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THE RELIGIOUS LIFE OF INDIA
EDITED BY
J. N. FARQUHAR, M.A., D.Litt.
LITERARY SECRETARY, NATIONAL COUNCIL, YOUNG MEN'S
CHRISTIAN ASSOCIATIONS, INDIA AND CEYLON ;
AND
NICOL MACNICOL, M.A., D.Litt.
ALREADY PUBLISHED
THE VILLAGE GODS OF SOUTH INDIA. By the BISHOP OF
MADRAS .
THE AHMADlYA MOVEMENT. By H. A. WALTER, M-A.
VOLUMES UNDER PREPARATION
THE VAISHNAVISM OF PANDHARPUR. By NICOL MAC-
NICOL, M.A., D.Litt., Poona.
THE CHAITANYAS. By M. T. KENNEDY, M.A., Calcutta.
THE SRl-VAISHNAVAS. By E. C. WORMAN, M.A., Madras.
THE TAMIL SAIVA SIDDHANTA. By GORDON MATTHEWS,
M.A., B.Litt., Coimbatore.
THE VlRA SAIVAS. By W. E. TOMLINSON, Gubbi, Mysore.
THE BRAHMA MOVEMENT. By MANILAL C. PAREKII, B.A.,
Rajkot, Kathiawar.
THE RAMAKRISHNA MOVEMENT. ByJ. N. C. GANGULY,
B.A., Calcutta.
THE KHOJAS. By W. M. HUME, B.A., Lahore.
THE MALAS AND MADIGAS. By the BISHOP DORNAKAL;
P. B. EMMETT, B.A., Kurnool, and S. NICHOLAS, Cuddapah.
THE DHEDS. By MRS. SINCLAIR STEVENSON, M.A., D.Sc.,
Rajkot, Kathiawar.
THE MAHARS. By A. ROBERTSON, M.A., Poona.
THE BHILS. By D. LEWIS, Jhalod, Panch Mahals.
THE CRIMINAL TRIBES. By O, H. B. STARTS, I.C.S.,
Bijapur.
EDITORIAL PREFACE
THE purpose of this series of small volumes on the
leading forms which religious life has taken in India is to
produce really reliable information for the use of all who
are seeking the welfare of India. Both editors and writers
desire to work in the spirit of the best modern science,
looking only for the truth. But, while doing so and
seeking to bring to the interpretation of the systems under
review such imagination and sympathy as characterize the
best study in the domain of religion to-day, they believe
they are able to shed on their work fresh light drawn from
the close religious intercourse which they have each had
with the people who live by the faiths herein described :
and their study of the relevant literature has in every
instance been largely supplemented by persistent question-
ing of those likely to be able to give information. In each
case the religion described is brought into relation with
Christianity. It is believed that all readers in India at least
will recognize the value of this practical method of bring-
ing out the salient features of Indian religious life.
w
o
THE RELIGIOUS LIFE OF INDIA
THE CHAMARS
BY
GEO. W. BRIGGS, M.Sc.
ASSOCIATION PRESS
(Y.M.C.A.)
5 RUSSELL STREET, CALCUTTA
HUMPHREY MILFORD
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
LONDON. NEW YORK, TORONTO. MELBOURNE,
BOMBAY AND MADRAS
1920
AUTHOR'S PREFACE
THE aim in writing the following pages has been to
present an accurate and fairly complete account of the
Chamars. To do so a considerable amount of material
has been included which, with variations, is the common
possession of many castes. No attempt, however, has
been made at a comparative study. The basis of this
work has been the Chamars of the United Provinces, but
the Chamars and the leather-workers of other parts of
India as well have been noted. The writings of Ibbetson,
Crooke, Rose, Russell and others have been made use of,
and Census Reports, both Imperial and Provincial, have
been examined. But apart from facts which could be
found only in the Census Tables, nearly all the materials
from these sources, which have been incorporated in this
book, have been tested in two or more important sections
of the Chamars and some matters in other sub-castes as
well, and have been verified or modified to fit this particular
caste. Similarly, materials from works on anthropology,
ethnology, animism, and magic have been made the basis
of investigation. In every instance the questions have
been, "Is the belief or the practice current among the
Chamars ?" and " Is this the way the Chamars themselves
believe and act?" Men of many sub-castes and of all
sorts have been questioned, farmers, tanners, shoemakers,
wizards, gurus, and servants. Both the men of the
villages and the residents of the towns and cities have
been interrogated. The single aim has been in all cases to
8 AUTHOR'S PREFACE
record the Chamar point of view. The Chamars of the
north-west have been influenced by the superstitions of
the Punjab, while those to the east reflect the peculiar
beliefs of the Vindhyas. On this account uniformity of
details in names and in beliefs will not be found. But
the fact that certain practices and some names are not
traceable in a certain sub-caste or in some locality does
not invalidate such matters as Chamar facts. The main
outlines of thought and life are, however, fairly uniform
throughout the caste.
It has been decided to use diacritical marks in Indian
words and to print them in italics only on their first
occurrence. In the Chamar sub-caste names, however,
diacritical marks have not been used, except in the case of
the Chamar, because it has been impossible to obtain
sufficient accuracy of spelling in many instances.
Thanks are due to friends in civil and in missionary
circles for help in collecting data and in criticizing the
results of investigation.
ALLAHABAD, G. W. B.
January 31, 1920.
CONTENTS
CHAP. PAGE
AUTHOR'S PREFACE .. .. .. .. 7
I. THE CASTE . . . . . . . . . . 11
II. SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC LIFE .. .. .. 35
III. DOMESTIC CUSTOMS: BIRTH .. .. .. 60
IV. DOMESTIC CUSTOMS: MARRIAGE .. . ..72
V. DOMESTIC CUSTOMS: DEATH: MISCELLANEOUS .. 99
VI. THE SPIRIT WORLD .. .. .. ..121
VII. THE MYSTERIOUS .. .. .. ..158
VIII. HIGHER RELIGION .. .. .. ..198
IX. THE OUTLOOK .. . .. .. ..224
APPENDIX A. TABLES .. .. .. ..248
APPENDIX B. TANNING, SHOEMAKIXG AND LEATHER
ARTICLES . . . . 256
APPENDIX C. BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . 261
GLOSSARY . . . . . . . . . 263
INDEX .. .. .. .. .. ..266
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
1. Village Temple in Chamar Mahalla ., ., Frontispiece
2. Jatiya Chamar Dhariya Chamar.. .. Facing page 22
3. Chamar Chamar Nalchina Chamar .. .. ,, 23
4. Pencil Drawings of Shasti and Salona.. .. ,, 66
5. Pencil Drawings of Abdominal Brand Marks.. ,, 67
6. Marriage Pole (Suga) Kohbar 78
7. Pots set in Roof Blackened Pot with White
Spots Pots around a Bamboo Chamunda's
Platform .. ,, 79
8. Pot showing Place of Worship Place of Wor-
ship, with Offerings .. .. .. .. ,, 146
9. Shrine of Nat Baba Kalki and her Court-
Shrine of Hem Raj ,, 147
10. Pots used as Offerings Pot and Evil Eye .. ,, 162
11. Pencil Drawings of Magic Symbols .. .. ,, 163
12. iv Narayan Mahant Devil Priest , 212
13. Kuril Chamar Jaiswar Chamar , 213
CHAPTER I
THE CASTE
THE tanners of leather, the preparers of skins, the
manufacturers of leather articles, and the makers of shoes
belong to a well defined class in the Indian social order.
Most of these workers, in Upper India, are to-day included
under the general term Chamdr. This occupational group
may be traced back to very early times. Tanners (char-
mamnd) are mentioned in the Rig Veda, 1 in the later
Vedic literature, 2 and in fhe Brahmanas. 8 Tanning, mid,
mnd, is also spoken of in the Rig Veda, 4 and certain details
of stretching 5 and wetting 6 hides probably refer to the
process of manufacture. Ox-hides were used in the
pressing of the soma, 7 and ox-hides 8 and antelope and
tiger skins 10 were used in sacramental and ceremonial rites.
The use of skins for clothing is mentioned in the Satapatha
VIII. 5, 38.
Vaj. Sariih. 30, 15.
Tait. Br. III. 4, 13, 1; Ait. Br. V. 32, Carmanya (leather
work) .
VIII. 55, 3.
Sat. Br. II. 1.1.9.
R. V. 1.85.5.
R. V. X. 94. 9 ; X. 116. 4.
A. V. XII. 3. Sat.Br. VII. 3. 2. 1-4. Gobhila Grh. S II.
3. 3; II. 4. 6; Hiran. Grh. S. 1.7.22.8; Apas. Grh. S. II.
6. 8; gankha. Grh. S. I. 16. 1; AV Grh. S. I. 8. 9 ; I. 14. 3; IV. 6
4 ; Paras. Grh. S.' I. 8. 10.
A. V. XI. 1. 8; Sat. Br. I. 1. 4. 3 ; I. 2. 1. 14 ; I. 9. 2. 33 ;
III. 2. 1. 1-9 ; III. 3. 4. 1. 8 ; III. 6. 3. 18 ; VI. 2. 2. 39 ; XI. 8.
4. 3; XII. 8.3.3, 9, 21. Skins : Baud. II. 10. 17. 20 ; III. 1. 11, 18.
10 A. V. IV. 8. 4 ; Sat. Br, V. 3. 5. 3. V. 4. 1. 9, U ; V, 4. 2, 6;
V, 4. 4. 2,
12 THE CHAMARS
BrShmana 1 and in other early literature. 2 The M,ruts
wore deer skins, 8 and the wild ascetics seem to have been
clothed in skins/ The use presupposes the preparation
of skins.
The word leather (hide) charman, charma, is known
in both the older and the later portions of the Rig Veda,*
in the Atharva Veda, 6 in the books of the Yajur Vedic
schools, 7 in the Brahmanas, 8 and in the later literature. 9
In these books we find references to the thong, yoktra
used for yoking the chariot or cart ; the bow-string, jyd,
made of ox-hide 11 ; reins of leather ; leather bags, 12 driti and
dhmdta, for holding liquids ; leather bottles, 13 bhastrd; and
thongs used for couches, vardhra t 14 for door fastenings,
paricarmanya and for bridles, syuman. From the
Mahabharat 17 we learn that leather was used for the hand-
guard for the bow ; that the hands and fingers were pro-
tected with leather ; that the soldier used a shield made
of ox-hide or of bear-skin : that he had a cuirass and a
* V. 2. 1. 21. 24.
VasUh. XI. 61-63 ; Apa. I. 1. 2. 40 ; I. 1. 3. 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 9 ;
Baud. I. 6. 13. 13; Guat. I. 16; Manu XI. 109; Inst. of Vishnu,
XXVII. 20 (antelope, tiger, and he-goat.)
R. V I. 166. 10.
R. V
E.g.
E.g.
f E.g.
X. 136. 2.
III. 60. 2 ; IV. 13. 4 ; I. 85. 5 ; I. 110. 8 ; I. 161. 7.
V. 8. 13; X. 9. 2; XI. 1.9.
Tait. Sarfih. III. 1. 7. 1 ; VI. 1. 9. 2.
E. g. Tait. Br. II. 7. 2. 2.
* Vasish. III. 53 ; Baud. Grh. 8. I. 1. 1. 10 ; I. 5. 8. 38, 43 ;
Gaut.Grh.S. 1.33.
< R. V. III. 33. 13; V. 33, 2; A. V. III. 30. 6; VII. 78. 1 ;
Tait. Sarfih. I. 6. 4. 3 ; Tait. Br. III. 3. 3. 3 ; Sat. Br. I. 3. 1. 13 ;
VI. 4. 3. 7. Brh. (Minor Law Book) XI. 16.
" R. V. VI. 75. 3 ; A. V. I. 1. 3. There arc many passages.
R. V. I. 191. 10 ; IV. 51. 1. 3 ; V. 83. 7 ; VI. 48. 18 ; VI. 103.
3; VIII. 5. 19; VIII. 9. 18 ; A. V. VII. 18. 1 ; Tait. Saihh. I. 8.
19, 1 ; Vaj Saihh. XXVI. 18. 19 ; Tait. Br. I. 8, 3, 4 ; Pane. Br. V.
10. 2. d^ti ; R. V. VII. 89. 2, dkmfita. These used also as bellows.
gat. Br. I. I, 2, 7 ; I. 6. 3. 16.
** A. V. XIV, 1, 60 ; Sat. Br. V. 4. 4. 1.
" Klaus h. Br. VI 12; Sank. Ar. II. 1.
R. V. III. 61. 4. See also Manu VIII. 292.
" " The Social and Military Position of the Ruling Caste in
Ancient India at Represented by the Sanskrit Epic." Hopkins in
]. A. O. S. Vol. XIII. See especially section IV.
THE CASTE 13
breast-plate of leather ; and that his body-armour was made
of iron and leather. We find also that sinews were used
to bind the feathers upon the arrow, and that the sword
was sheathed in leather. The war chariot was protected
with shields of leather. The box of the chariot was fixed
to the axle with thongs of leather. The horses were
yoked to the pole of the chariot with leather straps. The
reins were of leather. Sometimes the horses were even
covered with leather robes which served as armour.
Drums, especially the great kettle-drums, were fashioned
with leather heads.
The old literature also knows the shoemaker, carmakdra,
charmakrit, padukara, pddukrit. Shoes made of skins and
of leather, are mentioned in the Brahmanas, 1 in Manu 2 and
the older law books, 8 in the Mahabharat,*in the Ramyana, 8
and in the Vishnu Purana.
Thus there were well known and fully developed in an-
cient India, the occupations of tanner and leather worker.
Probably from early Aryan times the village life in
India was organized somewhat as it is to-day, with its
cultivators resident within the village, and the lower
orders of labourers attached to its outskirts. 7 To this
latter class belonged the common labourers and those who,
on account of the disgusting aspects of their work and
life, were deemed to be unclean and untouchable. The
Aryan came as a conqueror, and he retained for himself
the religious and the military functions of the social order,
along with the privileges belonging to the leisured class.
Sat. Br. V. 4. 3. 19 (made of boar's skin).
8 IV. 66, 74. Commentator says, " Colloquially, /*, leather
shoe.'* See- R&i&radhiikntdeva's Sabdkalpadruma (Lexicon) under
padukd, Vol. II. p. 111.
Apas. I. 2. 7. 5-; Gaut. IX. 5, 45.
E.g., II. 1915. III. 16593 ; XIII. 4642. See Monier-Williams,
Sanskrit Dictionary, under " updnah " and paduka."
9 Pdduka, ?**, leather shoe. Ayodhyftkan<Ja, 112. 29.
II. 21.
v See Baden-Powell, The Origin and Growth of Village Com-
munities in India, p. 9, note 1. He says that low-caste menials of
northern villages are not part of the village community. The village
community consists of invaders and colonists, the landlords of the
village area. See also note 1, next page.
14 THE CHAMARS
So, as time went on, he became, more and more, the priest
and noble, the great landed proprietor and the ranchman.
The conquered people, kept in subjection, performed the
more lowly tasks of life. According to Hopkins, 1 the
VaiSya (the people-caste) and the^udra (the serving-caste)
formed the strata between the ruling and priestly castes on
the one hand and the helots (the most depressed classes,
the outcastes, the Dasyu) on the other. A casual
reading of the law books reveals the fact that a fairly sharp
line of distinction was drawn between the general com-
munity in the village and the helots, who lived beyond the
village border. 2 Manu's famous passage is: "All those
tribes in this world, which are excluded from (the com-
munity of) those born from the mouth, the arms, the
thighs, and the feet (of Brahman), are called Dasyus,
whether they speak the language of the Mlecchas (barba-
rians) or that of the Aryas." 8 This excluded group was
composed of mixed castes and of aborigines. Some such
general term as Chanddla was applied to those who were
of polluted Aryan blood, and that of Dasyu (slave, native)
to those whom the Aryas had conquered. Sometimes
these two words are used as synonyms. 4 The Dasyu was
looked upon as inferior and unclean even in Vedic times. 6
* Essay on Caste.
8 There are many passages pointing to this :
(a) Showing different from Sudra : Apas. 1. 3. 9* 9, 15 ; II. 4.
9. 5 ; Baud. I. 5. 9. 7 ; I. 5. 11. 36 ; II. 1. 2. 18 ; II. 2. 3, 40-42 ;
Inst. Vishnu III. 32 ; V. 10, VIII. 2 ; XVI ; XXXV. 3 ; LI. 11, Gau-t.
II. 35, " all castes excepting ... and outcastes.' 1 IV. 27, 28 ; XIV.
30; XV. 24; XXIII. 32. Vasish. XI. 9; XIII. 51 ; XIV. 2; XV.
13, 17 ; XVIII. 18 ; XX. 17 ; XXIII. 33, 34; Manu III. 239 ; IV.
79; IV. 213; VIII. 66, 68; XI. 224. Inst. Vishnu XVI.7-14.
Clandalas must live out of the town . . ." LVII. 4;*LVII. 14. LI.
57; LXXXI. 16, 17. Baudh. II. 3. 6. 22.
(b) Showing that they belong outside the village:
Manu X. 51, " but the dwellings of Chandalas and Svapachas
shall be outside the village " ; Inst. of Vishnu XLIV. 9, calling them
untouchable; Inst. Vishnu LIV. 15, "of Chandalas and of other low
castes that dwell outside 'the village 1 ' ; Manu, X. 39, showing that some
were excluded from Aryan society.
X. 45. 4 E.g., Manu I. 131.
Baines, On Certain Features of Social Differentiation in India*
J. R. A. S. 1894, Art. XIX. p,664.
THE CASTE 15
He was never admitted to the Aryan community. 1 Yet
these classes had a sort of landed right, and they were
useful in times of disease. Acquainted with primitive
superstitions, and in many instances being the officiants in
magical rites, in exorcism, and in disease transference, they
$erved, in these capacities, even the higher castes. 2 With
this community on the outskirts of the village the tanner
and leather-worker were grouped.
Occupationally to-day the Chamar corresponds to the
charmamna or charmamla and the charmakara of the past.
Some Brahmanical tradition gives the Chamar a respect-
able ancestry and attributes his out-caste condition to the
violation of Aryan laws. According to Manu, 8 the
Karavara y or leather-worker, has the following ancestry.
Other reports give him a less respectable pedigree, for he
is said also to be the offspring of a Chandal woman (one
of the most despised of society, having a Brahman!
mother and a Sudra father) by a man of the fisherman
caste. 7 And, again, he is said to be the son of a Malldh
(boatman) and a Chandal. 8 But evidently none of these
traditions account for the Chamar. At most they claim
for him a higher birth than seems at all probable.
Much current tradition ascribes to him a good ancestry.
For example, men say that, in the beginning, there was
but one family of men and they were all of the highest
caste. They worked in the fields, and followed other
callings. In this family there were four brothers. It so
happened that a cow died one day, and the body lay in the
yard until evening. Since no one could be found to
remove the carcass, the three older brothers agreed that
their younger brother should carry away the body, and
1 Ibid. p. 667. * Ibid. pp. 664, 5. X. 36. * Manu X. 8.
Manu X. 17. Manu X. 16.
T Crooke, Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces
and Oudh, Vol. II. p. 169.
'Elliot Memoirs, North-Western Provinces of India, Vol. I..p.70,
16 THB CHAMARS
that, afterwards, when he had bathed, they would receive
him on the old footing of equality. To this he agreed.
After much pulling and hauling, he managed to drag the
carcass to the jungle. When he returned from his bath,
his brothers refused to receive him, but compelled him to
live at a distance from them. He made a great fuss about
it, but his complaints were of no avail. They told him
that henceforth he was to do the work of a Chamar, that
is, to skin the animals that died, and to make leather
and implements of leather. The brothers promised to
take care of him in return for these services. Thus
the Chamar caste arose. It happened on another day that
a buffalo died. This Chamar then said to his brothers,
"I am not strong enough to remove this carcass." The
body lay in the yard until noon, when it so happened that
Siva, who had come down to look after the welfare of
men, passed that way. The three brothers complained to
him that the Chamar was unable to remove the body of
the buffalo. Then the latter appealed to Siva for help.
The great god then said to the brothers, "It is true that
your brother cannot, unassisted, remove the carcass.
Let one of you step forward and help him." The brothers
all protested. Siva, then commanded the Chamar to
collect a pile of refuse (kurd.) When this was done,
Siva directed him to urinate upon it, and, as he obeyed,
. straightway, from the heap, a strong man arose. From
this man the Kuril sub-caste of Chamars sprang.
Another legend, current among the Agarwala Baniyas,
relates that there was once a Raja who had two daughters,
Chamu and Bamft, each of whom had a son of great
physical powers. One day an elephant died in the Raja's
grounds, and, as he did not wish to cut its body to pieces,
he inquired if there was anyone strong enough to carry
the carcass away and bury it. Chmu's son performed the
task, whereupon B&mft's son declared him an out-caste. 1
1 Crooke, Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces and
Oudh> Vol. II. p. 170. For other forms of the same legend see Rose,
A Glossary of Tribes and Castes of the Punjab and the North-West
Frontier Province, Vol. II. p. 148. See also Crooke, Tribes and
Caste/ of thf North-Western Provinces and Oudh, Vol. I. p. 92,
THE CASTE 17
According to a third legend, five brothers, Brahmans,
while out walking one day, saw the carcass of a cow by
the roadside. Four of the brothers passed it by, but the
fifth removed the body. Thereupon he was excommuni-
cated by his brothers. His descendants continue to remove
the carcasses of cattle. 1
These traditions, both ancient and modern, do not,
however, account for the origin of the Chamar. They
merely show how some persons were degraded into the
leather-working group. The caste itself had its origin in
that occupational class on the borders of the ancient
village. This group, essentially non-Aryan, has maintained
itself through the centuries in its traditional occupation.
But the caste is to-day a very large one, and it would be
difficult to account for it merely on the ground that it has
been self-propagating. As now constituted, the caste is
made up of a heterogeneous group of peoples. This is
illustrated, in the first place, by the fact that most of the
sub-castes of the Chamars are found in fairly well defined
areas, and these may be described as local groups. Further-
more, some sub-caste names, such as Azamgarhiya Banau-
dhiya, Kalkattiya, Ujjaini, Saksena, Chandariya, Guliya,
Aharwar, and Jhusiya, are specifically local; while other
sub-caste names, such as, Gangapari, Purabiya, Uttaraha,
and Dakkhinaha, point to definite geographical origins.
Some of the local groups of Chamars are of recent origin.
For example, there were no Chamars in the Gorakhpur
District four hundred years ago. 8
Furthermore, there are good reasons for believing that
the caste has received large recruitments from above.
This is illustrated by the case of the Gorakhpur Chamars. 8
Again, there are some rather pronounced variations in the
features of members of the caste. This may be illustrated
from places as widely separated as Ballia and Meerut. It
has been noted that many Chamar women have fine fea-
tures, and that some Chamars have a better cast of features
* Crooke, Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces and
Odh t Vol. II. p. 170.
1 Gorakhpur District Gazetteer, 1909, p. 94. Ibid. p. 94.
18 THE CHAMARS
than is at all common in the social level in which they are
found. This may be explained in part by illicit relations
which Chamar women have had with men of higher castes;
and partly by certain social and religious customs that have
prevailed extensively, although now traces of the practices
are somewhat difficult to discover. 1 But such explanations
are not sufficient to account for widespread characteristics
of the higher sort. The Jatiya, for example, is of a higher
physical type than some other sub-castes and of lighter
complexion. The explanation in his case may be that
some occupational demand drew Jats into this lower form
of work ; or, more likely, that some pressure or penalty
resulted in their degradation. Some Jatiyas claim to be
descendants of Jats, and many of this sub-caste do resemble
these taller and fairer complexioned neighbors. Such
sections of the caste as possess markedly superior features
must be accounted for through conquest. The subjuga-
tion of tribe after tribe has been a recurring phenomenon in
India. These movements have occurred over wide areas,
and over limited portions of the country as well. Local
history fully illustrates this fact, and we may picture the
flux of rising and falling tribes and clans under repeated
foreign and local waves of conquest, and the consequent
reconstruction, in more or less detail, of the social distri-
bution of races and clans as a fairly constant process.
This means that the fixed status of an occupational group
may go hand in hand with the repeated recruitment of the
group by those who have been degraded from better posi-
tions. In some instances this may mean that certain clans
were unable to maintain their identity and prestige with
the changing erder, and that consequently they have sunk
to lower levels. These contentions are borne out by many
got, or family, and sub-caste names ; for example, Banau-
dhiya,Ujjaini,Chandhariya, Sarwariya 9 Kandujiya, Chauhan,
Chandel, Saksena, Sakarwar, Bhadarauriya, and Bundela.
These are names of Rajput clans, and, as applied to the
Chamar, suggest dependency. This may mean also more
1 See under Marriage ; also Discussions, Representative Council
of Missions of the United Provinces , 1915, p. 7,
THE CASTE 19
or less racial admixture, as in the case of the latiya. Sub-
caste names such as Kori and Turkiya point also to the
wide range of racial elements in the caste.
On the other hand, there have been large accessions
to the caste from below. Got and sub-caste names
show that many Chamars have sprung from the Dom,
the Kanjar, the Habura, the Kol, the Jaiswar* and
other casteless tribes. This movement of peoples up-
wards through successive stages is a well-known pheno-
menon.
The caste, then, has been recruited from numerous
sources. Many people and even whole sections of tribes
have risen up from the lower levels and entered the caste,
and this process is still going on. On the other hand, various
political changes have resulted in the subjugation of large
groups, who consequently were forced into this lower
stratum. Still, the caste is predominantly non-Aryan in
character. This is accounted for by the fact that to the
basal group, which was of aboriginal origin, large recruit-
ments have been made from below. On the other hand,
it may be that environment 2 and food have played a large
part in modifying the physical characteristics of those who
have been brought into the caste from above. The basal
group has always been large enough to assimilate its recruits
to its own standards of temper and character. In the
Chamar caste, there is a close and historically complete
contact with Indian village life running very far back,
and to-day it occupies a place in the social and economic
order that agrees very well with that held from early times.
Although he does not meet any of the determining
tests of Hinduism, 8 the Chamar is a Hindu. In the
Census Report for 1901, * certain castes which fall below
the twice-born were grouped as follows : Those from
whose hands Brahmans will take water ; those from whose
1 See Nesfield, A Brief Review of the Caste System of the
North-West Provinces and Oudh, p. 22.
* See Census, India, 1911, Vol. I. pt. 1. pp. 383, 384.
* See Census Report, United Provinces, 1911, pp. 121. 122.
He does not usually call himself a Hindu.
4 See Census Report, United Provinces, 1901, pp. 216 ff.
9
20 THE CHAMARS
hands some of the higher castes will take water ; those
from whom the twice-born cannot take water, but who
are not untouchable ; those whose touch defiles, but who
do not eat beef ; and those who eat beef and vermin and
whose touch defiles. In this last class the Chamar belongs.
He occupies an utterly degraded position in the village life,
and he is regarded with loathing and disgust by the higher
castes. His quarters (chamrauti, chamarwdrd) abound in
all kinds of abominable filth. His foul mode of living is
proverbial. Except when it is absolutely necessary, a clean-
living Hindu will not visit his part of the village. The
author of Hindu Castes and Sects says that the very touch
of a Chamar renders it necessary for a good Hindu to
bathe with all his clothes on. 1 The Chamar's very name
connects him with the carcasses of cattle. Besides, he
not only removes the skins from the cattle that have died,
but also he eats the flesh. The defilement and degrada-
tion resulting from these acts are insurmountable. The
fact that the Chamar is habitually associated in thought
with these practices may partially explain why the large
non-leather-working sections of the caste are still rated as
untouchable.
Chamars, including Mochis, are scattered well over
the " Aryo-Dravidian " tract, and leather-workers, under
one name or another, are found in nearly every part of
India. Chamars are most numerous in the United Pro-
vinces, and in the bordering areas of Bihar on the East
and of the Punjab on the north-west. The census figures
for 1911, for all India, show the Brahmans as the first
caste in point of numbers, and the leather-workers as a
whole, or even the Chamar-Chambhar taken alone, as the
second. The Rajput is the third caste. This estimate
excludes in calculation the Sheikh Mussulmans, who
number 32,131,342 and who are evidently not a " caste."
In Bengal the Chamar-Mochi is the sixth caste, the
Brahman being the second, and the Kayastha the third ;
in Bihar and Orissa the Chamar is the eighth or seventh,
1 P. 267. It may be of interest to know that in Baluch Mochis
and Chamars are classed as Jats. See Risley, Peoples of India, p. 121.
THE CASTE 21
according as he is counted alone, or with the Mochi ; in
the Central Provinces he is the third caste ; in the
Central India Agency the second, with the Brahman
first ; in the Punjab he is the fourth, or the third if the
Mochi be counted, while the Jat is the first and the Rajput
second ; in Rajaputana he is third, with the lat first and
the Brahman second ; in the United Provinces he is the
first caste in point of numbers, with the Brahman second.
Another striking fact is that in the United Provinces the
Chamars are almost as numerous as the Mussulmans.
Furthermore, the Chamar is increasing in numbers. In
the United Provinces, during the twenty years ending in
1901, the increase was nearly ten percent. ; and during the
last decade, 2.4 per cent. In the last thirty years the
increase has been 12.2 per cent. 1
The tables 2 show that the Chamars are scattered fairly
evenly over the United Provinces. Numerically they are
strongest in the Gorakhpur and Basti Districts ; but,
taken in proportion to the rest of the population, they are
the largest element in the community in Saharanpur
and in the remainder of the Meerut Division. In the
Saharanpur District every fifth man is a Chamar, while
in the Meerut Division seventeen per cent, of the popula-
tion are Chamars. Taking the United Provinces as a
whole, every eighth man is a Chamar.
The sub-castes 3 of the Chamar are very numerous,
1,156 being returned in 1891. 4 While these returns may
not be accurate, and while numerous names are but
variable pronunciations and spellings of others, still the
number of sub-divisions of Chamars is very large. Like
* Hindu Chamars, 19116,076,000; 19015,932,000; 1891
5,854,000 ; 18815,413,000 ; The figures for Mussulman and Arya
Chamars are not given. Chamar Sikhs numbered 118,000 in 1911,
as over against 260,000 in 1891. The figures are in 1,000's only.
Census Report, United Provinces, 1911, pp. 376-377.
* See Appendix A.
1 This section on the sub-castes is based upon the works of Risley,
Sherring, Ibbetson, Crooke, Rose, Russell, and others, and upon
independent investigations.
* Crooke, Tribes and Castes of the North Western Provinces and
Oudh, Vol. II. article " Chamar/ 1
22 THE CHAMARS
many other castes they are said to be divided into seven
principal sub-castes. The names of these traditional seven
vary in different places and their order of respectability
varies also.
Among all the sections of the Chamar of the United
Provinces, two great sub-castes predominate. These are
the JATIYA and the JAISWAR. The former, which includes
more than twenty per cent, of the total Chamar population,
is found almost entirely in the north and west of the
Provinces, in the Meerut, Agra and Rohilkhand Divisions,
being most numerous in Meerut, Agra, Moradabad, and
Badaun Districts ; and the latter, numbering about one
million persons, are found chiefly in the Allahabad, Benares,
Gorakhpur, and Fyzabad Divisions, being most numerous
in the Jaunpur, Azamgarh, Mirzapur, and Fyzabad Dis-
tricts. These two sub-castes make up nearly two-fifths of
the whole Chamar population. Both make claims to
superior standing ; and the Jatiya can reasonably claim to
be the highest of all the sub-castes of the Chamars.
Among them there are many who are well-to-do. The
laiswar makes claims to superiority, and bases them upon
his refusal to do certain degrading tasks that usually fall to
the lot of the Chamar. Yet, where they are most numer-
ous, they undoubtedly share in all of the degrading work,
and practise all the disgusting habits characteristic of the
caste.
The Jatiya, or Jatua, is found in large numbers, not
only in the central and upper Doab, and in Rohilkhand, but
also in the Punjab in the neighbourhood of Delhi and
Gurgaon. He is a field-labourer, a cultivator, a dealer in
hides, and a maker of shoes. Some of the cultivating
sections of this sub-caste do not make leather, and do not
allow their women to practise midwifery. Some of the
shoemaking sections do not mend shoes. In some places,
notably in the Punjab, the latiya works in horse and
camel hides, and refuses to touch the skins of cattle. 1
Some of the dealers in hides are wealthy, and live as com-
fortably as do high-caste Hindus. About one half of the
1 Rose, A Glossary of the Tribes and Castes of the Punjab and
North-West Frontier Province, Vol. II. p. 149.
JATIYA CHAMAR
DHARIYA CIFAMAR, ONE m Till; SMALLER GROUPS SO
NUMEROUS IN THE LOWER JUMNA VALLKY
w
u-
w
u
THE CASTE 23
sub-caste eat carrion. Some, at least, refuse to eat beef or
pork.
Two suggestions have been made as to their origin.
Some say that their name is derived from the word jat,
meaning a camel-driver ; others, that their name connects
them with the Jat caste. It is sometimes said that they
are descendants from the marriages of Jats with Chamars.
Nesfield suggests that they may be an occupational
offshoot from the Yadu tribe from which Krishna came.
Although the Jatiya of the Punjab works in camel and
horse hides, which is an abomination to the Chandar, 1 he
employs Gaur Brahmans, and is, for this reason, in that
part of India, considered the highest sub-caste of Chamars.
The Jaiswar is found almost exclusively in the eastern
part of the Provinces. From his ranks many menial ser-
vants and house-servants for Europeans are recruited in
the towns and cities. Many are grasscuts and grooms ;
indeed many of the grooms (sals) from Calcutta to
Peshawar are laiswars of launpur and Azamgarh. Some
of this sub-caste are tanners, some of them make shoes,
and many are day-labourers. Some Jaiswars were with
the troops that fought with Clive at Plassey. It is said
that they have a custom which requires that they, because
of an oath in the name of the goddess Mai Ram (Kali),
carry burdens on their heads but not on their shoulders.
They worship the halter as a fetish, and consider it an
act of sacrilege to tie up a dog with it, because the dog is
unclean. For the most part they eat carrion and pork,
but their leading men do not. In some places Jaiswar
women practise midwifery.
The details of certain other important sub-castes of
the Chamars, as found in the United Provinces, together
with supplementary notes bearing on other areas, are
given below. 2 Of these sub-castes the more important
have been chosen in the order of their numerical strength.
1 See page 28.
These figures have been based upon Crooke's notes on the
Census of 1891. No later data are available. See his Tribes aud
Castes of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh> table at end of
article " Chamar."
24 THE CHAMARS
The numbers in the first eight sub-castes enumerated
range from more than 400,000 to just under 100,000.
The CHAMAR Chamar is found almost exclusively in the
Meerut and Rohilkhand Divisions. He is most numerous
in the Saharanpur, Bijnor, and Muzaffarnagar Districts,
and he is found in considerable numbers in the Meerut,
Moradabad, and Bulandshar Districts. He is counted
amongst the lowest of all the sub-castes. In fact
the tanning sections of the Chamars, of whom the
Chamar is one, seem to occupy the lowest level wherever
they are found. He is a cultivator, a shoe-maker, and a
tanner. His women practise midwifery. He eats pork.
The DOHAR is a numerous group of the Chamars> found
in a section running right across the Provinces, from the
Districts of Philibhit and Kheri, through those of
Shahjahanpur, Hardoi, Farrukhabad, Cawnpore, and
Etawah, to Jalaun. He is most numerous in the Hardoi
District, where he forms more than half of the Chamar
population. He does not keep pigs, but he eats pork.
The KURIL is found chiefly in the Allahabad and
Lucknow Divisions. He is most numerous in the Unao
District where he comprises nearly the whole of the
Chamar community. He is found in considerable
numbers in the neighbouring Districts of Cawnpore,
Lucknow, and Rae Bareilly, and in small numbers in
nearly every district in the Provinces, being in this respect,
with the exception of the Jaiswar, the most widely distri-
buted sub-caste in the Provinces. He claims to have been
brought to Lucknow from Fatehpur Haswa several
generations ago. He is a leather-worker and field-
labourer. He keeps pigs and eats carrion. He will not
touch dead camels or horses. The Kurils who live to the
west of the Ganges have no social intercourse with those
who live on the other side of that stream. The two
sections do not intermarry. The women of the former
wear skirts and those of the latter wear loin-cloths
(dhoti).
The PURBIYA numbers nearly 300,000. The name is
geographical. He is found chiefly in the Sitapur and
Kheri Districts, being most numerous in the former.
THfe CASTE 25
There are fairly large numbers of this sub-caste in the
territory lying to the east of these districts. Few are
found in the western parts of the Provinces.
The KORI or KOLI Chamar is found almost exclusively
in the Gorakhpur and Lucknow Divisions. About
100,000 are found in the Sultanpur District alone, while
more than 50,000 are found in the District of Basti, and
more than 80,000 in the two Districts of Fyzabad and
Partabgarh. He is a shoe-maker, a field-labourer, a groom,
and a weaver. 1 He will not touch dead camels or horses.
In the Punjab, where he does not work in leather, and
where he does not perform menial tasks, he is called a
Chamar-Julaha, i.e., Chamar weaver. The Kori (Weaver)
often lives alongside of him, and was undoubtedly formerly
a Chamar. In some places people still remember when the
Kori and the Kori Chamar ate together and intermarried.
In Mirzapur the Kori is known as Chamar-Kori.
The AHARWAR is found chiefly in Bundelkhand, where
in some districts, as in Jhansi and in Hamirpur, he com-
prises about ninety per cent, of the Chamar population.
There are important communities of Aharwars in the
Districts of Farukhabad, Hardoi, and Bulandshahr. In
some places, he does not make leather, nor does his wife
practise midwifery. Many Aharwars are cultivators, and
some are petty contractors.
The DHUSIYA or JHUSIYA is found almost exclusively in
the Benares Division and in the adjoining District of
Gorakhpur. He is most numerous in the District of
Ballia - where he forms about sixty-five per cent, of the
Chamar population. Nearly forty-five per cent, of this
sub-caste are found in the Ballia District alone. The
only other Districts where he is found in considerable
numbers are Benares and Gorakhpur. In the Ballia and
Benares Districts are found nearly three quarters of the
whole sub-caste. Colonies of Dhusiyas are found in the
Districts of Saharanpur and Bulandshahr and there are
large settlements df them in the Punjab. Although he
1 Sherring's Tribes and Castes, Vol. I. p. 393. See also Elliot,
Memoirs, North-Western Provinces of India, Vol. I. 70.
26 THE CHAMARS
is a shoe and harness maker, he is chiefly a day labourer.
Some of the sub-caste are tanners. He sometimes serves
as a musician. House-servants of Europeans are often
from this sub-caste. Occasionally he cultivates his own
fields. In the east, e.g., in Bihar, he keeps pigs and
chickens. His women practise midwifery. In the
Punjab he is counted as a sub-division of the Mochi.
The CHAMKATIYA is found chiefly in the Bareilly
District, where nearly eighty per cent, of the sub-caste is
found. There are a few thousands, all told, found in a
section running through the Districts of Fatehpur, Rae-
Bareilly, Sultanpur, Fyzabad, and Basti. Chamkatiyas
are scarcely found elsewhere. It is said that from this
sub-caste both Nona Chamari and Rai Das came.
The DOSADH or DUSADH, found in the Lucknow and
Gorakhpur Divisions and in the lower Doab, is a weaver,
a groom, and a field-labourer. He keeps pigs. In Bengal
the Dosadh claims to be of higher standing than the
Chamar. Formerly, in the east, he was reckoned as a
Chamar, but now he assumes an independent position.
He no longer works in leather, nor does he eat carrion,
nor does his wife practise midwifery. He often works as a
house-servant. He is on very friendly terms with the
Chamars and lives next to them in the villages. Many
Dosadhs have gone to the cities to work in the factories.
From the AZAMGARHYA, or BIRHIRUYA, of the
Gorakhpur Division, come many servants of Europeans.
They also tend swine.
The KAIYAN of Bundelkhand and Sagar is sometimes
rated as a criminal. He is related to the Bohra, a trader
and usurer of Brahman, or Rajput, origin.
There are some groups of Chamars that are often
spoken of as sub-castes, which are not strictly such.
The RANGIYA is a good example. It is an occupational
division of certain sub-castes. As the name suggests, he
is a dyer, or tanner, of leather, and, as such, is a low
type of Chamar. Some of them make shoes. Another
group that is often spoken of as a sub-caste is the RAI
DASI. With the possible exception of those in the Karnal and
its neighbourhood, this group is not a sub-caste. In some
THE CASTE 37
parts of the provinces all Chamars call themselves Rai
Dasis, and many bearing this name are found as religious
groups in a number of sub-castes. Followers of Rai Das
are found all over the provinces. There are other religi-
ous bodies amongst the Chamars which are not sub-castes.
On the other hand the SATNAMIS, a religious group
in the Central Provinces, have become practically a new
sub-caste. These Chamars, who make up the largest and
oldest Chamar group in this part of India, have given up
leather work entirely, and have become cultivators. Many
of them have tenant rights, and a number of them have
obtained villages. Likewise the ALAKHGIR, a group
formed by Lalglr, has become a separate sub-caste.
While it is unnecessary to name all the sub-castes of
the Chamars, a number of groups may be added to those
already enumerated. The MANGATIYA is a beggar who
receives alms from the Jaiswars only. Once a year he
makes his rounds, taking a pice and a roti from each house.
The CHANDAUR makes but does not mend shoes, and
sews canvas and coarse cloth. The NONA Chamar is
found in the neighbourhood of Cawnpore. The
DHENGAR and the NIKHAR, tribes of the Etawah
District, are Chamars. The former serves as a groom, but
the latter does not. Their wives do not practise midwifery.
The SAKARWARS are tanners, shoe-makers and cultivators.
They keep pigs. The KAROL is a small tribe of shoe-
makers found in the Bahraich, Aligarh, Bulandshahr, and
Benares Districts. Then, there are the DHUMAN, DOMAR,
RAJ KUMARI, NIGATI, DHINGARIYA, GHORCHARHA, and
PACHHWAHAN. Among the minor sub-castes may be noted
the GOLE of Etawah ; the DOLIDHAUWA, or palanquin-
bearer of Partabgarh ; the DHUNYAL-JULAHA, who
makes cloth ; the LASHKARIYA, who makes shoes, often
of the English style, and the GHARAMI, of Dehra Dun,
who is a thatcher. The RAJ or RAJ-MISTRI, found every-
where in the United Provinces, a purely occupational caste
of masons and bricklayers, is largely recruited from the
Chamars. This caste is of comparatively recent origin.
The CHAIN, who is in some areas, e.g., in Ballia,
rated as a Chamar, is also considered a separate caste.
38 THfi CHAMARS
He is described as a criminal, a thief, a swindler, an
impostor, and a pick-pocket. He is decidedly the criminal
among the Chamars, making long expeditions with the
object of looting and robbing. He is a terror to law-abid-
ing citizens and a thorn in the flesh of the police. He is
often under police supervision. The DHANUK is sometimes
classed as a Chamar. 1 He eats carrion and the leavings
of food from other castes, and his women act as midwives.
There are a number of minor castes that work in
leather. The DAFALI makes the drums called tabld and
tdla, and the BHAND, or jester, makes the drums called
daikkd. There are also the DHOR, who makes buckets and
dyes leather ; the KALAN, who cobbles shoes and makes
tents ; the DABGAR, found in Bengal and in the east of the
United Provinces, as well as in the Punjab, who makes
large raw-hide vessels, beaten raw camel's hide bottles for
ghee and oil, and also drum-heads, leather sheaths for
swords, and shields ; the DHALGAR, a maker of leather
shields ; the CHAKKILIYAN, the Dom of the hill tracts, and
the KORAL are also workers in leather. The KHATJK
makes drum-heads. The CHARKATA is a Mohammadan
leather-worker. The bihteti, who is sometimes a
Chamar, also works in leather. The CHIK, CHIKWA, is a
Mohammadan who turns out goat and sheep skins.
In the Punjab 2 still other sub-castes of Chamars are
found. The CHANDAR, whose origin is traced to Benares, is
sometimes reckoned as the highest of the sub-castes. He
does no tanning. He forms the principal sub-caste in the
Hisar and Sirsa regions. The CHAMRANG is a tanner who
works in ox and buffalo hides only, and who does not
work up the leather which he tans. One section of this
group, which keeps pigs, is separated from the other, which
dyes and tans hides. The RAMDASI is a weaver. The
CHAMBAR is the principal sub-caste about Jalandar and
Ludhiana. Besides, there are the CHAMAR, the CHAMARWA,
CHANWAR, and the JATA. The last is the descendant of the
1 Elliot, Memoirs, North-West Provinces of India, vol. L p. 78.
* See Rose, A Glossary of Tribes and Castes of the Punjab and
North-West Frontier Province, article " Chamar, M and Ibbeteon,
Punjab Census Report of 1881.
THE CASTE to
wife of Rim Das, In Patfala we have the endogamous
BAGRI and DESI. The former is an immigrant from Bagar,
and the latter consists of two groups, Chamars who make
shoes, and the BONAS, weavers of blankets, who are Sikhs.
Among the allied castes in the Punjab are the DHED, who
is a separate caste in the Central Provinces, and in Gujarat ;
but who does there much that is really Chamar work ; the
BUNIYA and the RUHTIYA, both Sikh Chamars, who have
taken to weaving; the BILAI (known as a Chamar in the
Punjab), a groom and a village messenger, and, in the
Central Doab, a weaver and labourer ; the DOSADH, an
eastern tribe of Chamars ; the RAMDASI, or SIKH, who is
usually a weaver, and who does not eat carrion ; and the
KHATIK. Besides these there is the MOCHI, who is, for
the most part, a Mussulman Chamar. He works in
leather, graining it and giving it a surface stain. In the
west he is a worker in leather, whether it be as a skinner, as
a tanner, or as a shoemaker. The name mochi is often
applied to the more skilled workman of the towns and
cities. The Mochi is not usually a weaver. In the west
he does not occupy as important a place in agriculture as
in the east. He does not render menial services. Where
the Chamar is not numerous, his place is taken by the
Mochi. The KHATIK, the PASI, and the CHANAL are
traditionally connected with leather worker. The latter
is a professional skinner in the Simla hills and corresponds
to the Chamar of the plains. 1
In Behar and Bengal the MOCHI and the CHAMAR are
one caste.
In the Central Provinces 2 we have the CHAMARS, the
greater portion of whom are in the Chhattisgarh Division.
Here many villages contain none but Chamars, from the
landlord down ; and seventy per cent, of these Chamars
have given up leather work entirely. Among the sub-
castes in these Provinces, the SATNAMI is the most impor-
tant. Other Chamars are termed paikahd as opposed to
the Satnami. The KANAUJIYA and the AHARWAR are tan-
1 Sec Census Report of the Punjab, 1911, pp. 398, 469.
1 Sec Census Report, Central Provinces, 1911, p. 231.
30 THE CHAMARS
ners and leather workers. They make shoes in a peculiar
way. The Kanaujiya eats pork but does not raise pigs.
The Aharwar claims to be a descendant of Rai Das. The
JAISWAR is a groom. There are a number of territorial groups
whose names have geographical significance, among whom
are the BUNDELKHANDI, the BHADORIYA, the ANTERVEDI, the
GANGAPARI, the PARDESHI, DESA, or DESWAR, MAHOBIA,
KHAIJRAHA, LADSB for LADVI, MARATHI, PARVARHIYA,
BERARIA and DAKHINI. There are also a number of groups
whose names are of occupational significance. These are
the BUDALGIRS, makers of leather bags (budla); the DAIJANIYAS
whose women folk are midwives (ddl)\ the KATUAS, or
leather-cutters ; the GOBARDHUAS, who collect the drop-
pings of cattle on the threshing floors, and wash out and
eat the undigested grain ; the MOCHI, or shoe-maker ; and
the JINGAR, the saddle-maker and book-binder. The Jingar
claims to be superior to the Mochi, although the latter
claims to be of Rajput origin ; and some under the
name, JIRAYAT, are separating from the main caste and are
forming a higher social group. They are skilled artisans
who handle guns and other delicate instruments. At the
other extreme of the social scale is the DOHAR, who is a
grass-cutter and doer of odd jobs. Besides, there is the
aboriginal worker in leather, the SOLHA, a very small group.
The KOR-CHAMARS are weavers. In Berar we find the
superior ROMYA or HARALYA Chamar. Two groups of
beggars are the MANGYA and the NONA Chamars. In
Raipur the Chamars have become regular cattle-dealers
and are known as KOCHIAS. In Central India we find the
BALAHIS, one section of whom are weavers, and the other,
carrion-eaters, who skin animals and deal in skins. (In the
Punjab the Chamars engaged to manure the fields and some
who take up groom's work are called Balahis or Balais.)
In the eastern parts of Rajputana, the leather-worker
is a Mohammadan. Other leather-workers of this area
are BANUBHI, BOLA, MEGHWAL, RAIGAR, JATIYA, CHANDOR,
SUKARIYA, MOWANPURIYA, KAUSOTIYA, and DAMARIYA., 1 In
Bikaneer the BALAI is the leather-worker.
1 See Census Report, Rajputana, 1901, p. 147.
THE CASTE 31
In the Bombay 1 Presidency are found, as in North
India, seven main divisions of leather-workers. Of these,
the SATRANGAR and the HALALBHAKT are dyers of skins,
the former working in sheepskins ; the PARADOSH-
PARDESI manufactures tents ; and the DABALI, the Woji,
and the CHAUR are lower in the social scale than the
others, and eat the flesh of bullocks and of other
animals. Besides these, there is the MARATHI CHAMAR and
the KALPA. All of these, except the Paradoshpardesi,
are shoemakers. There is also the JINGAR, or saddle and
harness maker, and the RANGARI, or tanner. In addition
to these we have the DHOR, a maker of leather buckets and
a dyer of skins ; the KATAI, a cobbler and tent-maker ; and
the DAPHGAR, a bottle-maker. The two last-named eat
carrion. In Gujarat 2 we find the KALPA, a skinner and
tanner, and the MOCHI, a maker of leather and of shoes.
The leather-worker of the Tamil country is the CHAKAL-
LiYAN. 8 He is a dresser of leather and a maker of slippers,
harness, and other articles of leather. He is a devil-worship-
per. He holds sacred the avaram (cassia aureculata)
tree. It is to be noted that the bark of this tree is a most
valuable tanning agent. The men of this caste are drunk-
ards. They eat flesh, and are more detested than the
Pariah. As a usual thing their girls are not married before
puberty. Widows are re-married. Divorce is common
and is easily secured. Their women are beautiful, and from
amongst them is usually chosen the woman for the coarser
form of sakti worship. The women are noted also for
their intrigues with landlords and other rich men.
The great leather-working caste of the Telugu country
is the MADIGA.* He lives on the outskirts of the village.
He is described as coarse and filthy, as an eater of unclean
food, and as a user of obscene language. He works in
leather, and serves as a menial and as a scavenger. Many
1 Shewing, Tribes and Castes, Vol. II. pp. 203 ff.
Ibid. Vol. II. p. 279.
* Castes and Tribes of Southern India, E. Thurston, Vol. II.
pp. 2 ff.
4 Ibid., Vol. IV. pp. 292 ff. See also General Index, The Village
Gods of South India, Bishop Whitehead, under " Madigas."
32 THE CHAMARS
MADIGAS are practically serfs. Most of them are field-
labourers. They beat drums at festivals. In some parts
of the country they still have their perquisites (jajmdn), but
these are disappearing under competition. They perform
the revolting parts of bloody sacrifices, and aid in removing
the demons of disease. Their girls are often dedicated to
temple service (basavis). The caste is divided into a num-
ber of endogamous divisions with exogamous septs, some of
which seem to be totemistic. Widows are re-married.
Divorce is easily secured. They have a panchayat, or
council. They both bury and burn their dead. In 1902
ten per cent, of the Madigas were returned as Christians.
Evidences of affiliations with other castes have already
been mentioned, such as the Kaiyan with the Bohra from
above ; and the Kori and the Kol and other alliances from
below. 1 Other cases of affiliations and illustrations of caste
fissure are suggested by such well-known names as, Kor-
Chamar, a weaver become tanner ; Chamar-Julaha, a
Chamar become weaver; and Chamar-Kori. In Gorakh-
pur there are no Koris, but Kori-Chamars. The KARWAL,
a vagrant tribe, is found also as a sub-caste under the
Chamar. 3 The Darzi, the Banjara, the Barhai and the
Sonar each have a Chamar sub-caste. 8 The Kayastha-
Mochi, who makes saddles and harness, claims to be of
superior origin, and says that the term, "Mochi" refers
merely to his occupation. There are other sub-castes of
Chamars and allied castes which now form more or less
separate bodies and claim to be distinct castes. Even the
laiswar, for example, claims, in some places, to be a
separate caste. The Dusadhs of Bihar are another example.
The Kori (Hindu weaver) is probably another instance of
caste fissure.
A notable example of a caste formed from the Chamar
is the Mohammadan weaver, the Julaha. He is distributed
over the United Provinces in considerable numbers, and is
1 See pages 25 and 26.
9 Census Report, United Provinces, 1911, p. 368.
1 See Crooke, Ethnographical Handbook of The North-West Pro-
vinces and Oudh. pp. 188, 65, 23, 70. See also Russell, Tribes and
Castes of the Central Provinces, Vol. I. p. 353.
THE CASTE 33
found also in other parts of India, especially in the Pun-
jab. 1 He is a typical illustration of how a group of people
may rise in the social scale within the Brahmanic system.
Originally a Chamar, he secured a better position by
taking to weaving. He eats no carrion, touches no
carcasses, does not work in impure leather, and has
separated himself entirely from the other sections of the
Chamar. In taking to the comparatively high occupation
of weaving, he has reached the border of the respectable
artisan class. In many places this separation took place
a good while ago; but Ibbetson reported instances of this
process still going on. His numbers are recruited from
several groups, as the following names show: Chamar-
Julaha, Koli-Julaha, Mohammadan-Julaha and Rai Das-
Julaha. In many instances now the caste prefix has been
dropped. Ninety-two per cent, of the Julahas are Moham-
madans. Among the Hindu Julahas are many Kabir-panthis
and Ramdasis. Kabir was a Julaha.
Still more important is the Mochi, a purely occu-
pational off-shoot from the Chamar. The word "mochi,"
which is applied to those who make shoes, leather aprons,
buckets, .harness, portmanteaux, etc., denotes occupation
rather than caste. Mochis are divided into two main
classes, those who make and cobble shoes, who are real
Chamars; and those who make saddles and harness.
These latter call themselves Sirbdstab-Kdyasths, with
whom they intermarry and agreq in manners and customs.
According to a text cited as authoritative by the pandits
of Bengal, the astrologers are shoe-makers by caste, and
good Brahmans sometimes refuse to take even a drink of
water from their hands. 2 In 1891 there were reported one
hundred and fffty sub-divisions of Hindu Mochis. 8 In
some places the Mochis of the towns are divided into
1 See Rose, A Glossary of Tribes and Castes of the Punjab and the
North West-Frontier Province, Vol. II.413ff., andCrooke, An Ethno-
graphical Handbook for the North-West Provinces and Oudh, pp.
97,98.
1 Bhattacharji, Hindu Castes and Sects, p. 173.
* Crooke, Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces and
Oudh, Vol. III. p. 498.
34 THE CHAMAR8
functional sub-castes, such as saddlers, embroiderers of
saddle-cloth, ghi bucket-makers, makers of spangles and of
shields and scabbards. These sub-castes rise in rank as
their calling requires greater skill or more costly materials. 1
While the Mochi is an offshoot from the Chamar, as a
caste he is quite distinct. However, this holds good in
certain areas only. He neither eats nor intermarries with
the Chamar. The Mochi does not eat carrion or pork, and
his wife does not serve as a midwife. His touch is not
polluting. The maker of leather is considered lower in the
scale than he who works in prepared leather. As a class
he is well off, and socially superior to the Chamar. 2 The
Gorakhpur Mochi has received medals at Melbourne and
Paris for embossed deerskins, made up as table-cloths, table-
mats, carpets, etc. The Bengali Mochi is a Chamar, but
he tans only cow, buffalo, goat, and deer hides. Many
Mochis are Mohammadans. The Census of 1891 returned
twenty-seven divisions of Mohammadan Mochis. 8 The
Mochi of Garhwal is from the non-Aryan race called the
pom and is an endogamous group ; and in Almora this
group includes Chandal (Chamar), and Mochi or Sarki
(tanner). 4 In the Punjab, the Mochi, who is a Chamar,
works in tanned leather. 5 He also grains leather. In some
places the name Mochi denotes a Mussulman Chamar.
Sometimes he is a weaver. In the west of the Punjab he is
a tanner and leather-worker. In Ludhiana he is a weaver,
and the name is almost synonymous with Julaha, but he does
not intermarry with the latter. In the east of the Punj ab, the
Hindu Mochi makes boxes, saddles, and other articles of
leather but not shoes. Some Punjab Mochic claim Rajput
origin. The Bhanger of Kapurthala, a weaver, is an off-
shoot from the Mochi, but he does not intermarry with him.
1 Sir Athelstane Baines, Ethnography, in Griindries der indo-
arischen Philologie und Atlertums Kunde, 1912, p. 80.
* Nesfield, A Brief Review of the Caste System of the North-West
Provinces and Oudh, p. 22.
' Crooke, Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces
and Oudh, Vol. III. p. 498.
4 CensusReport, United Provinces, 1911, p. 356.
1 Rose, A Glossary of Tribes and Castes of the Punjab and
North-West Frontier Province , Vol. III. pp. 123 ff.
CHAPTER II
SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC LIFE
As a rule the Chamar chooses his wife locally, outside
his own village group, but within his own sub-caste.
Although the sub-castes are essentially endogamous groups,
marriages are occasionally arranged between members of
different sub-castes. For example, Dhusiyas and Kana-
ujiyas intermarry, 1 and Jatiyas and Kaiyans sometimes do.
Again, the restrictions between endogamous groups
may apply only to the giving, not to the taking of wives.
Thus, Kurils will take Dohar girls in marriage, but will
not give their daughters to Dohars. In such instances the
Kuril settles with the birddari by giving a feast ; and,
indeed, nearly all infringements of marriage regulations are
usually adjusted by the panchayat's ordering the payment
of a fine or the giving of a feast.
Occupation may become a bar to marriage, sometimes
even within the endogamous group. Thus, those who
remove manure and night-soil cannot intermarry with
those who serve as grooms. Rai Dasis (in the Punjab)
will not marry with latiyas who skin dead animals. Jatiyas
in the Delhi territory, who work in the skins of "unclean"
animals, are refused marriage by some clans of the Sutlej. 2
In some places Kurils who tan do not marry with Kurils
who make shoes.
Within the sub-caste there are smaller exogamous or
" family " groups (got, kul) which bear the name of some
mythical saint, hero, or other person ; the name of some
1 Crooke, Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces
and Oudh y Vol. II. p. 194.
Ibbeteon, Census Report, Punjab, 1881, p. 181.
3
36 THE CHAMARS
village or locality; or a name having reference to some
totem. Marriage between members of the same exo-
gamous group is prohibited. The chachera-mamerd-phuph-
erd-mausera law, which prevents a man marrying anyone
in the line of his uncle or aunt on either the male or the
female side, 1 is somewhat loosely observed ; but the
practice usually followed is that, so long as any relationship,
however remote, is found on either side, marriage is
forbidden. In some places a marriage is not arranged
with any family from which a mother, a grandmother or a
great-grandmother has come. 2 A man may marry two
sisters, but in general may not have them both as wives at
the same time, and the second sister must be younger than
the first. He may not marry the daughter of a brother-in-
law. Marriages are always arranged by the parents or
relatives of the parties, and women are never contracting
parties. Of course, the female relatives hav a voice in
the discussion of the marriage arrangements, and their
opinion carries weight. Marriage is considered a sacra-
ment and not a contract. Still, in some places, a bride-
price as high as twenty or thirty rupees, and occasionally
as high as one hundred, is paid ; but the amount exacted
is usually that fixed by custom. Nowadays this price
generally takes the form of a contribution made by the
groom's family towards the expenses of the wedding.
Besides money, it includes gifts of clothes, food, sugar
(gur)y cooking utensils, and ornaments. A marriage is
binding when the ceremony is performed, even if the
consent of the parties has not been expressed or implied ;
but the consent of the relatives of both parties to a
marriage must in every case be obtained. In case the
marriage does not take place until after puberty, or where
some other unfortunate circumstances 'have occurred, the
bride may be given away. Daughters are married in order
of seniority. When a girl may not be married, on account
of some infirmity, or for some other equally valid reason,
1 Census Report, United Provinces, 1911, p. 212.
a Crooke, Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces and
Oudh, Vol. II. p. 174.
SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC LIFE 37
the younger sister is allowed to marry. The younger sister
may be married first, if the older is already betrothed. 1
Under the principles of concubinage and polygamy, the
practice of keeping more than one woman is common.
There is no general objection to polygamy, provided a
man is financially able to support more than one wife.
Where the first wife is barren, a second marriage is usually
sanctioned by the council. Furthermore a man may buy
a widow or a younger woman. Widow-marriage often
contributes to polygamy, especially where the younger
brother takes the widow of his deceased brother.
Although a second wife is often bought, she is not always
regularly married. In some places, when a man takes a
second wife, the first leaves him, and desertion under
such circumstances is recognized as according to tribal
custom. If the second woman live with the man for
twelve years, she will have the same rights as the first.
If the husband die, and the two women live at peace,
both will inherit, provided he make a will. Rival wives,
however, as a usual thing, do not get on together, and the
quarrelling arising out of this condition has a special name,
sautiyd ddh. There is a saying, ** Even a co-wife of wood
is an evil." 2
Concubinage (lauihdi, bambdi, rakhni, rdmdi, bithdl) is
widely practised, especially where men are able to support
a large establishment, and the practice is not considered
wrong. Two or three concubines are quite common,
and some keep even more. They are obtained by pur-
chase.
Among the Chamars early marriage is all but universal.
The betrothal is very early, often in infancy, and marriage
is usually as early as the eighth year. Any time between
the weaning of the child and the eleventh year is con-
sidered proper for marriage. However, the age for the
consummation of marriage is pretty generally recognized
as that of puberty. Under special conditions, when the
1 Census Report, Punjab, 1911, p. 268.
* Crooke, Tribes and Caste* of the North-Western Provinces and
Odh t Vol. II. p. 175,
38 THE CHAMARS
bride is an orphan, or when her parents are in financial
straits, she may go to her husband's home at an earlier
age. Usually the marriage is consummated when the
groom is from sixteen to eighteen years of age and the
bride from twelve to fourteen. The last Census returns
for the United Provinces show that ninety-eight per cent,
of all Chamar girls over fifteen years of age are married.
The general practice of the caste may be gathered from
the description of the marriage ceremonies. In 1891
Chamars were included in the group in which infant
marriage most widely prevailed.
There are special forms of marriage contracts which
may be mentioned here. One is marriage by exchange
(watta satta, gurdwat, adla badla), where each family
gives a girl in marriage to a son in the other. This is
done to save marriage expenses, and is practised amongst
the poor. Another 1 form of marriage is that in which,
like Jacob, a boy serves a certain number of years for a
wife. This is called ghar jawdi, and is sometimes arranged
when a man has no son. The marriage relation may
exist during this time.
There ^re in the Chamar marriage-ceremony many in-
teresting survivals of marriage by capture. Among these
are the bridegroom's coming mounted on a horse, if he
can afford it, or in an ekka, or in a doll, or a bahli; in his
carrying a sword, or something to represent it ; in the
bardt being composed of men, and in their stopping out-
side the bride's village ; in the mock fight between the two
parties at the bride's door ; in the bride's being carried
away in some sort of equipage ; in the pulling down of
one of the poles of the marriage pavilion or the shaking
of it by the groom's father, and in the shaking of it by the
groom ; in the weeping of the bride ; in the show of
violence on the part of the bridegroom ; in the mark of the
bloody hand at both houses ; in the fact that at the pherd
the bride wears nothing belonging to herself, but things
given by the groom's relatives ; in the hiding of the bride ;
in the bringing of false brides and in other jokes at the
1 Census Report, Punjab, 1911, p. 386.
SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC LIFE
39
expense of the groom and his party ; in the fact that the
bride's mother makes a mark in red on the groom's father's
shoulder ; in that the boy's village is tabu so far as
drinking water by the bride's father and elder brother is
concerned ; in the fact that all the words denoting male
relations by marriage are used as terms of abuse (e.g.,
susra, said, bahnoi, jawcti) ; and in the use of abuse
directed by the bride's women-folk against the groom's
relatives and friends all through the wedding ceremonies.
Chamars in 1891 were included in the group in
which widows were comparatively few. The following table,
taken from the census of 1911, * shows that the marriage of
widows between the ages of twenty and forty is almost
universal.
ALL AGES
05
512
1220
2040
-\ C C *o
I a
,8 'g *
si 'I |
a s
,3 *s *
c "P 'P ,2
^S 5 2
s s
,-s s *
s l 1 1
*! 1 1
a l 1 1
Males
Females
408 522 70
302 547 151
993 7 ..
988 11 1
896 100 4
783 311 6
478 492 30
130 839 31
89 836 75
15 885 100
This remarriage of widows is legal and the tribal council
may declare the children rightful heirs. The limits for
such marriages are the same as for virgins. If the widow
be young, and there be a younger brother of her former
husband, of suitable age, they usually marry. There
are traces of the levirate, in the right of the younger
brother to take the widow in marriage. There is no idea
of raising up seed for the dead brother. If the widow
have brothers-in-law (brothers of her late husband), she
must marry one of them, unless they choose to sell her, or
make another arrangement for her. An older brother
may take her. She may be married to the husband of an
elder sister provided the latter be willing, or if the latter
has died. If she is old enough to decide for herself, and
if she has a child, het consent to the arrangements is taken;
1 Census Report, United Provinces, 1911, pp. 244 and 245,
shows number per 1,000 of each sex*
40 THE CHAMARS
otherwise her relatives will decide. No ceremony is per-
formed. The children by the former marriage may remain
in the father's family, except in the case of an infant.
Sometimes the woman takes all of the children with her,
but then they do not inherit from their father. The settle-
ment of the inheritance is usually made by the council.
If there be no younger brother of suitable age, she may
marry someone, usually a widower of the tribe, by an
informal rite, but not by the Sadi ceremony. 1 If she
marries outside of the family, the bride-price must be paid
to her former husband's relatives, and she loses the
property and the children by the previous marriage. If
the groom is not a widower, some form of mock marriage
may be performed. By this ceremony the groom and
the bride are placed upon the same level. It seems
as if the widow were inherited by the levir, or bought
by the outsider ; as if she were property to be inherited,
or to be sold. Of course her marriage is arranged for her
by her own family, and the family of her late husband
must agree to the marriage.
As a caste rises, the remarriage of widows and the
levirate disappear together. For example, well-to-do
Chamars in Cawnpore are prohibiting widow-marriage.
Young widows (children) are mere household drudges, and
are often ill-treated, poorly fed, and generally neglected.
Divorce is common. A man with the consent of the
panchayat may turn his wife out for unfaithfulness, but
she cannot get a separation on the same ground, if he
feed and clothe her properly. A woman may desert her
husband if he take a second wife. Impotency "proved to
the satisfaction of the council is another valid reason for
a wife's abandoning her husband. In some places, a
woman may not secure a divorce on the ground of
disease or physical defect in her husband, provided his
relatives continue to support her. The discovery of
physical defects in the bride after marriage would be
sufficient grounds for a divorce ; and if a separation occurs
on such grounds, the husband is usually satisfied if the
This agrees with Mann,
SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC LIFE 41
marriage fee is returned. The divorced parties may marry
others. Separation for adultery if the woman does not
stay at home, and also for certain forms of disease, such as
insanity, may be sanctioned. As a usual thing, the woman
who is thus turned out of doors by her husband is either
abandoned or sold. If she be sold, she may be married by
the sagai rite, and the issue of such a marriage can
inherit. The principal causes of separation are when the
woman leaves her husband and returns to her parents and
when she goes to live with another man. In both cases
the former husband receives back his wedding expenses.
Divorce is legalized by the panchayat. Sometimes the
woman breaks a straw as a sign that her marriage has
been dissolved.
Traces of the matriarchate are seen in the following
facts: The marriage is arranged by the mother's brother,
or the mother's sister's husband, or these relatives play
an important part in the negotiations ; the father's
sister's husband, negl, has duties at the wedding ;
there are other similar relationships involved. Again,
the uncle's (mother's brother's) consent to the marriage
is necessary, and he sometimes receives all or part
of the bride-price. In other places his privileges are
confined to the making of certain gifts, such as earrings,
the wedding clothes for all the family, and a certain
number of rupees towards the wedding expenses, and the
furnishing of the dinner for the barat. These privileges
are not always obligatory. There are other duties in con-
nection with the funeral rites and the practices connected
with the birth and early years of children, which point in
the same direction.
Social intercourse is lax and moral standards are exceed-
ingly low. Irregular unions, such as concubinage, both
inter-tribal and extra-tribal, are admitted by the Chamars.
Where sentiment is against such practices the payment of a
fine removes disabilities. Sexual irregularities are common.
When they are brought to the notice of the council, they
are punished by fine. A man may leave his wife and take
another, yet through the panchayat he may demand his
former wife back again. If a woman is discovered in
42 THE CHAMARS
adultery, a fine and a feast are required by the panchayat
or she is out-casted. In case a widow becomes pregnant,
abortion is resorted to, or some marriage is arranged, or
she may be sold. If she names the father of her child, or
if the panchayat discovers him, they are required to marry,
but both are ostracized for about a year, after which the
panchayat may recognize them and their union. If this
irregularity be with a man of another caste she is excom-
municated. Pre-marital immorality is common, and, if
within the caste, is much less serious than if detected
with outsiders. A pregnant girl simply names before the
panchayat the man concerned, and he must take her as his
wife, that is if they are not of the same got, and he is
unmarried ; otherwise he must pay a fine. This always
includes cash and a feast. She will then remain with her
parents, or they may arrange a wedding for her or turn
her out. These matters are sometimes severely dealt
with. The children of such irregular unions have no
property rights. Again, the guilty man in such a case may
pay a bride-price and she may marry someone else.
The sale of a woman is common when she gives trouble,
or is unhappy, or lazy, or disobedient, or if she be a bad
character. The purchaser takes her by means of the less
formal marriage ceremony. In the Punjab Chamar wo-
men are sold to Jats, to Gujars, to some Rajputs, and to
Mohammadans as wives. 1 Some bring as high a price
as 200 or 300 rupees. These are usually women of
the poor. Women are sometimes gambled away. In
case of children born from irregular marriages, if the
woman be of a higher caste or rank than the husband,
the children have full caste rights, but restricted inheri-
tance or no inheritance at all. In other cases, the offspring
belong to the caste, or tribe, of the father, except when
the mother is a Mohammadan, or of a lower caste. There
are certain kinds of laxity that are common. A visitor
occasionally has liberties with the host's wife or daughter.
But this is not considered "good." The relatives of the
1 Report, Census of India, 1911, p. 378; some of these are from
the United Provinces,
SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC LIFE 43
husband take certain liberties (hatitsna-khelnd) which
usually do not extend to immoral acts. There is some-
times prostitution in the home, and sometimes the wife is
hired out. Women sometimes exchange husbands secretly.
A woman may go and live openly with another man and
still be received back. Sometimes, when men are in the
relationship of very close friends, having vowed friendship
on rice from the temple of Jagannath, they will each place
his wife at the disposal of the other. 1 In the Central
Provinces Chamar women are hired for the sakti mdrg
ceremonies, and women of the Madigas and Chakalliyans of
the South are chosen for similar rites. During the year at
certain festivals, such as the Holl y the Dewdli, and the Sdwan,
there is great sexual license. Not only are the songs of
these festivals obscene beyond imagination, but the people
give themselves up to unlimited excess.
There are other social customs, more or less objected
to, but often allowed and not considered wrong, which are
gradually disappearing under modern conditions: such are
the jus primae noctis of landlords and gurus. The zamindar
often has liberties with the Chamar's wife in consideration
for his payments to the Chamar. The sais's wife often
gives immoral services where her husband is employed in
the towns or cities. Furthermore there are certain
customs within the caste which are most debasing.
" Formerly, when a Satnami Chamar was married, a
ceremony called Satlok took place within three years of the
wedding, or after the birth of the first son, which Mr.
Durga Prasad Pande describes as follows: It was considered
to be the initiatory rite of a Satnami, so that prior to its
performance he and his wife were not proper members of
the sect. When the occasion was considered ripe, a com-
mittee of men in the village would propose the holding of
the ceremony to the bridegroom ; the elderly members of
his family would also exert their influence upon him, be-
cause it was believed that if they died prior to 'ts perform-
ance their disembodied spirits would continue a comfortless
1 Russell, The Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of
India, Vol. II. p. 413.
44 THE CHAMARS
existence about the scene of their mortal habitation, but
if afterwards that they would go straight to heaven.
When the rite was to be held a feast was given, the
villagers sitting round a lighted lamp placed on a water-pot
in the centre of the sacred chauk or square made of lines of
wheat flour ; and from evening until midnight they would
sing and dance. In the meantime the newly-married wife
would be lying alone in a room in the house. At midnight
her husband went into her and asked her whom he should
revere as his guru or preceptor. She named a man, and
the husband went out and bowed to him, and he then went
in to the woman and lay with her. The process would be
repeated, the woman naming different men until she was
exhausted. Sometimes if the head priest of the sect was
present, he would nominate the favoured men who were
known as gurus. Next morning the married couple were
seated together in the courtyard, and the head priest or his
representative tied a kanthi or necklace of wooden beads
round their necks, repeating an initiatory text It is
also said that during his annual progresses it was the custom
for the chief priest to be allowed access to any of the wives of
the Satnamis whom he might select, and that this was con-
sidered rather an honour than otherwise by the husband.
But the Satnamis have now become ashamed of such prac-
tices, and, except in a few isolated localities, they have been
abandoned." 1 The practice has not been entirely abandoned.
The probability is that female infanticide is not prac-
tised by the Chamars, although female infants are neglected,
often deliberately. When food is scarce they suffer
most. But other reasons will account for the disparity in
numbers between males and females. The woman is
more subject to plague and malaria, owing to her domestic
duties and to her closer confinement in the house. Be-
sides this, unsanitary and unclean methods of midwifery
are the cause of a good deal of female mortality. Further-
more, the practice of infant marriage reduces the vitality
of women and subjects them to many dangers. Yet, when
1 Russell, The Tribes and Castes, of the Central Provinces of
India, Vol. I. pp. 311, 312.
SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC LIFE 45
all the disabilities of women are taken into account, the
proportion of females to males is high. In the United
Provinces, there are, among the Chamars, 958 females to
every 1,000 males. 1 This is above the average for the
Provinces for the whole population. 2 For Bihar and
Orissa the proportion is 1,153 females to 1,000 males, for
the Central Provinces and Berar 1,035 to 1,000, and for
the Punjab 846 to 1,000.
Not only is the moral standard of the Chamar low in
respect to social purity, but also in matters of excessive
use of narcotic drugs and intoxicating beverages.
Drunkenness is a caste-failing and forms a prominent
element in many domestic and religious customs.
The Chamar is not fastidious about his food. He eats
the leavings from nearly all castes, except the Dhobt and
Pom. The death of a buffalo or of a cow in the village
is his opportunity for a feast. This is almost universally
true, although there are sub-castes some of whose
members do not eat carrion, and the number of such is
growing. There is, however, not a single sub-caste that
is free from this practice. Sometimes the chief men of a
sub-caste may refuse to share in such food. Further-
more, many Chamars eat pork. In general the flesh of
fowls and of cloven-footed animals goes to the Chamar, 8
while that of such animals as do not divide the hoof goes
to the Dom or Bhariigi. The Chamar in general will not
touch the carcasses of ponies, camels, cats, dogs, squirrels,
and monkeys. Those are delegated to the Bharngl.
Strange as it may seem, in some places (e.g., the Punjab,
in Hindu communities), while he eats dead cattle, the
Chamar may be excommunicated for eating beef.* In
Mohammadan communities there is no such scruple.
His ordinary food consists of bread made from the flour
of the cheaper grains such as gram, barley, and millet, and
of such grains as he may get as pay for labour at harvest-
time. His regular meal is at night. He has some grain
1 Census Report, United Provinces, 1911, p. 204.
Which is 915/1,000.
Ibbctson, Census Report of the Punjab, 1881, p. 330.
4 Census Report, Punjab, 1911, p. Ill,
46 THE CHAMARS
in the morning and sattu 1 at noon. " He considers that
his full ration would be two and a half pakd seers of grain
or about three and a half Government sirs. Some days
he gets only one seer and sometimes one and a half seers.
A large part of his diet consists of whatever vegetables,
such as leaves of gram, mustard, etc., his wife and children
can pick up in the fields. His rule is to mix from two to
four chhatdmks of flour in about two and a half seers of
vegetables. These are all boiled down into a mess and eaten
hot with the balance of the flour made into bread." 2
Some groups, as for example the Jaiswars, refuse to
eat any food prepared by others. It is difficult to say just
how far these distinctions are observed, but in general the
main sub-castes do not eat or drink or smoke together.
Chamars will accept cooked food from members of their
own sub-caste and from those sub-castes which are of a
slightly higher social status. For example, a Chamar will
accept food from a Jatiya, but the reverse is impossible.
There is a gulf between these sub-castes, not only
determined by occupation, but by other considerations as
well, for a Jatiya plasters the place where he cooks his
food with cow-dung, while the Chamar does not. The
former will eat goat's flesh but not beef, while the latter has
no such scruples.
The rules pertaining to the drinking of water are
similar to those with reference to eating. For example, a
Jatiya, while he will not drink water in the house of a
Chamar, will take the latter's lota, clean it, draw water
with it from the well of the Chamar and drink it. The
vessel in which the water is brought must belong
to a member of the caste. Women draw and carry the
water required for household purposes. A Chamar will
accept spirituous liquors from the hand of a higher sub-
caste man but not from that of a lower. If he drink from
the hands of a member of another sub-caste, he will require
a separate cup ; but if those who drink together are of the
1 Flour made from parched grains, such as barley and gram.
8 See Morrison, Industrial Organization of an Indian Province.
p. 197,
SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC LIFE 47
same sub-caste, they will drink from the same cup. The
rules governing smoking are quite similar. Members
of the same clan will smoke together, but if men of
different sub-castes are present, each group will have its
own huqqd. Other castes do not smoke with them.
Chamars will smoke together, using the same chilam.
The men and women of the home do not eat together.
The women prepare the meals and eat after the men have
finished. Only in times of sickness do the men condes-
cend to do much household work.
Since the caste is largely shut up within its own limits,
social intercourse is almost wholly a caste matter. Higher
castes do not mingle with them and the Chamars will not
associate with castes of lower social status. They observe
caste rules governing marriage and commensality, and are
said to conform to Hindu practices rather more strictly
than better-class Hindus. 1
Chamars will not accept food from Mohammadans.
When, however, they are out-casted, they will eat any-
thing.
In some places sections of the caste are slowly securing
a higher social position by adopting the usual methods
employed in India. 2 Those who are well-to-do, are
making an effort to seclude their women, are prohibiting
widow-marriage and are discouraging the more disgusting
and heterodox practices of eating pork, beef, carrion, and
the leavings of food of other castes. Such sections are
slowly separating themselves from the main caste and from
the name "Chamar." But, as a whole, the caste still
occupies a position on the very outskirts of Hindu society.
The Chamar has a well-organized and influential
council, or panchayat. It is greatly feared, and exercises
a very strong influence over its constituency. In its
simplest form it consists of the whole village or mahalld
group, is conterminous with the sub-caste to which the
Chamar belongs, and consists of all the men under its
jurisdiction. In its less extensive form it is a body in which
* Census Report, United Provinces, 1911, p. 123,
1 Sec Ibid., 1911, p. 119.
48 THE CHAMARS
the families of a village group are represented, or it may be
composed of all the old men. Usually the representation is
by families. There may be a sub-committee, often
composed of five persons, which guides and rules the
larger body. Amongst the Chamars, as amongst most of
the functional castes, the panchayat is a permanent body,
that is, the headman (chaudhari, sarpanch, pradhdn,
methd, sarddr, mukhiyd, mdnjan) is elected for life. The
office is usually hereditary. When a chaudhari dies
leaving a minor son, his relatives usually act for him
during his minority, allowing him to announce decisions.
When it becomes necessary, someone else may be chosen
to succeed the father ; but this would probably be some
other member of his family. In Rajputana there are
places where the raja appoints a chaudhari. Continuation
in office depends upon good conduct and competency. A
vice-president (ndib-panch, ddrogd), or summoner of the
council, is a more or less permanent officer, chosen by the
panchayat. He is sometimes called the chhariddr, or mace-
bearer. ^ He serves as an assistant to the headman. For
his services he gets a small money fee, sometimes about
half what the chaudhari receives. There is a chaudhari in
every community or village, and, oftentimes, a sarpanch
or chaudhari, who governs a group of villages.
The investiture (pagri ddlnd, pagri- lagdna) of the
chaudhari with his pagri (turban) is a serious matter, for
it is his official inauguration into an office which is of
great importance in the social and economic life of the
Chamar. The whole village group performs this act as a
sign that they have chosen him and have entrusted him
with their interests. If the same man be chosen for two
or more villages, or mahallas, each will give him a pagri.
Before fhe investiture a careful examination is made
as to the candidate's fitness for the office and as
to his character. If the Chamars are satisfied on these
points, a day is fixed for the ceremony. At the appointed
time the whole group assembles for the purpose. First,
with the use of a lota and a basin, there is a general foot-
washing ceremony. This is followed by a fire sacrifice
(horn), after which the candidate is conducted to a
SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC LIFE 49
conspicuous place in the midst of the assembly. A white
pagri together with one and a quarter rupees and a cocoa-
nut are then presented to him. Occasionally atikd is made
on his forehead with haldi. Sometimes one, or five, rupees
are placed in the pagri. Then the assembly greets him as
chaudhari. A great feast, in which both rice and sugar
are included, follows. There is an idolatrous phase to
this dinner similar to that observed in the death feast.
There is an excessive use of country spirits. Women do
not take part in these festivities. The expenses of the
feast are met by a public collection. The candidate him-
self gives a preliminary feast to the group. His official
perquisites are certain fees and a percentage of all fines
connected with trials and a share in the feasts. His office
brings him in a considerable income.
All ordinary matters are brought before the local body.
But, when cases of major importance are to be considered,
several panchayats may be called together; that is, the
headmen of several villages, each with a number of
influential Chamars, meet with the panch> in the village
where the case has been brought. In very grave matters
representative men from widely scattered areas may be
called together. Each sub-caste has its own independent
council, and, with rare exceptions, different sub-castes do
not meet in council. However, one or more influential
men (panch) of another sub-caste may be called in for
advice. Cases are known, as when the interests of the
whole caste are involved, of a general meeting of
representatives of all the chief local sub-divisions of the
caste. Such a council is called " sabha" and is quite
modern. Such a one was held in Bijnor some years ago.
In some places in the Punjab, and in the United Provinces
also, there are village panchayats in which the Chamars are
represented.
The jurisdiction of the panchayat is local, but other
panchayats may enforce its findings. The panchayat
exercises jurisdiction over the following classes of cases :
(1) Of illicit sexual relations, such as the discovery of a
pregnant widow, of adultery, or of fornication. If the
matter is not well known, the parties are let off with a fine
50 THE CHAMARS
and a threat, but if the irregularity be a public scandal,
a trial must be held. (2) Of the violation of the tribal
rules concerning commensality. (3) Of matrimonial
disputes, such as the sale of widows and cases where a girl
is not given in marriage after the betrothal. (4) Of petty
quarrels that would not come under the cognizance of the
Government Courts, such as false witnessing, fighting and
quarrelling. (5) Of disputes about small money transac-
tions and debts. (6) Of cases connected with hereditary
rights; and (7) of matters affecting the welfare of the
caste.
There are certain occasions, such as caste dinners of
all kinds, when persons take advantage of the gatherings
to bring matters before the panchayat. Council meetings
are avoided at marriages, but are often held during funeral
services.
Meetings of the panchayat may be summoned by
either party to a dispute. Cases are usually brought before
the whole village group by the offender who wishes to
clear himself. But the headman or some other
party may lodge a complaint. The person who calls the
council must furnish tobacco enough for the whole
company and a huqqa. He must also pay a fee of one and
a quarter rupees to the chairman, who will not take up
the case unless it is paid. This fee is usually spent for
spirits. The village group is called together and the case
involved is thoroughly talked over. All evidence is oral.
Anyone may speak. Often an oath is taken over Ganges
water, or upon the plough, or with a son in the lap.
This is resorted to in cases when it is difficult to reach a
decision or to get at the facts. After a full discussion
five men are chosen to give a decision. There is no cus-
tom which necessitates the choosing of the same five men
in case after case. The decision, which is pronounced by
the headman, is binding. Decrees are not published,
except in special cases. When the council finds a person
guilty of the offence charged, it imposes a penalty
which usually takes the. form of a fine. This may be
levied in rupees, or may be an order for the offender to
entertain the clansmen. The fine may be any reasonable
SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC LIFE 51
amount, but the sum collected seldom exceeds five rupees.
The fines in certain classes of cases are fixed by custom.
Until the fine is paid, or the feast given, the offender is
not allowed to eat or drink with his clansmen. Another
and a more serious result of conviction is that until the
ban is removed all marriage alliances with the family of the
offender are barred ; and, if anyone marries a member of
such a family, he at once becomes liable to the same
punishment as that which they are undergoing. It is very
seldom that the process of excommunication has to be
used to enforce payments. The fines are spent in the
purchase of spirits for the members of the tribe and in
feasting them, or for some such purposes as the digging of
a well. A certain proportion, however, of the ffnes col-
lected is the perquisite of the chaudhari. Besides this a
certain percentage of the fines is often set aside as a sinking
fund for special purposes, such as the hiring of lawyers
when trials occur in the Government courts. Some un-
usual punishments include the sending of persons on
pilgrimage, requiring them to solicit alms, and various
forms of degradation. Sometimes a beating with a shoe is
pronounced as a punishment ; and again the shoes of the
whole party are placed upon the head of the offender.
For discovery in sexual irregularities the parties are some-
times taken to the bank of a tank, or river, where their
heads are shaved in the presence of the panchayat. They
are then made to bathe. The shoes of all the company
are then made into two bundles and placed upon the
heads of the guilty pair and they are made to promise not
to repeat the offence. Frequently the convicted party is
bound to a tree and beaten. If a Chamar entice away the
wife of a clansman, in addition to the punishment inflicted
by council he is obliged to pay her marriage expenses.
Even excommunication resulting from irregular marriages,
and the punishment of the most grievous offences may be
remitted by the payment of a fine. Becoming a Christian
does not necessarily result in excommunication.
Although* he will, as a Christian, abjure caste practices, he
is not excluded from social intercourse with the sub-caste
from which he came, But a Chamar who has turned
52 THE CHAMARS
Mohammadan is permanently excluded from his clan.
In some places, where the Christian is considered by the
caste as a social outcaste, he may be reinstated by the
payment of a fine. The amount imposed will depend upon
the financial ability of the outcasted party. Where a
whole village which has become Christian desires to be
reinstated in the biradari, an amount, determined by the
financial resources of the village, is paid through the
chaudhari to the head chaudhari of that particular part of
the country. There is no ceremony of re-instatement ;
they simply resume the exercise of privileges amongst
which huqqd-pdni and $ddi~biyah are the most esteemed.
In some cases heavy penalities are imposed. For example,
a chaudhari was outcasted for twelve years for showing
partiality to his brother (the punishment was afterwards
reduced to a fine by a council of panchayats). Another
Chamar, who disgraced his caste by begging, was outcasted.
His son was reinstated by paying a fine of four rupees and
feasting five Brahmans. 1 Some others, who were in a court
convicted of poisoning cattle, were excommunicated for
twelve years. They offered 500 rupees to be reinstated
but in vain. 2 In another case two Chamars were fined ten
and six rupees respectively for removing dead animals from
the house of another Chamar's clients ; and the husband
of a Chamar woman who worked as midwife for" another
Chamar's client was fined five rupees. 8
The work of the panchayat is of great importance. It
relieves the courts of a great many petty cases, on the
one hand ; and, on the other, it is of great regulative value
in the life of the village group.
There are certain hereditary rights which are the
privilege of a certain Chamar family (or families) in each
village. 4 These rights, called jajman or gaukamd, are
1 Census Report, United Provinces, 1911, p. 340.
2 Ibid., 1911, p. 341.
1 Ibid., 1911, p. 342.
4 See Morrison, Industrial Organization of an Indian Province,
pp. 179, 180, 194-197, from which a good deal of this discussion is
taken. See also Crooke's Tribes and Castes of the North-Western
Provinces and Oudh, Vol. II, p. 175.
SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC LIFE 53
carefully guarded. In return for these perquisites the
Chamar gives regular services to the landlords. The
circle of clients from whom he receives these privileges
expect him to remove dead cattle, to prepare leather from
the hide, and to furnish a certain limited supply of shoes
and other leather articles. Besides the dead cattle, which
belong to him by right, he gets a fee of from ten to twelve
seers of grain for curing the hides of the animals that die.
From the hide he sells one pair of shoes to the zamindar
for two and a half seers of grain. The rest of the hide
is his. Occasionally he is expected to mend, or even to
make, shoes for nothing. In some places he can claim
the hide without the obligation of furnishing anything.
These rights in respect to hides are now being questioned
and in some cases denied altogether; but the landlord is
obliged to make some concession, which is usually in the
form of privileges of cultivation. Besides the rights
connected with leather, the Chamar receives certain small
privileges, such as fuel and grass from the village lands and
gifts at stated festivals and on other social occasions. He
is expected to work for his clients upon demand, but
receives certain definite gifts of grain at harvest-time.
The Chamar's wife has her clientele, as well, for whom
she acts as midwife, and for whom she performs various
menial services at marriages and festivals, such as collecting
wood, bringing earthen vessels from the bazar, supplying
cow-dung and grinding grain.
The following summary of the Chamar's perquisites
as a labourer in rural districts is substantially from
Morrison. When grain is threshed, the Chamar gets
twenty seers at each harvest per plough in consideration
for repairing the well-water bags, for providing leather
straps and whips, and for helping to clean the grain.
The light grain and sweepings of the threshing-floor
are his perquisite in consideration for the help that he
gives in threshing and in winnowing. For work in
irrigation his wages are often one and a half annas
per day. He receives three bundles of the cut crops
each day during the harvest. These are large or small
according to the amount of work that he does. As a
54 THE CHAMARS
ploughman his wages are a daily portion of grain from one
and a half to two seers of rabV grain, or pulse, at mid-day,
which represents half a seer of sattu, and for fifteen days
during seed-time he will get an additional allowance of one
seer a day. The practice of paying the Chamar in kind
is being discontinued in certain parts of the country.
This is due to changing economic conditions. In former
days he used to sell his grain in the markets and purchase
the things which he needed for himself. Women and
children do the weeding, for which each gets a seer of
grain, or such an amount as is fixed by custom, and,
sometimes, an extra allowance. At reaping-time all
hands receive one good bundle for each sixteen small
bundles gathered for the landlord. At earth-work an able-
bodied man earns two seers of grain and half a seer of sattu
and an additional handful of grain to start with in the
morning. For carrying flags and doing other services in
wedding processions, both father and son receive gifts after
the wedding and an allowance of food during the festivities.
The Chamar often gets the old clothes and blankets which
the zamindar wishes to give away. These fees and
allowances are scarcely more than illustrative. The actual
amounts vary, and the whole system of perquisites is in a
somewhat unsettled condition.
For services as midwife, the Chamari receives food and
presents. These will be more or less according as the
child happens to be a boy or a girl, or the firstborn. Her
usual perquisite is a new sari and four annas in cash. But
these fees have been considerably increased in recent years.
It is to be noted, however, that there are areas where this
work is done by other and lower castes ; and further that, in
the same sub-caste, in some areas the women are engaged
in this profession, while in others they are not. The
practice of midwifery is looked upon as most degrading.
The women who follow this profession employ methods of
the crudest sort. Sanitary conditions are almost entirely
neglected, and no attempt is made to prevent infection.
A considerable percentage of the mortality amongst women is
traceable to the work of the midwife. The ceremonies
of the sixth day are to a certain extent directed against
SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC LIFE 55
tetanus, which is prevalent especially amongst babies. The
conditions under which the mother is confined are most
unfavourable. The room is kept close, and she and all
things within the room are considered unclean. A fire is
kept burning constantly, and very often the atmosphere is
laden with the heavy smoke of incense. Such things as red
peppers and old leather are amongst the articles that are
cast into the fire. The whole technique of the practice
of midwifery is directed by custom and superstition ; and
the evil smells and the other barbarous practices connected
with the lying-in room are designed to beat off demons of
disease and of destruction. Unfavourable signs, such as
fever, are the occasion for the practice of magic and the
burning of such things as give off most distressing and
oppressive odours. 1
There is a real sense in which the Chamar has to do
work for which he receives no compensation. These
conditions are well known and need no proof. A
characteristic illustration is found in the following incident.
A young Chamar left his section of the country and took
up service. He became fairly prosperous and felt that he
had risen in the world. He concluded to pay a visit to
his native village. There he chanced upon his old
master, who said, " Give me that umbrella. You have
no use for it. I will give you eleven annas." So,
taking it, the landlord said, " Go to work with the plough
to-morrow." The next morning the landlord's servant
appeared and forced the Chamar to go to work. In the
evening the young man received three pice for his day's
work. He realized then that he was only a Chamar
after all. As a class, they are oppressed and they live in
continual fear, especially of the zamindars, and far from
having the comfortable environment pictured in Industrial
Organization of an Indian Province, their lot is a hard one.
They are constantly harassed by demands of all kinds.
Men are needed for some odd job and a request is sent
to some officer. A peon goes to the Chamar section of
the village or town, and impresses the number of persons
1 For further details see Chapter III,
56 THE CHAMARS
required. They are supposed to receive wages for
their services, but they are more or less at the call
of others, no matter what their own interests may be.
There are certain duties which they must perform for
Government and for the landlord, and for these they
receive certain privileges related to the land. There are,
however, many instances where they are required to work
without pay, under the direction of petty officers.
Tanners are more common in the Meerut, Agra,
Rohilkhand, Allahabad, and Lucknow divisions, and less
common in the Benares, Gorakhpore, and Fyzabad divi-
sions. Furriers are found only in Saharanpur and Bara
Banki.
A catalogue of the different kinds of work which the
Chamar performs, shows that he belongs to the great class
of unskilled labour. He is a grass-cutter, coolie, wood-
and bundle- carrier, drudge, doer of odd jobs, maker and
repairer of_ thatch and of mud walls, field-labourer,
groom, house-servant, peon, brickmaker, and even
village watchman. He is the common labourer
along the railways and in the great cities. He does a
good deal of weaving. The contractors who undertake
petty repairs in the towns and cities are often Chamars.
He repairs the underground rooms and makes the bins
where grain is stored, and prepares the threshing-floors.
Besides, he beats drums, rings bells, and blows trumpets at~
weddings or when cholera or other epidemics are being
exorcised from the village. He also makes musical
instruments. Some sub-caste names are illustrations of
occupational functions; for example, Mochi (shoemaker),
Chdmkatiyd (leather-cutter) , Chamar ( leather-maker) ,
Chamar mdmgtd or Mdmgatiyd (beggar), Kdtud (leather-
cutter), Tdmtud (maker of leather thongs), Zingdr (maker
of saddles), and Ndlchhind (one who cuts the navel cord).
It is as a tanner and worker in leather that the Chamar
obtains his name. Besides making the thongs, baskets
and other articles used in husbandry, he is a maker and
cobbler of shoes. He furnishes not only the shoes made
according to country patterns, but also, and in rapidly
increasing quantities, shoes and boots made on English
SOCIAL AKD ECONOMIC LIFE 57
models. He is also a dealer in hides. In the Central Pro-
vinces he has, in some instances, become a dealer in
cattle.
But the Chamar is not now chiefly a tanner and a worker
in leather. The census returns for the United Provinces
in 1911 show less than 131,000 who reported their here-
ditary occupation as their principal means of livelihood,
while but 38,205 reported leather-work of any sort as
their subsidiary means of livelihood. But 26,112 actual
workers who returned their traditional occupation as their
principal means of livelihood, had some subsidiary occupa-
tion. 1,354,622 recorded their principal occupation as
cultivation ; 1,245,312 were returned as field-labourers,
wood-cutters, etc.; 142,248 as artisans and workmen;
331,244 as labourers (unspecified); and 31,855 as domestic
servants. 1 In the United Provinces the great majority of
the Chamars are engaged in " the exploitation of the earth's
surface. " Similarly we find that, in the Punjab, they are
an extensive class of low-caste cultivators ; and that in the
Central Provinces, the great bulk of the caste, namely, the
Satnamis, do not touch leather at all. The figures from the
United Provinces 2 show that only five per cent, of the
Chamars are leather-workers ; that seventy-eight per cent, of
them exploit the earth's surface (e.g., are cultivators, agricul-
turists, and labourers); that four per cent, are engaged in
other industries; that two per cent, are occupied with
transport and trade ; and that nine per cent, are general
labourers. In most occupations both men and women are
engaged. Chamar women, besides performing the ordinary
house duties, do an immense amount of work in the fields.
This consists of weeding and other forms of lighter work
connected with the care of the crops. They also do the
husking and grinding and help in the winnowing. In
addition to this they do a considerable amount of ordinary
coolie work such as carrying produce to market, and the
like. They do not, however, compete with the men, but
rather supplement their work. In the hide industries the
1 Census Tables, United Provinces, 1911, Table XVI, pp. 757 ff.
* Census Report, United Provinces, 1911, pp. 412, 413.
58 THE CHAMARS
number of women-workers to one thousand men is one
hundred and eighty-five. 1
Economically the Chamar is a most valuable element
in the population, and his function is the rough toil and
drudgery of the community. Though nearly always a
poor man, he, as a rural labourer, generally has plenty to
do. His work is distributed over the year about as
follows : For five months, June to November, he works
in the field with a plough ; for two months, November
and December, he is engaged in reaping the kharif (the
autumn crops); during January and February he is
occupied with kachchd buildings and other forms of earth-
work ; in March and April he is busy in gathering the
rabi (spring harvest); and in May he does a little earth-
work. Between times he does whatever work comes to
hand. For the most part he is still in an almost hopeless
state of degradation and serfdom. In large areas he is at
the beck and call of others, and dares not lift his voice in
protest lest he be beaten or driven from his village. How-
ever, economic changes are taking place, and Chamars
are leaving the land to take up employment on the
railways and in the industrial centres. In some parts
of the country as many as twenty-five per cent, of them
are away from home half the year. The result is
an increasing demand for field-labour. Consequently
wages have been enhanced. The recent increase in
the value of farm products has resulted, in some
instances, in the substitution of cash for grain as wages.
This will eventually help the Chamar. The increased
value of leather has led the landlords, in some parts of
the country, to question the Chamars' traditional right to
raw skins. But the landlord has been obliged to offer
another form of compensation, and this has been in
cultivating privileges. The Chamars' rights of occupancy
are being obstructed in many places, and the laws which
have been framed for his protection have not always
secured him his just dues ; still, the amount of land that is
coming into his possession, both in the form of non-
1 Census Report, United Provinces, 1911, p. 402.
SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC LIFE 59
occupancy and of occupancy rights, is slowly increasing.
Some Chamars are owners of land, and in the Central
Provinces, for instance, whole villages are possessed by
them. Not only are they under the heel of the landlords,
who they fear may deprive them of their cultivating
rights and of their houses, but they are also under the
influence of the baniya and the landlord, from whom they
borrow to purchase seed-grain, leather, and oxen. Debt
becomes a heavy shackle for them, and often the labour of
their whole family is employed in satisfying the claims of
creditors. As these people begin to discover their rights
before the law, and as they gather courage, their position
must improve. Not infrequently Chamars shift to other
villages where conditions are more tolerable, or they
appeal to someone who is willing to help them to
obtain justice. These are encouraging signs. Still, the
process which will lift him from dependency to indepen-
dence is a long one, and as yet he has scarcely begun to
move.
CHAPTER III
DOMESTIC CUSTOMS: BIRTH
BARRENNESS is looked upon as a great misfortune by
Chamar women ; and to remove this reproach they visit
noted shrines and tombs and make offerings, including
cocoanuts, Itchts, grains, and small sheets. Ashes taken
from the smouldering log belonging to a holy man, and
medicines obtained from faqlrs, are used as cures ; and
some women wear around their necks blue-black threads
blessed by a bhagat, or wizard. Similar devices are
employed in the effort to obtain a son. Under the direc-
tion of a wizard ants are fed daily with a mixture of sugar
and flour; fish are fed with balls of flour; and the pipal
tree is watered daily for a year. Some vow to forego salt
on Sunday, or for a given period. Women used to set
fire to houses, believing that this would result in the
obtaining of their desires. Seven or twelve houses had to
be destroyed. The fear of imprisonment now acts as
a successful check to this practice. Occasionally, a woman
will secure by stealth, and swallow a piece of the umbilical
cord of a recently-born male child, believing that she will
thereby secure the mother's gift of fertility (of course the
mother will become barren). Some women curse boys,
hoping that they may die, for then there is the likelihood
that the boys will be reborn as their own children. In
desperate cases, when male (or even female) offspring is
especially desired a bhagat is called in. He repeats spells
and incantations over a cup of water, wags his head, and
goes through various other antics, until he has obtained
the desired " demoniacal" possession. He then places his
hand upon the woman, gives her the water to drink, and
DOMESTIC CUSTOMS : BIRTH 61
promises her the fulfilment of her desires. The wizard
receives gifts. Sometimes several bhagats are called in,
and each performs his own magic.
Although Chamars believe in general that the know-
ledge of sex is one of the secrets of the Great Spirit,
Brahmans are sometimes called in to prophesy as to the sex
of the child. They use the chance methods of the fortune-
teller. Some assert that there are signs which foretell sex.
For example, if at the time of conception a man's right
nostril twitches, the child will be a boy; if the left nostril,
a girl. Again, if after conception, the mother goes to
sleep upon her right side, a boy will be born ; if on her left
side, a girl. There are certain signs that indicate the sex
of the child. If, in the later stages of pregnancy the
right breast, or the right side of the mother, be the larger,
or if she becomes thin, a son is sure to be born.
The desires of pregnancy, which they believe may
begin immediately after conception, or from the fifth
month, are thought to be the desires of the child, and
must be granted, or the child will either die or fall under
the spell of the evil eye. During pregnancy purgative and
laxative foods are avoided; foods, such as oil, rice, and
urd, which may cause, as they believe, abortion, are
forbidden ; and likewise foods, such as vinegar and spices,
that might give trouble to the child.
Chamars are particularly exposed to the fear of witch-
craft and of diabolical agencies generally, so they take
every precaution to protect the prospective mother from
evil influences. During the pregnancy the woman wears
blue-coloured threads, given by a bhagat, around her neck,
and a copper coin of the old mintage in her hair, and
hangs charms, fastened with blue-black threads, about her
neck and waist She does not wear red clothes, but
prefers white or black garments ; she avoids blood ; she
keeps a knife under her pillow at night, and wears hltbg
(asafoetida) in her dress by day. She must not touch
a woman who has had a miscarriage, and she must not
have flowers taken into her room. A pregnant woman
who is afraid that her child may die, will sell it to
a neighbour for a trifle, or later she will give it .a name
63 THE CHAMARS
that will serve to avert the evil eye and that will indicate
that it is not worth the attention of demons.
If during pregnancy an eclipse occur, the woman must
remain in the house, and she must do no work. If she
does not remain perfectly quiet her child will be deformed.
A circle of cow-dung is drawn on her abdomen. She
must not be allowed to sleep. If she eat, her child will go
mad ; if she uses a needle, the child will be marked with
a hole in the skin, usually about the ear ; and if she uses
a knife or scissors, there will be a cut upon the child's
body, most likely he will have a hare-lip.
Not long before the time of parturition, and at other
times as well, promises of offerings are made to various
godlings and to the sainted dead, to insure a safe and easy
delivery. For example, a vow is often made that, if the
child is safely born, they will shave his head, and offer the
hair to the Ganges. So, some time after the birth of a
child, perhaps four or five days after purification, or during
the sixth month, the child's head is shaved and the hair is
wrapped in a pun (a thin cake of meal fried in ghi or oil),
or placed between two puris, and cast into the Ganges.
If the river is not near by, the hair may be buried in
the compound, or, they may wait until some mela gives
them occasion to visit the river. In this latter case, they
will not only make the offering of the hair, but also they
will offer the child to the Ganges, casting it into the river,
leaving it unsupported for an instant, and then catching it
up again before any harm comes to it. 1 This may be
repeated seven times. Occasionally the child is caught up
by a Brahman and bought back by its parents.
When the birth-pains begin, the woman is given ghi to
eat and water, in which urd has been soaked, to drink ;
or, a coin is washed in water and the liquid is given to the
patient. A copper coin is placed in the woman's mouth,
and pice are offered to the various godlings. At the right
of the bed (charpai), upon which the woman will rest,
barley is scattered for Shasti. At the door of the delivery-
1 There may be in this act some reminiscences of an earlier
barbarous practice.
DOMESTIC CUSTOMS: BIRTH 63
room thorny branches of bel and of ndgphani are hung to
intercept evil spirits. A fire is kept burning constantly in
the room near the door, and into it ajwain (seeds of a plant
of the dil species) and other things are occasionally cast.
Sometimes an old shoe is burned. If the birth-pains are
excessive, or if delivery is delayed, men and women pound
clods of earth together.
The woman sits on her heels on the ground during her
accouchement and is supported by her female relatives.
After birth, a song called the sohar, which is mostly an
invocation of Sitald Mdta, is sung by the women of the
neighbourhood. The singing is kept up more or less con-
tinually until the evening of the sixth day. The tawd (a sort
of frying-pan) is beaten to protect the child from demons.
In case a daughter has been born, the singing, or the
beating of the tawa, may be neglected. The custom
varies over the country, and in some parts almost as much
protection is given to a girl as to a boy. Still, there is less
rejoicing at her birth than at that of a son. In some
places the mark of the hand in red-lead or in gobar (cow-
dung) imprinted on the side walls of the house signifies
that a son has been born. A line drawn on the wall all
the way around the house signifies the same thing.
Many devices used to protect the mother and the child are
employed with greatest care if a son has been born. A
net, or a branch of a mm tree, or of the siris, and an iron
ring may be fastened over the door. It is good to hang
up a bunch of mango leaves over the door because it will
attract some godling who will protect the child. 1 Charms
are stuck on the walls of the house. A fire is lighted in
the room near the threshold and kept burning night and
day. As soon as the child is born, the mother's face is
washed, and her forelocks, or her hair, are let down.
Then the navel cord is cut, and the child is rubbed with
dust from a sun-dried granary or with wheat flour, and
bathed in lukewarm water. The new-born child is often
placed on a winnowing fan, and sometimes upon a bed of
rice. This is afterwards given to the midwife. The
Punjab Notes and Queries III, 188,
64 THE CHAMARS
mother receives a warm bath. Sometimes the mother is
not bathed until the sixth day, although she may receive
a partial bath at a previous time set by the Brahman.
The cord and placenta are buried in the house near the
door to prevent their coming into the possession of an
animal, or of an evil spirit, or of a magician ; and over this
spot in the house a fire is kept burning for six or more
days. Some hide the cord in the house. The falling of
the scab of the cord is watched with great care, and the
particle is disposed of cautiously ; most likely it is buried
inside the house, lest it come into the possession of a bhut,
of a woman, or of a wizard. If a woman eat it, the child
will die, but she will obtain children. If a wizard, or a
witch, get possession of it, the child is sure to be ruled by
their spells. If an evil spirit get it, the child will be
possessed.
The announcement of the birth of a child is made by
the midwife, or by a barber woman, or by a female rela-
tive, who does so by going to the house of the headman of
the village and to the relatives of the family, and making a
mark (swastika) on their doors with cow-dung. She
receives a small fee for this. She also makes a mark on a
shrine to Sitala. If the child is born on an unauspicious
day, a Brahman is called to perform a fire-sacrifice. Wood
from thirty-six different trees is brought in for the purpose.
The father sits in front of the fire during the ceremony.
A cup of sarsorii (mustard) oil is placed in front of the
father, and the child is placed on his shoulder, so that the
father may see his face reflected in the oil. After this ser-
vice the father may look into his child's face. If no un-
favourable conditions appear at birth, he may look at the
child at once.
On the first day after a birth, a Brahman is consulted.
He inquires in what direction the mother lay ; how many
women were present; and asks other similar questions, con-
cerning the birth of the child. He then casts a horoscope,
gives the name, and fixes a day for the purifying bath.
Strict seclusion is practised for an indefinite period,
during which no one but the midwife and an old woman
of the family are allowed in the lying-in room. During
DOMESTIC CUSTOMS: BIRTH 65
the six to fourteen days of her impurity, the mother is
attended by these women only.
The midwife receives a wage of four pice when she cuts
the cord, and four pice and some grain, usually barley,
when she washes the baby. Besides this, she expects such
wages and presents as the father may choose to give.
Nowadays the fees are being increased, and in the cities
the services of the midwife are fairly expensive.
After delivery, before the mother is given anything to
eat, a quantity of gur is offered to the sainted dead. In
the Central Provinces 1 the mother receives food neither on
the day of delivery nor on the next two succeeding days ;
but, usually, after the mother and child have been bathed,
the mother receives a special kind of food. This is a gruel
made of a mixture of spices, gur, and oil. The food given
to the mother, in the Central Provinces, 2 consists of a con-
coction of ginger, roots of oral or khaskhas grass, areca
nut, coriander, turmeric, and other hot substances, and
sometimes a cake of linseed or sesamum.
If her family is well-to-do, the mother will receive a
helping of this gruel several times a day for twelve days.
Besides this, she may receive milk two or three times a day.
Food consisting of turmeric and ginger cooked in oil is
served, usually from the sixth day. She receives ordinary
food on the second day, or aftersix days, or after twelve days,
according to the financial circumstances of the family.
The child is put to the breast on the third day, unless
a Brahman 3 orders that this be done sooner. In some
places before being put to the breast, the child is given a
decoction made by boiling some roots in calf's urine. 4
The child is not clothed for four or five days, and then
the swaddling-clothes used should be borrowed from
another person's house, or brought by relatives.
During the first six days the mother and child are
never left alone, and someone is on guard every night lest
some evil spirit obtain an opportunity to do harm. During
this whole time the mother wears an iron ring, or an iron
1 Russell, Tribes 'and Castes of the Central Provinces of India,
Vol. II. p. 413. '/to*., Vol. II. p. 413. Ibid., Vol. II. p. 413.
* Ibid. t Vol. II. P. 413.
66 THE CHAMARS
instrument of some kind is kept under her pillow. The
mother and child rest in the bed during the whole period
of impurity, and the iron instrument with which the cord
was cut is kept near the mother. The midwife, the
mother, and the babe are considered unclean or tabu, and
are not allowed to touch the food of the others.
On the night before the sixth day, the whole household
sits up and watches over the child ; for, on that day, his
destiny is determined, especially as to immunity from
small-pox and other dangerous diseases. He is carefully
fed ; for, if he go hungry then, he will be stingy all his
life. This day of purification is called the chhatthi, and
the ceremonies should be performed on the sixth day after
delivery, Chhatthi or Shasti is the guardian goddess of
children, who protects them from infantile diseases. Until
they attain to maturity, children are supposed to be under
her special care. She is regularly worshipped by women ;
and, when children are ill, her aid is invoked to effect the
recovery. At this time her worship is especially efficacious
in preventing lockjaw, a disease which not infrequently
attacks infants about this time.
During the sixth night, the women do not sleep, but
keep up singing and music, the beating of drums, and noise
generally. They take special pains to protect the lamp
which is burning, lest a peculiar insect (janua) put it out.
If this should happen the child would die. Shasti is wor-
shipped in the following way. On the wall, on both sides of
the door, a square of cow-dung is made, in which one or
seven broom-splints are fixed. This figure is called Shasti,
and to it the women offer cakes of barley-flour and rice boiled
in sugar. The child is now anointed with oil and lamp-
black is put around its eyes. It is clothed and placed before
the image ; or the woman worships the image. The cakes
are then presented on leaf platters and eaten by the menials*
of the family. Halwd is offered and sent to relatives. Oh
(his day the legs of the bed are worshipped.
Other precautions are taken against disease. The
child is sometimes branded 1 on the stomach on the sixth
1 Russell, Tribes and Caste* of the Central Provinces of India ,
Vol. II. p. 4J3, The practice \B fofgrgog jg other p|ces.
1'KXril. DK \\Vl\tlS OF SU \*ri (1 \N"D 2) VN OF SMONV (3)
CD)
Pl.NTIL DRAWINGS OF ABDOMINAL BRAND \T\RKvS
(A little under actual size.)
DOMESTIC CUSTOMS: BIRTH 67
day, or on the day when it is named ; occasionally twenty
or more burns are made on the abdomen with the
point of a sickle to prevent the child's catching cold ;
castor oil is rubbed on him to prevent convulsions and
lung trouble ; and sometimes he is held in the smoke of
the fire.
If at any time there be suspicion of the influence of the
evil eye, a wave ceremony is performed. Mustard and dil
seeds, or bran and salt, are waved around the mother's
head and then thrown into a vessel containing fire.
When all is consumed the vessel is upset, and the mother
breaks it with her foot. She then sits with grain in her
hand, while the household brass-tray is beaten, and the
midwife throws the child into the air. Sometimes the
baby is weighed in grain, which is then given to the priest
or to the midwife. If they feel that the trouble is due to
the influence of Jakhiya, the ear of a pig is cut and the
blood is put on the forehead of mother and child.
After the worship of Shasti, the mother and child are
bathed. When the water for this purpose is heated,
ajwain and nim leaves are thrown into it. The mother
squats on a plank during the bath. Under the plank a
pestle, or a plough-beam is placed ; or, if neither is at
hand, a nail is driven into the ground under the plank. A
cleansing draught, consisting of Ganges water and calf's
urine, is then given to the mother. Sometimes the cleans-
ing draught is composed of the five products of the cow 1
together with Ganges water. First a little of this mixture
is sprinkled about, and then the remainder is administered.
Afterwards, when the Brahman directs, the Shasti marks
are removed from the walls of the house, taken to a well,
sprinkled with water and left.
Besides the rites performed on the sixth day, similar
ceremonies are carried out on the tenth, eleventh, or
fourteenth day after birth : but more often on the twelfth.
These are the final purificatory rites, after which the
mother and child are considered clean. The house is then
thoroughly swept and cleansed, and the room is sometimes
1 P&fahgavya,
68 THE CHAMARS
Hped, The fire is removed from the lying-in-room, but
afterwards is lighted again for three or five days. After
the room has been Hped, incense consisting of onions,
garlic, red pepper and bran is burned, or an old shoe may
be cast into the fire. The pice which were offered to the
godlings, when the birth-pains began, are now spent for
batasas* which are distributed in the name of the child ;
or gur may be given to the women who have helped.
The husband's younger brother, or a sister, or the midwife,
receives a gift of gur, and then takes the mother out of
doors. Afterwards the mother takes grain on a brass
platter to offer to the well. What is left of the grain is
then given to the sweeper. She now bakes five loaves of
bread and prepares a gruel, such as she received during the
first days after her child was born, puts them in five
places in the house, sprinkles water over them with her
hand, and distributes them. After this she resumes her
usual avocations.
Frequently, on the twelfth day, a black goat is offered
to Kali Devi, and a fire is lighted in her name. A feast
(the Dasatan) is held. The father entertains his friends
(the biradari), and the parents or the brothers of the mother
send a coat and a yellow loin-cloth for her, and a red cap
for the baby. Sometimes they send sweets, sataura, 2
or achhwdni. 8 Feasts are often held on the seventh, tenth,
and fourteenth days after the birth of a child.
When the baby is six months old it is fed with grain
(in the form of khtr, rice cooked in milk) for the first time,
and a feast is given. It is a day of rejoicing. Sometimes
a Brahman is called in on this day to announce a name for
the child, although the name is often given on the day of
birth, and sometimes on the day of the chhatthi ceremony.
The name given is often that of the day of the week on
which the child was born ; and, if he was born at the time
of some religious festival, he may receive a name referring
to that. The name usually given is one pleasing to the
parents. Many give the child two names. The one
1 A kind of sweetmeat.
3 Somf made from ginger, spices and gur.
8 Ginger, ajwain, etc.
DOMESTIC CUSTOMS : BIRTH 69
obtained from the Brahman is kept secret for two reasons :
first, because the child is thereby preserved from the
magician's art and from evil influences generally ; and,
second, because he is more likely to be passed over by the
angel of death* The second name is given by the parents,
or by some old person of the family, and is the one
commonly used. A feast is held and offerings are made
to the sainted dead.
The sickness or death of either the mother or the child
is attributed to the influence of evil spirits or of the evil
eye. In case of illness, a wizard is called in to identify the
evil spirit and to give directions as to what should be done
to appease the demon. In former times, children dying at
birth or in infancy were buried near the door, either in the
floor or in the wall, so that the spirit might re-enter the
mother's womb. In some places in the Central Provinces a
stillborn child, or one dying before the sixth day, is placed
in an earthen pot and buried in the court-yard, or under
the doorway, and no funeral feast is held. Two ends are
secured: witchcraft is forestalled and (they believe) another
child will be born in the home. Occasionally, when the
children of the family die one by one, a dying child is
buried while still alive, so that the demon that besets the
family may be buiied with it. Usually, stillborn children
are buried or cast into a river. The bodies of children
over five years of age are cremated, except that the body
of an unmarried child is not burned. A mother dying in
child-birth becomes a Churel. Nails are driven into her finger
nails and.toenails, and powdered chillies are put into her
eyes. Sometimes, when death occurs within ten days of
delivery, a nail is driven into the door-post immediately
after the corpse is taken out of the house. These are
devices to prevent the return of the ghost to her former
home.
Some peculiar superstitions prevail about certain irregu-
larities at birth, and later. When a breech case occurs,
it is believed that one parent will die soon, or that the
child is likely to be killed by lightning ; but, on the other
hand, a person who suffers from backache may be cured if
his back be touched with the feet of a child born thus. If
70 THE CHAMARS
the baby is born with teeth, it is believed that some crime
will overtake the family, or that someone will die. To
avert calamity word is sent to the maternal grandparents to
send silver teeth. When the maternal uncle brings the
teeth, he goes to the back of the house and throws them
over the building so that they will fall at the door. In the
olden time steps were taken to destroy such a child, for it
was said that a cannibal (rdkshas) had been born. Some-
times, when a child is born with protruding teeth, these
are broken. If the upper teeth come through first, it is
believed that some near relative on the mother's side will
die in short time. Making a baby sleep towards the foot
of a charpai tends to make the upper teeth appear
first. Up to the sixth month no child should be lifted
above one's head, lest calamity ensue ; for an evil spirit
may secure an opportunity to do harm. When a child
cries a good deal they believe that it is likely to die soon,
and, as a preventive, they pierce the nose. There are a
variety of opinions as to whether twins are auspicious or
not. If they be of opposite sex, the general feeling is that
they are unlucky, but if both be of the same sex, their
birth is fortunate.
There is no special ceremony at the time of puberty,
and, therefore, no proper initiatory rite. Some say that
after the purificatory ceremonies have been performed and
his hair has been cut, a boy may be considered a member
of the caste. Others maintain that from the time that the
milk-teeth fall out, or from about the eighth year, he may
be considered a Chamar. Others say that the marriage is
the initiatory rite. Still others say that until a boy's ears
are bored lie may not join in such social festivities as smok-
ing the huqqa. Usually, when a child is from five to seven
years of age, his ears are pierced. Sometimes this is done at
birth, or soon after. If he grow up with his ears unbored,
he usually pierces them himself. A boy should not marry
before his ears have been pierced. When a boy obtains
recognition as a member of the biradari, he must conform
to the social usages of his caste.
The case of girls is considered much, more carefully.
The first signs of puberty (siydnapan) are watched for
DOMESTIC CUSTOMS : BIRTH 71
most seriously, especially by the mother ; and when these
appear the girl is kept in a dark corner of the house. She
will try to hide herself and to keep away from her friends
and neighbours. She leaves her hair unkempt. This is a
regular custom. At the first appearing of the menses, she
must keep out of the sight of men ; and she is secluded for
four days, during which time no one touches her, not even
her sisters, and she must not touch the food nor the cook-
ing-vessels. Some say that she must not touch the thatch,
nor trees, nor plants ; that she must avoid the shadows of
other persons ; that she should carry a knife ; and that she
must not look upon the sun, a cat, or a crow, nor into the
sky. Her food should consist of things prepared with
sugar, curds, and tamarinds. She must not touch salt.
On the fourth or the fifth day all of her clothes, and such
clothing as she has touched, are washed. Then, accom-
panied by women, she goes to the village tank to bathe.
On the way back she steps over a pestle. The seclusion
enforced all this time is due to the superstitious fear of
menstrual blood ; the girl is tabu.
Adoption is effected in the following manner: After
the panchayet has agreed to the proposal, the parents give
the boy to those wishing to adopt him, with words about
as follows : "You are my son by a deed of evil (pdp), now
you are the son of so-and-so by a virtuous act (dharm)." 1
As the boy is accepted, members of the caste sprinkle rice
over him ; and then his foster-parents give a feast. All
rights are made over to the new guardians, who are nearly
always relatives of the boy. A gift, sometimes amounting
to ten rupees, is made to pay the expenses of a feast for
the biradari and for liquor.
1 Crooke, Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces and
Oudh, Vol. II. p. 179.
CHAPTER IV
DOMESTIC CUSTOMS: MARRIAGE
IN making marriage arrangements Chamars, with some
exceptions, do not employ barbers unless they be barbers
of their own caste. When the parents decide, after the
men of the family have talked it over, that a marriage
should be arranged for a son, or for a daughter, they look
about for a suitable mate for the child. When a desirable
companion has been discovered, a go-between (agua,
bichwam, bichauniyd bichwcti) is appointed to carry on
negotiations between the two families, and to make prelimi-
nary examinations as to the physical fitness of the two
children. He makes a report to each family concerned.
This agent may be a relative or a friend of either party.
After the preliminary inquiries (belt chit) by the go-
between, or match-maker, have been reported, the fathers
of the two parties make similar inquiries themselves. At
this time the family pedigrees and the gots are gone
into. If an agreement is reached, a Brahman is consulted
to ascertain whether the arrangements made are auspicious,
and to fix the time for the betrothal proper. The girl's
father then gives a rupee, or some such amouut, as earnest-
money to the father of the boy. This amount is some-
times placed in the boy's hand. Refreshments consisting
of crude country liquor are then served; in some cases this
is paid for by the boy's representatives. Sometimes sugar is
distributed, and the party is entertained.
The betrothal (sagai, maikgni, barekhi, barachha)
follows. The girl's father, with male relatives and friends,
goes to the boy's home to make arrangements. He then
gives a rupee, and makes a mark (tika) on the boy's fore-
DOMESTIC CUSTOMS : MARRIAGE 73
head with rice and curds, or turmeric, saying, "I have
given you my daughter." This rupee is the sign (nisdni)
that the engagement has been made. [In some places four
pice of the old coinage (kachchd paisd) are given and in
others a rupee and a loin-cloth.] 1 [Some give two and
a-half yards of cloth and a sum of from five to twenty-
five rupees. After the placing of the tika upon the boy's
forehead, the bichauniya says, "This union which the
elders have made may Parmeshwar cause to turn out
well." The boy then stands up with the cloth and the
rupees in his hands and salutes his elders, and they in turn
say, " May you live long." The boy then takes the cloth
and rupees to his mother, who is in the house behind with
other women who are singing and beating drums. The
boy's father gives the company sweets and liquor. -The
women of the clan join in music and singing. The boy
is then seated in the east, or west, as the Brahman may
direct, and receives the nteani from the hands of the
priest (Brahman), or from some relative of the girl. The
men repair to the village liquor-shop, or liquor is brought.
Sometimes the boy's father distributes sugar to the head-
men, and to the Chamars of the village, as proof of the
mamgni ; and occasionally he feeds the clan. That night
the boy's father gives a dinner (ddwat) to the girl's father
and friends ; but immediately after the feast each of those
who have come from the girl's house gives a rupee or two
to the boy in payment for the food. In the morning they
return home, giving the boy another rupee before they
start. ]
[In some parts of the United Provinces the regular
betrothal takes place at the village liquor-shop. On a day
agreed upon by the parties concerned, the fathers of the
young pair meet and exchange cups of liquor five or seven
times. At the last round the father of the prospective
bride puts into the cup from which the other drinks, a
rupee. This ceremony, called piydld (cup), is the binding
element in the betrothal. The persons present now
1 This account of the marriage customs is based primarily upon
reports from Jaiswars. The more detailed alternate practices of other
sub-castes are placed in square brackets.
74 THE CHAMAR9
proceed to pass liquor around freely. Money is collected
on the spot by those belonging to the girl's party, and this
is supplemented by donations from the others.]
At the time of the betrothal the girl may be but six
months old, or even younger. In earlier times tentative
arrangements were sometimes made even before the birth
of a child.
The mamgni is all but irrevocable. Either party, how-
ever, may break an engagement, with the consent of the
council (panchayat), by paying twenty-two rupees, or some
such sum, part of which goes to the chaudhari, and the
rest to the other party to the mamgni. The causes for
which a betrothal may be broken are strife between the
families concerned, or the discovery of an incurable disease
or of an infirmity in either the boy or the girl.
Some time after the mamgni has been performed,
usually when the milk-teeth fall out, or the girl is
about eight years of age, her parents send a letter
fixing the date for the marriage. This is followed
by gifts of nine yards of cloth and two and a-
half or five or ten seers of grain, two betel nuts, some
grains of rice dyed yellow, five pieces of turmeric and
a sheet of paper with the order of ceremonies written
upon it. When these things are brought the boy's father
calls his relatives and the chief men of the biradari together
and announces that the lagan has come. The groom is
then called and the paper together with a rupee are placed
in his hands, gur is distributed, and a feast is given to the
friends. The boy's father, with male relatives [in some
places a relative and the go-between], then goes to the
prospective bride's home bearing gifts in shallow baskets.
These presents consist of five seers of rice, five seers of
sugar, mango and tilli wood for the fire-sacrifice, and
sacred grass, betel nut, haldi, sindfir, coarse white thread
and two loin-cloths each six or seven yards in length.
When these things have been received the chaudhari is
called in to open the baskets and show the presents.
When evening comes on, the girl's father gives a rupee
to the boy's father in order that the latter may be
willing to share in the feast which is being prepared.
DOMESTIC CUSTOMS : MARRIAGE 75
For this dinner rice, dal, meat, and bard, phulaun and
special oil-cakes (dustl) are served. The cakes are baked
double. There is some drinking. The well-to-do have
dancing exhibitions (nach) also. The women and girls
join in singing special obscene songs, in which the
abuse is directed towards the visiting party. The next
morning a Brahman is called in to fix the time for the
marriage ceremonies. He draws his figures on the
ground, using wheat or barley flour, and proceeds to
announce the times for the various parts of the wedding
ceremony, such as the cutting of the wood, the cleaning
and grinding of the grains for the feasts and ceremonies,
the invitations (neotd), the mat matiigra ceremony, the
erection of the marriage pavilion, the anointing of the
bride and groom, the pre-wedding feast (bhaktawdn) , and
the bhdihwar, or phera. He then prepares a fire-sacrifice,
using the wood brought by the boy's relatives. Into the
sacred fire ghi, sandal wood and incense are offered by
the girl, as the priest directs, and she calls upon the
Ganges and other gods as he names them to her.
Then the Brahman ties a kathgnd, which he has made on
the spot, around the right wrist of the girl. The kamgna
is made of chaff and rye and anise-seed (sautiij) bound in
cloth with yellow thread, e.g., thread coloured with haldi.
Into this kamgna an iron ring is tied. The Brahman then
puts sacred grass (ku$) into the hands of the girl, and the
boy's father places a gift in her hands, which she in turn
puts into the square which was drawn for the sacrifice, and
sprinkles water over it. The priest takes the gift and
then leaves the house. After another meal the visitors
depart.
On this day announcements of the dates for the
wedding festivities are made. Two lumps of coarse sugar
are sent to each family which is to be invited to the
wedding. The bearer of the gur announces the dates.
The woman who bears the invitation sits outside the
mahalla and sends word that she has come to announce
the wedding. The women come out, singing, to receive
her and bring her in. She then gives the invitation and
distributes the sugar.
76 THE CHAMARS
[An alternative practice is as follows : A Brahman is
summoned to the door of the girl's house. Early that
morning the father and the girl have both bathed.
A place has been Hped in front of the house and a
chauk traced on it with flour. The patd on which
the girl sits is placed over this. The Brahman sits at
the right-hand and the father at the left-hand corner.
And a new pot (kord) of water is placed outside the
square in front of the girl. The people of the village,
who have been summoned by the barber, are present.
The Brahman recites some mantras and then proceeds
to write the lagan, which is a document fixing an
auspicious day for the Sadi. He then puts five betel
nuts, a handful of rice, a piece of turmeric and fifteen rupees
on to the lagan, and rolls it up and ties it with string,.
Five suits of clothes are also given, and the girl's
paternal uncle (ckachd) adds from two to five rupees, and
her father's sister's husband (phuphd) the same sum. The
Brahman's fee is one rupee and half a seer otchana from the
father of the girl, and one rupee sent to him by the father of
the boy, when the lagan has been delivered. The lagan is
sent to the boy's house by the girl's father, by the hand of
men whom he, in order that they might get their clothes
washed, had warned eight or ten days before that this
service would be expected of them. The girl's father also
goes himself and her phupha and the bichauniya and three
or four others. With the lagan are sent as many rupees
as were given at the mamgni and a suit of clothes for the
mother of the boy. When the lagan arrives at the boy's
village, his father sends around a bhamgi (sweeper) with
a drum (dhol) to announce the arrival and summon the
villagers. As soon as they assemble an' announcement is
made of the value of the gifts sent, and the boy
receives them with much the same ceremony as
in the case of the marhgni and takes them to his
mother. As soon as this is over, the father of the boy
produces five behtts of gur and one to three rupees' worth
of batasas. Half a behli is given to those who have come
from the girl's house; they take it to the chaupal (a public
hall), where they eat it and smoke. The people belonging
DOMESTIC CUSTOMS : MARRIAGE 77
to the village eat the rest of the sweets at the boy's house.
That night those who have come from the girl's house are
entertained, but give two rupees in payment for their food,
and place two rupees more in the boy's hands when they
depart next day. All night long the women sing, while
two or three of them in turn sit at one side and cook
pud (dtd, flour, cooked in oil) in a large iron vessel (karhdt).
In the morning they go into the village and distribute it
from house to house.]
On the days appointed, the following marriage prelimi-
naries are carried out in both homes.
On the day set for the mat maihgrd, or mat kor, or
magic earth ceremony, relatives and friends come with
gifts of grains, wood, clothing, oil and sweets. They
come singing and beating drums. Then the women,
including the mother of the bride, or groom, take a brass tray,
or a basket, with sugar, pulse or gram (chana) and a one-
wicked lamp (chirdg) and go in procession to the village
clay-pit. They are preceded by a Chamar beating a drum.
The women sing as they go. Then they worship the
drum, marking it with red-lead (tika). They mark seven,
or five, places about the pit with mustard-oil and red-lead
(sindur). Seven, or five, women are then chosen, each of
whom takes a clod of earth from one of the places so
marked, and puts it into a basket. They then distribute
the sugar amongst themselves, after which the mother
carries home the seven clods of clay. From this earth is
made the fireplace for the cooking of the marriage feast ;
and in some places the family grindstone is repaired from
some of the same clay. In some places the earth is brought
without any ceremony. On this day the women go to the
potter's house, with presents of grain, worship his wheel,
and get the earthen pots used for furnishing the marriage
pavilion and for use in the house. In this connection
Burhd Bdbd is worshipped. In some places a special pot
(kalsd) is ornamented and set in the thatch.
The mdihdhd) mdihro, or marriage pavilion, is erected
on the day that the magic earth is brought home. Some-
times the maihdha is set up on the day when the
barat comes. A grass rope is made by a maternal uncle
78 THE CHAMAR9
and hung over the doorway of the house, and sometimes a
winnowing fan is hung against a doorpost. In the court-
yard, in front of the house, four (in the hill country some
use nine poles of the siddh tree) bamboo posts are set up
and a thatch is built over them. This pavilion is large
enough to seat from twenty-five to thirty persons. In some
places, two green bamboos are set up to support an awning
of thatch which is attached to the house above the door,
and occasionally but one post is used. Sometimes five
plows are planted to form the shed. On each side of the
door earthen vessels of water are set. Into one rice, and
into the other pulse, is thrown. Mango leaves are also
used. Earthen lids are put upon both vessels. The
necks of the jars are bound with yellow and red threads,
and each is tied to a bamboo post with a rope of grass into
which mango leaves are bound. In the centre of the
pavilion many things are set up, but local custom deter-
mines which of these articles shall be used. A green
bamboo and a plow-beam are set up by five men. Under
the bamboo two pice, two pieces of turmeric, two betel
nuts and rice are buried. The plow-beam is worshipped
as it is set up, and the maternal aunt places her hand-impres-
sion upon the beam five times in a paste of ground haldi and
rice. She also puts her hand-print upon the backs of the
five men who set up the pavilion. Mango feaves and a
kamgna are bound upon the plow-beam. In some places
a small earthen pot, bound with grass, is attached to the
beam. This pot is ornamented with crossed lines made
with rice flour and turmeric. Five marks are made upon
the beam with red-lead, and a brass pot, or an earthen one,
is placed beside the beam. The log used to break the
clods in the plowed field is often set up also. A lamp is
bound to this log. In many places a branch of the
dhdk tree is erected. Against the supports of the
mamdha, a sil and battd, the stones used for grinding spices,
are placed. Sometimes a rolling-pin (belan) is used.
Along with the plow-beam a marriage-ceremony pole
(stiga) is often set up. This is made of mango wood.
To it are attached branches having rude wooden figures
of parrots perched upon them. " After the wedding
POTS SET IN THE ROOF AT
TIME OF MARRIAGE
BLACKEN Kl) POT WITH WHITE SPOTS
UPON IT SET UP IN A FIELD
POTS AROUND A BAMBOO OX A MUD
PLATFORM NEAR A VILLAGE
CHAMUNDA'S PLATFORM
DOMESTIC CUSTOMS : MARRIAGE 79
there is a general scramble for the wooden parrots, but the
pole is carefully kept for a year." In the pavilion an
earthen vessel (kalsa) is placed. This is decorated with
lines of cow-dung horizontally and vertically drawn. In
these lines grains of barley are stuck. Some place a pot
near the plow-beam, partly fill it with water, and then put
in oil and a wick and light it. Or a cover is placed over
the vessel and a wick lighted in this. Green mango-
leaves are inserted between the vessel and the cover. The
poles of the pavilion are hung with coarse white threads
in which mango-leaves are bound. The gobar remaining
from plastering the floor of the mamdha, or a piece of cow-
dung, is left in the shed. The pavilion at the bride's house
only is thatched. The roof is made of sarpat, a coarse
grass. [Some Jatiyas set up a plow-beam in the courtyard
at the bride's house, put a pot, marked with white lines, on
the top of the beam, and stretch a Sdmiyana, or canvas,
on this. They do not set up a bamboo with the plow-
beam, nor is the beam worshipped or marked with red-lead.
The pot on the plow-beam represents the head of the
Babraban, a rishi whom Krishna feared, and consequently
slew. The rishi said, " I have not seen the fight"; so
Krishna said, " You shall be at all weddings, and see them
at the bride's house." In the groom's house seven earthen
platters with puris sandwiched in, and a hole bored through
them, are hung up in the pavilion. A rope is put
through the hole and the platters are tied to a bamboo,
which is set up instead of the plow-beam. Two pice are
buried beneath the bamboo. No canvas is spread.]
On the evening of the day when the magic earth is
brought home, and the pavilion is set up, the Brahman is
called to the girl's house. He prepares a fire-sacrifice,
this time offering in the fire the things which had been
brought from the home of the groom for the anointing
(ubtan) of the girl for the wedding. He mixes
mustard oil with turmeric and barley flour (one half
of the flour is parched and the other half is not)
for the anointing, and touches her forehead and shoulders
with the mixture, using sacred grass (dub) for the purpose,
This fire-sacrifice takes place in the mamdha,
80 THE CHAMARS
In the courtyard a square is covered with cow-dung
and marked out with crossed and recrossed lines of slaked
lime. Upon this a low four-legged stool (ptrhd) or a
plank (patra) is placed. The legs of the stool are bound
with coarse coloured thread. An earthen vessel of water is
brought. This also is bound with coloured threads. Then
a small vessel for pouring water, and then the vessel con-
taining the anointing mixture are brought. These
also are decorated with threads. The bride is now led
out and seated upon the stool. In some places she wor-
ships the goddess in the courtyard, before taking her
place here. In other places, seven women, seven times
each, sprinkle her head with the mixture with dub grass.
Often the bride's feet are washed, ceremonially, with water,
and water is poured around her on the ground. Then
water is poured over her and she is rubbed again. (This
may be done only on the day of wedding, at the time of
the last anointing.) Then the women-folk rub the girl
thoroughly from head to foot with the mixture of oil and
turmeric. The Brahman then puts rice and gur in the
bride's hands. Five unmarried girls sit down around the
bride, and each of them in turn touches her toes, knees,
and forehead, and then they kiss their hands. The mother
then, taking a chadar, covers herself and her daughter with
it, and leads the girl to a specially prepared space in the
house ; or she is carried into the house. The gur and
rice are then put down beneath a figure drawn on the
wall, and the five girls come and distribute the gur amongst
themselves. The rice that is deposited here is given to the
maternal uncle after the wedding. This special place is
prepared by a sister, or a maternal aunt of the girl. On
the wall above the place, a rectangle known as the kohbar
is drawn in red and white, with circles at the four corners.
Within this figure, pictures of horses, elephants, birds or other
objects are drawn in colours (red, yellow, green, white).
A similar anointing ceremony is performed for the
boy. In the ceremony unmarried girls assist just as for
the bride.
Six more times before the wedding each is anointed
and led to the appointed place in the house, with rice and
DOMESTIC CUSTOMS : MARRIAGE 81
gur in their hands. The last anointing is usually per-
formed on the day of wedding, but in some places these
preliminary preparations are completed a number of days
beforehand. In this case the anointing with oil takes
place each morning. The women sing each night beginning
on the day of the lagan. In other places the anointing
begins, for the boy five days and for the girl three days
before the wedding. The so-called " oiP 1 for the anoint-
ing is composed of wheat, or barley flour, haldi, and water.
With the present that is sent to the bride for the ubtan
the balls formed from the " oil " as it was rubbed over the
boy -are included. Each day, after the anointing (for
both boy and girl) a brass platter is brought and on it
sugar, rice, haldi and a lamp containing ghi are placed.
.The platter is then waved before the candidate. Then five
sweet cakes are placed in the child's lap and he throws
them over his right shoulder. The cakes are caught by
the sisters of the child, or by his father's sisters, in their
clothes. Then the child is carried into the house. At this
time the girl's hair is carefully unbraided by young girls.
Some time during the day when the magic earth cere-
mony is performed, seven women, who belong to the
family, each take a pestle (musal) upon which coarse,
unfinished red and yellow threads are wound, and with
them they husk the rice used in the evening ceremonies.
Sometimes but one pestle in used.
On the day that the sacred earth is brought, a fire-
place (chulhd) , open on four sides, is made. On the day
before the wedding, this fireplace is set up in the pavilion.
When the chulha for the wedding-feast is ready to light,
four women lead the bride's (or groom's) sister's husband
to the fireplace, where he offers ghi and sugar and then
lights it. The women sing while this act is being per-
formed and afterwards give the man four pice. Upon
this fireplace a feast is cooked consisting of rice, pulse
(dal), fritters (puri) made of wheat flour cooked in oil or
ghi, a preparation of curds and ground gram (karhl phul-
auri) and cakes of gram flour prepared in oil. This food
is then served on five plates made of leaves. A pot, or a
lamp, is now offered in the pavilion. This is the sacrifice
82 THE CHAMAR8
of bhaktawan. Then one of the plates of food is given to
the girl (or boy) and the other four are given to the
parents and other near relatives, the rest of the food being
served to the remainder of the company. [In other places
the ceremony is as follows: Upon the new chulha,
fritters (puri) are made. The first ten fritters, together
with rice, sugar and a lamp with four wicks, are placed
upon a brass tray and waved in a circle before the face of
the boy (or girl). The tray is then put into the hands of
the boy (or girl). The relatives who participate in this
ceremony take the rice and sugar from the tray and throw
it to the right and left. The boy (or girl) is then taken
into the house, where some of the puris are given to him.
At the same time a portion of the ten cakes is distributed
among those present. A feast follows. While the dinner
is in progress a quantity of liquor is put into a small
earthen cup (kulhiyd) which is set in a hole in the floor
of the pavilion, and the father then removes the cup with
his teeth and drinks the liquor. There is some drinking
during the meal. In the evening there is more feasting,
and during the night a good deal of drinking is indulged
in. As soon as the girl has finished her dinner, her
mother places her hands over her eyes, and leads
her to the village dung-hill, where the girl buries her
plate.]
[In some places, on the night before the groom's pro-
cession leaves for the wedding, and just before dinner, the
women take the groom into the house, call a potter, light
a lamp filled with ghi, put fire before the lamp and then
empty the ghi out of the lamp into the fire. The fire blazes
up suddenly, and they say that Burha Baba has come and
that he is well pleased. Gifts are then made to the potter,
and he binds a kamgna on the wrist of the groom (or
bride). The wedding-feast follows. On this day, up to
the time of the dinner, the parents do not drink water,
and they fast 1 until the dinner is served on the wedding-
day.]
1 Those who fast are the maternal uncle, the father, the mother
the brother, the paternal uncle, and the mother'? sifter's husband.
DOMESTIC CUSTOMS: MARRIAGE 83
On the morning of the wedding-day the girl (or boy)
may receive the last anointing. The father's sister's
husband, called negi, hollows out a place in the court-
yard of the house. Here the boy is made to stand while
he is bathed. The father makes a small present to the
negi. Beside the boy is set a winnowing-fan (silp) , in which
his relatives and friends place their offerings, sugar, rice
and money. This is all taken by the negi. The boy is
then bathed. The first water that is poured over the
boy's head is caught in an earthen vessel. This water is
preserved to be taken to the bride's home for use in her
preparatory ablutions. After the boy has dressed himself,
he is led to the pavilion and seated in a square already
prepared by his uncle's wife. This woman then puts
lampblack (kajal) into his eyes, and marks his forehead
and temples with a paste made of ground rice. Then the
negi pretends to cut the boy's finger nails and toenails. While
this is going on the relatives drop coins into a brass pot
(thdli) of water which has been placed in front of the boy.
A crown (w0wr, tdj) is placed on the groom's head by a
male relative. This is worn during the succeeding cere-
monies until the marriage is completed. The women sing
during this and during most of the preliminary ceremonies.
Puris are prepared in the boy's home. Seven women,
each taking two puris, together with a piece of sugar, go
seven times around the marhdha, with the left side towards
it, unwinding coarse white thread (kukari) as they go.
The boy and the mother sit in the marhdha during this
ceremony. After each round the boy takes a bite out of
each puri. At the seventh round, his mother's brother
puts bits of the puri and water from the pot in the
martidha into the mother's mouth. She tries to gulp all
this down. This is called Imti ghoihtat. In some places
the central fibre of a mango leaf is used in place of pieces
of puri. Five girls take rice and sugar in their hands and
touch the groom's feet, knees, forehead and temples, and
then kiss these articles. The boy is led to the kohbar, under
which he places the rice and sugar, and then the latter is
distributed amongst the women. After the marriage the
rice is given to the negu The boy is then conducted to
6
84 THE CHAMARS
the place where the men are to eat and drink before start-
ing to the bride's house. After this meal an exhibition of
dancing is given by Chamar men, specially called for this
purpose. Some of the dancers are dressed as women.
These exhibitions are not of an elevating nature. The
performers accompany the groom's procession to the
bride's house. The groom either walks in the procession,
or is carried on someone's shoulder, or rides on a horse or
in a doll.
Before the groom's party leaves, the mother performs a
wave ceremony. She first makes seven lamps (chirag) of
flour, places them in a winnowing-fan, and waves it seven
tftnes about the boy's head. She then throws the lamps
in seven directions. One of the dancers now seizes the
fan and throws it over his head backwards. The fan is
then taken into the house. She then waves a Iota of
water seven times about his head, pouring a little upon
the ground each time. Likewise a pestle, a grinding-
stone (batta), and his mother's chadar are waved about
his head. Sometimes a wave ceremony is performed with
a four-wicked lamp in a brass tray.
The mother then goes to the village well and sits
down upon the curb, or even puts her feet over the edge
of it. She does this with the pretence of destroying
herself because her son will neglect and fail to support
her after he is married. The boy then comes to the well,
walks around it seven times, and marks it with his fingers
with rice-flour and turmeric. He then takes his mother
home, comforting her by saying that he will continue to
take care of her, and that he will bring her a barhdi
laurhdi to serve her and to wait upon her. [In some
places the party goes to the well. There a puri is pierced
with an iron rod. The boy looks into the well and then
shakes the puri off into the water. He then returns from
the well and, at home, takes his mother's breast.]
The groom now joins the procession. After they
have paid their respects to the village godlings they start
for the bride's home. He takes presents of clothes for
the bride's male relatives (sometimes for the bride's
sisters as well). The father is supposed to take a neck-ring
DOMESTIC CUSTOMS: MARRIAGE 85
(hathsli) and wrist-, ankle-, and ear-rings of metal for
the girl. N[oisy music is a feature of the barat. With
the marriage procession a special dance, sometimes
obscene (natwdndch), is performed by male members of
the tribe, some of whom dress in women's clothes.
The wedding ceremonies are directed usually by some
older relative, as the negi, but sometimes by a tnahant, or
by a Brahman. In some places the groom's father's
sister's husband directs the ceremony. 1
As the actual marriage always takes place at night, at an
hour fixed by the Brahman, the barat is timed to reach the
bride's village late in the day. The marriage procession
stops a short distance from the village, and drums are beaten
and horns are blown to announce its arrival. At this time,
in some places, the girl's father, with some near relatives
and friends, goes out to meet the groom, and the barat is
led to a specially- prepared place called the janwartis.
Then the groom is led to the marhdha, or is carried there
on someone's shoulders, that he may shake it. Or, when
the groom arrives at the door of the bride's house, he is
met by her mother, who performs a wave ceremony. She
then places seven earthen saucers in her chadar and sits
upon the ground. The groom is challenged to break all
seven with a single kick, and is taunted as the eldest son of
an old woman. He succeeds, however, in meeting the
challenge. He is then returned to the place where the
barat is waiting. A maternal uncle of the bride comes and
washes the feet of five relatives of the groom. Or, this
may be done before the groom's party is led to the resting-
place. These men place their feet in a basin (thali) for
this puipose. Then the negi brings gur and curds, with
which he feeds five men, and after which he receives two
dnds (neg). This man then brings and distributes cooked
rice mixed with uncooked pulse (ufd kl ddT). In the
eating of the uncooked dal there is a symbolical test of
strength. The basket in which this food was brought is
now broken.
* Crooke, Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces and
Oudh, Vol. II. p. 181.
86 THE CHAMARS
While the barat is waiting for the wedding ceremony,
the female relatives of the bride sing obscene songs, in
which the abuse is directed towards the groom, his relatives
and friends. The women indulge in obscene and coarse
language also ; and cow-dung, mud and unclean things
are thrown.
After the negi has carried his gifts to the bridal party,
the girl receives her bridal bath. A place is hollowed out
in the courtyard, just as was done for the boy. The negi
brings the water that was preserved from the boy's bath,
and his wife pours it over the bride's head. Then the
women bathe the girl, and she is dressed in the wedding-
clothes brought by the groom's party for the purpose. The
mother then offers her breast. The maternal uncle's
wife anoints the bride's eyes with lamp-black, and puts
a ring (haiiisli) about her neck. The nail-paring and the
imli ghomtai ceremonies are performed. The girl is then
conducted to the marriage pavilion and seated in a
specially-prepared place. The bride is now seen for the
first time by the groom's party, but her face is veiled.
[In some parts of the country, a cock is brought and
placed at the boy's feet. Sometimes its toes are cut off.
Later it is offered to the sainted dead, and eaten.]
The actual wedding ($ddi, biydh) then takes place.
The groom is brought by his paternal uncle into the
pavilion and seated at the left-hand side of the bride.
[Or they are seated facing each other, the bride's face being
covered with a paper mask with seven broom-splints fixed
in it over her forehead.] The negi no\* performs a fire-
sacrifice, and then the bride's near relatives worship the
feet of the pair. A new brass tray (thali), filled with
water, is brought. Against the edge of this the boy's
right large toe and the girl's left great toe are tied together.
The parents of the bride now dip sacred grass (ku&) and
the corners of their loin-cloths (dhoti) in the water, touch
the great toes of the pair, and then their own foreheads,
repeating the act seven times ; and those who fast sip
water from this foot-worship. Then presents, such as metal
cooking-vessels, coins, and clothes, are given to the groom.
This is the ceremony of giving away the bride, kanyadan.
DOMESTIC CUSTOMS : MARRIAGE 87
Then the parents step aside, while the boy comes in front
of the bride and marks her forehead seven times with
sindur and places in her lap a small metal box containing the
same kind of red powder. This marking is done with the
thumb and little finger of the right hand, and the marks
extend up into the parting of the hair. This is called
sindurddn. [Sometimes both the bride and groom
have a red mark with a grain of rice in it imprinted upon
their foreheads by their brothers-in-law. Then an unmar-
ried girl is called. To her are given four anas, which she
waves seven times over the bride's head.]
The binding part of the wedding ceremony (bhamwar,
pherd, biydh, Sadi) follows. The preceding ceremonies
are planned so that this takes place after midnight, even
as late as four o'clock in the morning, at the hour
announced as propitious by the Brahman.
Before the bride and groom were brought into the
pavilion for the ceremonies just described, a square was
drawn on the ground, in the marriage shed, with wheat and
barley flour. In it diagonal and median lines were drawn.
At the corners spoon-shaped decorations were made. In
front of this chauk the bridal pair were seated. In this
square a fire was lighted and in it offerings were made.
During the ceremony which follows, the women sit in the
pavilion and sing. The groom's maternal uncle also sits
in the mamdha and other relatives of the bride may sit in it.
Others of the bridal party sit outside. Then the circum-
ambulation (phera) is performed in the marriage pavil-
ion as follows : First the fire is covered with an earthen
saucer. Then the brother of the bride puts rice in seven
places upon the sil, and some parched, unhulled
rice in his loin-cloth, and takes his stand in the
maiiidha. The bride draws her chadar over her face.
The corner of her veil is tied to the groom's clothes and in
the knot two copper coins (pice) are enclosed. The boy
then leads in circling about the beam, or pole, so that his
left hand is next to it, seven times. Or each leads three
and a-half times about the pole. Each time that the
couple pass the bride's brother, he takes out of his loin-
cloth, with a small round basket, a little of the parched rice,
88 THE CHAMARS
waves it over the heads of the couple once, and throws it
on the ground (ddl mauni)* At the same time, the groom
throws away a pile of rice from the sil. Or, while going
around the pole the seven broom-splints are removed, one
at each round, from the bride's mask. Before going around
the pole the pair exchange shoes. The couple now
return to their seats, but exchange places. The groom's
elder brother, or some other relative, now throws coarse
silk and cotton threads, of red colour (dhag bhat), which
are tied together, over the bride's head. Then rice and
sugar are put into the hands of each of them, and five
young girls touch the toes, knees, shoulders, and foreheads
of groom and bride with sacred grass, and kiss it. Other
things are sometimes placed in her lap, such as plantains,
cocoanuts, mangos, a lamp, or a boy.
Immediately after the phera the couple are conducted
by the women to the kohbar, where the bride's mother
is sitting. Then they worship the threshold and eat
together. The groom is stopped at the door by the bride's
sister, who requests him to repeat a verse of some-
thing. This he refuses to do until he receives a present.
Then he recites the verse, takes off his shoes, and enters
the house. If he is silent, or too nervous to speak much,
the bride's sister may, as a joke, steal his shoes while he is
inside and hide them, in order to compel him to speak and
say, " Where are my shoes ? n Rice and sugar are placed
before him, and then the bride's mother brings curds and
sugar in a brass vessel, and the groom is required to par-
take of it, and is even bribed to do so. He takes a small
portion, pretends to touch it to the bride's lips, and eats it.
The knot is now untied, and the bride remains in the
house, while the groom returns to the barat.
[In some parts of the country, the phera is performed
a little differently. In the courtyard, in front of the marri-
age pavilion, a quadrangle about two feet square is marked
out with barley flour. In each corner a bamboo peg is
driven. Around this quadrangle, thread is wound, usually
at the time of the phera. On one side of the chauk, but
not in front of the pavilion, sits the boy's uncle on his
mother's side (mdmu), and on the opposite side of the
DOMESTIC CUSTOMS: MARRIAGE 89
quadrangle sits the girl's rnamu. Their seats are short-
legged stools (pirha, pata). Within the quadrangle a
platform of magic earth, or of cow-dung, is made.
Sometimes a plow-beam is set up in the square. A fire of
dhak wood is lighted in an earthen vessel (kalsa), set in
the middle of the enclosure and worshipped. Ghi is
offered in the fire. A similar offering is made in the fire
in the deokuri. The names of the couple and also of their
fathers, grandfathers, and great-grandfathers on both
sides are recited (gotrd uchhana). About this quadrangle
the couple walk. This is the binding part of the
ceremony. The girl is blindfolded. A corner of her
chadar is tied to the boy's clothes. Then they circle about
the fire in the direction of the course of the sun, three
and a-half times, the boy ahead, led by his father's
brothers-in-law, and three and a-half times, the girl ahead,
with her father's brothers-in-law leading. As they go,
they wind unfinished thread about the pegs of the
quadrangle. During this part of the ceremony the
company throw rice upon the pair.]
[Then, in some places, a goat or a ram is sacrificed
to Parameshwari Dem. The flesh of the slaughtered
animal is cooked for the marriage feast.]
After the phera follows the marriage feast. There is
much drinking both at the place of the wedding and at
the nearest liquor-shop, and much dancing and carousing
continues until early morning.
An illustration of the coarse joking that takes place at
this time is the following: The bride's mother dresses in
men's clothes and, going to the groom's father, addresses
him as "wife." The subject of the conversation is
exceedingly vulgar and the result is a good deal of mirth.
The next day, or a little later, preparations for the
departure of the bride and groom are begun. The couple,
accompanied by the dancers of the groom's party, or the
boy only, are taken by the bride's father to the village
landlord. After the dancers have performed, the landlord
makes a present (of from one to ten rupees in cash, or of
cultivating rights) to the bride's father and then the party
returns home.
90 THE CHAMARS
The brass vessel used in the foot-worshipping
ceremony of the day before is then placed in the marhdha
and the bride's relatives drop coins into it. These are
collected by the bride's father and presented to the groom's
father, in the brass tray. The bride is then prepared to
go to the groom's home. And the bride's father says,
" We have nothing else ; we give you our daughter.
May no harm come to her." Liquor and parched gram
are passed, and afterwards a midday meal is served.
Then the groom's father gives to the bride's father a gift
for servants' expenses. The bride is then dressed in her
wedding garments. The wife of the negi (her relative)
ties the bride's veil to the clothes of the groom and then
the bride's mother performs a wave ceremony about the
heads of the pair. This is similar to that for the groom
before he started for the wedding. During this wave
ceremony the groom hangs on to the veil of his mother-
in-law and does not release it until she makes him a
present.
After the couple are seated in the conveyance, or are
ready to start, the relatives of the groom return and shake
the poles of the marhdha, and pretend to untie the strings
holding up the thatch. Then a little rice and sugar and
two pice are put into the bride's lap. The couple then
enter an ekka, or some other conveyance, a bahli, a doli
or a gan y and start for the husband's home. Or they go
on foot.
[In other parts of the country the ceremony is different.
In the early morning, before the barat starts back to the
boy's home, a bed, given by the girl's father, is brought
out into the courtyard. Upon this the bride and groom
are seated, and then they are covered with a sheet
(symbol of the consummation of marriage). The bride's
father then gives the groom a rupee and other presents,
such as vessels and clothes. Others also make presents at
this time. Each one who makes a present puts a tika on
the boy's forehead. The gifts are presented in the grain-
sieve (sup), or in a basket, or on a tray, and are placed
upon the bed. When the boy gets up, his brothers-in-law,
or his father's brothers-in-law, take up the presents for him.
DOMESTIC CUSTOMS : MARRIAGE 91
The groom then takes his place in the marriage pavilion,
or in the janwarhs with one or two relatives.
The bride's female relatives come from the house, and
first wave pice in a circle before the groom, and then
present them to him, salute him, and retire. Then the
groom, after receiving a gift of about a rupee, unfastens
one of the knots holding the roof of the mamdha
(mdrtidhd-kulhal). The bride alone, or with the groom,
then enters a conveyance of some sort. Thereupon her
female relatives bring water from the house and wash her
face. This is called kumwdrpan kd uthdnd. She is no
longer a child. Then they throw rice upon her, and
again, as the procession starts, rice is thrown ; and the
boy's father throws money over the conveyance.] [After
the barat has proceeded about a hundred yards, the two
fathers embrace, having bared their breasts to do so, and
the father of the bride gives seven rupees to the father of
the groom and tells him that he will come after a few
days to bring his daughter home.]
When the bridal-party reaches the groom's home, the
bride worships the feet of her mother-in-law (pdthw pujd),
and sometimes, his brothers and sisters worship her feet.
The bride arrives with her face covered, and, as the
women of the groom's house come to look at her, they
make small offerings. She is then led to the kohbar,
where she is seated and given a little food. This is the
sign of admission into the clan. In some parts of the
country, care is taken that the bride in no way touches
the threshold as she enters. Often, in connection with
the eating of her first meal in her husband's house, she has
to step over a number of baskets.
A contest takes place at the kohbar. The necklace
belonging to the bride is taken and thrown seven times at
the square on the wall of the inner room and the couple
struggle for.it. In some places, a similar play is performed
on the day following the arrival of the bride at her new
home. A karhgna is bound on the right wrist of the boy,
with seven knots. In the same manner another is bound
on the girl's wrist. Then, with their left hands, they
untie each other's karhgna and the most expeditious one
93 THE CHAMARS
is declared the winner. Then both kamgnas, together
with a pice, are dropped into a vessel of water (or of whey,
or of diluted milk) by the boy's sister's husband, or the
father's sister's husband, three or seven times, and the
two grab for the coin each time. The one who secures
the coin a majority of the times is declared the winner.
These tests are supposed to give some indication of who
shall be the ruler of the house.
The next morning some food is prepared under the
mamdha. This is placed on five plates, made of leaves.
Then the mamdha is pulled down and taken in procession
to the village tank, the bride and groom following, where
water is sprinkled over it and it is buried. Then those
who are present drink or wash their hands and faces in
water taken in the earthen vessel which was placed in
the mamdha on the day when it was built. When they
have returned, the relatives of the groom partake of the
food that was placed on the five leaf-plates. The bride's
mother-in-law now takes the couple to call upon the
women-folk of the village landlord. Then, after dancing
and singing on the part of the hired entertainers, the bride
receives gifts and the party returns home.
[In other places, after the mamdha has been disposed
of, the women take the bride and groom, tie their clothes
together, and go to worship at cross-roads or at some place
on a public highway. The bride carries in her hand
a lota of water with a twig of mango in it. Both she
and the groom carry sticks. A fire-sacrifice is made and
puris are offered and then eaten by those who make up
the party. Then the bride and groom enter into a mock
fight with their sticks.]
The midday meal follows. In this the whole biradri
takes part. And in some places the rice remaining from
the dinner is piled up on the floor and a piece of haldi is
hidden in it. The bride is made to kick it over, and then
the rice is distributed to the poor.
The clothes of the pair are again tied together, a drum
is beaten by a sweeper, and, with a brass tray of cakes
and batasas carried before them, they proceed to the
boundary of the village, to the place where the village
DOMESTIC CUSTOMS: MARRIAGE 93
godlings are worshipped, and there make an offering
before fire. They go and come, singing noisily. When
they return, a stick of dhak, or of the nim tree, or of the
cotton plant, is given to each of them, and they beat each
other seven times.
A day or more after the arrival of the bridal-party at
the groom's home a mock battle is fought. A person
takes upon his head a brass tray in which gur is placed.
A number are chosen to represent the bride and a similar
choice is made for the groom. They now struggle for the
possession of the brass tray. The groom's party finally
wins. Thereupon the groom's father unties the fasten-
ings of the marhdha. Then the bride's mother sprinkles
red powder over the groom's party. On this day
(or a few days later) the bride's father and her brothers
come to take her back to her own home. The negi
(boy's maternal uncle) receives them and washes their
feet, and they give four pice and sometimes make
presents.
When the barat starts with the bride, powdered
red peppers, mixed with urd flour, are rubbed over
the faces of the groom's father and his relatives. It
causes a good deal of sneezing. A shrub bearing burs
(mamri) is thrown over them and the burs stick to
their clothes. The formal weeping on the part of
the bride's female relatives follows ; after which one of
the women hides the bride in her lap, covering her with a
sheet (chadar). Another bit of horseplay follows. The
bride's mother makes puris and other delicacies, draws
figures of horses and asses upon them, and gives them to
the groom's father to take home to the groom's female
relatives. She addresses the man thus: " Our horses
and asses are taking by stealth our food for their women."
This causes a good deal of laughter.
If the pair are of the proper age at the time of the
6adi, the marriage is then consummated ; otherwise, the
bride, upon her return, remains with her parents until she
is thirteen or fourteen years of age. Occasionally, after
the parents first come to take her back home, she is again
taken to her husband's home for a few days, and then
94 THE CHAMARS
brought back again by her father. In this case, also, she
will then remain at her own home until she reaches the
age of puberty. When the parties have reached the proper
age for marital relations, that is, when the girl is about
fourteen and the boy about sixteen, the boy's father sends
word that he will come on a certain day for the girl. The
date for this event, which is called the gaund, is usually
fixed by a Brahman not long after the wedding. The
gauna must be in the first, second, fifth or seventh year
after the wedding, but not in the third, fourth or sixth
year. The day before the groom's party goes for the
bride, the clansmen, or as many as wish to go, gather.
The groom's father takes a chadar and a jacket for the
bride, and two and a half seers of sugar and two and a half
seers of rice for the bride's parents. They start out in the
evening accompanied by dancers and music. When they
arrive, the negi (on the bride's side) washes the feet of the
groom and of his father and relatives. The gifts are then
made over to the negi. Then coarse sugar and curds are
served to five men. A feast follows, and liquor is drunk.
The next morning a wave ceremony may be performed.
If so, the bride's veil is tied to the groom's clothes. After-
wards they are led to the conveyance in which they are to
be taken to the husband's home. Before they start the
bride's father may make other presents, such as clothes,
jewellery and money. When they reach home, the negi's
wife washes the bride's feet, and food is offered to her.
At the door the bridegroom's sister demands a present,
which must be given before they enter the house. The
marriage is then consummated. After a day or two the
bride may return to her mother's home. Before the gauna
the groom has no right to enter the girl's room or to touch
her bed.
The rich may go again for the bride, following much
the same ceremony as in the gauna. This is called the
-raund.
During the wedding ceremonies a strict account is kept
of the gifts received from the various relatives, so that
proper return may be made later when other marriages
occur. Part of the wedding expenses are met by sub-
DOMESTIC CUSTOMS: MARRIAGE 95
scriptions, which must be paid back double to those who
gave them, when weddings occur in the donors 1 homes.
Analysis shows that there are three important divisions
in the marriage. The first is the marhgni, which is to all
intents and purposes binding. This is performed in in-
fancy. The second is the Sadi, or marriage proper,
which usually takes place in childhood. And the third
is the gauna, or the consummation of the marriage, which
takes place when the parties reach the age of puberty.
Authorities differ as to the indispensable parts of the
ceremony. But all agree that the phera is essential to the
wedding. Some add the sindurdan, or the marking of the
parting of the bride's hair with red-lead. Among other
essentials are sometimes named the kanyadan, or giving of
the girl in marriage ; the parhw puja ; the eating together
of the bride and groom before relatives, and the ceremony
in the kohbar, or retiring-room. The essentials according
to the daiva ritual of the Hindus are the worship of the
gods, the fire-sacrifice, the gift of the daughter, and the
phera.
A variation of the adi ceremony is called the dold. 1
This is a less respectable form of wedding used when the
parents are poor. The chief point of difference from the
adi is that the barat is not received by the bride's parents.
A Brahman is consulted as to an auspicious day for the
ceremony. Upon that day the groom's father, accompanied
by some near relatives, goes for the bride. They tarry
near her home for refreshments and arrive at the bride's
house at sunset. More liquor is procured, and a dinner
is given by the groom's party. In the morning, after
eating some parched gram, the party returns home taking
the bride with them. Some of her old female rela
tives go with her. She is received by the boy's mother ;
, the groom's younger sister worships her feet by pouring
water over them, and then she is taken into the house.
After a few days, the wedding preparations are begun.
All the preliminaries for both bride and groom are per-
formed here in the groom's home. The preparations are
1 See account in Crooke, Tribes and Castes of the North-Western
Provinces and Oudh, Vol. II. p. 181.
96 THE CHAMARS
as in the adi proper. The lagan for the bride is followed
by two sacred earth ceremonies (one for each), and then
two marriage sheds are built. Then for both the anoint-
ing is performed, and for each a kohbar is prepared.
The evening feast (bhaktawan) follows.
Male relatives of the bride come for the wedding cere-
monies. On the day of the wedding, the groom is prepared
for the barat, which simply marches through the village
and returns. Then the bride is prepared to receive the
groom's party as if she were in her own home. The
groom's mother performs the wave ceremony and goes
through the play at the well. Then follow the regular
wedding ceremonies, including the foot-worship, the bridal
bath, the fire-sacrifice, and the phera. The ceremonies
are concluded with a wedding feast.
The next morning the services for the departure of
the barat are carried out as in the regular &adi, but the
barat simply marches around the village and returns to the
groom's home. That evening they march around the
village again, but before they start the bride's father
performs a wave ceremony. The bride may go back home
with her father. But she usually comes to her husband's
home to stay.
A woman may not be married by the regular ceremony
a second time. The rule is in agreement with Manu. 1
The marriage of a widow is therefore a formal acceptance
of the woman by the man in the presence of witnesses,
usually relatives. Such a union must be ratified by the
panchayat. The groom may give a suitable dinner in
honour of the event. The presents which the groom
makes include articles which will remove the bride's signs
of widowhood. Where the practice of the levirate
enters in, the formal acceptance of the bride is called
the karao. The marriage of widows is also called
sagai, but this seems to be a more general term than
karao. Other terms are applied to widow-marriage,
but these are more or less descriptions of the formal
acceptance of the bride, Among these terms are chddar
VIII 226; IX 47.
DOMESTIC CUSTOMS : MARRIAGE 97
tfdlnd, chddar urhdnd, and dhaurdnd, and they refer to the
covering of the bride with a chadar or sheet. Some-
times a woman answers the questions about having
been married a second time by saying, ' ' Panchdyat hm"
or " Khdnd hud," or " Rasm rasdm hui" or " Daihd hud"
which mean that the elders have agreed to the match, or
that the feast or other formalities have been observed.
One form of the ceremony for the marriage of a
widow with a widower is as follows: The relatives of both
parties consult a Brahman as to an auspicious time for the
event. At the proper time the groom, with a few near
relatives, goes to the bride's home, taking two and a-half
seers of sugar, two and a-half seers of rice, one loin-cloth,
and one chadar, as a gift, A feast is then given by the
bride's parents. After the feast, the groom withdraws
with the bride to a private room. In the morning the
groom takes her to his home. A bit of silver, upon
which a figure representing the groom's deceased wife is
engraved, is brought from the jewellers. Dal puns are
prepared and served on five leaf-plates. These plates are
arranged in a circle, in the centre of which a fire is lighted.
The image and a new loin-cloth are placed before the fire.
Then one plate is taken by the bride and the others by
four women. The pair place red-lead on each other's
forehead in the hair-parting. The bride then puts on the
loin-cloth, and the image is hung from her neck by a red,
or a black, string (or thrown into a well). The image is
called the saut sal. In the evening a few of her near
relatives come to the groom's house and are given a
special dinner. A short time after this wedding, the bride
will be given ornaments besides those which she received
before. This shows that the state of widowhood has been
superseded.
In a much less elaborate form of the ceremony the
groom, with a few of his friends, takes such clothes and
ornaments as he can afford, and a box of vermilion, and
goes to the house of the bride at nightfall. There the
usual formalities are gone through, and, in the dark, small
hours of the night, he clothes the bride, applies the
vermilion to her forehead, and takes her home.
98 THE CHAMARS
In another variation of the ceremony, the woman is
dressed in new garments and presented by her husband
with bracelets, a nose-ring and ear-rings, or some other
emblems of wedded life. The man and woman are then
seated together, and a white sheet is thrown over them
(chadar dalna), in the presence of the brotherhood by an
elder brother of the groom. Presents, or a rupee, are
placed in the bride's hands. A feast follows.
In case the widow is married to a bachelor, the
essentials of the phera are performed in the groom's house.
But the groom does not perform the phera with the bride.
In her stead, a piece of cotton-plant is tied to the plow-
beam in the pavilion. The various parts of the Sadi
ceremony are performed for the groom, but not for the
bride. She has already received these attentions at her
previous marriage. It is this fact that accounts for the
absence of the Sadi ceremonies in other widow-marriages.
In the above ceremony we have an instance of mock-
marriage, e.g., the groom is united with the cotton-plant.
He afterwards receives the widow in marriage by the
sagai rite as his wife.
CHAPTER V
DOMESTIC CUSTOMS: DEATH:
MISCELLANEOUS
WHEN it is clear that a person is about to die, relatives
ask him about the distribution of his property. Then, as
the moment of dissolution approaches, he is placed upon
the ground (usually). A batasa, or a perd (both, kinds
of sweets), is dissolved in water, which is then given to the
dying man to drink. Or, Ganges water, or water in
which metal has been washed, is given. Occasionally,
curds, or milk, are given. Those who are able, fee a
Brahman to bring a cow, and the dying man is made to
seize its tail and is thus helped over the river of death
(saihkalp). If a person who has not passed middle life
should die on a bed, it is believed that he would become
an evil spirit. On the other hand, some fear to place the
dying man on the ground, lest he should discover their
intention and curse them. The body is laid with the feet
to the south, the direction in which it is believed his
spirit will travel. (In some places it is laid upon kdms
grass or wheat-straw.) After death, arrangements are
made for the funeral. The news is sent to the relatives
and friends, and cloth, coloured thread, betel leaves, sandal-
wood, ghi, and bamboos are brought from the bazaar.
Then a stretcher (tikhthi, arthi) is made of the bamboos.
The body is rubbed with gram flour, and then washed
with cold water by the relatives or those in charge of the
ceremony. The body is set up against the wall on a plank,
and water, as it is poured over the body, collects in a hole
which has been dug under the plank. If the deceased be
a man, men perform this office ; if a woman, women.
7
100 THE CHAMARS
In some places the water for the washing is drawn from a
well, with the left hand, and brought in an earthen vessel.
Metal is placed in the mouth. If the corpse be that of a
woman, it is anointed with ghi. Then scents are
sprinkled over the body and it is covered with a rough
sort of winding-sheet made from cloth brought from the
bazaar. Each relative who is able to do so brings a wind-
ing-sheet, and all the sheets are wrapped around the body.
At the place of cremation (or of burial) all but one of
these winding-sheets are taken off. One is taken by the
nearest relative, who lights the fire, and the rest given to
faqirs and to the Dom, or sweeper, who furnishes the
fire. In some places all these sheets are taken by the
menial who gives the fire. A tailor is now employed to
make the clothes. These garments are of white for a
man, of red for a woman. Over the body now, as it is
laid on the bier, a red or a white cloth is thrown. The
red cloth is used for a woman. In the Central Provinces
the bier is painted white for a man, red for a woman.
At the four corners of the bier flags are often fastened. In
other places seven flags are used, one at the head and
three on each side of the body, or seven pan leaves
marked with red-lead are used. Flags are often of red
cloth, or of gilt, according as the body is that of a woman
or a man. In the case of children there may be no flags.
The knife with which the string was cut in making the
bier is carried with the body. If the frame is tied
together with rope made of karhs grass, the rope is made
by rolling it with the left hand uppermost and by drawing
the hand towards the body.
If a married man die, his widow removes the ornaments
from her wrists and ankles. They are broken if of glass,
but if of metal they are kept. Her hair is let down, and
is thereafter unkempt. If the widow be a girl who has
never lived with her husband, she will simply lay aside her
jewels for a time.
If the person die late in the afternoon, or at night, so
that it will be impossible to carry out the funeral cere-
monies until the next day, the great-toes of the body are
tied together, so that the body may not increase in length
DOMESTIC CUSTOMS : DEATH : MISCELLANEOUS 101
unduly. Sometimes the corpse is measured and a reed of
the exact length placed beside the body. Unless these
precautions are taken, the prince of demons (Baitdl, Vetdl)
may get possession of the body and cause it to swell.
Others say that the body must be watched lest an evil
spirit (bhut) take possession of it and cause it to rise up,
and that the watcher must not be left alone lest he be
attacked. They say that such things actually happened
in the olden times. A lamp is kept burning and in cold
weather a fire also. There is great fear of the body at
night. Cases have been reported in which the dead man,
when being carried to the grave, or to the burning-place,
at night, has seized one of the bearers by the neck.
The relatives and friends join in mourning. Some burn
the palm of the right hand with a hot copper coin. Others
do this after they have reached the place of burial
or of cremation. Two, in some places four, balls of flour
(barley, wheat, or urd), or of rice cooked in milk, are
made, two of which contain copper coins. Of the two
containing coins, one is placed on the right, the other on
the left of the body.
If the person die during the pdnchak (the first five
days of the new moon, or the first five days of the "dark"
moon), four pindds are made. These are placed on the
bier, two on each side of the body. They represent the
members of the family. With the body they make up the
number five, indicating the five days, and thus removing,
as they believe, the necessity of another death in the
family during the year.
When the funeral procession is ready to start, the
husband (or wife) of the deceased marks the forehead of
the dead seven times with sindur. The husband makes
the marks with his fingers. The widow marks the fore-
head, using the finger of the dead husband. This indicates
the dissolution of the marriage relation, and corresponds
to the seven rounds of the phera. The bier is first lifted
by the relatives, both men and women, and afterwards
carried by relatives and friends. The body is borne feet
foremost, so that the ghost of the dead person may not be
able to find the way back. With the procession fire from
102 THE CHAMARS
the house is carried in an earthen pot or on a piece of
dried cow-dung. This is for protection from evil spirits
and also to light their huqqas (pipes). As they go they
throw barley, shells (kauri), and tdlmakhdna 1 seeds in front of
the body. Sometimes the women follow the bier. In case
there is no man to serve as chief mourner, the widow goes
to the place where the body is disposed of. The other
women go but a little way and then return home. Each
one, as she drops out of the procession, puts a bit of earth
on the bier. Any other person leaving the procession
does likewise. As they go they cry out, " Ram, Ram, sat
hai, sat bolo gat hai " ( ft God is real (true) ; to speak the
truth is salvation "). And they express their helplessness
-in such words as : " Tu hi hai, taine paida kiyji, taine mar
diyd" ("Thou art God; thou hast created and thou
hast destroyed ") The procession is sometimes accom-
panied by a low-caste man beating a dhol.
After the body has been taken from the house all the
water-vessels are emptied, and such earthen utensils as
the deceased had touched just before the time of death
are broken. In some places water is sprinkled over the
the bed to make it cool for the spirit of the dead. The
dust of the room and the clothes of the dead are gathered
up, carried by a relative and thrown outside the village.
This applies to cases of infectious diseases only ; in other
cases clothes are given to the poor or used by relatives.
In some places the spot where the body was prepared for
burial is burned over with fire, or the place is liped. A
fire is kept burning in the home for some time, usually
three days.
On the way to the place of burning, or burial, the body
is placed upon the ground five or seven times (mansil
dend). At the first place where they stop barley grains,
shells, and talmakhana seeds are left. In case the two pindas
were placed on the bier, one, or both, are left there.
It is from this point that the women usually return.
Chamars both bury and burn their dead, and there
seems to be no fixed rule that determines the matter.
1 Seed of the water-lily, considered as strength-giving.
DOMESTIC CUSTOMS : DEATH : MISCELLANEOUS 103
Sometimes the poor, instead of burning the body, merely
scorch it on the face and then cast it into some stream.
The cost of wood is too great to admit of the poor
burning their dead.
The usual custom seems to be to burn the body ; and
where there is no river near by, the ashes are collected,
together with small pieces of bone, placed in a ghard
(an earthen pot), carried to some stream and cast into its
current.
If the body is to be burned near a stream, it is placed
upon the bank as soon as the procession arrives. It is
then carried into the stream, sideways, and immersed.
The bier is then placed on the bank, and the body is taken
off and laid on the pyre, the feet towards the south or
towards the stream. Wood is placed upon the corpse.
Sometimes ghi is sprinkled over the body. In some
places, a copper coin is placed in the right hand, and a live
coal is placed upon the coin. Fire is brought from a Dom,
or sweeper. The chief mourner takes the fire and
walks round the body seven (or five) times, and at each
round sets fire to the pyre at the head. If the head does
not burst in the burning, it is broken with a bamboo from
the bier. When the body is fully burned, the ashes and
pieces of bone are washed into the stream.
If the cremation has taken place near a river, all
remain to the end of the ceremonies. If the body is
burned at a distance from a stream, no one is left to wash
the ashes, but the mourners come the next day and collect
the ashes and bones in a ghara and take them home. The
earthen vessel is set aside, or buried, or hung on a tree,
until someone takes it to the river Ganges. If the stream
near which the cremation takes place is not the Ganges
or one of its branches, or if the body was burned outside
the village, by the village tank, the ashes are collected
in an earthen vessel and afterwards taken to the
Ganges.
In the Punjab, bones and ashes are watched to protect
them from evil influences.
When the cremation is completed and the- remains
have been cast into the river, some member of the party
104 THE CHAMARS
says: " On this side and that side of the Ganges the son
of So-and-so, the grandson of So-and-so, performs the
pinda ceremony for his dead father ; Mother Ganges
accepts the service." The relatives then bathe. The
knife which was put upon the bier is then set up in the
stream and all present pour water over it, thus worship-
ping the Ganges and the fathers (pitris).
Members of the iv Nar,yan sect bury their dead.
While the preparations for the procession are in progress
the Santvirdsa (Scriptures) are set up on an improvised
platform covered with a white cloth. Before this, those
present worship and then join in singing. Musical
instruments are used. During the funeral procession
chosen men (mahants), going before the body, read
from the Santvirasa. As they proceed they sing. Some
of the songs are songs of rejoicing. If anyone
leaves the procession, he puts a lamp of earth on
the bier.
At the grave the bier is placed upon the ground, then
seven wicks are made of cloth, dipped in ghi, lighted,
and waved around the head of the body seven times ; and
at each turn, the lips are scorched with the flames.
Then a laddu (a sweetmeat) is placed in the mouth.
Camphor, or incense, or sandal-wood, is burned in the
grave, in an earthen pot, before the body is let down.
The corpse is taken from the bier and laid in the grave so
that the feet are in a southerly direction. After the body
has been lowered, earth is thrown into the grave. First
the reader (mahant) casts in a handful of earth ; then the
chief mourner casts in five handfuls ; after him all the
others cast in earth. Then the grave is filled up. On
the grave the flowers and the seven flags from the bier are
placed. The grave is dug in the usual way and then a
chamber is hollowed out on the side large enough to
receive the body. After the body is laid in this side-
chamber it is walled up before the grave is filled. In this
way the earth does not fall directly on the body. Some
members of the sect burn their dead, and still others cast
the body into a sacred stream. Children and persons not
initiated are buried without any ceremony. If the wife
DOMESTIC CUSTOMS : DEATH : MISCELLANEOUS 105
of an initiate die, her relatives may claim the body and
burn it. 1
Dadu Panthis 2 burn their dead at dawn ; but the more
religious not infrequently request that their bodies, after
death, be thrown into some field or some wilderness, to be
devoured by the beasts or birds of prey, as they say that in
a funeral pyre insect life is apt to be destroyed.
The funeral ceremonies of the Kablr Panthis are
described as follows 3 : " Upon the death of a member of
the Panth two cocoanuts are immediately purchased.
One of these is carried by the barber in the funeral
procession and placed by the side of the dead body
immediately before cremation or burial ; the other is kept
in the house and reserved as an offering at the funeral
chauka to be held at some subsequent date.
"The arrangements in connection with a funeral
(chauka) differ from those of an ordinary chauka in that
the awning over the prepared ground is of red instead of
white material ; a piece of white cloth is placed over the
chauka to represent the dead man's body, and the number
of betel-leaves is reduced to 124, the leaf removed represent-
ing the dead man's portion.
" At the commencement of the service the mahant
prays silently on behalf of the deceased, that he may be
preserved from all dangers on his journey. Upon the
conclusion of this prayer five funeral bhajans are sung,
after which all present do bandagi to the guru three
times and to the piece of white cloth that represents the
body of the deceased.
" The cocoanut which has been specially reserved for
this service is next washed by the mahant and made over to
some relative of the deceased, or, should there be no relative
belonging to the Panth, to some member attached to the
same guru as the deceased. This man, after applying the
cocoanut to his forehead, shoulders, etc., returns it with
an offering to the mahant, who breaks it upon a stone upon
1 See Crooke, Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces
andOudh, Vol. II. p. 188.
1 The Religious Sects of the Hindus (C.L.S.)i P- 54.
8 Westcott, Kabir and the Kabir Panth, pp. 133, 134.
106 THE CHAMARS
which camphor is burning. The rest of the service is
conducted in the manner already described. The number
of cocoanuts offered varies from one to nine, according to
the means of the friends and relatives. Each cocoanut
involves a separate offering to the mahant. The flesh of
the cocoanut or cocoanuts is made up, with flour, etc., into
small cakes, which are sent round to the houses of Kabir
Panthis, by the hands of Bairagls."
Satnamis burn their dead, laying the body with the
face downward and spreading clothes in the grave, above
and below the body, to keep it warm and comfortable.
Mourning is concluded on the third day, when the relatives
have their heads shaved (but not the upper lip).
Other sects, e.g. the Rai Dasis, the Nanak Panthis,
and some other Ramats, bury their dead, unless the request
has been made during life that the body be burned or
exposed. 1 Sometimes members of sects following Rama-
nanda read from the Ramayana, at the burning ghat, to
help the deceased on his journey in the spirit world.
When a person dies of smallpox, plague or cholera,
the body is disposed of as soon as possible. Sometimes it is
buried. Usually the body is not burned, but cast into a
stream without any ceremony. But, on the day of the
death-feast, an image (about twelve inches long) of the
man is made of flour. Over this the ceremonies of burial
or cremation are performed.
If a person die away from home, the body is burned or
buried immediately. The relatives, when they learn of
the decease, make an image of the dead person and per-
form the funeral rites over that.
At the place where the body has been disposed of, after
the knife is worshipped, a small fire is lighted and ghi and
parched rice are offered in it. They then say, " In what-
ever state you are, leave us alone." This expresses the
feelings of the people and the aims of the ceremonies, and
especially of the customs about to be described. Another
formula is used, whenever food is offered to the departed :
* Crooke, Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces
and Oudh, Vol. II. p. 183.
DOMESTIC CUSTOMS : DEATH : MISCELLANEOUS 107
" Be kind to us all ; make us prosper who are left behind. "
The desire is to prevent the return of the spirit to its
former home. They take precautions, however, so that,
should it return, it may be propitiated and do no harm.
When the funeral ceremonies have been completed, the
company bathe and start home. As they leave the place
they throw earth backwards with their left hands. They
do not look back. On the way back one or two cakes of
gur and parched rice are distributed. Some plant a few
stalks of grass near a tank as an abode for the spirit, which
wanders about until the death ceremonies are completed.
Water is poured here for ten days. 1
Before returning the party also partakes of sweets. Up
to the ninth or tenth day, the chief mourner carries a lota
and a knife; smokes by himself; cooks by himself, not
using a tawa, and does not eat salt. He has no intercourse
with his wife, and sleeps on the ground. A piece of the
winding-sheet is worn by the chief mourner, about the
forehead or neck, during the days of mourning. When a
very old man dies his sons each wear a piece of the winding-
sheet for a long time.
In many ca$es no precautions are taken to bar the
ghost, unless a number of the members of the family have
died in close succession. In such cases sarsom-seeds are
dropped on the way as the funeral procession goes to the
burial-place or the burning-gounds.
While the burial, or cremation, ceremonies are in pro-
gress, the women who have gone back home prepare for
the return of the procession. They bathe, and make
sherbet to refresh the party upon its return. In the
larger towns the men stop at the liquor-shops on the way
home.
At the door of the courtyard each person, upon his
return, touches water, sometimes in a broken earthen
vessel, fire, a sil, and iron (chimtd, fire-tongs) and nim-
leaves with the great-toe of his right foot, and takes up a
nim-leaf and bites it into two pieces with his teeth. This
1 Crooke, Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces and
Oudh, Vol. II. p. 184.
108 THE CHAMARS
last act signifies that the relations with the dead are dis-
solved. They then enter the courtyard (or house), where
they partake of sherbet, or sparingly of gur. Then the
relatives depart. If a young person die, no food is eaten
on the day of the burial (or cremation). If an old person
die, food is prepared by relatives and brought in. Of this
food each offers a small portion of the first roti in the fire
on the spot where the body lay. The remainder of this
cake is thrown out for the dogs.
The next morning rice and dal with milk are prepared
for food in a new earthen pot. Some of this is put upon
a leaf-platter and placed outside for the dead, and water is
poured out nearby five times. This is for the spirit of the
dead. After that the family partake of the food, but not
of the rice-water. The chief mourner eats first. He may
eat salt in this meal. A variation of the practice is that
the chief mourner places outside of the house of the
deceased an earthen pot full of milk and rice-gruel, with a
pitcher of water, for the departed spirit.
On this day kus-grass is planted where the chief
mourner will bathe during the days of mourning, and he
pours water on this with his hands each day for ten days.
He eats once a day.
There is some variation in practice concerning the
feasts and ceremonies. In some places certain matters
are attended to on the third, while with others these are
left until the tenth day. Again, the principal feast is some-
times held on the third instead of the tenth day. During
the first three days after the funeral those who carried the
body sleep on the ground. On the third day (tri rdtri,
tija), in some places on the tenth day, oblations and cakes
of barley flour are offered to the departed soul. A mesh-
bag is hung up in the door, and in this a dish of water and
a little food, when ready, is placed for the spirit. The
relatives cook rice and urd for this tija feast, and it is eaten
in the house where the dead man used to live. Four
cakes from the meal are set out upon the roof on plates of
dhak-leaves. In some places a trench is dug on the right
side of the door, and seven pots of different kinds of food
are buried in it, and milk, mixed with Ganges water, is
DOMESTIC CUSTOMS : DEATH : MISCELLANEOUS 109
taken to the place of cremation and sprinkled about. On
the fire that was lighted outside the house, where the
body was placed, a small dish of rice is cooked. Portions
of rice are placed on leaves (of pipal or of banyan) and
with them each man who helped to carry the body has
his shoulder touched. These leaves, the rice remaining,
and the vessel in which it was washed, are then burned on
the spot. Sometimes the men who carried the bier have
cross-marks made on their shoulders with sarsom oil. In
some places these four men wave a little of the rice over their
shoulder with their left hands. In this feast the four
persons (kandhauri) who were the first to carry the dead
(they are relatives) are especially feasted; and after this
they are absolved from contamination and may resume
their beds. On this night, ashes are sprinkled in the door-
way (outside and inside). Often the ashes are covered with
a basket slightly raised from the ground on one side with a
stick. In the morning search is made for the footprint of
some creature, for this footprint in the ashes will indicate
the nature of the spirit's new body.
Chamars believe that the dead return now and then,
and provision is made for the visits of spirits. On the third
day, especially, does the spirit return ; hence hearth-ashes
arc scattered at the door at this time.
For ten days after death, food for the refreshment of
the spirit is placed outside the door, on the roof, or under
the eaves of the house, and some is left on the way to the
cremation-grounds and at the burning-ghat or at cross-
roads. A thick loaf of bread is sometimes given to a cow.
The earthen pots of the house are broken that the spirit
may have water-vessels. Some plant a few stalks of grass
near a tank as an abode for the spirit, which wanders
about until the funeral rites are completed. On these
blades water is poured daily for ten (or thirteen) days.
When these ceremonies are performed on the third day,
they are repeated on the tenth day, and the clansmen are
fed. A portion of the food is placed on the road where
the first cake (pinda) was left on the day of the funeral.
On the tenth day the chief mourner, or the nearest
male relative, is shaved. Other near relatives have their
110 * THE CHAMARS
hair trimmed. The chief mourner changes his old clothes
for new ones, and gives the cast-off ones to the barber. A
small platform is made on the bank of a tank or a stream
and covered with sacred grass. On this balls (pinda)
of arwah rice, cooked in a new pot, are offered by the
chief mourner, one ball being offered for each person
of the family who has died ; that is, balls are offered
for brothers, parents, grandparents, and great-grand-
parents. Then, taking up the balls, he touches his
right shoulder then his left shoulder with them (the reverse
order is followed if the chief mourner be a woman), and
places them on the ground at some distance from the
spot, or casts them into a stream. The rice for the pinda
is cooked near a stream or tank. No chulha is used.
All now return to the house and partake of the feast
already prepared. This is made of arwah rice and dal
cooked in a new vessel. Part of this is set out for the
dead. Then each relative receives a little of this food.
The meal is served on leaf-plates. The chief mourner
receives the first helping ; and, after food has been placed
before all those present, a little from each leaf-plate is
taken, placed upon a leaf-platter and set outside, by the
chief mourner, for the deceased. When the chief mourner
returns, he eats five small portions of the food and then
gets up and washes his hands, as though he had finished
the meal. He then greets the company, saying, " Lakshml
Ndrdyan, pancho!" Then all begin to eat. He sits
down and joins with them. Liquor is drunk. These
ceremonies are a purificatory rite. In case the chief
mourner be a woman, these rites are performed on the
ninth day.
On the evening of the tenth day another feast is pre-
pared. After the meal is spread, before anyone eats, a
portion from each plate is placed in a leaf-platter, taken
outside and left for the deceased. Then the chief
mourner begins to eat. After taking five morsels he
washes his hands and greets the company as he did in the
morning. Then all join in the feast. Liquor is provided,
and some is drunk before the meal. If the deceased was
an old person, singing and dancing by boys of the caste
DOMESTIC CUSTOMS : DEATH : MISCELLANEOUS 111
is provided. These professional dancers are paid for
their services. This feast lasts late into the night. The
women and children eat after the men have finished. At
the close of the meal a basket is taken and into it
are put the new earthen pot used in cooking the meal on
the morning of the first day, that used in preparing the
meal on the morning of the tenth day (or ninth), and, if
the deceased was a woman, a small pot containing oil,
and, if she was in the habit of smoking, a mud huqqa
with a chilam, in which is tobacco and fire (ready to be
smoked), and a broom made of a special kind of grass. If
the deceased was a man, the broom is not used, but a
cover is placed over one of the vessels so as to make up
five articles in the basket. If the deceased was not a
smoker, a small vessel takes the place of the huqqa. The
articles in the basket must number at least five. Five
men join in the procession ; one, the sister's husband, or
sister's husband's father, carrying the basket, and followed
by one carrying fire, one carrying fire-tongs, and one
carrying a knife. These articles are provided for the use
of the spirit of the deceased. The last man carries
nothing. The basket is deposited outside, and the men,
bringing with them the tongs and the knife, return.
Then a little food is given to each of the five from one
plate.
After this feast, when the guests have left and the
people of the house have gone into another room, a widow
of the family takes two new earthen plates, on one of
which she places urd ki dal and on the other chana, or
some other kind of dal. Then she sifts ashes from the
hearth-fire over a small space in the room and covers them
with the sieve. The two plates are placed near the ashes.
She sleeps in the room. In the morning the ashes are
examined for footprints. If no mark is found, the con-
clusion is drawn that, for the deceased, the round of
transmigration is finished, or that the spirit has been
11 laid." If someone in the family falls ill soon afterwards,
a bhagat is called, who may report that the ghost has
become a wandering evil-spirit. The woman who slept
in the house is given a dhoti or a rupee as a reward.
112 THE CHAMARS
Some make a mark on the body of the deceased with ghi,
oil or soot ; and when a child is born in the family, its
body is examined, and if a corresponding mark is dis-
covered, it would indicate that the spirit had taken its new
birth in the family. Some make a test with ashes at the
annual funeral-feast and at Dewali-timd, to discover
whether the dead has paid his former home a visit.
In some parts of the country, on the eleventh day, eft
on the night of the tenth, the utensils and private property
of the deceased are made over to his sister's husband ; but
in other places he receives a lota, a brass tray, or a rupee.
The feast of the tenth day, which is the principal death-
feast, is called Dasa Pitar and Visarjan.
A tribal feast is sometimes given on the twelfth,
thirteenth or sixteenth day after the funeral. The rela-
tives come to offer consolation, and they must receive
refreshments. There are places where the principal feast
is on the thirteenth day. It is cooked on a special place
plastered with dung from a cow that has not calved. The
food consists of rice and shakki. Then sindur and food
are offered to Bhumid and other godlings. Up to the
time of this feast the chief mourner is under certain tabus;
for he has worn only scant clothes, and a handkerchief on
his head, and has carried a lota with him, has not worked,
has not slept in bed, and has made offerings of food for
the dead. The house is liped, and rice cooked in milk is
served. Offerings are made to godlings and to the dead
man. Portions of the food are provided for Brahmans and
neighbours and served on small dishes of leaves. Likewise
food is set out on the roof for the crows. A fire-sacrifice
is made, with offerings of ghi and halwa, to the dead.
After the offering the feast is spread, and drinking is in-
dulged in. The dinner takes place in the night, and then
the guests depart.
Food is given to the sweeper and to the dhobi and to
other menials after the feasts.
In some places, after a month and a half, that is after
three half-moons, a feast is held in the name of the dead.
No special kind of food is prescribed. The relatives
assemble at night. The offerings for the dead are made
DOMESTIC CUSTOMS : DEATH : MISCELLANEOUS 113
as on the other feast-days. When the meal is served, a
little food is taken from each plate and carried out on a
leaf-platter by the chief mourner and left for the dead.
The chief mourner eats five morsels and performs his
ablution as at other death-feasts, and then they all join in
the meal. There is drinking also. In the first half of the
month of Kdtik (Pitar-pakh,Pitar-paksh) the bones of the
dead (phul), if burned at some other place, are carried to
the Ganges (or a tributary stream). The chief mourner
who brings them bathes, and then, holding sacred grass in
his hands, pours water into the stream in the name of the
dead, five times for each ancestral spirit (for three genera-
tions back) and for his deceased brothers. If the ceremony
is performed with water from a well, he pours out water
but once for each spirit. The offering of water is made
each day of the first half of this month. A space in
front of the door of the house is plastered with cow-
dung and on this flowers are offered and flour is sprinkled.
This is done for fourteen days. A feast for the dead is
given, on the ninth for a woman, and on the fourteenth for
a man, and again on the fourteenth for a woman. The last
day's ceremony is for all the dead. After this no feast will
be given for her on the ninth. At this time the feasts are
held in each house, but anyone may have guests. On the
eleventh day of Katik sixteen or seventeen balls of barley-
flour are made. One of them is taken out and set aside
for the Dom. Then, upon a platform made of clay and
plastered with cow-dung, and over which sacred grass and
leaves have been spread, a fire is placed. In the fire ghi
and gur are offered. Then, in the name of each deceased
ancestor, a ball is placed on the grass. If the balls are
insufficient in number, the last is offered for all whose
names have not been called. If there are too many balls,
those left over are given to the ancestors collectively.
After all the balls have been offered they are lifted up and
raised to the right shoulder and then to the left, and then
cast into the stream (or the tank if the ceremony is held
there). On the last day the ceremony is performed in the
same way. The chief mourner, or the one who performs
these offices, is shaved. Some say that, until the Pitar-
114 THE CHAMARS
paksh is over, no wedding can be performed in the family.
Others say that under a year no wedding can take place.
Some hold that after the Pitar-paksh the gauna may be
celebrated.
On the anniversary (6am) of the death twelve pindas
are offered, and the family, if they can afford it, give a
dinner, and offerings are made to the dead as at other
feasts. This may be repeated year by year.
The son, and probably the grandson, will keep up the
offerings to the deceased. Brahmans are sometimes em-
ployed to make the offerings to the dead, especially those
of the Pitar-paksh. In any case they receive gifts.
References have been made to means used to help the
spirit of the deceased in its progress towards a peaceful
reincarnation, and notices have been taken of acts which
provide protection for those who are responsible for the
funeral. Other references to means used to "bar" and
to " lay " the spirit of the dead will be found in the next
chapter.
In connection with the preceding ritual mention has
been made of ancestor-worship. The whole of spirit-
worship, both of the sainted and of the malevolent dead,
so far as it deals with the ghosts of deceased relatives, may
be considered as a form of ancestor-worship. The sainted
dead are household guardians. Deified persons, like
Nona Chamari, are considered as the ancestors of tribes or
of sub-castes. A very large share of the attention given to
the spirits of the dead is related to demonology and to
magic in general; and this phase of the subject will find
ample illustration in the next chapter.
That which more strictly may be called ancestor-
worship occurs in the domestic ritual. When a son is
born, and sometimes at the birth of a daughter, spirit is
taken into the hand and waved about, and as drops of the
liquor fall upon the ground the names of ancestors are
called. At marriages some offerings are made to the
spirits of the dead. But it is in the funeral rites that the
greatest emphasis -is laid upon the worship of the fathers.
The effort made to supply the needs of the deceased are
evident in the offerings of food, water, and utensils,
DOMESTIC CUSTOMS : DEATH : MISCELLANEOUS 115
During certain festivals such as Dewali, and in the
ceremonies of the Pitar-paksh, preparations are made for
the return of ancestral spirits ; for spirits continue to be
interested in the affairs of the living. There is a social
element in the funeral ceremonies, in the annual feasts
for the dead, and in some of the Dewali ceremonies.
There are also elements of fear in the intercourse
with the dead. Freed from the limitations of the
body, spirits move in a wider sphere and exercise
greater powers. They can either harm or help, and one
is never sure just which they will do. Some who have
been elevated to sainthood are supposed to afford protec-
tion against certain demons and godlings.
In the north-west of these Provinces and in the Punjab
ancestral shrines are found in the fields. The small ones
are for ancestors and the larger ones for clans. Some of
these are places of pilgrimage. Here and there the Satl
is taking the place of these shrines. Occasionally images
of the Sati and her husband are found. Her sacrifice
has secured for her deification, so she is able to protect her
worshippers and grant them their desires. Therefore wo-
men resort to the Sati, asking for children and other boons,
and at marriages offerings of milk, food, fruit, and flowers
are made to her. Neglect of the Sati may result in
barrenness, or in disaster. In the east an earthen pot
(karwd) with seven holes in it is offered. Other offerings
consist of lights and food. Some put a lump of clay in
the cooking-room to represent the ancestors, and an image
of a ghost which makes trouble is set up in the house.
Regular worship of ancestors, conducted by the oldest
son living, is performed by the offering of a goat. Some-
times this is performed in the ancestral shrine. And
oblations and offerings are made on liped spots facing the
south and in dreary and solitary places and on the banks
of rivers. Daily oblations of water are poured out ; grains
of sesame and barley are used.
The house-worship is very simple. There seems to be
no practice of bringing home the nuptial fire, or of keep-
ing a sacred fire in the house. In some places a house
godling is supposed to occupy a special mound on the
8
116 THE CHAMARS
floor, or in the courtyard, or a place in the wall, or in the
thatch, or on the grain-bin. Here, in the godling's
station, on the day of the Dasehra festival, seven
wheaten cakes and some halwa are offered, and water, or
water mixed with ground cloves and cardamoms, is poured
out as an oblation. Sometimes the offering consists of
a young pig and some spirits. Sitala often has a special
place in the house. There is an element of house worship
in some of the great festivals, such as the Ndgpanchaml
and the Dewali.
In house-building, a Brahman is first consulted as to
when the digging for the foundation should be begun ; in
the name of which man of the family the digging should
be begun ; where the door is to be set ; and whether an
evil spirit inhabits the spot. Then the Brahman indicates
the direction in which the man who begins the digging
should face.
If, in the digging for the foundations, human bones,
or a considerable amount of charcoal, should be dug up,
the site would be considered inauspicious.
When the laying of the foundations begins, sweets are
distributed. Shells and pice are buried in the foundations.
If, during the process of building, the walls repeatedly fall,
a Brahman is consulted, because the trouble is attributed
to evil influences. He announces the necessary offerings
to be made to satisfy the spirit responsible for the trouble.
Then follows the sacrifice of a cock, or a pig, or a goat,
or a buffalo. Sometimes a human being is named by the
Brahman. In that case, a person is sent up on the walls,
on some pretext or other, and an " accident M is brought
about, and his body is left in the foundation. This result
is accomplished by stealth. This very rare practice is a
relic of the older custom of human-sacrifice in connection
with house-building. There are many superstitions about
this practice in connection with large enterprises, both
Government and private. This form of superstition is
still common.
During the time the building is in process of erection,
a lamp is kept burning at night, and droppings of pigs, or
other filth is left around, lest spirits take possession of
DOMESTIC CUSTOMS : DEATH : MISCELLANEOUS 117
the building. An old shoe is tied to a bamboo, which is
set up to ward off the evil eye during the process of
erection. Sometimes an iron pot or an earthen pot painted
black is set up to ward off the evil eye. When the door-
casing is put in, a member of the family drives a nail into
the door and on this hangs a mud bowl with a small neck
(kulhiya). An iron ring is attached to this.
If the house have a courtyard, the door in the wall
should not face the south, as this is the direction of the
abode of the god of the dead. In general, houses should
not face the south, nor should the fireplace. Likewise
a man should not set his bed so that he must sleep with
his feet to the south, unless he is about to die. If the
house is set on the north side of the street, the door is
often built into a little inset at an angle to the compass,
or to face in the direction east or west. Another taboo
relates to the shape of the courtyard. It is always nearly
or quite square, the feeling being that a long narrow
court in their houses is unlucky. A narrow courtyard
resembles the Ganges, and suggests the possibility of
the whole house or courtyard being carried away as
with a flood. Or, a narrow courtyard resembles a
snake.
When the house is finished, a Brahman is asked to
fix the date and hour when the family may take possession.
If the date is some days off and the house is urgently
needed, another entrance is made. This is done with the
consent of the Brahman. The dedicatory ceremonies are
performed on the day when they enter the house. The
chief godling of the village is worshipped. Ganesh is not
worshipped. Then the family enter the house. Some-
times the wife's chadar is tied to the husband's clothes.
Then, as the Brahman suggests, they sacrifice a cock, or
a goat, or a pig, or a buffalo to their special goddess.
This is done in the courtyard, or in front of the door.
The blood is covered with earth. The flesh is served in
the feast connected with the ceremonies. A fire-sacrifice
is performed before or after the sacrifice, as the particular
godling prefers, and in the house or outside as the Brahman
may suggest*
118 THE CHAMARS
Chamars have their part in the festivals of the land,
and no special notice need be taken of these occasions as
such. But there are domestic aspects of great festivals
which may be noted.
The Holi is a spring festival, in which the firstfruits of
the spring-harvest are offered. Characteristics of the
celebration are the doll-swinging and the scattering of red
powder, red liquid and mud. The Holi fire is lighted at
night, or in the small hours of the morning. Fire from
this bonfire is taken into the house for the women. From
this a fire is made, upon which small cakes are cooked,
of which each member of the house partakes. Sometimes
a stalk of the cotton-plant is set up in the house-fire, and,
when it burns and falls, the folks determine whether good
or bad luck will follow the household during the year. If
the stalk fall towards the east or towards the west, it is
taken as a sign of good luck; if it fall towards the north
or south, misfortune will be looked for. In the Holi fire
handfuls of grain, in the stalk, are parched, and this is
laid up in the house, and parched grain is put away in
the roof, or in the grain-bin. The day on which the fire
is lighted is given up to feasting, and it is a bad omen if
one does not have a hearty meal. The Holi is, for the
Chamar, a time when he is utterly abandoned to debauch-
ery. On the night when the bonfire is lighted he gives
himself up to drunkenness, excess, and obscenity. By the
time that the /ire is lit, he is completely under the influ-
ence of liquor. As he dances around the fire he breaks
out anew into drunken and lewd revelry. The women
sit in the shadows near their homes, and listen to the
singing and to the utterly filthy jests and songs of the
men. The debauch connected with the Holi is prolonged
for several days. Then the women take sticks and go
about the village, or town, demanding gifts of coarse sugar
from all sorts of people. Their conduct is very unseemly.
The Chamar seems to yield to utterly degrading elements
in this new year's festival.
Another festival that may be studied in its domestic
aspects is the Nagpanchami. This is held in the middle
of the rainy season, in honour of snakes* The women
DOMESTIC CUSTOMS : DEATH : MISCELLANEOUS 119
plaster the house, or at least the walls on each side of the
door, with clay or cow-dung. Then they bathe. After-
wards, at the threshold of the front-door, they make
images of snakes out of cow-dung, and draw on the walls
on both sides of the door, with lime or with cow-dung,
lines to represent snakes. Sometimes a wisp of grain,
tied in the form of a snake, is dipped in a fermented
mixture made of wheat, grain and pulse steeped in
water; and this, together with money and sweets, is
offered to the serpents. Saucers of milk are set outside
the house as offerings to snakes, and the worshippers joiri
their hands in the attitude of adoration. Milk and dried
rice are poured into the family snake-hole. Songs are
sung in honour of the serpents. A line is then drawn
around the house this is a magic circle across which a
snake will not pass. A fire is lighted and ghi is offered in
it. A feast with carousing follows. It is a day of hilarity,
and cattle get a holiday, special food, and an extra allow-
ance of salt. After the day's activities the images are
thrown away.
One more festival, the Dewali, may be mentioned
because of its domestic aspects. At this time the houses
are cleansed and freshly plastered with cow-dung or clay ;
old lamps are thrown out and new ones are brought in.
This is the time when the ancestral spirits visit their old
homes. The family light lamps and sit up all night to
receive the family ghosts. In the morning the wife takes
all the sweepings and old clothes of the house in a dust-
pan and throws them out on the dunghill, saying, " May
thriftlessness and poverty be far from us."
Meanwhile the Gobardhan Dewali is performed by the
women. It is made in honour of Krishna, and consists of
a prostrate figure to represent him, made of cow-dung,
surrounded by little mounds of cow-dung representing
mountains. Stalks of grains tipped with bits of cotton
are set up in the mounds to represent trees. On the
" mountains " tiny balls are made to represent cattle, and
other balls trimmed with bits of rag to represent men. On
this Gobardhan the churn-staff, five whole sugar-canes,
some parched rice, and a lamp are placed. The cowherds
120 THE CHAMARS
are called in to worship and are then feasted with rice and
gur. Gambling and intemperance are the prominent
elements in this festival, and men go beyond all bounds in
indulging in these vices. This is also the time when the
goddess of good fortune visits the homes of the people, and
they prepare their houses for her visit. The Chamars
take their shoemakers' tools, or other implements with
which they earn their living, to the headman of the local
village group, and at his house perform a fire-sacrifice
before them. In some places the implements are
worshipped during the Durga Puja.
This is a time when a good deal of magic is practised.
One instance will suffice. A hoot owl, which has been
carefully kept for a year, is furnished with an image of a
tiger, upon which to ride, and is made drunk with liquor.
If a man takes the kajal, made from the ashes secured by
burning this owl's eyes, and rubs it into his eyes, he
obtains magical power which puts under his control any
woman upon whom he looks. On the other hand, a
man who eats the flesh and liver of such an owl becomes
the slave of the woman from whom he receives it. (Of
course, this food is given by stealth.)
CHAPTER VI
THE SPIRIT WORLD 1
THE Chamar is saturated with animistic ideas. For
him, inanimate objects, trees, plants, animals, and even
human beings, are the abodes of spirits. The phenomena
of nature are a mystery explainable on the ground of the
spirit world. Furthermore, the experiences of life are
referred to invisible spirit-forces. To rude men the ups
and downs of life seem to be dependent upon the mere
caprice of this invisible host, and this shadowy company
of unknown powers is responsible for calamity, fever,
cholera, smallpox, and other untoward events. These
fickle, treacherous inhabitants of the unseen world, the
demons and the godlings of disease, must be conciliated :
and the tutelary godlings, the sainted dead, and other well-
disposed spirits must be enlisted against the forces of
calamity and disease. The superstitious man, of necessity,
is always on the alert to outwit evil and malignant spirits
and to circumvent their undertakings. 2
The worship of stones is universal. The respect which
the Chamar pays to them is independent of the shape or
finish which they may possess. Village godlings are
represented by stones, and occasionally stones well-carved
are found in the house and at the village shrine. As a
usual thing the stones representing the village godlings are
1 On the various topics in this and in the following chapters see
Crooke, An Introduction to the Popular Religion and Folklore of
Northern India.
1 See Imperial Gazetteer, Vol. I. pp. 473, 431 ; Census of India,
1901, Vol. I. Pt. I. p. 352; and Whitehead, The Village Gods
of South India, p. 145.
122 THE CHAMARS
smeared with vermilion, a survival perhaps of the ancient
blood-sacrifice. This collection of stones under the tree
on the village boundary is one of the few groups of god-
lings to whom the Chamar has access. Stones play a part
in the cure of disease. The stone-mill and the sil and
batta are fetishes.
It is easy for simple folk to believe that spirits live in
trees. Motion is a sign of life ; and, besides, the winds,
passing through the trees, produce sounds which are heard
as voices. Trees should not be disturbed after sunset.
People are loath to cut down living trees. In cleared
lands some trees are left standing, especially those which
are known to be inhabited by spirits. The planting of
trees, on the other hand, is a meritorious act, and it is often
done with the hope of securing offspring, or increase in
cattle. There are many trees held in special veneration.
This is illustrated in their use in the domestic ceremonies,
in the practice of magic, and in the exorcising of disease.
One of the most widely venerated trees is the plpal
(ficus religiosa) , (and its near relatives, e.g., the banyan).
The worship of this tree, which may be of totemistic
origin, is connected with the care of the dead and with
the desire for children. Every leaf of the tree is said to
be the abode of a god.
The mm tree (azidirachta indica) enters very largely
into the Chamar's superstitions, and is perhaps more
universally revered than any other. In some instances its
worship is of totemistic origin. Its leaves and branches
are used in various phases of the practice of magic and in
the barring of ghosts ; and it is the abiding-place of Sitala
Mata, the goddess of smallpox. With it are connected
sun and snake worship. Fresh leaves of this tree are
applied to snake-bite wounds, and sometimes given to the
sufferer to chew. 1 Its leaves are used in many ceremonies.
The mango enters largely into superstitious usages.
Its wood and leaves are connected with the practice of
magic, especially that relating to fertility, and its wood is
used in sun-worship and in the fire-sacrifice.
1 If they taste sweet, he will die ; if bitter, he will recover.
THE SPIRIT WORLD 123
The mahua (bassia latifolia) and the babul (acacia
arabica) are of great economic value. Besides this, the
former is inhabited by spirits, and the latter is used in
witchcraft. By pouring water upon a babul tree for
thirteen days, a person will obtain possession of the spirit
of the tree. It is believed that a person sleeping on a bed,
the legs of which are made of babul wood, will have bad
dreams ; and that the ghost of a man burnt with this
wood will not rest quietly.
The bel (aegle marmelos) and the dhak (palasa) are
venerated also. The latter is used in the marriage ritual,
and from its flowers the red powder used in the Holi
is made. The wood of the dhak is used in the fire-sacri-
fice. Both bel and dhak leaves have medicinal qualities.
The gular (ficus glomerata) is useful in the practice of
magic, as is also khair (acacia catechu). The latter
protects one against magic spells and the evil eye, and
wizards keep away from its shade.
Besides these, there are various kinds of trees, such as
the semal (bombax hephtaphyllum), the siris (acacia sirsa),
the sal (shorea robusta), and the jhund (prosopis spicigera),
whose worship is more or less of a local character.
There are many trees which are pointed out as the
abodes of particular spirits. The Churel lives in a broken
tree, or in a tree in the jungle ; and the terrible Dano and
the giant demons (rakshas) have their special tree abodes.
It is dangerous to go near these trees, especially late in
the night.
The bamboo, the cocoanut, and the plantain are used
in ceremonies related to fertility.
The leaves of the tulsi (holy basil) are used in worship
and as a medicine.
The serpent is feared and worshipped. Offerings of
milk and rice are made to secure the goodwill of snakes,
and they are addressed with euphemistic titles to secure
immunity from snake-bite. The first milk is sometimes
offered to Nag. The worship of Raja Basuk y or Vasuk,
the chief of serpents, is famous; and the legends of Guga
or Zahrd Pir deal with the control of snakes and protec-
tion from snake-bite. The great cobra (Sis Nag), in
124 THE CHAMARS
shaking his head, causes the earth to quake. The snake
is the emblem of longevity, since it renews its life from
time to time, and it is sometimes looked upon as an
ancestral ghost. The black snake (cobra) is the guardian
of cattle and of water-springs. It is believed that snakes
can prophesy ; that they can spit fire ; that they can burn
anything with their breath ; and that they guard hidden
treasure. There is a widespread belief in the snake-
jewel, a stone, or a silky filament which is spun by, or
spat out by, a snake a thousand years old, on a dark night,
when it wishes to see. This jewel is luminous. To
obtain it a person must throw a bit of cow-dung upon it.
The jewel is very valuable, since it gives immunity from
all misfortune and the realization of every wish, and
since it also preserves from drowning. This jewel is an
antidote to snake poison. 1 Chamars kill snakes. There
is also a belief in dragons, and certain caves, like that of
Kausambhi, near Allahabad, are named after such creatures.
Various animals are venerated. The horse, while not
actually worshipped, is considered a lucky animal. It is be-
lieved that the marks on his legs prove that he once had
wings. His images are used in Guga worship ; and at the
shrines and platforms of certain saints and godlings images
of horses are found.
The donkey is sacred to Sitala. The belief that he
sees the devil when he brays is of Mohammedan origin.
The dog is the vehicle of Bhairorh, and he is connected
also with beliefs concerning the god of the dead. The
black dog is worshipped as a Jinn, and its grave is sometimes
honoured. Its secretions are used to scare demons. It is
fed to save children from dog-bite, and from other diseases
and sicknesses.
The cat is an object of reverence. No woman will
strike a cat, because it is the vehicle of Sati. If a person
kill a cat, he must beg for a time, and then go to the
Ganges and bathe. Afterwards he must sprinkle Ganges
water upon his food, and give a feast to his neighbours.
1 A similar jewel, or stone, is found in the forehead of the frog
that jumps and catches birds.
THE SPIRIT WORLD 125
Chamars believe that a cat has power to make a person
temporarily blind. This she does in order to steal his food.
An instance of magic is found in the belief that the after-
birth of a cat rubbed on the eyes enables one to see in the
dark.
The goat is worshipped, the black goat especially being
prized for sacrifice. The goat is used also in divination.
Both the cow and the bull are considered sacred. The
five products of the cow are very efficient scarers of demons.
A cow helps the departing spirit over the river of death.
The Chamars bow before the cow. In some parts they will
not eat beef, although they will eat of the carcass of a cow
that has died. The male buffalo is sacred to Kali. At
the time of purchase Chamars worship both buffaloes and
cattle.
The black buck and the elephant are also worshipped.
The monkey is worshipped in connection with the cure
of barrenness ; and, as Hanuman, has become a tutelary
godling in every village.
The tiger (and the leopard and the panther likewise)
is worshipped, and parts of its body are used in various
ways. Tiger's fat cures rheumatism ; its heart and flesh
are tonics ; and its flesh is burned in the cattle-stall to
dispel cattle disease, and in the field to ward off blight ; and
its whiskers and claws are of great value as charms.
Witches can turn themselves into tigers, and men are
sometimes so transformed. A tiger without a tail is thus
explained. A man-eating tiger obtains possession of the
soul of the person whom he eats. The tiger has titles of
divinity, as, Baghadeo and Bagheswar.
The alligator (magar) and the crocodile (ghariydl) are
held in respect and their flesh is valued.
Jackal's flesh is used in the practice of magic.
Many birds are respected. The pigeon, the goose,
the domestic fowl, the peacock, the parrot, the wagtail,
the quail, and the " brain-fever bird M are reverenced, 01
feared. The parrot is a lucky bird to have in a house.
Indian mothers will divide almonds between parrots and
their small children, in order that the latter may acquire
the parrot's fluency of speech. A quail is a lucky pet,
126 THE CHAMARS
because he attracts misfortune to himself. If a pigeon
builds in the roof of a house, ill-luck will follow and the
place will become deserted.
Vultures and kites are to be reckoned with. From a
kite's nest the burglar obtains the magic stick with which
he opens locks and doors. He secures the stick in the
following manner: While the young birds are still in the
nest, he fastens an iron chain to their feet. The mother-
bird will then go and bring a magic stick with which to
break the chain and release her young. After the escape
of the fledglings the nest is taken to a stream, and the
sticks of which it was built are thrown, one by one, into
the water. The stick which moves off rapidly like a snake
in the water, is the magic wand which the thief sought.
The crow and the owl are unlucky birds. However,
food is given to crows in the belief that it will thus reach
the pitris, or ancestors. A crow's caw in the morning
signifies that a visitor may be expected.
The owl is a foreboder of evil. Still, it is dangerous to
try to drive it away by throwing clods at it, for it may
pick up a clod and rub it down to powder. In that case
the thrower will fall into a decline and finally die, pre-
cisely when the clod has been reduced to dust. Both
the owl and its flesh are used in magic.
Ants are sacred. They are worshipped with offerings
of sugar, especially in May and June, and Chamars believe
that they are able to answer prayers and grant children
and other blessings.
Totemism is connected with the belief in spirits ; and
the life, or perhaps the soul, of some ancestor of the group
which bears the totem's name was in some way associated
with the totem. The names of totems found amongst the
Chamars include those of trees, of seeds and grains, of
birds, of animals, of individuals and of tribes. 1
1 Names of gots : (1) Named after trees: ' D ha km at (dhak),
Pipaliya (pipal), Amba (mango), Nimgotiya (mm), Nimoliya
(nim), Kujariya (date palm), Haldua (haldi), Simoliya (cotton-
wood) . Other gots are named after the gular and the jhand trees.
(2) Named after birds : Parindiya (generic), Chiriyala (generic),
Hams (goose), and Bateriya (quail).
THE SPIRIT WORLD 127
Some characteristic tabus are found in connection with
the totems. For example, those whose gots are named
after the gular, pipal, jhand, and nim trees will not cook
their food with the wood of the particular tree that belongs
to them. Those whose got is the bhef , will not eat the flesh
of the sheep, nor drink its milk, nor use wool blankets.
Fetishes are common. Besides the stones of the village
platform may be named the stone-mill, the pestle and
mortar, the sil and batta, the plow, the winnowing-fan,
the khurpl (the hand hoe for cutting grass), the rampl
(shoemaker's or currier's knife), and the shoemaker's
last. These all have their special uses, as illustrated in the
customs described in the preceding chapters. Disease is
treated by the drinking of water in which a fetish stone
has been washed. The plow is garlanded on special
occasions. The sieve is often the first cradle of the baby.
The halter is a fetish of Jaiswar grooms. To insult this
by tying a dog with it, results in a fine of five rupees. 1
The trident is often used as a fetish. The rings and
chains used by the bhagat in spirit-control and the chains
found in low-caste temples may be so considered. The
sariichar ka deotd, the wooden beam of the plow, is
another fetish. He comes upon a person on certain
days, particularly Saturday, and causes him to cast the
(3) Named after seeds, grain and fruits: Matrl (pea),
Simghariya (water-nut), Gutaliya (stone of mango fruit), Dhansaura
(rice in the husk), Masuriya (a pulse).
(4) Named after animals: BheddS, (sheep), Suariyi (pig),
Gidharivci (jackal), Bhaithsiya (buffalo), Bnerwaliya (sheep),
Achchhiya bachhiya (calf), Bardhiya (buffalo), and Chherriiya (goat).
Other gots are named after saints, gods, places, diseases, dust, etc., e.g.,
Dhuliya(dust), Korhirya( leper), Kanhaiya ( Krishna ), Kaliya(Kali),
Dudhiya (milk), arid Mukhtariya (strength). These names have been
gathered from a wide field amongst the Chamars. Rose, in his articles
on the Chamar, gives a number of Rajput clan names as names of
gots; and Russell in his article gives a number of interesting names:
Khurhti (a peg), Charhdaniha (sandal wood), Tarwaria (sword),
Borbaiis (plum), Miri (chillies), Chauria (a whisk), Baraiya (wasp),
Khalaria (a hide or skin), Kosni (kosa or tasarsilk), and Purain (the
lotus plant) .
1 Crooke, Tribes and Castes of the North-W$$te.rn Provinces and
Qudh, Vol. II. p. 173,
128 THE CHAMARS
evil eye. Such a person may be delivered from this state
by being weighed with grain, iron and oil on a Saturday.
At the special seasons of the Durga Puja and the Dewali
the Chamar worships his tools and implements. Besides
this somewhat individualistic, general attitude in the use
of fetishes, where the man or family or the local group
makes use of his particular implements or possessions,
there is an emphasized personal use of the fetish for
selfish purposes. The fetish is chosen because it is believed
to be the habitation of some particular spirit or power.
Unlike an idol, the fetish is not made to resemble the
spirit ; and unlike a god, the inhabiting spirit cannot
occupy more than one object at a time. The fetish
possesses personality and will, and may have human
characteristics. The owner believes that the fetish may
act by the will or force of its own proper spirit, or by the
force of a foreign spirit entering or acting from without.
So the fetish is worshipped, prayed to, sacrificed to, talked
with, petted, and ill-treated. Offerings are made to it.
The owner asks it or compels it to do his bidding. Pro-
fessor Jevons 1 remarks that a fetish is private property, and
that fetishism is anti-social and therefore anti-religious.
Nowhere is the Chamar's belief in spirits more clearly
illustrated than in his superstitions about demons. These
evil spirits are an object of propitiation. Their chief
characteristic seems to be their incalculable nature which
requires the " watch out n attitude on the part of the
masses. It is especially the malignant dead whom the
Chamar, by all means within his reach, propitiates. From
the malevolent dead nothing is to be hoped for, but
everything is to be dreaded. These evil spirits are more
feared by women and by children than by men. Offerings
of goats, pigs, cocks, eggs, grain, liquor, milk, water, and
many other things, are made by way of propitiation.
Besides, these ghosts require all sorts of prepared human
food. The ranks of these spirits are recruited from the
ghosts of the dead.
* Introduction to the Study of Comparative Religion, pp. 120.
121, 184.
THE SPIRIT WORLD 129
Some say that any spirit may wander about for twelve
months, and that one is never sure about them : they
may be troublesome. If ghosts are still unsettled at the
end of a year they become bhuts, if male, and churels, if
female.
There are many kinds of demons and their names vary
in different parts of the country. Names which are well
known in some areas are almost unknown in others. But
the general characteristic of these beings and the pheno-
mena attributed to them are in all parts of the country
the same.
The Vetdl, or Baital, the chief of demons, is described
variously as wheat-coloured, white, or green. He rides on
a green horse. He is sometimes counted as a godling.
The Bhut is, in particular, the spirit of a person who has
died a violent death, by accident, by suicide, or by capital
punishment, or the spirit of one whose funeral ceremonies
have not been performed. The bhut of Awadh is a
tall, white, shining ghost who impedes men's progress
along the roads at night. The term " bhut " is used also
in a more general and comprehensive way to denote
malevolent spirits.
The Churel, or Churail, is greatly feared. She is the
ghost of a woman who has died while unclean, or while
pregnant, or in child-birth ; or, as some say, such an one
who has died during the Dewali festival. She is described
as having pendent breasts, large, projecting teeth, thick
lips, unkempt hair, and a black tongue, and as of dreadful
appearance. Her feet, like those of most evil spirits, are
turned around. Some say that she is black behind and
white in front. She is especially malignant towards her
own family. To lay the ghost of a woman who has died
as described above, and, consequently, to prevent her
interference with the affairs of men, the body is sometimes
buried face downwards, and some fill the grave with
thorns and heavy stones to keep down the ghost. Again,
small round-headed nails are driven through the nails of the
forefingers and the two thumbs, and the great-toes are
welded together with iron rings, to prevent the ghost from
becoming active. The ground on which the woman died
130 THE CHAMARS
is carefully scraped and the earth removed, and the spot
sown with mustard-seed (sarsorh), and mustard-seed is
scattered along the road to the grave, or to the burial-
grounds, to prevent her return home. Mustard blooms in
the abode of the dead, and the Churel, who will stoop to
pick up the seeds, is delayed until dawn, and then must
flee. Sometimes a skein of thread is thrown into the
funeral pyre, with the thought that the ghost will be
taken up with the unwinding of the thread and so forget
to return to trouble her relatives. Some burn the body to
prevent the escape of the spirit.
Again, she appears as a beautiful young woman,
seducing youths at night. She keeps them until they are
prematurely old. At other times she comes in the form
of a beautiful girl in white, and leads young men away to
sacrifice. She appears in other forms too. An old
Chamar wizard tells of two high-caste brothers, the
stronger of whom slept in the fields at night to guard the
crops, while the other remained at home. But the strong
man suddenly grew weak and lean. Finally, his brother
asked of him the cause of this great physical decline. In
reply the other said : " A Churel comes to me every night
and obliges me to cohabit with her." Thereupon, the
younger brother decided to guard the crops. So, taking
a pair of shears he went to the field. That night the
Churel came and slept with him. In the night he cut
her scalp-lock (chutiya) very stealthily and concealed it.
In the morning the Churel awoke a mere naked woman,
and she was unable to escape. So he gave her a loin-
cloth (dhoti), took her home and kept her as his wife.
They reared a family, and grandchildren were born to
them. Then, one day, she asked her husband for her
chutiya. She said that she wished to dance because she
had grandchildren. At first he refused her request ; but
his friends agreed that, now that she had children and
grandchildren to think of, she would not run away. So,
at last, he granted her petition. As soon as she had
obtained her chutiya she disappeared. The same Chamar
related how a Churel came to him one night, about ten
o'clock, as he was watching in a field. HQ {bought jt
THE SPIRIT WORLD 131
was his wife, and asked, " Who are you?" The Churel
replied, " I am Baba Din's mother." By this he knew
that it was someone else, so he said, "Come along,"
made a place for her in his bed, and took out his knife so
as to be able to cut her chutiya; but she discovered his
design and fled. The Churel is often enrolled among the
village godlings and given a place in the common shrine.
All who see her are liable to be attacked by some wasting
disease. And those who come out at night in response to
her call are sure to die. If the Churel be seen in the
home, a heated brick or a hot iron is thrown into the
place that she frequents. She is thus driven away.
Another ghost, called the Gayal, or Ut, is the spirit of
a man who has died sonless or unmarried, and who,
consequently, has no one competent to perform his funeral
rites. His malice is directed towards the sons of other
folks, especially towards those of his relatives or his caste-
fellows. The duty of performing his funeral rites devolves
upon those next of kin or upon his neighbours, and they,
in self-protection, see that these rites are faithfully carried
out. In the Punjab, small platforms, in which are small
hemispherical depressions, are constructed for the Gayal.
In these milk and Ganges water are offered, and on these
platforms lamps are lighted for him. A careful mother
dedicates a coin to Gayal, and hangs it about her son's
neck to protect him through childhood and youth, and
until he has begotten a son.
The Pret, or Paret (fem. Pretnl) , is the ghost of
a deformed or of a defective person. To this class belong
the spirits of those who were crippled, or who lacked an
organ or a limb. The ghost of a child dying prematurely,
or of a still-born child, may be called a Paret. The follow-
ing narrative shows how vague may be the conception
of just what a Paret is: "On one occasion I was with
a Brahman in a field where sheaves of grain were piled
beside the threshing-floor. Some time after dark I noticed
that some of the sheaves were being thrown about ;
so I suggested to my companion that he drive away
the animal that was causing the trouble. But he
refused to do so. Thereupon I took a club and went
9
132 THE CHAMARS
to drive it away. I saw a bullock, which, as I stood
and looked, changed itself into a horse. The horse
became a camel, and the camel became an elephant. I
had presence of mind enough to call upon my Blr (a
powerful demon) for help. The Bir came, and when I
knew that he had come by a peculiar twitching in the
flesh of my right upper-arm I felt safe. The elephant in-
creased in height to about thirty feet and then disappeared.
I was taken ill with vomiting and diarrhoea, but relief
came after my father had made an offering to the Bir."
The same narrator told the following story : " During one
season, while I was watching the fields at night, I slept
under a tamarind tree. Every night an evil spirit came
and lay down on my chest. After this had happened a
number of times, I spoke to a Brahman, who was sleeping
in an adjoining field, and to his uncle. They both laughed
at me. So, when the evil spirit came upon me again, I
spoke to him, saying, * If you are able to do so, go to that
Brahman/ The ghost went that very night. Later, I
heard the Brahman call out, * Ah ! Ah ! ' I shouted to him
five times, calling him by name (Ramapat). He was
unable to answer immediately, but a little later he called
out to me, saying, ' Did you call me five times ? I heard
you, but I could not speak because someone was sitting on
my chest and holding me by the throat.' The Brahman
fell ill and died." Such stories as these show how
completely the Chamar lives in the fear of evil spirits. The
Pret is not always malicious.
The Pisach is a demon resulting from a man's vices,
and is in reality the spiritual embodiment of some vice, as
the lying spirit, the thief spirit, and the like, or the spirit
of insanity.
Another much dreaded demon is the Masan. He is
especially ill-disposed towards children, whom he often
changes to yellow, red, or green colour. He also causes
them to waste away and die, by casting his shadow upon
them. He is known only by his works, and, because of his
invisibility, is most dreaded. If water from the cooking of
the food fall on the fire so as to put it out, the household
js in terror lest the children be beset by Masan. If a
THE SPIRIT WORLD 133
woman allow her chadar to drag behind her the Masan
will follow her home. He will not disturb her, but the
children will pine away. And if children are born
they will die. After putting out a lamp with the fingers,
it is unsafe to rub them on the clothes for fear of the
Masan. A child may be delivered from the power of the
Masan by being weighed in salt. The Masan is said to
be also the ghost of a child, and that of a low-caste man
(a telly or oil-presser).
The female demon, Masdnt, is the spirit of the burial-
grounds. She comes out at night from the ashes of the
funeral pyre and attacks people as they pass by. The
Masani is black and hideous in appearance. She is often
rated as a sister of Sitala.
The Rakshasas are ogres, or giants, found in trees,
in birds, and in cisterns. Some are deformed. They
sometimes animate dead bodies. They devour human
beings, and eat raw flesh and carrion. They cause vomit-
ing and indigestion. They carry under their finger-nails
a deadly poison. They often assume the form of an old
woman with long hair. When they take human form
their heels are in front. Local tradition often considers
them as the architects of ancient buildings now in ruins.
Like other demons they are active at night, when they
mislead travellers. They are easily fooled, and can be
made to disclose their secrets. They travel through the
air, and depart with the dawn. Among the especial
classes of rakshasas are the Deo, a gigantic, powerful,
stupid, long-lipped cannibal ; the Btr, a malignant village-
demon of great power, who, amongst other things, brings
disease upon cattle ; and the Dano, who often lives in a
bargat tree. The wizard in whose house the Bir lives
may ask what he wishes and the demon will carry out
his request. But the Bir may live anywhere and still be
in the wizard's power. The wise man may summon
him at will. The Dano often pounces upon men, espe-
cially young men, at night.
Another dreaded demon is the Dund (or truncated),
the ghost of an unburied Mussulman martyr. He rides a
horse, but has neither head, hands, nor feet. He has his
134 THE CHAMARS
head tied on to the pommel of his saddle. He comes periodi-
cally, and calls out to people at night ; and he who comes
out-of-doors in response to his calls is sure to die or to go
insane. Frequently rumours are afloat that the Dund is
about, and then all people keep carefully indoors at night.
There are a number of demons with generic names, as
the Brahma-Purusha, the ill-tempered ghost of a Brah-
man ; the BaramdeOy a similar ghost ; the Manushyadeo ;
the spirit of a widow's deceased husband ; and the spirit
of a second wife's predecessor. These spirits must be
given plenty of attention. The Bhagaut is the ghost of a
man killed by a tiger.
Among the fiends are the Chordeva (sometimes called
the Manushdevd),Jilaiyd, Rarulchiryd and Mareti. Chor-
deva is a birth-fiend, who comes in the form of a cat and
worries the mother or tears her womb ; so cats are not
allowed in the birth-chamber. Jilaiya takes the form of a
night-bird and sucks the blood of persons whose names
it hears. So children are not called by name at night.
If this fiend fly over the head of a pregnant woman her
child will be born a weakling. The Mareli is a bird-fiend,
who comes and sits on a tree near a house where a man
lies sick, and calls out. If anyone should throw a clod at
her, she picks it up and drops it into a tank, or pond. As
the clod dissolves, the sick man wastes away and dies. If
this bird is killed on a Sunday and its body burned, after
certain incantations have been pronounced over it, the
ashes become a valuable love-charm. Any woman over
whom a man throws these ashes will follow him.
Pheru and Rahmd are now demons of the whirlwind.
To avoid the effects of an approaching whirlwind a person
should repeat the charm : " Bhdl Pheru terl kdr " (I am
within thy charmed circle, O holy Pheru). If this for-
mula be repeated three times, the evil spirits who come
with the whirlwind will do no harm. There are demons
of the storm, of the lightning, of the thunder, and of
other natural phenomena.
The Dodo and the Hawa are invoked to scare children.
Other bugaboos abound, one of whom is an old man with
a boy who carries off naughty children.
THE SPIRIT WORLD 135
The number of demons with functions and character-
istics like those described above is legion.
The Paris are fairies, most beautiful spirits, who carry
away beautiful persons. They take away the blossoms of
the gular tree at night. These are for the most part
creatures who are harmless, and who fall in love with
human beings. They are visible to the pure eyes of child-
hood. On the other hand, the Paris attack men on moonlight
nights, catching them by the throat, half choking them
and knocking them down. They protect children.
The Chamar accepts also most of the Mohammadan
varieties of spirits, such as Jinns, Ifrit and Mar id.
All demons require food, preferably the blood of animals,
and they must be propitiated ; yet they have no regular
worship and no imposing temples.
Since demons multiply in proportion as the death
ceremonies are neglected, everything is done to facilitate
the passage of the spirit to the abode of the dead, to " lay "
the ghost, and to " bar" its return. So the dying man is
placed on the ground, and the mourners at the funeral
wail to keep off evil spirits of obstruction ; the body is
carried feet foremost, and other devices are employed
during the funeral ceremonies as provision against any
possibility of the spirit's return ; and here again we see
the significance of the funeral rites. The burial-party
bathe after the cremation or burial ceremonies are com-
pleted ; on the homeward journey they do not look
back ; on the way back they step over running water and
throw bricks or stones over their shoulders ; and when
they reach the house, they shake out the folds of their gar-
ments and touch stone, cow-dung, iron, fire and water;
then they also touch the left ear with the little finger of
the left hand, chew nim-leaves, sit in silence to allow the
spirit if it has come so far to depart, and then disperse in
silence. The chief mourner carries a lota about with him
until the funeral ceremonies are completed.
There is a close connection between disease and
demons, and many kinds of sickness, and often death itself,
are attributed to demoniacal influences. This close
association in the minds of the Chamar is emphasized by
136 THE CHAMARS
the fact that most of the means used to scare demons, and
as protection against evil eye, are used in the prevention and
cure of disease. The demons that cause disease are legion.
Their worship is of the crudest form. Only in time of
calamity, or when epidemics are rife, is much attention
paid to them. Long periods of health and prosperity
result in the neglect of these godlings and in their shrines
falling into decay. These demon godlings, whose dis-
pleasure brings disease, are more or less local. Of course,
any demon may be responsible for the disease. In most
cases of illness the demon responsible for the trouble must
be identified by the Say and, or devil-priest. Some diseases
have caste names, as, for example, one form of smallpox,
Chamdriyd.
When an epidemic is raging, all the powerful disease
demons and malignant godlings are propitiated.
The line of distinction between godlings and demons
of disease is hard to draw. Many of them are known
as forms of Kail. The names of aspects of Kali which
are current in some parts of the country are scarcely
known in other areas. She has control over many forms
of disease, among which plague is now prominent. If
propitiated she will prevent disease, but if angry she
will bring it upon those who have offended her. Her
power is felt in diseases other than smallpox, although
Sitala is sometimes considered as one of her forms. It is
to this dreadful Kali, in some of her aspects, that offerings
are made when epidemics are raging.
Man, or Man Mat, the cholera goddess, has special
shrines, and the nim tree is worshipped as her abode.
Offerings of pumpkins, cocks, male buffaloes, rams,
he-goats and puris are made to her. The offered animal
is decapitated at one blow before her altar. Umariyd
Mdtd is worshipped in cases of cholera. The word
" cholera M (Haiza) is sometimes personified. The dread
disease is often attributed to some unnamed but powerful
demon. In some places a new plague-goddess has appeared,
Kartithi Mdtd.
Sitald Mdtd (Mata, Mother; Jagrani, Queen of the
World; Mata Mai, Great Mother; Jagadamba, Mother
THE SPIRIT WORLD 137
of the Earth ; Kalejewali, She of the Liver ; Tharhdi, She
that Loves the Cool ; and Phapholewali, She of the
Vesicle), the goddess of smallpox, lives in the nim tree.
Her feast day, which is known as Sltala ki Saptarm, is
the seventh of the dark half of each month. No fire is
lighted then. She is also worshipped on each Monday in
the month of June. Her worshippers are women and
children, never men. As a household goddess she is
called Tharhdi, and she has her place behind the waterpots,
where she is worshipped by the house-mother with cold
food and cold water only. She has special shrines and
small temples, sometimes in charge of a devil-priest,
or of a low-caste man, a Chamar or a sweeper. There
is one to her in the Muzaffarnagar district, where she
is worshipped as Ujali Mata, or the Bright Mother.
The offerings made here are cakes, sweetmeats, and gur.
When children are suffering from the disease, water is
poured over her shrine. This is magic. Another shrine,
at Raewaia in Dehra Dun, is visited by large crowds. Here
vows are made to obtain children, and children born by her
gracious favour are brought to the shrine. Offerings are
made in lives. There is a than (shrine) of hers at
Sikandarpur, in Bijnor, where a mela is regularly held.
There is a temple in Gurgaon, open to all castes, where
special religious fairs are held and where every Monday
people come to worship. There is another temple at
Jalaun. These notes illustrate the local character of her
places of worship, which are found all over the country,
nearly every village or group of villages having such a
place.
Sitala carries a broom and a basket. She sweeps men
about when she comes, gathers them in her winnowing-
basket and scatters them to the winds.
Her vehicle, the donkey, on which she rides in a state of
nudity, is a type of slow motion, which means that she
takes a long time to go away. Some say that she rides on
a tiger.
She is one of seven sisters, who are supposed to cause
pustular diseases. One is Masani, who plagues people
with boils. She has ears as large as winnowing-fans,
138 THE CHAMARS
projecting teeth, a hideous face, large eyes, and wide-open
mouth. She rides on an ass, carrying a broom in one hand,
a pitcher in the other, and a winnowing-fan on her head.
The offerings made to her are afterwards given to scaven-
gers and jogis. Agwdnl is the fever-goddess, who heats the
body. Sitala's elder sister, Chamdriyd, is the disease in its
worst form. This is an interesting name. Other castes
make offerings to her in the form of a pig sacrificed by a
Chamar. Her younger sister, Phulmati,, represents a mild
form of smallpox. The other sisters are Basantl and
Lamkariyd.
A peculiarity in the case of Sitala is that the
disease is the goddess, and the eruptions are signs
of her presence. Some say that " during an attack of
smallpox no offerings are made, and, if the epidemic has
once seized upon the village, all worship of her is
discontinued until the disease has disappeared. But, so
long as she keeps her hands off, nothing is too good
for the goddess. "
A considerable body of magic has grown up about
the treatment of smallpox. When the dread disease is
about, the chapdtl is not cooked in the usual way. When
the loaf is half kneaded, it and the cook's hands are dipped
in flour before it is flattened. If this is done, blisters do
not form when the bread is placed on the tawa to be
cooked. Besides, this method obviates the sputtering
sound, which is offensive to Sitala, and so averts her anger.
Another valuable practice is to use simple and unusual
methods of preparing food when smallpox is in the village
or mahalla. So the food to be cooked is put into the pot
all at once. During an outbreak of the disease, womsn
worship Sitala's shrines and pour water over them to kee*>
her cool. Water is poured also at the foot of the nim tree
and at cross-roads.
In Tirhut a feast to Jur Sital, or smallpox fever, is held.
The people bathe in water drawn the previous night, and
eat cooked food after worshipping her. From morning
till noon they cover their bodies with mud, and throw it
over all whom they meet. In the afternoon they go out
'with clubs and hunt jackals, hares, and any other animals
THE SPIRIT WORLD 139
that they happen to meet in the village. After they return
they boast of their valour.
Women visitors are not allowed to come into the sick-
room, and while the disease is raging people will not go
on a journey, not even on a pilgrimage. Offerings of
flowers, milk and Ganges water are made. For relief
during the course of the disease seven suits of clothes,
bound in a thread, and betel-nut, are waved over the
patient and then cast into a well. The black dog is
respected and fed as a propitiation when smallpox is
about, and sometimes a donkey, the vehicle of Sitala, is
fed with fried gram. Gram is also waved over the head of
the sick child, presented at a shrine, and given to the
donkey's master. Fowls, pigs and goats are offered. A
white cock is sometimes waved over the patient and then
let loose. As thunder disturbs Sitala, the stone mill, or
copper plates, or cooking utensils are rattled near the
child's ear during a storm. If the smallpox disappear
prematurely, a relative goes at night to a tank, naked, and
brings, in a new vessel, water from beneath a dhobi's
washboard. Some of the water is then poured over one of
Sitala's shrines, and the rest is brought home, passed into
the house through the roof from behind, and then sprinkled
on the patient. Sometimes, after six or seven days, a sick
child is covered with silver leaf and given raisins to eat ;
and, as the disease abates and the pox dries up, water is
sprinkled over the body of the child. Musicians are called
in, and the child is dressed in saffron-coloured clothes and
carried to one of Sitala's shrines. There a pipal tree is
besmeared with red-lead and sprinkled with curds, and red
rags are tied to its branches. Thorns are cast in the
pathway leading to the infested place to bar her return.
Other elements in the treatment of the disease will be
described under folk remedies and magic.
When an adult has recovered from smallpox a pig is
let loose in the name of Sitala, lest the patient have a
relapse. Upon recovery, offerings are made, consisting of
cocoanut, betel-nut, haldi, dub-grass and a black goat.
Smallpox must have been a most terrible scourge in the
days before vaccination was introduced.
140 THE CHAMARS
Strange and impracticable as it may seem, there are
unfailing tests by which demons may be recognized.
They cast no shadows ; they can stand almost anything
but the smell of burning turmeric, and they always speak
with a nasal twang. Some are deformed, while others are
of special colours. There are many places where bhuts are
likely to be found, and where it is unsafe to venture unless
well protected. Burial-places, cremation-grounds and all
deserts are infested with demons ; birds such as the owl
are possessed by evil spirits ; empty houses and old ruins
are haunted ; some ancient ruins are attributed to demoni-
acal activity ; the sites of old villages are respected as in-
fested with ghosts ; mines and caves are abiding-places of
demons, and evil spirits are said to be guardians of hidden
treasure. It is because spirits frequent cross-roads and
highways that sometimes, to get rid of disease, a stake is
driven into the ground at the crossing of roads, and seeds
are scattered about it, and that smallpox scabs are placed
at road-crossings and along the highways. The village
boundary is a place where all sorts of demons congregate,
so we have Chdmundd, or Sewdnriki (Sewanriyd), taking
up her post to protect the village from foreign spirits.
Foul places are the abodes of demons, so the Chamar
cleans his house but leaves his yard filthy. Demons are
found on the roofs of houses. But bhuts can never sit on
the ground (Earth is a devil-scarer); hence, at low-caste
shrines, pegs or bricks are set up, or a bamboo is hung
over the shrine as a resting-place for demons. A person
who is going on a pilgrimage to the Ganges, bearing the
bones of a dead man, sleeps on the ground but hangs up
the bones, as they must not touch the earth. Near shrines
it is best to sleep on the ground. The dying man is
placed on the ground, and the bride and groom sleep on
the ground. Sweet-smelling flowers are infested by
bhuts, and for this reason children are sometimes not
allowed to smell them ; nor do the people use perfumes on
children. Demons are very fond of milk, and so that
must be protected by a piece of charcoal. They are never
found in the temples of the gods, although they are always
near by.
THE SPIRIT WORLD 141
Spirits attack and enter the body through the head,
hair, mouth, eye, ear, hand or foot. Some say that the
Pret enters through the feet, the Deo through the head
or hands, but the Bhut through the eye or ear. So the
feet are washed at weddings, and the bride is lifted over
the threshold ; the head is shaved at puberty and at times
of mourning ; the eyelids are blackened ; bracelets and
anklets are worn, and many other devices are made use
of to outwit demons. Opportune times for demons
arise when one yawns, so one should at such a time clap
his hands or snap his fingers and call out " Narayan ! " At
meals care should be taken in preparing food and in eating,
and during festivals ; hence the elaborate preparations in
the domestic ceremonies. The effects of spirit entry, or
possession, are disease, barrenness, loss of favour or of
affection, failure in business, and general misfortune.
The times when persons are most subject to
demoniacal possession are at birth, at marriage, and at
death, the great crises in life ; and, consequently, it will be
perfectly clear that many of the ceremonies connected
with these events have for their object the scaring of
ghosts. Besides, women and children, as in the old
classic days, are always subject to demoniacal influences.
It becomes necessary, therefore, to work out a system by
which demons may be kept off, and means by which people
may be protected from evil influences. The following
devices apply to spirits in general, but they all have in
mind evil spirits in particular. The bridegroom wears
a crown and clothes of bright colours ; both the bride and
groom are protected by wave ceremonies and many other
devices The foods, the grains, and the colours of various
ceremonies are chosen for protective purposes. The tuft
of hair furnishes a resting-place for a spirit, so sometimes
the added precaution is taken of tying into it a piece of
blue-black thread or rag. Lampblack is rubbed on the
eyelids. Rings and bracelets are used. Charms and amulets
are worn. Women put memhdi on their hands and feet.
At night, when travelling, aChamar meeting another person
will not speak, lest, his voice being heard, he draw upon
himself some evil influence and his business come to naught.
342 THE CHAMARS
An enumeration of the various devices used as
protection against demons throws a flood of light upon the
commonplace practices and customs of the Chamar.
Iron is potent in keeping off demons, especially when
it is fashioned into a tool. Horseshoes are found at
shrines, and they are nailed to the threshold to keep out
evil spirits. Iron is found in the bed in the lying-in room ;
the mother wears an iron ring during the days of impurity
after childbirth ; nails are driven into bedposts, and are
used in "laying" the Churel ; and he who lights the
funeral-fire carries iron. The cooking-vessel is turned
upside down at night, at the right of the head of the bed
in the lying-in room, to protect the child from demons.
If nails are driven into the four bedposts no evil spirit will
attack him who sleeps upon the bed.
Other metals are in constant use : copper in rings,
amulets and coins, and brass in the lota, which every
mourner carries with him until the death ceremonies are
completed, and which is used when a person goes to per-
form the offices of nature. Bell-metal and other mineral
products are worn as bracelets, anklets and rings, and
around the neck. Tinsel is found in the crown and on
the clothes of the bridegroom, and in the karhgna.
Marine products, such as coral and shells, are used
as ornaments, but with a practical purpose as well.
Kauriam are often seen bound on the arm, or around
the neck, or in the hair; and they are used to protect
animals as well.
Precious stones, while believed in, are beyond the reach
of the poorer classes. Imitations are in use. The cutting
and the shaping of these is significant. Much use is made
of beads, especially blue beads. Rosaries and the hdr have
protective powers.
Salt is a potent protection. Salt and red mustard are
scattered around tbe patient's head to cast out fever.
Salt is given after sweats, to protect children from the
Churel.
Incense and smoke resulting from burning certain
things are also potent in keeping off devils. Incense is
burned at the chhatthi ceremony. Sometimes, when a
THE SPIRIT WORLD 143
child is ill, incense is obtained by burning bran, powdered
chillis, mustard and the child's lashes. While these
ingredients are burning the fire is waved around the child's
head. In most instances the vileness of the smell of the
incense is the important thing, and the worse it smells
the better the result. Among other things that are burnt
for similar purposes are leather, human filth, tiger's flesh,
human hair, droppings of pigs and dogs, sulphur and
lobdn. Cow-dung and many kinds of filth are used as
devil-scarers, and the five products of the cow are most
potent.
Blood, especially menstrual blood, is a potent charm
against demoniacal influences, except those of the Churel.
Traces of the use of blood are seen in the red marks made
upon the drum in certain ceremonies and in the marriage
ritual, where vermilion is used for the tika, and in the
handprint on the houses.
Water, fire, earth and ashes all find an important
place in social and religious rites where protection from
evil spirits is necessary. This explains, to some extent at
least, the ceremonial bathing in the domestic customs, the
use of lights and of the fire-sacrifice, the magic-earth
ceremony, and numerous other devices of a similar nature.
Water from a tanner's well is very effective.
Grains, particularly barley, rice and urd, as well as
mustard, are used. Parched grain is valuable. Special
spells are pronounced over rice. Among spices and
vegetables turmeric is to be especially noted ; likewise the
betel-nut, the cocoanut, the plantain and garlic.
Many colours are regularly used, chiefly yellow, red,
white, blue and black. The wedding-garments are of
red and yellow; the woman during her period of pregnancy
uses blue-black clothes or threads ; and coloured threads
enter into the domestic ceremonies. Charcoal is put into
milk, and lucky signs are made with it (and in red and in
cow-dung) on doors and pots.
Oil and ghi are used on images and in the ubtan.
They are often mixed with red-lead.
Feathers are used, as in the worship connected with
Zahra Pir. A bit of peacock-feather, struck on the wall
144 THE CHAMARS
above the waterpots with cow-dung, protects the drinking-
water from the evil eye.
Branches and leaves of the dhak, the nim, the
bamboo, the castor-oil plant and the tulsi shrub are potent
scarers. Grasses are also used.
Leather, especially shoe-leather, is a devil-scarer ; so the
father puts his shoe upside down at night, near the foot of
the bed, as a protection for his child. Shoe-heels are also used.
When the spindle of the spinning-wheel begins to " talk "
and does not run well, they beat it with a shoe to drive
out the demon who is making the trouble. When a
person begins to scratch his nose it is believed that he will
be attacked by some disease due to a demon. It is wise,
therefore, to take a shoe from some person who comes into
the house, and rub the nose seven times with it as a
preventative measure. To cure epilepsy the sufferer is
made to smell an old shoe.
Some special devices used to drive off demons include
wave ceremonies, noises, and figures. Waving scares
demons. This partly explains the wave ceremonies men-
tioned above, and accounts for flags at temples. Nim
branches are waved to exorcise spirits. If, at the time of
the wedding, the activity of the power of fascination is
suspected, salt is waved around the head of the bride and
groom, and burned near the house-door as a charm.
Certain forms of dancing may have this significance.
Noises scare demons. This accounts for the use of loud
and noisy music at festivals and ceremonies and in many
practices connected with demonology. The beating of
the tawa and the ringing of bells belong here. The clap-
ping of one's hands, as noted above, has this function.
In visiting an old tomb one may catch a harmless spirit
unawares, and, as he resents being disturbed, one should
clap one's hands.. And yet silence is maintained at special
times, as during the measuring of the grain. Certain
symbols and figures are of great value. They are found
about the house and on the cooking-vessels, upon the pots
and about temples and shrines. The circle in various
devices is found everywhere. It appears in rings, in
karhgnas, and in other ornaments. The magic circle is
THE SPIRIT WORLD 145
drawn in connection with the Nag Panchami festival.
The circle is found also in knots and in arches. Both
the double and the single triangles and the square are
common. The swastika is found upon doors and door-
posts and in many other places. This is to be seen where
family gods are placed, and often in a shrine of Bhumaiya.
Here it consists of two straws on a daub of cow-dung
plaster. It is a symbol of blessing. The magic hand
appears in red, yellow and black, and in cow-dung. When
found upright on a shrine, it denotes a prayer ; when
reversed, it indicates that the prayer has been answered.
The protecting hand may be seen on bullocks and on
houses. Other references may be found in the domestic
customs. Crossed lines are used. Various figures are used
in connection with the worship of Shasti, and many other
symbols are drawn for protective purposes.
Connected with the subject of protection from demons
is the use of caste-marks and tattooing. Some Chamar
women wear on the feet, as a distinguishing caste-mark,
a specially shaped anklet, called dhundhm. It used to
be the custom for Chamars who were at work with
other caste-men, and who did not wish to conceal
their caste, to tie around their pipe (chilam), or
tongues, a small leather thong. Chamar women, much
more than other women, have themselves tattooed. This
is done upon the breast, stomach, upper and lower arms,
hands and feet, and upon certain parts of the face. In
some cases this is a ceremony of initiation. These are
the only ornaments that a Chamari can take with her
beyond the grave. When a Chamari dies Parmeshwar
asks her to display the marks and signs which she ought
to possess to show that she has lived on the earth. If she
cannot show these tattoo marks, she will not see her
father and mother in the next world, but will reappear as
a bhutni, a pretni, or a rakshasl. So tattooing takes place
about the time of the marriage ceremony.
The origin of the use of many of these devices for
scaring ghosts is undoubtedly in utility. The medicinal
value of certain herbs and of the leaves of certain trees
explains some of these practices. Other are more obscure.
146 THE CHAMARS
Many are the hit-or-miss results of insufficient observation
and have been handed down from time immemorial.
Some of the devices described as devil-scarers appear in
the practice of magic also, and in connection with the
belief in the evil eye. And these two latter phases of
primitive belief and practice illustrate further the methods
used to control, or to defeat, the plans of demons.
The materials presented so far in this chapter, and a
good deal of material in the preceding chapters, show how
thoroughly the attention of the Chamar is occupied with
malevolent spirits. He has, however, a great number of
benevolent spirits as well, whom he enlists forprotection and
for aid against the forces of evil. The sainted dead and other
spiritual beings, some of whom have attained unto some
degree of divinity, and the godlings occupy an important
place in his thinking. It is difficult to draw the line in
some cases and to determine whether the ghost is a
benevolent or a malevolent spirit. If some person die
under unusual or untoward circumstances, or if some
extraordinary event transpire, a shrine is built to appease the
spirit concerned. So, special shrines and platforms are
constantly appearing. Many sadhus and other holy men
are revered, and their worship is carried on over a more
or less wide area for a time after their death. In these
ways countless local shrines arise, to which pilgrimages are
made in the expectation of material prosperity, relief from
disease, or the boon of offspring. Examples of such places
are two graves of Nanak Panthi gurus at Bhogpur (in
Bijnor) and that of a sadhu at Jhalu (in Bijnor). The
graves of the former are visited in the rainy season. At
Bijnor two brothers, Nur-ud-din and Shahab-ud-din, are
rated as saints. To one batasas, and to the other cups of
spirits are offered. In times of sickness these brothers are
worshipped, and in their names vows are made. Their
graves are visited five times a year. At each of the first
four visits the worshipper walks around the graves once,
and on the fifth visit five times.
In a Chamar village, in the eastern part of the Pro-
vinces, there is a large beehive-shaped shrine to Hem
Raj. The structure, which rests under a tree on the
SHRINE OF NAT 11 AH A
KALKI AND HER COURT
SHRINE OF HEM RAJ
THE SPIRIT WORLD 147
outskirts of the village, is in a dilapidated condition. In
front may be found a small earthen saucer with a wick in
it, the remains of a lamp placed there as an offering.
One day, while Hem Raj was entertaining the people of
the village, a woman cast a magic spell upon him.
He fell down in a fit of apoplexy and died. He was
buried on the spot, and a mound of earth was erected to
his memory. Here worshjp is still carried on.
The legend of Nat Baba also illustrates how places of
pilgrimage arise. On one of the banks of the Ken river is
an old and ruined fort, and back from the opposite bank is
a rocky hill. In the old days, the Raja who owned the fort
challenged a Nat (one of a tribe of wandering acrobats) to
stretch a rope from the hill to the fort, while the river was
in flood, and to walk on it from the hill to the fort. The
Nat was to receive half of the kingdom should he be suc-
cessful. The challenge was accepted and the performance
begun. When the Nat reached the middle of the stream
the Rani began to fear that the Raja would lose half his
kingdom. So she tried to get someone to cut the rope
and so plunge the Nat to death. No one, however, was
willing to cut the rope, because the Nat was performing
his feat by means of magic. At last it was reported that
the Chamar's rampi was a non-conductor of magic, and a
Chamar was persuaded to cut the rope. Before he died,
the Nat cursed the queen and the kingdom. The ruined
fort is the fulfilment of his curse. The Nat was buried
below the fort, on the river-bank. His grave is now a place
of pilgrimage, where people make offerings for children and
wealth. The Nat has become a saint and is called Nat
Baba.
In some parts of the country a group known as the
Five Saints (Pdnch Plr) are revered. The names of the
five are not always the same and many are found in the
list. We have in these a grouping according to a lucky
number, five. They are better known towards the
Punjab. The names of the five are, for the most part, of
local significance, and many of them are names of
Mussulmans. For these five Chamars^set up five pegs
in their homes. Among the five are (1) Shekh Sarwar,
10
148 THE CHAMARS
who is buried at Hardwar. He is worshipped with offer-
ings of very thick bread and coarse flour. (2) Mir an
Sahib is a headless horseman who has a dargah at Amroha.
He has a brother, (3) Giar ' Samaddn. Both of these
brothers have shrines at Bijnor. (4) Gdzi Mian, who
died at Bahraich in 1034, in early life, is sometimes
reckoned amongst the five. (5) Gdzi Sdldr (Bara Miydn,
Bale Miydn y Masud Sdldr Gdzi) is now the patron saint
of the inhabitants of the British cantonments of North
India. 1
Another saint, Kalu Blr, Kalu Bdba, 2 was a brave
strong man of the Gujar caste. His grave is at Barha-
pura (in Bijnor), where he has many followers. Tradi-
tion has it that he is the son of king Solomon and a
Kahar girl, who by magic compelled the king to marry
her. The saint has a good many followers, especially in
the Meerut Division, many of whom are Chamars. His
fetish is a stick decorated with peacock feathers, and he
is worshipped with petty offerings of food. It is said that,
if gur and cakes are offered to him, he will lift wagons out
of ruts and do other similar tasks that require great
strength.
Burhd Bdba (Bdbu) was a dwarf of the potter caste.
Some say that he was only three feet tall, but that he was so
large of girth that his belt would enclose twelve buffaloes.
If he is not properly propitiated he will cause white leprosy
and other terrible diseases. But he protects and serves his
friends. When disease is epidemic and the cause is attri-
buted to Burha Baba, a potter is summoned. Under his
direction the sick man's friends take clay from the
potter's wheel and apply it to the diseased parts. Then
offerings are made, some of which are set apart for the
saint, and placed before the potter. In connection with the
preparation for the wedding Burha Baba is worshipped. A
visit is made to the village potter, where his wheel is
worshipped with offerings of grain and marked with haldi.
Afterwards the vessels for use in the wedding are purchased
1 Legends of the Punjab, Vol. I. No. V, and notes.
* See Chapter VIII. p. 219.
THE SPIRIT WORLD 149
and taken home. The potter comes to the house and
makes a kamgna out of a strip of new white cloth, by
fastening in it a betel-nut, an iron ring and a bit of
turmeric. This he ties on the wrist of the bride (or groom)
for protection. In Burha Baba we have a good illustra-
tion of the mixture of elements belonging to both the fear
of the malevolent dead and reverence for the benevolent
dead.
Another interesting saint is Bdba Farid 1 (Baba Shekh
Farid), a famous robber. One day, when he was about to
rob and murder a faqir in the jungle, the saint asked him
who of his family would go surety for him in this world
and in the next. Farid asked his family and they all
refused to do so, so he reformed. Baba Farid is also known
as Sakkar Ganj, or Ganj Sakkar, from the reputed honour of
having turned stone into sugar. He was a thrifty saint,
who, for the last thirty years of his life, nourished himself
by holding to his stomach wooden cakes and fruits
whenever he was hungry. He had a magic bag from
which he could get anything he wished. In the upper
Uoab, the ceremony of the first boiling of the sugar-cane
is connected with him. Sugar-cane juice is passed around,
and then from the first of the gur five cakes (bheli)
are set aside for the Five Saints, of whom they reckon
Baba Farid as one. They are left until the work of
making gur is completed, after which they are distributed.
Out of the first of the gur some is passed around also, and
this is called farldl. Should the saints be neglected, they
would bring a curse upon the sugar, and there would be
no profits.
Gorakh Nath* the famous saint and ascetic and
worker of miracles, is recognized by the Chamars in some
1 Crooke, A Rural and Agricultural Glossary for the North-
Western Provinces and Oudh, p. 94; also, An Introduction to the
Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern India, p. 135.
8 On Gorakh Nath see Temple, Legends of the Punjab, II., VI.,
XVIII., XXXIV., XXXVIII. and LIL; the article "Kanpatha" in
Crooke's Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh,
Vol. III. p. 73; Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. VI.
pp. 328 ff. ; Indian Antiquary, Vol. VII. p. 293 ; XXIV. p. 51.
150 THE CHAMARS
areas as a saint. He possessed a magic wand, and wooden
sandals that conferred wonderful powers of locomotion.
Any person to whom he gave the sandals was able to fly.
In some legends he is spoken of in connection with Bkim-
sen, one of the heroes of the Mahabharata. It is related
that when Bhimsen lay benumbed with cold on the
snow-covered mountains, Gorakh Nath restored him and
made him king of 110,000 hills. To these two saints is
attributed the substitution of buffaloes for human beings
in sacrifice. Sadhus of this sect, who are called Gorakh
Nathls, or Gorakh Panthis, or Kanphatas, wear very large
earrings (mudra), and have a miniature horn or whistle
(swagi) hung from their necks. This whistle is used in
worship* and in ceremonies connected with bathing and
eating. Some of them wear rosaries made of beads of
stone secured on pilgrimage to Hinlaj, in Baluchistan.
They practise some revolting forms of austerity (yoga).
Householders of this panth, some of whom are of low-caste
origin, are not admitted to holy orders. The great sanctity
which Gorakh Nath possessed enabled him to do many
wonderful things. His name is constantly mentioned in
the legends of Sakhi Sarwdr and of Gugd Plr. This
circle of legends deserves some consideration because the
names are widely known. But as one travels to the east
he hears less and less about Sakhi Sarwar and Guga Pir.
These legends illustrate what is in the minds of all classes
of persons in connection with the veneration of saints and
the pilgrimages to shrines. The shrine of Sakhi Sarwar
Sultan, 1 at Dehra Ghazi Khan, is a celebrated place.
Since he is especially benevolent in the granting of sons,
many village women in the Punjab are his followers.
In the Delhi territory he has shrines to which
pilgrimages are made, and where vows are made in
anticipation of the boons which he is able to grant.
Attendants as well as pilgrims all sleep on the ground, and
there are no beds in the adjoining village. He had a
famous mare, Kakki.
1 See Temple, Legends of the Punjab, Nos. II., IV., VII., VIII.,
XXI., XXII., XXXVIII., XLV. and LIII.
THE SPIRIT WORLD 151
Raja Bdshak, a godling of the under-world, is the king
of snakes. He is celebrated in the legend of Lona
Chamari and in those of Guga Pir. Bashak is able to
appear as a snake or as a man, and he uses snakes as the
medium of his power ; but he is under the control of
Guga. Snakes are called Guga's servants. Guga is now,
in the Punjab, the greatest of snake-kings. It is reported
that he was found in his cradle sucking a cobra's head.
The saint Guga Pir, or Zahrd Pir, was born a Hindu ; but
he afterwards turned Mussulman, in order that he might
enter the interior of the earth and bring the snake kingdom
under his control. He is well known in the western
parts of the Provinces and in the Punjab ; and he has
shrines far to the east, although he is less known there
than in the north-west. The legend 1 of Zahra Pir, or
Guga Pir, is one of the most famous in Northern India.
He is worshipped to prevent snake-bite and in cases where
persons have been bitten by poisonous snakes or by
scorpions. It is good to listen to the story of Guga at night
during Dewali, since the mention of his name deters
snakes from entering houses. When vows made to Guga
are not fulfilled, it is believed that a snake appears in the
house within twenty-four hours and demands the gifts
within a certain specified time. Some of his shrines are
still famous. At one, in Multan, cures are wrought for
blindness, barrenness and leprosy. There is a special
festival, known as the Chhari (chhariyd) meld, held
during the rainy season in honour of Guga Pir, which is
very popular amongst the low-caste people in the north-west.
This fair is named after the chhari, or flagstaff, which is
carried in his name. Among the things necessary for the
worship of Guga is the " flag," which consists of a bamboo
twenty or thirty feet in length, surmounted by a circle of
peacock feathers, and decorated with fans and flags and
1 See Indian Witness, Feb. 21, 1911 ; Temple, Legends of the
^ Punjab, Nos. VI. and LII.; Indian Antiquary, 1895, p. 49; 1897, p. 84.
Crooke, An Introduction to the Popular Religion and Folklore of
Northern India, p. 133; Oman, Castes, Customs and Superstitions of
India, p. 67. The Chhari Kd Meld, by the Rev. A. Crosthwaite, in
The S.P.G. Mission Quarterly Paper (Cawnpore), Jan. 1910.
152 THE CHAMARS
cocoanuts done up in cloth. At the fairs men who are
called " Zahra Fir's horses " carry these "flags." The
poles are also kept at home by some persons and are used
in special sacrifices. They are sometimes carried from
house to house in August and then the owners receive alms.
The object of the mela is to do special reverence to Guga,
and to insure thereby immunity from snake-bite. Often at
the foot of the flagstaff clay images of snakes are offered.
These are temporary images similar to those used in the Nag
Panchami ceremonies. Besides the "flag," Guga's whip
is prominent. This consists of a ring, from which hang
five iron-chain lashes to which are attached iron discs at
intervals. Under special circumstances a bhagat lashes
himself with two of these whips, one in each hand. The
other instruments of worship are a trident upon which to
hang the " whip," and a drum shaped like an hour-glass.
But Guga is worshipped in the hope of securing other boons
besides immunity from snake-bite. He is a powerful saint
and so is worshipped in behalf of sickly children, and for
help in a variety of diseases, and for the removal of the
curse of barrenness.
Another saint more local in fame is Gopdl Bdba, who was
an Aharwar Chamar, a shoemaker for a Raja. He was very
badly treated by the Raja, who tried to kill him. The
Chamar finally died from the effects of a nail which was
driven into his foot. He is now a protective saint, and
has his shrine under a nim tree in the village.
Still another saint of this type is Devi Baba, who was
a Dohar Chamar. His shrine consists of five chambers,
one for one of his sons, one for another, one for his ser-
vant, one for Kalka and the central one for himself. An
interesting thing about this case is that this man went to
Bengal to learn magic. Upon his return he became
famous by reason of the great number of evil spirits that
he was able to bring under his own control.
A more widely known saint is Hardaul, Harda Lala, or
Hardour Ldla, now reckoned as a godling of cholera and
of marriage. He was poisoned on suspicion of unlawful
relations with his older brother's wife ; but when it was
discovered that he was innocent he was considered a
THE SPIRIT WORLD 153
martyr. He is now worshipped at weddings and during
epidemics. A day or two before a wedding the women
go to his shrine, worship, and invite him to be present at
the ceremonies. His image on horseback is found on
many shrines.
Still another saint of this type, Dulhd Deo, is the
deified spirit of a bridegroom killed by lightning during the
wedding festivities. He receives an offering of flowers in
February and of a goat at marriage (the women share in
the meat of this goat). During the wedding festivities he
is worshipped in the cook-room, and oil and turmeric
are offered to him. The ceremony is performed by the
eldest son.
The less-noted saints are very numerous.
The next order of saints are those who have risen to
the vague position of tutelary, or protective, godlings.
Amongst these may be named Bhimsen and Bhishma,
heroes of ancient India. Bhimsen is much changed
from what he was as the famous character of the
Mahabharata, for he is now but one of the wardens of
the household or of the village. His fetish is a piece of
iron in a stone or a tree, or an unshapely stone covered
with vermilion. With him there is found some pillar
worship, and his giant strength is attested by some huge
boulders in Kumaun, where his fingerprints are still
pointed out. He is worshipped on Tuesday and Saturday,
and offerings of he-goats, hogs, cocks, and cocoanuts are
made to him. Bhishma is the childless one. Worship to
him is performed in the month of February and in
November-December, when lamps are sent to the houses
of Brahmans. The housewife sleeps on the ground, on
a place plastered with cow-dung. Lamps with red wicks
and fed with sesame oil are kept burning in the house.
Into each lamp a walnut, a lotus seed, and two copper
coins are placed. Each evening during the festival the
women prostrate themselves before the lamps and walk
around them. They bathe each day before performing
the ceremony. The bath is taken in the following
way: Five lamps made of dough are placed, one at the
entrance to the village, and the other four at cross-roads,
154 THE CHAMARS
under a pipal tree, in a temple to iva and at a pond.
This last-named one is placed on a raft made of the leaves
of sugar-cane. Grain is placed under each lamp. After
the lights have gone out, the lampblack from the wicks is
rubbed on the eyes and fingers of the worshippers, and the
toe-nails are anointed with the oil that remains. During
the period of worship one meal a day, consisting of sugar,
sweet potatoes, ginger and other roots, is served. Flour
is made from amaranth seed, millet and buckwheat*
Butter is used, and only milk is drunk.
Further removed from the realm of sainthood, but
probably connected with the worship of ghosts, are the
tutelary godlings like Ganesh and Hanumdn, both of whom
are worshipped. Here both hero and animal worship are
combined. Ganesh is the godling of good luck. Hanu-
man (Maha BIr), the guardian against demoniacal
influences, is represented by rude images smeared with oil
and red ocre. He is worshipped also as a cure for barrenness.
He can assume any form at will. Because of his faithfulness
to Rama he is the type of all fidelity.
The next class of godlings is those who are not, on
the surface, connected with the belief in ghosts. However,
these also are of human origin, and it is on this basis that
they can be most easily understood. First, there is the
preponderance of mother, or sakti, worship. The local
village demon-mother is universally feared. This phase of
spirit-worship is connected with^he worship of some form or
other of Kali, the consort of Siva, and is without doubt
of aboriginal origin. Sitala Mata, a form of Kali, has
already been described. Besides her we have Mata Mai
and Marl Mai, or Man. Kalkd and Dakkani, fairly
common in some sections of the country, are other forms
of Kali. In some of her shrines there are three chambers
and in these glass bracelets are sometimes found. Then
there are the Jungle Mother and the Birth Mother. This
latter goddess exercises powers which reside in a blue
bead, Kailas Maura, which Chamaris carry to insure easy
delivery in their practice of midwifery. Amon^ other
" Mothers " are Bhuki Mata, the goddess of famine, and
the goddesses of the various crops. Hulki Mai is a cholera
THE SPIRIT WORLD 155
goddess. Fickleness, and proneness to inflict diseases,
unless propitiated by fealty, offerings and prayers, are all
contained in this form of belief ; and very many believe that
Mothers have control over magical powers and over the
secrets of nature. Dharll Mdtd, or Dhartl Mdl, the sup-
porter or upholder, is worshipped in the morning, at plowing
time, at sowing time, and when a cow or a buffalo is bought.
In the first milking after calving, and always at milking
time, the first stream is offered to her. When medicine is
taken a little is poured on the ground to her. With her
is connected the belief in the sanctity of the earth. 1 With
ceremonies connected with the worship of this goddess
women are associated, and in some instances secrecy is
practised. She also sleeps on the fifth, seventh, ninth,
eleventh, twenty-first and twenty-fourth, or on the first,
second, fifth, seventh, tenth, twenty-first and twenty-fourth
of each month, so these and fifteen days of Kuar are
sacred to her. On these days no plowing is done.
Another godling of the same type is Bhumid (some-
times Bhumid Ram) of the homestead or soil, a protector
of the fields. As Bhumid Rani she is worshipped with cakes
and sweetmeats, which are spread upon the ground in the
sun and then eaten by the worshipper and his family. 2
Sometimes a shrine is erected to Bhumia when a new
village is consecrated. His place is a domed roof or a
platform. After harvest, at weddings, and when male
children are born, vows have been made to Bhumia.
Women take their children to his shrines on Sundays.
Sometimes the first milk of a cow or of a buffalo is
offered to him and especially after milk has spoiled.
Young bulls are released in his honour. Seldom does he
receive animal sacrifices ; his are the fruits of the soil.
When the crop is sown, a handful of grain is sprinkled
over a stone, meant for his shrine, in order to protect the
crop from hail, blight, and wild animals. At harvest-time
the firstfruits are offered to him that he may protect the
garnered grain from rats and insects.
1 See the " magic earth M and similar ceremonies.
1 See Punjab Notes and Queries, III. 56.
156 THE CHAMARS
Bhairorti the terrible, sometimes called Bhairorh of the
Club, or Bhairorh the Lord, is a form of Siva. He rides
a black horse, is accompanied by a black dog, and is, in the
Punjab, a godling of the homestead. He is conciliated
by feeding a black dog to satiation. He frightens away
death. As the protector of the fields and of cattle he
receives offerings of meat and sweets, and at his shrine
spirits are poured out and drinking is indulged in. When
one is very ill a vow is made to sacrifice a goat of one
colour, and without blemish in case of recovery. In
fulfilling the vow, the goat is taken by all the friends of the
sick man to the shrine of Bhairorh, under a nim tree, just
outside the town. Then the animal is beheaded
with one stroke of a large knife, the head is placed
before the image of Bhairorh, and a little liquor
is sprinkled upon it. To the godling they say, " If you are
pleased, let the goat's head open its mouth. " The
head always " speaks, " if placed before the image with
sufficent promptitude. Puris are then offered, after
which the body of the goat and the cakes are taken by
the sacrificers to their home to be eaten. The head of the
goat is given to the gardener attached to the land where
the shrine is located. At the house a feast is made, or if
that be not possible, the flesh is divided among the
friends and they take it to their homes. Bhairorh has
chelas, or sadhus, called bhopas. When a man obtains a son,
following a vow to Bhairorh, he dedicates the child to the
godling for a certain term of years, and places him in the
charge of a bhopa. Such dedicated persons are called
bhopas.
Another village goddess, the godling of the village
boundary, is Chamundd, a form of Kali, one who delights
in blood. On the outskirts of many villages there is a
mound with some rude stones upon it to represent her.
There are several godlings of special interest. Madain*
the godling of wine, whom some call a demon, is greatly
feared by the Chamars in the eastern parts of the
Provinces and in Bihar. In Shahabad, for example,
1 Census Report, United Provinces, 1891, pp. 220, 221.
THE SPIRIT WORLD 157
Madam is the most serious form of oath taken amongst
the Chamars, and a form of oath very rarely used, and
then only when both parties involved are Chamars. They
believe that whosoever swears falsely on this godling will
suffer most severely. In the panchayats, when one man
challenges another's testimony, he frequently calls upon
him to swear by Madain, Sometimes, through fear,
men, when so challenged, withdraw their testimony.
The challenger has always to furnish the liquor, which
his adversary then pours on the ground. The members
of the panchayat are treated to drink by the challenger.
If sickness or calamity follow, either to the man or to his
family, it is attributed to his having sworn falsely.
Chamars of Oudh hold him in great fear, but are ashamed
to acknowledge him.
Saliya, 1 a special god of the Chamars, is worshipped
with offerings of small pigs. Similar offerings are made
to Jakkaiyd in fulfilment of vows when children are born.
The pig is sacrificed by a sweeper, who marks the child's
forehead with the blood.
Kale Gore Deo y 2 the black and white godlings, are
worshipped daily by many Chamars, and by many other
low-caste people. They are supposed to reside in a
corner of the house where a pice has been buried, and
are worshipped with offerings of food and drink. Their
worshippers numbered, in 1891, about 750,000. Their
origin is connected in some way with Kali Singh and
Guga Pir, or with the two Mohammadan saints Kalu
and Gori, said to be buried in the Partabgarh District.
Another localized divinity, Purbi Deota (the Godling of
the East Country), is worshipped at home. Once a year
a pig, together with four yards of cloth, two loin-cloths,
one nutmeg, four cloves and rice are offered to him. On
the following day the worshippers bathe, after which they
make an offering of bread and give a feast in which the
flesh of the pig is cooked and eaten.
1 Census Report, United Provinces, 1891, pp. 220, 221.
* Census Report, United Provinces, 1891, p. 220.
CHAPTER VII
THE MYSTERIOUS
THE Chamar attributes most events to spirit agencies,
and, since he is always on the alert to outwit and to defeat
these unseen powers, he is also always watching for signs
that will indicate what is likely to happen, and he always
plans to do things under the most favourable conditions.
The whole field of luck and ill-luck and of omens is
undoubtedly related to the belief in ghosts.
Like other folks the world over, the Chamar has his
lucky and unlucky days. New clothes must not be put
on on a Wednesday. To lend, or to borrow, on Saturday,
Sunday or Tuesday is unlucky ; and it is not wise to
return from a journey on these days. Horses or cattle,
or anything pertaining to them, such as leather, ghi or
cow-dung, should not be bought or sold on Saturday or
Sunday ; and, if cattle should die on one of these days,
they should be buried. The year's plowing should be
begun on a Tuesday, a Wednesday, a Thursday or a
Friday, or on the first or the eleventh of the month, and
reaping should be begun on a Thursday and finished on a
Wednesday. Cattle should rest on the 15th or the 30th
of the month. The pressing of the sugar-cane should not
be begun on Saturday or Wednesday.
Dis-d-sul is the demon of the four quarters. He lives
in the east on Monday and Saturday, in the north on
Tuesday and Wednesday, in the west on Friday and Sun-
day, in the south on Thursday. So it is not good to plow
in those directions on these days. The south is unlucky
and the cooking-floor should not face that way, neither
should a person lie with his feet to the south.
THE MYSTERIOUS 159
Three and thirteen are unlucky numbers, and these
days after death are very inauspicious. Odd numbers are
generally lucky. Five and multiples of five, and compound
numbers like four and a quarter, two and a half, and seven
and a half, are lucky.
When one is starting on a journey, it is inauspicious
to see a jackal cross the road from the right, a crow on a
dead tree, or a dog shake his head so as to flap his ears.
Under such circumstances a man should return home
at once. The same precaution should be taken if a
person hear an ass braying, or anyone sneeze near by, or
if he should meet a washerman, an oilman, an eunuch, a
widow, a water-carrier with an empty pitcher, a man suffer-
ing from disease or infirmity, a one-eyed man, or a man
riding a buffalo. It is inauspicious if a brick drop out of the
doorway, or if a cat is seen catching a rat, just as a person
starts on an errand.
On the other hand, it is auspicious to meet a revenue
collector (lambarddr), a Brahman with his books, a man
carrying a light, a sweeper with his basket full, a water-
carrier with his pitcher full (one ought to drop a pice into
it), or a woman carrying a male child. It is good to have
a jackal cross your path from the left, to hear an ass bray-
ing on the left, or to meet a snake (it should be passed to
the left and be greeted with " Salaam 1 "), or a loaded
donkey (if he be loaded with clothes, but if loaded with
bricks, unlucky), or to see a calf sucking its mother.
The following are good omens : To hear a jackal howl-
ing at night ; to hear an owl hooting at night ; to hear a
partridge calling at night ; to hear the voice of a koel in
the morning; to see a monkey the first thing in the morning
(but do not say " Bandar " before you eat) ; to meet the
mantis (he should always be saluted when seen); to
meet one carrying two full pots (doghar) one above the
other (they should be left to the right); to see in the
morning a crow or a black buck. A man on horseback
riding into a sugar-cane field during sowing brings good
luck.
The following are ill omens: To see a pair of
jackals in the morning ; to meet a one-eyed oilman (very
160 THE CHAMARS
unlucky ; unless he laughs he should be beaten) ; to see a
cat crossing the road in the morning ; to look on a barren
woman the first thing in the morning ; to see a dog flap-
ping his ears or shaking his head when work is in pro-
gress ; to sit in or to sneeze into a winnowing-fan ; and to
have a kite settle on your house.
To see a cat or a crow throwing water on itself is a
good omen. If a dog howl three distinct times at night a
robbery is about to be committed, or trouble is imminent,
or someone in the village will die. It is a bad sign for a
dog with a bone in his mouth to come straight
at a person. An owl hooting at night in a grave-
yard foretells death to the passer-by who hears it.
Howling dogs portend evil because they are able to
see evil spirits. If a spider falls upon a person it means
that he will soon get new clothes, but the touch of a
lizard is unfortunate. The owl, the kite and the cat
are objects of dread, and the two former are bird-fiends
of the lying-in room and of childhood. Up to the time
of the performance of the chhatthi, the parents will not dry
the child's clothes out of doors ; and it is a very ill omen
indeed if an owl, a kite, or a cat come into the birth-
chamber. If, during the day, they put a child on a bed
out of doors, they cover it with a sheet, and lay over this
a piece of grass lengthwise of the body, that the shadow
of a passing kite may not fall upon the child and cause
what is known as chllwds. If a man reach a village at
dusk, or after nightfall, and hear a woman crying, he
must go back home at once, or at least go as far as
another village to rest for the night and then go home ;
or, he may sit down and smoke and go on. If a newly
purchased horse, on seeing his owner, shakes his head,
the bargain should be broken off ; but if he paws, it is
a good sign. A one-eyed man coming to a party stops the
merriment (he should be driven away). Persons with
defective eyes are constitutionally vicious and cunning
(chaldk) and they should be avoided. A person who
dreams himself dead will live long ; but one who
dreams that he is well dressed, or that he is going out,
will die soon. The itching of the right palm signifies
THE MYSTERIOUS 161
wealth ; of the left, indicates that money will be paid out.
The twitching of the upper right eyelid signifies good ; of
the left, ill. The indications in the twitching of the lower
lids are the reverse of the above. The twitching of the left
eyelid of a woman signifies joy. Sneezing is lucky, and
as a man cannot die for some time afterwards, he should
be congratulated.
Another mystery is that which is included under the
general term of evil eye, or fascination (nazar) . It is
believed that there results from the look or glance of
many persons, and it is by no means certain by how
many, sickness, wasting diseases in children, death, mis-
fortune, loss, calamity and diabolical influences generally.
Such glances affect individuals, cattle, crops, food,
houses and almost every other thing of value, including
building enterprises and handwork. The real root of the
matter is in covetousness. Any especially beautiful or per-
fect person, animal, or object is subject to fascination, and
the influence is due to a desire on the part of some person
or spirit for the particular thing or quality found in the
object, but which is lacking in the spirit or person exercising
the influence. One-eyed persons, those born during the
Solono 1 festival, black-tongued individuals 2 , persons who
have had no children or whose children have died, and
those who have eaten ordure in childhood have the power
of fascination. On the other hand, evil-looking and
deformed persons (as those born with double thumbs or
fingers or toes, the blind, and the lame), bald persons,
those born during the Solono festival, and those who
have eaten ordure or cow-dung are not subject to
the influence of the evil eye. Likewise defective
or spotted or imperfect things are not subject to this
influence.
1 The Solono, held in August, is connected with the worship of
Raja Bash a k. It is not a mela but a domestic festival. It is at this
time that vermicelli is made and offered with ghi in the home-fire.
There is a feast at this time. Only those who worship Raja Bashak
make the vermicelli, and it is made but once a year.
a Black-tongued individuals seem to be those with pigmented
tongues, those whose abuse and prophesies always come true.
162 THE CHAMARS
Fascination is a potent power, and since no one ever
knows just who many exercise this power, it behoves
most people to do everything in their power to avoid it.
The power is exercised through a person's eyes. The
explanation is that evil spirits are always on the look-out
for opportunities to exercise their untoward powers, and
that they often take their cue from the way in which
people look at persons or things. The belief, then, is
explained by reference to the world of unseen spirits.
So, nearly, if not quite all, of the devices which are
effective in scaring ghosts are potent in this field also.
Such means as are used have for their purpose the
catching of, or the diverting of, the evil glance "before it
actually rests upon the object for which protection is
sought. Movable property is marked with black spots ;
charcoal is placed in the basket of food that is sent to the
field ; an earthen pot is blackened and placed in the thatch,
or carelessly left in the courtyard, or hung on a pole in
the field ; and sometimes bits of blackened rags are stuck
into the mud-wall while it is in process of construction.
Blemishes are left in things of value, and other devices
are used to elicit the feeling of disappointment or of
disgust in the minds of those who might otherwise look
upon them with favour or satisfaction. So, a bit of food
that has been bitten into is sometimes put into the
basket of provisions that is sent to the field; and the head
of an animal is set on a stick in the crops. Houses
are protected by putting an old shoe, heel upwards, in the
thatch ; by driving nails into the doorposts and the
threshold, and by fastening horseshoes in the threshold ;
by hanging up a baya's nest (Indian weaver-bird) ; by
fastening a hedgehog's skin or porcupine's quills in the
doorway ; by making marks of various kinds on house-
walls ; by drawing a picture of a churel in a conspicuous
place, especially on a good house ; and by throwing
mustard-seeds into the fire. Horses and ponies are
protected by beads hung around their necks and by leather
covered with gold leaf, shaped as a single or a double
triangle. Grooms- often weave into the horse's tail a
dashing-coloured string or rag, often with a kauri and
1*0 I'S VSKD AS OFFERINGS
POT SET UP AS A PROTECTION AGAINST THE EVIL EYE
162
o
o
n
1
PKXCII, DHAWIXCS OF MAC'.IC SYMBOLS
THE MYSTERIOUS 163
two triangles of broad cloth, one red and the other black,
fastened into it ; and sometimes blue-black threads are
tied around the fetlocks. Often, when a horse is eating,
a duster is thrown over his withers. Cattle are often
protected by a bit of turtle-shell or skull and an iron ring
tied around the neck with catgut. Kauriarh and blue
beads are used in the same way. A blue rag is made into
knots and is then hung around the animal's neck. Some-
times such articles are tied around the base of the horns.
The greatest care is exercised to protect children.
Since a glance which results in complete satisfaction to
the one who casts it is the serious thing, efforts are made
to create disgust by making ugly and repulsive objects
most conspicious on attractive persons. Black, as the
colour of mourning, is not attractive, so it is used. Lamp-
black is rubbed on the eyelids and the forehead ; the face
and the teeth are blackened. Sometimes a child is dressed
in filthy clothes, or is left unwashed for years, or oppro-
brious names are used, to create the attitude of disgust.
Thus a mother who has lost a child by smallpox will
name her next child Kuriyd (he of the dunghill).
Again, the mother will attempt to save her child from
evil glances by giving him a name that will indicate
that he is of very little value. So children receive
such names as Paiich Kauri (worth but five shells),
ahd Marhgta (begged, a mere gift). Further, names of
devil-scarers are given to children, and those include the
names of godlings and saints. Deceit is practised by
dressing a boy as a girl, for thus the evil glance is robbed of
its power.
Some devices to counteract the apparent effects of the
evil eye are interesting. Most infantile troubles are
attributed to the evil eye. If a baby (or a calf) is restless
and will not take its food, relief is obtained by grinding
three red chillis and waving them over the sufferer three
times, and by then throwing the offering into the fire.
Another effective remedy for infantile troubles is the
following: Take bran, powdered chillis, salt, mustard and
the eyelashes of the child ; wave them seven times around the
child and throw the whole collection into the fire. The
a
164 THE CHAMARS
bad smell that arises signifies relief. To protect a child
who has been carried on a visit to another village, seven
little stones should be waved each seven times around the
child's head and thrown in seven directions before the
child is brought into its own home.
Many devices, such as jewels, glass beads (especially
blue ones), mirrors, and other bright objects, amulets,
charms, flowers, and turtle-shells are worn. Blue tattoo
marks, especially between the eyes or over the eyebrows,
are effective protectors ; and ear and nose borings are
resorted to, and, in case of a long-wished-for son, these
are made soon after he is born.
Instances like the following illustrate how prominent
the belief in fascination is: A Chamar woman, whose
child was stillborn, thinking that her misfortune was due
to the influence of the evil eye, wrapped up a piece of
cloth, used at her confinement, with two leaves of betel,
some cloves and a piece of castor-oil plant, and threw it
down a well. This was done, probably, under the advice
of a wizard. Similar articles are sometimes buried at
cross-roads.
The use of lampblack by women is gracious, since the*
one who puts it on her eyes cannot cast the evil eye.
Regular charms against the evil eye, called the nazar
bantd, may be bought in the bazaars.
The description of the means employed to avert the evil
eye could be much extended, but a reference to the
enumerations under the topic of devil-scarers will suffice.
The cult of the mysterious occupies a large place with
the Chamar. Magic, which has the spirit-world for its
background, has to do with the control of life and
destiny. The primitive man makes no clear connection
between cause and effect, but associates together all
sorts of things which to the modern man are unrelated.
And, since the cult of magic grows out of confused
notions regarding the cause and sequence of phenomena,
primitive peoples seek to accomplish ends by means that
civilization recognizes at wholly inadequate. There can
be no successful art of witchcraft, however, until the
possible are distinguished from the impossible means, that
THE MYSTERIOUS 165
is, until the magician has a clearer notion of which
sequences are possible than his clients have. Magic may
be directed to public or to private ends. It is collective
and ceremonial as well as individual and secret. The
former is usually for the public weal, and is socially
approved ; the latter is almost always for nefarious ends,
and is more often tabu. It is witchcraft. " The occult is
marked by divergence in trend and belief from the recog-
nized standards and achievements of human thought." 1
Magic may be classified as sympathetic and imitative. The
latter, which is also called symbolic magic, is based upon
real or supposed resemblances between things. The former
is based upon material connection between objects, and
proceeds upon the conviction that, whatever is done to
any part or possession of a man, is done to him. Probably
four-fifths of mankind believe in sympathetic magic.
Magic, in all its primary elements, iVfound in the practices
and beliefs of the Chamar, who, in the nefarious branches
of magic, commonly called the black art, bears an unsavory
reputation. In the following pages private and public
magic will be discussed in turn, taking first the sympa-
thetic and then the symbolic phases of each branch of
the subject.
There is, first of all, the belief that objects which have
once been in contact with each other are still effectively
related, even though they may be separated, and that,
whatever may be done to one of the objects, similarly
affects the other. Thus, control may be obtained over
a person by getting possession of his nail-parings, his hair,
his blood, his saliva, or something connected with him. 2
For this reason the cord and placenta are disposed of
so carefully after parturition. Another illustration is that
where a Chamar woman, who had lost her children one
byone in infancy, came secretly to the healthy children
of a Christian and nursed them, that her weakness might
be transferred to them, and that she might get possession of
the power that would result in healthy children. Another
1 Jastrow, Fact and Fable in Psychology, p. 3.
1 Such practices are almost always under the direction of a magician.
166 THE CHAMARS
Chamari, whose children were all girls and who was
anxious for a son, took some of the blood of her confine-
ment and sprinkled it upon the clothes of a boy. In this
connection other examples of magic which has for its
purpose the obtaining of offspring may be noticed.
A childless woman will surreptitiously cut a corner from
the chadar of a mother who has a large family ; or she
will steal the clothes of a child belonging to a large
family. For the same end little children are sometimes
fed by barren women. Another illustration of sympathetic
magic is that where the pipal tree is worshipped with the
hope of obtaining offspring. Cotton thread, made by a
virgin, is taken by a barren woman to a pipal tree. There
she offers batasas, water and flowers, and then walks
around the tree seven times, winding the thread about the
tree as she goes. The offerings, together with the thread
that remains, are then left at the foot of the tree. The
woman then prays, and makes a vow that if children are
given to her she will hang a flag in the top of the tree.
In this ceremony material connection is secured with an
object (the tree) which is full of vitality. The use of
mango-leaves, betel-nuts, walnuts, almonds, cocoanuts,
and plantains in ceremonies related to fertility is because
these are all products of fruitful trees. Monkeys, ants,
the black buck, and the peacock are worshipped, probably
because they are so prolific. Rags of clothing are tied on
trees, nails are driven into trees, and pins are thrown into
wells, in order to get into ceremonial connection with the
spirits identified with these respective objects, and thus to
be assured of the benefits which they are able to bestow.
When an elephant passes through a village, its footprints
are touched, especially by children, in order that they may
secure the benefits of its great strength, and elephant
haits are worn that a person may be able to overcome the
power of fascination.
Various things are eaten with definite purposes in view.
Crow's tongue is given to children to insure long life or
to help them to talk. A weak child, or one subject to
pneumonia, is given small bits of tiger's flesh to eat. The
heart and liver of the Indian badger are eaten to scare away
THE MYSTERIOUS 167
demons, because the animal digs into graves and feeds
upon the dead. The eyes of an owl are eaten for the
gift of wisdom and that a person may be able to see in the
dark. 1
In carrying out the same practice of sympathetic magic
certain things are worn. Amongst these may be men-
tioned the flesh of the tiger (and that of the leopard and
panther), the claws of the badger, the horn of the jackal,
bear's hairs, and those taken from a horse's tail. Besides
these the long betel-nut is used ; and articles such as
shells, turtle bone, boar's tusks and teeth, snake bones,
the leather of an old shoe, turquoise and knotted threads
are worn, and rings made of a combination of metals are
used. In many instances some of these articles form
part of the contents of a charm or amulet. Immedi-
ately after birth, parents often hang about the neck of
their child an amulet, containing, amongst other things,
tiger's whiskers. In amulets many articles used as devil-
scarers may be found. Another class of objects which are
considered as possessing powers in themselves, and as con-
ferring good luck upon their possessers, are called talismans.
Both the amulet and the talisman may be combined in a
charm. Bags made of leather or of black cloth, or small
cases of metal (silver, copper or brass) are hung around
the neck or fastened on the arm. In them are found an
odd variety of articles chosen because of their magical
significance, and there may be besides, in the charm, a bit
of paper upon which is drawn a square representing a
small seat with the figure of some godling, as Hanuman ;
or, upon the paper may be written some mantra ; or some
mystic or some clear symbol or impression may be
drawn upon the paper. The cases and bags are usually of
some simple geometric shape. A characteristic amulet
contains pictures of the godlings Mahabir and Bajrang, a
bit of paper with a mantra written upon it, two and a
half grains of rice, two and a half grains of urd, two and
a half grains of barley, two and a half cloves, and a
bit of a parasite (amar bel). (Some say that Chamars
1 See under folk remedies.
168 THE CHAMARS
who eat beef may not wear such amulets.) Pouches
made of leather and consisting of two parts, in which
are put chillis, mustard seed, salt, husks of barley, charcoal
and haldi, are hung around the necks of cattle to
protect them from the evil eye. An interesting charm is
that which the second wife wears about her neck, a little
metal amulet upon which is scratched a representation of
the first wife. This is called the Saut Sal, or Saukan
Maura. All the marriage presents made to the second
wife must be offered first to this charm. When she puts
on fresh clothes or jewelry, she touches them first with
the image as a sign they have been offered to the spirit of
her predecessor. If this is not done, it is believed that the
offended spirit of the first wife will bring disease or death.
If the second wife, or the husband, die soon after the
marriage, the, death is attributed to the first wife, who has
not been suitably propitiated.
The use of magic for nefarious or ulterior ends, both
in the making of love-charms and in working injury to
others, is common. In almost all cases these devices are
used under the advice and with the help of a witch or
wizard. Since owl's flesh makes a person a fool, wives
often give it to their husbands, in order that flirtations
with other men may be carried on without arousing
suspicion. Charms are repeated over mustard seeds, which
are then placed in the path where the person towards
whom the incantation is directed" will walk. If he step
over the seeds he will be sure to be under the spell of the
one who employed the wizard. Thread is often used
instead of mustard seed. At other times a knotted thread
or the charm is buried at the door of the person to be
brought under the love-spell. If he or she step over the
buried object the charm will be successful. Occasionally
the person who wishes to bring another under his power
wears a specially prepared charm on his arm.
The following procedure is a good illustration of the
use of symbolic magic : At night a person goes to the
Ganges, strips off his clothes, and proceeds to cook rice in a
skull. While the rice is being prepared evil spirits gather
about it ; consequently a good deal of courage is required on
THE MYSTERIOUS 169
the part of the one who is carrying out the magic rites. He
must refuse to listen to noises or to be frightened. When
the rice is done, he must go with a rush and throw it
against a tree. The rice which adheres to the tree and
that which falls to the ground are collected separately.
The rice which stuck to the tree becomes a potent love-
charm upon anyone to whom it may be given to eat (of
course, secretly). That which fell upon the ground may
be used to break the charm, or as a means of working evil
upon the one to whom it is given.
A darker chapter is opened when we come to the
magic which is used for injurious or destructive purposes.
No doubt, before the strict hand of the present Govern-
ment was laid upon violent actions, magic had some
gruesome tales to tell. There is now no trace of the
old custom (symbolic magic) according to which a barren
woman, or one who had lost a child, caused the child of
someone else to be murdered, bathed in its blood, or
drank it, that she might bring the spirit of the murdered
child into her own womb. Envious women will take
ashes from the burning-ghat and cast them over children,
believing that the children will waste away under the spell
of Masani. Thieves throw such ashes over houses, to
cause the inmates to sleep soundly during the burglary.
Injury is done to a man by doing to his shadow what the
person wishes to do to the man himself. In order to kill
an enemy, a man will divide a pumpkin, a cucumber, or a
lemon, believing that the enemy will thus be made to
suffer. Of course, these devices are carried out by means
of spells and incantations and through the agency of spirits
under a wizard's control. Another nefarious practice is to
place a goat's head and liver and a knife in an earthen pot,
pronounce a formula over it, and send it to an enemy's
house. When the pot falls upon'the roof blood will gush
from the mouth of the victim and he will die. By means
of charms, an earthen pot (hdthdi), in which certain things
and a lamp are placed, is sent to a man who is to be
murdered. The pot flies through the air, falls upon the
place where the victim is, and kills him. Care must be
taken, before the pot is set in motion, that a sacrifice
170 THE CHAMARS
be offered for each stream that must be passed over,
otherwise the pot will fall into one of the streams
and the magic will fail. Some make an image of the
enemy out of flour and place it with a four-wicked lamp
on a tray. Before this a fire-sacrifice is performed and
vows are made. Still others drive knives or needles into
an image, and cast it into a tank or a stream or bury it.
And some cut the throat of an image or put out its eyes.
All of these devices are for ulterior ends. Sometimes a
disease-godling is sent to prostrate an enemy with dysentery
or some other serious malady. For example, a Chamar
was sleeping in his bed which was set up over the crops
in a field. In the night he saw Bhawani (a woman, a
devi) coming towards him. The man took her to be his
master's wife, so he stood up, saluted her, and asked her
why she had come. She did not make answer, and the
man got frightened. When he started to get down she
seized him by his private parts and injured him very
seriously. A wizard was called in, who brought the man
around by means of magic. The goddess had been sent
by an enemy. In curing the disease the wise man used
the following charm addressed to Mari : "I call upon the
name of Mari. O Mari, be thou my deliverer. The
dead of yesterday, fallen into the depths, Mari goes to
unearth. May the birds (e.g. Birs) of the different
countries be enchanted, but the wells be unaffected by
magic (e.g., May the women as they come to the wells
be brought under the spell, but not the wells). May
those who sit in order (e.g. in the feast or in the festival)
be brought under the spell. May thine eyes be brought
under the power (of my) enchantment. Let me see thy
magic power and the strength of thy spells (e.g., O Mari,
exert thy powers in my behalf)." 1
To bring death upon a person, a man will give an owl
liquor to drink, and for forty consecutive nights will pro-
1 Marl, marl malni Karuih, Marl hoe sahdl.
Bdsl murdd gau pdtdl, Marl ukhdran jae.
Des des ki chirya phartise kudth na phariise.
Panghat pharhse, phamse tere naina.
Dekhum teri sakat, tere mantar ki sakat.
THE MYSTERIOUS 171
nounce his enemy's name to the bird. If the owl has
been kept so carefully that it has heard no other name
during the whole period, the magic will be successful.
The 'name is an integral part of a person, and, therefore,
to know a man's name is often to put him into a wizard's
power. In such cases the magic is performed " upon the
name " of an enemy. The spirit or godling by whom the
spell is being cast must not speak to anyone while on its
mission. To escape the danger of the black art, children
frequently receive two names, one of which is kept secret.
Besides the belief in the power of magic spells, pass-
words, and names uttered by the authorized persons in
the prescribed manner, there is a magical significance
given to certain tabus. The wife may not use her
husband's name, nor the name of her father-in-law
(often), nor that of her mother-in-law. The wife of a
younger brother may not use the names of her husband's
older brothers, nor touch them, nor speak nor appear
before them unveiled. But conditions are such that it is
impossible strictly to observe these rules regarding the use
of the chadar. Some persons may have neither doors nor
door-casings. To erect these would mean a death in the
family. To avoid this calamity, if they desire a door
they build it while the dead body of an old man lies in the
house. Certain foods are tabu on penalty of snake-bite ;
and the wizard may forbid certain foods to certain persons.
Some may not wear black bracelets. Others may not
sow pumpkin or gourd seeds ; still others may not
eat washed dal. Some must live in chappars (a thatched-
roofhut); others will neither make rope not string charpais
in the month of July. (This tabu is evidently connected
with the prevention of snake-bite.)
Public magic is mostly communal and for ends accept-
able to the community. It is largely of the symbolic or
imitative type, although there are some elements of
sympathetic magic involved. Rain is essential to the
securing of the harvest, and two sorts of devices are
employed to secure rain. One is directed against the
magic of the Banias, who try to prevent rain ; and the
other aims to secure rain. When clouds are overhead,
172 THE CHAMARS
Banias and shopkeepers fill their lamp-saucers (chirags)
with liquid ghi. Ghi is one of the products of the cow,
and so tends to scare away the storm-demons.
To bring rain a plow is hung in a well. Sometimes
a chapati and a new earthen pot filled with water are
placed upon five clods in a field. If the water in the pot
causes the bread to mould, rain will fall. Rice and
sugar are placed where four roads meet, and sometimes
the road-crossing is defiled. A number of women take
a four-year-old girl into a courtyard of a mahalla ; there
the women sing, dress her in new clothes, and ask, " Will
it rain?" She answers, " Yes"; and they ask, "When?"
Ten or twelve boys go from house to house, lie in mud
and repeat the verse: "The time for rain has come; let
the rain fall." As they go they take up a collection, with
which ghi, sugar, flour and vegetables are purchased and
cooked near a tank. The food is offered to Brahmans, to
the cow and to Indra, and then eaten. An elaboration
of this device is as follows :
When the rains are delayed an interesting ceremony
is performed. The faces of ten or twelve boys in the
village, or mahalla, are blackened. Every boy takes a
stick in each hand, and then visits every home in the
place. At each house they call for water, which they
throw on the ground, and then they proceed to wallow in
it. They beg also, and, as they go from place to place,
they strike their sticks together, crying :
" Heavy showers will fall in front of your house :
It will rain ; the goddess will send rain ;
The paddy shall be sown ;
The old men shall drink the water of the boiled rice,
And the young men shall have rice to eat."
Of the proceeds of the begging, grain and flour, the
former is ground and then mixed with the latter. The
boys then repair to a tank, or a river-bank, where a space
is cleared and a fire lighted. The fire is removed, and
dhak-leaves all spread, upon which the cakes made from
the flour are laid. The cakes are then covered with dhak-
leaves, and fire is laid over the whole, and the cakes
are well baked. They are then offered to Indra and eaten.
THE MYSTERIOUS 173
In this we have the imitation of the black rainclouds, and
the fiction of floods of water combined with the worship
of Indra, the thunderer, who defeats the demons and
liberates the water. This is a dramatization of the storm.
A person should not rush out of the house bareheaded
during a shower, unless he wishes the rain to cease.
Rain may be driven off by the following device : Take a
pint and a quarter of rainwater, put it into an earthen
pitcher (ghara) and bury it in the ground at a spot where
a roof-spout discharges. 1
To prevent a hailstorm a tawa or a sieve (sup) is
pounded with a bamboo. In this we have the use of
powerful means to frighten away devils. The demon is
opposed by iron, by black colour and by noise, or by the
sieve-fetish. Probably the sound satisfies him that hail
has already fallen. Sometimes over urd ki dal a magician
repeats mantras and then throws it on the hailstones. In
this way the storm is confined to a single field. The
village recompenses the owner of the field.
There are numerous practices connected with sowing,
seedtime and harvest. During the sowing of bdjrd
(a species of millet : it is par excellence the "food" of the
poorer classes) or jawar a request for fire should not be
granted, for, if coal is given, the blades will be eaten by
worms and so will turn black as soon as they spring up.
At the sowing of the sugar-cane, the person who proposes
to sow calls his labourers, or friends who are going to help
him, saying, "Come, I am going to sow sugar-cane."
Choosing a boy who has not been married, and whom they
call "the bridegroom," they dress him in fine clothes and set
him on the boundary of the field. No one would enter the
field with his shoes on. They take one cake of gur with
them, which they offer in the name of Bhimsen. They rub
some on the plow, and the remainder they distribute
amongst themselves. Bhimsen, thus propitiated, is sure
to protect their crops. They then begin to sow. A boy
is chosen to follow the sower and cast any stray joints
into the furrow* He is called " the crow." The sower
1 Punjab Notes and Queries , III. p? 115.
174 THE CHAMARS
dare not look back. While this ceremony is being carried
out in the field, the women at home are preparing a special
dinner. When the food is ready, they draw marks on
each side of the door with cow-dung, to imitate a tall,
abundant harvest, and then take the dinner to the field
for the workers. For the feast of the sugar-cane planting
only such foods are cooked as will properly mix, for
example, khir and karhi. A dinner of khichri would be
inauspicious, for the dal and rice remain separate,
and the sugar-cane would come up scattering, and the
harvest would be light. Before the sowing of wheat five
small earthen pots are filled with the grain, placed upon
the ground and trodden down. Sometimes men throw
a little grain in the direction of the Ganges, or they bury
a fistful of grain in each of five places on one side of the
field. Before each of these places five men face the
Ganges. After the sowing is completed a feast is held
and a fire-sacrifice is offered before a plow. The owner
of the field must not be hungry at the time of the sowing;
he must do his sowing after a full meal. To get rid of
weeds that are persistent, bury in the field the placenta
from the first calving of a cow.
Before the cutting of the grain, offerings of firstfruits
are made to various godlings. Bhairorh receives such
offerings at the Holi in the house-worship. Sometimes
a little grain is left standing in the harvest-field. After a
short rest the reapers attack this last bit, tear it up and
throw it into the air amidst shouts of victory to their
local godlings. Sometimes this last bit of standing grain
is left uncut for the spirit of the field. At other times
it is attacked by women, cut, mixed with other grains,
taken home and boiled. This preparation is then passed
around and eaten. Often some cash from the first sales
of the grain are brought by the Chamar to the landlord,
and it is believed that the Chamar brings luck with the
money.
At the beginning of the sugar-cane harvest what is
known as the Gayds is celebrated. The harvesters, going
into the fields, bind a few stalks of the cane together at
the top. On the ground, beneath the knot, a small pot
THE MYSTERIOUS 175
is placed. This vessel is quickly filled with water, that
the vat beneath the cane-press may be abundantly filled
with sap. A fire-sacrifice is then performed, and the
workmen go around the field one, three or five times.
After this they break off and bring home some of the
sugar-cane. These first stalks are offered on an altar,
called makhas, or they are placed on a cot together with an
axe, a shovel and a sickle, and over these a piece of new
cloth is thrown. A fire-sacrifice follows. Then women
come and sing the praises of the godlings. The cane is
then cut into pieces and distributed. The first stalks are
cut by the man who is to collect the juice for boiling.
While the ceremonies are going on in the fields the women
at home are busy cooking rice and urd for a feast. On the
walls of the house a figure is drawn, and a fire is lighted,
and a basket is waved over it, while the worshippers repeat :
" Uth N dray an, baith N dray an ; chat chhane ke khet
men mairh kdtum ; tu chhet Ndrdyan." Some of the
food is then eaten and some is distributed to beggars and
friends. The few stalks that were bound together at the
beginning of the harvest will not be cut until all the rest
of the field has been harvested. At other times the first
few stalks that are cut are taken home and crushed, and
some of the juice is offered to Chamunda, some is poured
out on the ground, and then the remainder is boiled down.
The gur thus made is distributed amongst the men, and
some is given to their sisters and daughters.
At the beginning of the cotton harvest, an especially
large stalk is chosen, and balls of cotton are fastened to it.
When women begin to pick the cotton, they go round
the field eating milk-rice, the first mouthful of which they
spit out on the field towards the west. The first that is
picked is exchanged at the village shop for its weight in
salt, which is prayed over and then kept in the house until
the picking is over. 1 At other times a fire-sacrifice is
performed in the middle of the field, and women eat rice
there. When they come home they throw a little of th
cotton on the thatch.
1 Report, Census of Punjab, 1881, p. 119,
176 THE CHAMARS
The threshing and measuring of the grain is important.
The men go to the threshing-floor carrying articles for
worship such as milk, ghi, turmeric, boiled wheat and a
variety of grains. The threshing-stake is washed. Boiled
wheat is scattered about in the hope that the bhut will be
contentwith that, and that he will not require any of the new
grain. Before winnowing the grain, two double handfuls
are taken out and one is given to a Brahman, the other to
Bhairom. This is done to keep away demons. Then five
baskets of the threshed wheat are winnowed, and the chaff
and the wheat are measured separately. If the baskets
turn out full, or if there is an excess, it is considered
auspicious. If the measure be short, another place is chosen
for the winnowing. The winnowing follows. Then the
grain is heaped up in one place and a khurpa, a broom,
dub-grass, and cow-dung are brought for a ceremony, and
an incantation is repeated. When the winnowed grain
is heaped upon the threshing-floor an incantation is pro-
nounced :
" Lord God of the corn-heap, give a hundred blessings.
Corn-God and Lord, multiply a thousandfold.
God, give us prosperity in our affairs." *
Every night the grain that has been winnowed during
the day is measured, the company keeping perfectly quiet.
The number of baskets is recorded by knots or by grains.
Spirits steal the grain that is not measured. The first
scale-pan of grain is taken home, and part of it is given to
Brahmans and gurus, and the remainder is made into bread
and distributed along with sugar.
In the grain-bin, which has a hole in the side near the
bottom for taking out the grain, a sun symbol, for protec-
tion, consisting of a circle with covered radii, is sometimes
drawn.
Another illustration of public magic may be added in
conclusion. When a well is to be dug, little bowls of
water are set out around the proposed site on a Saturday
night. The one which dries up last marks the exact spot
where the, well should be dug. They begin to dig leaving
1 Punjab Notes and Queries , Vol. I. p. 40,
THE MYSTERIOUS 177
the bowl intact, and the clod on which it rests is the last
to be removed. This clod is called Khwaja Ji. The saint
by this name is worshipped and Brahmans are fed. If the
clod should break during the digging of the well it is a bad
omen, and a new site has to be chosen a week later.
The use of folk remedies and the practice of primitive
medicine runs into the world of the mysterious, into the
realms of magic, and into the practice of the wizard's art.
To guard against sickness, oil distilled from owl's flesh, or
from that of the flying-fox is rubbed on the body ; turtle's
flesh is a tonic which cures indigestion and prevents
rheumatism ; lizard's tail is a cure for fainting-fits ; crow's
tongue cures stammering and dumbness ; the badger's liver
and its entrails, ground and mixed with milk, are used
as a cure for diarrhoea ; rabbit's flesh is a medicine,
and its entrails, powdered and mixed with mother's milk,
are a cure for pneumonia in infants ; the hoopoe's flesh
prevents heart disease ; the oil distilled from the flesh of
the dhanesh (a bird with a very long bill) is used to relieve
rheumatism ; pills made by mixing spider's web with gur
and bedbugs are prescribed for fever and ague ; the fluid
fried out from the cooking of a goat's liver is put into the
eyes on a Sunday or on a Tuesday to cure night blindness ;
hare's blood mixed with mother's milk and likewise pea-
fowl's legs are used in the cure of fever ; to cure deafness
a peacock is boiled in oil, and the compound so secured is
dropped into the ear ; the contents of the kite's eye is
used to treat weak eyes ; bat's bones are tied around the
ankle to relieve severe pain in the bones of the legs ;
rabbit's blood is used as a cure for white leprosy ; peacock
feathers are placed on the bed to prevent nightmare ;
a porcupine's intestines are dried, powdered, and given in
water to cure wasting diseases in children ; the juice of
onions is used to cure blindness ; human urine is prescribed
for whooping-cough ; copper rings are worn to keep off
pimples ; and a hen is fed to relieve a child's trouble in
teething, or the child's mother's brother takes him on his
hip and plows the fields.
An interesting protective ceremony is the following:
Near the entrance to a courtyard, or at the corner of the
178 THE CHAMARS
house, water-jars are placed. These are sometimes ex-
plained as placed there so that a devil or ancestors may
come there to drink. The offering of these water-jars is
as follows : Before four jars placed in twos, one above the
other, a fire is lighted in an oil-lamp. Into this fire oil is
sprinkled by an old woman, so that the fire is kept
burning brightly. A batasa is placed before the fire.
The women utter prayers to the local godling, some form
of fire, and, gathering around, sing and laugh and chatter.
Then, one by one, they come forward and bow to the
ground before the fire. If they have babies with them
they touch their heads to the ground, holding the children
by the feet head-down to do so. A young woman then
lifts a pair of waterpots to her shoulder and then to her
head, and, followed by the group, walks through the
courtyard and around it, and then to the place where the
waterpots are to be placed. Then the other pair of pots
is placed in a similar manner. The group of women
then return and partake of sweets. The whole object is
to ward off disease, in some instances to preserve the
grandson, where the husband and sons are dead. The
godling propitiated is not malignant, but she may save
them from sickness.
Snake-bite is often attributed to the anger of snakes,
and so, when a man is bitten, he calls upon the snake, in
the name of Zahra Pir, to forgive him. A cure may be
wrought under the direction of a medicine man. The
person who has been bitten must sit on the ground with a
sheet thrown over him, so as to completely hide his face.
If the patient be a woman she must unloose her hair. If
the person be unconscious, a twig of the nim tree must be
placed on his head, or he is set on nim-leaves. If he be
in his senses, ghi and black chillis are administered to
him. One or two large covered earthen vessels are
placed near him. The lids of the vessels and cymbals are
beaten, or a metal tray is placed over a large earthen
vessel and beaten with a stick, and songs are addressed to
Raja Parikshit. This Raja was once bitten by a snake.
These songs are sung to please the king of snakes and
also to please the snake which has bitten the man, Then
THE MYSTERIOUS 179
the spirit of the snake comes upon the man, who straight-
way begins to dance or to wag his head. Whatever the
patient speaks while in this state of frenzy is spoken by
the snake-spirit, and so any orders given are carried out
immediately. For example, he directs them to sing a
certain song a certain number of times. When the order
has been carried out the snake leaves the man, i.e., the
patient is cured. When the snake-spirit comes upon the
man it explains to him the reason for the calamity, and
tells him what offering must be offered to secure recovery.
These offerings will be, usually, a goat, bread, or clothes,
which of course go to the wizard. Sometimes Zahra Pir
himself comes. In that case they intercede with the
saint for the man's recovery.
The man must be kept standing ; if he falls down he
will die. Some think that each snake is accompained by
an evil spirit, which enters the body with the bite, and
that this spirit must be exorcised to save the man. So
the spirit must be driven out by a more powerful demon,
or by means of some powerful devil-scarer. This is
exorcism. Nona Chamari is worshipped, in the hope of
being saved from death from snake-bite. Those who die
of snake-bite are buried. Since it is believed that the
person who was bitten lives on for six months, the body
is not burned. The hope is that somebody expert in
curing snake-bitten people may come along and discover
that the person buried there had been bitten by a snake.
Such a person would have the grave opened, and then, by
the use of spells, would resuscitate the man. The body of
one dying of snake-poison is sometimes thrown into a
stream, with the hope that it will float along until, by some
.chance, it comes under the influence of one who might
restore the dead to life. Salt is sometimes put into the
eyes of one who has been bitten by a scorpion.
In case of malarial fever, offerings of a concoction of
milk, hemp-leaves and sweetmeats are made. A service
takes place on a dunghill. A black pot is whitened,
marked with haldi, then broken, and the fragments are
carried away by children. To prevent fever five batasas,
Qr gur, are waved around the person and then cast into
12
180 THE CHAMARS
a river. Or water in which cloves are thrown is waved
and then poured out at the foot of a nim tree. Bits of
gourd are waved about the head of the patient and left at
cross-roads. Another practice is to go quickly to a tank
when the fever comes on and to remain there until the
chill begins. The person then bathes and remains sitting
in the water for two are three hours. The spirit causing
the fever will not come into the water. Rags are tied on
trees, and water is poured out at the foot of a tree, to
obtain deliverance from the fever-demon.
Another method employed to cure or to prevent dis-
ease is to propitiate the demon responsible for the trouble.
Sometimes a bhagat is called in, who identifies the spirit
of the disease, and explains what must be done and what
offerings must be made. To identify the demon caus-
ing a disease the wizard hangs a scale-pan from his fore-
head with his hand. Into this pan tobacco, furnished
by the sick person, is placed. The wizard then begins to
name over demons slowly. The name that is being called
when the scale-pan begins to swing is the one who is
causing the trouble. In some instances a huqqa is used
in place of the scale-pan to identify the disease-demon.
The wizard puffs away slowly, naming demons of disease.
The name on his lips when his head begins to jerk
indicates the demon.
Sometimes Burha Baba's help is enlisted. In this case
someone goes to a tank where this saint lives, makes
vows and offerings, and brings home some mud, which
is placed on the sufferer. This saint is entreated for those
suffering from ringworm, and especially for those attacked
by white leprosy. He receives offerings of pigs* ears and
the flowers of the Chamdnt plant.
Many devices are employed to coerce the spirits of
disease and relieve the sufferer. As already suggested,
these means are the use of devil-scarers and the employ-
ment of powerful spirits. A coin of Mohammad Shah's
reign is washed in water, and the liquid is given to over-
come the spirits that make delivery painful and long.
Many objects are thus treated to secure powerful remedies
through the principle of sympathetic magic. Mention
THE MYSTERIOUS 181
has been made of incense, especially that which smells
most vile. Sometimes obscene and filthy language, or
food that would out-caste a respectable man, is used to
drive away a demon that may have been a man of
good caste. So soups are made of toads and fecal
matter. Sometimes the dried tongue of a pig is put into
a bag and hung from the neck. The aid of Kali is
invoked through the use of an iron bracelet secured from
a priest at one of her temples. Ashes from the cremation-
grounds are used to drive out disease-demons.
Exorcism occupies an important place in the cure of
disease. For dog-bite or snake-bite, and for the stings
of various insects, nim branches are passed over the body
while charms are pronounced. In this way the spirit is
compelled to leave the body either through the feet or the
head. Sometimes an old shoe is used to " rub down"
the poison. Again, nim or mango or maddr branches
are thrown over the patient, and he is sprinkled with
water from a blacksmith's shop. Red-hot iron should
have been plunged into the water frequently.
The practice of disease transference is common. A
wizard relates how he found in his village a yard of new
white cloth, in which were tied, in separate places, seven
sorts of grain and five pice. He took the cloth home and
untied all the knots. He had a vest made of the cloth
and spent the pice for liquor. He said that the cloth had
been left by someone, at the suggestion of a wizard,
because there was sickness in the house of the one who
had furnished the cloth. Sometimes seven kinds of
grain, seven kinds of sweets, seven pieces of haldi, and
seven plantains are waved over a sick person, placed on
his head, and then carried and left at a bathing-place or
at cross-roads. A sick child is sometimes hung in the
" cradle " of a well on a Sunday or a Tuesday ; or, when
the fields are being watered, a child is taken out through
a breach in a trench five times in the early morning
.before the crows begin to caw. Diseases are transferred
to a cock, a pig or a buffalo. The animal is then
released in the name of some Mata. For example, a
buffalo is painted red (by a wise man) and driven through
182 THE CHAMAR9
the village, with noise and the beating of drums, and then
out into the jungle. If it should return the disease would
break out afresh. The buffalo is purchased by a sub-
scription, in which all freely share. Likewise goats are
purchased with freewill offerings and driven out through
the village. Sometimes small carts are tied to their necks
for the disease-godling to ride in. At other times a male
goat of one colour and without blemish is taken to the
bedside of a man stricken with cholera, and the patient
places his hand upon the animal. The goat is then led
about the village and then to a vacant place outside the
town, where it is prepared, by washing, for sacrifice. A
square is marked off and plastered with cow-dung. In
the square a small hole is dug to receive the blood, and a
small fire of cow-dung is also kept burning. One of the
elders of the community then severs the head of the
animal from its body with one blow from a chopper. If
the sacrificer objects to taking life, the goat is marked on
the ear and turned loose. Sometimes the sacrificial
animal is slaughtered in the centre of the village and a feast
is held. Occasionally, the animal is tied up to keep the
disease from spreading. At other times a small cart, for
the Mata, is carried through the village by the devil-
priest. In this cart will be found a bit of a waterpot
with black and red marks upon it, a mirror, a comb,
earrings and bracelets.
In times of epidemic, such as those of plague and
cholera, these disease-demons are driven from village to
village with noise and incantations. At other times the
devil is ensnared, by magic, into an earthen pot, the lid is
put on, and it is carried off to another place. This is
done, with the help of Man, with incantations and the use
of the shinbone of an ass.
It is often necessary to protect a village from such
disease-demons as might be driven into it. Sometimes
a magic circle is drawn, by means of milk and spirits,
around the village. During epidemics people put five
lights on the village boundary to bar the approach of
foreign spirits, and, with much shouting and the beating
of drums, drive disease-demons on to the next settlement.
THE MYSTERIOUS 183
Disease transference often has for its purpose the
injury or destruction of others, as well as release for an
epidemic. This has been illustrated in the methods of
expelling plague and cholera. In cases of smallpox the
clothes of a sick child are sometimes thrown behind another
house, or even into another home, with the hope that the
disease will go with the garments. Food is often used in
the same way. Again, rags are used to transfer it to
someone else.
The belief is common that Chamars use "their"
demons to cause disease and for revenge.
Demons are active enemies of cattle, and cattle are
protected and their diseases are treated by methods
similar to those already described. For example, various
forms of a ceremony known as the Gobardhan is
performed at Dewali time. For increase of cattle, or for
protection, a ceremony that may be classed as symbolic
magic is performed. A square of cow-dung is made in
which marks are drawn with barley flour. At each corner
of the figure three cakes of cow-dung are piled up.
Through each three cakes a broom-splint is driven ; and
on the top of each pile bits of cotton and cotton-seed are
placed. This chauk is left in the house for three days,
after which it is taken into the compound and placed
in the regular runway for the cattle, that they may walk
over it. The herdsman is feasted. Sometimes an offering
of fire, rice and water, in honour of Mahadeo, is set out
in a runway and the cattle tramp over it. To drive away
cattle-disease various forms of garlands are used. For
example, seven kinds of grain and two pice are put into
a bag and hung over a doorway where cattle pass.
Garlands of siras or mango leaves, with a mystic
inscription on an earthen platter attached to the middle
of the string, is hung across the village gate. At other
times numbers are written on a piece of tile, with an
incantation to Nona Chamari, and hung on a rope over
the village cattle-path, or a wizard is employed to write
a charm on a wooden label. This is hung inside a small
earthen waterpot, like the clapper of a bell. This is
attached to a string and hung over the village gate. It
184 THE CHAMAR8
will ring when the wind blows. Or, a f aqir reads a passage
from some sacred book over a long string to which a red
rag and potsherds with charms written upon them are
attached. This is hung across the village gate.
A more elaborate device of the same kind is made as
follows: To drive off cattle -disease two and a half
pounds of urd and seven chappans (earthen jar-covers)
are bound in a rope as a har, or garland. Between the
chappans the urd is hung in bags. On the covers
(chappans) red, yellow and black marks are made. This
har is hung over the roadway by which the cattle go out
to pasture. Occasionally this is hung up outside of the
village, where all the animals can go under it. Cattle are
branded on the legs with a circle with a cross in
it, with Solomon's seal, or with Siva's trident, or with
a similar device, especially as a cure for lameness. To
cure worms in cattle tie an animal in a marshy
place. Tiger's flesh is burned in the cattle-stall and
the smoke is " given " to the cattle, and sometimes
the smoke of nim-leaves is used. Again, haldi, cloves,
sugar, flowers, charcoal and dub-grass are ground
together and over this limejuice is poured. A sweeper is
then called. He takes his drum and leads a procession
around the village, beating his drum as he goes. A man
follows him scattering this preparation made of seven
things as he goes, and then a young pig is sacrificed to the
village godling. The disease is thus driven out. Rord, a
contagious disease of cattle, is transferred to the east on a
Saturday or a Sunday night. No fieldwork is done, no
grain is cut, no food is cooked, nor is a fire lighted
during the day. The transference of rora (rord ddlnd)
is carried out as follows : In procession a buffalo's skull,
a small lamb, vessels of butter and milk, fire in a pan,
wisps of grass, and siras sticks are carried to the boundary
of the village, and then these things are thrown over the
boundary. A gun is fired three times to frighten away
the disease. Again, about midnight, two men carry the
lower half of an earthen pot with a fire inside and a cloth
beneath. They are accompanied by fifty men with long
clubs (lath*}, who beat the ground and anything that they
THE MYSTERIOUS 185
chance to meet and thus drive the disease out of each
house.
The foregoing pages show how fully the Chamar
enters into the practice of magic and primitive medicine,
and how large a place there is for the witch and wizard,
the medicine man, and the devil-priest. The legend of
Nona, the Chamari, is a good illustration of many points in
this belief in witchcraft. She is a deified witch much
dreaded in the eastern part of the Provinces. Her name
is invoked in times of trouble, in sickness, and for the
cure of snake-bite. According to the legend Dhanwantri,
the physician of the gods, was bitten by Takshaka, the
king of snakes, and, knowing that death approached, he
ordered his sons to cook and eat his body after
death, so that they might thereby inherit their father's
medical skill. The sons were about the eat the body,
having cooked it in a cauldron, when Takshaka appeared
in the form of a Brahman and warned them against this
act of cannibalism. They therefore allowed the cauldron
to float down the Ganges. As it floated, Nona, the
Chamari, who was washing on the bank of the river, not
knowing that the vessel contained human flesh took it out
and ate its contents. She immediately obtained power to
cure diseases, especially snake-bite. One day all the
women were transplanting rice, and it was found that
Nona could do as much work as all her companions put
together. So they watched her. When she thought she
was alone she stripped off all her clothes, muttered some
spells, and threw the plants into the air. They all settled
down in their proper places. Finding that she was
observed she tried to escape, and as she ran the earth
opened and all the water of the ricefields followed her.
Thus was formed the channel of the Noni river in the
Unao District. 1
Like most people in the villages, Chamars are ever on
the lookout for signs of the black art. Nearly everybody
is fearful lest someone carry out sinister plots against him,
1 Crooke, Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces and
Oudh, Vol. II., pp. 170, 171. This form of story is common.
Instances of nakedness in connection with magic are numerous.
186 THE CHAMARS
and much superstitious fear centres around the wise man
and the wise woman. Belief in the magic power of
human fat, or the essence of the body, Mumiai, 1 and that
certain faqirs distil a medicine from the bodies of fat, black
boys, is widespread. This is but a phase of the belief that
results can be accomplished by mysterious powers, and
that works of this nature are being done all the time.
Behind this point of view is the belief not only that
unseen powers are always anxious to do evil, but also that
these same powers may be under the influence or power
of some one skilled in the art of witchcraft.
The belief is common that certain persons are able by
a look or by incantations to tear out the liver or the
heart of anyone against whom they may choose to exert
this influence ; that they can extract substances from sick
persons* bodies, and that they can throw anyone into
a decline. Some witches are able to produce abortion by
the use of magic squares, and others kill children by means
of occult powers. Some of these uncanny women can
assume the forms of beautiful young women, or of
hideous Kaliratrl (Black Night), or of other terrible
beings, and are able to transform themselves into
tigers and other wild animals. It is wise to knock out the
front teeth of one suspected of being a witch, lest, in
the form of a wild beast, she tear one to pieces. In the
descriptions of private and of public magic and of folk
medicine are found additional testimony to the belief in
the exercise of occult powers.
The names denoting sorcerer, wizard, magician, exorcist,
soothsayer, witch-doctor, medicine-man, and the like, are
many. All of them apply to the persons occupied in various
phases of the profession. The names are : Ojhd (teacher),
sayana (cunning, shrewdness, cleverness), gyarii (the wise
one), neotiya, gum (skilful, dexterous), baiga (an aboriginal
devil-priest), aghora (one who feeds upon dead bodies and
other disgusting food), and bhagat (a devoted man).
Old women who are decrepit, or of evil temper, are often
1 Crooke, An Introduction to the Popular Religion and Folklore
of Northern India, pp. 299, 300.
THE MYSTERIOUS 187
considered as witches, and some say that the power of
witchcraft is possessed by persons afflicted by ugliness and
bad disposition, fits and the like. On the other hand, it
is said that a witch must be of pleasing disposition.
Chamars employ wizards belonging to other castes
besides their own, and their own caste-wizards serve other
castes, even the twice-born. Of all the " priests " or
" religious " leaders of the Chamars, this class of persons
is in many respects the most influential and the most
dreaded. Women are more feared than men. The
ignorant are kept in superstitious bondage by those persons
who deal in matters more or less uncanny ; and their arts
and beliefs are spoken of in whispers even by the wise man
himself. They live upon a spurious system of natural law,
and their art is a secret service for anti-social, nefarious
ends. The black art is not one which anyone can
practice. It appears when the method and ends are
regarded with disapproval, because injury is intended, and
the purport of the act, as anti-social in spirit, is one that
no one ought to perform. The magician has power all
his own. While in animism man consults spirits, in
magic he controls spirits. Magic exists where the man
has power over nature and where he is independent of the
supreme will. The wizard does everything without the aid
of the gods. 1
The black art is therefore anti-religious. The
magician uses methods which include the principles of
sympathy, similarity, and mimicry ; and, conciously or
unconsciously, use is made of suggestion, fear, fascination,
telepathy, and various other psychical processes Nefarious
magic is practised at night. An illustration of some of the
principles involved in the practice of the art is given in
the following account by a Chamar exorcist (jhdr phuihk
karnewdld) : If, when a man falls ill, his condition is
attributed to the activity of an evil spirit, a neotiya is
called. He prepares a space, with a plaster made of cow-
dung, and places the sick man upon it. A one-wicked
lamp is lighted and incense is burned, and a cocoanut and
1 Lyall, Asiatic Studies, First Series, p. 104.
188 THE CHAMARS
a lime are placed in the square. Country liquor is furnished.
Of this the neotiya pours out some as an oblation and
then drinks of what is left. A damru (a drum) is then
beaten in a peculiar way, for a time in slow pulsations and
then very rapidly and then with varying rhythm, until the
sick man is " possessed " of the spirit causing the disease;
that is, until the patient begins to wag his head. This
spirit is then coerced by means of a mantra, which brings
the wizard*s demons into action. The neotiya now asks,
" Why do you give trouble ? " The spirit, speaking
through the sick man, states the reason, which, quite likely,
may be that the spirit's grave has been befouled by the
sick man. The spirit is then commanded to pronounce
the words, " Ram, Ram," and to make the following
promise i 1
" On the name of iva at the time established,
I call Earth to witness,
In whatever way he has dishonoured thee
Let the dispute (grudge) be dropped (be forgotten),
As when the lower half of the waterpotis broken (the pot is done
for):
Even if he (the sick man) walks backward and forward on thy
breast,
Give expression to thy displeasure not even by an " Ah!"
Now I call for release (for the sick man),
In the name of Prince Lachhman, of Mahadeo, and his consort,
and of Hanuman, the powerful."
To escape torment at the hands of the neotiya's
demons the evil spirit makes this promise and
leaves the patient. The offerings which were made
are considered as given to the wizard's Bir, or powerful
demon, who compelled the disease-spirit to come out
of the sick man. The wizard now goes home, taking
with him his fee of five rupees. The cocoanut and the
1 Siva bdcha samo laganya
Dharti sdkh gayd war kl par
Tujh ko jhagra chhut, kaprd phut
Ten chhdtl charhe awe jde
Ah to na karihe
Ab duhai hai
Lachhman kuthwar, Mahadeo
Gaura Parbati, Mahdbir Hanuman jl kl.
THE MYSTERIOUS 189
lime are divided and distributed among the people at the
sick man's house. The neotiya spends the fee in the
worship of some of his other godlings at his own home.
To these he will offer ghi (in fire), cocoanuts, country
liquor, and a goat. The head of the goat is cut off at a
single stroke and placed immediately before the deohdr.
If the head " speak " he knows the offerings have been
accepted by the godlings. If not, this offering is made
over to some others.
For prophecy various methods to produce frenzy or
trance are used. For example, while the bhagat plays the
cymbals an accomplice wags his head until, finally, spirit-
possession is obtained. Then the wizard tells by what
spirit the person is possessed, and what the spirit wishes by
way of propitiation. Frequently the sick person dances
with the bhagat, and then, in a trance, tells the wizard
about the spirit-possession. The demon usually expresses
himself as desiring the sacrifice of a chicken, a goat, or a
pig, or the offerings of sweetmeats, ornaments, clothing,
or money. Of course, the bhagat receives these articles.
Other means of naming spirits are used. For example, the
sayana receives tobacco from the person who calls him in,
which, while music is being played, he waves over the body
of the patient. He then smokes, and begins to dance, and
often to beat himself with a whip of cords. While in the
state of frenzy which follows, he names the cause of the
disease and the remedy. Or, he calls on the names of
various diseases and the disease-demons as he smokes.
Sooner or later he is obliged to cough, and the name that
is on his lips as he begins to cough is that of the demon
causing the trouble. Sometimes the wizard waves grain
over the patient's body on a Saturday or a Sunday. He
then counts the grains one by one and places them in
heaps, and names a godling for each heap. The demon
into whose heap the last grain falls is the one to be
propitiated.
Simple magical practices, but with the use of mantras
(charms) are common. These are used to exercise power
over the one towards whom the magic (jddu, tond)
is directed. For this purpose, water in which the rope
190 THE CHAMARS
used to tie the front feet of an ass, or water in
which a woman's napkin has been washed, is given
to a person to drink. Similar secret methods used
as love-charms, and for revenge, have been mentioned
above. 1 It is said that owl's flesh given to either sex
(secretly, of course) will make the recipient fall violently in
love with the giver, and that love, so induced, is not likely
to abate. So the bhagat furnishes the love-charm. Like-
wise owrs heart is obtained from the wizard, after proper
spells are recited, in order to secure power over another.
Again, an owl is killed on a Monday, and its eyes are
burned. When the ashes of the right eye are thrown on
a woman's garments she begins to love the one who paid
for the magic. Should the man become tired of the
woman, he can break the spell by using the ashes of the
other eye.
The wizard rarely attempts the impossible, and invari-
ably provides for failure ; but the superstitious attitude of
mind, so pronounced among the masses, greatly enhances
the influence which he is able to exert, and his directions
are usually carried out minutely. Many acts, described
under " Birth Customs " and under the various topics in
this chapter, which seem absurd or awful, are performed
because the wizard says so.
The power of the bhagat rests in the control of spirits
and godlings, by means of his peculiar bhuts and divinities.
These spirits, or demons, are brought under his control in
one of two ways : either the spirits are given into his
power by his teachers or his parents, or he secures control
of spirits by means of well-known devices. Magical powers
are obtained by pouring water on a babul tree for three
days. By this means the person gets control of the spirits
inhabiting the tree. It is said that if a person puts an owl
into a room, goes in naked and feeds the bird with meat all
night, he will obtain superhuman power. Such powers
are obtained also by eating filth, by eating human flesh, 2
and by repeating charms backwards. Asceticism leads to
1 Page 168.
3 See the legend of Nona Chamari above.
THE MYSTERIOUS 191
such powers, which include knowledge of the past and of
the future, the ability to read men's thoughts, and the power
to fly in the air or to float on the water. Yogism is a
system of strange, extraordinary and mysterious know-
ledge giving his possessor very extensive powers over men
and over natural phenomena.
It is to obtain control of spirits that these persons
visit the burial-grounds or burning-ghats, and make
uses of ashes from the funeral pyre. Especially is this the
case when a wizard, or a witch, or a woman dying
in childbirth, has been burned. A man takes the flesh
and liver of a black crow and cooks them separately,
and likewise the flesh and liver of a pig and a goat. He
then makes a karhi, places it upon a plate made of imli
(tamarind) leaves, with sweets, sherbet, eggs and
plantains. These are taken to the cremation-grounds,
where with mantras and a fire-sacrifice they are set out for
some ghost to eat. The spirit, bhut or pret, which accepts
the food, thereby falls into the wizard's hands and must
thereafter obey his commands.
Another illustration which has some points resembling
those in the case just related, shows how a novice seeks
to get control of spirits. The pupil learns the mantras
from his master and follows out all instructions. He may
be sent to a spot on the bank of a river where a body has
been burned recently. There he washes, lights a fire,
repeats spells, casts ghi, spirits and sweets into the fire,
passes his hands through the fire, and touches his
forehead. This ceremony he may repeat on one or two
successive Sundays. His purpose is to get the spirit of the
dead under his control, for then he can compel the spirit
to carry out his good and evil commands.
Another method is to secure the body of a child that
has been cast into the Ganges, bathe it again, dress it in
new clothes, sprinkle the body with scents, put surma into
its eyes, light a fire and sing. His purpose is to cause the
child to revive and dance. If the child come back to life
the novice has its spirit in his power. If the pupil does
not succeed under his master's directions, the magic is not
perfect, and the process will be repeated.
192 THE CHAMARS
Some wizards have many spirits under control, and
some have also great demons (Birs) or godlings, who have
a great following of lesser spirits. For the most part these
demons are not widely known.
The specialists in magic transmit their lore to their
pupils orally, and charms or spells are given which enable
the pupil to control the spirits belonging to his master.
In some cases the profession is hereditary. The pupil
is most carefully trained, and in some instances he goes
though a very vigorous course of discipline.
The following ceremonies were performed by a
Nalchhina Chamar sayana in passing his powers on to his
son : On the bank of a stream a goat, together with a
lime, a cocoanut, spirits and flowers, was offered.
(These things are greatly liked by the giant-demon, the
Bir of Lohra, the strong one, the hero of Lohra, who
is this wizard's very powerful servant.) This Bir has a
host of lesser demons under his control. After the
sacrifice the father led the son into the stream, and then
the following protective spell addressed to the Bir was
repeated 1 : " O Lord, whatever magic this one directs,
that do thou bring to pass ! If he makes mistakes forgive
him; do not torment him." After this the mantras
(charms) were taught. The mantra for Lohra ka Bir is
as follows :
" Let me control the males (men) and the powerful (the braves)
and those among the jogis who are powerful.
" Let me control the five strong ones of Bengal ; and the evil
spirits and demons ;
"Let me control the five strong ones of Prithi Simh (Lion of
the Earth), the head -covering (and women (?) i.e., who have their
heads covered ) .
" Let me control all who live where her mother lives (persons
and demons), and likewise those who live at her husband's home;
and the well, and those who assemble.
" Let me control the coming and going (i.e., those who pass by ;
or, May I have control of the streets and all who pass in them).
" Let me control the magic of the Dom and the Chamar.
" Let me control the magic of the Khatik and the Kumhar.
1 Maharaj jo kuchh jhdr phumk kare is ka kaha karnd
Aur agar kuchh is se bigar jae t is ko mu'af karnd t is ko satdnd
mat.
THE MYSTERIOUS 193
"I claim the delivering power of the powerful Hanum,n, of
Prince Lachhman, of Rama and Sita." *
In these lines the sayana calls upon his Bir to inhibit
certain magical powers, and upon other spirits to help him
in his designs. He then taught his son how to proceed
in the control of spirits, and how to use mantras in his
profession (mantra phumkna).
The following account shows how a witch makes
human sacrifice to her demons, in order to strengthen
and maintain her power over them ; for the beings through
whom she practises her art require human sacrifices, or
at least human blood. Should she be unable to carry out
some such procedure as this now to be described, she
must draw blood from some person's veins, or from her
own, and offer it. In the case under consideration, the
demon sucks the victim's blood through the lips of the
witch. When a woman who is possessed of the spirit of
witchcraft has a craving to practise the art, she casts the
spell of the evil eye upon a child, and utters a charm so
powerful that within a certain time, which she deter-
mines two and a half hours, or seven or fourteen
days the child dies. On the night after the body has
been buried in the jungle by its parents, the witch, taking
a knife, sarsorh oil, and a small one-wicked lamp, goes
to the place of burial. Then she strips off all her clothes,
and there, with her own excreta she plasters a small
piece of ground. After making little balls of excreta and
lighting the lamp she opens the grave, lifts out the body
of the child and anoints it with oil. When the child
revives, she feeds it, loves it, and plays with it until it
laughs. She then places the child on the plastered spot
1 " Nar bdmdhum, sur bdmdhum, jogi bir bdmdhum,
Pdnch bir Bangdle ke bdmdhum, bhut paret bdmdhum;
Pdnch bir Prithi Simh ke bdmdhum, sir ki jhaguli bdmdhum,
Maike bdmdhum, sasure bdmdhum, kudm panghat ko bdmdhum t
Awdjdhi bdmdhum, Domdr Chamdr ki vidiyd bdmdhum,
Aur Khatik Kumhdr ki bdmdhum t Mahdbir Hanumdn ji ki
duhdi;
Lachhman Kumivdr Mahdbir Hanumdn ji Bhagwdn (Ram) ki
duhai;
Jdnki (Sitd) ji ki duhdi."
194 THE CHAMARS
and begins to dance. After that she cuts out its heart,
sucks a little of the blood, and then replaces the heart and
reburies the body. The wizard who told this explained
that, if the parents suspected that the child had died
of fascination, they would arrange for two men to watch
in a tree near the grave that night. If one of the men
should rush out and seize the witch by the tuft of hair on
the crown of her head while she was dancing and cut
it off, and if the other man should put out the light at
the same time and snatch up the child, the witch's
magic powers would be destroyed and the child would
be saved alive. He cited a case in point where the witch's
head was shaved and she was turned out of the village.
Magic works both ways, and bhagats are often pitted
against each other. There are also devices to neutralize
the effects of spells. One way is to kill a black monkey
on a Thursday, drink a little of the blood, and then take
the skin and wear it as a cap. If, while a wizard is
curing a bewitched child, he shaves his upper leg, the
other magician (witch or wizard) who cast the spell over
the child will have his head shaved, and through that
very act the power of witchcraft will depart from him.
The area of a bhagat's influence varies but is not very
wide. His powers are greatest on the fourteenth,
fifteenth and twenty-ninth of each month, at the Holi
time, during the Nauratri of the Durga Puja, and during
the Dewali festival. On these nights wizards and witches
are supposed to be abroad. They cast off their clothes and
ride tigers and other wild animals, and alligators convey
them over streams.
Thfe discovery of witches proceeds from suspicion. For
example, it is noticed that, after a woman's visit to a house,
a child falls ill. The same thing happens in another house.
The woman is straightway under suspicion. Evidence as
slight as this is frequently accepted. The case is related
of a noted mahant who had a small boil on his leg. One
day, as he was riding on his elephant, a woman cast an
evil glance upon the leg, and very bad blood-poisoning
ensued. The woman was suspected of the act, so her
husband's brother was called. He spoke to her about the
THE MYSTERIOUS 195
matter, and in reply she said, " I wish that he be well
again." The swelling subsided. The narrator (a Chamar)
said that this occurred about fifteen years ago. He also
related that, owing to this same woman's art, a cow in
her own house refused to give milk. A wizard, with
powers superior to hers, who was called in, destroyed her
spells, and the cow began to give milk again. But shortly
afterwards the cow died. Then the woman disappeared
that is, she was murdered. The wives of four brothers in
the family died within the year. This also was her
work. When it is thought that there is a witch in a
village, and she cannot be found out, a lamp is lighted
and the names of old women are called out. The flicker-
ing of the flame as the names are being called indicates
the guilty person. Other tests are used to remove doubt
as to the guilt or innocence of accused persons. For
example, if a wizard or a witch is struck by a branch of the
castor-oil plant he will cry out. Pain is a sign of guilt.
Chamars are exceedingly afraid even of a slight blow from
a castor-oil switch. Another test is as follows : Two
pipal-leaves, one to represent the accused and one the
accuser, are chosen. These are allowed to fall upon the
accused's head. If " his" fall uppermost the indications
are suspicious, but if the other fall uppermost he is
probably innocent. If the test leaves him under suspicion,
the next day the accused is sewn up in a sack in the
presence of the headman of the village, carried waist-
deep into water, and let down. If he gets up in his
struggles he is guilty, for a magician cannot sink in water.
Another test is for a wizard who is trying to discover the
sorcerer to shave the hair on his leg. The hair on the
head of the witch is shaved off at the same time, and she
is discovered. Sometimes witches are caught in the act.
There are many instances similar to that of Nona Chamari,
where the woman is discovered naked and working magic.
It is said that occasionally women are found performing
the following magic on the lamp-lighting day of Dewali :
The witch takes four pestles (musal) into a room, and
places one in each corner. She then strips off her
clothes, pronounces a spell over pulse (urd) and throws
13
196 THE CHAMARS
it at the pestles. These leave their places, rush together
with a clash, and fall down. She then puts them away.
In this way she tests her magic powers. Witches are
sometimes identified by the peculiar stare which is their
characteristic. Some witches are accompanied by cats.
A person discovered in the practice of witchcraft or
suspected of the offence is very cruelly and roughly
handled. The witch is often beaten with shoes and clubs.
Sometimes she is put upon an ass, set with her face
towards its tail, and ridden out of the village. At other
times she is compelled to work a cure where she had
caused an illness. Her teeth are knocked out with a
stone, or filth is thrown upon her, or she has to drink
water from a tanner's vat, or her head is shaved, or her
face is blackened, or mutilation is resorted to. Efforts
are often made to murder her. In former times many
persons were put to death every year for practising the
black art, and this occurs occasionally even yet. The
following is a case in point: " An extraordinary story of
the murder of a woman believed to be a witch was told
before Mr. to-day. Four coolies working at have
been arrested in this connection. Deceased was a labourer,
and recently some deaths occurred in the coolie lines.
One of the accused is alleged to have said deceased was a
witch, who, by her black art, had killed the coolies, and
that unless the witch was got rid of more deaths would
occur. About 6 p.m. on Wednesday the accused caught
deceased by the hair, and, assisted by a large number of
coolies, dragged her before Mr. , demanding her eject-
ment from the coolie lines, on the ground that she was
a witch exercising an evil influence among the coolies,
with the intention of killing them. The result of the
interview with Mr. has not been disclosed ; but the
coolies, being in an excited and frenzied state, dragged the
woman back, brutally assaulting her on the way. Nearing
the house where the deceased lived, accused, it is alleged,
dashed her to the ground, killing her on the spot." 1
Similar cases are frequently brought before the courts,
* News item, Pioneer, August 25, 1910,
THE MYSTERIOUS 197
If, because of her particular behaviour, a visitor is
suspected of practising magic, the host (or hostess) will
spit upon the place where she sat, as soon as the visitor
has gone. She will also stamp on the spot, and say: "If
there had been a stalk of bajra, I would have chopped it
up fine." 1 This should be repeated within the visitor's
hearing. In case the witch is one who cannot cure,
although she can cause, disease, or in case the witch is
not found, a more powerful wizard or witch is called in to
remove the effects of the magic. If a witch, by casting an
evil glance upon the mother, causes an infant to fall ill
from feeding, a wizard is called in to remove the spell.
Fire is put into an earthen pot, and the mother lets a few
drops of her milk fall into it. Barley husks, mustard and
red peppers are placed in the pot, it is waved about the
child's head, and left in the road. Cures are wrought by
the punishment of witches.
The wizard, besides practising the black art, manu-
factures amulets and charms, and offers sacrifices to
godlings and demons in times of epidemics. It is said
that when such persons become Christians they lose this
magical power. Neither can they accomplish their purposes
when Christians are present.
The accounts given above show how thoroughly the
ideas of witchcraft are planted in the mind of the Chamar.
The conversations with these professionals reveal also
the utter depravity of their minds. Their thoughts are
full of lust and uncleanness. It is hardly necessary to
remark that this kind of " religious " leader is of a low
mental type, that he is bestial in his habits, and that he is
given to flesh-eating and to drunkenness.
1 " A gar bdjre kl narai hott t to mairti katar ddlta."
CHAPTER VIII
HIGHER RELIGION
SOME nature-gods have their places in the Chamar's
religious world, but their position is not what it was in
former times. Suriya, Suraj Deota (the Sun), for example,
is now nothing but a godling, or perhaps a deified hero.
While the Chamar is not admitted to the shrines of this
godling, still, every morning as he leaves his house he bows
his head, joins his hands and calls upon the Sun as Suraj
Narayan. There are phases of sun-worship in the
domestic ritual (e.g., in the phera) and in the course the
cattle take in treading out the grain. Those who have no
children fast and worship Suraj Deota, in the hope of
obtaining offspring. The swastika and various figures in
which the circle appears are symbols of the sun.
Fire also is worshipped, and is used in many parts of
the domestic ritual and in sacrifice.
The stars are the spirits of people, and every person has
a star. When one dies his star falls.
The new moon is addressed with the words, " Ram,
Ram." On the birthday of Krishna people fast, and no
one begins to eat until about midnight when the moon
rises. Women worship the moon, that their children may
escape disease. They take water in a lota and pour out an
oblation after doing reverence to the moon. They also
fast the whole day of the new moon. The moon is called
mamu (uncle) by the children in Oudh. The spots on
the moon represent an old woman sitting under a banyan
tree, running a spinning-wheel. The halo around the
moon is a sign of drought or of famine.
Eclipses are times of great anxiety, because the moon
is then in great trouble. It is a time of ceremonial
HIGHER RELIGION 199
pollution, when bathing is necessary ; and any cooked food
that might have been in hand when the eclipse began
must be thrown out.
An eclipse is a time when demons have the upper
hand and are about in force. So buffaloes and cows with
calf are marked with cow-dung and their horns are
smeared with red-lead. Pregnant women are protected
with marks of cow-dung (on the abdomen) and are not
allowed to go to sleep. The eclipse is explained as
follows : The sun and the moon were brothers. A
hungry worshipper came to them, saying, " I am poor and
hungry. Give me something to eat." The brothers
went to a sweeper-woman, and said, " Give this man
grain." She had a bin in which were all kinds of grain.
She agreed to give grain to the beggar for a year. She
was directed by the brothers to take the grain out of the
bin from below, and they agreed to fill it by putting grain
in from the top. During the year the sun and the
moon were unable to fill the bin, and when the year was
up, the woman said, " Now pay me, for the bin is not
full." They were unable to pay her and hid themselves.
Now, when eclipses occur, the worshippers of the sun and
moon collect various kinds of grain, mix them and
distribute them to beggars, and thus deliver the sun and
the moon from shame.
Indra (Raja Indar) is another who has fallen from his
high estate. He is still worshipped in connection with
the rains, but as a mere godling.
Rivers receive special consideration as great satisfiers
of life. Among the sacred rivers are the Ganges, the
Jumna and the Sarju, and their branches, the Narbada
and the Son. Floods are caused by demons. People
refrain from saving drowning folks lest they offend some
deity who is thus claiming his desire. Khwajah Khizr
(Raja Kidar), the godling of the water, is worshipped by
lighting lamps and feeding Brahmans, and by setting
afloat on the village pond little rafts of sacred grass with
lighted lamps on them. His vehicle is the fish. Water-
holes are dwelling-places of demons. Wells are an object
of worship, especially by women, with offerings of sweets
200 THE CHAMARS
on a tray, and by singing, and by the beating of drums.
Offerings are placed on the well-curb, worshipped, and then
eaten. Some, however, throw the offerings into the well.
In cases of sickness none of the offering is eaten, but it is
left to be taken away by some person or animal, and the
consumer of the offering is expected to carry off the disease.
Sometimes, at Dewali, the water of seven wells is drawn
and barren women bathe in it. Chamars accept also
sacred lakes and tanks as objects of worship.
The range of the Chamar's superstitions and beliefs
begins with the primitive notions of animism, and reaches
up through the worship of nature-deities. However, the
deified saints, the tutelary, the village, and the nature-
deities are not real gods, but at best mere officials of the
gods, possessing but varying degrees of power. And
these lesser beings are all that he knows. The great
gods of the Hindu pantheon are scarcely known to
the Chamar, although his beliefs are of the polytheistic
type. Still, he has a vague belief of a better sort.
The Superintendent of the Census of 1901, in his general
report for the United Provinces, 1 said: "The general
result of my inquiries is that the great majority of
Hindus have a firm belief in one supreme God, called
Bhagwan, Parameshwar, Ishvar or Narain, and that this
is distinctly characteristic of the Hindus as a whole. " This
observation applies to the Chamar. Or, as Sir Alfred
Lyall has put it, 2 the devout man trusts that there is
something better beyond and above the gods. And the
Chamar worships, even though it be in a hazy fashion,
this Supreme Being. It would be interesting to discover
whether the notions of a Supreme Being are of the Indian
theistic type. This would be a reasonable conclusion, for the
great movements set on foot by Ramananda have influ-
enced nearly all sections of the Chamar caste, and many
Chamars now call themselves after some of these reformers.
The Chamar accepts the doctrines of transmigration
and of karma, and this belief explains many of the death
Pp. 73, 74.
* Asiatic Studies (First Series), p. 67.
HIGHER RELIGION 201
customs and some of the birth customs; and, for
the most part, these ideas exercise a dumb, depressing,
fatalistic influence upon them. There are, however,
certain sects of the Chamars which teach that guru-
worship will issue in a permanent release from the round
of births.
For the most part, Chamars are denied admission to
Hindu temples. Their offerings are, however, accepted ;
and they may stand in front of the entrance and look in.
Brahmans will accept food and cash from, although they
will not touch, Chamars. On the other hand, Chamars
are allowed to make offerings at temples to Devi, to
Bhairom and to the Matas, ^at some temples to Sitala,
and at unenclosed temples to Siva. In some places they
have their own temples.
There are many shrines in which the Chamar has
great faith, and from which miracles of healing have been
reported. Such shrines are places of pilgrimage. Some
of the shrines belong to local Chamar groups. Oc-
casionally an iron chain, about three and a half feet
long and weighing seven pounds, is suspended from the
roof of such temples or shrines, and with this the local
devil-priest may beat himself into a frenzy. There is a
good deal of worship of godlings and of spirits at local
village shrines and at the place where the village boundary
godlings are kept. This latter place, which is generally
under a tree, usually a nim tree, is made up of a heap of
stones or bricks, sometimes placed upon a rude platform.
Some shrines are the property of a group of villages. The
images, which are mere stones, are smeared with vermilion
and ghi. Sometimes clay images of horses and elephants,
the vehicles of the godlings, and peculiar bowls on three
legs, and beehive-shaped vessels (kalsa) are found. A small
cot in the nim tree commemorates the recovery of some
one from smallpox. Sometimes a devil-priest is in charge
of a local shrine. The offerings before the godlings
consist of lamps, cakes, milk, goats, pigs, fowls and,
occasionally, a buffalo. Worship at these shrines is inter-
mittent, and they are neglected until some pestilence or
calamity falls upon the people.
202 THE CHAMARS
Chamars employ Brahmans as astrologers. Besides
this, in the west, nearly all Chamars employ Chamarwa
Brahmans as priests. In the east, the well-to-do engage
degraded Sarwariya or Kanaujiya Brahmans. Gurra
Brahmans, who wear the sacred thread but who are
looked upon by other Brahmans as polluted, receive
offerings from Chamars but do not eat with their clients
nor enter their houses. Chamarwa Brahmans serve certain
sub-castes of Chamars and sometimes preside at wed-
dings. Formerly they intermarried with Chamars, 1 but
they are now an endogamous group. Those of the
Punjab were Chamars. A branch of the Gaur Brahmans,
the Chamar Gaudas, serve the Chamars as priests. The
Jatiyas of some parts of the Punjab employ high-caste Gaur
Brahmans. 2
Chamars have their bairdgis and sadhus, and these
mingle with other mendicants at such places as Jagannath,
and often bear the brand-marks of Dwarka, Badrinath and
Jagannath.
Another and important class of religious leaders are
teachers, or gurus, men of various sects, who travel over
the country expounding religious doctrines and initiating
candidates into their special panths (sects), and who have
a comparatively good influence upon the community.
They are held in high esteem and are usually obeyed.
The more respected and better instructed men amongst
them, who are accepted as leaders and who are honoured
by the title of guru, derive their support from offerings and
fees. The following statement, abridged from Crooke's
Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces and
Oudh, is a description of the travelling Kabir Panth
mahant, or guru : When a disciple is initiated by a guru
of the sect, a piece of ground in the house of the candidate is
plastered with cow-dung. On this spot is placed a pitcher
full of water. In the mouth of the pitcher mango-twigs
are fixed. On the pitcher a lamp containing ghi is lighted
and an offering consisting of sandal-wood, holy rice,
1 Rose, A Glossary of Tribes and Castes of the Punjab and North-
West Frontier Province, Vol. II. p. 131.
a Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. III. p. 353.
HIGHER RELIGION 203
flowers and incense is burned. A garland of flowers is
placed around the neck of the pitcher, and the core of a
cocoanut with some batasas is offered. Camphor is burnt.
The candidate sits in the holy space before the guru, who
says to him, " Repeat the name of the true being within
you with breath. M Then morning and evening prayers
are taught. The initiate is taught also a number of
hymns to be sung morning and evening. The guru visits
his disciple once a year, in the cold season, and he and
other mendicants of the sect are entertained by him for a
couple of days. Every day the disciple washes the big-toe
of the guru and drinks the water, charandmrita. The
disciple then, with his hands joined, thrice makes obeisance
to the guru and utters thrice the word, "BandagI, Sahib. "
As long as the guru remains in the house the disciple joins
with him and his mendicants in singing songs morning
and evening. When the guru is leaving, the disciple does
obeisance, makes him a present of money, vessels and other
useful articles, and salutes him with the words " Bandagi,
Sahib." When the disciple visits his guru he is entertained
by his teacher, but he leaves a present when he departs.
Everything important in the life _ of the disciple is
subjected to the control of the guru. " The ordinary
mahants are not men of great learning, though they
have usually committed to memory a certain number of
sayings attributed to Kablr, and possibly also some
book of which they have managed to secure a copy.
Want of learning is in some sort atoned for in the opinion
of their followers by a detailed knowledge of the ritual to
be observed in the performance of religious ceremonies.
The more learned mahants have some knowledge of
Tulsi Das's Ramayan and of the Bhagavad Grta. " *
In the great sects the guru is worshipped as a god.
The dust of his feet is believed to convey spirituality, and
the water in which he has washed his feet is drunk by
disciples as a nectar for the soul
Besides the travelling gurus there are a number
of famous poets and teachers who are reverenced by
1 Westcott, Kabir and the Kalnr Panth, p. 120.
204 THE CHAMARS
the Chamars, and counted as gurus in a much higher
sense. Among these are Valmlki, the low-caste author
of the Ramayana ; Tulsl Das, the author of the
modern popular Ramayan ; Sur Das, the blind poet
of Agra, who put into poetical form the legends of
Krishna; Narad, after whom one of the Puranas is
named, and who is connected with the legends about the
birth of Krishna ; Kali Das, the great poet of the fifth 1
century of our era; and Vyasa, the reputed sage and
author. Still others, the founders of those sectarian
movements which have gained lodgment amongst the
Chamars, are worshipped as gurus. In these guru-worship-
ping sects we find the highest types of religious life that
prevail in the caste.
The movement which Ramanuja started in South
India was carried into Northern India by his great dis-
ciple Ramananda. He brought with him the conception
of God as a person who cares for all men and who rewards
their devotion. He also spread the revolt against caste-
exclusion, insisting that men of low caste, and even the
" untouchables/' are capable of spiritual religion (bhakti).
He, who himself had been outcasted for the supposed
violation of the strict rules of commensality, became the
missionary of popular Vaishnavism in all Northern India,
preaching the worship of Vishnu under the name of Rama.
Perhaps the greatest of Ramananda's disciples was
Kablr. 2 He grew up in the home of a Mohammedan
weaver (Julaha), but he came under the influence of
Ramananda, and afterwards became his disciple. Through
Kablr Mohammedan elements were brought into the
theistic movement, and by him the process of emancipa-
tion from the strictness of Hindu thought and caste were
carried much further than they had been by Ramananda.
The real importance of Kablr rests in the enormous
influence which he has exercised upon subsequent reli-
gious thinking, specially as it has affected the masses,
1 Ryder, Kalidasa, Translations of Shakuntala, &c., Introduction.
* See Monier-Williams, Drahmanism and Hinduism, pp. 158 ff;
Westcott, Kablr and the Kablr Panth ; Ahmad Shah, The Bijak of
Kablr.
HIGHER RELIGION 205
because of his use of the vernacular. His attitude
towards caste drew to himself a large following from
the lower levels of society. He left twelve distin-
guished disciples, nearly all of whom were of low-
caste origin, and each of whom founded " an independent
order. The Satnamls, the Dadu Panthls, the Siv Narayans,
and the Maluk Dasls trace their origin to Kabir, or to his
teaching and influence. Nanak, Sur Das, ajid Tulsl Das
owe much to him ; and a large part of the Adi Granth is
his. His influence is by no means confined to these
limits, but these are the names with which this chapter is
immediately concerned.
Kabir died at Maghar, in Gorakhpur, at an advanced
age. Hindus and Mohammedans claimed his body. The
disputants were about to resort to blows, when an aged
man appeared at whose command they lifted the sheet
which covered the body. There they found nothing but
flowers. These they divided. The Mohammedans took
half and buried them at Maghar. The Hindus carried
the remainder of the flowers to Benares, where they
burned them, and then buried the ashes at the Kabir
Chaura.
The teachings of Kabir are found in the Bijak, the Sukh
Nidhdn, and the Adi Granth. To-day the Bljak is
one of the most popular literary collections in Northern
India. " His best hymns are probably the loftiest works
in the Hindustani language, and hundreds of his briefer
utterances have laid hold of the common heart of
Hindustan/' In 1901 the Kabir Panthls numbered
850,000, of whom 500,000 were found in the Central
Provinces. In 1911 there were 600,000 in the Central
Provinces. This great following now stands midway
between idolatry and monotheism. Kabir Panthls are
better known in the Ganges valley and in the Central
Provinces than in the Punjab. They are largely recruited
from the Chamars and the Julahas. Nowadays the
members of the sect are divided on caste lines, which
are not broken except in the presence of the chief guru
on the anniversary of the birth of Kabir, and amongst the
lower castes of the sect. " All who desire to become
206 THE CHAMARS
members of the Panth are required to renounce polytheism
and to acknowledge their belief in one only God (Parame-
shwar). They must also promise to eat no meat and
drink no wine ; to bathe daily and to sing hymns to God
both morning and evening ; to forgive those who trespass
against them up to three times ; to avoid the company of
all women of bad character, and all unseemly jesting in
connection with many subjects ; never to turn away from
their houses their lawful wife ; never to tell lies ; never to
conceal the property of another man ; and never to bear
false witness against a neighbour, or speak evil of another
on hearsay evidence/' 1
Members who renounce the world and attach them-
selves permanently to the monasteries belonging to the order
are called bairagis. Women as well as men may become
ascetics.
The Kablr Panthls of Northern and Central India are
divided into two branches, with headquarters at Benares,
with a branch at Maghar, and at Kawardha and Damakheda
in the Central Provinces. The monasteries at these
places are in charge of mahants. Under these there are
a number of branch establishments, also under mahants. 2
The travelling gurus, or mahants, are recruited from
various castes, and usually serve those from whose caste
they have come.
Another great leader whose influence has been
profoundly felt by the Chamar was Nanak, 3 the founder
of the Sikh movement. Both Nanak and his successors
are counted as gurus. The great guru, however, after
Kablr is Nanak. He belongs to the movement that
produced Kablr. He was a great traveller, who taught
by means of hymns and aphorisms. In his earliest years
he showed wonderful precocity in the acquisition of
knowledge. Later he refused wealth in order to become
1 Westcott, Kablr and the Kablr Panth, pp. 112, 113.
a For a detailed account of the Panth see Westcott, Kablr and the
Kablr Panth, Chapters V. and VI.
8 See Monier-Williams, Brahmanism and Hinduism, pp. 161 ff.;
Russell, The Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India, Vol.
I. pp. 277 ff. ; Macauliffe, The Sikh Religion. Vol. I. pp. xl. ff.
HIGHER RELIGION 207
a religious mendicant. He too emphasized the teaching
that men of all castes and races can know and love God.
But his anti-caste principles were compromised somewhat
by his admitting the lower castes on an inferior footing,
and caste has found its way into the Sikh community.
Nanak too emphasized the duty of obedience to reli-
gious teachers. He revolted against ceremonial and social
restrictions and priestcraft, though in no violent way.
He did not go nearly as far in reform as Kablr did. He
taught that God is neither Allah nor Parmeshwar, but the
God of the whole universe, of all mankind, and of all
religions. Although he spoke of God as personal, he also
talked of him in terms which resemble the teaching of the
Vedanta, and he was much closer to Hinduism than was
Kabir. For Nanak salvation consisted in repentance and
in true, righteous conduct, perfection being the end of a
long process involving transmigration. He insisted upon a
quiet but profound religious life, and tried to make it
attractive.
Amongst the Sikhs are found simhs> those who are
distinguished by the five " K's," and who are consti-
tuted by initiation. These are one of the later develop-
ments of the Sikh movement. The ordinary Nanak
Panthis, however, are distinguished by no peculiar
customs, but they revere the Adi Granth as do other
Sikhs. A section of Sikh Chamars is known as the Ram
Dasls. These are often confused with the Rae Oasis.
The two large followings of the Sikhs amongst the
Chamars belong to these two classes: the Kablr Panth
and the Nanak Panth. These Chamars with Sikh
affinities are amongst the most enlightened groups in the
caste, and with them idols and idolatry are almost un-
known.
One of the most noted of the followers of Ramananda
was the Chamar, Rae Das, or Ravi Das. 1 A considerable
amount of legendary matter has arisen concerning him,
1 See Croolce, Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces
and Oudh, Vol. II. pp. 185 ff. ; Rae Dasi Ki Bam, Belvedere Press,
Allahabad, 1908; The Religious Sects of the Hindus (C.L.S.), p.
57 i Macauliffe, The Sikh Religion, Vol. VI. pp. 316 ff.
208 THE CHAMARS
and in some legends an effort is made to give him a
respectable ancestry. In one account he is represented as
a Brahman reborn from the womb of a Chamari. The
story goes that a Brahman disciple of Ramananda used
daily to receive necessary alms from the houses of five
Brahmans. This was cooked by his preceptor, and offered
to the Creator before being eaten. One day, on account
of rain, the Brahmachari accepted supplies from a Baniya.
When Ramananda had cooked the food, the Divine Light
refused to accept it, because it was unclean. Inquiries
revealed the fact that the Baniya had money dealings with
the Chamars, and that the food was in consequence
defiled. Ramananda in anger commanded that the disciple
be reborn from the womb of a Chamari. When the infant
was born, remembering his past life, he refused to suck
from the breast of his mother, because she had not been
initiated into Ramananda's sect. She was still only a
Chamari. Heaven commanded Ramananda to initiate the
whole family and then the infant consented to be fed.
The child was named Rae Das.
At the age of eighteen this young Chamar began
to worship a clay image of Ram and Jankl. His father,
displeased with him, turned him out-of-doors. Rae Das
set up in business as a shoemaker, and worshipped as before.
He made a practice of giving shoes to all wandering asce-
tics. One day, seeing his unusual asceticism, a wander-
ing saint gave him a philosopher's stone. Rae Das paid
no attention to it ; for he said, " God only is important,
and to use his name is the only good. " But the saint
touched his shoemaker's knife with the stone, and the knife
turned to gold. The sadhu then left the stone in the
thatch of Rae Das's house. Rae Das refused to use the
stone. After thirteen months, Vishnu, disguised as a
saint, returned, and seeing the stone still in the thatch,
showered gold upon Rae Das. Still the shoemaker did
not accept the offered wealth, for he was afraid of riches.
Afterwards Krishna appeared to him in a dream, and said,
" Use the gold for yourself or for God." Then Rae Das
accepted the stone, built a magnificent temple, and estab-
lished regular worship. Enraged Brahmans appealed to a
HIGHER RELIGION 209
Raja against him. Summoned before the king, Rae Das was
commanded to exhibit his miraculous powers. He could per-
form but one miracle. At his command the saligram would
leave its place and come into his hands. The Brahmans
could not do likewise. A Rani thereupon became his disciple.
When she returned home from her pilgrimage to Benares,
she gave a feast and invited Rae Das ; but the Brahmans,
refusing to eat in the palace, took fresh grain into the
garden and cooked it there. Then, while they were
eating, suddenly they saw Rae Das sitting and eating
between each two of them. They fell at his feet
repentant. He then cut his skin, and showed them
under it his Brahmanical thread, thus proving himself to
have been a Brahman in his previous life.
In another legend it is reported that a well-to-do man
of good caste went to see the famous Rae Das. When
he reached the dwelling-place of the guru, he saw a
venerable Chamar with a group of shoemakers busy
making shoes. After the interview with Rae Das, a
Chamar brought, in a large shoe, water in which the feet
of Rae Das had been washed, and each partook of it.
The visitor received the nectar, but threw it over his head.
Some of the water fell on his coat and dried there.
When he returned home he took great pains to purify him-
self from the contamination which had resulted from his
intercourse with the Chamars. He gave the clothes which
he had worn to a sweeper. The sweeper thereupon was
transformed in a wonderful way. But the rich man
became a leper. After much unsuccessful doctoring, he
returned to Rae Das, with the hope of receiving more
nectar (charanamrit). But he was disappointed. He
then besought Rae Das to have mercy upon him, and,
finally, his request was granted and he was cured of his
leprosy.
Another legend, which has some distinctly Chamar
characteristics about it, relates the origin of a lasting
record of his unfaithfulness on one occasion. The story
is that one day a cow died, and the owner came and
asked Rae Das to remove it. He, with the help of God
(Bhagwan), came and carried the carcass away. The
210 THE CHAMARS
flesh was divided, but Rae Das hid the heart in the
ground. Afterwards when Bhagwan asked him if he had
hidden any part of the carcass Rae Das answered, " No."
Immediately there sprung up a new species of plantain
whose flower took the form and colour of a heart.
Another story has it, that once, in Benares, a Brahman
used to make offerings to the Ganges for a certain warrior.
One day this Brahman went to Rae Das's shop to buy a
pair of shoes. While he was there he talked with Rae Das
about the worship of the Ganges. Rae Das said to him,
" I will give you this pair of shoes. Will you please offer
this betel-nut to the Ganges for me ? " The Brahman
put the nut in his pocket, and when he went to the
Ganges again he made an offering for his warrior-friend,
but forgot that which Rae Das had given him. When
he was returning from the river, he thought of the betel
and went back and threw it into the Ganges. But he
saw that Ganga raised her hand from the river and received
the offering. The Brahman perceived the meaning of
this act on the part of Mother Ganges.
Followers of Rae Das believe that at the age of one
hundred and twenty years he reached Brampad, the state
of bliss, and then disappeared in the flesh. He took his
sayings (Bdni) with him.
Rae Das, who was born at Benares late in the fifteenth
century, came under the influence of the great Ramananda,
and afterwards became the founder of a widespread
religious movement. He was a monotheist, following the
general lines of his master's teaching, and of even purer
faith than Kabir. The influence of his teaching has been
sufficiently great to give him the place of a teacher ( Brahma-
charl) in the Bhaktd Mala (Lives of Vishnu Saints).
Followers of Rae Das, amongst whom are a great many
Chamars, are found all over the Provinces. Many Cha-
mars prefer to be known as Rae Dasls. Members of the
sect are very numerous in the Punjab also, especially in the
Gurgaon, Rohtak, and Delhi Districts, where they are all
Chamars. In those areas they have increased consider-
ably in numbers during the last twenty years, In Gujrat
they are known as Ravi D&sls,
HIGHER RELIGION 211
Rae Das taught that the soul differs from God only in
that it is encumbered with a body. For him God was
everything, and he gave himself over to passionate devotion
to the Deity, believing that God is gracious to all and is
accessible to persons of lowly birth. God alone can save
a man from evil passions. His conceptions are based on
the general principles that underlie the teachings of all the
reformers.
An important Unitarian sect, the Siv Narayanas 1 , owe
much to the same sources that produced Rae Dasa's
movement, and their opinions are somewhat similar to
those of the older sect. The founder of this notable
movement was iv Narayan, a Rajput who was born in
the eastern part of the United Provinces.
There were in the United Provinces, in 1901, 46,727
adherents of this sect. Persons of any caste may join the
Siv Narayanas, but Chamars, notably Jaiswars and
Dusadhs, number many more than any other caste. Those
who wish to become members of this religious body
are brought to a sant, who teaches them the moral precepts
of the order. Truth, abstinence from spirituous liquors,
honesty, mercy and charity, even in look, are cardinal
virtues of the sect. Polygamy is prohibited. Sectarian
marks are not used, but conformity to the external
observances of Hindus or Mohammedans, independently
of religious rites, is recommended. Practice is often far
below the level of their ideals, and Siv Narayanas of the
lower orders are occasionally addicted to drunkenness.
When a candidate wishes to affiliate himself with the
order, he is first warned of the difficulties before him and
is tested for a few days. If he is then approved, he is
directed to bring a present, according to his means, to
the Bljak (their sacred book). He then makes his choice
of a guru, or sant, from amongst those who are present in the
assembly. This sant, who sits with the scriptures opposite
him, first makes in behalf of the candidate a sacrifice by
burning camphor and dasol (ten kinds of perfumes).
Then some camphor is burnt before the scriptures, and
1 See Religious Sects of the Hindus (C.L.S.), p. 147.
14
212 THE CHAMARS
all present rub the smoke over their faces. The candidate
then washes the big-toe of his teacher and drinks the
water (charanamrit). Next, the sant whispers into his
ear the formula .(mantra) of initiation. This mantra is
concealed carefully from outsiders. The initiate now
distributes sweets to the congregation. He is then
considered a sant, or initiate, and receives a small book
(parwdna), which he is permitted to study, and which
serves as a pass of admission to future meetings. If he
tose his parwana he may obtain another on payment of a
small fee. The parwana contains a few teachings which
will be most helpful to a man in his daily life, and the
little book is valuable in the hour of death, for, if a sant
die away from home, this book will be found upon his
person, and his own sect-fellows will perform his funeral
rites.
The title " bhagat," which is taken by some sants,
simply implies that they are monotheists. In some parts
of India the Jaiswar groom is known as " Bhagat Sais."
Amongst other duties, the sant makes arrangements for
funerals, for the processions and for the carrying of
the body, and sings the funeral hymns and reads the
scripture on the way to the grave. Those sants who
have disciples are called gurus. Those who are well-
informed become sadhus, or mahants, but still continue
to be householders. They become a higher order of
religious leaders, who direct services in the meeting-
houses, make the sacrificial offerings and distribute the
prasdd (the food of which the teacher has partaken).
Their chief monasteries are found at Chandrawar,
Bhelsari, and Sasra Bohadpur, in the Ballaja District, and
at Ghazipur. Their meeting-houses are known as
Dhamghar (House of Praise) and sometimes as Somghar
(House of Meeting), or Girjaghar (Church). These are
found in various places. In them are found usually pictures
of the saints Gorakhnath, Rae Das, Kablr Das, Sur Das,
and others. The chief object of interest in the Dhamghar
is the scriptures, which are kept rolled up in a cloth on a
table at the east. The scriptures are worshipped. They are
carefully watched, and no one but members of their own
HIGHER RELIGION 213
congregation is allowed to read them. Meetings are
held on Friday evenings, and any educated man (mahant)
among them may read and expound passages from the
Gurunydsa. After the mahant has finished his reading,
he receives the contributions of the faithful. At these
meetings there is music and singing, worship, reading
from the Granthas, and instruction in the teachings of
Siv Narayan. Men and women sit apart. Members
are not allowed to eat meat or drink spirits before going
to the weekly service, and in the Dhamghar they are not
allowed to drink, but they may smoke gdmjd (hemp),
bhathg (hemp-leaves) or tobacco there. A special meeting
is held on the Basant Panchami, or fifth light half of
Magh. A halwai is called in, who cooks some halwa
(which is known as mohanbhog)m a large boiler (karhdo).
This is first offered to Siv Narayan before the scriptures of
the sect. Until this is done no Chamar i\ allowed to
touch it. The explanation of this is that Siv Narayan
was a Kshatri, and it would be defilement to him if any
Chamar touched it before dedication ; and, besides this,
many castes are represented at the feast.
Siv Narayans claim that their sacred scriptures have
existed for more than eleven hundred years, but that they
were unintelligible until they were translated by an
inspired sanyasi. The present recension is the work of
the Rajput Siv Narayan of Ghazipur, who wrote in the
first half of the eighteenth century. Their Granthas, or
Scriptures, number sixteen, of which the most important
are the Guranydsa and the Santvirdsa; the former consists
of selections from the Puranas, and the latter is a treatise
on morals. The Santvirdsa is read only at funerals,
where it is recited from the moment of dissolution until
the burial has been completed. The Guranydsa is read
in their religious meetings.
The teachings of the sect are of the same type as those
of the other reforming Vaishnavite bodies ; but some
claim that the movement owes much to Christian influ-
ences. Some village Siv Narayans assert that they worship
Jesus Christ under the name Dukhdran Guru, or "Trouble-
Chasing Guru." Members of this sect are much more
214 THE CHAMARS
friendly towards Christianity and are more easy of access
than orthodox Hindus. They claim to worship one God,
of whom no attributes are predicated ; and they offer no
worship, nor do they pay any regard whatever to any of the
objects of Hindus or of Mohammendan veneration.
Another noted founder of a sect was Dadu (Dadu
Dayal JI) 1 , a cotton-cleaner of Ajmer. He was born at
Ahmedabad, and lived at Sambhar and at Amber as well as
at Ajmer. Dadu was rescued from a river as an infant
and given to a Brahman who had begged the boon of a
son from a holy man. It is said that when Dadu was
eleven years old a sadhu came to him and offered to teach
him, but Dadu did not recognize the man and allowed
him to depart. Seven years later the holy man returned
and led Dadu into the life of an ascetic. He became a
man of such compassion that he was called Dadu the
Merciful. Legends relate how he refused to return evil
for evil. He became famous as a worker of miracles also.
Though an ignorant man, he became a spiritual and social
reformer. Tradition has it that he received command by
revelation to become a religious leader. When he was
about thirty years of age he went to Sambhar, where he
lived for six years ; he then moved to Amber ; fourteen
years later he began to travel ; and after ten years he died.
Dadu did not die like ordinary men, but disappeared from
the world in accordance with a message that he received
from Heaven, and the place of his disappearance in the
Rajputana hills is still shown. His followers believe that
he was absorbed into Brahma.
The sect is really an offshoot from the Sikh movement,
and is sometimes said to be identical with the Nanak
Panth. Dadu Panthls believe in the unity of God and
worship him under the title " True God " (Sat Ram).
Their worship is restricted to the repetition of the name
" Ram" and of the name " Dadu Ram." Still, their God
is of the impersonal Vedantic type. They believe in evil
spirits. The worship of idols is forbidden ; but they
1 See Religious Sects, of the Hindus (C.L.S.), P- 53; Dadu
Dayal Ki Bam, Belvedere Press, Allahabad, 1914 ; Encyclopaedia
of Religion and Ethics, Vol. IV. pp. 385 f.
HIGHER RELIGION 215
worship the Dddu Bdni and prostrate themselves before
Dadu's sandals and old clothes.
In earlier times they built no temples ; but now there
are temples in which their sacred book is worshipped. They
believe that perfect devotion results in union with the
Deity ; but that imperfect devotion does not break the
round of transmigration. Their chief place of worship is
at Narana, nearJaipore. Here Dadu's bed is preserved and
his books and clothes are kept. They now have a number
of places (Dadudwara), which combine a monastery with
a preaching-place, because the services in their meeting-
houses are conducted by their sadhus. In the prayer-room
is found a manuscript copy of the Bam. In worship lamps
and flowers are used. There are two main divisions of the
followers of Dadu, the sevaks and the sadhus. The
former are householders and men of affairs, and they are
not counted as true Dadu Panthis. They are allowed to
read the Bam. The sadhus are divided into four orders.
These sadhus are all celibates, and they may be either
men or women. The most interesting of these sadhus are
the Nagas, who serve as soldiers. The initiatory ceremony
of their gurus is simple. Those of their sadhus who are
able to learn are taught to read and are instructed in the
tenets of the sect. They are also required to memorize
the twenty-four guru mantras (which refer to the character
of God), and the pancharati (which are used in the praise
of God). They carry beads in their hands. The only,
peculiarity in their mode of dress is a four-cornered or
round white skull-cap with a flap hanging down behind.
They do not use sectarian marks, nor do they wear
rosaries, but they carry beads (sumarni) in their hands.
The sacred books of the sect are the Dddu Bam, the
Sukhyd Granth y and the Janam Lild.
Many low-caste followers, including Chamars (some
of whom are Balais), have been attracted to the move-
ment through Garib Das, one of Dadu's disciples, but they
are not admitted to the temples. Although Dadu thoroughly
organized his movement, it is now on the decline. A few
persons have recently withdrawn, under the name of
Benami. They use no name in the worship of God.
216 THE CHAMARS
Among the lesser sects which have a following amongst
the Chamars may be mentioned the Maluk Dasis, the
Lalgiris, the Ghlsa Panthis, and the Ram Ramis.
Maluk Das, 1 who was born at Kara and who died as Puri,
lived during the time of Aurangzeb. He was probably a
trader. A great deal of legendary material, praising the
wonderful things that he did because of his great kindness
and mercy, has been preserved. When he was a child of
but five years playing in the streets, he collected the thorns
out of the dust so that people might not step on them ;
and while he was thus engaged, a great saint who happened
to pass by prophesied that Maluk was destined for some
great life, either that of a prince or of a saint. From
his youth up he paid great attention to travelling teachers,
and many stories are told concerning his care of wandering
ascetics. At the age of ten or eleven years he was started
in business with a wholesale dealer in blankets. He used
to go into the country regularly to sell blankets, but he
always gave to sadhus and to the poor what they asked.
On one of his journeys, when he had made no sales and
had met no beggars, he sat down under a nim tree late
in the day to rest. His load was very heavy. A labourer
came along and offered to carry the load for two pice. To
this Maluk agreed, sent the coolie on ahead, and gave the
blankets no further thought. When the porter brought
the blankets Maluk's mother doubted his story, and on
the pretext of giving him some food, led him into one of
the rooms of the house and then locked the door. When
Maluk reached home, his mother scolded him for his
carelessness, and ordered him to count his blankets to
make sure that none were missing. When Maluk opened
the door of the room where the coolie had been shut
up, he found that the man was gone. He had left
behind a piece of bread, which Maluk received as
prasad. He remarked to his mother that she had been
very fortunate indeed to escape without a curse. He saw
in that coolie a vision of God, and confessed that he had
1 SceReligious Sects of the Hindus (C.L.S.)i p. 51 ; Bhattacharji,
Hindu Castes and Sects, p. 446 ; Gsowse, Muttra, p. 230 ; Maluk Das
KIBani, Belvedere Press, Allahabad.
HIGHER RELIGION 217
not known who the man was. So he entered the room
where the coolie had been confined, and directed his
mother not to disturb him until called her. After three
days of meditation he had a vision, came out and saluted
his mother. From that time he practised meditation, and
his fame began to spread in all directions. Many began
to come to see him, many spiritual blessings were obtained
from him, and he began to exhibit miraculous powers.
There are many legends which deal with his wonderful
works. He started out one time to beseech Indra to give
rain during a great famine, but one of his disciples made
the great god so ashamed of himself that he gave
the rain before Maluk reached the fields. Another
legend, growing out of this, illustrates Maluk's simple-
mindedness and humility. Later, Maluk was summoned
by the Emperor to Dehli. He appeared before the ruler,
having made the journey by the exercise of his miraculous
powers. Several dishes of khichri were prepared for
Maluk, but the first turned out to be an abomination ;
the second one proved to be ashes, from which he raised
such a dust-storm that it threatened to destroy the city,
and it was only through the intercession of the emperor,
and then only through Maluk's miraculous powers, that
Dehli was saved. Maluk performed another miracle,
in which he stood in the midst of a well without any
support. The emperor was so impressed with Maluk's
sainthood that he offered him gifts. His request was a
simple one, which saved the officers who had been sent to
bring Maluk, and one which convinced them also of his
divine powers. One of the officers became a disciple of
Maluk. Other miracles are recorded, such as his saving
the workmen who had been buried by a falling house,
and his bringing a milkwoman's son back to life. His
days were filled with wonderful deeds. He died at the
age of 108 at Puri. His tomb is at Kara, near Allahabad.
On the day of his death he told his disciples that at noon
they would hear the sound of a bell and of a horn in their
hearts, and that this would indicate that he had died. He
directed them not to burn his body but to consign it to
the Ganges. The body floated down to Prayag-ghat
218 THE CHAMARS
(Allahabad). There it asked a ferryman for a drink and
then sank. It next appeared at Kai (Benares). There
it asked for water and pen and ink. With these it
wrote, "I have reached Kai." It then sank again,
and reappeared at Jagannath Puri. Jagannath JI
showed his disciples, in a vision, a car (rathl) on the
seashore, and ordered them to bring it and place it
before his image. They did as he directed, and left the
car before the image and retired. The temple doors
thereupon closed of themselves. Then Maluk Das, who
was in the car, requested a place to rest under the eaves
of the temple and the refuse food from the temple. He
(Maluk Das) received the scum from the cooked rice and
dal for his bread and parings of vegetables as a karhi.
Maluk Das's resting-place is still found at Jagannath Puri,
and there " his " bread is still used and offered to pilgrims.
Six months before he died he named his nephew as his
successor. Although he was a householder, he founded a
monastic order. Their principal monastery is at Kara, on
the Ganges, Other monasteries are situated at Benares,
Allahabad, Lucknow, Ajudhya, Brinbaban, Patna,
Jaipur and Puri. Still others are found in Gujrat, Multan,
Nepal and Afghanistan. His followers hold no distinctive
teachings, being members of one of the Slta-Ram worship-
ping sects which sprang from Ramananda, but they take
Maluk Das as their guru. Their sectarian mark is a
single red line on the forehead. Most Maluk Dasls are
householders.
Maluk is said to have written a Hindi poem, the
Dasratha, and a few short Sakhls and Padas, but none of
these have been published.
In the earlier part of the nineteenth century a Chamar,
Lalglr 1 by name, founded a sect; known as the Lalgir
Panthls, or Alakgiris. His home was in Bikaneer. Accord-
ing to Lalglr's teachings men should forsake idolatry,
practise charity, avoid taking life, abstain from the eating of
meat, and practise asceticism. He denied the possibility
of a future life, taught that heaven and hell are within,
1 See Sherring, Hindu Tribes and Castes, Vol. III. p. 62.
HIGHER RELIGION 219
and insisted that all ends with the dissolution of the body.
He held that the ends for which a man should practise
virtue are peace in life and a good name after death. The
sole worship of the sect consists in calling upon the
incomprehensible God, " Alakh, Alakh," and it is from
this practice that the sect is sometimes named.
Ghisa, a Jat, 1 was born at Kekra in the Meerut Dis-
trict about the middle of the nineteenth century, and died
about twenty years ago. (Some put him a little earlier.)
He began as a worshipper of Kabir. Later he attracted to
himself a considerable following, chiefly Chamars and
Julahas, and formed an independent sect. He forbade
animal sacrifices and idolatry. His followers are called
sddhs y and they wear a rosary of Kathwood beads. Once
a year Ghisa Panthis visit their gurus, bringing gifts, and
have a feast. The sayings of Ghisa have not been reduced
to writing. His teachings do not differ from those of
Kabir.
Kalu Baba, or Kalu Kahar, or Kalu BIr, was the
founder of a sect amongst whose members are some
Chamars. He discovered, by accident, that being a sadhu
was more remunerative than following his usual avocation.
His followers have much the same beliefs as the Sikhs;
but they are at the same time worshippers of Krishna and
devotees of Siva. They reverence the Grantha. Kalu
is sometimes spoken of as a low-caste godling worshipped
by Chamars and others of low degree.
The Ram Ramls are a small group of Chamars who
organized about thirty years ago. They are found chiefly
on the south side of the Mahanadl, in the Central Pro-
vinces. They carry a flute, put peacock feathers around
their caps, and cry out " Ram, Ram." They mean always
to keep Ram in mind. Their most distinguishing charac-
teristic is that they have the couplet " Ram, Ram " tattooed
all over their bodies.
The Satnaml movements have their rise in teachings of
Kabir. The word means the " True Name M and indicates
1 Another report has it that he was a weaver. See Census Report,
Punjab, 1911, p. 144.
220 THE CHAMARS
that they worship the One Reality under this title.
The first-known movement bearing this name appeared in
the seventeenth century at Nacntfl, seventy-five miles south-
west of Delhi. The sect had a reputation for esoteric
doctrines, and for uncleanness in morals and in eating.
They came into conflict with the Government of Aurangzeb,
and were sanguinarily overwhelmed in 1673. *
A sect by the same name (Satnami) appeared in the
next century, but there is no evidence to show that it was
a revival of the earlier movement. Its founder was JagjI-
wan Das, 2 a Thakur, born in a village not far from Luck-
now. His father was a farmer. From childhood he
showed an interest in higher things and he associated much
with sadhus. One day a most holy faqir, Bulla Sahib, in
company with a still more holy man, Govind Sahib, stopped
where Jagjiwan was grazing cattle. He hastened to
fulfil the request for fire for their pipes (chilam) and at the
same time brought milk for them to drink, although he
was afraid that his father would punish him. Bulla, the
saint, read his thoughts, and comforted him, saying that
there would be no less milk but more at home, in spite of
his having brought some for them. And, sure enough,
when Jagjiwan Das went home, he found all the pans full
to overflowing. He then ran after the saints and begged
to be accepted as a disciple and to be initiated. Through
the compassion of Govind Sahib he was transformed into
a man of deep love and austerity. Bulla then stated that
the object of their visit was to arouse Jagjiwan Das, who,
he said, was, in a previous life, an ascetic of renown. The
sadhu prophesied that ere long Jagjiwan would become an
expert recluse (purd jog). Jagjiwan asked for a sign to
prove that this holy man spoke truth. Thereupon Bulla
1 See J. N. Sirkar in The Modern Review, 1916, p. 385.
* Oudh Gazetteer (1877), Vol. I. pp. 361 ff ; Russell, The Tribes
and Castes of the Central Provincies of India, Vol. I. pp. 307 ff; Reli-
gious Sects of the Hindus (C.L.S.) pp. 146, 147 ; Indian Antiquary,
VIII. pp. 289 ff : Prasadh, Jaegwan Das Ki Bani, pp. 1-5 ; Crooke,
Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh, Vol IV.
pp. 299 ff ; Prasadh, Samtbani Sarhgraha, Vol. I. p. 117 ; Macauliffe,
The Sikh Religion, Vol. I. pp. xlvii, xlviii ; Grierson, Modern
Vernacular Literature of Hindustan, p. 87.
HIGHER RELIGION 221
Sahib took from his pipe a blue thread, and Govind Sahib
from his a white thread, and these they bound on Jagjlwan's
right wrist. (This is still the sign of the Satnami and is
called Amdii.)
Jagjlwan then gave up all worldly cares and applied
himself to study and devotion. Presently people began to
come from a distance to see him. Thereupon a persecu-
tion arose, and he left his native village and took up his
abode at Kotwa. The chief seat of his sect is still at this
village, and here an annual fair is held. He was reported
to have performed many miracles, one of the most famous
of which was that connected with the marriage of his
daughter to the son of Raja Gonda. When the Raja
refused to partake of the wedding-feast unless flesh was
served, Jagjlwan Das created the egg-plant and this was
eaten as meat. For this reason his followers still tabu that
vegetable as convertible into flesh. He died in 1761.
Jagjiwan Das preached the worship of God under the
name " Sat Nam, " and taught that the Deity is both
cause and creator of all things, but conceived of him in
popular Vedantic terms. His followers prohibit the use
of meat, red dal (masur kl dal), egg-plant, and intoxicat-
ing liquors. Satnamis do not worship idols ; but they do
worship Hanuman, and pay reverence to what they consider
manifestations of the nature of God visible in avatars, parti-
cularly in Rama and in Krishna. They observe most of the
Hindu festivals, and honour the family and caste customs of
the members of their sect. Jagjiwan Das urged that men
should practise absolute indifference to the world, that
they should be dependent upon no one, and that they
should practise implicit obedience to the guru. They are
said to practise the horrible rite of drinking a mixture of
human secretions and excreta (gayatrl kriya). They enjoin
tolerance, charity, consideration for others, prayer, study,
and kindness to animals.
Jagjlwan Das was, as noted above, a householder. The
sect has a superior order of mahants, some of whom are of
low-caste orgin. Through a Kori (weaver) disciple many
Chamars and others of low caste were brought into the
movement.
222 THE CHAMARS
The principal works of this guru, written in Hindi, are
the Agh Binds, the Gydn Prakdsh, the Mohdpralaya, and
the Pratham Grantha.
The Satnami movement was carried from Oudh into
the Central Provinces by Ghasi Das, a Chamar, and there
it has produced notable results. Ghasi Das carried on his
great work during the decade 1820-1830. He was undoubt-
edly indebted to Jagjiwan Das, for the teachings of the
two men are well-nigh identical.
Ghasi Das was born in poverty at Girod, in the Central
Provinces. As a man he took to the life of a pilgrim ;
later, he abandoned pilgrimage and began an ascetic life,
and from that time retired to the forest regularly for medi-
tation. The rocky hillock near his native village, to which
he repaired, is still a place of pilgrimage. His reputation
as a man of supernatural powers grew, and miracles were
reported from his place of retirement. Finally, he emerged
from the forest with his gospel to the Chamars. It was
in substance the message of Jagjiwan Das. " Ghasi Das,
like the rest of his community, was unlettered. He was a
man of unusually fair complexion and rather imposing
appearance, sensitive, silent, given to seeing visions, and
deeply resented of the harsh treatment of his brotherhood
by the Hindus. He was well known to the whole com-
munity, having travelled much among them ; and had the
reputation of being exceptionally sagacious, and was
universally respected. " *
Ghasi Das died at the age of eighty years and was suc-
ceeded in office by his son Balak Das. The latter, how-
ever, managed things badly, and was assassinated in 1860.
Since then the family has fallen upon evil times.
A division has occurred in the movement over the use
of tobacco, and those who smoke use a leaf-chilam and not
a huqqa.
Satnamls worship the Sun, morning and evening, as
representing the deity, crying out, " Lord, protect us ! "
Otherwise they have no visible sign or representation of
the Supreme Being. They are opposed to idolatry, and are
1 Chisholm, Bilaspur Settlement Report, 1888, p. 45.
HIGHER RELIGION 223
enjoined to cast all idols from their homes. Theoretically,
they have no temples, no public religious service, no creed
and no form of devotion. They simply call upon the name
of God and ask his blessing. They, however, do have
temples, and they recognize the whole Hindu pantheon,
especially revering the Rama and Krishna incarnations of
Vishnu.
They profess to set aside caste and to receive all
men as equals, but they do not admit into their com-
munity members of those castes which they regard
as inferior to their own. The sect is practically a
Chamar sub-caste. A Satnami is put out of caste
if he is beaten by a man of another caste, however
high, or if he is touched by a sweeper. Their women
wear nose-rings, although Hindu law forbids it. They do
not usually accept cooked food from the hands of others,
whether Hindus or Mohammedans. With them two
months are tabu for weddings, August (Shrawan) and
January (Pus). An initiatory practice connected with
marriage has already been described. It was carried out
within three years of the wedding and after the birth of the
first son.
The Satnami movement is of considerable importance
as a social revolt on the part of the Chamars. As an
economic and social struggle upwards it has met with a
large measure of success. The history of the sect illus-
trates also how a theistic propaganda can live and trans-
form a whole community.
There were, in 1911, 460,280 Satnamis in the Central
Province, the number having increased about fifteen per
cent, since the census of 1901.
CHAPTER IX
THE OUTLOOK
ONE of the outstanding facts about the Chamars is
their lamentable and abject poverty. Ill-clad and cold in
winter, badly housed, and insufficiently fed, they belong
to the poorest of the land. While there are some well-to-
do persons amongst them, and a few who are moderately
rich, the great mass of the Chamars lead a wretched
existence. Not more than one family in fifteen has any
form of fixed tenure, and that only on small holdings. In
many instances the hovels in which they live are repaired by
the landlord, so that the Chamar may not acquire any
claim upon the property. To begin with, they are greatly
in debt on account of loans both for the purchase of
raw materials with which to carry on their traditional
occupation and for seed and for cattle for their agri-
cultural enterprises. Rates of interest are exceedingly
high, being from twenty-four to forty-eight per cent, on
larger loans, and seventy-five on petty loans. In most
cases their obligations are such as to keep them in
perpetual bondage to their creditors ; and as a consequence,
they are never able to rise above the lowest economic
level. In many instances the whole family is engaged in
satisfying the insatiable demands of the zamindar or some
other creditor. Many shoemakers in the neighbourhood
of Delhi, for example, are so completely in the hands of
the dealers of that city that they get but the barest living
out of their hard toil. This economic condition suggests
one important line of relief : the introduction of co-
operative credit.
Another contributing cause to their poverty is the
pernicious system of begar. Chamars live at the beck and
THE OUTLOOK 225
call of others, and are obliged to do a great deal of work
for which they receive no pay whatever. This is but a
phase of the general condition of depression in which they
live. They have been so conquered and broken by
centuries of oppression that they have but little self-
respect left and no ambition. Their condition is in reality
serfdom, and at times they are sore oppressed. The begar
system is firmly entrenched in the rural life of the country
and can be broken down only by persistent and well-
directed agitation. The old order must give way, even
though the necessary substitute may be difficult to suggest.
Their employers and the leaders of the Indian community
bring social and even physical pressure upon them at times.
Those who depend upon them for labour are slow to
encourage any movement which brings to the Chamars an
opportunity for advancement. They live on the land of
others, and must bear without complaint oppression, in-
justice, and fraud. The solution of the problem which
they present must lie in the bringing of economic help to
them in the way of opportunity and encouragement, and
in kindling in them a spirit of hope.
Another cause of their poverty is ignorance. Until
their mental life is stimulated to the point where they
begin to feel some sense of independence and desire for
better things they will be held under the iron heel of those
who exploit the poor.
A further cause of poverty is vice and excess. In-
temperance is widespread, The Chamars are notorious
drunkards and to drunkenness both men and women are
addicted. Liquor has an important place in much of the
domestic ritual. There is very little attempt to remove this
evil. The only limit set upon it seems to be the income
of the man or his family. Ganja (hemp for smoking),
charas (hemp for smoking), bhang (hemp for drinking),
and opium and madak (prepared from opium) are exten-
sively used. Gambling is rife not only at Dewali time,
but constantly. The Holi is an opportunity for excesses
of all kinds. Children are not exempt from these evils.
One more contributing cause to the poverty of the
Chamars is overcrowding on the land. For this reason a
226 THE CHAMARS
movement towards the large centres of industry must be
encouraged. While it is important that improved indus-
trial and agricultural methods be carried to the villages,
it is also necessary that many be attracted to centres
where instruction in industry and agriculture may be
obtained. Such trained persons will very rarely return to
take a place in the village economic life, but they will
swell tbe ranks of organized industry and will help to re-
organize agricultural and economic life. At the same time
there will result increased demand for labour, and this
in turn will raise wages and improve the general efficiency
of those who are left to carry on agriculture. The move-
ment to the cities has already set in and its effects upon
the rural demand for unskilled labour are becoming more
and more noticeable.
Seventy-eight per cent, of the Chamars are engaged
in farm work. Here again they are found in the most
wretched economic state. For the most part they are
paid in kind, and there are few inducements offered to
them to secure good crops. Moreover they are poor culti-
vators, and consequently obtain only the poorest portions
of the land for farm purposes. While a considerable
number will move to industrial centres, the great mass of
Chamars will remain on the land. Advancement lies in
their being taught better methods of agriculture. More-
over, these improved methods must be brought to them.
They are far too numerous a caste to be sent into agricul-
tural schools for training, and, besides, they could not be
spared in any considerable numbers for such a purpose.
Simple demonstrations that could not fail to convince the
Chamars of the better economic values of modern methods
of agriculture must be the means employed to introduce
new methods.
Another cause of their poverty lies in the fact that the
indigenous manufacture of leather is still in an undeveloped
state as an industry, and that the output is of very inferior
quality. For a long period before the Mohammedans began
to rule, and even down to the persent time, the rural in-
dustry has depended upon an inferior grade of raw materials,
the skins of animals dying of disease or from starvation.
THE OUTLOOK 227
In addition to this, branding and injury ruin large
numbers of hides. At present, with the marked rise in
values, hides and skins, except those of the very poorest
quality, are becoming more and more difficult for the
Chamar to obtain. Added to this, lack of capital makes it
impossible for the village tanner to make good leather.
Good tanning requires time and that in turn requires
money. The result is that the rural tanner, using anti-
quated and inferior methods, produces out of poor raw
materials a very inferior grade of leather. The outstanding
defects in the village process are over-liming, the use
of antiquated tools for fleshing and removing the hair,
insufficient attention to bating, the hurrying of the process
of tanning, and little attempt at currying. With the rise
of the large-scale tanning industry in certain large centres,
the village tanner's enterprise is being reduced to smaller
dimensions. There is little likelihood that the rural
industry will survive. 1 In this connection it is interesting
to note that during the decade ending in 1911 there was
a very marked decrease (36.9 per cent. 2 ) in the number
engaged in tanning, currying, dressing, and dyeing leather.
At the same time the Chamar population increased.
Furthermore one of the results of the war has been a
very great advance in large-scale tanning. The demand
for village tanned leather is gradually being reduced to
that of water-buckets and thongs. The former will be
supplied more and more from chrome tanned leather,
which is not a rural product at all, and finally, cheaper
fabrics made from vegetable fibres will supplant leather for
irrigation purposes. Slowly factory tanned leather will
supplant village tanned leather in the village shoemaking
industry.
Before the war raw hides were exported from the
United Provinces in large numbers. 8 In 1914-15, the
exports of dressed or tanned skins amounted to only fifteen
thousand rupees ; while that of raw hides and skins
1 Indian Industrial Commission Report, 1918, p. 36.
8 Census Report, United Provinces, 1911, p. 424.
8 Report of the Director of Industries, United Provinces, 1916, p. 4
15
228 THE CHAMARS
amounted to 1,84,50,000 rupees. Probably half the hides
and nine-tenths of the skins available in India were ex-
ported. Not only have those exports risen to enormous
proportions in recent years, but the values have likewise
increased. The total value of exported raw hides and skins
was 7,82,00,000 rupees in 1914-15 and 14,41,00,000 rupees
in 1916-17. During the same years the values of exported
leather and of tanned hides and skins were 4,76,00,000
and 9,44,00,000 rupees respectively. The total values of
these exports were 12,58,00,000 and 23,85,00,000 rupees
in 1914-15 and in 1916-17 respectively. 1
During the war the amount of half-tanned leather
exported from the United Provinces increased from below
200,000 hundredweight, valued at less than 2,00,00,000
of rupees to 360,000 hundredweight, valued at nearly
5,00,00,000 rupees in 1917-18. Roughly speaking, in
four years the output of the Indian tanneries for this
class of leather only has been doubled. 2 In all probability
the enormous demand for hides and leather due to the
effects of the war on stocks of cattle in Europe will turn
to India's advantage. With the development of tanning
materials and the application of technical skill and expert
direction to the manufacture of leather in India, there
will be a large increase in the tanning industry in manu-
facturing centres. For this new development the
Chamar is indispensable. But this new stimulus to enter-
prise will tend to further supplant the village tanner.
The development of this industry involves the training of
large numbers of Chamars. This suggests one of the
lines along which work for the economic uplift of the
Chamars must develop.
There were in 1911, in the United Provinces, all at
Cawnpore, three tanneries and ten leather factories. Not
one of the latter was managed by a Chamar. 3
While the number engaged in the tanning of leather
decreased very materially during the decade ending in
1 Appendix D, Indian Industrial Commission, p. 54.
2 Appendix D, p. 58.
9 Census Tables, United Provinces, 1911, pp. 720, 736.
THE OUTLOOK 229
1911, there was an increase of 33.2 per cent. 1 in the
number engaged in the manufacture of boots, shoes and
sandals. The Indian demand for boots, shoes and
sandals is on the increase, and this phase of the Chamar's
traditional occupation offers increasing opportunities. At
present the native patterns of ornarriented shoes are dis-
appearing and shoes on foreign models are coming largely
into vogue. The great cities are the centres of this
industry. But shoes after the country models are manu-
factured in almost every village in the country. Here also
there is great need for the introduction of better tools and
modern methods of manufacture. And a growing field for
demonstration work and industrial education here presents
itself.
There were in 1911, in the United Provinces, four
boot and shoe factories, one in Allahabad, two in Cawn-
pore, and one in Farukkhabad, not one of which was
owned or managed by Chamars or Mochis. 2
The demand for other kinds of leather articles gives
promise of still further developments in the leather industry.
Belting, roller skins, picker bands, and raw hide pickers
will be required in increasing numbers with the rapid
industrial development of the country. Already a begin-
ning has been made in supplying these products in India.
There seems to be little doubt that, now that the war is
over, new tanneries will be started, and their fate will largely
depend upon the quality of the leather which they turn
out. Here Government can render valuable assistance
by assuming to a large extent responsibility for the techno
logical investigations which have been indicated. Success
will result in an improvement of the industry all along the
line, beginning with a decrease of waste in rural areas and
the diversion of the hides used by the village tanners to
modern tanneries, in which a better class of leather will
be produced. There will obviously be an increase in the
amount of visible raw material ; but whether this will be
sufficient to meet the growing requirements of the country
1 Census Report, United Provinces, 1911, p. 425.
* Census Tables, United Provinces, 1911, pp. 728, 740,
230 THE CHAMARS
is a matter on which no definite opinion can be expressed.
The general improvement of the technique in tanning
will lead to an increase in the exports of finished leather
and to a corresponding decrease in the exports of hides. 1
These conclusions suggest, for those who are especially
interested in the Chamars, that they may take advantage
of facilities offered through Government for the training
of men in various phases of work in leather.
In all industrial development there must be a safe-
guarding of the Chamars' interests. This must be done
through legislation which will protect the Chamars from
overcrowding in the growing manufacturing cities, and
by framing laws fixing reasonable hours and liberal wages
for the labourers. Such legislation is dependent upon
organized effort on the part of those who champion the
cause of the Chamars.
Education amongst the Chamars is exceedingly back-
ward. Below is a table of literacy based upon the Census
Report of the United Provinces for 1911. 2 Along with
the figures for the Chamars those from the population of
the Provinces as a whole are inserted.
Number of persons literate per thousand :
Total Male Female
(1) Chamar (agricultural) ..1 2 (.2)
(2) Population as a whole" ..34 61 5
The number of Chamar children in primary schools per
thousand males is .3, and per ten thousand females is .1.
In 1917, there were 4,600 Chamars undergoing education
in the United Provinces. 4 These tables give a very in-
adequate impression of the ignorance that prevails. A
more detailed statement showing both the literates and the
illiterates in this caste is as follows : B
Chamar pop. dealt with Literate Illiterate Literate in English
Total 6,068,382 .. 6,794 6,061,588 215
Male 3,099,321 .. 6,274 3,093,074 214
Female 2,969,061 .. 520 2,968,541 1
1 Appendix D., Indian Industrial Commission, pp. 64, 65.
2 p. 273. 8 p. 268.
* General Report on Public Instruction in the United Provinces
and Oudh for the Quinquennium Ending 31st March, 1917 , p. 94.
8 Census Tables, United Provinces, 1911, Table IX., p. 154.
THE OUTLOOK 231
A still more definite impression is given by another
table :
The illiterates per thousand are: 1
Total Male Female
Chamars (agricultural) 999 998 (1,000)
Ignorance is more deeply seated than the mere inability
to read or write. For generations Chamars have been, and
they still are, out of touch with even the best light that
the village possesses and their mind is almost inert. These
conditions are but barely improved in some areas where
education has long been emphasized.
The public schools are virtually closed to the Chamars.
Both teachers and pupils in the schools make it most
difficult for low-caste boys to sit in the class-rooms. The
result is that boys of the lower castes are not found in any
numbers in the schools. A typical case may be cited. In
a school enrolment of 12,651 in a certain District there
was, in 1909-10, not a single Chamar. 2 Conditions are
not much changed yet. Schools are now being established
for the class to which the Chamars belong, and Gov-
ernment is encouraging the opening of such schools by
District Boards. Besides this, efforts are being made to
set aside special educational officers for schools for the
depressed classes. Moreover, various Hindu organizations
are trying to carry on primary schools amongst these
classes. Still, up to the present time practically the only
opportunities for learning to read and write are supplied
by Christian agencies.
Besides the lack of educational facilities and their
intellectual inertness, the environment in which the
Chamars live is unfavourable to their advancement.
Their neighbours, who largely control their time, are not
interested in enabling them to attend school with any
regularity. The feeling is widespread that an ignorant
Chamar is the only useful Chamar. Enlightenment in
the least degree brings with it (so it is held) a certain
1 Census Report, United Provinces, 1911, p. 273.
2 Bijore District, United Provinces, Letter from Deputy Inspector
of Schools, March 18, 1911.
232 THE CHAMARS
sense of personal importance and the desire to be free ;
and all this is contrary to the spirit of their environment.
The intellectual uplift of this great caste is a tremendous
problem, but one of the greatest importance in the
advancement of the whole country. Every eighth man in
the United Provinces is a Chamar. This fact illustrates
both the weight of the ignorance that oppresses the land
and the possibilities for social and political advancement
which lie in the uplift of this depressed group. In this day of
emphasis and expansion in primary education the Chamars
offer one of the most wide and needy fields for cultivation.
Most important is the question, " What shall the
Chamars be taught ? " Of course they must learn to
read, write and cipher. This must be accomplished
through day schools conducted at such times as pupils can
be spared from their regular tasks, and by means of night
schools for adults. But it is equally important that they
receive instruction that will open their minds to moral
and religious truth that has in it the power to emancipate
them from superstition and fear and the spirit of servitude.
Furthermore, since an effective intellectual and religious
development cannot be based upon poverty, the educa-
tional programme must include instruction in improved
methods of industry and agriculture. And since the
men who go away from their villages to learn something
new rarely return to join in the village industrial or agri-
cultural life, such training must be brought to them
in their village environment. Improved methods of
tanning, of making shoes, of weaving, and of cultivation
must be brought to them by means of demonstration work.
Already Government is busy with plans for these kinds of
simple instruction and is also applying these methods in a
few places. Such forms of instruction must become part
of the curriculum in all schools which aim at the elevation
of the Chamars ; and the agencies which will develop with
vigour and foresight such forms of educational endeavour
will have the greatest degree of access to the caste.
The Chamar holds a place very low in the social scale.
He belongs to the " untouchables." This is due partly to
ignorance, more to his poverty, and still more to his being
THE OUTLOOK 233
a subject caste. The long history of conquest may be
read here ; and here also the fact that those who are
oppressed are always despised is amply proved.
But the sense of disgust which he arouses is due also
to his traditional occupation. His name associates him
with dead animals. But to the ordinary Indian a dead
animal suggests not only a skinner, but also a group of
Chamars, men and women, dividing and portioning out
the carcass and preparing for a feast.
Furthermore, they eat the leavings of food of most
castes. This also is an abomination.
Added to all this is the unclean condition of the places
where they live. Their tanning vats are just outside of
their houses, and their part of the village is a place of all
sorts of abominable smells. Sanitary laws are wholly
ignored. They are unspeakably filthy in their habits.
Their persons, their clothing, their houses and their sur-
roundings are utterly unclean. The Chamrauti is a
synonym of all that is unclean and disgusting. A further
abomination is the fact that the Chamari is the recognized
midwife of the community (with local exceptions). The
word Chamari is sometimes used as a synonym for mid-
wife. Her offices are considered as exceedingly polluting.
So the Chamar's quarter of the village is a place to be
avoided, and Chamars are too unclean to enjoy any of the
social or religious privileges of the Hindu community.
Even in bathing in the Ganges they must find a place far
below that used by other people. In Madras the leather
worker pollutes at a distance of twenty-four feet. Con-
ditions are much less rigid in the North.
But skinners and tanners find themselves by reason
of the nature of their work in a very low social position,
and while the conquered have had to find their living
among the despised, still, there are other elements that
have helped to confirm these low-caste groups in their
social positions. The idea of pollution, or its reverse, the
idea of purity, may be traced more accurately to worship.
The sense of ceremonial purity certainly antedates the
idea of pollution due to the eating of beef or to the idea
of the sanctity of the cow. It was the right to share in
234 THE CHAMARS
the fire-sacrifice that was early restricted. When the
worship of the cow came into vogue, the idea of pollu-
tion was intensified. The sense of separation once made
absolute on the grounds of ceremonial pollution, the
whole life of the group, habits and occupation included,
were taken up into the attitude of disgust. It was
thus through religious scruples that the racial element
was joined with the occupational to fix the social level
of such as the leather-worker. The men with the disgust-
ing occuption were of an alien race and religion, and by
that very fact impure. If any further considerations were
necessary to complete the realization that the leather-
workers were outcastes, it would be found in their affinities
with non-Aryan races in matters of belief. There is much
in their superstitions and in their customs, and there always
has been, that sets them off by themselves so far as the
Aryan or the Hindu is concerned. In this worship there
is at least an expression of the sense of some superior
power, though that power is most often malevolent, and
the accompanying sacrifice is to appease or to propitiate
the object of the voiced entreaty or request. The whole
range of primitive praying, from the worship of the fetish
and the totem to the adoration of the scarcely-known
higher gods, is present in the religious life of the Chamar.
But, by the side of this personal, social element, there is
the anti-social, anti-religious use of charms and spells
which belong to magic. The Chamars have a reputation
for witchcraft, and this is borne out by abundant practice
both of white and black magic. Again, while the domestic
ceremonies of the Chamars show much Brahmanical
influence, and while the cardinal elements of Brahmanism
are practised by them, still there is a very large admixture
of details of ritual that belong to the non-Aryan religion.
The fear of demons and the principles of spirit-possession
are everywhere taken into account, and malicious spirits
and demons of disease are universally feared. None of
these elements of primitive belief are borrowed; they come
from the strata in which the Chamars themselves are
found. These facts also set Chamars at a tremendous
social disadvantage.
THE OUTLOOK 235
To the foregoing reasons why the Chamars are
despised above most men may be added the reputation
which they have for crime. They are popularly regarded
as poisoners of cattle. In the Chhattisgarh Division of the
Central Provinces they are regarded as the most criminal
class in the community. Their reputation for crime is
undoubtedly far beyond the facts. All of these factors
which combine to fix the Chamar's social status bear testi-
mony also to his social condition. Another social fact is the
laxity which exists in matters of morality. While some
forms of adultery are severely dealt with, there is much
impurity, and the general thought-level in matters concern-
ing tfre relations of the sexes is very low. The nach,
in which men and boys dress as women, and in which
women take part, is another evil. Obscene songs and
coarse jesting are very common. Women are held in very
little respect. The picture of the social aspects of the
Chamar's life may be completed by reference to the state
of education in the caste and to religious beliefs and social
customs.
There is difference of opinion concerning the physical
fitness of the Chamars. Poverty, intemperance, and lax
social standards, together with the practice of child-
marriage, would naturally combine to make them men of
inferior physique, and yet some think that they are strong
men capable of great endurance. The judgment that is
passed upon the Chamars in this respect depends very
largely upon the locality which the judge has in mind.
However, so far as infirmities are concerned, the
Chamars compare favourably with the population as a
whole. The figures on infirmities among the Chamars
for every one hundred thousand of the population of the
United Provinces in 1911 were as follows :
Insane Deaf-Mute* Blind Leper
Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female
17 9 50 36 208 288 43 12
23 12 67 45 209 236 48 11
Only in the case of blindness are the afflictions
more numerous amongst the women. The correspond-
ing number for the whole population of the United
236 THE CHAMARS
Provinces per one hundred thousand are given for
comparison. 1
The outstanding fact about the Chamar's religion is
its lack of comfort and of hopeful outlook. For the most
part he lives in fear of malevolent powers and is engaged
in propitiating them, and superstition grips him with all
its terrors. Furthermore, the great mass of the Chamars
know very little about their own religious beliefs and social
customs. " This is our custom "; or, " This is the way
it is done/* is their usual answer to questions. For
example, being questioned, a village Chamar replied that
he was a " Pachpiriya." But he could not name a single
one of the " Five Saints " whom he worshipped, nor
could he give any information about his religion. All that
he could say was, "I am a Pachpiriya."
This ignorance concerning their religion leads many of
them to say that they have no religion at all. Although
there are considerable numbers of Chamars who follow
the gurus of the reform sects and who have risen through
initiation to a relatively higher religious plane, the
religious and moral conceptions of the masses of the
Chamars are reflected in the domestic customs and in the
attention paid to demons of various kinds. The domestic
customs contain mainly three elements : (1) obscenity and
intemperance, (2) superstition, and (3) idolatry. Where
the Chamars have lived for some time in the larger cities,
and where they have come under the influence of the
AryaSamaj, or of Christianity, they are becoming ashamed
of the grosser and more superstitious elements in their
customs, and are professing to have lost faith in their
godlings.
The things for which they pray are mostly of the
material sort, since they have little hope of obtaining
spiritual benefits from those to whom they address the
longings of their hearts. They ask, for the most part, to be
let alone, not to be plagued nor to be overtaken by calamity.
Religion consists in doing (karam), in performing
1 These figures are approximate and are based upon The Census
Report, United Provinces, 1911, Subsidiary Table I., pp.320, 317, 318.
THE OUTLOOK 237
customary acts, in bathing, in making offerings, in
pilgrimages, and in similar Hindu practices. They are
anxious to fulfil the Hindu requisites of life. The future
holds no great prospect for them, for they are very low
down in the transmigratory world. Only as good works
may modify the possibilities of the future are they seriously
concerned with duty. For them the chief end in life is
to live as comfortably as possible, to obtain the largest
possible share of " pleasure/' and to escape as many of
the untoward experiences of life as possible. Of the
violation of the moral law they have some notions ; and they
agree that it is good to be honest, truthful, chaste, kind,
generous, and hospitable ; but, in this hard world, such
standards of life are difficult to attain ; consequently,
Chamars are not over zealous in good works. They admit
that such works are good for those who do them. Still,
there has been widespread religious advance, coupled with
insight and enthusiasm, with the acceptance of the
message of bhakti, or devotion, through the theistic
reform sects. This is especially noteworthy in the
movements issuing from Ramananda. In this phenomenon
there is ample assurance that the Chamars may have a
much better future.
The response of the Chamar to the influences of the
great socio-religious forces about him is marked. First,
there is the general steady effort to follow orthodox Hindu
customs. Caste fissures also bear testimony to the influ-
ence of Hiriduism.
Second, there is the response to the efforts of the Arya
Samaj. The last Census (1911) recorded 1,551 Arya
Chamars in the United Provinces. 1 In some areas consider-
able effort has been made by this organization. But up to
the present time they have not formulated any broad
policy. There are isolated efforts, however, and a broader
policy is sure to appear. As yet the Arya Samaj confines
itself largely to those communities where other religious
bodies have already begun to work, and enters these places
to a considerable extent as an obstructionist.
1 Census Tables, United Provinces, 1911, p. 301.
238 THE CHAMARS
Third, the influence of Islam is marked. The Julahas,
who are Mohammadans, and the Mochis, most of whom
are Mussulmans, are standing witnesses to the influence
of Mohammadanism. Besides this, 5,651 Mussulman
Chamars were reported in 1911 in the United Provinces,
and 10,811 in all India. 1
During 1911, preceding the Census enumeration, both
the Arya Samaj and the Mohammadan communites
made special efforts to enrol Chamars, especially those
who were Christians. With the increased rivalry between
the two communities, as representative government
gains ground, both will make greater efforts to win the
Chamars.
Fourth, the Christian Church is gaining a good many
converts from amongst the Chamars. Christian converts
are being made in a number of widely scattered areas, and
so-called mass movements amongst leather-workers are
now in progress from the far South to the North of India.
In Northern India the largest movements are in the
liberal-minded areas in the north-west of the United
Provinces and in Bihar. At the present time fully half
a million Chamars are being directly influenced by
Christian propaganda, and many thousands more indirectly.
The knowledge of this movement is very widespread
amongst the Chamars of all sub-castes. Reports from
many areas indicate that as a caste they are accessible.
Already some 45,000 have been baptized. 2
The problems confronting those who undertake to lift
up the Chamars are very great. Neither upon ignorance
nor upon poverty can any large advance be made. A real
programme for their economic uplift is in itself a very large
task. Co-operative societies, improved methods in industrial
and agricultural work, and the emancipation of the Chamar
from the thraldom of begar are involved in this problem.
And the very great size of the caste makes the problem
still more difficult. No large educational advance can be
1 Census Tables, United Provinces, 1911, p. 278; Imperial
Tables, 1911, p. 187.
8 The estimates given above are conservative, and are based
upon incomplete returns from missionaries.
THE OUTLOOK 239
expected until there is a real -improvement in their eco-
nomic conditions. Much of their lethargy, much of their
indifference shown towards education, is due to the de-
pressing influences of poverty. In addition, hygiene, sani-
tation, and domestic economy must find their place
amongst the masses through the development of real social
centres. We thus have a large field for a real social
programme. Added to this must be a moral and religious
programme which will stamp out drunkenness and im-
morality ; which will give them a real sense of personal
worth and a feeling of self-respect ; and which will alienate
them from superstition. Then the outstanding elements
in domestic rites and customs, obscenity and vulgarity,
superstition and idolatry, must be eradicated. Enlighten-
ment and moral teaching will deal most effectively with
the two former, and pure religion with all three, and espe-
cially with the last. The process of emancipation will not
be rapid. Their case calls also for regulative laws, for a
legislative programme. One outstanding need is that of
the planting of Christian social centres in Chamar
communities. Community organizations, of which the
settlement house and children's houses are suggestive, are
here needed. 1 In the village life of this great caste is
found one of the greatest opportunities for social endeavour
such as that urged by the foremost Christian leadership of
to-day. This will mean that the Chamar is offered a real
1 The Board of Home Missions of the Presbyterian Church in
America operates a Department of Immigrant and City Work. In
ministering to the recent immigrant the approach is from the community
standpoint, i.e., the immigrant is dealt with, not detached from, hut in
relation to, his environing community. Knit up with the community in
which he lives is his life, his progress, his welfare, and that of his family.
Therefore the work of the Church in any given immigrant community
must be developed on a comprehensive scale. " It calls for a
sympathetic understanding of the previous life and social and religious
traditions of the immigrant, and at the same time demands that we
introduce him to the best this country has in civic, social and religious
ideals.*' This principle has inspired a new form of religious ministry
conducted by the Presbyterian Home Board. It is designated
" industrial parish work." This work is now operating in no less
than nine important industrial communities where the new immigrant
is a large population factor.
240 THE CHAMARS
social fellowship 1 ; that his economic and educational claims
will receive attention ; and that in work for his emancipation
the most modern methods of religious education will be
introduced. Those who would help him must sympathize
with him in his superstition and his degradation and go to
him with positive teaching rather than with attack upon
his customs and beliefs. The elements of prayer and of
belief in spiritual values are potential in his fears and
superstitions.
In the foregoing paragraphs some social and religious
problems of the Chamars have been discussed, and some
solutions have been outlined. There remains to suggest
some means through which the Chamars may be lifted to
a satisfactory place in the social order and through which
they may enter into a satisfying religious life.
In a real sense the Chamars are the product of the
social and religious teachings of their own land. Accord-
ing to the doctrine of karma a man is what he is because
of what has happened, and he finds himself just where,
in the very nature of things, he belongs. Chamars, and
their neighbours in the social scale, are foreordained to
menial tasks with no outlook towards better things
in this life. Ignorance, grinding poverty, servitude and
degradation are their lot, and, although there are many
signs of a new day for these " untouchable " classes,
still movements urging improved conditions for these
outcastes, which are now stirring in many parts of India,
arise from impact with Christianity, rather than from
the social force of Hinduism. Says a noted Indian,
"The ideas that lie at the heart of the Gospel of Christ
are slowly but surely permeating every part of Hindu
thought." 2 While the religious teachers of India do not
present an adequate social programme for the Chamar,
1 This is a conception hard to be grasped in a country with a
social history like India has. In a recent discussion of social service
the following sentence is found : " The soulless animal rises up at the
command of the teacher metamorphosed into a full-fledged human
being. . . " Indian Review, May 1918, Article " Social Service
in the Punjab/ 1
* Farquhar, Modern Religious Movements in India, p. 445.
THE OUTLOOK 241
Jesus does. 1 The Law and the Prophets which he came
to fulfil champion the cause of the weak and condemn
those who exploit the defenceless and the poor. The
striking thing about Jesus's message is his estimate of the
common people, the peasants and the common labourers.
44 Ye are the salt of the earth " 2 follows after :
4< Happy are you poor !
For yours is the Kingdom of God.
Happy are you who hunger now !
For you shall be satisfied." 8
Here is the message of economic salvation. Jesus
insists that men are not impersonal units to be herded
together, or to be exploited, or to be sacrificed to the
whim of the more fortunate classes, but that they are
valuable persons to be delivered from their hard lot. He
is the champion of the depressed masses. His message
has always been good news to them. A very large part of
the growing church of the first century was made up of
44 Wool-dressers, cobblers and fullers, the most uneducated
and vulgar persons." 4 Since then new life with new
privileges and new living conditions has followed in the wake
of the acceptance of Christ. And to-day we find that
amongst the poor the leaven of his economic promises is
at work. The exploited and the poor are voicing demands
which are big with expectations which Jesus has encouraged.
And the Chamars are beginning to look hopefully to
Christianity for emancipation.
Again, the Chamars are by birth doomed to illiteracy.
Indian traditional ideals concerning the privileges of
enlightenment are well known. On the other hand, the
prophets and Jesus were teachers. The classes whom
they championed, as well as those who sat in authority,
were their pupils. The new Christian, even from the
1 For a clear analysis of this subject see Kent, The Social
Teachings of the Prophets and Jesus.
* Matthew v. 13.
8 Luke vi. 20, 21.
* See Glover, The Conflict of Religions in the Early Roman
Empire, p. 241. This book makes a good commentary on the subject
of these paragraphs.
242 THE CHAMARS
despised classes, became a teacher. 1 The children of
Christian parents were taught. The Christians acquired
knowledge. And it has been the pride of Christianity
from the beginning that it has developed an enlightened
community. The advance of popular education in the
West has been pari passu with an open gospel. 3 So far,
in India, the only real heralds of enlightenment for the
Chamars have been Christians. No other agencies are yet
able to place open books and liberty of thought before all
men equally.
Besides, Jesus has a programme for the socially disen-
franchised. It rests in the recognition of the solidarity
of the race. He draws no artificial lines of division
in society. Jesus gave practical illustration to his
principles. He mingled freely with all classes. He
accepted with equal alacrity invitations to dine whether
given by learned Pharisees or by despised tax-collectors.
When Scribes and Pharisees flung at him the contemptuous
charge that he was the friend of drunkards and social out-
casts, Jesus openly declared that the men who appealed
most strongly to his sympathies were the socially
disinherited classes ; those who were ceremonially and
morally beyond the pale of Pharisaic teaching; those
who were regarded by the religious classes as little more
than social refuse. Most of them were social outcasts,
and many of them, because of their crimes and manner of
living, were probably debarred from the synagogues. Such
facts as these show how fully the Chamars' need for a new
place in the social order is met by the position of Jesus.
Moreover, there are signs that Chamars are open to
such a gospel as Jesus preached. They are uneasy ; they
dislike being called Chamars ; they are anxious to shake
off the disgusting practices connected with their name ;
they long for a better place in society ; and they desire
economic freedom. They are beginning to look towards
Jesus for the realization of these things. Indeed, in many
1 Glover, The Conflict of Religions in the Early Roman Empire ,
241, 242.
* Simple illustration of this point may be found in any good history
of the English Bible.
THE OUTLOOK 243
places the more enlightened amongst them feel that real
opportunities lie with the Christ ; and they are willing to
endure persecution and many hardships for the sake of the
gospel. From widely separated areas this attitude is
reported. Beyond these groups there are many others who
say that they will all eventually enter the Kingdom of God.
Jesus stands in relation to the Kingdom of God as the
Saviour. He is the initiator of the new order. He is the
deliverer of those who are bound. He indentifies himself
with the hungry, the naked and the lowly, and he says
that he came to save them. The Kingdom comes after he
has paid the price. His death puts the seal of sincerity
upon his words. Not even the pangs of death could make
him yield his position. Thus the powers of evil are forced
back and men enter into a new life.
Their question of social purity must be studied from
the standpoint of Christianity. Standards of sex relation-
ship are set forth once and for all, and in final terms,
by Jesus, who speaks with supreme insistence :
"But I say unto you, that every one that looketh on a
woman to lust after her hath committed adultery with her
already in his heart. "
11 And if thy eye causeth thee to stumble, pluck it out,
and cast it from thee : for it is profitable for thee that
one of thy members should perish, and not that thy whole
body be cast into hell."
** And if thy right hand causeth thee to stumble, cut
it off, and cast it from thee : for it is profitable for thee
that one of thy members should perish, and not thy whole
body go into hell." 1
Obscenity and laxity cannot live under such surgery.
Jesus says further :
" Whosoever shall divorce his wife in order to marry
another, commits adultery against her. He puts the
other side of the case also : " And if she divorces her hus-
band in order to marry another, she commits adultery." 2
1 Matthew v. 28, 29, 30.
1 See Kent, The Social Teachings of the Prophets and Jesus,
p. 243.
16
244 THE CHAMARS
Jesus bases his teaching concerning adultery and
social impurity on the worth of the individual. Acts of
sexual immorality are traced to the failure to appreciate
this point of view. For Jesus the family is the funda-
mental institution, and in it woman finds her true place
of worth. Thus he puts a supreme value upon per-
sonality. On the other hand Hinduism seeks and guaran-
tees the absolute loss of personal identity of character, of
consciousness, and of all else which makes for a glorified
humanity. The doctrine of maya takes all worth out of
personality. Besides, the social conditions as they exist in
the lower strata of society are taken for granted ; they are
simply the working out of inevitable law (karma). More-
over, the Indian Law Books look upon woman with sus-
picion. On the foundations of such a social conscience
salvation in its deeper social significance can never be
achieved. But Jesus, on the other hand, draws men out of
the pit and establishes them in clean living.
The history of the early church gives testimony to the
power of Jesus to purify life. It is never to be forgotten
that the great numbers in those days were from the
" lower " ranks of life. Yet "they were astonishingly
upright, pure and honest/' and " they had in themselves
inexplicable resources of moral force. Ml "The early
Christian rose quickly to a sense of the value of woman." 2
This is all the more remarkable when the low moral
standards in those Roman days are taken into account.
But such purifying of life has taken place in every age and
country where Jesus has been accepted. The Chamars
need just such a Saviour as Jesus has proved himself to be.
Christianity is however for the Chamars more than
an economic, more than a social gospel. Hinduism on
its lower side is polytheistic, is saturated with demonology,
and is exceedingly superstitious. Therefore the Chamars
must look elsewhere for deliverance from superstitions and
the fear of evil spitits and from the evils which follow in
1 Glover, The Conflict of Religions in the Early Roman Empire,
p. 142.
Ibid., p. 163,
THE OUTLOOK 245
the wake of these beliefs. Historically Christianity is the
religion which emancipates from such forms of bondage.
Jesus has always cast out devils. Christianity from the
first has witnessed the disappearance of pagan beliefs and
fears. A glance at early Christian history shows this.
In the first century people hung rags and other offerings
on holy trees, revered wells and streams, and believed in
magic, enchantment, miracles, astrology and witchcraft.
They were in the grip of demons with their hatred of men,
their immorality and cruelty, and their sacrifices, and
they knew the terrors of " possession " and of enchant-
ment. Christianity came as a deliverer, and in the place
of terror came peace. A new phenomenon, Christian
happiness, or sense of security, appeared. Since then
Jesus has driven back the forces of darkness in land after
land. Down to the present time he rebukes superstition
with the same authority and gives peace to fearful souls.
In India to-day there are thousands of followers of Jesus
who scarcely know the names of the demons whom their
parents feared.
Besides, Jesus has a message about God. According to
him the poor as well as the rich will find a Father. Jcsus's
teaching is about an active, sympathetic, sufficient Person.
God is not lost in the shadows nor set afar off by lesser
beings. He is close at hand and on the side of the poor. More-
over, God is not the great Terror. Jesus revealed him as the
great Father. Nor is God a mighty Despot sitting high
over his subjects ; he is a Father who i'orgives sins freely,
welcomes the prodigal, makes his sun shine on the just
and the unjust, and who asks for nothing but love, trust,
co-operation and obedience. Such a God will attract the
mind and heart of the Chamars. Their hope lies in the
realization of Jesus's teaching of the Fatherhood of God,
and of its corollary the brotherhood of man.
Furthermore, Jesus himself offers the sufficient life for
men. He did not fail where others have failed. 1 With his
unique ideas about God and his intimate fellowship with
1 See W. Rauschenbusch, A Theology for the Social Gospel,
pp. 155-159.
246 THE CHAMARS
God, he did not lose touch with the hard realities which
confront men everywhere. While he is our great example
of prayer and immediate communion with God, still the
Kingdom of God engaged his will and set his task in the
midst of men. He drew his strength from God, but
he put it forth in the world. The needy world drew
forth all his sympathies. He was not a mystic in the
narrower sense of escape from the world. Furthermore,
Jesus did not read life in terms of its darker side. He was
not a pessimist. Although he knew the strength of the
Kingdom of Evil, he launched the Kingdom of God
against it and staked his life on the issue. Even when his
life was overshadowed by opposition, seeming failure and
death, he did not despair. Besides, Jesus was neither
ascetic nor other-worldly. He liked a normal well-rounded
life. He set forth the distinctive difference between
himself and John the Baptist, showing that he placed
himself in the midst of men in their everyday life and
needs. He believed in a life after death, but it was not
the dominant element in his teaching nor the constraining
force in his religious life. He was concerned with the
well-being of men in this world. He fasted when he was
absorbed in thought. He went without food, sleep, and
home life because he was set on a big thing. This is the
revolutionary asceticism of the Kingdom of God, but that
is wholly different from individualistic and other-worldly
asceticism. Jesus communed with God ; he fully recognized
the power of evil in the world, and he held his life with alight
grasp. Yet he escaped the snares of mysticism, pessi-
mism, asceticism and other-worldliness. Out of the same
ingredients, communion with God, recognition of evil,
and religious intensity and self-control, he built his higher,
sufficient life. His attitude toward life was the direct
product of his two-fold belief in the Father who is love and
the Kingdom of God which is coming.
And finally, Jesus is the sufficent object of devotion.
The announcement of Ramanuja to the low-caste man
was that he can worship God, and that he has a real
religious nature. In Jesus we find the fullest scope for
the life of devotion. Jesus draws all right thinking and
THE OUTLOOK 247
feeling, all high motives, all clean hearts, all new-made
men and women, all devotion and love of all men up into
his great and sufficient life. He is the perfect ideal of
life and love.
Thus Jesus offers to the Chamars a satisfactory place
in the social order and a satisfactory religious life.
Those who hold that in Christianity lies the real hope
for the redemption of the Chamars are confronted with the
fact of the urgency of the problem. Unless the Christian
Church pushes forward with a broad programme, opposing
religious movements may gain advantages which it will be
difficult to surpass. In the end, however, only that
movement can succeed which is able to give the Chamars,
be it ever so slowly, character, the ideal and the reality
of good citizenship and a satisfying religious experience.
And although the task may look very large, many are
confident that the full redemption of the Chamars will
come through the Gospel of the Son of God. The forces
that confront pure religion in the beliefs and superstitions
of the Chamars to-day are not unlike those that opposed
Christianity in the Roman Empire. Gibbon wrote:
" The innumerable deities and rites of polytheism were
closely interwoven with every circumstance of business
and pleasure, of public or private life, and it seemed impos-
sible to escape the observance of them without, at the
same time, renouncing the commerce of mankind and all
the offices and amusements of society,* 1 Yet the old
order passed away. The Christian Church looks for no
less a victory for the Chamars. Its justification for its
superhuman undertaking is, " The poor have the Gospel
preached to them."
APPENDIX A (TABLES)
(A) DISTRIBUTION OF CIIAMARS, MOCHIS, JULAHAS AND
KORIS BY RELIGION AND LOCALITY*
Persons
Hindu
Sikh
Jain
Buddhist
Mussulman
Animist
Ajmer Merwara
Assam
Bengal
Bihar and Orissa
Bombay
Central Provinces and
Berar
Madras
N.-W. F. Province..
Punjab
United Provinces . .
Baroda State
Central India Agency
Hyderabad State
Kashmir State
Rajputana Agency. .
Elsewhere
1 Bised upon Census of India, 1911, Vol. I. Pt. II. Table XIII.
Pt. I.
8 Includes Dabgar in Bihar and Orissa and Mochi, Mochigar or
Sochi in Bombay. The Sochi of Sind, however, has been shown
separately. (Census of India, 1911, Table XIII. pp. 187, 213.)
3 Hind Julaha in Bengal and Bihar and Orissa not included.
4 Not in Table.
Chamar
(Chambhar) 2
11,493,733
Mochis
1,018,366
Julaha 8
2,858,399
Kori
918,820
11,305,713
561,777
98,651
917,633
175,379
195
6,233
25
18
, ,
t
114
10,811
4 S6', 120
2,763,473
i,'l62
1,696
274
13,351
54,234
13,'697
7^207
136,553
455,448
282,705
1,114,467
31,339
826,391
302,536
10,478
907,927
4,007*
39,628
6,285
23,209
37*,390
1,139',941
419,378
635,044 18,050
6,083,401
8,869
991,263860,434
32,210
8,954
859,438
7,126
12,270
70,618
7,023
5,194
39,099
14,694
26,830
734,110
15,428
18,333
5,848
6,916
5,294 708
APPENDIX A 24
(B) CHAMARS IN RELATION TO THE WHOLE POPULATION
OF THE UNITED PROVINCES
Total
Chamar
r er cent, or
Name of Districc
Population
Population
mlQl 1 thnt
in 1911
in 1911
was Chamar
1. Dehra Dun
205,075
24,496
11+
2. Saharanpur
986,359
202,268
201
3. Muzaffarnagar ..
808,360
124,459
15+
4. Meerut
1,519,364
236,834
151
5. Bulandshahr
1,123,792
184,985
16+
6. Aligarh ..
1,165,680
194,013
17-
Total of MEERUT Div
5,808,630
967,055
17
7. Muttra ..
656,310
102,757
16-
8. Agra
1,021,847
174,006
17
9. Farrukhabad
900,022
98,891
11
10. Mainpuri
797,624
105,719
13+
11. Etawah ..
760,121
119,086
16-
12. Etah
871,997
115,382
13
Total of AGRA Div.
5,007,921
715,841
14+
13. Bareilly .
1,094,663
98,506
9
14. Bijnore
806,202
136,544
17
15. Badaun
1,053,328
148,032
14+
16. Moradabad
1,262,933
180,957
14+
17. Shahjahanpur . .
945,775
100,061
10+
18. Pilibhit ..
487,617
34,005
7
Total of ROHILKIIAN!
D Div. 5,650,518
698,105
12+
19. Cawnpore
1,142,286
138,075
12
20. Fatehpur
676,939
72,553
11
21. Banda ..
675,237
106,330
16
22. Hamirpur
465,223
69,263
15
23. Allahabad
1,467,136
162,735
11
24. Jhansi
680,688
92,357
14
25. Jalaun
404,775
68,762
17
Total of ALLAHABAD
Div. 5,494,284
710,075
13
26. Benares ..
897,035
101,236
10+
27. Mirzapore
1,071,046
139,893
19+
28. Jaunpur
1,156,254
175,305
15
29 Ghazipur .,
839,725
109,978
13
30. Ballia ..
845,418
57,596
7
Total of BENARES Div. 4,809,478
584,008
13
250 THE CHAMARS
31.
32.
Gorakhpur
Basti
3,201,180
1,830,421
391,952
280,387
12+
15+
33.
Azamgarh
1,492,818
264,615
16
34.
35.
36.
Total of GORAKHPUR Drv.
Naini Tal
Almora
Garhwal
6,524,419
323,519
525,104
480,167
936,954
20,071
405
1,522
14+
6
0.077
0.3
37.
38.
39.
40.
41.
Total of KUMAUN Div.
Lucknow..
Unao
Rae Bareilly
Sitapur
Hardoi
1,328,790
764,411
910,915
1,016,864
1,138,996
1,121,248
21,998
79,538
105,867
102,642
152,714
189,301
1.65
10+
12
10
$
42.
Kheri
959,208
130,802
14
43,
Total of LUCKNOW Div.
Fyzabad
5,911,642
1,154,109
760,864
174,670
IS-
IS
44.
Gonda
1,412,212
45,148
3
45.
46.
47.
48.
Bahraich..
Sultanpore
Partabgarh
Barabanki
1,047,677
1,048,524
899,973
1,083,867
75,590
143,937
110,639
91,471
7
14
*2+
8+
1.
2.
Total of FYZABAD Div.
STATES.
Rampur ..
Terhi
6,646,362
531,217
300,819
641,455
43,983
2,945
10
8
1
Total of STATES
GRAND TOTAL
832,036
48,014,070
46,928
6,083,283
0.9+
12.66
Note : Chamar Sikhs, numbering 79 males and 39 females, are not
included in these tables.
APPENDIX A
251
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APPENDIX A 255
(E) THE DISTRIBUTION OF THE CHAMARS BY DISTRICTS IN
CERTAIN PARTS OF BIHAR AND ORISSA,
BY RELIGION AND BY SEX
CHAMAR HINDU
Male Female
BIHAR AND ORISSA 520,099 594,368
(1) British Territory 516,189 590,609
PATNA DIVISION 125,852 144,967
Patna 29,494 31,467
Gaya 41,857 45,808
Shahabad 54,501 67,692
TIRHUT DIVISION 228,240 274,327
Saran 50,066 70,143
Champaran 63,789 69,378
Muzaffarpur 65,054 78,988
Darbhunga 49,331 55,818
BHAOALPORE DIVISION 101,238 107,338
Monghyr 27,922 32,375
Bhagalpur 47,284 49,475
Purnea 11,087 10,265
Santhal Paraganas .. ./ .. .. 14,945 15,223
ORISSA DIVISION 15,081 17,315
CHOTA NAOPUR DIVISION 45,778 46,662
NATIVE STATES 3,910 3,759
Bihar and Orissa Census Tables, 1911, p. 101.
(F) THE DISTRIBUTION OF THE CHAMARS BY DISTRICTS IN
CERTAIN PARTS OF THE CENTRAL PROVINCES AND
BERAR, BY RELIGION AND BY SEX
CHAMAR HINDU
Male Female
CENTRAL PROVINCES AND BERAR . . . . 443,059 458,535
C. P. BRITISH DISTRICTS 385,704 401,102
JUBBULPORE DIVISION 82,679 81,764
Saugor 35,914 35,219
Damoh 21,757 21,562
Jubbulpore 19,999 19,966
Mandla 2,376 2,303
Seoni 2,633 2,714
NARBUDDA DIVISION 29,849 29,243
NAGPUR DIVISION 12,638 11,852
CHATTISGARH DIVISION 260,538 278,243
Raipur 98,701 104,377
Bilaspur 103,768 110,553
Drug 58,069 63,313
BERAR 16,395 15,789
FEUDATORY STATES 40,960 41,644
Census Tables, Central Provinces and Berar, 1911, p. 129,
APPENDIX B. 1
TANNING, SHOEMAKING, AND LEATHER ARTICLES
The preparation of buffalo, bullock and cow hides,
which occupies about a month, consists of two processes,
liming and tanning. The hides are soaked, split into
sides, and limed. They are left in the pits for from six to
eight, or from twelve to fourteen, days according to the
season. For each hide one seer (about two pounds) of
slaked lime is used and enough water to cover the hide.
For every ten seers of lime one of impure soda is added.
After three to four, or six to eight, days the skins are
removed, and un haired with a khurpi, or scraper. They
are then placed in a new lime solution of the same
strength as before, but without the soda. When the skins
are sufficiently swollen they are taken out and fleshed on
a stone slab with a rampi, or currier's knife. They are
then laid in clean water for from four to six hours.
Bating (hdngd) follows. This process is designed to remove
the lime and to open the pores so that the hide may be
grained and coloured. The first solution consists of ten
measures of very old tan liquor and ten seers of the same
three times as strong and one seer of kan, or rice husk.
This is put into earthen vessels and allowed to ferment for
about a week. Each Vessel holds four sides, which are
handled frequently. This process lasts four days. A
second bating is done in a solution of water mixed with
molasses and mahwa flour or with mahwa refuse from a
distillery. A third bating is then made in a solution the same
as the first, except that scraps of fleshing are used in the
place of rice husks. The hide is now pliable. It is laid on
1 See G. H. Walton, A Monograph on Tanning and Working in
Leather, upon with this section is based.
APPENDIX B 257
a slab, scraped on the grained side, and wrung dry. It is
then rinsed with old tan liquor, kneaded, rubbed, and wrung
dry. Again it is laid in strong tan liquor for from twelve
to twenty-four hours, being kneaded and wrung by hand
at frequent intervals. The leather is now sewed up with
muhj (a grass twine) into a bag, hung up, and filled with
tan mixture. This consists of fifteen seers of new and ten
seers of half-spent tan bark (babul), water and weak tan
liquor. To this mixture are added two to four pounds of
small twigs of bamdd? powdered and mixed with water.
The bag is suspended by the neck from a wooden tripod
over a ndmd (a large earthen vessel). As the liquor drips
through the pores it is poured back into the bag. After
twenty-four hours the bag is taken down, the neck is
sewn up and the bag is hung up reversed for twelve hours.
The hide is then taken down, opened and laid out. It is
sprinkled with four ounces of impure salt (khdrl) and four
ounces of bark dust, which are then well rubbed in. The
hide is then set out on the grain side with a sleeker.
This last, and even the bating, process is often neglected
by Chamars. The currying of leather is almost entirely
neglected.
Another native process consists chiefly of liming.
First, the hides are laid on the floor and roughly fleshed,
smeared over with lime-paste and folded up. Each hide is
then tied at both ends and placed in a ndmd containing
lime solution. The hides are kept in position by means of
a large stone. After three days the hides are removed,
unfolded and rubbed with lime, after which they are
replaced in the ndmd and left for four or five days. They
are then taken out, rubbed, scraped, cleaned, ^and washed
with clean water. When the hair and flesh have been
completely removed the hides are fit for tanning. The
hides, which are now white, are soaked in clean water to
which is added a handful of fermented bark-dust paste,
and allowed to lie for two nights. The hides are then
folded lengthwise and twisted until all the moisture is
squeezed out of them. They are then unfolded, wet, and
1 The mistletoe found on the mango tree,
258 THE CHAMARS
twisted in the reverse way. This process of wetting and
squeezing takes the place of bating. The hides are then
treated with tanning materials as above described. After
the tanning process has been completed, the leather is
curried with salt curds and ghi. This completes the
process.
Owing to the excessive use of lime, the leather
produced by the Chamar is very porous and of an inferior
quality. The tanning is scarcely more than a colouring
process. The object of tanning is to produce, by a
combination of tannin with the gelatine of the hide or
skin, an insoluble, impenetrable substance. The lime
destroys to a considerable extent the fibres upon which
the tannin acts.
The tanning of sheep and goat skins is almost entirely
in the hands of the Chikwas, or Chiks, Mohammedan
leather workers of Chamar origin, who look down with
scorn upon the Chamar. This process is, briefly, as
follows : The skins, which are received whole from the
slaughter-house, flesh outside, are smeared with lime, left
for a day, and then turned right-side out. They are then
washed and limed, being allowed to lie in the lime for from
five to fifteen days, and then washed and fleshed. A thick
paste is then made by boiling down mahua flour. When
it has cooled it is spread over the skins, which are then
allowed to stand for eight days ; or a gruel of lentil and
barley meal and water is prepared, in which the skins are
laid for a week, and occasionally handled. The skins are
then washed, and laid in tan liquor, being passed from
weak to strong solutions in a series oindthds. This process
lasts from eight to fifteen days, during which time the
skins are handled two or three times a day, hand-rubbed,
and wrung to make them pliable. They are then rubbed
with sajfi (impure soda) on the flesh side and dried in the
sun.
Coloured leathers are made from goat and sheep skins
by special processes. To produce red leather lakh (lac)
is put into the gruel bath. Blue leather is obtained by the
use of copper filings, sal ammoniac and lime juice ; and
black leather by the use of copperas instead of copper filings,
APPENDIX B 259
The manufacture of shagreen is in the hands of Moham-
medans. The preparation of the skins of various species
of deer is as above, except that sal bark is used in the
tanning process. Sal gives a rich brown colour, dhadra
a light yellow, and babul a buff. Combinations of these
materials produce shades of colour.
The substances used in tanning are the bark, leaves,
and pods of the babul tree (acacia arabica); the dhadra
or bakli (anogeissus latifolia), a native of the lower Hima-
layan tract ; the bark of the sal (shorea robusta); har and
bahaira, myrabolams, the fruit of the terminalia chebula
and terminalia bellerica respectively ; the bark and berries
of the ghunt (ziziphus xylopyra), a jungle tree ; the leaves
of the bamdd, a parasite commonly found on the mango
tree ; the fruit, leaves and bark of the aonla (phyllanthus
emblica), a tree of moderate size with feathery foliage ; the
bark of the amaltds (cassia fistula); the leaves and flour
of the mahua (cassia latifolia) ; the bark of the rhea
(acacia leucophlaa) ; the bark of the avaram (cassia
auriculata) ; and the pod of the dividivi (ccesalpinia
coriaria). Some materials imported from abroad are also
used. Babul is the most valuable tanning agent found in
India.
The several kinds of shoes are all made on the same
principle. They may be embroidered or otherwise deco-
rated. The shoemaker begins with the sole. A thin piece
of leather is smeared with a paste of mustard oil. Over
this are laid, first, odd scraps of leather, second, a heavy
layer of mud, and third, a thin piece of leather. The
curved toe of the shoe forms part of the inside of the sole
of leather. The heel-piece is attached in the same way.
The maker now puts a couple of stitches of leather thong
through the middle of this composite sole to keep it in
position for the next step, which consists in stitching on
the upper. He begins at the toe, working round with a
plain running stitch, boring holes for the thong to pass
through. The heel-piece is then trimmed and sewed on
to the upper, which is then closed. The toe part is like-
wise treated. Additional stitching and ornamentation
may be added. The commonest kinds of country shoes
17
260 - THE CHAMARS
are called golpanjd and adhaurl. The latter is generally
made for hard work. Other styles of shoes are the hafti,
something like the English slipper ; the sulemshahi, a long
narrow shoe with a slender nok ; thepanjdbi, similar to the
former but with characteristic decorations ; the ghetla, an
ugly shoe with an exaggerated curl over the toes, and appar-
ently without a heel; ihtgurgabi, which has no nok, made
with a buckle over the instep ; the charhdwans, made of
black velvet, with nok and heel-piece of shagreen ; and the
zerpai, or half-shoe, with a point and no heel, which is
worn by women only.
Among the leather articles manufactured in the villages
are thongs ; the matak, or water skin, used by the bihiM ;
the kuppdj a leather jar for holding ghi ; the kuppl y or
phuleli, scent bottles ; drums, daihkd tabld, tdSd and dhol ;
the charsd, pur, or moth, usually made of buffalo or of cow
hides, and laced in the form of a bag on a circle of wood,
and used for drawing water from wells; and sarnais, inflated
nilgai hides used to support a cot, and made for working
fishing-nets in rivers.
APPENDIX C
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Census Reports.
Imperial and District Gazetteers.
The Peoples of India. Sir H. H. Risley, New Edition, 1915.
Hindu Tribes and Castes. M. A. Sherring, 1872, 1879, 1881.
Punjab Castes. (A reprint of the chapter on "The Races, Castes
and Tribes of the People," in the Census of the Punjab published
in 1881.) Sir Denzil Ibbetson, 1916.
Tribes and Castes of Bengal. H. H. Risley, 1891.
The Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh.
W. Crooke, 1896.
Castes and Tribes of Southern India. E. Thurston and K. Ranga-
chari, 1909.
A Glossary of the Tribes and Castes of the Punjab and North-West
Frontier Province. H. A. Rose, 1911, 1914.
The Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India. R. V.
Russell and Rae Bahadur Hira Lall, 1916.
Brief Review of the Caste System of the North-Western Provinces
and Oudh. J. C. Nesfield, 1885.
Memoirs of the Races of the North-Western Provinces of India.
2 VoU. Revised, Sir H. M. Elliot, 1869.
A Rural and Agricultural Glossary for the North-Western Provinces
and Oudh. W. Crooke, 1888.
An Ethnographical Handbook of the North-Western Provinces and
Oudh. W. Crooke, 1890.
The Origin and Growth of Village Communities in India. B.H. Baden-
Powell, 1899.
Hindu Castes and Sects. Bhattacharya, 1896.
History of Caste in India. 2 Vols., S. V. Ketkar, 1909, 1911.
Buddhist India. T. W. Rhys Davids, 1903.
Brahmanism and Hinduism. M. Monier-Williams, 1891.
Bihar Peasant Life. G. A. Grierson, 1885.
Legends of the Punjab. R. C. Temple, 18.
The Sacred Books of the East. Vols. II., VII., XII., XIV., XXV.,
XXVI., XXIX., XXX., XXXIII., XLI., XLIII. and XLIV.
The Industrial Organization of an Indian Province. T. Morison,
1906.
262 THE CHAMARS
Monograph on Trades and Manufactures of Lucknow. William
Hoey, C.S.I., 1880.
A Monograph on the Tanning and Working in Leather. H. G.
Walton, I.C.S., 1903.
A Dictionary of the Economic Products of India. 6 Vols., G. Watt,
1889-96.
Notes on the Industries of the United Province*. A. C. Chatterjee,
1908.
Report, Indian Industrial Commission, and Appendix D t 1918.
Hindu Fasts and Feas,ts. A. C. Mukerjee, 1916.
An Introduction to the Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern
India. W. Crooke, 1894.
The Village Gods of South India. Bishop Whitehead, 1916.
An Introduction to the Study of Comparative Religions. F. B.
Jevons, 1908.
Primitive Ritual and Belief . E. O. James, 1917.
Fact and Fable in Psychology. Joseph Jastrow, 1901.
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism. W. T. Elmore, 1915.
The Dramas and Dramatic Dances of the Non-European Races. W.
Ridgeway, 1915.
Asiatic Studies. First Series. Sir Alfred C. Lyall, 1899.
The Sikh Religion. 6 Vols. M. A. Macauliffe, 1909.
The Religious Sects of the Hindus. Christian Literature Society, 1904.
Kabir and the Kabir Panth. G. H. Westcott, 1907.
The Bijak of Kabir. Translated into English by the Rev. Ahmad
Shah, 1917.
Volumes on Rai Das, Maluk Das, Dadu Dayal, and Jag Jiwan Das,
in Belvedere Press Series (Hindi), Allahabad.
The Modern Vernacular Literature of Hindustan. G. A. Grierson,
1889.
Reports of the Standing Committee on Mass Movements. United
Provinces Representative Council of Missions.
The Mass Movement Commission Report. Wesleyan Mission Pro-
vincial Synod, South India, 1918.
Articles in Encyclopedia Britannica. llth Edition.
Articles in Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics.
Articles in the Indian Antiquary.
Punjab Notes and Queries.
The Golden Bough. J. A. Frazer, 1913-14.
GLOSSARY
Ajwain a seed of a plant of the dill
species.
Am the mango tree, or fruit.
Babul a tree (Acacia arabica).
Bahli a two-wheeled car.
Bahnol a sister's husband.
Bairdgi an ascetic ; a devotee ; one
who has subdued his worldly desires
and passions.
Bajrd a kind of millet ; Indian
corn.
Bandagi a mode of salutation.
Bdritdi laumdi a maidservant ; a
bondmaid.
Baniydz shopkeeper ; a grain seller.
Barat the marriage procession.
Batasa, batata a kind of sweetmeat.
Batta the stone roller used with the
stone on which spices are ground.
Bel a tree (Aegle marmelos) ; the
fruit of this tree.
Bhagat- a saint ; a devotee ; a wizard.
Bhajan a hymn.
Bhakti passionate devotion: worship.
Bhangi a sweeper ; a low caste who
are scavengers.
Bhell a lump of coarse su^ar.
Shut a ghost ; an evil spirit.
Bichwdni, bichaum a go-between ;
an agent.
Bitddari a brotherhood ; kin.
Bir a hero ; a powerful demon.
Biydh marriage.
Chadar a sheet ; clothing.
Chamrauti,chamarwdrdthe Chamar
quarter of a village or town.
Chapdti a thin cake of unleavened
bread.
Chappan an eastern lid, or cover,
for an earthen pot.
Charandmrit water in which the
feet of a guru (or other holy person)
have been washed
Chdrpdt* bedstead.
Chaudhariz headman.
Chauk a square.
Chhappar a thatched roof ; a hut,
Chhatdmk the sixteenth partof a seer,
or about two ounces avoirdupois.
Chhatthi a religious service per-
formed on the sixth day after
childbirth.
Chilam the part of the huqqa which
contains the tobacco and fire ; a
clay bowl, with a stem, used for
smoking.
Chimtd tongs ; fire-tongs.
Chirdg the common earthen lamp.
Chulha a cooking-place ; a fire-
place.
Chutiyd a sacred scalp-lock ; a
sacred lock of hair.
Dal a split pea ; pulse.
Dewdli a fall festival.
Dhdka. tree (Butea frondosa).
Dhobi a washerman.
Dhol a large drum.
Dhoti* cloth worn round the waist,
passed between the legs and fastened
behind.
Dola a form of marriage.
Doll a kind of sedan for women.
Dom a low, untouchable caste.
Dub a kind of grass (Agrestis
linear is) .
Faqir a "holy" man ; a mendicant.
Gdmjd the hemp plant. The fructi-
fication when nearly ripe is bruised
and smoked for intoxication.
Gdn a cart ; a carriage ; a coach.
Gaukama perquisites.
Gaund the consummation of mar-
riage ; bringing home a wife.
Ghard an earthen waterpot.
Gobar -dried cow-dung.
Got kin ; family stock ; lineage.
264
THE CHAMARS
Gur Raw sugar.
Guru a spiritual guide, or teacher.
Haldi turmeric.
Halwd a kind of sweetmeat.
HamsU a collar (of metal) worn as
a neck ornament.
Hamsnd khelnd coarse and obscene
jesting.
Holl a great Hindu festival and
saturnalia held at the approach of
the vernal equinox.
Horn a fire-sacrifice ; an oblation of
clarified butter in fire.
Huqqd-pdm commensality.
Imli the tamarind tree.
Jddu enchantment ; magic ; jug-
gling.
Jajmdn hereditary rights ; perqui-
sites.
Janwaihs ; janwds the place at the
bride's house where the bridegroom
and his train are received.
Jawdl a son-in-law.
Jawdr, Juwdr, Jodr, Joar Indian
corn.
Jhdr phumknd to exorcise.
Kachchd unripe : immature ; raw :
of imperfect make or texture ; clay-
built.
Kdjal lampblack.
Kaikgan, kamgna an ornament worn
round the wrist.
Kawgwa thread tied around a bride-
groom's wrist.
Kanydddn the bestowing a girl in
marriage.
Kardo a form of marriage.
Karhi a dish made by boiling meal
of pulse with spices and sour milk.
Kauri a small shell used as a coin.
Kharif the autumnal harvest.
Khichn a dish made of pulse and
rice boiled together.
Khlr A dish made of rice boiled in
milk.
Khurpiz scraper ; a weeding-knife :
a hand hoe for cutting grass.
Kohbarz place in the house where
special preparations are made in
connection with marriage.
Kord an unused pot.
Ku$ a kind of grass (Poa cynosu-
roides).
Laddu a sweetmeat : a ball of sweet-
meat.
n a notice appointing the day
of marriage and other ceremonies
connected therewith.
Laumdi a girl ; a slave-girl ; a
bonclmaid ; a daughter.
Lipo( lt liped ") to plaster with a
preparation of cow-dung and mud.
Lota a small metal or earthen pot.
Mahalldz ward ; a street ; a quar-
ter of a village or town.
Mahant a head of a religious order ;
a religious leader of superior
grade.
Malldh a boatman.
Mdrndhdz marriage shed.
Manigm betrothal .
Mat kor } a ceremony connected
Mat mamgra \ with marriage.
Matkorwd& clay-pit.
Mawr a crown worn by the bride-
groom during the marriage cere-
mony.
Meld a fair ; a religious fair.
Memhdia certain plant (Lawsonia
inermis ) .
Musal a long, heavy, wooden
pestle.
Ndch a dance.
Ndgphanithe prickly pear (Cactus
ficus Indica) .
Ndmd a vat ; a large earthen vessel.
Nat the name of a wandering
tribe who are generally jugglers
and actors.
jVazar sight ; look ; fascination; the
evil eye.
Neg presents at marriages and at
other festivities made to relations
and to particular servants ; a fee.
Negl One who receives a fee, present
or neg.
Neotd an invitation.
Neotiyd a wizard.
NiSdni sign ; token.
Pagri a turban.
GLOSSARY
265
Pdmw pujdloot- worship.
Panch a council ; an assembly of
five arbitrators ; a leading man.
Panchak the first five days of the
" light " or of the " dark " moon.
Panchdyat a council ; a court of
arbitration.
Parachhand to wave a lamp over
the heads of the bride and groom
in order to drive away evil spirits ;
to wave.
Parwdnda pass, or certificate.
Paid a low stool with four legs.
Pafra a plank to sit upon.
Perd a kind of sweetmeat.
P/tera perambulation ; part of the
marriage ceremony.
Pindda lump, or ball, of rice boiled
in milk offered to deceased ances-
tors.
Pirz saint ; an old man.
Pirhda low stool with four legs.
Piiar paksh the first fortnight of
September-October when the Hindus
celebrate the customary obsequies
to the manes.
Prasdd food that has been offered
to an idol, or of which a spiritual
teacher has partaken.
Purl a thin cake of meal fried in
ghi or oil.
Rabi' the spring harvest.
Rdk$hasa demon ; a fiend.
Rdrhpi a shoemaker's, or currier's,
knife.
Roti bread ; a loaf.
Sadhua " holy " man ; an ascetic ;
a mendicant.
Sddi marriage.
Sals a groom ; a horsekeeper.
Sagat a second marriage.
,&zfefeflr sugar.
Said a wife's brother : a brother-in-
law.
Sdligrdma sacred stone, commonly
found in the Gandak river.
Santa devotee ; a saint ; an initiate.
Sari a dress consisting of one piece
of cloth, worn by Hindu women
round the body and passing over
the head.
Sarpata reed, or reed-grass (Sac-
charum procerum) .
Sarsoma specie? of mustard.
Sati a woman who burns herself on
her husband's funeral pile.
Sattu parched grain, such as barley
and gram, reduced to meal and
made into a paste.
Saumf anise seed.
Sdwan the fourth Hindu month.
Saydnda wizard; a devil-priest.
Sil a stone on which condiments
and other things are ground.
Sindur red-lead : vermilion.
Sir, seer a weight of about two
pounds.
Siydnapan puberty ; marriageable
age.
Siigd a parrot ; a marriage pole.
Sup a winnowing basket, or fan.
Suraj the sun.
Surma acollyrium; antimonyground
to fine powder.
Surya the sun.
Susrd a father-in-law ; a term of
abuse.
Svastika a magic mark ; a symbol
of good luck.
Taj a crown.
Tdlmakhdndseed of the water-lily
(Anneslea spinosa) .
Tawd an iron pan on which bread
is baked.
Thdlia tray.
Tijdt\\e third day of a lunar fort-
night.
Tikda mark, or marks, made with
coloured earths or unguents upon the
forehead and below the eyebrows.
Tikthia tepoy or stool.
fond-^ a charm; enchantment; magic.
Ubtan a paste rubbed on the body
before bathing, an " anointing. n
Urd a pulse.
INDEX
A DOPTION, 71
** Ancestor worship, 114, 115
Animism, 121, 200
Arya, Aryan, 13, 14, 15
Arya Samaj, 237
Ashes, 109, 111, 169
DABA FARlD, 149
Bantu, 16
Barrenness, 60
Benevolent spirits, 146 ff
Bhagat, 60, 61, 212
Bhairom, 156, 174, 201
Bhimsen, 153, 173
Bhishma, 153
Bhumia, 125
Bhut y 129
Btr , 133, 170, 192 '
Birth Customs, Chapter III.,
60 ff ; abdominal branding, 67 ;
announcement of, 64 ; bathing,
64, 67 ; child to breast, 65 ;
Churel, 69 ; cleansing draught,
67; clothing of child, 65; cutting
of cord, 63; desires of pregnancy,
61 ; disposal of placenta and
cord, 64 ; eclipse, 62 ; eleventh
day, 67 ; evil eye, 67 ; feast,
68 ; food for the mother, 65 ;
fourteenth day, 67 ; incense, 68 ;
knowledge of sex, 61 ; marks,
62 ; mother sits on heels, 63 ;
name giving, 68 ; name kept
secret, 69 ; offering of a goat,
68 ; precautions against disease,
66 ; pre-natal sale of child, 61 ;
protection from evil influence,
61 ; protection of the lying-in
room, 63 ; protective devices
soon after birth, 63 ; provisions
for safe delivery, 62; purificatory
rites, 67 ; seclusion of mother
and child, 64 f ; Shasti, 66, 67 ;
sickness and death and evil
influences, 69 ; sixth day
(Chhatthi), 65 f, 160; six
months" after, 68 ; Sohar, 63 ;
superstitions about irregularities,
69 ; tenth day, 67 ; to obtain
offspring, 60 ; twelfth day, 67,
68 ; twins, 67 ; use of nails, 69 ;
when birth-pains begin, 62
Blood, 143
Brahmans, 64, 67, 73, 75, 76, 80,
85, 95, 134, 159, 172, 176, 179,
202, 208, 210
Bugaboos, 134
, affiliation and fissure,
32 ; mixed castes, 14
Castor oil plant, 144
Cat, 124, 160
Chakaliyan, 31
Chamar, a Hindu, 19; a skinner,
20 ; Brahmanical traditions of
origin, 15 ; current traditions
of origin, 15-17 ; debts, 59,
224 ; distribution, 20, 21 ; eats
carrion, 20, 45; economic value,
58 ; field labourers (see Occupa-
tions) ; increasing in numbers,
21 ; largely farm labourers, 226;
numbers in relation to other
castes, 20 ; numbers in relation
to Mussulmans, 21 ; occupancy
rights, 58 f, 224 ; origin of
the caste, 17, 18, 19 ; over-
crowding, 225 ; recruitment of
the caste, 17, 18, 19 ; tanners
(see Tanners); unclean prac-
tices, 20
Chamar sub-castes, 17, 18, 21 ff ;
seven divisions of, 22; Aharwar,
25, 29 ; Alakgir, 27 ; Chamar,
24 ; Chamkatiya, 26 ; Dhusiya,
25; Dohar, 24, 30 ; Doaadh, 26,
INDEX
267
32 ; Jaiswar, 22, 23, 30, 211 ;
Jatiya, 18, 22, 23 ; Kori, 25 ;
Kuril, 16, 24 ; minor sub-castes,
26, 27 ff ; Mochi, 29, 30, 32 ;
Purbiya, 24 ; (Rangiya), 26 ;
Satnami, 27, 29 f, 219 ff
Chamu, 16
Chdmundd, 140, 156, 175
Charman, Charma, 12
Chanddla, 14, 15
Charmakara, 13
Chaudari, 48 ; investiture, 48, 50,
51, 52
Christianity, and future of the
Chamars, 239, 241 ff ; converts
to, 238
Churel, 69, 123, 129, 130, 142
Concubinage, 37
Courtyard, shape of, 117
Criminals, 26, 27, 235
Crow, 126, 159, 160, 166, 177
, 214 f
Dada Panthis, 104, 214, 215
Dano, 123, 133
Dasyu, 14
Death, Chapter V., 99 ff ; ank-
lets and bracelets broken, 100 ;
anniversary of, 114 ; at hour of,
99 ; at house after, 99, 100 ;
away from home, 106 ; barring
the ghost, 107, 114, 135 ; burn-
ing the body, 103 ; burial of
infants, 69 ; burial of infants
while still alive, 69 ; bury-
ing the body, 104 ; care of bones
and ashes, 103, 111, 113; chief
mourner's precautions, 107 ;
Dadu Panth customs, 105; food
for the dead, 108, 109, 110, 111;
from smallpox, 106 ; hearth
ashes, 111; KabirPanth customs,
105, 106; laying the ghost, 114,
135; measuring the corpse, 101;
ninth day, 113; other feasts, 112;
pindas, 101 ; PitarPaksh, 113 ;
precautions if body kept over-
night, 100, 101 ; purifying the
house, 102 ; remains cast into
river, 103 ; return after crema-
tion, 106, 107 ; return of the
dead, 109 ; Satnami customs,
106 ; Siv Narayan customs,
104; tenth day ceremonies, 109,
110 ; third day ceremonies, 108;
when procession starts, 101
Dedication of new house, 117
Demons, 128, 129, 234 ; and
disease, 135, 136 ; and cattle,
183 ; and trouble, 141 ; coercion
of, 180; devices for scaring, 142-
145 ; village boundary, 140
De-wall, 119, 200
Dhak, 123, 144
Disease demons driven away, 182 ;
transference of, 15, 181, 183,
184 ; village protected from, 182
Disparity in numbers of the sexes,
45 ; causes, 44
Divorce, 40
Drums, 13, 28, 56, 77
Diind, 133
CCLIPSE, 62, 98, 99
L - > Economic needs, 238, 239
Educational programme, 232
Endogamy, 35 ; exceptions, 35
Environment and caste, 19
Evil eye, 67, 146, 161 ff ; and
children, 163; and disease, 163 ;
and things of value, 162 ; pro-
tection from, 164
Exorcism, 15, 129, 181
Exogamy, 35
J7AIRIES, 135
^ Female infanticide, 44
Fetishism, 127, 128
Fiends, 134, 160
Five Saints, 147
Folk remedies, a custom, 178 ;
branding, 184 ; coercion of dis-
ease demons, 180 ; fever, 179,
180; for cattle, 183, 184;
garlands, 184 ; simple remedies,
177 ; snake-bite, 178, 179
Food, 45 ; carrion, 22, 24, 30,
45 ; commensality, 47 ; leavings
of other castes, 45 ; of other
castes, 47 ; of Mussulmans, 47 ;
268
THE CHAMARS
ordinary food, 45 f ; pork, 23,
24, 45 ; women and men eat
separately, 47
Furriers, 56
GAYAL, 131
Ghasi Das, 222
Ghlsa Panthis, 216, 219
Got, 19, 35 ; see also Exogamy
and Totemism
Gorakh Nath, 149
Guga Pir, 123, 143, 151, 152,
170, 171
Gurus, 202 ff ; poets and gurus,
204 ; travelling, 202 ; worship
of, 202, 203
HANUMAN, 125, 154, 188, 193
Hem Raj, 147
Hereditary rights, 52 ff ; as field
labourers, 53 f ; conditions chang-
ing, 54
Hides, 11, 22, 53, 228 ; ox-hides,
11, 28
Hinduism, '237, 244 ; and Cha-
mars of to-day, 240
Holl, 118, 174
House building, 116
House burning, 60
House worship, 115
I LLITERAC Y-ignorance, 225,
1 230, 231 ; and environment,
231, 232; what should be
taught, 232, 233
Incense, 55, 142
Indra, 172, 199
Infirmities, 235
Intemperance, 45, 73, 82, 89, 90,
95, 225
IAGJIWAN DAS, 220, 221
J Jinn, 135
Julaha, 32, 33 f
V'ABlR, 204 ff, 206, 212, 219
*^ Kabir Panth, 105, 204 ff, 207
K&li, 136, 154
Kim Blr, 148, 219
Karma, 200
I ALGlR, 216, 218
*- Leather, 11, 12, 13, 25, 31,
53 ; articles of, 53, 229 ; exports
of, 227 ; future of leather manu-
facture, 226 ; poor quality of,
226 ; uses of, 12, 13 ; see also
under Charma
Leather-worker, 13, 20, 24
Levirate, 39, 96
Luck, 158, 159
MADAIN, 157
Madiga, 31
Magic, 15, 120, 146 ; and fascina-
tion, 164 j amulets, 167 ; ashes,
169 ; black, 168 ff ; charms, 167 ;
exorcism, 179; folk remedies,
177 ; for rain, 172 ; in agricul-
ture, 173 f ; in medicine, 166,
167 ; kinds of, 165 ; love charms,
168 ; nature, of 164 ; public,
171 ff ; power obtained, 168 ;
sympathetic, 165, 166 ; tabus,
171 ; to prevent hail, 173 ; well-
digging, 176 ; works both ways,
194 ; see also Witchcraft
Magic symbols, 144
Mahant, 85, 213
Mahua, 123
Malevolent spirits, see Demons
Maluk Das, 215 ff
Manu, 14, 15
Marriage, Chapter IV., 72 ff ;
account of gifts, 94 ; age at
bethothal, 74; anointing, 79, 80,
81, 83, 86; arrangements for
betrothal, 36, 72 ; arrangements
for wedding, 74 ; at night , 85,
87 ; barber, 72 ; betrothal, 72,
73 ; betrothal binding, 36, 74 ;
bride's face washed, 91 : bride
price, 36 ; Burha Baba, 77, 82 ;
consummation, 38, 93 ; crown,
83 ; departure of bride, 89, 90 ;
doll, 95 ; double cakes, 75 ;
early, 37, 38 ; fasting, 82 ; feasts,
75, 77, 81, 89, 92 ; fire-sacri-
fice, 75, 79, 87, 89, 96, 97 ;
fixing dates, 74, 76 ; foot wash-
ing, 85, 86, 93 ; foot worship 91,
INDEX
269
96 ; furnishing of pavilion, 78 ;
gaund, 94 ; go-between, 72 ;
froom' s procession (Bardt),
1, 85 ; invitations, 75, 96;
kathgand, 75 ; kardo y 96 ; koh-
bar, 80, 83, 88, 91 ; law of, 36 ;
lagan, 74, 76 ; magic earth, 75,
77 ; mock, 98 ; ndch, 75, 84, 89,
92,94; occupation and, 35; pavi-
lion, 77, 78, 83, 85, 86, 87, 92,
96 ; phera, 87, 88, 89, 96,
98 ; pledge in a cup, 73 ; plow-
beam, 78, 79, 89, 98 ; pranks,
88, 93 ; preliminary inquiries,
72; presents, 74, 85, 86, 90,
91, 94; raund, 94; sagai,
41 ; saut sal, 97 ; singing, 77 ;
special forms, 38 ; special forms
of widow marriage, 96, 97, 98 ;-
struggle, or challenge, 85, 91,
92,93; sttg<5,78; survival of
marriage by capture, 38 ;
square, 87 ; tests of strength, 85 ;
throwing rice, 91 ; use of liquor,
73, 82, 89, 90, 95; use of
thread, 83 ; village boundary,
93 ; village well, 84 ; visit to
landlord, 89, 92; vulgarity,
86, 89 ; wa\e ceremonies, 81,
82, 84, 85, 90, 91, 94 ; widow
marriage, 39 ; wife chosen lo-
cally, 35
Hasan, 132
Masdni, 133, 137, 169
Maids* or mothers, 136, 154, 155,
201
Matriarch ate, 41
Medals, 34
Midwife midwifery, 22, 23, 24,
25, 26, 30, 53, 54 f, 63, 65,
154 ; perquisites, 54 ; supersti-
tious practices, 55 ; unsanitary
methods, 44, 54 f
Minor castes that work in leather,
28
Mochi, 20, 29, 30, 32, 33 f ; some
are Chamars, 33
Moon god ling, 198
Moral training necessary, 232
Mussulmans, 20, 21, 238
KlAG PafichamI, 118, 119
* Name giving, 68
Nanak, 206 f
Nat Baba, 147
Nature gods, 198
Nona Chamari, 26, 27, 179, 183,
185
OCCUPATIONS, 16, 17, 53,
w 56 f bookbinders, 30 ; cul-
tivators, 25, 26, 27, 57 ; day
labourers, 26, 57 ; dealers in
hides, 32, 57 ; grooms, 23, 25,
26 ; harness and saddle makers,
26, 30 ; house servants, 26 ;
miscellaneous jobs, 23, 27, 28,
56, 57 ; not chiefly a tanner
and leather worker, 57, 226 ;
seasonal, 58 ; skinners, 29, 30,
233 ; weavers, 25, 26, 28, 29, 33
Omens, 159, 160
^Opprobrious names, 163
Outcastes, 14, 19, 20
Owl, 126, 159, 160, 168, 177
pADUKARA, 13
r Panchdyat, 47 ff ; by whom
summoned, 50 ; Chandhari, 48
f ; composition of, 48 ; fees, 50 ;
fines, 51 ; importance of, 52 ;
jurisdiction, 49; organization of,
47; penalties, 53 ; permanent, 48;
procedure, 49 ; when convened,
50
Physical fitness, 235
Pisdch, 132
Polygamy, 37
Poverty, 224 ff ; and begdr, 224 ;
and excess and vice, 225 ; and
small holdings, 224 ; and ignor-
ance, 225 ; and inferior pro-
cesses, 226 ; and over-crowding,
225
Pret, 131, 132
Puberty, 70 ; care of girls, 70, 71 ;
initiation of boys, 70
DAE DAS, 30, 207 ff, 212
^ Rdja Bdsuk, 123, 15
Rdkshds, 123, 133
270
THE CHAMARS
Ramananda, 204 207
Ramanuja, 204
Ram Ramis, 216, 219
Religion, 236; of fear, 236;
ignorance of, 236 ; lack of com-
fort in, 236 ; moral outlook,
237 ; objects sought, 236 ; see
Animism, Demons and Benevo-
lent Spirits
CATNAMl, 27, 29 f, 219 ff
Saut Sal, 168
Shasti, 66, 67
Shoemaker, 13, 22, 23, 24, 25, 27,
29, 33 ; increasing, 229
Shoes, 13, 56
Shoe factories, 229
Sltala Mdtd, 124, 136, 137, 138,
139, 201
Siva, 16
Siv Narayans, 104, 2_11 ff
Smallpox ; see Sltald Mdta,
Snakes, 123, 124
Snake-bite, 124, 178, 179 ; person
bitten lives on for six months,
179
Snake jewel, 134
Social intercourse, jus primae noc-
tisj 43; laxity, 41; lewdness, 43;
low ideas of women, 42 ; satlok,
43 ; sexual irregularities, 41,
42, 43 ; struggle for a higher
position, 47 ; with other castes,
47
Social standing, 20, 232 ; and
crime, 235 ; and disgust, 233 ;
and food, 233 ; and religion,
233, 234; and occupation, 233
udra, 14, 15
Sun godling, 198
TABU, 127, 171
1 Tanners, 11, 13, 23, 24, 27,
29 ; where most numerous, 56 ;
decreasing, 228
Tanneries, 228
Tanning, 11 ; tanning sections of
Chamars lowest, 24
Tattooing, 145
Temples, 201
Tenancy, 27
Tiger, 125
Totemism, 126, 127
Transmigration, 200
T TNCLEAN, 13, 14
w Underpaid (Begdr), 55 f
Untouchable, 13, 20, 232
\7ETAL, 129
v Village, Cnfmar group
(chamrauti) , 19,20; organiza-
tion, 13 ; outskirts, 13-, 15
\Y7AVE CEREMONIES, 67,81,
w 82, 84, 85, 90, 91, 94, 144
Witches, 186 ; a sacrifice, 193 ;
discovery of, 194 ; punishment
of, 195, 196
Witchcraft, 185 ff ; and the eating
of human flesh, 185 ; area of in-
fluence, 194; art is anti-religious,
187 ; a precaution against, 197 ;
lore how transmitted, 192 ;
mantras, 188, 192 ; methods of,
187, 188 ; mumiai, 186 ; and
nakedness, 185 ; naming of
spirits, 188 ; prophecy, 189 ;
service of, 187 ; signs of, 185 ;
tests of, 195
Wizard, 69, 186 ; control many
spirits, 192 ; mental and moral
level, 197 ; other names of,
186 ; other occupations, 197 ;
powers how obtained, 190 ; 191 ;
source of power, 190
Worship of birds, 125
Worship of trees, 122, 123
Worship of stones, 121
7 AHRA Pir, see Gugi PIr
Printed at the Wcsleyan Mission Press, Mysore City.