and when
they were brought back to that revolutionary
city. He was soon heard of as a member
of a little society which took the name of
" Socie'te Republicaine," ax\.& which was com-
posed of only five members. Three of them,
including Paine, afterward became members
of the National Convention.
Taking the ground that the flight of the
king should be deemed an " abdication,"
this society was formed for the purpose of
opposing the " re-establishment " of Louis
XVI., "not only in reason of the faults which
were personal to him, but for the purpose
of overturning entirely the monarchical sys-
tem and establishing the republican system
and equal representation."
As the organ of this society and in elab-
oration of its views, Paine drew up in Eng-
lish a statement to be placarded on the
walls of Paris. It was translated into French,
and as the law required that all handbills
should be signed by a citizen before they
were posted, Achille Duchatelet, a mem-
ber of the society, and afterward a lieuten-
ant-general of the armies of the French
Republic, affixed his name thereto. The
appearance of the handbill created a great ;
sensation. Malouet, a royalist member of 1
the National Assembly, tore it down with his
own hands, and proposed that the author
(Paine), the signer (Duchatelet), and their
accomplices should be prosecuted. Marfi-
neau, also a royalist member of the Assem-
bly, vehemently demanded the arrest of all
the parties connected with the handbill,
and denounced as infamous a proposition
that was made in the Assembly to " pass to
the order of the day," on the subject
(equivalent in our legislative practice to
" laying on the table "). After an excited de-
bate the motion to "pass to the order of the
day" was carried, and so the matter dropped.
Sometime after this, Paine, deeply impreg-
nated with the doctrines of the French
Revolution, returned to England. The
publication, in 1789, of Mr. Burke's " Re-
flections on the French Revolution " pro-
duced a great excitement throughout all
England. Up to that time, while there
was an intense interest felt touching events
in France, distinctive parties had not been
formed. The immediate consequence, how-
ever, of the publication of Mr. Burke's
"Reflections" was the formation of parties
friendly and unfriendly to the French Revo-
lution. Fox and Sheridan antagonized
Mr. Burke. The publication of Mr. Burke
was soon followed by the first part of
Paine's great work, " The Rights of Man."
This last publication "added fuel to the
flame." It was disseminated by all the
democratic societies in England, and par-
ticularly arnong the lower classes. The
excitement increasing, Paine was finally
indicted for a " wicked and seditious libel "
on the British Government. He had by
this time become intensely unpopular with
the ruling classes of England. Prosecuted
under the indictment, he was defended by
Erskine, who was then in the zenith of his
glory as an advocate, in a speech of mar-
velous power and eloquence. After he had
concluded his magnificent effort, the attor-
ney-general rose to reply. The jury coolly
informed him that they did not desire to
hear him, as they had made up their minds,
and without leaving their seats brought in a
verdict of guilty. Paine was not present
at the trial, but had made his way to
France, and was followed by an avalanche
of detraction which showed how deeply he
had wounded the British Government. It
was not only the " Rights of Man," but a
772
THOMAS PAINE AND THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
pamphlet on " The Decline and Fall of
the English System of Finance," afterward
published, in May, 1796, which raised such
a storm against him in England. The part
he had taken in our revolutionary struggle
had much to do with the prejudice excited
against him in England. His pamphlet,
" Common Sense," translated into French,
created a great impression in France, and
many of his infidel disciples claimed that it
had more influence than a " battle gained."
On Paine's return to Paris after leaving
England, his work on the " Rights of Man "
was translated into French, and published
in May, 1791. Mr. Burke's " Reflections on
the French Revolution " had enraged the
revolutionary masses of Paris beyond all
measure, and Paine's " Rights of Man "
was considered a triumphant answer to
that masterly production. It was circulated
everywhere and read with great avidity by
all classes. He at once became a hero
in France, and was everywhere received
with enthusiasm. The doors of the salons
and* clubs of Paris were opened to him,
and he was soon recognized as one of
the advanced figures in the Revolution,
standing by the side of de Bonneville, Brissot
and Condorcet. It is, perhaps, not to be
wondered at, that his reception and the atten-
tions showered upon him made him some-
what vain and egotistical. Both in England
and in France he " magnified his office."
He had simply been clerk to the Committee
on Foreign Affairs in the old Continental
Congress ; but he styled himself as " Secre-
tary of Congress for the Department of
Foreign Affairs during the war in America,"
giving the idea of an exaggerated importance.
His bearing at this period seems to have
offended Madame Roland, who speaks of
him in her " Memoires " in terms not alto-
gether complimentary. He affected a
supreme disdain for books, implying that he
considered himself " wise above what was
written." It is alleged that he said that if
he had the power he would annihilate all
the libraries of the world, in order to destroy
the errors of which they were the depdt.
Paine remains in Paris after the spring of
1791. 'The Revolution sweeps onward with
a resistless and remorseless tread. The
National (or Constituent) Assembly, com-
posed of the most imposing body of men
which ever illustrated the history of any
country, terminates its existence and is suc-
ceeded by the Legislative Assembly. On
the motion of Robespierre, the National
Assembly prohibited every man who had
been a member of it from becoming a
member of the Legislative. This latter
body, therefore, while containing many able
and brilliant men, had a large majority
of advanced revolutionists, and all were
lacking in legislative experience. It soon
proved itself utterly incapable of meeting
the frightful exigencies which it had to
confront. It was overtaken by that terrible
" Tenth of August " (1792), when the mob
of Paris surrounded the Tuileries and clam-
ored for the blood of the royal family, and
when the king and queen and their children
sought a refuge from violence in the bosom
of the Assembly, which had declared its sit-
tings en permanence. All Paris was a prey
to a supreme agitation, and the exaltation of
political spirit was at its height. The Assem-
bly, weak, incapable, vacillating and com-
pletely demoralized, still sought by every
device to strengthen itself in popular estima-
tion. It was this which led to the decree
declaring that the title of " French citizen "
should be conferred on certain foreigners.
The prevailing idea that Paine was made a
French citizen for the special purpose of
enabling him to become a member of the
legislative and constituent bodies of France,
is not exactly correct, and it is not generally
known that the names of other Americans
were included in the same decree which
conferred the title of French citizen on
Thomas Paine.
It was on Sunday, the 26th- of August
(1792), and when the Legislative Assembly
was in permanent sitting, and sixteen days
after the shocking events of the " Tenth of
August," that Guadet, a deputy from the
Department of the Gironde, proposed, in
the name of the " Commission Extraordi-
naire," that the Assembly adopt unani-
mously the following preamble and decree :
" The National Assembly, considering that the
men who, by their writings and their courage, have
served the cause of liberty and prepared the enfran-
chisement of the people, cannot be regarded as
strangers by a nation rendered free by its intelligence
and courage :
" Considering that, if five years' residence in France
is sufficient to confer upon a stranger the title of
French citizen, this title is more justly due to those
who, in whatever land they may inhabit, have conse-
crated their arms and energies to the defense of the
cause of the people against the despotism of kings,
to banish the prejudices of the earth, and to advance
the limits of human knowledge :
" Considering that, as it is hoped that men one day
will form before the law, as before nature, but one
family, one association, the friends of liberty and of
that universal fraternity which should not be the less
dear to a nation that has proclaimed its renunciation
of all conquest and its desire to fraternize with all
peoples : .
THOMAS PAINE AND THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
773
" Considering, therefore, that at the moment when
a National Convention is about to fix the destinies
of France and prepare, perhaps, those of the human
race, it belongs to a generous and free people to call
to it all the intelligences, and to allow them the right
to concur in this grand act of the reason of mankind,
who, by their sentiments, writings and their courage,
have shown themselves so eminently worthy :
" Decree, that the title of French citizen be con-
ferred on Priestly, Paine, Bentham, Wilberforce,
Clarkson, Mclntosh, David Williams, Gorani, Ana-
charsis Clootz, Campe, Cornelius Paw, Pestalorri,
Washington, Hamilton, Madison, Klopstoc, Kosci-
usko, Gilleers."
It will be seen by the above decree that
the title of French citizen was conferred on
Washington, Hamilton and Madison, as well
as on Paine.
This decree, so interesting to Americans,
awakens the most painful souvenirs of its
author, Guadet. A young deputy from the
Department of the Gironde, he was the
colleague of Vergniaud, Gensonne, Ducos,
Boyer-Fonfrede and others. He became
afterward a distinguished member of the
party of " Girondins " in the National Con-
vention, a party that was composed of the
ablest, the most eloquent and most brilliant
men in all France, and whose sad fate will
ever be associated with the worst days of
the French Revolution. At a little more
than thirty years of age he had become
a leader at the bar of Bordeaux, which
then rivaled that of Paris. A republican
by conviction, earnest, able, eloquent and
courageous, he was sometimes called the
" Danton of the Gironde." Impetuous and
aggressive, he antagonized Robespierre and
the Montagne and confronted Danton in
the very height of his power. He bravely
resisted the aggressions of the Commune
of Paris, and in return the Commune in-
scribed his name among the " twenty-
two" proscribed deputies of the Gironde.
Afterward he was put in accusation, with
his colleagues, by a decree of the National
Convention, but he was enabled to escape
from Paris. He was not guillotined with
them, but was declared an outlaw ; hunted
by the bloodhounds of Carrier, his retreat
was discovered at the house of his father
at St. Emilion. Conducted to Bordeaux,
his identity was proved before a military
commission and he was immediately sent
to the guillotine. With unsubdued courage
he said to his judges : " I am Guadet ; —
butchers, do your duty. Go with my head
in your hands and demand your pay of the
tyrants of my country ; they will never see
it without growing pale, and seeing it dis-
severed they will yet grow still more pale."
He was executed the iyth of June, 1794,
at the age of thirty-five years. When con-
ducted to the scaffold, he wished to ad-
dress the people, but the roll of the drum
drowned his voice. These were the only
words that were heard : " People, here you
see the only resource of tyrants ; rney choke
the voices of free men in order to commit
their crimes." Such was the fate of the
author of the decree of the National Assembly
(legislative) which made George Washing-
ton, James Madison, Alexander Hamilton
and Thomas Paine French citizens.
Of the whole number of men that were
made French citizens, only two of them
became members of the French legislative
bodies, Thomas Paine and Anacharsis
Clootz.
Jean Baptiste Clootz was a rich Belgian
baron, a chattering madcap and fool ; he
lost his head in the excitement of the time,
took to himself the name of " Anacharsis,"
and designated himself as the " orator of
the human race." Traveling over Europe
proclaiming the revolutionary doctrines of
the times, in 1790 he presented himself at
the bar of the National Assembly at the head
of a deputation of " foreigners," as he called
them, and read an address against despots,
congratulating the Assembly on its labors
and demanded that all the foreigners in
Paris should be admitted to the federation
of the i4th of July, 1793. It turned out
afterward that most of these " foreigners "
were Frenchmen picked up in Paris,
dressed in the fantastic costumes of differ-
ent countries, which Clootz had provided
at his own expense.
The day after the passage of the decree
above named, Clootz was admitted to the
bar of the National Assembly (legislative),
where he made a ridiculous speech, thank-
ing the Assembly for having made him a
French citizen. " Cosmopolitan philoso-
phers," he said, " were associated with you
in your dangers and your labors, and you
associate them in declaring them French
citizens. As to myself, penetrated with
thanks for your philosophical decree, I feel,
legislators, how much it honors me and
how honorable it is to you. I pronounce
the oath of fidelity to the universal nation,
to equality, to liberty, to sovereignty of the
human race. Gallophile of all time, my
heart is French, my soul is sans culottes."
(Applause.) Soon after this Clootz was
elected a member of the National Conven-
tion from the Department of the Oise. In
the Convention he was in the first ranks of
774
THOMAS PAINE AND THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
the atheists and Montagnards. He was the
author of a work on the certainty of the
proofs of Mohammedism, which he says
was the fruit of fifteen hours' labor a day
for consecutive years. He presented that
book to the National Convention, in a
rambling and incoherent speech beneath
criticism. The Convention passed the fol-
lowing decree :
" Anacharsis Clootz, deputy to the Convention,
having made homage of one of his works entitled
' The Certainty of the Proofs of Mohammedism,' a
work which proves the emptiness of all religions,
the Assembly accepts this homage and orders the
honorable mention and insertion in the ' Bulletin,'
and turns the book over to the committee on public
instruction.
" The National Convention orders the printing
and forwarding to all the departments of the speech
made by Anacharsis Clootz, preceding his offer."
But in the progress of events the poor
Clootz was ingulfed, and was soon made to
realize the saying of Vergniaud, " that the
revolution, like Saturn, would devour all its
children." He was embraced in the prose-
cution of the Hebertistes. The crime im-
puted to Clootz, whom Louis Blanc calls the
most devoted of the adopted children of
France, was a participation in a conspiracy
with foreigners. The proof adduced of that
conspiracy only amounted to this, that he
had taken some steps to know if a French
woman, who had gone to England to get
married, was or was not a political emigrant.
But this was enough. Clootz was tried by
the Revolutionary Tribunal, jointly with
nineteen others known as the Hebertistes ;
he is described as : " Jean Baptiste Clootz,
called Anacharsis, aged 38 years, born at
Cleves, Belgium; living in France since
eleven years, domiciled at Paris, rue
Menars, 153 ; before the Revolution a man
of letters, and subsequently a member of
the Convention." All the devotion which
Clootz had shown for France availed him
nothing before the Revolutionary Tribunal,
but it was rather to his prejudice. Renaudin,
one of the jury, said to him :
" Your system of a universal republic was
a profoundly meditated perfidy and gave a
pretext for a coalition of crowned heads
against France." Clootz quietly answered
that the universal republic was in the nat-
ural system ; that he had spoken, as the
Abbe de St. Pierre, of universal peace ; that
they certainly could not suspect him of
being a partisan of kings, and that it would
certainly be very extraordinary that a man
who had been burned at Rome, hung at
London and broken on the wheel at Vienna
should be guillotined at Paris.
He was, however, sent to the scaffold
with his associates, the Hebertistes, and
with many others, accused of the lowest
crimes, on the 24th of March 1794. The
" orator of the human race " marched to his
destiny with the courage of a philosopher
and a smile upon his lips. It was with
shame that many saw him in the midst of
robbers, and sitting at the side of one
Ducroquet, charged with having robbed a
provision-cart. The bearing of Clootz at
the scaffold was admirable for its sangfroid.
Though scouting all Christian ideas, he en-
deavored to calm those around him, and
requested that he might be the last one exe-
cuted, in order that he might have the time
to prove the correctness of certain principles
while they were cutting off the heads of the
other condemned.
Anacharsis Clootz has been thus spoken
of for the reason that he was the only nat-
uralized citizen, besides Thomas Paine, who
was a member of the National Convention,
and that the names of Clootz and Paine,
described as " ex-deputies to the National
Convention," were included in the same
warrant of arrest issued by the Committee
of Public Safety, and were sent in the com-
pany of each other to the prison of the
Luxembourg.
It will have been seen that the decree of
the Legislative Assembly (or, as it came to
be called, the National Assembly) conferring
French citizenship upon Paine and others,
was of the date of the 26th day of August,
1792. That assembly came to the end of
its existence on the 2ist day of the following
month, when the " National Convention "
was constituted. While it does not appear
from the " Moniteur " that Paine was a
member of the Legislative (or National)
Assembly, yet it appears, from the follow-
ing letter of its President, that he was
elected from the Department of the Oise.
The original of this letter, now in the hands
of the writer, is believed never to have been
before published :
[ Translation. ]
PARIS, September 6th, 1792, the 4th Year )
of Liberty ; the 1st of Equality. $
To THOMAS PAINE : France calls you, sir, to
its bosom to fill the most useful, and, consequently,
the most honorable of functions — that of contrib-
uting, by wise legislation, to the happiness of a
people whose destinies interest and unite all who
think and all who suffer in the world.
It is meet that the nation which proclaimed the
rights of man should desire to have him among its
THOMAS PAINE AND THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
775
legislators who first dared to measure all their con-
sequences, who developed their principles with that
common sense which is but genius putting itself
within the reach of all men and drawing all its con-
ceptions from nature and truth. The National
Assembly had already accorded to him the title of
French citizen, and had seen with pleasure that its
decree had received the only sanction that is legiti-
mate— that of the people, who already claimed you
before it had named you. Come, sir, and enjoy in
France the spectacle the most interesting to an ob-
server and to a philosopher — that of a people, con-
fident and generous, who, betrayed basely during
three years and wishing, at last, to end this strug-
gle between slavery and liberty, between sincerity
and perfidy, rises finally as one man, puts under the
sword of the law the great offenders who have be-
trayed it, opposes to the barbarians whom they
have roused against it all its citizens turned sol-
diers, all its territory turned into camp and fortress ;
and, on the other hand, calls together in a congress
the lights scattered through all the universe, the
men of genius most capable, by their wisdom and
their virtue, of giving her the form of government
best fitted to secure liberty and happiness.
The electoral assembly of the Department of the
Oise, prompt to choose you, has had the good fort-
une to be the first to render this justice to Thomas
Paine, and when a number of my fellow-citizens
desired that I should make this intelligence known
to you, I remembered with pleasure that I had seen
you at Mr. Jefferson's, and I congratulated myself
upon having the happiness of being acquainted with
you.
HERAULT,
President of the National Assembly.
Herault de Sechelles, the writer of the
foregoing letter, was a marked man in the
French Revolution, making his entrance
into public life as a member of the Leg-
islative (or National) Assembly from the
Department of the Seine et Oise, and be-
coming President of it toward its close. A
friend of Danton, he allied himself to the
party of the Montagne and became one of its
most prominent members, though as far sep-
arated from it as a man well could be by
birth, education, and association in life.
Rich, superb, of elegant manners and per-
son, they called him the beau Sechelles.
Intelligent, highly educated and eloquent,
he placed himself at the service of the pop-
ular cause in the early days of the Revolu-
tion. In the midst of the Jacobins he
presented the type of the Grand Seigneur,
and lived en garfon in luxury and elegance
at No. 1 6 rue Basse-du-Rampart, a well-
known street of Paris at the present day.
In him the gentleman always appeared un-
der the democrat, and it was said at the
time that Herault proved that " democrats "
were not strangers to personal accomplish-
ments and captivating manners. He was
President of the Convention during the
events of the 3ist of May and 2d of June,
and when Henriot, at the head of his troops,
threatened the Convention in the name of
the insurgent people, and demanded the arrest
of the proscribed Girondins. He presided
at the national fete of the loth of August,
1793, and was soon afterward made a mem-
ber of the Committee of Public Safety, and
his name is associated with many of its
most atrocious decrees. When absent in
mission the quarrels broke out in the Con-
vention in the party of the Montagne, and
Herault found himself accused in that body
by Bourdon de 1'Oise, who, before that
time, had been a party friend of Herault's
and a violent revolutionnaire. Herault, on
his return, defended himself before the Con-
vention in a speech which was a master-
piece of eloquence, but it was of no
avail in the strides of revolutionary mad-
ness. More victims were now demanded,
and, at this time, the oldest children of the
Revolution were claimed. They were the
" Dantonists," among whom was included
Herault. On the report of the Committee
of Public Safety, Danton, Camille Desmou-
lins, Philippeaux and Lacroix were sent to the
Revolutionary Tribunal on the 2d of April,
1794, convicted, and on the jd day of April
they were sent immediately to the guillo-
tine. Herault was unmarried. When im-
prisoned at the Luxembourg awaiting his trial
he appeared sad and preoccupied, and
only associated with his valet, who was per-
mitted to accompany him. On arriving at
the guillotine, on the Place de la Revolu-
tion, on the day of his execution, all his
looks were turned toward the hotel of the
Garde-Meuble, hoping, evidently, to ex-
change glances with one with whom were
all his thoughts at that supreme moment.
Behind the shutters, half-closed, could be
seen a beautiful woman who sent to the
condemned a last adieu and waved a last
sigh of tenderness to the dying man : Je
faime (I love thee). It was a beautiful
day of the spring-time, and the crowd that
had assembled to witness the execution of
Danton, the great apostle of the Revolu-
tion, and some of his associates, was enor-
mous. The splendid figure of Herault de
Sechelles seemed to take new life, and the
serenity of courage replaced the inquietude
and sadness which had settled upon him.
The first one to mount the scaffold, he
showed himself calm, resolute and un-
moved. As he was about to lay his head
under the knife, he wished to present his
cheek to the cheek of Danton, as a last fare-
well. The aids of Sanson, the executioner,
776
THOMAS PAINE AND THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
prevented it. " Imbeciles ! " indignantly ex-
claimed Danton, " it will be but a moment
before our heads will meet in the basket,
in spite of you." *
The Legislative Assembly, having proved
itself utterly incompetent and powerless to
direct the destinies of France, then in con-
vulsive throes of revolution, practically abdi-
cated by calling a convention, the members
of which were to be immediately elected by
all the departments. This was the National
Convention, composed of some of the ablest,
the most distinguished, the most patriotic,
as well as many of the worst men in France.
This Convention, seizing all the powers of
government — executive, legislative, and ju-
dicial— sublime in its aspirations, it was at
once terrible and sanguinary, heroic and
cruel. It held its empire over France for
three years, one month and five days, by
terror and force, unchaining all the worst
passions of mankind. Never was there a
legislative or constituent body which dis-
played such stupendous energy or per-
formed such immense labor. It depopulated
France and left in its pathway anarchy,
misery, and social disorganization. In the
delirium of its passions, it stamped itself
on the history of the world not only by its
crimes, but by its great acts of legislation,
which will live as long as France shall
endure.
Thomas Paine was a member of this Con-
vention. His popularity in France at this
time, is shown by the fact that he was
chosen a member of the Convention by
three departments, the Pas de Calais, the
Oise, and the Seine et Oise. He chose to
sit for the Pas de Calais.
He was in England at the time of his
election. Achille Audibert, of Calais, was
deputed to go to England and escort him
to France. It seems to have proved a
somewhat hazardous adventure, for at a
later period, in a letter to a member of the
Committee of Public Safety, in relation to
Paine, he says he " hardly escaped becoming
a victim of the English Government, with
whom Paine was openly at war." The
" Moniteur" of the 23d September, 1793,
refers to this matter as follows :
" The celebrated Thomas Paine, author of ' Com-
mon Sense,' and of a refutation of Mr. Burke, enti-
tled ' The Rights of Man,' had believed it his duty
to take precautions for his personal safety in coming
into France, where he had been called by the
National Convention. He had come by Rochester,
' Jules Claritie.
Sandwich, and Deal ; arrived at Dover, after having
been put to the inconvenience of making that circuit,
he had suffered much from the impertinence of a
clerk in the Custom House, who, not content with
placing his books and papers in disorder under pre-
text of examination, even went so far as to tear up
his letters. Some paid wretches insulted him grossly
in presence of M. Audibert, of Calais, and M.
Frost. Probably M. Paine has been recompensed
for all these insults by the brilliant reception which
he received upon his arrival on French soil."
Paine had commenced his career in Parisr
in 1791, by establishing the "Societe" Repub-
licaine," which has been referred to, one of
the objects of which was "to overthrow
entirely the monarchical system." What
must have been his emotions at finding
himself a French citizen, and a member of
the Convention, and when giving his voice
and vote to its first decree, introduced by
the Abbe Gregoire, and which, according
to the official report, was received by
" acclamations of joy, the cries of vive la
nation, repeated by all the spectators, pro-
longing themselves for many minutes."
" La Convention Nationale decrete que la
royaute est abolie en France"
As a member of the Convention, Paine
labored under the immense disadvantage
of not speaking nor writing the French lan-
guage, and very few of the members spoke
English. At the epoch of the Revolution,
it was as unusual to hear English spoken in
Paris as it is now to hear Arabic. As far as
now recollected, the only members of the
Convention who spoke English were Dan-
ton, Marat, Lanthenas, Garan-Coulon, and
young Bancal, one of the secretaries. Dan-
ton had spent much time in England,
understood the language, and was quite
well acquainted with the English people.
This was evidently to his disadvantage, for
one of the charges of the time against him
was, that he associated avec les Anglais, and
dined too often with them in the Rue Grange
Bateliere. Marat lived a long time in Eng-
land, taught French in London and Edin-
burgh, acquired a good knowledge of English,
and published two books in that language,
"The Chains of Slavery," and "A Plan
of Criminal Legislation." Dr. Lanthenas,
Garan-Coulon and Bangal were good Eng-
lish scholars.
The Convention was not long in giving
Paine a striking recognition of the consid-
eration in which it held him. One of its
earliest decrees was to establish a special
commission (committee) of nine members,
on the constitution. This commission was
composed of the most distinguished men of
THOMAS PAINE AND THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
777
the convention : Gensonne, Thomas Paine,
Brissot, Petion, Vergniaud, Barere, Danton,
Condorcet, and the Abbe Sieves. The lat-
ter was called the " constitution-maker,"
and the wits of the time said that he always
carried a constitution in his pocket, ready to
be drawn on the slightest provocation. It
was he who exclaimed in the National Con-
vention, when a project was before it which
seemed to him to be in the nature of a,
spoliation, " You wish to be free, but know
not how to be just."
Of the nine members of this remarkable
commission, which devoted itself to the
preparation of what is known as the consti-
tution of the year III., four of them were
guillotined, Vergniaud, Gensonne, Brissot
and Danton. Condorcet committed sui-
cide in the cell of a prison at Bourg-la-
Reine, and Petion, escaping from Paris,
after being placed in accusation by the
National Convention, perished miserably
while hiding in the forest near St. Emilion,
and where his body was afterward found
half eaten up by wolves. Paine, Sieyes and
Barere were the only members of this com-
mission who died a natural death.
As Danton was the only man on the com-
mission who spoke English, it was through
him that Paine communicated his ideas.
In the Convention he sat with the most
advanced of the Jacobins, on the benches
of the Montagne. Though afterward becom-
ing widely separated from Danton in the
policy of the Revolution, their amicable rela-
tions appear never to have been disturbed.
It was a strange scene ; these two consti-
tution-makers, Paine and Danton, met for
the last time in the prison of the Luxem-
bourg, both equally destined for the scaf-
fold. Conversing one day on the mutations
of the Revolution, forgetful of the terrible
r61e he had played, and of the " Massacre
of September," in accents of the most pro-
found discouragement Danton said to Paine :
" What you have done for the happiness
and liberty of the people in your own coun-
try, I have vainly endeavored to do in
mine. I have been less fortunate than you.
They are going to send me to the scaffold ;
very well, I will go gayly."
In 1876, the minister of the United States
to France, while examining the papers of
Danton, preserved in the National Archives
at Paris, found an extraordinary letter writ-
ten in English by Paine to Danton. It had
never been made public, but it was after-
ward made part of an official dispatch, and
published by the State Department at Wash-
ington in 1877, in its volume of " Foreign
Relations." The letter was dated, " Paris,
May 6 (second year of the Republic)," that
is to say, 1793. It is too long for this
article, but its full text will ever be read with
interest by the student of history. The
date of the letter is but little more than three
weeks prior to the events of the 3ist of May
(1793), one of the most damning epochs of
the Revolution, when the Convention, under
the guns of Henriot, and surrounded by the
mob of Paris, mutilated its representation,
decreed the arrest, the forerunner of the
guillotine, of the "Twenty-two Deputies"
of the Gironde.
When Paine wrote his letter, with prophetic
vision he beheld before him the yawning
chasm which was so soon to ingulf France.
Oppressed by that revolutionary madness
and fury of the hour which were sweeping
away the hopes of all patriotic men, in an
access of despair, he pours out his thoughts
to Danton:
" I am exceedingly distressed," he says, " at the
distractions, jealousies, discontent and uneasiness
that reign among us, and which, if they continue,
will bring ruin and disgrace on the Republic. * * * *
I now despair of seeing the great object of European
liberty accomplished, and my despair arises not from
the combined foreign powers, not from the intrigues
of aristocracy and priestcraft, but from the tumultous
misconduct with which the international affairs of
the present revolution is conducted. * * * * While
these internal contentions continue, while the hope
remains to the enemy of seeing the Republic fall to
pieces, while not only the representatives of the
Departments, but representation itself is publicly
insulted as it has lately been, and now is, by the
people of Paris, or at least by the Tribunes, the
enemy will be encouraged to hang about the frontiers
and wait the event of circumstances. * * * * The
danger every day increases of a rupture between
Paris and the Departments. The Departments did
not send their deputies to Paris to be insulted, and
every insult shown to them is an insult to the De-
partments that elected and sent them."
Paine then says that the remedy for such
a state of things is to fix the location of
the Convention at a distance from Paris,
and cites the example of the United States
which formed the project of building a town
and having its seat of government not within
the limits of any municipal jurisdiction. He
expresses the most friendly feeling toward
the " Twenty-two Deputies " (the Giron-
dins) who were then already on the lists
of proscription, and says that "most of the
acquaintance that I have in the Convention
are among those who are in that list, and I
know there are not better men nor better
patriots than they are."
The trial of Louis XVI. commenced be-
778
THOMAS PAINE AND THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
fore the National Convention on the 26th day
of December, 1792. It is in the progress
of this trial that the name of Thomas Paine
first appears. On the motion of Couthon
it was decreed that the discussion upon the
trial be continued, to the exclusion of all
other business, until judgment should be
pronounced. It was not until the i8th of
the following month, January, 1793, that
Paine was able to obtain attention, and then
only by filing an opinion, " sur faffaire de
Louis Capet" with the President of the Con-
vention. Paine says he could not get the
floor, ^as so many were inscribed for speeches
that the debate was closed before his turn
came.
The first sentences of this " opinion " of
Thomas Paine illustrate its character :
" My contempt and hatred for monarchical govern-
ment are sufficiently known. My compassion for the
unfortunate, friends or enemies, is equally profound."
He alludes to the position he had taken
in the address of the " Societe Republi-
caine," heretofore alluded to, that Louis
XVI., by his flight from Paris, had abdi-
cated the throne, and censures the govern-
ment for re-establishing him in the power
which his evasion had suspended. He
comes, he says, " to recall to the nation the
error of that unfortunate day, of that fatal
error of not having rejected Louis XVI.
from its bosom, and to plead in favor of his
banishment in preference to the punishment
of death." He continues:
" As to myself, I avow it frankly, when I think
of the strange folly of replacing him at the head of
the nation, all covered as he was with perjuries, I
am embarrassed to know which I ought to despise
the most, the Constituent Assembly, or the individ-
ual, Louis Capet. But, all other considerations
apart, there is in his life one circumstance which
should cover up or lessen a great number of crimes ;
and that same circumstance should furnish the
French nation the occasion of purging its territory
of kings without soiling it with impure blood.
It is to France entire, I know it, that the United
States of America owes the help by the means of
which they have shaken off, by force of arms, the
unjust and tyrannical domination of George the
Third. The energy and zeal with which it fur-
nished men and money was a natural consequence
of its thirst for liberty. * * * * The United
States should, then, be the safeguard and asylum of
Louis Capet. There, henceforth, finding shelter from
the miseries and the crimes of royal life, he will learn
by the continual aspect of the public prosperity that
the veritable system of government is not of kings,
but of representation. "
Paine closes his " opinion " as follows :
" In the particular case submitted in this moment
to our consideration, I submit to the Convention the
following propositions :
" First* That the National Convention pronounces
the banishment of Louis Capet and his family.
" Second. That Louis Capet shall be imprisoned
until the end of the war, when the sentence of ban-
ishment shall be carried into execution."
This " opinion " of Thomas Paine, thus
partially set out, not being in the nature of
a speech, but simply read to the Conven-
tion, seems to have been quite well
received, on account of his savage denuncia-
tion of monarchical governments.
The question submitted by the Conven-
tion, " What shall be the punishment of
Louis, formerly king of the French ? " was
decided by appel nominal. By this method
the members of each department appear
at the tribune and each one expresses his
opinion orally, giving his reasons, if he
desire to do so, or deposes his vote in an
urn de scrutin. Paine voted for " the im-
prisonment of Louis till the end of the war,
and banishment afterward."
The Convention having decreed that the
punishment of death should be inflicted on
Louis, the next question which arose was,
should there be a suspension of the execu-
tion of the sentence ? It was on the igth
day of January, 1793, that Paine mounted
the tribune to speak to this question. This
trial of Louis XVI. by the National Conven-
tion is one of the most remarkable on
record. The session was made permanent,
and the trial went on day and night. After
a lapse of nearly one hundred years, the
painful and dramatic scenes stand out with
still greater prominence. The Salle des
Machines, in the Pavilion de Flores at the
Tuileries, had been converted into a grand
hall for the sittings of the Convention.
The galleries were immense, and could
seat fourteen hundred spectators. In an
immense city like Paris, convulsed with a
political excitement never equaled, the trial
of a king for his life produced the most pro-
found emotions that ever agitated any com-
munity. All classes and conditions in life
were carried away by the prevailing excite-
ment, and the pressure for places exceeded
anything ever known. The scenes, as
painted by one of the most gifted historians
of the French Revolution (Louis Blanc),
will never cease to awaken the most thrill-
ing interest. The first row of seats was filled
by ladies en neglige charmant. In the upper
tribunes, men of all conditions in life ; an enor-
mous number of foreigners who had been
attracted to Paris by the events of the day.
On the side of the Montagne there sat great
personages, from the Duke of Orleans to the
THOMAS PAINE AND THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
779
Marquis de Chateauneuf ; from Lepelletier,
St. Fargeau and Herault de Sechelles to
the rich Belgian baron, Anacharsis Clootz.
The tribunes were reserved for the ladies,
<• a rubans tri-cofars" and the huissicrs
would go and come to make way for the
beautiful visitors. The private boxes were
filled with ladies of fashion, who sipped
ices and ate oranges while the members of
their acquaintance came to salute them.
In the higher galleries, they drank eau-de-vie
and wine, as in a tap-room.
The appearance of Thomas Paine at the
tribune, with a roll of manuscript in his
hand, created quite a sensation in the Con-
vention. By his side stood Bangal, who
was there to translate the speech into
French and read it to the Convention. The
first declarations of the celebrated foreigner
produced a commotion on the benches of the
Montagne. Coming from a democrat like
Thomas Paine, a man so intimately allied
with the Americans, a great thinker and
writer, there was fear of their influence on
the Convention. Marat, indignant and furi-
ous, raised the point of order that Paine
should not be allowed to vote; that,
being a Quaker, his religious principles
made him opposed to the death penalty.
It must be said to the credit of the Montag-
nards that Marat's question of order was
not received with favor. Liberty of opin-
ion was invoked from all parts of the hall,
and demands made that Marat should be
called to order. Paine was finally permitted
to continue his speech, but with violent in-
terruptions from the Montagne. At last
Thuriot, one of the most violent and blood-
thirsty of the revolutionists, declared that
the language of the translator was not the
language of Thomas Paine. At this mo-
ment Marat rushed to the tribune and vio-
lently interrupted Paine in English. Obliged
to descend from the tribune, he addressed
the Convention :
" I denounce the interpreter. I contend that it is
not the opinion of Thomas Paine. It is a wicked
and unfaithful translation."
The most violent exclamations broke out,
drowning the voice of Bancal, the unfortu-
nate interpreter, and creating an indescrib-
able tumult. Never was a man in a more
embarrassing condition than Paine was at
this time. Though not understanding the
language, he yet realized the fury of the
storm which raged around him. Standing at
the tribune in his half-Quaker coat, and
genteelly attired, he remained undaunted
and self-possessed during the tempest. The
question as to the correctness of the
translation of the speech was then left to
Garan-Coulon, a distinguished member of
the Montagne and a good English scholar,
who declared that he had seen the speech
in the hands of Paine, and that the transla-
tion was correct. Bangal was then per-
mitted to translate the remainder of the
speech.
This speech of Paine breathed greatness
of soul and generosity of spirit, and will
forever honor his memory. " My lan-
guage," he says, " has always been the
language of liberty and humanity, and I
know by experience that nothing so exalts
a nation as the union of these two principles
under all circumstances." He warned the
Convention against doing that which at the
moment might be deemed an act of justice,
but which would appear in the future only
as an act of vengeance. Prophetic words,
indeed. He pleads for the life of the king :
" I can assure you that his execution would pro-
duce a universal affliction in America, and it is in
your power to spare that affliction to your best
friends. If I could speak the French language I
would descend to your bar, and, in the name of all
my brothers in America, I would present to you a
petition to suspend the execution of Louis."
There is no doubt that this speech utterly
destroyed Paine in the estimation of the
Montagne, and from that time commenced
his relations with the Girondins, which
added to his unpopularity with the Jacobins.
That Robespierre had doomed him to the
guillotine, there is no question, and his life
was only saved by the fall of that merciless
tyrant on the gth Thermidor (July, 1794).
In the exhaustive report subsequently made
by Courtois, " in the name of the commis-
sion charged with an examination of the
papers found at the house of Robespierre
after his death," the fact is disclosed that
a note-book was found, all in his own hand-
writing, in which was the following entry :
" Demand that Thomas Paine be decreed in accu-
sation for the interests of America as well as those
of France."
After quoting this entry in his report, the
author of the report says : " Why Thomas
Paine rather than others ? Is it because he
has labored to found liberty in two
worlds ? "
Though Marat spoke English, and he and
Paine were colleagues in the National Con-
vention, there was evidently no sympathy
between them. Marat was as insincere
780
THOMAS PAINE AND THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
in his republicanism as in his patriotism ;
he was as hypocritical as he was cruel.
At a time when he was bawling in public
most lustily for " liberty," " equality " and a
" republic," he accosted Paine one day in
the lobby of the Convention, and said to him
sneeringly, in English:
" And it is you who believe in a repub-
lic ; you have too much sense to believe in
such a dream."
The hostile feeling of Marat toward Paine
was shown by his violent and indecent
interruptions of the latter at the tribune
during the trial of Louis XVI. before the
National Convention, in January, 1793.
The hatred which there cropped out seems
to have become intensified at a later period
(the following April). Marat, in his journal,
" L'Ami du Peuple," had preached murder
and pillage to such an extent that the Con-
vention, a majority of whose members were
openly in sympathy with him, was obliged
to place him in accusation and send him
for trial before the "Tribunal Criminal
Extraordinaire." This trial, as reported in
the " Moniteur " of May 3, 1793, is one of
the curiosities of revolutionary jurisprudence.
Marat was completely master of the situa-
tion, violent, aggressive and impudent, in-
stead of being tried himself, he made the
Tribunal an instrument of attack upon his
enemies, and particularly Brissot, Girey-
Dupre and Paine. The two former were
editors of the " Patriot Frangais," the organ
of the Girondins, and Marat took advan-
tage of the occasion to revenge himself on
them, as well as on Paine, for the publica-
tion of an article in relation to a young
Englishman named Johnson, who had
attempted suicide. It was alleged that
having abjured his country, because he
detested kings, he came to France, hoping
to find liberty, but he only saw, under its
mask, the hideous visage of anarchy.
Revolted by such a spectacle, he undertook
to kill himself. The article concluded with
a note " written in a trembling hand and
which is in the hands of a celebrated for-
eigner " — meaning Paine. It is as follows :
" I came into France to enjoy liberty, but Marat
has assassinated it. Anarchy is yet more cruel than
despotism. I cannot resist the grievous spectacle
of seeing the triumph of imbecility over talent and
virtue."
This infuriated Marat, and one of his
objects was to connect Paine with this article
in the " Patriot Frangais." All this had
nothing whatever to do, as Paine well said
in his testimony, with the accusation pre-
ferred against Marat. Nevertheless, all the
evidence given on the trial, as reported in
the " Moniteur," is in relation to the matter
of this article in the " Patriot Frangais."
One Samson Pegnet is called as a witness,
who testified that the man Johnson lived in
the house occupied by Thomas Paine,
deputy to the National Convention, rue
Faubourg Saint Denis, No. 63 — that from
the reading of different articles announcing
that those deputies who voted (on the trial
of Louis) for an appeal to the people would
be massacred, his friendship for Thomas
Paine, who was of that number, had in-
duced him to attempt to destroy himself for
fear of being a witness to the execution of
his friend.
The President of the Tribunal: Is it to
your knowledge that they held conversa-
tions at the house of Thomas Paine tending
to the belief that he would be massacred ?
Samson Pegnet: Yes; it was stated that
Marat had said it was necessary to massacre
all foreigners, particularly the English.
The President, to Marat : What answer
have you to make to this last fact?
Marat: I observe to the Tribunal that it
is an atrocious calumny, a wickedness of
the " statesmen " to render me odious.
The President, to Samson Pegnet : Are you
often at the house of Thomas Paine, and are
there many people there ?
Samson Pegnet : I have never seen more
than five or six English there, and one
Frenchman.
Thomas Paine is then introduced as a
witness. He testifies, through an inter-
preter, that he had only known Marat
since the meeting of the Convention. The
note inserted in the "Patriot Frangais" was
then read to him, and he answered that
he did not conceive that it had anything
to do with the charge preferred against
Marat. He further said that Johnson had
stabbed himself twice, because he had heard
that Marat was going to denounce him.
Marat: It is not because that I denounced
this young man who has stabbed himself,
but because I wished to denounce Thomas
Paine.
Thomas Paine: Johnson had for a long
time been very inquiet in his mind. As to
Marat, I have only spoken to him once in
the passage-way of the Convention. He
said to me that the English people were free
and happy, and I answered him that they
groaned under a double despotism.
It was probably in this interview that
THOMAS PAINE AND THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
781
Marat sneered at Paine for being a repub-
lican, and told him that he had too much
sense to believe in the dream of a republic.
Other witnesses were introduced, and all
for the purpose of connecting Paine with
the article in the " Patriot Frangais."
Marat was on trial for inciting to murder
and pillage in his newspaper, and the charge
was fully proved by the articles he had pub-
lished. Marat proved at the trial that
Paine was connected with the publication
of an article in the " Patriot Fran9ais "
prejudicial to him, Marat. Hence:
" Marat is acquitted and leaves the Tribune in
the midst of the applause of the spectators, who, after
having crowned him with leaves of oak, conduct him
in triumph to the Convention." (See proceedings
of the trial in the " Moniteur " of May 3, 1793.)
It was on the 24th of April, 1793, that
this " trial " of Marat took place, and
Paine's name does not appear any more in
the " Moniteur." The triumphant acquittal
of Marat, which was a savage defiance
thrown in the face of all the moderate
element of the time, gave a fresh impulse to
revolutionary madness. On the second of
June the Convention decreed the arrest of
the "Twenty-two Deputies" (the Girondins).
At the instigation of Robespierre a decree
was passed in the same month excluding
foreigners from the Convention. This was
for the sole purpose of getting rid of Paine
and Clootz, who are afterward described as
" ex-deputies."
On the i4th of the following month (July)
the career of the wretched Marat was ended
by the poignard of Charlotte Corday, fol-
lowed by a delirium of rage and fury on the
part of the Montagnards which was alike
without limit and without example. This
event was the death knell of the Girondins,
and they so understood it. Vergniaud said
to one of his colleagues that the act of
Charlotte Corday had prepared their way
for the scaffold, " but," he added, " she has
shown us how to die."
In the following September the Conven-
tion passed that terrible enactment known
as the " law of the suspect," which was one
of the most terrible engines of oppression
ever known in legislative annals. In virtue
of its ingenious and elaborated provisions,
one half of the people of France could send
the other half to the prison and the scaffold.
This law was drawn up by Merlin (de
Douai), an advanced revolutionist, one of
the most distinguished lawyers of his time,
and who was called the " legist of terror."
It was under this law that Thomas Paine
and Anacharsis Clootz were arrested in the
following December (7th Nivose) and sent
to the prison of the Luxembourg.
From the time that Paine was excluded
from the Convention until his arrest, he had
witnessed with indignation and shame the
accumulating horrors of the revolution, and
he had the courage to openly denounce
Robespierre. From that moment he was
undoubtedly doomed to the scaffold. Clootz,
who was sent to prison with him in Decem-
ber, 1793, was guillotined on the 24th of
March, 1794. But there was a distinct
charge against Clootz of having been con-
nected with the Hebertistes. There could
be no accusation sustained against Thomas
Paine. His being an American, the author
of the " Rights of Man," and the high con-
sideration in which he was held in France,
may have caused Robespierre to hesitate
until he was himself overtaken by the IX.
Thermidor.
Paine was sent to the prison of the Lux-
embourg, that great palace built by Marie
de Medicis in 1615. At the time of the
Revolution it was converted into a prison
of state. Here were incarcerated a thou-
sand people of all classes and conditions of
life, accused of political offenses. It seems
to have been the prison where Robespierre
sent his most illustrious victims. It was
this prison from which Danton, Lacroix,
Camille Desmoulins, Fabre d'Eglantine,
General Westerman, Chabot, Bazire,
Delauny (d'Angers) and Herault .de Se-
chelles were taken to be conducted to the
guillotine. The condition of the prisoners
was to the last degree deplorable, and
when guarded au secret was absolutely hor-
rible. " A Prisoner at the Luxembourg "
has given to the world an account of the
state of things that existed in that prison
just previous to the fall of Robespierre.
The unfortunate prisoners were considered
by the agents and subalterns of the revolu-
tionary authorities as miserable animals,
which were to be killed indifferently with-
out exception of individuals. All were to
die and no matter who was the victim.
All were in a state of the most cruel sus-
pense and torment, increased by the permis-
sion given to news-venders to cry the contents
of their journals under the windows of the
prison, but without permission to sell them.
These boys would vociferate in loud tones:
" Here is the list of those who have drawn
tickets in the lottery of the holy guillotine !
Who wishes to see the list ? There are
782
THOMAS PAINE AND THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
to-day sixty, more or less " ; and like cries,
varied from day to day. No one knew
when he would be called upon to take up
his march to the remorseless revolutionary
tribunal. Sometimes a squadron of gen-
darmerie would enter the prison at two
o'clock in the morning, generally arresting
one hundred and sixty persons; divided
into three squads they were to be taken for
trial, one third at each session of the tri-
bunal. Their nurture was detestable; a
thousand prisoners were to be fed. Tables
and benches were set out in one of the
grand halls of the palace at which could be
seated more than three hundred people.
They served them a vile soup in vases or
tin basins, a half bottle of wine which was
worse than the soup ; two dishes, one of
vegetables swimming in water, the other
always pork boiled with cabbage. They
had each day a ration of a pound and a
half of bread. This was the only meal in
twenty-four hours. As there were about a
thousand persons, they had to have three
separate dinners, one at eleven o'clock, one
at noon and one at one o'clock. There
were in the prison many spies and pimps
of the Government, with instructions to
mingle among the prisoners in order to
observe all their actions, take down all
their words and find out or invent plans of
conspiracy. Betrayed by these wretches,
who would worm themselves into the con-
fidence of the prisoners, each one began to
fear that he had one of these monsters at
his side, and at last would speak only in
monosyllables, trembling that even these
might be metamorphosed into a conspiracy.
The following is the warrant issued for
the arrest of Paine and Clootz :*
NATIONAL CONVENTION.
Committee of Surete Generate el de Surveillance
of the National Convention.
Nivose 7th, in the 2d year of the Fj-ench Repub-
lic, one and indivisible.
The Committee order that Thomas Paine and
Anacharsis Clootz, formerly deputies to the National
Convention, be apprehended, and, as a measure of
general safety, committed to prison ; that their papers
be examined, and that such as may be suspicious put
under seal and taken to the Committee of General
Safety.
The Committee commissions citizens Jean Baptiste
Martin and Lamy, bearers of these presents, to carry
the same into execution, for which purpose they
* All the documents which follow are copies
taken from the National Archives in Paris, in 1877,
and it is believed that none of them have ever before
been made public.
shall summon the civil authorities and, in case of
need, the armed force.
The representatives of the people, members of the
Committee of General Safety : M. Bayle, Voulland,
Jagot, Amar, Vadier, Elie Lacoste, Guffroy, Louis
du Bas-Rhin, La Vicomterie.
This is followed by this receipt of the
concierge of the prison of the Luxembourg :
I have received from citizens Martin and Lamy,
secretaries, clerks of the Committee of General Safety
of the National Convention, citizens Thomas Paine
and Anacharsis Clootz, formerly deputies, by com-
mand of the Committee.
LUXEMBOURG, Nivose 8th, in the 2d year of the
French Republic one and indivisible.
BENOIT, Concierge.
As it will have been seen, Paine was in-
carcerated in December (yth Nivose), 1793,
and remained enduring all the horrors of
that frightful prison, and at the Luxem-
bourg, making no sign, until July (igth
Thermidor), 1794. Declared an outlaw by
the same Convention which he had so long
used as an instrument of his private ven-
geance, Robespierre was killed like a dog
ten days previous. (July 28, 1794.)
The fall of the tyrant filled with hope the
hearts of so many of his victims, still linger-
ing in prison, and produced a ray of light
in the gloom of despair. For eight months
Paine had suffered and endured in silence.
Prostrated by disease and tortured by
anxiety, his condition was most deplorable.
He was liable at any moment, day or
night, to be dragged before the Revolution-
ary Tribunal, and that meant the guillotine.
Clootz mounted the scaffold March 24,
1794, and on the sth of the following
month Paine bid a final adieu to his asso-
ciates in prison, Danton, Bazire, Lacroix,
Camille Desmoulins. Herault de Sechelles,
Delaunay (d'Angers) and others of the
early apostles of the Revolution, and they
were, on the same day, hurried to the scaf-
fold. At this time Paine could not doubt
that his own hour would soon come to strike,
but the death of his mortal enemy, Robes-
pierre, saved his life. Ten days after this
event, and on the igth Thermidor, Paine
addressed the following letter to the Na-
tional Convention. It is a touching and
dignified appeal of the victim of a cruel
persecution, and one which, now brought to
light after a lapse of nearly a century, will
be read with feelings of the liveliest emo-
tion. It was sent to the Committee on
Public Safety, and inclosed with the follow-
ing note:
THOMAS PAINE AND THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
783
CITIZENS, REPRESENTATIVES AND MEMBERS OF
THE COMMITTEE OF PUBLIC SAFETY.
I forward you a copy of a letter which I have
written to-day to the Convention. The singular
predicament I find myself in induces me to apply to
the whole Convention, of which you are a part.
THOMAS PAINE.
LUXEMBOURG PRISON, on the igth day of Ther-
midor, in the 2d year of the Republic, one and in-
divisible.
CITIZEN REPRESENTATIVES.
If I should not express myself with the energy I
used formerly to do, you will attribute it to the very
dangerous illness I have suffered in the prison of
the Luxembourg. For several days I was insensi-
ble of my own existence ; and, though I am much
recovered, it is with exceedingly great difficulty that
I find power to write you this letter.
But before I proceed further, I request the Con-
vention to observe that this is the first line that has
come from me, either to the Convention or to any
of the committees, since my imprisonment, which is
approaching eight months. Ah, my friends, eight
months' loss of liberty seems almost a life-time to a
man who has been, as I have been, the unceasing
defender of liberty for twenty years.
I have now to inform the Convention of the rea-
son of my not having written before.
It is a year ago that I had strong reason to believe
that Robespierre was my inveterate enemy, as he
was the enemy of every man of virtue and humanity.
The address that was sent to the Convention some
time about last August, from Arras, the native town
of Robespierre, I have always been informed was
the work of that hypocrite and the partisans he had
in the place. The intention of that address was to
prepare the way for destroying me, by making the
people declare (though without assigning any rea-
son) that I had lost their confidence. The address,
however, failed of success, as it was immediately
opposed by a counter-address from Saint Omer,
which declared directly the contrary.
But the strange power that Robespierre, by the
most consummate hypocrisy and the most hardened
cruelties, had obtained, rendered any attempt on my
part to obtain justice not only useless, but even dan-
gerous ; for it is the nature of tyranny always to
strike a deeper blow when any attempt has been
made to repel a former one. This being my situ-
ation, I submitted with patience to the hardness of
my fate, and awaited the event of brighter days. I
hope they are now arrived to the nation and to me.
Citizens, when I left the United States of Amer-
ica in the year 1787, I promised to all my friends
that I would return to them the next year ; but the
hope of seeing a republic happily established in
France that might serve as a model to the rest
of Europe, and the earnest and disinterested desire
of rendering every service in my power to promote it,
induced me to defer my return to that country
and to the society of my friends for more than
seven years. This long sacrifice of private tran-
quillity, especially after having gone through the
fatigues and dangers of the American Revolution,
which continued almost eight years, deserved a bet-
ter fate than the long imprisonment I have silently
suffered.
But it is not the nation, but a faction, that has done
me this injustice, and it is to the national represen-
tation that I appeal against that injustice.
Parties and factions, various and numerous as
they have been, I have always avoided. My heart
was devoted to all France, and the object to which
I applied myself was the Constitution. The plan
that I proposed to the Committee of which I was
a member is now in the hands of Barere, and it
will speak for itself.
It is, perhaps, proper that I inform you of
the cause assigned in the order for my imprison-
ment. It is that I am a foreigner ; whereas the for-
eigner thus imprisoned was invited into France by a
decree of the late National Assembly, and that in
the hour of her greatest danger, when invaded by
Austrians and Prussians. He was, moreover, a cit-
izen of the United States of America, an ally of
France, and not a subject of any country in Europe,
and, consequently, not within the intention of any
of the decrees concerning foreigners. But any ex-
cuse can be made to serve the purpose of malignity
when it is in power.
I will not intrude on your time by offering any
apology for the broken and imperfect manner in
which I have expressed myself. I request you to
accept it with the sincerity with which it comes from
my heart ; and I conclude with wishing fraternity
and prosperity to France, and union and happiness
to her representatives.
Citizens, I have now stated to you my situation,
and I can have no doubt but your justice will restore
me to the liberty of which I have been deprived.
THOMAS PAINE.
LUXEMBOURG, Thermidor igth, 2d year of the
French Republic, one and indivisible.
On the 1 8th Thermidor, the day pre-
vious to the date of Paine's letter, as above,
Dr. Lanthenas had already interceded in
behalf of Paine, by addressing the following
letter to Merlin (de Thionville), a member
of the Committee of " General Safety."
Lanthenas was a great admirer of Paine,
and allied to him by the ties of a sincere
friendship. The fact that he " spoke Eng-
lish a little " seems to have brought him
into close relations with Paine.
I deliver to Merlin de Thionville a copy of the
last work of T. Paine, formerly our colleague, and in
custody since the decree excluding foreigners from
the national representation.
This book was written by the author in the be-
ginning of the year 93 (old style). I undertook its
translation before the revolution against priests, and
it was published in French about the same time.
Couthon, to whom I sent it, seemed offended
with me for having translated this work ; still its
nature and translator were altogether free from any
reproach that might be directed to the author in his
private or political life.
I think it would be in the well-understood interest
of the Republic, since the downfall of the tyrants we
have overthrown, to re-examine the motives of the
imprisonment of T. Paine. That re-examination is
suggested by too multiplied and sensible grounds to
need to be related in detail. Every friend of liberty,
who is somewhat familiar with the history of our
Revolution and deems it necessary to repel the
slanders with which the despots load it in the eyes
of the nations, and who mislead them against us, will,
however, understand such grounds.
Should the Committee of General Safety, enter-
taining no founded charge or suspicion against T.
Paine, have any scruples and believe that, from my
784
THOMAS PAINE AND THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
having occasionally conversed with that foreigner,
whom the people's suffrage had called to the national
representation, and because I spoke his language a
little, I could perhaps throw light upon their doubt,
then I would readily come and communicate to them
all that I know about that individual.
I request Merlin de Thionville to submit these
considerations to the Committee.
F. LANTHENAS.
Thermidor 1 8th, in the 2d year of the French
Republic.
Fran£ois Lanthenas, the writer of this
letter, was a doctor at the epoch of the
Revolution, and was elected a member of
the National Convention. He voted for the
death of the king, but fixed a delay for his
punishment. On the return of the Bour-
bons he was expelled from France as a
regicide. He was attached to the party
of the Girondins, and his name was on that
fatal list which proscribed, and subsequently
sent to the scaffold, the " Twenty-two Dep-
uties " of that party. Strange as it may
seem, his name was stricken from the list
on the motion of the bloodthirsty Marat.
His reasons for his motion were not very
complimentary to Lanthenas, but fortunately
they saved his life. He said : " Lanthenas
is a poor devil, who is not worth thinking
of." He lived to write the letter alike
creditable to his head and heart in behalf
of Thomas Paine, and was afterward, in
the time of the Directory, a member of the
Council of Five Hundred.
Dr. Lanthenas, whose letter of the i8th
Thermidor has been quoted above, was
not the only Frenchman who intervened
in behalf of Paine. In the succeeding
month (August), Achille Audibert, of Calais,
one of his constituents, addressed the follow-
ing letter to Citizen Theuriot, a member of
the Committee of Public Safety, appealing
for the release of Paine. As Robespierre
was then dead, he was safe in denouncing
him, particularly to Theuriot. From having
been the associate of Robespierre in all his
crimes Theuriot had become his violent
enemy. He was the president of the
National Convention on the gih Thermidor,
and every time that Robespierre attempted
to speak he would ring his bell furiously
and cry out : " Tu rias pas la parole! Tu rfas
pas la parole / " (You have not the floor.)
PARIS, Fructidor 2d, in the 2d
year of the Republic.
To Citizen Theuriot, a member of the Committee
of Public Safety.
REPRESENTATIVE : A friend of mankind is groan-
ing in chains — Thomas Paine, who was not so politic
as to remain silent in regard to a man who was not
like himself, but who dared to say that Robespierre
was a monster to be struck off the list of men. From
that moment he became a criminal ; the despot
marked him as his victim, put him into prison, and
doubtless prepared for him the way to the scaffold,
as well as for those who knew him and were cour-
ageous enough to speak out.
Thomas Paine is an acknowledged citizen of
America. He was the Secretary of the Congress of
the Department of Foreign Affairs during the Revolu-
tion. He has made himself known in Europe by
his writings, and specially by his " Rights of Man."
The Electoral Assembly of the Department of Pas-
de-Calais elected him one of its representatives to
the Convention, and commissioned me to go to Lon-
don and inform him of his election, and to bring him
to France. I hardly escaped being a victim of the
English Government, with which he was at open
war ; I performed my mission ; and ever since
friendship has attached me to Paine. This is my
apology for soliciting you for his liberation.
I can assure you, Representatives, that America
was by no means satisfied with the imprisonment
of a strong column of its Revolution. Please to take
my prayer into consideration. But for Robes-
pierre's villainy the friend of man would now be free.
Do not permit liberty longer to see in prison a
victim of a wretch who lives no more but by his
crimes ; and you will add to the esteem and veneration
I feel for a man who did so much to save the country
amidst the most tremendous crisis of our Revolu-
tion.
Greeting, respect and brotherhood.
ACHILLE AUDIBERT,
Of Calais,
No. 216 rue de Bellechasse,
Faubourg St. Germain.
The following appeal by American citi-
zens, then in Paris, in behalf of Paine —
which is in the shape of a petition for his
release from prison — to the National Con-
vention, was also found in the National
Archives at Paris. Breathing a spirit of
humanity and friendship, it is deemed worthy
of insertion in this paper :
CITIZENS LEGISLATORS.
The French nation, by a unanimous decree, have
invited one of the most estimable of our countrymen
to come to France; it is Thomas Paine, one of the
political founders of the independence and republic
of America. A twenty years' experience has taught
America to know and respect his public virtues and
the inappreciable services he has rendered his
country.
Convinced that his quality of a foreigner and ex-
deputy is the only cause of his provisional appre-
hension, in the name of our country (and we trust
it will be appreciated) we apply to you to claim our
friend and countryman, so that he may be able to
leave with us for America, where he will be received
with open arms.
If it should be necessary to say more to back the
petition which, as friends and allies of the French
Republic, we submit to their representatives in
order to obtain the release of one of the most zealous
and faithful apostles of liberty, we would conjure the
National Convention, by all that is dear to the
glory and hearts of freemen, not to afford a cause
of exultation and triumph to the coalition of the
THOMAS PAINE AND THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
785
tyrants of Europe, and, above all, to the despotism
of Great Britain, which did not blush to outlaw that
bold and virtuous defender of liberty.
But their insolent enjoyment should be of short
duration ; for we feel entirely confident that you
will detain no longer in the bonds of a painful cap-
tivity a man whose energetic and manly pen has so
much contributed to free the Americans, and whose
designs, we do not doubt at all, tended to render
like services to the French Republic. We are con-
vinced, indeed, that his principles and views were
pure, and in this respect he is entitled to the indul-
gence due to human fallibility and to such regard as
true-heartedness deserves ; and we hold to the opin-
ion we have of his innocence so much the more, as
we are informed that after a rigorous examination
of his papers by order of the Committee of General
Safety, far from anything being found against him,
they have, on the contrary, found out much to corrob-
orate the purity of nis political and moral principles.
As our countryman, and especially as a man so
dear to the Americans as well as to you, ardent
friends of liberty, we do, in the name of that goddess
dear to the only two Republics in the world, — entreat
you to render Thomas Paine to his brothers, and to
allow us to take him back to his country, which is
also our own.
If you require it, citizens representatives, we will
become responsible for his conduct in France for
the short stay he may remain to make arrangements
for his departure.
M. JACKSON, of Philadelphia.
J. RUSSELL, of Boston.
PETER WHITESIDE, of Philadelphia.
HENRY JOHNSON, of Boston.
THOMAS CARTER, of Newburyport.
JAMES COOPER, of Philadelphia.
JOHN WILLET BILLOPP, of New York.
THOMAS WATERS GRIFFITH, of Baltimore.
TH. RAMSDEN, of Boston.
SAMUEL P. BROOME, of New York.
MEADENWORTH, of Connecticut.
JACK BARLOW, of Connecticut.
MICHAEL ALCORN, of Philadelphia.
M. ONEALY, of Baltimore.
JOHN M'PHERSON, of Alexandria.
WILLIAM HOSKINS, of Boston.
J. GREGOIRE, of Petersburg, Virginia.
JOSEPH INGRAHAM, of Boston.
The last document in relation to Paine,
found in the National Archives, is the letter
of Mr. Monroe, the Minister of the United
States, to the Committee of General Safety.
Mr. Monroe had but recently arrived in
Paris. He was received by the National
Convention of France in full session on the
i5th of August, 1794 (28th Thermidor, year
II.), which was only about three weeks after
the fall of Robespierre, on the 2 7th of July,
1 794 (gth Thermidor, year II.). As this was
the first instance in which a minister had
been accredited to the French Republic,
there was some delay in the " Committee
of Public Safety" in regard to the presenta-
tion of his letters of credence, caused by the
necessity of establishing some general regu-
lation on the subject. The correspondence
of Mr. Monroe with his government at this
VOL. XX.— 51.
period (including that in regard to his re-
ception) is very interesting, and is found in
the first volume of the "American State
Papers." As nothing appeared there, how-
ever, in regard to the proceedings of the
Convention on the day of the reception, the
" proces verbal" (journal) of the Conven-
tion was sought for in the National Archives.
In the interest of the history of those extraor-
dinary times, the full proceedings in respect
of the matter are here set out.
[Translation.]
Extract from the "proces verbal" of the National
Convention, of August if, 1794.
The Citizen James Monroe, minister plenipoten-
tiary of the United States of America near the French
Republic, is admitted in the hall of the sitting of the
National Convention. He takes his place in the
midst of the representatives of the people, and
remits to the President, with his letters of credence,
a translation of a discourse addressed to the Na-
tional Convention ; it is read by one of the secre-
taries. The expressions of fraternity, of union,
between the two people, and the interest which the
people of the United States take in the success of
the French Republic are heard with the liveliest
sensibility and covered with applause.
Reading is also given to the letters of credence of
Citizen Monroe, as well as to those written by the
American Congress and by its president to the
National Convention and to the Committee of Pub-
lic Safety.
In witness of the fraternity which unites the two
people, French and American, the President gives
the accolade (fraternal embrace) to Citizen Monroe.
Afterward, upon the proposition of. many
members, the National Convention passes
with unanimity the following decree:
ARTICLE I.
The reading and verification being had of the
powers of Citizen James Monroe, he is recognized
and proclaimed Minister Plenipotentiary of the
United States of America near the French Republic.
ARTICLE II.
The letters of credence of Citizen James Monroe,
Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of
America, those which he has remitted on the part of
the American Congress and of its president, ad-
dressed to the National Convention and to the Com-
mittee of Public Safety, the discourse of Citizen
Monroe, the response of the President of the Con-
vention, shall be printed in the two languages,
French and American, and inserted in the bulletin
of correspondence.
ARTICLE III.
The flags of the United States of America shall be
joined to those of France, and displayed in the hall
of the sittings of the Convention, in sign of the
union and eternal fraternity of the two people.
It will be observed in Article II. of the
decree that it was ordered that the letters
786
THOMAS PAINE AND THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.
of credence and the discourse of Mr. Monroe
and the president of the Convention should
be " printed in thetvvo languages, French and
American." The frantic hatred of the revo-
lution toward England at that time would
not permit the Convention to recognize our
mother tongue as the English language.
The ceremony of the reception excited
great interest. Mr. Monroe was introduced
into the body of the Convention, and after
the passage of the decree he advanced to
the tribune, when the President, Merlin (de
Douai), gave him the fraternal kiss (" acco-
lade "), which was witnessed with emotion
and hailed with intense enthusiasm by the
whole Convention.
Though Mr. Monroe was accepted as
minister in August, it does not appear that
he took any steps for the release of Paine
until nth Brumaire (October), when lie
addressed to 'the Committee of General
Safety the following letter, which is a model
of a diplomatic communication :
PARIS, Brumaire n, in the 3d year ?
of the French Republic. )
The minister plenipotentiary of the United States
of America, to the members of the Committee of
General Safety.
CITIZENS.
In every case where the citizens of the United
States of America are subject to the laws of the
French Republic, it is their duty to obey them in
consequence of the protection they receive there-
from, or to submit to such penalties as they inflict.
This principle is beyond all dispute. It belongs to
the very essence of sovereignty, and cannot be
separated from it. Then all that my countrymen
have a right to expect from me is to see that justice
be done to them, according to the nature of the
accusation, or the offense they may have committed,
by the tribunals which take cognizance of the case.
I trust few occasions will occur when the de-
meanor of any American citizen may become a mat-
ter of discussion before a criminal court ; and should
any such case take place, I would fully rely on the
justice of that tribunal, convinced that, if the scales
were even, it would be in the heart of the magistrate
to turn them in favor of my countrymen. To urge
their trial, if that should become necessary, is
therefore the only point that I may be solicitous in
relation to.
In the present circumstances I would not draw
your attention to a matter of this kind if I were not
compelled to it by considerations of great weight,
and which I hope you will appreciate, because every
day brings forth further proofs of devotedness on
the part of France to the cause which gives rise to
them. The strenuous endeavors she has already
made and is every day making for the sake of
liberty obviously show how much she cherishes it,
and her gratitude toward such men as have supported
that cause is justly considered to be inseparable from
the veneration due to the very cause itself.
The citizens of the United States cannot look back
upon the times of their own revolution without rec-
ollecting among the names of their most distinguished
patriots, that of Thomas Paine ; the services he ren-
dered to his country in its struggle for freedom have
implanted in the hearts of his countrymen a sense of
gratitude never to be effaced as long as they shall
deserve the title of a just and generous people.
The above-named citizen is at this moment lan-
guishing in prison, affected with a disease growing
more intense from his confinement. I beg, therefore,
to call your attention to his condition, and to request
you to hasten the moment when the law shall decide
his fate, in case of any accusation against him, and,
if none, to restore him to liberty.
Greeting and brotherhood,
MONROE.
This communication of Mr. Monroe is
written in the French language. The prac-
tice of our Government is different at the
present day. All diplomatic communica-
tions of English-speaking nations are now
addressed to foreign nations in the English
language. The tribute which the minister
officially paid to Paine is worthy of notice.
The intervention of Mr. Monroe was
successful, for two days afterward Paine
was released, as appears by the following :
BRUMAIRE i3th, in the 3d year
of the French Republic.
The Committee of General Safety order that
citizen Thomas Paine be immediately discharged
from custody, and the seals taken off his papers on
sight of these presents.
The members of the Committee : Clauzel, Lesage
Senault, Bentabolle, Reverchon, Gaupilleau de Fon-
tenai, Rewbell.
Delivered to citizen Clauzel.
Thus, after a cruel and barbarous im-
prisonment of ten long months, enduring
untold sufferings, Thomas Paine was set
free. Made a citizen of France and elected
to its National Convention, he served his
country (adopted for the time) with ability,
zeal and usefulness, devoting his acknowl-
edged talents and large experience to the
preparation of its fundamental law. His
arrest and imprisonment, without charges
preferred or even the pretense of crime, was
an act of perfidy, baseness and ingratitude
without a parallel except in the history of
the " French Revolution."
TOPICS OF THE TIME.
787
TOPICS OF THE TIME.
The Presidential Campaign.
THERE are many reasons why the American
people should be gratified with the course and results
of the two political conventions which have placed in
nomination for the Presidency, General Garfield and
General Hancock. The first is, that the political
machines of both parties were subordinated and
superseded. In the Republican convention, the
machine received a tremendous and ignominious
defeat. This result was not so pronounced in the
Democratic convention, but even there the men who
were supposed to manipulate the controlling influences
were obliged to submit to powers beyond their con-
trol, and assist in the nomination of a man very far
from their first choice. Indeed, the political machine
had very little to do with the nomination of either
Garfield or Hancock, and so much may be set down
as a great gain for the cause of political morality.
The chief wire-pullers on both sides have failed ; the
party managers, who choose to do business without
much respect to the wishes of the people, have mis-
carried in all their plans, and each party has the
great privilege of presenting a candidate for the
popular suffrage whose hands are clean, at least, of
all dirty work done for himself, in the attempt to
secure a nomination.
More and better even than this can be said.
There is nothing, so far as we know, in the record
of either of these gentlemen to prevent the most con-
scientious partisan from voting for him. General
Garfield is, in all respects, an admirable man. He
knows the public business, probably, as well as any
man in America. He has been in it, as an active
and intelligent force, for many years, in which he
has demonstrated his ability for statesmanship and
leadership. The record of his life does not exhibit a
stain, and, if he shall be elected, he will be much the
most brilliant President, in his endowments and
attainments, who has graced the White House in this
generation. General Hancock's name is familiar as
one of the successful military chieftains of the late civil
war, and he has always been recognized as a gentle-
man, and a man of unstained private life. He has
had many trusts, and been faithful to them all. It is
a great comfort to feel that the American voters this
year are not left to base their votes on a choice of
evils, and that there is nothing repulsive or offensive
in either of the candidates presented for their
support. Any Republican ought to vote for General
Garfield, and any Democrat ought to vote for
General Hancock. We mean by this simply that
there is nothing in the character or record of either
of these candidates which should shut him from the
sympathy and support of those who approve his
political views.
Another cause of gratification growing out of the
foregoing facts, is that this campaign is not to be a
campaign of slander. One of the degrading and dis-
graceful things connected with nearly all presidential
campaigns within our memory, was the mud-throw-
ing at the personal character of the candidates. The
brutality of the old campaigns was debasing and
demoralizing to the last degree. Every canvass has
been belittled and degraded by personalities of the
lowest character. It has seemed as if a man had
only to be placed in nomination for the high office
of President to be regarded as the legitimate butt of
party ridicule and the mark of party obloquy.
Now. in the present campaign, there certainly can
be no apology for this brutal kind of warfare, and we
hope to see it finished with the highest personal
courtesy on both sides. There ought to be enough
in the issues between the two parties to engage the
attention of all writers and speakers, and fix the de-
terminations of all voters. The questions for the
American people to decide relate simply to the pol-
icy of the two parties, as represented in their history
and platforms. Which party has the soundest finan-
cial policy ? — which holds the policy of the highest
justice alike to capital and labor ? — which party is most
devoted to the maintenance of the equal rights of all ?
— which party stands strongest for the purity of elec-
tions ? and, in every sense and in every emergency,
which party is the most patriotic ? The people who
settle these questions conscientiously, in their own
minds, may congratulate themselves that they will
find at the head of the party for which they decide a
man who is personally worthy of their votes. They
have not to quarrel over men, or to believe that the
representative of the other party is a thief or a cut-
throat, or a knave of any other sort. Their business
is simply to make up their minds what party is the
true party of patriotism and progress, and cast their
votes for the man who represents it.
There is a good deal, too, in the failure of the polit-
ical machines to encourage those who have been suf-
ficiently conscientious and brave to struggle against
their supremacy. There has been, of late years, a good
deal of independent political thinking, which had
already begun to show itself in independent political
acting. In the Republican party, particularly, there
were the " Young Scratchers," to whom the machine
devoted a good deal of angry criticism, and who
drew to their support, and won over to sympathy,
some of the very best men in the party.
In the result at Chicago, they have their reward.
The machine would have given them a man whom
they sincerely disliked and disapproved, and they
were not without a great deal of influence in secur-
ing the nomination of a man very much to their
mind. Scratching is a pretty good remedy for party
bosses, which, we trust, will not soon pass out of
memory. How much Mr. John Kelly did, with his
menace of revolt, to secure the nomination of a man
for whom he and his friends could vote, we do not
know, but his menace could not possibly be ignored ;
and if it did anything to secure the nomination of
Hancock, he undoubtedly did more for his party and
his country, than years of fealty to the machine could
have accomplished.
788
TOPICS OF THE TIME.
Dandyism.
CARLYLE says that " a dandy is a clothes-wearing
man — a man whose trade, office and existence con-
sists in the wearing of clothes." Then he adds, in
his grim irony : — " Nay, if you grant what seems to
be admissible, that the dandy had a thinking princi-
ple in him, and some notion of time and space, is
there not in the life-devotedness to cloth, in this so
willing sacrifice of the immortal to the perishable,
something (though in reverse order) of that blend-
ing and identification of eternity with time, which
* * * * constitutes the prophetic character."
After Carlyle has handled the dandy, there is not,
of course, much left for other people to do. Still,
we can reflect a little more particularly on the style
of mind which produces or accompanies dandyism,
and get our lesson out of the process. Why supreme
devotion to dress, on the part of a man, should be so
contemptible, and, on the part of a woman, so com-
paratively venial, we have never been able to deter-
mine, but there is no doubt that we are quite ready
to forg;ve in woman a weakness which we despise in
man. To see a man so absorbed in the decoration of his
own person, and in the development of his own graces
that all other objects in life are held subordinate to
this one small and selfish passion or pursuit, is no
less disgusting than surprising. To amplify Carlyle's
definition of a dandy a little, we may say that he is a
man whose soul is supremely devoted to the outside of
things, particularly the outside of himself, and who
prides himself not at all on what he is, but on what he
seems, and not at all on seeming sensible or learned,
but on seeming beautiful, in away that he regards as
stylish. A male human being who cares supremely
about the quality of the woolen, silk, linen, felt and
leather that encase his body and the place where his
brains should be, forgetting the soul within him and
the great world without him, with the mysterious
future that lies before him, would seem to deserve the
mockery of all mankind, as well as of Carlyle.
Still, the dandy in dress is not a very important
topic to engage the attention of a man who is sensible
enough to read a magazine, and we should not have
said a word about him if we did not detect his disposi-
tion in other things besides dress. We have what may
legitimately be denominated dandyism in literature.
Literature is often presented as the outcome of as
true dandyism as is ever observed in dress. There
are many writers, we fear, who care more about their
manner of say ing a thing than about the thing they have
to say. All these devotees to style, all those coiners
of fine phrases who tax their ingenuity to make their
mode of saying a thing more remarkable than the
thing said — men who play with words for the sake
of the words, and who seek admiration for their
cleverness in handling the medium of thought it-
self, and men also who perform literary gymnastics in
order to attract attention — all these are literary
dandies. The great verities and vitalities of thought
and life are never supreme with these men. They
would a thousand times rather fail in a thought than trip
in the rounding of a sentence and the fall of a period.
Of course, all this petting of their own style, and this
supreme study of ways with words, is in itself so
selfish a matter that their work is vitiated, and even
the semblance of earnestness is lost. Dandies in
iiteratuce never accomplish anything for anybody
except themselves. Verily they have their reward,
for they have their admirers, though they are among
those no more in earnest than themselves.
We have had in America one eminent literary
dandy. He lived at a time when it was very easy
for a man of literary gifts to make a reputation — easy
to attract the attention of the people ; and the temp-
tation to toy with the popular heart was too great
for him to resist, and so he who could have taught
and inspired his countrymen was content to play
with his pen, and seek for their applause. He had
his reward. He was as notorious as he sought to
be. People read his clever verses and clapped their
hands, but those verses did not voice any man's or
woman's aspirations, or soothe any man's or
woman's sorrows. They helped nobody. They
were not the earnest outpourings of a nature conse-
crated either to God or song, and the response that
they met in the public heart was not one of grateful
appropriation, though that heart was not slow to offer
the incense of its admiration to the clever and grace-
ful, even if supremely selfish, artist. It is hardly
necessary to add that this superb literary dandy has
found no one who cared enough for him to write his
life ; and it takes a pretty poor sort of literary man
nowadays to escape a biography. We would not
speak of this man were we not conscious that we
have — now living and writing — others who are like
him in spirit and in aim — men who are supremely
anxious to get great credit for their way of doing
things, and who are interested mainly in the ex-
ternals of literature — men who, moved by personal
vanity, are seeking rather to attract attention to them-
selves than to impress their thoughts, as elevating
and purifying forces, upon their generation.
Dandyism does not stop either with dress or
literature, but invades all art. Never, perhaps, in
the history of painting, has there been so much
dandyism in art as at the present day. Never, it
seems to us, were painters so much devoted to paint-
ing the outside of things as they are now. We are
dazzled everywhere with tricks of color, fantastic
dress, subjects chosen only with reference to their
adaptation to the revelation of the special clevernesses
of those who treat them. It seems as if every
painter who had managed to achieve some remark-
able trick of handling, were making it the business
of his life to play that trick, and to have nothing to
do with any topic which will not furnish him the occa-
sion for its use. Our young men, in a great number
of instances, are running after these trick-masters,
learning nothing of art in its deeper meanings, but
supremely busy with the outside of things, and very
trivial things at that. In this devotion to the tricks
of art, all earnestness and worthiness of purpose die,
and art becomes simply a large and useless field of
dandyism.
We have plenty of dandyism in the pulpit. We
do not allude to the dandyism of clerical regalia,
although there is a disgusting amount of that ; but the
HOME AND SOCIETY.
789
devotion to externals as they relate to manner of
writing, and manner of speech, and manner of social
intercourse. The preacher who is in dead ear-
nest, and has nothing to exhibit but the truth he
preaches, is not a man of formalities. The clerical
dandy impresses one with himself and not with
his Master. He shows off himself. He studies
his poses and his intonations as if he were in
very deed an actor. We have stylists in the pulpit,
we have actors in the pulpit, who challenge attention
and intend to challenge attention by their manner,
and it is not at all a manner of humble earnestness.
Preachers are human, and they, like the rest of us,
should pray to be delivered from the sin of dandyism.
COMMUNICATIONS.
ABERDEEN, Miss., May 24, 1880.
EDITOR SCRIBNER'S MONTHLY: — Mr. Henry
King is named as the author of a paper in the June
number of your magazine, on the Negro Exodus to
Kansas.
As to his theories, views and predictions I have
nothing to say, as we have learned from long experi-
ence that reason, logic and argument, on our part,
are thrown away upon a large and very worthy, but
prejudiced, class in the North.
In his paper, however, Mr. King makes the fol-
lowing statement :
" It is claimed, upon what seems to be good
authority, that in the State of Mississippi not a
single white man has been convicted and punished
for an offense against a colored man, or made to pay
a debt to a colored man, for the past five years."
Now, sir, does it not occur to you that this is a
rather reckless assertion to be made, even upon an
irresponsible on dit, without some previous inquiry
as to the truth of it? I do not know who Mr.
Henry King is (though I may argue myself un-
known by the admission), I do not know who or
what his " good authority " is— but I have a proposi-
tion to make to him. If Mr. King — or his " good
authority " — will pay for the transcripts, I bind my-
self to furnish to SCRIBNER'S MONTHLY, for publi-
cation, certified records of twenty cases in which
white men have been convicted and punished for
offenses against colored men, and as many cases in
which white men have been made, by legal proceed-
ings, to pay debts due to colored men,— and all this
not in the whole State of Mississippi, but in this
(Monroe) county — one only of its seventy-five
counties, and during the period from 1875 — when
Mississippi emerged from the valley of the shadow
of death — down to the present time. In the only
case that occurs to me during that time of the killing
of a colored man by a white man, in this county, the
accused was convicted and sentenced to the peni-
tentiary for life, and is there now, — having narrowly
escaped hanging.
The democratic majority in this county averages
one thousand.
If Mr. King is as earnest in his sympathy for the
colored people of the South as he would appear to
be, he will be willing to pay the small cost of the
transcripts for the sake of getting his mind relieved
as to their condition in Mississippi.
I could as easily name fifty cases ; but twenty will
answer every purpose.
As regards the Exodus, I can only say "God
speed it ! " — and in saying so I echo the sentiments
of three-fourths of our people. The class of colored
people who are emigrating to Kansas is a curse to
any country — is just the class we want to get rid of,
and can spare to Kansas or any other State.
E. H. BRISTOW.
HOME AND SOCIETY.
Letters to Young Mothers. Second Series.— IV.
THERE is danger that, where so much pains is taken
to amuse children and make them happy, they may
grow selfish and exacting. Always to receive and
never to give is as bad for children as for grown people.
To be sure, there is not much they can do for you,
and what they can do is worth very little in itself,
but just because it develops a generous thoughtful-
ness for others, encourage them in all their little
plans for other people's pleasure. Children are
naturally generous, and delight to make and give
presents, until they see their gifts considered as rub-
bish. Probably they are, but a great deal of love
can be put into very common things. You keep
their birthdays. Encourage them to remember
the birthdays of the older members of the family,
even if their celebrations are troublesome and their
presents useless. In the family festivals, let them
have something to do for somebody else. Do not let
the doing always be on your side.
I have seen some very pretty little affairs arranged
by children for such occasions. I remember one,
designed by a girl nine years old, for her mamma's
birthday. She dressed herself and her sisters to
represent the four seasons, and each one brought to
the mother a trifling gift, repeating in turn a line of
a verse of poetry she had found in an illuminated cal-
79°
HOME AND SOCIETY,
endar. The youngest, dressed in her best white
dress, trimmed with artificial apple-blossoms and
lilies of the valley, and carrying her present in a tiny
basket, hidden among spring flowers, represented
spring. As she handed her present to her mother,
she said :
" First, beautiful spring, with flowers and song."
Summer, also in white, with bright ribbons, fol-
lowed with her gift, saying :
" Next, rosy summer comes tripping along."
Autumn, glowing in a garnet dress, and wearing a
wreath of bright leaves and wheat, brought her pres-
ent in a basket of red apples, and repeated :
" Then blushing autumn, with rich fruits laden,"
while,
"Last, sober winter, cold, thoughtful maiden,"
clad all in white, with a band of swan's-down around
her head, drew out her gift from a large cornucopia
filled with cotton, to represent snow.
Of course, the mother had been consulted, and
had given permission to use the finery. She entered
into the spirit of the occasion, and gave advice and
made suggestions, but was conveniently blind till
everything was complete. It occupied the children
for the best part of the afternoon, and under all the
fun of the thing was the pleasant consciousness that
they really were doing something for the happiness
of mamma, who had done so much for them.
These same children were greatly amused with
the pictures and poetry in " St. Nicholas " of the
"Three wise old women were they, were they,
Who went to walk on a winter's day —
One carried a basket to hold some berries,
One carried a ladder to climb for cherries ;
The third, and she was the wisest one,
Carried a fan to keep off the sun."
So they " made a game of it " for a Thanksgiving
evening celebration. They appeared suddenly in
the sitting-room, dressed like old women, with mar-
velous bonnets, one with a huge market-basket, the
little three-year-old with a great palm-leaf fan,
almost as big as she was, and the oldest carrying the
family step-ladder. When the wind blew them all
away, one of the audience had to represent wind, and
lay the ladder down, and it was quite a comical sight
to see them bail out the imaginary water and attend
to their bonnets and their balance at the same time.
On another occasion, with the help of playmates,
they added the " Three Wise Men " to the perform-
ance, though this was more difficult.
Another family of boys and girls, a little older,
were always getting up tableaux and burlesque-opera
entertainments for their father's birthdays. It was
no end of trouble ; old clothes and the tableaux did
not always " preserve the unities," but they were
pleasant recollections long after the merry boys and
girls were fathers and mothers themselves.
I saw another birthday celebration once, and I
shall never forget it. The mother's birthday had
come too soon for the child's calculation, and there
was no preparation made. The oldest, a sensitive,
loving child of seven years, was overwhelmed with
grief, and sobbed, " Mamma is always giving us
something, and getting up things for us, and now we
have forgotten her. Oh ! dear, dear ! "
Close by stood a little basketful of stones, picked
up in their afternoon ramble — just such stones as
you can find in any New England pasture lot or by
any stone wall. But the white, imperfect quartz
crystals and the shining little bits of mica seemed
very beautiful to the child. Suddenly she noticed
the basket. There was a hurried consultation with
her younger sister, a great parade of secrecy and
business, a rattling of stones in the kitchen wash-
basin, and much dancing about and shouts of " Now,
mamma, we've got something for your birthday.
Don't look into that basket ! Now, don't guess — oh !
you never can guess what it is ! "
The next morning at breakfast there was some-
thing on mamma's plate, heaping up the napkin so
carefully spread over it.
When the napkin was lifted there was nothing but
the little heap of shining stones, but the children
were as happy as if they had been gold and diamonds.
Said the youngest : " Mamma, I picked out the very
prettiest, the very whitest and shiny-est " ; and the
oldest added, " We washed them just as carefully last
night."
The father said afterward :
" They came to me in the evening in great glee,
for now they had something for mamma, and they
showed me the stones, all wet and dripping in the
basket — about as pitiful a thing for a present as could
be imagined."
A trifle, you say, but the love and delight that
went with that worthless little pile of stones could
not be counted by dollars. No wonder the mother's
eyes grew dim, as she looked from the stones heaped
up on her plate to the glowing faces of the children,
and that she carefully put the stones away. Trifles
like these are the very dearest of treasures to a
mother's heart, if some day the bright eyes that
shone with delight are forever shut from her
sight, and the busy little hands are folded still and
cold.
You never know how long you and your children
will have each other. At best, they will not be little
children always. Make the life which you live
together, as happy and as full of yourself as possible.
If you can do but little, put plenty of love and sun-
shine into that little. It is worth a great deal to
have them to grow up with the habit of being happy.
If this habit comes — not because every wish is grati-
fied, but because they are always busy at some
cheerful or helpful work, never fear that they will
grow up querulous and selfish. Children so
trained are not apt to fall into fashionable listless-
ness, or to give themselves up to idle grief, if dis-
appointment and sorrow come into their maturer
lives.
The effect of such a home atmosphere as this is
incalculable. It not only tends to strengthen and
purify each separate individual in the family, but its
influence is still deeper and more far-reaching.
CULTURE AND PROGRESS.
791
Whatever tends to make our family life purer and
stronger is doing the best and noblest service for
society. We women listen to the growl of the
storm in other countries ; we tremble for our own,
and feel so useless and insignificant !
Brave little Holland keeps the whole mighty
Atlantic at bay with her dykes of commonplace
earth and stones and turf — mere every-day material.
Take courage, weary mother. Your life may seem to
you not much more than a dreary grind, day after
day, to supply the physical wants of your children ;
but if they grow up to love and honor you because
you deserve their love and honor — if they go out
from you to build up other homes like the one you
have made to them the purest and sweetest place,
on earth, you have built a few rods of dyke over
against your own house, and so have built, not for
yourself alone, but for all society — not for to-day
alone, but for all time.
MARY BLAKE.
CULTURE AND PROGRESS.
White's " Every-day English." *
IN this volume, Mr. Richard Grant White has
brought together various scattered contributions
made to magazines and newspapers on the subject
of the English language. It is nine years, he tells
us, since his previous work, entitled "Words and
their Uses," was published ; and what is here printed
may fairly be supposed to represent the result of the
study and reflection of the interval which has passed.
As contrasted with that work, it will be seen at once
that this one shows a marked advance on Mr. White's
part, both in opinion and expression. There are in
it comparatively few of those extraordinary mis-
takes, which, however, added to the interest of his
previous book, though they may possibly have im-
paired its value. Wider study, even if of a dilet-
tante character, has inevitably led to more accuracy
of statement, as well as to less positiveness of asser-
tion. This lowering of the feeling of general omnis-
cience has likewise been attended with a sensible
diminution of virulence of tone. True it is, as the
poet tells us, that "knowledge comes, but wisdom
lingers " ; and the wisdom of the author's views has
not altogether kept pace with the progress of his
knowledge. But, if occasionally the crude ideas of
his earlier work appear, they are no longer made
offensively prominent. It would, indeed, be asking
too much of human nature to expect him to withdraw
them formally. It is enough for us that they are
now stated with modification and moderation, or
quietly put entirely into the background.
So much is justly due, at the outset, to a work
which cannot be spoken of with unqualified praise.
For, together with merits of its own, it has peculiar
defects. In a general way, it may be said to be per-
vaded by the fault of too great an abundance of
assertion for the supply of facts upon which the asser-
tion is founded. The very opening pages of the
volume illustrate this. They are given up to a dis-
cussion of the word share, which Mr. White derives
from shire through the pronunciation sheer. " So,"
he says, "shire came to be written sheer, and sheer to
be pronounced and then written share." One main
* Every-day English. A sequel to " Words and their
Uses." By Richard Grant White. Boston: Houehton,
Mifflin & Co.
difficulty with the late derivation of share from shire
by this roundabout process is that scir or scire, from
which shire comes directly, and scearu or scant, from
which share comes directly, existed side by side in
the earliest known period of our tongue. Statements
like this we have quoted, and which lack only the
quality of accuracy to be invaluable, are scattered up
and down the pages of this volume. But no one
would wish them away, for Mr. White communicates
so pleasantly the misinformation which he has to
give, that we feel that we have made an actual gain
when, under his guidance, we exchange an uninter-
esting and unaccommodating fact for a charmingly
told fiction. It is only when he hesitates that he
loses in interest. This is plainly seen, for illustra-
tion, in the remarks contained in his twenty-eighth
chapter upon had rather be — a very ticklish phrase
for one to meddle with who is not familiar with its
origin and history, and the precise nature of its con-
stituent parts. Mr. White writes about it and about
it without really saying anything of it ; and the sort of
wobbling movement which characterizes him in this
place, so different from his usual directness and
positiveness, not only takes away interest in the sub-
ject, but gives to the reader that painful impression
which affects all of us at the sight of the struggles of
a writer to impart to others information in regard to
matters which he himself does not thoroughly under-
stand.
The work is divided into four parts. The first, en-
titled " Speech," is largely taken up with a discussion
of the statements of Professor Whitney in regard to
pronunciation; and it will be gratifying to the
friends of that scholar to learn that, though occasion-
ally disapproving his views, Mr. White is enabled to
speak well of them on the whole.
The second part is entirely devoted to the subject
of " Spelling Reform." To this, it is almost need-
less to say, the author is opposed. Indeed, the
present agitation of it he looks upon with those min-
gled feelings of pity and contempt with which supe-
rior natures are supposed to view the follies and
frailties of their fellow-beings. He speaks of it with
the fine irony of quotation marks as a " movement."
He abandons himself to the most dismal prophecies
of its failure. Yet it can hardly be said that, outside
of his personal opinion, he has added anything to the
792
CULTURE AND PROGRESS.
facts and arguments of the controversy, save in the
way of perversion of the one and misapprehension of
the other. We retract : there is one contribution to
the discussion, absolutely new, which he has made.
Nowhere can be found so complete an exposure of
the utter incapacity of linguistic scholars and special
students of a tongue to deal with the question of
spelling. Nowhere have we seen the advantage of
ignorance of a subject as a qualification for its suc-
cessful treatment more convincingly stated, and, we
may be permitted to add, more adequately illustrated.
There is, too, a sort of poetic justice in Mr. White's
speaking disparagingly of specialists and laying bare
their incompetence. He is only repaying them in
their own coin.
There are, however, a number of references to and
quotations from articles on spelling reform which
appeared in this magazine, and these require a slight
notice here. Certain statements, in particular, in
regard to two words have so much attention paid to
them that it would be discourteous in us not to make
clear to the author the mistakes into which he has
unwittingly fallen. The words are been and colonel.
In regard to them it was said that two ways of
spelling corresponding to two ways of pronouncing
existed side by side; and that modern English
has with us retained the spelling of the one form
and the pronunciation of the other. Let us take these
two words in order. Before saying anything specif-
ically about been, it is necessary to remark that the
letter i had from the beginning two sounds, cor-
respondingly long and short. The latter of these is
now represented in pin, the former in pique. But in
process of time the letter /, when long, came often to
have the diphthongal value — heard in pine — which it
still retains ; its strictly long sound, corresponding
to short i, was often though not invariably denoted
by ee. Mr. White gives up a good deal of time and
space to proving, what no one ever denied, that i
had once the sound of ee. But the question is, when
we find the word bin in our earlier literature,
whether the i of it had its strictly long or its short
sound — that is, whether it was pronounced been or
bin. He unhesitatingly declares for the former
view, and when he finds bin rhyming with such
a word as in, he goes on to say that the latter was
pronounced een. To prove this he quotes a passage
from Wallis, who in 1653 published in Latin an
English grammar. There are many extraordinary
things in this volume of " Every-day English," but,
upon the whole, this is the most extraordinary. Will
it be believed that the very quotation which is intro-
duced to prove this assertion proves the direct oppo-
site ? The passage from Wallis in the original
Latin can be found on page twenty ; and, as Mr.
White has failed to comprehend it in that tongue, we
shall take the liberty of translating it for him. The
grammarian is speaking of the vowel-sound we are
discussing. "This sound," he says, "as often as it
is shortened, the English express by short // but
when it is lengthened they write it for the most part
with ee, not unfrequently, however, with ie, or even
with ea." Wallis then proceeds to contrast the cor-
respondingly long and short sounds by examples,
and to make the difference perfectly clear, he takes,
in most cases, words bearing a close resemblance, as
fit ^cA feet, fill yoA.feel and field, sin and seen, zY/and
eel, and several others. This settles the question;
but, as if he had not done enough to ruin his
own cause, Mr. White introduces on page 225
another quotation from Wallis, in which that gram-
marian says, in regard to this specific word, that the
pronunciation bin was sometimes used instead of
been, improperly, as he thinks. These foot-notes,
generously added by the author of " Every-day Eng-
lish," enable us to correct the errors of his text;
and, though he fails to understand their force, his
readers will not — at least, those of them who can
construe Latin. We especially are under obligations
for these quotations, as they relieve us from the
necessity of burdening our columns with a defense of
what there was never the slightest reason to attack.
It is not often that the victim about to be im-
molated brings with him as an additional offering
the sacrificial knife.
Nor, when he comes to colonel, can it be said that
our author is much better off. He adds a good deal
to what was found in the columns of this magazine ;
but it is in the way of exposition and not of contra-
diction. But though he does not state definitely
that the / of colonel was pronounced exclusively as /,
and never as r, up to the middle of the eighteenth
century, he implies it; at any rate, without that
assumption his argument is worth nothing. It was,
according to him, about a hundred years ago that the
change of letter-sound took place. Now, if two
different pronunciations of the same word exist side
by side in cultivated speech, it is easy to see how one
might drive out the other ; but for a word then to
assume an entirely new pronunciation, not in ac-
cordance with its spelling, but in utter defiance
of it, is something so difficult, that it may be called
practically impossible under ordinary conditions.
The transition of / to r is common in language ; but
it is common only in the language that lives almost
wholly in the mouths of men, not in the developed
language that is recorded in literature, read in books,
and heard in the daily speech of an educated class.
But this is not all. The occurrence of the word in
the writings of the sixteenth century, not merely
with the spelling coronel but with that of cornel, is
satisfactory proof that, even at that early period, the
present pronunciation was more or less prevalent.
Mr. White is, indeed, totally unacquainted with this
fact; but his ignorance, however great, cannot justly
be held to counterbalance any one else's knowledge,
however slight. He has found the word in Spenser's
prose treatise on Ireland, and says that " this is
probably the earliest appearance of the word in our
literature in any form." It is a striking illustration
of his somewhat lax method of procedure that,
though in the article which he criticises there was a
specific reference to the use of the term in the
Leicester correspondence of 1585-6, — and this is no
solitary case, — he was willing merely to borrow the
fact without consulting the authority ; and not even
content with this, he went on to hazard the assertion
that " the earl doubtless got the new title " from the
CULTURE AND PROGRESS.
793
Spaniards, and to state by implication that it was he
alone who used it. As a matter of fact, while it is
employed by many, it occurs most frequently in this
correspondence in the letters of Sir Francis Wal-
singham, the English Secretary of State.
It is necessity rather than choice that has led us to
spend time on these unimportant details ; though,
alongside of the mistakes which have been pointed
out here, little slips that occur frequently elsewhere
— such, for instance, as Ormin's having written about
two thousand lines when he actually wrote about
twenty thousand — are hardly worthy of mention.
We come now to ' the third part, which Mr. White
entitles " Grammar," apparently because he denies
that there is in English any such thing, and to the
fourth part, which discusses mainly questions of
usage. Here our author can be said to have his foot
upon his native heath. This is a province which he
has made peculiarly his own ; and there is little
doubt that what is found in this part will be much
the most attractive to most of his readers. Indeed,
it is they who have largely made up this portion of
the book. Mr. White has a large correspondence,
as he tells us, all over the country. He receives and
for some years has received daily " letters written by
representatives of all sorts and conditions of men " ;
and these appear to consist mainly of inquiries
about the proper use of words and phrases. He
seems, indeed, to play to some extent the part of a
modern Delphic oracle, to which members of the
English-speaking race resort from far and near for
guidance. This is necessarily an unprofitable as
well as onerous tax upon time and patience ; for the
modern seeker after light rarely comes laden with a
larger gift than the solitary postage-stamp. But it is
attended with this special consolation of its own to
the feelings — that the agricultural, the bucolic, and
even the medical and the military correspondent love,
no less than death, a shining mark. It is certainly
in his observations upon these questions of usage
that Mr. White is at his best, as might naturally be
expected ; for they depend for their value far more
upon that accuracy of judgment which comes from
familiarity with the best writers than upon that mere
accuracy of knowledge which can only be gained at
the price of patient labor. It is, indeed, a signal
illustration of the superiority of taste to truth that
in particular instances the conclusions of the author
are altogether right, while the reasons he gives for
them are altogether wrong. To young and careless
writers, therefore, this part of the work, in spite
of some mistakes, will be valuable; while it will
seem a perfect treasure to that class of persons whose
intellectual diet consists largely of real or fancied
improprieties of speech, and who are never happy
unless they can make themselves miserable by dis-
covering errors of expression where none had been
thought to exist.
Howells's "Undiscovered Country."*
THOSE who have criticised Mr. Howells for keep-
ing too near the surface in his delineations of life,
* The Undiscovered Country. By W. D. Howells. Boston :
Houghton, Mifflin & Co. 1880.
ought not to complain if his latest novel shows a
more solid texture than its predecessors, and has less
than usual of that valuable literary attribute which
Edmund Quincy used to call " specific levity."
Among the vagaries of spiritualism and in the analy-
sis of a character absorbed in its mysteries, we can-
not expect a treatment so gay and amusing as if the
scene were laid among very youthful maids and
lovers in a "parlor-car." To many persons, more-
over, the mere atmosphere of these " manifestations,"
real or supposed, is so unattractive as to repel them
from any book which deals with such themes. It
seems, indeed, a curious circumstance that while the
interest in these phenomena has seemed to be un-
equivocally waning, it should be simultaneously
revived by Mr. Howells in literature, and by Mr.
Joseph Cook in discoursing on what he calls science.
Yet this may be, after all, only a recognition that the
whole subject is lapsing into the past, since it is
with the past and completed that both art and science
must mainly deal.
Mr. Howells has too much of Hawthorne in his
temperament to find any difficulty in evading all as-
sertion of his personal belief or disbelief in these
wonders. He "handles the rappings with as airy and
impersonal a touch as if he were Hawthorne dealing
with a supposed birth-mark or a bosom-serpent; his
treatment is, as it should be, dramatic ; he is writing;
a novel, not a polemic treatise. In this ease of hand-
ling this book surpasses its predecessors ; and it is
also superior to them in the feeling for external
nature. It is perhaps due to the author's good fort-
une in personally exchanging suburban for rural
life that there is here perceptible a certain warmth
and mellowness of natural allusion, with a delicate
observation of the habits of plants and animals, such
as has not before been prominent in his books. The
scarlet of the maples, " the sunny glisten of mead-
ows," the joy of the red squirrels, enter as never
before into his pictures. Never before could he so
exquisitely describe the hour of dawn, " when the
robins and orioles and sparrows were weaving that
fabric of song which seems to rise everywhere from
the earth to the low-hovering heaven " (page 187).
That celebrated imaginative touch in Bret Harte's
" Miggles," where the outcast girl unconsciously
shifts her position, as she tells her story, till she
brings between herself and her auditors the figure
of the ruined man in whom her love has found at
once her doom and her redemption, — a passage, be
it remarked, which promised a higher and finer
quality of genius than its author has ever again ex-
hibited,— is not more profound or delicate in its con-
ception than the scene in which Mr. Howells makes
his two lovers first reveal their hearts to each other
while picking grapes, with the grape-vine between
them, betraying through that green and swaying
curtain the secrets that had shunned the light of day.
It is to be observed, moreover, that " The Undis-
covered Country " shows not a taste of that sub-acid
vein with which Mr. Howells, in his philosophizing,
has sometimes been reproached. His lover, to be
sure, is rather ungracious and unlovely at the outset^
but that is the type of wooer now most in vogue with
794
CULTURE AND PROGRESS.
our novelists, and this not without some foundation
in current manners. As to the love-plot, the con-
quest of the savage and the recusant by the charms
of unconscious womanhood is as old as modern
literature, at least ; though it is not every wooer who
begins his attentions, like the hero of the present
novel, by savagely griping the hand of his mistress
until he wounds her fingers with her own ring, and
then ends them in the conventional manner by put-
ting on her finger a ring of his own selection. Be-
tween these two incidents there lies, however, a long
train of events, — or rather a few events, skillfully
prolonged, — in which the continuous interest lies
perhaps less in the love-affair of the daughter than in
the developed character of the father.
The opening scenes are laid among mediums and
spiritualists, and one must have known something
personally of the class described to fully appreciate
the admirableness with which Mr. Howells has de-
lineated them all. Mrs. Le Roy, the unscrupulous,
kindly, good-natured professional, — Mr. Hatch, the
cheery, vivacious half-believer, — Mr. Eccles, the
saturnine and suspicious philosopher, — no one ever
went a dozen steps into the personal observation of
" the phenomena " without encountering each of
these types ; and the very good-nature of the por-
traitures makes them inestimable. These are the
minor figures, and among them rises the central per-
sonage, Dr. Boynton, a creation far more difficult, —
a delineation so admirable, indeed, that we are in-
clined to place him distinctly in advance of any be-
fore achieved by Mr. Howells. There is danger
that the popular prejudice against spiritualism, or
the rather too great prolongation of some scenes in
the book, may blind the reader to the remarkable
portrayal of this one character. A man of science
and yet a dupe, — at once pitiable and heroic, — a
dreamer and yet capable of prompt and resolute
action, — thoroughly sincere, and yet treading the
perilous edge of deception, — a tender father and yet
torturing his daughter, — full of the loftiest self-devo-
tion for the race, and yet unsparing to the one
human being intrusted to his care, — we have said
enough already to show what a remarkable com-
bination he represents. When to this we add that
he is from moment to moment at the mercy of the
most trivial and unexpected influences around him,
so that we see him throughout, not as a fixed and
formed character, but as one in the last degree
plastic and floating, the study of his development
assumes a sort of fascination, and its successful de-
lineation becomes a triumph. The only previous
character in whose creation Mr. Howells has shown
anything approaching the same power of analysis is
that of Don Ippolito in " A- Foregone Conclusion,"
and even his nature is one of far more fixed and
definite boundaries, less mobile and florid, therefore
less difficult to portray. Besides, the contrasting
character in that book, Vervain, is so shallow and
insufficient as to make the contrast unsatisfactory
and even painful, and there is a certain cynical flavor,
especially at the close ; whereas, the final impression
left by this book is sweet and wholesome.
Dr. Boynton's daughter Egeria, the heroine of the
story, — whose gradual extrication from the involun-
tary attitude of mediumship is the nominal motive
of the book, — remains, despite the author's efforts,
in that neutral tint from which it is so hard to rescue
one's heroine; nor has modern art yet availed, it
may be said, to rescue one's hero, except by the
device already mentioned, — of making him brusque
and disagreeable. Even this method, however, is
becoming worn out; and Ford, the present lover,
must, after all, be classed with that dynasty of War-
ringtons whom Thackeray has bequeathed to all
succeeding novelists. He is the cultivated Timon
of modern life, who makes his bread by writing for
the newspapers, and finds habitually little to esteem
in men, except that they are not women. " ' Oh,
yes, your odd friend,' said the ladies driving him
(Phillips) home from the station in their phaetons";
and nothing hits off the hero better than this slight
and essentially Howells-like touch. Phillips him-
self, the friend who consents to the ladies and the
phaetons, we find a little vaguer in outline, — far less
marked, indeed, than the fair ones with whom he
consorts, especially those inimitable types of board-
ing-house life whom Mr. Howells has long since
learned to indicate with a single stroke of the brush.
One might confess, without shame, never to have
seen Mr. Phillips ; but for an American citizen not
to have known Mrs. Perham would be to admit that
he had never genteelly boarded.
But the crowning triumph of personal delineation
— after Dr. Boynton himself — is to be found in the
Shaker household, among whose members the action
of the book chiefly lies. It is an equal triumph for
Mr. Howells, first to have discovered this wealth of
new material, and then to have so thoroughly em-
ployed it. The material is, after all, less than the
skill. There is an art akin to Miss Austen's, and
almost beyond her, in the method in which these
people, reducing themselves to an absolute monotony
of costume and coloring, of language and demeanor,
are yet vindicated in their separate individualities at
last, and left as distinct as the world's dress and
speech could have made them. Laban and Hum-
phrey and Elihu, Diantha and Rebecca and Susan,
stand before us as separate human beings still, like
those sisterhoods of commonplace women whom
Miss Austen delights to paint, and among whom no
two are alike, after all ; so that, when a remark is
made, we do not need to be told whether Martha or
Mary made it. And, supreme among this quaint
and kindly company, stands out the sweet and simple
image of Sister Frances, lavishing all her wealth of
" soft, elastic tenderness " upon the suffering girl,
and coming by degrees as near as a Shakeress can
to the perilous verge of sin, in encouraging the " fool-
ishness " of the two lovers, watching over their
wooing up to the very verge of the betrothal kiss,
and then flinging her apron over her head.
It remains to be seen whether this book will win
for itself the wide popularity of " The Lady of the
Aroostook." It may lose some of this fame by its
very merits, — that is, by its profounder study of
character; but, unless we greatly mistake, it will
bear reading many times oftener, and be the guaran-
CULTURE AND PROGRESS.
795
tee to its author of more lasting fame. There were,
moreover, in the previous novel, some faults of taste
and management which are utterly wanting here.
We have heard some youthful readers complain of it
as dull, and there may be some scenes and passages
which would have gained by greater condensation ;
but, in suggesting this, we are admitting all that can
possibly be said by way of complaint, and even this
may be admitting too much. In delicacy of handling,
in fineness and firmness of touch, in that local coloring
to which Mr. James is so provokingly indifferent, this
book ranks with the best work of Mr. Howells;
and in no previous novel has he so trusted himself to
deal with the depths of human character. We close
it with a faith, such as we have never before felt, in
the steady maturing and promise of his rare powers.
Roe's " Success with Small Fruits." *
THE enjoyment with which Mr. Roe's profusely
illustrated essays on the strawberry and other small
fruits were welcomed, when they appeared by month-
ly installments in SCRIBNER'S MONTHLY, will be
warmly revived, if not a little enhanced, by their
judicious enlargement and reproduction in this
superb volume. In addition to the discussion of
some details which were not so appropriate for pres-
entation in popular form, the author has given us
here an entire chapter upon irrigation, which em-
bodies both the novel and the useful side of it. The
benefits of profuse watering, when it can be done
with proper reference to the expense and income
account, are unquestioned; and nowhere are they
more appreciable and salutary than when wisely ap-
plied to the strawberry. This chapter, however,
only professes to give the reader the "first prin-
ciples " of the practice. As it should be, just enough
is said to enable each one to think out and follow up
for himself the complicated conditions which diver-
sify the problem. The condensed statement of what
irrigation has done in some localities in the British
Islands, and in Germany, France and Spain, will,
perhaps, strike the reader, who is not familiar with
the high culture which sometimes prevails there,
with a gentle fillip of surprise.
The author does the strawberry-lover a peculiar
favor in the hint he gives, at the end of this chapter, of
prolonging his pleasure the season through. He says :
"Where unfailing moisture can be maintained,
and plants are not permitted to bear in June, nor to
make runners, almost a full crop may be obtained
in the autumn."
But, to be brief, it is not too much to say that no
earnest grower of small fruits can afford to pass by
the information contained in this book. It rightly
puts the strawberry first, but it furnishes full and
indispensable directions for raising all the edible and
marketable berries, and indicates also the pitfalls and
delusions into which the too enthusiastic amateur is
likely to fall. Mr. Roe's book is never dull, and
you see at once that he is experimentally familiar
with every branch of his subject.
* Success with Small Fruits. By Edward P. Roe. With
Illustrations. New York : Dodd, Mead & Co.
Lang's "Ballades in Blue China."*
THIS dainty and delicate little volume, with its
title-page in azure, and its vellum-paper cover, is the
prettiest product of the English press of late, and
almost worthy to be placed beside the beautiful work
of M. Jouaust and M. Lemerre. It is eight years
since Mr. Lang put forth his first volume of poems,
" Ballads and Lyrics of Old France," and in that time
new fashions have arisen in the making of verse and
in the making of books. For now a little while
study has been given to the old French metrical
forms ; and attempts are even beginning to be made
to imitate the style in which French publishers have
sent forth the poems of the younger Parnassians.
With the judgment of a poet of liberal culture, Mr.
Lang has chosen that one of the old French forms
which has the best hope of permanence in English
verse. The ballade, far above rondel or rondeau or
villanelle, is flexible and flowing, lending itself read-
ily to irony and scorn, satire, pathos, passion, play-
fulness or even pure fun. It has its place beside
the sonnet, and second only to the sonnet The
" Ballade of Blue China," which gives a title
to the collection, appeared in the pages of this
magazine but a few months ago ; in some measure,
it is the best of all, and fully justifies the words of a
neat dizain which appears at the end of the series,
and to which are appended the initials "A. D."
(The book is dedicated to Mr. Austin Dobson. )
Mr. Lang is multifarious, and as we turn the
pages we can see the crossing tracks of his diverg-
ing studies. He is a bibliomaniac, and we have the
" Ballade of the Book Hunter," and also the
" Ballade of True Wisdom " — from a text of Jules
Janin's. He has made a prose translation of Theoc-
ritus, now just published in England, and so we have
a ballade to him of Syracuse. He is a folk-lorist, and
here is a lightsome double ballade of Primitive Man.
He is a Scotchman, and we find two ballades in dia-
lect He is fond of old poets, and he gives us here
ballades translated, one from Horace, another from
La Fontaine, and two from Villon. He knows the
modern French poets, and we have here two ballades
after M. Theodore de Banville, who is the resuscita-
tor of the form, and by whose " Trente-six Ballades
Joyeuses " this collection was doubtless suggested ;
we miss, however, the fine rendering of the ballade
from " Gringoire," which we admired in Mr. Lang's
" New Quarterly Magazine " essay on de Banville.
Above all, Mr. Lang is a very clever man, a poet,
with a neat humor, and a keen sense of the contrasts
of life, — and so we read the ballades of" Cleopatra's
Needle," and of "Autumn" and "Life." As
characteristic as any is this :
" BALLADE OF ROULETTE.
" THIS life—one was thinking to-day
In the midst of a medley of fancies —
Is a game, and the board where we play,
Green earth with her poppies and pansies.
Let manq-ue be faded romances,
Be passe remorse and regret ;
Hearts dance with the wheel as it dances —
The wheel of Dame Fortune's roulette.
* XXII. Ballades in Blue China. By A. Lang.
C. Kegan Paul & Co.
London :
796
CULTURE AND PROGRESS.
" The lover will stake as he may
His heart on his Peggies and Nancies ;
The girl has her beauty to lay;
The saint has his prayers and his trances ;
The poet bets endless expanses
In dreamland; the scamp has his debt:
How they gaze at the wheel as it glances-
The wheel of Dame Fortune's roulette 1
" The kaiser will stake his array
Of sabers, of Krupps and of lances;
An Englishman punts with his pay,
And glory the jeton of France is;
Your artists, or Whistlers or Vances,
Have voices or colors to bet;
Will you moan that its motion askance is-
The wheel of Dame Fortune's roulette ?
" ENVOY.
" The prize that the pleasure enhances ?
The prize is — at last to forget
The changes, the chops and the chances —
The wheel of Dame Fortune's roulette."
Gail Hamilton's " Common-School System." *
THERE are essays well enough in the columns of a
daily newspaper, or of a magazine, and there are
others which will bear being put into book form.
Those which compose this volume fall only under
the former class. It may be safe for a clergyman to
preach on faith one Sunday and on works the next,
because seven days intervene between the two
sermons ; but when he prints them side by side in a
volume, his readers may demand a third statement,
which shall be broad enough to include the contra-
diction of the other two. The contradictions of this
book are too numerous to be mentioned. The doc-
trine preached in the first chapter, that the more
capable workman should have the higher salary,
though he do less actual work, is implicitly attacked
and held up to ridicule ; toward the close of the sec-
ond, on page 31, we are told that " the high school
does not bestow anything to be compared to the
private academies and colleges. " Page 67 says : " The
high schools do give pupils, so far as they go, a good
classical education. " But it is useless to attempt to
name the numberless contradictions — the last and
crowning one of which is, after attacking all the
ideas of the president of Harvard University, to
preach and enforce his own doctrine of common-
school education only eleven pages after. There are
two sides to every question, but the man who sees
the two sides as separate and contradictory is not
much nearer the truth than he who sees only one.
The book in question, by its comprehensive title,
claims to speak for the whole country, but most of
its chapters are aimed at the schools of a very small
section, and are strongly provincial. Of its sixteen
chapters, seven are devoted to a violent attack on
the school supervision ; the rest attack, one by one,
high schools, industrial schools, normal schools,
teachers and school boards. After reading them
through, one feels as if escaped from an unreasoning
cyclone, which has left nothing but ruins behind it —
unless, indeed, he should quote : " Here," said Mr.
Caudle, "I fell asleep."
* Our Common-School System. By Gail Hamilton. Bos-
ton : Estes & Laureat.
But the work of wholesale destruction is not a
great one. Fault may be found by any one with
anything. It seems a pity that Gail Hamilton should
not apply her vigor otherwise than to such whole-
sale and intemperate denunciations of the schools of
a whole country — denunciations supported by long,
detailed accounts of individual cases. There are,
doubtless, poor school superintendents, and the per-
centage of poor teachers in the immense total is, per-
haps, fully equal to the percentage of poor lawyers,
physicians, clergymen or essay writers. But to gen-
eralize in the way used in these chapters is unreason,
able. To assume that private schools, as such, are
superior to public schools, as such, and to give the
impression that almost all women teachers are good
and hard-working, and almost all men teachers poor,
lazy and ill-bred, is foolishness. Logically, to follow
the advice of this author, we should at once abolish
all school boards, superintendents, normal schools,
high schools, principals, and, in fact, all teachers.
The remainder would be only school-houses and
children. It is easy to criticise and ridicule, in
language borrowed from " Pinafore," the common
schools of the United States. It is easy for a New
Englander to take it for granted that the disagree-
ments of the late superintendent of the Boston schools
with the supervisors possess a national interest, and
that the schools all over the country " take their
pitch" from Boston. But such is no longer the case.
The schools of the great western cities do not con-
cern themselves with -what Boston does, or does not
do, and she who attempts to generalize from that
city, while heaping scorn and ridicule upon it, dis-
plays only her own ignorance of anything that can
be called " Our Common-School System."
The right or the duty of the State to establish, by
taxation, schools for the education of all its children,
is a question not to be flippantly decided by an asser-
tion, and just where that duty, if conceded, ceases, is
another which demands grave consideration and cool
discussion. It were well, however, to remember the
answer of Matthew Arnold, who, after officially mak-
ing an exhaustive study of the secondary schools of
Europe, replied to one asking : " How shall we im-
prove our primary schools ? " " Reform your sec-
ondary schools," and to the question : " How shall
we reform our secondary schools ? " " Reform your
colleges and universities." The key of the educa-
tional position is in the upper rooms, not in the lower.
It were also well for an author to learn something
more about a teacher than she does, when she asserts
that " even a veteran teacher cannot do her work
well when watched." She might as well say that
the Speaker of the House of Representatives could
not preside well if there were spectators in the gal-
lery, or that Charlotte Cushman could not have done
herself or her part justice if there had been ushers
in the aisles of the theater. It were also well for her
to know somewhat of some real normal schools, and
their results, before she attempts to tell what they
are, or are not. Sarcasm is easy, but sarcasm often
aims more at self-glorification than at the accom-
plishment of wise and desirable ends.
THE WORLD'S WORK.
797
THE WORLD'S WORK.
New Hot-Air Pumping Engine.
HOT-AIR or caloric motors of low power are in
general use, and fill an important duty in furnishing
power for turning light machinery and in pumping
water. Some of the best of these have been already
described in this department. A new motor de-
signed for pumping water, though the subject of
many years of experimenting on the part of the
inventor, has recently been built upon a commercial
scale, and seems likely to fill a want wherever mod-
erate quantities of water are to be lifted a short
distance cheaply. The engine consists of an up-
right cylinder, cast in one piece, the lower portion
being suspended in the fire-box or furnace, while
the upper portion is surrounded by a water-jacket.
This cylinder is supported in the center by a simple
iron table having four legs, and raised high enough
to admit the furnace under the table. The furnace
under the cylinder may be a small, cylindrical wood
or coal stove, with a suitable chimney, or three gas-
jets inclosed by a sheet-iron box, having an opening
at the top for the escape of the products of com-
bustion. The use of gas is to be preferred to coal
or wood wherever it can be obtained, as it is cleaner,
cheaper, and much less liable to injure the machine
by overheating. The moving parts consist of two
pistons, placed one over the other in the cylinder,
and their proper connections by means of a walking-
beam and bell-crank. The theory of the engine is
this : the lower piston, or plunger, is quite long, fill-
ing about one-third of the cylinder, and not quite
touching the sides and bottom. Studs on the sides
of the plunger serve to guide it in the cylinder.
The upper piston fits the cylinder air-tight, or very
nearly so, and moves up and down in the cylinder
over a portion of the part that is water -jacketed, the
upper side of the piston being exposed to the air.
The rod for the plunger passes through the center
of the piston rod, and both plunger and piston move
independently of each other. On starting the fire
under the cylinder the air inside becomes heated,
and by giving the fly-wheel a slight push the motor
starts into operation in this manner : the plunger
descends quickly, driving the heated air at the lower
end of the cylinder past the sides of the plunger to
the upper part of the cylinder, where it meets the
piston and forces it upward, and giving the first
stroke to the engine. At the same time, the hot air
meets the cold sides of the jacketed portion of the
cylinder and contracts, makes a partial vacuum
under the piston and escapes back to the lower
portion of the cylinder, where it is again heated.
The fly-wheel carries the plunger down again with a
quick stroke that compresses the heated air, and it
again expands suddenly and reacts upon the piston
above, when the action is repeated. It will be ob-
served that the same air is used continuously, being
alternately heated and cooled, expanded and con-
tracted; the conversion from one condition to the
other developing the power required to keep the
machine in motion and enable it to do useful work.
The system of cranks for controlling the movements
of plunger and piston is exceedingly simple and
ingenious, and in operation the motor works in
silence. The pump is placed at the side of the
cylinder, and is connected directly with the walking-
beam moved by the piston. It takes the water
through a suction-pipe and passes it through the
water-jacket and thence on to the discharge, the
slight absorption of heat in passing through the
jacket being of no particular consequence, while the
fact that none of the water passes the jacket twice
insures a constant supply of cold water in cooling the
cylinder. The motor is made in two sizes, the
larger size with a cylinder 20 m. (8 in. ) in diameter
and consuming 420 cubic decim. (15 ft.) of gas per
hour, having a duty of 1400 liters (350 gals.), raised
15.07 m. (50 ft.) an hour. It cannot explode, nor
is there danger of fire, and any intelligent person
may learn to use it with safety in half an hour.
The Topophone.
THIS novel and interesting instrument is, as its
name indicates, an apparatus for discovering the
place or position of a sound. Its practical use is
to discover the position of a source of sound. Its
commercial value will be seen when it is observed
that it stands to the navigator in the same relation as
the compass and sextant. While the compass points
out to the sailing-master at sea the position of a
known point on the earth, and the sextant points
out his position on the earth's surface, the topophone
will prove of equal value in determining the position,
and the distance from, of an invisible source of sound,
either on land or on another vessel. On approach-
ing a coast in the night and observing a light, the
compass indicates, by the aid of the chart and sail-
798
THE WORLD'S WORK.
ing directions, the course to be pursued in entering
the port. In like manner, when, in a fog, the sound
of a fog-horn is heard, either on the land or afloat,
the topophone indicates to the navigator the precise
direction from which the sound proceeds, and by
simple experiment will give its exact distance. Thus,
by the use of the topophone, it would be possible to
enter and pass up the Delaware bay and river in a
thick fog, and to navigate the difficult and intricate
channel as readily as may now be done on a clear
night by aid of the lights and a compass. In a fog
it is not possible for the ear to decide with unfailing
precision the direction in which a sound is heard. It
can be done approximately by trained pilots, but all
persons are liable to be deceived in listening to the
sound of a fog-horn, and may be unable to decide
within several degrees the direction of the source of
sound. No one can by ear decide the distance of the
horn, and it is from this aural defect that a great num-
ber of collisions at sea and wrecks upon the coast may
be directly traced. The topophone points out in a
few seconds the exact position of the horn, and in a
few minutes will give its distance within a few meters.
The conception of this instrument was based on a
correct apprehension of a sound-wave as it exists in-
visible in the air, its invention was a direct proof of
the supposed form of a sound-wave, and it gives the
first demonstration of some of the most interesting
laws in the physics of sound. A sound, whatever
its character, pitch, loudness or source, has been con-
ceived as a globe continually expanding in the air,
and composed of a wave formed by a compression,
followed by a rarefaction of the air. A continuous
sound would be a series of these globes, one within
the other, the smallest at the center or source of
sound, the largest on the outside, and all continually
expanding and spreading outward. It is now easy
to understand that, if the hands were sensitive to the
sound, we might stretch the arms at full length at
right angles with the body and level with the head,
and face the sound, when each hand would touch the
edge of one of these splierical sound-waves at the
same time. In this case, the observer would face the
source of sound and look in a direction which would
be a radius of the circle formed by the sound-wave.
If he now turned away from the source of sound, one
hand only would touch the wave of sound. If the
hands were sensitive to the touch of the wave, it is
easy to see that the observer might turn about till he
felt that both hands touched the same wave. When
they did, he must of necessity face the source of
sound, whether he was able to see it or not. Any
position in which the hands did not touch the wave
at the same instant would be wrong, and thus, by
simply turning about, the observer could discover
the direction from which the sound came. This is
the theory of the topophone. Its practical applica-
tion is secured by the use of two metallic resonators,
turned in unison with the source of sound. These
resonators are placed on a wooden yoke, designed
to be worn upon the shoulders, or to be placed upon
an upright standard on the ship's deck. From each
of these resonators is taken an ear tube (of rubber
or metal) that leads to the cabin below, or toward the
observer's head, in case the apparatus is worn on the
shoulders in the open air. These tubes unite be-
hind the apparatus and then bifurcate again, and end in
ear-pieces designed to fit the observer's ears. In the
case of the apparatus placed on the ship's deck, the
standard supporting the yoke passes through the
deck to a table in the cabin, where it is supported on
a pivot so that it may be freely turned about, and
cause the yoke to move in a horizontal plane. The
table is marked with the points of the compass, and
a pointer on the standard serves to show on the table
the direction in which the resonators are facing.
When the apparatus is worn by the observer, he
does not need the compass nor pointer. When, in a
fog, the navigator hears a fog-horn and wishes to
know its exact direction, he goes to the cabin, places
the ear-pieces in his ears and listens to the sound,
while slowly turning the apparatus around. Until
the two resonators face the source of sound, and each
touches the edge of the same sound-wave at the same
instant, he hears the horn without change, except
that it is somewhat louder. The instant the two
resonators receive the wave at the same time, there is
a change in the loudness of the sound. It drops to a
low murmur, or is altogether extinguished, and he
hears nothing. Looking on the table, the pointer
indicates the direction of the sound, or, in other
words, the position of the fog-horn. In using the
instrument on deck, he finds he is facing the horn
when the sound is extinguished in the apparatus. In
either case he has the desired information, and from
his chart knows his position in relation to the horn,
though it is shrouded in mist. To ascertain his dis-
tance from the horn, he sails a known distance and
repeats the experiment. This gives him a base line
and two directions from the horn, the three forming
a triangle, from which he may easily compute the
distance of the unseen horn.
A continuous sound, like that of a fog-horn of a
known pitch, gives a series of sound-waves of a
known length. Each is composed of a compression
and rarefaction separated by a known distance, this
distance making a wave length. The topophone is
based on this fact : it can be imagined that, if one
resonator were advanced in front of the other one-
half a wave length, that one would receive the com-
pressed part or crest of the wave while the other
was receiving the rarefied part, or the hollow of the
wave, and if these met in the ear through the tubes
the hearer would receive two sensations — a compres-
sion and rarefaction at the same time. The result
would be either a confusion of sensation or a neutral-
ization of the crest and hollow of the wave ; in other
words, nothing — or silence. The most striking feat-
ure of the topophone is in the arrangement of the
tubes that lead the sound from the two resonators to
the ear. One tube is half a wave length longer than
the other, and thus, while the resonators are in a line
and receive the wave at the same time, one ear hears
the crest while the other hears the hollow, because
the one or the other has taken longer time to travel
through the longer tube. The tube being a half wave
length longer, crest and hollow reach the ear at the
same time, neutralizing each other and producing
BRIC-A-BRAC.
799
silence. - The topophone has been fully tested upon
the coast. The one objection that has been raised to
the instrument is, that fog-horns are of various pitches,
while the topophone is of no use except when nearly
in tune with the note of the horn. On the other
hand, it may be observed that the United States fog-
horns used on our sea and lake coasts are sirens, and
capable of any pitch. In point of fact, they are all
used upon very nearly the same pitch, it having been
found that treble C, of about 260 vibrations per
second, is the best note for such an alarm. Steamer
whistles are, it is true, of various pitches, but it is
certainly no more difficult to compel vessels to use
whistles and horns of a uniform pitch than it is to
compel them, as now, to use lights of a uniform color.
The topophone is the invention of Professor Alfred
M. Mayer, and reflects great credit upon the inventor
and upon American science.
BRIC-A-BRAC.
I Promessi Sposi.
A SONNET IN DIALOGUE.
With full indications of all the stage business, entrances, exits, etc., etc.
CAST OF CHARACTERS.
SHE, a young lady, betrothed to him in his cradle, but has not seen him since.
HE, a young gentleman, betrothed to her in her cradle, but has not seen her since.
Time : the early summer of 1880.
SCENE. A summer-hotel piazza. Door C., kading to fwtel parlor. Steps R., rising from hotel garden. Rustic rocking-
chair, L. C. Sunset effect toward end of scene.
SHE (entering door C. from parlor). Is this not Edwin? Or do I mistake?
~fi.v. (entering up steps R.). 'Tis Angelina ! (crosses C. and shakes hands) whose life with mine shall blend —
SHE (interrupting impatiently). So said our parents! but the fates forefend!
HE (aside, joyfully). She loves me not! (aloud, with affected grief ) Do you our troth forsake?
SHE (energetically). Better a promise than a heart to break?
HE (with false pathos). And is our long engagement now to end?
SHE (with feminine candor). I always shall regard you as a friend.
HE (hypocritically laying his hand on his heart). But ho^rshall that be balm unto this ache?
SHE (with consoling wisdom). Wedlock, alas, is oft a state of strife !
HE (changing tone). To marry us was but our parents' plan.
SHE (with retuming coquetry). You'll never be my husband, sir, I fear (sits in rocking chair, L. C.).
HE (anxiously). Pray tell me why you cannot be my wife?
SHE (with hesitating frankness). Well — I'm engaged — to — to another man!
HE (greatly relieved and highly exultant). And I've been married now for nigh a year!
She starts up with ill-repressed and feminine dissatisfaction. He lights the masculine cigar of inde-
pendence.
TABLEAU.
[CURTAIN.]
J. B. M.
The Archery Meeting.
A LAWN of velvet; reared at either side
A flaring target like a viking's shield;
A brave old mansion ; here and there descried
Fair groups in courtly attitudes afield,
Such as quaint Watteau painted ;
With bows of lancewood, tufted shafts ablaze
From gaudy quivers, and costumes to match
July suggestions — limpid greens and grays,
Light-blues and lilacs, such as lift the latch
To make extremes acquainted ;
And sweet, low laughs, like voiced smiles, that blend
With drip of bird-trills from lawn's end to end.
Then one by one, in soft or manly pose,
The archers alternating, man and maid ;
Shafts notched at string, adjustment of slim bows,
The sweep from arm's-length unto shoulder-blade,
The arrows sharply whistling.
Nine for the bull's-eye, seven for the red,
The drab five counting, and the black but three,
While, circling round the outer white, are spread
The errant units, till the targe we see
Like a thronged marsh-pool bristling.
Then tallies marked, the shafts regained, and then
The sward walked over, to begin again.
No dream, I trow, of greenwood sports of old,
Such as Maid Marian's, with her outlawed freres.
Attends this latest freak of fashion's mold —
No quivered bravery of red compeers
Its modish current jeopards;
But all is gentle, suave — a goodly share
Of parlor graces with free movement blent ;
Formal, polite, high-bred and debonnaire,
It still repeats the nice impression lent
By Watteau and his shepherds,
Where picturesque and etiquette impart
Their odd companionship to mannered art.
A snowy cloth ; a luncheon rarely heaped ;
The laughter jocund now that lately purred ;
The meeds apportioned and the honors reaped ;
With bow-and-arrow wit that takes the word
From smiles and looks of greeting.
And over all a spirit and a charm
Of ease conventional — of pastime held
In leash from gush, with naught to give alarm
To that reposeful stateliness compelled
By grace with skill competing.
No harm done, and the end in view attained —
The blind god through fresh paces led and trained.
NATHAN D. URNER.
8oo
BRIC-A-BRAC.
The Ballade of the Candidate.
WHO is it stands, without retreating,
In thirsty morn and twilight late,
With warmth unwonted all men greeting,
Who is it stands by the outer gate ?
It is — it is the candidate
Whose backbone is thus oft deflected ;
His name is on the Boss's slate:
He begs that he may be elected.
By day he does his duty, treating
To meat and drink both small and great ;
He feels his pocket fast depleting;
He cannot bear to contemplate
The doubt he cannot but create, —
The thought that he may be rejected, —
The dread that makes him desperate.
He begs that he may be elected.
At night his dreams are few and fleeting,
He faintly sees his future fate ;
He fears the foe may try " repeating,"
Or fraudulently perpetrate
Some vile attempt to captivate
Such voters as are disaffected.
In fright he wakes unfortunate:
He begs that he may be elected.
ENVOY.
Voters ! whose voices guide the state,
Now shall ye find, were he dissected,
No principles within his pate ;
He begs — that he may be elected. %
ARTHUR I!|NN.
Indecision.
I LOVE her ! Words cannot express
The joy with which her presence fills me.
The soft touch of her hand, her dress
Against my arm with rapture thrills me.
I yearn to call her mine, but still
(Excuse me if my sorrows trouble you)
She says I am her dearest Will,
And writes it with a lower-case w.
Fresh as a rosebud newly born
With morning's dew-drop still upon it;
Graces that ne'er did queen adorn,
Worthy of poet's noblest sonnet;
A heart as sunny as a bird's,
Ah, were I free my life to pledge her !
Were I but sure she'd find my words
Sweet as her heroes' of the " Ledger " !
I sang to her an old, old song,
(An excellent hint from Coleridge taking) —
The tale of one whose heart had long
With untold love been slowly breaking.
I ceased ; but though upon her face
Love, pity, maiden shame were blended,
Instead of Genevieve's embrace
She only murmured, " That is splendid ! "
Queen of home arts, she seems to cast
Sunshine and song 'round all who meet her.
No rare Madonna of the past
Was ever purer, gentler, sweeter.
A home with her — but no, I fear
It cannot be. How could I bear
To hear her play, year after year,
Her single piece — the " Maiden's Prayer " ?
JACOB F. HENRICI.
Uncle Esek's Wisdom.
THOSE men whose brains are few but active, are
the most successful in business.
Monuments do not prove very much after all ; some
of the wisest and best men who have ever lived are
buried, no one knows where.
True merit is always a little suspicious of praise.
There is no suffering equal to fear, for it has no
limit.
It is generally safe to converse freely with an
unreserved talker, but when a man lets you carry on
all the conversation it is well to be on your guard,
for the probability is, he is taking your measure.
There is no strength in exaggeration ; even the
truth is weakened by being expressed too strongly.
One reason why we all grow wise so slowly, is
because we nurse our mistakes too fondly.
Men owe their resolution, and most of their suc-
cess, to the opposition they meet with.
Building air-castles is a harmless business as
long as you don't attempt to live in them.
Unfortunately, the only pedigree worth having is
one that can neither be transmitted nor inherited.
The more virtuous a man is the more virtue does
he see in others.
A strong man is one whose passions stimulate his
reason and whose reason controls his passions.
The divinity of charity , consists in relieving a
man's needs before they are forced upon us.
A man is great, just in proportion to his superior-
ity to the condition of life in which he is placed.
A weak man is worse than an insane one, for the
latter may be cured or kept harmless.
Charity is a first mortgage on every human being's
possessions.
A man cannot do good nor evil to others without
doing good or evil to himself.
That man whom you can treat with unreserved
familiarity, at the same time preserving your dig-
nity and his respect, is a rare companion, and his
acquaintance should be cultivated.
He who loves to read, and knows how to reflect,
has laid by a perpetual feast for his old age.
Opportunities are very sensitive things ; if you
slight them on their first visit, you seldom see them
again.
One of the kindest things heaven has done for
man is denying him the power of looking into the
future.
Mankind all suffer alike, but some know how to
conceal their troubles better than others.
ScRiBNER's MONTHLY.
VOL. XX.
OCTOBER, 1880.
No. 6.
PORPOISE-SHOOTING.
SHOOTING A PORPOISE.
' CANOE ahoy-oy-oy ! "
' Ahoy-oy-oy."
'Where are you bound?"
'Indian Beach, Grand Menan.''
' You can't fetch it, in this wind and sea;
better come aboard the schooner."
The hail came from an outward bound
pilot-boat, running down the Bay of Fundy,
close-reefed, in a strong breeze, and was ad-
dressed to the writer and his Indian friend
Sebatis, who .were crossing the bay in a
canoe bound to Indian Beach, Grand
Menan, on a porpoise-shooting expedition.
" Sebatis, the men in the schooner want
to take us aboard ; they say that there is
too much wind and sea to fetch Indian
Beach with the canoe."
VOL. XX.— 52.'
"No danger; canoe best; we fetch 'im
Indian Beach all safe — s'pose we go on
pilot-boat, sartin very sea-sick."
On hearing Sebatis's remark, a hearty
laugh and a cheer came from the crew of
the pilot-boat, and, thanking them for their
kind intentions, we bore away for our des-
tination.
To one unaccustomed to the sea-worthy
qualities of' a birch canoe properly handled,
the situation would have seemed a perilous
one, for the sea was running high, and the
breeze stiffening.
"Look out, Sebatis!" I exclaimed, invol-
untarily, as the spray from a sea breaking
almost aboard of us drenched me.
"All right, no danger 'tall, only little wet."
[Copyright, 1880, by Scribner & Co. All rights reserved.]
802
PORPOISE-SHO O TING,
SEBAT1S IN A PERILOUS SITUATION.
" I'm afraid we'll be swamped, Sebatis."
" No chance swamp 'im, I watch canoe
so close, you see, water can't come 'board
'tall."
I began to think that our situation very
much resembled that of the old Indian
who, for lack of a sail, put up a big bush in
the bow of his canoe; — all went well with
him until the wind increased to a gale
and he could not get forward to reef his
bush. So he sat like a statue, steering
with his paddle, and repeating, in a mourn-
ful monotone:
" Too much bush, too much bush, for
little canoe."
With this in my mind, I said to Sebatis :
" Don't you think that we are carrying too
much sail ? A heavy squall might upset us."
" Well, you see," he replied, " no chance
reef 'im now, wind so heavy, but I take care,
got sheet in my hand, s'pose squall, then I
let go pretty quick."
He had the sheet in his hand, as he said,
and was steering with the paddle in the
other, whale-boat fashion. So I took heart
of grace and troubled myself no more about
the matter.
" You hear 'im wolves ? " said Sebatis,
pointing to a low-lying group of rocky
islands that have crushed many a noble
ship with their ugly fangs; "make good deal
noise " (alluding to the surf) ; " wind shift
now — fair all way Indian Beach."
And away we bounded, the canoe riding
the waves like a duck, and so buoyantly
that at times six feet of her length were out
of water.
After another hour's sailing :
" Only a little ways now," said Sebatis.
u Just 'round big headland, then no wind,
only sea pretty heavy."
In a few moments we doubled the head-
land safely, and Sebatis unstepped the mast
and stowed the sail in the bottom of the
canoe, then resumed his paddle.
On viewing our prospect for landing, I
must confess to more anxiety than I had
hitherto experienced. True, we were out
of the wind, but the night was shutting
down apace, and a transient gleam from
the storm-rent clouds disclosed the sea roll-
ing in on the beach in such a manner as to
make our landing, in the treacherous light
of the departing day, a dangerous one.
" Now then," exclaimed Sebatis, " s'pose
you jump overboard, and run right up the
beach, when I give the word. I'll beach
the canoe all 'lone myself."
He was paddling with might and main,
and we were successfully riding the waves
within one hundred yards of the beach.
" Now then, jump quick, and run," he
cried, as a receding wave left us in a swash-
ing undertow.
I was overboard in an instant and strug-
gled out of the reach of the sea. After
holding the canoe steady while I jumped,
Sebatis followed, and, partly dragging and
partly carrying the canoe, beached her high
and dry.
PORPOISE-SHOOTING.
803
We were now on Indian Beach, where the
Indians camp for the summer and autumn
porpoise-shooting. The beach extends for
about half a mile, between two projecting
headlands, and the camps, constructed of
drift-wood, are placed just above high-water
mark, and under the shelter of the over-
hanging cliffs.
Drenched with salt water, and as hungry
as wolves, we unpacked the canoe and
carried our "possibles" to Sebatis's camp.
Porpoise-shooting affords to the Indians
of the Passamaquoddy tribe their principal
means of support. It is practiced at all
seasons of the year, but the fish killed in the
winter are the fattest and give the largest
quantities of oil. The largest-sized porpoises
measure about seven feet in length, about the
girth five feet, weigh three hundred pounds
and upward, and yield from six to seven gal-
lons of oil. The blubber is about one and
one-half inches thick in summer, and two
inches thick in winter, at which time the
creature is in its best condition. The
blubber from a large porpoise weighs about
one hundred pounds. The Indians try out
the oil in a very primitive manner, and
with very rude but picturesque appliances.
The blubber is stripped off, then cut into
small pieces, which are placed in huge iron
pots and melted over a fire. Air along the
beach were placed, at intervals, curious
structures, consisting of two upright pieces
of wood surmounted by a cross-piece, from
which the pots were hung by chains.
Under this cross-piece large stones were
piled in a semicircle, inside of which a fire
was made that was allowed to burn fiercely
until the stones were at a white heat. The
fire was then scattered, and the pots con-
taining the blubber were placed over the
stones and just enough fire kept under them
to insure the melting of the blubber. When
melted, the oil was skimmed off into other
receptacles, then poured into tin cans of
about five gallons capacity, and the process
was complete. If the oil is pure, it readily
brings ninety cents per gallon, but if adul-
terated with seal, or any other inferior oil,
its value is reduced to sixty-five cents per
gallon. A very superior oil is obtained
from the jaw of the porpoise. The jaws are
hung up in the sun, and the oil, as it drips,
is caught in cans placed for that purpose.
The quantity of oil thus procured is small,
being only about half of a pint from each
jaw, but a large price is paid for it by watch-
makers and others requiring a very fine
lubricator. The oil from the blubber gives
a very good light, and was for a long time
used in all the light-houses on the coast.
It is also a capital oil for lubricating ma-
chinery, never gets sticky, and is unaffected
by cold weather. When pure, there is no
offensive smell, and I know of no oil equal
to it for those who are compelled to use
SPEARING A PORPOISE.
804
PORPOISE-SHOOTING.
THE CAMP AT INDIAN BEACH.
their eyes at night. The light is very
soft, and, used in a German student's lamp,
one can work almost as comfortably as
by daylight, and the dreaded glare of
gas and other artificial lights is completely
avoided.
If industrious, and favored with ordinary
success, an Indian can kill from one hundred
and fifty to two hundred porpoises in a year,
and they will probably average three gallons
of oil each. But, unfortunately, the poor
.Indians are not industrious, or only so by
fits and starts, or as necessity compels them.
Their way is usually to accumulate some
fifteen or twenty gallons of oil, then go off
to Eastport, Maine, with it, for a market.
Thus, much time is lost in loitering about
the towns, and in going to and returning
from the hunting-grounds. Moreover, there
are always two Indians to each canoe, and
the proceeds of the hunt have to be divided.
There is quite a good demand for the oil,
and, if systematically followed, porpoise-
shooting would furnish the Indians with a
comfortable support. The flesh of the por-
poise, when cooked, is not unlike fresh
pork, and at one time was much used.
The Indians still use it, and it is also in re-
quest by the fishermen on the coast, who
readily exchange fresh fish for " porpus "
meat with the Indians.
Almost unknown to the outside world,
here is an industry followed by these poor
Indians, year after year, calling in its pur-
suit for more bravery, skill and endurance
than perhaps any other occupation. I could
not help feeling a melancholy interest in
them and their pursuits as I sat on the beach
at sunrise, watching them embark on their
perilous work. For these poor creatures,
" porpusin' " possessed an all-absorbing in-
terest, and the chances of success, state of
weather and price obtainable for the oil
were matters of every-day discussion.
In the morning, all the women and chil-
dren turned out to see the canoes go off, and
if during the day a storm came up, or the
canoes were unusually late in returning,
many anxious eyes would be turned seaward.
They were always pleasant and good-natured
with one another, and in general returned from
the hunt about three o'clock in the afternoon.
After dinner, one would have thought that,
tired out with their exertions, they would
have sought repose; but they did not seem
to need it, and the rest of the day until sun-
down would be spent in friendly games upon
the beach.
To make a successful porpoise-hunter re-
quires five or six years of constant practice.
Boys, ten or twelve years of age, are taken
out in the canoes by the men, and thus early
trained in the pursuit of that which is to form
their main support in after years. Porpoise-
shooting is followed at all seasons and in all
kinds of weather — in the summer sea, in the
boisterous autumn gales, and in the dreadful
icy seas of midwinter. In a calm summer
day, the porpoise can be heard blowing for
a long distance. The Indians, guided by
PORPOISE-SHOOTING.
805
the sound long before they can see the
game, paddle rapidly in the direction from
which the sound comes, and rarely fail to
secure the fish. They use long smooth-bored
guns, loaded with a handful of powder, and
a heavy charge of double B shot. As soon
as the porpoise is shot, they paddle rapidly
up to him and kill him with a spear, to pre-
vent his flopping about, and upsetting the
canoe after they have taken him aboard.
The manner of taking the porpoise aboard
is to insert two fingers of the right hand into
the blow-hole, take hold of the pectoral fin
with the left hand, and lift the fish up until
at least one-half of his length is above the
gunwale of the canoe, and then drag him
aboard.
only under circumstances where the Indian's
skill or foresight are unavailing. When an
Indian stands up in his canoe, in rough
water, he suits himself to every motion of
his frail craft, and is ever ready to sway his
body and keep her on an even keel. In
this he is ably seconded by his comrade who
manages the paddle, and with marvelous
dexterity urges the canoe forward, checks
her, backs her, whirls her completely around,
or holds her steady as a rock, as the emer-
gency may require.
Although an old and experienced canoeist,
in the matter of shooting porpoises from a
canoe in a heavy sea, and taking them aboard ,
I often feel inclined to side with my friend
Colonel W , who once arranged a por-
TAKING A PORPOISE ABOARD IN ROUGH WATER.
This is comparatively easy to accomplish
in smooth water, but when the feat is per-
formed in a heavy sea, one can realize the
skill and daring required. In rough weath-
er, with a high sea running, the Indian is
compelled to stand up in his canoe when he
fires, otherwise he could not see his game.
In such work as this, one would suppose that
upsets would be almost unavoidable, but
strange to say they seldom happen, — and
poise-shooting expedition on shares with an
Indian named Paul. It was the Colonel's
first, and, I may add, last experience in this
kind of shooting, for the Indian, having shot
a very large porpoise, paddled rapidly up to
him, speared him, and was in the act of haul-
ing him aboard, when the Colonel recovered
his power of speech, and excitedly exclaimed :
" Hold on, Paul, hold on ; how much is
that porpoise worth ? "
8o6
PORPOISE-SHOOTING.
BEACHING THE CANOE.
" How much worth ? May be five dol-
lars."
" Well, Paul, I'll pay you half, and we
wont take the porpoise in."
" No," replied Paul, " I pay you half;
sartin, we take in 'im porpus."
The Colonel's appeal was of no avail, as
they were surrounded by other canoes simi-
larly occupied, and it was a point of honor
with Paul to take the porpoise aboard,
otherwise he might have been suspected of
cowardice.
Not unfrequently, as the Indian hastily
paddles up to dispatch a wounded porpoise
with his spear, he sees the terrible dorsal-fin
of a shark appear, cutting the water, as the
monster, attracted by the scent of blood,
rushes to dispute possession of the prey.
Although there are well authenticated
cases of a shark's having actually cut the
porpoise in half just as the Indian was haul-
ing it aboard of his canoe, I have never
heard of any harm resulting to the Indians
from attacks of this nature ; nor do they in
the least fear the sharks, but, on the contrary,
boldly attack and drive them off with their
long spears.
One evening, after I had passed several
days on the Indian Beach, sketching and
making studies, Sebatis returned from visit-
ing one of the camps and said :
"S'pose you like to try 'im porpusin', I
find very good hand go with us."
"Who is he, Sebatis?"
" You never see 'im 'tall, his name's Piel-
toma."
"When do we start?"
" May be about daylight, s'pose no fog."
Judging by my experience during the few
days that I had been on the island, Sebatis's
proviso about the fog seemed likely to in-
definitely postpone our expedition. Whence
the fog came, or whither it went, seemed
one of those things that no person could
find out. At times, when the sun was
shining brightly, the distant cliffs would
suddenly become obscured as if a veil had
been dropped over them, then nearer objects
would become indistinct, and while one was
wondering at the rapid change, everything
animate and inanimate would vanish as if
by magic. For a time, silence reigned
supreme, then a din as of the infernal regions
began. First, a big steam-whistle on the
land half a mile away sent out its melancholy
boo-oo-oo in warning to passing mariners,
then from the sea came the answering
whistle of some passing steamer, then the
fishermen at anchor in the bay blew their
tin fog-horns, and their conch-shell fog-
horns, until at last one became thoroughly
convinced that every conceivable and in-
conceivable form of "American devil," as
the English term our steam- whistle, was
faithfully represented in the uproar. Now
and then, during an interlude, a sound that
PORPOISE-SHO O TING.
807
might have been uttered by a mountain
gnome echoed through the void — this
was the dismal " kong, kong " of the
raven, seated away upon some project-
ing crag. Here the raven is a regal
bird and attains his greatest size and
most majestic form. The transforma-
tion came as quickly, and almost in
a twinkling the veil would be lifted from
the hills, and the sun would shine out
again, bright and warm. Some of the
TRYING OUT BLUBBER.
effects of light and shade produced by these
sudden transitions are grand beyond all
power of description.
Just about daylight next morning, Sebatis
aroused me. There was no fog and it was
quite calm on the water, and, as Sebatis re-
marked :
" A very good day for porpusin'."
Pieltoma, a fine-looking young Indian,
joined us at breakfast, and, that over, we
embarked in Sebatis's canoe and paddled
off in quest of porpoises.
" How far out are you going, Sebatis ? "
"Can't tell yet; you see, by and by, may
be we hear 'im porpusis blowin' some-
wheres."
" I hear 'im porpus blowin' just now,"
said Pieltoma.
" Sartin, Pieltoma got pretty good ears ; I
don't hear 'im nothin' 'tall."
" I hear 'im, sartin," reiterated Pieltoma.
" Which way ? " asked Sebatis.
"Away up on rips, this side Eel Brook.
Hark ! you hear 'im now?" he continued.
" Sartin," said Sebatis. " We go now
pretty quick."
Simultaneously their paddles struck the
water, and away we went with redoubled
speed. I was listening intently, but so far
my uneducated ears failed to detect the
sound.
8o8
PORPOISE-SHOOTING.
A PORPOISE DIVING.
" There goes porpus," said Sebatis, drop-
ping his paddle and taking up his gun.
Just then a deafening roar came from the
stern where Pieltoma sat, and the canoe
tilted slightly over.
" By tunders ! " cried Sebatis, in a chiding
tone. " You miss 'im porpus sartin, and
most upset canoe beside; some time you
bust 'im gun, s'pose, you put in so much
powder."
This habit of overloading their guns
frequently results in serious accidents to the
Indians, and I know two Indians, one with
a broken jaw and one with a broken
shoulder, the result of this infatuation. In
this, however, they are not singular, as the
fishermen of Newfoundland, who use old
muskets for duck and seal shooting, over-
load in the same way, and broken shoulders
and broken noses are said to be quite com-
mon among them.
Poor Pieltoma seemed quite disconsolate
at this misadventure, and without remark
of any kind resumed his paddle, and we
continued on our way.
" What do the porpoises feed on,
Sebatis ? "
" He eat 'im mackerel, herrin's and most
all kinds of small little fishes — by-em-by we
come on feedin'-grounds, then see 'im more
porpusis."
" I hear 'im porpus again," remarked
Pieltoma.
Instantly, Sebatis was on his feet, gun in
hand, and I just caught a glimpse of a dark
body rolling over in the water some fifty
yards away, when Sebatis fired, then
dropped his gun and picked up the long
spear which lay ready to his hand in the
bow of the canoe.
Pieltoma paddled quickly up to the por-
poise, and Sebatis stabbed the dying fish
repeatedly, and then dragged him aboard
of the canoe. He was a medium-sized fish,
and weighed about two hundred pounds.
" Now then, fill my pipe first, then we
PORPOISE-SHOOTING.
809
go hunt 'im somewhere else, may be find 'im
more porpusis," said Sebatis.
" It will be Pieltoma's turn to shoot the
next porpoise."
" No ; Pieltoma best paddle canoe. I
shoot 'im porpusis."
It afterward transpired that Pieltoma was
not an expert in porpoise-shooting. I had
thought that all Indians were good por-
poise-hunters, but it seems that there are
several grades of excellence, and that some
of the Indians never attain the requisite
skill. Poor Pieltoma was one of the latter
class, and in future would have to stick to
the paddle, in the management of which he
excelled.
After paddling along for some time in
silence, he said :
" Sebatis, s'pose we try 'im farther out,
porpus may be chase 'im mackerel some-
wheres. I see 'im plenty gulls outside."
" Sartin, that's a very good plan," replied
Sebatis. " We'll go about two miles out."
" Storm coming, Sebatis ; wind and sea
both rising."
" No, not any storm, only little breezy,
that's all. By-em-by you see 'im plenty por-
pusis. Always when breezy then porpusis
kind playin', you see — jump 'round every-
wheres."
" Do the porpoises go in large schools ? "
" Always good many together, sometimes
I see 'im forty or fifty porpusis all jumpin'
'round at the same time."
" There goes three porpusis ! " said Piel-
toma.
" Which way ? " asked Sebatis.
" There they are, Sebatis," I said, as
several black objects appeared, rolling over
in the waves.
"I see 'im now.. 'Most too far offshoot
'im. Paddle little ways closer, Pieltoma."
Presently, bang goes his gun, and we are
paddled rapidly up to the fish, which is
blowing and thrashing the water into foam.
" Pretty big porpus ; go over three hun-
dred," said Sebatis, as he savagely speared
the porpoise.
" 'Most too big take 'im in, Sebatis," said
Pieltoma.
" No, not too big ; s'pose you come help
me to lift 'im up."
Pieltoma came forward, and I passed aft
and took the paddle to steady the canoe.
As they struggled to get the fish aboard over
the gunwale, my knees began to shake —
there was quite a swell on, and I feared that
we might go over. However, they got it
safely aboard at last.
VOL. XX.— 53.
" By tunders, that's pretty good luck get-
tin' so big porpus ; about six gallons oil,
sartin ! " exclaimed Sebatis, exultingly.
" Almost upset the canoe that time,
Sebatis."
" Oh, no; no danger to handle a porpus
when two men in the canoe. S'pose only
one man, then pretty risky. About a year
ago, I got upset myself, takin' in a big
porpus all 'lone.
" Fisherman see me, and send small boat
take me off, and tow canoe alongside
schooner. Not so bad, you see ; save por-
pus, canoe, paddle, and spear — lose my gun,
that's all."
" You had a very narrow escape that
time."
" Well, you see, almost don't 'scape 'tall,
wind and sea so heavy. By tunders, when I
get ashore, and tell all about it, good many
Ingins come and listen."
" Go on, Sebatis."
" Well, s'pose I got tell 'im anyhow, best
land somewheres, and put 'im out porpuses,
and get dinner first, then I tell 'im story, —
too hungry now."
"Indian Beach only little ways, that's
best chance, and I see 'im old Captain
Sam's schooner fishing off beach this
mornin' ; may be get fresh fish dinner," said
Pieltoma.
" Sartin, that's best chance," said Sebatis ;
" Captain Sam very good old man."
" That is a curious name, Sebatis ; hasn't
he got any other ? "
" Well, everybody call 'im Captain Sam ;
may be got some other name besides. I
never hear 'im. He comes here with his
boy every summer, fishing."
" Hadn't we better paddle alongside and
get some fresh fish for dinner ? "
" Sartin ; there's schooner, you see, just
little ways ahead."
" Good-mornin', Captain Sam," said Se-
batis, as we ranged alongside of the schooner.
" Mornin', Injuns. Mornin', neighbor,"
answered a cheery voice from the schooner's
deck.
Captain Sam was a tall, wiry, well set-up
man, with a kindly, weather-beaten face, iron
gray hair and beard, and a sly twinkle in his
keen gray eyes hinted that he was not des-
titute of humor. In age he was somewhere
in the fifties. His " boy " was a strapping
fellow, with a bright open face, and arms like
a Vulcan. They were cleaning and curing
their morning's catch, consisting of codfish,
hake and haddock. After subjecting me
to a critical examination with one eye, the
8io
PORPOISE-SHOOTING.
other being held tightly closed, Captain Sam
asked :
" Be you a doctor, neighbor ? "
" No."
" You been't one of them 'missioners as
sot on the fish over to Halifax t'other day,
be you ? "
" No."
" You'll excuse me, neighbor, but "
" Captain Sam, s'pose you give us mess
of fresh fish, then by an' by I bring you
porpus steak," interrupted Sebatis.
" Give you a mess of fish ? Surely you
know my maxim is, ' Cast your bread in the
waters'; an' so I always tells my boy Tommy,
' Tommy,' sez I, ' cast your bread on the
waters, an' somethin's sure to come of it.'
Give you a mess of fish, surely," and the jolly
old captain tossed half a dozen fresh rock-
haddocks into the canoe.
" Wont you give us a call this afternoon,
Captain ? "
"Surely, Tommy an' me '11 scrub ourselves
up a bit, an' look you up, when we sets those
fish to rights."
After dinner, Sebatis lighted his pipe, and
sat puffing away, absorbed in a brown study.
" What are we to do this afternoon ? "
" Well, s'pose not too tired, we take pro-
visions with us and go porpusin' again good
way off, and camp. Captain Sam and hts
boy are comin'. You see 'im ? "
" Yes, here they are."
" Afternoon, neighbor. Well, Sebatis, how
did the haddocks go ? "
" Go first rate, Captain Sam ; I never
taste 'im better fish."
"You never spoke a truer word nor that,
Sebatis; for, fresh or smoked, a rock-had-
dock's hard to beat."
" Captain, will you and your son join me
in a bottle of ale ? "
" Well neighbor, Tommy an' me, we don't
go much on liquor ; we takes it, or we lets
it alone, but I don't know as a drop of ale
will hurt a body, an' fishin's a dryish sort of
work the best of times."
" Sebatis, bring a couple of bottles of ale."
" What sort of ale be this, neighbor ?
They do tell me that most of the liquor now
days 's no better nor pizen."
" Help yourself, Captain, that ale wont
hurt you."
" Here's your good health, neighbor,
Injuns, Tommy, all han's," said Captain
Sam, as the bottom of a tin pint covered the
largest portion of his face.
" Your son doesn't seem to care for his
ale, Captain."
" Come, Tommy, my boy, drink up your
ale," said the captain, replenishing his pint.
" And, Tommy, don't you never forget what
I'm always a tellin' you. ' Cast your bread
in the waters,' " he added, after a good pull
at the ale.
" Time to go," said Sebatis, sententiously.
" Good-bye, Captain."
" Goin' porpusin', neighbor, be you ?
Well, Sebatis, take good care of him, and
dont you never ."
The last we saw of the good old captain,
he was still sitting at our improvised table at
the camp door, pledging his boy, with pint
held to pint, and no doubt quaintly repeat-
ing his favorite maxim.
I fear that the ale was too much for one
of his abstemious habits.
Pieltoma had washed out and dried the
canoe, and once more we set out in pursuit
of the porpoises.
" Where are we going now, Sebatis ? "
"Goin' away long eddy, off northern head."
" Is that a good place for porpoises ? "
" Sartin; always on rips very good place;
you see, plenty mackerels, herrin's. and all
kinds fishes in eddies and rips ; very good
feedin'-ground for porpusis, you see."
The eddies or rips alluded to by Sebatis
were caused by the obstruction offered by
projecting headlands to the ebb and flow of
the tide, which on this coast rises some forty
feet.
" Pretty late when we get back, s'pose
we go all way to long rips," said Pieltoma.
" Well," replied Sebatis, " s'pose dark, then
we'll camp somewhere all night — I fetch
'im provisions and cooking tools; sartin,
canoe and sail make very good camp."
Talking did not interfere with their pad-
dling, and we were going at a rapid rate for
the place where they hoped to find the por-
poises. Presently we entered rough water,
with much such a sea as is caused by wind
against tide, and the canoe began to jump
about in a very lively manner.
" There goes porpus, Sebatis," said Piel-
toma.
" I see 'im," said Sebatis, standing up in
the canoe, gun in hand. Just then we got
into some very rough water, and it was a
study to see the admirable way in which
Sebatis poised himself for a shot.
Pieltoma was holding the canoe well in
hand when quite a large wave smashed
over the bow of the canoe, and some water
came aboard.
" Best sit down, Sebatis, take 'im paddle,
may be upset," said Pieltoma.
PORPOISE-SHOOTING.
811
Sebatis turned a withering glance upon
him, and then, as we mounted a wave, fired
at some object that I did not see.
" Was that a porpoise, Sebatis ? "
"Sartin. Four, five porpusis all rollin'
over together."
" Did you kill him ?
" No ; miss 'im clean ; all gone down.
You see, Pieltoma scared so bad make me
miss 'im porpus," he replied, ironically.
Retaining his upright position in the
canoe, he reloaded his gun, and stood
ready for another shot.
" Quick, Sebatis ! Very big porpus on
this side canoe," said Pieltoma, whirling the
canoe around so as to afford Sebatis a chance
for a shot. The next moment we were in
the trough of the sea, and I saw a flash of
silver on an approaching wave ; a belch of
fire and a roar from Sebatis's gun instantly
followed, and Pieltoma paddled as if for life,
while Sebatis dropped his gun and picked
up his long spear. In the excitement, his
usually calm face looked savage, and he
plunged his cruel spear relentlessly again
and again into a huge fish that we had now
come alongside of.
I certainly thought that we should be upset
this time, for the canoe was jumping and
rocking in a manner to try the steadiest
nerves, and the Indians were acting like two
demons, and were tugging at the huge fish,
in vain efforts to get him aboard. On my
hands and knees I crept aft, so as to give
them more room. The canoe was drifting
aimlessly, now on top of a wave and the
next moment in the trough, and I feared
that some of the heavier seas would board
us and end the whole matter. At last, their
joint efforts succeeded in getting the fish
high enough to pull him over the gunwale.
" How you like 'im porpusin' — pretty
good fun ? " said Sebatis, as he grasped his
paddle and regained control of his canoe.
" If you call this fun, I hope that you will
put me ashore before you begin in earnest,"
I replied.
Presently I heard from seaward the dis-
tant booming of guns, as of some ship of
war at practice.
" What guns are those, Sebatis ? "
" Guns ? Oh, that's Injuns shootin' por-
pusis. Make good deal noise on salt water."
" I see 'im five canoes," said Pieltoma, as
we rode on the crest of a wave.
"Sartin, must be big school porpusis in
rips to-day — look quick you see 'im canoe?"
said Sebatis.
" No, I don't see any canoe."
" You watch 'im, by-em-by you see "im."
As we glided into the trough again, I
saw a canoe riding a wave, with an Indian
standing up in the bow, and another sitting
in the stern paddling. Then in a short time,
we seemed to be surrounded by canoes,
and they were constantly popping up, now
on one side, then on the other, and at short
intervals their guns flashed in the approach-
ing darkness.
" Hadn't we better get ashore somewhere,
Sebatis ? "
" Yes, we go pretty soon; kill 'im one more
porpus first."
" I don't see where you can put him; that
one you killed last was an immense one."
" Sartin, that very big porpus, but plenty
room one more, s'pose we find 'im."
Just then there were a flash and a roar,
and a canoe passed rapidly to leeward to
secure their prey.
" My turn next," said Sebatis, standing up
in his canoe again.
" Look out, Sebatis, look out, big wave
comin'," cried Pieltoma.
I thought that our time had come, but
the canoe, dexterously handled by the In-
dians, rode the wave like an ocean bird.
" If we have many seas like this, Sebatis,
we may come to grief in one of them."
" No danger 't all, only got to be careful,
that's all. You see, tide just turned now,
and we got too far in eddy ; move out little
way, then good deal smoother."
" Dark comin' now pretty quick, Sebatis ;
by-em-by pretty hard chance landin'," said
Pieltoma.
Bang, goes Sebatis's gun in answer.
" What was that, Sebatis ? "
" Only a small little porpus, — too small
count 'im, most."
In a few moments they had the porpoise
aboard and paddled rapidly for our pro-
posed landing-place at Eel Brook, where we
were to camp for the night. The Indians car-
ried the canoe over the beach to the foot of a
hill, where some tall fir-trees gave us shelter.
They then turned the canoe partly on its
side and propped it up with pieces of wood,
then spread the sail on poles placed across
the canoe, and our habitation was complete.
Sound, indeed, was our slumber that
night,—
"While from its rocky caverns the deep-voiced
neighboring ocean
Speaks, and, in accents disconsolate, answers the
wail of the forest."
8l2
THE GRANDISSIMES.
THE GRANDISSIMES*
A STORY OF CREOLE LIFE.
By GEORGE W. CABLE, author of "Old Creole Days."
CHAPTER LV.
CAUGHT.
THE fig-tree, in Louisiana, sheds its leaves
while it is yet summer. In the rear of the
Grandissime mansion, about two hundred
yards north-west of it and fifty north-east of
the cottage in which Agricola had made his
new abode, on the edge of the grove of
which we have spoken, stood one of these
trees, whose leaves were beginning to lie
thickly upon the ground beneath it. An an-
cient and luxuriant hedge of Cherokee rose
started from this tree and stretched toward
the north-west across the level country, un-
til it merged into the green confusion of gar-
dened homes in the vicinity of Bayou St.
Jean, or, by night, into the common obscur-
ity of a starlit perspective. When an un-
clouded moon shone upon it, it cast a shadow
as black as velvet.
Under this fig-tree, some three hours
later than that at which Honore bade Jo-
seph good-night, a man was stooping down
and covering something with the broad,
fallen leaves.
" The moon will rise about three o'clock,"
thought he. " That, the hour of universal
slumber, will be, by all odds, the time most
likely to bring developments."
He was the same person who had spent
the most of the day in a blacksmith shop in
St. Louis street, superintending a piece of
smithing. Now that he seemed to have
got the thing well hid, he turned to the
base of the tree and tried the security of
some attachment. Yes, it was firmly chained.
He was not a robber; he was not an assas-
sin ; he was not an officer of police ; and
what is . more notable, seeing he was a
Louisianian, he was not a soldier nor even
an ex-soldier ; and this although, under his
clothing, he was encased from head to foot
in a complete suit of mail. Of steel ? No.
Of brass? No. It was all one piece — a
white skin; and on his head he wore an
invisible helmet — the name of Grandis-
sime. As he straightened up and withdrew
into the grove, you would have recognized
at once — by his thick-set, powerful frame,
clothed seemingly in black, but really, as you
might guess, in blue cottonade, by his black
aeard and the general look of a seafarer- — a
frequent visitor at the Grandissime mansion,
a country member of that great family, one
whom we saw at the fete de grandpere.
Capitain Jean-Baptiste Grandissime was a
man of few words, no sentiments, short
methods ; materialistic, we might say ; qui-
etly ferocious ; indifferent as to means, pos-
itive as to ends, quick of perception, sure in
matters of. saltpeter, a stranger at tfie cus-
tom-house, and altogether — take him right
very much of a gentleman. He had been,
for a whole day, beset with the idea that
the way to catch a voudou was — to catch
him; and as he had caught numbers of
them on both sides of the tropical and semi-
tropical Atlantic, he decided to try his skill
privately on the one who — his experience
told him — was likely to visit Agricola's door-
step to-night. All things being now pre-
pared, he sat down at the root of a tree in
the grove, where the shadow was very dark,
and seemed quite comfortable. He did not
strike at the mosquitoes ; they appeared to
understand that he did not wish to trifle.
Neither did his thoughts or feelings trouble
him; he sat and sharpened a small pen-
knife on his boot.
His mind — his occasional transient med-
itation— was the more comfortable because
he was one of those few who had coolly anc
unsentimentally allowed Honore Grandissirm
to sell their lands. It continued to grow
plainer every day that the grants with whicl
theirs were classed — grants of old Frencl
or Spanish under-officials — were bad. Thei:
sagacious cousin seemed to have struck th<
right standard, and while those titles whicl
he still held on to remained unimpeached
those that he had parted with to purchaser
— as, for instance, the grant held by thi
Capitain Jean-Baptiste Grandissime— coulc
be bought back now for half what he ha<
got for it. Certainly, as to that, the Capi
tain might well have that quietude of min<
which enabled him to find occupation ii
perfecting the edge of his penknife and trim
ming his nails in the dark.
Copyright, 1879, by George W. Cable. All rights reserved.
THE GRANDISSIMES.
8*3
By and by he put up the little tool and
sat looking out upon the prospect. The
time of greatest probability had not come,
but the voudou might choose not to wait for
that ; and so he kept a watch. There was
a great stillness. The cocks had finished a
round and were silent. No dog barked.
A few tiny crickets made the quiet land
seem the more deserted. Its beauties were
not entirely overlooked — the innumerable
host of stars above, the twinkle of myriad
fire-flies on the dark earth below. Between
a quarter and a half mile away, almost in a
line with the Cherokee hedge, was a faint
rise of ground, and on it a wide-spreading
live-oak. There the keen, seaman's eye of
the Capitain came to a stop, fixed upon a
spot which he had not noticed before. He
kept his eye on it. and waited for the
stronger light of the moon.
Presently behind the grove at his back
she rose; and almost the first beam that
passed over the tops of the trees, and
stretched across the plain, struck the object
of his scrutiny. What was it ? The ground,
he knew ; the tree, he knew ; he knew there
ought to be a white-paling inclosure about
the trunk of the tree ; for there were buried
— ah ! — he came as near laughing at himself
as ever he did in his life ; the apothecary of
the rue Royale had lately erected some
marble head-stones there, and
" Oh ! my God ! "
While Capitain Jean- Bap tiste had been
trying to guess what the tombstones were,
a woman had been coming toward him in
shadow of the hedge. She was not expect-
ing to meet him ; she did not know that he
was there ; she knew she had risks to run,
but was ignorant of what they were; she
did not know there was anything under the
fig-tree which she so nearly and noiselessly
approached. One moment her foot was
lifted above the spot where the unknown
object lay with wide-stretched jaws under
the leaves, and the next, she uttered thac
cry of agony and consternation which inter-
rupted the watcher's meditation. She was
caught in a huge steel-trap.
Capitain Jean-Baptiste Grandissime re-
mained perfectly still. She iell, a snarling,
struggling, groaning heap, to the ground,
wild with pain and fright, and began the
hopeless effort to draw the jaws of the trap
apart with her fingers.
" Ah ! bon Dieu, bon Dieu ! Quit &-bi-i-
i-i-tiri me ! Oh ! Lawd 'a' mussy ! Ow-ow-
ow ! lemme go ! Dey go'n' to kyetch an'
hang me ! Oh ! an' I hain' done nuttin'
'gainst nobody! Ah! bon Dieu! ein pen?
lie negresse / Oh ! Jemimy ! I cyan' gid
dis yeh t'ing loose — oh ! m-m-m-m ! An'
dey'll tra to mek out 't I voudou' Mich-
Agricole ! An' I didn' had nutt'n' do wid
it ! Oh, Lawd, oh, Lawd, you'll be mighty
good ef you lemme loose ! I'm a po' nigga !
Oh ! dey hadn' ought to mek it so pow1-
ful ! "
Hands, teeth, the free foot, the writhing
body, every combination of available forces
failed to spread the savage jaws, though
she strove until hands and mouth were
bleeding.
Suddenly she became silent; a thought
of precaution came to her; she lifted from
the earth a burden she had dropped there,
struggled to a half-standing posture, and,
with her foot still in the trap, was endeavor-
ing to approach the end of the hedge near
by, to thrust this burden under it, when she
opened her throat in a speechless ecstasy
of fright on feeling her arm grasped by her
captor.
" O-o-o-h ! Lawd ! o-o-oh ! Lawd ! " she
cried, in a frantic, husky whisper^ going
down upon her knees, " Oh, Miche ! pou'
I'amou* du bon Dieu ! Pou' I 'amotf du bon
Dieu ayez pitie d'ein pov' negresse! Pin?
negresse, Miche, w'at nevva done nutt'n' to
nobody on'y jis sell calas ! I iss comin'
'long an' step inteh dis-yeh bah-trap by
accident! Ah! Miche, Miche, ple-e-ease
be good ! Ah ! mon Dieu / — an de Lawd
'11 reward you — 'deed 'E will, Miche /"
" Qui ci (a ? " asked the Capitain, sternly,
stooping and grasping her burden, which
she had been trying to conceal under her-
self.
" Oh, Miche, don' trouble dat ! Please
jes tek dis-yeh trap offen me — da's all ! Oh,
don't, mawstah, ple-e-ease don' spill all my
wash'n t'ings! 'Taint nutt'n' but my old
dress roll' up into a ball. Oh, please — now,
you see? nutt'n' but a po' nigga's dr — oh!
fo' de lave o1 God, Miche Jean-Baptiste, don1
open dat ah box! Y'en a rein du tout la-
dans, Miche Jean-Baptiste ; du tout, du tout !
Oh, my God ! Miche, on'y jis teck dis-yeh
t'ing off'n my laig, ef yo1 please, it's bit'n'
me lak a dawg ! — if you please, Miche !
Oh ! you git kill' if you open dat ah box,
Mawse Jean-Baptiste ! Mo" parole d'hon-
neurleplus sac re — I '11 kiss de cross ! Oh, sweet
Miche Jean, laissemoialler! Nutt'n' but some
dutty close la-dans. " She repeated this again
and again, even after Capitain Jean-Baptiste
had disengaged a small black coffin from the
old dress in which it was wrapped. "Rien du
814
THE GRANDISSIMES.
tout, Miche; nutt'n' but some wash'n' fo' one
o' de boys."
He removed the lid and saw within, rest-
ing on the cushioned bottom, the image, in
myrtle-wax, moulded and painted with some
rude skill, of a negro's bloody arm cut off
near the shoulder — a bras-coupe- — with a dirk
grasped in its hand.
The old woman lifted her eyes to heaven;
her teeth chattered ; she gasped twice before
she could recover utterance. " Oh, Miche
Jean-Baptiste, I di'n' mek dat ah ! Mo te
pas fe ca ! I swea' befo' God ! Oh, no, no,
no ! 'Tain' nutt'n' nohow but a lill play-toy,
Miche. Oh, sweet Miche Jean, you not gwan
to kill me ? I di'n' mek it ! It was — ef you
lemme go, I telLyou who mek it ! Sho's I live
I tell- you, Miche Jean — ef you lemme go !
Sho's God's good to me — ef you lemme go !
Oh, God A'mighty, Miche Jean, sho's God's
good to me."
She was becoming incoherent.
Then Capitain Jean-Baptiste Grandissime
for the first time spoke at length :
" Do you see this ? " he spoke the French
of the Atchafalaya. He put his long flint-
lock pistol close to her face. " I shall take
the trap off; you will walk three feet in
front of me; if you make it four I blow
your brains out; we shall go to Agricole.
But right here, just now, before I count ten,
you will tell me who sent you here ; at the
word ten, if I reach it, I pull the trigger.
One — two — three, "
"Oh, Miche, she gwan to gib me to de devil
wid houdou ef I tell you — Oh, good Lawdy!"
But he did not pause.
" Four — five — six — seven — eight "
" Palmy re ! " gasped the negress, and
groveled on the ground.
The trap was loosened from her bleeding
leg, the burden placed in her arms, and
they disappeared in the direction of the
mansion.
A black shape, a boy, the lad who had
carried the basil to Frowenfeld, rose up
from where he had all this time lain, close
against the hedge, and glided off down
its black shadow to warn the philosophe.
When Clemence was searched, there was
found on her person an old table-knife with
its end ground to a point.
CHAPTER LVI.
BLOOD FOR A BLOW.
IT seems to be one of the self-punitive
characteristics of tyranny, whether the tyrant
be a man, a community, or a caste, to have
a pusillanimous fear of its victim. It was
not when Clemence lay in irons, it is barely
now, that our South is casting off a certain
apprehensive tremor, generally latent, but at
the slightest provocation active, and now
and then violent, concerning her " blacks."
This fear, like others similar elsewhere in the
world, has always been met by the same one
antidote — terrific cruelty to the tyrant's victim.
So we shall presently see the Grandissime
ladies, deeming themselves compassionate,
urging their kinsmen to " give the poor
wretch a sound whipping and let her go."
Ah! what atrocities are we unconsciously
perpetrating North and South now, in the
name of mercy or defense, which the ad-
vancing light of progressive thought will
presently show out in their enormity ?
Agricola slept late. He had gone to his
room the evening before much incensed at
the presumption of some younger Grandis-
simes who had brought up the subject, and
spoken in defense of, their cousin Honore.
He had retired, however, not to rest, but to
construct an engine of offensive warfare
which would revenge him a hundred-fold
upon the miserable school of imported
thought which had sent its revolting influ-
ences to the very Grandissime hearth-stone ;
he wrote a "Philippique Generate contre la
Conduite du Gouvernement de la Louisiane"
and a short but vigorous chapter in English
on the " Insanity of Educating the Masses."
This accomplished, he had gone to bed in a
condition of peaceful elation, eager for the
next day to come that he might take these
mighty productions to Joseph Frowenfeld,
and make him a present of them for inser-
tion in his book of tables.
Jean-Baptiste felt no need of his advice,
that he should rouse him ; and, for a long
time before the old man awoke, his younger
kinsmen were stirring about unwontedly, go-
ing and coming through the hall of the
mansion, along its verandas and up and
down its outer flight of stairs. Gates were
opening and shutting, errands were being
carried by negro boys on bareback horses,
Charlie Mandarin of St. Bernard parish and
an Armand Fusilier from Faubourg Ste.
Marie had on some account come — as they
told the ladies — " to take breakfast "; and
the ladies, not yet informed, amusedly won-
dering at all this trampling and stage whis-
pering, were up a trifle early. In those
days Creole society was a ship, in which
the fair sex were all passengers and the ruder
sex the crew. The ladies of the Grandis-
THE GRANDISSIMES.
sime mansion this morning asked passen-
gers' questions, got sailors' answers, retorted
wittily and more or less satirically, and
laughed often, feeling their constrained in-
significance. However, in a house so full
of bright-eyed children, with mothers and
sisters of all ages as their confederates, the
secret was soon out, and before Agricola
had left his little cottage in the grove the
topic of all tongues was the abysmal treach-
ery and ingratitude of negro slaves. The
whole tribe of Grandissime believed, this
morning, in the doctrine of total depravity
— of the negro.
And right in the face of this belief, the
ladies put forth the generously intentioned
prayer for mercy. They were answered
that they little knew what frightful perils
they were thus inviting upon themselves.
The male Grandissimes were not sur-
prised at this exhibition of weak clemency
in their lovely women ; they were proud of
it; it showed the magnanimity that was
natural to the universal Grandissime heart,
when not restrained and repressed by the
stern necessities of the hour. But Agricola
disappointed them. Why should he weaken
and hesitate, and suggest delays and middle
courses, and stammer over their proposed
measures as " extreme " ? In very truth, it
seemed as though that driveling, woman-
beaten Deutsch apotheke — ha ! ha ! ha ! —
in the rue Royale had bewitched Agricola
as well as Honore. The fact was, Agricola
had never got over the interview which had
saved Sylvestre his life.
" Here, Agricole," his kinsmen at length
said, "you see you are too old for this sort
of thing ; besides, it would be bad taste for
you, who might be presumed to harbor
feelings of revenge, to have a voice in this
council." And then they added to one
another : " We will wait until 'Polyte reports
whether or not they have caught Palmyre ;
much will depend on that."
Agricola, thus ruled out, did a thing he
did not fully understand ; he rolled up the
" Philippique Generate " and the " Insanity
of Educating the Masses," and, with these
in one hand and his staff in the other, set out
for Frowenfeld's, not merely smarting but
trembling under the humiliation of having
been sent, for the first time in his life, to the
rear as a non-combatant.
He found the apothecary among his clerks,
preparing with his own hands the " chalyb-
eate tonic " for which the f. m. c. was ex-
pected to call. Raoul Innerarity stood at
his elbow, looking on with an amiable air
of having been superseded for the moment
by his master.
" Ha-ah ! Professor Frowenfeld ! "
The old man flourished his scroll.
Frowenfeld said good-morning, and they
shook hands across the counter; but the
old man's grasp was so tremulous that the
apothecary looked at him again.
" Does my hand tremble, Joseph ? It is
not strange ; I have had much to excite me
this morning."
"Wat's de mattah?" demanded Raoul,
quickly.
" My life — which I admit, Professor
Frowenfeld, is of little value compared with
such a one as yours — has been — if not at-
tempted, at least threatened."
"How?" cried Raoul.
" H-really, Professor, we must agree that
a trifle like that ought not to make old
Agricola Fusilier nervous. But I find it
painful, sir, very painful. I can lift up this
right hand, Joseph, and swear I never gave
a slave — man or woman — a blow in my
life but according to my notion of justice.
And now to find my life attempted by
former slaves of my own household, and
taunted with the righteous hamstringing of
a dangerous runaway ? But they have
apprehended the miscreants ; one is actually
in hand, and justice will take its course;
trust the Grandissimes for that — though,
really, Joseph, I assure you, I counseled
leniency."
" Do you say they have caught her ? "
Frowenfeld's question was sudden and ex-
cited; but the next moment he had con-
trolled himself.
" H-h-my son, I did not say it was a
'her'!"
" Was it not Clemence ? Have they
caught her ? "
« H-yes "
The apothecary turned to Raoul.
"Go tell Honore Grandissime."
" But, Professor Frowenfeld ," began
Agricola.
Frowenfeld turned to repeat his instruction,
but Raoul was already leaving the store.
Agricola straightened up angrily.
" Pro-hofessor Frowenfeld, by what right
do you interfere ? "
" No matter," said the apothecary, turn-
ing half-way and pouring the tonic into a
vial.
" Sir," thundered the old lion, " h-I de-
mand of you to answer! How dare you
insinuate that my kinsmen may deal other-
wise than justly ? "
8i6
THE GRANDISSIMES.
"Will they treat her exactly as if she
were white, and had threatened the life of a
slave ? " asked Frowenfeld from behind the
desk at the end of the counter.
The old man concentrated all the indig-
nation of his nature in the reply.
"No-ho, sir!"
As he spoke, a shadow approaching from
the door caused him to turn. The tall,
dark, finely clad form of the f. m. c., in its
old soft-stepping dignity and its sad emacia-
tion, came silently toward the spot where
he stood.
Frowenfeld saw this, and hurried forward
inside the counter with the preparation in
his hand.
" Professor Frowenfeld," said Agricola,
pointing with his ugly staff, " I demand of
you, as the keeper of a white man's phar-
macy, to turn that negro out."
" Citizen Fusilier ! " explained the apothe-
cary ; " Mister Grandis "
He felt as though no price would be too
dear at that moment to pay for the presence
of the other Honore. He had to go clear
to the end of the counter and come down
the outside again to reach the two men.
They did not wait for him. Agricola turned
upon the f. m. c.
"Take off your hat!"
A sudden activity seized every one con-
nected with the establishment as the quad-
roon let his thin right hand slowly into his
bosom, and answered in French, in his soft,
low voice:
" I wear my hat on my head."
Frowenfeld was hurrying toward them;
others stepped forward, and from two or
three there came half-uttered exclamations
of protest ; but unfortunately nothing had
been done or said to provoke any one to
rush upon them, when Agricola suddenly
advanced a step and struck the f. m. c. on
the head with his staff. Then the general
outcry and forward rush came too late ; the
two crashed together and fell, Agricola above,
the f. m. c. below, and a long knife lifted
up from underneath and sinking to its hilt,
once — twice — thrice, — in the old man's back.
The two men rose, one in the arms of
his friends, the other upon his own feet.
While every one's attention was directed
toward the wounded man, his antagonist re-
stored his dagger to its sheath, took up his
hat and walked away unmolested. When
Frowenfeld, with Agricola still in his arms,
looked around for the quadroon he was gone.
Doctor Keene, sent for instantly, was soon
at Agricola's side.
" Take him upstairs ; he can't be moved
any further."
Frowenfeld turned and began to instruct
some one to run upstairs and ask permission,
but the little doctor stopped him.
" Joe, for shame ! you don't know those
women better than that ? Take the old
man right up!"
CHAPTER LVII.
VOUDOU CURED.
" HONORE," said Agricola, faintly, " where
is Honor6 !"
" He has been sent for," said Doctor
Keene and the two ladies in a breath.
Raoul, bearing the word concerning
Clemence, and the later messenger sum-
moning him to Agricola's bedside, reached
Honore within a minute of each other.
His instructions were quickly given, for
Raoul to take his horse and ride down to
the family mansion, to break gently to his
mother the news of Agricola's disaster, and
to say to his kinsmen, with imperative em-
phasis, not to touch the marchande des calas
till he should come. Then he hurried to
the rue Royale.
But when Raoul arrived at the mansion
he saw at a glance that the news had out-
run him. The family carriage was already
coming around the bottom of the front
stairs for three Mesdames Grandissime and
Madame Martinez. The children on all
sides had dropped their play, and stood
about, hushed and staring. The servants
moved with quiet rapidity. In the hall he
was stopped by two beautiful girls.
" Raoul ! Oh, Raoul, how is he now ?
Oh, Raoul, if you could only stop them !
They have taken old Clemence down into
the swamp— as soon as they heard about
Agricole — Oh, Raoul, surely that would be
cruel ! She nursed me — and me — when we
were babies ! "
" Where is Agamemnon ? "
" Gone to the city."
"What did he say about it ?"
"He said they were doing wrong, that
he did not approve their action, and that
they would get themselves into trouble;
that he washed his hands of it."
" Ah-h-h ! " exclaimed Raoul, " wash his
hands! Oh, yes, wash his hands! Sup-
pose we all wash our hands ? But where is
Valentine ? Where is Charlie Mandarin ? "
" Ah ! Valentine is gone with Agamem-
non, saying the same thing, and Charlie
THE GRANDISSIMES.
817
Mandarin is down in the swamp, the worst
of all of them ! "
" But why did you let Agamemnon and
Valentine go off that way, you ? "
" Ah ! listen to Raoul ! What can a
woman do ? "
" What can a woman — Well, even if I was
a woman, I would do something ! "
He hurried from the house, leaped into
the saddle and galloped across the fields
toward the forest.
Some rods within the edge of the swamp,
which, at this season, was quite dry in
many places, on a spot where the fallen
dead bodies of trees overlay one another
and a dense growth of willows and vines
and dwarf palmetto shut out the light of the
open fields, the younger and some of the
harsher senior members of the Grandissime
family were sitting or standing about, in an
irregular circle whose center was a big and
singularly misshapen water-willow. At the
base of this tree sat Clemence, motionless
and silent, a wan, sickly color in her face,
and that vacant look in her large, white-balled,
brown-veined eyes, with which hope-for-
saken cowardice waits for death. Some-
what apart from the rest, on an old cypress
stump, half-stood, half-sat, in whispered con-
sultation, Jean-Baptiste Grandissime and
Charlie Mandarin.
" Eh bien, old woman," said Mandarin,
turning, without rising, and speaking sharply
in the negro French, " have you any reason
to give why you should net be hung to that
limb over your head ? "
She lifted her eyes slowly to his, and made
a feeble gesture of deprecation.
" Mo te pas fe cette bras, Mawse Challie
— I di'n't mek dat ahm ; no 'ndeed I di'n',
Mawse Challie. I ain' wuth hangin', gen-
'lemen ; you'd oughteh jis' gimme fawty an'
lemme go. I — I — I — I di'n' 'ten' no hawm
to Maws-Agricole ; I wa'n't gwan to hu't no-
body in God's worl' ; 'ndeed I wasn'. I
done tote dat old case-knife fo' twenty
year' — mo ptfte (a dipi vingt ans. I'm a
po' ole marchande des calas ; mo coitrri
'mongs' de sojer boys to sell my cakes, you
know, and da's de onyest reason why I
cyah dat ah ole fool knife." She seemed to
take some hope from the silence with which
they heard her. Her eye brightened and
her voice took a tone of excitement.
" You'd oughteh tek me and put me in cal-
aboose, an' let de law tek 'is co'se. You's
all nice gen'lemen — werry nice gen'lemen,
an' you sorter owes it to yo'sev's fo' to not
do no sich nasty wuck as hangin' a po' ole
nigga wench; 'deed you does. 'Tain' no
use to hang me ; you gwan to kyetch Pal-
myre yit ; // courri dans marais ; she is in de
swamp yeh, sum'ers; but as concernin' me,
you'd oughteh jis gimme fawty an' lemme
go. You mus'n' b'lieve all dis-yeh nonsense
'bout insurrectionin' ; all fool-nigga talk.
W'at we want to be insurrectionin' faw?
We de happies' people in de God's worl' ! "
She gave a start, and cast a furtive glance of
alarm behind her. " Yes, we is ; you jis'
oughteh gimme fawty an' lemme go ! Please,
gen'lemen! God'll be good to you, you
nice, sweet gen'lemen ! "
Charlie Mandarin made a sign to one
who stood at her back, who responded by
dropping a rawhide noose over her head.
She bounded up with a cry of terror; it
may be that she had all along hoped that
all was make-believe. She caught the noose
wildly with both hands and tried to lift it
over her head.
" Ah ! no, mawsteh, you cyan' do dat !
It's ag'in' de law ! I's 'bleeged to have
my trial, yit. Oh, no, no ! Oh, good God,
no ! Even if I is a nigga ! You cyan' jis'
murdeh me hyeh in de woods ! Mo dis la
zize .' I tell de judge on you! You ain'
got no mo' biznis to do me so 'an if I was a
white 'oman ! You dassent tek a white
'oman out'n de Pa'sh Pris'n an' do 'er so !
Oh, sweet mawsteh, fo' de love o' God!
Oh, Mawse Challie, pmf l*amou' du bon Dieu
n'fe pas (a / Oh, Mawse 'Polyte, is you
gwan to let 'em kill ole Clemence ? Oh,
fo' de mussy o' Jesus Christ, Mawse 'Polyte,
leas' of all, you ! You dassent help to kill
me, Mawse 'Polyte ! You knows why !
Oh God, Mawse 'Polyte, you knows why !
Leas' of all you, Mawse 'Polyte ! Oh, God
'a' mussy on my wicked ole soul! I aint
fitt'n' to die ! Oh, gen'lemen, I kyan' look
God in de face ! Oh, Miches, ayez pitie de
moin! Oh, God A mighty ha' mussy on my
soul! Oh, gen'lemen, dough yo' kinfolks
kyvaeh up yo' tricks now, dey'll dwap f'um
undeh you some day ! Sole lei' e la, li couche
la! Yo' tu'n will come! Oh, God
A'mighty ! de God o' de po' nigga wench !
Look down, oh God, look down an' stop
dis-yeh foolishness! Oh, God, fo' de love
o' Jesus ! Oh, Miches, fen a ein zizement !
Oh, yes, deh's a judgmen' day ! Den it
wont be a bit o' use to you to be white!
Oh, oh, oh, oh, oh, oh, fo', fo', fo', de, de,
love o' God! Oh!"
They drew her up.
Raoul was not far off. He heard the
8i8
THE GRANDISSIMES.
woman's last cry, and came threshing
through the bushes on foot. He saw Syl-
vestre, unconscious of any approach, spring
forward, jerk away the hands that had
drawn the thong over the branch, let the
strangling woman down and loosen the
noose. Her eyes, starting out with horror,
turned to him ; she fell on her knees and
clasped her hands. The tears were rolling
down Sylvestre's face.
" My friends, we must not do this ! You
shall not do it ! "
He hurled away, with twice his natural
strength, one who put out a hand.
" No, sirs ! " cried Raoul, " you shall not
do it ! I come from Honore ! Touch her
who dares ! "
He drew a weapon.
" Monsieur Innerarity," said Tolyte, " who
is Monsieur Honore Grandissime ? There
are two of the name, you know, — partners
— brothers. Which of— but it makes no dif-
ference ; before either of them sees this assas-
sin she is going to be a lump of nothing ! "
The next word astonished every one. It
was Charlie Mandarin who spoke.
" Let her go ! "
" Let her go ! " said Jean-Baptiste Grand-
issime ; " give her a run for her life. Old
woman, rise up. We propose to let you go.
Can you run ? Never mind, we shall see.
Achille, put her upon her feet. Now, old
woman, run!"
She walked rapidly, but with unsteady feet,
toward the fields.
" Run ! If you don't run I will shoot
you this minute ! "
She ran.
" Faster!"
She ran faster.
" Run ! "
"Run!"
"Run, Clemence! Ha, ha, ha!" It
was so funny to see her scuttling and trip-
ping and stumbling. " Courri ! courri,
Clemence ! c'est poit to vie ! ha, ha, ha "
A pistol shot rang out close behind
Raoul's ear ; it was never told who fired it.
The negress leaped into the air and fell at
full length to the ground, stone dead.
CHAPTER LVIII.
DYING WORDS.
DRIVERS of vehicles in the rue Royale
turned aside before two slight barriers span-
ning the way, one at the corner below, the
other at that above, the house where the
aged high-priest of a doomed civilization
lay bleeding to death. The floor of the
store below, the pavement of the corridor
where stood the idle volante, were covered
with straw, and servants came and went by
the beckoning of the hand.
" This way," whispered a guide of the
four ladies from the Grandissime mansion.
As Honore's mother turned the angle half-
way up the muffled stair, she saw at the
landing above, standing as if about to part,
yet in grave council, a man and woman,
the fairest — she noted it even in this moment
of extreme distress — she had ever looked
upon. He had already set one foot down
upon the stair, but at sight of the ascend-
ing group drew back and said :
" It is my mother; " then turned to his
mother and took her hand ; they had been
for months estranged, but now they silently
kissed.
" He is sleeping," said Honore. " Maman,
Madame Nancanou."
The ladies bowed — the one looking very
large and splendid, the other very sweet
and small. There was a single instant of
silence, and Aurora burst into tears.
For a moment Madame Grandissime
assumed a frown that was almost a reminder
of her brother's, and then the very pride of
the Fusiliers broke down. She uttered an
inaudible exclamation, drew the weeper
firmly into her bosom, and with streaming
eyes and choking voice, but yet with maj-
esty, whispered, laying her hand on Aurora's
head:
" Never mind, my child ; never mind,
never mind."
And Honore's sister, when she was pres-
ently introduced, kissed Aurora and mur-
mured :
"The good God bless thee! It is He
who has brought us together."
" Who is with him just now ? " whispered
the two other ladies, while Honore and his
mother stood a moment aside in hurried
consultation.
"My daughter," said Aurora, "and "
" Agamemnon," suggested Madame Mar-
tinez.
" I believe so," said Aurora.
Valentine appeared from the direction of
the sick-room and beckoned to Honored
Doctor Keene did the same, and continued
to advance.
" Awake ? " asked Honore.
" Yes."
" Alas ! my brother ! " said Madame
THE GRANDISSIMES.
819
Grandissime, and started forward, followed
by the other women.
" Wait," said Honore", and they paused.
" Chahlie," he said, as the little doctor per-
sistently pushed by him at the head of the
stair.
" Oh, there's no chance, Honore, you'd as
well all go in there."
They gathered into the room and about
the bed. Madame Grandissime bent over
it.
" Ah ! sister," said the dying man, " is
that you ? I had the sweetest dream just
now — just for a minute." He sighed. " I
feel very weak. Where is Charlie Keene ? "
He had spoken in French ; he repeated
his question in English. He thought he
saw the doctor.
" Charlie, if I must meet the worst I
hope you will tell me so ; I am fully pre-
pared. Ah ! excuse — I thought it was
" My eyes seem dim this evening. Est-
ce-vous, Honore ? Ah, Honore, you went
over to the enemy, did you ? Well, — the
Fusilier blood would al — ways — do as it
pleased. Here's your old uncle's hand,
Honore. I forgive you, Honore — my no-
ble-hearted, foolish — boy." He spoke feebly,
and with great nervousness.
" Water."
It was given him by Aurora. He looked
in her face ; they could not be sure whether
he recognized her or not. He sank back,
closed his eyes, and said, more softly and
dreamily, as if to himself, " I forgive every-
body. A man must die — I forgive — even
the enemies — of Louisiana."
He lay still a few moments, and then re-
vived excitedly. " Honore ! tell Professor
Frowenfeld to take care of that Philip-
pique Generate. Tis a grand thing, Hon-
ore, on a grand theme! I wrote it myself
in one evening. Your Yankee Government
is a failure, Honore, a driveling failure. It
may live a year or two, not longer. Truth
will triumph. The old Louisiana will rise
again. She will get back her trampled
rights. When she does, remem " His
voice failed, but he held up one finger firmly
by way of accentuation.
There was a stir among the kindred.
Surely this was a turn for the better. The
doctor ought to be brought back. A little
while ago he was not nearly so strong.
Ask Honore if the doctor should not
come." But Honore shook his head. The
old man began again.
" Honore ! Where is Honore ? Stand
by me, here, Honore ; and sister ? — on this
other side. My eyes are very poor to-day.
Why do I perspire so ? Give me a drink.
You see — I am better now ; I have ceased
— to throw up blood. Nay, let me talk."
He sighed, closed his eyes, and opened
them again suddenly. " Oh, Honore, you
and the Yankees — you and — all — going
wrong — education — masses — weaken — caste
— indiscr — quarrels settl' — by affidav' — Oh !
Honore"."
" If he would only forget," said one, in
an agonized whisper, " that philippique gen-
ts rale !"
Aurora whispered earnestly and tearfully
to Madame Grandissime. Surely they were
not going to let him go thus ! A priest
could at least do no harm. But when the
proposition was made to him by his sister,
he said :
" No ; — no priest. You have my will,
Honore, — in your iron box. Professor
Frowenfeld," — he changed his speech to
English, — " I have written you an article
on" — his words died on his lips.
" Joseph, son, I do not see you. Be-
ware, my son, of the doctrine of equal
rights — a bottomless iniquity. Master and
man — arch and pier — arch above — pier be-
low." He tried to suit the gesture to the
words, but both hands and feet were grow-
ing uncontrollably restless.
" Society, Professor," — he addressed him-
self to a weeping girl, — " society has pyra-
mids to build which make menials a
necessity, and Nature furnishes the menials
all in dark uniform. She — I cannot tell you
— you will find — all in the Philippique Gen-
erale. Ah, Honore, is it "
He suddenly ceased.
" I have lost my glasses."
Beads of sweat stood out upon his face.
He grew frightfully pale. There was a
general dismayed haste, and they gave him
a stimulant.
" Brother," said the sister, tenderly.
He did not notice her.
" Agamemnon ! Go and tell Jean-Bap-
tiste " his eyes drooped and flashed
again wildly.
" I am here, Agricole," said the voice of
Jean-Baptiste, close beside the bed.
" I told you to let — that negress "
" Yes, we have let her go. We have let
all of them go."
" All of them," echoed the dying man,
feebly, with wandering eyes. Suddenly he
brightened again and tossed his arms.
"Why, there you were wrong, Jean-Bap-
tiste; the community must be protected."
820
THE GRANDISSIMES.
His voice sank to a murmur. " He would
not take off— you must remem — " He was
silent. "You must remem — those people
are — are not — white people." He ceased
a moment. "Where am I going?" He
began evidently to look, or try to look, for
some person; but they could not divine
his wish until, with piteous feebleness, he
called :
" Aurore De Grapion ! "
So he had known her all the time.
Honore's mother had dropped on her
knees beside the bed, dragging Aurora
down with her. They rose together.
The old man groped distressfully with
one hand. She laid her own in it.
" Honore ! "
" What could he want ? " wondered the
tearful family. He was feeling about with
the other hand. " Hon — Honore " — his
weak clutch could scarcely close upon his
nephew's hand.
" Put them — put — put them "
What could it mean? The four hands
clasped.
" Ah ! " said one, with fresh tears, " he is
trying to speak and cannot."
But he did.
"Aurore De Gra — I pledge' — pledge'
— pledged — this union — to your fa — father
— twenty — years — ago."
The family looked at each other in de-
jected amazement. They had never known
it.
"He is going," said Agamemnon; and
indeed it seemed as though he was gone;
but he rallied.
" Agamemnon ! Valentine ! Honore" ! pa-
triots ! protect the race ! Beware of the " —
that sentence escaped him. He seemed to
fancy himself haranguing a crowd; made
another struggle for intelligence, tried once,
twice, to speak, and the third time suc-
ceeded;
" Louis — Louisian — a — for— ever ! " and
lay still.
They put those two words on his tomb.
CHAPTER LIX.
WHERE SOME CREOLE MONEY GOES.
AND yet the family committee that orderec
the inscription, the mason who cut it in th
marble — himself a sort of half-Grandissime
half-nobody — and even the fair women wh
each eve of All Saints came, attended b
flower-laden slave girls, to lay coronals upon
he old man's tomb, felt, feebly at first, and
nore and more distinctly as years went by,
hat Forever was a trifle long for one to
.onfine one's patriotic affection to a small
raction of a great country.
" And you say your family decline to
iccept the assistance of the police in their
endeavors to bring the killer of your uncle
o justice ? " asked some Americain or other
of Poly te Grandissime.
"Sir, mie fam'lie do not want to fetch
lim to justice ! — neither Palmyre ! We are
goin' to fetch the justice to them ! and, sir,
when we cannot do that, sir, by ourselves,
sir, — no, sir ! no police ! "
So Clemence was the only victim of the
family wrath ; for the other two were never
taken; and it helps our good feeling for
the Grandissimes to know that in later
times, under the gentler influences of a
higher civilization, their old Spanish-colonial
ferocity was gradually absorbed by the
growth of better traits. To-day almost all
the savagery that can justly be charged
against Louisiana must — strange to say —
be laid at the door of the Americain. The
Creole character has been diluted and
sweetened.
One morning early in September, some
two weeks after the death of Agricola, the
same brig which something less than a year
before had brought the Frowenfelds to New
Orleans, crossed, outward bound, the sharp
line dividing the sometimes tawny waters
of Mobile Bay from the deep blue Gulf, and
bent her way toward Europe.
She had two passengers; a tall, dark,
wasted yet handsome man of thirty-seven
or thirty-eight years of age, and a woman
seemingly some three years younger, of
beautiful though severe countenance ; " very
elegant-looking people and evidently rich,"
so the brig-master described them,—" had
much the look of some of the Mississippi River
' Lower Coast ' aristocracy." Their appear-
ance was the more interesting for a look of
mental distress evident on the face of each.
Brother and sister, they called themselves ;
but, if so, she was the most severely reserved
and distant sister the master of the vessel
had ever seen.
They landed, if the account comes down
to us right, at Bordeaux. The captain, a
fellow of the peeping sort, found pastime in
keeping them in sight after they had passed
out of his care ashore. They went to dif-
ferent hotels !
The vessel was detained some weeks in
THE GRANDISSIMES.
821
this harbor, and her master continued to
enjoy himself in the way in which he had
begun. He saw his late passengers meet
often, in a certain quiet path under the trees
of the Quinconce. Their conversations
were low ; in the patois they used they could
have afforded to speak louder; their faces
were always grave and almost always trou-
bled. The interviews seemed to give
neither of them any pleasure. The Mon-
sieur grew thinner than ever, and sadly
feeble.
" He wants to charter her," the seaman
concluded, " but she doesn't like his rates."
One day, the last that he saw them to-
gether, they seemed to be, each in a way
different from the other, under a great
strain. He was haggard, woe-begone, nerv-
ous ; she high-strung, resolute, — with " eyes
that shone like lamps," as said the observer.
" She's a-sendin' him 'way to lew-ard,"
thought he. Finally the Monsieur handed
her— or rather placed upon the seat near
which she stood, what she would not re-
ceive— a folded and sealed document,
seized her hand, kissed it, and hurried
away. She sank down upon the seat, weak
and pale, and rose to go, leaving the docu-
ment behind. The mariner picked it up ; it
was directed to M. Honore' Grandissime,
Nouvelle Orleans, Etats Unis, Amerique.
She turned suddenly, as if remembering, or
possibly reconsidering, and received it from
him.
" It looked like a last will and testament,"
the seaman used to say, in telling the story.
The next morning, being at the water's
edge and seeing a number of persons gath-
ering about something not far away, he
sauntered down toward it to see how small
a thing was required to draw a crowd of
these Frenchmen. It was the drowned body
of the f. m. c.
Did the brig-master never see the woman
again ? He always waited for this question
to be asked him, in order to state the more
impressively that he did. His brig became
a regular Bordeaux packet, and he saw the
Madame twice or thrice, apparently living
at great ease, but solitarily, in the rue .
He was free to relate that he tried to scrape
acquaintance with her, but failed ignomin-
iously.
The rents of No. 19 rue Bienville and of
numerous other places, including the new
drug-store in the rue Royale, were collected
regularly by H. Grandissime, successor to
Grandissime Freres. Rumor said, and tra-
dition repeats, that neither for the advance-
ment of a friendless people, nor even for the
repair of the properties' wear and tear, did
one dollar of it ever remain in New Or-
leans ; but that once a year Honore, " as
instructed," remitted to Madame — say Ma-
dame Inconnue — of Bordeaux, the equiv-
alent, in francs, of fifty thousand dollars.
It is averred he did this without interruption
for twenty years. " Let us see : fifty times
twenty — one million dollars. But that is
only a part of the pecuniary loss which this
sort of thing costs Louisiana."
But we have wandered.
CHAPTER LX.
"ALL RIGHT."
THE sun is once more setting upon the
Place d'Armes. Once more the shadows
of cathedral and town-hall lie athwart the
pleasant grounds where again the city's
fashion and beauty sit about in the sedate
Spanish way, or stand or slowly move in
and out among the old willows and along
the white walks. Children are again play-
ing on the sward ; some, you may observe,
are in black, for Agricola. You see, too, a
more peaceful river, a nearer-seeming and
greener opposite shore, and many other
evidences of the drowsy summer's unwilling-
ness to leave the embrace of this seductive
land; the dreamy quietude of birds; the
spreading, folding, re-expanding and slow
pulsating of the all-prevailing fan (how
like the unfolding of an angel's wing is oft-
times the broadening of that little instru-
ment !) ; the oft-drawn handkerchief; the
pale, cool colors of summer costume; the
swallow, circling and twittering overhead
or darting across the sight; the languid
movement of foot and hand; the reeking
flanks and foaming bits of horses ; the ear-
piercing note of the cicada; the dancing
butterfly ; the dog, dropping upon the grass
and looking up to his master with roping
jaw and lolling tongue ; the air sweetened
with the merchandise of the flower mar-
chandes.
On the levee road, bridles and saddles,
whips, gigs, and carriages, — what a merry
coming and going ! We look, perforce,
toward the old bench where, six months
ago, sat Joseph Frowenfeld. There is
somebody there — a small, thin, weary-
looking man, who leans his bared head
slightly back against the tree, his thin fin-
gers knit together in his lap and his chapeau-
822
THE GRANDISSIMES.
bras pressed under his arm. You note
his extreme neatness of dress, the bright,
unhealthy restlessness of his eye, and —
as a beam from the sun strikes them — the
fineness of his short red curls. It is Doc-
tor Keene.
He lifts his head and looks forward.
Honore and Frowenfeld are walking arm-
in-arm under the furthermost row of willows.
Honor6 is speaking. How gracefully, in cor-
respondence with his words, his free arm or
hand — sometimes his head or even his lithe
form — moves in quiet gesture, while the grave,
receptive apothecary takes into his med-
itative mind, as into a large, cool cistern,
the valued rain-fall of his friend's communi-
cations. They are near enough for the
little doctor easily to call them ; but he is
silent. The unhappy feel so far away from
the happy. Yet — "Take care!" comes
suddenly to his lips, and is almost spoken ;
for the two, about to cross toward the
Place d'Armes at the very spot where Au-
rora had once made her narrow escape,
draw suddenly back, while the black driver
of a volante reins up the horse he bestrides,
and the animal himself swerves and stops.
The two friends, though startled apart,
hasten with lifted hats to the side of the
volante, profoundly convinced that one, at
least, of its two occupants is heartily sorry
that they were not rolled in the dust. Ah,
ah ! with what a wicked, ill-stifled merriment
those two ethereal women bent forward in
the faintly perfumed clouds of their ravishing
summer-evening garb, to express their equiv-
ocal mortification and regret.
" Oh! I'm so sawry, oh! Almoze runned
o ah, ha, ha, ha ! "
Aurora could keep the laugh back no
longer.
" An' righd yeh befo' haivry boddie / Ah,
ha, ha ! 'Sieur Grandissime, 'tis me-e-e w'ad
know 'ow dad is bad, ha, ha, ha! Oh! I
assu' you, gen'lemen, id is hawful ! "
And so on.
By and by Honor6 seemed urging them
to do something, the thought of which made
them laugh, yet was entertained as not en-
tirely absurd. It may have been that to
which they presently seemed to consent;
they alighted from the volante, dismissed it,
and walked each at a partner's side down
the grassy avenue of the levee. It was as
Clotilde with one hand swept her light robes
into perfect adjustment for the walk, and
turned to take the first step with Frowenfeld,
that she raised her eyes for the merest in-
stant to his, and there passed between them
an exchange of glance which made the heart
of the little doctor suddenly burn like a ball
of fire.
" Now we're all right," he murmured
bitterly to himself, as, without having seen
him, she took the arm of the apothecary,
and they moved away.
Yes, if his irony was meant for this pair,
he divined correctly. Their hearts had
found utterance across the lips, and the
future stood waiting for them on the thresh-
old of a new existence, to usher them into
a perpetual copartnership in all its joys
and sorrows, its disappointments, its imper-
ishable hopes, its aims, its conflicts, its
rewards ; and the true — the great — the ever-
lasting God of love was with them. Yes,
it had been " all right," now, for nearly
twenty-four hours — an age of bliss. And
now, as they walked beneath the willows
where so many lovers had walked before
them, they had whole histories to tell of the
tremors, the dismays, the misconstructions
and longings through which their hearts had
come to this bliss ; how at such a time, thus
and so ; and- after such and such a meeting,
so and so ; no part of which was heard by
alien ears, except a fragment of Clotilde's
speech caught by a small boy in uninten-
tioned ambush.
" Evva sinze de • firze nighd w'en I
big-in to nurze you wid de fivver."
She was telling him, with that new, sweet
boldness so wonderful to a lately accepted
lover, how long she had loved him.
Later on they parted at the porte-cochere.
Honore and Aurora had got there before
them, and were passing on up the stairs.
Clotilde, catching, a moment before, a
glimpse of her face, had seen that there was
something wrong; weather-wise as to its
indications she perceived an impending
shower of tears. A faint shade of anxiety
rested an instant on her own face. Frowen-
feld could not go in. They paused a little
within the obscurity of the corridor, and just
to re-assure themselves that everything was
" all right," they
God be praised for love's young dream !
The slippered feet of the happy girl, as
she slowly mounted the stair alone, over-
burdened with the weight of her blissful
reverie, made no sound. As she turned its
mid-angle she remembered Aurora. She
could guess pretty well the source of her
trouble; Honore" was trying to treat that
hand-clasping at the bedside of Agricola as
a binding compact ; " which, of course, was
not fair." She supposed they would have
THE GRANDISSIMES.
823
gone into the front drawing-room; she
would go into the back. But she miscalcu-
lated; as she silently entered the door she
saw Aurora standing a little way beyond
her, close before Honore, her eyes cast
down, and the trembling fan hanging from
her two hands like a broken pinion. He
seemed to be reiterating, in a tender under-
tone, some question intended to bring her
to a decision. She lifted up her eyes
toward his with a mute, frightened glance.
The intruder, with an involuntary mur-
mur of apology, drew back; but, as she
turned, she was suddenly and unspeakably
saddened to see Aurora drop her glance,
and, with a solemn slowness whose moment-
ous significance was not to be mistaken,
silently shake her head.
"Alas!" cried the tender heart of Clo-
tilde. " Alas ! M. Grandissime ! "
CHAPTER LXI.
" NO ! "
IF M. Grandissime had believed that he
was prepared for the supreme bitterness of
that moment, he had sadly erred. He
could not speak. He extended his hand in
a dumb farewell, when, all unsanctioned by
his will, the voice of despair escaped him in
a low groan. At the same moment, a tink-
ling sound drew near, and the room, which
had grown dark with the fall of night, began
to brighten with the softly widening light
of an evening lamp, as a servant approached
to place it in the front drawing-room.
Aurora gave her hand and withdrew it.
In the act the two somewhat changed posi-
tion, and the rays of the lamp, as the maid
passed the door, falling upon Aurora's face,
betrayed the again upturned eyes.
" 'Sieur Grandissime "
They fell.
The lover paused.
" You thing I'm crool.'
She was the statue of meekness.
"Hope has been crhuel to me," replied
M. Grandissime, "not you; that I cannot
say. Adieu."
He was turning.
" 'Sieur Grandissime "
She seemed to tremble.
He stood still.
" 'Sieur Grandissime," — her voice was
very tender, — " wad you' horry ? "
There was a great silence.
" 'Sieur Grandissime, you know — teg a
chair."
He hesitated a moment and then both
sat down. The servant repassed the door;
yet, when Aurora broke the silence, she
spoke in English — having such hazardous
things to say. It would conceal possible
stammerings.
" 'Sieur Grandissime, — you know dad
riz'n I "
She slightly opened her fan, looking down
upon it, and was still.
" I have no rhight to ask the rheason,"
said M. Grandissime. " It is yo's — not
mine."
Her head went lower.
" Well, you know," — she drooped it med-
itatively to one side, with her eyes on the
floor, — " 'tis bick-ause — 'tis bick-ause I thing
in a few days I'm goin' to die."
M. Grandissime said never a word. He
was not alarmed.
She looked up suddenly and took a quick
breath, as if to resume, but her eyes fell be-
fore his, and she said, in a tone of half-solil-
oquy:
" I 'ave so mudge troub' wid dad hawt."
She lifted one little hand feebly to the
cardiac region, and sighed softly, with a dy-
ing languor.
M. Grandissime gave no response. A
vehicle rumbled by in the street below, and
passed away. At the bottom of the room,
where a gilded Mars was driving into bat-
tle, a soft note told the half-hour. The
lady spoke again.
" Id mague " — she sighed once more —
" so strange, — sometime' I thing I'm git'n'
crezzy."
Still he to whom these fearful disclosures
were being made remained as silent and
motionless as an Indian captive, and, after
another pause, with its painful accompani-
ment of small sounds, the fair speaker re-
sumed with more energy, as befitting the
approach to an incredible climax :
" Some day', 'Sieur Grandissime, — id
mague me fo'gid my hage ! I thing I'm
young ! "
She lifted her eyes with the evident deter-
mination to meet his own squarely, but it
was too much ; they fell as before ; yet she
went on speaking :
" An" w'en someboddie git'n' ti'ed livin'
wid 'imsev an' big'n' to fill ole, an' wan'
someboddie to teg de care of 'im an' wan'
me to gid marri'd wid 'im — I thing 'e's in
love to me." Her fingers kept up a little
shuffling with the fan. " I thing I'm crezzy.
I thing I muz be go'n' to die torecklie."
She looked up to the ceiling with large eyes,
824
AMONG THE REEDS.
and then again at the fan in her lap, which
continued its spreading and shutting. "An'
daz de riz'n', 'Sieur Grandissime." She
waited until it was certain he was about to
answer, and then interrupted him nervously :
" You know, 'Sieur Grandissime, id woon be
righd! Id woon be de juztiz to you/ An'
you de bez man I evva know in my life,
'Sieur Grandissime!" Her hands shook.
" A man w'at nevva wan' to gid marri'd
wid noboddie in 'is life, an' now trine to gid
marri'd juz only to rip-ose de soul of 'is
oncl' - "
M. Grandissime uttered an exclamation
of protest, and she ceased.
" I asked you," continued he, with low-
toned emphasis, "fo' the single and only
rheason that I want you fo' my wife ! "
" Yez," she quickly replied ; " daz all.
Daz wad I thing. An' I thing daz de rad
weh to say, 'Sieur Grandissime. Bick-ause,
you know, you an' me is too hole to talg
aboud dad lovin\ you know. An' you godd
dad grade rizpeg fo' me, an' me I godd dad
'ighez rizpeg fo' you ; bud - " she clutched
the fan and her face sank lower still —
she swallowed — shook her head
" She bit her lip; she could
— "bud
not go on.
" Aurora," said the lover, bending forward
and taking one of her hands, " I do love
you with all my soul."
She made a poor attempt to withdraw
her hand, abandoned the effort, and looked
up savagely through a pair of overflowing
eyes, demanding :
"Mais, fo' w'y you di'n' wan' to sesso ? "
M. Grandissime smiled argumentatively.
" I have said so a hundrhed times, in
everhy way but in words."
She lifted her head proudly, and bowed
like a queen.
" Mais, you see, 'Sieur Grandissime, you
bin meg one mizteg."
" Bud 'tis corrhected in time," exclaimed
he, with suppressed but eager joyousness.
" 'Sieur Grandissime," she said, with a
tremendous solemnity, " I'm verrie sawrie,
mats — you spogue too lade."
" No, no ! " he cried, " the corrhection
comes in time. Say that, lady; say that!"
His ardent gaze beat hers once more
down; but she shook her head. He ignored
the motion.
" And you will corrhect yo' answeh ; ah !
say that, too ! " he insisted, covering the cap-
tive hand with both his own, and leaning
forward from his seat.
"Mais, 'Sieur Grandissime, you know,
dad is so verrie unegspeg'."
"Oh! unexpected!"
" Mais, I was thing all dad time id was
Clotilde wad you "
She turned her face away and buried her
mouth in her handkerchief.
"Ah!" he cried, "mock me no mo',
Aurore Nancanou!"
He rose erect and held the hand firmly
which she strove to draw away :
"Say the word, sweet lady; say the
word ! "
She turned upon him suddenly, rose to
her feet, was speechless an instant while her
eyes flashed into his, and crying out :
" No ! " burst into tears, laughed through
them, and let him clasp her to his bosom.
AMONG THE REEDS.
AMONG the reeds, beside a singing fountain,
Silenus sat, when life was young and gay,
And piped until the echoes from the mountain
Awoke the birds as if at break of day.
The fount is dry, and no more old Silenus
Makes singing sweet re-echo on the shore.
Great Pan is dead; the exiled fauns have seen us
Walk with bowed heads, where blithe they danced before.
JEAN FRANCOIS MILLET— PEASANT AND PAINTER. 825
JEAN FRANgOIS MILLET— PEASANT AND PAINTER. II.
SHEPHERDESS.
IT was in January, 1837, that Millet
arrived in Paris. He had several letters of
recommendation for friends or relations of
important men in Cherbourg. He went to M.
Georges, then expert in the Royal Museum.
Georges received him kindly, and asked him
VOL. XX.— 54.
what he could do. Millet unrolled a big
drawing, some six feet high, on paper.
Georges, surprised, showed it to his friends
and pupils who were there, and who cried
out : " We didn't know they could do this
in the provinces ! " " It is very good,"
826 JEAN FRANCOIS MILLET— PEASANT AND PAINTER.
repeated M. Georges; " you must stay with
me ; it will be of great use to you. I can
let you see the museums, introduce you to
celebrated artists, and get you into the
School of the Beaux Arts, where you can
compete, and where you will be sure soon
to get the prize, at the rate you are going."
Millet left him, and his drawing. He
intended returning to see M. Georges, but
on the way he thought of the school, the
competing for a prize, and the discipline
that all in a school would, of course, have
to submit to. "All this seemed to me a
constraint which I could not contemplate
without horror. I said to myself that M.
Georges, who had been so kind, and seemed
so sure of guiding me — how difficult it would
be to make him understand that this way
of study, striving to excel others, unknown
to me, in cleverness and quickness, was
antipathetic ! " In fact, Millet resolved not
to return to M. Georges, and the drawing
was sent back to him later.
At the house of Monsieur L (to whom
he had a letter), they gave him a clean little
room on the fifth floor, whose outlook was
the roofs and chimneys of a court-yard :
" Life at M. L 's was very weary. Mine.
L was a cross woman, who tried to make me go
to see the sights of Paris — the dancers, the students'
balls — and who reproached me with my awkward
ways and my timidity. The house froze me, and I
was only happy on the quays. One day I went to
the Chaumiere ; the dances of this pushing crowd of
people disgusted me ; I preferred the heavy pleasures
and real drunkards of the country."
Millet did not stay long with M. L .
To continue his account :
" During the first days of my stay in Paris, my
fixed idea was to go and see the old museum. I
went out early with this intention, yet, being afraid to
ask the way for fear of being laughed at, I wandered
at random, hoping the museum would come to meet
me. I got lost several days in looking for it. In
this search one day I came upon N6tre Dame, which
I thought less beautiful than the cathedral of Cout-
ances. The Luxembourg seemed to me a fine
palace, but too regular, and like the work of a
coquettish and mediocre builder. Finally, without'
knowing how, I found myself on the Pont Neuf,
from which I saw a magnificent building, which
I thought must be the Louvre, from the descriptions
I had heard of it. I went to it, and mounted the great
stair-way with a beating heart. I had attained one
great object of my life.
" I had augured correctly as to what I should see.
It seemed to me that I was in a world of friends, in
a family where all that I beheld was the reality of
my dreams. For a month the masters were my
only occupation during the day. I observed them
all, devoured them, analyzed them, and returned to
them ceaselessly. The early ones drew me by their
admirable expression of gentleness, holiness and fer-
vor; the great Italians, by their knowledge and their
charm of composition. Sometimes the arrows of St.
Sebastian seemed to go through me, when I looked
at Mantegna's Martyrs. Those masters are mag-
netic; they give you the joys and sorrows which
trouble them ; they are incomparable. But when I
saw a drawing of Michael Angelo's, — a man in a
swoon, — that was another thing ! The expression of
the relaxed muscles, the planes and modeling of this
figure, weighed down by physical suffering, gave me
a succession of feelings. I was tormented by pain.
I pitied him. I suffered with that same body, those
very limbs. I saw that he who had done that was
capable, with a single figure, to personify the good or
evil of all humanity. It was Michael Angelo — that
says all. I had already seen mediocre engravings
from him in Cherbourg ; here I first touched the
heart and heard the speech of him who has so
haunted me all my life.
" I then went to the Luxembourg. With the ex-
ception of the pictures of Delacroix, which I thought
great in gesture, invention and color, I found nothing
remarkable. Everywhere wax figures, conventional
costumes, and a disgusting flatness of invention and
expression.
"The ' Elizabeth' and the ' Princes in the Tower'
of Delaroche were there, and I was to go to the studio
of Delaroche, — these pictures did not make me wish
to go. I could see in them nothing but big illustra-
tions and theatrical effects without real feeling, every-
where posing and stage scenes. The Luxembourg
gave me my antipathy to the theater, and although I
was not indifferent to the celebrated dramas then
being acted, 1 must confess to having always had a
decided repulsion to the exaggerations, the falseness
and silliness of actors and actresses. I have since
seen something of their little world, and I have be-
come convinced that by always trying to put them-
selves in some other person's place, they have lost
the understanding of their own personality; that
they only talk in ' character,' and that truth, com-
mon-sense, and the simple feeling of plastic art are
lost to them. To paint well and naturally, I think
one should avoid the theater.
" Many a time I was half inclined to leave Paris
and return to my village, I was so tired of the lonely
life I lived. I saw no one, did not speak to a soul,
did not dare ask a question, I dreaded ridicule so
much, — and yet no one noticed me. I had the awk-
wardness which I have never lost, and which still
troubles me when I am obliged to speak to a stran-
ger or ask the simplest question. I was of a great
mind to do my ninety leagues in one stretch, like my
uncle Jumelin, and say to my family * I've come
home and I'm done with painting ; ' but the Louvre
had bewitched me. I went back and was consoled.
Fra Angelico filled me with visions, and when I
returned at night to my miserable lodging, I did not
want to think of anything but those gentle masters
who made beings so fervent that they are beautiful,
and so nobly beautiful that they are good.
" It has been said that I was very much taken up
with the XVIII. century masters, because I made cop-
ies of Watteau and Boucher. I have a decided repug-
nance for Boucher. I saw his knowledge, his talent,
but I could not look at his suggestive subjects and sad
women without thinking it was all a very poor kind
of ' nature. ' Boucher did not paint naked women,
but little undressed creatures : it was not the luxu-
riant exhibition of the women of Titian, so proud of
their beauty, and so sure of their power, that they
show themselves naked. It is not chaste, but it is
strong, and great in its femininity. It is art, and
good art. But the poor little ladies of Boucher,
with their thin legs, their feet deformed by high-
JEAN FRANCOIS MILLET— PEASANT AND PAINTER.
827
heeled slippers, their waists pinched by corsets, their
useless hands and bloodless breasts, are all repulsive
to me. As I stood before the so much copied ' Diana '
of Boucher, I thought I could see the Marquises
of his time, painted by him for no very laudable
reason, and whom he had undressed and posed in
his studio, which was transformed into a landscape.
I went back to the ' Diana ' of the antique — so beau-
tiful, so noble, and whose forms are all distinguished.
Boucher was only a seducer.
" Nor was Watteau my man. * * * I could see
the charm of his palette, and the delicacy of expres-
sion of these little stage men condemned to laugh.
the canvases where the thought was concisely and
strongly expressed.
" I liked Murillo in his portraits, Ribera in his
St. Bartholomew and Centaurs. I liked everything
strong, and would have given all Boucher for one of
Rubens's nude women. It was only later that I came
to know Rembrandt; he did not repel me but he
blinded me. * * * I only knew Velasquez, who is
so much sought after nowadays, by his ' Infanta,'
in the Louvre. He is certainly a painter ' de race?
and of pure blood, yet his compositions seem to me
empty. Apollo and Vulcan is poor in invention ;
his ' Winders ' are not winding anything. The
SHEPHERDESS KNITTING.
But I always thought of marionettes, and I said to
myself: 'The whole little troupe will be shut up in
a box, after the play, to weep over their fate. ' I was
rather interested in Lesueur, Lebrun and Jouvenet,
because they seemed to me very strong. Lesueur had
a great effect on me, and I think him one of the
great souls of our French school ; as Poussin was the
prophet, the sage, and the philosopher, while also the
most eloquent teller of a story. I could pass my life
face to face with the work of Poussin, and never be
tired. Well, I lived at the Louvre, at the Spanish
Museum, the Standish Museum, and among the
drawings, and my attention was always directed to
painter remains, and he is a strong painter. I was
never tempted to make a copy of these masters. It
seemed to me that a copy was an impossibility, and
that it could never have the spontaneity and fire of the
original. One day, however, I spent the whole day
in front of the ' Concert Champe'tre,' of Giorgione.
I could not weary of it. It was already three o'clock
when, mechanically, I took a little canvas belonging
to a friend, and began a sketch of the picture. Four
o'clock sounded, and the dreadful ' onferme ' of the
guardians turned me out : but I had made enough of
a sketch to give me pleasure, like a run into the coun-
try. Giorgione had opened the country to me. I
828 JEAN FRANCOIS MILLET— PEASANT AND PAINTER.
had found consolation with him. Since then I have
been too wise to attempt a copy, even of something
of my own ; I am incapable of that sort of thing.
" Except Michael Angelo and Poussin, I have held
to my first leaning toward the early masters — sub-
jects as simple as childhood, unconscious expression,
creatures that say nothing but are full of life, or
who suffer patiently without a moan, without a cry,
submitting to the law of human life without dream-
ing of calling any one to account for it. * * *
" In the end I had to decide to learn my trade and
go into a studio. I did not think anything of the
painters who taught. Hersent, Drolling, Leon Cog-
niet, Abel de Pujol, Picot, ail professors who were
then sought after, were quite indifferent to me, and
also Ingres, of whom I had not then seen the slight-
est picture.
" I waited on and on, reading Vasari in the library
of Ste. Genevieve, for fear I should be asked ques-
tions about the history of the painters and their
lives, and finally decided to see some one who would
find me a studio. I had a great dread of this future
teacher, and kept putting off the evil moment. One
morning I got up, determined to brave the worst.
Well, I was admitted to the studio of Paul Delaroche,
the painter whom every one pointed to as the great-
est talent of that time. I trembled when I entered.
It was a new world to me, but I got used to it, and
ended by not being altogether unhappy. I found some
good souls, a kind of cleverness, and a language
which I had never dreamed of, — it seemed to me a
tiresome and incomprehensible jargon. The puns
of the Delaroche studio made the boys famous. They
talked about everything, even politics ; it was rather
too much for me to hear them chatter about the
' Phalanstery,' but I took root at last, and my home-
sickness was a little mitigated. "
Paul Delaroche was then the most fashion-
able painter. His atelier was divided into two
classes, the "cast" for beginners and that of
the life models. Millet found a group of
young men, not unknown later. Couture,
Hebert, Cavalier the sculptor, Gendron,
fidouard Frere, Yvon, etc., etc.
In entering this new world, Millet imposed
upon himself the strictest silence and circum-
spection. Like a true peasant, he let others
approach him, and answered little. They
tried to make out this puzzling countryman.
They apostrophized, joked, and teased him,
but Millet answered nothing, or, with his fists,
threatened those who went too far, and, as
he was built like a Hercules, they let him
alone, giving him the nickname of the " man
of the woods." His first drawing was
from the Germanicus. On Monday the
drawing was begun, it had to be finished
by Saturday. Thursday, Millet had fin-
ished his figure. Delaroche came, looked at
the drawing a long time, and said: "You
are a new-comer. Well, you know too much
and not enough." That was all he said.
Couture, who was in the life class, came in
to see the antique class, and said to him :
" Hello, nouveau ! do you know that your
drawing is good ? " Some time after he was
severely criticised. The originality of his
studies, where knowledge was wanting, and
where the spirit was everything, surprised the
studio, but did not make them understand
him. All but one or two pupils considered
him as a curious being without a future; an
obstinate fellow, who took the pose of eccen-
tric drawing; a mutineer in the academic
camp, a schismatic in their worship of De-
laroche. When he passed into the life
school he had the same trial. His first
figure, nevertheless, was a success. Dela-
roche said : " It is easy to see that you have
painted a great deal!" He had never
touched a palette before. In his heart Mil-
let was struck by the insufficiency of the mas-
ter, who never gave him serious advice, and
who did not even make the impression of a
man who knows and can teach.
Sometimes the truth came out. To a
student who did not render the ensemble of
a life study, Delaroche said : " Look at Mil-
let,— notice how he sees light on a nude
figure."
When Delaroche was painting the " Hemi-
cycle," he often talked of it to the students
in his atelier. Millet was once much abused
by his comrades about a drawing, one of
whom said, violently : " There he is again,
drawing from chic" (out of his head), "and
inventing his muscles." Delaroche, coming
in at the moment, said : " Gentlemen, the
study of nature is indispensable, but you must
also know how to work from memory. He is
right " (pointing to Millet) " to use his mem-
ory. When I began my ' Hemicycle,' I
thought that letting the model stand, I could
get the attitude of my personages, but I
soon found I would have fine models, with
no cohesion among them. I saw that one
must invent, create, order, and produce
figures appropriate to each individuality. I
had to use my memory. Do as he does, if
you can."
Soon after this Millet left the atelier. A
comrade met him one day, and told him the
" patron " wanted to see him about some
work on the " Hemicycle." Millet deferred
to his orders, and went to the Palace of the
Beaux Arts. Delaroche was working in the
midst of his aids. He came to Millet and
drew him into another room, and rolling two
cigarettes, silently offered one to Millet, and
then said : " Why don't you come to the
studio any more ?" " Because, sir, I can't
pay the janitor's tax." " You are wrong. I
don't want you to leave the studio ; come
back. I have spoken to Poisson " (the jani-
tor)," only don't say anything about it to the
JEAN FRANCOIS MILLET— PEASANT AND PAINTER. 829
others, and do just what you like — big
things, figures, studies — but don't talk about
it to the others. I like to see your work ;
you are not like other people, and I will tell
you what work you can do with me."
Millet was touched, and went back.
At last the moment came for competi-
tion for the great " Prix de Rome." Millet
was admitted, and worked with talent at the
figure. Delaroche was struck with the origi-
nal view he had taken of the subject. His
conscience was moved. He called Millet,
and said :
" You want the ' Prix de Rome'?"
" That is the reason I compete."
" I find your composition very good, but
I must tell you that I especially want Roux
appointed; but next year I will use all my
influence for you."
Edified by this announcement, Millet left
the studio, and feeling that he must rely
upon himself alone for instruction and pro-
tection, he went to Suisse, who had an
academy of models.
One student in Delaroche's studio had
come near to the " man of the woods." It
was Marolle, son of a varnish manufacturer,
whose family could afford to make the art-
life he had chosen easy to him. Musset, at
that time, was the vade mecum of all the
young people. Marolle knew him by heart,
declaimed him, painted him, and even wrote
verses which were not without merit, but
which had the fault of being too much
like the poetry of the author of " Rolla."
" Musset gives you a fever," said Millet,
" but that is all he knows how to do. A
charming mind, capricious, and profoundly
poisoned, all he can do is to disenchant,
corrupt, or discourage. The fever goes, and
one is left without strength, like a convales-
cent who needs air, sun and stars."
But life became difficult in the little stu-
dio, rue de 1'Est.
« What shall I do ? " said Millet. " Peo-
ple reaping and making hay ? "
" You can't sell them," said Marolle.
" But fauns and forest life ? "
" Who knows anything about fauns in
Paris ? "
"Well, what then?"
"They like Boucher, Watteau, illustra-
tions— nude women. You must do things
in that style ! "
Millet at last decided to submit to the
necessities of life. He did not wish to let
his family know of his wants by applying
to them. Then he made a last effort — a
little picture representing Charity, — a mel-
ancholy figure with three nurselings. He
took his picture himself from shop to shop,
and could not get the least offer for it. He
came home sadly, and said to his friend
"You are right; give me subjects and I
will paint them."
It was at this time that he made a num-
ber of pastels, imitations of Boucher and
Watteau, which Marolle baptized after his
own fashion, with names of that time,
" Vert- Vert," " The Old Man's Calendar,"
"Soldier Proposing to a Nurse," "The
Reading of the Novel," " The Late Watch,"
" A Day at Trianon." Sometimes the artist
went back to the Bible, and painted " Jacob
and Laban," " Ruth and Boaz." Marolle
and Millet took these pictures to the deal-
ers, who were very disdainful, and would
only accept them " on sale." The high-
est price he could get was never more
than twenty francs, and when they came to
that sum Millet thought he had reached
fortune, and the happy day in which he could
give himself up to the impressions which
his native country had made on him. He
painted, also, unsigned portraits for five and
ten francs. But he did not neglect his
studies. In spite of his struggle against
poverty, he worked in the evening at Suisse's
and Boudin's. He went to the library of
Ste. Genevieve, and examined the works of
the most celebrated exponents of form, Al-
bert Diirer, Leonardo da Vinci, Jean Cou-
sin, and Nicholas Poussin, for whom he had
the deepest and most lasting admiration.
Especially he studied Michael Angelo ; read
all the biographies, communications, corre-
spondence and documents concerning this
great man, whom he never ceased to con-
sider the highest expression of art.
It was in 1840 that Millet first tried to
exhibit at the Salon of the Louvre. The
constitution of the jury made it a formi-
dable trial. The jury was not, as now, an
assembly of peers elected by universal suf-
frage each year. It was the Institute, with
its doctrines and antipathies. It acted only
according to its own good pleasure. The
new school was, with a few exceptions,
systematically snubbed. Theodore Rousseau
gave up facing the yearly humiliations to
which he was subjected. Eugene Dela-
croix was more fortunate, — only half his
pictures were refused. Decamps, whose
works were so curiously elaborated, felt the
capricious rigor of the authorities. Jules
Dupre would not exhibit. Corot, still full
of respect for the traditions of Bert in and
the judgments of the academy, advanced
JEAN FRANCOIS MILLET— PEASANT AND PAINTER.
WOMAN BATHING.
step by step toward his beautiful echoes of
Claude Lorraine. In spite of his prudence,
he was kept away from the Salon with the
rest. Diaz was despised, but he entered
almost forcibly, thanks to his Correggio
studies. Millet dared to beard the lion,
and sent two portraits, Marolle's and a re-
lation's, M. L. F. The latter only was ad-
mitted, and passed unnoticed. Millet told
us afterward that it was the poorer of the
two ; the color was somber and looked like
the follies of the Delaroche studio.
When the Exhibition closed he went
back to see his Normandy, with the desire
to stay and try to get a living at Cherbourg,
and be near his family. It was not the
first time that he returned. Almost every
year he went to breathe his native air and
stay some weeks at Gruchy with his mother
and grandmother, who already thought
him a wonder, as the Cherbourg papers had
spoken of him. In 1838 and 1840 he made
several portraits of his family and friends —
his mother and grandmother, who were liv-
ing with one of his brothers. He made two
portraits of his grandmother, one a drawing,
life size, characterized by a strong expres-
sion of austerity. Millet worked on it with
great care, as a labor of love. He wanted,
he said, to show the soul of his grand-
mother.
As his pictures did not sell, he accepted
commissions for signs, and painted them
the size of life : " The Little Milk-girl," for
a dry-goods shop ; "A Scene of Our African
Campaigns," for a tumbler, who paid him
the price (thirty francs) in sous ; a horse, for
a veterinary surgeon ; a sailor, for a sail-
maker.
Having failed to satisfy the municipality
with a portrait of a deceased local digni-
tary (though they accepted and hung the
picture, when he, to cut matters short, gave
it to them), Millet was completely cast off
by the influential people, who were ashamed
of having protected a sign-painter ; but such
injustice raised friends for him. All the
young people were on his side. Indifferent
to public opinion, he nevertheless became
an object of attention to all who liked noise
JEAN FRANCOIS MILLET— PEASANT AND PAINTER.
831
or opposition. He had some orders for
portraits.
Millet was a big, handsome fellow, proud,
with gentle eyes. A nice Cherbourg girl,
whose portrait he was painting, took com-
passion on him. Millet married her in 1841,
and began to paint portraits of his wife,
himself, and several members of his new
family, whom he always disliked to speak
of. His marriage was not happy. His
wife was very delicate. She .suffered and
faded away, dying in Paris in 1844, after
two years and five months of marriage.
Millet returned to Paris in 1842. A por-
trait and picture sent to -the Salon were
both refused.
From 1841 to 1851 Millet's* talent changed
and assumed a distinct individuality. The
blackness and thick shadows of his figures
disappear, and all the traditions of the
Delaroche studio. He painted with fervor,
with the joy of a man who feels full of life
and gifts, and who understands the secrets
of the masters. He knows as much as the
artists of the eighteenth century, and seems
sometimes to remember Restout and Van-
loo, and the methods which the old painters
of Cherbourg had preserved. But he finds
his hand is too clever, and does not follow
his mind. Then he stops, studies Michael
Angelo and analyzes Correggio. He goes
to the Louvre, does not copy, but lives in
the atmosphere of the masters. He ques-
tions them, tries to understand them. Mod-
eling (which is the sculptural presentation
of form bathed in air) engrosses him ; it is
the first phase of his transformation. He
studies it in Correggio, the magician of flesh,
the painter of natural grace and strong life.
In 1843 he exhibited nothing. In 1844
he sent two subjects, one " The Riding
Lesson," a group of children playing horse
— one is mounted on the back of another.
" At last," said Diaz, " here is a new man
who has the knowledge which I would
like to have, and movement, color, expres-
sion, too, — here is a painter !"
Millet's life now became still harder, com-
plicated by the sufferings of a dying woman.
He was without money, position, or connec-
tions. He never spoke of this time without
a sort of terror. His material life was a
daily fight. He was ready to do anything
that chance offered, — had endless difficulties
to get the most trifling sums paid. He met
people who took advantage of his poverty,
who wearied him with their refusals and
went to all lengths of cruelty. A different
man would have vowed vengeance on this
inhuman society — this savage Paris ; but
Millet did not bear any malice. He
merely told the fact, and added : " Yes,
there are bad people, but there are good
ones also, and one good one consoles you
for many bad. I sometimes found helping
hands, and I don't complain."
In 1844 he left his own country, to
which he returned when he was too hard
pressed by trouble. He went to Cher-
bourg, where he was well received. It
must be admitted that his talent had ac-
quired a more appreciable form, his draw-
ing had a persuasive charm, though a little
affected. Color was his strongest point ;
atmospheric harmony, richness of tone, and
a particular method of rosy gray, gave a
sort of attractive warmth to his works. He
executed with a rapidity which might be
now called rather too easy, but there was
so much exuberance of strength, such a
passion for covering canvas, that the pleas-
ure of painting overcame colder reason.
Afterward he quieted his youthful fire, put
on the bit of the most precise drawing;
but in those days he was given over to the
" Muse of Painting," and threw the reins
to his passionate nature. Those who like
to divide a painter's career into periods
may call this the "florid manner " of Millet,
for his painting has all the charm and prom-
ise of youth.
His first marriage had been unfortunate,
but he was not a man who could live alone ;
a young girl loved him in silence ; he ended
by discovering it, and married the woman
who became the mother of his children and
the devoted companion of his whole life.
They left for Paris in November, 1845, and
they stopped at Havre, where several friends
expected them. He did all sorts of things ;
portraits of captains, ship owners, com-
manders and people employed in the port,
even sailors. At Havre a public exhibition
of his works was organized, and he made
a few more portraits. When, at last, not
without difficulty, he got 900 francs together,
he left for Paris with his wife.
Here ends the happy life of Millet.
Paris, somber and stubborn, will dispute
and fight him. Becoming soon a father,
his duty will be to his family, black bread
and anxiety will be his portion, — he will not
see again either mother or grandmother.
He will write often to the inhabitants of
his native town, the answers will be always
touchingly full of tenderness and resigna-
tion, but he will always think himself a
captive. " I felt," said Millet, " that I was
832 JEAN FRANCOIS MILLET— PEASANT AND PAINTER.
CARDING WOOL.
nailed to a rock and condemned to endless
labor; but I could have forgotten all if I
had only been able once in a while to see
again my native place."
Millet and his wife came to Paris in
December, 1845, an(^ f°r a time lived in a
modest lodging in rue Rochechouart, while
waiting to go into three Mansard rooms in
the same street, No. 42 bis, where Millet
had arranged a very informal studio, whose
whole furniture consisted of three chairs and
an easel. At once he began to work. His
" St. Jerome Tempted by Women " was fine
in effect and in movement; it was superbly
painted. Couture sent artists to see this
"astonishing piece." While he was paint-
ing it he received a letter from his grand-
mother:
"You say you are painting a portrait of St.
Jerome, groaning under the temptations which be-
sieged his youth. Ah, dear child, like him reflect,
and gain the same holy profit. P'ollow the example
of a man of your own profession, and say, ' I paint for
eternity.' For no reason in the world allow yourself
to do wrong. Do not fall in the eyes of God. With
St. Jerome, think ever of the trumpet which will call
us to the Judgment Seat. * * Thy mother is
ill, and part of the time in bed. I get more and
more helpless, and can hardly walk. We wish you
a happy and fortunate new year, full of the most
JEAN FRANCOIS MILLET— PEASANT AND PAINTER. 833
abundant blessings of heaven. Let us soon hear
from you. We are very anxious to know how you
are getting on. We hope well, and embrace you
with sincere friendship.
" Thy grandmother,
" LOUISE JUMELIN.
" GREVILLE, June loth, 1846."
The Salon of 1846 was just about to open.
The jury refused the St. Jerome, and Millet,
being short of canvas, painted over it " CEdi-
pus being taken from the tree." Tourneux
(a fellow-student of the Beaux Arts) had
lost no time in discovering Millet. They
became intimate, and from that time on,
Millet was counted among the family of
in the nude. Every one pushed him in this
direction, where he made such successes,
and in which his natural temperament kept
him so many years. You feel that the CEdi-
pus is a fine piece of work, and that the
artist, a consummate workman, has only
thought of the execution. Millet himself
said : " It is a pretext to exercise myself in
the nude and in the modeling of light." In
truth, the CEdipus is nothing more. Millet
makes his mark, but as yet he is neither
poet nor thinker. What is most remarkable
in this picture, and in many others of the
same time, is the ease with which Millet
SHEEP-SHEARING.
painters of " The Quarter." Diaz lived near,
and came to see him. He was not a cold
admirer. The talent of Millet, like that of
Rousseau, had the gift of exciting and mak-
ing him eloquent. He made a tremendous
propaganda for Millet, urging amateurs and
dealers to get the artist's paintings, if they
did not wish to stand in his eyes as blind
and incapable.
For the Salon of 1847, he made a pict-
ure whose name is the only classic thing
about it — the " CEdipus being taken from
the tree." It was painted to show his power
makes nature with what is not pure reality.
He is not a copyist. He uses reality, but
transforms it. In his nude figures, his most
amorous subjects, you never find an un-
wholesome intention. The picture of the
" Children with the Wheelbarrow " seems
a robust echo of Fragonard ; a young peas-
ant such as never existed, shoulders and
breast bare, hair flying, and a face bright
with the sun of May. In the hands of a
painter of the eighteenth century it would
be a suggestive study. With Millet it is
only fine plastic art, touched by spring-time
834 JEAN FRANCOIS MILLET— PEASANT AND PAINTER.
and youth. So with all his nude paintings.
Millet had a sensual organization and ad-
mired flesh; but he had an honest soul.
In the midst of all our decadence he kept
a pure heart.
It was in 1847 that I saw him first. I
went with Troyon to his lodging in the rue
Rochechouart. He wore a strange garb,
which gave his whole person an outlandish
look. A brown-stone-colored overcoat, a
thick beard, and long hair covered with a
woolen cap like those worn by coachmen,
gave his face a character which surprised
you, and then made you think of the painters
of the Middle Ages. His reception was kind,
but almost silent. After a while, he began |
to be more expansive. " Every subject is I
good," said he, " only it must be rendered
with strength and clearness. In art, there ,
must be a governing thought expressed elo-
quently. We must have it in ourselves, and ;
stamp it upon others, just as a medal is
stamped. * * * Art is not a pleasure-
trip ; it is a fight. * * * I am not a
philosopher. I don't want to stop pain, or
find a formula which will make me indiffer-
ent or a stoic. Pain is, perhaps, that which
makes the artist express himself most dis-
tinctly." He talked for some time, and then
was silent, made timid by his own words.
When we parted, we felt that we had made
the beginning of a serious friendship. Mil-
let at this time knew Charles Jacques. His
was a penetrating and enthusiastic nature.
Millet's painting had attracted him ; the
man had charmed him. He had become
a passionate admirer of his talent. And as
he knew how to say so in just and convincing
terms, Millet had been touched. Jacques
was then making his charming etchings, like
a pupil of Ostade. At dusk we met at Mil-
let's, and there Jacques, Campredon, and
others now gone, passed hours before a jug
of beer, talking of the ancients and moderns.
In these interminable conversations Millet
only put in a good word, or an argument as
strong as a giant. He was very severe upon
the romanticists, dogmatists and politicians,
as well as upon contemporary art. You could
see that the air of Paris weighed heavily on
him, and that the chatter of the great city,
its literature, its aims and ambitions, its
manners and customs, were a world which
he could not understand.
In the spring Millet was taken with a
dangerous rheumatic fever, and brought
to death's door. He was given up by all
but his devoted friends, and when he did
begin slowly to recover he could scarcely
speak or breathe. But youth has its privi-
leges; it forgets quickly, and renews itself
with its own vital powers. One morning
Millet shook himself " like a wet dog," and
began to work with a trembling hand. But
the Salon of 1848 was to open. Millet
finished a " Winnower " and a " Captivity
of the Jews in Babylon," and sent them.
The jury had been abolished, and everything
sent was hung, — the " Winnower " in the
salon carre and the " Jews " in the long gal-
lery. The first obtained a real success, the
second left the public cold.
But the success did not fill the needy
purse of the Millets. The revolution had
stopped all picture-buying, and artists
suffered the extremest famine. Millet and
his wife did not complain, asked nothing,
but we knew their distress. One of us went
to the museum, then to the Direction of the
Beaux Arts, and got 100 francs, which we
took immediately to the painter. Millet
was in his studio, sitting on a box, his back
bent like a man who is chilled. He said
" Good-day," but did not move. It was
freezing cold in the miserable room. When
the money was handed him, he said :
" Thank you ; it comes in time. We have
not eaten for two days, but the important
thing is that the children have not suffered.
Until to-day they have had food." He
called his wife, " I am going to get wood ;
I am very cold." He did not say another
word, and never spoke of it again. A few
days after he moved to the rue du Delta.
In April, M. Ledru-Rollin, urged by Jean-
ron, came to see him and gave him a com-
mission of 1 800 francs. M. Ledru-Rollin
bought also the " Winnower," for 500 francs.
This was a great deal in 1848.
The insurrection of June came to disturb
! Paris. Millet was painting a midwife's
i sign when the first guns were filed. Misery
| had come again, and he found himself help-
i less, in the midst of this civil war, when the
1 midwife arrived, carried off her sign, and
left Millet thirty francs as pay.
" It saved us," said Millet, " for we man-
aged to live two weeks on the money, until
the insurrection and the troubles which fol-
lowed it were quieted. How often I have
blessed this unexpected help ! "
A few days after he painted a Samson,
asleep beside Delilah, who is about to cut
his hair. It is a little picture of a finely
balanced composition and beautiful color.
He also painted a Mercury, carrying off the
flocks of Argus. But they did not sell.
A cover for a song was ordered. Millet
JEAN FRANCOIS MILLET— PEASANT AND PAINTER.
835
made the drawing, and sent the lithographic
stone to the publisher. The price was
thirty francs ; he was paid by insolence ; the
door was shut in his face.
He then drew two " Liberties," but they
sold no better than the others. Jacques
sold from one franc to five. Charles Jacques
collected a quantity of papers on the studio
floor, drawings and notes from nature; he
bought them, and saved them from being
used for fire.
Like every other Parisian, Millet was
CEDIPUS BEING TAKEN FROM THE TREE.
advised him to make drawings in exchange
for clothes, — six drawings went for a pair of
shoes, a picture for a bed. Portraits of
Diaz, Barye, Victor Dupre, Vechte, half-
length and life-size, were bought for twenty
francs, all four, and charming sketches were
armed with a gun during the revolution, and
had to take his place in the defense of the
Assembly and the taking of the barricades
of the Rochechouart quarter, where he saw
the chief of the insurgents fall. He came
back angry and indignant at the slaughters
836
JEAN FRANCOIS MILLET— PEASANT AND PAINTER.
of Paris. He had no military spirit, nor the
rage of revolt, and all he saw made his
heart bleed.
We would go together of an evening to
few hours. His facility was extraordinary,
and he never omitted the telling note or
charm of color.
One evening, standing before Deforge's
THE WOODMAN.
the plain of Montmartre or Saint Ouen.
The next day I would find impressions of
the day before, which he had painted in -a
window, he saw two young men examining
one of his pictures, " Women Bathing."
" Do you know who painted that ? " said
JEAN FRANCOIS MILLET— PEASANT AND PAINTER. 837
one. " Yes," replied the other. " A fel-
low called Millet, who only paints naked
women." These words cut him to the
quick — his dignity was touched. Coming
home, he told his wife the story. " If you
consent," said he, " I will do no more of that
lieved in a way from all servitude, entered
resolutely into rustic art.
The year 1849 was a difficult time for
many painters. Millet, whom fortune was
slow to smile upon, was not more happy
than his friends; yet he found time and
sort of pictures. Living will be harder than
ever and you will suffer, but I will be free to
do what I have long been thinking of." Mme.
Millet answered, " I am ready. Do as you
will." And from that time on Millet, re-
strength to paint a peasant-woman seated,
which he sent to the Salon, — but in this
epoch of political excitement it does not
seem to have caused any great interest.
Material life was a problem to be solved
838 JEAN FRANCOIS MILLET— PEASANT AND PAINTER.
THE PLAIN OF BARBIZON.
every day. He had no other hope than an
order from the Minister, and it was a long,
difficult piece of work. The figures in " The
Hay -makers" were to be half life, in the
middle of a plain, at rest near a hay-cock.
Millet sought long on the banks of the
Seine and at St. Ouen, but could find
nothing that he could use. " I don't see
anything but inhabitants of a suburb ; I
want a country-woman." However, he fin-
ished his work, and had just received the
price, when the revolution of the i3th June,
1849, broke out. The cholera, too, reached
its height, and decided Millet and Jacques
to leave the city. Furnished with 1800
francs, they went with their families to Bar-
bizon and stopped at old Ganne's. There
had already settled, since June, 1848, Theo-
dore Rousseau, Hughes Martin, Belly, Louis
Leroy and Clerget.
It was at this time that Millet and Rous-
seau first knew each other; they had
merely met at Diaz's. They were neither
men to enter easily into intimacy; they
took several months to examine one an-
other, and it was not till long after that
they talked without constraint. Millet, pru-
dent and discreet, always kept a reserve
with Rousseau, which the latter appreciated
later. He was never a pupil of Rous-
seau, as has been stated. When they met
they were of equal force. If, afterward,
one showed the influence of the other, it
was Rousseau, whom Millet's art preoc-
cupied so much that he was drawn by him
toward simplicity of subject and sobriety
of line.
Millet and Jacques hired studios — such
studios ! — in peasant houses, and set out
together to discover the country. I often
visited them at this time. They were in
such a state of excitement that they could
not paint. The majesty of the old woods,
the virginity of the rocks and underbrush,
the broken bowlders and green pastures,
had intoxicated them with beauty and odors.
They could not think of leaving such en-
chantment. Millet found his dream lying
before him. He touched his own sphere.
He felt the blood of his family in his veins.
He became again a peasant.
The following is from his first letter from
Barbizon, June 28th, 1849 :
" We have determined, Jacques and I, to stay
here some • time, and we have each taken a house.
The prices are very different from those in Paris,
and as one can get there easily if necessary, and the
country is superb, we will work more quietly than
JEAN FRANCOIS MILLET— PEASANT AND PAINTER. 839
in Paris, and, perhaps, do better things. In fact, we
want to stay here some time."
The " some time " which he was to stay
at Barbizon was twenty-seven years, — all the
rest of his life.
From the time Millet went to Barbizon
he became " the rustic," and gave to his
pictures an elevation, a largeness, which
have made him unique in our art, — one
who speaks a language hitherto unheard.
The echo of country life, its eclogues, its
hard work, its anxiety, its misery, its peace,
the emotions of the man bound to the
soil, — all these he will know ho\v to trans-
late, and the inhabitant of the city will see
that " the trivial can be made to serve
the sublime," and that something noble
can be evolved from the commonest acts
of life.
His first fever quieted, Millet painted the
rustic scenes which struck him — sawyers
at work at gigantic trees, wood-gatherers,
charcoal-burners, quarrymen, — worn out
with their frightful toil, — poachers on the
scent, stone-breakers, road-laborers, men
plowing, harrowing and wood-cutting. Each
one of these scenes he finished in a day,
sometimes in a couple of hours. Later, he
composed and executed with great care a
series of little drawings which were to ex-
press the whole life of the peasant : first, the
man of the soil, in his blouse and sabots, —
the hero of work, the central point ; then,
the peasant woman, young, strong and
handsome ; then, a series of country scenes,
from the mother playing with her child to
the poor old woman who goes to cut the
dead wood, and brings home on her wretched
back a fagot four times as big as herself.
This collection is a revelation of an artist
of genius. It is a succession of pictures
worthy to be placed beside the philosophic
compositions of Holbein. It is neither a
satire nor a special pleading — but the quiet
thought of a man glad to be able to express
the greatness and the misery of his com-
panions.
He had taken a little peasant's-house
with three narrow, low rooms, which served
as studio, kitchen and bedroom for his
wife and his three children. Later, the
little house was lengthened by two other
rooms, when the children increased to nine.
A studio was built at the end of the garden,
and Millet added a wash-house and a
chicken-yard in the middle of a garden
which was leased to him.
He had two occupations. In the morning
he dug or planted, sowed or reaped ; after
lunch he went into the low, cold, dark room
called a studio. He did not dislike this
shadowy nook, for there a great part of his
works were composed, and all his poetic
compositions, sketches and drawings.
His first vision was a Bible subject, " Ruth
and Boaz," which he drew on the wall in
crayon. They were real peasants, — a harvest
scene where the master, as in the Scripture,
finds a young gleaner, and leads her blush-
ing to the feast of the country people.
When he had been too long in his dark
studio he felt a pain, which soon became a
frightful suffering, — a headache of the most
violent kind. He was days and sometimes
even weeks under the iron hand of this
enemy.
To ward off the beginnings of the evil, he
would go off into the fields and forest, and
walk about with feverish anxiety. We often
followed him with other friends in his cours-
ing over hill and dale. The open air re-
stored him ; then, with a child-like joy, he
climbed rocks, jumping like a stag, to reach
at a bound the highest point of the curious
granite bowlders which give a magic appear-
ance to the forest of Fontainebleau. Sabots
on his feet, an old red sailor's-jacket, a
weather-beaten straw-hat, he was in his
element. When tired and overcome by
the climb, he threw himself on the ground
and cried out, like Goethe : " My God,
how good it is under Thy heaven." And
added : " I don't know anything more
delicious than to lie on the heather and
look at the sky."
He writes from Barbizon :
" MY DEAR SENSIER : * * * I work like a gang of
slaves ; the day seems five months long. My wish to
make a winter landscape has become a fixad idea. I
want to do a sheep picture, and have all sorts of pro-
jects in my head. If you could see how beautiful the
forest is ! I rush there at the end of the day, after
my work, and I come back every time crushed. It
is so calm, such a terrible grandeur that I find my-
self really frightened. I don't know what those
fellows, the trees, are saying to each other ; they
say something which we cannot understand, because
we don't know their language, that is all. But I'm
sure they don't make puns.
"To-morrow, Sunday, is the fete of Barbizon.
Every oven, stove, chimney, saucepan and pot are
in such activity that you might believe it was the
day before the ' noces de Gamache.'1 Every old
triangle is used as a spit, and all the turkeys, geese,
hens and ducks which you saw in such good health
are at this minute roasting and boiling, — and pies as
big as wagon-wheels ! Barbizon is one big kitchen,
and the fumes must be smelt for miles. * * *
Pray give the following order to the frame-maker.
* Try to have him make the frames not in too
horribly bad taste. If the gilding should not be so
840
THE NEW SOUTH.
if.'^-^m ^wwOT:.-^'
THE GLEANERS.
fine, never mind ; the form is the point. Send, also,
3 burnt sienna, 2 raw ditto, 3 Naples yellow, I burnt
Italian earth, 2 yellow ocher, 2 burnt umber, I
bottle of raw oil."
# * #
It was with the simplest means that he
obtained the exquisite tones and transpar-
ent effects of his pictures.
(To be continued.)
THE NEW SOUTH.
IT would seem that facts may now be
arrayed which leave no doubt that upon
the general cycle of American advance the
South has described such an epicycle of
individual growth that no profitable discus-
sion of that region is possible at present
which does not clearly define at the outset
whether it is to be a discussion of the old
South or the new South. Although the
movement here called by the latter name
is originally neither political, social, moral,
nor aesthetic, yet the term in the present
THE NEW SOUTH.
841
instance connotes all these with surprising
completeness. The New South means small
farming.
What Southern small farming really sig-
nifies, and how it has come to involve and
determine the whole compass of civilization
in that part of the republic, this paper pro-
poses to show, (i) by briefly pointing out its
true relation, in its last or (what one may
call, its) poetic outcome, to the " large farm-
ing " now so imminent in the North-west ;
(2) by presenting some statistics of the
remarkable increase in the number of South-
ern small farms from 1860 to 1870, together
with some details of the actual cultures and
special conditions thereof; and (3) by con-
trasting with it a picture of large farming
in England three hundred years ago. In-
deed, one has only to recall how the con-
nexion between marriage and the price of
corn is but a crude and partial statement
of the intimate relation between politics,
social life, morality, art, on the one hand,
and the bread-giver earth on the other;
one has only to remember that, particularly
here in America, whatever crop we hope to
reap in the future, — whether it be a crop
of poems, of paintings, of symphonies, of
constitutional safeguards, of virtuous be-
haviors, of religious exaltations, — we have
got to bring it out of the ground with pal-
pable plows and with plain farmer's fore-
thought : in order to see that a vital revolution
in the farming economy of the South, if it
is actually occurring, is necessarily carrying
with it all future Southern politics and
Southern social relations and Southern art,
and that, therefore, such an agricultural
change is the one substantial fact upon
which any really new South can be pred-
icated.
Approached from this direction, the quiet
rise of the small farmer in the Southern
States during the last twenty years becomes
the notable circumstance of the period, in
comparison with which noisier events sig-
nify nothing.
As JUST now hinted, small farming in the
South becomes clear in its remoter bear-
ings when seen over against the precisely
opposite tendency toward large farming in
the West. Doubtless recent reports of this
tendency have been sometimes exaggerated.
In reading them, one has been obliged to
remember that small minds love to bring
large news, and, failing a load, will make
VOL. XX.— 55.
one. But certainly enough appears, if only
in the single apparently well-authenticated
item of the tempting profits realized by
some of the great north-western planters,
to authorize the inference that the tendency
to cultivate wheat on enormous farms, where
the economies possible only to corporation-
management can secure the greatest yield
with the least expense, is a growing one.
And, this being so, the most rapid glance
along the peculiar details of the north-west-
ern large farm opens before us a path of
thought which quickly passes beyond wheat-
raising, and leads among all those other
means of life which appertain to this com-
plex creature who cannot live by bread
alone. For instance, classify, as a social
and moral factor, a farm like the Grandin
place, near Fargo, where 4,855 acres are
sown in wheat ; where five hands do all
the work during the six winter months,
while as many as two hundred and fifty
must be employed in midsummer ; where
the day's work is nearly thirteen hours;
where, out of the numerous structures for
farm purposes, but two have any direct
relation to man— one a residence for the
superintendent and foreman, the other a
boarding-house for the hands; where no
women, children nor poultry are to be seen;
where the economies are such as are wholly
out of the power of the small wheat-raisers,
insomuch that even the railways can give
special rates for grain coming in such con-
venient large quantities; where the steam
machine, the telephone and the telegraph
are brought to the last degree of skillful
service; where, finally, the net profits for
the current year are $52,239.*
It appears plainly enough from these
details that, looked upon from the midst of
all those associations which cluster about
the idea of the farm, large farming is not
farming at all. It is mining for wheat.
Or a slight change in the point of view
presents it as a manufacturing business, in
which clods are fed to the mill, and grain
appears in car-loads at Chicago. And
perhaps the most exact relations of this large
farming to society in general are to be
drawn by considering such farmers as cor-
porations, their laborers as mill-operatives
for six months in each year and tramps for
the other six, their farms as mills where
nature mainly turns the wheel, their invest-
ment as beyond the reach of strikes or fires,
* According to an anonymous writer in " The
Atlantic Monthly," January, 1880.
842
THE NEW SOUTH.
foreign distress their friend, and the world's
hunger their steady customer.
It appears further that, while such agri-
cultural communities are so merely in name
and are manufacturing communities in fact,
they are manufacturing communities only as
to the sterner features of that guild, — the
order, the machine, the minimum of ex-
pense, the maximum of product, — and not
as to those pleasanter features, the school-
house, the church, the little working-men's
library, the sewing-class, the cookery-class,
the line of promotion, the rise of the bright
boy and the steady workman — all the gen-
tler matters which will spring up, even out
of the dust-heaps, about any spot where
men have the rudest abiding-place. On the
large farm is no abiding-place ; the laborer
must move on; life cannot stand still, to
settle and clarify.
It would not seem necessary to disclaim
any design to inveigh against the owners
of these great factory-farms, if indignation
had not been already expressed in such a
way as to oblige one to declare that no
obligations can be cited, as between them
and their laborers, which would not equally
apply to every manufacturer. If it is wrong
to discharge all but ten laborers when only
ten are needed, then the mill-owners of
Massachusetts must be held bound to run
day and night when the market is over-
stocked because they ran so when it was
booming; and if it is criminal to pay the
large-farm hands no more than will hardly
support them for thirteen hours' work, every
mill-company in the world which pays
market rates for work is particeps. But,
with the coast thus cleared of personality;
with the large farm thus classed as a manu-
facturing company in all its important inci-
dents ; and recognizing in the fullest manner
that, if wheat can be made most cheaply in
this way, it must be so made : a very brief
train of thought brings us upon a situation,
as between the small farmer on the one
hand and the corporation on the other,
which reveals them as embodying two tend-
encies in the republic at this moment
whose relations it is the business of states-
manship, and of citizenship, to understand
with the utmost clearness, since we are bound
to foster both of them.
For, if we stop our ears to the noisy
child's-play of current politics, and remem-
ber (i) that in all ages and countries two
spirits, or motives, or tendencies, exist which
are essentially opposed to each other, but
both of which are necessary to the state;
(2) that the problem of any given period or
society is to recognize the special forms in
which these two tendencies are then and
there embodying themselves, and to keep
them in such relations that neither shall
crush, while each shall healthily check, the
other; (3) that these tendencies may be
called the spirit of control and the spirit
of independence, and that they are so inti-
mately connected with the two undeniable
facts which lie at the bottom of moral be-
havior— namely, the facts of influence from
without, on the one hand, and free will on
the other — that the questions of morals and
of politics coalesce at their roots; (4) that
these two tendencies are now most tangibly
embodied among us in the corporation and
the small farmer — the corporation represent-
ing the spirit of control, and the small
farmer representing, in many curious ways,
the spirit of independence; (5) that our re-
public vitally needs the corporation for the
mighty works which only the corporation
can do, while it as vitally needs the small
farmer for the pure substance of individual
and self-reliant manhood which he digs out
of the ground, and which, the experience
of all peoples would seem to show, must
primarily come that way and no other: we
are bound to conclude that the practical
affair in the United States at the present
juncture is to discover how we may cherish
at once the corporation and the small
farmer into the highest state of competitive
activity, less by constitution-straining laws
which forbid the corporation to do this and
that, or which coddle the small farmer with
sop and privilege, than by affording free
scope for both to adjust themselves, and by
persistently holding sound moral principles
to guide the adjustment.
When, therefore, we behold the large
farm as a defection from the farm-party in
general — which represents individuality in
the state — over to the corporation-party,
whose existence is necessarily based upon
such relations to employees as impair their
individuality, we regard with all the more
interest the rise of the small farmer, now
occurring in an opposite direction so op-
portunely as to seem as if nature herself
were balancing the North-west * with the
Southeast.
* Always with the saving clause : if the North-
west is really tending, on the whole, toward large
farming ; which certainly seems true, yet is not suf-
ficiently clear to be argued upon, save with prudent
reservations.
THE NEW SOUTH.
843
ii.
THE phrase "small farming," used of
the South, crops out in directions curious
enough to one unacquainted with the special
economies and relations of existence in that
part of our country. While large farming
in the South means exclusive cotton-grow-
ing,— as it means in the West exclusive
wheat-growing or exclusive corn-growing —
small farming means diversified farm-prod-
ucts; and a special result of the Southern
conditions of agriculture has brought about
a still more special sense of the word, so
that in Georgia, for example, the term
" small farmer " brings up to every native
mind the idea of a farmer who, besides his
cotton crop, raises corn enough to " do "
him. But again, the incidents hinging upon
this apparently simple matter of making
corn enough to do him are so numerous
as, in turn, to render them the distinctive
feature of small farming. Small farming
means, in short, meat and bread for which
there are no notes in bank; pigs fed with
home-made corn, and growing of them-
selves while the corn and cotton were being
tended ; yarn spun, stockings knit, butter
made and sold (instead of bought); eggs,
chickens, peaches, water-melons, the four
extra sheep and a little wool, two calves
and a beef, — all to sell every year, besides a
colt who is now suddenly become, all of
himself, a good, serviceable horse ; the four
oxen, who are as good as gifts made by the
grass ; and a hundred other items, all repre-
senting income from a hundred sources to
the small farmer, which equally represent
outgo to the large farmer, — items, too,
scarcely appearing at all on the expense
side of the strictest account-book, because
they are either products of odd moments
which, if not so applied, would not have
been at all applied, or products of natural
animal growth, and grass at nothing a ton.
All these ideas are inseparably connected
with that of the small farmer in the South.
The extent of this diversity of product
possible upon a single small farm in Georgia,
for instance; and the certain process by
which we find these diversified products
presently creating demands for the village
library, the neighborhood farmers'-club, the
amateur Thespian society, the improvement
of the public schools, the village orchestra,
all manner of betterments and gentilities and
openings out into the universe : show sig-
nificantly, and even picturesquely, in a mass
of clippings which I began to make a couple
of years ago, from a number of country
papers in Georgia, upon the idea that these
unconsidered trifles of mere farmers' neigh-
borhood news, with no politics behind them
and no argumentative coloring in front of
them, would form the best possible picture
of actual small-farm life in the South — that
is, of the New South.
To read these simple and homely scraps
is indeed much like a drive among the
farms themselves with the ideal automaton
guide, who confines himself to telling you
that this field is sugar-cane, that one yonder
is cotton, the other is rice, and so on, with-
out troubling you for responsive exclamations
or other burdensome commentary.
Rambling among these cuttings, one sees
growing side by side, possibly upon a
single small farm, corn, wheat, rice, sugar-
cane, cotton, peaches, plums, apples, pears,
figs, water-melons, cantaleups, musk-melons,
cherries, strawberries, raspberries, blackber-
ries, Catawba grapes, Isabellas, Scupper-
nongs, peas, snap-beans, butter-beans, okra,
squash, beets, oyster-plant, mustard, cress,
cabbage, turnips, tomatoes, cauliflower,
asparagus, potatoes, onions; one does not
fail, too, to catch a glimpse of pigs sauntering
about, chickens singing, colts flinging their
heels at you and off down the pasture, calves
likewise, cows caring not for these things,
sheep on the rising ground, geese and tur-
keys passim, perhaps the green-gray moss —
surely designed by nature to pack vegetables
in and send them " North," — a very bed of
dew for many days after cutting, and the
roses and morning-glories everywhere for a
benison.
The first clipping which comes to hand
is a cunning commentary, expressed in facts,
upon the diversified-culture aspect of small
farming. Perhaps every one who has heard
the results of premium awards read out at
county fairs will have noticed how often a
single name will recur in the same list as
premium taker : For the best corn — John
Smith; for the best sample of oats —
John Smith ; for the best lot of pigs — John
Smith ; for the finest colt — John Smith ; and
so on. The relation of cause and effect, as
between small farming and such success, is
direct. Small farming makes so many
edges cut at once that many things are
obliged to result. And so one is not sur-
prised to see, in this item concerning the
fair of the Marslwllville Agricultural Society
( Marshall ville is in what is known as south-
western Georgia, a cotton-growing portion
of the State), the name of Mr. J. M. com-
844
THE NEW SOUTH.
ing up in many varied connections; nor
is one surprised to find, upon inquiry, that
the same gentleman is a small farmer, who
commenced work after the war with his
own hands, not a dollar in his pocket, and
now owns his plantation, has it well stocked,
no mortgage or debt of any kind on it, and
a little money to lend.
" The attendance was very large," says the
clipping. ..." Number of ... exhibitors
much larger than last year. . . .
" PREMIUMS AWARDED.
" For the largest and best display of field
crops and garden products by single plant-
er—J. M.
" For the largest and best display of
stock by a single planter — J. M.
" For the best display of old home-raised
side meat and hams, old home-raised corn
and fodder, home-raised flour, corn meal,
syrup, and one quart ley hominy made of
old corn — J. M.
" Special mention is made of the fact that
Mr. J. M. had on exhibition one hundred
different articles."
And then we are given the " honorable
mention " of " field-crops," which, without
taking up space with names of successful
exhibitors, may be cited here, so far as the
crops are concerned, as partly indicating
the diversified products customary in one
narrow neighborhood of small farmers.
Thus, a premium (" honorable mention ")
was given to the "best, corn, . . . best
stalk of cotton, . . . best upland rice, . . .
best cleaned wheat, . . . best cleaned oats,
. . . best cleaned barley, . . . best cleaned
rye, . . . best ribbon sugar-cane, . . . best
golden-rod cane, . . . bestchufas, . . . best
ground peas (peanuts), . . . best field-peas."
And so, looking along through this batch
of items, — which surely never dreamed of
finding themselves together, — one gathers a
great number of circumstances illustrating
the small farm of Georgia from various
points of view. One hears, for instance,
how the people of Thomas County (south-
ern Georgia) are now busy gathering, pack-
ing and forwarding the sand pear to Bos-
ton and New York (the sand pear, or Le
Conte pear, is a luscious variety which has
recently been pushed with great success
among the sandy lands of lower Georgia;
the entire stock is said to have come from
one tree on the Le Conte plantation in
Liberty County — the same farm which sent
out a further notable product in the persons
of the two illustrious professors John and
Joseph Le Conte, now of the University
of California) ; how last week thirty bushels
of pears were obtained from the old tree
mentioned in the preceding clause ; how
southern Georgia is making sugar-cane a
leading crop ; how Mr. Anthony (in Bibb
County, middle Georgia) has twenty-eight
varieties of grapes growing on a few acres,
and has just introduced a new variety ; how
Bartow County (above Atlanta) shipped
225,000 pounds of dried apples and peaches
last season; how over 15,000 pounds of
wool have been received during the last four
days at one warehouse in Albany (south-
west Georgia), while in Quitman (same
portion) our streets are constantly thronged
with carts laden with wool from Colquitt
and Berrien and Lowndes counties — this
wool being, it should be added, the prod-
uct of small farmers who " raise " many
other things ; how the common sheep is an
extremely profitable beast, it being but a
sorry specimen which will not furnish one
lamb and two and a half pounds of wool
per annum, which lamb will sell for two-
dollars while the wool will bring nearly
another dollar, and all for no tendance ex-
cept a little rice-straw and cotton-seed dur-
ing the yeaning season, together with
careful folding at night ; how — and here the
connection with small farming is only ap-
parently remote — a library society is being
organized in Milledgeville, while in another
town the " Advertiser " is making a vigor-
ous call for a library, and in a third the
library has recently received many addi-
tions of books, and in a fourth an amateur
Thespian corps has just been formed, con-
sisting of five ladies and fourteen gentlemen,
whose first performance is to be early in
July ; how there are curious correlations
between sheep, whisky, public schools and
dogs — the State school commissioner vigor-
ously advocating the MofTett bell-punch
system of tax on liquor and a tax on dogs
(of which, I find from another slip, there
are 99,414 in the State, destroying annually
28,625 of the small farmers' sheep), for the
purpose of increasing the school fund to
a million dollars annually; how, at the
Atlanta University for colored people, which
is endowed by the State, the progress of the
pupils, the clearness of their recitations,
their excellent behavior, and the remark-
able neatness of their school-rooms, alto-
gether convince " your committee that
the colored race . . . are capable of re-
THE NEW SOUTH.
845
ceiving the education usually given at such
institutions"; how last Thursday a neigh-
borhood club of small farmers, on Walnut
Creek (near Macon), celebrated the fifth
anniversary of the club by meeting under
the trees, with their wives and children,
recoiTnting in turn how many acres each
had in cotton, how many in corn, how
many in potatoes, how many in peas, etc.,
and discussing these matters and a barbecue,
a sub-committee bringing in a joking report
with shrewd hits at the behindhand mem-
bers,— as that we found on Mr. W.'s farm
the best gourd-crop, and on Mr. R.'s some
acres of very remarkable " bumble-bee cot-
ton," the peculiarity of which cotton is that
the bee can sit upon the ground and " exult-
antly sip from the tallest cotton-bloom on
the plant "; how at a somewhat similar gath-
ering the yeomen brought out the great Jones
County soup pot, the same being an eighty-
gallon syrup kettle, in which the soup began
to boil on the night before and was served
next day, marvelous rich and toothsome, to
the company ; how the single item of water-
melons has brought nearly $100,000 into
Richmond County this season, and how
Mr. J., of Baker County — in quite another
part of the State, — has just raised ten water-
melons weighing together five hundred and
fifty pounds; how Mr. R., of Schley County
(in cotton-raising south-western Georgia),
has made five hundred and fifty-six bushels
of oats on a five-acre patch ; how the writer
has just seen a six-acre crop of upland rice
which will yield thirty bushels to the acre;
how a party of 250 colored excursionists
came up to town yesterday, and the colored
brass band played about the streets; or, in
another slip a column long, how Governor
Colquitt reviews seven colored companies
of Georgia soldiery in full uniform, who
afterward contest in a prize drill, and at
night are entertained witli parties, balls and
the like, by the Union Lincoln Guards, of
Savannah, and the Lincoln Guards, of
Macon ; how (this is headed " Agriculture
Advancing ") the last few years has wit-
nessed a very decided improvement in
Georgia farming, moon-planting and other
vulgar superstitions are exploding, the intel-
ligent farmer is deriving more assistance
from the philosopher, the naturalist and the
chemist, and he who is succeeding best is
he who has plenty of horses, cattle, sheep,
hogs and poultry of his own raising, to-
gether with good-sized barns and meat-
houses filled from his own fields instead of
from the West, — in short, the small farmer.
Fortunately, we have means for reducing
to very definite figures the growth of small
farming in the South since the war, and thus
of measuring the substance of the New
South. A row of columns in the eighth and
ninth census reports of the United States is
devoted to enumerations of the number of
farms in each State and county of given
sizes ; and a proper comparison thereof
yields us facts of great significance to the
present inquiry. For example, taking the
State of Georgia: we find that, while in
1860 it had but 906 farms of under ten
acres, in 1870 it had 3,527 such farms; in
1860, but 2,803 farms of over ten and under
twenty acres, — in 1870, 6,942 such farms;
in 1860, but 13,644 farms of over twenty
and under fifty acres, — in 1870, 21,971 such
farms; in 1860, but 14,129 farms of over
fifty and under one hundred acres, — in 1870,
18,371 such farms. Making a total of all
these sub-classes, considered as small farms
in general, and subtracting that for i8>o
from that for 1870, we reach the instructive
fact that, in some five years preceding 1870,
the increase in the number of small farms
in the State of Georgia was nineteen thou-
sand three hundred and twenty-nine.
In the State of Mississippi the increase is
in some particulars more striking than that
in Georgia. By the census report, Missis-
sippi had in 1860 only 563 farms of over
three but under ten acres, 2,516 of over
ten but under twenty, 10,967 of between
twenty and fifty, and 9,204 of between fifty
and one hundred; while in 1870 it had
1 1,003 farms of the first-mentioned size, 8,981
of the second, 26,048 of the third, and 1 1,967
of the fourth ; in short, a total gain of 34,749
small farms between 1860 and 1870.
The political significance of these figures
is great. To a large extent — exactly how
large I have in vain sought means to esti-
mate— they represent the transition of the
negro from his attitude as negro to an atti-
tude as small farmer — an attitude in which
his interests, his hopes, and consequently his
politics, become identical with those of all
other small fanners, whether white or black.
Nothing seems more sure than that an
entirely new direction of cleavage in the
structure of Southern polity must come with
the wholly different aggregation of particles
implied in this development of small farming.
In the identical aims of the small-farmer
class, whatever now remains of the color-
line must surely disappear out of the South-
ern political situation. This class, consisting
as it already does of black small-farmers and
846
THE NEW SOUTH.
white small-farmers, must necessarily be a
body of persons whose privileges, needs and
relations are not those which exist as between
the black man on the one hand and the white
man on the other, but those which exist as
between the small farmer on the one hand
and whatever affects small farming on the
other. For here — as cannot be too often
said — the relation of politics to agriculture
is that of the turnip-top to the turnip.
This obliteration of the color-line could
be reduced to figures if we knew the actual
proportion of the new small farms held by
negroes. Though, as already remarked,
data are here wanting, yet the matter
emerges into great distinctness if we select
certain counties where the negro population
was very large in 1860, and compare the
number of small farms in those counties
for 1860 with the number for 1870.
This exhibit grows all the more close if we
confine it to very small farms, such as the col-
cved people have been able to acquire since
the war by lease or purchase, and thus make it
indicate — certainly in part — the accession to
the number of small farmers from that source.
Consider, for example, the figures which
stand opposite the name of Liberty County,
Georgia, in Table VII. of the census report
for 1870, as compared with those for 1860,
directing the attention to but two classes
of farms — those over • three but under ten
acres, and those over ten but under twenty.
Liberty, it may be remarked, was in 1860 a
county producing mainly sea-island cotton
and rice, from large farms inhabited or owned
by many of the oldest and wealthiest fami-
lies of the State. In the year 1860, accord-
ing to the report, it had eighteen farms of
over three but under ten acres, and thirty-
five of over ten but under twenty. In 1870
we find these figures changed to 616 farms
of over three but under ten acres, and 749
farms of over ten but under twenty acres. ,
In Camden County — a county penetrated
by the Satilla River through its whole length,
and before the war mainly covered with
great rice-plantations — the increase is nearly
as striking, though the figures are smaller.
Here, in 1860, were but three farms of over
three and under ten acres, and butfiveof over
ten and under twenty acres; while in 1870
the former class of farms had increased to 189,
and the latter to 136. Chatham County —
in which Savannah is situated — shows a
similarly enormous increase, though here a
number of the small farms represent an im-
migration of white " truck-farmers," raising
vegetables for the Northern market — a busi-
ness which has largely grown in that neigh-
borhood since the war, with the increased
facilities offered by fast and often-running
steamers from Savannah to New York.
Considering the case of Liberty County:
the 1,365 small farms of 1870 (that is, the
total of both sizes of farms above mentroned)
against the fifty-three of 1860, may be con-
sidered— so far as I know — largely represent-
ative of accessions of negroes to the ranks
«f the small farmer. For, though these col-
ored farmers hire out at times, yet their own
little patches of varied products are kept
up, and they are — as is, indeed, complained
of sadly enough by larger farmers in want
of hands — independent of such hiring.
Here one of my slips, cut from a sea- coast
paper while this article is being written — in
February, 1880, — gives a statement of affairs
in Liberty County, which, coming ten years
later than the 1870 census report last quoted
from, is particularly helpful. After stating
that a very large area of rice was planted
last year, and a still larger area this year —
that the price of rice is $1.15 a bushel, and
the average yield thirty bushels to the acre,
at which figures the farmers plant but little
cotton — the writer adds :
" If the farmer of Liberty County could control
the negro labor, she would soon become one of the
richest counties of South Georgia ; but there comes
in the trouble. The negroes, most of them, have
bought a small tract of land, ten acres or more, and
they can make enough rice on it to be perfectly
independent of the white man. If he hires one, he
has to pay him his price, which is not less than fifty
cents per day ; but, with all that, the county seems
to be thriving."
It does not seem possible to doubt, in the
light of these considerations, that there is,
in Georgia at least, a strong class of small
farmers which powerfully tends to obliterate
color from politics, in virtue of its merger
of all conflicting elements into the common
interest of a common agricultural pursuit.
I find my slips much occupied with a
machine which, if promises hold, is to play
an important part in the New South. This
is the " Clement Attachment," which pro-
poses not only to gin the cotton without
breaking the fiber, but with the same motive-
power spins it, thus at one process convert-
ing seed-cotton into cotton-yarn. The
saving in such a process embraces a dozen
methods of expense and waste by the old
process, and would be no less than enormous.
But it is not only the product which comes
out as cotton-yarn that is valuable. The
cotton-seed are themselves, in various ways,
sources of revenue. One of these ways —
THE NEW SOUTH.
847
and one which has grown greatly in impor-
tance of late years — is referred to in the
following slip :
" The cotton-seed oil factories in New Orleans are
reaping this fall a golden harvest. . . . Every
45o-pound bale of cotton, when ginned, yields about
half a ton (1,100 pounds) of seed, which are sold to
the factories at $15 per ton. Here the oil is expressed
and the refuse is sold as oil-cake — chiefly exported to
Europe for stock food, and used by the sugar plant-
ers as a fertilizer. Before expressing the seed, they
are first linted and hulled. The lint extracted is sold
to the white-paper factories, and the hulls are used
for fuel and as fertilizers."
Of course, it remains to be seen whether
all these fine things will be done by the
Clement mills. Some of my slips show skep-
ticism, a few, faith. It must be said that
the stern experiences of the last fifteen years
have inclined the New South to be, in gen-
eral, doubtful of anything which holds out
great promises at first. A cunning indica-
tion of such tendencies comes — upon the
principle of like master, like man — in one
of the cuttings before me (from the Atlanta
" Constitution "), which records the practical
views of Uncle Remus, a famous colored
philosopher of Atlanta, who is a fiction so
founded upon fact and so like it as to have
passed into true citizenship and authority,
along with Bottom and Autolycus. This is
all the more worth giving since it is real
negro-talk, and not that supposititious negro-
minstrel talk which so often goes for the
original. It is as nearly perfect as any dia-
lect can well be ; and if one had only some
system of notation by which to convey the
tunes of the speaking voice in which Brer*
Remus and Brer Ab would say these tilings,
nothing could be at once more fine in humor
and pointed in philosophy. Negroes on the
corner can be heard any day engaged in
talk that at least makes one think of Shak-
spere's clowns ; but half the point and flavor
is in the subtle tone of voice, the gesture,
the glance, and these, unfortunately, cannot
be read between the lines by any one who
has not studied them in the living original.
" Brer Remus, is you heern tell er deze doin's out
here in de udder end er town ? "
" Wat doin's is dat, Brer Ab ? "
" Deze yer signs an' wunders whar dat cullud lady
died day 'fo' yistiddy. Mighty quare goin's on out
dar, Brer Remus, sho's you bawn."
" Sperrits ? "
" Wuss'n dat, Brer Remus. Some say dat jedg-
ment day aint fur off, an' de folks is flockin' roun' de
house,*a-hollerin' an' a-shoutin' like dey wuz in er
* Anglice, Brother.
revival. In de winder-glass dar you kin see de flags
a-flyin', an' Jacob's ladder is dar, an' dar's writin' on
de pane what no man can't read — leastwise, dey aint
none read it yet."
" Wat kinder racket is dis youer givin' me now,
Brer Ab? "
" I done bin dur, Brer Remus ; I done seed um
wid bofe my eyes. Cullud lady what was intranced
done woke up an' say dey aint much time fer ter
tarry. She say she meet er angel in de road, an' he
p'inted straight fur de mornin' star an' tell her fer ter
prepar'. Hit look mighty cu'us, Brer Remus."
" Come down ter dat, Brer Ab," said Uncle Remus,
wiping his spectacles carefully and re-adjusting them,
— " cum down ter dat, an' dey aint nuthin' dat aint
cu'us. I aint no 'spicious nigger myse'f, but I 'spizes
fer ter hear dogs a-howlin' an' squinch owls havinr
de ager out in de woods, an' w'en a bull goes
a-bellerin' by de house, den my bones git cole an'
my flesh commences for ter creep; but w'en it
comes ter deze yer sines in de a'r an' deze yer sper-
rits in de woods, den I'm out — den I'm done. I is,
fer a fac'. I bin livin' yer more'n seventy year, an'
I hear talk er niggers seein' ghos'es all times er
night an' all times er day, but I aint never seed
none yit ; an' deze yer flags and Jacob's lathers, I
aint seed dem, nudder."
" Dey er dar, Brer Remus."
"Hit's des like I tell you, Brer Ab. I aint
'spurin' 'bout it, but I aint seed um, an' I don't take
no chances, deze days, on dat w'at I don't see, an'
dat w'at I sees I gotter 'zamine mighty close.
Lemme tell you dis, Brer Ab. Don't you let deze
sines onsettle you. Wen ole man Gabrile toot his
ho'n, he aint gwinter hang no sine out in de winder-
panes, an' w'en ole Fadder Jacob lets down dat
lather er hisn you'll be mighty ap' fer ter hear de
racket. An' don't you bodder wid jedgment-day.
Jedgment-day is lierbul fer ter take keer un itse'f."
" Dat's so, Brer Remus."
"Hit's bleedzed ter be so, Brer Ab. Hit don't
bodder me. Hit's done got so now dat w'en I
gotter pone er bread, an' a rasher er bacon, an' nuff
grease fer ter make gravy, I aint keerin' much
wedder folks sees ghos'es or no."
These concluding sentiments of Brer Re-
mus would serve very accurately as an
expression of the attitude of the small
farmer — not only in the South, but else-
where— toward many of the signs and
ghosts and judgment-days with which the
careful politician must fight the possible
loss of public attention. There may be
signs of danger to the republic ; there may
be ghosts of dreadful portent stalking around
the hustings and through the Capitol corri-
dors; and Judgment-day may be coming,
— to this or that representative or function-
ary ; but meantime it is clear that we small
farmers will have nothing to eat unless we
go into the field and hoe the corn and feed
the hogs. By the time this is done, night
comes on, and, being too tired to sit up
until twelve o'clock for a sight of the ghost,
we go to bed soon after supper, and sleep
without sign or dream till the sun calls
us forth again to the corn and the hogs.
THE NEW SOUTH.
in.
THE evils just now alleged of large farm-
ing in the West were necessarily in the way
of prophecy ; but it is not difficult to show
them as history. Early in the sixteenth
century, England was seized with a passion
for large farming such as perhaps no age
can parallel ; and it so happens that con-
temporary pictures place the results of it
before us with quite extraordinary vividness.
After the fineness of English wool had
been demonstrated, and had carried up the
price of that commodity, the rage for sheep-
raising became a mania like that of the
South Sea speculation, and this one cult-
ure became the " large farming " of the
period. Land-owners deliberately tore down
farm-buildings and converted farms into
sheep-walks; churches were demolished, or
converted into sheep-houses; hamlets were
turned to pasture; and rents were raised
to such a rate as would drive off tenants
holding leases, and enable the landlords
to make sheep-walks of their holdings.
Thus, bodies of productive glebe which had
supported many farmers' families would be
turned over to the occupation of a single
shepherd. What must become of the farm-
ers' families ? Contemporary testimony is
ample. They became beggars and crim-
inals, and the world has rarely seen such
sights of barbarous misery as are revealed
by the writings, the sermons, the laws of
this frightful period. A tract in Lambeth
Library, belonging to this time, is entitled
" Certain Causes Gathered Together, where-
in is showed the decay of England only by
the great multitude of sheep, to the utter
decay of household keeping, maintenance
of men, dearth of corn, and other notable
discommodities"; and, after estimating that
50,000 fewer plows are going than a short
time before, declares that the families once
fed by these plows " now have nothing but
to go about in England from door to door,
and ask their alms for God's sake"; and
" some of them, because they will not beg,
do steal, and then they be hanged. And
thus the realm doth decay."
In that notable dialogue of Thomas
Starkey's, recently published by the New
Shakspere Society, purporting to be a con-
versation between Thomas Lupset, Oxford
professor, and his friend, Cardinal Pole, — a
work by no means an unworthy predecessor
of Lander's " Imaginary Conversations," —
we have contemporary testimony to the
same facts. " Who can be so blind or ob-
stinate," cries Lupset, at a certain point, " to
deny the great decay, faults and misorders
of our common weal ; . . . our cities, castles
and towns of late days ruinate and fallen
down;" and he laments the "ground so
rude and waste, which hath been beforetime
occupied and tilled"; declaring, in another
place, that " this is sure, that in no country
of Christendom you shall find so many beg-
gars as be here in England," and inveighing
against the "nourishing of sheep, which is a
great decay of the tillage of this realm."
But here honest Hugh Latimer comes
and nails his nail with lightning and thun-
der. In the first of those seven sturdy ser-
mons which he preached before the young
king Edward VI., in 1548, immediately
after Henry VIII. 's death, describing the
number of agricultural laborers who had been
thrown out of possible employment by the
sudden rage for sheep-raising, he exclaims :
" For wher as have bene a great many
of householders and inhabitantes, ther is
now but a shepherd and his dogge !
" My lordes and maisters," proceeds Lati-
mer, " I say also that all such proced-
ynges ... do intend plainly to make the
yomanry slavery and the cleargye shavery."
And then we have a bright glimpse at better
old days of small farming, in some personal
recollections with which the old preacher
was often fond of clinching an argument.
" My father was a Yoman, and had no
landes of his owne, onely he had a farme
of iii. or iiii. pound by yere at the uttermost,
and hereupon he tilled so much as kepte
half a dozen men. He had walk for a hun-
dred shepe, and my mother mylked xxx.
kyne. He was able and did find the king
a harnesse, wyth hymselfe and hys horsse,
whyle he come to ye place that he should
receyve the kynges wages. I can remem-
bre yat I buckled hys harnes when he went
unto Blackeheath felde. He kept me to
schole, or elles I had not bene able to have
preached before the kinges maiestie nowe.
He maryed my systers with v. pounde a
pece. . . . He kept hospitalitie for his
pore neighbours. And sum almess he gave
to the poore, and all thys did he of the
sayd farme. When he that now hath it
paitfh XVI. pounde by yere or more, and is
not able to do anything for his Prynce, for
himselfe, nor for his children, or geve a cup
of drincke to the pore."
Thus we learn, from the clause I have
italicized, that within Hugh Latimer's per-
sonal recollection farm-rents had gone up
more than three hundred per cent, in con-
THE NEW SOUTH.
849
sequence of the " inclosure " mania — " in-
closure " being a term in many mouths
during all this period, and always equivalent
to "large-farming."
It is inspiriting to observe the boldness
with which Latimer charges home these
evils upon the landlords, many of whom
must have been sitting before him at the
moment. These sermons were preached in
the garden at Westminster, where the young
king had caused a pulpit to be set up for
Latimer, in order to accommodate the crowd
who desired to hear him. " You landlordes,"
he cries, in another part of the same sermon,
"you rent-raisers, I maye saye you step-
lordes, you unnaturall lordes, you have for
your possessions yerely to [too] much. Of
thys to much, commeth this monsterous and
portentious dearth . . . that poore menne
. . . cannot wyth the sweate of their face
have a livinge, all kinde of victales is so deare,
pigges, gese, capons, chickens, egges," etc. !
But, worse again, in the large-farming
mania, great land-owners became land-
grabbers of the most unscrupulous kind. In
his second sermon, Latimer gives us a view
of one of their methods :
" I can not go to my boke, for pore folkes
come unto me, desirynge me that I wyll
speake that theyr matters maye be heard."
Occasionally he is at my lord of Canter-
bury's house, " and now and then I walke
in the garden lokyng in my boke.
I am no soner in the garden and have red a
whyle but by and by cometh there some or
other knocking at the gate. Anon cometh
my man and sayth, Syr, there is one at the
gate would speake wyth you. When I come
there then it is some or other . . . that
hathe layne thys longe [time] at great
costes and charges and can not once have
hys matter come to the hearing ; but among
all other, one especially moved me at this
time to speak. ... A gentlewoman
come to me and tolde me that a great man
keepeth certaine landes of hyrs from hir, and
wil be hyr tennante in the spite of hyr tethe.
And that in a whole twelve moneth she
coulde not gette but one daye for the hear-
ynge of hyr matter, and the same daye
when the matter should be hearde, the greate
manne broughte on hys syde a greate syghte
of Lawyers for hys counsayle, the gentil-
woman had but one man of lawe : and the
great man shakes hym so that he can not
tell what to do, so that when the matter
came to the poynte, the Judge was a meane
to the gentylwoman that she wold let the
great man have a quietnes in hyr Lande."
But far more beautifully and compre-
hensively does that lucent soul Thomas
More put the case, in the " Utopia." Here,
through the medium of another imaginary
conversation, More is cunningly showing up
affairs at home. He is talking with his sup-
posititious traveler, Hythlodaye :
"'I pray you, syr [quod I], have you ben in our
countrey ? '
'Yea, forsoth [quod he], and there I taried for the
space of iiii. or v. monethes together It
chaunced on a certayne daye, when I sate at the
table of Archbishop John Morton, that a certain
lawyer fell talking of thieves in England, rejoicing to
see " XX hanged together upon one gallowes,' and
the like, wherto I replied :
"'It is to [too] extreame and cruel a punishment
for thefte, .... much rather provision should
have been made that there were some meano where-
by they myght get their livyng, so that no man shoulde
be dryven to this extreame necessitie, firste to 'steale
and then to dye.' "
One cause of this is '"as I suppose, proper and
peculiar to you Englishmen alone. '
' What is that,' quod the Cardinal.
'Forsoth, my lorde [quod I], your shepe that
were wont to be so meeke and tame and so smal
eaters, now, as I heare say, be become so great
devowerers, and so wylde that they eate up and
swallow downe the very men themselves. They
consume, destroye, and devoure whole fieldes, houses
and cities. For looke in what partes of the realme
doth growe the fynest, and therefore dearest woll
[wool] these noblemen, and gentlemen, yea and
certayn Abbottes, holy men, no doubt, leave no
grounde for tillage, thei inclose al into pastures, thei
throw downe houses, they plucke down townes, and
leave nothing standynge but only the churche to be
made a shepe-house,' " so that " ' the husbandmen be
thrust owte of their owne, or els either by coveyne
fraude, or by violent oppression they be put besyde it,
or by wronges and injuries thei be so weried that
they be compelled to sell all ; ... either by hooke or
crooke they must needs departe awaye, poore, selye,
wretched soules, men, women , husbands, wives, father-
less children, widowes, wofull mothers with their
yonge babes, and their whole household, smal in sub-
stance and muche in numbre, as husbandrye requireth
many handes. Awaye thei trudge, I say ....
fyndynge no place to reste in. All their housholde
stuffe, . . . beeyng sodainely thruste oute, they be
constrayned to sell it for a thing of nought. And
when they have wandred abrode tyll that be spent,
what can they then els doo but steale, and then
justly pardy be hanged, or els go about a-beggyng ?
. . I praye you, what other thing do you then
[than] make theves, and then punish them ? ' '
It seems difficult to believe that towns
were actually destroyed, and churches
deliberately pulled down, to give room for
sheep-pastures; yet, if anything were needed
beyond the testimony already given, it is
clinched beyond all doubt by many statutes
of the reign of Henry VIII. and Elizabeth.
For example, the Preamble to the statute of
Henry VIII., Chapter I., recites :
"The King, our Sovereign Lord, calling to his
most blessed remembrance that whereas great incon-
85o
THE NEW SOUTH.
venience be and daily increase by ... pulling down
and destruction of houses and towns within this
realm, and laying to pasture land which customably
have been . . . occupied with tillage and husbandry
. . . whereby husbandry is decayed, churches de-
stroyed, etc., etc.," therefore enacted that such places
"be re-edified, and such lands so turned intopasturebe
restored to tillage," upon penalty of the king's seiz-
ing half the yearly profits to his own use until they
shbuld be so re-edified and restored.
Eighteen years later, I find "An Acte
Concernyng Fermes and Shepe," whose pre-
amble yields some curious details of this
large-farming rampant, and shows that
Latimer's poor gentlewoman, who had a
great man for her tenant in the spite of
her teeth, was but one of many.
" For as much as divers and sundry per-
sons of the king's subjects of this Realm . . .
now of late . . . have daily studied and prac-
ticed . . . ways and means how they might
accumulate and gather together into fewer
hands as well great multitude of farms as
great plenty of cattle and in especial sheep,
putting such land as they can get to pasture
and not to tillage, whereby they have not
only pulled down churches and towns and
enhanced the old rates of the rents ... of
this Realm . . . but have raised the prices of
all manner of corn, cattle, wool, pigs, geese,
hens, chickens, eggs, and such other, almost
double ... by reason whereof a marvelous
multitude of the people of this Realm be
not able to provide meat, etc., for themselves,
their wives and children, but be so discour-
aged with misery and poverty that they fall
daily to theft, robbing, etc., ... or pitifully
die for hunger and cold ; " and as all this comes
of large farming in sheep, whereby great herds
are gathered into few hands ; therefore enact-
ed that hereafter no person shall have, of his
own proper cattle, above two thousand head
atatime; upon pain of three shillings and four
pence — a heavy fine — for each surplus sheep.
And to similar intents I find act after act,
running far into Elizabeth's reign.
But to no effect ; for who can stop gam-
bling ? " We have good statutes," quoth
Latimer, "as touching commoners," — com-
moners being those who usurped commons
for sheep-walks, in short, large- farmers, —
" but there cometh nothing forth. . . .
Let the preacher preach till his tongue be
worn to the stumps, nothing is amended."
In a time when ballads were so plentiful
that, as Martin Marsixtus (1552) hath it,
" every red-nosed rhymester is an author," and
" scarce a cat can look out of a gutter but out
starts some penny chronicler, and presently a
proper new ballad of a strange sight is in-
dited," such matters as these could hardly fail
to find their way into popular verse ; and ac-
cordingly we find the story in such forms as :
"The towns go down, the land decays,
Of corn-fields, plain leas ;
Great men maketh nowadays
A sheep-cot of the church.
******
Poor folk for bread to cry and weep;
Towns pulled down to pasture sheep ;
This is the new guise."
How far this large farming, thus carried on,
converted the most virtuous occupation of
man — husbandry — into the most conscience-
withering of all pursuits, — the gambler's, —
and gave to the wildest speculation the facti-
tious basis of a sort of real-estate transaction ;
how far it was connected with that national
passion for dicing which Roger Ascham
mourns, when he patly quotes the Pardoner's
Tale of Chaucer, wishing that English
"Lordes might finde them other maner of pleye
Honest ynough to drive the day awaye,"
and concludes, so beautifully ! " I suppose
that there is no one thyng that chaungeth
sooner the golden and sylver wyttes of men
into copperye and brassye wayes than dic-
ing; " how far it was of the same piece
with that frightful knavery in public station
against which we hear old Latimer thunder-
ing, " They all love bribes, and bribery is a
princely kind of thieving," and telling them
the story of Cambyses, who flayed a bribe-
taking judge and covered the judge's chair
with it, that all succeeding judges might sit
in that wholesome reminder, and finally
exclaiming, " a goodly syne, ... I praye
God we may see the signe of the skynne in
England ; " how far it was connected with
gentle George Gascoigne's picture, in " The
Steel Glass," of the clergyman who
" will read the holy writ,
Which doth forbid all greedy usury,
And yet receive a shilling for a pound ;
will preach of patience,
And yet be found as angry as a wasp;
reproveth vanity,
(While he himself, with hawk upon his fist
And hounds at heel, doth quite forget the text);
corrects contentions
For trifling things, and yet will sue for tithes ; "
how far it had to do with Bernard Gilpin's
rebuke, in his sermon, of " Never so many
gentlemen and so little gentleness; " and
how far the past of large farming in Eng-
land sheds light on the future of large farm-
ing in America: are questions beyond the
limits of this paper.
Meantime, it seems like an omen to this
brief sketch, that while it is being written the
A GROUP OF POEMS.
85'
newspapers bring report how Mr. Gladstone
has recently proposed small farming as a
remedy for the present agricultural ills of Eng-
land, and has recommended that " English
farmers should turn their attention to raising
fruits, vegetables, poultry, eggs and butter."
In truth, I find a great man appealing to
the small farmer a long time before Mr. Glad-
stone. Euripides praises him for not being
a crazy democrat. It is these farmers, he de-
clares, who stay at home and do not come to
the public assembly, that save the country.
It is impossible to end without adverting
to a New South which exists in a far more
literal sense than that of small farming.
How much of this gracious land is yet new
to all real cultivation, how much of it lies
groaning for the muscle of man, and how
doubly mournful is this newness, in view of
the fair and fruitful conditions which here
hold perpetual session, and press perpetual
invitation upon all men to come and have
plenty ! Surely, along that ample stretch of
generous soil, where the Appalachian rugged-
nesses calm themselves into pleasant hills
before dying quite away into the sea-board
levels, a man can find such temperances of
heaven and earth — enough of struggle with
nature to draw out manhood, with enough
of bounty to sanction the struggle — that a
more exquisite co- adaptation of all blessed
circumstances for man's life need not be
sought. It is with a part of that region
that tli is writer is most familiar, and one
cannot but remember that, as one stands at
a certain spot thereof and looks off up and
across the Ocmulgee River, the whole pros-
pect seems distinctly to yearn for men.
Everywhere the huge and gentle slopes kneel
and pray for vineyards, for corn-fields, for
cottages, for spires to rise up from beyond
the oak-groves. It is a land where there is
never a day of summer nor of winter when a
man cannot do a full day's work in the open
field; all the products meet there, as at
nature's own agricultural fair; rice grows
alongside of wheat, corn alongside of sugar-
cane, cotton alongside of clover, apples
alongside of peaches, so that a small farm
may often miniature the whole United States
in growth ; the little valleys everywhere run
with living waters, asking grasses and cattle
and quiet grist-mills ; all manner of timbers
for economic uses and trees for finer arts
cover the earth; in short, here is such a
neighborly congregation of climates, soils,
minerals and vegetables, that within the
compass of many a hundred-acre farm a
man may find wherewithal to build his house
of stone, of brick, of oak, or of pine, to
furnish it in woods that would delight the
most curious eye, and to supply his family
with all the necessaries, most of the com-
forts, and many of the luxuries, of the whole
world. It is the country of homes.
And, as said, it is because these blissful
ranges are still clamorous for human friend-
ship ; it is because many of them are actu-
ally virgin to plow, pillar, axe or mill-wheel,
while others have known only the insulting
and mean cultivation of the earlier immi-
grants, who scratched the surface for cotton
a year or two, then carelessly abandoned all
to sedge and sassafras, and sauntered on
toward Texas : it is thus that these lands
are, with sadder significance than that of
small farming, also a New South.
A GROUP OF POEMS.
The Flute.
" How sounds thy flute, great master ? " said a
child,
Those deep dark eyes plead gently with his own.
" Hath it a music very soft and mild,
Or*loud its tone ? "
Then he, who loved all children tenderly,
Brought forth his best companion, and his lips
Set fondly 'gainst the wood. The melody
Followed his flying finger-tips,
And broke upon her ear in trills of sound
So light and gay, that frolic revelry,
And murmurs sweet, as when fair maids in June
Go tripping daintily to gather flowers, —
Filled with soft laughter all the air around.
Then gushed in glee a little tune
She knew full well, but made so bright with
showers
Of liquid notes, 'twas like a meadow brook,
Whose face is kissed by sudden April rain.
And yet again,
Interpreting her smile, the Master blew
(Like some dry thistle that the wind has shook)
Such airy notes to skyward, that her eye,
A GROUP OF POEMS.
To aid her ear, should follow:
For, clear and hollow
As bubbles dancing in the sun,
In shades of crimson, gold and violet,
The crystal spheres of music upward flew :
Along her lifted spirit seemed to run,
And lose themselves in Heaven's own harmony.
Then, dewy wet,
And dark with coming night, the woodlands gray
Seemed whispering through all their dusky leaves.
Among the branches stole
Faint twitterings of birds. High overhead,
Piping and calling loudly to his mate,
A swallow seemed to settle on the eaves;
While robin, in his evening roundelay,
Gone mad with joy, seemed pouring forth the
whole
Delight of all the summer. Then was wed
To these so strange a sound and desolate,
Sighing she listened, and her tears
Mixed with her sighs. Oh, deep and fine
The pathos of that air divine !
For all the grief of other years,
And all the pain that is to be,
For painters gone and poets fled;
For singers mingled with the dead :
Heroes and loved ones of the earth,
With those whose jests and innocent mirth
Despair made hope again and sadness smile, —
Made pitiful the sorrow of the strain.
Then rose a martial measure, stately, slow,
And following, the brave, quick cries
Of armed men in battle. Here,
The plain seemed spread before her eyes, —
There shuddered on her sentient ear
A groan, mixed with a triumph shout
And psean loud of victory !
How sweet and low
Sang then the happy spirit in the flute !
Like the far distant chimes from some old tower,
Speaking of peace and calm serenity
At sunset hour ;
Or, coming near,
Tinklings of bells by naiads rung,
Or by spiced winds of summer swung,
When apple-blossoms, shyly peeping out
Fill with fresh fragrance orchards far and wide.
With pleasure mute
She listened, while to joy again
Changed the rich tones. So thrilling, strong and
free,
With such wild passion, power and energy
Leapt they from forth the slender instrument,
Wondrous it seemed unto the little maid ;
And as they rippled on in fuller tide,
Seeming to break like waves upon the shore,
She crept still closer to the Master's side,
And gazed on him with awe. " Be not afraid,"
He murmured, while above her bent
His face, inspired as never yet before,
" No harm nor guile
Knows this blithe elf, dear innocent, —
Listen, and he shall tell a fairy tale."
But she, whose little heart was throbbing yet,
Whispered, " Ah, no ! Thy flute is very sweet,
Great Master, but I fear it. In my soul,
I seem to hear the Future, with winged feet,
Coming too fast! " On this, with visage pale,
In haste he hid the flute, and in regret,
Soothed her with kisses. Then about him stole
Her arms, and soon, in slumberous content,
She dreamed. But watching wistfully the while,
He breathed in pain " How could I so forget ? "
LUCRECE.
To R. H. Stoddard.
ON THE PUBLICATION OF HIS COLLECTED POEMS.
POET of thought sedate, whose tender line
Is but the transcript of a life-long art
Ripened in quiet study, while the heart
Kept guard and crowned thee with its powers
divine
In beauty and in glory ! Were it mine
To hymn thy praises, I would cry — at length
The scattered treasures^ of our poet's strength
Are richly garnered ! Why should such wealth as
thine
Blow to the winds like vagrant autumn-leaves ?
We joy and thank thee that the ripened sheaves
Are safely housed and hoarded ! Wheat and wine
And golden fruits and knots of amaranth flowers
That link the years and seasons, heap the shrine
Thy liberal hand hath oped to these glad hearts
of ours I
WILLIAM M. BRIGGS.
Compensation.
" THIS for the past ! " she murmured ; " grief and
pain
Fade into nothingness beneath thy kiss.
The long dark way that led me to such bliss
Is all forgotten. Clasp me once again,
That in the future I may still retain
One fair remembrance, unto which my soul
May turn, in spite of duty's hard control,
And from the sight new hope, new courage gain.
Last, kiss me for the present, soft and slow,
As on a rose the moonbeams quivering fall ;
No more — ah, Love, loose me and let me go !
Dost thou not hear Fate's low, relentless call?
Oh, cruel Life ! though thou hast used me so,
My Love's three kisses have atoned for all."
ELIZA C. HALL.
At Dawn.
(RONDEAU.)
AT dawn of day, when cow-bells ring
O'er mellowing meadow-lands, where cling
The clover-scented wreaths of mist,
Half pearl in hue, half amethyst,
Glad sky-bound larks leap up and sing.
And so my heart doth heavenward spring,
When, like some virginal queen, you bring
Fresh, opening buds by zephyrs kissed,
At dawn of day.
The breath, the balm, the glow you fling
Like dew-drops from some bright bird's wing,
Thrill all my being, as I list
To melodies which must desist
When night-fall hath discrowned me, king
At dawn of day.
JOHN MORAN.
"So Be It."
So be it, then ! We may not say
Whether this thing be worst or best,
But God knows. Let it rest.
Yea, let it rest, and in our place
Let each do well some worthy deed,
Whereof the sickly World hath need.
So much, no more, our hands can do.
So much, then, let us do, and wait —
Though bitter be the heart's debate.
H. L. C.
A GROUP OF POEMS.
853
Nunc Dimittis.
'Tis a good world and fair,
And excellently lovely. If there be
Among the myriad spheres of upper air,
One yet more beautiful, some other where,
It matters not to me.
What can I crave of good
That here I find not? Nature's stores are
spread
Abroad with such profusion, that I would
Not have one glory added, if I could,
Beneath or overhead.
And I have loved right well
The world God gave us to be happy in, —
A world — may be — without a parallel
Below that Heaven of Heavens, where doth not
dwell
The discontent of sin.
And yet, though I behold
Its matchless splendors stretched on every side, —
Its sapphire seas, its hills, its sunset gold,
Its leafage, fresh as Eden's was of old, —
I am not satisfied.
Dark, blurring shadows fall
On everything ; a strange confusion reigns ;
The whole creation travaileth, and, through all,
I hear the same sad murmur that Saint Paul
Heard, sitting in his chains.
Where'er I look abroad,
What blight I see! What pain, and sin, and
woe !
What taint of death beneath the greenest sod !
Until I shudder, questioning how God
Can bear to have it so !
I marvel that His love
Is not out-worn; I wonder that He hath
A plenitude of patience, so above
Finite conception, that it still can prove
A stay upon His wrath.
And then, — because I tire
Of self, and of this poor humanity,—
Because I grovel where I should aspire,
And wail my thwarted hope and balked desire,
With such small faith to see,
That yet, o'er all this ill,
God's final good shall triumph, when the sum
Is reckoned up ; that even, if I will,
I, at the least, in mine own bosom still
May see His kingdom come, —
Because of this, I say,
I pine for that pure realm where turmoils cease,
Sighing (more tired of them, than day by day
Heart-broken after Heaven ! ) " Lord, let, I pray,
Thy servant go in peace ! "
How braver 'twere to wait
His sovereign will, the how, the where, the
when,
Doing what work He sets me, small or great,
Until He calls, and I make answer straight,
With Nunc Dimittis — then!
MARGARET J. PRESTON.
The Peaks of Thule.
THERE came a morn ! — In hope, and fear, we
scaled
The steepest steep, and lo ! our toil was done.
The land from all its summits swooned and failed,
And all the measures of our course were run —
Farewell the pangs of long-deferred delight !
The grief ! the strife ! the wrongs more foul
than blows !
Our care no more to reck of might, or right,
Or what wind raves, or what tide ebbs or
flows —
Only to mark, as in a trance of sleep,
Removed from chance and change beneath the
sky,
The idle pageant of the days go by,
To drown and die in the all-circling deep,
And the mailed planets, on» their fateful round,
Nightly saluting from the blue profound.
So sang we, till the great sun, overhead,
Blazed through his cloudless arc, and dipped,
and burned
The level wave. But when the West was red,
Our glances met, and every eye was turned
Toward the purple vales that slept beneath —
And now, we mused, the shadows haunt the
wold
And now the traveler, across the heath,
Fares to his welcome inn, and tales are told
By way-worn guests, about the ingle-side,
While each of some great happiness to be
Dreams, in the silences — but we, ah ! we
Shall dream no more ! — Then, with one voice, we
cried :
" Give us to hope, though but to fear again,
In the glad, tearful, toilsome world of men ! "
W. W. YOUNG.
Coronation.
IT was the poet's coronation-time —
And he was led into a summer day.
The roof was blue, the carpeting was green —
Upon a hill they sat him for a throne.
The birds flew low, and sang, and touched the
flowers ;
And humming children moved around his heart.
A ceremony then of food and drink
Was given him by maidens without names.
For food — a word of love, true and complete.
For drink — the sweet fruition of a kiss.
Swiftly he wrote within a book of thought, —
" Oh, I am happy as a perfect noon ! "
The maidens read the motion of his hand,
And hid the thought within their happy hearts.
They sang what he had written till the eve —
A newer inspiration filled his soul.
They, dancing, wove a theme of changing grace ;
Till music seemed to him created new.
They wrought for him a crown of children's hair —
The most unique and glorious in the world.
W. D. KELSEY.
854
A GROUP OF POEMS.
The Tides.
THE Ocean loves the Moon, and ever
To reach her, strives, with fond endeavor.
She flits in careless beauty o'er him,
Ever returning, flies before him,
Dimpled with voiceless laughter.
He, faithful, follows after,
Follows, follows, evermore.
Constant, he bears his burden,
His patient bosom heaving,
Wistful, still seeks his guerdon,
Mindless of past deceiving,
Till, as his mocking mistress ever flies,
Sweet hope forsakes him, and with groans and sighs
He wraps about his face his garments hoar,
And breaks his great heart on the cruel shore.
LUCY J. RIDER.
The Parting of the Ways.
THUS far, my calm-eyed friend, thus far together
Along the devious road,
Through the broad belts of shade and summer
weather,
Our loitering steps have trod ;
And now before us, hidden in the golden,
Luminous autumn haze,
The dreadful moment crouches unbeholden —
The parting of the ways.
I know it lurks there, and our eyes shall see it
Ere yet a week be gone ;
Though our reluctant feet may shun and flee it,
Silent it presses on.
The threads of life, so strangely intertwisted,
Shall be unwoven soon ;
Passing like down, blown where the night wind listed,
Beneath the inconstant moon.
We have been friends. Perhaps, indeed, a glimmer
Of something tenderer still
In either heart, now brighter and now dimmer,
Has flickered up, until,
Touched into tremulous bloom, a rose is blowing,
In shy, uncertain life —
But who shall stoop and pluck and wear it, going
Into the outer strife ?
We are not as the men of old. Existence
Is not the simple thing
It was to those who loved in that fair distance
Whereof the poets sing.
Life presses on us in a thousand phases
The old world never knew ;
Love roams no more among green dells, where
daisies
Drink in the morning dew.
You are no Hero, and I no Leander.
The world that girds us round
Has no room now for words that melt and wander
In vague melodious sound.
Yea, though I loved you as the Hebrew peasant
The dark-eyed maid he won,
We cannot tempt the Laban of our Present
Till the long task be done.
For us no shadow on Life's solemn dial
Goes back to give us peace ;
There is no resting-place in the stern trial
Until the heart-throbs cease ;
We cannot hold Time fast, and bid him bless us ;
And not for us the sun,
When shades fall fast, and doubts and woes op-
press us,
Stands still in Gibeon.
And so, though hearts bleed, and eyes fill, un-
witting,
With tears that must not flow,
We grasp not the sweet hope before us flitting,
But bravely let it go.
Nay ! not one word that friends and comrades proven
Might not undoubting speak.
Let the threads part until the web, unwoven,
Around us fall and break !
Perhaps, in that dim future now before us,
Through all your mortal scaith,
My voice may blend for you in that grand chorus
Of Duty, Love, and Faith.
And surely all my life must be more tender,
Passing henceforth for aye
Through the soft shade of this supreme surrender
Unto the perfect Day.
Good-bye, then ; but if life and life's denials
Be not an idle dream,
There yet shall come the guerdon of these trials
Beyond the things that seem.
When all this loss shall be but as a glamour
Of trouble passed away,
And far above Earth's transient gloom and clamor
Love's balm heals Love's delay.
G. HERBERT SASS.
Love's Autumn.
I WOULD not lose a single silvery ray
Of those white locks which, like a milky way,
Streak the dusk midnight of thy raven hair ;
I would not lose, O Sweet ! the misty shine
Of those half-saddened, thoughtful eyes of thine,
Whence love looks forth, touched by the shadow
of care;
I would not miss the droop of thy dear mouth,
The lips less dewy-red than when the south —
The young south-wind of passion — sighed o'er them ;
I would not miss each delicate flower that blows
On thy wan cheek, like soft September's rose
Blushing but faintly on its faltering stem ;
I would not miss the air of chastened grace,
Which, breathed divinely from thy patient face,
Tells of love's watchful anguish, merged in rest.
Nought would I lose of all thou hast, or art,
O friend supreme ! whose constant, stainless heart
Doth house, unknowing, many an angel guest.
Their presence keeps thy spiritual chambers pure,
While the flesh fails, strong love grows more and
more
Divinely beautiful, with perished years.
Thus, at each slow, but surely deepening sign
Of life's decay, we will not, Sweet, repine,
Nor greet its mellowing close with thankless tears.
Love's spring was fair, love's summer brave and
bland,
But through love's autumn mist I view the land —
The land of deathless summers yet to be ;
There I behold thee young again, and bright,
In a great flood of rare, transfiguring light ;
But there, as here, thou smilest, Love, on me!
PAUL H. HAYNE.
SHANTYTOWN.
855
SHANTYTOWN.
THE great city spreads itself day by day.
Chafing within its island limits, it feeds the
muddy bays and shallows of its river-front
with its own soil, with the ashes of its myr-
iad fires, with the ruins of old houses torn
down to make room for new ; steals from
the water long lines of streets ; still unsatis-
fied, crawling ceaselessly northward, it di-
vides and subdivides its habitations ; gardens
disappear and tenement-houses rise ; every
man's allowance of space is cut down to its
lowest possibility ; the rich man can buy
himself a little kingdom a hundred feet
square; the poor man must hire a bed six
feet by two, in a five-cent lodging-house.
And still there is not room. One day, a
full block of brown-stone houses, climbing
up on the rocks by Central Park, cuts right
into a gypsy camp of superfluous poor,
squatting outside the gates — a peaceable and
well-organized colony, that could not find
room for itself in the regions of brick and
mortar.
And then the squatter colony must go.
Pariahs of poverty, these extra-mural citi-
zens must pull to pieces their home of
shreds and patches, and set up their house-
hold gods elsewhere — little matter where.
No one will remember, next year, when the
place of their habitation is graded, curbed
and paved, according to city regulations ;
when the six-story mansions of Philistia
stand where stood the whitewashed cabins;
when C-spring carriages roll where the one-
horse wagon of the licensed vender began its
rounds, and when the aristocratic anglo-mani-
ac's dog-cart has replaced the rag-picker's.
The knell of the little colony has already
struck. The elevated railroad has set its
iron feet in the westernmost highway of
Shantytown. A few pioneer brown-stone
fronts, with their great Doric high-stoops
adjusted to levels strange to the cartography
of the earlier settlers, stare, tenantless, out
of blank, astonished windows, at the ragged
and ruleless architecture of their humble
neighbors ; the dull, incessant thud of the
steam-pick thrills the rocky foundations of
the town : long processions of creaking carts
stream up from the city, deposit each a
cubic yard of earth in some broad ravine
where a market-garden and a small stock-
yard flourish, thirty feet below the curb, and
on the morrow the market-garden and the
stock-yard are things of the past. The mar-
ket-gardener has turned teamster, and is
" leveling " elsewhere ; the stock-farmer is
getting his bread by carrying a hod on the
newest flat-building going up on Madison
avenue, and the boys of Shantytown are play-
ing base-ball on the smooth ground where a
placard announces " Building Lots for Sale."
Yet, before it is utterly gone, let us take
a walk through Shantytown. It is not too
much to give it — this fast-passing phase or
fraction of our city's growth — an hour or
two of our time; for the wind blows fresh
from the west, across the steely-blue river
that gleams down at the bottom of the
empty road-ways. The sky is clear over-
head, except where the smoky haze about
the Jersey river highlands softens the sharper
blue. And where we are going we shall
see, on the east, the many-colored foliage
of Central Park, and, to the north, the
white and brown of Bloomingdale villas,
showing through the distant green.
But, first, where and what is Shantytown ?
It has lain, all these years, at your doors, O
careless New-Yorker, and you know as little
of it as you know of the Battery Park, where
your father walked of summer eveningsahalf-
century gone by, a fine young man in rolling-
collar swallow-tail and tasseled Hessians,
and wooed your mother, in a Directoire dress
whose belt came close up to the heart that
throbbed responsive to the formal utterances
of his well-regulated passion. T7iat was at
the other end of the city ; we are going now
to the region bounded, as the election notices
say, on the S. by 65th street; on the N. by
85111 ; on the W. by 8th avenue, and on the
E. by Central Park.
This is the Bohemia of the laboring classes.
In this country we all belong, or at least we
ought to belong, to the laboring classes ; but
the most of us get from our labor where-
with to keep a certain extent of roof over a
limited number of heads. There are some,
however, who toil for ten hours only to buy
themselves the right to a dozen cubic feet
of sleeping-room during such part of the four-
teen remaining hours as they may choose not
to spend in the streets or the beer-saloons. Of
this class, which has no condition nor posses-
sion to characterize it beyond the fact of its
laboring, there must always be found some
lively-minded and restless members who are
ill content to gasp out their lives in the
packed cellars and garrets down the back
alleys of the lower town ; they yearn for
freedom of movement, for light and air, for
856
SHANTYTOWN.
the smell of the bare earth and the sight of
trees and water. It was some such advent-
urous souls as these, brave discoverers of
the rabble, rambling rakes of poverty, who
long ago found their way up to this rocky
region, built homes of boards and canvas,
and bought goats — which have since multi-
plied in a ratio wholly disproportionate to
the growth of the settlement, respectable as
that increase has been : for others, less
clearly aware of what moved them, soon
came to join the hardy and happy pioneers.
But to be original, independent and com-
fortable is to be Bohemian; and to be
Bohemian is to be condemned of conven-
tionality. When young Mr. and Mrs. Dove-
leigh van Stuy vesant enter upon the married
state, with much affectionate enthusiasm,
two unnecessarily long pedigrees, and $1,500
yearly income, they are expected, by good
society, to find a corner in his father's house,
or her father's house, and there to live, de-
pendent and cramped, but unimpeachably
proper and " nice " ! And if they take it into
their young heads to rent a little room
for themselves, near Union Square, turn it
into a small and cheap palace of decorative
art, and go foraging among the French
table-d'hote restaurants, dining with the
newspaper men and the artists — why, Nice-
ness at once labels them " queer — not to be
trusted," and they are outlawed — but happy.
The law of the World of Laziness has its
counterpart in the World of Labor. Right-
minded and right-thinking poverty clings to
its small, stuffy, half-lit tenement-house rooms
with a steadfast devotion. Two modes of
living it holds utterly in horror. One of
these is the life planned for it by philan-
thropists, in " model " cottages : the other
is the disreputable freedom of the shanty.
For the dislike which the poor undoubt-
edly bear toward the pattern habitations of
too-officious benevolence there may be much
reason; but, surely, the lofty contempt of a
seventh floor in Baxter street for the health-
ful hovels of the Boulevard is a meanness of
small conventionality in which unconscious
envy must go for something.
When Pat O'Donohue sits in his smoke-
begrimed den, high up near the shaky roof-
tree of Murphy's tenement, listening to the
rattle and roar of the Elevated Railroad
trains, far below him, as they echo up the
narrow alley, looking down at the black,
crowded streets, where the children swarm
in the darkness, and the red, camphene-fed
lamps of the venders' torches flare and
flicker, his breath choked with the varied
foulnesses of sewer-gas and stifling crowds,
the night-wind coming in his window, heavy
with the smells of Hunter's Point, to mix
with the essence of his own pork and cab-
bage,— is Pat, in all his pride of poor respect-
ability, much better off than Tim, " who's
gahn to live up wid the folks in thim shan-
ties, the b'y has — sorra's the day such luck
iver kem to the fam'ly ! " — is he, indeed ?
Here we are at Shantytown. Shanties
dot the landscape near and far; shanties
mark the lines of graded streets north and
west ; but it takes only a glance to show us
that here, right in front of us, lies a veritable
town of shanties — an ordered aggregation
of hovels that speaks of an association of
interests and an identity of tastes — the two
great principles that enter into the foundation
of villages and cities. You know at once
that something stronger than mere chance
has drawn these dwellers in huts together ;
something more mighty than mere accident
has made them live in peace and unity for
years. You see at once that, within the
legal limits of the city, before the very doors
of the actual town, this little settlement ex-
ists in its entity, in its quiddity, as Charles
Lamb might have said, a something quite
by itself and for itself.
Standing here at Sixtieth street, your eye,
turned toward the rising ground where
a glimmer of white shows the old Croton
aqueduct and the gentle slopes of hills cut
right and left by boulevard and avenue,
takes in a space just half a mile in length —
from Sixty-second to Seventy-second streets
— and perhaps an eighth of a mile wide,
covered with a huddling host of small
houses, mostly one story high, no two on a
level.* This space is bounded right and left
by two avenues, straight as an arrow-flight,
and with but slight undulations. It is fur-
ther transected by streets that run at perfect
right angles to the Eighth and Ninth ave-
nues. These sharp lines serve only to mark
the strange irregularity of the region. From
where we stand, we catch sight of chimneys
just peeping above the curb-stones of Seven-
tieth street. A half-dozen blocks nearer,
the town mounts an ambitious elevation and
sits, a beggarly Rome, hill-enthroned, dom-
inating the surrounding hollows.
For Shantytown lies, for the best part, in
certain quadrangular depressions, made by
* Since this article was written, Shantytown has
lost several blocks at each end — absolutely lost them,
for they have been filled in or cut down to the plane
of the graded streets.
SHANTYTOWN.
857
CORNER SIXTY-EIGHTH STREET AND ELEVENTH AVENUE.
the laying-out and grading of the highways
that checker its picturesque irregularity.
These broad roads have run, like railroad
embankments, across a low country, whose
nndrained bottom now stares up to heaven
from amid four sloping walls of earth and
rubble.
But the shanties make no account of high
ground nor low. They nestle in the malari-
ous hollows, or perch impudently on the
salubrious heights. Their whitewashed
walls shine out against the raw, red earth of
huge slopes like fortress-walls; their fantas-
tic gables, adorned with bird-houses of quaint
design, stand out in sharp outline against
the sky, whose keen blue gleams brightest
above the high gray rocks.
The suburbs.of the town are here at Six-
tieth street ; but they do not cluster closely
together below Sixty-fifth street and that
large, ambitious house of yellow-stone-faced
brick, whose unused porte-cochere has so
many years mocked the unfashionable road-
way. Pass this, and we are within the lim-
its. Stop here for a moment, if you wish to
see the last of one of the most characteristic
sections of the colony. Here are two blocks
that are still geographically one. The street
VOL. XX.— 56.
has not been cut through, from avenue to
avenue. It has a beginning now, right ahead
| of us, as we stand on Eighth avenue. A
broad ridge of mud starts from our feet and
divides the hollow below us, pausing feebly
at the rocky heights that shut the river out
— a projecting joint of the island's back-
bone. Beyond this hummock we see the
top of a derrick, occasionally veiled in a
cloud of white steam. In a month or two,
a wide ravine will cleave the rocks and meet
this abortive mud-embankment. But now
the hollows on this side, and the heights on
the Boulevard end of the two blocks, swarm
with shanties. Some stand in the very path
of the steam-drill, nor will they disappear
until the rock is actually drilled from under
them. When we pass down the Boulevard,
going home, you will see a hut with one
corner projecting beyond the edge of the
rocks. The proprietor sits in the door-way.
He will move out in a day or two. He has
to get up and retire a hundred yards or so
every time there is a blast; but that is no
reason for quitting his home with premature
and injudicious haste.
The folk who have builded in the mud
are, in this case, better off than they who
858
SHANTYTOWN,
have set their houses upon a rock. These
former nestle in the excavation made when
Eighth avenue was graded. Their high-
est roofs do not come up to the line
of the pavement. Some of them lie so
low that it looks as if a heavy rain would
drown them. Others crowd up close to
the street, utilizing the fortress-like slope as
a combined wall and floor. Others mount
the proud eminence of an ash-heap per-
haps twenty feet high, a relic of abandoned
night ago. It is not wholly closed up yet.
At the further end there is a junkman's hut,
with his little barn, his stable, sty and shed,
and a perfect wilderness of " truck " — boxes,
barrels, baskets, stove-pipes, bottles, cart-
wheels, odds and ends of furniture — the accu-
mulations of, it may be, a dozen years of his
strange traffic. See, his high-pitched roof
is ornamented with a coiled and twisted
skeleton — a crinoline, that mayhap puffed
out the gorgeous silks of some fair American
A CHARACTER.
dumping-grounds. Almost every yard of
space is occupied. Here and there is an
open stretch ; but the lines of foundation-
posts show that buildings have lately been
removed.
But why do we linger to look at these
shanties, which are not so picturesque as the
party-colored groups to the north ? Why ?
Do you see that smooth breadth of new
earth on the block to the south ? That was
just such a populous hollow as this a fort-
who courtesied within these pliant wires at
the court of the last and least Napoleon.
Again, mayhap, it did nothing of the sort.
Who shall predicate thus much from a,
bird's-eye view of a feminine hoop on the
roof of a rag-picker's house ? And see, the
tenant's big Newfoundland regards us with
a curious eye. We should do well to press-
onward up the long, bare avenue.
A block further north, we find another" lift "
of the rocks which still defies the surveyors.
SHANTYTOWN.
859
IN THE GERMAN QUARTER.
We clamber up a ragged and winding
space, impassable for horses, yet evidently
meant for a road, an apology for the street
that is not. Up here the wind blows fresh
and free. We can see the river, bright to-
day, and flecked with white sails of yachts.
The houses here are neater and more home-
like than those we have just seen. These
are the choice places, pre-empted by their
first settlers, who have been at pains to
make their nests as snug and pleasant to the
eye as may be. We get back to the walk
by Central Park, and note that on the north
end of this hill the shanties fairly pack
themselves together. Above here the streets
are all cut through and graded, some
partly paved, and the crowded cottages
edge the " stoop-line " with decorous regu-
larity. But the physical geography of the
space between the streets is unchanged;
and the shanty architect revels in uneven-
ness. He finds no two feet of surface on a
level, and he adapts his structure to the
conditions of his site.
The impression that this small and strange
city makes upon the chance beholder is that
of a wild dream of all that he has ever im-
agined in the way of odd sea-side shelters,
boat-cabins, wharf-sheds and marine cubby-
houses generally, jumbled together in con-
fusion by a storm, and stranded here. At
first the eye cannot make out separate
forms in these acres of wood and tin and can-
vas, clothing the inequalities of the ground.
It is only a mass of close-set, distinct
patches of brown and gray, in every shade,
heightened by spots of white, green, or red,
and backed, on the further ridge, by the
sharp sky-blue. Then this multi-colored
expanse begins to resolve itself into walls
and roofs, windows and doors, chimneys,
porches, gables and galleries. But here the
process ends. We cannot assign part to
part, nor fit these shreds and patches into
habitable structures. Each one must be
studied by itself. In the mass, individual
combinations are lost in the prevailing law-
lessness of line and hue.
The shanty is the most wonderful instance
of perfect adaptation of means to an end
in the whole range of modern architecture.
Nothing is prepared for it, neither ground
nor material. Its builders have but an em-
pirical knowledge of the craft they practice.
They scorn a model, and they work with
whatever comes to hand.
This house in front of us found a triangu-
lar bit of rock for itself, about as large as a
86o
SHANTYTOWN.
Fifth-avenue parlor. The rock slopes up
from the small end, where it connects with
this little alley between the red shanty, to
the right, and the brown shanty, to the left.
At the large end of the triangle it drops
down abruptly. Now look at the grip and
smartness and easy-going adaptability to cir-
cumstances of that shanty. It climbs over
the rock, and puts its front door at the
very summit; thence its other rooms
slip off, at lower levels. An extensive
stair-way system being out of the ques-
tion, these lower rooms are reached
by trap-doors in their roofs, which
are exactly on a level with the kitchen
door. A small gallery leads to the cow-
house, which is around a spur of the height.
It is ten by six, really large for the neigh-
borhood, and the cow climbs the rock, when
she has the chance, as easily as do the
children.
As to the odds and ends whereof all this
is built, you could not catalogue them.
SHANTYTOWN.
861
There are bits of wood from the docks, from
burnt-oat city houses, from wrecks of other
shanties; there are rusty strips of roofing-
tin; sheets of painted canvas; the founda-
tions are of broken bricks, neatly cemented,
the top of it all is tin, slate, shingle, canvas
and tarred paper. No bird's-nest ever testi-
fied to more industrious pickings and steal-
ings.
They have been put together with a bird-
like eye to effect, too. The gallery railings
are painted a bright green, and enriched
with iron scroll-work from some ruined villa-
wall; the front porch is surmounted with a
neat cornice, a well-tended vine clambers
about the queer, rough corners, turkey-red
now. Neat as a new pin. Everything
about her the same. Best class of shanty-
dwellers, these. Five children; all clean;
and money in bank. This is the kitchen —
also dining-room. Good stove; dresser;
bright pots and pans; white stone-china.
Yankee clock on shelf. Oil-clothed table.
Doors right and left. Through left we see
white bed, and crib with patch- work quilt.
Right, best room of house; horse-hair sofa,
chromo, fancy clock, sewing-machine and —
a sofa-bed. This is luxury ! Who wouldn't
live in a shanty ?
They are not all so nice, though. Most
of the Irish are shiftless, and some of the
Germans are slovenly. Sometimes there
CORNER EIGHTY-SECOND STREET AND NINTH AVENUE.
curtains deck the irregular windows, and
the stones and* clam-shells that border the
alley path shine with whitewash.
Come inside — we will make some pretext,
for these people want neither to be stared
at nor patronized. They are independent
and respectable, and their sill is as sacred
as the lordliest threshold in the land.
But we will tell them that we want some
goat's milk, which we do, and we will take
rapid notes while the mistress of the house
is telling us that she thinks we may find a
widow with a goat three blocks up.
Mrs. Eichler. American woman. Ger-
man husband. Has been good-looking. Is
is only one room in the shanty ; but that
is rare. Three is the average. Occasion-
ally, one is occupied by two families; but
the main idea of the community is the
principle of an independent dwelling. Your
squatter, smoking his evening pipe in front
of his shanty, for which he has paid a fair
ground-rent, is a King ; and he knows it.
His brother down in the Baxter-street tene-
ment-house may despise him ; but he cares
not. He sends for his father and his
mother from the old country, and the neat
white heads sun themselves at his south
windows all day long. He is proud of his
old people, that fellow is ; and they, being
862
SHANTYTOWN.
SKETCHING UNDER DIFFICULTIES,
provided with potatoes to peel, or light em-
ployment of the sort, sit under his roof like
aged benedictions upon their son's prosperity.
Of course, the shanty-dweller does not
loaf for a living. He is a day laborer, a
truckman, a junkman or a rag-picker. The
last two lines of business are most numer-
ously represented in Shantytown; but the
better class of the population is found among
the " truckers," or the men employed in the
city as porters, messengers or drivers.
They have been living in Shantytown, many
of them, for twelve and fifteen years. A
few have been on the ground even longer.
The first comers were really squatters; later
on, rent was charged and collected, and the
rates have steadily risen of late years. The
ground rent of a shanty ranges now from $20
to $100. These are "open leases," still, the
dwellers are lessees of property, and citizens.
It may seem strange to consider this region
as a factor in the body politic ; but in this
free country, votes are cheap, and Shanty-
town has a hand in the government of Fifth
avenue. It comprises, indeed, the entire
southern portion of the igth Assembly Dis-
trict; and the shanty dwellers between
Fifty-ninth and Eighty-sixth streets have
nine election districts to themselves. The
town proper lies in, or partly in, four. The
nine election districts which cover the
space between Sixtieth street (about), Eighty-
sixth street, Eighth avenue, and the North
River last year polled a vote of 1,459 f°r
Governor of the State, the majority being
largely Democratic, divided between the
regular and the split tickets. The vote of
the four districts referred to as belonging
principally to Shantytown proper was 684.
The 2oth district, of only six blocks, cast 149
votes. The political complexion of the
whole region is decidedly Democratic. Last
year there was a certain amount of discord
in both parties ; ex-Governor Lucius Robin-
son, at the head of the straight ticket of the
WATER-WORKS.
SHANTYTOWN.
863
Democrats, diverted many votes not only
from the ticket of Tammany Hall, the local
organization most powerful in the neighbor-
hood, but from the Republican ticket, which
had lost the support of a small but active
party of " Young Republicans," or " Scratch-
ers," who worked in behalf of the regular
Democratic nominee. On the vote for local
officers, Shantytown " ran wid de machine "
of Tammany. These figures are interesting
only in that they show how large and how
masculine is the population of the district —
how rich in voters — that is, in men upward
of twenty-one years of age, qualified resi-
dents. Of course, allowance must be made
for " repeating," but the general testimony
is that the region is too solid, too openly and
surely pledged to the support of a certain
party to call for any illicit electioneering de-
vices. The significant fact remains, that
four sparsely settled blocks on the edge of
Shantytown turn out 204 votes ; while the
i6th election, of the Eleventh Assembly
District, right in the center of the Murray
Hill quarter, — the heart of the patrician do-
main,— the four blocks lying between Sixth
and Madison avenues and Thirty-second
and Thirty-fourth streets, can show only
240. Yet the aristocratic election district
is closely built up : there are but four
vacant lots in the whole space; and many
of the houses are fashionable " boarding
establishments," whose tenants are the
same year in and year out. This little fact
ought to preach a startling sermon on indif-
ferentism in politics. The four Murray Hill
blocks are the very stronghold of respecta-
bility. The extreme corners are occupied
by two private houses of millionaire families,
one grocery and one bazaar ; both the shops
being among the oldest, richest, and most
respectable of their kind in New York. Yet
•even the mad excitement of such an election
as last year's cannot bring from this district
a decent and proper complement of voters;
while every qualified man in Shantytown
walks up to the polls and deposits his vote.
Hence, Murray Hill is governed by the rulers
chosen of its own truckmen, street-sweepers,
and rag-pickers.
Few of Shantytown's voters are visible at
this hour of the day. Later, toward even-
ing, you may see a few junkmen sorting
their collections ; but in most of the yards,
women are picking over the loads that their
husbands and sons deposited last night.
Women have to do a deal of work in this
region. They have charge of almost all the
shops, and many of the beer-saloons. We
will step into a shop, if you please — but not
that one. It is a funny little place ; but it
is only the penny toy and candy store that
is to be found wherever there are poor chil-
dren. There is nothing characteristic about
it save the varied assortment of queer con-
fections in the tiny show-window ; and the
cheery, though unseasonable, plaster Santa
Claus who presides over them, with fly-
specked snow on his shoulders.
Here is a grocery that supplies Shanty-
town with tea and coffee, and other lux-
uries. You see the regulation assortment as
you enter. It is Park and Tilford's, in little,
with the addition of cabbages. The nicest
little German woman imaginable is behind
the counter. She speaks vile English with
a sweet South German accent. We have
forgotten our pipe and our 'baccy, and for
eleven cents we get a pretty little terra-cotta
affair and a small package of best Durham.
" I can't sell no odder ! " she declares, with
a dainty shrug. Ambitious falsifier ! Be-
hind that counter you have hidden tobacco,
at ten cents a pound, that would burn the
aristocratic gums out of such customers as
the present. But this we say not. We
pause and chat, and thus learn that the
ground-rent of this absurd box used to be
fifty dollars, and is now eighty dollars ; that
the destruction of the shanties is affecting
her business ; that everybody in her neigh-
borhood has had the proper bonus of five
dollars to move away quietly; that it is all
on account of the pride of the landlords,
who want to have everything pretty for 1884
and the Great Fair; and that she thinks
the shanties look better than the bare ground.
We agree with her and depart.
We ought to inspect the beer-saloons, of
which there are a plenty. But inspection
involves beer, and, unless you have a strong
stomach, the refreshment will be too much
for you. However, this one is a sample of
the majority of them — you see : plain,
empty, with a high counter and one lonely
keg of bad lager. The Hausmutter, who is
quite seventy, serves us. A yellow-haired
baby clings to her skirts. Her grandchild ?
"Ach Gott, nein ! Du bist mein papy, ni't
wahr, Atigust ? "
The " swell " saloon is at the corner of
Eighth avenue and Seventy-second street.
It is kept by an intelligent, bristly old Ger-
man, with "exile of '48 " written all over his
socialist face. He has good kiimmel — that's
a sure sign, too. A mighty mastiff, chained
up in one corner, growls at us suddenly
and unsettles our nerves. " What do you.
864
SHANTYTOWN.
keep such an ugly beast for ? " we ask, too
hastily. " He ought to be killed "
" KILL ? kill dot dog ? " And the stumpy
figure rises up to positive grandeur as the
old man thunders fortli his wrath, like a dis-
armed Berserker. " I guess you aint got no
friends, to talk of killing a dog like dot ! "
And he fondles the animal that licks his hand.
This brings us well-nigh to the uppermost
end of Shantytown. Let us turn down, now,
and follow the rough line of Ninth avenue
and the Boulevard. The Elevated Railroad
cars crash over our heads every few minutes ;
their oily breath vitiates the air. This is
much too cityfied. So, likewise, is that ex-
quisitely neat little row of brown-stone houses;
goat, and a dollar for a cow, and are cordially
hated for a mile around.
Shantytown's two churches stand on this
side — the Chapel of the Church of the Trans-
figuration, where Dr. Houghton preaches
every Sunday afternoon ; and the Reverend
Mr. Van Aiken's.
Here, too, are the shamefully neglected
ruins of the little old Dutch Reformed
Church, and its burying-ground, where lie in
fragments the head-stones that, patched to-
gether by curious, and not wholly irreverent
hands, show how outrageously some highly
respectable people in this city are neglecting
their ancestors. Shantytown's birds are
better cared for.
NOT VET DOOMED.
all tenanted ; the most notable encroachment
yet upon the liberties of the town. Across
the area railing of the corner house, a
policeman is flirting with a pretty, red-haired
chamber-maid. She tosses her cap when
she sees us, and goes inside. We converse
with the " cop " — not on the subject of his
conquest. He gives the Shantytowners an
excellent character. They are not trouble-
some, and yield few " drunks " to the acre.
A little below here is the Pound. It is
perked up on a rocky corner, and is kept by
an American couple, who despise their neigh-
bors, impound the stray live-stock of said
neighbors, get from the city a quarter for a
The poor always love birds. This love
is often the sole grace and poetry of their
lives. Old-time German folk treasured the
rhymes of Walter von der Vogelweide.
Norman peasants, in forgotten centuries, in-
vented a quaint and touching story to tell
their children why the robin's breast is red ;
and ages have only nurtured this affection
till it has become a fixed fondness — a sort
of gentle reverence even, which has made a
constant alliance between the needy of this
earth and the " careless children of the air."
The sky-line of Shantytown is dotted with
bird-houses. The roofs are bestuck with
them. They sit acock of the gables, and
SHANTYTOWN.
865
atop of lonely poles. The tomato-can, vul-
gar, modern and artificial, but weather-
worthy and snug, is no sooner nailed up
under the eaves than it is tenanted by the
business like sparrow. The rare old wild-
birds, that you never see, nowadays, in the
city squares, share with the noisy English
immigrants the larger domiciles, many of
which are curiously ornate, testifying to the
industrious leisure of some ingenious, bird-
loving shanty-dweller. The airy colony does
its courting, its mating, its setting and its
nursing, and all the other duties of its life,
in perfect quiet and content. The ragged
infants below are less wanton than your
sleek farmer's boys out in the country.
They are willing to leave the birds alone,
because the birds leave them alone. Their
barbarian yearnings toward torture are
glutted when they can tie an abandoned tin-
kettle to an unprotected cat.
A goose is not a bird. " In spite of all
the learned have said," common people of
poetic instinct refuse to believe the libel on
the feathered form of beauty to which we
love to liken fluttering female hearts, and
that sort of thing. Yet, let the graceless
goose serve as a connecting link between
the pets of Shantytown and its edible beasts
and beasts of burden. To neither of these
classes belongs the rat, who deserves one
line of mention to record the fact of his pres-
ence. Nothing more does he demand.
He is numerous, but commonplace — the
same old rat who is everywhere that man
and decay are. He is a shade more impu-
dent here than is his wont, as who should
A TIMID OBSERVER.
say : " I'm a beggar and a tramp — you're
right I am ; but where's your social stand-
ing, anyway, stranger ?" The pig is a step
higher than the rat in the scale of animal
worth, in that he can eat the rat. On the
THE LEADING BUSINESS.
other hand, he himself is eaten by man ;
and it were a nice question to discuss
whether he himself regards a life as well and
nobly spent that ends in " fresh country "
sausages and the hasty ham-sandwich bolted
at noonday by the down-town broker.
But 'twere reasoning too curiously to
devote such speculation to the pig. The
dog is the goat's only rival as the typical
animal of the colony, and the dog must be
properly discussed. The dog in Shanty-
town — let us stumble down this embank-
ment, cross lots, and scramble up the
opposite side, and thus get southward again
to the more populous quarter, where we
may search for illustrations of our theme.
We will spare our feet, and take this narrow
pathway between the two gray old hovels
huddling together at one end of this long
ravine. The dog in Shantytown — " Mother
of Moses, sorr ! did he bite ye ? Jack, lave
the gintleman alone, ye baste, — had he hoult
of ye, sorr ? " No, ma'am, he did not ; but
866
SHANTYTOWN.
he put his vicious old incisors through the
thick stuff of this sleeve, and nothing but
that yard of chain keeps those foaming jaws
off us at this moment. The dog in Shanty-
town, as we were remarking, is everything
that is vile, degraded and low in canine
nature. In him survives the native savagery
of the wolf, blent with an abnormal cunning
learnt from association with men. He
draws the rag-picker's little cart, not by
way of making himself useful, not as the
friend and helper of man, but simply to
delude you into believing in his docility and
sweetness of disposition. Then he bites
you, and his owner grins out a string of
ironic condolences. It is a thing arranged
gardener with a full half-acre of glass frames.
But he is not happy then, for the warm
weather keeps the prices down.
All over the rough land, dropping river-
ward to the west, we see, side by side with
desolate old mansions, that were fashionable
water-side villas in 1800, the outlying shan-
ties, rebels in their way against the urban con-
straint of the town proper. They have broad
fields to themselves, and are happy in a
plenitude of wind and sun. Yet they are
just as fond of creeping into out-of-the-way
corners, and up inaccessible heights, as those
in the crowded settlement.
We reach here another beer-saloon which
you must not miss, though the beer is even
A TRUCKER S SHANTY.
between the dog and his proprietor. Let
us go hence, for the atmosphere is not sym-
pathetic; and there are some beautiful effects
of chiaroscuro just over there, about a
quarter of a mile down the road.
And, as we pass on, we will glance at the
little market-gardens to our right. Of these
the larger occupy entire blocks — or rather
the bottoms of blocks, yards below the
street. They supply " salad stuff," radishes,
and a few table vegetables to Washington
Market. Their crops are grown with little
regard to the season ; and the soil is worked
to its utmost capacity. In an open winter
you will often find a prosperous market-
more utterly undrinkable than anywhere
else. You climb up a shaky flight of steps,
and you enter a woful little strip of a room
— perhaps eight feet by fifteen. At one
end are the bar and the German brigand
who owns it; at the other several young
local loafers are playing Russian bagatelle.
They look on us with suspicion ; but are
not unwilling to play with us, and to win.
Meanwhile, glance through the door at the
back. You see a huge, empty room, dark
except where the light creeps in around the
edges of the shutters, and shows the faded
pink and blue fly-paper on the ceiling; the
plain benches against the walls, and the
SHANTYTOWN.
867
A TOUCH OF REFINEMENT.
kerosene lamps in iron brackets screwed to
the side-posts. This is Shantytown's ball-
room ; where a fiddle or a banjo, or perad-
venture a cracked piano, leads some queer
revelry in the winter-time.
Let us not libel the population, though.
It is only the worst of all who frequent these
shady halls. From all accounts, the Shanty-
folk are much inclined to stay at home
o' nights. There are visiting from house to
house for the old ones, and decent and sober
love-making for the young.
Love ! Is there love in Shantytown ?
Certainly, there is, — good looks, and strong
likings, and healthy young blood, and all
that goes to make up that rare folly. Those
two babies, who are making their own per-
sonal, private and peculiar mud-pie on their
own side of the gutter, far from the mad-
ding crowd of promiscuous infancy — that
twelve-year-old pair carrying between them
the family pail, just filled at the common
pump — that broad-shouldered, red-faced
young fellow, in his Sunday broadcloth,
hanging on the wooden gate to flirt pon-
derously with the rosy tenant of the little
yard — are not these all steps to that union
of affection which has been so effectively
commended of St. Paul ?
Or, to be more primitive, do not all these
lay fitting sacrifice on Cytherea's altar?
Juliet Mulvany is spanked and put to bed
for making mud-pies with Romeo Guggen-
heim. Romeo dies not for her ; but, growing
older, turns to a maiden of his own people,
and visits her on Saturday nights, spending
long hours in mute admiration of her blonde
charms, broken only by spasmodic attempts
at conversation, on wholly irrelevant subjects.
The fire-light flickers, the rounded form
moves to and fro, from shadow to brightness,
going about the simple household duties;
the tongue-tied young truckman yearns for
smooth and impudent speech as wretchedly
as a big-eyed Newfoundland dog; yet he
speaks nothing, but looks instead, till' broad
hints and a clamorous clock tell him that he
must turn his face homeward through the
midnight dark. And then he goes out,
with his dull heart full of strange, oppressive
delight, and all the small boys round about,
waiting in the blackness, throw tomato-cans
at him, and chorus : " Sho ! Sho ! Lottie
Bierbaum's got a beau / "
"Guggenheim— Bierbaum " will never fig-
ure in the marriage column of the " Herald";
but they will be quietly married all the same',
and their lives will be all devotion and
ODD BITS HERE AND THERE.
868
SHANTYTOWN.
sauerkraut, till Death
dissolve the honest,
homely partnership.
Now we have reached the Boulevard, and
we will follow its well-planned course, leav-
ing the Elevated Railway to roar and quiver
down the avenue. The sun is setting. The
wheels of homeward-bound bicycles whir
past us, breaking the yellow light into wiry
flashes. Out of the shade of a ragged rock-
corner comes a strange couple — strange for
the place — a gentleman with a lady on his
arm — young, well dressed ; the man tall
and handsome, the woman slight and pretty.
A new-married pair, clearly. He is a young
lawyer, perhaps, poor and persevering. He
has just come up from business ; she has been
to meet him at the elevated road station ; they
are going home to some cheap lodging in
one of the old high-gabled Knickerbocker
houses, far up the road — or perhaps to a bit
of a cottage still further up — their own little
shanty.
But we must leave this smooth, broad
road after awhile, and go down to Eighth
avenue and Fifty-ninth street, where the
house of the Paulist fathers stands — a big,
brown building, with a granite extension,
half-built, on the avenue. We wish to see
the parish priest. Certainly. Father O' Gor-
man will see us in five minutes ; it is dinner-
time now. We are shown into a little,
cell-like parlor, where the late sun-rays steal
through the cool brown shutters, and against
the white wall an ebony crucifix relieves the
graceful, drooping lines of the ivory figure
it upbears. Dead and perfect silence all
about us; a delicious rest and calm. Sud-
denly— hark ! The rhythmic patter and
shuffle of many feet, the sharp, strong, nerv-
ous vibration of men's high voices, chant-
ing resonant Latin vocables ; the .beat of
feet and the clear, trumpet-like tones draw
nearer, still unseen, then echo down the cor-
ridors, growing fainter and sweeter ; and,
while our nerves yet thrill with startled pleas-
ure, a black-robed figure bows before us,
and the parish priest greets us with the easy,
amiable courtesy which always sits so well
on the educated Roman cleric. Father
O' Gorman is very happy to afford us all the
information in his power concerning his
Shantytown flock. It is a good flock, quiet,
well-behaved, attentive to its religious duties,
and well-to-do in a worldly way. It can,
the Father frankly says, " afford to be gen-
erous to its" No, there is but little vice or
crime among the people of Shantytown.
They are far superior, as a class, to any ten-
ement-house people. The women have no
time to idle ; their household duties occupy
them ; the men find something to dp at
night in making the house neat, or cultiva-
ting the small kitchen-garden. The children
go to Sunday-school with the Fathers. The
Rev. Father Schwinninger has an eye tc
the spiritual needs of the German part of
the population. The " Sick Call " of the
House shows negatively that the Shanty-
folk are healthy. Father O' Gorman owns
that he is losing a good congregation ; is
glad that many of the ejected have movec
further up town, or to Hoboken, and regret!
to hear that a few are going back to th<
MISS STOTFORD'S SPECIALTY.
869
noisome tenements. Then a pale young
priest calls the Father elsewhere, and he
graciously bows us out.
On the steps of the "elevated" station,
an employe answers a question about the
region we have just left, by referring us to a
fat and pompous old person, who is deferen-
tially spoken of as a great man in the
neighborhood, a builder, and an owner of
many blocks. « Yes," this old person says,
" they are cleaning out Shantytown — and a
good job, too. Them people, for the rent
they pay for what aint either a summer house
nor a winter house, could get comfortable
rooms in a good tenement-house." Need-
less to ask what property that man builds
and owns.
From the station platform we catch,
through the trees, a last glimpse of Shanty-
town. The dark roofs rise high into the
golden air; the smoke of wholesome din-
ners trembles hazily upward ; a flash of sun-
light against the sky tells of an else invisible
bird-house. When we next come here, the
houses will be gone, the fires will be cold,
and the birds flown. Even now, the smoke-
shrouded train rolls down the line, shuts out
the picture, and bears us home.
MISS STOTFORD'S SPECIALTY.
AGATHA STOTFORD was unfortunate. She
lived in the midst of an artistic and literary
circle, without being herself either artistic
or literary. Her father was a painter of
eminence, her brother a poet, while her sis-
ter composed music which was supposed by
the knowing to be not far removed from that
of Wagner— Wagner being the music god
of the particularly aesthetic circle in which
Miss Stotford revolved. Moreover, all the
women of her acquaintance were remarkable
for something. One was distinguished for
her subtle interpretation of music ; another
for her pictures ; a third had tried her hand,
not unsuccessfully, at sculpture ; another still
was noted for her conversation; and yet
another for her novels; and perhaps the
most successful of all for her great beauty.
So far, Agatha had been without a spe-
cialty. She was not a fool. She could tell
a good picture from a bad one. Given a
clue, she could discover beauties in a poem ;
but she had no scrap of original genius!
Her father had spared no pains in teach-
ing her to draw, but, after laborious efforts,
the highest result was a pitiful little water-
color sketch of a forlorn cow, drinking at a
•illage duck-pond. She made her tilt at
aoetry, also, and addressed some lines to
her canary, which began :
Thou pretty warbler, singing all the day,
Ihy song doth melt a cloud from off my breast-
t seems to drive each evil thought away,
And bringeth to my weary spirit rest."
But she stopped there, and accomplished
o more in either of these directions, though
10 doubt she has preserved both poem and
•icture to this day as unappreciated achiev-
aents in art and literature.
She was certainly nice-looking, with a
good, shapely figure, a fresh complexion,
clear blue eyes, and bright, golden hair. But
the men who frequented Mr. Stotford's
studio wanted something more than pretti-
ness to atone for the lack of intellectual
power. Had she been as beautiful as her
tall friend, Mrs. Liddell, the woman with
the slightly hollow cheeks, and the wonder-
ful eyes which seemed to have half-solved
the mystery of death, they could have over-
i looked her want of other gifts. But as it
was, she was treated more like a kitten than
anything else, and against this Miss Stot-
ford's spirit chafed and rebelled.
She finally formed a resolve to produce
an effect of her own, or die in the attempt.
After much thought, she determined to be
" noble"— specially and distinctively " noble."
She would do some " grand thing"— not, be
it understood, for nobility's sake, but for the
sheer longing to produce an effect. Some
large, picturesque crime would probably
have suited her quite as well ; but since she
had not the courage for vice, she resolved
upon virtue — or, rather, I should say, upon -
i nobility, for the small sweet trifles of self-
! sacrifice and devotion that belong to every
day carry with them no special distinction.
Now, let it be known that, among the
habitues of Mr. Stotford's studio, was
George Singleton, a young hump-backed
art-student, who worked terribly hard, so
his most intimate friends said, to preserve
the life about which he cared so little
since he felt, with a morbid bitterness, his
physical deformity. Hitherto, Agatha had
scarcely ever thought of wasting words upon
him, but now there came to her a grand
870
MISS STOTFORD'S SPECIALTY.
resolve. She would make Singleton fall in
love with her, and she would marry him. Her
father had a kind heart, and was not very
' worldly : she made sure, therefore, that his
consent could be gained. People should
see what a power of noble devotion she
had, if she had nothing else. Already she
seemed to hear a chorus of wonder and
admiration; then would come remon-
strances, which she pictured herself as
smiling down. Yes, all the circle which
had taken so little account of her should
admire her noble self-sacrifice, and see in
her a heroine.
The thought first came to her as she was
lying awake one night, and when she
appeared at breakfast next morning, there
was a warmer glow on her cheek and a
brighter light in her eyes than her family
had beheld in them before.
When she next saw George Singleton, it
was on a Wednesday afternoon, the day
set apart weekly by Mr. and Mrs. Stotford
for receiving their friends. Agatha had
often wondered why Singleton came at all,
for he said little, and seemed shy and ill at
ease. This day, however, she determined,
if possible, to make him talk. It chanced
that he had been absent for several weeks,
and that fact was an opening.
" What a stranger you've been," she
said, as he came where she was sitting.
" It's kind of you to notice it."
" Is it work that has kept you away ? "
" No. I've been staying with a man in
the country."
" Did you like that ? "
" Not much. I think there is hardly
anything I do like."
" That must make you feel very lonely,"
she said, with a little shiver of sympathy,
and such tenderness in her eyes.
He took the vacant chair beside her, and
said :
"It is the loneliness of death to see your
life stretching out before you like a plain,
without tree or flower, without even a hil-
lock in sight, to break the dead monotony."
" But your work ? " she suggested, look-
ing at him as no woman had ever looked at
him before. " Surely, you care a little
about that ? "
" Perhaps I might, if any one else were
interested in it."
" Oh, but many people must be. I, for
one, should like so much to hear all about
it."
"Would you, really?" he asked, his face
brightening.
" Yes, of course I should. Is that so
difficult to understand ? "
" It seems so to me."
There was a pause. Then she said, oh
so gently:
" Will you really tell me about what you
do?"
" Need you ask me twice ? "
Were this anything more than a short
study, I could dwell at length, and with
some pleasure in their skillfulness, upon the
various wiles with which Singleton was
beguiled — the sighs, the little bursts of en-
thusiasm, looks full of subtle sympathy,
tones as subtle as looks, low under-tones
meant to reach his ear only. Indeed, she
gave herself much more trouble than was
necessary, for Singleton was very easily
conquered. But, as we all know, it is one
thing to get the horse to the well, and an-
other to make him drink ; so it was one
thing to get Singleton in love, and another
to draw from him any declaration of his
passion.
" Surely," thought Agatha, recalling his
looks of adoration and the eager way he
listened when she spoke, as if fearful of losing
a single intonation of her voice, — " surely
he must love me."
Still, when they were alone together,
which tney frequently were, he never said
nor did any of those things which unmis-
takably proclaim the lover. As a rule, men
are not very grateful for the friendship of
the women they love; but Singleton had
so schooled himself not to expect even sc
much as friendship from a woman, that he
was really thankful for Agatha's, and die
battle with himself to keep down the greatei
hunger in his heart.
One twilight they were sitting togethei
by the open French window.
" How sweet it was of you," said Single
ton, "to come and see me in my den, to
day."
" It was a pleasure and a privilege."
" You've made me in love with th<
room," he went on, " and I used to hate i
so."
" Then I wish I had come before."
" I wish you had. Do you know how
you have blessed my life ? "
" I should like to do so much, mucl
more," she said, with that simple, direc
earnestness which Singleton always foun<
so irresistibly captivating. Then, quit!
involuntarily, as it were, her hand rested 01
his. Of course she would have drawn i
MISS STOTFORD' S SPECIALTY.
871
away in a moment, but he pressed it between
both of his and held it. Then, as his
blood kindled, he went through moments
of the most exquisite agony. He saw, as
in a vision, what life might have meant for
him had he been formed like other happier
men. The peace and passion of love, the
glory of unmeasured light, the depth of
.unfathomable shade, the close intimate com-
panionship, the stimulus to work and the
crown of work, — he realized them all. Just
then his fate pressed heavily upon him.
The sound of Agatha's voice roused him
from the anguish of self-pity which had
almost broken him down. Had it been
light enough for her to see him, she would
have known that his face was fairly blanched
with pain.
" George," she said, speaking in her low-
est, and most earnest tones, " will you tell
me something ? "
" Whatever you may choose to ask."
" The whole truth ? "
" The most absolute truth."
" Then I want to know just how much
you care about me."
His heart began to beat violently. There
were sparks of fire in his eyes. It would
be a consolation to tell her just once how
he loved her ; yet he felt that she must be
grieved by his disclosure. He was silent.
Outside, one bird twittered persistently.
" Please, wont you tell me ? " the girl's
low voice entreated.
Still no answer.
" Is it that you are afraid to tell me how
little you care for me, lest I should be
grieved ? "
" My God, Agatha," he cried, kneeling
down beside her, and kissing her hands and
the rings on her fingers with passionate
adoration, " I love you as the martyrs of
old loved religion, when they went singing
to their deaths. I could die for you, like
that. I love you with all the strength of a
heart that has never known love before. If
I had been like other men, I would never
have rested till I had won you. But, Aga-
tha, my darling, my saint, since I can
never be more to you than a friend, I
will be that. To do you service shall be
the one purpose of my life. I know you
did not mean to make me love you, but it
was my doom."
He had spoken in a headlong impulse of
passion. He paused now, and there was a
moment's silence, through which, presently,
her clear voice fell.
" Why, how mistaken you would have
been not to tell me," she said. " I had a
right to know, for I love you."
" Yes, as my friend."
" No, not in that way, but as a woman
loves the man whose wife she would gladly
be."
" Agatha, do you know what you are
saying ? " he cried. " It is not possible you
could mean this."
" Can you think I should say it without
meaning it ? "
" You are mistaking pity for love."
" No; I have said that I love you, and
now you must decide for yourself whether
you will believe it or not."
And I am bound in justice to say that if
ever Agatha Stotford came near loving any
one, it was in that moment. The fervor of
his speech had moved her; and then she was
grateful to him for gratifying her heart's de-
sire, and affording her the opportunity to
make an effect.
" I must believe you," he said, as one
half dazed ; " but oh, my love, how can it
be?"
They sat together through the failing twi-
light, and on in the fragrant night. They
were both almost silent. Singleton was
trying to count over and realize his untold
bliss. Agatha was wondering what would
be the most striking form in which to make
the general disclosure.
Singleton was anxious to go to Mr. Stot-
ford at once, but Agatha begged him to leave
that to her. And that night, after her lover
was gone, when the hall-door had been barred
against all visitors, and Mr. Stotford was
sipping his nocturnal brandy and water,
and smoking a massive meerschaum which
always made its appearance at that hour,
Agatha came behind his chair, and rested
her hand on his shoulder, while she said :
" Papa, dear, I want something from
you."
" My dear, I'm not surprised to hear that.
How many new dresses is it this time ? "
" It's not dresses. What I want is your
consent to my engagement."
" Your engagement to be married ? "
" What other engagement could I possibly
mean ? "
" What ! You mean to say," cried Mr.
Stotford, fairly astonished now, and regard-
ing the smoke from his pipe as if he had
some slight hope of finding therein a solution
of his difficulty — " you mean to say that
some fellow is in love with you, and you are
in love with him ? "
" Yes, that is what I mean."
872
MISS STOTFORD' S SPECIALTY.
" Well, it can't be Edmunds ; and it can
hardly be young Claymore ? "
" No."
" Then, who is it ? "
" It is Mr. Singleton."
" What ! That poor, hump-backed young
fellow ? "
" It is George Singleton."
" My dear child," said Mr. Stotford, grave-
ly, " this is indeed a more serious matter than
I conceived."
But it would be unnecessary to repeat all
the father's arguments on this occasion.
"Well, my dear, I wont oppose you. I
have seen so much trouble in the world from
interference that if you can really love this
poor fellow I wont stand between him and
his chance of happiness."
" Thank you, dear, thank you," Agatha
said warmly, and then she kissed her father.
Just then Mrs. Stotford and her other
daughter, Addie, came in and Mr. Stotford
told the family news. The mother, good
soul, had always felt certain that her Agatha
would somehow distinguish herself, and now
the hour had come. Both she and Adelaide
were enthusiastic and tender-hearted, and
they both wept; and somehow Agatha, who
was not at all of a melting mood, felt quite
out of place and embarrassed with her own
dry eyes.
When her brother Ernest, the poet, came
in, he too heard the news, took his sister
in his arms and kissed her, saying, very
earnestly :
" God be praised that there is one woman
left who knows how to love."
Ernest was at that time about five and
twenty, and rather cynical concerning women,
because the beautiful Mrs. Liddell obstinately
persisted in preferring her own husband to
himself, sonnets included.
The next day, the news spread like wild-
fire. Mrs. Liddell drove out to see if it
were true; and, when she heard that it
was, embraced Agatha, and murmured
something about Aurora Leigh. Of course,
there were not wanting those who felt
bound to remonstrate, and asked Agatha
very emphatically if she knew what she was
doing. When she assured them that she
did, they shook their heads solemnly, and
expressed their hopes that her nobility would
be rewarded.
On the whole, Agatha was not at all dis-
appointed. She had produced quite as
startling an effect as she had anticipated.
Men who had never noticed her before
began to come around her. She went among
them by the name of St. Agatha. Painters
idealized her prettiness into beauty, and
painted her with a halo around her head.
Agatha liked being seen out with her
lover. It was a perpetual advertisement to
the world of her nobility.
But, alas that wonders live but nine days!
Our elopements, our marriages, our sudden
deaths — who can pause for long discussion
of them ? We all know how charming is
the existence of convalescence ; but as soon
as we get a good appetite for our dinners,
we are rubbed off the sick list. Our irrita-
bility, which was so lately hailed with joy
as a sign of our recovery, is set down now
as genuine ill-temper, and is considered all
the more ungrateful in one whom illness
had so long made a candidate for household
forbearance. There is no pedestal on which
we are allowed to stand for long, unless we are
made of stone. Like the rest, Miss Stot-
ford had to come down from hers. It was
a depressing day for her when she found
that people had quietly accepted the fact of
her engagement, and had ceased to praise
or pity her for it. Even Singleton himself
had ceased to question the reality of his own
happiness, and was actually beginning to
make plans for the future, and growing eager
to have the marriage-day fixed.
" Surely, there is plenty of time for that,"
she said. " We can settle about it in
October, when I come back from Switzer-
land."
It was just at the end of August when
Mr. Stotford took his family abroad for their
summer holiday. George could not leave
London just then, but he said to his
betrothed :
" Don't mind for me, darling. The
memory of your love will keep me happy,
and I know you want a change ; you have
been looking quite pale lately. And then
you will write to me."
Perhaps Agatha would hardly have
allowed to herself how glad she was to get
away ; but to a perfectly cold nature like
hers, persistent "spooning" was a heavy
price to pay, even for the pleasure of hav-
ing produced a great effect.
In Switzerland, the Stotfords made the
acquaintance of a family by the name of
Gardiner. Agatha and Miss Maude Gardi-
ner struck up an intimate friendship, after
the manner of young ladies. The elder
members of the two families found little in
common, for the Gardiners, though people
of good social position, were not over-
weighted with brains; but Maude suited
Agatha, and Maude's brother, Reginald,
was a fine, handsome young fellow. Very
pleasant were the mountaineering expedi-
tions the three made together, and three
more intrepid spirits could hardly have been
found.
Of course, she at once told Maude all the
particulars of her engagement, and Maude
was enchanted. She had never heard of
anything so beautiful.
"You are going to build up his ruined
life," she cried.
" I hope so, dear."
" And you must let me see him as soon as
we get back to London."
" Oh, yes ; we must all be the best of
mends."
One morning, as they were leaving the
hotel for a day's ramble, Agatha remarked
that she hoped she should find a letter on her
return.
" Do you mean //fc letter ?" Maude asked.
" Yes, Miss Inquisitive. It should have
come yesterday."
" Ah ? Then let me suggest a telegram "
put in Reginald, who had joined them in
time to overhear the last remarks. " You
don't look pale over your disappointment,
though."
Agatha blushed becomingly, and they set
out.
They returned at dinner-time, in excellent
spirits, and Agatha hurried to her room to
dress for table d'hote. They were very merry
at dinner, and all the evening through as
they sat in the lighted garden listening to
the band.
When Reginald said good-night to Agatha
he asked, with a slight but expressive smile-
" Did your letter bring you good news,
Miss Stotford ? "
Agatha blushed now in good earnest
Every one knew the English mail came in
at five o'clock; and she had forgotten to ask
for her letter.
" It's only a straw," thought Reginald, as
he went toward the billiard-room: "but
it's certainly a straw."
It was a cold day toward the end of
October, when the Stotfords and the Gar-
diners returned together to London. Maude
had not long to wait for her introduction to
George Singleton, for he was on the plat-
form, ready to greet his betrothed.
" Is it not noble of Agatha ? " asked Miss
Gardiner of her brother, when they had
parted from the Stotfords. '
" The fellow has been rather hard hit by
fate ; but he has his compensation, certainly "
VOL. XX.— 57.
Reginald answered, with a frown on his face,
as he turned away from his family to go to
dinner at his club.
Of course, Singleton dined that evening
with the Stotfords; and when he and Agatha
were alone together in her little sitting-room
he was very affectionate,—" oh, more affec-
tionate than ever,"— as Agatha thought, rue-
fully. He had brought with him a small
manuscript book, in which he had carefully
set down all the details of his days, inter-
spersed here and there with a lover's ravings.
"I thought it might interest you," he
said.
. " Oh, yes, thank you," she answered; " so
it does, very much," and she turned over
some of the pages.
When he took his leave, she suggested that
he was forgetting his book.
" Then, you don't care to keep it ? "
There was a wistfulness in his question
which her ear failed to detect.
" No, thanks; I think I've seen in it now
all you have been doing. Monday seems
very much like Tuesday, and Thursday
repeats Wednesday. You have been very
good." 7
Singleton sat long by his fire that night
He took the diary out rather tenderly from
his pocket, and looked at the fly-leaf, on
which was written: "A record of what I
do, kept by me for my dear in her absence."
I hen suddenly he thrust it into the fire, and
called himself an unworthy fool. Why
should she understand his sentimentality?
Her love showed itself in grand actions,—
had she not chosen him ? And he went to
bed, a good deal ashamed of his diary
episode.
The marriage-day was at last fixed for
early in January. From the first, I have
been frank with you about Agatha. I have
not at any time striven to enlist your affec-
tions for her, nor will I even make any fur-
ther claim for her on your respect. I must
frankly own that the nearer her marriage-day
came, the more she shrank from the pros-
pect of it. As Singleton's wife she could not
hope even to make the sensation she had
created as his betrothed. The pleasure of
producing her effect had been great, but she
had obtained it on credit. She had enjoyed
it to the full; and now the time for paving
the price was drawing nigh. What wonder
if she rebelled ! At times she almost thought
of throwing herself upon Singleton's gener-
osity, which she well knew would not fail
her, and begging to be set free from fulfilling
her obligation. But what of all her admir-
874
MISS STOTFORD'S SPECIALTY.
ing friends ? How could she bear to step
down from the pedestal of saint, whereon
their homage had placed her, and become
the commonest of all common things, — a
woman who found herself utterly unequal to
the sacrifice she had undertaken to make ?
No; this humiliation was more than she
could endure. But surely every woman
before being bound for life to one man, has
her right to her meed of homage from others,
— in a word, to have her fling. And if
Singleton would but be jealous. — if he would
quarrel with her on this account, — why, then
surely the fault would not be hers. Maude
was her most intimate friend, and she could
not see much of Maude without seeing *a
good deal of Reginald, too. Besides, she
liked Reginald, and her friendship with him
as well as with his sister was a fact to which
George must speedily make up his mind.
So one night she said to him :
" Oh, I shan't see you to-morrow evening
— Maude is coming."
" May I not look in after she goes ? "
" Oh, you may come in, if you like, but
you would not see me alone because Regi-
nald is coming for her, and they'll be sure
to stay late."
" The next evening, then ? "
" Oh, I am going there."
" Then I may call for you, may I not ? "
" Yes, but not before eleven, please. We
are going to the theater."
" Well, dear, I hope you'll enjoy yourself.
You'll find me very punctual at eleven."
If it had been difficult to draw a declara-
tion of love from Singleton, it was yet more
impossible to elicit from him any expression
of jealousy. His attention and devotion
remained undiminished, and he preserved
the utmost serenity of temper under circum-
stances which might easily have ruffled the
sweetest nature. Only Agatha noticed one
change, and that was that he talked less
about their future than he had done at first.
For this she could not help being grateful
to him. The day for their marriage, how-
ever, was drawing near, and work on the
trousseau had begun.
The night before Christmas, they were
alone together in Agatha's sitting-room. A
wild north-east wind was sweeping around
the house and wailing through the leafless
trees. Now and then the sleet was driven
up vehemently against the window.
" I think I never shall be warm again,"
said Agatha.
She was sitting in a low easy-chair, drawn
close to the fire, her feet resting on the
fender, her head lying back on a velvet
cushion, her small white hands sparkling
with rings clasped on her lap. She looked
the very embodiment of indolence and
comfort.
Singleton made no answer. He was
standing with his arms resting on the man-
tel-piece.
" Why don't you speak ? " she asked,
with some asperity in her tone.
" I didn't hear what you were saying."
" You never do," she rejoined, promptly,
"when I speak about any suffering of mine."
" Are you suffering, dear ? " he asked,
looking up.
"Yes, of course I am. You know how
this weather makes me feel."
The clock struck half-past ten — the hour
when Singleton always took his leave.
" Agatha," he said, a little nervously, " I
want to ask something of you."
" Do you ? " she replied, wearily ; " well,
what is it ? "
" I want to stay with you to-night until
eleven."
" Oh, not to-night," she said, perhaps
with more protestation in her voice than
she was even aware of. " My head aches,
and I want to go to bed, and see if I can't
get warm there."
" Only this once, dear," he entreated.
She made no reply.
" Forgive me, Agatha ; I was a selfish
brute. You aren't too angry to say good-
night, are you ? "
She could not fail to see the effort he
made to hide the quiver of pain in his voice,
and glancing up she saw in his eyes such a
look of pleading, that even her not very
susceptible heart was touched.
" There, there, you needn't go," she said.
" I spoke to you more crossly than I should
have done. Half an hour longer wont kill
me; and if you will be vexed with me I
can't help it."
"Vexed with you?" he said, kneeling
down beside her. " How do you think
that could ever be ? "
Then he put his arms around her, and
drew her head on his shoulder.
For the next half hour there was com-
plete silence between them. Inside, the
fire flickered, and held low converse with
itself; and outside, the insatiable wind
wailed on. When the clock struck eleven,
he arose, and Agatha arose, too.
" Thank you," he said, " for letting me
stay. I know you wont be sorry for it,
hereafter." And as he stood there, holding
MISS STOTFORD' S SPECIALTY.
875
both her hands in his, she saw again in his
eyes that strange, pleading look.
" Aren't you happy ? " she asked. "You
seem as sober as a judge."
" Could a man who believed in your love
be other than happy ? "
At the door, he turned back, drew her
close to his heart once more, and kissed her
again, long and lovingly. Then he went.
" Gone at last," she thought, with a sigh
of relief, as she heard the hall-door close
behind him. Then she went straight to
bed.
Miss Stotford was not an early riser.
Before meeting the outside distractions of
the day, she perused the first delivery of
letters over morning coffee in her own room.
This morning's mail brought her many sea-
sonable cards, but, oddly enough, only one
letter. She was familiar with the delicate,
almost feminine handwriting — it was from
Singleton. Shortly after their engagement
he had been much addicted to the habit of
posting her a letter before going to bed
but latterly he seemed to have broken him-
self of the practice. Indifferently at first,
yet with ever increasing interest, she read :
"HARLEY STREET, 24 December, i A. M.
" MY DARLING : I wish this letter to be as little
of a shock to you as possible. On the 24th of May
last seven months ago to-day, you told me that you
loved me. That you were sincere then in thinking
so, that you even try to think so now, I do not for a
moment doubt. Indeed, I believed in your love
most implicitly till your return from Switzerland.
hen a doubt of it grew into my mind. I watched
you ^carefully, and watched my own heart carefully
X°' JC ^uW f(£ the J'ealousy>" Bought Agatha, as
she settled herself more comfortably for a further
perusal. ] "I know something of the human heart
and 1 know how a woman appears when she is really in
love with a man. At length my doubts grew into
n unalterable conviction that if you had ever loved
me— if, indeed, you had not from the first, out of the
Vifryfv y °f y°ur nature> mistaken pity for love—
Uie feeling, unconsciously, perhaps, to yourself, was
dying out. Only great love on your part could ever
have rendered possible the life you would have led
as the wife of a man so unfortunate as I am. But
^1°?* «rer V0 free you" [Agatha's heart dropped
u]> L- r1 know vour exquisite sensitiveness
would suffer from a mistaken sense that you had
failed toward me. I know you would repudiate all
I could say; for in your noble desire to build up a
ruined hfe, you would, for once, be capable of decep-
tion. But, Agatha, my love, what would it be to
me to see you slowly fading before my eyes ? Yet I
am a weak man, and, if you held the cup to my
thirsty lips, could they help drinking ? No, I do not
'Her you your freedom : I give it to you— my Christ-
mas gift. When you read this letter I shall be so
ar away from you that no pain ar.id no joy can fol-
low me.
" Had I never known your love, I could have had
:een pleasure in your friendship ; but after knowing
your love, your friendship would be an intolerable
torment. Life holds nothing more for me ; but my
death will be painless. I shall die happy, for I
shall conjure up from the past, to take with me out
of the world, a vision of that dear May evening
Do you remember, I wonder, how I came in, and
found you in the twilight ? You were lying on the
sofa, and I took a low chair and sat close by YOU—
the chair which stood between the windows. You
had a gray silk dress on, and a red rose in your hair
that I thieved before I went away, I shall hear
again the tenderness of your voice, as you told me
that you loved me. I shall feel again— ah, no, I
shall not feel that— my blood thrill under your
touch, under the first confident answering pressure
of your lips. Never to feel that again !— this it is
which unmans me and makes me weak. Last night,
m that extra half hour which you granted me, my
heart kept crying out to me: 'Here is Agatha,
Agatha, to see, to touch, to kiss,— and in a few hours
she will be just as far off as the first day of creation ! '
Un, my love, never to see you again !
" Later.
T.-I T\ ,?m qu^e Calm' now- In a very little
while I shall long for nothing any more. I want
you to know how in these last moments my whole
heart goes out in blessing to you. But for you, per-
haps, I should have lived out a long and painful life
productive of no joy to myself or others. I have
neither father nor mother— no one to sadden by my
loss I should never have done anything really
good in art,-Mr. Stotford will tell you so,-so I am
small loss there. You gave me three months of
divine happiness, and I shall now turn to the thought
of that time as a bridegroom turns to his bride.
Crood-bye, my darling, and may some power ever
bless and guide you.
ft f^ C »
Lr. b.
Many times the letter had fallen from
Agatha's fingers while she read. Now she
held it crushed in her hand. Did Singleton
mean all he had said? Could this thing
really be ? Was her lover no longer in this
world, and if so, was she not, in a way
guilty of his death ? Her blood turned to
ice and her teeth chattered. Then, with a
sudden impulse, she rose and dressed. She
half thought she might do something. Yet
what could she do ? Only one thing she
knew. She must appear ignorant of what
tins letter had revealed to her.
When she went to the breakfast-table,
there was no gainsaying the fact that she
was ill, for her face was as white as death.
She tried in vain to eat.
" No, I can't take anything," she said, at
last. " I will go to my own room, and try to
get warm there."
Mrs. Stotford and Adelaide followed her
with trie kindest intentions.
" I hope, dear," said Mrs. Stotford in her
cheerful voice— more cheerful than usual
by virtue of the season—" I hope you made
George promise to be with us early to-mor-
row."
Poor Agatha! What exquisite agonies
of remorse she experienced as she remem-
876
MISS STOTFORD'S SPECIALTY.
bered that she had promised to go to church
with the Gardiners, and then to lunch with
them.
" I don't think he'll come before dinner,"
she answered, faintly.
" I do think George is an angel," said
Miss Adelaide, emphatically, " to be so
sweet over your friendship with the Gardin-
ers. I know if I were a man I shouldn't
like it."
" Please don't talk," entreated Agatha.
" I know it's all kindness, but I would
rather be let alone. My head is bursting."
" Well, come away, Addie," said Mrs.
Stotford. "We have enough to do with
putting up the holly and mistletoe. You
can't trust matters like that to servants. Of
course, it's not their fault that they can't do
it artistically. Perhaps when Agatha's a
little wanner she'll lie down on the sofa and
get a sleep. That will be the best thing for
her. She just has a bad, feverish cold, as
any one could see."
So they left her, and she crouched before
the fire, shivering and shaking as with ague.
Surely, he might yet have repented of his
rash resolve. Still, if he had, would he not
have sent her word? The silence was
ominous. All the time she kept asking her-
self how far she, Agatha, was responsible if
he had done this thing. If he must go
away, why not have gone to Australia, where
he need never have seen her again ? Of
course, it was not in her to understand how
the thought of love won and lost can turn
life into a present hell. At the sound of
every footfall, she started as if a ghostly hand
had been laid on her shoulder. At the post-
man's sharp knock her heart leaped in her,
and then stood still.
About four o'clock came Reginald and
Maude Gardiner to see her.
"We heard from Mrs. Stotford," said
Maude, " that you were ill ; but you look
frightfully, child; what's the matter?"
" Oh, nothing much ' moaned Agatha.
" I shall be better soon."
"This hand is cold," said Reginald.
" Let me see if the other one is equally ill-
behaved."
" Don't," she said, almost fiercely, draw-
ing her hand abruptly away.
" Are you cross with me ? " asked Regi-
nald, in his sweetest tone of voice.
" I am ill. Don't you see I am ? "
"Low-spirited," observed Maude.
" Precisely so," replied Reginald. " Per-
haps it would cheer you to hear the con-
tents of the evening paper."
Then, taking a " Standard " from his
pocket, he began reading.
" ' The latest telegrams from the seat of
war.' Ah ! it appears we have done
wonders. Actually, five hundred soldiers of
the English army encountered and defeated
two hundred natives, with considerable
slaughter. ' Christmas in the East End.'
How I do hate all this cant about the
season ! ' Alarming Fire in the City.'
' Those Cabmen again.' ' Police Reports."
Anything there you'd like ? ' A Strange
Breach-of- Promise Case.' ' Great Wrecks
off Dover.' I should think so, with such a
devil of a wind as we've been having.
' The Suicide in Harley street.' "
" Ah ! what's that ? " asked Maude. " I'm
always interested in suicides."
" Morbid propensity, child," in Reginald's
tone of brotherly superiority.
Agatha's heart leaped in her with an in-
audible cry.
" We must have light on the subject,"
said Reginald, stirring the fire into a bright
blaze.
" Really, Reginald, you should not jest
on such a subject," remonstrated Maude.
" Jest ? I'm sober as a judge at a coroner's
inquest. Listen :
" ' Mr. Jno. Hales, surgeon in Harley
street, was summoned this morning, about ten
A. M., to No. 26, where he found ' "
And suddenly Reginald stopped.
"Why don't you go on? " inquired Maude.
He turned the paper toward her, pointing
to the paragraph.
" Oh, great heaven ! It can't be. Oh,
Agatha, darling ! "
And she flung her arms around Agatha's
neck. But Agatha seized the paper, which
Reginald feigned to detain from her, flashed
her eyes down the column, and saw what
she knew she would see, Singleton's name.
" Hush ! Hush ! " said Reginald to Maude,
who, with difficulty, stifled her sobs. Then
the three sat for a minute or two in awful
silence.
Then Agatha rose, stood erect for a
moment, as if she were about to walk out of
the room, and then suddenly, with a wild
cry of horror, fell forward in a deathly swoon.
She would have dropped to the ground, but
Reginald caught her in his arms.
" How she did love that poor fellow ! " he
thought, while Maude ran in haste to find
Mrs. Stotford.
Of course, Agatha was at once put to bed,
and the family physician was sent for. When
he heard all the circumstances of the case,
MISS STOTFORD'S SPECIALTY.
877
saw Agatha's unnaturally bright eyes, felt her
quick pulse, and listened to her incoherent
wanderings, he could not disguise from the
family his apprehensions of brain fever.
" It was a critical case," he said; " but if
she could get a night's sleep, the clanger
might be averted."
About the small hours, Agatha's wander-
ings ceased, and a heavy sleep fell upon her
and saved her.
It was three o'clock on Christmas-day
when she awoke. The bells were ringing
for afternoon service. At first she thought
it must be Sunday morning, and that she had
slept late. Then she began to wonder at
her strange feeling, as if she had been bruised
all over, and the sense of blended weakness
and clearness in her head. Then very
gradually, yes, and very gently, too, she re-
membered all the events of the preceding
day, and accepted them as one too weak to
feel surprise. There were two great facts —
Singleton was dead, and she was free.
At the expiration of a week, Agatha once
more appeared in her little sitting-room.
The friends who saw her said that a saintly
resignation had beautified her face. The
truth was, she had settled with her own
conscience very satisfactorily, and decided
that she was in no remotest way chargeable
with Singleton's death. She had certainly
flirted no more during her engagement
than many other women do, and it was
Singleton's own fault if he had deceived
her by keeping from her what he really felt,
and so prevented her from behaving differ-
ently. No, — it was his own morbid sensi-
tiveness that had driven him to his own
rash act.
In her heavy mourning, and with her
face so pale, — for she really had been ill, —
she looked far more interesting than of old.
Only four men were privileged to come and
see her, and they only as ministering angels.
There was William Poynter, a captivating
young tenor, for music soothed her; then,
byway of gentle stimulant, Mr. John Barker,
poet and critic, came to read and explain
difficult passages in Browning. Then, as
her religious opinions had got somewhat
out of order, — she was the only one in that
set who had any, and was inclined to make
a point of them, — the handsome young
High- church clergyman, Mr. Augustus St.
Clair, came in to overhaul the spiritual ma-
chinery. And lastly, and by right of the
family friendship, most frequently, came
Reginald to divert her by planning an Italian
tour for the autumn.
But, after all, decorous flirtations in re-
cently assumed crape are but tame. Sighs
and looks of gratitude must take the place
of laughter and repartee. Agatha grew tired
of long-continued endeavors not to look
quite so resigned as she felt. The tenor's
music palled on her; she got sleepy over
" Balaustion's Adventure"; she regained her
usual tranquil satisfaction with the state of
her religious views and functions. She dis-
missed all her ministering angels, except
Reginald, with whom she felt more at ease
than with the others.
When the summer came, she was glad to
escape from London. Sea-side and hill-side
brought her their balm. She concluded that
even without a specialty life might be a very
good thing. She returned to town bright
and beaming. I do not think that Single-
ton's ghost haunted her, even on the day
before Christmas.
The next summer, she fulfilled her natural
calling by marrying. The bridegroom,
however, was not Reginald. He proposed,
indeed, but she took three months to con-
sider. During that period of probation, she
met the son of a very rich picture-dealer.
As was natural for a painter, Mr. Stot-
ford furthered this alliance; and the young
man, if not quite so handsome as Reginald,
was very much richer. Like a dutiful girl,
she obliged her father, as he had before
obliged her. Reginald, I must confess,
found speedy consolation. It is not the
handsome Reginalds of the world who die
for love.
The reputation for nobility which had
been purchased by her engagement to Sin-
gleton never quite forsook Agatha.
" Ah," said her romantic friends, " her
life was really over when that poor fellow
died. She married just to please her father."
Of course, there were not wanting unfeel-
ing people to make irreverent remarks ;
but of such persons we have nothing to say.
She lived as tranquilly as such women do.
If she had no vivid joy in her days, she
had no keen pains. As time wore on,
sometimes, In the dead watches of the night,
or in- the glare of a crowded theater, she
would suddenly be confronted with the
past from which she had escaped, and meet
the look of sad, beseeching eyes — eyes sad,
but never reproachful. At such moments
she would feel suddenly faint, and grow
dizzy; but the evil moments passed, and
save in these rare visions, she was never
disturbed by the memory of her first
engagement.
PETER THE GREAT.
PETER THE GREAT. IX*
BY EUGENE SCHUYLER.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
PETER TRIES THE OPEN SKA.
No DOUBT the English victory at La
Hogue, and the revival of the trade with
Holland, had much to do with Peter's visit
to Archangel. He himself, writing long
afterward, when he was, perhaps uncon-
sciously, inclined to magnify the importance
of his early doings, says, in the preface to
the Maritime Regulations :
" For some years I had the fill of my desires on
Lake Pereyaslavl, but finally it got too narrow for
me. I then went to the Kubensky Lake, but that
was too shallow. I then decided to see the open
sea, and began often to beg the permission of my
mother to go to Archangel. She forbid me such a
dangerous journey, but seeing my great desire and
my unchangeable longing, allowed it in spite of her-
self."
Although the Tsaritsa Natalia allowed
it, she exacted a promise from her son that
he would not go out upon the sea, and
would look at it only from the shore.
Peter set out from Moscow on the nth of
July, 1693, with a suite of over a hundred
persons, including Lefort and many of the
" company," his physician, Doctor Van der
Hulst, a priest, eight singers, two dwarfs,
forty Streltsi and ten of his guards.
The journey from Moscow to Archangel
was, till a few years since, performed in
much the same way as it was by Peter. A
railway is now substituted for the carriage-
road to Vol6gda, but from that town one
must go by water down the Stikhon and
the Dvina. With the high water of spring,
it is easy enough, but the rivers were then
so low that Peter's huge painted barge was
two weeks on the way before it arrived at
the wharf of Holmogory, to the ringing of
the cathedral bells. Holmogory was then
the administrative center for the north of
Russia, and it was necessary to do 'the
usual courtesies to the Voievode and the
Archbishop, before Peter could pass the
long and narrow town of Archangel, stretch-
ing along the right bank of the Dvina, with
its clean German suburb and its port of
Solombala, crowded then, as now, with
merchants, and take up his residence be-
yond the city, in a house prepared for him
oil the Moses Island. The salt smell of the
sea was grateful and exciting, and the day
after his arrival the Tsar went on board the
little yacht St. Peter, which had been
built for him, and, in spite of the promise to
his mother, anxiously waited for a favorable,
wind to carry him to sea. A proposed visit
to the Solovetsky monastery was postponed
to another year, for various English and
Dutch vessels were about sailing, and he
was anxious to visit them, and to convoy
them on their way. In about a week, on
the 1 6th of August, a fair wind arose, the
ships set out and Peter sailed on merrily
in his yacht, and he had gone two hun-
dred miles from Archangel, and was near
the Polar Ocean, before he realized that
it was full time to return. On arriving at
Archangel, five days afterward, his first care
was to write to his mother, that he had been
to sea and had safely returned. Mean-
while she had written to him, urging his
return. In reply to this letter, he said :
"Thou hast written, O lady ! that I have saddened
thee by not writing of my arrival. But even now I
have no time to write in detail, because I am expect-
ing some ships, and as soon as they come — when
no one knows, but they are expected soon, as they
are more than three weeks from Amsterdam —
will come to thee immediately, traveling day and
night. But I beg thy mercy for one thing: why
dost thou trouble thyself about me? Thou hast
deigned to write that thou hast given me into the
care of the Virgin. When thou hast such a guard-
ian for me, why dost thou grieve? "
This letter was preceded to Moscow by
the news that Peter had gone on a sea
journey. Every one was alarmed at an
event, the like of which had never happened
before in Russia, and magnified the dangers
to which the Tsar had been, or might be,
exposed. Natalia wrote again to her son,
urging his return, expressing joy at his not
being shipwrecked, and reminding him that
he had promised not to go to sea. She
even had a letter written in the name of his
little son Alexis, then only three years old,
begging him to come back. To this he
replied t
" By thy letter I see, O ! O ! that thou hast been
mightily grieved, and why? If thou art grieved,
' Copyright, 1880, by Eugene Schuyler. All rights reserved.
PETER THE GREAT.
879
what delight have I ? I beg thee make me, who
am wretched, happy by not grieving about me, for,
in very truth, I cannot endure it."
Again, on the i8th of September, he writes :
" Thou hast deigned to write to me, O my delight !
to say that I should write to thee oftener. Even
now I write by every post, and my only fault is that
I do not come myself. And thou also tellest me
not to get ill by too quick a journey. But I, thank
God ! will try not to get ill, except by coming too
quickly. But thou makest me ill by thy grief, and
the Hamburg ships have not yet arrived."
It was not merely curiosity to see the
Hamburg ships that kept Peter at Arch-
angel. Ever since the discovery of the
White Sea by Richard Chancellor, in 1553,
and the privileges given to the British Fac-
tory by Ivan the Terrible, and Philip and
Mary, Archangel had become the great
emporium for Russian commerce with the
West. The business of N6vgorod had been
greatly injured by the loss of its independ-
ence and the misfortunes which befell the
town, and its trade was now almost entirely
transferred to Archangel. During the sum-
mer months, Archangel, conveniently situated
at the mouth of the river Dvina, presented
a spectacle of great commercial activity.
At the time of the annual fair of the Assump-
tion, as many as a hundred ships, from Eng-
land, Holland, Hamburg, and Bremen,
could be seen in the river, bringing cargoes
of various descriptions of foreign goods,
while huge Russian barges brought hemp,
grain, potash, tar, tallow, Russian leather,
isinglass and caviare down the Dvina. For
caviare there was a great market in Italy,
and several cargoes were sent every year
to Leghorn. The foreign merchants who
lived in Moscow, Yaroslav and Vologda
went to Archangel with the opening of
navigation every spring, and staid there
until winter. Twenty-four large houses
were occupied by foreign families and
the agents of foreign merchants. Depots
for all the goods sent to Archangel, both
Russian and foreign, had been built by the
foreigners Marselis and Scharff, at the com-
mand of the Tsar Alexis, and were pro-
tected by a high stone wall and towers.
Trade had now revived, and, in the summer
of 1693, ships were constantly arriving, and
Archangel was alive with business. On the
wharfs and at the exchange, Peter could
meet merchants of every nationality, and
see cargoes of almost every kind. It was a
grief to him that among all these ships there
were none belonging to Russians, nor any
sailing under the Russian flag. The efforts
of the Russians themselves to export their
produce had never been successful. At
Novgorod there had been a league among
all the merchants of the Hanse towns to
prevent the competition of Russian mer-
chants, and to buy Russian goods only at
Novgorod. At a later time, an enterprising
merchant of Yaroslav, Anthony Laptef, took
a cargo of furs to Amsterdam, but, in con-
sequence of a cabal against him, he could
not sell a single skin, and was obliged to
carry his furs back to Archangel, where they
were at once bought, at a good price, by
the merchants who owned the vessel which
brought them home.
Peter resolved to do something for Rus-
sian trade, and gave orders to Apraxin,
whom he named Governor of Archangel, to
fit out two vessels at the only Russian ship-
yard, that of the brothers Bazhenin, on the
little river Vavtchuga, near Holmogory.
These were to take cargoes of Russian goods,
and to sail under the Russian flag. He
hesitated where to send them. In England
and Holland he feared the opposition of
the native merchants, and in France he was
afraid that due respect might not be given
to the Russian flag. It was at last resolved
to send them to France, but as they finally
sailed under the Dutch, and not under the
Russian flag, one of them was confiscated
by the French, and was the subject of long
dispute.
Archangel proved so interesting that Peter
decided to return there in the subsequent
year, and to take a trip on the Northern
Ocean. He even had vague ideas of
coasting along Siberia until he came to
China, but the North-east passage was
not to be effected until our own day. For
any purpose of this kind, his little yacht St.
Peter was too small, and he, therefore, with
his own hands, laid the keel of a large
vessel at Archangel, and ordered another
full-rigged forty-four-gun frigate to be
bought in Holland. The Burgomaster of
Amsterdam, Nicholas Witsen, through Le-
fort and Vinius, was intrusted with the
purchase.
While at Archangel, besides the time
which he gave to the study of commerce
and ship-building, Peter found leisure for in-
specting various industries, and for practic-
ing both at the forge and at the lathe. A
chandelier made of walrus teeth, turned by
him, hangs now over his tomb in the Cathe-
dral of St. Peter and St. Paul, at St. Peters-
burg, and carved work in bone and wood,
and iron bars forged by him at this time,
88o
PETER THE GREAT.
are shown in many places. Besides the
social pleasures, the balls and dinners, in
which he indulged at Archangel as much
as at Moscow, he frequently attended the
neighboring church of the Prophet Elijah,
where he himself read the epistle, sang with
the choir, and made great friends with the
Archbishop Athanasius, a learned and sen-
sible man, with whom, after dinner, he con-
versed about affairs of state, the boyars, the
peasants who were there for work, the con-
struction of houses and the foundation of
factories, as well as of ship-building and
of navigation.
After the short summer was over, the
Hamburg ships having long since arrived,
Peter started on his journey to Moscow,
and after stopping for a short time at the
saw-mill and wharves of the brothers Ba-
zhenin, on the Vavtchuga, he arrived at
Moscow on the nth of October. It was too
late in the season at that time to think of
any military maneuvers, and Peter had
settled down to his usual round of carouses
and merry-making, when suddenly, on the
4th of February, 1694, after an illness of only
five days, the Tsaritsa Natalia died, at the
age of forty-two.
For some reason or other, Peter preferred
not to be present at his mother's death-bed.
A dispute with the Patriarch had probably
something to do with it. It is said that
when Peter had been suddenly called from
Preobrazh6nsky to the Kremlin, to his
mother's bedside, he appeared in the foreign
clothes which he wore for riding, and that
the Patriarch remonstrated with him. Peter
angrily replied that, as the head of the
church, he should have weightier things to
attend to, than to meddle with the business
of tailors. General Gordon says:
" His Majesty had promised to come to me to a
farewell supper and ball. I went to the palace two
hours before daybreak, but did not find His Majesty,
on account of the evident danger in which his mother
was. He had taken leave of her, and had gone back
to his house at Preobrazhe"nsky, whither I hastened,
and found him in the highest degree melancholy and
dejected. Toward eight o'clock came the news that
the Tsaritsa was dead."
Peter's grief was great and sincere. For
several days he scarcely saw any one without
bursting into a fit of weeping. He had
tenderly loved his mother, and had been
much under her influence, although she had
opposed his desire for novelty and his incli-
nation toward foreigners. Her place in his
affections was, to a great extent, taken by
his sister Natalia, who, without understand-
ing his objects, at least sympathized with
him. She was of the younger generation,
not so averse to what was new or what
came from abroad, was readily influenced
by her brother, and, like a good and faith-
ful sister, loved and admired him, and was
always ready to believe that whatever he did
was the best thing possible. As to his wife
Eudoxia, it is difficult to say much. She had
been brought up in the old-fashioned Russian
way, and had received almost no education.
She had a bitter dislike to all that was foreign,
and to the friends with whom Peter was sur-
rounded. This was perhaps natural : she dis-
liked the men who, as she thought, alienated
her husband from her. The marriage had
not been one of love; Peter had married sim-
ply to obey his mother, and found the society
of his wife so uncongenial that he spent
very little time with her. Two children
had been the result of the marriage — one,
Alexis, born in March, 1690, was destined
to inherit something of his mother's nature
and to be a difficulty and a grief to his father,
and to cause the saddest episode of his
life ; the second, Alexander, born in October,
1691, lived but seven months. Peter had
already, in the German suburb, made an
acquaintance that was destined to influence
his future life, and to destroy the peace of
his family. This was Anna Mons, the
daughter of a German jeweler, with whom
Peter's relations had daily grown more
intimate, and in whose society he passed
much of his leisure time.
A few days after his mother's death,
Peter began again to visit the house of
Lefort, but though he conversed freely with
his friends about the matters which inter-
ested him most, and an extra glass was
drunk, no ladies were present, and there was
no firing of cannon, no music nor dancing.
The next day he wrote to Apraxin, at Arch-
angel :
" I dumbly tell my misfortune and my last sorrow,
about which neither my hand nor my heart can write
in detail without remembering what the Apostle
Paul says about not grieving for such things, and
the verse of Esdras, ' Call me again the day that is
past.' I forget all this as much as possible, as being
above my reasoning and mind, for thus it has pleased
the Almighty God, and all things are according to
the will of their Creator. Amen ! Therefore, like
Noah, resting awhile from my grief, and leaving
aside that which can never return, I write about the
living."
The rest of the letter was taken up with
directions about the construction of the
small ship which he had begun, and the
preparation of clothing for the sailors. He
PETER THE GREAT.
88 1
evidently desired to go to Archangel that
winter, but he felt the propriety of being
present at the requiem on the fortieth day
after his mother's death. Little by little
other things interfered, and the journey was
put off.
Another letter written by Peter to Apraxin
shows him in better spirits, willing to see
the humorous side of things, and ready to
make little jokes about Ramodanofsky and
Buturlin, who were old Russians and op-
posed to all Peter's novelties, but who still
loved him, and yielded with the best grace
they could;
" Thy letter was handed to me by Michael Kuroy-
e"dof, and, after reflecting, I reported about it all to
my Lord and Admiral, who, having heard my report,
ordered me to write as follows : First : That the
great lord is a man mighty bold for war, as well as
on the watery way, as thou thyself knowest, and for
that reason he does not wish to delay here longer
than the last days of April. Second : That his Im-
perial brother, through love and even desire of this
journey, like the Athenians seeking new things, has
bound him to go, and does not wish to stay behind
himself. Third: The rear-admiral will be Peter
Ivanovitch Gordon. I think there will be nearly
three hundred people of different ranks ; and who,
and what rank, and where, that I will write to thee
presently. Hasten up with everything as quickly
as you can, especially with the ship. Therefore I
and my companions, who are working on the masts,
send many respects. Keep well. PITER."
About this time, a large amount of powder
and a thousand muskets were sent to Arch-
angel, while twenty-four cannon, intended
for one of the new ships, were ordered to
wait at Vol6gda until the arrival of the Tsar.
In informing Apraxin of this, Peter sends
his salutations to the two workmen whom
he had sent on, Niklas and Jan, and begs
him not to forget the beer. About the same
time, or even earlier, General Gordon wrote
to his friend and business agent Meverell,
at London, to send to Archangel a good
ship with a "jovial captain," and a good
supply of powder; and in writing to his son-
in-law, at Archangel, recommends him also
to brew a quantity of beer.
All preparations being made, the Tsar,
on the nth of May, set out for Archangel,
"pour prendre ses divertissements et meme
plus que Vannee passe'e" as Lefort wrote to
his brother Ami ; having with him many
more of his "company" than he had taken
the year before. It required twenty-two
barges to convey them down the Dvina,
and the " caravan," with Ramodanofsky as
admiral, Buturlin as vice-admiral, and
Gordon as rear-admiral, with a plentiful
display of signals and the firing of cannon,
accomplished its journey in ten days, arriv-
ing at Archangel on the z8th of May. It
is hardly necessary to say that the title of
admiral was purely as sportive a one as
that of generalissimo, or of commodore of
a fleet of row-boats; it implied nothing as
to the present or future existence of a Rus-
sian force, nor did it give any rank in the
state. The Tsar himself was. known as the
" skipper."
Peter established himself in the same
house on the Moses Island where he had
been the preceding year. His first care was
to go to the church of the Prophet Elijah,
and to thank God for his safe arrival ;
his second to inspect the ship building at
the wharf of Solombala, which fortunately was
completed, and on the 3oth was triumph-
antly launched, the Tsar himself knocking
away the first prop. But, as the frigate
ordered in Holland had not arrived, it was
impossible, as yet, to go to sea, and the
Tsar utilized the delay by making the trip
to the Solovetsky monastery which he had
postponed the year before. For this, on
his birthday, he embarked on his small
yacht, the St. Peter, taking with him the
Archbishop Athanasius, some of the boyars
attached to his person, and a few soldiers.
He started out on the night of the roth of
June, but was kept at the mouth of the
Dvina by a calm. The wind freshened the
next day, and soon turned to a gale% When
he had arrived at the mouth of the XJnskaya
Gulf, about eighty miles from Archangel,
the tempest was so great that the little ship
was in the utmost danger. The sails were
carried away, the waves dashed over the
deck, and even the experienced sailors who
managed the yacht gave up in despair, and
believed they must "go to the bottom. All
fell on their knees and began to pray, while
the archbishop administered the last sacra-
ment. Peter alone stood firm at the rudder,
with unmoved countenance, although, like
the rest, he received the communion from
the hands of the archbishop. His pres-
ence of mind finally had its effect on the
frightened mariners, and one of them,
Antip Timofeief, one of the Streltsi from
the Solovetsky monastery who had been
engaged as a pilot, went to the Tsar, and
told him that their only hope of safety lay in
running into the tJnskaya Gulf, as otherwise
they would infallibly go to pieces on the
rocks. With his assistance, the yacht was
steered past the reefs, through a very
narrow passage, and, on the i2th of June,
about noon, anchored near the Pertommsky
882
PETER THE GREAT.
monastery. The whole company went to
the monastery church and gave thanks for
their miraculous preservation, while Peter
granted additional revenues and privileges
to the brotherhood of monks, and rewardec
the pilot Antip with a large sum of money.
In memory of his preservation, Peter fash-
ioned, with his own hands, a wooden cross
about ten feet high, with an inscription in
Dutch, " Daikruys waken kaptein Piter van.
a. cht. 1694," carried it on his shoulders and
erected it on the spot where he had landed.
The storm lasted three days longer, but
on the 1 6th Peter again set sail, and arrived
the next day safely at the monastery, where he
remained three days in prayer and fasting,
and in veneration of the relics of the found-
ers, St. Sabbatius and St. Zosimus. The
monks must have been astonished at the devo-
tion shown by the son of that Tsar who had
besieged them for nine long years because
they had refused to accept the " innova-
tions " of the Patriarch Nikon. They must
have been convinced that, after all, they
were right.
At all events, they were pleased with
the generosity of Peter, who gave one
thousand rubles and additional privileges
to the monastery, besides gifts to individual
monks. The safe return of the Tsar was
feasted at Archangel not only by his friends,
who had been greatly alarmed, but by the
captains of two English vessels then in port,
and he himself wrote brief accounts of his
journey, first of all to his brother Ivan, to
whom he said that he had at last fulfilled
his vow of adoring the relics of the holy
hermits Sabbatius and Zosimus; but not one
word was said of the danger he had run.
From his wife, to whom he had written
nothing, Peter received two letters, com-
plaining of his neglect. Apparently he sent
no answer.
A month later, the new vessel which he
had launched on his arrival was ready for
sea, and with great rejoicing was christened
the St. Paul. About the same time, Peter's
heart was gladdened by the receipt of a
letter from his friend Vinius, at Moscow,
saying that the frigate bought by Witsen in
Amsterdam had sailed six weeks before,
under the command of Captain Flamm, and
ought by that time to be due in Archangel.
Vinius spoke also of many fires which had
taken place at Moscow, one of,which had
burned down four thousand houses. Pre-
vious information of this had been received
in letters from Lieutenant-Colonel Von
Mengden and Major Adam Weijde :
" In Moscow there have been many fires, and of
these fires the people said that, if you had been here,
you would not have allowed them to be so great."
In replying to Vinius, Peter expressed
his joy at the sailing of the vessel, then
spoke of the launching of the one built at
Archangel, which, he said, " is completely
finished, and has been christened the
Apostle Paul, and sufficiently fumigated
with the incense of Mars. At this fumi-
gation, Bacchus was also sufficiently hon-
ored.* But how impudent is your Vulcan;
he is not satisfied with you who are on
dry land, and even here, in the realm of
Neptune, he has shown his effrontery ;" and
went on to tell how all the ships at Archangel
would have been burnt, through a fire catch-
ing on a barge laden with grain, had it not
been for the great exertions of himself and
his men. Finally, on the 2ist July, the
forty-four-gun frigate Santa Profeetie, so
impatiently expected from Holland, arrived,
under the command of Captain Jan Flamm,
with a crew of forty sailors. She had been
five weeks and four days on the journey.
Peter hastened to the mouth of the river to
meet her, and finally, at four o'clock, she
threw anchor at Solombala. In the midst
of the feast, Peter sat down and wrote to
Vinius a brief letter :
" MlN HER : I have nothing else to write now,
except that what I have so long desired has to-day
come about. Jan Flamm has arrived all right, with
forty-four cannon and forty sailors, on his ship.
Congratulate all of us. I will write you more fully
by the next post, but now I am beside myself with
joy, and cannot write at length. Besides, it is
impossible, for Bacchus is always honored in such
cases , and with his leaves he dulls the eyes of those
who wish to write at length.
"The City, July 2ist.
SchiPer Fonshi
Psantus Pro Fet
ities."
The frigate needed a few repairs, but
these were soon made, and in a week Peter
was ready to start on his cruise. The
Apostle Paul, with Vice- Admiral Buturlin,
took the lead, followed by four German
;hips returning home with Russian cargoes.
Then came the new frigate, the Holy
Prophecy, with the admiral and the Tsar,
"ollowed by four English ships returning
with their cargoes. The yacht St. Peter,
with General Gordon as rear-admiral, fol-
A Swedish galliot, which arrived from Bor-
deaux, after a five weeks' voyage, on July 7th, with
pur hundred casks of wine, probably supplied the
ibations for Bacchus.
PETER THE GREAT.
883
lowed. The movements of the fleet were
to be directed by signals, which had been
invented for the purpose by Peter, and had
been translated into the different languages.
He himself brought Gordon a copy for
translation into English, for the use of the
English captains. The wind was for a long
time unfavorable, and, even after getting to
the mouths of the Dvina, the sea-faring
company could do nothing but divert itself
by mutual feasts on the various islands.
Peter, however, who must always have
something on hand, discussed a plan for
great military maneuvers in the autumn, on
his return to Moscow, and, under the direc-
tion of General Gordon, made plans of bas-
tions and redoubts, and composed lists of
all the necessary tools and equipments.
Finally, the fleet set out on the 2ist of
August, and with various fortune, — General
Gordon nearly going to pieces on a small
island to which his pilot had taken him,
thinking the crosses in the cemetery on the
shore to be the masts and yards of the
other vessels. With some difficulty he got
safely off, and on the zyth the whole fleet
reached Sviatoi Nos, the most extreme
point which separated the White Sea from
the Northern Ocean. It had been Peter's
intention to venture upon the open sea, but
a violent wind rendered it not only difficult
but dangerous. The signal was therefore
given, and, taking leave of the merchant
vessels, the three ships of Peter's navy
returned to Archangel, arriving there on
the 3ist. Three days longer was all that
Peter could stay. On the evening of the
2d of September, Gordon says, " We were
all at feast with the Governor, and were
jovial." The next morning they set out
for Moscow.
Immediately after the arrival of the party
at Moscow, arrangements were made for
the great maneuvers which Peter had
planned. Two armies were formed, one in
which were included six Streltsi regiments
and two companies of cavalry, in all 7500
men, under Buturlin (who took the title of
King of Poland, probably on account of
the increasing difficulties with that country).
The other, the Russian force, was under
the command of Prince Ramodan6fsky,
and included the Preobrazhensky and the
Semenofsky regiments, the two select reg-
iments, and a collection of the men fit
for military service sent by the nobility of
twenty towns in the neighborhood of Mos-
cow, some of the orders being dispatched
as far as Uglitch, Suzdal and Vladimir. The
strength of this army is not stated, but it
was probably not inferior to the other, and
it required two hundred and sixty wagons for
the transport of its ammunitions and equip-
ments. The place chosen for the maneu-
vers was a wide valley on the right bank of
the river Moskva, back of the village of
Kozhukhovo, a little more than a mile from
the Sim6nof monastery, so celebrated now
for its lovely view of Moscow. Here, in an
angle formed by a bend of the river, a small
fort had been begun, even before the
departure of Peter for Archangel. These
maneuvers, though common enough now-
adays in all military countries, must have
been a great surprise to the inhabitants of
Moscow, accustomed to their quiet and
almost pastoral streets. In order to take
their positions, both armies, in full parade,
passed through Moscow by different routes.
In the Russian army appeared what was also
a new thing to the Moscovites — the Tsar as
Peter Alexeief marching with two of his
comrades as bombardiers, in front of the
Preobrazhensky regiment. What would now
seem droll is that both armies had what
does not now enter into military staff — com-
panies of scribes and singers, and, in one,
twenty-five dwarfs, of course unarmed.
It is useless to recapitulate the story of
the maneuvers, which lasted for fully three
weeks, and which are described with great
humor by General Gordon in his diary, and
by Zhelabuzhky in his memoirs. Sufficient
to say that there was fighting which some-
times was only too real, for the bombs,
though without powder, did hurt, and fire-
pots burst and burned faces and maimed
limbs. A bridge had to»be thrown across
the river Moskva, and the fort was to be
mined and countermined, according to the
proper rules of war. Unfortunately, ban-
quets and suppers had too great a predom-
inance in this campaign, and after a very
good dinner given by General Lefort, on
his name's-day, it was decided to storm the
enemy's fort. Flushed with wine, the con-
quest was easy. Every one was satisfied,
except Peter, who was not content with this
summary proceeding. He therefore gave
up ah1 the prisoners, ordered the Polish
King again to occupy his fort, and insisted
that mines should be made until the walls
should be blown up, and the conquering
army properly walk in. This was done,
and the place was finally taken in the most
approved way, on the 27th of October. One
incident of the campaign seems to have
been a fight of the singers, headed by Tur-
884
PETER THE GREAT.
genief, the court-fool, against the scribes o
the Polish camp.
This was the last time that Peter played
at war. Thenceforward, fate ruled that rea
battles were to take the place of mimic
ones.
CHAPTER XXIX.
THE FIRST CAMPAIGN AGAINST AZOF.
PETER had derived so much satisfaction
from his visits to Archangel that he thought
favorably of various projects of traveling
throughout his country, and of beginning new
enterprises. Even while at Archangel, Lefort
wrote to his family at Geneva that there was
talk of " a journey, in about two years' time,
to Kazan and Astrakhan. Still, this idea
may pass away before two years are over.
However, I will be ready to obey all orders.
There is also an idea of constructing some
galliots, and going to the Baltic Sea."
Later, on the 23d of September, Lefort
wrote : " Next summer we are going to con-
struct five large ships and two galleys, which,
God willing, will go two years hence to
Astrakhan, for the conclusion of important
treaties with Persia." The ideas of Witsen
about the Persian and Asiatic trade, and
the many conversations on that subject in
the German suburb, about the advantages
connected with this traffic, which French,
Dutch and English all desired to get into
their hands, had evidently stimulated Peter's
mind.
Suddenly, however, and apparently to the
surprise of everybody, it was resolved to
enter upon an active campaign, in the spring
of 1695, against the Tartars— nominally for
the purpose of reducing the Crimea ; actu-
ally, the plan of the campaign included get-
ting possession of the mouths of the Dnieper
and of the Don, two Russian rivers which
were useless for trade so long as their em-
bouchures were in possession of the Mussul-
mans. The only mention that is made of
this plan before it was formally announced,
is a passage in a letter of General Gordon
to his friend Kurz, in Vienna, dated the end
of December, 1694, in which he says: "I
believe and hope that this coming summer
we shall undertake something for the advan-
tage of Christianity and our allies." It is
difficult to tell what were the real reasons
for this campaign. Apparently it was not,
as has generally been thought, on the initia-
tive of Peter himself, for as yet he had not
meddled in the concerns of the government.
The statement that the expedition against
Azof was planned for the purpose of getting
a harbor in the Black Sea, in which to create
a navy, or because the success of the ma-
neuvers near Moscow made Peter desirous
of real war, or because he had already the
intention of going to Europe, and wished
to signalize himself by great exploits before
he appeared in the West, rest merely on
surmise. The campaign was an incident in
the war against the Tartars, which had been
begun by Sophia, in consequence of her
treaty with Poland, and which had never
come formally to a conclusion. No peace
had ever been made. Although, after the
unsuccessful close of Galitsyn's second ex-
pedition, in 1689, there had been a prac-
tical armistice, yet this armistice had never
been ratified by any convention, and was
frequently broken by the Tartars. The bor-
der provinces were constantly exposed to
their predatory incursions, and in 1692 twelve
thousand Tartars appeared before the Rus-
sian town of Nemirof, burnt the suburbs,
carried away many prisoners, and made
booty of a very large number of horses.
The Russians, with the few troops of Cos-
sacks and local levies that remained on the
border, had confined themselves strictly to
the defensive.
Meanwhile, there had been a growing dis-
satisfaction in Moscow with the conduct of
Poland. The Russian Resident at Warsaw
constantly wrote that no dependence what-
ever could be placed on the Polish King
nor on the German Emperor. He reported
them as desirous of making a separate peace
with Turkey, without the slightest regard for
the interests of Russia. When application
was made to Vienna, the Emperor replied
:hat he was not in league with Moscow, but
that, without doubt, the Polish King kept the
Tsars informed of everything that passed.
ECing Jan Sobiesky professed the utmost
friendship for the Tsars; but made com-
plaints that they did not assist him in his
operations against the Mussulmans; that,
under the treaty, they had no right to confine
hemselves to defensive warfare alone, and
hat, unless they sent either an embassador
o Vienna with full powers, or sent an embas-
sador to go with his envoy to the Crimean
tChan, it would be impossible for him to sat-
sfy the Muscovite demands, as he did not
know sufficiently what the demands of Mus-
covy were. Intrigues had been going on
between Mazeppa, the Hetman of Little
Russia, and various Polish magnates, and it
ivas believed in Moscow that these were
PETER THE GREAT.
885
with the knowledge and contrivance of the
King. Russia had finally become so bitter
on this point that Sobiesky hastened to
declare that all the letters were forgeries, and
a monk, on whose person, it is said, had
been found forged letters and forged seals of
Mazeppa, was surrendered to the Russians.
The explanation was accepted, and the
monk was executed by Mazeppa's orders.
Fearing to be left entirely alone, — for it had
been ascertained, by means of Adam Stille,
an official translator at the foreign office in
Vienna, who had been bought up by the Rus-
sian envoy, and who furnished the Govern-
ment at Moscow with reports of the negoti-
ations going on at Vienna, and sometimes
with copies of papers, that no mention, of
any kind whatever, of the interest of Russia
had been made in the whole of the nego-
tiations at Vienna between Poland, Austria
and Turkey, — and fearing lest a separate
peace might be made without them, which
would enable the Sultan to turn all his forces
against them, the Russians resolved to see
what they could effect themselves. For this
purpose, agents had been sent to the Crimea
to ascertain upon what basis the Khan would
make a permanent peace. The Russians
were unwilling to agree to the same state of
things that had existed before the campaigns
of Galitsyn. They insisted that the prison-
ers on both sides should be delivered up
without a ransom, and on the suppression
of the money tribute which had before that
been annually sent to the Crimea. They
also, on the suggestion of Dositheus, the
Patriarch of Constantinople, who had written
several letters to the Tsars urging the renewal
of hostilities, made a request that the Holy
Places in Jerusalem should be take"n away
from the Franks and restored to the Greek
clergy.* As to the Holy Places, the Khan
replied that the solution of that question
depended on the Sultan alone ; but, for the
other matters, he declined to accept anything
but a renewal of the old treaty of Baktchi-
serai, insisted on the tribute due to him, and
refused to give up the captives without a
ransom. Not only were these overtures
ineffectual, but alarm was caused by the ap-
pearance of the Polish magnate, Rzevusky,
at the court of the Khan, with proposi-
tions from the King. Rzevusky went sub-
sequently to Adrianople, in the hope of
making peace with the Sultan on conditions
* It is interesting to see how early the question of
the Holy Places became a subject of dispute between
Russia and Turkey.
favorable to Poland. This plan fell through •
but the Turks finally consented to open
negotiations for a general peace. Infor-
mation ' about this reached Moscow in a
letter from King Jan Sobiesky, in the latter
part of July, 1694, and the Tsars were
requested to send a proper and fit man to
meet the Turkish and Tartar plenipotentia-
ries. It was, in all probability, the despair
of obtaining any favorable conditions for
Russia, and the fear that their plenipoten-
tiaries would not be admitted to the con-
gress, that induced the Government at
Moscow to resolve on active operations.
The campaign once resolved upon, Peter
threw himself into it with all his heart and
soul. He looked personally after the artil-
lery, as he had the intention of accompany-
ing one of the armies, in the capacity of
bombardier. He even went to Pereyaslavl
to look over the artillery stores which he
had left there, in order to see what would be
available for the purposes of the expedition.
Full of ardor at the thought of active war, he
wrote to Apraxin : "Although for five weeks
last autumn we practiced in the game of
Mars at Kozhukhovo, with no idea except
that of amusement, yet this amusement of
ours has become a forerunner of the present
war." And again he wrote : " At Kozhuk-
hovo we jested. We are now going to play
the real game before Azof."
The plan of operations was that Prince
Boris Shereme'tief, with 120,000 men,
assisted by the Cossacks of the Ukraine
under Mazeppa, should go down the Dnie-
per and attempt to take possession of the for-
tresses of Otchakof and Kazikerman, which,
with three similar forts, guarded the mouth
of that river. The army of Sheremetief was
composed entirely of troops drilled in the
old Russian style. The two regiments made
up out of the play-troops of Peter, together
with the regiments of soldiers drilled accord-
ing to foreign tactics and the best of the
Streltsi regiments, were to compose an army
of about 31,000 men, the aim of which was
the capture of Azof.
This fortress town, situated on one of the
arms of the Don, about ten miles from the
Sea of Azof, was the chief hindrance to the
Russian access to the Black Sea. In the
early times, as the half-Greek city of Tanais,
and in the Middle Ages, as the Genoese
colony of Tana, it had been a great com-
mercial emporium for the Asiatic trade.
Destroyed by Tamerlane, and afterward
fortified by the Turks, it had been captured
by the Don Cossacks in 1637, and held by
PETER THE GREAT.
them for six years against tremendous odds,
until they were ordered to abandon it by the
Tsar Michael ; for Russia was then unwilling
to engage in a war with Turkey for its reten-
tion. It was then rebuilt by the Turks,
who kept 26,000 men at work for several
years in strengthening its fortifications.
What is particularly to be noticed is that,
in sending an expedition to Azof, the Rus-
sians were attacking the Turks, and not the
Tartars.
The plan of this campaign was decided
upon about the middle of February, in a
council of war held at the artillery head-
quarters. The army was to be divided into
three corps, respectively under the command
of Avtam6n Golovin, Lefort and Gordon ;
but, strangely enough, there was to be no
supreme commander. The command of the
army was to be intrusted to a council com-
posed of these three generals, and none of
their decisions could be carried into effect
without the approbation of the bombardier
sergeant of the Preobrazhe"nsky regiment,
Peter Alex6ief, as the Tsar chose to be
styled. This arrangement, as might easily
have been foreseen, proved productive of
great calamities.
The division of General Gordon marched
the whole distance, and starting from Mos-
cow in March, arrived at the rendezvous
before Azof in the middle of June. The
" great caravan," as it was called, consisting
of the other troops, left Moscow in May,
by water, but owing to the constant bad
weather (there was snow in Moscow even
on the yth of June), the careless way in
which the barges were constructed, and the
stupidity and inexperience of the boatmen,
had great difficulty in reaching Nizhni-
N6vgorod, on the Volga, where it was
found necessary to tranship all the troops,
equipments and artillery. As Peter wrote
to Vinius, from Nizhni-Novgorod :
" Strong winds kept us back for two days at
Dedinovo, and three days at Murom, and most of all
the delay was caused by stupid pilots and workmen,
who call themselves masters, but, in reality, are as
far from being so, as the earth is from heaven."
Fortunately, the barges from Vordnezh
were in waiting at Panshin, on the Don, to
reach which a short land march was made,
and the caravan reached the rendezvous
without much trouble on the festival of St.
Peter and St. Paul, the name's-day of the
Tsar (June 29, July 9). Gordon at once
sent to the Tsar to congratulate him, and
asked him to dinner. But Peter busied
himself the whole day with disembarking
his troops, and came only to supper. Gor-
don had taken up a position on some low
hills within sight of Azof, and had intrenched
himself. The other troops did the same,
and at the council of war it was resolved to
begin the siege works at once.
This siege continued for fourteen weeks,
with varying success. There was a want
of discipline among the Streltsi, there was a
want of harmony in the councils of the
generals, there was a want of knowledge
and experience in the engineers ; and, more
than that, there was a breakdown of the
commissariat. For a long time, the troops
were entirely without salt. Everything
went on slowly, and it sometimes seemed,
as Gordon said, "that we acted as if we
were not in earnest."
One advantage obtained by the Don
Cossacks cheered up the army. They suc-
ceeded in storming one of the two small
forts called Kalantchi, which guarded the
junction of the Kalantcha — one of the
larger arms of the Don, which branches
off above Azof, — and which prevented the
passage of the Russian barges with pro-
visions for the army, and compelled every-
thing to be taken some distance around,
exposed to the attack of the Tartar cavalry.
After one fort had been taken by' assault,
such a fire was kept up on the other that
the Turkish troops abandoned it in the
night. It was, therefore, possible for the
Russians to construct a floating bridge over
the Don, and greatly to facilitate their
communications and all their operations.
As a pendant to this success, that very after-
noon a man named Jacob Janson went
over to 'the enemy. He was originally a
Dutch sailor, who had entered the Russian
service at Archangel, and had adopted the
Russian religion ; he had been lately serv-
ing as a bombardier, and from some fancy
Peter had become extremely intimate with
him, had communicated to him all his plans
and ideas with regard to the siege. This
renegade and deserter exposed to the
Turkish Pasha all the Russian plans, and
especially the disposition of the troops.
One of the many Russian dissenters who
had found a refuge at Azof from the perse-
cution of the Church and the Government
was immediately sent by the Pasha to
verify this, and, by calling himself a Cos-
sack, succeeded easily in passing the Rus-
sian sentinels and penetrating into the
camp. The Russians, even in the field, had
kept up their old habit of taking a long nap
PETER THE GREAT.
887
immediately after their midday meal. In-
formed of this habit, the Pasha made a
sortie, surprised the Russians in their
trenches, and was only beaten back after a
three hours' fight, in which the Russians
experienced very severe losses, and General
Gordon, who did his best to rally the
troops, came within an ace of being taken
prisoner. After this, constant sorties and
attacks greatly annoyed the Russians and
hindered the siege works. General Gordon,
who was really the only officer of great
experience, wished to complete the trenches
on the left side as far as the river, for there
was still a vacant space along the river
through which the Tartar cavalry kept up
communications with the town. He also
wished to continue the trenches until they
were close to the walls. All his suggestions,
however, were overruled by the impulsive-
ness of Peter, and the inexperience of Lefort
and Golovfn, who voted to please the Tsar.
There was great desire for an immediate
assault, which was opposed by Gordon,
who represented how dangerous it would
be to attempt to carry the town by storm
when there were no trenches close to the
fortifications in which the troops could take
refuge in case of repulse. His remon-
strances were of no avail, and an assault
was finally attempted, on the 1 5th of August.
It failed completely. The Russians were
driven back with a loss of 1,500 men — a
very heavy one, considering their numbers.
Later on, in spite of the protests of Gordon,
two mines were exploded long before they
had reached the part of the walls intended
to be blown up. No damage was done to
the town, but the explosion threw the
debris back into the Russian trenches with
considerable loss of life. The troops began
to despair, but Peter resolved to attempt
one more assault before giving up the siege,
for the weather was now so cold that it was
difficult for the men to remain in the
trenches. This assault was no more suc-
cessful than the first, although some of the
Cossacks penetrated into the town on the
river side. Finally it was determined to
raise the siege, and on the i2th of October
the Russians began to withdraw, hotly pur-
sued by the enemy, who made constant
attacks on the rear-guard. The severe
weather and high water prevented the
Russians from crossing the river to the safer
side, and many were the privations and
great was the distress endured on the home-
ward march.
The Tartars attacked the rear-guard, and
on one occasion, after killing about thirty
men in the regiment of Colonel Swart, took
prisoner the colonel and the greater part
of the regiment, with several standards.
This caused great panic at the time, and
produced an impression at home which
lasted for many years, as is evident from the
way in which Pososhkof brings it forward,
as an instance of the bad discipline of the
army. The troops suffered much from the
rains and floods, and afterward from the
extreme cold. The steppe, which Gordon,
in the spring, had found " full of manifold
flowers and herbs, asparagus, wild thyme,
majoram, tulips, pinks, melilot and maiden
gilly flowers," was now bare and naked.
All the vegetation had been burnt off, and
frequently the soldiers could not even find a
piece of dry wood with which to kindle a
fire. The Austrian agent, Pleyer, who had
been with the army through the siege, but
who was obliged by a fever to remain a
month at Tcherkask, wrote in his report to
the Emperor Leopold :
" I saw great quantities of the best provisions,
which could have kept a large army for a year,
either ruined by the bad weather, or lost by the
barges going to the bottom. What was left was
divided among the Cossacks. On the way I then
saw what great loss the army suffered in the march,
although no enemy pursued it, for it was impossible
not to see without tears how, through the whole
steppe for eight hundred versts, men and horses lay
half eaten by the wolves, and many villages were
full of sick, half of whom died, as well as many
others infected by them, all of which was very pain-
ful to see and to hear."
The only success of the campaign was
the capture of the two forts, in which a
garrison of 3,000 men was left, so as to be
ready for subsequent operations the next
spring. $ Lefort, in a letter to his brother,
says that had they had 10,000 more troops,
the town would certainly have been taken.
This additional number would have enabled
the trenches to have been drawn entirely
around the town, and its communications
would have been entirely cut off. But the
failure is rather to be ascribed to the want
of knowledge and experience on the part
of the officers, and the impulsiveness of the
Tsar, than to the smallness of the army.
Peter himself was indefatigable. As a bom-
bardier, he filled bombs and grenades with
his own hands, and worked at the mortars
like any common soldier. With all this, he
took part in the councils of war, supervised
all the plans of action, and, in addition,
kept up a constant correspondence with
friends. These letters are all brief. Some
888
PETER THE GREAT,
of them refer simply to matters of business,
such as the forwarding of material and pro-
visions. In them he endeavored to keep
up his own spirits as well as those of his
friends, still maintaining the jesting tone
BOYAR ALEXIS SHEIN.
which he had long ago adopted, always
addressing them by their nicknames, and
carrying out the fiction of making regular
reports to Ramodanofsky as the generalis-
simo of the army, and always signing him-
self, with expressions of great respect, the
" Bombardier Piter." There is much talk
about " plowing the field of Mars," and
there are other classical allusions. But twice
he shows real feeling — with reference to the
death of his friend Prince Theodore Troek-
urof, who was killed on the i "jth of Septem-
ber, and to the deaths of his comrades and
orderlies Yekim Vor6nin and Gregory Lukin,
who had been two of the most intelligent
men in his guard, and had been also of
great assistance to him in his boat-build-
ing at Pereyaslavl, who were killed at the
final assault. He writes to Ramodanofsky
on separate scraps of paper, inclosed with
the formal letters to him as generalissimo :
" For God's sake, do not trouble yourself because
the posts are late. It is certainly from the bad
weather, and not, God forbid ! because of any
accident. Thou canst judge thyself that, if anything
had happened, how would it be possible to keep it
quiet ? Think over this, and tell those that need it.
Prince Theodore Ivanovitch, my friend, is no more.
For God's sake, do not abandon his father. Yekin
Vor6nin and Gregory Lukin by God's will have
died. Please don't forget Gregory's father."
The Tsar accompanied the troops until
they had reached Valuiek, the first Russian
town. He then went on in advance, but
stopped for several days near Tula, at the
iron works built by the Dane Marselis,
which were now owned by his uncle, Leo
Naryshkin. Here he amused himself by
hammering three large iron sheets with his
own hands.
The army reached Moscow on the ad
of December, and, in spite of the failure of
the campaign, Peter made a triumphal entry
into the city, with a captive Turk led before
him. The only excuse for this was the
partial success of Sheremetief and Mazeppa,
who had taken by storm two of the Turkish
forts at the mouth of the Dneiper, — Kazi-
kerman and Tagan, — and had forced the
abandonment of two others.
CHAPTER XXX.
THE CAPTURE OF AZOF.
PETER undoubtedly felt disappointed,
humiliated and angry at the result of the
campaign. Despite the dangers and diffi-
culties which beset his childhood, he had
nearly always succeeded in having his own
way. He was Tsar, he was self-willed, and
he was obstinate. He had undertaken the
siege with such confidence of success that
he had caused Lefort to write letters to be
communicated to the different courts of
Europe, informing the world of his designs,
and he had returned almost empty-handed.
The difficulties of the homeward march
must only have served to increase his ob-
stinate adherence to his purpose, and every
hammer-blow, which he gave to those iron
plates in the forge at Tula, drove away a
regret and fixed a resolution. He no sooner
returned to Moscow than every preparation
was made for another campaign. Indeed,
he had formed some plans even before this,
for on the march, just after he had escaped
from the burning steppe, he wrote to the
Emperor of Germany, to the King of Poland,
and to the Elector of Brandenburg, inform-
ing them of the efforts which he had made
against the Turks, and of his failure, owing
partly to the lack of cannon and ammunition,
but especially to the want of skillful engi-
neers and miners, and, in the name of friend-
ship and for the success of their common
cause against the Turk, he begged that
skillful men be sent to him.
This time, the number of troops designed
for the expedition was much greater, amount-
ing in all, with the help of the Cossacks and
the regiments from Little Russia, to 75,000
men. Having seen that the failure of the last
campaign was owing, in great part, to the
PETER THE GREAT.
889
VOL. XX.— 58.
divisions in com-
mand, Peter ap-
pointed a single
commander - in -
chief for the
whole of the
forces before
Azof, with the
title of general-
issimo. He at
first chose Prince
Michael Tcher-
kasky, a grandee,
who was much respected for his
character and his great services, but
who was then very old ; and when
Tcherkasky refused this appoint-
ment on account of his extreme age
and infirmity, his choice fell upon the
boyar Alexis Shein, more noted for
distinguished family-he was the great-
grandson of the celebrated defender
of Smolensk in the Troublous Times — than
for actual service and experience, but, at the
same time, in the opinion of his contempo-
raries, a man of ability and sound judgment.
The appointment of a native Russian to such
high rank was doubtless intended to silence
the complaints of the ultra-national party,
who had again talked of this last defeat
being owing to the employment of so many
foreigners. The boyar Boris Sheremetief
and the hetman Mazeppa were ordered to
remain on the defensive and protect the
frontier from Tartar incursions.
890
PETER THE GREAT.
::
TARTAR CAVALRY ATTACKING A RUSSIAN COMMISSARIAT TRAIN.
In his first campaign, Peter
had seen the absolute neces-
sity of a flotilla in order to
prevent the Turks from com-
municating with Azof, and to
keep the command of the
river. It is needless to say
that his love for the sea
strengthened his opinion. He
therefore resolved to build i
a fleet of transport barges, and, at the j
same time, galleys and galliots that could ;
be armed and used for the defensive if
not for the offensive. For the construc-
tion of this fleet he chose the town of
Voronezh, on the river Vor6nezh, about
three hundred miles south of Moscow.
All this region had once been covered
with a thick virgin forest, and here, from
the early years of the reign of Alexis, nu-
merous barges had been constructed every
winter for the transport of the grain and wine
sent as salary to the Cossacks of the Don.
These barges were like those now built on
the rivers in the north of Russia for the trans-
port of timber, hides and grain, — rude vessels
made entirely of wood, without the use of
even an iron nail. They were good simply
for the voyage down the river, and never
returned. On their arrival they were broken
up, and used either as timber or as fire-wood.
They were usually about a hundred feet
long and twenty feet wide, and held about
two hundred quarters of grain. To such a
great extent had barges been built in this
locality — at the rate of from five hundred to
a thousand a year — that in many places the
forests were entirely cut down. Voronezh is
now a thriving town, the capital of a province
or gubernia, with a population of 45,000, and
a considerable trade. Its greatest reminis-
cences are those connected with Peter, and
the construction of this flotilla, — some of the
boat-houses being still standing ; it also
prides itself on having the peasant-poet Ni-
kitin as a citizen, and possesses an agreeable
and cultivated society. Here Peter ordered
the construction of a wharf on the low left
bank, the opposite side of the river from the
town, for it is a peculiarity of most Russian
rivers that the right bank is high, of bluffs or
low hills, and the left flat. During the winter
of 1696, more than 30,000 men, under the
command of officials sent from Moscow,
labored at the construction of more than
thirteen hundred barges for conveying troops,
PETER THE GREAT.
891
ammunitions and provisions to the mouths
of the Don. In addition to this, Peter sent
to Archangel for all the ship-carpenters who
were wintering there, promising that they
should return for the opening of navigation.
It was his intention to build thirty galleys
of various sizes, some of two and some of
three masts, although they would depend
chiefly on oars for their swiftness. A model
galley had been constructed in Holland, had
arrived at Archangel, and was brought by
the Dvina to Vologda, and then overland
to Moscow. Several of those which Peter
had himself built at Percy aslavl were, accord-
ing to Lefort, transported on sledges over
the easy snow roads to Voronezh. Four
was about this time also that he became the
sole ruler of the Russian state; for, on the 8th
of February, 1696, his brother Ivan, who
had greatly improved in health since his mar-
riage, suddenly died. Peter had been much
attached to Ivan, and the care which he always
manifested for his wife and family* showed
that he always kept thetenderest recollections
of him. He had, however, now but little time
to grieve, for the preparations for the cam-
paign entirely absorbed him, though a bodily
ailment rendered him for the moment power-
less. An injury to his foot had produced a
malady which kept him long in bed, and
which, for a time, excited the fears of his
family and his friends. As soon as he got
PETER ON THE BOURSE AT ARCHANGEL
thousand men, selected from various regi-
ments, were told off into a naval battalion or
marine regiment, for service both by sea and
land. Lefort was made admiral, Colonel
Lima, a Venetian who had been for eight
years in the Russian service, vice-admiral,
and a Frenchman, Colonel Balthazar de
Losier, rear-admiral. Peter himself took the
rank of captain, and commanded the van-
guard.
It is from Peter's return from his first
campaign against Azof that the real begin-
ning of his reign should be dated. It was
then, for the first time, that he took an active
concern and participation in all affairs of
government. By a singular coincidence, it
better, he started southward with a small
suite, and, contrary to habit, took a week for
the journey to Vor6nezh. His illness and
the bad state of the roads were sufficient
reason for this. Once there, he forgot his
troubles and immediately set to work, and
five days later, in writing to the boyar
Streshnef to send immediately some ash
timber from the woods of Tula for oars, as
such could not be found near Voronezh,
* Three of the five daughters of the Tsar Ivan sur-
vived their father — Catherine, Anna and Prascovia.
Anna became Empress of Russia, Catherine married
the Duke of Mecklenburg, and her infant grandson
occupied the Russian throne for a short time as
Ivan VI.
892
PETER THE GREAT.
RURAL POST IN RUSSIA. (FROM A PAINTING BY N. SWERTCHKOFF.)
ad'ds : "According to the divine decree to
our grandfather Adam, we are eating our
bread in the sweat of our face." The ship-
carpenters were slow in arriving, and many
of the workmen deserted, the weather was
most unfavorable, for the thaw was suc-
ceeded by so violent a cold that the river
froze again, and storms of hail and sleet were
so severe that on two occasions the men
were prevented from working for three or
four days. Peter was obliged not only to set
an example, but to act at once as overseer
and master-shipwright.
All this time, Lefort was ill in Moscow
with an abscess in his side, occasioned by a
fall from his horse on the march from Azof.
He did what he could, and at all events
cheered the Tsar somewhat with his constant
friendly letters.
Finally, on the i2th of April, three galleys,
the Principium, chiefly the work of Peter him-
self, the St. Mark and the St. Matthew, were
launched with due ceremony, and two others
followed shortly after. Almost the same
day, the troops collected at Voronezh began
to load the barges, and on the ist of May
the generalissimo Shem raised on his galley
the great flag bearing the arms of the Tsar —
a representation of the sea with ships, and
St. Peter and St. Paul in the corners — which
had been embroidered at a convent in
Moscow, and brought to Voronezh by Franz
Timmermann. This flag is still preserved at
Moscow. Two days later, the first division
of the great caravan of galleys and barges
set out. The voyage down the rivers
Voronezh and Don took three weeks, but
Peter, with his lighter and swifter galleys,
overtook the advance, and, on the 26th of
May, reached the town of Tcherkask, the
capital of the Don Cossacks, where he came
up with the division of General Gordon,
which had preceded him by ten days, and
that under General Rigeman, which had
marched from Tambof. While waiting for
his main forces, he busied himself with draw-
ing up regulations for the new fleet while in
action, and with loading on barges the artil-
lery and stores which had been brought
from the camp to Tcherkask the previous
autumn.
On the night of May 28th, a messenger
arrived from Flor Minaef, the Ataman of the
Don Cossacks, — who, with two hundred and
fifty men, had been sent to make a recon-
noissance at the mouth of the river, — that
PETER THE GREAT.
he had seen two Turkish ships and had
vainly attacked them. Peter immediately
communicated this fact to Gordon and has-
tened off down the river, followed by Gordon
and his troops. He stopped at the forts of
Kalantchf, where the arrival of the army was
hailed with joy. At a council of war, it was
resolved that the Tsar, with his nine galleys,
on which he embarked one of Gordon's
regiments, and Flor Minaef, with forty Cos-
sack boats holding twenty men each, should
steal down the river and attack the Turkish
ships, while General Gordon made a military
diversion in front of Azof. Unfortunately,
returned to the fort, where he arrived about
midnight. The next morning, at ten o'clock,
he visited Gordon and told him the story,
" looking very melancholy and grieved,"
but at three o'clock he came back with other
news. What he had not been willing to
order, the river pirates of the Don had done
of their own accord. By his directions, the
Cossacks had waited at the mouth of the
river for observation. During the day, either
not noticing the Cossacks, or disregarding
them, the Turks had transhipped to the
lighters a quantity of stores and ammunition,
and sent them under a convoy of Janissaries
THE MESSAGE TO AZOF ON THE NAME*S-DAY OF THE TSAR.
a strong north wind blew, which rendered
the shallow channel still more shallow. The
galleys got aground, and were at last obliged
to return to Kalantchi, or, as it was then
called, N6vo-Serghiefsk, in commemoration
of St. Sergius, the protector of the country
of the Don. Peter had himself embarked
on a Cossack boat and gone to sea, but he
found not two but thirty large Turkish ships,
with a considerable number of galleys, barges
and lighters. It seemed to the Tsar too
great a risk to attack these large ships with
the light Cossack boats, and he therefore
up the river to Azof. A force of about five
hundred Janissaries was landed at a mouth
of the river, and succeeded in getting to the
town with a considerable number of arms.
When night came on, the Cossacks, who
were on the watch, attacked the lighters and
succeeded in capturing ten of them with all
their contents, while the Turkish soldiers,
thoroughly frightened, after almost no resist-
ance, went back to their ships. The news
of this attack brought such consternation
that the whole of the Turkish fleet weighed
anchor and sailed off, with the exception of
894
PETER THE GREAT.
two vessels, which could not be got ready
soon enough. One of them the Turks them-
selves sank, and the other was burnt by the
Cossacks. In this way, a large quantity of
stores and ammunition was obtained, and
thirty men were taken prisoners. Two hours
later, Peter was again on his way to the
mouth of the river, and was speedily followed
by Gordon with a detachment of troops.
In the course of a few days, the remainder
of the army and of the fleet arrived at Novo-
Serghiefsk, and Peter stationed himself, with
his whole flotilla of twenty-nine galleys, at the
mouth of the river, and completely cut off the
Turkish communications with Azof. By his
directions, General Gordon began to erect
two small forts, which were completed under
the personal supervision of the Tsar, and when
they were thoroughly armed and garrisoned,
Peter wrote to Ramodanofsky : "We are now
entirely out of danger of the Turkish fleet."
The garrison of Azof had apparently not
expected the return of the Russians, and
had taken no precautions to fill up the
trenches dug in the previous year. The
besieging troops had, therefore, little more
to do than to take their old places; and,
owing to their increased numbers, they were
able fully to occupy the necessary positions,
and especially to guard the approaches
along the river-bank. At first, there was
little opposition on the part of the garrison.
One small sortie was made, which was
speedily repulsed. On the 2oth of June,
the Tartars from the steppe crept up to the
camp, and attacked it in force, but the
PETER IN THE DRESS HE WORE AT AZOF. (FROM AN
ENGRAVING IN POSSESSION OF SENATOR RAVINSKI.)
A PEASANT GIRL FROM NEAR TULA.
noble cavaliers from Moscow repulsed them
and pursued them for several miles. Nura-
din Sultan himself went off with an arrow
in his shoulder, shot by a Kalmuk. Ayiika-
Khan had promised to send all his Kalmuks
to the Russian assistance, but only a small
number came in time; the main body
arrived a few days after Azof was taken.
A large Turkish fleet which came up to
the mouths of the Don was for two weeks
inactive, and finally, when about to land
some troops to relieve the siege, the Pasha
was so frightened at the appearance of the
Russian flotilla, that the fleet immediately
set sail, and went out to sea.
Peter lived chiefly on his galley Prin-
cipium, looking after the Turkish fleet,
coming from time to time to the camp
before Azof to see how operations were
progressing, and personally opening the
cannonade on the evening of the 26th of
June. The Tartars in the steppe made
several other attacks, which were repulsed,
and on the name's-day of the Tsar, the
Russians, believing that the besieged were
in sore straits, shot a letter into the town by
means of an arrow, offering the garrison
honorable terms, and promising to permit
them to leave the city with all their arms
and baggage. The answer was a cannonade.
PETER THE GREAT.
895
Meanwhile, the soldiery were discon-
tented even at this short siege, and the
general opinion was that the work should
be prosecuted in the old fashion, by means
of piling up an enormous mound of earth,
which could be gradually pushed forward
so as to fill up the ditch and topple over
upon the wall. General Gordon resolved
to comply with this feeling, and no less than
15,000 men worked daily on the construc-
tion of this enormous mound. On the 2ist
of July, when the mound had already be-
come so high and so great that the streets
of the town could be seen and the Rus-
sian and Turkish soldiers came even to
hand-to-hand conflicts, the engineers arrived
who had been sent by the Emperor Leopold,
in compliance with the Tsar's request.
They had not hastened on their way, for
they had been fully three months in going
from Vienna to Smolensk, two weeks more
from Smolensk to Moscow, and about a
month from Moscow to Azof. They ex-
cused the slowness of their journey by the
fact that at Vienna they did not expect such
an early start, and could learn nothing from
the Russian envoy Nephimonof, who pro-
fessed to have no knowledge of the military
operations. Their words were confirmed
by Ukraintsef. the official in charge of the
foreign office, who naively reported that he
had sent no information about the army to
Vienna, lest Nephimonof should publish
it. Peter was irritated by what seemed to
him stupidity, and with his own hand wrote
to Vinius the following amusing letter :
" Thy brother-in-law has mightily angered me that
he keeps Kosma (Nephimonof) without any news
of our war. Is he not ashamed ? Whatever they
ask about he knows nothing, and yet he was sent
for such a great matter. In his dispatches to Nikita
Moiseievitch (Zotof) he writes about Polish matters
when there was no need at all, but the side of the
Emperor, where was our hope of alliance, he has for-
gotten. Has he any healthy good sense ? Intrusted
with state matters, and conceals what everybody
knows. Just tell him that what he does not write
on paper I will write on his back."
The imperial engineers were surprised
at the magnitude of the mound, but, never-
theless, expected little profit from it. They
advised mines and trendies in the ordinary
way, and immediately gave instructions
about the placing of batteries, by which an
impression was soon made on one of the
bastions. Hitherto, no injury had been
done, except to the houses in the town,
which had all been ruined ;
The Zaporovian Cossacks had become
disgusted with the slowness of the siege
and with the heavy work on the mound,
and were, besides that, experiencing a short-
ness of commons. They therefore made a
private arrangement with the Cossacks of
the Don, and, on the 2yth of July, without
orders, two thousand of them, headed by
Lizogiib, their chief, and Flor Minaef, the
Ataman of the Don, stormed the fortifica-
tion from the mound, and made an entry
into the town Had they been properly
supported by the soldiery and Streltsi, —
who remained inactive in their camp, — they
would have taken it. As it was, they were
beaten back, and obliged to take refuge in
the corner bastion, which they held. Here
they were at last reinforced by the troops
of General Golovin, and succeeded in
taking another bastion. The next day, the
commander-in-chief resolved on a general
assault, but meanwhile the Turks decided
to surrender on condition that, with their
wives and children, they should be allowed
to leave the place with all the honors of
war. This was granted. The Pasha sur-
rendered all the Russian prisoners without
question, and gave up those Dissenters who
had taken refuge in Azof, who had not
already become Mussulmans. The only dis-
pute was about the deserter and traitor
Janson, who had become a Mussulman.
The Russians insisted on his surrender,
and the Pasha finally yielded. Janson
was brought into the Russian camp, tied
hand and foot, screaming to his guards :
" Cut off my head, but don't give me up
to Moscow!"
The next morning, the garrison, fully
armed, with all their banners, marched
through the Russian lines, some to the
Turkish fleet, and others on their way to
the steppe. Crowded together and without
order, they presented a sorry spectacle, and
only the Pasha kept up his dignity. On
'reaching the place of embarkation, where
the generalissimo Shein was on his horse
awaiting him, the Pasha thanked him for
the manner in which he had kept his word,
lowered his standards to him as a token of
respect, and bade him good-bye.
After the departure of the Turks, ten
Russian regiments marched into the utterly
ruined town, where not one house was un-
injured. The Zaporovian Cossacks could
not be restrained, and went everywhere in
search of plunder. Nothing of any impor-
tance was found, although cellars and secret
recesses were dug up in all directions.
There came, however, to the Government
a considerable booty in the shape of cannon
896
PETER THE GREAT.
and powder, but there were almost no small
arms, and bullets were entirely wanting.
Indeed, during the last resistance offered to
the Cossacks in the final assault, it was
necessary to cut gold ducats into small
pieces to furnish ammunition. The small fort
of Lutik, situated at the mouth of the Dead
Donetz, was not included in the capitulation,
but speedily surrendered, and the Russians
were left in full possession of the mouths
of the Don.
Turkish mosques were speedily transferred
into Christian churches, and there Peter
heard divine service before starting on his
homeward march.
The fall of Azof produced great conster-
nation at Constantinople. The Bey of
Konich and two other officials were exe-
cuted, all the Janissaries who could be
found were arrested and their goods seques-
tered, while the poor commandant who had
surrendered the town, Kala'ilikoz Ahmed
PLOWING ON THE STEPPE.
One of the first tasks which Peter set
himself was to find a suitable harbor for
his flotilla, and for that purpose he explored
the coast on each side. The mouths of the
Don, which were shallow or deep, accord-
ing to the wind, afforded no secure refuge,
and it was necessary to find a place which
might be turned into a safe port. After
several days spent in surveying, when he
slept on the bench of a galley, almost fast-
ing, Peter decided on an anchorage under
a cape long known to the Cossacks as
Tagan-rog, or the Tagan Horn. Here he
ordered the construction of a fortress, as
well as of another a little beyond, at Otch-
akofsky-r6g, and then intrusted the im-
perial engineer Laval with the task of
properly fortifying the town of Azof, so
that it should be impregnable to assaults
by the Turks. The town was cleared as
speedily as possible of its ruins, and two
Pasha, was obliged to fly to save his life, and
lost the whole of his property, which was
confiscated to the Treasury.
CHAPTER XXXI.
THE EFFECT OF THE VICTORY. BUILDING
A FLEET IN EARNEST.
IT can be imagined with what delight the
news of the surrender was received at Mos-
cow. " When your letter came," wrote
Vinius to the Tsar, '•' there were many guests
at the house of Leo Kirilovitch (Naryshkin).
He immediately sent me with it to the
Patriarch. His Holiness, on reading it,
burst into tears, ordered the great bell to be
rung, and, in the presence of the Tsaritsa
and of the Tsarevitch, gave thanks to the
Almighty. All talked with astonishment of
PETER THE GREAT,
897
the humility of their lord, who, after such
a great victory, has not lifted up his own
heart, but has ascribed all to the Creator of
heaven, and has praised only his assistants,
although every one knows that it was by
your plan alone, and by the aid you got from
the sea, that such a noted town has bowed
down to your feet."
All Peter's friends burst into a chorus of
praise for his bravery, his genius, his humility,
likening him to St. Peter, to Samson and to
David. In reply to the congratulations of
Vinius, Peter quoted the verse, " the laborer
is worthy of his hire," and suggested that it
898
PETER THE GREAT.
would be a meet and proper thing to honor
him and the generalissimo with a triumphal
arch, which might be placed near one of the
bridges over the Moskva. While the arch
was being built and the preparations made
for the solemn entry of the troops, Peter
busied himself for several weeks in visiting
the iron-works in the neighborhood of Tula.
Here he undoubtedly met the celebrated
blacksmith Nikita Demidof, who subse-
quently received those grants of mining
land in the Ural which have led to the
immense fortune of the present Demidof
family. Nikita Demidof was already
known to Peter, at least by reputation, as
the cleverest smith and iron-forger in all
this region. On the road from Voronezh
to Tula, the Tsar was met by Mazeppa,
who presented him with a magnificent saber,
the hilt and scabbard of which were studded
with precious stones, and informed him of
the brave deeds done by the Zaporovian
Cossacks during the summer. It seems
that about fifteen hundred of these braves
sailed down the Dnieper past the fortifica-
tions of Otchakof, and hovered along the
Crimean coast until they met three merchant
vessels sailing under the Turkish flag to
Caffa. Two of these they captured and
burned, after they had transferred the car-
goes, the guns and forty prisoners to their
boats. Coasting still further along, they
met three more ships coming out from the
Azof Sea, and had already captured one of
them, when three Turkish galleys came up.
In the fight, the Cossack commander was
killed, and some confusion ensued, in con-
sequence of which they turned tail, vigor-
ously pursued by the enemy. Unfortunately
for them, the Turkish commander at Otch-
akof was on the look-out, and they were
obliged to take refuge on a desert island,
where they concealed their booty. Cross-
ing to the main-land, they then burnt their
boats, and marched home with their prison-
ers. The small detachment left to guard
the booty was betrayed by a Turk, and
was captured after a long struggle.
After the Tsar had finished his inspection
of the iron-works, he met his troops at
Kol6menskoe, and made his triumphal entry
into Moscow on the loth of October. It had
been very long since the Russians had had
a real victory to celebrate, not, indeed, since
the early days of the Tsar Alexis, and, in any
case, such a sight was new to Moscow. The
gilded carriages of the generalissimo and
the admiral, the gorgeous trappings and the
rich costumes of the boyars, the retainers in
armor and coats of mail, the Streltsi in new
uniforms, the triumphal arch with its pictures
and inscriptions, presented a brilliant spec-
tacle ; but it was with great surprise, and not
without displeasure, that the people of Mos-
cow saw their Tsar in German dress and
hat, — the uniform of a ship-captain, —
walking in the suite of the Admiral Lefort.
The success of the Russian arms created
a deep impression everywhere in Europe,
sometimes of astonishment, sometimes of
admiration. In Warsaw, it was not hailed
with great enthusiasm by the governing
classes. King Jan Sobiesky had died during
the summer, and the Diet had as yet been
unable to elect a successor. The French
were intriguing for the election of the Prince
de Conti, a nephew of the great Conde, and
had succeeded in getting the election trans-
ferred to a general assembly of the Polish
nobility. Another party was supporting the
claims of Augustus the Strong, Elector of
Saxony, and it was believed in Moscow that
the Pope had recommended the choice of
the exiled James II. of England. Even
before the surrender of Azof, a Frenchman,
Fourni, who was returning through Warsaw
after having conducted some foreign officers
to Russia, spoke to some of the nobles with
praise of the Russian deeds in front of Azof,
and especially of the acts of the young
Tsar. The senators listened, shook their
heads and said : " What a careless and reck-
less young man ! What can be expected of
him now?" The voievode Maczincky re-
marked : " The Moskals ought to remember
what they owe to the late King Jan, how he
raised them up and made them a mighty
people, for if he had not concluded an alliance
with them, they would have paid tribute to
the Crimea until now, and would have sat
quietly at home, while now they are getting
polished." To this the voievode of Plock
remarked : " It would have been better if
they still sat at home. It would be no hurt
to us. After they have got polished, and
have smelt blood, you will see what will
come of it ; though may the Lord God never
let it come to this ! "
Nikitin, the Russian Resident at Warsaw,
received the news of the capture of Azof on
the 8th of September, during divine service,
and immediately ordered a Te Deum, and
fired a salute, amid the hurrahs of the wor-
shipers. Four days later, Nikitin, in a
solemn session of the Senate, gave to the
Primate the Tsar*s formal letter announcing
the event, and made a speech in which, with
all the flowery language of the time, he spoke
PETER THE GREAT.
899
SABERS OF MAZEPPA, CHIEF OF THE COSSACKS (IN THE
OF TSARKOE SELO).
of the triumph over the heathen, urged the
Poles to advance toward Constantinople,
and assured them that perhaps Arabia itself
would be open to the free Polish eagle ; that
now was the time for a crusade against the
infidel; that now was the time to conquer
countries and gain new and lawful titles for
the Polish crown, instead of using titles for-
bidden by treaties. In reply to the threat
in the concluding words, Nikitin was shortly
afterward informed by the imperial embas-
sador that the senators had been frightened,
and had resolved that in future the King
should not use the title of Grand Duke of
Kief and Smolensk, but added that the
nobility were not very glad of the capture of
Azof, although the common people were
delighted. A few days- later, formal con-
gratulations were sent to the Resident, Te
Deutns were chanted in all the churches, and
a salute fired ; but, at the same
time, negotiations were begun with
the Tartars and with Mazeppa.
Sapieha, the hetman of Lithuania,
even tried to diminish the success
of the Russian arms by saying to
Nikitin that Azof was not captured
by arms, but surrendered.
If there were any at Moscow —
either magnates or peasants —
who, in the general joy, thought
that with the capture of Azof the
day of sacrifices was past, they were
grievously disappointed. They
little knew what ideas were already
fermenting in Peter's mind. While
in front of Azof, and even before its
capture, Peter had written to the
Venetian Senate, begging them,
for the profit of all Christians, to
send to Moscow thirteen good
shipwrights who could construct all
sorts of vessels of war. He had
already the design of establishing
a large fleet on the Black Sea. No
sooner had the festivities in Mos-
cow ended than, at a general
council of the boyars, it was de-
cided to send three thousand fami-
lies of peasants and three thousand
Streltsi and soldiers to populate
the empty town of Azof, and firmly
to establish the Russian power at
the mouth of the Don. At a
second council, Peter stated the
absolute necessity for a large fleet,
and apparently with such con-
UUSEUM vincing arguments, that the As-
sembly decided that one should
be built. Both civilians and clergy were
called upon for sacrifices. Every landed
proprietor possessing ten thousand peasants'
homes, every monastery possessing eight
thousand, was obliged to construct a ship
fully equipped and armed, which should be
entirely completed not later than the month
of April, 1698. The merchants were called
upon to contribute twelve mortar-boats, all
other landed proprietors who possessed not
less than a hundred peasants' homes were
ordered to Moscow to enroll themselves into
companies for the construction of ships.
Details are known about sixty-one of these
companies, of which nineteen were composed
of the clergy. The ships and galleys were
to be built at Voronezh. The Government
found the timber, but the companies were to
provide the metal-work, the cordage, and all
the other equipments, as well as the arma-
goo
PETER THE GREAT.
ment. Some of these companies
found that so much time was lost
in getting the material together
that there was danger of their not
fulfilling the precise orders of the
Tsar, and of being exposed to
heavy penalties. For that reason,
nearly all the vessels were built by con-
tractors, who were chiefly foreigners from
the German suburb. Among these we notice
particularly Franz Timmermann, who was
also a Government contractor, the Danish
Resident, Butenant von Rosenbusch, and
Ysbrandt Ides, who had recently returned
from his mission to China. This arrange-
ment was approved by the Tsar, and most of
the ships were ready at the appointed time.
Ten large vessels were also built by the state.
The Venetian Senate, in reply to the re-
quest of the Tsar, sent a number of ship-
wrights under the command of Captain
Giacomo Moro, who arrived in January,
1697, and who showed such great skill in
the construction of galleys that the Tsar, on
sending them home at the completion of their
work, expressed to the Venetian authorities
his liveliest gratitude. There were, besides,
many shipwrights from Denmark, Sweden,
VIEWS IN RIGA.
and Holland, obtained through the inter-
vention of Franz Timmermann and of the
Danish Resident. Let us quote again from
the preface of the Maritime Regulations,
where Peter says :
" On this account he turned his whole mind to the
construction of a fleet, and when, on account of the
Tartar insults, the siege of Azof was begun, and after-
ward that town was fortunately taken, then, accord-
ing to his unchangeable will, he did not endure
thinking long about it. He quickly set about the
work. A suitable place for ship-building was found
on the river Voronezh, close to the town of that name,
skillful shipwrights were called from England and
Holland, and in 1696 there began a new work in
Russia — the construction of great war-ships, galleys,
and other vessels ; and so that this might be forever
secured in Russia, and that he might introduce among
his people the art of this business, he sent many
people of noble families to Holland and other states
to learn the building and management of ships ; and
that the monarch might not be shamefully behind his
subjects in that trade, he himself undertook a journey
to Holland ; and in Amsterdam, at the East India
PETER 'THE GREAT.
901
wharf, giving himself up, along with other volunteers,
to the learning of naval architecture, he got what was
necessary for a good carpenter to know, and, by his own
work and skill, constructed and launched a new ship."
For the purpose mentioned in the preced
ing extract, Peter sent abroad fifty nobles,
representatives of the highest and most dis-
tinguished families in the empire. Twenty-
eight were ordered to Italy, especially to
Venice, where they might learn the art of
building galleys, the remainder to Holland
and England. Each was accompanied by
a soldier. According to their instructions,
they were to make themselves familiar with
the use of charts, compasses and navigation;
they were to learn thoroughly the art of
servants of Peter and his successors ; but not
one distinguished himself in naval matters.
CHAPTER XXXII.
RUSSIANS ABROAD.
DURING ,the reign of Ivan the Terrible
and his son Theodore, young Russian theo-
logical students were sometimes sent to
Constantinople to learn Greek, and Boris
Godunof, as I have already said, sent a
number of youths of good family to Liibeck,
France and England, for the completion of
their education. These last found foreign life
so attractive that only two of them returned.
MODERN TARTARS OF THE VOLGA.
ship-building, and were to become practiced
in the duties of common sailors. No one
was to return without permission, and with-
out a certificate attesting his proficiency, on
penalty of the confiscation of all his prop-
erty. They were obliged to pay their own
expenses. Most of them were married and
had children, and we can imagine their
feelings, and those of their families, on being
thus summarily sent to unknown and heret-
ical lands to become common sailors. In
point of fact, several of them turned their
stay abroad to profit, and like Kurakin, Dol-
goruky, Tolstoi and Hilkof, became skillful
diplomates, able administrators and useful
Under the Tsar Alexis, the children of for-
eigners living in Moscow were sometimes
sent abroad at the expense of the Government
to study medicine, and even a Russian, Peter
Postnikof, the son of a high official in the
foreign office, was sent, in 1692, to Italy, for
the same purpose. He passed a distinguished
examination at Padua in 1696, and received
the degree of Doctor of Medicine, as well as
that of Doctor of Philosophy. He did not,
however, long pursue the practice of the
healing art, for on account of his knowledge
of Latin, French and Italian, the Govern-
ment employed him in diplomatic affairs.
With these exceptions, most of the Rus-
902
PETER THE GREAT.
slans who had traveled abroad up to this
time, had been either pilgrims or diplo-
matists.* To some of these pilgrims we
owe highly interesting accounts of Constan-
tinople and the Holy Land, both before
and after the occupation of the Imperial
City by the Turks. The Abbot Daniel
describes his meeting with Baldwin, King
of Jerusalem, in 1115. The Deacon Igna-
tius was present at the coronation of the
Emperor Manuel, in 1391, and Simeon, of
Suzdal, accompanied the Metropolitan Isi-
dore to the council of Florence in 1439.
The pilgrims were occupied chiefly with
relics and with religious ceremonies. The
diplomatists, although, like all good Chris-
tians, they did not neglect these, were
more busied with court ceremonies and
with formal official relations. Not under-
standing the language of the countries to
which they were sent, their reports are very
dry and meager, and taken up almost
exclusively with exact accounts of the inter-
views they had with the ministers of foreign
affairs, of their audiences with the sover-
eigns, and of their disputes on points of
etiquette. They say almost nothing about
the political state of the countries in which
they traveled. Indeed, they were not in a
condition to obtain information on these
subjects. They had not sufficient experi-
ence of political life, much less of a political
life differing from that of Russia, to know
to what points to direct their attention, or
how to make inquiries through an inter-
preter. It is difficult to see what impres-
sion even was made on them by foreign
countries, or whether they were pleased by
a life so different from that at home. Inci-
dentally, we know that their stay abroad
must have been agreeable to them, for fre-
quently some members of the suite ran
away in order not to return to Russia. We
can see, too, that they were greatly inter-
ested in the canals and quays at Amster-
dam, at Bologna and Verona. They were
much pleased with the magnificent gardens
of Holland and Italy, to which those made
for the Tsar Alexis were so far inferior, and
in these their admiration was especially
excited by the fish-ponds and fountains.
Works of art they were too uncultivated
and unrefined to enjoy. The theater
* Occasionally, but rarely, a Russian merchant
ventured abroad. We know of the mishaps of
Laptef (Chapter xxviii.), and we should not forget
the brave merchant of Tver, Athanasius Nikitin,
who has left us an entertaining story of his journey
through India in 1468.
pleased them more, but here they were
chiefly struck by the costumes and the
scenery. Ignorance of the language pre-
vented them from appreciating the play
or the acting, and the greatest opera-
singers were to them so many " wenches."
Zoological gardens and the collections
of curiosities, which at that time contained
a mixture of the scientific, the rare, the
monstrous, and the odd, interested them
greatly. Their deepest impressions were,
perhaps, those of the comfort, as well as
of the luxury, of western life. The com-
fort, probably, they appreciated the more.
For the introduction of luxury, little more
than a command of money was required ;
for the appropriation of comfort, there were
necessary an organization of social life and
a careful management which it took many
long years to naturalize in Russia. Some
of the more observing diplomates did indeed
learn something of public life, and gained
ideas which were useful to them at home.
The financial and economical reforms of
Alexis Kurbatof were the immediate fruits
of what he had learned when accompany-
ing the boyar Sheremetief. Ukramtsef
would never have been the skillful diplo-
matist he was, had it not been for his expe-
rience in several embassies, and Zhelya-
buzhky owed much to his stay in London,
and his journey to Italy. In nearly all
cases, even though on their return the trav-
elers sank back into Russian life and Rus-
sian ways, their experience in the west must
have given them a certain enlargement of
mind, and a certain readiness to receive new
ideas have sensibly weakened their prejudices
against the west, and have powerfully aided
in the Europeanization of Russia.
The most illustrious traveler of that day
was the boyar Boris Sheremetief. He had
gone to Lemberg in 1686, to receive the
ratification of the Russian-Polish treaty by
King Jan Sobiesky, and had afterward
announced it at Vienna; but, in 1697, after
the fatigue of his campaigns against the
Turks and Tartars, he asked permission to
go abroad as a simple traveler for the pur-
pose of fulfilling a vow which he had made
when in danger, to pray at the tombs of the
Holy Apostles, Peter and Paul, at Rome.
This request, which fell in so well with the
views of Peter at that time, was readily
granted, and Sheremetief was given letters
by the Tsar to the King of Poland, the
Emperor of Austria, the Doge of Venice,
Pope Innocent XII. and the Grand Master
of Malta. Although he traveled simply as
PETER THE GREAT.
9°3
a tourist, he apparently had instructions to
inquire into the relations of Venice, and
especially of Malta, with the Orient, and
to see what dependence could be placed
on them, or what aid be expected from
them, in case of the continuation of the war
with Turkey. Sheremetief left Moscow in
July, 1697, and did not return until the
end of February, 1699. He took with him
a numerous suite, — among them as his
secretary and treasurer, Alexis Kurbatof,
who afterward became distinguished as a
financial reformer. Sheremetief traveled
with great state, and his whole journey cost
him the sum of 20.550 rubles, equivalent
now to about $200,000 (^40,000), fully
ten or twelve times the salary usually re-
ceived by the embassadors. He was re-
ceived with great ceremony and honor by
the rulers of the countries he visited, was
feasted and entertained by the nobles of
Venice, Rome and Naples, all of which cities
were then in the height of their social splendor;
was courted by the Jesuits, who hoped to con-
vert him, and through him to unite the Rus-
sian with the Catholic church ; he was made
a Knight of Malta, and was the first Russian
who ever received a foreign decoration.
In general, the diplomatists were very
badly paid. They were usually given twice
the salary which they received from their
official positions at home, in addition to
presents of furs and provisions, and on their
return usually further presents of furs. Only
a small portion of their salary was paid in
advance, and that chiefly in furs, which
they had to sell at their post of duty in order
to raise money. It was difficult for them
to draw either on the Government or on
their private property, as the commercial
relations of Russia with foreign countries
were at that time such that bills of exchange
on Amsterdam were the only means of
sending money abroad. They were there-
fore obliged to travel chiefly at their own
expense, and frequently had great difficulty
in getting paid when they came home.
General Gordon was obliged to wait years
for the payment of his expenses when on a
special mission to England. The burden
thus laid' on diplomatists was not inconsidera-
ble. Their suites were numerous. Likhatchef,
for example, had twenty-eight persons with
him, and the suite of Tchemoddnof was so
numerous that he was obliged to charter
two vessels from Archangel, as they could
not all be accommodated on one. They
were enjoined also to give proper presents
in the proper places, and always strictly to
pay their debts, that dishonor might not
accrue to the Government. The manner of
payment by furs and other articles of com-
merce, which they were obliged to sell in
order to raise money, gave them sometimes
more the air of commercial travelers and
merchants than of embassadors, and as they
were naturally desirous of getting these
wares — which were money to them — through
the custom-houses free of duty, disputes
with foreign governments, as we have al-
ready seen, were not unfrequently brought
about. Besides this, too, they were some-
times commissioned to make sales of articles
abroad for the benefit of the Government.
Thus Tchemoddnof took to Italy, on behalf
of the Government, 3,600 pounds of rhubarb,
worth, according to Russian calculations, five
thousand rubles, and sables to the amount of
one thousand rubles. The speculation was
unsuccessful. No purchasers could be found
for the rhubarb, because it had been injured
at sea, and on account of the difficulty of its
transport over the Apennines, Tchemodanof
was obliged to leave Leghorn. But few of the
sables were sold, and these at very low prices.
In some cases the Government assisted its
envoys by lending them embroidered robes
of state, jewels, plate and horse-trappings,
which had to be exactly accounted for, and
given back to the Treasury on their return.
Not the least interesting information con-
tained in the reports of the Russian diplo-
matists is that concerning the difficulties of
travel in those days. Journeys by water
were always easier and cheaper than those
by land, and the embassies sent to England,
Holland, France or Italy usually went by sea
from Archangel, although in so doing they
were obliged to spend much time, and in the
Mediterranean to expose themselves to im-
minent danger of capture by Turkish and
Barbary pirates. The voyages of Likatchef
and Tchemodanof from Archangel to Leg-
horn occupied between four and five months,
and besides the pirates, they encountered
icebergs and severe tempests. As to land
travel, the journey through Turkey was too
dangerous and difficult to be for a moment
considered. In Poland, the hostile attitude
of the magnates was such, especially during
the constant intestine difficulties, that it was
generally desirable to avoid that country,
and there were often reasons for not passing
through the territory of Riga. In traveling
by land, too, there were frequent delays
arising from difficulties of obtaining horses,
and the bad manner in which Russian car-
i riages were constructed. Sheremetief, who
9°4
r
PETER THE GREAT.
TOWING A RUSSIAN BARGE. (FROM AN ETCHING BY REPIN.)
took five months and a half for his journey
from Moscow to Cracow, traveled, as long as
he was on Russian soil, with his own horses.
After crossing the frontier, he hired them. He
frequently made only five or six miles a day.
Even outside of Russia, a journey by land
was necessarily slow. Sheremetief took a
whole month to go from Vienna to Venice, and
sixteen days for his return. Tchemodanof
was eight weeks in going from Venice to
Amsterdam, and Likatchef five and a half
weeks from Florence to Amsterdam.
Even in England, the roads were so bad
that in 1703 the Spanish Pretender Charles
III. (VI.) was fourteen hours in driving from
London to Windsor, although he stopped
only when the carriage was overturned or
stuck in the mud. There were great diffi-
culties in crossing the mountains, whether
in Switzerland or between Vienna and
Venice. Sheremetief was put to much
trouble and expense by the snow near Pon-
tebba, on the road from Tarvis, and was
obliged to go for some distance on foot.
Likatchef was detained three days by a snow-
storm on the St. Gothard. Stage-coaches
were introduced into some parts of Europe,
especially into Brandenburg, where in 1676
a Frenchman going to Berlin expressed his
astonishment that one could travel in a
coach by night. A pamphlet which appeared
in England in 1673 tried to prove that
stage-coaches were injuring trade in England,
that fewer saddles, boots, spurs and pistols
were bought than formerly, and that clothes
were not worn out so fast since men could
keep dry by sitting in the coaches, by which
the use of manufactured articles was limited.
It was alleged that traveling by stage-coach
produced effeminacy, because people were
not exposed to the weather, and that travel-
ing by night was very unhealthful.
The expenses of traveling were sometimes
very great, even for a small party. Likatchef
paid for four carriages, a baggage-wagon
and four riding-horses, to go from Bologna
to Modena, a distance of about twenty-four
miles, the sum of 154 thalers, a great amount
in those days.
In the larger towns, there were sometimes
good inns. Sheremetief put up at the
" Golden Bull " at Vienna, and at an inn in
Naples. Montaigne, we all remember, when
in Rome lodged at the Albergo dell'Orso,
which he found too expensive for him. The
account given by the President des Brasses,
in 1739, of the inns in the Italian towns,
especially in Rome, shows that they were
not particularly comfortable. In the smaller
towns and villages, the inns scarcely provided
more than shelter for the horses, and travelers
were obliged to take lodgings in some private
house. The Russian diplomatists usually
had recourse first to the merchants at Arch-
angel, and then to the Dutch merchants in
Amsterdam who had relations with Russia,
and from them received information as to
their road, — for they knew almost nothing
of geography, — and letters to correspondents
in different towns who obtained for them
accommodation. On reaching their desti-
nation, they usually had accommodation
provided for them by the government to
which they were accredited. This some-
times happened in other places. Zhelya-
buzhky was lodged in Massa at the Ducal
castle, and in Trent Tchemodanof was
entertained by the archbishop. Both at
Rome and at Vienna, Sheremetief was able
to hire large furnished apartments in palaces.
SEVEN SECONDS.
9°5
We have now followed Peter through his
boyhood and early youth. I have endeav-
ored to give some slight idea of the Russia
of that day and of the temper of the times,
of the surroundings in which Peter lived, of
the events which affected the course of his
life and developed his character, of the kind
of education which he received, and of the
school through which he passed. I shall at
present make no attempt further to discuss
or criticise his character. We have come to
the end of a period in his intellectual and
moral development, as well as in the history
of Russia. On his return from Europe, Peter
was already a man, not only physically but
intellectually and morally, and we shall now
have to consider his militant and working
life, his immense activity both as a ruler and
a man, his struggles with foreign enemies
and with domestic discontent, with his
friends and with himself. We shall see
what he strove to accomplish for Russia,
and, later on, what were the permanent
results of his work and his life.
END OF PART I.
SEVEN SECONDS.
THE clock stands on the shelf, between
The rare old vase and painted screen ;
Behind, the mirror wide and clear
Repeats the graceful chandelier,
Repeats — as they were wrought in air
With more than mortal art and care —
Three crayoned heads, in simple frames
That, in the mirror's magic, seem
But as the windows where they sit
Still weaving with their fragrant frames,
In songs — like lilies on a stream —
The poet's passion, pathos, wit;
And hearing, far-off called, their names,
As they who listen in a dream,
No longer marveling at it.
Repeats the draperies' sweep and fall,
The ruddy basses of the wall,
The table, spread with tempting fare,
Its tints and curves of dainty ware,
The living faces circled there;
The host and hostess subtly wise
In gracious care for child and guest,
Supplying needs ere they arise,
Yet never losing thought nor jest,
Each answering with the fit replies
And hospitably kindling eyes
That stir sweet pulses in the breast.
Ah, they who've shared this pleasant
scene
(And they are scores and scores, I ween)
Will know what noble home I mean,
What warm, true hearts and cordial cheer
In simple phrase depicted here;
For well they know, scarce any land
Hath home and host at its command
So great of heart, so clean of hand.
VOL. XX.— 59.
Yet, when the clock that stands between
The rare old vase and painted screen
Struck seven, I heard my host no more;
The scene receded as a shore
From which one sails, and fine and clear,
As borne through miles of atmosphere,
From belfry high in summer heaven,
The clock throbbed on from one to seven.
* * * * * *
Strange shadow-forms before me rose
And moved in cloister's dim repose,
And I, who ne'er had been in Rome,
Heard holy mass 'neath Peter's dome,
And under glow of Roman skies
Returned the glance of Roman eyes!
Methought I heard the fabled Rhine,
Between fair banks of purpling vine,
Breathe Lorelei's unceasing moan
To ancient ruin's darkened stone;
And saw hot streets of Florence shine
Before that mighty Florentine,
The awful shadow of whose eyes
Enfoldeth Hell and Paradise !
There sad Savonarola went,
With hands like woman's, claspt in prayer;
Here Romola, her spirit bent
In that contraction of despair
That murdered hope, but could not kill
The grandeur of her selfless will;
Beneath the coil of her gold hair —
As she were Mercy's patron saint —
She passeth corridor and stair,
With food and smiles for them that faint.
While, in this hour of evil hap,
Soft, in a contadina's lap,
Beneath the tender shade of trees,
The graceful Tito sleeps at ease.
go6
TO BOLT OR NOT TO BOLT.
And then methought some vesper bell
Tolled soft and slow the dying knell, —
And girls in wreaths of violets
Now dance to clash of castanets,
And high, where dazzling glaciers hung,
I heard a merry jodel sung,
And saw, from dizzy heights of ice,
A hand that plucked an edelweiss !
Then gave the sea a mighty roll,
And passed beneath me like a scroll !
I stood upon my native shore,
In dear New England woods once more;
The heart's-ease clustered at my feet,
Around me climbed the bitter-sweet
Just then the clock, that stands between
The rare old vase and painted screen,
Struck the last tone of seven ! — My
host
Was spreading butter on his toast,
His kind dark eyes were bent on me.
" I see you like my clock," said he.
TO BOLT OR NOT TO BOLT.
THE object of this paper is to conjugate,
interrogatively, the political verb " to bolt "
through the present and imperfect tenses of
the potential mood. May, can, or must I
bolt? Might, could, would, or should I
bolt? What are the limits of party alle-
giance ? Is a member of a political party
ever at liberty to refuse to vote for the nom-
inees of his party, or for any of them ? By
abstention, or by voting for one or more of
the candidates of the opposition, does he
cease to be a member of the party with
which he has commonly acted ? These are
the questions to be considered.
To many readers such a discussion will
appear superfluous, if not trivial. That it is
the right, and may be the duty, of individ-
ual members of a political party to protest
at the ballot-box against measures adopted
or nominations made by their own party,
will seem to many a truism. But there is a
large class of active political workers by
whom it will not be so regarded. When a
respectable political convention, like one
that lately met in Connecticut, and that
counted among its delegates many of the
best men in the State, unanimously pledges
all the Republicans of the State to vote for
the Republican presidential candidate about
to be nominated at Chicago, " whoever he
may be," it is plain that the right and the
duty of independent political action is not
so clearly recognized as it ought to be.
How it is possible for wise and prudent men
to commit themselves to such a declaration,
or even silently to consent to it, passes my
comprehension. Instances of this sort are
not rare, however; and many utterances of
press and platform might be quoted in which
the right of bolting is vehemently denied.
A discussion of the subject that may be
somewhat elementary cannot, therefore, be
superfluous.
Most voters in this country are connected,
more or less closely, with one or the othe*
of the two great political parties. We shall
assume for the present that this is the best
arrangement ; that the conscientious citizen
can best discharge his political duties by
connecting himself with that party whose
methods seem to him the least objection-
able, and whose principles the most wise
and patriotic. Having connected himself
with this party, the question arises, to what
extent he shall submit his own judgment
concerning measures and candidates to the
decision of the majority.
That members of voluntary associations
must often defer to the decision of the
majority is not questioned. No individual
can expect that all the acts of the organiza-
tion will approve themselves to his intelli-
gence, nor that all the persons put in nom-
ination will represent his ideals. The party
will sometimes come short of the standards
of its most thoughtful members, and some-
times will go far beyond them; but those
who freely criticise its action may continue
to support it, because their agreements with
it are more numerous and more positive
than their disagreements, because they be-
lieve in the general course of its policy, and
think that it ought to be kept in power.
While thus supporting the party in most
of its measures, and voting for the great
majority of its candidates, — even for many
who are not altogether acceptable, and
whose nomination they have opposed, — these
thoughtful voters are sometimes brought
into places where they cannot act with theii
party. Up to a certain point they will defei
to the judgment of the majority ; beyond
TO BOLT OR NOT TO BOLT.
907
that point they will not go. Measures will
sometimes be proposed which they cannot
support, but which they will denounce and
resist with all their might. Men will some-
times be placed in nomination for whom
they cannot vote, but whom they will do
their utmost to defeat.
In both the parties, men are found who
sometimes venture thus to put themselves
in opposition to the majority. I say that
such men are found in each of the parties,
but the question now under discussion is
whether or not a man who takes the liberty of
differing with the majority of his party, and of
expressing his dissent by his votes, continues,
after this action, to be a member of the party.
It is said by many active politicians that
the man who declines to vote for any regu-
lar nominee, by that act puts himself out of
the party. If this is true, the number of
intelligent members in good standing cannot
•"be large in either party ; for there are few
voters who have not, at one time or another,
for one reason or another, voted against the
regular nominee.
Others of the party managers decline to
discuss the question of the actual membership
of these occasional dissenters, but they assert
that such men have no right to be in the
party, though they may continue to claim a
place in it. Those who cannot submit to
the majority, they say, ought to leave the
party. If they have not left it, so much the
worse for their consistency and their honor.
The very condition of the existence of a
party, say these gentlemen, is that the
majority shall rule ; and when a man cannot
submit to that rule, he ought not to claim
membership in the party.
What is meant by this maxim that the
majority must rule ? In civil government,
under democratic forms, we understand it.
When the will of the majority has been fairly
expressed at the ballot-box, the minority
must offer no armed nor forcible resistance.
It does not mean that there should be no
opposition to this decision of the majority,
and no peaceable attempts to reverse it.
Everything that the minority can do by polit-
ical methods, by agitation and by voting, to
secure a repeal of the measure to which they
were opposed, they have a perfect right to
do, and are bound to do, if in their judg-
ment the measure was unwise or iniquitous.
This maxim that the majority must rule
cannot even be forced to mean that there
must never be, on the part of a good citi-
zen, any hesitation about obeying the laws
i enacted by the majority. Doubtless, the
good citizen will, as a rule, yield obedience
to laws fairly enacted, even though he may
be convinced of their unwisdom; but even
here fealty finds its limits. Sometimes laws
will be framed that a good citizen cannot
obey. He will not forcibly resist them, but
he will not yield obedience to them ; he will
go to prison first. The authority of the
government he honors by peaceably endur-
ing the penalty of disobedience, while he
protests by his disobedience against the
injustice and iniquity of this particular en-
actment. Such was the attitude taken by
a great multitude of citizens toward the
Fugitive Slave Law. The law commanded
all good citizens to aid the marshal in cap-
turing fugitive slaves. Hundreds of thou-
sands of voters at once declared that they
would never do this thing; that they
would make no factious resistance to the
officers engaged in the execution of the
law, but rather than perform the service
required by the law, they would be punished
by fine or imprisonment.
This is not an isolated case. Instances
of a similar nature have occurred under all
free governments. It is not a rare thing to
find men who for conscience' sake refuse to
obey laws enacted by the majority of their
fellow-citizens. They are not always the
worst people in the land. Many of the most
precious rights now possessed by men are
the fruit of such conscientious disobedience.
Even in government, therefore, the maxim
that the majority must rule cannot be quoted
to forbid independent thinking or independ-
ent action. The scriptural injunction,
" Let every soul be subject unto the higher
powers," must be interpreted, even by those
to whom the scripture is a rule, in the light
of such words as those of the apostles to
the Sanhedrim : " Whether it be right in the
sight of God to hearken unto you more than
unto God, judge ye ; for we cannot but
speak the things that we have seen and
heard." The citizen reserves the moral
right not only to work for the repeal of the
law that violates his conscience, but, in ex-
treme cases, even to disobey it, and take
the consequences. When he does this, he
does not cease to be a citizen. Should the
men who refused to obey the Fugitive Slave
Law in America, and the men who now
denounce as infamous the Contagious Dis-
eases Act in England, be regarded as out-
laws ? Should a citizen who thus finds
himself restrained by conscience from obey-
ing or executing bad laws proceed to ex-
patriate himself? If the whole course of
908
TO BOLT OR NOT TO BOLT.
the government were offensive to him, if
the majority of its acts seemed to him unjust
or oppressive, doubtless he would emigrate;
but this is not the case. Should his oppo-
sition to one particular measure, which he
deems unjust, take away his rights of citi-
zenship, or lead him to feel that he must in
honor forfeit them ?
Even in the nation, then, the principle
that the majority must rule cannot be pushed
to the extent of requiring an absolute com-
pliance on the part of every citizen with
every act of the majority. The obligations
of justice and righteousness are higher than
any that can be imposed by the will of the
majority ; and the individual who believes
that justice and righteousness are sacrificed
by laws enacted by the will of the majority
is justified, not in armed resistance, but in a
refusal to obey these laws. So much of the
right of private judgment as this must be
conceded to the patriot ; to deny him this
is to assail the foundations of morality.
The measure of independence which is
claimed by the citizen cannot be denied to
the partisan. Fealty to party cannot be
a stronger obligation than fealty to the
government of the nation. If it would be
immoral to insist that the citizen must always
submit his conscience to the majority of his
countrymen, and must never oppose, even
by political methods, the acts of this major-
ity, it is still more immoral to insist that the
partisan must hold his judgment in sus-
pense, and must never venture to antago-
nize the majority of his party. It is only by
political methods that the bolter does
oppose his party. His action in the party
is no more destructive or revolutionary
than that of the opposition in the govern-
ment. If the maxim that the majority
must rule forbids the minority of the party
to oppose the measures or the nominees of
the party, it also forbids the opposition to
work for the overthrow of the administration
and the repeal of obnoxious laws.
" But this," says the political machinist,
" is an utter misconception of the whole
case. A party is a voluntary association of
individuals for political purposes, and the
condition of its existence is that the major-
ity shall rule in its councils. That is the
very foundation on which a political party
stands."
Here, again, we join issue with the machin-
ist. The party, if it has a right to live, is
not the mere creature of a convention. It
stands for certain principles. It aims at
certain definite ends. The men who formed
it were not drawn together by the cohesiv<
power of public plunder, but by they/ devotior
to these principles and their desire to attait
these ends. It was their agreement upoi
these ideas and purposes that formed then
into a party — not the bald and unprinciplec
compact that the majority should rule.
A party in a free country which can shov
a reason for its existence has the conditioi
of its existence supplied. All it needs to d(
is to publish its purposes and prove that it i
going to work in a sensible way to accom
plish them. When its standards are thu
lifted up, those to whom they are attractivi
will flock around them. Intelligent mei
who join the party do so with the under
standing that they will support it only s<
long as it adheres to the principles on whicl
it was organized, and shapes its policy ii
such a way as to secure them. When th<
party managers forget the objects for whicl
the party was formed, or manage its affair
in such a way as to defeat those objects, thei
fealty to the party requires the overthrov
of this management. If this can be dom
in the caucuses, well and good ; if not, i
ought to be done at the polls. The tern
porary check thus given to the party ma;
serve to drive the bad managers from power
and to recall the party to its own standards
A party that is led by men who an
deserving of confidence, and that is workin)
for worthy and practicable ends, in a straight
forward and sensible way, ought to have n<
difficulty in keeping up its organization am
in securing its full share of the popular vot
without resorting to any rigid methods o
party discipline. To say that a party thu
managed could not succeed in this country
is to say that free government is a failure h
this country. A party that is led by mei
who are not deserving of confidence, and tha
is working in crooked and corrupt ways fo
no intelligible or patriotic ends, ought not t<
succeed in this country nor anywhere else.
In the party whose principles are sound
whose methods are open, and whose leader
are wise, party discipline is superfluous. Ii
the other sort of party it is mischievous.
In the earlier and purer days of the politi
cal organizations, very little is heard of tin
obligation to support the nominees of th<
party. The vigorous cracking of the parti
whip is a pretty sure sign that corruptioi
has crept into the management, that tin
men in power have ceased to work fo
worthy ends, and have come to regard thi
party as a machine for gathering and distrib
uting the spoils of office. A man who think;
TO BOLT OR NOT TO BOLT.
909
hat that is what a political party is for, may
easonably complain of those who venture
o bolt the regular nominations. And as a
natter of fact, the doctrine of the wicked-
less of bolting is principally taught by men
o whom the spoils are the chief concern,
ind who do not see how it is possible for a
>arty to continue in existence after it has
ost the offices. The vigorous preaching of
his doctrine, instead of dissuading the intel-
igent voter, generally serves to suggest to
lira that the time has come when bolting is
a order.
But some of the stricter partisans, while
idmitting that, under certain circumstances,
>olting may be allowable, deny that it can
>e honorably practiced by any man who has
aken part in a caucus or a nominating con-
rention. Every man who goes into such a
:aucus or convention, they say, binds himself
o vote for the persons nominated. To refuse
o vote for the nominee is an act of perfidy.
On the theory that the caucus is a politi-
:al pool, made up by persons all of whom
lave selfish purposes to serve, this claim
vould have some color. If the offices are
egarded as the proceeds of a fund contrib-
ited by a surrender on the part of each
nember of the caucus of his own preten-
ions, and to be distributed by a vote of the
aucus, then the man who will not abide by
he decision is a mean man. But this is
lot exactly the view of the caucus taken by
ome of those who occasionally visit such
Lssemblies. They have no selfish interests
0 serve. They have no pretensions to sur-
ender. They ask nothing and want noth-
Qg from the caucus except the privilege of
xpressing their minds. The caucus is
ailed by the party with which they are in
ubstantial agreement, and for the great
oajority of whose candidates they have
>een in the habit of voting. They some-
imes take the liberty of scratching a name,
mt they prefer, when the nominations are
lot too bad, to vote the regular ticket.
Naturally, they would like to have some-
hing to say about these nominations. If
he caucus proceeds, in opposition to their
vishes, to nominate an unfit candidate, how
Iocs it become a perfidious act for them to
efuse to vote for him ? If a man goes into
1 caucus and asks for a nomination for him-
;elf and fails to get it, then it may look bad-
y for him to refuse to vote for the person
vho is nominated ; but the doctrine that
he independent voter who wants no office
s debarred the right of voting against a bad
nan because he took part in the caucus that
nominated him, is a doctrine hard to be
understood.
One of the things most offensive to the
machinist is the presence in caucuses of
men who have distinctly announced before-
hand that they will not vote for certain can-
didates whose names are likely to be brought
before these caucuses. " If you do not mean
to vote for my candidate in case he is nom-
inated," says the machinist, " what right
have you to come into the caucus? If you
mean to oppose him in any case, it would
be much more honorable in you to stay
away from the caucuses and conventions
that are proceeding to nominate him."
I must beg the reader not to credit me
with the invention of this reasoning. This
antagonist is not a man of straw. I have
taken these words from the lips of political
teachers of intelligence and high standing.
They have been addressed to me, within ten
days, by one who protested that I ought not
to take part in a caucus, because I had
declared I would not vote for one of the
candidates whose name was to be considered
in that caucus. The protestant was not a
boss or a political corruptionist, either, but
a respectable and fair-minded man. Let
me plead, then, to this indictment as though
I were myself on trial.
In the first place, I would say to the
objector, I do not choose to assume that
your candidate is going to be nominated. The
caucus is not called simply to nominate him,
but to decide whether he or somebody else
shall be the candidate. If all those who are
opposed to him attend the caucuses, perhaps
his nomination can be prevented. If the
man is unfit for the office, it is my duty to
attend the caucus and do what I can to
prevent the nomination. I have seen worse
men than he is nominated by this party —
men for whom I could not vote. I cannot,
therefore, assume on the other hand that
this man will not be nominated. It looks,
indeed, as though he would be, unless a
most energetic protest were made against
his candidacy. I cannot and will not vote
for him. Is it not, therefore, the duty of
all who think as I do to speak their minds
before this caucus meets, as well as in the
caucus, that those who are managing the
canvass in his interest may know what they
can depend upon ? If I failed to do so, I
might be accused of bad faith ; but I cannot
see why that charge should be made against
me for announcing my purpose to oppose
in the caucus and at the polls a man whom
I regard as unworthy. I oppose the nomi-
gio
TO BOLT OR NOT TO BOLT.
nation of this man as a party man, because
I want my party to succeed, and because I
believe that under his leadership it would
be defeated.
I shall oppose his election, if he is nomi-
nated, also as a party man ; because, though
I wish the party to succeed, I believe that
it would be better for it to be beaten than
to succeed with such a candidate. I believe
that it is always wholesome for a thoroughly
good party to be defeated when it nominates
a thoroughly bad candidate. I believe that
the elements which are identified with this
candidacy are in the highest degree detri-
mental to the health and the future useful-
ness of the party, and that the only way to
save the party, or to keep it in a condition in
which it will be worth saving, is to purge
it of these bad elements. Therefore, as one
who believes in this organization and wishes
to preserve it from destruction, I shall vote
against this candidate if you nominate him.
I shall vote against him on other grounds
which to you may not be intelligible, and
which I will not now go over; but on the low
ground of fidelity to the highest interests
of my party I claim the right to oppose this
candidate in the canvass, in the caucus and
at the polls.
It is certain that there are a good many
voters in the country who sustain a relation
to the two political parties very much like
that which I have now described. There
are Republicans, for example, who generally
vote the Republican ticket, who approve the
policy of the Republican party on the whole,
and who would be glad to see that party
maintained in power. They are not, how-
ever, what are known as " thick and thin "
Republicans. They do not believe that the
Republicans monopolize the righteousness
and the Democrats the iniquity of the land.
They are not ready to say what so many
of their party are saying in these days, that
they would rather vote for the worst Repub-
lican in the country than for the best
Democrat. Such talk savors to them of
infatuation. The frenzy of apprehension
into which many partisans lash themselves
just before election, in view of the possible
success of the other party, appears to them
quite absurd. They would greatly prefer
that their own party, under wise leaders,
should keep the control of the government,
but they believe that success would make
the other party cautious and conservative ;
and they have no fear that the republic
would take any serious detriment in the
hands of any Democratic rulers who are
likely to be chosen. As Mr. Adams said in
his speech to the Young Republicans at
New York not long ago, they look at the
two neighboring States of New York and
New Jersey, the one under Democratic rule
and the other under Republican, and are
unable to see that the one State is going to
destruction any faster than the other. And
when they compare two successive adminis-
trations, like that of Governor Robinson,
the Democrat, and that of Governor Cornell,
the Republican, in New York State, they
can by no means discover that contrast, as
of darkness with light, which, on the theory
of the screaming partisan, ought to force
itself upon their notice.
When John Morrissey said, a few years
ago, that he would vote for the devil if that
" favorite son " of another section should
get the regular Democratic nomination, they
thought the sentiment immoral. When a
delegate to the Republican Convention at
Worcester said the same thing the other day,
in view of the possible selection of the same
candidate by his party, they thought it no
more moral. In short, these moderate Re-
publicans are able to conceive of contin-
gencies in which they would vote for the
Democratic candidate rather than for the
candidate of their own party. So much
liberty as this they reserve for themselves
in their political action. They have occa-
sionally exercised this liberty, and they may
do it again.
It is to be presumed that there is also a
considerable number of men who have affil-
iated heretofore with the Democratic party
who hold substantially the same relation to
that party.
Now, inasmuch as a party is, in a certain
sense, a voluntary association, it is, no
doubt, within the power of each of the par-
ties, speaking through its representatives in
some general convention, to read out of its
membership all those persons who venture
thus to decide for themselves whether they
will support the regular nominations or not.
If the Republicans at Chicago, or the
Democrats at Cincinnati, had distinctly an-
nounced in their platforms that they want
nobody henceforth to take any part in their
caucuses or conventions, or to claim any
privileges of membership, who will not
promise beforehand to support all the regu-
lar nominees of the party, whoever they may
be, that declaration would have greatly sim-
plified matters. A large number of persons
who have been in the habit of acting with
the two parties would, no doubt, have with-
TO BOLT OR NOT TO BOLT.
911
drawn from all relations with them, and
party discipline would be easily maintained.
If this is what the party leaders wish, I sub-
mit that they are bound to say so explicitly,
that we may have an authoritative declara-
tion of the conditions of membership in each
of the political parties. Those of us who
have been accustomed heretofore to exer-
cise some independence in our political
action, will then know exactly what to do.
We shall be very sure not to intrude into
caucuses and conventions that are called
upon this basis.
We have not, however, been favored
hitherto with any such declaration of politi-
cal high-churchisrn. Here and there some
thick and thin partisan has flung it in our
faces that we were acting dishonorably in
attending caucuses where we would not
bind ourselves to vote for all the nominees
of the caucuses, whoever they might be;
and latterly, since the party machines have
been running a little more briskly, these
outgivings have taken on in some cases a
semi-official tone ; but in general we have
been given to understand that, in spite of
our known disposition to think for ourselves,
our votes would not only be cheerfully
counted for the candidates of the party, but
we would also be tolerated in making such
suggestions concerning the party policy as
might occur to us. I am not able to speak
of the attitude assumed by the Democratic
party toward this class of voters, but the
action of the Republican party in several
cases has been exactly the reverse of that
on which the thick-and-thin partisans are
now insisting. At the Republican State
Convention of 1873, Mr. Benjamin F. But-
ler, that illustrious expounder of political
ethics, submitted the following proposition :
" Whereas, The great principle of obedience to
the will of the majority underlies all Republican
governments, and is the sole test of fealty to party '
organization, and no honorable man ought or should j
desire to take part in a political convention who
does not abide by its action when fairly expressed ;
and whereas, Mr. Henry M. Green, elected a dele-
gate and holding a seat in this convention, has
publicly declared that he will not be bound by the
nomination of this convention in case Benjamin F.
Butler is its candidate for governor ; therefore,
" Resolved, That Henry M. Green be debarred from
taking any part in the proceedings of this conven-
tion."
That resolution was squelched by a vote
of 586 to 406, and thus the Republican
party of Massachusetts put its official foot
on the doctrine that bolting is dishonorable.
In 1875, the Massachusetts State Conven-
tion adopted the following resolution, re-
ported by Senator Dawes :
" It is therefore declared that the Republican
party of Massachusetts will support no man for
official position whose personal character is not an
absolute guaranty of fidelity to every public trust ;
and they invoke the condemnation of the ballot-box
upon every candidate for office who fails of this test,
whatever be his party, name or indorsement.'1''
The very last Republican convention of
the same State unanimously adopted the
following luminous statement of the doctrine
of party allegiance :
" The duty of all Republicans loyally to support
the candidates of the party, and the duty of nomi-
nating conventions to present candidates who are
acceptable to all Republicans, are reciprocal duties,
of equal force and obligation."
The last named of these duties comes first
in the order of time, and when it is not per-
formed the other obligation ceases to bind.
Such is the doctrine of party allegiance as
clearly set forth by high Republican author-
ity, and never, so far as I know, retracted
by any representative body. The recogni-
tion of the right of private judgment and
independent action could not be more dis-
tinctly made. These deliverances give that
class of Republicans to which I have referred
all the liberty that they have ever claimed.
Much complaint has been made of late
years that citizens of intelligence and char-
acter neglect the caucuses, leaving them to
be managed by the professional politicians
and their tools. I have supposed that there
was some reason for this complaint. It
would seem that men of this class have
recently been striving to make amends for
this neglect. For now we hear voices warn-
ing them that if they come into the caucuses
they must leave their consciences where the
Mussulman leaves his shoes, — outside the
door. That greeting does not re-assure
them ; and it may be safely predicted that
the party which enforces the most rigid dis-
cipline will hear the least of these men in its
councils, and see the fewest of them bearing
its ballots to the polls.
It is true that the service rendered by men
of this class in either of the great parties
will be disagreeable and thankless. The
man who has no ax of his own to grind, and
who goes into a caucus or a convention sim-
ply for the sake of securing the nomination
of the best men, is likely to encounter the
ill-will of a great many people who have
axes to grind. The duty which he under-
takes is one from which a great many of us
9I2
TO BOLT OR NOT TO BOLT.
would gladly be absolved. There is another
method of influencing political action which
is much less disagreeable, and which we are
sometimes inclined to adopt. That is the
method of holding aloof from all parties,
and voting independently for those candi-
dates of either party who seem to us most
worthy. It is argued that a small independ-
ent vote can thus control the elections, and
that the influence of intelligent and con-
scientious men can be exerted most effectu-
ally in this way. In an admirable speech
lately made by Mr. Charles Francis Adams,
Jr., to which I have already referred,
the wisdom of this method is strongly
argued. " In the State of New York," says
Mr. Adams, " as nearly as can be estimated,
forty-five men out of every hundred who
vote can be counted on to vote the Repub-
lican ticket, and forty-five men to vote the
Democratic ticket. The other ten men in
the hundred constitute an unknown ele-
ment. These ten men we believe we can
make fourteen. If we can, we are masters
of the situation. They have got to give us
what we believe the highest interests of the
country demand, or we will not vote for
their candidates. Every child knows that
the boy on the center of the tilting-board
can make either end, if the ends are equally
weighted, go up or down at pleasure."
That illustration would be pertinent if
the independent vote would all go one way.
Unfortunately, however, it is not and can-
not, by the supposition, be an organized
,and compact body; and it is too apt to
divide and scatter. If the fourteen inde-
pendent voters would all stand on the same
side of the tilting-board every time, they
could have things their own way; unhap-
pily, they are often found standing in about
equal numbers on either side of the middle,
balancing one another. And although the
power of the men who are wholly outside of
all parties is sometimes most beneficently
exerted, it is a serious question whether, on
the whole, and in the long run, these men
would not accomplish more of good by
connecting themselves with that political
party which will tolerate the largest meas-
ure of independence, and exerting their
influence in its councils for the purification
of its management and the elevation of its
standards.
Mr. Adams instances, as one who has
wielded great political influence, James
Freeman Clarke, of Massachusetts. " Mr.
Clarke," he says, " is a clergyman ; he is a
man of acknowledged weight of character ;
in politics he is nothing if not independent.
Well, take him into a convention, and it is
comical to see Mr. Clarke unhorse the
war-horses. He smites them with his indi-
viduality." It seems to me that Mr. Adams's
illustration disproves his doctrine. Mr.
Clarke is something more than an inde-
pendent in politics. He is an independent
Republican. He votes the Republican
ticket, I dare say, in the great majority of
cases, using his liberty of bolting when he
believes that the interests of the party and
of the country require it. He goes to the
caucuses. It is in the conventions, is it
not, that he " unhorses the war-horses " ?
The power that he has wielded has been in
connection with the Republican party, as a
faithful and fearless upholder of purity and
integrity in the party management. The
best things that he has done he never could
have done if he had been content to stand
with Mr. Adams on the center of the
tilting-board.
I agree with the latter that " we want
more James Freeman Clarkes."
This is not, of course, the way to office.
Men who desire political preferment can no
more follow the leadership of James Free-
man Clarke than that of Charles Francis
Adams, Jr. I am not, however, quite able
to agree with Mr. Adams when he goes on
to say:
" If a man does not want office, and does want to
make his single vote and his individual influence
tell ; if he has no wish for political preferment and
would always give his voice for the better man ; if
he is nothing unless critical, and if, while devoting
himself to business or his special calling, he would
fain still do his share in politics as behooves the
good citizen of a republic ; if, in fine, he wishes to
be always a thinking man and never a fevered parti-
san, then, in that case, he belongs to us. Let him
come up here at once to the center of the tilting-
board. He must join that malignant body of inde-
pendents and scratchers of which I am glad of every
occasion to pronounce myself a consistent and a
persistent member."
Now I, for my part, should like to be
all that Mr. Adams here supposes, with
the exception of one trait. , I do not
care to be "nothing unless critical." I
would prefer to be critical and something
besides. And while I am free to admit
that the path into which he invites is much
less thorny than the one in which I am
walking, I am not at all clear, after all his
pithy exhortation, that it is a better way
to walk in. It seems to me that the good
citizen who wants no office can do his duties
more effectively by keeping in close but
THERE IS A NATURAL BODY."
9*3
critical connection with a political party,
and bringing his influence directly and con-
stantly to bear upon the shaping of its
policy and the choice of its candidates. I
am inclined to agree with Governor Andrew
that in politics as well as in religion the
" stay-inners " can do better service than the
" come-outers."
So long, therefore, as there is room in
either party for intelligent and conscientious
men who will not relinquish their right of
private judgment, it seems to me that they
can better serve their country as active
members of a party. When the bosses
make up their minds not to admit to mem-
bership anybody who is not a thick-and-
thin partisan, we shall have nothing left to
do except to climb up with Mr. Adams to
the center of his tilting-board. In the
meantime, we shall use such opportunities as
we have ; and, whether coming out or stay-
ing in, endeavor to exercise our political
rights in securing juster laws and purer
administration.
"THERE IS A NATURAL BODY."
IMMORTAL is my friend, I know :
Not summer's turf nor winter's snow
Nor depth of earth could turn to nought
So much of life and love and thought.
And yet that form I did intrust
To kindred earth, the dust to dust,
And thither still my thoughts will tend,
As if to find my vanished friend.
Sacred the robe, the faded glove,
Once worn by one we used to love;
Dead warriors in their armor live,
And in their relics saints survive :
And there I tenderly laid down
The hands that fondly clasped my own, —
The eyes that knew and answered mine
With many a meaning, loving sign, —
The lips familiar with my name,
That freely called me and I came, —
The breast that harbored all good-will,
The loving heart now cold and still.
O sheltering Earth, henceforth defend
All thou hast garnered of my friend
Against the wintry tempest's beat,
Against the summer's scorching heat.
Within thine all-embracing breast
Is hid one more forsaken nest,
While in the sky, with folded wings,
The bird that left it sits and sings.
ONE HUNDRED MILES IN MAMMOTH CAVE.
ONE HUNDRED MILES IN MAMMOTH CAVE.
THE cavernous limestone of Kentucky
covers an area of 8000 square miles; and
a ride of eighty-five miles on the Louis-
ville and Great Southern Railroad took my
companion and myself to the heart of this
wonderful region.
We left the cars at Cave City — only a
cluster of houses amid the cornfields — and
mounted to the top seat of an old-fashioned
stage-coach, that makes daily trips to Mam-
moth Cave, ten miles distant. Edmondson
County, within whose limits it is located,
has about 4000 sink-holes and 500 open
caverns, many of which are but nameless
grottoes, while others have gained celebrity.
The road winds among the hills and across
a high table-land to the bluffs of Green
River. The soil is comparatively sterile, the
farms are few and poorly tilled, and large
tracts of woodland seem to be yet untouched
by the ax. Openings are observed here
and there amid the rocks, each being, as
the driver assured us, the mouth of a
cave.
" Are any of them," I asked, " equal to
Mammoth Cave ? "
" No, siree," responded Jehu, with a
crack of the whip that made the leaders
prance, "I reckon it's wuth fifty sich holes
in the groun'. What's your notion about it,
Jedge?"
" I have visited the chief caverns of the
West," replied the judge, " and in my opinion,
going from any one of them to Mammoth
Cave is like exchanging a log cabin for a
palace."
A medley of legends and anecdotes was
then served up for us in Corn-cracker ver-
nacular, with accounts of Diamond, Salts,
White, Short, the Grand Crystal and Proc-
tor's caves, and others of less note.
A bugle-flourish heralded our arrival
at the Cave Hotel, — a spacious building
evolved from a log-cabin germ, — and brought
around the coach a throng of guests expect-
ing friends, and negro servants offering to
take our luggage.
The hotel register shows an aggregate of
over 2000 visitors a year. Adjoining the
office is a cabinet where specimens are for
sale ; the rules judiciously forbidding visitors
to help themselves. Another rule prohibits
the use of surveyors' instruments, lest some
unscrupulous person should find a new en-
trance beyond the 2000 acres now com-
prising the estate, and steal the cave.
Such maps as have been published are there-
fore not correct, having been prepared
without accurate measurement.
The regular hour for entering the cave is
nine A. M. The proprietor, Captain AV. S.
Miller, on learning our errand, generously
gave us a special guide, and the freedom
of the cave as long as we continued our
explorations. An outfit includes a close-
fitting cap, easy shoes, a stout dress, a walk-
ing-stick, a swinging lamp and some matches.
The guide for each party carries extra
lamps, a can of lard oil, a lunch basket and
a haversack of fire-works. Thus equipped,
each working-day for a fortnight beheld us
following Tom Lee, our special guide, down
the shady path to the mouth of the cave.
The other guides, colored men, are famil-
iarly known as Old Mat, Old Nick, and
William. The original guide, whose daring
exploits and striking traits made him fa-
mous, was Stephen Bishop ; his remains
now rest in the tangled grave-yard near the
garden.
Mammoth Cave has a noble vestibule !
Amid tulip-trees and grape-vines, maples
and butternuts, fringing ferns and green
mosses, is the entrance to this under-ground
palace. From a frowning ledge a cascade
leaps to the rocks below, where it vanishes
at once, forming no running stream. The
former entrance, through which the dis-
coverer, a hunter named Hutchins, in 1809,
made his way in pursuit of a bear, is near
the bank of Green River, about half a mile
distant. Since that day the roof has fallen
in, cutting off a section now known as
Dixon's Cave, and leaving the present
mouth ; which is 194 feet above water level,
and 118 feet below the summit of the bluff
on which stands the hotel.
A winding flight of seventy stone steps
conducts us around the cascade, into an
antechamber. At the end of this is a
grated iron door to which each guide has
a key. The cave, originally bought for
forty dollars, is now valued at $250,000;
and this formidable door protects it from
spoliation.
As we cross the portal, a strong current
ONE HUNDRED MILES IN MAMMOTH CAVE.
of air blows out our lights, but a few yards
within, where the draft is weaker, we re-
kindle them. This phenomenon, which I
had previously observed in Wyandot and
other large caves, is due to a marked differ-
ence in temperature between the atmos-
phere within, and that without the cave.
Both the air and the water in the cave
nearly correspond with the heat of the earth
itself, which in that latitude varies but little
from 56° Fahrenheit throughout the year.
In some of the dryer chambers the mercury
rises to 58°, and in some of the springs and
pools it falls to 52°. On our first visit, the
thermometer at the hotel office indicated
100° in the shade, a difference on that day
of more than 40°, which caused, of course, a
strong outward flow. The current is said to
set inward in cold weather, when the condi-
tions are reversed. Chemical processes also
are continually at work, surcharging the cave
atmosphere with oxygen, and of course
forcing it out as the volume expands. I
was informed that Salts Cave, not far dis-
tant, in which these chemical agencies are
much more active, never inhales at all, but
exhales all the year round.
The first objects exhibited to visitors are
the relics of saltpeter works in the Rotunda.
Ruts of cart-wheels and hoof-prints of oxen
remain in the indurated clay, leading to the
pumps, pipes, and eight large vats, from
which, during the war of 1812, Mr. Archibald
Miller took niter to Philadelphia by wagon,
to be used in making gunpowder. Log
benches are still exhibited where once sat
swarthy miners, before a rocky pulpit, to
hear of Him to whom the darkness and the
light are both alike.
In 1816, the property passed into the
hands of a Mr. Moore, who was ruined by
complicity with Burr and Blennerhasset. It
was successively owned by Gatewood,
Gorin, and Dr. Croghan, to whose heirs it
still belongs.
The simple truth about Mammoth Cave
surpasses the most ingeniously woven fab-
rication. Its areal diameter is nine or
ten miles. Its known and numbered
avenues are 223, and their united length
equals from 150 to 200 miles. Twelve mill-
ion cubic yards of space have here been
excavated from the rocks by the agency of
air and of water.* Such are the windings,
*. There is a well-known tendency to overstate the
marvelous, and several writers of repute insist on far
lower figures than are given here. The above esti-
mates, however, agree with the Kentucky Geological
crossings and involutions of this labyrinth,
that we found, by the time our explora-
tions were ended, on adding up all our daily
trips in and out, we had traveled about
one hundred miles under-ground !
The Main Cave, so called in distinction
from minor avenues opening into it, extends
like a deserted river-bed, througli a succes-
sion of noble arches and domes, to a point
six miles within, where it is abruptly closed
by fallen rocks.
New objects of interest met us at every
step, as we advanced. During a moment's
pause we were startled by what seemed the
loud ticking of a musical time-piece. It was
but the measured melody of water dripping
into a basin hidden behind the rocks. Drop
by drop monotonously it falls, as it has
fallen, it may be, for a thousand years.
Not far from this natural water-clock, is a
symmetrical recess chiseled by a tiny rill,
whose limpid water is collected in a little
pool. The story is told of a poor blind
boy, who rambled over the country winning
a precarious living by his violin, and who,
as he said, was resolved to see the cave for
himself. He lost his way, and when found
by his companions was quietly sleeping
beside this basin, which ever since has been
called " Wandering Willie's Spring."
Singular effects are produced for a long
distance beyond this point by the incrusta-
tions of gypsum stained by the black oxide
of iron, seeming to cut gigantic silhouettes
from the ceiling of white limestone. At
first we ridiculed these fancies, but at last
they fascinated us. Bears, monkeys, ant-
eaters, catamounts, — indeed, a whole men-
agerie is on exhibition, including the old
mammoth himself. We were especially inter-
ested in a side-show of a giant and giantess
playfully tossing papooses to and fro. The
Giant's Coffin is near by — a rock shaped
like a mighty sarcophagus. It is detached
from the ceiling, walls and floor, resting its
weight on stone trestles, and equals in size
one of the famous blocks of Baalbek, being
forty feet long, twenty wide and eight deep.
Here the trend of the Main Cave turns
upon itself at an acute angle. The apex of
the angle is marked by McPherson's monu-
ment, a rude pile of stones in memory of a
gallant soldier. More than three hundred
such monuments have been erected in dif-
ferent portions of the cave, in honor of
reports of Owen (1856-1861), and are confirmed by
the new survey now being made, under the direction
of Professor N. S. Shaler.
gi6
ONE HUNDRED MILES IN MAMMOTH CAVE.
various individuals, literary institutions and
the several States of the Union. Some of
these pillars reach from floor to roof, each
tourist who chooses to do so adding a stone.
An incidental benefit of this custom is that
it has helped to clear the paths.
The rules strictly forbid any defacement
of the walls. Candles were formerly a
favorite means of smirching the names of
visitors, in lamp-black, on the plaster-like
ceiling, where it was low enough to be with-
in reach. This is now especially interdicted ;
and instead of these rocky albums there
are receptacles for visiting and business
cards, thousands of which are thus accumu-
lated, representing visitors from all parts of
the world.
The roofless remains of two stone cot-
tages are next visited, as having a melan-
choly history. These, and some frame ones,
now torn down, were built in 1843 for fifteen
consumptive patients, who here took up their
abode, induced to do so by the uniformity
of temperature and highly oxygenated air,
which possesses the purity without the rarity
of the air at high altitudes. The experi-
ment was an utter failure.
A strangely beautiful transformation scene
is exhibited in the Star Chamber, a hall
seventy feet wide, sixty high and five hun-
dred long. The lofty ceiling is coated with
black gypsum, studded with thousands of
white spots, caused by the efflorescence of
the sulphate of magnesia. Our guide asks
us to sit down on a log bench by the wall, and
then, collecting the lamps, vanishes behind
a jutting rock; whence, by adroit manipu-
lations, he throws shadows flitting like clouds
athwart the starry vault. The effect is ex-
tremely fine, and the illusion is complete.
One can easily persuade himself that the
roof is removed, and that he looks up from
a deep valley into the real heavens.
" Good-night," says Tom ; " I will see you
again in the morning."
With this abrupt leave-taking he plunges
into a gorge, and we are in utter darkness.
Even the blackest midnight in the upper
world has from some quarter a few scattered
rays ; but here the gloom is without a gleam.
In the absolute silence that ensues, we hear
the beating of our hearts. The painful sus-
pense is at length broken by one of those
strange outbursts of laughter that come when
•least expected; and then we indignantly ask
each other the meaning of this sudden deser-
tion. But while we are roundly berating the
guide's treachery, we see in the remote dis-
tance a faint glimmer, like the first streak of
dawn. The light increases in volume till it
tinges the tips of the rocks, like tops of hills
far away. The horizon is bathed in rosy
hues, and we are prepared to see the sun
rise, when all at once the guide appears,
swinging his cluster of lamps, and asking us
how we like the performance. Loudly en-
cored, he repeats the transformations again
and again, — starlight, moonlight, thunder-
clouds, midnight and day-dawn, heralded by
cock-crowing, the barking of dogs, lowing of
cattle and various other farm-yard sounds;
until, weary of an entertainment that long
ago lost its novelty for him, he bids us
resume our line of march.
As we pass along under a mottled ceiling
that changes, from the constellation just
described, to a mackerel sky with fleecy
masses of floating clouds, many curious
objects are pointed out to us. Here is a
stout oak-pole, projecting from a crevice, now
inaccessible — put there when, and by whom,
and for what purpose ? There are snow-
drifts of native Epsom salts, whitening the
dusky ledges. Spaces are shown completely
covered by broad slabs, underneath which
are the ashes and embers of ancient fires.
Side-cuts occasionally tempt us from the
beaten path, into which we return by a cir-
cuitous way. Crossing the solitary chambers,
we enter the Fairy Grotto, whose alabaster
grove of stalactites has been despoiled by
ruthless hands. Skirting a pit, down whose
abyss a cataract tumbles, we climb hills,
plunge into gorges, walk underneath frown-
ing cliffs, until we have explored the main
cave from end to end.
No creeping nor crawling has to be done
here. The average width of this immense nat-
ural tunnel is about sixty feet, and its height
forty feet; but portions expand to much
greater dimensions. Proctor's Arcade is said
to be one hundred feet wide, fifty feet high,
and a thousand yards long. By burning
magnesium lights at several points at once,
each light being equivalent to seventy candles,
we surveyed the whole vista. In like manner
we illuminated Wright's Rotunda, 400 feet
in diameter. But the funereal darkness of
the Black Chamber defied magnesium, and
refused to be cheered even by red fire.
We lingered long amid the wonders of the
Chief City, where several acres are strewn
with rocks like ancient ruins, the whole area
being overarched by so vast a dome as to
make us wonder if it has an adequate key-
stone.
" Why doesn't it fall ? " inquired Barton.
" I know of no reason why it should not
ONE HUNDRED MILES IN MAMMOTH CAVE.
917
fall at this very moment," said Tom, solemnly,
" and I never come underneath without
some degree of fear. Yet the arch appears
to be a solid block of seamless limestone,
and it may stand for a thousand years. You
can see, from these Indian torches, that the
place is now precisely what it has been for
centuries."
As he spoke, the guide picked up some
half-burnt bits of cane, which, as he assured
us, the red men used to fill with bear's fat and
burn, to light them on their search for flint
mines, alabaster quarries and other coveted
treasures. Igniting our fire-works, we threw
a glare over the long slope of irregular rocks,
and athwart the gigantic vault, bringing
such glories to view as no torch-bearing
mound-builder ever saw. And while the
crimson light died away amid the arches
and pinnacles, we took leave, with many a
backward look, of this prehistoric council-
hall of sagamores and dusky braves.*
The proprietors object to anything that
will mar the romantic rudeness of this an-
cient cavern. Yet a little of it might well be
sacrificed to the spirit of modern invention.
Electric lights would grandly illuminate the
large halls and domes. Telephones would
be of advantage, in establishing communica-
tion with the outer world. Tramways might
be laid through the main cave and the more
accessible avenues. Shafts might be opened
at certain terminal points, known to be near
the surface, through which visitors might be
taken up by elevators, and conveyed back
to the hotel in hacks, instead of wearily re-
tracing their steps, as must now be done.
Increased patronage would soon cover the
cost of such improvements ; and time and
strength would thus be saved for exploring
portions of the cave whose picturesque
scenery is now rarely beheld, except by the
most resolute pedestrians.
It is doubtful if one visitor in fifty goes
farther into the main cave than to the Star
Chamber ; but none fail to see this favorite
hall of illusions. We revisited it frequently
during our stay. The path to it is dry and
well trodden. A pleasing incident comes to
mind, showing how easily it may be reached,
although more than a mile under-ground.
One evening, after tea, I had entered thus far
alone, without a guide, and after studying for
a while the peculiar effects of light and shade.
* Monographs have been published by the State
Geological Survey, on the Cavern-dwelling Races,
and Prehistoric Remains of Kentucky ; and addi-
tional memoirs on the same subjects are promised.
I sat down on the log bench and put my
lamps out, in order to enjoy the luxury of
utter darkness, silence and solitude. But
ere long voices were heard, and mysterious
peals of laughter. Soon the day-dawn effect
was unexpectedly produced, by the approach
of a party of jocund youths and maidens,
with lights, who, having dressed for a hop,
first paid a visit to this enchanted ground,
and as cave dust never flies nor sticks, they
did so without a speck on polished boots or
trailing robes.
Tourists are usually hurried through by
two routes, one requiring four hours and
the other nine, and both together covering
about twenty-five miles of travel in and out.
Our more leisurely exploration led us along
many an unfrequented path, and allowed us
to linger at will in the most interesting
localities. The avenues, as all side-passages
are termed, vary in importance, some of
them rivaling the main cave, while others
involve grievous climbing and crawling, with
small recompense.
Audubon's Avenue lies nearest the en-
trance. It is chiefly noted for its myriads of
bats, and for the fact that it leads to an open-
ing into which a miner dropped his lamp in
1812. Matt, the guide, found it thirty years
afterward at the bottom of Mammoth Dome,
a place to be reached only by a long detour.
The Gothic Arcade is approached by a
stair-way from galleries beyond the saltpeter
vats. Here a niche is pointed out where
the early explorers are said to have found
two Indian mummies, a woman and a child,
along with fine fabrics and trinkets, neck-
laces of deers' hoofs and eagles' claws, and
all that could please the barbaric taste.*
The chapel in the Gothic Arcade has an
arched roof supported by large stalagmitic
columns, once beautiful but now sullied by
sacrilegious smoke. I counted eight, and
found fragments of about thirty more.
Their growth was slow, requiring many
centuries to develop their present dimensions.
Three of the pillars are so grouped as to
form two Gothic arches. Before this unique
altar once stood a runaway bride, who had
* Forwood, in his excellent manual on Mammoth
Cave (pp. 1 70-194), has collected all existing accounts
of these extraordinary relics. Hon. F. Gorin, a
former owner of the cave, disputes their authenticity.
He states, however, that the skeleton of a giant, and
that of an infant, were found in 18:1 in Audubon's
Avenue; and that mummies were found in Short
Cave. Sandals, shreds of garments, etc., from Salts
Cave, in the vicinity of Mammoth, are exhibited in
the archaeological museum of Harvard College, and
have been lately described by Prof. F. W. Putnam.
918
ONE HUNDRED MILES IN MAMMOTH CAVE.
promised her anxious mother that she would
" never marry any man on the face of the
earth." She kept the letter of her promise,
but was married after all to the man of her
choice, in this novel Gretna Green. We
were fortunate in witnessing a similar scene.
This avenue is about two miles long, and
abounds in grotesque curiosities. It ends
in Annette's Dome, where a cascade sur-
prises one by bursting from the wall and
then disappearing. Lake Purity, near by,
is a shallow pool of such transparency that
we did not suspect its existence until we
walked into it.
Retracing our steps, we soon approach a
region of pits and domes. The guide warns
us of "danger on the right!" Beside our
path yawns a chasm called the Side-saddle
Pit, from the shape of a projecting rock, on
which we seat ourselves and watch with fear-
ful interest the rolls of oiled paper lighted by
the guide and dropped into the abyss. Down
they go in a fiery spiral, burning long enough
to give us a view of its corrugated sides and
of a mass of blackened sticks and timbers a
hundred feet below, remnants of a bridge
once spanning the chasm.
The Bottomless Pit, a short distance
beyond, is on a still grander scale, and
extending, as it does, entirely across the
avenue, was long an effectual bar to further
progress. It is now spanned by a substantial
bridge, which, for the sake of perfect safety,
is renewed every four years. Leaning over
the hand-rails, we safely admired the blazing
rolls as they whirled to and fro, slowly sink-
ing one hundred and seventy-five feet, light-
ing up the wrinkles and furrows made by the
torrent's flow during untold ages.
Shelby's Dome overhead is but a contin-
uation of the great pit upward, with rich
water-carved scroll-work and lavishly dec-
orated panels, and here and there a sharp
projection.
Turning abruptly back, we follow the
guide up and down narrow stair- ways and
through a winding passage, till we find our-
selves peering through a window-like aper-
ture into profound darkness, that seems
intensified by the monotonous sound of
dripping water. Tom bids us remain where
we are while he seeks a smaller and higher
window beyond, through which he thrusts
blue lights and blazing rolls, disclosing in-
describable wonders to our gaze. This is
Gorin's Dome. The floor far below us,
about an acre in area, is covered with water.
The perpendicular walls, rising out of sight,
are draped with three immense stalagmitic
curtains, one above another, whose folds,
which seem to be loosely floating, are bor-
dered with fringes rich and heavy. These
hangings, dight with figures rare and fan-
tastic, fit for Plutonian halls, were woven in
Nature's loom by crystal threads of running
water.
The domes and pits are in fact identi-
cal ; the name varying as they are seen
from above or below. The surface-funnel,
or sink-hole, drains the rain-water into the
upper tier of cavern chambers ; and this
may end its work. But when a mass
of pebbles is gathered, the whirling water
uses this powerful cutting-engine to pierce
by a vertical shaft the successive tiers, or
floors, until the water level of the lowest
cavern is reached. Should the funnel be in
any way obstructed, the stream would of
necessity cease to flow, and the dripping
lime-water would have time to make a
stalagmitic deposit. Plainly, no dome can
exceed in height the extreme distance be-
tween the drainage-level and the surface;
which, by barometrical observation, has, for
Mammoth Cave, been fixed at 312 feet.
There is little doubt that in some instances
this altitude is nearly attained. All greater
estimates are but imaginary.
We have now a choice of evils between
Bunyan's Way, where one must stoop like
a pilgrim burdened, and Buchanan's Way,
where one must hold his head to one side,
after the traditional habit of that eminent
statesman. We choose the latter; and
presently, by a circular opening over which
hangs a threatening trap-door of rock, we
are made acquainted with the famous and
original Fat Man's Misery, of which all others
are but base imitations. It is a serpentine
channel, whose walls, eighteen inches apart,
change direction eight times in one hundred
and five yards ; while the average distance
from the sandy pathway to the ledge over-
head is but five feet. The rocky sides are
beautifully marked with waves and ripples,
as if running water had been suddenly
petrified. There seems to have been first
a horizontal opening between two strata
of limestone, by taking advantage of which
this singular winding way was chiseled,
from whose embrace we gladly emerge into
Great Relief, where we can straighten our
spines, and enjoy once more the luxury of a
full breath.
It was formerly supposed that if this
passage were blocked up, escape from the
regions beyond would be impossible. But
not long ago the " Corkscrew " was dis-
ONE HUNDRED MILES IN MAMMOTH CAVE.
919
covered, an intricate web of fissures, by
means of which a good climber, after mount-
ing three ladders, crawling through narrow
openings, and leaping from rock to rock,
ascending thus amid the wildest confusion
for one hundred and fifty feet, gains a land-
ing at last, only a thousand yards from the
entrance to the cave, and cuts off two or
three miles of travel. Visitors generally
come in one way and go out the other, and
usually regard the route last chosen the
worst, whichever it may have been.
Barton was inclined " to draw this ' Cork-
screw ' ; " and leaving him to do so, Tom
and I entered an avenue aside from the
regular routes, and which he himself had
not explored for seven years. After much
stooping and creeping, we emerged from
the low, narrow passage, and found our-
selves standing on a terrace thirty feet long
and fifteen wide, whence we peered into
a realm of empty darkness. Our lamps re-
vealed neither floor, nor roof, nor opposite
wall. Tom said that this was Mammoth
Dome, sole rival of Gorin's Dome, the
grandest halls in all this domain of silence
and of night. I directed him to leave me
here, and to return at once for my comrade
and for fire-works.
Not until Tom's glimmering light was
gone, and his retreating steps had ceased to
echo along the corridor, did I realize my
lonely situation. There were some unex-
pected causes of delay, so that nearly two
hours elapsed before they came. I sat on
the edge of the terrace for a time, and
amused myself by throwing lighted papers
down, thus discovering that the floor was less
than forty feet below me, and was accessi-
ble by a rude ladder blackened with age.
Here and there a rung was missing, and I
hesitated to trust such a fragile support.
Finding the solitude and darkness insupport-
able, I retreated with my lamp to the
avenue by which we had come, and whiled
away the time catching cave crickets, till
Tom and Barton arrived with twenty lamps
and a supply of red fire and bengolas.
Carefully descending the treacherous lad-
der, we lighted up the huge dome and found
the dimensions to be about 400 feet in
length, 150 in width, and 250 in height,
as nearly as we could estimate without the
aid of instruments. The floor, strewn with
slippery rocks, slopes down to a pool that
receives a water-fall from the summit of
the dome. The walls are curtained by
alabaster drapery in vertical folds, varying
in size from a pipe-stem to a saw-log, and
decorated by heavy fringes at intervals of
about twenty feet. A huge gate-way, at
the farther end of the hall, opens into a
room so like the ruins of Luxor and Kar-
nak that we named it the Egyptian Tem-
ple. The floor of this apartment is paved
with stalagmitic blocks, stained by red and
black oxides into a kind of mosaic. Six
colossal columns, eighty feet high by twen-
ty-five in diameter, stand in a semicircle
flanked by pyramidal towers. The mate-
rial of the shafts is gray oolite, fluted by
deep furrows with sharp ridges between ;
the capitals are projecting slabs of lime-
stone; the whole column, in each instance,
is veneered with yellow stalagmite, rich as
jasper, and covered by tracery as elaborate
as Chinese carving ; and the bases are
garnished by mushroom-shaped stalagmites.
The largest of these is Caliban's Cushion.
While examining this, I noticed an open-
ing behind the third column in the row,
and clambering down a steep descent we
reached gloomy catacombs underneath ;
but returned without fully exploring them,
on account of the extreme difficulty of
progress.
One day we learned that a large party
from Nashville were to visit River Hall and
the regions beyond the subterranean streams ;
and, as they would first make a detour by
the pits, we easily got the start of them by
climbing down the Corkscrew. On enter-
ing River Hall, we found our path skirting
the edge of cliffs 60 feet high and 100 feet
long, embracing the sullen waters of what is
called the Dead Sea. Descending a flight
of steps, we came to a cascade, but a little
farther on, said to be a re-appearance of the
water-fall at the entrance, suggesting the idea
that the cave has doubled on its track.
Our speculations on this mystery were
broken in upon by the hilarious sounds
heralding the party under Matt's escort, long
before they came in view. There never
was a prettier sight than this merry company,
sixty in all, as with flashing lamps and
spangled costumes they skirted the somber
terrace, astonishing the steeps of that gloomy
sea by the loud refrain of " Litoria " and
other jolly college songs. They wound
past us, in single file, disappearing behind a
rocky mass to come into view again on the
natural bridge, whence they swung their
lamps to catch sight of the River Styx.
This body of water is said to be over 400
feet long and 40 feet wide. Our attempts
at fathoming its depth resulted in one of us
falling in, and from his appearance on crawl-
920
ONE HUNDRED MILES IN MAMMOTH CAVE.
ing out, we judged that he found an abun-
dance of mud under an uncertain amount
of water.
Lake Lethe comes next — a broad sheet
of water formerly crossed by boats, but now
skirted by a narrow path at the foot of steep
walls ninety feet above the oblivious wave,
and leading to a pontoon at the neck of the
lake, from which we step upon a beach of
the finest yellow sand, extending to Echo
River, a distance of 500 yards, under a lofty
ceiling mottled with white and black lime-
stones, like snow-clouds drifting in a wintry
sky. A rise of five feet would cover this
sandy walk, which is its condition for from
four to eight months in every year. Fortu-
nately the streams were low at the time of
our visit, as they usually are in summer.
The connection of the cave rivers with
Green River has been proved by the simple
experiment of throwing a quantity of chaff
upon them, which comes to the surface in
the upper and lower big springs ;• deep,
bubbling pools, lying half a mile apart, under
the cliffs bristling with hemlocks and pines.
When these pools are submerged by a freshet
in Green River, the streams in the cave are
united into a continuous body of water.
At rare intervals the rise is so high as to
touch the iron railing sixty feet above the
Dead Sea ; and for some reason the subsi-
dence within is less rapid than that without.
In order to save from destruction, at such
times, the uncouth little fleet, built of planks
and timber, every one of which was brought
in through passes we had traversed with dif-
ficulty empty-handed, the boats are securely
fastened, when not in use, by long ropes of
twisted grape-vines that let them swim with
the flood.
Four of these boats now await us on the
banks of Echo River. Each has seats on
the gunwales for twenty passengers, while
the guide stands in the bow and propels the
primitive craft by a long paddle, or by
grasping projecting rocks. The river's width
varies from twenty to two hundred feet, and
its length is about three-quarters of a mile.
The low arch soon rises to a height varying
from ten to thirty feet, while the plummet
shows a still greater depth below. The river
cannot properly be said to have any shore.
for throughout its entire extent there are
only one or two points where a foothold
could be gained. Hence, the guides exercise
the strictest authority, in order to guard
against accidents.
Tom secures for our exclusive use a boat
smaller than those into which the others
crowd. He then draws from a hiding-place
a hand -net, and tries to catch for us a few
of the famous eyeless fish, that dart to and
fro, but vanish on the least agitation of the
water. His success at this time was not very
encouraging. But subsequently, on other
trips, we captured numerous specimens, from
two to six inches in length, and usually des-
titute of even rudimentary organs of vision.
Several, however, had protuberances, or
sightless eyes, and one had good eye-sight.
The gradations of color are from olive-brown
to pure white, while some are perfectly col-
orless and transparent. They are said to be
viviparous ; and, instead of bones, have mere
cartilage. Agassiz held that these cave-fish
" were created under the circumstances in
which they now live, within the limits over
which they range, and with the structural
peculiarities which characterize them at the
present day." But it is doubtful if there is
more variability than can be explained by
simple retardation through successive gen-
erations.
Along the water's edge are cavities, vary-
ing in size from a few inches to many feet,
washed out by the stream. The Nashville
wag saw his opportunity to break the silence
that had settled over the voyagers, and
shouted with absurd glee, pointing to the
cavities :
" Oh, see these little bits o' caves — three
for five cents ! "
The solemn echoes caught his silly tones,
and bore them, as if in derision, hither and
thither and far away. When the peals of
laughter that followed had died away, a
quiet lady in black velvet led us in sacred
song. The concord of sweet sounds was
surprisingly agreeable ; but the tones fol-
lowed each other too rapidly to secure full
justice.
Allowing the Nashville party to go on *
without us, I passed the rest of the day on
Echo River, alone with Tom, floating over
its strangely transparent water, as if gliding
through the air, and trying every echo its
arches were capable of producing. A sin-
gle aerial vibration given with energy, as by
a pistol-shot, rebounded from rock to rock.
The din awakened by discordant sounds was
frightful. On the other hand, when the
voice gave the tones of a full chord seriatim,
they came back in a sweeping arpeggio.
Flute-music produced charming reverbera-
tions. The finest vocal effect followed the
utterance, as strongly and firmly as possible,
of the key-note of that long vault, letting
all other sounds meanwhile cease ; the won-
ONE HUNDRED MILES IN MAMMOTH CAVE.
921
A SNOW CLOUD, MAMMOTH CAVE.
derful vibrations thus caused were prolonged
for from fifteen to thirty seconds after the
original tone had been delivered.
An extraordinary result was obtained by
the guide's agitating the water vigorously
with his broad paddle, and then seating him-
self in silence by my side. The first sound
that broke the stillness was like the tinkling
of silver bells. Larger and heavier bells
then seemed to take up the strange melody,
as the waves sought out the cavities in the
rock. And then it appeared as if all chimes
of all cathedrals had conspired to raise a
tempest of sweet sounds. They then died
away to utter silence. We still sat in expec-
tation. Lo, as if from some deep recess
that had been hitherto forgotten, came
a tone tender and profound; after which,
like gentle memories, were re-awakened all
the mellow sounds that had gone before,
until River Hall rang again. This concert
was prolonged for several minutes, until the
agitation of the waters had wholly subsided.
Those who try their own voices are pleased
to have the hollow wall faithfully give back
every shout and song, whimsical cry or merry
peal ; but the nymphs of Echo River reserve
their choicest harmonies for those who are
willing in silence to listen to the voice of
many waters.
Roaring River and Mystic River are con-
siderable streams ; but. lying on side ave-
nues, they are seldom visited, and may now
be passed with mere mention.
All these lakes and rivers are liable to
overflow, as has already been remarked,
completely filling this part of the cave.
These remote regions are never entered
when there are signs of a flood. Large
VOL. XX.— 60.
cans of oil are, however, stored securely,
against the contingency of a party's being
shut in by rising waters ; so that the lamps
may be kept burning. Moreover, a discov-
ery has been made, within a year, of a
passage leading out beyond the rivers by a
circuit of ten miles. It contains numerous
objects of interest, but is so rugged and
contracted in places as to deter visitors
from attempting to go through, except in
case of necessity.
Continuing our journey by way of Silli-
man's Avenue and El Ghor, picturesque
passes where many fantastic objects are
pointed out, we arrive at Hebe's Spring.
Here, by climbing a ladder and crawling
through a hole in the roof, we are admitted
to an upper tier of caverns. Tom ignites
blue fire, and we are surprised to find our-
selves in a vineyard ! Countless nodules
and globules simulate clusters on clusters
of luscious grapes, burdening hundreds of
boughs, and gleaming with party-colored
tints through the dripping dew.
Washington Hall is but a smoke-stained
lunch-room. The ceiling of a room near
by is dotted with semi-spherical masses of
snowy gypsum, each of which is from two to
ten inches in diameter, looking like a snow-
ball hurled against the wall and sticking
there. Snow-ball Room is a fitting vestibule
to the treasure house of alabaster brilliants
beyond it, where we tarry long with ever-
increasing delight.
EGYPTIAN TEMPLE, MAMMOTH CAVE.
922
ONE HUNDRED MILES IN MAMMOTH CAVE.
What words can picture forth the beauty
of Cleveland's Cabinet ? Wyandot and
other caverns may have galleries like it in
kind, but none to be compared with it either
in extent or symmetry. We loiter beneath
spotless arches of fifty feet span, where the
fancy is at once enlivened and bewildered
by a mimicry of every flower that grows in
the garden, forest or prairie, from the
modest daisy to the flaunting helianthus.
Select for examination a single one of
these enchanting blossoms, the "oulopholites"
of the mineralogist. Consider the charms
of this queenly rose that has unfolded its
petals in Mary's Bower. From a central
stem gracefully curl countless crystals fibrous
and pellucid ; each tiny crystal is in itself a
study; each fascicle of curved prisms is
wonderful; and the whole creation is a
miracle of beauty.
Now imagine this mimic flower multiplied
from one to a hundred, a thousand, a
myriad ! Move down the dazzling vista, as
if in a dream of Elysium, — not for a few
yards, or rods, but for two miles. All is
virgin white, except here and there a little
patch of gray limestone, or a spot bronzed
by some metallic stain, or, again, as we
purposely vary the lovely monotony by
burning colored lights. Midway is a great
cross overhead, formed by the natural
grouping of stone rosettes. Floral clusters,
bouquets, wreaths, garlands, embellish
nearly every foot of the ceiling and walls ;
while the very soil sparkles with trodden
jewels. The pendulous fringes of the
night-blooming cereus are rivaled by the
snowy plumes that float from rifts and
crevices, forever safe from the withering
STEPHEN BISHOP, THE GUIDE.
glare of daylight. Clumps of lilies, pale
pansies, blanched tulips, drooping fuchsias,
sprays of asters, spikes of tuberoses, wax-
leaved magnolias, — but why exhaust the
botanical catalogue ? The fancy finds
every gem of the green-house and parterre
in this crystalline conservatory. Earlier
visitors (Professor Locke in 1842, and Bay-
ard Taylor in 1855) describe long sprays,
like stalks of celery, running vines, and
branches of a chandelier; but it has been
impossible to guard such exquisite forma-
tions from covetous fingers. Happily the
subtle forces of nature are still at work,
slowly replacing by fresh productions what
has gone to the mineralogist's cabinet or
the amateur's etagere.
THE GIANT'S COFFIN, MAMMOTH CAVE.
ONE HUNDRED MILES IN MAMMOTH CAVE.
9=3
The most ardent admirer of
Mammoth Cave must admit its
poverty in stalactitic adornments ;
especially when compared with the
wonderful cave at Luray, in Vir-
ginia, which, though not exceeding
fifty acres in area, has millions of
stalactites, reflected from hundreds
of crystal pools. But, on the other
hand, Luray has no gypsum ro-
settes, and its largest lake is only
fifty feet in diameter. This remark-
able difference is due to the fact
that while Mammoth Cave is exca-
vated from an immense mass of
homogeneous limestone, affording
few opportunities for the formation
of drip-stone, the cave of Luray is
cut from rock broken up into count-
less rifts and seams by the upheaval
of the Appalachian range. Hence,
the two are as unlike as the Mis-
sissippi River and Lake George, or
as Niagara Falls and Watkins
Glen.
Beyond a rocky hill and a dis-
mal gorge lies Croghan's Hall, and
a pit called the Maelstrom, which
ends the cave so far as it has been
explored in this direction. It is
due to the memory of a daring
youth to tell how Mr. W. C. Pren-
tice, son of the poet and editor, George D.
Prentice, descended this abyss in quest of
adventures.
As the guides tell the story, they furnished
a rope, down which the young hero descend-
ed undaunted, amid fearful and enchanting
scenes, then first lighted since creation's
morning by the feeble rays of his solitary
lamp. Midway he encountered a water-fall,
spouting from the rocky wall, into whose
sparkling shower he unavoidably swung.
Escaping all dangers, he stood at last on the
solid rock, 190 feet below his comrades,
who now found that it taxed their utmost
strength to lift him and the amount of cable
that had been paid out. On his way up,
Prentice swung himself into a huge niche
for the purpose of exploration, whence he
roamed through wide and wondrous cham-
bers till checked by rocky barriers. Then,
returning to the place where he had fastened
his rope to a stalactite, he found it disen-
gaged and dangling beyond his reach. In-
geniously twisting the wires of hflfcamp into
a long hook, he caught hold again, and
signaled to the guides to draw him up. It
is said (and one is expected to believe) that
THE STYX, MAMMOTH CAVE.
they did this with such zeal that the cable
was fired by friction, and that one of the
guides crawled out on the beam and
emptied a flask of water on the burning
rope. The whole story, with all its embel-
lishments, is done into spirited verse by Rev.
George Lansing Taylor. The hero himself,
whose life \yas so miraculously spared, finally
sacrificed it, in 1860, for the lost cause.
A charming excursion was from Washing-
ton Hall down Marion Avenue to the Crys-
tal Paradise. Another was from the Vine-
yard, as a starting point, and through a long
winding arcade to Lucy's Dome, rarely
visited because somewhat difficult of access.
This is the loftiest cave-dome yet discovered
anywhere in the world, and in some of its
features it is unlike any we had seen before.
By burning three Bengal lights and a quan-
tity of magnesium, simultaneously, we barely
caught sight of the oval apex, more than 300
feet overhead. A twin dome rises by its
side, and a tall Gothic archway connects
the two, at a point 150 feet above the floor.
It was only after gaining considerable
experience in cave-hunting that we vent-
ured in alone; even then keeping to well-
924
ONE HUNDRED MILES IN MAMMOTH CA VE.
PTOMLESS PIT, MAMMOTH CAVE.
beaten paths, and noting landmarks with
care; or, if tempted to explore new ground,
indicating the way out by repeatedly mark-
ing arrows on the wall. The penalty of
losing one's way amid these awful solitudes
is a painful bewilderment, often amounting
to temporary mental derangement. Hence,
as a rule, the services of a guide cannot
safely be dispensed with, and guests should
respect his authority; for the law holds him
responsible for the safe return of those put
under his care. Persons accidentally sep-
arated from their party should quietly stay
in one place till deliverance comes.
We witnessed, one day, a narrow escape
on the part of an excitable gentleman, who
trusted to his own guidance. His compan-
ions were following their guide up the chim-
ney-like corkscrew, and he caught at the
bright idea of getting ahead of them by the
longer route. He started off alone and on
the full run. We followed him, more out
of curiosity than from apprehension. His
lamp went out ; but in his eagerness he did
not stop to relight it, relying on the scat-
tered rays of ours behind him. Suddenly
Tom darted forward and grasped the
stranger in his strong arms. We abruptly
halted. There, within a single step, yawned
the Side-saddle Pit, on whose black rocks,
a hundred feet below, the man would have
fallen, had it not been for Tom's presence
of mind.
The full moon was riding in a cloudless
sky, when we emerged from our last day's
journey in the great cavern. We had, as
usual, a practical proof of the purity of the
exhilarating cave atmosphere, by its contrast
with that of the outer world, which seemed
heavy and suffocating. The odors of trees,
grass, weeds and flowers were strangely in-
tensified and overpowering. The result of a
too sudden transition is frequently faintness,
headache and vertigo. Hence the pleasant
custom of lingering awhile on the threshold,
where the outer and inner airs mingle.
Resting thus, on rustic seats near the en-
trance, we interchanged our views.
On the whole, Mammoth Cave greatly
exceeded, though differing from, our expec-
tations. Yet there was a want of full satis-
faction. It was gratifying to be assured by
Tom that we had probably tramped to and
fro, in and out, about one hundred miles ;
but how did he know ?
The time will come when much more will
be known of Mammoth Cave than is possible
under existing restrictions. There ought to
be a better understanding between the
owners and the public. There should be
increased facilities of access, along with a
sufficient guarantee against any infringement
of proprietary rights ; then let surveyors
measure, geologists hammer, and archaeolo-
gists delve, till the secrets of this subterranean
realm are unearthed, and instead of mysteries,
conjectures and estimates, we have definite
knowledge. We were grateful, however, for
impressions received and memories retained
of wonderful scenes and strange adventures.
Feelings akin to friendship had sprung up
within us for Mammoth Cave ; and it was
with positive regret that we finally turned
away from the fern-fringed chasm, lying
there in the soft moonlight, where the spark-
ling cascade throws pearly drops from the
mossy ridge, and spreads its mist like a
silver veil.
SEA-SIDE LA WN-PLANTING.
925
SEA-SIDE LAWN-PLANTING.
A LONG, narrow sand-beach with a back-
bone of diminutive hills, sand dunes, bare
except for sparse barberry-bushes and mea-
THE MAIDEN'S PINK (DIANTHUS DELTOIDES).
ger, coarse grass; ocean on one side and
on the other a wide bay and sundry reaches
of salt meadow. I lived on such a spot
once upon a time, and what is more, thor-
oughly enjoyed myself. My cottage was
small and somewhat primitive, but for many
days the delights of the sea were all-sufficient.
Gradually, however, I began to realize that
so much sand was monotonous. I could not
gaze on the sea forever, and if I expected
to dwell season after season on this place,
something must be done in the way of a
lawn.
My house was built, fortunately, in the lee
of some sand-hills, and thus escaped the
full force of high winds, which blew often
enough even in summer. The same situa-
tion secured it also from high tides, which
sometimes, during unusual storms, dashed
through to the very bay. All the first sea-
son, I investigated and experimented. Many
advised me to use red cedars and other
native evergreens. I soon convinced my-
self, however, that deciduous trees and shrubs
were alone suited to my purpose, which pur-
pose, moreover, I wished to accomplish as
quickly as possible. Realizing somewhat
already the difficulties to be met, the field
of my lawn-planting was circumscribed to
a space about 100 feet square, on the bay
side of the house. Indeed, a hundred feet
in the rear of the house came a few feet
of meadow land and then a cove in the bay.
The proximity of meadow land seemed to
lend a certain solidity and fer-
tility to the soil which did not
characterize it farther away. I
had noticed this in the vegetable
gardens of these Jersey beaches.
Grape-vines and willows flour-
ished here and there, and nowhere
could larger onions be
found than in gardens next
the bay( meadows. My
first care was, of course,
the erection of a fence
against roaming cattle,
etc., for no more lawless
region exists in this re-
spect than the beach.
The next thing to be
done was to plant this
boundary completely with
shrubs and trees, to se-
cure ornament and further
NIEREMBERGIA RIVULARIS.
926
SEA-SIDE LA WN-PLANTING.
ROCKY MOUNTAIN COLUMBINE (AQUILEGIA CCERULEA).
protection for the lawn proper. These trees,
from their deciduous nature, afforded a pleas-
ant shade, far pleasanter than that of any
evergreen. Besides, the blazing reflection
from adjoining sand-stretches is always more
trying for evergreens than for deciduous
trees ; this notwithstanding the fact that red
cedars are not uncommon on sea-beaches.
The objection to evergreens, however, lies
specially in the great difficulty found in
transplanting them successfully in such un-
mitigated sand. Nature has favored the
spontaneous growth of red cedars and one or
two other evergreens, on sea-beaches, but for
what reason and how, who shall say ? Ex-
perience also soon taught me that in these
bleak sections nothing but the coarser, more
vigorous, deciduous trees and shrubs would
be likely to succeed. I confess that I tried
sundry very attractive plants, both deciduous
and evergreen, but soon found myself reduced
to nearly the varieties I am about to mention.
It is scarcely, worth while to relate my
various mishaps, although they were numer-
ous. Very many choice shrubs and trees
died. There were graceful birches, white-
fringes, Judas-trees, beeches, larches, elms,
maples, evergreen shrubs and a dozen other
beautiful trees ; but they all died, sooner or
later. I wonder I did not give up in despair.
If a foot of good soil could only have been
spread on the surface, the undertaking would
not have been so difficult, for even a thin
stratum of solid earth might have secured
the plants a decent foothold. However,
after a while, certain shrubs and trees did not
only live, but grew vigorously. The group-
ing was irregular, skirting the fence in such
manner as to afford occasional glimpses
without, as well as a considerable variety of
flowers and foliage. Willows and poplars
and similar free-growing deciduous trees
were found best suited for outer boundaries.
They obtained a hold on the soil quicker,
and therefore, with their vigorous natures,
grew up at once as a shelter to choicer plants
inside. In accordance with correct meth-
ods, this outer grouping consisted of mixed
shrubs and trees. Here and there a tree,
varying the sky-line above masses of shrubs
and low trees, gave a striking and agreeable
effect. Many of these trees, as well as shrubs,
tossed up leaves with silver linings or
were of a decidedly gray aspect — a feature
always agreeable at the sea-side, if not
repeated too often. For this special purpose
of relief from monotony, I found the pecul-
iar-looking catalpa one of the most valuable
ornamental trees. Its great, heart-shaped,
shadowy leaves piled themselves in rounded,
spreading masses, umbrageous in the highest
degree. It presented a vivid, soft yellow-
ish-green late in fall, and thus not only gave
varied coloring to the grouping, but gave a
rich effect at a time when most other trees
and shrubs began to lose their natural hues.
Smooth, glossy stems and beautiful loose
panicles of white flowers, flecked inside with
orange and purple, add to the charm of this
excellent tree, which, fortunately for me, de-
lighted in well-fertilized sandy soil. Among
three varieties of poplars used on my sea-
side lawn, a great favorite was the American
aspen (P. tremuloides). It is not a lofty tree,
but very beautiful on account of the trembling
sensitiveness of its leaves. No forest tree
comes earlier into leaf, and the exquisitely
delicate green of its first leaves makes one
of the most charming effects of early spring.
The aspen sheds its leaves early, but they
turn a pleasing yellow in fall. In a good
soil, even if light, its growth is rapid, giving
the tree a pyramidal form while young, and
a symmetrically irregular outline at matu-
rity. The branches and twigs have a gray-
ish hue, and the older bark is spotted with
black. Many outer branches become pend-
ulous as the tree grows old.
As a matter of course, I used the silver
poplar, so often criticised for its suckering
tendencies as a street tree. It proved, how-
ever, a valuable tree forme, growing rapidly
SEA-SIDE LA WN-PLANTING.
927
and retaining a healthy habit. The tree
itself is really very attractive, although of
irregular, spreading form. Its leaves are of
a deep, bright green on the upper surface,
with white down on the under. This color,
instead of disappearing as the season ad-
vances, seems on the contrary to grow
whiter, the sheen of the leaves in a light
breeze having the effect of numerous quiver-
ing, silver blossoms.
The other poplar of my lawn was the
balsam or tacamahac. This tree has a fine
habit and growth, and the rich gamboge-
yellow of certain parts of the foliage is very
attractive. To those who are accustomed to
the common ill-shaped poplars along the
road-side, my expressions in their praise may
seem somewhat extravagant. Let me say,
however, that no tree can be more improved
by the systematic use of the pruning-knife
than the poplar. The willows used in my
lawn constitute, perhaps, its most valuable
ornamental feature. The soil was very
favorable to their growth, and I used a
number of them because of the variety
of their effects, especially when mingled
with the mixed outer grouping of shrubs
and trees. Few realize the diversity of
form exhibited among willows. Kinds num-
bered by hundreds take on almost every
form and color conceivable, although still
retaining many characteristic qualities of
willows. In speaking of willows, the form
of the common weeping- willow (salix Baby-
lonica) naturally occurs first to the mind ; it
proved, indeed, a valuable tree for my lawn,
with its graceful, fountain-like foliage, but,
more than almost anything else, it requires
pruning. Similar, and still more delicate
and graceful, was the Japan willow (salix
Sieboldii). But the best willow of the lot
was the laurel-leaved willow (salix pen-
tandra). The value of this willow, though
long known, is too little recognized. For a
willow, the leaves are very large, shining and
glossy, like veritable orange-leaves. Other-
wise the growth of this remarkable shrub is
erect, rounded, almost pyramidal in general
contour, — peculiarities seldom seen among
willows. Indeed, it requires pruning less
than almost any plant of its genus. The rich
yellowish-green of the stem also contrasts
well with the foliage, and gives the tree a
decidedly elegant appearance. I employed
also another somewhat uncommon willow,
salix regalis. The leaves were of so light a
hue as to present during much of their growth
the grayish white of native silver. This
truly royal willow is perhaps the lightest and
most silvery shrub we have among those
suited for sea-side planting. Eleagnus hor-
tensis and the sea-buckthorn, though silvery
and effective in such positions, are far inferior
in richness of coloring. One or two other
trees I tried with considerable success ; but
the kinds already named include the best
varieties employed.
Among the shrubs, perhaps the most note-
worthy and generally valuable for the position
LARGE-FLOWERING TICKSEED (COREOPSIS GRANDIFLORA).
was the California privet (Ligustrum ovali-
folium), a plant originally from Japan. It is
perfectly hardy, grows rapidly in almost any
position, and is very ornamental in appear-
ance. In fact, it gives an evergreen element
to the piace, for the leaves stay on at times
all winter, and have a dark, waxy green, sug-
gestive of the laurel, rhododendron and other
evergreen shrubs. This plant I used freely
throughout both the boundaries and inner
SEA- SIDE LA IVN-PLANTING.
groupings. Though an old shrub, the Cali-
fornia privet is not known as it should
be. Among the low-growing willows were
found several suited for my purpose. The
rosemary willow ( S. rosmarinifolia), with
its narrow, delicate, grayish-green foliage,
properly pruned, did remarkably well, as did
also the well-known Kilmarnock willow, of
picturesque, perfect curves and rich foliage.
Very beautiful, also, is the purple-leaved weeping-
willow ( S.purpurea pendula). It is very narrow-
leaved and graceful, glaucous on one side, after
the manner of willows, and dark greenish-purple
on the other. Both of these varieties need fre-
quent pruning to retain symmetry. In this case
they were employed both low and high grafted.
Uplifted on a stem seven or eight feet in height,
the effect of their parasol-like crown of foliage is
very fine, alike mingled with other trees or
standing alone somewhat within the boundary.
I preferred the picturesque and more permanent
nature of low-grafted specimens. It has also
been noted elsewhere how much high-grafted
plants suffer from the exigencies of American seasons.
Eleagnus hortensis formed yet another vigorous shrub for
mass-grouping by the sea-side, and possessed, moreover, the
silvery-gray foliage so beautiful in such positions, especially
if duly mingled with a proportion of darker-colored shrubs.
There is a choice relation and sympathy of color to be
found in combinations of certain trees and shrubs which
will fully reward the study that seeks to adapt them to
appropriate neighborhoods. A willow by a lake or stream,
and a Norway spruce on a rocky hill-side, are examples in
point. Within the belt of plants which proved of peculiar
importance in my exposed position, I was enabled to grow,
scattered about near the walks or boundaries, many choice
and beautiful flowering deciduous shrubs. They consisted
of such kinds as the silver-lined Hydrangea nivea, several
spireas already spoken of, notably S. tomentosa, blooming in
midsummer, as well as the snow-berry, red-stemmed dog-
wood, Amorpha, Forsythia, Deutzia and Philadelphus.
The fresh green foliage of the common beach-plum I found
very effective in large masses, and readily transplanted.
It is important in such places to plant in masses, that one
shrub may protect the other. This collection of shrubs
gave considerable variety of flowers and foliage throughout
the season, and were so disposed about the lawn as to
leave broad, open surfaces of turf.
But here came in the question : Of what should the turf
be made ? My experiments in this line had been extended
and decidedly unfortunate. Grass would not grow on such
soil, and many other things failed as I tried them, until it
occurred to me to use some of the creeping herbaceous
plants, wild flowers, if you please, that spring up in almost any soil. I was specially suc-
cessful in producing turf by means of broad patches of Lysimachia nummularia, otherwise
called moneywort or Creeping Charlie. Its small light-green or yellow leaves grow with
great rapidity, and spread out in thick, dense areas of a fresh, lively color. The flowers
studded all over the mass gleam like little yellow jewels. In order to give room for
other plants, these moneyworts are planted three feet apart, and here and there, espe-
BLUE HAREBELL (CAMPANULA
ROTUNDIFOLIA).
A FREE LENDING LIBRARY FOR NEW YORK.
929
cially on the outer borders, are scattered low-
growing herbaceous plants. There were
bright-colored dwarf phloxes, neat, many-
formed sedums, white or pinkish flowered
candytuft, white rock-cress, and the mount-
ain everlasting scarcely an inch high, with
creeping stems and silvery leaves. Then
there was the Aquilegia ccerulea of our illus-
tration, the curious blue Rocky Mountain
columbine, one of the most interesting plants
of its class ; the pretty little maiden's pink
and delicate blue harebell peered out in
numerous spots, while the pure white blos-
soms of the Nierembergia rivularis studded
a carpet of its own rich green. Plants of
large-flowering tickseed (Coreopsis grandi-
flora) were also used, and made gorgeous
clusters of bright-orange flowers. It made
truly a party-colored carpet, but it was pleas-
ant to the eye throughout the summer, with
the added charms of a series of blooms,
although it could not, of course, in every
way equal grass. Let me also say here that
one great secret of the success of this lawn
lay in thorough mulching, and in the copious
application of water, which sometimes con-
tained in solution strong ammoniated fertil-
izers. Vigorous growth is absolutely essential
to permanent success in the adverse sur-
roundings of sea-side lawn-planting.
Pruning, also, especially in the case of
such trees and shrubs as are here named,
cannot receive too careful attention.
In concluding this brief sketch of my sea-
side lawn, I would again warn any one from
attempting too much in such exposed places.
There are unquestionably very great difficul-
ties to overcome, and only by carefully
adapting oneself to circumstances is tolerable
success possible. It should be remembered,
on the other hand, as an encouraging fact,
that, given abundant water, fertilizing power
and mulch, pure sand may be made to perform
marvels hardly possible on any other soil.
A FREE LENDING LIBRARY FOR NEW YORK,
WITH THE PUBLIC SCHOOLS AS BRANCHES.
THERE is at present a general impression
in the city of New York, among the class
known as " leading citizens," that the time
has come to found a great public lending
library. This is certainly cause for con-
gratulation— though why the time should
be thought only just now to have come
might not be easy to explain, in view of the
well-known experience, not only of many
English towns, but also of several of our
own sister cities.
Boston, twenty years ago, thought the
time had come, and acted accordingly. She
spent, and spent well, in founding her great
free library, more than two dollars for each
man, woman and child within her limits,
and she has sustained it to this day with
equal spirit and liberality. That library
has now more than three hundred and sixty
thousand volumes, and her citizens last year
took from it to their homes more than one
million one hundred and sixty thousand books.
Many smaller places in New England and
elsewhere, not without careful investigation,
have followed her example, finding in the
practical results of her twenty years' work
proof satisfactory to their tax-payers that a
free library is a profitable investment of
VOL. XX.— 61.
public money ; while in the West, the great
cities of Cincinnati, Chicago and St. Louis,
with the western free-handed energy, have
established free libraries on such a scale
that one, at least, of them bids fair to rank
among the greatest in the world.
Our first excuse for our delay in the mat-
ter, as for all other civic delinquencies, is
the mixed composition of our population,*
but in that respect both Boston and Cincin-
nati are, in fact, almost as heavily handi-
capped as New York, while Chicago is even
worse off. The shape of our city, also, its
insular site, its intense commercial activity,
and the nightly exodus of such hosts of its
busy workers, all tend, by offering unusual
conditions, to embarrass the consideration
of the question.
It is a discouraging and humiliating re-
flection that we, the citizens of this, the
* A reference to the census for 1870 shows the for-
eign-born population of Boston to be 35 per cent, of
the whole ; of Cincinnati, 37 per cent. ; of Chicago, 48
per cent., and of New York 45 per cent. One third,
however, of this 45 per cent, are Germans, who may
for the most part, for the purposes of this calcula-
tion, be considered the same as ourselves. The Irish
element is even larger in Boston than here, being
23 per cent, to our 22 per cent.
93°
A FREE LENDING LIBRARY FOR NEW YORK.
metropolis of the western hemisphere, have
to-day, as a body, relatively fewer literary
privileges than were enjoyed by our pre-
decessors at the beginning of the century.
Our libraries then were small, but they were
within the reach of all. The Society Li-
brary, for instance, in the year 1795 had
five or six thousand volumes and some nine
hundred subscribers ; it has now some sixty-
five thousand volumes, but its subscribers
are somewhere about twelve hundred. The
Apprentices' Library, at its foundation in
1820, was probably within fifteen minutes'
walk of three-quarters of the apprentices in
the city ; to-day its collection of over fifty
thousand volumes is positively inaccessible
to probably at least the same proportion.
The cause is everywhere the same — that
the means have gradually come to be re-
garded as the end, — the true end and aim of
a public library being evidently not the mere
collecting of books, however valuable, but
the getting of them read by those who need
them.
It must be admitted that the great city
of New York has just cause for shame, being
in this state of things not only behind the
age, but behind many small and unimportant
towns of past ages.
Our largest libraries, the Astor and the
Lenox, are, even to well-to-do business men,
practically as inaccessible as if they were in
another city. The Society and the Mercan-
tile, though not free, are, it is true, pecuniarily
within the reach of a large class, and they,
as well as the smaller collections of the
Young Men's Christian Association and the
Cooper Union, may be consulted in the
evening ; but this involves a sacrifice costly
indeed to most — that of their few hours of
home life and home influence. To the vast
majority of mechanics and working-men,
these also are entirely out of reach. What
wonder, then, that the dime novel and the
sensation story-paper pass from hand to
hand, and gradually become almost the
exclusive reading in thousands of humble
homes ! Yet there are few lads who would
not rather read a natural history adapted to
their years, with anecdotes of -wild and
tame animals, or really good books of travel
and adventure, provided that all these are
so illustrated as to bring them within the
grasp of an unpracticed imagination.
When the oldest of our city, libraries were
established, New York was a little town of
easy and simple habits. Since those days
she has increased, and all the inventions of
the modem world have come in a hundred-
fold, but the methods of her libraries remain
unchanged. If one of her citizens has to-day
occasion to inform himself in any but the
most elementary manner on some subject, say
of scientific or historical interest, he must send
to London and buy the necessary publica-
tions, or go in person to one, probably suc-
cessively to several, of our bonded book ware-
houses, facetiously termed free libraries, get
the books out, if happily they are there to be
got out, one by one on his written recogni-
zance, and read them with what heart he
may in some elbow-touching rank of fellow
unfortunates, — and all before four o'clock
in the afternoon. The result should have
been foreseen by any one with the least
knowledge of human nature, or the slightest
experience of human action. Although our
half-dozen principal libraries aggregate some
half-million of volumes, the majority even
of our cultivated classes make no use what-
ever of them, and naturally regard them
with indifference, while the great mass of the
population are doubtless ignorant of their
very existence.
Our public may be divided roughly into
three classes of readers, — that is, of those
who would become readers under more
favorable circumstances. The first comprises
people of wealth and leisure, together with
those who make literature a profession ; the
second, business men of all kinds, who gen-
erally can better afford money than time ;
the third, working men and women, of whom
it is no stretch of truth to say that they have
neither time nor money at their disposal.
The first class can make shift to get on as at
present ; the second, on the contrary, does
not and will not make use, to any extent,
of facilities such as we now have; the third
cannot if it would.
A great library is no longer an experiment,
nor are its manifold benefits now for the first
time to be demonstrated. As we turn the
pages of history, scarce a monarch truly
great but founds or revives one ; scarce a
free people' of any political sagacity but
early manifests solicitude on the subject. If
the great sea-port of the ancient world,
though heiress of the stupendous monu-
mental records of primeval civilization, yet
counted her collection of parchment and
papyrus scrolls among her chief glories,
housing it splendidly among the palaces and
temples of her principal street; if the chief
mart of modern Christendom lias provided
for her library (it now numbers over a million
volumes) even more munificently, expending
one hundred and fifty thousand pounds ster-
A FREE LENDING LIBRARY FOR NEW YORK.
ling on its reading-room alone; surely the
metropolis of the New World, of destinies
possibly greater than either, need not fear to
lay foundations broad and deep for a struct-
ure grander than human eyes have thus far
seen.
But who, in this city of shifting popula-
tion, of feverish commercial activity, of pop-
ular and not too pure administration, can be
found, of strength and skill to wield the
ponderous instrument, to hold it back from
unworthy uses, and to guard it from falling
into ignorant or corrupt hands ?
The money question will be the first to
strike our New-Yorker. Can the large sum
necessary be raised by private subscription ?
On the other hand, if voted by the city, can
the professional politician be kept at bay ?
It would seem in principle that an institution
so entirely for the people, and for the whole
people, should not be left to the uncertainties
of private benevolence. It ought to be
founded and maintained by the city, the
necessary appropriation being voted and the
money raised in the same way as that for
the Board of Education. Practically, how-
ever, it would evidently be exceedingly
desirable that, to begin with, a fund should
be subscribed large enough to defray, at
least, the expense of getting the enterprise
fairly under way, with a permanent board
of management organized and in the field.
As we proceed, a plan may develop itself
by which these expenses may be reduced
much below what has hitherto been thought
possible.*
The free library must be considered as,
in its simplest and justest conception, the
adjunct and concomitant of the public
school, joining in the task of popular in-
struction even before the latter lays it down,
seeking to make permanent results already
attained, and to carry on the work of edu-
cating the people even through their years
of maturity. The best thought of the pres-
ent day on this subject all seems to tend in
this direction, and, as might have been ex-
pected, not a few able and philanthropic
men have already thrown themselves heart
and soul into so fascinating a field of work.
In Providence, for instance, the public
* We may advert here to one source of growth of
a really popular library, which is in the large num-
ber of valuable books now annually scattered or sold
for trifling sums, but which would speedily begin to
find their way into it, were they only made welcome,
and were there suitable public recognition of such
gifts by notices posted in the porch and inserted in
daily papers — perhaps, also, by proper stamps and
labels in the books themselves.
librarian daily posts upon his bulletin lists
of books suitable for consultation on the
topics of the day, as mentioned in the daily
papers, and he also publishes, from time to
time, " attractive articles tempting the reader
further." At Harvard College, by co-op-
eration of the professors and the veteran
pioneer in library work, Mr. Justin Winsor,
the resources of the library are utilized in a
systematic way which is probably without
example in such an institution.
It would be difficult to exaggerate the
influence that could be exerted by an ear-
nest teacher, having at his disposal the varied
treasures of a great library for reward of the
diligent and encouragement of the flagging.
Not of the public school alone, however,
but of every school and institution of learn-
ing, should the public library be the adjunct
and the successor, — of every striving, strug-
gling man and woman should it be the
confidant and guide, ready to lend counsel in
every trade and profession, to every artisan,
every artist, to every merchant, to every
scholar.
Let those who pride themselves upon
their devotion to the so-called practical
reflect that the advantages of a library are
no longer of a purely literary character, and
are becoming less and less so; that the
" arts and mysteries " of manufacture are no
longer taught by word of mouth alone to in-
dentured apprentices, but that the " master
workmen " of the nineteenth century spaak
through books to all ; and that in proportion
as our workmen become intelligent and
skillful does their labor increase in value to
themselves and to the State.
It is probably not too much to say that
the benefits already suggested to our work-
ing classes, and through them to our city,
will alone be of a magnitude to warrant the
expense of the undertaking; but it is to the
great middle class, engaged generally in
business pursuits, that our library will really
be the greatest boon, and in the midst of
which its beneficient influences will be most
promptly and most widely manifested ; it
is probable that men of action in this same
middle class, comprising so many of broad-
est view and clearest insight, will more
often than now give us the results of their
experience and observation, when they are
able to assure themselves, as they cannot
now do, that some one else may not already
have been over the very same ground.
Fortunately for the successful working of
our future library, there are already in ex-
istence excellent models for many details,
932
A FREE LENDING LIBRARY FOR NEW YORK.
both of construction and operation. The
great reading-room, for instance, of the
British Museum Library, in London, is
not likely to be forgotten by those Amer-
icans who have been admitted to its privi-
leges, and it might with advantage be repro-
duced here, unchanged except in size. It
is a circular building, floored with heavy
India-rubber, lighted in the day-time by
windows in its immense iron dome, and in
the evening by the electric light ; and it has
arranged upon its walls a reference library
of thirty thousand volumes, to be taken
down at will by any reader. In the center
of the room sits the librarian with his assist-
ants ; surrounding them is the circular
catalogue-counter, and radiating from this
are desks for three hundred readers, to each
allotted pens, ink, blotting pad, an arm-chair
on casters, and last, not least, four feet of
elbow room. Any reader wishing a book
not upon the walls of the room has but to
ask for it at the central counter, and it is
presently brought to his desk by an assistant.
This arrangement it would be hard to im-
prove upon, but we should have also a
second large room, as in Boston, for news-
papers and periodicals, while a third, of less
size, should be devoted to the preservation
and the study of prints and drawings. Many
less striking but equally important prob-
lems, as, for example, to obtain ventilation
without dust, warmth without injury to
bindings, light with economy of space and
convenient classification, seclusion for special
studies with thorough supervision, and many
others, have all been solved more or less
satisfactorily, and there is no reason why, in
all such particulars, we should not begin
where others leave off. Probably the key
to some of the greatest moment will be found
in the abandonment of the shelving on the
external walls, and the making of the win-
dows as numerous and as large as possible,
so as to light up brightly the alcoves in the
stacks of shelves which should fill the cen-
ter of the building. These stacks, with an
iron frame-work and shelves of japanned
iron, or, perhaps, of heavy glass, would
defy all the destructive agencies from which
library buildings have heretofore suffered,
except the sledge-hammers of barbarism and
fanaticism.
In organizing the lending, or "circula-
ting," work of the library, the Boston plan
may probably be followed to advantage.
This divides it into two departments, re-
quiring of all borrowers separate application
and registration; the Boston "Lower Hall"
containing the more popular books, with all
"juveniles," while the " Bates Hall," named
from a generous donor, contains the main
library; of which many valuable works, of
course, never go out at all, and others only
by order of the librarian himself.
There has been some talk lately of the
possibility of library consolidation in New
York, and the suggestion has been made
that the old Mercantile Library should con-
stitute itself such a " lower hall " division
of a future great library, and that the Niblo
bequest to the Young Men's Christian Asso-
ciation (some $160,000 cash) be used for the
foundation of a " Bates Hall " division.
This offers a plan by which the great point
is gained of setting our library in operation
and bringing its advantages home to the
people before calling on them to approve
of a heavy outlay of public money ; for, by
use of the telephone, the two or more libra-
ries thus consolidated can continue in their
present quarters, under their present admin-
istration, until the building of the future be
far enough advanced to give them shelter.
Of course, in such a transaction, the Young
Men's Christian Association, or any other
society, should have assured to it a propor-
tionate representation in the future board of
direction, and might thus exert for all time
an influence for good possibly far wider
than by keeping its books apart and within
its own walls.
The library edifice should be at the outset
of a size to contain one hundred thou-
sand volumes in the main library, twenty-five
thousand in the popular circulating library,
and ten thousand in the reference library,
and should be susceptible of enlargement,
without removal or rebuilding, to accommo-
date two or three million volumes in the
main library, one hundred thousand in the
circulating, and in the reference library fifty
thousand volumes and a thousand readers.
A simple arrangement would be to construct
a central dome large enough for the full
development of the reference library and
reading-room, and to make use temporarily
of a part of it for the nucleus of the main
library, building afterward, as required, radi-
ating wings, along the middle of which the
books should be stacked, leaving room near
the windows for the so-called " alcove "
studies of specialists. The interiors should
be planned with regard to but two main
considerations — the accommodation of the
public and the preservation of the books ;
and if our American architects of this nine-
teenth century have not originality enough
A FREE LENDING LIBRARY FOR NEW YORK.
933
to inclose such interiors in walls graceful
and agreeable to the eye, yet indestructible
by aught but time itself, — why, so much the
worse for them and for us. Except the
London reading-room already mentioned,
there is scarcely a great library-building in
the world which should serve us for anything
but a warning.
It is evident, as already intimated, that,
wherever our library may be placed, it will
be an impossibility for the great mass of the
people who should use it to come to it
themselves in person. The books must be
got to them by some means, and if our city
express posts can take letters and circulars
at a profit — as they no\v do — for one cent
each, it is difficult to see why, under proper
management, the cost of carrying books,
even from house to house, should be much
greater. The chief objection to this house
delivery is, indeed, less its first cost than the
danger of losing the books or of wasting
them on improper persons — the difficulty,
amounting practically to impossibility, of
keeping so vast a system of registration in
working order. A philanthropic effort is
now making by our " Free Library Associa-
tion " to bring good reading within reach of
the poor by small libraries in various quar-
ters, and the eagerness with which the books
are taken at the one now open shows how
great the want has been. This scheme,
however, seems scarcely susceptible of more
than very limited development, and may,
besides, excite among the class for whom it
is intended something of the distrust felt for
the so-called " missions," left here and there
among them by wealthy churches, in depart-
ing to more fashionable quarters up-town.
In Boston, this case is sought to be met by
establishing in the suburbs " branches " of
the public library, where duplicates of pop-
ular books (which would in any case be
required) are kept for local use. Of these
subordinate collections, for each of which
some local library has served as nucleus, she
has now seven, a number equivalent to
twenty-five or thirty in New York.
There is, however, a plan which promises
to take us a long step in advance of either
of these, solving equally well the problem
of registration, far cheaper than house deliv-
ery, yet giving to every citizen the inestima-
ble benefits of direct access to the entire
treasures of the main library, while at the
same time bringing about simply and prac-
tically a desirable unity in the work of pub-
lic education. This plan is to make each
public school a branch of the public library,
in constant, immediate connection with it by
telephone, and also by an active wagon serv-
ice. Counting grammar-school buildings
only, omitting for the present the fifty pri-
mary-school buildings, will give about sev-
enty stations — a number not too great for
the proper working of the plan. Let each
be made the center of a " library district."
Let the principal or vice-principal of the
school, assisted by a teacher always under
his supervision, act as librarian, being clothed,
with full discretionary powers and held re-
sponsible for the books not only, but also for
a judicious use of them, first of all by the
families connected with his school.*
This will give us at once, without expense
and without a chance for "jobbery," seventy
stations, not in odd holes and corners, but
in handsome buildings, where political
trickery but seldom enters and where
every influence will be protective and con-
servative. It will give us the services
of seventy scholarly men of undoubted in-
tegrity, each already thoroughly acquainted
with his district, known and respected by
every family in it. It will put the whole
management and development of the
branches, at least for the present, where it
seems naturally to belong — under the con-
trol of the Board of Education, and will
bring the practical workings of them in each
ward under the valuable supervision of the
local trustees and inspectors.
The entrance hall of the school building,
now used only by the teachers and visitors,
will afford space enough for the present,
but in time the rooms on the same floor,
usually three or four in number, now occu-
pied by janitor and family, may be taken,
especially if eventually it is thought best to
open reading-rooms at each branch. In
this case, the janitor can be quartered in the
neighborhood, and probably without addi-
tional cost to the city, for an inquiry into
the wages paid these custodians, and the
service, whether watching, cleaning or keep-
ing order, rendered for the same, will
speedily convince any employer of labor
* A hint for some such plan was given by the
Holbrook bequest, under which about thirty thou-
sand dollars was not long since paid to the trustees
of the several wards, for the purchase of public-
school libraries. Where these have been selected
to suit the wants of the scholars, the effect is described
as very happy ; but in some cases no books, appar-
ently, have yet been bought ; in others the collections
are for the teachers, not the scholars ; and in some,
again, they suggest the preponderance of other con-
siderations than the best welfare of either teachers
or taught.
934
A FREE LENDING LIBRARY FOR NEW YORK.
that the places are such as thousands of
worthy men in the city would be thankful
for. Each branch must, of course, be provided
with complete catalogues of the two divisions
of the library, and with suitable books for regis-
tration of the two classes of borrowers, as al-
ready suggested. These and other details of
administration may be found ready to hand
in the New England public libraries, where
they have been worked up with uncommon
skill, and applied with equal adroitness and
economy. The hours must necessarily be
suited not only to business men but to work-
ing men, who, however, will be only too
content if they can order a book one even-
ing and get it the next. Two hours a day,
one in the morning and one in the evening,
may be enough to begin with. As to any
serious difficulty in the wagon delivery from
the library to the branches, it is enough to
say that the distance from any point on
this island to each of the aforesaid seventy
schools, and back again, is considerably less
than thirty miles, so that with ten good
horses five rounds could be made daily.
With such small districts it is possible to
know every applicant, and to keep the
register in such wholesome condition that
books may, as in Boston, be safely delivered
upon written order — in which case the
school children would immediately begin to
play the carriers. In Boston, the prelimi-
nary inquiries into the character of would-be
borrowers, as well as the recovery of books
and collection of fines from delinquents, are
intrusted to the police, and with many ad-
vantages. It is possibly in part owing to
their efficient co-operation that the loss of
books is there so astonishingly small, it hav-
ing been last year only one hundred and
one volumes, or less than one lost in every
ten thousand lent. New-Yorkers are not
accustomed to look for such assistance from
the police, but the service is after all a light
one, which we cannot help thinking will be
cheerfully rendered, while in many quarters
their known co-operation would have a
most salutary influence.
This new use of the public schools will
cause a shock to some men of routine, and
will certainly not be adopted without much
discussion in the Board of Education and
by the ward trustees. It will be surprising,
however, if these gentlemen refuse to accept
so honorable an extension of their duties
and influence, for there is no reason what-
ever why such a use should in any way
interfere with what is, of course, their first
duty, the work of direct instruction. More-
over, good ought to ensue from the better
acquaintance of the public with the schools.
To the principals of the schools, also, it will
cause an increase of labor and responsibility,
which, however, will be amply repaid by the
increased dignity, doubtless, also, eventually
increased emoluments, of their position.
We have now come to a critical question
— that of the site. Perhaps the most suita-
ble spot in the whole city is that now occu-
pied by the Croton distributing reservoir, on
Fifth avenue, from Forty-first to Forty-sec-
ond street; if that gloomy old Egyptian
prison is to be pulled down, as now seems
both probable and desirable, the mass of ex-
cellent dressed stone in it could be nearly
all utilized in the new structure. This choice
of situation, while diminishing the cost of
building, would obviate any outlay for land.
It would, at the same time, please those citi-
zens who desire to see Reservoir Square
extend out to Fifth avenue, for the new edi-
fice, placed in the middle of the block,
will leave on all sides an ample breadth of
greensward and shaded walks.
Of the active measures to be taken toward
accomplishment of this plan, one of the first
will be to secure the passage of an adequate
State law. This legislation, having been
anticipated in several States both East and
West, offers no new problem, unless the pro-
posed use of the public schools may require
State authorization. It should cover :
1. Raising and appropriating money for
establishing libraries and reading-rooms, to
be perpetually free to all.
2. Receiving and using gifts and bequests,
of whatever nature.
3. Acquisition and absorption of other
libraries, with their consent.
4. Gratuitous contribution by the State
of all laws and other public books or papers.
5. Punishment of thefts or willful mischief.
6. Appointment for limited terms, without
pay, of trustees or directors empowered to
buy land and build, purchase books, engage
staff of officials and establish regulations.
The composition of this board of man-
agement should be planned by men of proved
sagacity. Such, happily, have never been
wanting in New York, and those of us who
have observed the recent progress of the
city in matters aesthetic, particularly the
strenuous effort which resulted in the estab-
lishment of our Metropolitan Museum of
Art, will recall some by character and edu-
cation especially qualified, not only to assist
in organizing such a board, but also to serve
upon it themselves with distinction. In this
TOPICS OF THE TIME.
935
board the City Government will naturally be
represented; the Board of Education, also,
and perhaps the trustees of the public
schools — certainly Columbia College and
the University of New York, and possibly
each of the learned professions and the Na-
tional Academy of Design. It is evident that
there should be assured a large and constant
majority entirely above political influence.
Shall the work be done ? Indispensable,
first of all, is an earnest, generous, unselfish
co-operation by all who are in a position to
lend aid, whether by word or deed. The
trustees of existing libraries, the commission-
ers of education, the trustees of the public
schools and the principals of the same, our
fellow-citizens in the legislature and in the
city council, clergymen and editors, gentle-
men of wealth and families with a few books
to spare — can all help on. Let them all
help, and with their might, and there will
arise swiftly and surely before our eyes a
majestic structure which shall be for centu-
ries the glory and the blessing of our home.
TOPICS OF THE TIME.
Trees.
WE do not remember any article in this depart-
ment of the Monthly which has proved so prolific
of beneficent results as one which was published
four years ago, on "Village Improvement Societies."
It was responded to from Maine to Texas, gave rise
to a great deal of inquiry, and resulted in the estab-
lishment of a large number of associations for the
beautifying and improvement of village property
and life. One of the most important of all the im-
provements inaugurated was the setting out of trees
for shade and beauty and profit ; and this is so im-
portant a matter, from an economical point of view,
that it deserves a special article. The appearance
of Mr. B. G. Northrop's papers on " Tree-planting "
and " Forestry in Europe " makes the writing of the
article both easy and pleasant. Mr. Northrop has
done a great service to the country in collecting and
disseminating information upon these subjects, and
we know of no man who has done, or is doing, so
much as he to beautify and enrich the State which
honors him with the charge of her educational inter-
ests. Such a man is a treasure to Connecticut, at
any price, and he will not fail to be remembered,
when the results of his foresight and enthusiasm
shall become apparent and established, as a great
public benefactor. More than fifty village improve-
ment societies have been established in Connecticut,
mostly through his agency, and he has gone up and
down the State, making public addresses on the
topic, until the public mind is fully awakened. We
can do our readers no better service than in turning
over the pages of information and statistics he has
furnished, and quoting freely from them. In illus-
tration of the great interest attached to forestry
abroad, it is stated that previous to 1842 there had
appeared in Germany 1,815 volumes on the subject
of forestry, and that an average of one hundred vol-
umes on that subject are published in that country
every year. There are more than i,ioo volumes on
forestry in the Spanish language. In America, the
great question has related to the best and quickest
-methods of getting our forests out of the way. We
have done nothing but cut and burn our wood. De-
struction has been the end aimed at, and the end has
been only too well achieved. In the Old World, the
effect of the destruction of forests has been very
carefully and intelligently traced, and this effect
should give America pause at once in her suicidal
policy. To strip a vast realm of its trees is to
change its climate from a soft and moist one to a
dry and harsh one, to dry up its streams, with all
their capacities for irrigation and navigation, and to
transform a fertile soil into a barren waste. It is
declared that Tunis and Algiers were once fertile
regions, supporting a dense population. Their deca.
dence is largely traceable to the destruction of their
forests. Rentzsch ascribes the political decay of
Spain to the same cause. Hon. George P. Marsh
says : " There are parts of Asia Minor, of Northern
Africa, of Greece, and even of Alpine Europe, where
causes set in action by man have brought the face
of the earth to a desolation as complete as that of
the moon, and yet they are known to have been
once covered with luxuriant woods, verdant pastures
and fertile meadows." Mr. Marsh is trying to im-
press upon America the importance of arresting the
work of destruction going on within her borders,
and the facts which he adduces from Persia and the
farther East may well excite our profound alarm.
Regions larger than all Europe are now withdrawn
from human use, though they once flowed with milk
and honey.
In the discussion of this matter of the destruction
of forests, we have never noticed any competent
allusion to the agency of railroads. Mr. Northrop
tells us how many ties must be produced to furnish
our 85,000 miles of railroad, viz., 34,000,000 sleep-
ers per annum. These are astonishing figures, but
nobody talks of the consumption of wood for the
production of steam-power in locomotives. Nearly
all the railroads of the country, passing through
wooded districts, use wood for steaming just as long
as the line will produce it. The consequence has
been that a railroad is a scourge to all the forests
within five miles of it The hills and valleys are
stripped bare. A tornado ten miles wide, destroy-
936
TOPICS OF THE TIME.
ing everything in its path for the entire distance,
would not be more disastrous to the forests than an
ordinary railroad throughout its length. Hundreds
of thousands of acres of beautiful woodlands, that
were the nursing-homes of streams and the mothers
of climatic salubrity and balm, have been burned up
in the locomotive furnace, and the hills and valleys
where the forests stood are baking in the sun.
A world of mischief has been done already in
America, and now, of course, the question is, " What
is the remedy ? " The first answer is, " Stop de-
stroying." Wood must be cut — that is true ; but it
is not necessary to cut it clean, unless the land is
needed for cultivation. Timber must be felled for
building and manufacturing purposes ; but it is not
necessary to denude the land and burn it over. Large
tracts of undisturbed forests should be left, and then,
when the work of destruction has been perfected, we
must begin and plant forests and let them grow.
The American is not a patient man. He is particu-
larly desirous to see the result of his toils and his
expenditures in his life-time. To plant a forest,
which it will take fifty or sixty years to mature,
seems like throwing away life ; but it is demonstra-
ble that so good an investment for one's family can-
not be made as an investment in the growth of a
forest. Mr. Northrop quotes Dr. James Brown as
saying that he has seen crops of larch, of sixty-five
years' standing, sold for from $700 to $2,000 per
acre, from land that was only worth originally from
$2 to $4 an acre. It has been calculated by a com-
petent authority that a plantation of ten acres of
European larch, to last fifty years, will produce a
profit of thirteen per cent, per annum, and give a
net profit of $52,282.75 ! Mr. Sargent, director
of the Botanic Garden and Arboretum of Harvard
College, calculates that there are 200,000 acres of
unimproved land in Massachusetts, which could at
once be covered with larch plantations with advan-
tage, and that, if so planted, their net yield in fifty
years would be considerably more than a billion
of dollars. Mr. Northrop advises the Connecticut
farmers to plant white ash ; but Grigor says : " No
tree is so valuable as the larch in its fertilizing
effects, arising from the richness of its foliage, which
it sheds annually. The yearly deposit is very great ;
the leaves remain and are consumed upon the spot
where they fall."
Farmers who want information for practical use
should send to Mr. Northrop for his book. Lands
are various, and have their special adaptations to cer-
tain kinds of trees. All trees, however, are trees of
life, whose leaves are for the healing of the acres.
If a farmer have a sterile pasture, let him remember
that the way to make it fruitful at the least expense
is to plant it with trees. Trees have a chemistry of
their own for dissolving the elements of the rock in
the crevices of which they will grow. Spread a
sterile pasture with shade and strew it with leaves
every year, and a good piece of land will be made
of it for those who succeed the planter, while the
crop of trees will pay all expenses and leave a hand-
some profit.
When we remember what a wonderfully beautiful
object a tree is, how important a part it plays in all
our landscapes, how useful it is in the arts and econ-
omies of life, and how beneficial it is in its climatic
influences, we do not wonder at the enthusiasm with
which specialists regard it, and the zeal with which
such a man as Mr. Northrop pushes its claims upon
the popular attention. If all communities would give
themselves up to his leading, and share in his devo-
tion, they would do a good thing for themselves and
for the country. As for him, we hope he will not
become weary with popular indifference, and that, if
necessary, he will be willing to wait as long as it
takes a tree to grow for the reward which is sure to
come to his memory.
Dr. Tanner's Fast — Cui Bono ?
DURING the month of July and the early part of
August, a certain Dr. Tanner fasted forty days and
forty nights in this city. This tremendous feat was
performed nominally in the interest of science, but
nobody has found the point where science would be
benefited by the experiment, and the great faster
has failed to make clear the motive which actuated
him in his marvelous undertaking. But the fast was
accomplished, as it seems to be pretty universally
admitted, with freedom from even the suspicion of
trickery, and the man has survived — not without a
great shock to his system — a shock from which he is
not likely soon to recover.
Now, if there are " books in the running brooks,
sermons in stones, and good in everything," there
must be some good in Dr. Tanner's fast, which, of
course, a wise editor ought not to be slow in finding.
First, Dr. Tanner has made himself famous. Six
months ago, we had never heard of Dr. Tanner, and
we doubt whether his name was in any way familiar
to our readers. Now, there is hardly a spot in the
civilized world that is not acquainted with his name
and his most notable achievement. Notoriety is not
exactly fame, but it is something which many work
for throughout their lives. Dr. Tanner achieved it,
as no modern man has done, in forty days. He
swallowed a good deal of water, that did not agree
with him, during the period, and the retchings he
experienced furnished material for daily bulletins,
and he suffered all the pangs of starvation ; but he is
now the notorious, or the famous, Dr. Tanner, who
went forty days and nights without food. If he
were now to walk down Broadway, and it should
happen to be known that he was in progress on that
thoroughfare, all the shop-men would run to their
windows, and little boys would gather around or
follow him. What more could they do for a king
or a cannibal ? We know of writers who would be
quite willing to go through Dr. Tanner's trial if they
were sure of winning his reward, — a reward they
have sought for long, but never found. Whatever
Dr. Tanner's motive may have- been in fasting, this
is his first reward. He is famous.
The next good which seems to have been-achieved
by his fasting is the furnishing of another desirable
man to the lecture platform. Who doubts that more
than one lecture bureau has already proposed to him
TOPICS OF THE TIME.
937
to come before the public with the recital of his
achievements ? One hundred and fifty to two hun-
dred dollars a night are sure for him, as a lecturer,
during the coming season. To do some strange
thing, which has not the slightest relation to a man's
power to entertain or instruct an audience, is all that
is necessary to engage the interest of the lecture
bureaus. Well, the old lecturers are wearing out,
and the country is to be congratulated on the intro-
duction of new blood, and upon the achievement of
Dr. Tanner, which secures it.
Carlyle speaks of his beloved British nation as
" mostly fools." We suppose the proportion of
fools to the grand total of population, or " to the
square mile," may be as great in America as in Great
Britain, and it is to be presumed that a goodly pro-
portion of these, stimulated thereto by the brilliant
example of Dr. Tanner, will undertake to do a job
of fasting on their own account. It cannot be pos-
sible that a notoriety so great as Dr. Tanner's can
be achieved in forty days without bringing to the
front a great flock of fools who would be greatly
delighted by the possession of such a notoriety, and
would be quite willing to earn it, even by fast-
ing. Suppose, for a period of forty days, a thousand
fools should fast. Think what a saving of the ma-
terials of life would be effected ! And then think
how surely the whole batch would die, and relieve
the world of their useless presence !
It would be easy to trifle through a long article on
this topic, and still be engaged in the detail of the
beneficent results that follow naturally from the feat
of fasting that Dr. Tanner has achieved ; but we
want an earnest word upon it. Among both the Brit-
ish and the American fools, there are those who talk
of matter as the mother of mind. They do not
believe in the dualism of the human constitution.
To them, there is no such thing as mind, — as an
independent and distinct principle, — but that which
we call mind is no more than a manifestation, through
the offices of the brain, of the powers of matter.
To use familiar language, " thought is a secretion of
the brain," as bile is a secretion of the liver, or
mucous of a mucous surface. When the body dies,
those manifestations of its activities which we call
" soul," die, because they are entirely of the corporeal
nature. All through the trial of Dr. Tanner, the
papers were talking of his indomitable will. He was
ill ; he was wretched ; many of his advisers, private
and public, discouraged him ; but, through all his
weakness and all his discouragement, his will was
indomitable. His spirits, depending upon the animal
life, were depressed, because all the powers of the
animal life were depressed ; but there was one light
within him, fed from an independent fountain, that
burned steadily and brightly through all. His pulse
might be feeble, his animal life might burn low ;
but the food for his will and the maintenance of his
determination was never wanting. For these, he had
food to eat that the materialist knew not of. It was
freely said that if it had not been for his will, he
would have died. How many have died on a shorter
process of starvation, simply because their discour-
aged minds dragged them down to death ! The
confession that the mind has anything to do in pre-
serving the bodily life, is an admission of the dualism
of human nature. As an illustration of this dualism,
we have rarely seen anything better or more demon-
strative than Dr. Tanner's experiment, and so we
regard it as one of great value. The doctors may
not find anything in the experiment that will be of
use to them in their profession ; but the psycholo-
gists cannot fail to look upon it as in a very high
degree suggestive and valuable.
If the mind supports the body through a great trial
of bodily strength, and maintains its power, though
the supplies of the body are cut off, then the mind
must have an existence upon which the body as truly
depends as the mind depends upon the body. In other
words, they are most intimately associated with each
other, and are interdependent ; but are distinct enti-
ties— dual existences, dual forces, dual principles.
We think it will be very difficult for the disciples of
monism to explain the phenomena of Dr. Tanner's
case on any ground that will not destroy their own
doctrine.
Of course, everybody has been reminded by this
marvelous fast of the fast of Christ in the wilderness.
It seems to us a very low and degrading view to take
of this fast of Christ, to regard it as a struggle of
the divine nature to overcome the gross appetites and
passions of the human. We are told that Christ was
tempted in all points, like as we are, yet without sin,
though we cannot imagine that the nature of Christ —
so in love with purity, so full of benevolence, so unself-
ish— was ever called upon to " mortify the flesh " ;
but we can imagine that, in the day of Sadduceeism,
when the immortality of the soul was not only not
believed in by a prominent Jewish sect, but con-
temptuously scouted, he could engage in an experi-
ment which proved the dual nature of man. " Man
shall not live by bread alone," were his own words,
" but by every word of God." That was his answer
to monism, and no better is needed ; and these
were the first words he uttered on the completion of
his fast, as if that were the lesson of it most promi-
nent in his mind.
One thing, at least, Dr. Tanner has done. He has
removed the fast of Christ from the realm of mira-
cle, and made that credible to the disbeliever in
miracles which seemed to him like a fable or an idle
tale.
The Bennett Business.
IN our July issue, we published an article entitled
"The Apotheosis of Dirt." The occasion was the
completion of the term of imprisonment of Mr. D.
M. Bennett, for sending indecent literature through
the mails, and the complimentary reception given to
him at a public hall in this city. The complaint
and claim of Mr. Bennett and his friends are that
he was unjustly convicted and incarcerated ; that the
book he circulated was in no sense obscene ; that
the ruling of the judge in his case was an outrage;
and they even quote the authority of Attorney-Gene-
ral Devens, Secretaries Sherman and Schurz, Pardon
Clerk Judge Gray, and several other dignitaries, as
in favor of Bennett; and they assert that the Presi-
TOPICS OF THE TIME.
dent directed Mr. Comstock not to bring any more
suits for mailing the offending pamphlet. Whether
these latter claims are true, we do not know. Men
in their position are not in the habit of loosely criti-
cising the judgments of courts. At any rate, the
fact remains that Mr. Bennett was convicted by due
form of law, and, after all the facts were known to
the men in authority, — as we are assured they were,
— the convict was not pardoned, but was compelled
to serve out his sentence.
Now we submit that no wise nor prudent man
would accept the statement of a convict or his friends
in regard to the judgment of a court.
" No rogue e'er felt the halter draw
With good opinion of the law."
It is a very firm, and, we may presume, a very sin-
cere impression on the part of those who have been
made to feel the retributions of the law, that they
have suffered unjustly. We do not assert here that
Mr. Bennett did not suffer unjustly. We only say
that the presumption must be, on the part of all
prudent citizens, that the court was right, and that
he was wrong. The assertions and denials of Mr.
Bennett and his friends cannot be accepted as against
an unimpeached legal tribunal. They must not ask
nor expect too much of us, or the public ; they must
not ask nor expect that we shall do more than they
would do in like circumstances. The claim is made
that Mr. Bennett has suffered because he is an enemy
of Christianity, but we took care to quote from the
Boston " Index," edited by quite as eminent an oppo-
nent of Christianity as Mr. Bennett, a more condem-
natory opinion of him than any one we have seen
from Christian sources. It is not necessary to re-
produce here the paragraph we quoted from the
" Index," and we need only to say that Mr. Bennett
seems as angry with the editor of that publication
as he is with us, from which we may at least gather
the comfort of learning that all the meanness and
untruthfulness of the world is not monopolized by the
believers in Christianity.
Complaint is made by Mr. Bennett and his friends
that we have lugged in some private letters of his
to a woman, as a part of the case. We have done no
such thing. We were not responsible for publishing
the letters. They had been made public, their author-
ship had been confessed by Mr. Bennett, and they
were in our hands as a convenient means of deter-
mining the personal character of the writer. We de-
nounced them as vile, and we assert without fear of
contradiction, by Christian or infidel, that they could
not have been written by a pure man, or by a man
who reverences woman. It is entirely legitimate to
judge Mr. Bennett's character and moral standing
and immoral tastes by the revelations of these abom-
inable letters. There is no apology to be made for
them, and those of his friends who are disposed to
regard them as venial do themselves a wrong by
attempting to excuse them. In the public and pri-
vate animadversions upon the article that has been
so offensive to Mr. Bennett and his friends, very
free use has been made of the word " hypocrite. "
Well, we do not pretend to sanctity. We never did.
We do not pretend to be without the weaknesses
and passions that pertain to human nature ; but if
these accusers and users of hard epithets mean that
we are fond of dirt, but are too prudent to say so,
or seem to be so, — if they mean that we practically
adopt the atrocious doctrine that " virtue depends
upon who's looking," then they are mistaken. They
must at least give us the credit for having ordinary
good taste, and dirt is not only bad in morals, but it
is "bad form." To say nothing of Christian morals
in the matter, there are some men who have instincts
of cleanliness which relate to their minds as well as
their persons. They regard dirt with natural dis-
gust, even if they fail to look upon it with moral ab-
horrence ; and to these men, whether in infidel or
Christian ranks, the writing of the private letters to
which we have alluded would be an impossibility.
A dirty letter comes from a dirty mind, and we like
neither.
Again, if the idea is intended to be conveyed that
we pretend to believe in Christianity and do not
believe in it, then another mistake has been made.
The flings at Christianity that are made in such a let-
ter as Mr. Elizur Wright sends to us, and which we
consented to print, are unspeakably painful to us.
The claim that the opinions of infidels are just as
precious to them as those of Christians are to the
believers in Christianity, is not sound. They have
not proved it by such a series of martyrdoms as
have illustrated the history of Christianity, and
Christianity is something more than an opinion.
The difference in value between an opinion and an
affection is as great as that between a pebble in the
highway and a diamond in its golden setting. A
Christianity which consists only of opinions is a very
shabby article, and we do not pretend to believe in
it. The Christianity which is a divine life, a divine
inspiration, and a divine hope, is so inexpressibly
dear to so many people, it is such a help to them in
the struggle with their grosser natures, it gives to
life and death so stupendous a meaning, it is such a
comfort in trouble and sorrow and burden-bearing,
that we should need to be inhuman not to regard the
efforts aimed at its overthrow as aimed at the dearest
interests of the human race. To pretend that an
infidel's opinions are sacred to him in any such way
as Christianity is sacred to a Christian, is to trifle
most inexcusably with holy things.
There is no doubt that many candid men and many
pure and good men among the self-styled " liberals "
of this country and this age, have been forced into their
infidelity by the type of Christianity that has been
presented to them. Ecclesiasticism and dogmatism
and formalism are responsible for a great deal of the
infidelity of the time. Against these, we have faith-
fully lifted a warning voice for many years ; but we
say here that Christianity, pure and simple, is not
anymore responsible for them than the " liberalism "
represented by " The Index " is responsible for Mr.
D. M. Bennett and his doings. Nor is the Church
Christianity. Is liberalism sure that it is fair with
us ? Is it sure that, in aiming at the destruction of
the mistakes of men about Christianity, it is not try-
ing to destroy a life that would be of infinite advan-
COMMUNICA TIONS.
939
tage to itself? They must be a lonesome and a sad
set who deny Christ as the revealer of the fatherhood
of God, Christ as the exemplar and the inspirer cf a
divine life, Christ as the mediator between God and
man, Christ as the author of the highest code of
morals ever promulgated upon the earth, and Christ
as the hope of immortality. When they have suc-
ceeded in blotting out the faith in, and the love of,
and devotion to, this personage, they will blot out the
light of life and the hope of the world. One thing
is at least true, and Mr. Bennett and Mr. Elizur
Wright know it as well as we, viz. : that every loyal
and -devoted friend of Christ " hath clean hands and
a pure heart."
COMMUNICATIONS.
"The Apotheosis of Dirt," A Reply.
To THE EDITOR OF SCRIBNER'S MONTHLY:
The appearance of my name under the above sen-
sational heading, in your issue for July, page 463,
induces me to offer your readers a few words, rather
to set the facts right than to justify myself for the
part I took in the meeting there referred to. The
latter I did in the words I there uttered, which I
should not be ashamed to see in your or any other
journal of civilization. I am very far from promot-
ing the apotheosis of Mr. Bennett or any other man,
having never yet found any man, either in life or
history, sacred or profane, who did not fall far short
of an easily imaginable perfection. But having read
Mr. Bennett's writings with care and pretty exten-
sively ; having attended his trial, and candidly con-
sidered the attacks made upon him after his convic-
tion and imprisonment, and his replies to them, not
to honor him as, after all, a brave, truthful and nobly
useful man, would be to dishonor myself.
It is not true that Mr. Bennett had been "con-
victed of sending obscene matter through the mails,"
if the opinion of the Attorney-General of the United
States on the character of the matter he sent is
•worthy of any respect That was the pretense of
the indictment. Now, whatever Mr. Bennett, in
his life, may have done, said or thought, which was
not embraced in the indictment against him, is no
justification for his imprisonment The less he was
a saint, the more inexcusable was the jury for con-
victing him of what he was not guilty, and the more
execrable the judge for the rulings which upheld
them in it. If there is in English or any other his-
tory a more palpable outrage on justice than that
perpetrated by Judge Benedict in the trial of D. M.
Bennett, I am sure I do not know where to find it
I felt deeply mortified by the whole proceeding, the
law and the Society which led to it, as well as the
deplorable result. If we cannot repress clandestine
literature without a clandestine law and a professional
liar, we had better not attempt it. I believe Rev.
Sidney Smith was a tolerably clean, as well as a
very sensible man, and I heartily agree with what
he wrote in the " Edinburgh Review," nearly as
long ago as I was born, where, among other impor-
tant things, he said :
"Though it were clear that individual informers
are useful auxiliaries to the administration of the
laws, it would by no means follow that these in-
formers should be allowed to combine, — to form
themselves into a body, — to make a public purse,
and to prosecute under a common name. An in-
former, whether he is paid by the week, like the
agents of this society, or by the crime, as in common
cases, is, in general, a man of very indifferent char-
acter. So much fraud and deception are necessary
in carrying on his trade — it is so odious to his fellow
subjects — that no man of respectability will ever un-
dertake it. It is evidently impossible to make such
a character otherwise than odious."
A good farmer, in eradicating weeds, takes care
not to destroy his corn, and does not set his barn
on fire to exterminate the rats. It was perfectly plain
to a vast number of people, not fanatically inclined,
that the prosecution of Bennett was nothing but the
old Christian blunder of punishing where it is im-
possible to refute. The discovery of personal delin-
quency, not covered by the indictment, and, indeed,
not indictable, was used to mitigate an adverse public
sentiment I do not envy the praise lavished by
bigots and fanatics on those liberals who were too
timid or jealous either to stand by the victim or rep-
robate the judge. Inasmuch as Mr. Bennett acknowl-
edged his fault in the matter for which he was not
punished, and was forgiven by the only party liable to
be injured, the publication of the objectionable letters
written by him was a gross and unpardonable in-
fraction of the very law which proposes to protect
the decencies of society, and stamps with hypocrisy
the whole movement against him.
Let us see. Supposing Mr. Bennett was, as I
think, unjustly convicted, so far as obscenity is
charged in the matter he mailed, yet there is no
doubt that he had attacked Christianity with the
utmost vigor and contempt, and you say : " The
safety and purity of society rests, as it always has
rested, with the believers in, and professors of,
Christianity," as a reason why his punishment
should be acquiesced in and accepted as righteous.
This is pouring contempt on the law for no longer
permitting heretics to be burnt, and on Christianity
for being obliged to resort to imprisonment on false
charges to protect itself against an infidel press.
It surely is to be hoped that the great bulk of
Christians do not intend nor expect to repel the con-
temptuous assailants of Christianity by a contempti-
ble indirection, which makes the law a laughing-
stock. It would be better to resort to the old direct
94°
HOME AND SOCIETY.
method which was applied to Giordano Bruno,
effectually as to the man, though ineffectually as to
his opinions. I presume there were not a few
Christians present at the Bennett reception -in Chick-
ering Hall, who sympathized as heartily with the in-
dignation expressed at the unjust imprisonment as
the infidels. We are all mortal men, and have
many points in common besides faith.
For a Christian journal to refer to that great
meeting as an "apotheosis of dirt," was to use a
most unfortunate figure of speech — a sort of rhetori-
cal boomerang. Dirt is none the better for being
really apotheosized, and there happens to be in the
same book where Moses Stuart found a justification
of slavery a good deal of the very " dirt " which the
Comstock obscenity law excludes from the mails on
pain of imprisonment. Even our " free lovers," I
think, would be ashamed of the doings of Saint
Mordecai. This high claim for Christianity as a
purifier reminds one how much the "purity of soci-
ety " has depended on a hole in a wall, with a priest
on one side and a spell-bound female on the other.
I shall not enter on the question, though I think it
is an open one, whether society is as much indebted
to Christianity as Christianity is to skepticism, for so
much " purity " as it has. I have lived to be ashamed
of having been used by Christians to propagate a set
of dogmas which are essentially immoral, and if the
" free lovers " have made use of me to deepen that
degradation of woman which Christianity found her
laboring under, and, with terrible effect, attempted
to perpetuate, I shall live to be ashamed of it. But
I do not think they have intended to use me in that
direction. If so, they have mistaken their man, as
much as the Christians did.
BOSTON, July 12, 1880. ELIZUR WRIGHT.
HOME AND SOCIETY.
Education in Europe.
IN the department allotted to communications, in
a recent number of your magazine, I read with
attention a letter upon the education of women. We
are, indeed, forced, in this latter day of dawning
American perception in the matter of culture, to
compare the qualities which distinguish educated
people at home and abroad, for we have, in the
United States, so far left behind the primitive sim-
plicity of our stay-at-home ancestors as to covet a
place among the polished circles of the polite world.
I do not refer to the " great unwashed," which is
about the same all Christendom over — perhaps a
trifle better informed in Germany and the United
States than elsewhere. But in our so-called upper
classes, there is a restless movement toward some-
thing like the broad, easy cosmopolitanism of refined
Europeans. It is a conceded fact that Americans,
away from home influences, lose their provincialisms
more quickly than most other people, probably
because there is less force of gravity of dead-and-
gone generations drawing them to their established
centers. But this assimilation is often only in the
mere superficial things of dress and manners, and as
a nation we do not adopt the spirit of foreign lan-
guages as do Germans and Russians, or even Eng-
lishmen. These last, it is true, speak the acquired
tongues with that omnipresent English inflection
which every American hopes to carry across the
ocean for the amusement of his friends, but always
finds he has lost on the steamer, and cannot possibly
recover until he has again landed in Liverpool.
Now, this failing of Americans to grasp practically
a foreign tongue can be nothing more than the result
of that mistaken course of instruction which the arti-
cle signed S. B. H. so vividly portrays. The edu-
cation of the English girl so far differs from that
of her overworked and under-taught transatlantic
cousin, that I have been led to make the contrast a
subject of much observation.
For this reason, as well as to vitalize my poor pre-
tense of American French, I entered as pupil one of
the charming pensionnats in Geneva. Perhaps noth-
ing can so far go to prove the reality of the advan-
tages opened by the European system as a brief
sketch of life at Bois de Fey. I write, not from a
gushing school-girl's stand-point, but from mature
insight, as well as a critical analysis of results. The
name of this school — if such one must call it, for
want of a better English word — I should like to
write in letters of gold for American girls to whom
fortune has given the better part of " a finishing
year " abroad, although it is but one of many such
happy institutions on the Continent.
To begin with, we number, in our merry family,
four English girls, sweet and serious and honest ;
two or three Americans, whose chief disadvantage is
in knowing less French than most of the others ;
several Germans, who acquire the language with
astonishing rapidity and speak it with great flexibil-
ity ; several French girls, all vivacity and excitability,
after the manner of their nation ; one little girl from
Bombay and one from Java, the complement being
made up of Swiss. A heterogeneous family, but in
an enviable state of assimilation. To say they are
the happiest young people, out of their own homes,
that I have ever seen, would give but an inadequate
idea of their contentment. Perhaps, in contrast with
the compulsory and monotonous school routine 01
American girls, they have too much liberty and make
too little effort. At least, so it seemed to me at first.
They were always in the garden, or on half-duty, I
thought. But, now that I have fallen in with the varied
round of occupations, I find that the demoiselles, for
the most part, work quite as hard as though under
stricter orders, and with this to us unknown differ-
ence : they study from pure interest in their subjects.
HOME AND SOCIETY.
941
To be sure, Mademoiselle gives z.jeton for every cor-
rect answer, or bright idea, or careful translation, or
success in composition, during the admirable two
hours devoted to recitations. But it is not a spirit
of emulation which makes students at Bois de Fey.
1 look back to the trials of my school-girlhood, and
to some later experiences in the deep, narrow
rut of a bleak New England boarding-school, and
believe that there is nothing in America like these
two morning hours in the cheerful salle d* etude at
Bois de Fey.
Around the long table (or some supplementary
small tables, drawn cozily up) sit the girls, with their
knitting or crocheting, or any light work which occu-
pies the fingers without claiming the attention. At
the head of the table, with the lesson-books for the
day open before her, is Mademoiselle. After a chap-
ter from the Bible and a simple prayer, which elevate
this French Protestant school far above many of the
fashionable academies in the United States, there is
a special calling of names from a little blue book,
wherein each young lady's name stands opposite to
some simple household duty allotted to her, and to
be performed before the ringing of the bell, at ten
o'clock. One is to dust the pianos, one to arrange
the flowers, one to see that the fire is properly replen-
ished, one to look after the games that are to be
replaced, one to keep the book-shelves in order, etc.
These performances being commended or disap-
proved, the exercises begin.
First, there are several rounds of spelling ; then
synonyms are demanded for the words, — both excel-
lent discipline in aiding the foreigner to acquire a
French vocabulary. Then sentences are read, or
improvised, in which the same words are employed,
— and they must be well employed to please the fas-
tidious ear of Mile. P. This leads naturally into
grammar and composition, after which comes an en-
tertaining lecture on geology, botany or physiology
from Mademoiselle, whose French is pure and fluent,
and who requires well-expressed notes written upon
her remarks. The history and literature of different
countries follow, and a few rapid rounds of general
questions close the recitations. Of course there is a
German teacher for the French and English girls,
an English class for the German and French girls,
and a master of mathematics for all. But the charm
of the home is the liberal instruction of its kind and
cultivated mistress.
But there are other methods of educating girls in
Europe which are even farther removed from the
•" mechanical way of learning " prevalent in American
schools. Perhaps nothing appears, upon first view,
more superficial and nomadic than the course pur-
sued by many an English mother in the "training"
of her daughters. And yet the English girl whom
one encounters everywhere in Europe is a refreshing
example of versatile culture. She is not " crammed,"
but is genuinely cultivated. This involves a more
liberal process of imparting many-phased information
than is possible in our first-class schools where the
cramming system is in vogue. I am afraid to turn
the leaf back, somewhere prior to my first European
experiences, and recall all the things which I studied,
in common with sixty or seventy-five other over-
taxed young ladies. Although possessed of as many
different inclinations or capacities, we were reduced
to one striving, undiscriminating mass. All day, and
sometimes half the night, we labored and strove — for
what ? For perfect recitations and a high standing
in our class, at best. I do not believe we ever had
a rational conception of why we studied, of the
means of cultivation professedly within our reach, or
of the use or tendency of any branch of mental appli-
cation.
It was all one nebulous effort ; and the ability to
acquire each individual lesson was a sort of necro-
mancy which had to be worked by a special evoking
of the sensitive and easily excited memory. I do
not think we were stupid ; but this I know ; that
most of the information supposed to have been ab-
sorbed during the school term each year, became in
the summer a vague blur of incoherent impressions,
— a chaos of irretrievably mixed dialectics and hope-
lessly misplaced facts.
Ah, well ! it is not worth while to call up the
slowly vanishing phantoms of buried school-books.
Doubtless, every "•finished" girl in America experi-
ences the same retrospective amazement in contem-
plating, from the perihelion of graduating day, the
immense " ground " she has gone over in her brief
scholastic orbit. Of course there are, here and there,
sturdy feminine organizations which, when coupled
with clear intellects, come unexhausted from the
race. But nearly always the female constitution is
incapable of that prolonged nervous strain called by
your correspondent " the high-pressure method."
But these English maidens who dwell in green
pastures of Europe and lie down by the still waters
of culture ! — how does their ideal education come to
them ? By work, assuredly ; but also by perpetual
variety and refreshing contact.
They often begin life with a French governess at
home. When they have outgrown their nurseries,
a systematic course of travel and languages follows.
Mamma gathers her sons and daughters under her
wing and goes to the Continent. Here, perhaps,
the girl begins with a good German school, her sum-
mer holidays among the mountains of Switzerland or
the lakes of Italy being pervaded by a ubiquitous
German flavor, induced by the presence of a com-
panion, until she is so thoroughly acquainted with
the language that she can read, write and speak it, —
even think and dream in it. After that, she is pol-
ished afresh by a French governess, whose quick ear
and eye no English word nor gesture is permitted to
escape. A winter in Italy, amid the refining influ-
ences of Rome or Florence, it may be, completes
this graceful training ; and then the maiden is ready
to be chaperoned by her capable mamma into a
society where her acquired tongues are not dead
languages, as they are apt to be in the drawing-
rooms of well-bred America.
It seems to me, however, that the school-plan,
observed in this Genevan pensionnat, is the best; for
the governess, with all her personal surveillance,
makes a slower impression upon the intelligence than
does contact with other young minds in the same
942
CULTURE AND PROGRESS.
strait. To be obliged to recite side by side with
French-speaking associates lends a glibness, first
from mere imitation, then from habit. And it per-
petually stirs up the spirit to renewed energy, as the
girl is thrown among all the multiform requirements
of a little French world such as this. The speech
becomes a part of the occasion. I think this home
phase of Bois de Fey will rise before me whenever I
hear the diplomatic tongue in America, bringing with
it the cozy breakfast freedom, the chatter of lunch,
the merriment of the prolonged dinner, — all the
pleasant girlish talk; and, above all, the kind and
ever cheerful presence of Mile. Pradez.
L. CLARKSON.
CULTURE AND PROGRESS.
" Life and Letters of Horace Bushnell."*
AN interval of something more than four years
has elapsed since Dr. Bushnell's death, and we
have here at last a worthy memorial of his life. We
took up this handsome volume expecting to be in-
terested, but we have been interested beyond our
expectation. There is a charm that never intermits
from the beginning to the end of the narrative, and
you are drawn on to read the whole of it with una-
bated zest. The very brief fragment of autobiogra-
phy with which the book begins is a true appetizer.
If you had never heard before of Dr. Bushnell, you
would be curious to learn something further of the
man who could write that sketch. It is wonderfully
racy, of a strong, fresh, vital, idiosyncratic nature.
Carlyle's idiom is not more pronouncedly unique
than is Dr. Bushnell's. John Foster did not more
eagerly seek, nor more decisively succeed in securing,
a thought, and a form for the thought, that should
be incommunicably his own, than was the case with
the subject of this biography. Dr. Bushnell was
too high and sound and genuine a soul to be spoiled
with affectation, yet we cannot resist the impression
that he did humor, and even force, his bent for idio-
syncrasy a little beyond what was perfectly whole-
some. The result at length was a style in which the
accent of individuality had become unpleasantly ex-
aggerated. If that same accent had been softened
instead of being sharpened — softened through such
good taste as is mainly identical with wise deference
to the opinion of others, Dr. Bushnell's style would
have grown into one of the most charming vehicles
of expression that our American literature has
known. As the case stands, Dr. Bushnell's later
period of production seems to us a kind of brazen
age, degenerated from the golden one of his prime.
Still, the golden age with Dr. Bushnell was so choice,
that a considerable degree of degeneration was en-
tirely compatible with high merit remaining after
the change.
The record of Dr. Bushnell's life is very sim-
ple, and may be briefly given. He was born in
Connecticut, of sterling New England parentage, in
1802. He spent his boyhood and youth on his
father's farm. He was graduated at Yale College
in 1827. During the two following years, he first
taught a school, and then was editor on the staff of
* Life and Letters of Horace Bushnell. New York : Harper
& Brothers.
the " Journal of Commerce," in New York. He now
became tutor in Yale College. His tutorship con-
tinued two years. Study of the law was carried
forward at the same time. Just as his preparation
for the bar was complete, a religious revival in the
college produced a crisis in Bushnell's own inward
experience. The result was that he ente'red upon a
course of theology in the New Haven divinity-school,
and became a minister instead of a lawyer. His
first and only pastorate was in Hartford. This ex-
tended from 1833 to 1860. After 1860 till the time
of his death, in 1876, with intervals of travel and
temporary sojourn in various places resorted to for
the sake of his health, which was in a slow, inter-
mittent decline, Dr. Bushnell continued to reside in
Hartford, an active and influential citizen no less
than a venerated minister of the gospel. He exer-
cised all this time what he called a kind of " minis-
try at large," in the writing of books and of papers
for the periodical press.
Such was the uneventful life recorded in this
book. But the man himself was much more than
the outward life he lived. The interest of the narra-
tive is not in the incidents that occur, but in the man
to whom they occur. He was a noble, strenuous
spirit, deeply religious, stoutly bent on being ortho-
dox in his own individual way. He was involved at
one time in theological controversies, out of which
he emerged, if not triumphant, still unharmed, to
enjoy, during the latter period of his life, a measure
of general respect very grateful to his heart. His
sense of his own individuality was so intense that it
hardly differed from a kind of transformed and mod-
ified egotism. This stimulant consciousness of him-
self sustained him greatly during the long suspense
of his failing health. He continued to the last to
feel that he had work to do which could be done by
no one but himself. He probably conceived of his
mission in the world of thought as being relatively
more important and influential than it really was.
Some of those who write of him in this biography
not unnaturally share the mistake. With all the
generous force and fertility of nature that he pos-
sessed, Dr. Bushnell still was a somewhat narrow
man. He was, perhaps, too intense to be broad.
His accomplishments were not equal to his endow-
ments. He had original virtue enough in him to
have vitalized and made serviceable a much larger
amount of learning than he seems to have acquired.
If he read widely, this does not appear, either in his
CULTURE AND PROGRESS.
943
correspondence or in his books. His thought, it seems
to us, would have been juster and richer if it had
had more material of acquirement to exercise itself
upon.
But Dr. Bushnell was a rare, a lofty soul; we
have not many such. His life is a book to read
with profit and delight. It is full of the breath of a
pure and heavenly inspiration. One feels cheered
and spurred as one reads. The authorship is com-
posite ; but the composite authorship has produced,
on the whole, a satisfactory book. What we chiefly
miss is, first, in connection with the polemical periods
of Dr. Bushnell's life, succinct and lucid statement
of exactly the points in controversy between Dr.
Bushnell and his opponents ; and, secondly, a history
of the interior processes by which Dr. Bushnell
advanced from stage to stage of his mental and spir-
itual growth. But we feel sincerely thankful that we
have so much, and that what we have is so good.
Seldom, if ever, have we seen private letters from
any pen, every line — every word — of which so well
repaid perusal. Dr. Bushnell would seem to have
let almost nothing slip from him into utterance that
he had not first steeped to saturation in his own per-
sonality. The quaintness, the picturesqueness, the
suggestiveness of his turns of expression entice
you to read date, signature, parenthesis, common-
place detail — everything that he took the trouble to
write1. There is more thought, more freshness,
more originality, sometimes, in a single page of one
of his apparently least-considered little notes to his
wife, than you might chance to find in a whole ream
of the letters which the great, generous Walter
Scott somehow got time to lavish in unstinted improv-
idence on the vast mob of his correspondents. The
whole book is readable, and, besides that, is worth
reading.
If the reader is induced to make himself familiar
with " Sermons for the New Life," and with the
" Character of Jesus," he may justly feel that he
knows Dr. Bushnell at his best. He will certainly
feel that Dr. Bushnell's best is something exceed-
ingly good.
Swinburne's "Songs of the Springtide."*
WE have read Swinburne's last book with every
desire in the world to understand it. It is filled to
overflowing with the stuff out of which poetry is
made, but it is not poetry. It is a wilderness of
magnificent language, besprinkled with vehement
phrases, — a sea of sonorous measures, surging hither
and thither in billows of rhythm; but it signifies
nothing. What led to its composition we have to
conjecture ; but, giving him the benefi^ of his title,
we may suppose it was the influence of the sea. We
look for it, accordingly, but we do not find it. It is
true that three of the four poems of which it is com-
posed imply it; but for any impression that they
leave upon our minds they might as well have implied
the woods, or the air, or anything else under the
sun. They contain no evidence that he ever saw —
* Songs of the Springtide. By Algernon Charles Swinburne.
London : Chatto & Wjndus.
or, seeing, was impressed by — the sea ; no such evi-
dence as authenticates itself in Byron's famous apos-
trophe to the ocean (which was written on the shores
of the Mediterranean), in Campbell's " Lines on the
View from St. Leonard's," or Bryant's " Hymn of
the Sea " ; nothing which presents or suggests,
either in mass or in detail, the restless surface of the
waves, burnished by the glare of the sun, obscured
by the shadow of the clouds, and ruffled by the bois-
terous merriment of the wind ; nothing, in short,
which appeals to the imagination like the one hun-
dred and eighty-third stanza of the last canto of
" Childe Harold" ("Thou glorious mirror, where
the Almighty's form "), or the line and a half in
" Thanatopsis," which sums up its elemental effect
with the gravity of the Greek tragic writers, or the
Hebrew prophets :
" And poured round all
Old ocean's gray and melancholy waste."
Not a line, not a word, has suffered " a sea-change."
" Thalassius," if we understand it, is an attempt to
reflect the emotions of one born by, and possibly
of, the sea — an offspring of that mysterious and awful
force ; " On the Cliffs " is an attempt to revive and
recall the personality of Sappho, whom we have to
suppose supreme among the martyrs of passion ;
and " The Garden of Cymodoce " is an attempt to
celebrate one of the Channel Islands, upon which
Victor Hugo once resided, and which his memory
has glorified ever since in the eyes of his ador-
ing poet. The volume closes with a " Birthday
Ode " — a long and tedious rhapsody in all sorts of
measures, saturated with enthusiasm for this grand
man and his works, which are " so incomparable as
to seem incredible."
We have indicated, as well as we could in a brief
notice like this, the existing characteristics of Swin-
burne's poetry. It is wearisome in its wordiness
and exhaustive in its obscurity. We try to persuade
ourselves that we understand it ; but, after reading a
few pages of it, we give up in despair. If this is
poetry, we say, we are on the eve of a new dispen-
sation, which will overthrow all that has gone before,
— the noble simplicity of Homer, the awful sublim-
ity of Dante, the world-containing comprehension of
Shakspere, — all that we have loved and reverenced
from of old :
"The fair humanities of old religion.
The power, the beauty, and the majesty,
That had their haunts in dale, or piny mountain,
Or forest by slow stream, or pebbly spring.
Or charms and watery depths ; all these have vanished ;
They live no longer in the faith of reason."
The faith of reason has gone, or the songs of Ariel
would not be hushed before the silence of Thalas-
sius, nor would the immortal shape of Juliet fade
into the passing shadow of Sappho. It is an age
of unreason, and Swinburne has become one of its
prophets.
"The Ode of Life."*
THE difference, or one of the differences, between
a poet in esse and a poet in posse, is shown in the
* The Ode of Life. By the author of " The Epic of Hades,"
and"Gwen." Boston: Roberts Brothers.
944
CULTURE AND PROGRESS.
choice of subjects selected by each, as well as in their
methods of handling them. The poet of aspirations,
ignorant alike of his limitations and the resources of
his art, grasps at the unattainable. The poet of
achievements, who carefully studies his powers and
what is possible to be achieved, contents himself with
gathering the flowers that grow along his path. He
feels the profound truth of Lord Houghton's stanza —
" A man's best things He nearest him,
Lie close about his feet;
It is the distant and the dim
That we are sick to greet."
Not so his ambitious fellow-singer, who habitually
takes refuge in dimness and distance, and is never so
much inspired as when he is unintelligible. Such
a one is the author of " The Ode of Life," who is as
much to be pitied as he is to be censured. He is to
be pitied, because he possesses an uncommon degree
of poetic talent, which is wasted in this production,
and he is to be censured, because he has declined to
learn by the failure of his betters. He should have
known — no one better, for his culture is evident in
all that he has written — that no poet, however great,
has yet succeeded in grappling with the problem
which he so rashly essays to solve, and which he so
mistakenly persuades himself that he has solved.
" Whatever may be the fate of the work," he says,
•" the writer knows well that nothing more mature
can be expected from his pen, nor can he hope again
to find unappropriated so fruitful a subject for verse."
He is correct in thinking it a fruitful subject, — he
might have said the most fruitful of all subjects, — but
he is mistaken in thinking it unappropriated, for
every thoughtful poet, from the days of Lucretius
down, has appropriated as much of it as he could,
and has left it what it was — an undecipherable secret,
a mysterious manifestation, whose beginning and
whose end are unknown.
There are two ways of regarding life, or, more
strictly speaking, the Life of Man, which is the fruit-
ful subject of the " Ode," — one obvious, the other
recondite ; the obvious being confined to our knowl-
edge of ourselves, the recondite to our apparent re-
lation to the universe. One suggests pictures of
the different stages of mundane existence, from the
cradle to the grave ; the other reflects impressions
of the things by which we are surrounded. Human
life, on its picturesque side, is the theme of nearly
all Bryant's poetry. It moved like a shadowy
procession before the eyes of the boy to whom the
woods of Berkshire yielded their solemn secret in
" Thanatopsis," and it surged tumultuously before
the eyes of the aged man whose last great hymn was
"The Flood of Years." No other poet ever dwelt
so persistently upon it, and no other poet ever
brought it so nearly home to the bosoms and busi-
ness of men. It was recognized in a different and
more profound spirit by Wordsworth, who cared not
for it as it was manifested in the multitude, but who
dwelt upon it, like the egoist that he was, as he felt
it in his own individual being. The heights and
depths of life are scaled and sounded in his glorious
" Intimations of Immortality," which read like a
transcript from the universal manuscript of nature.
If " The Ode of Life " could be written, it would have
been by Wordsworth ; but it escaped even his
elemental genius, as this his noblest poem proved,
and where he failed who can hope to succeed ?
Certainly not the author of "The Epic of Hades."
There were two methods open to him — the recon-
dite method of Wordsworth, and the obvious method
of Bryant, either of which might have insured a
measure of success ; but he chose neither, or, rather,
chose a combination of both, and the result is disap-
pointing. His Ode can be read, if one determines
to read it, but it is not likely to be remembered,
either in its entirety, which is merely that of a
rhapsody, or in its parts, which lack distinctness and
contrast. He is occasionally picturesque, in a quiet
fashion, as when he endeavors to realize the life of
childhood. Here, for example, is a glimpse of a
group of boys, set against a background of country
landscape :
" I see the warm pool fringed with meadow-sweet,
Where stream in summer, with eager feet,
Through gold of buttercups and crested grass
The gay procession, stripping as they pass.
I hear the cool and glassy depths divide
As the bold, fair young bodies, far more fair
Than even sculptured Nereids were,
Plunge fearless down, or push, with front or side,
Through the caressing wave.
I mark the deadly chill thro" the young blood
When some young life, snatched from the cruel flood,
Looks once upon the flowers, the fields, the sun, —
Looks once, and then is done ! "
Prettier than this is the glimpse of girlhood :
" Now with thy doll I see thee full of care,
Or, filled already with the mother's air,
Hushing thy child to sleep.
And now thyself immersed in slumbers, deep
Yet light, I see thee lie.
And now the singer, lifting a clear voice
In soaring hymns or carols that rejoice,
Or busied with thy seams, or, doubly fair
For the unconscious rapture of thy look,
Lost in some simple book."
This is pleasant writing, certainly, but it does not
come up to what we have a right to expect from a
poet who undertakes to sing " The Ode of Life " ;
and when we say that it is the best that we have
been able to find in this Ode, we suspect it will
hardly induce our readers to struggle through the
one hundred and fifty odd pages in which it is im-
bedded. If he has failed, as we think he has, the
failure lies in his subject as much as in himself. We
think worse of his subject than of him, and better of
him than he appears to think of himself; for we re-
fuse to believe that " nothing more mature can be
expected from his pen." He has made a mistake
such as men of genius are apt to make, and the best
thing he can do is to forget it speedily, as the world
will, and write a better poem. There is still a brill-
iant future for the author of " The Epic of Hades. "
King's " Echoes from the Orient." *
THE Orient of Mr. King's volume is not the gor-
geous East, which, in Milton,
" With richest hand
Showers on her kings barbaric pearls and gold " ;
the wild and romantic Eas-t to which Byron trans-
* Echoes from the Orient. With Miscellaneous Poems. By
Edward King. London : C. Kegan Paul. '
CULTURE AND PROGRESS.
945
ports us in " Childe Harold " and " The Giaour " ;
or the languorous, poetic East of gardens, kiosks
and harems which Moore depicts for us in " Lalla
Rookh " ; but the East of which we read so much
during the Russo-Turkish war, the Occidental East,
— that bloody, debatable border-land between the
forces of the Crescent and the Cross. This ground
was trenched upon some half a century ago by the
late Sir John Bowring, who sought to acquaint his
countrymen with the poetic literature of every coun-
try in Europe, and who published a small library of
anthologies, which whoever can may read. Others
have cast their eyes upon it from time to time, but
so far, we believe, Mr. King is the first English-
writing poet who has set to work seriously to pre-
serve its echoes in verse, and who has* fitted himself
to do by journeying through the regions which he
describes. Twenty of the thirty-two poems of
which his volume is composed are devoted to them —
the longest, "The Sorrow of Maniol," being based on
a Roumanian legend, while the remainder are attempts,
more or less successful, to embody the characteristic
features of its landscapes, and the life of its peoples,
their joys and sorrows, " fierce wars and faithful
loves," in a word, the elements of their national
character as it is reflected in their popular folk-songs.
He has been struck by what he has seen, and has
reproduced it with a faithfulness that has destroyed
the poetic impression at which he aimed. His work
is carefully wrought, but it is literal and hard. We
miss the ideality which we look for, and which must
have enveloped the themes as they existed in his
mind. We especially miss this quality in "The
Fair Bosnian," who might have taken her place in
literature with Wordsworth's " Highland Girl. "
" An Idyl Among the Rocks " suggests a stormy
episode of Oriental border-life. There is not much
story in it, but what there is is fairly indicated, and
the gleams of landscape through which it conducts
us are picturesque. Here is such an one :
"Across the rocky lands; along the hills,
Upward beside the foaming cataracts,
Past lonely khans upon the mountain side,
Through darkened woods of oak and sycamore,
And through the pass of Zygos, where the crags
From all their vast recesses echo forth
The cries and murmurs of a hundred brooks,
Which nourish old Penaeus, as his wave
Flows down to greet the olive and the vine."
Quite as distinct, and much less Tennysonian, is
this glimpse of " Night in the Herzegovina."
" No blade of grass, nor any green is here,
Save on a crag one starving olive tree ;
The torrents into caverns disappear,
Or hasten, moaning, downward to the sea.
" The shepherd homeward to the fold his flock
Leads by the crooning of his rustic reed ;
The goats bound airily from rock to rock,
And gambol where our human feet would bleed.
" The mountaineer, with dagger at his side,
With pistols in his belt, and carabine
Firm in his hand, seems like a ghost to glide
Along the rocky high horizon line."
" The Ballad of Miramar " is the best poem which
the untimely fate of the Emperor Maximilian called
forth : " Prince Lazarus " is an effective rendering
of a well-known Servian legend; and "The Tsigone's
VOL. XX.— 62.
Canzonet " is still better. We are inclined to think,
indeed, that it is the finest thing in the book, or
that it would be if its two long lines were capable
of musical modulation.
Wikoff's "Reminiscences of an Idler."*
MR. WIKOFF has the courage to announce him-
self on his title-page as the author of " My Courtship
and its Consequences," a book now well-nigh for-
gotten, but remembered, when recalled, as one of the
least creditable volumes ever put forth by a native
American. This, however, should not prejudice the
reader against the present book, but, unfortunately,
the memory of his title-page seems to have hung like
a pall before Mr. Wikoff's eyes while he was writing
these reminiscences, and so a good half of the book
is very dull. Toward the end, the writer warms to
his work, and it becomes of more interest. It is
rarely that the title of a book is so exact an index to
its character as the title of this volume. Mr. Wikoff,
if we may accept his own evidence, has devoted a
long and laborious life to the pursuit of idleness.
He has no more story to tell than the needy knife-
grinder ; he has seldom had exciting adventures or
held memorable conversations; he has merely
loitered for half a century among the notabilities and
notorieties of Europe and America. To say this is
to say that this book is a book of gossip. Now, a
book of gossip may be a good thing. Greville's
" Memoirs " were valuable, for instance, though they
were little more than a book of gossip. But there
is gossip and gossip. And by far the most of Mr.
Wikoff's gossip is either valueless in itself, or else
it is second-hand. In the long account of Paris as it
was in 1830 and thereabouts, is the most barefaced
borrowing from Sir Henry Bulwer's " France,
Social, Literary and Political," and from Captain
Gronow's "Recollections." Although quotation
marks appear, without a detailed reference to
these books it is impossible to say how much is
taken verbatim, and how much is paraphrased.
Besides the matter thus lifted, a short history is given
of everybody Mr. Wikoff meets or sees; if he goes,
for instance, to a ball at the Tuileries and sees two
old men shake hands, he fills three pages with a
sketch of the life of each, containing no details not
to be found in the biographical dictionaries from
which Mr. Wikoff has apparently derived his infor-
mation. This is popularly known as " padding " ; it
fills fully one-half of Mr. Wikoff's pages. In still
another way is the book monotonous ; Mr. Wikoff
is a persistent optimist. Every man he meets, if not
a great man or a good man, is at least a handsome
man or a well-dressed man. He sprinkles sugared
phrases over every chance acquaintance. As for the
ladies he has the fortune to approach — they are
sylphs, fairies, houris, goddesses ! And Mr. Wikoff
dilates upon their physical charms with an impu-
dence almost refreshing. He pays special attention
to the ladies' figures, which are described with the
most luxuriant superlatives. All these glowing por-
* The Reminiscences of an Idler. By Henry Wikoff. New
York : Fords, Howard & Hulbert. 1880. •
946
CULTURE AND PROGRESS.
traits are framed in a style easy to the point of care-
lessness ; not even the three colleges, at one after
another of which Mr. Wikoff received instruction,
have seemingly been able to teach him to write
English.
These are the main demerits of his book. In its
favor are to be recorded his vivacity, his eagerness
in the pursuit of idleness, a certain naivete, good
spirits, and the fact that somehow he always got into
good company. He tells us how he spent the night
in a diligence with his head, accidentally, in his sleep,
on the shoulder of a fair stranger, who turned out to
be the Countess Guiccioli ; he describes over again
Lady Blessington and Count d'Orsay ; he narrates
how Lady Bulwer appealed to him for aid in the
midst of her quarrel with Sir Edward George Lytton
Bulwer ; he met Mrs. Norton in her regal beauty, a
few hours after the verdict in the Melbourne case ;
and he informs us of his success in patching up a
disagreement between Edwin Forrest and his future
wife, then Miss Sinclair. From these experiences
it may seem that Mr. Wikoff made a specialty of
matrimonial infelicity ; but he had other experiences
also. He traveled with Forrest through Russia and
the East; he was in Paris at a barricade just as it
was charged by the troops ; he saw the execution of
Fieschi; he was present when "Jim Crow" Rice
first turned about and wheeled about on the London
stage (in the index, we may note, this Rice is con-
founded with " Dan " Rice, of circus fame) ; and he
was introduced by Fanny Elssler to Mrs. Grote, the
wife of the historian. The letters from Mrs. Grote
are much the best things in Mr. Wikoff 's book — as
he says of one of them : " Was there ever such
a piquant jumble of topics more eloquently
conveyed, or at times more quaintly expressed ?
Horace Walpole never mixed a more palatable dish
of gossip." In a later letter, Mrs. Grote tells him
that she has taken a box to see Fanny Elssler come
out in the Tarentella, and that she carries with her
three good men and true to applaud heartily, " among
them a countryman of yours, Charles Sumner."
Mr. Wikoff tells us about his friend Sampson, who
came over to this country for the Bank of England,
and went back to wield enormous power over the
financial world as the " city " editor of the London
" Times " ; but he does not mention, characteristically
enough, that Mr. Sampson was discharged from this
high position for selling his influence.
A large proportion of the final hundred pages of
these " Reminiscences " are given up to Fanny
Elssler, whose trip to this country, where she danced
the top of Bunker Hill Monument on, was owing to
Mr. Wikoff's personal exertions. Strange to say,
both of the rival queens of the dance of fifty years
ago, Marie Taglioni and P'anny Elssler, probably the
two finest dancers ever seen, are alive to-day. Mr.
Wikoff, in speaking (page 321) of the Duke of Reich-
stadt's passion for Fanny Elssler, says that she did not
know of it till after his death ; the current account is
different.
Readers of the de Remusat " Memoirs " may be
interested in another Napoleonic anecdote recorded
by Mr. Wikoff, although not apparently original with
him. It is said that Napoleon, in a moment of fond-
ness, told Mile. Georges to ask for anything she
wanted. Sentimentally enough, she requested a
portrait of her imperial lover. " Oh, if that is all
you want," said the emperor, " here is my portrait —
and a very good likeness it is, too." And he handed
her a five-franc piece, containing his effigy and
superscription.
Gath's "Tales of the Chesapeake." *
MANY readers are familiar with the amusing fictions
which frequently appear in the Western newspapers
over the signature of " Gath " ; and in the present
volume Mr. Townsend comes forward for the first
time frankly as a story-teller. These " Tales of the
Chesapeake ""consist of twenty-seven pieces, thirteen
in prose, and fourteen in verse. The latter may be dis-
missed off-hand, as calling for no special considera-
tion ; most of them are simple ballads, easily told,
but giving no evidence of the poetic gift ; there is
one exception, however: " The Imp in Nanjemoy "
is really a fine psychologic study in meter of the re-
sults on John Wilkes Booth of that long man-hunt
of which he was the game, and at the end of which
he died at bay. Of the thirteen prose pieces, one,
" Sir William Johnson's Night," besides having
nothing of the Chesapeake in it, is a cheap and per-
sonal newspaper squib wholly unworthy of a revival
in the pages of a book ; and two others are studies
of the " Old Washington Almshouse " and of
" Preacher's Sons in 1849." This last, which sketches
vividly the happenings in the life of a Methodist
itinerant on the eastern shore, thirty years ago, is in
some respects the best bit of work in the book.
The remaining ten stories are of very varying
value ; some may fairly be called excellent, others
are only commonplace. One may detect in them a
distinct proof of a decided vocation for prose fiction ;
and had the call been heeded earlier, and the gift
been made much of, we might have been able to wel-
come Mr. Townsend as a promising recruit in the
already creditable band of Americans who can do
that difficult thing : write a good short story. He
has evidently the story-telling faculty, and it might
have been cultivated to fine effect. But the writing
of fiction has been but a side issue. And so we see
much cleverness, indeed, but also the marks of a
lack of training. And more than all, there is no
strong savor of marked individuality; there is no
Gath trade-mark, which might incite an imitator.
Two tales, " Ticking Stone " and " Dominion Over
the Fish," are in the Edgar Poe or Fitz-James
O'Brien style ; another, " The Big Idiot," is seem-
ingly an imitation of Washington Irving. Curiously
enough, the plot of " Judge Whaley's Demon " is
very like a play by M. Alexandre Dumas, yf/j, called
the " Filleul de Pompignac," although, with finer art,
the French author did not attempt to explain away
the main idea of the plot in a conventional happy
conclusion. There is true strength at times in some
of these tales, however, in spite of an occasional
* Tales of the Chesapeake. By George Alfred Townsend
("Gath"). New York: American News Co. 1880.
CULTURE AND PROGRESS.
947
weakness in handling the theme, especially in
" Crutch, the Page," by far the finest story in the
volume, and the one which gives most hope of Mr.
Townsend's future work. Here is real skill in the
conception and presentation of character; here is
sharp dramatic interest ; a truly well-told story, well
worth telling.
But even in this there is a touch of the bad taste
inherent in cheap newspaper work. Because the old
lady of the tale keeps a boarding-house, the second
chapter is entitled "Hash." And we have noted
many other lapses into newspaper idioms and man-
nerisms. In general, the style is hasty. It is with
something very like a shock that one reads —
" He keeps the saddle as he used
In younger days, when he enthused
Three provinces," etc.
This is poetic license with a vengeance.
About's "Story of an Honest Man."*
IT was full time a story like this was put forward
by some one holding a front place in French litera-
ture, for its fair fame was day by day sinking lower
and lower, under the double pressure of the trifling
and heedlessly immoral tales written for the con-
sumption of what Mr. Matthew Arnold calls " the
average sensual man," on the one hand, and on the
other under the weight of the pseudo-scientific
narratives of the so-called " naturalists," who seem
to be able to find the dark colors with which they
paint only in the muddiest depths of human degra-
dation. Alike from the insidious immorality of M.
Feuillet and the cold descriptions of the lowest vices
by M. Zola, this simple and sincere story comes as a
great relief. Of M. About's skill as a writer of fiction
no one needs to be told who remembers the " King
of the Mountains," or the " Man with the Broken
Ear ; " and though his present theme is lacking in
the lightness and brightness of these earlier tales,
and is, indeed, serious and elevating instead of being
merely amusing, there is no loss nor lack of ease and
grace ; and there is gain in strength and dignity.
" The Story of an Honest Man " is the model of
what a story with a purpose should be. It is not
didactic ; it does not preach — save by example ; and
its interest does not flag for an instant. Perhaps
this is because its purpose is a very simple one, and
easy to handle in fiction. This purpose, we take it,
has been to show that French fiction is possible
which shall be fair and not foul ; that all the French
are not either frivolous in emptiness or sodden in vice ;
that there are still brave men and honest women in the
fair land of France ; and that a novel may be written
which shall be thoroughly French, and yet not have
for its characters the drunkard and the rake, and
for its scene the grog-shop and the brothel. M.
Zola has a horror of sympathetic characters ; M.
About here gives us hardly anything else ; although
not free from failings and from faults, there is scarcely
one of the people who pass through the pages of this
* The Story of an Honest Man. By Edmond About. New
York : D. Appleton & Co. 1880.
book that an honest man need regret taking by the
hand. There is no villain in the story — save, re-
motely, His Imperial Majesty Napoleon III. ; there
are no " sensations " in it ; there is not much of a
love story, but there is a story which every novel-
reader who has not spoiled his taste by the fire-
water of fiction will read through to the end, almost
without stopping and with unbroken interest — the
one quality without which all the other gifts of the
novelist are as naught.
The naturalistic school makes great parade of its
use of modern scientific formulas ; M. Zola's " Rou-
gon-Macquart," for instance, is a group of twenty
intersecting stories, held together by the principle
of heredity. This very principle is the backbone of
M . About's story, and its development is far more natu-
ral and more scientific here than in M. Zola's much-
vaunted volumes. M. About, to be sure, has one
great advantage ; he is not only clever and able, but
his cleverness is disciplined and his ability trained,
and both are supplemented by wide culture. The
amusing account of the reforms in the school, while
Pierre is a boy, recalls to us the fact that M. About
is a graduate of high rank from the strict Ecole Nor-
male, where he was in the same class with M. Taine
and M. Sarcey. And the difficulties and struggles
of the crockery-makers, of whose factory Pierre at
last becomes the owner, remind us of the admira-
ble little book on the A. B. C. of political economy
which M. About put forth a score of years ago. It
is of no consequence that we may detect a slight
slip now and then, such as the antedating of founding
of the South Kensington Museum, for instance; the
general impression is one of strength, well informed
and well trained. In short, the " Story of an Honest
Man " is a manly and dignified novel, worthy to be
read by honest men and women, and especially by
those who have got a notion, not altogether without
reason, that the French fiction of our time is wholly
given over to the devil.
Mrs. Gray's " Fourteen Months in Canton." *
THE wife of Dr. Gray, archdeacon of Hong-Kong,
has very admirably supplemented the work of her
husband, " China : a History of the Law, Manners
and Customs of the People." Her book* takes
the unpretending form of a series of letters to her
family in England. Mrs. Gray accompanied her
husband to the scene of his labors when he returned
to China after a visit to his own home. During the
fourteen months of her stay in China, Mrs. Gray
was an indefatigable sight-seer and explorer. With
the intelligent enthusiasm of an educated English
woman, she made the best possible use of her oppor-
tunities to study the people at home, and in all of
the human activities which engage their attention.
The archdeacon accompanied her in most of her
peregrinations, and, as he is well-versed in the Chi-
nese language, she was never in want for an inter-
preter close at hand. Added to this, the position
of archdeacon of the English church establishment
* Fourteen Months in Canton. By Mrs. Gray. London :
Macraillan & Co. 1880. Pp. 444.
948
THE WORLD'S WORK.
at Hong-Kong gave him peculiar privileges and
facilities for observation, in which Mrs. Gray natu-
rally shared. The result of all these appears in a
most entertaining and instructive volume. Less
learned and ambitious than the archdeacon's work,
and more minute than any similar work of which we
have recollection, Mrs. Gray's record of her four-
teen months' study of the manners and customs of
the Chinese gives us a vivid and exceedingly life-
like picture of the domestic and familiar manners of
this interesting and curious people. So much of
the daily life of the people of China is out of doors,
that any observant person, with plenty of leisure,
could not fail to gain a clear idea of the habits of
this peculiar people. But Mrs. Gray seems to
have a clear perception of what would be most
interesting to her readers. The writer managed
her own household, and so she gives us many
piquant glimpses of home life as conducted under
Chinese skies by foreigners. Her minor trials
with the native servants, helpers and trades-peo-
ple are not made tedious to the reader, and the
minutiae of common things, the cost of living, the
ways of the Chinese world, and the character of
those with whom the writer came in contact, are all
described entertainingly. We certainly gain a fresher
and more nearly photographic view of Chinese
interiors from this book than from any other which
pretends to sketch the manners of the Chinese.
The work is nicely printed, and is illustrated with
many tolerable engravings.
Mrs. Dickinson's "Among the Thorns."*
NOTWITHSTANDING the punning character of its
title, Mrs. Dickinson has written a really clever
story. Originally contributed as a serial to a denom-
inational monthly, it bears certain marks of that'
intention which mar its artistic completeness. But
its faults are those of strength, not of weakness. It
is well conceived, well developed, and well con-
cluded. In respect of its plot, or plots, — for there
are several, — it is remarkably successful. There are
no " rich windows that exclude the light, and pas-
sages that lead to nothing." Most important con-
sideration to summer loiterers, the book is eminently
readable, and the hand that wrote it is capable of
excellent things.
* Among the Thorns. A Novel. By Mary Lowe Dickin-
son. New York: G. W. Carleton & Co. Pp. 430.
THE WORLD'S WORK.
New Electrical Separators.
IT often happens that the announcement of a new
invention is accompanied, or immediately followed,
by the appearance of others more or less like it.
As an illustration of this, it may be observed that the
new apparatus for separating iron ores and sands by
electrical means, recently described in this depart-
ment, is so closely followed by others that it is evi-
dent other inventors were seeking the same ends at
the same time. A zinc-mining company, being troub-
led by the presence of iron in their ore, sought the
aid of an electrical expert in Berlin, and the result of
his labors is a new separator of some Interest. It
consists of a steel shaft, supported at the ends, in a
position slightly out of the horizontal. On this shaft
is a common screw conveyer of the usual shape, and
made of brass. This is surrounded by a tube, split
open on the upper side through its whole length.
Outside of this is placed a drum, or cylinder, com-
posed of electro-magnets, separated from each other
by rings of brass. These magnets are of different
power, the weakest being placed at the receiving
end of the apparatus, and the most powerful at
the opposite end. The split tube in the center of
the drum has one edge bent sufficiently to just touch
the outer cylinder of magnets, and thus serve as a
scraper. The mingled ores of zinc and iron are
poured, in a finely divided state, by means of a hop-
per, into the end of the apparatus, and fall upon the
bottom of the drum of magnets. This drum turns
slowly, and causes the ores to -slip downward toward
the lower end. The zinc, not being affected by the
magnets, escapes, while the iron, clinging by mag-
netic attraction to the magnets, is carried up by the
revolution of the drum till it meets the scraper,
when it is brushed off, and falls into the open slit in
the brass tube that surrounds the conveyer. Here
it is carried out through a spout at the end of the
machine. The angle at which the drum is inclined
causes the mingled ores to roll over and over so that
every particle is in turn exposed to the magnets, and
as these increase in power toward the discharge end,
all the iron is taken up and thrown into the conveyer.
The first machine constructed, though very small,
was found to have a capacity of about one ton an
hour, and to do the work with entire success.
Another machine, employing the same principle,
has been constructed in this country for separating
brass and wrought and cast iron filings, when mixed
together in machine shops. The mixed filings are
placed in a hopper so arranged as to distribute them
in a thin sheet, or film, upon the upper side of a
horizontal drum composed in part of magnets. The
drum turns slowly, and the brass filings slip off and
THE WORLD'S WORK.
949
fall into a box placed to receive them. The iron fil-
ings cling to the magnets, and are carried on by the
revolution of the drum till they meet a light brush.
The cast-iron filings, being only slightly affected by
the magnets, are easily brushed off, and fall into a
box below. The wrought-iron filings, being more
powerfully attracted to the magnets, cling to them,
and pass under the brush without being disturbed,
and may be occasionally removed by hand. The
machine has the merit of simplicity and cheapness,
and is said to do its work in a satisfactory manner.
The ingenious separator already described in this
department has since been modified by allowing the
mingled ores to fall from a circular hopper, in a slen-
der thread, directly between the poles of an upright
electro-magnet. On the magnet are placed two
armatures having square edges facing each other be-
tween the poles of the magnet, the stream of falling
ores passing between them. A blast of air is directed
at right angles with the stream of ores, just as
it meets the magnets. The action of this is to blow
the ores away in two streams, each having a differ-
ent path or trajectory, the iron ore being turned
aside by passing through the field of magnetic attrac-
tion between the armatures, and falling in one place,
while the non-metallic portions are blown in quite
another direction, and fall in another receptacle.
Gas Fuels.
THERE can be no question that the best fuel for
heating, cooking or making steam is a gas. Only
the high price of common gas prevents it from being
the universal fuel. A gas flame is clean, free from
smoke, gives its full power instantly, and may be cut
off the moment the required work is done. It is
equally available in the range, furnace, and locomo-
tive or marine boiler. To reduce the cost of making
gas has been the aim of many inventors, some of
whom have been more or less successful ; and it has
been demonstrated that a good heating-gas can be
supplied to the householder at very low rates. Some
of these new gases and processes have been already
described here, and the prediction may be ventured
that gas is the fuel of the near future. All of the
later processes for making gas fuel depend on the
production of hydrogen from water, and in a new
process recently brought out, naphtha and water alone
are used to produce what is called an " oxyhydro-car-
bon heat," or flame. It is practically a non-luminous
gas of great heating power, made in a self-contained
apparatus that is at once retort and burner. From
an examination of the apparatus, it may be described
as a pair of iron retorts, somewhat resembling coal-
gas retorts, and cast in one piece. For a common
cook-stove, the retort, in its two compartments, would
hold about one quart of water. It is supplied
with inlet pipes at one side, near the bottom,
one pipe for each compartment, each pipe being
packed for a short distance with fine wire netting.
From the top of each division of the retort is taken
a pipe, bending over and turning under the flat bot-
tom of the retort. Here one pipe ends with a minute
hole, or burner, and the other in a ring pierced with
small holes on the inner side, or toward the top of
the other pipe, which is placed in the middle of the
ring. One of the inlet pipes is connected with a
tank containing naphtha, and the other connects with
a tank containing water, and each is raised sufficient-
ly above the retort to give a fall of about fifteen
feet. Under the retort is a small metal cup, con-
nected with a branch pipe from the pipe supplying
naphtha. The retort is placed in the fire-pot of the
stove or range, and about a tea-spoonful of naphtha is
allowed to run through a pipe into the cup under
the retort. On lighting this, it burns for a few
moments and heats the retort. The naphtha and
water are then turned into the retort in very small
quantities, or at the rate of seventy or eighty drops
a minute. The naphtha is at once volatilized, and
under its own pressure escapes through the open-
ing below, and takes fire in the form of a minute
and slender flame. The wire netting on the supply-
pipe here serves to prevent the gas from striking
back into the supply-pipe, and to distribute the naph-
tha in the retort in as finely divided a state as possi-
ble. Water flows into the other division of the
retort in minute quantities, and is at onco converted
into steam, and then into superheated steam ; in
other words, is decomposed into its gases, that, escap-
ing from the ring below, strike the naphtha gas-flame,
and combine to produce a gas-fire of intense heat,
free from smoke or dust. The process once started,
the supply of naphtha in the cup under the retort is
cut off, and the process of gas-making goes on con-
tinually, so long as the supply of water and naphtha
is maintained. By adding a third division to the
retort, and a certain length of pipe in the fire-box,
the same apparatus will, with the use of more naphtha
supplied by a separate pipe, produce a good illu-
minating gas, so that the range may at once cook for
the family and make gas for lighting the house by
night. For making steam, the retorts are somewhat
larger, but are essentially of the same construction.
The retort, placed in an open fire-place, gives a brill-
lant and powerful sheet of flame : really a bright
open fire, that may be lighted instantly, extinguished
in a moment, and requires neither cleaning nor atten-
tion, and makes neither smoke, smell nor dust. By
adding the retort for making luminous gas to the
fire-place, the open fire will give a bright light and
make a light and cheerful blaze on the hearth. It
would appear as if this method of making and using
a cheap gas-fuel, suitable for the household and boiler-
room, had been thoroughly tested, and it will do
much to bring into use the fuel of the future, which
will be a gas.
New Steam Fire-Engine Boiler.
IN the refinement of steam engineering caused by
the growing demand for high pressures in engines
of all kinds, particularly in steam fire-engines, the
tendency appears to be toward the exposure of the
water to the fire in very small quantities, either in
films or thread-like streams. Among the boilers of
recent design is an upright fire-engine boiler having
groups of pipes joined into nests at top and bottom
by a hollow ring, and hanging down into the fire-box
95°
THE WORLD'S WORK.
from the crown sheet. Each nest of pipes is connected
at the top directly with the water space of the boiler,
and below by a pipe and elbow that enters the boiler
near the bottom. The object of this is to give a large
number of pipes in the fire-box with as few openings
into the crown sheet as possible, and thus save per-
forating and weakening the sheet. The leg of the
nest of pipes also serves as a support for the pipes,
and acts as a spring in correcting expansion and con-
traction. The smoke flues pass directly through the
boiler to the stack above, passing near the top of
the boiler through a horizontal sheet oi iron. The
openings in this sheet are slightly larger than the
smoke flues, leaving an annular space, through which
the steam passes to the space above that serves as a
steam drain. This causes the steam to pass in films
In contact with the hot pipes, at once superheating
the steam, and keeping the pipes in the moisture
and preventing burning. The boiler is reported to
give high working pressures in very short firing, and
to do good and steady duty while at work. It ap-
pears from inspection to be admirably designed for
a high-pressure boiler, whatever the use made of the
steam.
Utilization of Scrap Tin.
THE vast heaps of scrap tin found about tin-ware
works, and the quantities of refuse tin cans that
form such an item in city waste, have often been
made the subject of experiment to separate the tin
coating from the sheet-iron. Melting the scrap gives
only a spongy iron, and the extraction of the tin by
the action of acids or chlorine gas is too expensive,
so that hundreds of tons of this material are wasted
every year, and all the experiments to save it appear
to prove abortive. The latest experiments, however,
seem to promise a cheap method of recovering both
the tin and iron in a pure and useful shape. The tin
scraps are placed in a furnace where the temperature
and the supply of air can be carefully adjusted.
This gives a roasting in free air that causes the film
of tin on the iron to oxidize. The alloy of tin and
iron under the film of tin is next oxidized, and then
the scrap is taken from the furnace, and the coating
of oxides on the iron is shaken off by simple machin-
ery. This leaves the iron in a comparatively pure
state, while the powdered oxides may be smelted
with other tin ores, or, as is preferred by the inventor
of the process, they may be submitted to the action
of hot sulphuric acid, which dissolves the oxide of iron,
leaving the tin untouched. The tin may then be
separated from the solution of sulphate of iron and
melted, while the solution may be evaporated to
dryness and then placed in retorts to recover the
sulphuric acid, the residue in the retorts being valu-
able in making paints. The waste heat from the retorts
is used to assist in roasting the scrap, and in evapora-
ting the solution of sulphate of iron. Waste fruit-tins
are first roasted to remove the solder that may cling
to them, and are then treated by the same process.
The process is one that it may be hoped will save a
great deal of money now lost without recovery, and
do much to rid manufacturing cities of many un-
sightly heaps of refuse.
Memoranda.
New Fruit Jar. — A new device for preserving
fruit in its natural condition consists of a glass jar or
tumbler, having a cover with a rubber packing-ring,
secured to the jar by a screw clasp. At the bottom of
the jar is a hole, designed to be closed air-tight by a
suitable stopper, and inside the jar is placed a layer of
dried clay, to absorb the moisture that may escape
from the fruit. The grapes or other fruits are hung
up inside the jar, the cover is put on, and the air is
withdrawn by means of an air-pump, when the open-
ing in the bottom is closed and sealed.
Gas Soldering-iron. — Several kinds of irons for
soldering, using a gas flame to heat the iron, and
thus saving the delay and trouble of placing the iron
in the fire, have been made. In a new form of sol-
dering-iron the bit is held by a narrow piece of iron,
projecting from the end of the handle, and bent
slightly to accommodate the gas-burner. The bit is
hollow at the back to receive the flame, while a small
hole is made through the bit to carry off the prod-
ucts of combustion. The gas-jet consists of a tube
having a movable sleeve at the end, and a number of
narrow slits at the sides for admission of air, the gas
entering the tube through a pipe in the handle. By
sliding the sleeve up or down, more or less of the
air-inlets may be covered, and the mixture of air
and gas regulated with great nicety. The tool is re-
ported to give a soldering-bit uniformly and evenly
heated, and giving good results in work.
Skating Surface. — An artificial surface, suitable
for skating, and behaving very much like natural ice
under a skate-iron, has been formed by a mixture of
the carbonate and sulphate of soda. The crystalline
mass is spread on a floor, and may be used as a skat-
ing-rink, and will last indefinitely, with slight repairs.
It " cuts up " like ice, and, when too rough, may be
smoothed again by a simple steaming apparatus.
Malleable Nickel is among the late metallurgi-
cal products, and it is now announced that it is an
alloy of zinc and magnesium. The nickel-zinc alloy
is made by mixing the pure oxide of zinc with five
per cent, of oxide of zinc. To this may be added
1.20 per cent, of magnesium, when the alloy becomes
malleable, and may be welded to nickel, or to steel
or iron. The alloy has recently been made useful
by welding thin sheets of iron and nickel under
a steam hammer, the product being a thin sheet of
iron, nickel covered. The sheets have also been rolled,
giving large sheets of steel or iron having a nickel
surface, that takes a high polish.
Ruby Paper. — The Geological Survey of Pennsyl-
vania reports the discovery of large deposits of garnet,
in the form of an aggregation of grains and crystals of
garnet bedded in a small percentage of other miner-
als. The value of the deposits is thought to spring
from the fact that the material may be used in mak-
ing a very sharp cutting sand for sand-papers and
cutting wheels. Experiments already made would
seem to indicate that the garnet, or, as it is called,
" ruby paper," will prove of value in the arts.
BRIC-A-BRAC.
95*
Barff Process. — The so-called " Barff process "
for coating iron articles with a film of magnetic oxide,
described at the time of its announcement in this de-
partment, is now carried on upon a large scale, but the
objection has always been raised that, while the film
prevents rust, it has a disagreeable appearance and
color. Other experimenters used air instead of steam,
in applying the magnetic oxide coating, and secured
a better color, but at the expense of stability. By
a new process, the chamber in which the iron to be
coated is placed is filled with carbonic oxide, and, on
introducing heated air, combustion begins, and con-
tinues till all the carbonic oxide is converted into car-
bonic acid, when the surplus oxygen in the air
attacks the iron, converting the surface first into
a magnetic oxide and then into common rust. A
second supply of carbonic oxide is admitted, and
burned as before, but the supply of air being with-
held, combustion is maintained in part by extracting
oxygen from the rust, which is again converted to a
magnetic oxide, which is the film desired. Repeat-
ing the operation tends to thicken the film and
make it secure, and, at the same time, retain an
agreeable color and surface.
BRIC-A-BRAC.
Love and Jealousy.
WHEN the sun-flushed roses render
Fragrant homage unto June,
Cupid — nestling 'mid their splendor —
Cried : " My heart is out of tune,
And I crave a new sensation ! "
Then the pale pinks round his bed
Changed to crimson and carnation,
And the white musk-roses, red.
Sighed the listless god : " I'm weary
Both of conquest and repose,
And begin to feel it dreary,
Seeing things couleur de rose.
Beauty ceases to delight me,
I am sick of everything,
And would like a snake to bite me,
Or a honey-bee to sting.
' Hide-and-seek ' might give me pleasure,
To outwit, — as I defy,
Without fear, and without measure,
That grim hydra, Jealousy."
Now the summer breeze, that tattles,
With this reckless banter flies
Where, upon his bed of nettles,
Rests the monster, who replies :
" If defeat be recreation,
Bid the small god plume-his wing : "
Zephyr flew to Cupid, humming
Softly in his drowsy ear :
" Hark ! — grim Jealousy is coming;
Rise up quickly — he is here ! "
Light as foam upon a billow
Young Love rose, for he had seen
Ghastly shadows on his pillow,
Turning all the roses green.
And with quick, mysterious power
To a maiden's bosom flew,
Where heart's-ease and passion-flower
Gleamed with youth's pure morning dew.
But within that sweet seclusion
Lo, a surly voice near by
Whispered: " Love is a delusion
When apart from Jealousy/'
Cupid felt his courage failing
In the presence of his foe,
For the dew was fast exhaling
And the heart's-ease drooping low.
Then he cried out, in his sorrow :
"You are present, yet unseen " —
" Yes — I ride upon your arrow,
And invisible the green
Of my shadow round you sweeping,
Oh, you foolish little sprite,
For I wake while you are sleeping
And am subtle as the light."
Sobbed poor Cupid : " While this settles
My defeat, — let me propose
That you rest among the nettles,
While I'm pillowed on a rose ;
Let me be with pleasure sated,
I will sneer no more at bliss,
Having surely overrated
New sensations such as this."
" Since my power you have derided,"
Growled his foe — " till time shall cease,
We will rarely be divided,
And together find no peace.
Let us make a compact — reaping
Its reward — if you should see,
By mere chance, that I am sleeping,
Fan your fires and let me be.
If I find you drowsy, deeming
Love hath safety in repose —
Be my sting unto your dreaming
What the thorn is to the rose."
ROSA VERTNER JEFFREY.
Uncle Esek's Wisdom.
There is no victory so cheap and so complete as
forgiveness.
If you suspect a man wrongfully you license him
to defraud you.
Luck is the dream of a simpleton ; a wise man
makes his own good fortune.
Wealth in this world is just so much baggage to be
taken care of but a cultivated brain is easy to carry
and is a never-failing source of profit and pleasure.
Gratitude is a debt which all men owe and
which few pay cheerfully.
Impossibilities are scarce. Mankind has not seen
more than half a dozen of them since the creation.
Happiness consists in being happy — there is no
particular rule for it.
952
BRIC-A-BRAC.
About all that cunning can do for a man is to
make him incredulous.
Too great economy in youth leads to avarice in old
age.
All prudes were once coquettes and only changed
because they were obliged to.
Experience has a very poor memory and true
charity none at all.
A fair compensation for honest service is the
best present you can make a man, and the best gift
he can receive.
Doing nothing is the most slavish toil ever im-
posed on any one.
True eloquence is the power of completely im-
pressing others with our ideas.
The charities which a man dispenses after his
death look suspicious.
Adversity links men together, while prosperity is
apt to scatter them.
Some men seem to have a salve for the woes of
others, but none for their own.
Extreme gravity is oftener the result "trfsstupidity
than of wisdom. r\(ty
Politics at the Log-Rolling.
I b'lebes dat any nigger's in a sorry sort o' way
Dat swallows all de racket dat de politicians say ;
For I's been a grown-up cullud man some forty
years or so,
An' I's heard 'em make de same old 'sertions heap
o' times befo'.
Dar's lots o' cussed foolishness an' gassin', anyway,
'Bout bustin' up de Consterchusion eb'ry 'lection-
day;
'Cause I gib it as de notion ob a plain an' humble
man,
Dat de Gub'ment an' de country, too, is tough
enough to stan'.
I nebber takes more polertics dan one good man
kin tote,
An' I don't need any 'visin' when I go to drap
my vote;
I talks wid all de canerdates, an' tell 'em what I
choose,
But I goes in on de side dat gibs de biggest bobby*
kews !
J. A. MACON.
A Wish.
THERE'S a legend old of the midnight watch
That at sound of the midnight bell,
A voice rung out through the silent town
And the cry was : " All is well ! "
"All's well!"
O friend, when thy midnight hour shall come,
With the sound of the passing knell,
May a voice ring out to thy weary heart
And the cry be : " All is well ! "
" All's well ! "
W. T. PETERS,
Signs of the Times.
IN the calm blue light of a summer sea,
A boat went flitting by,
And a youth and a maiden earnestly
Watched its beautiful white wings fly.
They gazed as only the young can gaze,
With longing and joy and hope,
And the white sail, luffing a little, showed
The legend of "Samson's Soap."
In the sweet still light, another sail
Came fast and ever faster,
And the motto, bright, that it bore aloft,
Was " Dodson's Porous Plaster."
And farther off, but hurrying on
(Fierce roars the surf and louder),
Came a sail with the sweet suggestion to
" Use Lightning Baking Powder."
"How sweet," said the maid, "it is to sit
At Nature's feet, and adore her,
Reading and learning the virtues of
'The Thunder Hair Restorer.'"
" Yes," said the youth, and he dropped a tear,
" Such joys one never forgets,
I love to be told, in this gracious way,
Of ' Tecumseh's cigarettes.'"
BESSIE CHANDLER.
A Balladine.
SHE was the prettiest girl, I ween,
That mortal eyes had ever seen ;
Her name is Anabel Christine,
Her bangs were curled with bandoline,
Her cheeks were smoothed with vaseline,
Her teeth were brushed with fine dentine,
Her lace was washed in coaline,
Her gloves were cleaned with gasoline,
She wore a dress of grenadine,
Looped over a skirt of brilliantine.
Her petticoat was bombazine,
Her foot was shod with a kid bottine,
Her wounds were healed with cosmoline.
She sailed away from Muscatine
In a ship they called a brigantine.
She flirted with a gay marine
Till they reached th' Republic Argentine,
Where they were married by the Dean,
And lived on oleomargarine.
CORNELIA SEABRING PARKER.
Revolution.
IN Carthage — so the story goes —
The tender maidens fair
Once bravely furnished strings for bows
By cutting off their hair.
But time a revolution brings ;
Our belles, with artful care,
Now fasten beaux upon their strings
With fresh supplies of hair.
TELL me, lady, what is sweetest, —
What, of all things, the completest?
'Tis the kiss of him we love most.
Nay, 'tis the kiss of her we love most.
Nay, 'tis two kisses. Here true bliss is.
This, fair lady, is the sweetest, —
This, of all things, the completest.
J. H. PRATT.
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