Cesare Lombroso, a modern man of science

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CESARE LOMBROSO

A MODERN MAN OF SCIENCE

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CESARE LOMBROSO

A MODERN MAN OF SCIENCE

BY

HANS KURELLA, M.D.

ay.
AUTHOR OF “NATURAL HISTORY OF THE CRIMINAL,” ETC.

TRANSLATED FROM THE GERMAN BY

M. EDEN PAUL, M.D.

oS Sees
e289 » 2 oO

NEW YORK

REBMAN COMPANY
II23 BROADWAY

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PREFACE

Tue subject of this little book is, as its title shows,
Cesare Lombroso, the man and the investigator; it
makes no attempt to deal adequately with Lombroso,
the reformer of criminology and criminal sociology.
To do justice to Lombroso’s work in the latter respect
would be impossible, without at the same time writing
the history of the Italian school of ‘ positive criminal
jurisprudence” and that of the influence of that
school upon important tendencies of the public life of
all the leading civilized peoples. It would also be
impossible without dealing at the same time with the
plan of the new German criminal code. For many
reasons I have refrained from any such attempt;
above all, in view of limits of space. None the less,
I have dealt with Lombroso’s activity as a reformer
as far as this was essential in order to do justice to
the personality of the deceased investigator. :

Certain brief sections of this book have, with con-
siderable modifications, been taken over from my
earlier publications upon the development of criminal
anthropology. Entirely new, however, is the attempt
here made to demonstrate how high is the position

_Lombroso may justly be said to have occupied in a

brilliant epoch of positive study of the world, of

Vv

216617

vi PREFACE

mankind, and of society. In order to illustrate the
positive mode of thought, I have in an Appendix, to
which I especially direct the reader’s attention,
attempted a tabular statement of the facts and
documents of positivism during the middle decades
of the nineteenth century. The inclusion in this
tabular statement of the principal writings of Herbert
Spencer is the result of mature consideration and
of a renewed careful study of his essay entitled
**Reasons for Dissenting from the Philosophy of
M. Comte.” Comte’s philosophy represents merely
the reflection of positivism about itself, and is no
more than the introduction to the completer develop-
ment of positivism.
HANS KURELLA.

Bonn, Whitsuntide, 1910.

PREFATORY NOTE BY THE TRANSLATOR

I taxe this opportunity of expressing my grateful
acknowledgments to Mr. Havelock Ellis, who read my
translation in manuscript, and made many valuable
suggestions as to terminology.

M, EDEN PAUL.

Moorcrort, PARKSTONE, DoRSET.
Christmas, 1910.

CONTENTS

CHAPTER PAGE
PREFACE - = ~ - - - Vv

ANTECEDENTS — LOMBROSO’S PREDECESSORS IN RE-
SEARCH - - - - - - 1
II, CRIMINAL ANTHROPOLOGY - - - ay HES

III. OPPOSITION TO LOMBROSO’S VIEWS — WOMAN AS

CRIMINAL—THE POLITICAL CRIMINAL — CRIMINAL
PSYCHOLOGY - . - - - - 56

IV. GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS REGARDING LOMBROSO’s

LIFE-WORK AS A SOCIAL REFORMER, HIS METHODS,

Len)

AND HIS PHILOSOPHY . - - - 106
V. THE SIGNIFICANCE OF CRIMINAL ANTHROPOLOGY - 130
VI, CRIMINAL JURISPRUDENCE — PELLAGRA — AGRARIAN

REFORM - - . - - - 1389

VII, ENVIRONMENT AND THE THEORIES AS TO THE NATURE
OF GENIUS—-LOMBROSO’S GENIUS AND PERSONALITY 158

APPENDIX A. LOMBROSO’S SPIRITUALISTIC RESEARCHES 167
APPENDIX B, LIST OF BOOKS CONSULTED = Waa 3"
APPENDIX C. FACTS AND DOCUMENTS OF POSITIVISM - 178

INDEX - - - : - ° - 182

Vii

CESARE LOMBROSO

CHAPTER I

ANTECEDENTS—LOMBROSO’S PREDECESSORS IN
RESEARCH

CrsareE Lomproso was born in Verona, as an Austrian
subject, on November 6, 1835, and was the second
child in a family of five. His father Aron sprang
from a Venetian mercantile family, whose origin can
be traced back to a colony of North African Jews,
trading with Leghorn, Genoa, and Venice. Again
and again members of the Lombroso family settled
in one or other of these ports. The branch to which
he himself belonged had lived for several centuries
in Venice and the Venetian territories on the main-
land, of which from the year 1448 onwards Verona
formed a part; they were patrician merchants, to
whom the French occupation, occurring before
Lombroso’s father grew up, had brought full and
equal privileges of citizenship.‘ Several members

1 The family name, originally pronounced Lumbroso, shows
clearly that the family, belonged to the Spanish Jews who were

sn.745% 3

2 CESARE LOMBROSO

of this Venetian family were distinguished by charac-
teristic and vigorous action on behalf of the cause
of enlightenment. In Virginia, North America, in
the seventeenth century, the brother of a direct
ancestor of Cesare Lombroso, at a great risk to himself
of being burned alive, protested most energetically
against the belief in witchcraft, and declared that
the reputed witches were ‘‘ hysterical” merely.

The French emancipation of Upper Italy was
followed in 1814 by the Austrian reaction, but the
family suffered at this time from the decline in
economic prosperity (interrupted for a while in 1830,
when Venice became a free port) upon which its own
well-being and patrician position had been dependent.

The formation of the Hapsburg Kingdom of
Lombardy and Venice put an end for the time
being to equality of civil rights for the Jews; and
Verona was one of the few towns of the district in
which Jewish boys were allowed to attend the
Gymnasium (public school), now removed from the
control of the freethinkers, and handed over to that
of the Jesuits.

When Lombroso’s mother, Zefira Levi, married
Aron Lombroso in the year 1880, she stipulated that
her children must be brought up in a place in which

expelled from Spain and settled in North Africa. The name is
a Spanish adjective in common use, denoting ‘clear’ or
“illuminating.”

€
©
© eg Oe Ue

ANTECEDENTS 3

it would be possible for them to attend the higher
schools.

The marriage with Zefira Levi, who belonged to a
rich family engaged in the higher branch of industrial
life, did not suffice to prevent the onset of poverty;
and the youth of the five children of the marriage
was passed in narrow circumstances. The mother,
richly endowed both in mind and in character, and
deeply concerned regarding the upbringing and culture
of her children, remained her son’s confidant. She
nourished in him the love of freedom and the sense
of independence, both of which were dominant in
her parental home at Chieri, one of the centres of
activity of the Carbonari. Chieri, an industrial town
of Piedmont, lay beyond the sphere of influence of
Haynau and Radetzky, who, with the aid of their
Croats and Tschechs, encouraged the feudal and
clerical reaction in Venice, Verona, and Milan.

Lombroso’s father was an amateur as regards
practical life, a man who had grown up under the
influence of the French spirit and in a perfectly
free social state, a man of great goodness of heart,
but as little fitted to cope with the influences of the
economic decay of the Venetian State as he was with
those of the Austrian reign of terror.

During Lombroso’s childhood there occurred a
conspiracy on the part of certain Veronese patriots
against the Austrian occupation, which was suppressed

4 CESARE LOMBROSO

by the wholesale hanging and shooting of the
conspirators; and when he was only thirteen years
of age there took place the temporary freeing of
Milan and Venice from the Austrian yoke (1848), an
event in which the young men of Milan, the second
largest town of the old Venetian Republic, played a
lively part. |

Lombroso’s revolutionary tendencies in the field of
science, and his small respect for what was tradition-
ally established, were doubtless dependent upon the
joint effect of the inherited tendencies and the youthful
impressions I have described. An important additional
factor in his development was his family’s loss of
fortune, consequent upon the political disturbances in
Italy, which lasted until the re-establishment of the
Austrian dominion. It was only the courage and
capacity of the mother which saved the children from
sinking into the ranks of the proletariat; but some
loss of social position was inevitable, and the effect of
this on Lombroso’s distinctive temperament may be
traced in the fact that he was a rebel from youth
onwards, and strongly opposed the (vitalistic) doctrines
professed at the Universities by the sons of the well-
to-do. Thus it was also that he ventured a serious
attack upon the interests of the great landed pro-
prietors of Upper Italy by his descriptions of agrarian
poverty and his bold exposition of the causes of

pellagra.

ANTECEDENTS 5

The influence of the philosopher Vico, whose works
were eagerly studied in secret at the Gymnasium
(public school) of Verona, made him acquainted at an
early date with the importance of the principle of
organic development in relation to the structure and
life of human society. Vico was studied im secret,
because the Gymnasium was under the control of
Jesuits with Austrian sympathies, who deliberately
discouraged all advanced ideas. In 1861 Lombroso
wrote in his diary as follows: ‘‘ It may be said of my
schooldays without exaggeration that I was thrust
back into an environment of persistent medievalism—
not the later sentimental revival of the Middle Ages
in romance and drama—but into the conditions that
prevailed prior to 1789, literally restored by the might
of the bayonets of 1814. The memory of this forcible
discipline, which did violence to the inborn logical
spirit, and visited with severe punishment any protests
against its methods, is so hateful to me that even
now it visits me in dreams like a nightmare.” At
the time of the introduction of Italian scholastic
methods into the lands under Austrian rule, the well-
known utterance of the Kaiser Franz is said to have
originated: “‘I want, not educated, but obedient
subjects.”

While still at school, Lombroso was also introduced
to the evolutionary idea by the writings and the
powerful personal influence of the physician Marzolo,

6 CESARE LOMBROSO

who endeavoured by means of comparative philology
to explain the origin of the earliest religious and legal
institutions. Ceccarel, Marzolo’s biographer, in his
first work on this investigator, published in 1870 (by
Priuli of Treviso), writes as follows: ‘‘ In 1850, when
the first volume of Marzolo’s ‘Monumenti storici
rivelati dall’ analisi della parola ’ was published, certain
periodicals reviewed the book in the most favourable
terms. But the writer himself was disappointed by
their remarks, for he saw that his well-meaning
critics had not really understood his ideas. Then one
day he read in a journal published in Verona an
article in which full justice was done to his book; he
desired to make the acquaintance of this critic, whose
name was unknown to him, and whose real under-
standing of Marzolo’s views had delighted the latter
for the first time in several years, and had at length
rewarded him for his long and arduous labours. He
imagined that the writer of the notice must be an
advanced but lonely scientific thinker, one who owing
to his private circumstances or on account of the
disturbed times had hitherto lived in retirement.
But when the writer of the review came to see Marzolo
at Treviso, it proved to be a youth only sixteen years
of age—Cesare Lombroso—the first in all Italy to
recognize the genius of Marzolo, bringing the love of
a son and the devotion of a disciple.”

At the outset of Lombroso’s studies he was greatly

ANTECEDENTS 7

influenced by reading Burdach’s “‘ Handbuch der
Physiologie,” a work rich in anthropological ideas.
At the University of Pavia, Panizza’ was the only
man who had much effect in shaping Lombroso’s
mental development.

During the decade 1850 to 1860, on the other hand,
Lombroso, as a self-taught man, was simultaneously
influenced by three great contemporary and com-
plementary tendencies—that of French positivism,
that of German materialism, and that of English
evolutionism. With the last-named he became ac-
quainted through French intermediation. He never
had any clinical instruction in psychiatry. He read
the works of Charuigi, Griesinger, and the great
_ psychiatrists of the school of Esquirol. |

Lombroso’s attitude towards German materialism,
by which in youth he was so powerfully influenced, is
shown most clearly by two utterances of his regarding
Moleschott. The first of these occurs in the preface
to his Italian edition of Moleschott’s ‘‘ Kreislauf des
Lebens,” a translation not published till 1869, though

1 Bartolomeo Panizza—in 1812-13 army surgeon attached to
the grande armée in Russia; in 1815 professor of anatomy at
Pavia—discovered the characteristic of the crocodile to which
Briicke gave the name of foramen Panizz@ ; widely known as
a teratologist and comparative anatomist ; in 1856 published his
**Osservazioni sperimentali sul nervo ottico,” based upon the
method of secondary degeneration of the medullary sheath,
subsequently applied by Gudden with such valuable results.

8 CESARE LOMBROSO

written in the early sixties. (In the year 1854 Mole-
schott was expelled from Heidelberg on account of the
publication of this work; from 1861 to 1879 he was
professor of physiology in Turin.) The passage runs
as follows (II.-III.): ‘‘ At a late hour, perhaps, and
yet when the time was ripe, and unquestionably with
greater sincerity and fervour than has been the case
with the other Latin peoples, Italy took part in the
scientific movement of which this book formed the
starting-point. But just because she was so tardy an
adherent, and in the endeavour, as it were, to make
up for lost time, some persons in this country are
apt to go too far; not only do they contest the old
prejudices and the false authorities, but they also
deny or misunderstand facts, simply for the reason
that those in the other camp admit these facts, or
because these facts appear to support the old doctrines.
Thus they often follow leaders who are not entirely to
be trusted, such as Buchner, Renan, and Reich; and
they mistake declamations and confused rhapsodies
for sound arguments, oppose fanaticism with fana-
ticism, and offer to their enemies the tools needed for
the reconstruction of the buildings which have just
been razed to the ground.”’

The other passage occurs in his obituary notice on
Moleschott, written in 1898: ‘‘The whole course of
modern science shows that the impulse it received
from the life-work of Moleschott is destined, not only

ANTECEDENTS 9

to persist, but to make further and more rapid pro-
gress. Moreover, the reputed philanthropists, whose
objection was not so much to the truth itself as to
the injurious consequences which they believed would
follow from its publication, must see to-day that
certain truths, however dangerous and alarming they
may at first appear, lead ultimately to the general
advantage, and to the advantage even of that morality
on which it was at first supposed they would have a
damaging effect. It no longer distresses us when we
see that morality, thanks to social physics and
political economy, must descend from its glittering
but fragile metaphysical altar, in order to find in
utility a modest but secure foundation, from which
it becomes possible to render harmless or to diminish
that crime which hitherto has mocked at penal
methods.”

In Vienna, in 1856, Lombroso passed the official
examination for his medical degree. Here the influ-
ence of Skoda, and Lombroso’s becoming acquainted
with the early works of Virchow, did not tend to induce
in him sentiments of toleration towards the vitalistic
doctrines. dominant at the Italian Universities or
towards the narrow circle of professors owing their
appointment to Austrian influence and interested in
the maintenance of these doctrines. He never ceased
to be affected by this early opposition to academic
tradition and to academic circles; in fact, it accentu-

10 CESARE LOMBROSO

ated in him a certain natural tendency to paradoxes
and heresies. .

The inclination to exact observation,’ acquired
through his contact with German science, led him to
the study, with record of weights and measurements,
of cretinism in Upper Italy ;2 from this to the utiliza-
tion of these methods for the instigation of an
anthropometrical investigation of the population of
Upper Italy; and also to the study of clinical psy-
chiatry, at that time entirely neglected in Italy.®
The translation of Moleschott’s epoch-making writings
gave a finish to Lombroso’s conception of the world ;
he broke loose from the speculative tendency of the

1 T have not been able to ascertain precisely to what extent
Lombroso was influenced by Quetelet. The writings of this
investigator did not reach him directly, but they probably
influenced him indirectly by way of von Oettingen’s ‘‘ Moral
Statistik.”

2 « Ricerchi sul cretinesimo in Lombardia,’ Gazz. Medica
Italiana Lombarda, No. 18, 1859.

3 Together with Mantegazza, his colleague (as experimental
pathologist) in Pavia from 1861 to 1866, Lombroso was the
founder of anthropology in Italy. Of anthropology in the
modern sense it is possible to speak only since, in the year 1859,
Broca founded the Parisian Anthropological Society. Previously
the term had denoted, as Kant’s ‘“* Anthropology” shows,
empirical descriptive psychology. From the first the doctrine
of the important varieties of human beings (insanity, cretinism,
criminality, genius, degeneration) was for Lombroso a chapter
of general anthropology. From the first also he regarded a
knowledge of the environment as of the greatest importance
for an understanding of the origin of these varieties (vide
infra).

ANTECEDENTS 11

psychiatry of the day, which at that time in Germany
also was assuming the most remarkable forms; he
turned with repugnance from the interminable dis-
cussions regarding the freedom of the will, and began,
in the case of the insane, of criminal lunatics, and
of criminals, to study their pathological anatomy
(assisted here by Golgi), their sensory impressions,
and their anthropological—and more especially
craniological—peculiarities.

It is a well-known fact that from that day to our
own the pathological anatomy of the psychoses has
not furnished much in the way of positive results, not
even to the most accomplished virtuosos of the
methods of staining the fibres of the brain. Lom-
broso, to whom in Pavia Golgi for a long time acted as
assistant, wisely refused to limit himself to the study
of pathological anatomy, but always investigated side
by side with this the clinical features of the psychoses
and neuroses.

From the first he inclined to the view that the
exact measurement and description of skulls and
brains would lead to the discovery of definite dis-
tinctions between sane and insane criminals, between
lunatics and epileptics, etc.

Whilst he never ignored clinical observation and
the study of the sensory functions, he gave the first
place to weights and measurements: these were to
him the guarantees of an exaci method of procedure ;

Ce 4 _ CESARE LOMBROSO

and he was led to borrow the instruments and
methods of anthropology on account of his postulate
for an anthropology of lunatics and criminals. In his
interpretation of the facts thus obtained he was
guided chiefly by the sane materialism of Moleschott
and by the Darwinian idea of the variability of races.
As a disciple of Vico, he saw nothing absurd in the
view that an apparently purely social phenomenon,
such as crime, can be organically caused.

The chance discovery of theromorphism (the ex-
pression is Virchow’s, and denotes the presence in
man of certain bodily peculiarities of one of the lower
animals) in the skulls of certain criminals, in the
year 1870, finally gave rise to the formulation of a
uniform hypothesis regarding the nature of crimin-
ality. Before the publication, in 1871, of the
elements of this theory, Lombroso was able to devote
a year to the study of the inmates of a large prison,
being at the time Medical Superintendent of the Pro-
vincial Asylum at Pesaro, where there was also a
large penitentiary. During the years 1871 to 1876,
when he was once more lecturer and _ professor-
extraordinary at Paviat— years during which he
published his studies on pellagra, and, in addition, a
number of anthropological and purely psychiatric
works—he was also much occupied with the ana-

1 In Pavia, in 1871, he was appointed, in addition, lecturer on
forensie medicine and hygiene.

ANTECEDENTS 13

fomical post-mortem study of the bodies of criminals.
After 1876, when he came to Turin’ as professor of
forensic medicine, being also physician to the great
prison in that town for prisoners awaiting trial, he
was able to examine most minutely, according to his
own methods, two hundred prisoners every year,
whilst a much greater number were subjected at least
to ordinary clinical examination. This inconsiderable
and very poorly-paid official position led him, without
abandoning his unwearied researches into pellagra, to
devote his chief attention day by day to the subject of
criminal anthropology.

It was in the course of these investigations, and
of the controversies to which the publication of his
results gave rise, that he first became acquainted
with the work of his predecessors in the same field.
This has been demonstrated to me by incontrovertible
evidence.

As predecessors must be named some of the adherents
of Gall’s theories regarding the skull: the French
physiologist and physician, Despine; the French
psychiatrist, Morel; and three English medical men

1 Lombroso, as professor of forensic medicine, was also a
member of the legal faculty. From 1896 onwards he held, in
addition, the position of professor-in-ordinary of psychiatry and
superintendent of the psychiatric clinic. As early as 1891 he
had received the appointment of professor-extraordinary of
psychiatry. In the year 1900, the Minister of Education

(L. Bianchi) appointed him professor-in-ordinary of criminal
anthropology, whilst he retained the professorship of psychiatry.

14 CESARE LOMBROSO

—one, the psychiatrist and distinguished anthropo-
logist, Prichard, the other two prison surgeons,
Nicolson and Bruce Thomson.

Gall is apt to be judged, very unjustly, only by his
errors; for he was, in truth, the originator of the
principle of the localization of the functions of the
brain, and gave the first impulse to the scientific
study of criminals, though he did not himself make
any definite discoveries in this field. His pupil,
Lauvergne, prison surgeon at Toulon during a long
period of years, examined thousands of criminals, and
left interesting plaster-casts of skulls; certain types
were admirably described by him. Despine made a
thorough study of the psychology of the criminal,
and showed that the principal characteristics of the
habitual criminal are idleness, irresolution, and
lessened sensibility, both mental and physical. Sup-
plementary to Despine’s investigations was the great
work of Lucas upon heredity, in which he demon-
strated the hereditary transmissibility of the dis-
position to theft, murder, rape, and arson, and
furnished extensive materials regarding the congenital
nature of the tendency to crime.

Morel’s work lacked thorough analysis, and was
also destitute of a firm biological foundation ; but it
was based upon extensive materials, and was animated
by a certain instinct for what was important. His
‘“‘Traité des Dégénérescences”’ was published in 1859.

LOMBROSO’S PREDECESSORS IN RESEARCH 19

_ Thus originated the catchword “‘ degeneration,” which
remains current to-day, without having even yet
acquired any definite signification. Now it is used to
denote the neuropathic constitution ; now, again, to
denote the hereditary predisposition to psychoses.
According to some this predisposition is latent, and
manifests itself only by physical stigmata of de-
generation ; others regard the degenerate as being
mentally as well as physically abnormal, and as
suffering, either before the onset of actual insanity
or in the entire absence of the latter from mutability
of mood and temper, obsessive ideas, moral defects,
and one-sided intellectual endowment; yet others
use the term ‘degeneration’ to denote a vague
diathesis—a mingling of tendencies to disturbances
of metabolism and to neuropathies.

More recent French investigators distinguish be-
tween ‘“‘higher” and “lower” degenerates, and
include in these categories almost the entire province
of mental disturbances, severe neuroses, and crimin-
ality. German investigators go so far as to explain
that most human beings are degenerates, and Moebius
held that the repulsiveness of the majority of his
fellow-creatures spoke in favour of this view.

Morel, through the vagueness of his definition of
degeneration (“ déviation maladive du type humain”),
was himself partly to blame for the unsatisfactory
development of the whole doctrine. He had correcily

16 CESARE LOMBROSO

observed that unfavourable conditions of life—for
example, the lack of legislative enactments for the
protection of factory workers during the middle of the
last century—transformed the entire outward appear-
ance of those exposed to such conditions; but he
failed to distinguish between inherited and acquired
characteristics, nor did he ask himself if and how
acquired characteristics are inherited ; and he omitted
to determine at the outset of his inquiry what were
the precise characteristics of the type, deviations
from which he was recording. With the exception of
Lombroso, those who, after Morel, dealt with the
problem of degeneration ignored the fact that these
problems transcend the narrow limits of pathology to
trespass on the wider province of biology, and failed
to see that the problems in question are those of
human variability, of the laws of inheritance, and
other anthropological questions. Prichard, the dis-
tinguished ethnologist, widely regarded (in company
with the English prison surgeons Thomson and
Nicolson) as a predecessor of Lombroso, was the first
to detect what is typical in the outward appearance
of old “‘ gaol-birds,”’ and to put forward, in explana-
tion of confirmed criminality, the conception of
_4 moral insanity. This moral monstrosity was to be

| regarded as correlated with the abnormal physical

| characteristics. |
Lombroso found it necessary again and again to

LOMBROSO’S PREDECESSORS IN RESEARCH 17

elaborate the doctrine of moral insanity; and in the
long-continued campaign against the misunderstand-
ings to which his theory of the homo delinquens was
exposed, that doctrine played a much more important
part than Morel’s theory of degeneration.

It is incorrect to speak of Prichard and Morel as
predecessors of Lombroso, in a sense implying that the
latter was influenced by either of the two former in
the inception or development of his teachings. Just
as little is it true of Gall, whose work was justly esti-
mated by Lombroso as early as the year 1853, as we
learn from his brief work on the correlation between
sexual and cerebral development—‘ Di un fenomeno
fisiologico commune ad alcuni nevrotteri.’’!

1 The title given by the author, then only nineteen years of
age, to this study of important relations of correlation, does not
give an adequate notion of the real contents of the essay.

CHAPTER II

CRIMINAL ANTHROPOLOGY

Lomproso was led to formulate his doctrine of the
criminal, not through the influence of the earlier
workers in the same field, whose names were men-
tioned at the end of the last chapter, but as a natural
consequence of the idea which dominated his whole
mental development. This leading idea—a part of
_ the teaching of anthropological materialism—is, on
the one hand, that a man’s mode of feeling, and
therewith the actual conduct of his life, are deter-
mined by his physical constitution ; and, on the other
_ hand, that this constitution must find expression in
\. his bodily structure. He was led to the more definite
formulation of this idea by chance anatomical dis-
coveries (vide Arch. ital. delle malattie nervose, and
also R.C. dell’ Istituto Lombardo, 1871, v., fase. 18)'

1 These two works, with two publications regarding criminal
lunatics (1871), and the ‘‘ Antropometria di 400 delintuenti
veneti”’ (B.C. dell’ Instituto Lombardo, fasc. 12) form the nucleus
of his subsequent work on ‘“‘ L’ uomo delinquente.”

18

CRIMINAL ANTHROPOLOGY 19

in the corpses of criminals, one of which, the so-called
“median occipital fossa,” had not been noticed by
previous observers ; this is found in most of the
lower mammals, as well as in many monkeys. This
first discovery of the kind has since been supple-
mented by a large number of others: in part such as
were in the first instance most carefully observed by
Lombroso and his pupils ; in part those described by
other anthropologists as “‘theromorphs ”’; in part those
enumerated by Darwinian naturalists as ‘‘ atavisms ”’
—that is, characters regarded and described as
vestiges inherited from the prehuman ancestors of
our species. If we compare the writings of those
zoologists and anatomists who treat of these ques-
tions, with those of Lombroso and his followers, we
cannot fail to notice the complete independence of
the Italians, and at the same time their more com-
prehensive grasp, and their better knowledge of
prehistoric data. The anthropologists of the Italian
school usually went to work in the following way.
If in examining the body of a criminal they came
across a theromorph in any organ, or observed any
other unusual structure, they propounded certain
questions regarding the peculiarity, viz. :

1. Is this peculiarity present in any of the authentic
remains of prehistoric man, and, if so, how often is it
met with in these, as compared with the frequency of
its presence in the bodies of criminals?

20 CESARE LOMBROSO

2. Is it met with in the lower races of man, and,
if so, how often? (The answer to this question is
obtained by examining the skulls, etc., of these lower
races, to be found in Kuropean museums.)

3. Is it found in the higher apes, and, if so, is it
an occasional or a constant feature ?

4. Is it found in other species of the group of
primates ?

5. Is it found in animals lower than these in the
scale of classification ?

6. Is it found in human beings presenting con-
genital morbid anomalies ; more especially is it found
in epileptics and in idiots ?

It is easy to understand that such investigations
are very laborious. In order to throw light on the
meaning of comparatively insignificant data, ii may
be necessary to organize most comprehensive re-
searches. Unceasing care and indefatigability in such
isolated observations, and in the interpretation of their
meaning, is one of Lombroso’s highest claims to
honour. For this reason, his books and the thirty
volumes of his archives will remain for many decades
to come a rich mine of discovery for anthropology,
as soon as this science returns from the study of
Mongols and Australians to the examination of con-
temporary Europeans. As a result of these investi-
gations, the fact has been established that, above
all in the skulls and the brains of criminals, but also

CRIMINAL ANTHROPOLOGY 21

in other parts of the skeleton, in the muscles, and in
the viscera, we find anatomical peculiarities, which
in some cases resemble the characters of the few
authentic remnants of the earliest prehistoric human
beings, in other cases correspond to the characters of
still extant lower races of mankind, and in yet others,
correspond to the characters of some or all of the
varieties of monkey.

From these facts Lombroso draws a somewhat rash
conclusion—namely, that there are born criminals,
representing the type of mankind which existed
before the origin of law, the family, and property,
and that the representatives of long past conditions
thus thrust upon our own time are incapable of
respecting the security of life and property and other
legal rights; but, bold as this conclusion seems, it
has, none the less, all the qualities of a scientific
conjecture, inasmuch as it harmonizes with all the
known facts, and enables us to deal in an orderly and
critical manner with the material upon which it bears.

I leave the question open whether we are to regard
this idea as a theory or merely as a hypothesis; but
it is necessary to point out, in opposition to the
obstinate assertions of Lombroso’s opponents, that
the Italian school of anthropology has never main-
tained the proposition that all persons who come
before European courts of justice upon criminal
charges, or all who are confined in the criminal

22 CESARE LOMBROSO

prisons of Europe, are the unchanged descendants of
the Neanderthal men, who hunted the cave-bear with
stone arrows. Put as concisely as possible, the
doctrine of the Italian school runs as follows: Born
criminals exist, presenting typical characters, both
bodily and mental, and they owe their peculiar
organization to the fact that their development has
been affected by an atavistic reversion. It is impos-
sible here to give particulars showing the manner in
which, in the five successive editions of ‘“‘ L’ uomo
delinquente,’’ this conception becomes gradually more
clearly defined.

I may be permitted to make some further observa-
tions regarding the nature of this atavistic reversion.
There is not one single characteristic of the human
anatomy which is not the product of inheritance.
The existing type of the European mixed race
appears to be a permanent type; or rather, owing
to the fact that the struggle for existence of our
time takes an almost exclusively economic form,
and that in consequence of this the brain has re-
ceived a preponderant importance, the present phase
of human evolution affects the brain only (in women,
unfortunately, as well as in men); if any other organ
than the brain is influenced by selection in modern
man, it is affected solely or mainly on account of its
correlation with brain development.

Naturally, future extensive changes in the size and

CRIMINAL ANTHROPOLOGY 23

shape of the brain will ultimately give rise to changes
more or less extensive in neighbouring organs also,
such as the bones of the skull, the teeth, the jaws,
the external ear, and the upper cervical vertebre.
But for the brief period which the individual inves-
tigator has under his observation in the course of his
life, the human species may approximately be
regarded as a permanent type. Now our most
enduring possessions in the way of bodily charac- ~
teristics are inherited from very remote ancestors—
they are atavisms. The great weight of the brain,
the upright forehead, the large facial angle, peculiar
to the European, have been inherited by him from
his ancestors of the historic epoch; on the. other
hand, the number and shape of his teeth, the structure
of his sense-organs, the arrangement of the fissures
and convolutions of his cerebral cortex, the number
and form of the mammary glands, the configuration
of the upper limbs—these the European shares with
the so-called anthropoid apes, with whom in other
respects also he possesses a very close blood-relation-
ship. Finally, the number of our fingers and toes,
and the structure of the various tissues, as demon-
strated by the microscope, are common to us and
to the great majority of mammals; whilst innumer-
able other physical characteristics are shared by us
with the lower vertebrata. Thus most of our bodily
peculiarities are derived from our prehuman ances-

24 CESARE LOMBROSO

tors; they are atavisms, interesting antiquities. But
if this be so, then the occasional appearance of one
or two additional atavistic characters, whether these
be derived from the men of the ice-age or from those
of the tertiary period, or date back to the still
undiscovered ape-men of:a yet earlier day, or to the
half-apes, or even to our remote fish-like progenitors,
is hardly so incredible an occurrence as to demand
that the thunderbolts of sterile anthropometry, so
long carefully cherished by Virchow, should be
launched against the heretic Lombroso.*

Modern man has freed himself from much that
was rooted in the blood and bone of his forefathers.
But unquestionably he has not freed himself from
all that was so rooted, and therefore it need not
surprise us to encounter individuals who exhibit,
firmly fixed either in their bodily or in their mental
organization, characteristics which in the majority
have been weakened or have disappeared.

Such individuals, exhibiting characters no longer
possessed by the European permanent type, but still
common to the most primitive extant races of man-

1 A. Baer, one of the fiercest opponents of criminal anthro-
pology, pushes his criticism so far as to maintain in his leading
work “that the formation of the skull is in no way dependent
upon that of the brain.’”’ The book, upon p. 12 of which will be
found this monumental nonsense, is entitled by Baer ‘Der
Verbrecher in anthropologischer Beziehung’’ (‘The Criminal
from the Anthropological Standpoint ’’), Leipzig, 1893.

CRIMINAL ANTHROPOLOGY 25

kind, such as the Old Peruvians, the Papuans, and
the Australian blacks, and common also to the other
primates, are found among criminals, as Lombroso
showed, with remarkable frequency—in fact, to the
extent of more than 40 per cent.—and with especial
frequency among those whose first crime is of a
serious nature, and among those who have for many
years been living for and by crime.

In addition, we meet with numerous characters,
either not atavisms, or not yet regarded as atavisms,
but which are or may be rather of a morbid nature.
Thus, the skull or the brain of a criminal may exhibit,
in addition to dubious atavistic characters, certain
morbid features or signs of past disease. It is,
indeed, by no means improbable that a congenital
atavistic special predisposition may only become
active to such an extent as to lead to a criminal act
in consequence of some superadded disease; but in
such a case it is idle to dispute whether we have to
do with a congenital, an insane, or an alcoholic
criminal.

If Lombroso’s teaching were based solely upon the
examination of the skulls and brains of criminals to
be found in European collections, its foundation
would unquestionably be too narrow. But it is based,
in addition, upon the anthropological examination of
many thousands of living criminals—an examination
quite as thorough as that carried out by an anthro-

A ;

26 CESARE LOMBROSO

pologist in the case of a savage tribe which he has
crossed the world to study.

The examination of living criminals cannot, of
course, take into account the convolutions of the
brain, or the fosse#, foramina, and processes on the
inner surface of the skull. The first place must here
be given to the external measurements of the head. —

Now, as regards many of the problems of anthro-
pology, it is left to the examiner to decide whether he
will describe the facts he has to record by means of
figures or ratios, or by means of a catchword descrip-
tive of some visible peculiarity of shape or of some
other objective fact. |

Thus the presence of a thick bony prominence in
the middle of the hard palate (torus palatinus) may,
of course, be indicated by simply recording the
numerical results of the measurements of the palate ;
but, on the other hand, we may prefer to state that
one man has a slightly developed torus palatinus,
another a large torus, a third none at all, and so on.

Another important character gives to the face,
when seen from the front, an extremely typical shape.
This is a great lateral extension of the malar bones,
or, to speak more precisely, of the zygomatic arches.
This condition may be denoted simply by the one
word, ewrygnathism, which describes it amply and
aptly. On the other hand, instead of employing this
term, we may, in the case of each person examined,

CRIMINAL ANTHROPOLOGY 27

record the exact width of the face between the malar
eminences, and note also the relation of this measure-
ment to the width of the forehead.

As regards characteristics of form, however, it is
much more convenient, and at the same time conveys
a much more vivid impression, to denote these merely
quantitative variations, and also relations perceptible
only through comparison, by means of a generally
descriptive terminology, which must not, of course,

be confused with the precise description of actual
structures.

Employing this method, we have a lengthy register
of crimino-anthropological characters, and in the
following table I append a fragment of such a

register :
I. PRIMATOID VARIETIES.

A. AFFECTING THE SKULL.
CEREBROGENOUS,

(a) Direct Cerebrogenous.

1. Frontal submicrocephaly (expressed in the relative
and absolute smallness of the brain, especially
in the transverse diameter). Criminals, 41 per
cent.

2. Narrowing of the cranio-facial angle at the base of
the skull, leading to prognathism.

Occurrence: In all primates, in negroes, Papuans,
Australian blacks, ete. Criminals, 60 per cent.

3. Receding forehead.

Occurrence: According to Lombroso, in 19°4 per
cent. of 4,244 criminals. According to Kurella,
in criminals from Upper Silesia, 11 per cent. ;
in workmen from Upper Silesia, 4 per cent.

28 CESARE LOMBROSO

4. Often associated with 2 or 8. Middle occipital

fossa.
Occurrence: In all apes, in the anthropoids, in-
cluding the gibbon.
In the skulls of various races of mankind—
Per cent.
Ancient Peruvians ... vas ae ae
Australian blacks as 28

Skulls provided with ‘ indachy beve * ere |
Criminals (3,200), Dorrie 16 per

cent.) ... ap v.20
Negroes... as se she ee S|
Prehistoric skulls ae bea we ES

(6) Indirect Cerebrogenous Varieties.

1. External angular process of the frontal bone
abnormally large. In criminals (704), 11°9 per
cent.

2. Excessive size of orbits (exceeding the highest
degree of Mantegazza’s scale of the index cranio-

orbitalis)—
Per cent.
Lombroso ... a aie jesctee
Kurella a ty a oo Be
(of 218 cases)
8. Abnormal width of frontal sinuses—
Criminals ae eth Su AE

(of 252 cases)
Skulls provided with ‘‘ students’ sets” 4
4, Strongly developed superciliary ridges—

Lombroso :
Skulls provided with ‘‘ students’ sets’? 7
Criminal skulls (out of 253) ives ae

Kurella :
Living workmen ... vs bad tire
Living criminals... $45 See |
Italian murderers... is we 41°97

5. High (internal) frontal crest. The mean height
of the frontal crest is normally 3°8 mm.; in

CRIMINAL ANTHROPOLOGY 29

criminals the mean height is}5‘4 mm, In 25
per cent. of criminals it exceeds 7 mm., and in
35 per cent. of these latter it is associated with
the presence of an internal occipital fossa.

Ne Marked Development of the Antagonism between Brain
Development on the one hand, and Development of
the Facial Portion of the Skull on the other, the
latter predonunating.

1. Strongly developed temporal crest, nearer than
usual to the sagittal suture.
Distance between the two temporal crests,
measured across the sagittal suture—

Mm.
Gorilla, ve ine ey ... 0-10
Eskimo bs 80
Skulls provided with ms sistent’
sets ”” abs vice ney sank ae
Skulls of murderers... bie roel. i
2. Torus occipitalis—
Per cent.
Criminals (Lombroso’s results) ... 31°7
Murderers (Lombroso’s results) ... 75

3. Eurygnathism—+.e., abnormal breadth of the face
at the level of the zygoma. This is a common
characteristic in the oldest human remains
(skulls from Gibraltar, Cro-Magnon, and Fur-
fooz), and in the lower races of to-day (the
circumpolar tribes).

Per cent.
Convicts sentenced for robbery with
murder ... bi os ae

In 1,567 criminal bande ile eat
4, Excessive height of the upper jaw.

This table exhibits the characters visible in the
skull in a definite class only, those whom in my
‘*Naturgeschichte des Verbrechers”’ (‘‘ Natural History
of the Criminal’’) I have, with Lombroso’s approval,

30 CESARE LOMBROSO

designated ‘‘primatoid.” Granted that they are
typical of the criminal, it has none the less often
been maintained that the Italian school is not justi-
fied in speaking of a criminal type, for the reason
that not one of the individuals described exhibits all
these peculiarities. How, then, it is said, can a
criminal type be abstracted from such utterly hetero-
geneous abnormalities ?

This really depends upon the possibilities of abstrac-
tion. Academically correct anthropologists continue
to dispute regarding the types of the most important
races of mankind, whilst description is always pre-
ceded by perception, and perception is not always in
& position to comprehend the typical; he who is not
endowed with a sense for the significant will see
nothing but the insignificant. But there is some-
thing extremely typical in the commonest and most
important characteristic of the criminal nature—
namely, the coexistence of several primatoid characters
in the same individual. (Characters are termed
‘‘primatoid’’ which are present in all primates, but
which in the normal human being are developed very
slightly—in part, indeed, so slightly developed as to
be almost imperceptible. But in many criminals
these peculiarities, which are chiefly physical, are
either more strongly marked than in the normal
European, or else they make their appearance in the
criminal in a form in which in the normal Kuropean

f

CRIMINAL ANTHROPOLOGY 31

they are entirely unknown, whereas they are present
in the members of many savage races, as well as in
primates lower down in the scale.)

There is one character, however, by which the
primates in general are distinguished from the lower
mammals, whilst in the human species it is far more
strongly marked than in other primates; but in the
criminal this character is often so little developed as
hardly to reach the degree characteristic of prehistoric
human remains. The character in question is the |
greater development of the cranium (dependent upon
the more powerful development of the cerebral hemi-
spheres) in association with a lesser development of
the jaws and their appendages. In this way the
direct cerebrogenous characters originate; and with
these are associated yet other characters, evidently in
part mechanically dependent on the cerebrogenous
characters, but in part arising from these in a
different way. ‘To this category belongs prognathism
—the condition in which the upper jaw protrudes
markedly in front of the base of the skull, so that
when the face is viewed in profile, the region of the
incisor teeth appears very prominent. The skulls of
the lower races of mankind are prognathous, and siill
more prognathous are the skulls of the anthropoid
apes. Directly associated with prognathism is another
characteristic of the criminal type—namely, the fore-
head which “recedes”? markedly as it rises; and

32 CESARE LOMBROSO

associated with the receding forehead is a marked
projection of the ‘‘ superciliary ridges.”

It is well known that the two earliest known human
skulls—that of the Neanderthal and that of Spy—
both exhibit to a high degree the two characters last
mentioned. If we compare with these the drawing
in Lombroso’s “Archivio di psichiatria” ‘(vol. ii.,
1882) of the skull of Gasparone (the brigand cele-
brated under the name of ‘ Fra Diavolo’’), we cannot
fail to recognize a striking example of atavism.

One of the most remarkable of these characters is
the middle occipital fossa, first described by Lombroso,
whose dependence upon the formation of the cere-
bellum is still open to dispute. In any case it is a
well-marked primatoid character, for it is present in all
the higher primates, with the exception of the gorilla,
- the chimpanzee, and the orang-utan. The middle
occipital fossa was found to be present in 4:1 per cent.
of the skulls provided with “‘ students’ sets’ that were
examined (but it must be remembered that such skulls
always include a certain proportion of the skulls of
criminals). In prehistoric skulls the character was
present in 14°3 per cent. ; in ancient Peruvian skulls
in 15 per cent. ; in Australian blacks in 28 per cent. ;
in all the criminal skulls examined it was present in
20 per cent. The significance of such a fact as this
cannot be gainsaid ; and it is not surprising that its
discovery by Lombroso, the pupil of Panizza, made a

ee
‘

ORIMINAL ANTHROPOLOGY 33

profound impression, more especially in view of the
fact that he was then about to bring to a close his
comparison of the European with the melanodermic
races.

The book in which Lombroso instituted this com-
parison, ‘‘L’ uomo bianco el’ Uomo di colore,’’ was
published in 1871 by Sacchetto of Padua, after the
manuscript had spent three years in vain wanderings
from publisher to publisher. In this work the writer
asserted the common descent of the higher apes and
of the human species from an unknown primate, sup-
porting his contention by means of anthropological
data. Darwin’s ‘“‘ Descent of Man” was published
while Lombroso’s work was in the press. The latter
displays the remarkable knowledge of comparative
anatomy which Lombroso owed to his teacher Panizza.
Tt displays also a wide knowledge of ethnological
literature, and a thorough acquaintanceship with the
previous discoveries regarding prehistoric man (includ-
ing those made at Cro-Magnon, Hohlenfels, ete., during
the years 1868-1870); and it shows, in addition, the
author’s remarkable talent for the discovery and
utilization of fruitful analogies.

I do not propose to consider here the various
anomalies and malformations of the skull discovered,
described, and enumerated by Lombroso and _ his
pupils ; but on account of their importance in relation
to the criminal physiognomy, we may mention that
3

at
seo
oa
—_.

34 CESARE LOMBROSO

an abnormal widening of the face (due to an excep-
tionally great distance between the two zygomatic
arches), and an abnormal divergence of the two halves
of the inferior maxillary bone, are characteristic of
the criminal type. Subsequently to the first publica-
tion of Lombroso’s results the question of the distance
between the angles of the lower jaw was thoroughly
investigated, more especially by the Dutch anthro-
pologists and alienists, at the instigation of Winkler
of Amsterdam, and with the aid of a very large
quantity of material.*

Many remarkable peculiarities in the shape of the
skull, the origin of which cannot be referred to the
above-mentioned antagonism between the develop-
ment of the cranium and that of the facial portion of
the skull, depend upon abnormalities and disturbances
in the sequence and extent of the ossification of the
sutures of the skull. We know that the flat bones of
the skull-cap grow principally at the edges, with which
they come into contact one with another, and that
normally they continue to grow in this way as long
as growth continues in the subjacent portions of the
brain; but if such a suture undergoes premature
ossification, room can only be provided for the growth
of the brain by the yielding of one or more of the
other sutures, whereby that diameter of the skull at

1“ Tets over criminelle Anthropologie,” Haarlem, 1896 ;

P. H. J. Berends, “ Henige Schedelmaten van Recruten, Mor-
denaars, Paranoisten, Epileptici, en Imbecillen,” Nymegen, 1896,

CRIMINAL ANTHROPOLOGY 35

right angles to the yielding suture becomes increased.
Thus a skull in which the sagittal or interparietal
suture has undergone premature ossification (as often
occurs in the Eskimo) assumes the shape of a narrow
boat (scaphocephaly).

Ié is probable that such sutural varieties are depen-
dent upon the most diverse causes, and that in many
cases they are not anomalies, but racial peculiarities
or racial congenital variations, whose origin is geneti-
cally very ancient. In the skulls of criminals
examined for the detection of sutural abnormalities
these have been-found in about 40 per cent., whilst
in 1,200 living criminals the frequency was as high
as 49 per cent.

Among the most interesting of the sutural abnor-
malities are the ‘‘ Wormian bones,” by which more or
less extensive deficiencies of bone along the principal
sutures are filled in. A Wormian bone found at the
apex of the lambdoid suture, where this joins the pos-
terior extremity of the sagittal suture, was first dis-
covered in the mummies of the ancient civilized race
of Peru, and it has therefore been named the “ Inca
bone.” It is said that all the infant Inca mummies
possess this bone, and that it is present in 15 to 20
per cent. of the adult Inca remains. Italian observers
found it in 25 per cent. of the skulls of murderers, and
in 8 per cent. of the skulls of other criminals.

1 The “ Inca bone”’ will be found figured in Toldt’s “ Atlas of
Human Anatomy” (London: Rebman, Limited), p. 100,

36 CESARE LOMBROSO

Certain other peculiarities of the sutures of the
skull have received much attention from students of
general anthropology, on account of the fact that they
constitute distinctive racial characters; but some of
these are met with even more frequently in the skulls
of criminals than in ethnological specimens, although
their appearance in these latter is considered a
characteristic feature of normal anthropology.

Of great interest are measurements of the cubical |
capacity of dried skulls, and also estimates of this
capacity, based upon measurements of the head taken
in living criminals (although such estimates can be
no more than approximations). Be it noted in this
connection that the extreme recorded range of
capacity of normal skulls is from 2,050 ¢.c. (the
largest) to 1,050 c.c. (the smallest); the largest re-
corded cubic capacity of skull in an anthropoid ape is
621 e.c.; thus, the difference between the cubic
capacity of the largest and that of the smallest human
skull exceeds the difference between the cubic capacity
of the smallest human skull and that of the largest
simian skull.

Now, collections of the skulls of criminals com-
paratively often contain skulls with a cubic capacity
of less that 1,100 c.c., whereas skulls as small as this
are hardly ever met with in collections of normal

fig. 218, where it is described as ‘‘ a large Wormian bone in the
uppermost part of the lambdoid suture.”

CRIMINAL ANTHROPOLOGY 37

skulls; skulls ranging in cubic capacity from 1,100c.c.
to 1,300 c.c., which in collections of normal skulls are
found to the extent of from 6 to 10 per cent., in col-
lections of the skulls of criminals have been present,
in various instances, to the extent of 17°8, 18, 65°5,
and 72°2 per cent. respectively. Skulls below the
normal mean in cubic capacity, which in collections
of ordinary skulls are present to the extent of from
25 to 80 per cent., are found in the different collec-
tions of the skulls of criminals to be present to the
extent of from 30 to 60 per cent. To put the matter
in a word, the criminal’s skull is often submicro-
cephalic; it is, however, necessary to point out that
skulls with the very largest cubic capacity, exceeding
1,600 ¢.c., are met with twice or thrice as often among
the skulls of criminals (although this is not true of
the Italian collections personally known to me) as
they are among bone-dealers’ or museum skulls. A
somewhat similar characteristic is exhibited by all
the criminal characters accessible to measurement.
When the material under investigation is derived
indifferently from the general population, the extreme
values recorded by measurement are seldom en-
countered. Among criminals, on the other hand, these
extreme values occur much more frequently ; and,
indeed, the extremely low values are encountered in
criminals with especial frequency when the dimension
under consideration is one which usually increases as

38 CESARE LOMBROSO

we pass from lower to higher stages in the scale of
development. For example, great breadth of the face
across the zygomatic arches is a characteristic of
lower development; in criminals (900 instances),
exceptional width and exceptional narrowness of the
face in this region occurs more frequently than in the
general population; but this is true to a greater
extent as regards the maximal than it is as regards
the minimal values of this dimension of the criminal
skull.

_— Similar relations to those which obtain with regard
to the size of the skull are found in the bodies of
criminals, in respect of the size, or, rather, the weight
of the brain, since the mass of the brain must
naturally bear a definite relationship to the cubic
capacity of the skull. In my ‘‘ Naturgeschichte des
Verbrechers’’ (“‘ Natural History of the Criminal ”’),
published in 1898, I have collected the data known
at that period, derived, for the most part, from
Italian sources; these data relate to 805 brains
accurately examined. To understand the results
here given, it is necessary to remember that the
average weight of the European brain, the mean
resultant of a very large number of weighings, is
1,360 grammes for males, and 1,220 grammes
for females. A maximum very rarely exceeded
(though it was exceeded, for example, in the case
of Cuvier, and also in that of Tourgeniew) is a

CRIMINAL ANTHROPOLOGY 39

brain-weight of 1,800 grammes; whilst the smallest
brain-weight known in individuals who can be re-
garded as having possessed normal intellectual
endowments is 960 grammes for males, and 880
grammes for females. Among a very large number
of normal brains, we shall find very few indeed
weighing as little as 1,150 grammes, and a consider-
able number weighing more than 1,500 grammes.
On the other hand, among the total number of the
brains of criminals that have hitherto been weighed,
we find that brains weighing less than 1,300 grammes
form a very considerable majority ; whereas, among
the brains of normal individuals, less than 25 per
cent. weigh less than 1,300 grammes. In the various
collections of the brains of criminals, we find that
brains weighing less than 1,300 grammes numbered,
in one case, 62°5 per cent. (Benedikt), in a second
case, 77 per cent. (Mingazzini), and in a third case,
83°2 per cent. (Mondio).

At the very time when the criminal anthropologists
were making a thorough study of this problem, the
anatomists (with the exception of Flesch of Wurzburg)
and the professorial anthropologists (that is, those in
official positions who were interested in this branch
of knowledge) were vigorously contesting the idea
that there was any difference between the brains of
criminals and the so-called normal brains. All the
more interesting, therefore, were the data communi-

40 CESARE LOMBROSO

cated by Professor Johannes Ranke to the German
Anthropological Congress at Dortmund in August,
1902, in association with a demonstration of plaster-
casts of the heads of decapitated Chinese criminals.
According to Ranke, the brains of criminals show
no structural deviation from the brains of normal
Europeans. This was Professor Ranke’s first conten-
tion ; but to this there succeeds a little parenthesis,
in which he alludes to certain peculiarities in the
conformation of the central convolutions. (So, after
all, these brains do differ from those of Europeans !)
Ranke is straightforward enough to describe the
abnormalities in question, but he adds that they are
probably to be regarded as racial peculiarities. He
gives no grounds whatever for this view, but he
prefers to drag in an ethnological hypothesis of this
kind rather than to commit himself to the heresy
that the brains of criminals exhibit peculiarities ; the
abnormalities must be labelled ‘‘ ethnological,’’ lest
they should fall a prize to the heretical school of
Lombroso.

On the other hand, in the same address (1902),
Ranke laid stress on the fact that among the brains
of criminals there is a preponderance of exceptionally
large and of abnormally small brains, and also that
among the skulls of criminals there is, similarly,
a marked preponderance of extremely large and
extremely small skulls—a fact which he might have

CRIMINAL ANTHROPOLOGY 4]

ascertained as long ago as 1893 from a study of
the very numerous tables of measurements and
weights published in my “ Natural History of the
Criminal.”

Finally, in other portions of his address, Ranke
approximates even more closely to the ‘‘ heresies”
of criminal anthropology. He insists on the need for
a careful study of the brains of criminals, and he
points out that there are two questions to which
especial attention should be paid in future investi-
gations of this kind. The first of these is the question
whether the possessor of a brain of medium size does
not exhibit less inclination to crime than one whose
brain is either excessively large or excessively small ;
and the second is the question whether, perhaps,
certain intellectual abnormalities, which readily lead
to criminal practices, may not depend upon a partial
microcephaly—that is to say, is it not possible that in
certain sharply circumscribed portions of the brain,
during intra-uterine life, there may have developed
certain abnormalities corresponding to those charac-
teristic of microcephaly? According to Ranke, it is
always possible that an indirect connection exists
between the so-called stenocrotaphy (narrowing of
the skull in the temporal region) and the criminal
tendency, in so far as, in consequence of the said
narrowing of the skull, those nervous centres by
whose activity automatism is kept within bounds may

42 CESARE LOMBROSO

have their development partially arrested or may in
some other way be sympathetically affected.

In these remarks we find, in the first place, a
reference (although one less clear than many re-
corded demonstrations of Lombroso’s teachings) to
the law in accordance with which extreme dimensions
of physical characteristics occur in criminals with
especial frequency ; and, in the second place, in the —
theoretical portion of Ranke’s utterances we encounter
the fundamental notion of criminal anthropology,
which is that the lower organization of criminals,
standing nearer to the lower animals than that of
normal men, predisposes the former to the com-
mission of criminal acts; and more especially that
in the criminal’s skull there is no room for a brain
able to hold the feelings (or, in physiological par-
lance, the inhibitory apparatus) requisite to induce
normal social behaviour. 1 have devoted consider-
able space to this address of Ranke’s because it shows
how convincing are these basic ideas of criminal
anthropology, and how irresistibly they are associated
with an anthropological mode of study of this social
group. But how remarkable it is that, through a
study of the brains of Chinese criminals, a recog-
nition of the truth of Lombroso’s doctrines should
first dawn upon a German professor of established
reputation !

The study of the brains of criminals subsequently

CRIMINAL ANTHROPOLOGY 43

moved. in two directions: whereas Benedikt, the
talented and original Viennese investigator, and after
him a number of Italian investigators, studied the
fissures and sulci by which the surface of the human
brain is divided into convolutions in such a remark-
able manner; during the years 1894 to 1900, the more
limited circle of Lombroso and his immediate pupils
was engaged in the study of atavistic anomalies, and
of those more delicate peculiarities of the intimate
structure of the brain which can be demonstrated
only with the aid of the microscope.

Moreover, the study of the convolutions in the
brains of criminals has led to the discovery of a
number of characters which may be regarded as
atavistic. Most of these are primatoid varieties—
that is to say, either they are manifestations of an
abnormally slight development of those peculiarities
of the convolutions by which the members of the
human species are distinguished from the other
primates, or else they are characters which are not
normally found in human beings at all, although
they exist normally in other primates. In a tabular
comparison of the differences between the human
and the simian brain, we observe that these differ-
ences are precisely those in respect of which the
deviations of the criminal brain from the normal
human type of brain are also manifested.

In other words, the human brain is an advanced

44 CESARE LOMBROSO

type of the brain of the primates in general, but in
the brain of the criminal the resemblances to the
simian type are much more strongly marked.

It is, indeed, quite impossible to explain the
abnormal moral and social behaviour of the criminal
with reference merely to the abnormal configuration
of the criminal’s cerebral convolutions. Perhaps the
human contemporaries of the cave-bear in Hurope
possessed a brain, and, mutatis mutandis, exhibited in
many respects a mode of life analogous to that of
the modern Sardinian bandit, of the London street
arab, the voyou of Montmartre, or the fugitive from
the Siberian mines. But in the Stone Age there
existed no economically developed society upon which
our paleolithic progenitor could become parasitic.
We know almost nothing about post-glacial man.
It may be possible at some future date, from a chart
of the surface of the brain, to deduce the social
characteristics of the race; but, although at present
this deduction remains beyond our powers—and _per-
haps will never become easy—the primatoid character
of the cerebral convolutions of the criminal possesses,
none the less, a profound anthropological significance.
No ethnologist is able from an examination of the
convolutions of a Greenlander’s brain to deduce the
national characteristics of the race to which the pos-
sessor of the brain belonged; but, nevertheless,
when we see a brain with certain characteristics we

CRIMINAL ANTHROPOLOGY 45

are able to declare it to be the brain of a Green-
lander.!

The interesting discoveries of Roncoroni, regarding
the peculiarities of certain cells of the cerebral cortex
in criminals, though widely discredited at first, have
been subsequently confirmed by Pelizzi. In this case
also it appears that we have to do with atavism
(Pelizzi, ‘‘ Idiozia ed Epilessia,’’ Arch. di psichiatria,

900, p. 409).

~ Not only in the skulls and brains of criminals, but

~ also in almost all their other organs, we find abnor-
malities with greater average frequency than among
the general population, and this is especially true of
rudimentary organs, those which constitute the
majority of the so-called secondary and tertiary
sexual characters. Many of these abnormalities may
be regarded as primatoid or atavistic; others appear

1 Certain peculiarities are discoverable in the brains of
criminals which are not yet explicable on comparative ana-
tomical considerations. I have described these as atypical, and
in my “ Natural History of the Criminal” I have collected and
discussed them. Since the date of publication of this work
(1898) only one extensive investigation of the brains of
criminals has been undertaken, and in this the number of brains
dealt with was about equal to the number examined in all the
previous investigations put together. In so far as it furnishes
any new particulars, this investigation confirms the doctrine of
criminal anthropology, a fact of especial interest for the reason
that the brains examined were chiefly those of women (Leggi-
ardi-Laura, Rivista di sc. biologiche, ii., 4-5, 1900; cbid., Giorn.
de le R. Accademia di Torino, 1900, fase. 5).

46 CESARE LOMBROSO

to be mainly dependent upon disturbance or arrest of
development. All alike, in so far as they are not
merely characters acquired during the lifetime of the
individual, give the impression that the criminal is a
being whose humanity is not completely developed.
This does not exclude the fact that the criminal him-
self, in the light of his own peculiar valuation of
social and legal value, is apt to be firmly convinced
that his is a superman.

This arrest at an earlier stage of development gives
rise, in respect of numerous traits, to an approxima-
tion in the ‘‘ criminal type’ to the characteristics of
one or other of the extant savage races of mankind—
races such as the Australian, etc., which, owing to
prolonged isolation from other types and, possibly,
also to less rigorous selection and therefore less
marked differentiation, in consequence of a less severe
struggle for existence, have been able for thousands
of years to retain their primitive characteristics.

We are, however, compelled to assume that many
savage races have been unable to raise themselves
above their present low level of intellectual, economic,
and social culture, not merely on account of the
slighter operation of the factors of differentiation, but
also on account of an inferior innate developmental
capacity. In philosophical terminology we should
perhaps therefore say that the world of crime recruits
itself from among the number of the less-developed

CRIMINAL ANTHROPOLOGY 47

individuals of the nation concerned; for it is an
obvious deduction from the law of organic varia-
bility that among all the individuals born as
members of any civilized race there should be
some who are congenitally incapacitated to attain
the normal mean level of development peculiar to
that race. |

It is not proposed to deal here at any length with
the innumerable anthropological characteristics of
criminals other than those found in the skull and the
brain, but the physiognomically important characters
deserve separate notice.

Like all rudimentary organs (organs, that is to
say, which continue to be transmitted in the absence
of any discoverable physiological function), the
external ear (pinna, or auricle) exhibits all possible
variations. Among these variations, two only appear
to be of importance in relation to criminal anthro-
pology—viz., the handle-shaped and projecting ear
(German Henkelohr) and the Darwinian tipped ear,
which are met with comparatively often in criminals,
the former being found in 328 among 1,568 criminals
examined, and the latter in 189 out of 1,187; rare in

1 The ear-point, or tubercle of Darwin, is a small prominence
on the edge of the helix, an atavistic vestige of the former point
of the ear. It is sometimes called Woolmer’s tip, Darwin’s
attention having been drawn to this prominence by the sculptor

Woolner (Toldt’s “‘ Atlas of Human Anatomy,” London, Rebman,
Limited).

48 CESARE LOMBROSO

comparison with these is the so-called Morel’s ear, in
which the external margin of the auricle (the helix) is
not folded upon itself. Morel’s ear is a sign of a con-
genital tendency to severe nervous troubles, and it is
a remarkable fact that this character is common in
prostitutes.

According to my own observations, in addition to
the two abnormalities in the shape of the external ear
already mentioned, we sometimes find in criminals
other strongly marked malformations of the ear; and
as in the case of other abnormal characters in
criminals, so also in the case of those of the ear, the
anomalies are met with more frequently in proportion
as the crime for which the man was condemned was
grave in character, and in proportion also to the
intensity with which the criminal tendency has been
manifested in the course of life.

The length of the auricle is also subject to great
variations in criminals. In Europeans the normal
length of the ear lies between 51 and 60 millimetres
(2 and 2°36 inches) ; it is longer than this in Mongols
and Indians, shorter in Malays, Papuans, and
Australians ; shortest in Nubians, Negroes, and Bush-
men. In this respect also (?.e.,in the greater range of
variation) criminals resemble savage races rather than
civilized. According to the measurements of Frigerio,
great length of the external ear is in thieves and
robbers even more characteristic than great length of

CRIMINAL ANTHROPOLOGY 49

fingers, which latter, however, is also something more
than proverbial merely.*

If we endeavour to combine the physiognomical
peculiarities of the criminal type with the data of
anthropological investigation, we obtain a somewhat
monotonous picture in widely different climates, not-
withstanding the fact that it is not permissible to
speak of a perfectly uniform type. The reason why
this is impossible is one to which I have already
alluded more than once—namely, the fact that the
extreme cases, very great or very small values of
linear dimensions, surfaces, and weights, of the
human body and its parts, are encountered far more
frequently among the inmates of our great prisons
than they are among an equivalent number of
non-criminals; for example, among several hundred
factory employés, soldiers, emigrants—in a word, any
other category of mankind. It must not, however,
be supposed that what we find is, in one-half of the
criminals we examine, that everything is too large,
and in the other half, that everything is too small.
What we, find is: one dimension too large, and
another dimension too small, side by side in the same
individual. An extremely common combination is:
too small a cranium, with jaws unduly large; beard

1 The Germans speak of thieves as being langfingerig, “‘ long-

fingered,’ in the same sense in which we in England speak of
them as “ light-fingered.”—-TRaNnSLATOR.

t

50 CESARE LOMBROSO

too scanty; ears too large. As regards an immediate
general impression, and on superficial observation,
there can be no question of a “‘type.’’ The type
first becomes manifest as a result of intimate study.
Anthropometrically, the criminal type represents the
extreme values; zoologically, it represents the
primatoid characters; developmentally, cases of in-
complete development, such as are found here and
there in all nationalities. Such is the meaning of
the doctrine of the criminal type, which, intentionally
or unintentionally, has been continually misunder-
stood,

In respect of an immediate general impression, a
well-marked example of the criminal type attracts
attention less by the expression of the face than by
the permanent structural peculiarities of the skull
and the face, more especially the smallness of the
skull as a whole or in the frontal region, the receding
forehead, the large frontal sinuses, prognathism of
the upper jaw, and massiveness of the lower jaw,
prominent malar bones, and all kinds of anomalies
in the shape of the skull. The large, pale face is
often very striking, with scanty beard, thick, usually
dark, hair, and large projecting ears. The nose is
commonly long and straight; in some cases it is
bulky, with a wide, ill-defined bridge. A well-formed, —
symmetrical nose is extremely rare in the criminal
type. Asymmetry of the face and a crooked nose are

CRIMINAL ANTHROPOLOGY 51

so typical that realistic painters, from the period of
the Early Renascence down to the days of modern
naturalism, depict these peculiarities whenever they
are painting rascals, vagabonds, executioners, con-
demned criminals, and the like. I may mention,
more especially, Goya, Gavarni, Géricault, Canon,
Wiertz, Leibl, etc. In Géricault’s drawing, ‘‘ Téte
d’un Supplicie ” (‘‘ Head of an Executed Criminal ”’),
the asymmetry of the nose is very clearly repre-
sented; whilst the broad, deeply-furrowed face, the
thin moustache, the narrow and receding forehead
with prominent superciliary ridges, the prominent
cheek-bones, the heavy lower jaw, and the irregular
teeth, combine to constitute the complete criminal
type.

The physiognomy of the criminal is naturally
dominated by the traces left on the face by the
habitual modes of expression. Youthful criminals
have, for the most part, a dull or a frivolous appear-
ance. The life of crime when they are free, and the
prison life when they are not free, combine to produce
a permanent imprint of anger and obstinacy, cunning
and hypocrisy. Obstinacy and anger are often ex-
pressed by a permanent compression of the lips,
marked wrinkling of the forehead, and a wild look in
the eyes. This last, quite by itself, often suffices to
betray the criminal nature, especially in the faces of }
women.

52 CESARE LOMBROSO

Elderly criminals often lose the energetic expansive
expression, which during prolonged periods of con-
finement they have endeavoured to transform into a
submissive mien—often, however, with but partial
success, resulting in a peculiar form of the super-
ciliary arches, which assume the appearance of an S
lying on the side. In others, the dominant brutality
is marked by a one-sided grin, or by restless facial
movements. Lombroso made some valuable observa-
tions regarding the peculiar look of the criminal,
which he often demonstrated to me personally. The
cold, wild glance of the murderer, and the restless
glance of the thief, are unmistakable. The cheat and
the chevaher d’industrie (sharper), attempting to play
the man of integrity or the loyal soul, betray them-
selves by their piercing glances. Very great rest-
lessness of the glance, to a degree verging on the
pathological, is often seen in murderers, alternating
with a cold, glassy, fixed stare. In the mouth may
be observed all shades of cruelty and defiance; the
fawning smile of the poisoner and of the homosexual
prostitute is a very common appearance. In the
deeply-wrinkled face of elderly criminals, Lombroso’s
pupil, Ottolenghi, was the first to discover a re-
markable furrow, extending across the middle of
the cheek at the level of the angle of the mouth. I
have rarely seen it outside the prison walls, but
have found it with notable frequency in the con-

:
f.
a
mn
~4
\

ii
\
d
,

\

ORIMINAL ANTHROPOLOGY 53

victs of Upper Silesia. Lombroso has named it the
ride du vice.

In this chapter I have simply attempted to give a
sketch of the data of criminal anthropology. In view
of the extensive material already available, collected
by numerous observers whose methods often differ,
a scientifically adequate exposition of these data is
by no means easy. It gives little satisfaction to learn
from tabular statements that such and such char-
acters occur with such and such frequency. What
we want to know is, what proportion of criminals in
general exhibit characters of this kind, and how
many of such characters may be assembled in a
single individual.

From 5,000 cases described in the literature of
the subject, for the most part by Lombroso himself
or by his immediate pupils, I have selected those
cases in which the individual had been carefully
examined, in which his life-history was thoroughly
known, and in which mental disorder could be ex-
cluded: these numbered 800. I compared them with
the cases studied by myself in the prisons of Upper
Silesia, whose records were accessible to me; from
these also I excluded several dozen as idiots or
lunatics.

54 CESARE LOMBROSO

The material being thus rigorously sifted, very care-
fully analyzed, and consisting exclusively of criminals,
it was then tabulated. The results obtained were
briefly the following :

There were present

Per Cent.
At least one cerebrogenous character in ... PG.
Frontal microcephaly in... ae Oa
Three or more cerebrogenous ehachohenss in seat Cae
Primatoid characters in... oo ... 100
Three or more primatoid charachars't Mi wakes Se
Primatoid characters in the brain (post mortem) AT
Varieties of the pinnain ... ve MOD
More than three characters of aay of the above
kindsin ... 77
More than five eapgotnen: of ane ee thie above
kindsin ... ses ni ae De AOE

From this we learn that among those repeatedly
convicted of serious crime in Western and Middle
Europe, no less than 60 per cent. exhibit several
distinctive characters, indicating the existence of an
abnormal congenital predisposition.

CHAPTER III

OPPOSITION TO LOMBROSO’S VIEWS—WOMAN AS
CRIMINAL—THE POLITICAL CRIMINAL—CRIMINAL
PSYCHOLOGY

In the first fierce campaign against criminal anthro-
pology two objections are repeatedly encountered.
One of these points out the absence of distinctive
anthropological characters in female criminals; the
other contests the conceivability of the anthropo-
logical unity of a social group whose sole link of
union consists of a concept so variable in time and
place as is the concept of crime.

The latter of these two objections was, of course,
controverted by Lombroso in part on purely concep-
tual grounds; but in addition to this he has shown
that the criminal group in which the idea of crime
is so relative that the criminal of yesterday may
be the judge to-day, whilst the judge of yesterday
may to-day be the criminal—to wit, the category of
political criminals—he has shown that this criminal
group may, with a little criticism, readily be resolved

into geniuses, enthusiasts, fools, rogues (and, finally,
55

56 CESARE LOMBROSO

the crowd these carry along with and after them);
and that in every revolution—even the most desirable
one—old-established professional rascality and newly-
awakened cruelty find a most suitable field for the
display of their dangerous attributes. By means of
the study of a large number of regicides, and also
that of the most notable personalities of the French
Revolution at the end of the eighteenth century, of
the fight for Italian unity, the uprising of the Paris
Commune, and the Russian terrorism of our own day,
he demonstrates this truth beyond dispute.

The other objection, regarding the lack of distinc-
tive anthropological characters in female offenders,
demanded for its answer very comprehensive studies
in a previously neglected field ; these researches were
undertaken in co-operation with G. Ferrero, and
resulted in the publication in 1893 of the widely
read work on ‘‘ Woman as Criminal and Prostitute.’’!

The Introduction to this book, 180 pages in length,
appears to me to be the most interesting and remark-
able piece of work Lombroso ever issued. Even his
opponents never denied his all-embracing culture and
extraordinarily wide reading, nor his brilliant intuitive
powers and bold faculty for combination; on the
other hand, his most zealous advocates and adherents
have always complained of his obvious neglect of
critical examination of his sources of information,

1 “Ta Donna Delinquente, la Prostituta, e la Donna Normale.”

OPPOSITION TO LOMBROSO’S VIEWS 57

of analytical treatment and systematic arrangement
of his material, and of comprehensive presentation
and definitive architectonic. But nowhere else are
his merits so strikingly manifest, and nowhere else
are his defects less conspicuous, than they are in
this-brilliant description of the biological and physio-
logical characteristics of woman and accurate survey
of the differences between the sexes. In part, indeed,
the work under consideration may owe its conspicuous
merits in point of style and arrangement to the fact
that Lombroso’s own deficiencies in these respects
were supplemented by the assistance of his collaborator
and subsequent son-in-law, G. Ferrero, the author of
the celebrated “History of the Roman Empire.”
However this may be, Lombroso in this work pene-
trates deeply into the science of general biology, and
endeavours, having regard to the characters found by
him to differentiate woman from man, to formulate a
comprehensive law of sexual differentiation in general.

He refers this differentiation to the fact that the
whole organization of woman is predestined to mother-
hood, and to the fact that any other professional
activity of whatever kind is hardly possible to her,
or, if possible, only on account of an abnormal and
degenerative predisposition.

With this dominant position of motherhood in
woman he correlates also two facts of great importance
in the anthropology of the female offender. The first

58 CESARE LOMBROSO

of these is the much lesser variability of women,*
owing to which women in general exhibit less marked
special differentiation than men; consequently such
deviations from type as do occur in women are far
more significant than similar deviations occurring in
men, and therefore in women very great importance
must be attached even to isolated theromorphs. The
second fundamental fact is the lesser general sensi-
bility and lesser sensibility to pain of women as
compared with men.

Both these phenomena of sexual differentiation are
more strongly marked among civilized races than
they are among savages. Thus, according to Lom-
broso’s investigations, the female skull, especially in
the civilized races, resembles rather the skull of the
child than that of the adult male, and this is especially
the case as regards its frontal and facial portions.

Lombroso made an exhaustive study of the problem
of the origin of the greater development of sympathy
in the female sex, and discussed how, notwithstanding
this fact, the frequent tendency to cruelty in women
can be explained: he sees in this one of those con-
trasts which are common in the sphere of the
emotional life, but which, with progress in civilization,
tend to disappear, owing to the development of

1 Havelock Ellis confirms this statement, as the result of a

most laborious investigation (“Man and Woman,” 4th edition,
London, 1904, chap. xvi, and appendix).

WOMAN AS CRIMINAL 59

sympathetic feelings. The rest of the emotional life
of woman is also adapted to her profession of mother-
hood; and this is true, above all, of the sexual feelings,
which thus seem to be constructed almost entirely
upon a “masochistic ’’ basis. Strong erotic feelings,
when they do occur in women, are, according to Lom- 7
broso, an approximation to the masculine type; they
are, that is to say, abnormal in women. In respect
to moral development, he regards woman as inferior
to man. ‘‘ We cannot, indeed, say that woman dis-
plays to the same degree as the child the lineaments
of moral idiocy, for she is saved from this by her
endowment with maternal love and with sympathy.
Fundamentally, however, woman remains non-moral,
and this often precisely in consequence of her
sympathy. She exhibits numerous traits of character

. . which prevent her from approaching to the same
degree as man that balance between rights and duties,
between egoism and altruism, which is the ultimate
goal of moral development.”

By means of historical and ethnological data, the
importance of which, notwithstanding the criticism
of Westermarck, has not been shaken, Lombroso
endeavours to prove that during the long ages of the
life of prehistoric humanity certain conditions were
generally dominant in the sexual life which are now
regarded as constituting prostitution—that is to say,
he considers that prostitution and prostitutes at the

60 CESARE LOMBROSO

present day are reversionary or atavistic phenomena.
The intimate description given by Lombroso of the
psychical life of the prostitute has notably contributed
to our interpretation of prostitution in the atavistic
sense. This explains why it is that among prosti-
tutes the criminal type is found more frequently and
more markedly than it is even among female criminals.

Thus, for Lombroso, the prostitute, even more than
the homicidal robber, is the genuine typical repre-
sentative, the prototype, of criminality—the counter-
part of the male major criminal; and in social
co-operation with the latter, the prostitute gives rise
to the institution of soutenage.?

1 Aschaffenburg also writes : “I believe that in some instances
we are entitled to regard the prostitute as the equivalent of the
criminal; but, notwithstanding this, I believe thatthe complement
to the prostitute is to be looked for, not in the thief, the pickpocket,
or the forger, but rather in the beggar and the vagrant.”

TRANSLATOR’s Notz.—Lombroso’s views regarding the prosti-
tute are disputed by many who accept the greater part of his
teachings in the matter of criminal anthropology. Prostitution is
largely a socially-caused phenomenon, and therefore prostitutes,
in so far as they are the complements of criminals will be mainly
complementary to socially-caused and occasional ‘‘ criminals,”’
not to habitual and instinctive criminals. Thus, Bloch (‘‘The
Sexual Life of Our Time,” London, Rebman, Ltd., 1909, p. 401),
while admitting that the world of crime is very near to that of
prostitution—because the prostitute has need of a man to whom
she is not simply a chattel, to whom she can be something from
the personal point of view, and also because she shares with the
criminal the life of the social pariah—goes on to say: “ Lom-
broso’s doctrine that prostitution is throughout equivalent to
criminality is certainly not justified. It is only by the outward
circumstances of their life that the bulk of prostitutes are driven

a

WOMAN AS CRIMINAL 61

The world of feminine crime, in so far as it is not
allied to prostitution, is regarded by Lombroso as
constituted only to a very slight extent of true
criminal natures: ‘‘ A small group of women, marked
with very severe stigmata of degeneration, almost
more numerous than such stigmata are in male
criminal types, is sharply distinguished from the
great majority of women criminals, who exhibit few
and uncertain stigmata of degeneration ; similarly,
from the psychological standpoint, we have to dis-
tinguish from the great mass of female criminals a
small group of women in whom we recognize more
severe and more unnatural moral anomalies than are
met with in male criminals. The ordinary woman
criminal has usually been lured to crime, either by
hetero-suggestion or by very powerful temptation,
and her moral sense will often be found to be un-
impaired, or, at any rate, not entirely destroyed.”

In other words, women criminals—who in civilized
countries are only from one-fifth to one-tenth as
numerous as men criminals!—are, as a rule, criminals
by passion or occasional criminals. A woman of the
genuinely criminal type is either at the same time a
prostitute as well as a criminal, or else—if her social

into intimate relations with criminality.” For a careful con-
sideration of the pros and cons of this profoundly important
question, with reference to leading authorities, see Havelock
Ellis, “ Sex in Relation to Society,” pp. 266-269.

1 In Germany in the year 1899 (‘Statistik des Deutschen
Reichs,” vol. xxxii., II., 50-65), for every 100 men condemned

62 CESARE LOMBROSO

position has saved her from becoming a professional
prostitute—she exhibits a marked anthropological and
psychological similarity to a prostitute.

By reference to a large number of cases personally
examined by himself, and with the aid of extensive
statistical material, Lombroso endeavours to establish
the thesis that, as a general rule, female delinquents
come under the ban of the penal law, either from
affective causes (criminals by passion) or else from
the pressure of unfavourable economic circumstances
or other external conditions (occasional criminals) ;
that their offences are for the most part the outcome
of a normal feminine psychical life, and are in no
respect the product of emotional or moral abnormality ;
that alike in the general conduct of their life and in
the particular offences for which they have been con-

for the offences specified below, there were of women convicted
of the like offence :

Crime and misdemeanour in general ... aba |
Breaches of the peace... SG th shes: ane
Perjury... bee aie ayn sin sou.) eS
False accusation ... 4a v3 bes .. 85°38
Procurement sie ee ‘ss obs ... 1646
Procuring abortion a5 Be se ... 875°9
Infant exposure ... es on ve ... 400°0
Fraud wae ee sae avd me = CEM 3
Injury to property nak an Hes mies 60
Simple assault ... Bud ay auth ee Die
Aggravated assault ie ae op ie 79
Petty larceny ais ig +h Th sien eee

Major thefts ula ips vin ia ovo) * RBS

WOMAN AS CRIMINAL 63

demned we can trace the characteristic lineaments of
the womanly nature; that above all, in the majority
of them, the mother-sense is in no way diminished,
or if diminished, only to a very trifling degree, and
that an increase of the sexual impulse is in them
hardly ever demonstrable.

He then goes on to prove, by the examination of an
extensive material, which he has subjected to a most
careful analysis, that prostitutes and genuinely
criminal feminine types (‘‘rea nata’’) are charac-
terized by an utter lack of the mother-sense; that in
women condemned for major crimes an increased
sexual impulse is almost invariably present, and that
this fact notably contributes to their criminal develop-
ment; whereas prostitutes are, as a rule, conspicuous
for sexual frigidity, and from childhood onwards are
characterized by a lack of the sense of shame.

The case-histories, of which the book contains an
abundance, show, indeed, that genuine women
criminals are endowed with the same fundamental
peculiarities which Lombroso has so fully described
in male criminals, and the prostitute is exhibited
no more than as a slightly divergent variety of the
woman criminal; but the peculiar part which the
female sexual life and the endowment of the woman
criminal with the attributes of motherhood play in
her psychology, give to the general picture of the
female criminal certain peculiarities which justify a
separate treatment of feminine criminal psychology.

64 CESARE LOMBROSO

This thesis of LLombroso’s, that among women
criminals the number of genuinely criminal types is
small, whilst the number of occasional criminals is
very large, is supported by the following considera-
tions (quoted by him in the book we are now studying).
Some years before the publication of ‘‘La donna
delinquente,” an anthropological investigation under-
taken in prisons for women by other authors showed
that in women the various characters commonly found
in male criminals were less frequently present.
Varieties of the skull and of the external ear, abnor-
malities of dentition, of the growth of the hair, etc.,
were found only in from 10 to 20 per cent. of female
prisoners, as compared with 40 to 60 per cent. of
male prisoners, whereas the well-marked ‘criminal
characteristics” are actually more frequently present
in prostitutes than they are in male criminals.

Another important objection to Lombroso’s views
on the nature of the criminal is answered in his work
on political crime and revolutions.

The very title of this book, “‘ Il delitto politico e le
revoluzioni’’ (Bocca, Turin), shows that Lombroso,
whose investigations had hitherto been concerned
with the criminal only, not with crime itself, was now
working in a wider field. Although in this book the
sections dealing with the individual factors of political
crime, and the descriptions of the criminaloid, de-
generate, and mentally-disordered protagonists of

THE POLITICAL CRIMINAL 65

political disturbance, are the fullest and at the same
time the most successful ; none the less, Lombroso’s
investigations into the historical nature of revolutions
and revolts, and his explanation of their etiology,
deserve our consideration, and in many cases our
admiration.

Unquestionably, this is a field of ideas to which
& positive mode of treatment is especially applicable ;
and in this portion of his work Lombroso has utilized
with profit and ability, and not seldom with true
genius, the method of Buckle and the conceptions of
the doctrine of evolution.

Occasionally, indeed, we cannot fail to notice the
lack of adequate criticism of his sources of informa-
tion, and that too often he has failed to refer on his
own account to the ultimate sources. We can excuse
him for accepting the authority of Mommsen, Grote,
and Curtius, when he is compiling a statistical survey
of the political disturbances of the ancient world; but
when he came to study the great French Revolution,
it was certainly unwise to accept Taine as an authority.
He has no lack of sources of information regarding
more recent history; above all, as regards the Paris
Commune, the still enduring epidemic of assassina-
tions and attempted assassinations of Kings and
Presidents, as regards Russian nihilism, anarchism,
and the revolts and revolutions in the Central and

‘South American Republics—all these provide him
5

66 CESARE LOMBROSO

with a veritable superfluity of material for the study
of the etiology and psychical anthropology of revolu-
tions and revolts. In the chapters based upon such
information as this the treatment often assumes a
merely anecdotal form, which will induce in many
readers a critical frame of mind, although the
majority will find this portion also of the book alike
stimulating and interesting; and, indeed, we must
not forget that a thorough study and elucidation of
the peculiar individual factors of political disturbances
is hardly possible in default of the description of an
abundance of individual traits. Thus, we read that
Most exhibits the following ‘stigmata of degenera-
tion”: “repulsive ugliness, an asymmetrical and
enormous upper jaw, the eyes of a toad, flaccid skin.”
Or we are told of the misdeeds of the Communard,
Allix, and are then informed that ‘‘ he had invented a
telegraph, based upon the reciprocal sympathy of
twenty-four pairs of snails, each pair representing a
single letter of the alphabet.”

Lombroso begins his demonstration with a purely
psychological study; he describes the origin and
effect of an impulsive tendency, deeply rooted in
human nature, to which he gives the name of
‘*misoneism ”’ (hatred of novelty).1 In the wounding

1 Compare Walter Bagehot’s phrase, “the pain of a new
idea,”’ which will be found in his brilliant little volume on
‘Physics and Politics ” (p. 168).—TRANSLATOR.

THE POLITICAL CRIMINAL 67

of this misoneism he sees the essence of political
crime, in the glorious defeat of this sentiment, which
opposes itself to the most necessary progress, to the
very being of social evolution. Thus the political
criminal appears on the one hand as a transgressor
against the most legitimate, and organically the most
deeply rooted, social tendency of human nature, and,
on the other hand (and simultaneously), as the prime
advocate of every advance in civilization.

Misoneism has its roots deep in the organic life,
and is merely the expression in the social sphere of
vis inertie in the physical. For this reason it is most
powerful, not where it has made its appearance in

1 Compare also Havelock Ellis, ‘‘ Studies in the Psychology
of Sex,” vol. vi., “‘Sex in Relation to Society,” where this
fundamental and profoundly important paradox is most thought-
fully expounded. After explaining the difference between
traditional morality and ideal morality, the former being
concerned with the accepted standards of social conduct, the
latter embodying an attempt to reform those standards, and
showing how the two moralities are of necessity opposed each to
the other, Ellis goes on to say (op. cit., p. 368) : ‘‘ We have to
remember that they are both equally sound and equally indis-
pensable, not only to those who accept them, but to the
community which they continue to hold in vital theoretical
balance. We have seen them both, for instance, applied to the
question of prostitution; traditional morality defends prostitu-
tion, not for its own sake, but for the sake of the marriage
system, which it regards as sufficiently precious to be worth a
sacrifice, while ideal morality refuses to accept the necessity of
prostitution, and looks forward to progressive changes in the
marriage system which will modify and diminish prostitution.”
— TRANSLATOR.

68 CESARE LOMBROSO

consciousness, or has been erected into a system of
conservative principles, but where it is dominant
without those guided by this sentiment being aware
of the fact; indeed, it is most effective precisely
where, in theory and in all good faith, people aim at
progress. Thus Lombroso finds the most intensive
misoneism among the French, ‘‘ who prefer the
novelty of innovation, who have always loved rather
the stormy movement of revolution than its useful
results . . . for everything novel that the French
take to their bosoms must be of such a kind that it
does not disturb them in their habitudes. They
gladly change their fashions, their ministers of state,
and their external forms of government, but continue
to cling all the while to Druidism and Cesarism.”’
Inasmuch, therefore, as any and every advance in
the condition of humanity can be effected only very
slowly, and in the face of opposition both from within
and from without, and in view of the fact that human
society instinctively clings to what is old-established,
Lombroso draws the conclusion that efforts towards
progress, characterized by rapid and violent means,
are in their very nature abnormal. Even if for an
oppressed minority such methods are inevitable, they
are still antisocial in their nature—that is to. Say,
they are criminal in character, and often uselessly
criminal, because they incite misoneism to bring
about a reaction, which will carry things back past

THE POLITICAL CRIMINAL 69

the original starting-point. If any innovation is to
be adopted, even if in its nature it is unquestionably
progressive, it must come quite slowly, and after long
preparation. We see this fact quite as clearly in science
and in the practical arts as we do in public life.
Every step out of the beaten path, every innovation
which does not correspond to a generally felt need,
and which has not had the way prepared for it by the
establishment of a new tradition, is an assault upon
the power of misoneism; and in the eyes of those—
and they form the great majority—who cling to all
that is old-established, such an assault demands the
application of the penal law.

But there have been successful revolutions. How
shall we, at the outset, distinguish from these, mere
frivolous attacks upon the inevitable inertia of social
life? Lombroso’s book endeavours to find an answer
to this question by means of the anthropological
(physical and psychical) study of revolutionaries, and
by means of a special statistical examination of the
historical material, in search of certain factors inde-
pendent of the individual human being. The answer
is expressed in the terms of “ cosmic determinism.”

We cannot fully understand the matter and the
manner of this investigation unless we are acquainted
with certain earlier writings of Lombroso’s, and more
especially with his researches concerning the nature
of genius; it is necessary also to give an anticipatory

70 CESARE LOMBROSO

account of his ideas concerning the nature of revolu-
tion.

“‘ Revolution is the historical expression of evolu-
tion; it is the chicken which has outgrown the
embryonic stage, and is ready for life in the open,
breaking through the shell.” This is a metaphor to
which Lombroso returns again and again. If the
new development is one with whose idea the generality
have become familiar, if the old forms have become
rotten, the evolutionary impulse spontaneously breaks
into fresh channels. It is true that even then in
some cases some force has to be applied to overcome
the resistance of the adherents of the old ways; for,
owing to the universality of misoneism, and to the
law of inertia, such adherents will always be found,
however cogent the need for innovation. Now, the
characteristic of genius is its freedom from that which
furnishes obstacles to progress, its freedom from
misoneism—at least, in respect of progress in that
particular direction towards which the particular type
of genius is directed. In genius, therefore, Lombroso
recognizes at once the source of all those tendencies
which gradually swell to form the irresistible flood of
revolution, and the helper through whose instrumen-
tality the ultimately mature embryo is assisted to its
birth. And just as, on the one hand, the genius
accompanies a genuine revolutionary movement, one
capable of development, from its first small begin-

THE POLITICAL CRIMINAL 71

nings down to its victorious close; so, on the other
hand, the pseudo-genius, the ‘‘ mattoid” criminal or
the lunatic, excites revolis which oppose themselves
in vain to the vis inertie of society, and whose sole
result is to hinder the general course of evolution.

In this section of this remarkable book we find a
notable stimulus, and the brilliant exposition leads us
to formulate all kinds of speculation. We are in-
duced to attempt also to draw up a prognosis. We
ask ourselves what will be the outcome of such a
movement as that which was initiated in Germany
by Lassalle—half genius, half-moral eccentric—a
movement which has found its fool and its half-fool
in Neve and Most respectively, and among whose
adherents even now the question is being discussed
whether the old Prussian suffrage system shall be
and can be destroyed and rebuilt by means of street-
demonstrations and the general strike.

Lombroso utilized the relations between genius
and revolution in a most remarkable manner for the
purpose of studying the nature of revolution. A
notable portion of his material, and unquestionably
the most trustworthy portion, is constituted by the
official statistics of the French elections to the
Chamber of Deputies in the years 1877, 1881, and
1885. In a nation whose disposition and develop-
ment have been of so monarchical a character,
Lombroso proceeds, a republican vote signifies ad-

72 CESARE LOMBROSO

hesion to a revolution. ‘In these elections we have
the numerical expression of revolution in its legiti-
mate form—a form entirely free from any criminal or
insurgent features.”

In a very detailed manner he then proceeds to
demonstrate the complete parallelism in France
between genius and revolution—that is to say,
republican sentiment—which, if not easy to display
numerically, nevertheless is and has been universally
dominant. Reference is also made to a kind of
statistical statement of genius, which was given by
Lombroso in another work, ‘‘ L’uomo di genio,” 1888.1
From these statistics he derives an “‘ index of genius ”’
for every department in France, and according to the
size of this index the departments are arranged in
groups. These will be seen to correspond in a most
striking manner with the groups we obtain by classify-
ing the departments according to their republican or
monarchical proclivities. |

This analogy is pursued yet further. In a number
of interesting tables, diagrams, and charts, the French
departments are grouped according to their configura-
tion (mountains, hills, and plains), the geological
character of their soil (granitic and other primary
formations—jurassic, cretaceous, alluvial, etc.), accord-
ing to the racial origin of their inhabitants (Ligurian,
Iberian, Cymric, Ruthenian, Gaelic, Belgic, etc.), and

1 Translated as ‘‘ The Man of Genius.” London: Walter Scott.

THE POLITICAL CRIMINAL 73

for each group the predominant political tendency and
the index of genius are determined. In this way
also he deduces an analogy bordering on identity
between republicanism and genius.

Apart from such analogies as these, his analysis of
» the electoral results in France, and his grouping of
the republican and the monarchical departments
according to the configuration of the surface, the
geological character of the soil, and the origin of the
population, are of the greatest interest; and the
interest is further increased by the accompanying
commentary dealing with a mass of facts relating to
other countries. Thus, of thirty-six departments of a
mountainous character, twenty-five are republican ;
whereas of ten departments in the plains, four only
are republican. Lombroso gives numerous examples
to show that the inhabitants of mountainous districts
are inclined to more rapid evolutionary changes than
the inhabitants of the plains, who are more averse to
novelty. On the other hand, at very lofty altitudes
indeed, an apathetic temperament and _ political
indolence are dominant. Thus, in Mexico, the
inhabitants of districts at an altitude of over 2,000
metres (6,560 feet) above the sea-level are character-
ized by passivity. The inhabitants of the capital city,
which is situated at about this altitude, are politically
indifferent, and take hardly any part in the revolu-
tions of the country. It is the troops only, recruited

74 CESARE LOMBROSO

from other parts of the country, which issue the
pronunciamentos.

The monotonous scenery of the plains induces an
equable internal state in the inhabitants, and thus
strengthens in them the sentiment of misoneism.
Only the proximity of large rivers, on which great
industrial towns grow up, encourages a political
vitality in the plains. Factors of another order may
intervene, and may counteract this monotonizing ~
influence of the plains. Here, above all, we note the
effect of the crossing of races, in consequence of which
the Poles, through contact and intermixture with the
Germans, have undergone a notable development in
civilization and political life in advance of so many
other Slavonic races. In this connection, Lombroso
lays especial stress upon the first effects, the nascent
state, of such intercrossing of races, and refers the
rapid decline in Polish evolution to disappearance of
this status nascendi. (This notion of Lombroso’s is
supported by the fact that the partition of Poland was
followed by a renewed crossing of the Polish with the
German stock, and there ensued upon this, in the
middle third of the nineteenth century, and again
to-day, in addition to the blossoming of a quite un-
expected industrial, scientific, and literary quickening
of the race, a recrudescence of the Polish revolutionary
spirit. For a long time the force produced by the
nascent state seemed exhausted, and the revolutionary

THE POLITICAL ORIMINAL 75

spirit of the Poles appeared to have become meta-
morphosed into clericalism.)

In addition to the permanent factors of soil and
race, by means of which a nation is rendered capable
of pursuing a successful course of developmsnt
through a series of fortunate revolutions, there are
other and variable influences which give rise to a
continuous rebellious unrest. Pre-eminent among
these influences is a climate characterized by periods
of rapidly rising temperature, whereas a tropical
climate induces absolute indolence in the inhabitants,
so that in tropical countries history has nothing to
record regarding class-struggles, conspiracies, and
serious insurrections.

The hot season in the southern regions of the
temperate climes is a cardinal factor in the production
of political disturbances. Lombroso has proved this
by the utilization of material whose official origin
appears to him to render it entirely trustworthy—
namely, the data recorded in the Calendar of Gotha
for the years 1791 to 1880. In this period we find an
account of 836 revolts, rebellions, insurrections, etc.,
of which 495 took place in Europe. The maximum
of the European disturbances took place in the month
of July, whilst of the South American revolts, the
maximum occurred in the corresponding month of the
southern hemisphere—viz., January. The more recent
records, relating to outbreaks in Argentina and Chile,

76 CESARE LOMBROSO

confirm this conclusion. The smallest number of
revolts occurred—in Europe, in November and
December, and in South America, in May and June.
If we examine the records of the individual European
nations, we find that among all the nations of
Southern Europe the summer is the principal time
of disturbance. In the case of five nationalities (the
Norwegians, Swedes, Danes, Poles, and Irish) the
spring predominates. In one case only was there a
maximum of revolts in winter ; this was Switzerland,
in which ten out of twenty-four recorded outbreaks
occurred during the winter season.

Another tabulation of the figures displays the pre-
dominance of the nationalities of Southern Europe
in the statistics of insurrection. In Greece there were
95 revolts per 10,000,000 inhabitants, this being the
maximum ; in Russia, down to the year 1900, there
were 0°8 per 10,000,000 inhabitants, this being the
minimum. Dividing Europe into three zones, we find
that in Northern Europe there were 12 revolts, in
Central Europe 25, and in Southern Europe 56, per
10,000,000 inhabitants.

Even richer in facts, and more engrossing in con-
sequence of vivid description and apt characterization,
is the analysis, in chapters vii. to xii., of the
individual factors of political crime. The significance
of age and sex are studied, and we find a detailed
description of the female protagonists of Russian

THE POLITICAL CRIMINAL 77

nihilism, who are depicted as the noblest examples of
the ‘ revolutionist by passion.” A description is then
given of the born criminals and the morally diseased
among rebels and insurgents, with a full account of
their individual peculiarities. Proof is submitted of
the great part played in all important insurrectionary
movements by the insane and the partially insane
(‘‘mattoids”’). An elaborate account is given of the
characteristics and influence of the “ political occa-
sional criminals and political criminals by passion,”
who are closely allied to the revolutionary genius, and
commonly exhibit a noble type of character. Whereas
among the French revolutionaries of 1793, among the
revolters in South America, the rioters of the Paris
Commune, and the modern anarchists, Lombroso
finds the most bestial criminal natures and the most
horrible moral insanity predominant, among the
heroes of the prolonged Italian struggle for freedom
and among the so-called nihilists he describes a
number of anthropologically normal and noble figures,
from whom nothing is more remote than degenera-
tion, criminality, or mental disorder. The chapter is
illustrated by a large number of portraits, including
those of Louise Michel, Ibarbar, Reinsdorf, and Hodel,
as criminal physiognomies ; and contrasted with these
are the noble countenances of Magzzini, Bakunin,
Scheljabow, Wjera, Sassulitsch, Perowskaja, etc.

At the end of this first part of his book, Lombroso

78 CESARE LOMBROSO

sums up the whole of his material for a differential
diagnosis between revolution and revolt. Then follows
the second part, which was written in collaboration
with a young jurist, the Veronese advocate Laschi.
Here we have an historical account of the genesis of
political crime, with a description of the earlier and
more recent methods of dealing with it, both national
and international; and an attempt is made, from the
standpoint gained in the first part, to formulate juri-
dically the principal elements of political criminology,
and to reconstruct the foundations of its penal repres-
sion. The conclusion consists of a detailed account
of the economic and political prophylaxis of ‘‘ political
crime,”’ in which from time to time—and more
especially in the criticism of Italian parliamentary
government and party politics—Lombroso’s original
modes of thought are strikingly manifest. For the
most part, however, these prophylactic prescriptions
have reference merely to co-operative associations,
insurance against unemployment, and a number of
political measures of a more or less “ State-Socialist ’’
character of no particular originality, and derived, as
it seems to me, in part from the ideas of Luigi Luzzati
(the present Minister President), and in part from
those of Achille Loria.

The chief merits of the book are not found here,
but in its historico-philosophical ideas, which in this
concluding portion are but slightly sketched, and in

CRIMINAL PSYCHOLOGY 79

the masterly manner in which, with the aid of a vast
material, the foundations are laid of our knowledge
of the psychology of the rebel, whose lineaments are
depicted with the truest perception of nature and of
history.

Lombroso’s daily contact with prisoners awaiting
trial, owing to his official position as medical officer
to the prison at Turin, the criticisms passed from the
legal side upon his doctrine of the “born criminal,”
and the continued exchange of ideas with so dis-
tinguished an expert in the theory of jurisprudence
as Enrico Ferri, led him in twenty years’ ensuing
work, in which he accumulated an enormous mass of
observations of his own, and utilized the entire inter-
national literature of the subject, to study the criminal
by passion, the occasional criminal (economic etiology
of crime), the habitual criminal, and other abnormal
categories of criminals (in addition to the born
criminal)—criminal alcoholics, criminal lunatics, and
criminal epileptics. The results of all this work were
incorporated in the third, fourth, and fifth editions of
**T’uomo delinquente.’’ From the year 1880 onwards
he was assisted in this gigantic undertaking by able
personal assistants, and from this year dates the issue
of his Archivia di psichiatria, in the production of
which he enjoyed the collaboration of an international
circle of colleagues. At the same time, the doors of

80 CESARE LOMBROSO

all Italian prisons were open, not to him only, but
also to his pupils and fellow-workers—an advan-
tage which I myself occasionally enjoyed. Beltrani-
Scalia,’ the chief of the Italian prison administration,
placed at Lombroso’s disposal the entire official
material of his department; and Lombroso utilized
this, not only to strengthen and develop his theories,
but also for the foundation of a unique criminal
museum, and for the preparation of carefully-thought-
out plans of penal reform. From every quarter
materials streamed in, by which hundreds of heads
and hands were kept busy. Lombroso’s grown-up
daughters, Paola and Gina, became readers, trans-
lators, actuaries, and sub-editors; and the house in
the great square of Turin, from which in the evening

1 This brilliant expert has given the best summary of’ his own
aims in the speech which he delivered in the year 1870 in
Cincinnati, at the Congress for Prison Reform, He said: ‘‘ When
the chains have been removed, when corporal punishment has
been abolished, when the treatment of prisoners has become some-
thing altogether different from what it has-been in the past,
when, in a word, in penology severity has been replaced by
mildness and consideration, still it will not be easy to say if and
to what extent this humane spirit will have dammed the spread-.
ing flood of crime, nor should I find it easy to determine
precisely the grounds by which we have been guided to a decision
whether severity or mildness is to be preferred.

**'To study the criminal, this is the first and the greatest need.
After so many years filled with work and discussion we have
arrived at the point from which we ought to have started,
precisely because, after taking such an infinity of trouble, we
have discovered nothing but emptiness.”

CRIMINAL PSYCHOLOGY 81

can be seen the sunset glow on the peaks of the
western Alps, became, not only the collecting centre
of the materials pouring in from every direction
(ultimately even from the slowly-moving Anglo-Saxon
world), not only the source of an extensive journalistic
propaganda (in Germany furthered by Maximilian
Harden’s paper, Zukunft, which even then had a wide
and increasing circulation), but, in addition, the
meeting- place of numerous foreign investigators
engaged in the study of the social and biological
sciences. Here the heavy red wine of Piedmont,
which was supplied with no sparing hand, loosened
many tongues; but wine was assuredly not the sole
enlivening element in the house, in which dis-
tinguished simplicity and a patriarchal atmosphere
combined to melt the chill reserve no less of the
Prussian Privy Councillor than of the English
University Professor, so that the conversation of all
was brilliant and unrestrained.

These years of propaganda and of practical efforts
on behalf of reform—1885 to 1900—undoubtedly owed
a part of their brilliancy and of their practical fruit-
fulness to Lombroso’s daughters, who first by means
of their women friends (among whom I may give the
leading place to the social reformer, Madame Kuliszew),
and subsequently by means of their affianced husbands
(G. Ferrero and M. Carrara), brought fresh worlds of

ideas into contact with that of their father. To the
6

82 CESARE LOMBROSO

elements already enumerated were added music and
the plastic arts, and the friendship of such artists as
Bistolfi—drawings and sketches by living artists, and
casts of celebrated sculptures were dispersed among
the skulls and the books with which almost every
room in the house was filled. The glorious harmonies
of Beethoven and Wagner were not only re-echoed in
the hearts alike of young and old among the audience,
but also resounded from the skulls of ancient
Peruvians and from painted prison-utensils. This
was the environment from which came the masterly
sketch of the nature of woman; and thus it came to
pass that the anthropology of calculus and measuring-
rule receded into the background, and was replaced
by a profound psychological insight. As a result of
such stimuli, and of others too numerous to mention,
there originated the intimate analysis of the criminal
mentality, in consequence of which the criminal is no
longer regarded merely as the savage and atavistic
descendant of the prehistoric mammoth-hunter, but
rather as one in whom the observer now perceives
also, and depicts with the sure hand of a master, the
lineaments of an unfortunate being impelled to crime
by his passions, by the pressure of want, by exploita-
tion and impoverishment. At the same time the
psychological description of the born criminal nature
gained additional clearness of detail and sharpness of
outline. We must look for this description, not only

CRIMINAL PSYCHOLOGY 83

in the last edition of the chief work, but also in the
numerous monographs on individual criminals whose
offences attracted public attention during these years
of Lombroso’s ripest knowledge and fullest creative
force. The last of these figures was the Parisian,
Madame Steinheil.

Lombroso’s criminal psychology deserves much
more attention than it has hitherto received. In
relation to the. practical problems of criminal juris-
prudence it is more important than were his purely
anthropological investigations, although these latter
have attracted far greater popular notice. Alike to the
expert in forensic medicine and to the psychiatrist,
criminal psychology possesses greater diagnostic im-
portance; for it is often necessary to determine
whether, in a certain individual, acquired mental
infirmity, congenital mental infirmity, or some special
and peculiar type of degeneracy, predominates. It
is not permissible for the medical jurist to argue as
follows: ‘‘ This individual has remarkable physical
characters and incomprehensible psychical pecu-
liarities, and he is therefore ill and irresponsible.”
The incomprehensible character of a crime or the
enigmatical character of a personality is not rarely
used as an argument for the belief that mental dis-
order, and consequent irresponsibility, exists. But

1 “ Pensieri sul processo Steinheil,” Archwio di psichiatria.
etc., vol. xxx., p. 87, 1909.

84 CESARE LOMBROSO

this is not a valid inference. A knowledge of the
psychology of the respectable bourgeois and of that
of the ordinary philistine, or a limited acquaintance
with the insane confined in institutions, does not
provide any experience of the interweaving of com-
plicated and peculiar motives and feelings in the
psyche of the criminal nature. A thorough know-
ledge of criminal psychology, which is rare to-day,
and which, for obvious reasons, is difficult to obtain,
is an essential preliminary for the distinction of
criminal natures from the insane and from imbeciles.

Not infrequently it is maintained that the per-
former of a criminal act cannot be normal if we
are unable to discover any profit which he could have
derived from his act. The characteristic of a criminal,
it is held, is to injure others to gain a personal
advantage; but to injure others simply for the sake
of doing injury is said to be characteristic of psycho-
logical anomaly.

This assumption is contradicted by two fundamental
traits of the criminal nature—recklessness of conse-
quences and cruelty. The recklessness of the criminal
nature leads him rather to yield to momentary im-
pulses than to pursue a deliberate purposive plan.
The cruel individual, not only as criminal, but also
as savage, as despot, as violent leader of a mob, takes

1 The monumental work of the Public Prosecutor, E. Wulffen
( Berlin, 1909), offers a notable exception to this generalization.

CRIMINAL PSYCHOLOGY 85

a positive pleasure in others’ suffering. Nothing, for
example, is commoner in the school and the barrack
than such a phenomenon as this. To a certain
degree, indeed, we find it in the average man, in the
normal philistine and the pedant, perhaps, more than
all, although only in a low degree of intensity. Many
criminal natures undoubtedly possess this tendency
to a very high degree, and take a positive delight in
the thought of being able to inflict pain and fear
on others. But herein they merely exhibit, after
their own fashion, a general tendency of human
nature to find pleasure in the possession and exercise
of power, and thus to feel superior to others, and
to manifest this superiority by means of the infliction
of pain.

In this sphere of cruelty there is certainly no more
than a quantitative difference between the criminal
nature and the normal philistine, and least of all will
one who is really familiar with the erotic life of
mankind, which is the principal sphere of the mutual
infliction of suffering, maintain that in its association
with cruelty there is anything that can be termed
pathological.

Unquestionably, many crimes are committed because
the injury inflicted upon another is in some way
profitable to the criminal. This, indeed, is little more
than a matter of business. But just as many crimes
are committed because the injury of another is pain-

86 CESARE LOMBROSO |

ful to that other, and because the criminal—the
usurer, for example—actually experiences pleasure
in having given rise to others’ pain. 3

The profound psychologist, Friedrich Nietzsche,
has detected the roots of this phenomenon in average
human nature. He speaks of the ‘‘ horrible beautiful ”’
of crime—of the happiness of one who has completely
freed himself from the lower instincts of compassion
and from the evil beast ‘‘ conscience.”

Abundant as are the materials for a special
psychology of certain specialities in crime, and exten-
sive as was Lombroso’s acquaintance with individual
criminals, none the less his account of the elementary
qualities of the criminal nature is extremely simple.
The differences between individual criminals, who at
first sight appear extremely unlike, frequently depend
merely upon the fact that the inclination to enrich
their own personality at the expense of another is
associated in the one case with a favourable, and in
the other with an unfavourable, economic position.
The thievish proletarian will steal anything he sees
lying about or anything that he finds in someone
else’s pocket. The millionaire similarly disposed will
not steal single purses, but will find ways and means
of emptying very numerous and very large purses.
The criminal proletarian is a petty thief or a burglar ;
the criminal bourgeois founds fraudulent banks and
limited liability companies, or transforms sound

CRIMINAL PSYCHOLOGY 87

undertakings into swindles, or he systematically
swindles his partners. Fraudulent bankruptcy is the
leading field of typical bourgeois criminality. Thus
we get an insight into the operation of many of the
so-called ‘‘economic factors” of crime, which in
essentials amount to this, that in times of economic
depression a large number of unscrupulous persons
seize opportunities for stealing bread that has risen
in price or the money that is needed for the purchase
of bread—a larger number than in more prosperous
times; whereas in times of commercial expansion
the talents of the swindler on the large scale and
of the millionaire plunderer find their greatest oppor-
tunity. Moreover, it is clear that one who has no
regard for his personal reputation will, if he is a poor
man, more readily turn to the commission of offences
against. property; but if he is well-to-do, he is more
likely to commit offences against the person. This
is shown by the fact that those who are well off
more often offend against the health, life, and sexual
freedom of others; whilst those who are ill off more
frequently commit offences against property. And it
is further shown by the fact that when wages are
rising, and the prices of the necessaries of life are
falling, crimes against the person increase in number,
whilst the number of thefts and embezzlements
diminishes. This tendency is still more clearly mani-

88 CESARE LOMBROSO

fested if the rise in wages and the fall in prices are
simultaneous.

In addition to cruelty, which we encounter not only
in offenders against the person, but also see frequently
in the form of a lack of sympathy, in usurers and
cheats, the comparative psychology of criminals en-
ables us to recognize in them as permanent qualities
a recklessness and remorselessness,! and, in most
cases, also an entire lack of integrity—that is to say,

1 The born criminal is, invariably, utterly destitute of the
feeling that he is doing wrong. Murderers frequently describe
their misdeeds as trifles, as pardonable errors of youth, and they
are astonished and indignant that they are so severely punished.
To the true criminal, the pangs of conscience are entirely
unknown, and a brutish indifference to death is a most frequent

manifestation. This is shown very clearly in the turns of
phrase met with in the jargon of criminals in relation to the

punishment of execution. One of the most sensational trials in

recent days—the trial of Heinze and of the prostitute with
whom he lived—served to acquaint the general public with the
phrase “cut the cabbage” for decapitation. The expression
**to sneeze in the sack” corresponds to this (the guillotined
head, when severed by the falling knife, is received in a sack) ;
and there are many others. LLombroso gives numerous examples
of a perfect equanimity persisting up to the very moment of
death. One of his reports (Archwio di psichiatria, 1891,
Section 4) tells us of a murderer who, whilst awaiting his
execution, drew caricatures of the spectators. Allied to this
indifference, appears to be the puzzling impulse of professional
murderers before the commission of a crime to speak openly of
their plans, and even to describe the actual details of the
proposed murder. Troppmann, although he lied in court during
the trial, while confined in his cell made drawings of the way in
which he had committed the murder.

CRIMINAL PSYCHOLOGY 89

merely negative qualities—due to deficiency in the
development of sensibility. Among positive qualities,
a characteristic one is the fatuous vanity of many
habitual criminals. It is a phenomenon of world-
wide familiarity that that which in the life of a
human being was at first a means merely, ultimately
becomes an independent end—indeed, the sole aim.
This we find also in the career of the criminal, to
whom crime becomes a field for vain display. The
art of pocket-picking, of housebreaking, of poisoning,
ultimately becomes one pursued for its own sake.
Some have thought this almost demoniacal; but
there is nothing very singular in the practice of an
acquired facility from the pure pleasure of its clever
performance—art for art’s sake. Moreover, we see
the same thing also in criminals who secretly destroy
property or secretly commit arson. Here the art
of remaining undiscovered is cultivated for its own
sake.

Lombroso gives a very elaborate description of
several other psychical characters of criminals—of their
religious life, and of their poetry and their literature,
which latter, in bloodthirstiness and savage sensuality,
closely resemble the tribal songs of the Australian
blacks. In his subtle observation and description of
the criminal psyche, in which he took note of the
smallest details, and at the same time combined these
deiails into a most effective general picture, making use

\

90 CESARE LOMBROSO

alike of apparently trifling scrawls on prison walls and
of comprehensive historical studies of crime, is cer-
tainly to be found his chief service. Here we find
one of the finest examples known to modern psycho-
pathology of the minute observation of details.
Lombroso shows himself to be a true interpreter of
nature, and a genius to whom, in the depth of his
insight into human nature, we can, among the
moderns, compare only Dostoieffsky, and, among
those of an earlier day, only the brilliant criminal
psychologist Shakespeare.

An important circumstance in the development of
the individual criminal is the existence of a pro-
fessional rascality with ancient traditions, repre-
senting a kind of syndicated organization of the
criminal interests, associated with the equally old
traditions of the receivers, vagabonds, prostitutes,
and gipsies. This has introduced into the life of
crime a conventional element, which would naturally
not be able to maintain itself unless it corresponded
to the innermost nature of the criminal. The old
national capitals—Venice, Madrid, Paris, London—
still possess ancient traditions of this character ; but
the colossal growth of the modern industrial towns
has given rise, in addition, to the existence of a
criminal world without traditions, one which knows
little or nothing of the three leading features of
the ancient tradition—thieves’ jargon, tattooing, and

CRIMINAL PSYCHOLOGY 91

soutenage. Southern Italy and Sicily have preserved
criminal organizations in the Camorra and the Maffia,
out of which there has developed a systematic taxation
of the propertied classes, and which even possess
Parliamentary powers.

Side by side with the ancient thieves’ jargon,
almost venerable in view of its genuine antiquity, as
shown by numerous words and phrases derived from
the Hebrew and Romany tongues, there has arisen
the ever-changing speech of the canaille, to which
contributions are continually furnished, first, by
prostitutes, through whose intermediation is effected
a contact between the most diverse classes of society ;
secondly, by submerged individuals originally belong-
ing to the upper classes; and, thirdly, by the artist
world. These jargons are naturally in a perpetual
flux. They possess their classic writers, as does, for
instance, the argot of contemporary Paris in the
talented Bruant, to whom every new variation of the
jargonization of speech streams down from the
summit of Montmartre, and whose songs are diffused
throughout France from thousands of small music-
halls, just in the same way as Francois Villon, four
and a half centuries ago, disseminated the jargon of
his day in shameless but inspired songs.

Now, unquestionably, every argot possesses a
criminal psychological interest. The canaille will
take the new-coined word io its heart only when the

92 CESARE LOMBROSO

thing or the relation described by this word expresses
something of great or supreme importance to the
blackguard or the cheat. To the burglar, the baby is
important principally as a ‘‘ screecher,” so he accepts
this new-coined word. To the thief, in the same way,
the fingers are “ hooks,” or, in the argot of Poland,
grabka—that which grips. To the naturalism of the
vagabond, the cook from whom he begs may be most
aptly described as jinkelmusch—jinkel being the fire-
side, and musch, a Hebrew word for the vulva. :

The humour of every jargon lies in this—that its
words are formed by the naming of that part of the
denominated whole which appears to the name-giver
to be the most important element of that whole.’
The astonishing vividness and speech-forming power
often recognizable in such jargon is really somewhat
atavistic when compared with the wearisome newspaper
jargon (‘‘journalese’’) of our modern books among
all civilized peoples. By means of precisely such a
word-formation, directed towards the vivid and im-
portant, did the colloquial speech of prehistoric man
originate! = ¢

In tattooing we recognize allied qualities of origin-

1 Cf. F. Max Miiller, “The Science of Thought,” 1887, pp.
270, 271: “‘If the science of language has proved anything, it
has proved that every term which is applied to a particular idea
or object, unless it be a proper name, is already a general term.
Mam meant originally anything that could think; serpent, any-
thing that could creep; fruit, anything that could be eaten,”’—
TRANSLATOR.

CRIMINAL PSYCHOLOGY 93

ality and force. Many criminals depict on their own
skins their fate and their philosophy. Naturally,
most of them adorn themselves with merely profes-
sional designs, devoid of all trace of originality; but
the standard specimens of this decorative art naturally
correspond to the taste of the customers, just as the
standard specimens of any other decorative art corre-
spond to the taste of the public that demands it.
Asthetically, in fact, a criminal who has his skin
tattooed stands nearer to the savage Fiji Islander
than he does to the European decorative taste of the
common people, as displayed in the shops of the
working-class quarters in which chimney “‘ ornaments ”’
are sold. It must be admitted that xsthetic senti-
ments are not very closely allied to ethical. Never-
theless, the former are emotional stirrings, and it is
in this sphere that we must look for the fundamental
traits of the criminal nature. It is in this that we
find the significance of the tattooings so often met
with in criminals, even in those who have never been
convicted, who have never been in a barrack, a shop,
or a factory. In Lombroso’s atlas we find reproduc-
tions of numerous fantastic tattooed designs.

Thus the most important element in the psychology
of the criminal is a rudimentary development of the
life of feeling in general#

1 Very various significations are attached to the term
“ criminal psychology.” Some denote by it a general theory of

94 CESARE LOMBROSO

In an elaborate analysis of the mind of the
criminal,! I have endeavoured to show that this
mind is dominated by the sovereignty of the moment,
a feature in which it resembles the mind of the child
and the savage. Here we have an indication that
in the criminal, as in the child and the savage,
inhibition—the most important function of the brain
—is not developed?; for inhibition operates under
the influence of our previous experiences and of the
continuous consideration of the future consequences
of our present actions. Undoubtedly, it is also
characteristic of the criminal by passion that, at
the time of the deed, the momentary motives drive
out or paralyze all past experiences and all consider-
ations for the future. But that which, in the case
of the criminal by passion, occurs but once or a few

responsibility ; some, an account of the mental disorders which
have forensic importance; some, the theory of the will, of
purpose, of deliberation, of design, of resolve, of the associations
with and the aids to crime; some, the developmental history of
individual criminals, or a description of the means by which
they have been led to commit some particular crime, or which
they have adopted in the course of its performance; some,
finally, denote by the term a classification of the world of
criminals in accordance with character, after the manner of
Benedikt and Krauss. The teaching of Lombroso is concerned
solely with the elements of the criminal nature which possess an
anthropological interest, just as the ethnologist endeavours to
elucidate the natural character of a race.

1 “ Naturgeschichte des Verbrechers”’ (“‘ The Natural History
of the Criminal ”’), pp. 230-246.

2 See above. p. 42, the observations of Professor Ranke.

CRIMINAL PSYCHOLOGY 95

times only during life, is in the born criminal a
continuous state, one which characterizes his non-
criminal as well as his criminal activities.

It is obvious that alcoholism—from which almost
all habitual criminals suffer—must favour the failure
of inhibition. The psychology of the criminal is, as
a rule, so interpermeated with the characteristics of
alcoholism that it is often necessary to grope back
into the childhood of the individual in order to ascer-
tain the original lineaments of his character.!

The parasitism of the existence of the criminal is
mainly an outcome of economic conditions, and not
an elementary feature of crime. In this respect,
criminality closely resembles prostitution, which, at
least in the modern large town, is through and
through a product of parasitic luxury.

Passing on now to consider the pressing question
of the causal connection between the psychical and the
physical fundamental characteristics of the criminal,
we find that it is not possible from the physical
characters to deduce with certainty a corresponding
development of feeling. But it may well be that
both series of phenomena result from a common
cause—viz., the arrest of development at a not
completely human stage of evolution. This concep-

1 In Lombroso’s ‘“‘ Palimsesti del carcere ’’ (1891) are to be found
extremely interesting histories of the childhood of criminals, to
which, in my German edition of the work, I have added certain
observations of my own (Hamburg, 1900).

96 CESARE LOMBROSO

tion of Lombroso’s—-which I myself regard as correct
—is readily comprehensible by every evolutionist, for
the evolutionist must assume the inheritance of social
feelings, and therewith also the inheritance of the
organic substratum of these feelings.

In accordance with the modern standpoint of
physiological psychology, we have every reason to
regard the vasomotor nervous system as a part, at
least, of the organic substratum in which, alike in
the individual and in the race, the development of
feeling runs its course. A very strong reason for
believing that the predisposition to crime is based
upon a definite congenital tendency is to be found
in the fact that the inheritance of criminal tendencies
is manifested also in cases in which neither environ-
ment, nor education, nor example, suffice to account
for the phenomenon. A very large mass of materials
has been collected bearing upon this thesis, a part
of which will be found in Lombroso’s own writings,
a part in Ribot’s celebrated work on “‘ Heredity,” and
a part in my own “‘ Natural History of the Criminal.”’
The most frequent manifestations of criminal heredity
take the form of a tendency to fraud, to arson, and
to sexual crime. Cruelty, also, is very frequently
inherited; and this tendency sometimes finds ex-
pression in the desire, as a hospital nurse, to see as
many operations as possible, or, at least, to witness
as many confinements as possible. ‘The inheritance

CRIMINAL PSYCHOLOGY 97

of criminal tendencies is also shown by the frequency
of criminal acts in children ; and at the present day,
in the enormous increase of youthful criminality, the
primitive and original character of criminal tendencies
is most clearly manifested.

Finally, the incorrigibility of many criminals, and
their innumerable relapses into crime, afford a proof,
not merely of the uselessness of our penal systems, but
also of the organic nature of the predisposition to
erime. All the experience hitherto recorded shows
that those individuals who, anthropologically speak-
ing, exhibit the most severe stigmatization, are also
the most hopeless recidivists.

It is a point much open to dispute whether the
congenital tendency to crime is essentially a morbid
predisposition ; but the discussion is profitless. Un-
questionably the professional criminal throughout
his life exhibits a marked tendency to mental dis-
order. Many of Lombroso’s adherents are inclined
to regard insanity as a professional disease of
prisoners. It must not, however, be forgotten that
debauchery, poverty, alcoholism, and close confine-
ment — conditions inseparable from the criminal
life—would suffice of themselves, and in the absence
of any predisposition to insanity, to induce mental
disorder.

This has nothing whatever to do with the problem
of the responsibility of the born criminal. In the

7

98 CESARE LOMBROSO

most exceptional case we can admit that the criminal
is strongly predisposed to become insane.

This is a suitable place in which to draw attention
to the fact that Lombroso himself emphasizes the
relationships between epilepsy and the criminal
nature; and, indeed, that he draws an analogy
between the permanent psychical state of the born
criminal and the conditions of brain giving rise to
epilepsy. To some extent, indeed, he regards the two
conditions as identical. His account of these relation-
ships exhibits the characteristic features of his mode
of thought. He possessed the impassioned tendency
of the great investigator of Nature, as it was also
embodied in Darwin; and he possessed at the same
time the patience of the collector. He knew, also, how
to demonstrate his results forcibly and vividly ; but he
was less richly endowed with the faculty of sifting his
data, and of grouping them in accordance with a
natural, and not merely superficial, criterion. Thus
it happened often enough that, perceiving intuitive
analogies, his lively imagination led him falsely to
regard them as identities. He tells us that in the
criminal, as in the epileptic, he discovered the follow-
ing characteristics: ‘‘ Tendency to lead a vagabond
life, inclination to obscenity, uncleanness, pride in
evil actions, a passion for scribbling, a tendency to
neologism, tattooing, dissimulation, lack of definite
character, easily aroused to wrath, megalomania,

CRIMINAL PSYCHOLOGY 99

vacillations of thought and feeling, cowardice. In
epileptic and criminal alike, we find a lengthening of
the personal equation (reaction-time), when compared
with the normal human being; the same vanity, the
same tendency to self-contradiction and to universal
exaggeration.” He considered that this identity was
confirmed by the similarities which can be detected
between criminals and epileptics in respect of certain
forms of blunting of cutaneous sensibility and other
sensory perceptions. It must also be remembered
that Lombroso’s conception of epilepsy was a very
wide one: “To-day, in fact, in accordance with the
completely harmonious results of clinical and experi-
mental pathological research, epilepsy has been
resolved into a circumscribed stimulation of the
cerebral cortex, resulting in paroxysms, sometimes
momentary, sometimes of long duration, but always
periodic, and always superposed upon a degenerate
foundation, whether this foundation be inherited,
or acquired through the abuse of alcohol, in con-
sequence of injury to the skull, etc.”’

As regards this theory that epilepsy is a basic
element in the criminal nature, Lombroso finds a
link between epilepsy and criminality in certain types
of character which, long before his time, certain
alienists—especially those of England—had described
as quite specific, and as differing entirely from ordinary
insanity. As the psychiatric name for these types, the

100 CESARE LOMBROSO

English phrase ‘‘ moral insanity’’ has been widely
accepted. Such cases are regarded by Lombroso as
developmental stages on the way to the formation of
the criminal nature. Writing on this subject, he says
(German edition, p. 521): ‘‘ Just as moral insanity
passes insensibly into its higher degree — born
criminality—so also the epileptic criminal, when his
liability to acute or to larval paroxysms has become
chronic, exhibits the more advanced manifestation
of moral insanity. In the less developed periods we
cannot distinguish between these types; and just as
two things which are equal to the same thing are
equal to one another,’ so also, undoubtedly, born
criminality and moral insanity are both of them
nothing more than variants of epilepsy (Griesinger
terms them “‘ epileptoid states ’’).
In order to give us a more vivid idea of these

epileptoid states, Lombroso groups them as follows:

First degree, larval epilepsy.

Second degree, chronic epilepsy.

Third degree, moral insanity.

Fourth degree, congenital criminality.

Fifth degree, criminality by passion.

This view has been opposed in various quarters on

the ground that Lombroso, in other parts of his lead-

1 Lombroso’s syllogism : “ All criminals are morally insane,

all epileptics are morally insane, therefore all criminals are —

epileptics,”” should have been stated in the hypothetical rather
than in the categorical form.

CRIMINAL PSYCHOLOGY 101

ing work, explains criminality as an atavistic reversion
to primitive human types, and that, consequently, in
accordance with the same principle of equivalent
values, the type of the epileptic must also be identical
with that of primitiveman. This conclusion being an
impossible one, it is held that Lombroso’s whole
chain of reasoning is false. But Lombroso invokes
the principle of equivalent values in relation, not
to qualitative, but to quantitative, relations. His
opponents have just as little right to use this
principle for a reductio ad absurdum as Lombroso
himself had to speak of ‘‘ identity ’” instead merely of
“analogy.” It must be admitted that the criminal
and the epileptic temperaments are very closely
allied, that epileptics provide a disproportionately
large contingent to the world of crime, and that it is
quite possible that genetic relationships exist between
the born criminal and the epileptic. It may well
happen that when a mother suffering from nervous or
mental disorder becomes pregnant, the brain and the
whole organism of her child will be poorly nourished,
and will, therefore, not develop normally. The child
may have its development arrested at an earlier and
more primitive stage, corresponding to the type of a
remote ancestor, and, at the same time, these nutritive
disturbances may lead to disturbances in the forma-
tion of the nerve elements, whereby the child is
rendered epileptic throughout its, life. The child is

102 CESARE LOMBROSO

thus born an epileptic, and according to the nature of
the arrest of development from which it suffers, it may
happen that it is incapable of a normal development
of the life of feeling, or it may be incapable of acquir-
ing a normal power of resistance to anti-social im-
pulses. It then becomes a criminal, and is, at the
same time, an epileptic, with atavistic characteristics.
These features may thus be united at the root, as we
may see in every idiot asylum, and, unfortunately,
also in numerous instances in every prison.

By this identification of the born criminal with the
moral imbecile Lombroso has also given occasion to
misunderstandings. It was not his intention to define
the criminal with reference to the still insufficiently
studied moral insanity; but, contrariwise, to say
that we are only justified in speaking of moral
insanity in cases in which his (Lombroso’s) “‘ criminal
type”’ is seen to exist. Thus moral “ insanity’ is
defined by means of criminality, and thus an entirely
new and very vivid conception of moral insanity is
rendered possible; for Lombroso’s “ moral insanity ”
is not an acquired disease suddenly attacking the
brain and suddenly introducing psychical disturb-
ances, but it is the psychological expression of
criminal degeneration. Thus, also, he always con-
trasts the moral lunatic with the ordinary lunatic,
and a large proportion of his material is grouped
in such a way.that this. contrast is clearly exhibited

CRIMINAL PSYCHOLOGY 103

with the aid of all the methods of anthropological
and psychological study. If he goes on to describe
moral insanity as a mere variant of epilepsy, the
principal difficulty he has to face is the contradiction
this involves with his atavistic explanation of the
criminal nature. But if, in the appearances of
atavistic traits, we see nothing more than a co-
ordinated element of criminality, this contradiction
disappears, while the marked similarity remains,
which harmonizes, above all, with Samt’s description
of epileptoid states; and the theory is further sup-
ported by the fact that the stigmata of degeneration
are commonly present in both types. The extra-
ordinary frequency of epileptoid types in prisons has
also been pointed out by Sommer, Knecht, Sander,

~ Moeli, and Kirn. He

This view of Lombroso’s is, above all, supported by
the fact that criminality and epilepsy are hereditary
equivalents—that is to say, that criminals frequently
have epileptic children, and conversely. If, however,
we find no lack of relationships between epilepsy and
crime, these are not explained by the supposition of
a simple identity between the two. What Lombroso
has succeeded in proving is that in the wide group of
degenerates who, under certain social conditions, may
become criminals, the epileptics are notably repre-
sented. Epileptics, indeed, unquestionably belong to
the less valuable constituents of society.

104 CESARE LOMBROSO

The importance of the “stigmata” described by
Lombroso as indications of psychical degeneration can
no longer be disputed, however difficult it remains to
understand what relationship handle-shaped and pro-
jecting ears, facial asymmetry, dental abnormalities,
hypospadias, epispadias, etc., can have to psychical
degeneration. We have, in fact, no better explanation
than the phrase ‘‘ correlation of growth.”’ Our present
knowledge of the functions of the brain certainly does
not suffice to elucidate the causal chain by means
of which anomalies of the skull are associated with
moral imbecility. But, after all, there is no single
problem of psycho-pathology in which the chain of
causation is completely known to us. However, it
should not be difficult to understand that a brain
enclosed in an abnormal skull can never develop to
the full its most complicated function—viz., the co-
ordination of the voluntary activities for the purposes
of a course of conduct adapted to the conditions of
social life.

The term ‘‘ degeneration” is unquestionably an
indefinite one, and remains to-day incapable of either
anatomical or physiological explanation ; but it owes
to Lombroso’s researches a definite practical signi-
ficance, from the fact that he has proved that the
majority of degenerates are socially inadequate, and,
further, that this social inadequacy of degenerate
individuals makes their existence a great danger to

CRIMINAL PSYCHOLOGY 105

society. The degenerate is often an anti-social being,
and society must protect itself against him.

The importance of these stigmata was not com-
prehensively understood by Morel and the other
predecessors of Lombroso, in respect either of their
mode of origin, or of their grouping to constitute
specific types of degenerate. Morel merely sketched
the outlines, and enumerated a few important facts
about degeneration. One small area only of this
enormous province has as yet been carefully studied
—that of criminality. By Lombroso’s anthropometric
and other researches very numerous demonstrations
and statistical classifications of the stigmata of de-
generation have been effected, whilst nothing of the
kind has yet been attempted in respect of other forms
of degeneration. As a result of his work, we are
enabled to define the type of the criminal as that
form of degeneration which is characterized morpho-
logically and biologically by atavistic characters, and
psychologically by the deficiency of altruistic feelings,
Even if this type does not afford us a brief or in-
variably harmonious signification of crime, still, in
a period in which we no longer believe in the per-
sistence of species, and in which, even in “ good
species,” we recognize the tendency to variation, we
must not demand that a degenerative subtype should
exhibit constant characters.

CHAPTER IV

GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS REGARDING
LOMBROSO’S LIFE-WORK AS A SOCIAL REFORMER,
HIS METHODS, AND HIS PHILOSOPHY

Lomproso’s life-work was by no means confined to
the highly specialized field of criminal anthropology.
For more than thirty years he was engaged in the
description and elucidation, in a very large number of
monographs and handbooks, of various social ills—
crime, prostitution, alcoholism, pellagra, anarchism,
revolts, anti-Semitism. It was as pathologist and
anthropologist that his attention was, in the first
instance, drawn to these matters; and it was his aim
to show that these phenomena—together with many
others of which his study was merely occasional—owe
their origin to the typical characteristics of the anti-
social individual.

To this aim, and to his discoveries, under the
guidance of this aim, in the most diverse fields of
human experience and knowledge, are due his peculiar

significance in the history of science.
106

HIS LIFE-WORK AS A SOCIAL REFORMER 107

He was an anthropologist, but he studied human
beings, not in artificial isolation, nor in respect merely
of individual organs, such as the skull or the brain—
he studied man as he always manifests himself, as the
member of a community, man more or less perfectly
adapted to his environment, and, in so far as he is
imperfectly adapted, in conflict with the hostile forces
of that environment. He studied especially the ill-
adapted varieties of mankind, and those which lack
the faculty of adaptation; and in this study he
endeavoured to discover ‘‘ types.’’ .

As a thinker, his nature resembled that of Spinoza.
Like Schopenhauer, Buckle, Quetelet, and Vico, he was
one of the most notable advocates of the determinist
conception of society and of history. Looking far
beyond the horizon of a merely economic view of
human society, he sought and found the laws of
development of human society rather in the laws
of organic nature.

Undoubtedly many of his ideas and tendencies are
in harmony with the materialist conception of history,
and for this reason we find many of his most dis-
tinguished pupils and collaborators in the Marxian
camp; but it was impossible that a man endowed as
he was with an intuitive capacity for the understand-
ing of the conception of the biological determination
of social phenomena should be content to deduce the
actions of individuals and the fate of a nation from

108 CESARE LOMBROSO

the economic structure of the society in which the
individual and national life are passed.

In his conception of human life, determinism is,
indeed, so self-evident a premise of research, that it
is not even discussed, and is hardly so much as
mentioned; in this respect Lombroso stands on the
same platform with the supporters of the materialist
conception of history.

But the extent to which, in its detailed application,
his biological determinism leads to different results
from those which are the outcome of the economic
determinism of the Marxians will best be shown by a
specific illustration.

This illustration relates to the elucidation of the
causes of a tumult which occurred in Esthonia in the
year 1905. The judge before whom the persons
arrested during the suppression of the revolt have
been brought wishes to discover who were the ring-
leaders; the psychologist wishes to ascertain to what
extent imitation, suggestion, or hypnotic automatism,
has impelled certain ordinarily law-abiding citizens to
take part in the disturbances; the editor of the local
Marxian newspaper demonstrates the causes of the
revolt by an analysis of capitalism in general, and of
the economic and social characteristics of the govern-
ment of the disturbed section; the reactionary polli-
tician will consider that the fault lies in irreligion, in
the disturbing effect of revolutionary agitation, and in

HIS LIFE-WORK AS A SOCIAL REFORMER 109

the decline in the authority of a government in which
constitutionalism has replaced absolutism, and whose
punitive measures have lost their former repressive
severity. But if Lombroso had been summoned to
the prisons of Liebau, Riga, Dorpat, and Reval, and
had been invited to ascertain the causes of the Letto-
Esthonian jacquerie, he would have examined the
meteorological records at the time of the disturbances ;
would have inquired carefully regarding the racial
origin of the persons arrested; would have looked for
stigmata of degeneration in their physiognomy and
physical characteristics, especially those of the skull ;
would have noted how many epileptics, hysterics,
lunatics, and alcoholics there were among them;
would have distinguished the habitual vagrants and
those with previous convictions. Among the women
arrested during the jacquerie, he would have asked
how many were menstruating at the time; he would
have made a list of the adolescents entirely dominated
by fanatical doctrines; a list of the agents provoca-
teurs; a list of those instigated by feelings of
personal animosity against the local landed gentry
and their retainers. And when all this had been
done, it is very doubtful if among the accused there
would then remain any considerable residuum in
whom an advocate of the materialist conception of
history would be able to prove the existence of a purely
economic determination to the offences with which

110 CESARE LOMBROSO

they have been charged. And even if Lombroso, as
is not improbable, should have found among those
arrested or liable to arrest some disciples of Bebel or of
Schonlank, his analysis of their inherited tendencies,
their gynecological state, their sensibility and reflexes,
the shape of their skulls and the extent of their visual
fields, would ultimately bring to light determinants of
their actions quite other than their acquired orthodox
Marxism, which a jurist of the school of Plehve would
have denounced as the vera causa, or sufficient reason,
for their participation in the disturbance.

In no other way can we obtain so clear an idea of
Lombroso as a sociologist as from a study of his
remarkable book on political criminals and revolu-
tions.1 (See above, Chapter III., pp. 64-79.)

Moreover, the manner in which he was led to
undertake the writing of this work is in itself
especially characteristic of his methods of investiga-
tion.2 In the year 1884 there was an exhibition at
Turin of the relics of those who fought for Italian
freedom ; in this exhibition were to be seen likenesses
of the originators and leaders of this movement, the
men who worked and fought beside Mazzini, Garibaldi,
and Cavour. It was the study of these physiognomies ©
that led Lombroso to draw his distinction between

1 “T] delitto politico e le rivoluzioni,” Turin, Fratelli Bocea,
1890. (A French translation of this work has been pub-
lished. )

2 Archwio di psichiatria, vol. vi., p. 148, 1884.

HIS LIFE-WORK AS A SOCIAL REFORMER 111

revolutionists and rioters, and led further to his
general analysis of political criminals. This course is
extremely characteristic of his method of research.
Lombroso at all times and in all places starts from
the immediate study of individuals, and proceeds
thence to the formulation of general sociological
theories. This method of procedure differentiates him
as an isolated phenomenon among modern socio-
logists ; but the method was that employed by Goethe
and Lavater.

To enable us to characterize more closely Lombroso’s
method in sociology, let us quote from two of our
greatest thinkers, Kant and Goethe. Kant writes:
“Thoughts without contents are empty, intuitions
without concepts are blind.” Goethe says (‘‘ Zur
Morphologie,” p. 2): ‘“‘ To the man of understanding,
to take note of the particular, to observe with pre-
cision, to distinguish each from other, is in a sense
that which arises out of an idea, and also that which
leads up to an idea. Such a one has found his own
way home through the labyrinth, without troubling
himself about a clue which might have provided him
with a more direct path; to such a one a piece of
metal which has not been passed through the coining
press, and whose value therefore is not apparent,
seems a troublesome possession. He, on the other
hand, who stands on higher ground is apt to despise
the individual instance, and to comprise in a life-

112 CESARE LOMBROSO

destroying generalization that which can possess life
only in isolation.”

In hardly any province of thought is the contrast
thus characterized by the great morphologist and
observer so clearly marked as in the science of
society.

Lombroso has described for us individual human
beings to the number of many thousand, personally
examined by himself in respect both of mental
qualities and of bodily characteristics. In addition,
we owe to him a number of personal descriptions of
deceased celebrities—‘ pathographies,” as they have
recently been termed; these comprise the vast
material collected by him in his research into the
nature of genius. His work on “ Cardanus” (Girolamo
Cardano [Jerome Cardan], natural philosopher and
physician, 1501-1575), published in 1855, when he was
still a student, was the first modern pathography ; it
contains the germ of Lombroso’s theory of_.genius.

The use he is able to make of such individuals for
the elucidation of sociological ideas is dependent upon
his own peculiar gifts. He has an extraordinarily keen
insight into whatever is important and characteristic
in an individual; and his grasp of the significance of
the facts thus obtained is due to his remarkable talent
for the discovery of analogies. But if he had been
endowed with this talent alone, a talent possessed also
by the German natural philosophers of the beginning

HIS LIFE-WORK AS A SOCIAL REFORMER 113

of the nineteenth century, he would not have gone
beyond the formulation of mere hypotheses; but
owing to his wealth of coinable metal (to use Goethe’s
simile)—owing, that is to say, to his possession of a
limitless abundance of intuitions peculiar to himself—
he was able to pass beyond the simple formulation of
brilliant hypotheses; his intuitive endowments enabled
him to say with Bacon: ‘‘ Intellectum longius a rebus
non abstrahimus, quam ut rerum imagines et radii
(ut in sensu fit) coire possint.”

Thus, clear perceptions, the utilization of analogy
as an organon of research, a grasp of the important
and characteristic elements of concrete phenomena—
these are the means employed by Lombroso in
sociological research. Superadded to these, there
arose in him, as a result of his mental development, a
strong conviction of the importance of enumeration
and mensuration, inducing him to accumulate a
colossal mass of data relating to all the subjects in-
vestigated by him, to collect statistical data of anthro-
pometry, demography, economic, moral, criminal, and
social statistics. It was, moreover, a fact of great
importance to the extension of sociological knowledge,
that his collection of data was notably facilitated
by brilliantly-grounded and brcadly-based official
statistical inquiries instituted in Italy during the last
_ three decades of the nineteenth century, and also by

the results of comprehensive parliamentary investiga-
8

14° CESARE LOMBROSO

tions. In the absence of the great “ Inchiesta
Agraria”’ (Agrarian Investigation), his researches
into the causes of pellagra, the widely-diffused and
destructive disease affecting the agricultural labourers
and small farmers of Northern and Central Italy, would
hardly have been possible. Equally important for
the anthropometrical researches which, when army
surgeon in Calabria in the year 1862, he initiated
upon the mixed population of that region (then con-
taining no Latin admixture, but composed of Greek,
Albanian, and Sicilio-African elements), was the
publication of the recruiting statistics, by means of
which it is comparatively easy to ascertain the racial
composition of the Italian people; whilst to German
anthropology and sociology this indispensable material
is almost as inaccessible as are the Italian plans of
mobilization.

Quantitatively considered, the greater part of
Lombroso’s life-work has been devoted to the study
of social phenomena bearing upon the fact that every
society contains certain categories of pathological or
abnormal individuals, whose behaviour has a dis-
turbing influence upon the: regular social life. But
however interesting and important in relation to
the practical working of State and society may be
the social interconnections thus brought to light,
it is certainly not possible from the knowledge of
these alone to deduce a system of sociology; for

HIS LIFE-WORK AS A SOCIAL REFORMER 115

example, we do not obtain an adequate knowledge of
the remarkable social phenomenon of prostitution
simply by means of the biological study of the
anomalies of a large number of individual prostitutes,
and by the proof that these anomalies are analogous
to those whose presence may be demonstrated in
criminal types. For, although this explains the
sociological fact of the existence of a supply of
purchaseable sexual pleasure, it does not explain the
existence of the demand for the same commodity.
Lombroso was gradually induced, not only by the
critical powers with which he was so richly endowed
(and which led him repeatedly to the view that most
of the phenomena he was investigating were produced
by purely social factors), but, in addition, by the
general tendency of his mind, to show, not merely
that the existence of numerous abnormalities and
degenerative varieties of mankind disturbs the life of
society, but, further, that the political and economic
development of the civilized nations gives rise to the
appearance of abnormalities which themselves induce
social reactions—and to demonstrate that these cannot
be got rid of by reformatory measures, will not dis-
appear with the removal of the cause, but lead to
permanent biological individual variations, and,
through inheritance, produce anomalies for genera-
tions to come, and in this way give rise to long-
enduring social injury or disturbance.

116 CESARE LOMBROSO

In the first place it is to him that we owe the
knowledge that a given social and economic order can
give rise to transmissible biological anomalies, and
that those who suffer from these anomalies, ill-adapted
for any social and economic order, necessarily exercise
a disturbing influence in society. It was not merely
as a positivist that he was led to this view, but, above
all, as an anthropologist.

This knowledge is the most important contribution
which Lombroso’s life-work has given to sociology.

But it does not stand alone.

The greatest of all his services to sociology is that
he threw light upon the reciprocal action between the
organic and the social phenomena of human evolution
in respect of a number of important details ; but in
doing this he avoided the onesidedness with which
Marxism deduces the fate of the social organism from
the economic basis of society, and avoided also the
error of the dreamers who hope to explain the laws
of social existence by regarding society as an organism
similar to the mammalian organism, possessing dis-
tinct organs, each with its own peculiar functions.

Lombroso was very powerfully influenced by Dar-
winism and by the evolutionary idea in general, more
especially in the form elucidated by Herbert Spencer
in his “‘ First Principles.” As anthropologist, indeed,
as regards the question of the origin of man and
man’s place in nature, he was a forerunner of

HIS LIFE-WORK AS A SOCIAL REFORMER 117

Darwin!; but in respect of the manner in which
he presents the reciprocal action between the organic
and the social, he is quite free from the analogies
and homologies which led such men as Schaeffle and
Spencer so widely astray. It was quite inevitable
that Lombroso’s sociological thought should be power-
fully stimulated by the view of his opponents that
law is a product of the intellectual, not of the organic
life of mankind, and that therefore it was not nature
that produced criminals, but social and national pro-
cesses. Thus it became necessary for him to prove—
as in my opinion he succeeded in doing—that nature
makes the criminal, but that society provides the
conditions in which the criminal commits crimes.
Nature creates the criminal—and here Lombroso
occupies the same ground as Spinoza and Schopen-
hauer—inasmuch as it is through nature’s work that
he comes to be born with predetermined tendencies
of character—tendencies which are not altered after
birth, but merely provided with opportunities for
their manifestation. Lombroso identifies this pre-
disposition of character with the so-called ‘‘ moral
insanity,” and there is no objection to this, provided
we exclude the idea of an acquired illness. Above
all, he regards this predisposition as an arrest at
an earlier stage of development, as an atavism.
Lombroso always presupposes the acceptance of the
1 See p. 33.

118 CESARE LOMBROSO

“fundamental biogenetic law,’’! and for this reason
is led to expect the occurrence of atavisms as the
result of an arrest of development. Hence, what
others speak of as degeneration is to him a patho-
logical process leading to arrest of development.

The course of his own mental development impelled
Lombroso to take a further step, and to apply his
customary methods to the study of the revolutionary,
of the genius, of women, and of “ mattoids.” If we
now take a comprehensive view of all this, we find
that Lombroso’s principal contribution to sociology
involves the recognition of the following facts :

Organic nature, through the course of development,
and under the influence of inhibitive or favourable
factors, creates in the masses of individuals to which
she gives birth differences and differentiations—differ-
ences of sex, of intellectual and esthetic capacity, of
character, etc. Thus she gives opportunity for the
origination of certain social phenomena; for society
offers a field abounding in opportunities for the
activity of the most extensive differences of natural
endowment. But society provides also selective
factors, and thereby alters the constitution and
composition of the materials furnished by nature
in the most manifold variety. Thus, more or less

1 The fundamental biogenetic law runs as follows: “The
history of the foetus is a recapitulation of the history of the
race, or, in other words, ontogeny is a recapitulation of phylo-
geny.”—Haeckel, ‘The Evolution of Man,” Popular English
Edition, p. 2.

HIS LIFE-WORK AS A SOCIAL REFORMER 119

rapidly, the race undergoes modification. This recip-
rocal action is the province in which nature and’
society meet, and in which social polity has to receive
guidance from anthropology and biology.

I consider that Lombroso has proved by a rigid
induction that nature has endowed man at birth with
social sentiments, or—which amounts to the same
thing—with an organic predisposition, out of which,
in the course of individual development, social senti-
ments arise ; and that inheritance and foetal develop-
ment determine whether the individual is in a position
to guard and to further his own interests in the com-
munal life without prejudice to the interests of the
community. |

In this connection he has most carefully investigated
two special instances : first, that category of individuals
who have needs and impulses incapable of satisfaction
without severe injury to the interests of the com-
munity or to the social standards—criminals and
prostitutes; and secondly, those who consider that
the permanent or future interests of the community
cannot be secured without infraction of the traditional
forms of social life, or, perhaps, without disregard of
formal legal prohibitions, without ‘‘ breaking the
old tables,’ without ‘‘ revaluation of old values ’—
geniuses and “ political criminals.”

He has, however, also demonstrated the fact that
in relation to the rigidity—the formalism—with which
the traditions of the social order have hitherto always

120 CESARE LOMBROSO

been preserved, and will continue to be preserved in
the future, society itself is not as a rule in a position
to distinguish between the criminal and the useful
revolutionary. This is made manifest by the study
of the researches undertaken by Lombroso for his
description of the political criminal (1890) and of

anarchism (1849). His examination of the part

played in social life by the political or social genius
leads him to formulate a theory regarding the ac-
celeration of social evolution. Genius brings to pass
the revolution for which the way has been pre-
pared by evolution; the criminal merely produces
revolts.

Thus, in my opinion, we owe to Lombroso the
recognition of a fact of enormous importance—
namely, that many disturbances and also many
advances in social life (crime, genius, and revolution)
are brought about, not by economic or other social
influences, but by the natural variability of the
species, homo sapiens. (Be it noted that Lombrogo
contrasts with homo sapiens, homo delinquens ; while
he classes the latter with homo neanderthalensis.)
To the sociologist it is a matter of indifference
whether certain classes of varieties are termed de-
generative or not. About this point it is for the
biologists to come to an agreement, but in doing
so they must not ignore Lombroso’s anthropological
and morphological researches.

No detailed exposition is requisite to show how

HIS LIFE-WORK AS A SOCIAL REFORMER 121

remote this method of causal explanation of social
phenomena is from the hypothesis that refers the
whole past course of social evolution to the class
war, or regards the class war as the sole factor of
importance in the making of the future. From the
standpoint of Lombroso, a moral organization which
would transform its advocates from fighters for the
interests of the community to fighters for the exclusive
interests of a class would be condemned simply as
moral insanity. In his work on the anarchists he
expresses himself in this sense (p. 16), here, indeed,
with reference to the governments, which in their
political activity are not concerned exclusively with
the interests of a particular class.

He has shown how nature produces socially im-
portant differentiations altogether apart from the
co-operation of socially causative factors. The most
important of these differentiations, that between the
two sexes, was described by him exhaustively in the
first part of his work on the female criminal and the
prostitute ; here, also, he discusses fully the signifi-
cance of the natural organization of woman for social

life in relation to motherhood.
- His description of the natural organization of
woman is only one part of the important contvri-
butions of Lombroso to sociology.

With regard to the natural differentiation of human

1 For the reason that in such a moral scheme the true social
nstinct is lacking.

122 CESARE LOMBROSO

beings, his work is summarized in the succeeding
paragraphs (I do not think it necessary to refer
here to the numerous passages in his works in which
he elaborates, in greater or less detail, the views I
am about to describe; for my account is based, in
addition, more especially upon the direct exchange
of ideas, by word of mouth and by correspondence,
during an intimacy of many years’ duration) :

Human beings are differentiated—horizontally, as
it were—into tribes and nations in consequence of
original variability, in consequence of selective ceco-
logical factors (soil and climate), and in consequence
of wars, expulsions, and migrations.

This differentiation—greatly influenced by social
factors, such as colonization, miscegenation, etc.—
becomes organic, and this organic differentiation is
of very great social importance.

In addition to this, there exists another kind of
differentiation, which, to express it graphically, is
vertical in character—viz., the formation of classes.
This depends chiefly upon economic factors, which
are competent to induce organic changes in isolated
individuals, but not to lead to the formation of
inheritable types—that is to say, of racial character-
istics. As yet, at any rate, there is no inheritable
type of homo industrialis, the proletarian.’

1 Tn his earliest great imaginative work, ‘The Time Machine,”
Mr. H. G. Wells imagines in the distant future of our race such

HIS LIFE-WORK AS A SOCIAL REFORMER 123

In addition to these two varieties of differentiation,
there is yet a third kind, dependent upon purely
Organic causation, giving rise continually to new
types with a great tendency to inheritance: talent
and genius, the criminal and the saint, the various
intermediate stages of sexual differentiation, which
permits of so many nuances in the intensity of mas-
culinity and femininity in man and woman. These
differences arise altogether independently of social
factors—-Lombroso has never suggested the deliberate
breeding of supermen—but they give rise to all-
important disturbances and advances in social
evolution.

Finally, in Lombroso’s view, the social evils
dependent mainly on economic factors—malnutrition,
overwork, unemployment, overcrowding, town life,
vagabondage, accidents, celibacy, venereal diseases,
alcoholism, cachexia—give rise, through the process
of reproduction, to the great army of degenerates,
who lack the faculty of adaptation, and therefore give
rise to further disturbances of social life, to ever-
renewed infractions of social order.

No other investigator has done as much as Lom-
broso for the description and recognition, by means

a differentiation into two types; the “ Morlocks,” the under-
ground race, who had taken to preying on the above-ground
moiety, were the descendants of our present proletarians.—
TRANSLATOR.

124 CESARE LOMBROSO

of exact measurement and numeration, of the socio-
logically important, non-ethnic varieties of the human
Species, homo sapiens. Inspired by the great idea
of evolution, he earnestly endeavoured to elucidate
the most obscure secrets of organic life; but it
was precisely by means of his profound knowledge
and understanding of the organic realm that he was
safeguarded from attempting to base his sociological
thought upon the superficial analogy between the
loose association of individuals in society and the
intimate interconnection of the cells of a living
organism by means of which they are all fused into
@ unitary being.

A question which appears to me to deserve con-
sideration is whether Lombroso was an individualist
or a socialist. It is well known that he exercised a
very great influence upon many of the notable advo-
cates of Italian socialism, both through his personality
and by means of his writings; but I have shown
more than once in what has gone before that he did
nothing to support the doctrine of the class war, and
Loria was the only thinker standing anywhere near
the Marxian position who can be said, so far as I can
ascertain, to have exercised a considerable influence
upon Lombroso’s thought. Lombroso was never a
party man.’

1 In 1899 he was chosen as municipal councillor by one of the
working-class quarters of Turin, and sat for some years. In

HIS LIFE-WORK AS A SOCIAL REFORMER 125

Lombroso was a passionate advocate of the rights
of the expropriated classes, always a fearless opponent
ever ready for battle, of all exceptional laws, and a
firm believer in democracy; but he was as far re-
moved from the onesided advocacy of any kind of
class interest as he was from every apriorist inter-
pretation of social life.

I may, therefore, answer the question by saying
that as an intellectual, and in his criticism of the
present social order, Lombroso shows himself to be
an individualist ; but, notwithstanding this, his feel-
ings lead him to favour the socialist view, so that we
find in his writings a sympathetic understanding of
the humanist movement no less than of the process
of emancipation in modern social evolution.

We cannot discuss Lombroso as a sociologist without
considering also his ideas and efforts in the field of
social reform.

We have seen that he rejects the class war and
revolutionary methods as instruments of social re-
form, but he is even less sympathetic towards parlia-
mentary government,' and he expects valuable results

- this position, however, he attracted public attention only by his
successful resistance to a proposed large municipal loan for the
purpose of building a great electric power station, to be driven
by water-power.>

1 Of parliamentary government he writes (“‘ Delitto politico,”’
p. 581): “ Parliamentary government, which has with justice
been stigmatized as the greatest superstition of modern times,

126 CESARE LOMBROSO

from those reforms only that are demanded and
brought into effect by the public opinion of the time,
and regarding whose necessity the majority of ae
population is firmly convinced.

Inasmuch as Lombroso was led to the study of
socio-political questions chiefly by way of his interest
in the world of crime, it will readily be understood
that he was concerned with the construction of the
legal order of society, and especially with criminal
law, rather than with the construction of the economic
order of society. For this reason we find in his
writings few original ideas regarding industrial

offers greater and ever greater obstacles to the introduction of a
good method of government, so that, whilst the electors lose
sight more and more of the high ideals of the State, some of the
elected representatives obtain a freedom from responsibility
which tends to the advantage of crime—which may, indeed,
make of them occasional criminals, if they have not inherited
the criminal nature. For five centuries Italy has fought for the
abolition of the privileges of priests, feudal lords, and kings;
and now in the name of freedom we endow 500 kinglets with
inordinate privileges, and even free them from liability to
prosecution for ordinary crime!”

And of universal suffrage he writes: ‘In the general view,
universal suffrage works for the abolition of class distinctions,
but in the hands of the corrupt and the uncultured it may ey
directly subversive of freedom.

“Let us therefore advocate everything that can be for the
advantage of the common people, but let us at the same time
give these latter only so much power as may be necessary to
wring from the upper classes the concessions needful for the
good of the commonalty” (‘‘L’uomo delinquente: Cause e
rimedii,” 1897, pp. 442, 443).

HIS LIFE-WORK AS A SOCIAL REFORMER 127

problems and the emancipation of the working
classes. During many years spent in Pavia and
Pesaro he failed to come into contact in any way
with capitalism and the greater industry. First in
the industrial city of Turin did these phenomena
force themselves upon his attention ; but in his earlier
life, while still quite a young man, he was much
occupied with the agrarian question; and he was
one of the most. ardent opponents of the traditional
tariff policy of Italy—a country in which the food
of the people is very heavily burdened by excessive
_ protectionist corn duties, enormous land taxation,
and very high octroi (town dues), without any cor-
relative advantage to the small tenant farmers, peasant
proprietors, and agricultural labourers.

The progress made by Lombroso in the field of
social reform, in consequence of his coming into con-
tact with modern industrialism in the city of Turin,
is most clearly displayed by a comparison of the
measures which he recommended in the year 1890 for
the prevention of political crime, with the contents of
the 200 pages which, in the year 1897, in the third
volume of his work on ‘‘The Criminal Man,’ he
devoted to the prophylaxis and therapy of criminality
in general. ‘Two original ideas are to be found in
both these works—viz., definite proposals for the
decentralization of Italian national administration ;

1 “T/uomo delinquente.”’

128 CESARE LOMBROSO

and proposals also for the constitution of a kind of
popular tribunal, as a counterpoise to the excessive
powers of parliamentary cliques. In addition, we find
in Lombroso’s writings, at quite an early date—and
apparently as an original idea—a suggestion for the
establishment of public labour (employment) bureaus.

I am not aware what Lombroso’s position was as
regards the most recent conception among the
methods of social reform—namely, the notion of
“racial hygiene”; nor do I know what he thought
of the demand associated with this notion for the
deliberate breeding of supermen as the goal of the
social politics of the future.

Unquestionably he was one of the boldest revaluers
of traditional values; and he was always a convinced
advocate of the view that the inadequate powers of
natural selection ought to be supplemented by the
deliberate selection (exclusion from reproduction) of
anti-social individuals. With this end in view he was
ever the fearless champion of the death-penalty, which
he designated “ estrema selezione.” Above all, he put
before himself as the goal of his life-work the eleva-
tion of criminal law and the application of improved
methods for the treatment of criminals; freed from
all metaphysical complexion, these should, he con-
sidered, be numbered among the ultimate aims of
social reform. Penal measures, in his view, are the
sole safeguard of social evolution! As usual, in the

HIS LIFE-WORK AS A SOCIAL REFORMER 129

case of medical men greatly interested in social reform,
it is difficult to determine in Lombroso’s case where
his demands for social reform end, and where the
measures he claims as requirements of public hygiene
begin ; speaking generally, whenever he touches on
hygienic questions—as, for instance, in the matter of
pellagra—he takes a comprehensive view, embracing
also the preservation and improvement of the race.
The campaign against the most destructive endemic
disease of Italy—pellagra—was the first notable con-
tribution to social reform made by Lombroso in the
years of his early manhood.

But to become a fanatical advocate of racial breed-
ing, in the sense of Gobineau and Houston Chamber-
lain, was rendered impossible to him by his recognition
of the multiplicity of the population of Italy. No
anthropologist was more intimately acquainted with
the numerous and fundamentally different types in-
habiting this country than was the discoverer of the
mixed Africo-Hellene race of Calabria—the man who
united in his own personality all the highest endow-
ments of the Jewish spirit, and who from his study of
the history of the Romance peoples of the Mediter-
ranean region had learned to recognize the importance
of the Semitic elements which have been intermingled
in this region from the earliest dawn of history.

CHAPTER V
THE SIGNIFICANCE OF CRIMINAL ANTHROPOLOGY

Tue true significance of criminal anthropology is a
matter with which few outside Italy have any real
acquaintance, and least of all do those understand
it who have most forcibly attacked Lombroso’s
methods of work on account of their alleged defects.
What is, then, the real significance of this doctrine ?
It is not merely that it is the starting-point of the
reform movement in criminal procedure, in penal
methods, and in the theory of jurisprudence; this,
indeed, accounts for its practical significance. But
its importance reaches far beyond the traditional
contest between the prosecuting counsel and the
experts, as to whether, in the case of an individual
accused person, responsibility is diminished or absent.
In legal circles, Lombroso does not play the un-
desirable réle of the alienisi who appeals to the
prosecutor or to the judge with the assertion: ‘“‘ This
man belongs to me, not to you, for he is a patient, an

invalid.” But Lombroso, in the name of criminal
130

SIGNIFICANCE OF CRIMINAL ANTHROPOLOGY 131

anthropology, appeals to all those responsible for the
enforcement of the criminal law in the following
terms: “You are upon a false road. Neither the
accused, nor the accuser, nor, finally, society at large,
will be in the least helped or satisfied by your
methods, by which you study the crime dialectically
and inquisitorially, and endeavour to apportion the
punishment to the degree of blame. Criminal anthro-
pology is not satisfied with demanding, with Mittelstaedt
and Kraepelin, that we should do away with imprison-
ment, and abandon any attempt to measure out
punishment. Criminal anthropology declares that
the interest of society lies, not with the individual
crime alone, but with the criminal. Every criminal
is, in fact, even before the necessary social reaction
has set in against him, or if may be on his behalf,
the object of positive scientific study—+.e., of anthro-
pological study. To ascertain whether his nature has
been moulded by endogenous or by exogenous factors,
to determine whether we have to do with a criminal
nature (a born criminal), with an accidental or an
occasional criminal, with an insane or a degenerate
criminal, is the affair solely of positive science, of
anthropology, with methods peculiarly its own.” Thus,
when we rightly comprehend the life-work of Lom-
broso, we see that it is completely erroneous to assert
that the object of study of criminal anthropology is
merely the born criminal, and that its content

132 CESARE LOMBROSO

is solely the description and elucidation of his
characteristics. |

Everything belonging to inherited human nature,
to the social structure, to the economic system and
economic history, to justice, to geological, climatical,
and meteorological conditions as determining factors
of human conduct, all determinative cosmic processes
—in short, the reciprocal action between the indi-
vidual and his environment in the widest possible
sense, and the precise determination of the socially
important characters of the individual—all these are,
for Lombroso, the subject-matter of anthropology ;
and if a conflict arises between the individual (thus
influenced) and the traditional rights or interests of
society, they are the subject-matter of criminal
anthropology. Criminal anthropology would, and
must, exist, even if the idea of responsibility, and
the psychological and legal decisions and traditions
based upon that idea, were non-existent.

A broad-minded general review of the necessity
and the causal connection, in consequence of which
inheritance from nearer and more remote ancestors
determines the nature of the individual from his
entrance into the world, and of the inescapable in-
fluences which the world-all as a unity and as a
totality, and also through the individual forces of
organized matter and highly organized human society,
exercises on the individual, so that the latter is com-

SIGNIFICANCE OF CRIMINAL ANTHROPOLOGY 1338

pelled to act in whatever manner the operation of
these forces determine, whilst all the time he is under
the illusory belief that he desires so to act, and is
liable to be blamed for his actions—this view of the
év xal av, of the totality of the cosmic process, inter-
permeated throughout by the spirit of life, and in
whose eternal unity and endless manifoldedness the
differences between normal and abnormal, healthy and
unhealthy, would seem utterly without importance—
this is the positive view of the world, which from the
very beginning guided Lombroso in his researches.
I do not propose to consider at any length the question
whether this view involves certain dogmatic assump-
tions. I myself do not think so. In any case, it is to
this view of the world we owe the overwhelming
accumulation of facts which, between the years 1845
and 1860, was effected in the different fields of natural
science. We may also draw attention to the manner
in which the growth of positivism was accompanied
by a development of the industrial arts and by the
consequent transformation of economic life. In a
brief Appendix to this work an account is given of the
facts discovered during this period—one characterized
by a temporary realism in politics and by the develop-
‘ment of a realistic and naturalistic art and poetry,
and remarkable also for discoveries in chemistry and
physics, with consequent important practical applica-
tions. Thus, for example, the new idea regarding

134 CESARE LOMBROSO

man’s place in Nature (involving also a new idea of
man’s relationship to his social environment) led to a
new artistic method of representing humanity.

In this period, the time of Lombroso’s youth—that
of the maturity of Moleschott, Darwin, R. Mayer,
Bunsen, Lyell, Pfliiger, and Helmholtz—it was pos-
sible to gain some respect for facts, the enormous
accumulation of which had overwhelmed those who
were playing at “natural philosophy” during the
two preceding generations. Positive facts, in an
abundance known to no previous and to no subse-
quent period in history, were the foundation of
positivism, which then became a principle of investiga-
tion and of explanation. Upon this foundation, and
with the aid of this principle, criminal anthropology
was erected. From far-reaching conceptual analyses,
and even from distinct definitions, Lombroso was
preserved, because he accepted as a fact only that
which had definitely been observed, whether as
object or as process. His respect for facts was
boundless. It is ridiculous to reproach him with not
having personally observed every single fact of which
he makes use. Read his books, and see the enor-
mous mass of statistical material requisite for his re-
searches. Wide general conclusions can be reached by
no other road than that of statistics (see above, p. 10).

It must be freely admitted that Lombroso, in his
continuous hunger for material, in his insatiable,

SIGNIFICANCE OF CRIMINAL ANTHROPOLOGY 135

unresting desire for new, important, rich, and rare
facts—a greed of the intellect from which nothing
was more remote than mere sensationalism—did not
confine his attention to matters directly observed by
himself, nor was he always satisfied with statistically
registered details, but frequently utilized facts of a
singular nature—inadequately warranted facts, which,
on the face of the matter, should have been more
strenuously verified. Among these are certain anec-
dotes from the lives of celebrated men. To the same
_ category belongs his credulous acceptance as facts of
the processes observed by him in his “‘ spiritualistic ”
experiences. This is a matter to which further refer-
ence will be made in a later chapter.

Lombroso’s positivism had one consequence of great
importance to criminal anthropology. ‘‘ Anthro-
pology,” in his view, embraced all the facts which,
proximately or remotely, determine the being and
life of man. But he had a preference for observing
and utilizing states—i.e., persistent facts—in place of
observing and utilizing processes. Thus it happened
that Lombroso’s all-embracing anthropology, which
was far more comprehensive than anthropology as
understood by Virchow, Broca, and Mantegazza,
availed itself more frequently and more thoroughly of
- anthropometrical and descriptive data than of the
results of experiment, which must first be planned
and then registered, whereas congenital or acquired

136 CESARE LOMBROSO

physical characters are always ready for observation,’

and may easily be submitted. to serial study and to
statistical treatment. He had little inclination for the
clinical observation of transient, morbid processes,
although he did not disregard this field. In spite of
his conviction that mental disorders are diseases of
the brain, he did not regard the brain as something
which man carries about in his skull as he carries his
watch in his pocket; he studied the sick brain of an
acute maniac in its organic connection with the
entire life-process, in its dependence upon the social
conditions of life, in its subordination to hereditary
influences—and this inheritance he was accustomed
to trace back to the first beginnings of organic life,
regarding man as the final product of a cosmic causal
chain. Thus, to him the permanent documents,
the “stigmata,” in which these resultant effects of
remote causality find a universal and permanent
expression, necessarily seemed to him to be of greater
importance than the transient phenomena of clinical
observation. The ‘‘ types,” the categories of criminals,
of geniuses, pseudo-geniuses, and cretins, must, he
considered, be more worthy of observation than the
impulses to speech and movement of the maniac or
the katatonic. So, also, he was fascinated by
epilepsy, by the trance state of “spiritualistic”
mediums, exhibiting in a high degree phenomena
always alike, always recurring in the same manner,

SIGNIFICANCE OF CRIMINAL ANTHROPOLOGY 137

whereas the internal processes in the psyche which
eluded objective research attracted his observation
less, although he was one of the first who appreciated
at its true value Fechner’s idea of psycho-physics.

Moreover, the phenomena of experimental physio-
logy and pathology, which would otherwise have
been most interesting to him, were rendered inac-
cessible to him in consequence of the elaborate
technicalities of the pathological and clinical labora-
tories. To this category belong racial variability, the
hereditary influence of social factors upon social
predisposition, the influence of the constitution of the
soil, of climate, and of the seasons, upon the most
diverse manifestations of human activity, and the
significance of cosmic factors.. The inevitable result
of this was that German biology, and, above all,
German psychiatry, which endeavoured to unriddle
everything, either at the bedside of the living patient
in the hospital or in the brain of the deceased patient
in the laboratory, did not understand, and could not
understand, what Lombroso was really driving at
with his anthropology.

Now let me attempt to summarize the matter in a
few words. Lombroso’s mind was permeated with
the idea of the unity of a universe under the dominion
of strict law, of an invariable uniformity of principle
throughout the world, within which the human being
is subjected to laws identical with those to which

138 CESARE LOMBROSO

crystals, plants, and lower animals are subordinated ;
and the understanding of these laws could, he was con-
vinced, be obtained only by the establishment of posi-
tive facts. In so far as these facts relate to human
beings, they comprise in their totality the science of
anthropology. |

Certain human actions by which the safety of
society is endangered are no less determined than is
the secretion of the urine or the heart’s beat. It is a
stupid blunder to allow the social reaction in response
to such actions to depend upon the blameworthiness
of the offender. The social reaction has one purpose,
and one only—the safety of society. Anthropology,
utilizing all the methods at its disposal, will throw
light on the determining causes of anti-social actions,
and thus by anthropology we shall be guided in our
choice of means for the preservation of social security.

That this view forbids us even to moot the idea of
‘responsibility ’’ is perfectly obvious.’ Thus it gives
us no basis whatever for establishing or denying
responsibility in the individual instance, or of deter-
mining its extent if it exists. Lombroso provides a
scale of measurement neither for punishment nor for
responsibility.

1 See also R. Sommer, Kriminalpsychologie, 1904, p. 6 et
seq. It may be mentioned that Sommer, in the spirit of
positive science, has discovered methods by which psychomotor

processes, some of which possess great crimino-psychological
importance, may be rendered objectively cognizable.

CHAPTER VI

CRIMINAL JURISPRUDENCE—PELLAGRA—
AGRARIAN REFORM

LomBroso’s occupation with the problem of criminals
and crime extended far beyond the bounds of criminal
anthropology. He was led in this direction, in part
by the need for the establishment of a purely anthro-
pological characterization of the world of crime, and
in part by his controversies with lawyers, philosophers,
and psychiatrists, by which he was enabled to study
other categories of criminal than the “‘ born criminal”’
—categories whose existence he had never denied.
Opportunities for investigation in this new field were
offered him in the year 1876, when he removed to
Turin—a city in which psychiatric studies were very
actively pursued—by his observations as surgeon to
the Turin prison for the detention of prisoners await-
ing trial, and by a very exhaustive study of penal
literature, by which he was led very speedily to
formulate a system for the reform of criminal law

and penal methods. He soon found himself in the
139

140 CESARE LOMBROSO

position of chief of a school of criminology, whose
influence made itself felt in Parliament, in the Courts,
and in foreign countries. In Italy not long after, in
the year 1880, Enrico Ferri, being appointed Professor
of Criminal Jurisprudence in Bologna, gave his powerful
support to Lombroso, and there resulted a rapid suc-
cession of works upon the insane criminal, the epileptic
criminal, the criminal by passion, the habitual
criminal; and the occasional criminal, which, in the
year 1888, were published as the second volume of
**L’uomo delinquente.’’ The progress of Lombroso’s
ideas as chief of a ‘‘ School of Positive Criminology,”’
from the year 1879, when he had become firmly
established in Turin, to the year 1894, is indicated by
his writings upon punishment, upon the increase of
crime in Italy, upon the proposals for a new code of
criminal law, and upon political crime and the
revolution.'

In the middle of this fruitful period of twelve years
(1884) was published Ferri’s “‘ Sociologia Criminale,”
and about the same time the reformatory and etio-

1 “Della pene” (R. Instituto Lombardo, Rendic, second
series, vol. viii., pp. 993-1005, 1875); “Sull’ incremento del
delitto in Italia e sui mezzi di arrestarlo,’’ Turin, 1879 ; Troppo
presto. “ Appunti al nuovo pregetto di codice penale,” Turin,
1888; “Il delitto politico e le rivoluzioni,” Turin, 1890. In
addition, there was founded in the year 1880, in association with
Ferri and Garofalo, the Archivio di psichiatria, ‘* Scienze penali
ed antropologia criminale”’ (Turin, E. Loescher).

CRIMINAL JURISPRUDENCE 141

logical ideas of Lombroso began to influence the
Italian lawyers; and, notwithstanding the violent
protests of the advocates of the “classical” juris-
prudence (Lucchini, Brusa, Gabelli, and others), the
Italian Attorney-General, Baron Garofalo, in the year
1885, displayed his adhesion to the ideas of the
Positive School by the publication of his ‘‘ Crimino-
logia.”’

In Germany there soon followed the celebrity of
Mittelstaedt’s book, “Gegen die Freiheitsstrafe ”
(‘‘ Against Imprisonment ’’) (Leipzig, 1879). This was
speedily followed by the yet more modern and humane
work of Kraepelin, ‘‘ Die Abschaffung des Strafmasses ”’
(Stuttgart, 1880), an echo in many respects of the
ideas of Garofalo and Lombroso.

In Kraepelin’s book it is impossible to overlook the
influence of Lombroso’s ideas; and the same influence
can be traced also in Von Liszt’s ‘‘ Lehrbuch des
Deutschen Strafrechts” (‘‘ Textbook of German
Criminal Jurisprudence’’), of which the first edition was
published in 1881 ; but it could be foreseen that in the
psychiatric and legal circles of Germany, this influence |
would be indirect and limited. I was myself convinced
of this fact at the time when, in the year 1886, after
long study of the writings of the Italian school, I had
resolved to do my best to diffuse the views of that
school in Germany, both verbally and in writing.

It is not possible to give a detailed account here of

142 CESARE LOMBROSO

the diffusion of the ideas and methods of the “‘ New
School” outside Italy. The conservatism which in-
evitably results from a legal education gave rise to
violent opposition on the part of lawyers in Itgly, as
well as elsewhere. It was, therefore, above all,
necessary to approach the scientific leaders of the
legal circles with the ideas of the ‘“‘ New School ” of
criminology. In this respect it was a fact no less
impressive than useful that Lombroso, at the outset
of his activity as chief of a school, published in the
year 1881, in the first number of Von Liszt’s Zeitschrift
fiir die gesamte Strafwissenschaft (Journal of Crimino-
logy), an article upon the origin, the essence, and the
aims of the new criminal anthropological school in
Italy. In this article he insists upon the importance
of the different causes of criminality, its anthropo-
logical, social, and cosmic factors, upon the aim of
repression as a means of social self-defence, and upon
the importance of the substitutes for punishment
(‘‘ sostituoi penali’’), and the reforms necessary in
the application of punishment. Finally, he deals
with the “ positive” character and the inductive
methods of the new school.

Professor van Hamel describes this article as ‘‘ The
entrance of the positive school and of its founder,
Lombroso, into the legal world through its chief
portal—i.e., the German portal,’’ which was opened to
him by Von Liszt. Van Hamel’s intention was to

CRIMINAL JURISPRUDENCE 143

indicate the great importance attached at the outset
by lawyers of the first rank to the introduction of
modern criminology into the circle of the legal
sciences. Van Hamel continues in the following
terms: ‘‘Some years after this there ensued the
foundation of l’Union Internationale de Droit Pénal,
whose statutes have been recognized as providing the
basic principles alike for criminological science and
for practical penal methods.”

Since I estimate at a very high value Lombroso’s
importance in relation to the origin and growth of the
present international movement for the reform of our
penal methods, I may be allowed to quote further
from the learned Van Hamel, and to join with him in
saying, in this connection: ‘‘ Differences in matters of
detail affect in no way the uniformity of principles.
Such differences must, indeed, be regarded, not merely
as inevitable, but positively as advantageous. They
are inevitable owing to the differences in human
temperament and in national character. They are
advantageous because, owing to their existence, new
ideas will find their way into acceptance in certain
forms, when, if they had sought acceptance in other
forms, they would certainly have been rejected.

Differences of detail must never lead us to overlook
uniformity of principle, nor to overlook the common
origin of ideas thus differing in matters of detail.
The advocates of the modern penal methods must

144 CESARE LOMBROSO

never forget that these owe their very existence to the
positive school of Italian thought.”

How did it happen that Lombroso, the anthro-
pologist and psychiatrist, was led to a criticism of the
science of law? He had discovered intuitively, and
believed he could establish inductively, the fact
that there exist ‘‘born criminals” or ‘criminal
natures.’’ His whole course of mental development—
viz., the fact that he was strongly influenced by the
evolutionary theories of Vico and Marzolo, by the
English utilitarians, by the French positivists, and, to
some extent also, by the German materialists of the
middle of the nineteenth century—had induced the
conviction that the first object of punishment should
be the protection of society, and the second the
improvement of the criminal. It was for these
purposes, he considered, that law had come into
existence.

This work, whose aim it is to describe Lombroso,
the man and the investigator, is not the place in
which to describe his influence upon the Italian
school of positive penology, or to describe the sub-
sequent development of that school and its further
influence upon the legislation and penal methods of
the civilized nations. Science grows slowly; .the
study of the causes of crime demands time and
patience, brings disillusionment, and leads to ever-
fresh restatements of the old problems. The zeal of

CRIMINAL JURISPRUDENCE 145

the reformer finds it difficult to tolerate the gradual
transformation of the old machinery. He wishes at
one stroke to rejuvenate old institutions, to sweep
away the old rules. But science, which has to pro-
vide a basis for his efforts, is in its nature patient.
The reformer’s zeal, which has to construct the new
edifice, is not patient. Lombroso was to learn this
from personal experience. It was not possible for
him to remain at the standpoint of 1876. And, as
reformer, he himself experienced many changes,
especially as a result of his investigations into the
categories of the criminal by passion, the habitual
criminal, the occasional criminal, the criminaloid, the
criminal lunatic, and the epileptic criminal.

He and his school, in their efforts at reform,
worked along two main lines: first, the reform of
practical penal methods; and, secondly, the systema-
tization of the general theory of punishment.

The efforts of this school in relation to the system
of punishment and the reform of penal methods are
too well known for it to be needful to give here even
the brief summary for which alone we should have
space. But it is important to point out that the
Italians, under Lombroso’s guidance, resolutely at-
tacked the penal dogmas of the day, which it was
necessary to overthrow before a reform of penal
methods in the sense of social defence could possibly
be effected. I shall merely make especial reference

10

146 CESARE LOMBROSO

to the powerful influence for good exerted by the
positive school in the direction of the amelioration
and humanization of the horrible function of punish-
ment, which represses so many crimes, but at the
cost of so much suffering and of such numerous errors.

Lombroso gradually came to believe that no useful
purpose is effected by the provision of a great national
apparatus intended to improve that which is unim-
provable—i.e., the criminal nature; and that society
could not be effectively safeguarded against its per-
manently dangerous members—vi.e., the criminal
natures—by means of protective measures of a
transient duration. 7

Being thoroughly convinced of the existence of
criminal natures, and being, as a utilitarian, hostile
to all metaphysics, ii was inevitable, when he came
to consider the fundamental aim of the institutions
of law and the State, that he should be led to
reject all methods of treating criminal natures which
did not involve their complete removal or lifelong
exclusion from the life of free society. Thus, a large
proportion of his subsequent life was spent in endless
controversies directly against the traditional legal
systems and institutions which did not harmonize
with the position he had taken up. He did not
seek these controversies, but he could not and would
not attempt to avoid them. Throughout them, how-
ever, he remained the anthropologist, the collector

CRIMINAL JURISPRUDENCE 147

and investigator in the wide field of the natural
history of mankind, one more interested in studying
the origin of the socially significant varieties of man-
kind, of which civilized man is one, than in the
description of the differential characters of the races
of mankind now living in various parts of the world
—although investigations in this latter field were by
no means repugnant to him.

Lombroso’s great synthetic studies of the natural
history of the criminal came to an end in the year
1902, with the publication of the German edition
of his book upon the Causes and Prevention of Crime.
Some months later appeared a work by Aschaffenburg
on Crime and its Prevention. Even after 1902 Lom-
broso continued to write upon this subject, more
especially in his periodical devoted to criminal anthro-
pology; and down to the last year of his life he
followed closely the progress of international research
in this field. But it seems to me that the book of
1902, published at the close of thirty years’ work,
marks the end of his inner development, whilst the
Congress for Criminal Anthropology held in the year
1906, in which he was able to hold a review of his
disciples, co-workers, friends and rivals, gave a fitting
outward conclusion to his career, when he had already
passed his seventieth year.

During the last years, and, above all, during
the last months of Lombroso’s life, a tendency to

148 CESARE LOMBROSO

pessimism became clearly manifest; and this ten-
dency was, owing to his peculiar organization, closely
connected with a strong bent towards mystic con-
templation. But this, in my opinion, has no bearing
whatever upon his crimino-anthropological researches.
His doctrine of the ‘born criminal” was in no way
based upon a pessimistic foundation. In the field of
social reform, including criminology, he was definitely
optimistic. The weak, the sick, and the degenerate,
were regarded by him at once with the objectivity
and the philanthropy of the born physician. It was
only in his moral valuation of the genius, and of the
great condottieri and conquistadores of modern indus-
trial life, that he lacked mildness; indeed, in this
latter respect he rather inclined to severity.

During the period 1879 to 1894 were held the first
three International Congresses of Criminal Anthro-
pology; and the same period was signalized by
numerous other performances of Lombroso, which
served for the propagation, the development, and the
application of his ideas. ‘Thus it happened that he
was forced to leave the quiet of the laboratory and
the study ; the greatest publicity was gained for the
“new school”; and the investigator who, until the
age of one-and-forty, had lived at Pavia, remote from
the world, became involved in unending controversy.
By the best elements of Italian political radicalism
Lombroso was now regarded as leader; and a little

PELLAGRA 149

later also, during the years 1880 and 1890, through
the support of the slowly developing Marxist School of
Socialism,! Lombroso found himself leader in a move-
ment at first dominated entirely by “intellectuals.” It
soon appeared that the retired and modest investigator
was none the less a formidable opponent, whose voice
could make itself heard in all the great questions
of public life, and far beyond the bounds of Italy.
I need mention here only the two great epidemics
of anarchism and anti-Semitism, whose flood-tide fell
in this period between 1880 and 1892.

Lombroso was a man of harmonious type, a radical
through and through, one who could not understand
that anyone who had once grasped a truth should
be induced to conceal it from social class-considera-
tions. What those may have to suffer who are ill-
adapted for the utterance of half-truths, and who
are averse from compromise, Lombroso had learned
when he came to publish his researches into the
cause of pellagra, the characteristic endemic disease
of Northern Italy.

Pellagra is a chronic disease in Northern and
Central Italy, which gives rise to extensive disturb-
ances of digestion and to cutaneous and nervous
disorders, and frequently leads to severe mental
disturbance. In Lombroso’s view it results from

1 See above, p. 124 et seq.

150 CESARE LOMBROSO

the frequent use of damaged maize, containing toxins,
which is consumed by the peasantry of Northern and
Middle Italy in the form of polenta and maize bread,
whilst the ground landlords and their bailiffs live
upon the better qualities of maize produced by the
same peasants. I may quote here a passage from
the Preface to my German translation of Lombroso’s
book on pellagra :

“This book is the result of researches which I
have pursued for twenty-nine years, often amid very
tragic surroundings—tragic for the reason that from
these researches alone I am able to show how human
nature strives against every step towards progress,
and regards it almost as a crime. In Italy it is a
secret to no one that my attempt to show, in op-
position to the dominant doctrine, and upon the
foundation of numerous experiments, that pellagra
results from intoxication with damaged maize, aroused
so much hostility—I may almost say so much scandal—
in the majority of Italian hygienists and psychiatrists,
that in consequence of this my reputation as a prac-
tising physician, as an investigator, and ultimately
also as a teacher, was severely shaken. The cause
of this bitter opposition is perhaps to be found in the
greater cleverness of my opponents, who regarded my
energetic advocacy of the new theory in the light of
a personal attack, whereas ii was really the conse-
quence of my too earnest conviction, and of the

PELLAGRA Lol

thought that it was only in this way that I could
hope to save thousands and tens of thousands from
being unnecessarily sacrificed. But a greater cause
of opposition was undoubtedly the hatred of novelty
—that deep-rooted passion common to all humanity.
At first, indeed, it seemed to me as if the truth must
always conquer, and conquer quickly, since in this
case it was an obvious truth, one easy to prove, and
a very natural one. Nor do I doubt that ultimately
the truth will inevitably prevail, for the cleverest
machinations must in the end recoil from the granite
walls they endeavour to overthrow. But he who
believes that this will occur at once and universally
is one who knows little of human nature. Indeed,
we must expect the contrary, for all truths which can
only be proved by means of a long series of experi-
ments or by long-continued observations rarely fail
to encounter an almost insuperable obstacle; and
when, in addition, economic class-interests stand in
the way—when these co-operate with the influence
of custom, of inheritance, and of natural human
short-sightedness—then woe to the innovator. As
Macaulay said, if the Newtonian law had been
opposed to any class-interest, there would have been
no lack of opposition to the doctrine of universal
gravitation.”

It was in the prolonged struggle for his professional
life with the powerful interests he had challenged by

152 CESARE LOMBROSO

the publication of his discovery of the cause of
pellagra that Lombroso became hardened and com-
pletely insensitive to the detraction which is always
manifested so freely when scientific truths are dis-
pleasing to the economic or political powers-that-be.?

1 In view of the fact that shortly after the death of Lombroso
it was widely asserted both in the medical and the lay Press of
this country and of the United States that Lombroso’s views
regarding the nature of pellagra had recently been shown to be
erroneous, I wrote to Dr. Kurella for further information. He
replied as follows: “On receipt of your letter, I wrote to an
Italian colleague to inquire of him what were the views
presently held regarding the etiology of pellagra. He informs
me that the majority of experimental pathologists in Italy
remain convinced of the truth of Lombroso’s views. He also
refers me to this year’s (1910) Wiener Klinische Wochenschrift,
No. 28, p. 963, where there is an article by Raubitschek, an
Austrian experimenter, who claims to have confirmed Lom-
broso’s theory by means of experiments on rats.”

Unquestionably, therefore, numerous investigators, both in
Italy and elsewhere, hold fast by one form or other of the
zeist theory of the etiology of pellagra, which Lombroso
believed himself to have established beyond the possibility of
refutation. But during the past year this theory has, never-
theless, been largely discredited. In the Lancet of February 12,
1910, will be found the report of the Pellagra Investigation
Commission, in which some of the alternative hypotheses are
discussed. Dr. Sambon was despatched by this Commission in
charge of the Pellagra Field Commission in Italy, and in an
editorial note in the British Medical Journal of May 21, we are
told that a telegram had been received from Dr. Sambon, under
date of May 138, stating ‘‘ The Commission has definitely proved
that maize is not the cause of pellagra; the parasitic conveyor
is the Simuliwm reptans.” It is probable that the matter will
soon be definitely settled, and it cannot be denied that pellagra
presents many analogies with other endemic disorders due to

PELLAGRA 158

Thus it was that Lombroso was forced into the
arena of public life, and although he did not become
definitely attached to any particular party, he never
ceased to attack half- measures and corruption
wherever he encountered them. When the political
corruption under the rule of Crispi led to the
bread-riots at Milan in 1898, the people had an
opportunity of experiencing the use of rifle-fire by
the apostles of “‘ order”; and the dictatorial powers
usurped during these weeks were utilized for the
banishment of troublesome political opponents, or
to bring about their disappearance in prison—the
methods of South American experts in the pursuit
of political power being freely followed. The name
of Lombroso was upon the list of the proscribed,
but they did not dare to lay hand upon him; just
as in Russia five years ago the authorities did not
dare to touch Tolstoy, notwithstanding his direct
challenge to the Czar.1 Thus it was to the struggles
amid which he was precipitated by his investigations
into the nature of pellagra that Lombroso owed the
development of his nature as a fighter, which enabled
him to withstand the most violent scientific and
political opponents of his theory of the “born

protozoal infection conveyed by the bite of a blood-sucking
insect.—TRANSLATOR.
1 See the translation of Count Tolstoy’s pamphlet, ‘‘ The

Hanging Czar,” published by the Independent Labour Party.—
TRANSLATOR.

154 CESARE LOMBROSO

criminal.” Experiences of life even more bitter
than those of Ibsen’s ‘‘ Enemy of the People” were
met by Lombroso in a spirit of lofty stoicism.

Owing to his struggle to establish the truth of his
views regarding the cause and prevention of pellagra,
Lombroso suffered from a recurrence of the economic
struggles which had embittered his childhood and
youth. The powerful agrarian interests of Lombardy
and Venice established a boycott against Lombroso
as a physician amongst the well-to-do middle class
and also in the medical circle of Northern Italy;
and as a result of this his consulting practice, which
had hitherto been enormous, and his resulting com-
fortable circumstances, and therewith also the means
he needed for the prosecution of his researches, were
all swept away. ‘‘Cause and Prevention ’’—these
two words sum up the whole life-work of this
man. Cause and prevention of pellagra, of crime,
of anarchism, prostitution, anti-semitism, political
corruption, self-interested parliamentarism; cause
and prevention of lying, hypocrisy, oppression and
exploitation—these were the tasks to which Lombroso >
devoted his whole life, and which he prosecuted with-
out rest and without fear, until at length, after so
many struggles, a comprehensive understanding and
a calm, mature wisdom finally led him to recognize
the manner in which the evils affecting society are
inseparably associated with wealth and civilization.

PELLAGRA 155

The investigation into the nature of pellagra was
of enormous importance to the Italians, who con-
tinued to suffer severely from this evil down to the
present day. We might be justified here in giving
a detailed account of these studies, because it was
in them that Lombroso, above all, showed him-
self to be a careful experimenter—an experimental
pathologist of the first rank. But from the point of
view of this book, the significance of these investiga-
tions and struggles lies, not so much in the enrich-
ment and development of his knowledge—not so
much, that is to say, in the intellectual sphere—as in
the light they throw upon the man’s intimate lite, and
upon his character.

In my concluding chapter I shall give some account
of the means employed by those whose interests were
affected by Lombroso’s discoveries (in co-operation
with those to whom, as a self-taught man, and one
outside the official and professorial ring, he was an
object of dislike) to annihilate this obnoxious investi-
gator. To the extent of depriving him of his means
of livelihood in Pavia, they were to a large extent
successful. But after a struggle lasting thirty years,
Lombroso’s intoxication theory of pellagra has been
finally victorious, and has been officially recognized
by the Italian Government. Moreover, this theory
has been confirmed by the most recent investigations
of Tirelli, Pellizzi, Gosio, and Ferrati, although other

156 CESARE LOMBROSO

toxins of damaged maize are now considered to be of
greater importance than the one to which Lombroso
gave the name of “‘ pellagrozein.”’

Lombroso’s proposals in the province of agrarian —
reform were in part of a purely technical nature, and
in part based upon a profound (and in his day, at
least, well-grounded) distrust of the rival factions in
the Italian parliament. At one time he went so far
as to believe that nothing could be done to save the
peasants and small farmers from pellagra, as long as
they remained in their North Italian homes; and
he recommended a wholesale emigration to North
America.?

It is not improbable that Lombroso, notwithstand-
ing the universality of his talents and his enormous
historical acquirements, would, in better pecuniary
circumstances, have confined himself to the study of

1 In view of this advice, it is interesting to note that I have
just received a medical periodical published in the United States,
from which I learn that during the winter of 1909-1910 the
Romance and Slav population of the towns of the Mississippi
States has been extensively ravaged by pellagra. As late as the
year 1908, in the great American textbook, Osler’s “ Principles
and Practice of Medicine,” we learn that pellagra “ has not been
observed in the United States !” |

TRANsLATOR’s Note.—Dr. Kurella writes to me to the follow-
ing effect: “‘I remember twenty-five years ago, in asylums both
in Pennsylvania and in Illinois, finding’ cases of pellagra, with
the characteristic skin-lesions, in addition to the mental disorder.
But my American colleagues then ridiculed my diagnosis.”

AGRARIAN REFORM 157

comparative philology and to the associated field of
psychology. It was to these studies that he was
principally attracted in youth, and his acquaintance
with Marzolo further impelled him in this direction ;
but precisely because of his poverty he was compelled
to abandon a career of learning, and to choose a
means of earning his bread. For six years he worked
as an army surgeon on the battle-field, in the cholera
hospital, and in a small garrison town; until, finally,
in the problems of the psychical life of the criminal,
the lunatic, and the genius, this born collector of
human documents found within the domain of the
medical profession, whose humane duties he fulfilled
unweariedly as prison surgeon, a field in which his
intellect could exercise its powers, in which his char-
acter could manifest its strength, and in which his
temperament could display its treasures of modesty,
love of humanity, and inexhaustible patience.

At length, however, this ‘‘ enemy of the people,”
this audacious formulator of hypotheses, this innovator
and rebel, found himself in advanced life recognized
by his fellow-countrymen as a benefactor, by his
colleagues as the pride of their national science, and
by his King as the enlightener of his country.?

1 Among other tributes to Lombroso may be mentioned those

which he received at the International Congress of Criminal
Anthropology, held at Turin in the year 1906.

CHAPTER VII

ENVIRONMENT AND THE THEORIES AS TO THE
NATURE OF GENIUS—LOMBROSO’S GENIUS AND
PERSONALITY.

I REMARKED before that almost every one of Lombroso’s
books might have as its title, ‘“‘The Cause of, and
Prevention of —————.”’ One exception must, how-
ever, be made to this generalization, or perhaps two.
The first of these relates to his book upon “ The
Man of Genius,”! and the second to his work
‘**Pensiero e meteore,’? in which were collected his
researches into the cosmic and telluric influences that
determine human actions.

To speak first of the last-named work, we learn
from it, as also from earlier and later minor writings,
that in Lombroso’s opinion it is not the internal,
inborn factors only that exercise an important influ-
ence upon the actions and the social behaviour of

1 English translation in Secott’s Contemporary Science
Series.

2 Milan, 1878. A volume of the International Scientific
Series.

158

THE INFLUENCE OF ENVIRONMENT 159

human beings. Indeed, to Lombroso as a determinist
we Owe a service which distinguishes him from the
great majority of modern determinists. He was bold
enough to revive and to restore to psychology the
cosmic determinism of the Pythagoreans. It was not
within the organism alone that he sought the deter-
mining influences of physiological and psychological
activity. He looked for these also outside the
organism—in the environment; and his conception
of this environment was the very widest possible
(see p. 132). At first, when still quite a young
man, he laid stress, with Buckle, upon the influence
of civilization—that is to say, of the cultural environ-
ment—upon individual phenomena. He saw, indeed,
in these phenomena, when they are of an abnormal
character—taking, for example, the form of insanity,
crime, or prostitution—diseases of the social organ-
ism, which become individualized in predisposed or
malformed persons (the theory of degeneration).
Subsequently he came to note, and perhaps to over-
estimate, the influence of meteorological and cosmic
processes—the influence, that is to say, of the
physical environment. Later still, when he had
grasped the entire plan of the edifice of his life-work,
the most important part of that edifice was always the
doctrine of causes and of the environment—under-
standing always by the term ‘‘ environment ”’ all that
comes into relation from outside with the individual

160 CESARE LOMBROSO

and with society, everything competent to determine
his tendencies, his gifts, his capacities, and his actions.

Lombroso ultimately came to regard environment
as profoundly important in determining the produc-
tion of criminality, as may be seen most clearly in a
passage from the fourth chapter of his work on “ The
Cause and Prevention of Crime,” of which I here give
a portion. After a detailed explanation of the distinc-
tion between the older civilization, typified by force,
and contemporary civilization, typified by cunning,
and having shown that both these types are manifested
in the criminal career, he goes on to say: ‘‘ We experi-
ence here de facto the parallel activity of two forms of
criminality: atavistic criminality, characterized by
the relapse of abnormally predisposed individuals to
the employment of forcible means in the struggle for
existence—means which our own civilization has
normally ceased to use—manslaughter, robbery with
violence, or rape; and evolutionary criminality, which
is just as maleficent in intention, but far more
civilized in its means, for in place of force and
violence it employs cunning and artifice.”

The first form of criminality is exhibited only by a
comparatively small number of unfortunately predisposed
individuals ; the second form, by those who are not
sufficiently strong to withstand the unfavourable
influences of their environment.

Thus, following in the tracks of Quetelet, and

BIOLOGICAL DETERMINISM 161

contemporaneously with Adolf Wagner—the former
being ‘the founder of ‘‘ social physics,” and the latter
the man who demonstrated ‘‘ the reign of law in the
apparently voluntary actions of human beings ’—
Lombroso regarded the activity of the individual as
devoid of all true spontaneity. He viewed it in its
dependence upon numerous external and internal
factors, in part belonging to the organization of the
individual and in part to his environment. In accord-
ance with this view, he assigned to the intellect, to
** reason,” a minimal share in the control of actions, in
the conduct of the ego. And even in emotion he saw,
for the most part, a simple operation of unconscious
processes, subsidiary reactions of the organism in
response to natural forces.

Thus, in his view, the personality of the doer
tended to disappear; individual differences faded
away. In his determinism, the idea of the “type,”
of the “‘ group,” of the “ class,” preponderates. The
average man, whose type is deformed by the inexorable
law of pathological inheritance (which plays so large
a part in all Lombroso’s works), acts under the
mechanical compulsion of his internal disposition and
organization; and, further, as if this alone were
insufficient, he is driven by the external conditions of
life, whether those of the physical environment or
those of the social organization. Thus he reduces

individual differences, for the most part, to a few
11

162 CESARE LOMBROSO

types, in which the degenerative predispositions almost
always manifest themselves in the form of automatic
‘“‘ epileptic”’ discharges. This does not mean that he
altogether denied individual classification, but in his
teaching all individuals were contemplated in the
light of one and the same fundamental determinism.
From the lowest step of this classification occupied
by the savage atavistic criminal, the series proceeds to
the altitude on which is enthroned the figure of the
genius.

This determinism, although not expressly stated,
underlies also his account of genius.

Almost throughout his whole life he was interested
in the problem of genius. We see this from his first
important work, published in the year 1855, upon the
‘“‘Insanity of Cardanus.” It runs through the six
Italian and eight foreign editions of his work on
“The Man of Genius.”” We see it also in the last
important work published before he died, on “‘ Genius
and Degeneration.”

It is well known that he regarded the analogy
between the epileptic automatic discharge and the
inspiration of genius as a proof of the identity of
these two phenomena. Here the indefiniteness of the
concepts ‘‘ genius” and “‘epilepsy”’ is compensated
by the importance and abundance of the facts adduced
by him to show that in the essence of genius an
‘‘anomaly” is almost invariably to be recognized—

THE NATURE OF GENIUS 163

and this not merely in the peculiarities commonly
observed in men of genius in spheres altogether
independent of the direct manifestations of their
genius. But inspiration, the discharge itself, is also
cosmically determined. Thus we understand why it
is that, in the last edition of ‘‘ The Man of Genius,”’
the section upon the characteristics of the genius
occupies no more space than does the account of the
environing causes of genius, and occupies barely half
the amount of space given to the section upon genius
as manifested in the insane.

However much or however little of these ideas may
be found to possess permanent value, one point of
unquestionable importance is Lombroso’s demand that
among the conditions of the work of genius we must
study the personality of the genius himself with all his
individual pecularities. A glance at the almost inter-
minable series of ‘‘ pathographies’”’ of highly-talented
persons proves to us how strong an _ influence
Lombroso’s ideas exercised upon the intellectual
world of Germany, and to what an extent they gave
rise to an anthropological method of study of the
nature of the man of genius.

We Germans must see, unless we are blind, the
enormous importance in relation to the work produced
by the two most distinguished figures of our recent
intellectual history—Richard Wagner and Friedrich
Nietszche—of the severe suffering with which both were

164 CESARE LOMBROSO

afflicted. Hven if it be not true that pathology is the
root of genius, at any rate, pathos, not ethos, will
persist as the sphere in which mortal man attains the
highest perfection, and the one in which he performs
the greatest deeds. And Lombroso’s own path through
life, overburdened as he was with sorrows, struggles,
pains, and deprivations, shows us that, in default of
the forcible over-stimulation which severe suffering
induces in rich and deep natures, the energy of the
highest spiritualization is unable to radiate from the
hidden depths of our nature; and yet these same
sorrows and struggles are likely, in those in whom
the divine fire of Prometheus has not glowed from the
first, to lead to crime or to insanity.

In the light of this idea, the life-work of the master,
who displayed the close relationship between these
three great manifestations of suffering humanity,
genius, insanity, and crime, will no longer appear so
strange as his isolated and detached ideas appeared to
his contemporaries. And we shall continue to return
again and again to his works, as to an arsenal of
means to help us to the understanding of the highest
and of the deepest endowments of mankind.

If we wish to do justice to the life-work of Lombroso,
we must not omit the study of his own personality,
to which, therefore, a final glance may be directed.
By his birth and by his own peculiar temperament
he belonged to that Jewish aristocracy to which, as

LOMBROSO'S GENIUS AND PERSONALITY 165

Bismarck pointed out, Disraeli also belonged. The
former well-to-do position and the high standing of
his family were changed greatly for the worse in
consequence of the Austrian domination in Italy.
Lombroso was compelled to be not merely his own
teacher, but also his own bread-winner; and when
at length he had attained a good position as a con-
sulting physician and University Professor, owing to
his espousal of the cause of the Italian peasantry he
lost the material advantages of a position which would
otherwise have led him to acquire considerable wealth
in the industrially powerful Northern Italy.

These losses freed him completely from the desire
to strive for outward success, and restored to him the
leisure without which he could never have collected
his enormous materials, or carried on his incessant
polemic for clearer ideas, and effected the systematic
arrangement oi his material. Thus his life attained a
harmonious character such as rarely belongs to the
learned life of a successful physician; and whilst he
remained outwardly unpretending and modest, always
ready to help others both in word and deed, he continued
to be the intellectual father of new and ever new sen-
sational hypotheses. He, ‘‘ the slave of facts,” never
boasted of his diligence; and although in innumer-
able controversies he unweariedly defended his ideas,
his zeal was always on behalf of the ideas themselves,
never to gain material advantages. Lombroso never

166 CESARE LOMBROSO

sought for personal gain from the conceptions of
whose value and importance he was so firmly con-
vinced, and which came to him, as it were, intuitively.
Indeed, his principal strength lay in intuition, in his
ready grasp of the essential. His theories of intuitive
genius lay stress upon certain analogies between in-
tuition and epileptoid states ; and the great reverence
paid by him to truth may possibly have led him at
times to underestimate the powerful, although not
always fully conscious, intellectual activity which
paves the way to every happy discovery.

We cannot here attempt to show the extent and
importance of Lombroso’s contributions to Italian
culture outside the domain of anthropological re-
searches. From his house in Turin, and from the
circle of thinkers, officials and artists who assembled
there, there was diffused a powerful influence, and
at times the very consciousness of Italy seemed
to be centred here at work. And, unceasingly, a
manifold receptivity and activity found the unity
and the energy requisite for their concentrated
effects in the fiery soul in whose ardour the most
heterogeneous elements were fused, and whose spirit
lives on in his successors and disciples—

* cursores qui vitai lampada tradunt.”

APPENDIX A
LOMBROSO’S SPIRITUALISTIC RESEARCHES

Durine the correction of the previous chapters I have
read Lombroso’s final and posthumous work, and I
feel that it is expedient to append a brief account of
Lombroso’s dealings with the spiritualists, which were,
indeed, characteristic of his peculiar personality, but
are without significance in relation to his more im-
portant investigations—those which interest us and
will interest posterity.

It was about the year 1890 that throughout Europe
the investigations of psychiatrists, neurologists, and
psychologists into the subject of hypnotism attained
their acme. During the years 1885 to 1890 there
was an unceasing current of hypnotic experiments.
Almost every clinic had its own mediums; and soon
some of these mediums, of whom not a few attended
more than one clinic, produced occult phenomena,
such as the action of medicaments at a distance
(Bourru and others), the polarizing effect of magnets,
thought-transference, and thought-reading, in addition
to the phenomena of the hypnotic sleep and hypnotic
suggestion. Not infrequently such séances as these,
instituted by serious men of science, closely resembled

the phenomena of the ‘‘ animal magnetism” of the
167

168 CESARE LOMBROSO

first third of the nineteenth century and the séances
of the spiritualists during the middle third oft.he
century. Men who, unquestionably, were well ex-
perienced in observation and in rigorous experiment
—such men as Charcot, Richet, Preyer, Forel, and
Zollner—believed in the reality of the occult pheno-
mena which gradually made their appearance in the
hypnotic mediums.

In the year 1888, Lombroso published a series of
exhaustive experiments, dealing more especially with
the limits of suggestion in the waking state, and the
influence of a permanent magnet upon suggested
sensations. It was most remarkable that this posi-
tivist investigator, a man whose habit it had been
to confine himself to objective investigation, and to
consider subjective phenomena as entirely subsidiary
and to deal with them with extreme caution, should
concern himself with matters so little accessible to
objective observation as the reaction to hypnotic
procedures and the examination of suggested ideas
in hypnotized and hysterical subjects, and while
engaged in this path of study to associate, ultimately,
more and more intimately with thought - readers,
spiritualists, and other thaumaturgists.

It was, indeed, a result of his overwhelming con-
viction, at once of the objectivity and of the materiality
of the performances of hypnotized persons, associated
with a reluctance to accept the explanation of such
phenomena by purely subjective factors—viz., their
explanation solely by means of ideas—that led Lom-
broso to the credulous assumption that there existed
a peculiar material condition of the brain substance
as the cause of all these categories of phenomena.

LOMBROSO’S SPIRITUALISTIC RESEARCHES 169

The fact that the mediums themselves either
coquetted in a most equivocal manner with the possi-
bility of associated immaterial processes, or else
introduced the absurd doctrines of spiritualism for the
explanation of the phenomena occurring at their
séances, did not discourage Lombroso from the con-
tinually renewed study of thought-readers, calculating
wonders, telepathists, and teleurgists (persons who
claimed the power of giving rise to mechanical changes
in remote objects), for he believed in the genuineness
of different forms of ‘‘trance’’; and his honourable
capacity for belief, his disinclination to explain any-
thing that was new as the result of deception merely
because it was an unusual experience, frequently
delivered him over to the devices of cheats.

I can explain here that, from my own experience,
his most important medium, Eusapia Palladino,
whom, in April, 1894, in association with Lombroso,
Enrico Ferri, the psychologist Luigi Ferri, the
physiologist Richet, the anthropologist Sergi, and the
painter Siemiradzki, I observed in several séances,
was, indeed, a ‘‘ miracle ’’—i.e., a miracle of adroit-
ness, false bonhomie, well-simulated candour,
naiveté, and artistic command of all the symptoms of
hystero-epilepsy. In Rome, where the séances were
held, she had at her disposal certain extremely adroit
male mediums, who were associated in all her tricks.
These mediums behaved irreproachably. During the
séances, in consequence of emotional excitement and
superstitious terror, they suffered publicly from
hysterical paroxysms; and they were clever enough
to charm Siemiradzki by arranging that ‘‘ from the
fourth dimension” a sheet of writing-paper should

170 CESARE LOMBROSO

fall into his lap, upon which was inscribed in isolated
Polish words? a prophecy of the speedy restoration of
the kingdom of Poland. I took an exact transcript of
this manifestation, and must repeat to-day whatI said
sixteen years ago, that if (as the mediums asserted,
though I do not myself believe it) the spirit of
Kosciuszko really wrote these hopeful words—instead
of prophesying jinis Polonie—then ‘in the fourth
dimension ”’ the spelling and grammar of the Polish
language must have been very badly preserved.
(Charles Dickens made the same observation in respect
to English spelling as exhibited by “‘ spirits.’’)

At that time it was my impression that in these
séances Lombroso’s interest was in the spiritualists,
not in the “ spirits,’ and, in the next place, in the
abnormal trance-state of the mediums. This was
undoubtedly so at that time; but his subsequent
publications have shown that at a later date he went
much further than this, and ascribed to the brain-
substance the faculty of exercising a powerful infiu-
ence beyond the periphery of the body (although,
according to the dominant and still unshaken opinion,
the function of the brain-substance is subject to the
law of isolated nervous conduction). For example,
in the Annales des Sciences Psychiques, 1892, p. 146
et seqg., Lombroso wrote as follows :

“Not one of these facts (which we must admit to
be facts, since we cannot deny that which we have
seen with our own eyes) is of a nature to render it
necessary to suppose for its explanation the existence
of a world different from that admitted by neuro-

1 Pure nominatives, such as anyone could extract from a
dictionary in default of all knowledge of the language.

LOMBROSO’S SPIRITUALISTIC RESEARCHES 171

pathologists to exist. I see nothing inadmissible in
the supposition that in hysterical and hypnotized
persons the stimulation of certain centres, which
become powerful owing to the paralyzing of all the
others, and thus give rise to a transposition and trans-
mission of psychical forces, may also result in a trans-
formation into luminous or motor force. In this way
we can understand how the force, which I will call
cortical or cerebral, of a medium can, for example,
raise a table from the floor, pluck someone by the
beard, strike him or caress him—very frequent
phenomena in these séances. In certain conditions,
which are very rare, the cerebral movement which we
call thought is transmitted to distance, sometimes
small, sometimes very considerable. Now, in the
same way in which this force is transmitted, it may
also become transformed, and the psychic force may
manifest itself as a motor force. Do we not see the
magnet give rise to a deflection of the compass-needle
without any visible intermediary ?”’

We must not without further consideration dismiss
this idea as absurd, because a very simple experiment
suffices to show that the well-known and continuous
heat-radiation from the living body—that is to say, the
dispersal from the body of ultra-red etheric undula-
tions—undergoes notable and easily measurable
changes, in association with every change in the
intellectual or emotional equilibrium, just as the
arterial pulse, which changes under the influence of
emotional disturbance, gives rise to varying oscilla-
tions in the air. But we do not possess sense-organs
adequate to detect either these atmospheric or these
etheric undulations. We were unable to establish

172 CESARE LOMBROSO

their existence until physiology had given us Mosso’s
plethysmograph and Zamboni’s dry battery.

There was a very powerful subjective reason why
Lombroso did not apply a strenuous criticism to the
occult phenomena of Eusapia, of Pickmann, etc. His
own most important ideas had at first encountered
doubt from the learned world, and in many cases con-
tempi and ridicule. For this reason he was free from
the tendency, traditional in academic circles, towards
an extreme reserve in relation to completely new facts
and theories contrary to the dominant views, and
therefore dangerous to those advocating them. On
the contrary, to doubt the good faith of those who were
producing the new hypnotic and other mediumistic
phenomena was not only contrary to his natural dis-
position, incapable of any pettiness and indisposed to
mistrust anything that was unusual, but it also con-
flicted with the tendencies resulting from his own
personal experiences.

In the year 1872, when he brought before the
Medical Academy of Milan his experiments and
investigations regarding the etiology of pellagra
through the consumption of spoilt maize, he was
accused by the surgeon Porta, Dean of the medical
faculty of Pavia and an advocate of the interests of
the great landlords, of having falsified his experiments,
and of having artificially induced lesions in the
animals he experimented on—the result being that
the whole matter was turned to ridicule, and he
and his pellagrous chickens were made fun of at
the next carnival. |

Lombroso was accustomed to quote a verse from
Dante, ‘‘ Io non piangea, si dentro impetrai” (‘I did

LOMBROSO’S SPIRITUALISTIC RESEARCHES 173

not weep, but my heart was turned to stone’’), in
order to explain the impression left upon him by
this experience. The controversies about pellagra
continued for about thirty years, until at length, in
the year 1902, official recognition was given to his
theory by the legislation carried in that year for
the prevention of the disease! The déclassé, the Jew,
the self-taught man, could not be allowed to take an
equal rank in the university life amongst the sons
of the well-to-do classes of Northern Italy, so closely
allied with the landed interest; and for this reason
the most distinguished and influential member of the
academic circle described his laborious and tedious
researches as falsified. It was this experience which
made it psychologically impossible for him, when he
came to study occult phenomena, to take into con-
sideration the possibility of fraud.

This helps us to understand how he came to enter
upon these investigations, and how it was that he
allowed himself in many cases to be deceived re-
garding the reality of the processes under observation.

But it was precisely his unmitigated positivism
which led him a priori to regard many things as
possible and open to discussion, from which others
in their specialist narrowness would have (doubtless
in this instance more wisely) turned away. In the
year 1888, Lombroso believed himself to have proved
the influence of the magnet upon suggested colour
sensations. With this begins the series of his publi-
cations upon occult phenomena (‘‘ Studi sull’ ipno-
tismo e sulla credulita,” Archivio di psichiatria, 1888,
ix., pp. 528-546). From these effects of the magnet

1 See note to page 152.

174 CESARE LOMBROSO

(whose subjective causation he lefi an open question)
he drew the following inference: ‘‘ The magnet is an
object known to have effect within the physical sphere.
li a new result is seen to follow its application, this
must also be of a physical character, and cannot be
of any other. Thus in the hypnotized person, whose
cerebral molecules are in a condition different from
that in the brain of the non-hypnotized person, the
magnet has given rise to a rearrangement of the
cerebral molecules. If the observed effect is purely
subjective, we must conclude that the subjective
phenomena are dependent upon the physical condi-
tions, and that the rearrangement of the cerebral
molecules gives rise to the phenomenon of so-called
polarization.”’

Psychologically allied with this is Lombroso’s
utterance regarding muscle-reading, to the effect that
if an act of the will is effective at a distance, this
proves that the will, far from being immaterial,
is a phenomenon of movement, and is, therefore, a
manifestation of matter. Indeed, he expresses his
astonishment that thought-transference is so rarely
observed: ‘‘ May it be that in the forms of energy
known under the names of electricity, magnetism,
heat, light, and sound, there is produced the same
thing as in thought; and if one admits this, may it
not be that thought is simply a phenomenon of
movement.”’!

At the time when these first experimental studies
were published, Lombroso was, however, still sceptical
regarding spiritualistic phenomena, as is proved by

\ ‘1 Annales des Sciences Psychiques, 1904.

LOMBROSO’S SPIRITUALISTIC RESEARCHES 175

the following utterance, which I publish here in full
because in it we can already detect the psychological
tendencies which ultimately led him to capitulate—
i.e., to recognize the existence of telepathic phenomena
at séances: ‘‘ Every epoch is unripe for the discoveries
which have had few precursors ; and if it is unripe it
is also unadapted to perceive its own incapacity. The
repetition of the same discovery prepares the brain to
make it its own, to accept it, and finds minds gradually
becoming less hostile to its acceptance. For nearly
twenty years the discoverer of the cause of pellagra
was regarded throughout Italy as mad; to-day the
academic world still laughs at criminal anthropology,
at hypnotism, at homeopathy. Who knows whether
we, who to-day laugh at spiritualism, may not also
be in error? Thanks to the misoneism which lies
concealed in us all, we are, as it were, hypnotized
against the new ideas, incapable of understanding
that we are in error, and like many insane persons,
_ whilst the darkness hides the truth from us, we laugh
at those who stand in the light” (“ L’ influenza della
civilta e dell’ occasione sul genio,” Fanfulla della
Domenica, 1888, Nr. 29).

In the year 1891, when Lombroso, in association
with Bianchi and Tamburini, had held the first
sittings with Kusapia Palladino, he wrote in a letter
to Dr. Ciolfi: ‘‘I am ashamed and sorrowful that
with so much obstinacy I have contested the possi-
bility of the so-called spiritualistic facts. I say the
facts, for I am inclined to reject the spiritualistic
theory; but the facts exist, and as regards facts I
glory in saying that I am their slave.”

There soon followed other sittings, most of them

176 CESARE LOMBROSO

with Eusapia as medium, conducted by Von Aksakow
and Du Prel. (To this period belong all the sittings
in which I myself took part with Siemiradzki, and in
which there took place Lombroso’s thorough investi-
gation of the trance-state of both the male mediums
mentioned above.) From 1896 onwards, after observa-
tions made on the ‘‘ thought reader” Pickmann,
Lombroso published in his Archivio di psichiatria a
perpetual record of his mediumistic experiments.

His last work of all, published after his death
(* Ricerche sui fenomeni ipnotisi e spiritici,” pp. 820,
Turin, Unione Editrice, 1910), might be regarded by
the credulous as a ‘‘ Greeting from the Spirit- World.”
We, however, who renounce this ‘ Spirit- World,”
may well content ourselves with the undying intel-
lectual achievements of the deceased investigator ; to
our enemies we freely give the Lombroso of senile
decay, for the Lombroso of youth, for ever young,
is ours.

APPENDIX B

LIST OF BOOKS CONSULTED

Paota EB Gina LomBroso: Cesare Lombroso, Appunti sulla
vita. Turin, 1906.

C. LomsBroso: Writings, 1854-1909.

C. Lomsroso: Archivio di psichiatria, Scienze penali ed
Antropologia criminale. Turin, 1880-1909.

Enrico Ferri: Sociologia criminale. Turin, 1902.

Frassatr: La nuova scuola di diritto penale. Turin, 1891.

M. CrccareL: Della vita e degli seritti di Paolo Marzolo.
Treviso, 1870.

L. Brancut: L’ Opera di Cesare Lombroso nella scienza e
nelle sue applicazioni. Turin, 1906.

Marto CaRgRARA: Cesare Lombroso (Annuaria della R. Uni-
versita di Torino, 1909-1910).

H. Kureiza: Cesare Lombroso und die Naturgeschichte des
Verbrechers. Hamburg, 1892.

H. Kurta: Naturgeschichte des Verbrechers. Stuttgart,
18938.

H. Kurewza: Die Grenzen der Zurechnungsfahigkeit und die
Kriminal-Anthropologie. Halle a 8., 1903.

H. Kuretua: Die soziologische Forschung und Cesare
Lombroso, Monatsschr. f. Kriminal-psychologie und Stra-
frechtsreform, 1906. S. 308 u. ff.

G. ASCHAFFENBURG: Das Verbrechen und seine Bekaimpfung.
Heidelberg, 1903.

R. Sommer : Kriminal-psychologie und straftrechtliche Psy-
chopathologie. Leipzig, 1904.

177 12

APPENDIX C

FACTS AND DOCUMENTS OF POSITIVISM, 1841-1865

1841.

1842,

1848.

1844,

1845.

1846.

1847.

1848.

1849.

1850

PREPARATORY Work, 1841-1850

JouLtE: Thermogenic Effects of the Electric Current.

Herscuex : Philosophy of the Inductive Sciences.

List: Das nationale System der politischen Okonomie.

R. Mayser: Erhaltung der Energie.

R. WaGNER : Handwérterbuch der Physiologie.

A. Comtn: Cours de philosophie positive.

L. Feversace : Wesen des Christentums.

J. §. Mizu: Inductive Logic.

Marteuccr : Discovery of the Nerve-Current.

FarapDay: Electrical Conduction and the Nature of
Matter.

Discovery of the Electrical Incandescent Lamp. /

W. Waser : Electrodynamic Measurements.

Discovery of Anesthesia by Ether.

Hetmuoutz: Die Erhaltung der Kraft (Conservation of
Energy).

Discovery of Anesthesia by Chloroform.

QueTELET: Du systéme social.

Dusois-Reymonp: Animal Electricity.

Discovery of Gold in California,

Discoveries of Bacillus of Anthrax and of Aniline
Dyes.

Hersert Spencer: Social Statics (Identity of Laws of
Organic and Social Evolution).

178

1851.

1852.
1855.

1856.

FACTS AND DOCUMENTS OF POSITIVISM 179

DoMINANCE oF PosiTivism, 1851-1860.

1851-1860. Mileage of European Railway Systems
ancreases by 250 per cent.

Lygtu : Principles of Geology.

Lomproso: Concerning Marzolo’s “ Monumenti storici
rivelati dal! analisi della parola.”

ScHOPENHAUER: Parerga und Paralipomena.

Discovery of the Neanderthal Skull and Other Evidences
of the Antiquity of Man.

Hetmaoutz : Ophthalmoscope.

RuugmxkorFF: Induction Coil.

RicHARD WAGNER: Oper und Drama.

Miuuet: Le Semeur; und Courser: Das Begrabnis von
Ornans.

Mo.xsscuHort : Kreislauf des Lebens.

PFLUGER: Electrotonus.

NaEGELI : Investigations Regarding Vegetable Physiology.

Biouner: Kraft und Stoff (Force and Matter).

Farapay: Magnetic Philosophy.

Discovery of Hot-air Engine, of Bessemer Steel, and
of Aniline-violet.

Watt Waitman: Leaves of Grass.

Discovery of the Annular Kiln, of the Regenerative Gas
Furnace, and of the Mercurial Air-pump.

J. von Lizpie : Theory and Practice of Agriculture.

Le Puay: Les Ouvriers Européens.

Tae Four CuassicaL YeaRs oF Positivism, 1857-1860.

1857.

1858.

BunsEN: Exact Methods for the Analysis of Gases.
MoreEt: Traité des Dégénérescenses,

Marx: Materialist Conception of History.
Buckie: History of Civilization.

TocquEVILLE : La Révolution et Ancien Régime.
FLauBEeRT: Madame Bovary.

Vircnow: Cellularpathologie.

M. Scuirr: Lehrbuch der Physiologie.

180

1859.

1860.

1861.

1862.

1863.

1864.

CESARE LOMBROSO

KIRCHHOFF und BunsEen: Spectrum Analysis.

Darwin : Origin of Species.

J.S. Mizz: On Liberty.

Discovery of the Telephone, the Ice Machine, and the Azo
Colouring Matters.

FECHNER : Psychophysik.

Boucuer DE PertuEes: De lHomme Antédiluvien et de
ses iuvres. !

Boucuer DE PertuEs: Discovery of the Gas Engine.

Semrer: Der Siil.

AFTER-EFFEcTs, 1861-1865.

BacHoFren : Das Mutterrecht (Matriarchy).

GRIESINGER : Pathology of Mental Disorders.

ScHLEICHER: Grammatik der indogermanischen Sprachen.

Manet : Friihstiick im Griinen.

DostorEFFsky: Raskolnikow.

Fontang: Wanderungen durch die Mark.

Liberation of Serfs in Russia.

HERBERT SPENCER: First Principles.

Issen : The Comedy of Love.

ToURGUENEFF: Fathers and Sons.

Construction of Pacific Railway.

Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation.

Bismarck’s Realpolitik (Blood and Iron).

Huxuey : Man’s Place in Nature.

LyeEti : Antiquity of Man.

Huaeerns : Spectra of Fixed Stars and Nebule.

Broca: Sur le Siége, le Diagnostic et la Nature de
PAphémie.

PastEuR: Theory of Fermentation.

RENAN: Vie de Jésus.

Wonpt: Vorlesungen iiber die Menschen und Tierseele.

Lomsroso : Genio e follia.

A. Waener: The Reign of Law in the Apparently Volun-
tary Actions of Human Beings.

LASSALLE : Bastiat-Schultze.

Dr Goncourt: Renée Mauperin,

1864.

1865.

FACTS AND DOCUMENTS OF POSITIVISM 181

Zoua : Confession de Claude.

Toutstoy : War and Peace.

Merynert: Anatomy of the Cerebral Cortex and its Rela-
tions to the Sensory Surface of the Body.

Lussock: Prehistoric Times.

Lomproso: Aliénations Mentales Etudiées par la Méthode
Expérimentale.

Haxrcxet: Generelle Morphologie.

Von Liesie: Induktion und Deduktion.

Cannizzaro: L’ emancipazione della ragione.

J. S. Mitt: Comte and Positivism.

Taine: Le Positivisme Anglais.

Extension of Democracy in England by Russell and
Gladstone.

Martin Steel, Gas-engines, Influence Machines.

INDEX

A.

ADAPTATION, deficient, of de-
generates, 123
Africo-Hellene race of Calabria,
129
‘* Agrarian Investigation,” 114
— problems, Lombroso,
12
Agrarian reform, 156, 157
Aksakow, Von, 176
Alcoholism and criminality, 95
Altruism deficient in criminal
types, 105
Analogies, Lombroso’s talent for
the discovery of, 112
Anarchism, 149
Animal magnetism, 168
Anomalous character of genius,
162, 163
Anthropology, earlier and recent
significations of the term,
10 note
subject-matter of, 182
Lombroso’s conception of,
135, 137, 138
according to Virchow, Broca,
and Mantegazza, 135
criminal, 18-54. See also
separate organs, as
brain, skull, etc.

tabular statement of
primatoid varieties,
27-29

fundamental notion of,

hysiognomy, 47-53

lavilar ateterent of dis-
tinctive anatomical
characters, indicatin
abnormal congenita
predisposition in more
than 800 non-insane
criminals, 54

Anthropology, criminal, signifi-
cance of, 130-138
Congress for, 147, 148
of women. See ‘* Woman
as Criminal ”
Anti-semitism, 149
Anti-social tendencies of degen-
erates, 104, 105
types, 119, 123
need for segregation of,
146

Ape-like characters. —
toid varieties

Apportionment of punishment,
131

See Prima-

Argot. See Jargon

Aristocracy, Jewish, 164, 165

Arrest of development in crim-
inals. See also Atavism, 46

‘* Art for art’s sake,” in criminals,
89

Art, naturalism in, 133

Artistic method, new, the fruit of
positivism, 134

Arts, industrial, and positivism,
133

Aschaffenburg, 60 note, 147, 177
Asymmetry, facial, 104
Atavism, 19-25, 45-48, 59, 60,
95, 96,101, 105, 118, 160
162
and crime. See Atavism
and prostitution, 59, 60
Austrian dominion in Italy, 165

B.

Bachofen, 180

Bacon, Francis, 113

Baer, A., 24 note

Bagehot, Walter, quoted, 66
note

Battery, Zamboni’s dry, 172

Bebel, 110

182

INDEX

Beltrani-Scalia, 80
Benedikt, 94
Bianchi, 175, 177
Biogenetic law, the fundamental,
118
Biological determination of social
phenomena, 107 et seq.
determinism. See also De-
terminism
of Lombroso, 161, 162
Bismarck, 165
Bistolfi, 82
Blameworthiness, 131
Books consulted, list of, 177
Born criminal. See Criminal,
born
Born criminals form a degenera-
tive subtype, 105
Boucher de Perthes, 180
Bourgeois criminality, 87
Brain in criminals, 38-45
Bread-riots at Milan, 1898, 153
Breeding, racial improvement by,
129, 146
Broca, 135, 180
Bruant, 91
Brusa, 141
Biichner, 8, 179
Buckle, 107
Bunsen, 134, 179, 180
Burdach, 7

C.

Calabria, Lombroso’s work in, 114
races of, 114, 129

Camorra, the, 91

Cannizzaro, 181

Capital punishment, Lombroso
avours, 128

Cardan, Jerome, Lombroso’s work
on, 112, 162

Carrara, 81, 177

Cause and prevention, 158
Causes and prevention of crime,
147

Ceccarel, 177

Cerebrogenous characters, 27-29,

54

Chamberlain, Houston, 129

Characteristics common to crimi-
nals and epileptics, 98, 99

183

Characters, cerebrogenous, prima-
toid, ete. See under Adjectival
term

Charcot, 168

Charnegi, 7

Cheats, 169

Child criminals, 97

Ciolfi, 175

Class-interests,
venting spr
152

ower of, in pre-
of truth, 151,

Class struggle. See Class war
Class war, the, and social evolu-
tion, 121, 122, 124, 125
Classes, differentiation by and
through, 121
Clinical observation, 136
Comte, vi, 178
Congenital. See Inheritance
Congress for Criminal Anthropo-
logy, 147, 148
Conventional element in crime, 90
Correlation of growth, 104
Cosmic causality, 136
determinism, 69, 132-134
influences, 159
Cranio-facial developments, ratios
of, 31, 34
Oraniology. See Skull
Craniometry. See Skull
Crest, internal frontal, 28, 29
temporal, 29
Crime. See also Criminal
and insanity, 84, 85
and imbecility, 84, 85
and disease, 97
causes and prevention of, 147
related to genius and to
insanity, 164
political. See Political crime
Criminal. See also Anthropology,
criminal
accidental, 131
anthropology. See also An-
thropology, criminal
Congress for, 147, 148
positive foundation of,
134
significance of, 130-138
subject-matter of, 132
born, 100, 131. See also
Criminal type

184

Criminal born, the insensibility
of, 88, 89 i
degenerate, 131
epileptic, 140, 145
habitual, 140, 145
insane, 131, 140, 145
jargon of. See Jargon
jurisprudence. 139-149
** Criminal Man, the,” 140
Criminal nature, 131. See also
Criminal type and
Criminal, born
and epilepsy, 98-103
occasional, 131, 140, 145
by passion, 140, 145
political, 119, 120. See also
Political criminal
psychology. 79-105. See also
Psychology, criminal
significance of term, 93
note
tendencies, inheritance of,
96, 97, 101
type, the, 102
criticism of idea of, 55
meaning and limitations
of the doctrine, 50
physio omy of, 51
types, female, comparatively
rare, 61-63
lack ‘‘ mother-sense,” 63
woman. See ‘‘ Woman as
Criminal ’’
Criminality, atavistic, 160
by passion, 100
evolutionary, 160
influence of environment on,
160
Criminaloid, the, 64, 145
Criminals, cruelty of, 84-86
recklessness of, 84, 85
responsibility of, 85, 86
economic status of, 86, 87
Criminology, school of positive,
140
Crispi, 153
Cro-Magnon, prehistoric man of, 33
Crossing of races, and its effect
on political evolution, 74
Cruelty in women, 58
of criminals, 84-86
Ounning and force, 160

CESARE LOMBROSO

D.
Dante, 173
Darwin, 33, 47, 117, 134, 180
eT ne ** Descent of Man,” 33,
1
Darwinian tipped ear, 47
Darwinism. See Evolution
Death, indifference to, in crimi-
nals, 88, note
penalty, Lombroso favours,
128
Decentralization of Government,
Lombroso favours, 127
Degenerate, the, an anti-social
being, 104, 105
Degenerates, 123
Degeneration, 15 e¢ seg.; 103-105,
159, 160, 162
and crime, 103-105
genius and, 162
practical significance of term,
104
stigmata of, 103-105
theory of, 160
De Goncourt, 180
Democracy, Lombroso’s faith in,
125

Dental abnormalities, 104
De Perthes, Boucher, 180
‘**Descent of Man” (Darwin’s),
33, 117
Despine, 13, 14
Determinism, 69, 107 et seg., 116,
120, 121, 128, 132-134,
138, 161, 162
biological, of Lombroso, 107,
116, 120, 121, 161, 162
cosmic, 69, 132-134
economic, of Marx, 116, 123
Development, moral. See Moral .
development
Diagnosis, differential. See Dif-
ferential diagnosis
Dickens, Charles, quoted, 170
Differences, individual, compara-
tively unimportant, 161
Differential diagnosis of varieties
of criminal, 83-91
Differentiation in human species,
122

sexual, 57, 58, 121
Lombroso’s law of, 57

INDEX

Differentiation, sexual, in savages
as compared with civilized
races, 58

Discovery, fruitful period of, in
association with a positivist
view of the universe, 133

Disease and crime, 97

Disraeli, 165

Documents of positivism, 178-181

Donna delinquente, la. See
‘* Woman as Criminal ”

Dostoieffsky, 180

Dubois-Reymond, 178

Du Prel, 176

E.

Ear, Darwinian tipped, 47
handle-shaped and project-
ing, 104
Morel’s, 48
peculiarities of, in criminals,
47, 48
Earpoint of Darwin, 47
Economic determinism. See De-
terminism
factors of crime, 87
motive, supremacy of, 151,
152
status in relation to crime,
86, 87
Ellis, Havelock, vi, 58, note
quoted, 67 note
Environment, 132, 159, 160
and crime, 160
and individual, 132 e¢ seq.
Epilepsy, 136
chronic, 100
and criminality, 98-103
and genius, 162
as an hereditary equivalent
of criminality, 103
larval, 100
Lombroso’s conception of, 99
Epileptic discharges, 161
Epileptoid states (Griesinger), 100
types common in prisons,
103
Epispadias, 104
Equanimity of criminals sen-
tenced to death, 88 note
Equivalents, hereditary, crimin-
ality and epilepsy as, 103

185

Erotism, strong, abnormal in
women, 59
Eskimo, skull of, 35
Esquirol, 7
Ethos and pathos, 164
Eugenics, 123, 128, 129, 146
Eurygnathism, 26, 29
Eusapia Palladino, 169, 172,175,
176
Evolution of man from unknown
primate asserted by Lom-
broso in 1871, 33
social, versus revolution, 120
Evolutionism, English, 7
Experimental method, Lom-
broso’s tendency to neglect
the, 135-137
Extreme value of weights and
measurements in crim-
inal brains, 40, 41, 42
in criminal physiog-
nomy, 49-51
in criminal skulls, 37,
38, 40, 41, 42

F,

Facts and documents of posi-
tivism, 178-181
Lombroso’s respect for, 134

Faraday, 178, 179

Fechner, 187, 180

Ferrati, 156

Ferrero, G., 56, 57, 81

Ferri, Enrico, 79, 140, 169, 177

Ferri, Luigi, 169

Feuerbach, 178

‘* First Principles,” 116

Flaubert, 179

Fontane, 180

Force and cunning, 160

Forehead, receding, 27, 31, 32

Forel, 168

Fossa, middle occipital, 28, 32

‘* Fra Diavolo,” skull of, 32

France and the revolutionary
spirit, 68, 72-74

Frassati, 177

Free will, illusion of, 133

Frigerio, 48

Frigidity, sexual, of prostitutes
63

186

G.

Gabelli, 141

Gall, 13, 14, 17

Garofalo, 140, 141

Gasparone, skull of, 32

Genius, 70-73, 119, 120, 162-164
and anomaly, 162

**Genius and Degeneration,” 162

Genius and epilepsy, 162

its freedom from misoneism, |

70
function of, in promoting
social evolution, 120
index of, for the departments
of France, 72
in the insane, 163, 164
and republicanism, 72, 73
and revolution, 70-72
Géricault’s drawing, ‘‘ Téte d’un
Supplicié,” 51
Gladstone, W. E., 181
Gobineau, 129
Goethe, 111, 113
Goncourt, de, 180
Gosio, 156
Greek racial elements in Calabria,
129
Greenlander, brain of, 44, 45
** Greeting from the spirit-world,
a,” 176
Griesinger, 7, 100, 180
Growth, correlation of, 104
Gudden, 7 °

H.

Haeckel, 118, 181
quoted, 118 note
Hamel, Van, 142, 143
Handle-shaped and _ projecting
ear, 104
Harden, Maximilian, 81
Heinze, 88 note
Hellenic, racial elements in _la-
bria, 129
Helmholtz, 134, 178, 179
‘* Henkelohr,’’ 47, 104
Hereditary equivalents, crimin-
ality and epilepsy as, 103
Heredity. See also Inheritance
criminal, 96, 97
Herschel, 178

CESARE LOMBROSO

History, determinist view of, 107
et seq.
Hohlenfels, prehistoric man of, 33
Homo delinquens, 120. See also
Criminal
industrialis, 122
neanderthalensis, 120. See
also Primitive man
sapiens, 124
natural variability of, and
its consequences, 120
Huggins, 180
Humanism, modern, 125
Huxley, 180
Hygiene, racial, 128
Hylozoism, 133
Hypnotism, 168
Hypospadias, 104

Ibsen, 180
Ibsen’s ‘‘An Enemy of the
People,” 154
Illusion of free will, the, 1383
Imbecility. See also Insanity
and crime, 84, 85
Impatience of reformers, 145
Imprisonment, Mittelstaedt on,
141
Impulsive criminality, 84, 85, 94
Inca bone, the, 35
‘* Inchiesta Agraria,” 114
Incorrigibility of criminals, 97
Individual differences, compara-
tively unimportant, 161
and environment, 132 et seq.
factors influencing, 158-
160
Individualism and _ Socialism,
Lombroso’s attitude towards,
124
Industrial arts and positivism, 133
Inheritance of criminal tenden-
cies, 96, 97, 101
athological, 161, 162 |
Inhibition, feck of, in criminals,
42, 94
Innovation and misoneism, 66-69
Insensibility of born criminal, 88,
89
Insanity and crime, 84, 85
genius and, 163, 164

INDEX

Insanity, moral, 100-103, 117
a professional disease of
prisoners, 97

Inspiration, cosmic determina-
tion of, 163

** Intellectuals,” the, and Italian
Socialism, 149

Italian influence on penal reform,
143, 144

J.
Jargon of criminals, 88 note, 91,
92 :

Jewish aristocracy, the, 164, 165
spirit, the, 129

Jews, civil disabilities of, 2

Joule, 178 ;

Judenhetze. See Anti-semitism

Jurisprudence, criminal, 139-149

K.
Kant, 111
Kirchoff, 180
Kirn, 103
Knecht, 103
Kosciuszko’s ‘‘ spirit,”’ 170
Kraepelin, 141
Krauss, 94
Kuliszew, Madame, 81
Kurella, 177
Kurella’s ‘‘ Naturgeschichte des
Verbrechers,” 94, 96

L.

Labour bureaus, Lombroso ad-
vocates, 128
‘*La donna delinquente, la pro-
situta, ela donna normale,” 56.
See also ‘*‘ Woman as Criminal ”
Land reform, 156, 157
Laschi, 78
Lassalle, 71, 180
characterization of, 71
Lavater, 111
Law, Lombroso’s interest in, 126
uniformity of, 137
Le Play, 179
Levi, Zefira (mother of Cesare
Lombroso), 2, 3
Liebig, Von, 179, 181
Life-work as social reformer, Lom-
broso’s, 106-129, 148

187

List, 178
Liszt, Von, 141
Lombroso, Aron, 1
Lombroso, Cesare, birth, 1
the family, 1-3
childhood and youth, 1-10
family history, 1-3
antecedents, 1-13
revolutionary tendencies, 4
and Marzolo, 5, 6
and Panizza, 7, 33
and Moleschott, 7, 8, 9, 10
and Skoda, 9
and Virchow, 9
and Mantegazza, 10
and Golgi, 11
predecessors in research, 13-
17
criminal anthropology, 18-54
comparison of European
with melanodermic races
(“L’ uomo bianco e |’ uomo
di colore”’), 33
opposition to his views, 55, 56
merits and defects of his
work, 56, 57, 65
‘*Woman as Criminal and
Prostitute,” 56-64
*¢ Political Criminals and
Revolutions,’’ 64-79
**T” uomo di genio,” 72
‘¢The Man of Genius,” 72
Archivia di psichiatria, 79
home life at Turin, 79-83
criminal psychology, 79-105
daughters of, 80
‘* Palimsesti del carcere,’’ 95
note
on the relations between epi-
lepsy and criminality, 98-
103
his conception of epilepsy, 99
and the term “degeneration,”
104, 105
as a social reformer, 106-129
his methods, 106-129
his significance in the history
of science, 106 eé seq.
his method of work, 111 e¢ seq.
his pathographies, 112
work on ‘‘ Cardanus,”’ 112
talent for analogy, 112

188 CESARE LOMBROSO

Lombroso, work in Calabria, 114 | Lombroso, his conception of an-

on the conception of ‘‘the
social organism,” 116, 124

his principal contributions to
sociology, 118 et seq.

and the class war, 121, 122,
124

and ‘‘ revaluation,” 119, 128

his attitude towards Social-
ism, 124

his philosophy, 124

as municipal councillor, 124
note

not a ‘‘ party man,” 124

and democracy, 125

and humanism, 125

and social reform, 125-129

views on Parliamentary
government, 125 note, 128

views on universal suffrage,
126 note

interested in the legal rather
than the economic order,
126

and capitalism, 127

and industrialism, 127

and the agrarian problem, 127

and ‘‘ protection,” 127

and decentralization of
government, 127

and labour bureaus, 128

views on punishment in
general, and on capital
punishment in particular,
128

advocates artificial selection,
128

and eugenics, 128

on pellagra, 129

on races of Southern Italy, 129

significance of criminal an-
thropology, 130-138

on criminal law and its en-
forcement, 131

hylozoist ideas, 133

and positive science, 134

his respect for facts, 134

his hunger for material, 134

insufficient verification of
facts by, 135

occasional credulity of, 135

spiritualistic experiences, 135

thropology, 135, 136

his preference for observing
states rather than pro-
cesses, 135

and theexperimental method,
135, 136

and Fechner’s psycho-
physics, 137

often misunderstood by Ger-
man biologists and psy-
chiatrists, 137

and et notion of uniformity,
13

and positivism, 138

and determinism, 138

and social reactivity, 138

and responsibility, 138

and apportionment of punish-
ment, 138

‘*L’ uomo delinquente,” 140

and criminal jurisprudence,
139-149

and ‘‘School of Positive
Criminology,’’ 140

on punishment, 140, 145

and Ferri, 140

and Garofalo, 141

and Kraepelin, 141

and the science of law, 144

a utilitarian, 146

and the Congress for Criminal
Anthropology in 1906, 147,
148, 157
simism, tendency to, in
old age, 148

mystical tendency, 148

an optimist in the field of
social reform, 148

as Jeader of Italian political
radicalism, 149

and Marxist Socialism, 124
et seq., 149

freedom from opportunism,
149

opposed to compromise, 149

the pellagra controversy,
149-157

proscribed for political rea-
sons in 1898, 153

boycotted by the well-to-do,
154

INDEX

Lombroso, ‘‘Cause and Preven-
tion” the keynote of his
life-work, 154

as experimental pathologist,
155

and He. aa reform, 156,
15

his character, 157

as ‘‘ an enemy of the people,”
154, 157

on ‘‘ Cause and Prevention,”
158

on the influence of environ-
ment, 159, 160

**Causes and Prevention of
Crime,” 160

his biological determinism,
161, 162

‘The Man of Genius,” 162,
163

‘** Genius and Degeneration,”
162

‘Insanity of Cardanus,” 162

life-work of, 164

his genius and personality,
164-166

a member of the Jewish aris-
tocracy, 164, 165

** the slave of facts,’’ 165

his ready grasp of the essen-

tial, 166

contributions to Italian
culture, 166

ee researches, 167-
176

and Eusapia Palladino, 169,
172, 175, 176

effect on his character of the
hostile reception of his
theories regarding the
etiology of pellagra, 172,
178

**Studi sull’ ipnotismo e
sulla credulita,” 173, 174

on the material nature of the
will, 174

on muscle-reading, 174

on thought - transference,
174

on misoneism as a hindrance
to the acceptance of new
discoveries, 175

189

Lombroso, ‘‘ Ricerche sui feno-
meni ipnotisi e spiritici ”
(a posthumous work), 176
and the “‘ Spirit World,” 176
Gina, 177
Paola, 177
contributions to
ism,” 180, 181
Loria, 78, 124
Lubbock, 181
Lucas, 14
Lucchini, 141
Lumbroso, 1 note
Lunatic, the criminal, 140, 145
‘*T” uomo delinquente,” 140
Luzzati, Luigi, 78
Lyell, 134, 179, 180

** Positiv-

M.

Maffia, the, 91

Magnet, its alleged influence upon
suggested colour sensations
178, 174

Magnetism, animal, 168

** Man of Genius, the,” 162, 163

Man, paleolithic, 44

prehistoric. See Primitive
man
primitive. See Primitive
man

Manet, 180

Man’s place in Nature, 117, 134
Mantegazza, 10, 135
Marriage and prostitution, 67
note
Marx, Karl, 107, 108, 110, 116,
124, 149, 179
and Marxism, 124
Marzolo, 5, 6, 157
Masochistic nature of woman, 59
Material nature of the will,
174
Materialism, 107 e¢ seg. See also
Determinism
German, 7
Matteucci, 178
Mattoids, 77, 118
and revolts, 71
Mayer, R., 134, 178
Measurement of punishment, 131,
138

190

Medievalism, persistent, 5
Mediterranean region, races of,
129
Mediums, spiritualistic, 136
Meteorological influences, 159
Method of work, Lombroso’s, 111
et seq.
Meynert, 181
Microcephaly, partial, in relation
to criminality, 41
Milan, bread-riots at, 1898, 153
Mill, J. S., 178, 180, 181
Millet, 179
Misoneism, 66-76
as manifested in the pellagra
controversy, 151
in relation to new discoveries,
175
Mittelstaedt, 141
Moeli, 103
Moleschott, 7, 8, 9, 10, 134, 179
Moral development, inferior in
women, 59
ultimate goal of, 59
imbecile, the, 102
imbecility, 104
insanity, 100-103
Morality, traditional and ideal,
67 note
Morbidity and crime, 97
Morel, 13-17, 105, 179
Morel’s ear, 48
a a 123 ciet
osso’s plethysmograph, 172
Motherhood, siete function
of, its influence on her sexual
differentiation, 57-59
Mother-sense, lack of, in genuine
women criminals and in
prostitutes, 63
unimpaired, in female crimi-
nals, by passion, and female
occasional criminals, 62, 63
Miiller, F, Max, quoted, 92 note
Muscle-reading, 174

N.

Naegeli, 179
Naturalism in art, 133
Nature, criminal. See Criminal

type

CESARE LOMBROSO

Nature, man’s place in, 117, 134

Neanderthal, 32, 120

Nicolson, 14, 16

Nietzsche, Friedrich, 86, 163

Non-moral, woman fundamentally
so (in Lombroso’s view), 59

0.

Occasional criminals form the
majority of women criminals,
62-64

Occultism. See Spiritualism

Organizations, criminal, 91:

‘‘Organism” of human society,

116
a strained metaphor, 124

Organs, rudimentary. See Rudi-
menta:

Ossification of sutures of skull,
peculiarities in, 34, 35

P.

Paleolithic man, 44
ar ge Eusapia, 169, 172, 175,
176

Panizza, Bartolomeo, 7, 33

Parasitism of criminals, 95

Parliamentary government, Lom-
broso on, 125 note, 128

Passion, criminality by, 100

Pasteur, 180

Pathographies, 112, 163

Pathological inheritance, 161

Pathos and ethos, 164

Pellagra, 12, 129, 149-157, 172,

173

recent theories as to its eti-
ology, 152, 153 note
in the United States, 156

note
Pallagrozein, 156
Pellizzi, 45, 156
Penal reform, 139-149
Perthes, Boucher de, 180
Pfliiger, 134, 179
‘* Physical phenomena” of spirit-
ualism, Lombroso’s interpreta-
tion of, 171
Physiognomy, the criminal, 47-53
Pickmann, 172, 176

INDEX

Place in Nature, man’s, 134
Play, le, 179

Plehve, 110

Plethysmograph, Mosso’s, 172

Poetry and art, naturalism in,
133

Political crime, essence of, 67
eo factors of, 76-
9
** Political crime,” 119
Political criminals, 55
classification of, 55, 56
** Political Criminals and Revolu-
tion,” 64-79
Politics, realism in, 133
Porta, 173
Positive criminology, school of,

view of the world, 133
Positivism, 134, 138

French, 7

and the industrial arts, 133

and scientific progress, 133

preparato work (1841-
1850), 173

dominance (1851-1860), 179

four classical years (1857-
1860), 179, 180

after-effects (1861-1865), 180,
181

facts and documents of, 178-

81

Predisposition to crime, 160
its organic character, 97
Prehistoric man. See Primitive
Man
Prel, du, 176
Preyer, 168
Pritchard, 14, 16, 17
Primatoid varieties, 27, 29, 80,
43, 44, 54
definition of term, 30, 31
Primitive man, 32, 33. See also
Atavism
Professional crime, 90
Prognathism, 27, 31
Progress as influenced by climatic
and other physical con-
ditions, 72-76
inevitable slowness of, 68
positivism and, 133
prerequisites of, 67 et seq.

191

Proletarian, the, 122
criminality, 86
Prometheus, the fire of, 164
Prostitute, the, 56
Prostitutes, commonly sexually
frigid, 63
Prostitution, 115
antiquity of, 59
an atavistic phenomenon in
Lombroso’s view, 58, 59
as counterpart of major cri-
minality in the male, 60-
62
and marriage, 67 note
Protection, Lombroso opposed to,
127
Pseudo-genius and revolt, 71
Psycho-physics, 137
Psychology, criminal, 79-105
Punishment, 138
preety of, 131
theory of, 145, 146

Q.
Quetelet, 107, 160, 178

R.

Races of Calabria, 114, 129

Races of Southern Italy, 114, 129

Radicalism, Lombroso and, 149

Ranke, Johannes, 40-42

Reaction the fruit of too rapid
innovation, 68-70

Reactivity, social, 131, 138, 142

Realism in politics, 133

Receding forehead. See Forehead

Recidivism, 97

Reciprocal action between indi-
vidual and environment, 132-
134

Recklessness of criminals, 84, 85

Reform, agrarian, 156, 157

penal, 139-149

Reformer, social, Lombroso as,
106-129, 148

Reformers, impatience of, 145

Reforms, true, how effected, 126.
See also Misoneism

Reich, 8

Relapses into crime, 97

Renan, 8, 180

192

Republicanism and genius, 72, 73
met into spiritualism, 167-
1
Responsibility, 83-86, 97, 130,
132, 133, 138
the problem of, 130, 132, 138
> phan of old values, 119,
12
Revolts, 71
Revolution, 64-79. See
Political crime
nature of, 70
Revolutionist. See
‘i criminal
y passion, 77
Ribot, Pr
‘* Ricerche sui fenomeni ipnotisi e
spiritici,” 176
Richet, 168, 169
Ride du vice, 58
Ridges, superciliary, 27, 32
Romance peoples of Mediterranean
region, 129
Roncoroni, 45
Rudimentary organs, 45-47
Ruhmkorff, 179
Russell, Lord John, 181

8.

also

Political

Sander, 103

Scaphocephaly, 35

Schaeffie 117.

Schiff, 179

Schleicher, 180

Schénlank, 110

School of Positive Criminology,
140

Schopenhauer, 107, 117, 179

Science. See Positivism

Scientific. See Positive

Segregation of anti-social types,
146

Selection, artificial, 128. See also
Eugenics
Semitic racial elements, import-
ance of, 129
Semper, 180
Sensibility, lesser, of woman, 58
lack of, in born criminals, 88,
89
and in epileptics, 99
Sergi, 169

CESARE LOMBROSO

Sexual differentiation, 57, 58, 126,
See also Differentia-
tion

Lombroso’s law of, 57
in savages as compared
with civilized races,

58
Sexual frigidity of prostitutes,
63

Sexuality increased in genuinely
criminal feminine types, 63

not increased in female
criminals by passion and
female occasional criminals,

63
Siemiradzki, 169, 170, 176
Significance of criminal anthro-
pology, 130-138
Simian characteristics of criminals.
See Primatoid varieties
Skoda, 9
Skull, anomalies of, in relation to
moral imbecility, 104
cubical capacity of, 36-38
Eskimo, 25,
eurygnathism, 26, 29
Inca bone, 35
measurements of, extreme
values common in crim-
inals, 37, 38, 40, 41, 42
peculiarities of, in relation to
criminal anthropology, 26-
39
peculiarities in ossification of
sutures, 34, 35
prognathism, 27, 31
scaphocephaly, 35
stenocrotaphy, 41
submicrocephalic, in crim-
inals, 37
sutures, ossification of, 34,
35
Wormian bones, 35
Slang. See Jargon
Social environment, man and,
132-134
inadequacy of degenerate
individuals, 104
reactivity, 131, 138, 142
versus punishment, 142
reformer, Lombroso as, 106-
129, 148

INDEX

Social sentiments, their congenital
character, 119

Socialism, Italian school of, 124

Lombroso and, 124 et seq.,
149

Socialist ? was Lombroso a, 124

Society as an ‘‘ organism,” con-
ception of, 116, 117

Sociology, Lombroso’s principal
contribution to, 118 e¢ seq.

Sommer, 103, 177

Soutenage, 60

a Herbert, 116, 117, 178,

8

Spinoza, 107, 117

Spiritualistic researches, 167-176

** Spirit world,” the, 176

Spy, prehistoric human remains

ol,
Statistical method, the, 134, 136
Steinheil, Madame, 83
Stenocrotaphy, 41
Stigmata of degeneration, 103-
105, 136
Stone Age, 44

Struggle, the class. See Class
war

Subject-matter of criminal anthro-
pology, 132

Suffrage, universal, Lombroso’s
views on, 126 note

Suggestion in the waking state,
168

Superman, criminal’s own per-
suasion that he is, 46

Supermen, breeding of, 123, 128,
129

Sutures of skull, peculiarities in
ossification, 34, 35

Sympathy, greater development
of, in women, 58, 59

i

Taine, 181

Tamburini, 175

Tariffs, protectionist, Lombroso
opposed to, 127

Tattooing, 92, 93

Teeth, abnormalities of, 104

Telepathy, 167, 168, 169, 174,
175

Teleurgists, 169

193

Telluric influences, 159

Temperature and political crime,
75, 76

Thaumaturgy, 168, 169

Theory of punishment, 145, 146

Theromorphism, 12, 19, 20, 21,
58

Theromorphs in women, their
significance greater than in
men, 58

Thomson, J. Bruce, 14

Thought-reading, 167, 168, 169,
174, 175

Thought transference, 167, 168,
169, 174, 175

‘‘Time Machine, the,” quoted,
122 note

Tirelli, 156
Tocqueville, 179
Toldt’s ‘‘ Atlas of Human
Anatomy,” 35 note
Tolstoy, 180
and ‘‘ The Hanging Czar,”
153

Torus occipitalis, 29
palatinus, 26

Tourgueneff, 180
Traditional criminality, 90
Trance, 136
Trance-state, the, 176
Trickery, ‘‘ spiritualistic,” 169
Troppman, 88 note
Truth, alleged dangers of, 9
Tubercle of Darwin, 47
Type, criminal. See Criminal

type -

Universal suffrage. See Suffrage

vs

Values, extreme, of weights and
measurements. See Ex-
treme values

revaluation of, 119, 128

Van Hamel, 142, 143

Vanity of habitual criminal, 89

Variability, lesser, of woman, 58

Vico, 5, 107

Villon, Frangois, 91

Virchow, 9, 135, 179

Von Alesakow, 176 '

3

194

Von Liebig, 179, 181
Von Liszt, 141

Ww.

Wages and prices in relation to
crime, 87, 88

Wagner, A., 180

Wagner, Richard, 163, 178, 179

War, the class. See Class war

Weber, W. 178

Wells, H. G., quoted, 122 note

Westermarck, 59

Whitman, Walt, 179

Will, the, 7 action at a distance,

174

material nature of, 174
Woman, lesser variability of, 58
lesser sensibility of (general,
and to pain), 58
sympathy, greater develop-
ment of, 58, 59
cruelty in, 58
masochistic nature of, 59
erotism, strong, abnormal in,
59

moral development, inferi-
ority of, 59

CESARE LOMBROSO ‘

Woman as criminal, 55-64
absence of distinctive
anthropological char-
acters in, 55, 56
prostitution in women
regarded by Lombroso
as counterpart of crim-
inality in men, 60, 61
comparative infrequency
of criminality in
women, 61, 62
chiefly criminals by pas-
sion and _ occasional
criminals, 62, 63, 64
Woolner’s tip, 47
World-all, the, 132 ef seg.
Wormian bones, 35

Wundt, 180
Y.
Youthful criminals, 97
Z.

Zamboni’s dry battery, 172
Zola, 180

Zoliner, 168

Zukunft, 81

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